Session C11: Ancient Cultural Landscapes in South Europe – their Ecological Setting and Evolution, Session C22: Gardeners from South America, Session S04: Agro-Pastoralism and Early Metallurgy Sessions, Session WS29: The Idea of Enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory, Session C88: Rhytmes et causalites des dynamiques de l'anthropisation en Europe entre 6500 ET 500 BC: Hypotheses socio-culturelles et/ou climatiques: Proceedings of the XV UISPP World Congress (Lisbon 4-9 September 2006) / Actes du XV Congrès Mondial (Lisbonne 4-9 Septembre 2006) Vol.36 9781407306650, 9781407336640

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BAR S2124 2010

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek

VOL. 36

UISPP 2006: SESSIONS C11, C22, S04, WS29 & C88

Session C11:

Ancient Cultural Landscapes in South Europe – their Ecological Setting and Evolution Session C22:

Gardeners from South America Session S04:

Agro-Pastoralism and Early Metallurgy Sessions Session WS29:

The Idea of Enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory Session C88:

Rhytmes et causalites des dynamiques de l'anthropisation en Europe entre 6500 ET 500 BC: Hypotheses socio-culturelles et/ou climatiques Edited by

José Eduardo Mateus and Paula Queiroz (C11) Angela Buarque (C22) Ana Rosa Cruz (S04) António Carlos Valera and Lucy Shaw Evangelista (WS29) Laurent Carozza, Didier Galop, Michel Magny and J. Guilaine (C88) Cláudia Fidalgo and Luiz Oosterbeek (Volume Editing)

B A R

BAR International Series 2124 2010

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek

VOL. 36

Session C11:

Ancient Cultural Landscapes in South Europe – their Ecological Setting and Evolution Session C22:

Gardeners from South America Session S04:

Agro-Pastoralism and Early Metallurgy Sessions Session WS29:

The Idea of Enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory Session C88:

Rhytmes et causalites des dynamiques de l'anthropisation en Europe entre 6500 ET 500 BC: Hypotheses socio-culturelles et/ou climatiques Edited by

José Eduardo Mateus and Paula Queiroz (C11) Angela Buarque (C22) Ana Rosa Cruz (S04) António Carlos Valera and Lucy Shaw Evangelista (WS29) Laurent Carozza, Didier Galop, Michel Magny and J. Guilaine (C88) Cláudia Fidalgo and Luiz Oosterbeek (Volume Editing)

BAR International Series 2124 2010

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2124 Proceedings of the XV World Congress of the International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences / Actes du XV Congrès Mondial de l’Union Internationale des Sciences Préhistoriques et Protohistoriques Session C11: Ancient Cultural Landscapes in South Europe - their Ecological Setting and Evolution. Session C22: Gardeners from South America. Session S04: Agro-Pastoralism and Early Metallurgy Sessions. Session WS29: The Idea of Enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory. Session C88 : Rhytmes et causalites des dynamiques de l'anthropisation en Europe entre 6500 ET 500 BC: Hypotheses socioculturelles et/ou climatiques © UISPP / IUPPS and the editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2010 Outgoing President: Vítor Oliveira Jorge; Outgoing Secretary General: Jean Bourgeois; Congress Secretary General: Luiz Oosterbeek (Series Editor); Incoming President: Pedro Ignacio Shmitz; Incoming Secretary General: Luiz Oosterbeek. José Eduardo Mateus and Paula Queiroz (C11); Angela Buarque (C22); Ana Rosa Cruz (S04); António Carlos Valera and Lucy Shaw Evangelista (WS29) ; Laurent Carozza, Didier Galop, Michel Magny and J. Guilaine (C88); Cláudia Fidalgo and Luiz Oosterbeek (Volume Editing) Signed papers are the responsibility of their authors alone. Les texts signés sont de la seule responsabilité de ses auteurs. Contacts : Secretary of U.I.S.P.P. – International Union for Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences Instituto Politécnico de Tomar, Av. Dr. Cândido Madureira 13, 2300 TOMAR Email: [email protected] www.uispp.ipt.pt The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407306650 paperback ISBN 9781407336640 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407306650 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2010. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Session C11 – Ancient cultural landscape in South Europe – Their ecological setting and evolution Session’s abstract ................................................................................................................... 3 José Eduardo Mateus, Paula Fernanda Ribeiro de Queiroz Landscape development in North-central littoral Portugal; Influenced by climate, anthropogenically induced or both?.................................................................................. 5 Randi Danielsen Sulla scia dei Micenei: due produzioni specializzate nel sito del bronzo finale di Archi (Provincia di Chieti, Italy) .............................................................................................. 13 Tomaso Di Fraia Session C22 – Gardeners from South America La peinture sur céramique tupiguarani: expression des valeurs régionales et éthiques des horticulteurs préhistoriques tardifs du sud et de l’est brésiliens ............................... 21 André Prous Os horticultores guaranis: problemáticas, perspectivas e modelos....................................... 29 André Luis R. Soares L’occupation Tupinambá à Rio de Janeiro, Brésil ............................................................... 33 Angela Buarque Session S04 – Agro-pastoralism and early metallurgy The exploitation of Ursus arctos on the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age site of Villiers-sur Seine (Seine-et-Marne, France) ............................................................... 41 C. Pautret-Homerville, G. Auxiette and R. Peake La formación de las sociedades protourbanas en el ne de la Península Ibérica a partir de los contextos funerarios (1100-550 Ane cal.) ................................................ 47 Enriqueta Pons, Raimon Graells, Mariona Valldepèrez Dwelling of ancient people as form of adaptation to cold climate conditions (Based on materials of Early Iron Age in Western Siberia) ........................................... 61 Natalia Matveeva, Svetlana Berlina Food production in the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsula (1500-900 Cal Ane) ................. 69 Joaquim Oltra Puigdomènech i

El complejo Marcavilca: Movilidad ciclica y territorio en las poblaciones tempranas del Morro Solar, Chorrillos ........................................................................... 79 Luisa Díaz Arriola Tourism, Archaeology and Sustainable Development – A Model for Archaeological Areas Management ................................................................................ 85 Fabio Carbone, Carlos M.M. Costa Session WS29 – The idea of enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory Session’s Introduction .......................................................................................................... 97 António Carlos Valera, Lucy Shaw Evangelista Mapping the Cosmos – A cognitive approach to Iberian prehistoric enclosures ................. 99 António Carlos Valera The ditched enclosures of the Middle Guadiana Basin ...................................................... 109 Víctor Hurtado Neolithic enclosures as power expression in Mediterranean Spain .................................... 123 Teresa Orozco Köhler, Joan Bernabeu Aubán, Lluis Molina Balaguer Montenegro, a Neolithic enclosure in Galicia – Insights into Megalithic space ................ 131 Camila Gianotti García, Patricia Mañana-Borrazás, Felipe Criado Boado Ten keys to think Southern Iberian ditched enclosures ...................................................... 143 José E. Márquez Romero, Víctor J. Jiménez Jáimez El Lugar de Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén, España) – Localización y ordenación interna ........................................................................................................................... 151 Marcelo Castro López, Narciso Zafra de la Torre y Francisca Hornos Mata Spatial Organisation of the Alcalar Copper Age Settlement (Algarve, Portugal) .............. 161 María Elena Morán Hernández Scaling the social context of Copper Age Aggregations in Iberia...................................... 169 Pedro Díaz-del-Río Session C88 – Rhymes et causalites des dynamiques de l’anthropisation en Europe entre 6500 et 500 BC: Hypotheses socio-culturelles et/ou climatiques Sicilian Anthropization in the Mediterranean Background ................................................ 179 Angelo Vintaloro Etablissements et Parcours: L’influence de l’environnement sur les strategies d’installation et sur les parcours pendant le Chalcolithique en Italie CentreSeptentrionale ............................................................................................................... 183 Neva Chiarenza, Renata Grifoni Cremonesi, Irene Lambertini

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LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1.1. Map of the area ........................................................................................................ 6 Fig. 1.2. Cores from Vela and Braças .................................................................................... 6 Fig. 1.3. Percentage pollen diagram Lagoa da Vela ............................................................... 8 Fig. 1.4. Percentage pollen diagram Lagoa das Braças .......................................................... 8 Fig. 1.5. Area in 1930’s and today (view from Serra da Boa Viagem) ................................ 10 Fig. 3.1. Eléments de décor: lignes et points. Fragment de fond de bassin. Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, Universidade Federal de Bahia, Bahia. Nord-est du Brésil .......................................................................................................... 22 Fig. 3.2. Décor structuré par une “armature”; Museu de Conceição dos Ouros, Minas Gerais. Calque de C. Jácome e L. Panachuk; dessin de M. E. Brito. Brésil centre-oriental ...................................................................................................... 23 Fig. 3.3. Décor géométrique formant frise. Vase à boire le cauim, région méridionale. MARSUL-Museu Arqueológico do Rio Grande do Sul, Taquará ................................. 24 Fig. 3.4. Figure humaine. Fragment de fond de bassin. Laboratório de Arqueologia da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, Natal. Nord-est du Brésil ............... 25 Fig. 3.5. Représentation d'um corps humain; fond de bassin, Museu de História Natural da Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte. Calque L. Panachuk; dessin de M.E. Brito. Brésil centre-oriental ................................................. 26 Fig. 3.6. Décor de croix et de serpents, MARSUL. Rio Grande do Sul. Région méridionale ........................................................................................................ 27 Fig. 5.1. Localisation de la région d’étude ........................................................................... 34 Fig. 5.2. Village Tupinambá ................................................................................................. 35 Fig. 5.3. Structure funéraire ................................................................................................. 36 Fig. 5.4. Motif intestinal ....................................................................................................... 37 Fig. 5.5. Scène anthropophagique ........................................................................................ 38 Fig. 6.1. Villiers-sur-Seine – situation and aerial view ........................................................ 41 Fig. 6.2. ST 106 – Right radius of Ursus arctos ................................................................... 43 Fig. 6.3. ST 106 – Right radius of Ursus arctos: cutmarks ................................................... 43 Fig. 6.4. A dancing bear in the streets of Choisy-le-roi (94), at the beginning of the 20th century ................................................................................ 44 iii

Fig. 6.5. Distribution of the number of identified bone fragments by species and by feature ................................................................................................................. 45 Fig. 7.1. Relación cronológica y de duración de las necrópolis de incineración conocidas en Cataluña a través de los estadios culturales que van de finales de la edad del Bronce hasta principios de la iberización dentro de la edad del hierro ........................................................................................................................ 48 Fig. 7.2.a. Porcentaje de los diferentes ajuares funerarios con o sin depósito, de más antigua a más reciente. Las gráficas representan la presencia del ajuar metálico a través del tiempo; b. Ajuar metálico procedente de la tumba CPR-296 de la necrópolis de Can Piteu-Sabadell .......................................................................... 49 Fig. 7.3. Situación de las necrópolis de incineración de los estadios II-III y su influencia tumularia; situación numérica de las necrópolis o tumbas con armamento del estadio IV: 1. Pla de Gibrella-Capsec; 2. Peralada; 3. Vilanera y Muralla NE de Empúries; 4. Camallera; 5. Llinars del Vallès; 6. Granja Soley; 7. Can Canyís; 8. Milmanda; 9. Roques de Sant. Formatge-Serós; 10. L’Oriola-Amposta; 11. Mas de Mussols-La Palma; 12. Mianes-Santa Bárbara .............................................................................................. 51 Fig. 7.4. a y b diferentes elementos de guarnición de caballo de La PedreraVallfogona de Balaguer: a, bozal de bronce; b. Freno de hierro; c, d y e estelas antropomorfas: c, Preixana-Termens, d, Castellets de Mequinenza-Zaragoza, e, Roques de Sant Formatge-Serós................................................................................. 53 Fig. 7.5. Esquema procesal de los cuatro estadios acerca de los diferentes estamentos sociales según los contenidos de las tumbas, porcentaje, calidad y cantidad de objetos y número de enterrados ................................................................................. 57 Fig. 8.1. Areal of Culture of Sargatka .................................................................................. 62 Fig. 8.2. Rafaylovo settlement. Dwellings of several building layers .................................. 62 Fig. 8.3. Culture of Sargatka. Rafaylovo settlement. Construction of dwellings 7 (1) and 6 (2)............................................................................................ 63 Fig. 8.4. Culture of Sargatka. Dwelling 7 of Kolovo settlement .......................................... 64 Fig. 8.5. Population Culture of Sargatka technique of building ........................................... 65 Fig. 8.6. Culture of Sargatka. Ingalinka settlement. Roofing of houses. Scheme of calculation height of roofing. A- inclination beam; B- vertical post .............................. 66 Fig. 8.7. Culture of Sargatka. Hypothetical picture of Rafaylovo settlement ....................... 67 Fig. 9.1. Site location ........................................................................................................... 71 Fig. 9.2. Relative values of vegetal remains ......................................................................... 72 Fig. 9.3. Main animal species documented. Presented as relative values of remain number ........................................................................................................... 73 Fig. 9.4. Productive orientation for each species .................................................................. 74 Fig. 10.1. Cuadro Cronológico de la Ladera Sur del Morro Solar, Lima, Perú .................... 80 Fig. 10.2. Anzuelo, elaborado en choro azul (Choromitylus chorus). Dimensiones: 21 mm de alto y 18 mm de ancho ........................................................... 81 Fig. 10.3. Unidad 74. Perfil Norte. Se observan la estratigrafía del Conchal San Genaro, con las deposiciones culturales y naturales, asi como una de las intrusiones identificadas en este yacimiento arqueológico .................................. 81 Fig. 10.4. Cuentas elaboradas en una concha de caparazón grueso (posiblemente Strombus). Las cuentas tienen en promedio entre 2 y 2,5 cm de largo x 1 y 1,5 cm de ancho, con un espesor promedio de 5 a 7 mm. La cuenta circular es bastante mas pequeña ................................................................................... 82 iv

Fig. 11.1. Conimbriga Archaeological area and museum logo ............................................ 88 Fig. 11.2. Visitor’s number in Conimbriga between 1987 and 2006.................................... 89 Fig. 11.3. Strategic management model for archaeological areas ........................................ 90 Fig. 12.1. Examples of cosmologic representation (top, from left to right: Barasana cosmology (Colombia); Triora stele (Ligurean Alpes, Italy); Mesoamerica cosmologies) and three examples of physical resources for cosmological representations. A. Correlation between horizontal linearity of the Sun’s path from East to West with the vertical linearity of sky/earth’s surface/sub-soil; B. Using water streams to express cosmological dichotomies: axel established by division left bank/right bank and axel established by stream (upstream / downstream); C. Using topography to express cosmological dichotomies (example: plateau/valley). These different resources can be articulated in different ways .......................................................................................................... 102 Fig. 12.2. Perdigões aerial photography with indication of specific areas and orientation and in the local territory (The biggest dot is Perdigões enclosure, the small dots correspond to megalithic monuments; the others to settlements) ......... 104 Fig. 13.1. Distribution of the ditch enclosures and fortified settlements of the Middle Guadiana Basin...................................................................................... 110 Fig. 13.2. Ground plan and sections of the settlements of Granja Céspedes, El Lobo, Los Cortinales and La Pijotilla ...................................................................... 111 Fig. 13.3. Ground plan of the settlements of Juromenha 1, La Pijotilla, Cabeço Torrâo, Perdigôes and San Blas ...................................................................... 113 Fig. 13.4. La Pijotilla. Excavation in the eastern area of the settlement. a) Ground plan of Trench D10 showing the ditch and structures E1 y E2; b) Photography of the door, or structure E2 from the North; c) and d) Photography and ground plan of Trench M1, showing the position of the slate slabs upon the ditch ................. 115 Fig. 13.5. San Blas. a) Trench M25. Photography from the East of the wall and ditch; b) Northern section of Trench M25; c) Photography of the ditch that delimits the industrial activity area, with the position of the vessel; and d) Stratigraphic section of Trench F7........................................................................... 118 Fig. 14.1. Prehistoric enclosures located in the Valencian region (Spain), from the Early Neolithic to the Bell Beaker Horizon (c. 5600 – 2200 cal BC) .................... 124 Fig. 14.2. Map of Mas d’Is neolithic structures. The C14 dates allows us to reconstruct the history of the monumental enclosure............................................... 125 Fig. 14.3. Habitational boundary enclosures –frequently in a V section- are presents in several sites, as Niuet (Serpis Valleys) c. 3300 cal BC............................................ 126 Fig. 14.4. Several elements, such as monumental enclosures, caves with symbolic items, burial caves, and rock-art sanctuaries, allows us to designe the landscape of the early neolithic groups (c. 5600 – 4900 cal BC), in the studied region ............... 128 Fig. 15.1. Distribution map of Neolithic archaeological sites in the NW Iberian Peninsula ........................................................................................ 133 Fig. 15.2. Archaeological plan of excavated area............................................................... 135 Fig. 15.3. Aerial photography of the circular enclosure of Montenegro archaeological site ............................................................................... 136 Fig. 15.4. Model of Neolithic space represented in the circular enclosure of Montenegro .............................................................................................................. 138 Fig. 17.1. Plano de localización de la zona arqueológica de Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén, España) .............................................................................................................. 152 v

Fig. 17.2. Hipótesis reconstructiva de los fosos descubiertos en el poblado prehistórico de Marroquíes Bajos ................................................................................ 155 Fig. 18.1. Location of the Copper Age settlement and necropolis at Alcalar ..................... 162 Fig. 18.2. Excavation of the winding ditch in sector 16L................................................... 164 Fig. 18.3. House with central fire place in sector 16L, covered by its collapsed mud walls ..................................................................................................................... 165 Fig. 18.4. Rock cut rectangular pit with deposition of human remains in sector 16L ........ 165 Fig. 19.1. Construction phases at the French Copper Age site of Boussargues ................. 172 Fig. 19.2. Construction dynamics at three Copper Age sites compared to scale (1) Los Millares, (2) Castanheiro do Vento and (3) Boussargues ................................ 173 Fig. 21.1. Carte de l’Italie du Nord et du Centre. On a marqué avec des pois noirs les sites durables (plus grands) et les découvertes sporadiques (plus petits); les flèches aux contours marqués indiquent les passages sur les Appenins entre l’Emilie et la Toscane; les autres flèches indiquent les principales voies le long des fleuves Pô, au nord, et Tibre, au centre ............................................ 184

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LIST OF GRAPHS Graph 21.1. Distributions des sites chalcolithiques dans les différentes altitudes en Italie du Nord ........................................................................................................... 185 Graph 21.2. Comparaison entre la distribution altimétrique de tous les sites chalcolithiques et celle des sites durables de la même période en Italie du Nord ......... 185 Graph 21.3. Comparaison entre la distribution altimétrique des sites chalcolithiques et celle des sites campaniformes en Italie du Nord ....................................................... 185 Graph 21.4. Distributions des sites chalcolithiques dans les différentes altitudes en Italie centrale ........................................................................................................... 187 Graph 21.5. Comparaison entre la distribution altimétrique de tous les sites chalcolithiques et celle des sites durables de la même période en Italie centrale ......... 187 Graph 21.6. Pourcentage de différentes typologies des sites en Italie centrale .................. 187

LIST OF TABLES Tab. 1.1. 14C datings Quiaios lakes ......................................................................................... 7 Tab. 6.1. Species from Villiers-sur-Seine “Le gros Buisson” .............................................. 41 Tab. 17.1. Principales medidas del sistema de fosos de Marroquíes Bajos ........................ 155

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Session C11 ANCIENT CULTURAL LANDSCAPE IN SOUTH EUROPE – THEIR ECOLOGICAL SETTING AND EVOLUTION

ANCIENT CULTURAL LANDSCAPE IN SOUTH EUROPE – THEIR ECOLOGICAL SETTING AND EVOLUTION ANCIEN TERRITOIRES DE L’EUROPE DU SUD – SON ORGANISATION ÉCOLOGIQUE ET ÉVOLUTION organized by / organisé par

José Eduardo MATEUS Instituto Português de Arqueologia, Avenida da Índia, 136, 1300-300 Lisboa, Portugal [email protected]

Paula Fernanda RIBEIRO DE QUEIROZ Instituto Português de Arqueologia, Lisboa, Portugal [email protected]

SESSION’S ABSTRACT The workshop intends to contribute to an overview on the new research perspectives, strategies, disciplinary contributions, and results on the ancient Mediterranean human territories. Theoretical, methodological and practical aspects will be considered. Emphasis is made on the ecological setting of these very ancient cultural landscapes, namely on the synchronous distribution of their (explored and potential) resource pools, their spatial (discontinuous/continuous) partition and organization, and their (ecological/economical) functioning. In what concerns diachrony focus will be made on the origin of the anthropogenically-induced eco-territorial sub-system, their cultural and ecological (stability/instability) dynamics, their shorts-term trajectories, and long-term evolution and heritage. Finally, inter-regional regularities and/or discrepancies across the entire Mediterranean Region in their South-North and West-East gradients will be discussed. RÉSUMÉ DE LA SESSION Avec ce colloque on veut essayer une vision générique, à titre de bilan actuel, sur la recherche des anciens terroirs d’Europe du Sud, surtout en ce qui concerne ces nouvelles perspectives, stratégies, et contributions disciplinaires – y compris ses aspects théoriques, méthodologiques, et pratiques. On donnera une attention spéciale à l’intégration écologique de ces vieux paysages culturels, en considérant la distribution synchronique des ressources (potentielles ou explorées), sa partition et organisation spatiale (discontinue ou continue), et son fonctionnement (écologique / économique). En ce qui concerne la diachronie, on veut traiter l’origine des sous-systèmes de l’éco-territoire, anthropogéniquement produits, ses dynamiques culturelles et écologiques (stabilité / instabilité), ses trajectoires de temps court, ses évolutions et héritages de longue durée. Finalement on s’intéressera à la thématique des comparaisons interrégionales (régularités, contrastes), concernant la Région Méditerranéenne, y compris ces gradients Nord-Sud et Est-Ouest. CONCLUSIONS During the final debate held at the end of the session, no formal collective conclusions were drawn by the contributors and participants. This is due to the high diversity of the topics and themes exposed in this relatively small session which referred to a very large chronological, geographic, and cultural range. Nevertheless we stress the consensual recognition of necessary future efforts for developing an integrative language and methodology to cope with Ancient Cultural Landscapes as concrete archaeological entities, beyond the simple additive cluster of archaeological-site studies, even when these are 3

pursued under an environmental perspective. Thus, future transdisciplinary efforts dealing with this large entity may imply the contribution of new integrative (and descriptive) spatial quantitative modelling and simulation techniques, eventually derived from present-day landscape studies where the mathematical-driven languages of the GIS, Numerical Analysis, and Computer Graphics play an increasing role. The key-idea would be to be able to incorporate in this “Cultural-Landscape Historical Ecology” the “time (historical) dimension”, at various scales. December, 2007 The Session C11 coordinators

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LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENT IN NORTH-CENTRAL LITTORAL PORTUGAL; INFLUENCED BY CLIMATE, ANTHROPOGENICALLY INDUCED OR BOTH? Randi DANIELSEN Universidade de Minho/ Instituto Português da Arqueologia (IPA) (Laboratório de Paleoecologia e Arqueobotânica), [email protected] Abstract: The littoral zone of N-central Portugal is dominated by large sand dune areas afforested in the early 20th Century in response to the threat of sand dunes advancing towards settlements and agricultural fields. Little is known about past local vegetation, lake development and dune dynamics. A palynological investigation of lakes situated in the border zone between an agriculturally barren littoral dune landscape and the Gandâra plain currently characterized by intensive agriculture, contributes in these respects. The study shed some light on the background of ecological dynamics during the last two millennia as well as the development of the lakes and of local agriculture. Keywords: Palynology, Littoral N-Central Portugal, landscape dynamics / human influence

2000). During historical time it is known that between the two nuclei, Quiaios (first mentioned in 807 AD) and Mira (1095 AD), there was a vast uninhabited area until around the 17th Century (Cravidão, 1992). In the following 200 years the Gândara is transformed into an intensely occupied area.

INTRODUCTION Presented here are the preliminary results from a palynological investigation of two coastal lakes in North Central Portugal between Cape Mondego and Mira (Fig. 1.1). A string of shallow lakes is found in the transition zone between Holocene transverse E-W oriented sand dunes to the west and Pleistocene dunes to the east (Carvalho, 1964), the Gândara plain, with intense agriculture at present. The western dunes threatened to invade agricultural fields and villages at the beginning of the 20th Century resulting in a huge reforestation effort from1926 to1940. Today they support a large pine forest dominated by Pinus pinaster. Little is known about the past vegetation cover.

The objectives of this study are: • To detect past changes in vegetation – variation in pollen input to the lakes through time reflect local and regional vegetational changes • To determine the origin of these changes – were they due to climatic changes, human influence or catastrophic events • To reveal the genesis of the lakes – when and why were they formed

Different theories about the development of the region in what concern past vegetation changes, genesis of the lakes, coast line dynamics and dune systems, have been proposed, but are diverging. The western dunes are believed to have formed since 3000 BP by a progradation of the coast 6-7 km due to the groyne effect provided by the natural promontory of Cape Mondego (Noivo, 1996, Dias et al., 1997). The lakes according to Noivo (op. cit.) are remnants of an old marshy littoral zone. Almeida (1995), however, suggests that they were formed synchronously and as a direct result of the last dune generation believed to have originated due to the climatic deterioration and sea level regression during the Little Ice Age (LIA). Sand dunes are thought to have blocked natural drainage channels seawards and caused flooding and lake formation in the lower parts to their immediate eastern limit (Almeida, op. cit.).

SITES AND METHODS Site characteristics The investigated sites are Lagoa da Vela and Lagoa das Braças north of Quiaios village (Fig. 1.1). Both Vela and Braças are shallow, eutrophic lakes situated 6–7 km from the coastline at around 45 m a.s.l. Lake level is determined by the surrounding dunes’ freatic level and hence directly affected by eventual changes in climate, dune size or anthropogenic utilization. Vela is 2 km long and 475 m wide while Braças has the same width but is 650 m long. A large amount of sediment was extracted from Braças in 1995 in an attempt to make the lake deeper. The core extracted from this basin was obtained in an undisturbed area.

The highlands of Serra da Boa Viagem south of the plain have been inhabited since the Neolithic (5th – 4th Century BC) as shown by numerous dolmens (antas and mamoas) (Santos Rocha, 1888-1900, Mesquita de Figueiredo, 1943, Guerra & Ferreira, 1974). Several Iron Age and Roman settlements have been registered there as well (Santos Rocha, 1909, Guerra & Ferreira, 1971, Reigota,

West of the lakes there is a Pinus pinaster forest with an undercover of psamophilous species belonging to the phytosociological alliance of Coremion albi (Braun5

ANCIENT CULTURAL LANDSCAPE IN SOUTH EUROPE – THEIR ECOLOGICAL SETTING AND EVOLUTION

Fig. 1.1. Map of the area Blanquet et al., 1964, Rivas-Martinez et al., 1990) dominated by Corema album, Ulex europeus ssp. latebracteatus, Halimium commutatum and H. Halimifolium. To the east there are agricultural fields with Zea mays, Secale cereale, Triticum aestivum and other grass species utilized for animal fodder. Methods Cores were extracted by a 1 m long Livingstone corer with 6 cm diameter. The sample from Vela was 84 cm long and the one from Braças was 69 cm (Fig. 1.2). Both contained dark organic mud with gradually increasing sand content towards the bottom. In the Vela profile there was a sandy layer at 30-32 cm. The preliminary analysis of these two cores constitutes the fundament of this paper. In order to access present-day and recent pollen deposition in the lakes their top soft-muddy layer was sampled with a Hoon-Kajak sampler. Present pollen rain was collected for two years in modified Tauber traps (Hicks’ version). In addition a possible paleo-lake situated between the two lakes was cored with a hammer corer and a monolith was extracted from a Salix-carr on the southern margin of Braças. The analytical results of these sequences and the modern samples will be discussed elsewhere. Pollen and non-pollen palynomorphs (NPP) analysis were undertaken using standard techniques at 2 cm intervals. The pollen data are calculated as percentages of total regional pollen (TRP) containing pollen from dry-soil

Fig. 1.2. Cores from Vela and Braças 6

R. DANIELSEN: LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENT IN NORTH-CENTRAL LITTORAL PORTUGAL...

Tab. 1.1. 14C datings Quiaios lakes Lab. ref.

Site

Depth

Sample type

Age BP

Beta-205149

L. Vela

76,5-84 cm

Organic mat.

Sac-2038

Salix-carr (L. Braças)

63-66 cm

Sac-2154

L. Braças

Calibrated age 1ơ (cal AD)

2ơ (cal AD)

1630±40 BP

400-440

350-530

Organic mat.

1510±230 BP

255-308, 311-718, 743-769

26-42, 47-994

Wood

180±35 BP

1665-1684, 1733-1785, 1794-1807, 1928-1951

1650-1698, 1723-1816, 1834-1879, 1916-1952

taxa with the exception of Pinus and other taxa occupying the lake margins. Pollen from Pinus, pollen from local mainly hygrophilous species and NPP are expressed as percentages of TRP. The pollen diagrams were constructed using Tilia and Tilia.graph (Grimm, 19911993). Selected samples were sent for dating to Beta Analytic Inc. (Miami, USA) and to the Instituto Tecnológico e Nuclear (Lisbon, Portugal) (Table 1.1).

scoparia and E. umbellata. Similar high values for Halimium and Erica scoparia were found in the dated bottom sample from the Braças Salix-carr showing a certain regionality of this vegetation cover. As the basins at this stage seem to have been rather shallow humid zones possibly only inundated in the winter, the regional vegetation is not well represented. Halimium and Erica scoparia may rather reflect the local or extra-local vegetation.

RESULTS

The value of arboreal pollen (AP) is low (< 5%). Pinus, Alnus, Quercus, Olea and Juglans are the only representatives of regional or extra-regional arboreal pollen.

Local and regional vegetation changes

Zone II

The diagrams have been divided into 3 pollen zones based on major changes in regional and local pollen curves (Fig. 1.3 & 1.4). The pollen rain in Zone I and II is dominated by pollen from local and extra-local vegetation due the hydrological situation at the time (see discussion below) and hence the differentiation between local and regional vegetation is more a comparison between local and extralocal vegetation.

This zone is represented in both diagrams. Development of local vegetation The dominating riparian species seem to have been Erica erigena, Poaceae and Myrica cf. gale. Some occurrences of Salix occur towards the top of the zone.

Zone I

Algal remains continue to be represented in low quantity and little variety by green algae species of the family Zygnemataeae (Debarya, Mougeotia, Zygnema).

Zone I is represented in Vela and the base has been dated 1630 ± 40 BP. The base of the monolith from the Salixcarr south of Braças gave the radiocarbon date of 1510 ± 230 BP indicating a relatively synchronous origin of this wetland system.

Development of regional vegetation Scrub vegetation still predominates in this zone and low percentages for arboreal pollen prevail as do high values of Erica scoparia and E. umbellata. Halimium halimifolium is gradually less important.

Development of local vegetation Around the basin there is a poorly developed riparian zone containing Erica erigena with some Cyperaceae and Poaceae. The vegetation inside the basin is represented by Isoetes spp. and by algal remains exclusively from Debarya sp. (Zygnemataceae) characteristic of shallow, sandy pools (van Geel et al. 1989).

Pollen from Olea, Cerealia and Zea mays start appearing in both diagrams in Zone II showing local agricultural activity. Zone III

Development of regional vegetation

This zone is characterized by major changes both in local and regional vegetation and in the algal flora of the lakes as a result of the establishment of permanent lakes at this stage.

The diagram reflects treeless open scrub vegetation dominated by Halimium halimifolium pollen type (including H. lasianthum) and with high values for Erica 7

ANCIENT CULTURAL LANDSCAPE IN SOUTH EUROPE – THEIR ECOLOGICAL SETTING AND EVOLUTION

Fig. 1.3. Percentage pollen diagram Lagoa da Vela

Fig. 1.4. Percentage pollen diagram Lagoa das Braças 8

R. DANIELSEN: LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENT IN NORTH-CENTRAL LITTORAL PORTUGAL...

Development of local vegetation

marsh to lake could be a result of increased water run-off to the basins due to human activity (installation and drainage of agricultural fields towards the lakes), a more humid climate or a time of sand transport and dune instability?

A peak in the E. erigena curve in the Braças diagram indicates an initial phase of local paludification followed by inundation and death of E.erigena in the first phase of this zone. Both diagrams show a distinct development of hygrophilous taxa at this stage. There are peaks in pollen from Nymphaea, Potamogeton, Myriophyllum alterniflorum, Cladium mariscus, Typha angustifolia, Poaceae and Cyperaceae.

Before and during the same transition a sandy layer appear in the Vela sediment. This could reflect erosive action and sand transport due to a more humid environment or on the other hand a time of increased eolian sand transport. If the latter is the case it may be the time of the last dune generation forming the E-W oriented transverse dunes typical of the area leading to a local higher freatic level resulting from an increased height of marginal dunes on the lakes` western banks (a larger water body inside the sand dunes). Another possibility is the earlier mentioned theory of Almeida.

Algal remains increase in quantity and species diversity reflecting a eutrophication. Pediastrum spp., Botryococcus, Scenedesmus and Coelastrum have high percentages. Development of regional vegetation Arboreal pollen shows a rapid increase in this zone. Pinus is the dominant pollen type but Quercus deciduous and Q. coccifera type pollen also get a greater influence. Exotic species (Acacia, Eucalyptus, Casuarina, Platanus) appear in the upper part of the zone.

The dating of the transition from swamp to lake was facilitated by the drought of 2005. During this extraordinary dry summer Braças dried out and trunks and roots of a shrub became exposed over most of its surface. Laboratory analysis of the wood showed that it was E.erigena and dating of a trunk gave 180 ± 35 BP (Cal 1650-1698, 1723-1816, 1834-1879 or 1916-1952 AD) as the time of the death event. This probably corresponds to the level of rapid decrease in the E. erigena pollen curve found immediately above the Zone II /III transition reflecting an inundation of Braças causing the death of a large number of E. erigena. In both lakes the algal development was strong and aquatic species became abundant at this transition indicating an increased water level in the lakes.

There is an increase in the representation of agricultural indicators such as Zea mays, Secale and Triticum as well as Olea. Citrus, Castanea and Vitis are found in this zone. DISCUSSION Palaeohydrology of the lake basins The paludification of the Vela and Braças wetland system started around 1630 BP (Cal 420 AD), the lakes initially being shallow, oligotrophic seasonal basins, inundated in the wet seasons. The poor representation of algae and aquatic plants contribute to this idea as do the apparently low sedimentation rate, the latter being suggested by the fact that pollen from Zea mays is found 26 cm above the dated bottom sample. This indicates the age of the level to be equal to or younger than the first quarter of the 16th Century (Revolução do Milho), (Ribeiro, 1967) and the sedimentation rate maximum 0,24 mm/year.

The 14C date of this level is however inconclusive. It is necessary to use historical data in an attempt to delimit the calibrated age to one or two of the given time intervals. The oldest interval (1650-1698 AD) is unlikely as the sediment thickness between the layer containing the first occurrence of pollen from Zea mays and Zone II/III transition is almost the same as the remaining top sediment and normally sedimentation rate is larger in lakes than in seasonally inundated marshland. Secondly the Quiaios lakes appear for the first time in cartographic material in 1866. The last interval (1916-1952 AD) must hence be too late. This delimitation leaves us with a probable period for the genesis of the Quiaios lakes between 1723 AD and 1866 AD.

The paludification of these basins may be explained by both climate and vegetation change. Palynological research from North Alentejo suggest that climate at the time of lake genesis was very humid (Mateus, 1992, Queiroz, 1999). In addition the lack of local forest may have resulted from a previous deforestation causing a raised water table due to the subsequent decrease of evapotranspiration from the plant cover.

Vegetational changes Deforestation and heathland development

The hydrology of these wetlands suffers drastic changes at the transition between Zone II and III and we can detect the development of permanent lakes after a swamp phase. In Braças we discover a phase when the seasonally inundated wetland transforms into a stable swamp with Erica erigena and deeper pools with Nymphaea, Potamogeton and Myriophyllum. The development from

There are many indications of a former forest cover prior to marshland development and hence absent in the diagrams. During the opening of drainage channels and wells in the area, numerous tree trunks have been found at deeper levels under the eolian sand (Rei, 1940, Reigota, 2000). In Leirosa 20 km south of the Quiaios dunes, mud blocks from a previous lagoon are appearing on the beach 9

ANCIENT CULTURAL LANDSCAPE IN SOUTH EUROPE – THEIR ECOLOGICAL SETTING AND EVOLUTION

Fig. 1.5. Area in 1930’s and today (view from Serra da Boa Viagem) due to recent erosion of the beach. The process also called “Inland beach migration” (Granja & Carvalho, 1998, Granja & Carvalho, 2000) is identified in various places along the Portuguese northern littoral during the last decades. The mid layer of the lagoonal deposit has been dated to ca. 2950 BP (Bernardes et al., 2001). The broken off mud blocks probably originate from superficial parts of the deposit and hence are younger than this. One block has been analysed for pollen and NPP (Callapez et al., 2005, Callapez et al., 2005) reflecting a forest (>40% AP) principally composed of Pinus and Quercus spp. Most likely the Quiaios dunes had the same kind of vegetation cover but human influence (cutting, pastures and agriculture) or climatic change led to deforestation at one point or other. The amount of settlements from Iron Age and Roman time registered in the hills nearby (Rocha, op. cit., Mesquita de Figueiredo, op. cit., Guerra & Ferreira, op. cit.) points towards human activity as an important influential factor on an eventual forest.

Since 1630 BP the area was characterized by scrub and heathland vegetation with scattered occurrences of pine and oak. The scenario of unforested open heathland probably prevailed due to pastoral activities maintaining an open scrubland until reforestation during the last 200 – 300 years. Infertile sandy soils along the entire Atlantic fringe of Europe were similarly utilized as grazing ground for as much as 5000 years up until present time. Fodder value of these evergreen heathlands is very good especially if regularly burned or mowed (Kaland, (ed.), 2002). The same kind of intentional forest clearance to open up for pastures may have happened in littoral Portugal as well as revealed by the data from the Northwest littoral of Alentejo. Reforestation Reforestation of parts of the area with Pinus is reflected in the initial phase of Zone III. Pinus percentages increase rapidly in both lakes. Its date is not conclusive though. It is known that there in Quiaios existed a pine forest owned by the crown (“Pinhal do Rei”) although it is not known when it was planted. In a map from 1773 it is included. It is also known that in 1860 the same forest (at this point called “Pinhal do Povo” or “People’s pine forest”) had nearly disappeared due to over-utilization and was

Palynological research from littoral N-Alentejo suggest a stepwise deforestation beginning around 6000 BP and culminating around 2000 BP (Mateus & Queiroz, 1989, Queiroz 1989, Mateus 1992, Queiroz & Mateus 1994, Queiroz, 1999). Deforestation is followed by an increase in heathland plants like Erica scoparia, E. umbellata, Calluna etc. a degradative vegetation cover similar to the one recognized in the lower parts of Vela and Braças. 10

R. DANIELSEN: LANDSCAPE DEVELOPMENT IN NORTH-CENTRAL LITTORAL PORTUGAL...

ordered replanted by a Quiaios priest (Jose Marques da Silva) to prevent the dunes from invading Quiaios (Rei, 1940).

of the last dune generation indicating a strong connection between lake- and dune-formation.

In the upper part of Zone III the Pinus curve increases even more and exotic species like Eucalyptus, Acacia, Platanus and Casuarina appear. This probably reflects the reforestation in 1926 until the present situation of a mature pine forest (Fig. 1.5).

Bibliography ALMEIDA, A.C. (1995) – Dunas de Quiaios, Gândara e Serra da Boa Viagem. Uma abordagem. Ecológica da Paisagem. PhD thesis. Coimbra University. 305 p. BERNARDES, C.M., NOIVO, L.M. & CORROCHANO, A. (2001) – Evolution of Holocenic Coastal Dunes at Leirosa, South of Cape Mondego, Portugal. Thalassas 17(2), p. 47-56.

Agriculture The first cereal pollen to appear in both diagrams is Zea mays reflecting the late introduction of agriculture in the surroundings of the lakes. Olea and Juglans are present in the pollen rain at an earlier stage but may originate from more distant cultivation. The initial low and discontinuous cereal pollen curves indicate that agriculture was scattered and more distant than today. The area was more likely utilized for pastures.

BRAUN-BLANQUET, J. PINTO DA SILVA, A.R. & ROSEIRA, A. (1964) – Résultats de trois excursions géobotaniques à travers le Portugal septentrional et moyen III – Landes à cistes et ericacées (Cisto-Lavanduletea et Calluno-Ulicetea). Agronomia Lusitana 23: p. 229-312. CALLAPEZ, P.M., [et al.] (2005) – Biofacies from the Holocene paleolagoon of Leirosa (Figueira da Foz, West Central Portugal). Coastal Hope 2005 Abstract Book, Lisboa, p.17-19.

In Zone III there seem to be an agricultural intensification and pollen from Olea, Cerealia, Secale, Triticum and Zea mays reach a continuous and high representation in the pollen rain. Cravidão (op. cit.) found that the Gãndara in the 200 years following the 17th Century transformed into an intensely occupied territory. This may be what is reflected in the transition to Zone III.

CALLAPEZ, P.M., [et al.] (2005) – The paleolagoon of Leirosa (Figueira da Foz) and the Holocene brackish malacofauna of West Portugal. Portugala-Noticiario Malacológico – Congresso Português de Malacologia. Albufeira. p. 18-19. CARVALHO, G.S. (1964) – Areias da Gãndara (Potugal). Uma formação eólica Quaternária. Public. Mus. Lab. Mim. Geol. Fac. Ciências do Porto, 81 (4) pp. 3-32.

CONCLUSIONS In the initial period the basins were oligotrophic seasonal marshes with few aquatic plants. According to Heide (1984) pollen registration in very small basins is dominated by the local pollen deposition as opposed to larger lakes that mainly register the regional pollen rain. The study of the marsh sediments from Quiaios hence gives us a unique possibility to reveal the local habitat at the time. This situation prevails throughout Zone I and II.

CRAVIDÃO, F.D. (1992) – A população e o povoamento da Gândara (génese e evolução)”. PhD thesis, Coimbra University. 531 p. DIAS, J.M.A., RODRIGUES, A. & MAGALHÃES, F. (1997) – Evolução da linha de costa, em Portugal, desde o Último Máximo Glaciário até à actualidade: Síntese dos conhecimentos. Estudos do Quaternário, 1, APEQ, Lisboa. p. 53-66.

Transition to lakes similar to the present ones only occurs in the first phase of Zone III. The dating of the death event of E. erigena caused by inundation of Braças gave a 14 C age of 180 ± 35 BP and most likely the time span 1723-1866 AD is the period of development of the Quiaios lakes. This occurs after a period of eolian sand transport and paludification. As previously mentioned both episodes may be explained by climatic and/or anthropogenic influence. The climate in the area during LIA has been described as dry and cold with strong winds from W-NW (Noivo op.cit.). Utilization of the area for pastures and agriculture added to the pressure on the existing vegetation augmenting the local desertification and sand transport. It is probable that the transverse dunes were formed at a time shortly prior to lake formation. These dunes advanced according to Almeida (op.cit.) until the immediate proximity of the lakes. All the lakes in the region are aligned on the eastern limit of the extent

GRANJA, H.M. & CARVALHO, G.S. (1998) – The landscape of the Coastal Zone of Northwest Portugal; its degradation and management. Proceedings Fourth International Conference LITTORAL 1998, European Association for Science and Technology (EUROCOAST), September 1998, Barcelona. p.95100. GRANJA, H.M. & CARVALHO, G.S. (2000) – Inland beach migration (“beach erosion”) and the coastal zone management. Ed. A. Pozar – Domac, LITTORAL 2000, Responsible Coastal Zone Management. The challenge of the 21st century. Periodium Biologorum 102 (supplement 1), Zagreb. p. 413-424. GUERRA, V.A. & FERREIRA, O.V. (1971) – Inventário das Estações da Idade do Ferro nos Arredores da Figueira da Foz. Actas do congresso Nacional de Arqueologia, vol. I, Coimbra. p. 297-303. 11

ANCIENT CULTURAL LANDSCAPE IN SOUTH EUROPE – THEIR ECOLOGICAL SETTING AND EVOLUTION

GUERRA, V.A. & FERREIRA, O.V. (1974) – Inventário dos monumentos megalíticos dos arredores da Figueira da Foz. Câmara Municipal da Figueira da Foz, 14p.

QUEIROZ, P.F. & MATEUS, J.E. (1994) – Preliminary palynological investigation on the Holocene deposits of Lagoa de Albufeira and Lagoa de Melides, Alentejo (Portugal). Revista de Biologia, Lisboa. Vol. 15, p.1528.

HEIDE, K. (1984) – Holocene pollen stratigraphy from a lake and a small pond in north-central Wisconsin, U.S.A. Palynology 8: p. 3-20.

QUEIROZ, P.F. (1989) – A preliminary palaeoecological study at Estacada (Lagoa de Albufeira), Revista de Biologia, Lisboa. Vol. 14, p. 3-15.

KALAND, P.E. (ed.) (2002) – Fem tusen år med flammer. Det europeiske lyngheilandskapet. The HEATHCULT project. (Svein Haaland). 160 p.

REI, M.A. (1940) – Arborização Alguns artigos de propaganda regionalista. Biblioteca Municipal da Figueira da Foz, 40 p.

MATEUS, J.E. (1989) – Lagoa Travessa: A Holocene pollen diagram from the south-west coast of Portugal. Revista de Biologia, Lisboa. Vol. 14, p.17-93.

REIGOTA, J. (2000) – A Gândara Antiga. CEMAR 474 p.

MATEUS, J.E. (1989) – Lagoa Travessa: A Holocene pollen diagram from the south-west coast of Portugal. Revista de Biologia, Lisboa. Vol. 14, p.17-93.

RIBEIRO, O. (1967) – Portugal, o Mediterrâneo e o Atlântico, Esboço de relações geográficas Lisboa, 3ª. Ed. 175p.

MATEUS, J.E. (1992) – Holocene and present-day ecosystems of the Carvalhal region, Southwest Portugal. PhD thesis. Utrecht University. 184 p.

RIVAS-MARTÍNEZ, S., [et al.] (1990) – la vegetación del sur de Portugal (Sado, Alentejo y Algarve). Itinera Geobotanica 3: p. 5-126.

MESQUITA DE FIGUEIREDO, A. (1943) – A Préhistória do concelho da Figueira, foz do Mondego. Novos descobrimentos feitos nos Arquivos. Porto, Imprensa Portuguesa. 11p.

ROCHA, A.S. (1888-1900) – Antiguidades Pré-históricas do Concelho da Figueira. Coimbra, Imprensa da Universidade. 271 p. ROCHA, A.S. (1908) – Estações Pré-Romanas da Idade do Ferro nas vizinhanças da Figueira. Porto. 86 p.

NOIVO, L.M. (1996) – Morfologia e dinâmica sedimentar das dunas de Quiaios, Portugal. Master thesis. Aveiro University. 169 p.

VAN GEEL, B., COOPE, G.R. & VAN DER HAMMEN, T. (1989) – Paleoecology and stratigraphy of the Lateglacial type section at Usselo (The Netherlands). Review of Paleobotany and Palynology, 60 (1989): p. 25-129.

QUIEROZ, P.F. (1999) – Ecologia Histórica da Paisagem do Noroeste Alentejano. PhD thesis. Lisbon University. 300 p.

12

SULLA SCIA DEI MICENEI: DUE PRODUZIONI SPECIALIZZATE NEL SITO DEL BRONZO FINALE DI ARCHI (PROVINCIA DI CHIETI, ITALIA) Tomaso Di FRAIA Professore presso il Dipartimento di Scienze Archeologiche dell’Università di Pisa, Via F. Redi, 11; 56124 PISA; [email protected] Following in Mycenaeans’s footsteps: two specialized productions at the Final Bronze Age settlement of Archi (Chieti, Italy) Abstract: The Final Bronze Age (1150-950 b.C.) settlement at Fonte Tasca (Comune Archi, prov. Chieti, Italy) has yelded archaeological evidence of two very important economic sectors: 1) the olive cultivation and oil production, an innovation evidently trigged by foreign influences and allowed by natural environment and socioeconomic organization; 2) spinning and weaving, as specialized works, that carried out quantitatively and qualitatively important products. Just these productions had played for a long time a central role in the mycenaean economy, specially for trade abroad. Therefore we can suppose that these specialisations developed at Fonte Tasca following such model and above all in consequence of the collapse of the Mycenaean Palaces. Key words: oil production, dolia, spinning, weaving, Mycenaeans Dans le sillage des Mycéniens: deux productions spécialisées dans le site du Bronze Final d’Archi (prov. Chieti, Italie) Résumé: L’habitat du Bronze Final (1150-950 a. J.-C.) de Fonte Tasca (Comune Archi, prov. Chieti, Italie), a révélé deux secteurs économiques très importants: 1) l’oléiculture et la production d’huile, une innovation évidemment amorcée par des influences culturelles extérieures et favorisée par le milieu naturel et l’organisation socio-économique; 2) le filage et le tissage, comme activités spécialisées qui permettaient une production remarquable pour qualité et quantité. Dans les deux cas il s’agit précisément de productions qui avaient caractérisé longtemps l’économie mycénienne et destinées surtout aux échanges avec d’autres pays. On peut donc supposer que ces activités se soient développées à Fonte Tasca d’après tel modèle et surtout à la suite de l’écroulement des Palais mycéniens. Mots clef: oléiculture, dolia, filage, tissage, Mycéniens

CARATTERISTICHE DEL SITO

impianto abitativo, di cui tuttavia devono essere ancora individuate le strutture.

Il sito di Fonte Tasca (Comune di Archi, CH) (da qui in avanti: “Archi”) nella Valle del Sangro si è rivelato il più importante insediamento dell’età del bronzo finale ( “BF”; circa 1150-950 a.C.) sul versante adriatico dell’Abruzzo. Gli scavi condotti negli anni ‘70 e ‘80 del secolo scorso (Di Fraia 1996a) su un lieve pendio collinare hanno portato all’individuazione di un fossato a sezione triangolare asimmetrica, largo da 8 a 10 m e profondo da 2,5 a 3,5 m. Il fatto che i livelli più bassi del riempimento siano completamente argillosi con rari reperti indica un’originaria funzione di drenaggio e/o raccolta delle acque. Nei livelli medi e superiori il deposito ha composizione totalmente diversa e stratificata ed è ricco di manufatti di ceramica, bronzo, osso e pietra; inoltre abbondano carboni, ceneri, ossa, frammenti di intonaco: risulta perciò evidente una lunga fase di utilizzazione del fossato come discarica. A monte del fossato è stata messa in luce un’area di frequentazione, il cui suolo era formato da tritumi di ceramica e di intonaco e piccole pietre Di Fraia e Telleschi, 2003). A valle del fossato sono stati saggiati vari punti, in cui è stato individuato un deposito antropico spesso 100-120 cm, con caratteristiche diverse da quelle del fossato; potrebbe trattarsi di una o più abitazioni, anche perché in alcuni punti sul terreno sterile di base era steso un fitto vespaio di pietre. Nella stessa zona recenti scavi (Di Fraia, 2005) hanno evidenziato un terrazzamento artificiale del pendio; tale sistemazione del terreno sembra funzionale ad un

In questo contributo intendo evidenziare due settori economici di grande rilevanza per le loro implicazioni sociopolitiche. L’entità dei fenomeni che cercheremo di ricostruire è tanto più significativa se si considera che il volume del deposito scavato non supera verosimilmente un terzo del giacimento che finora è stato possibile individuare e stimare e che quindi il numero dei manufatti realmente prodotti e utilizzati da questa comunità nell’arco di circa 200 anni deve essere stato veramente molto alto. OLIVICOLTURA E PRODUZIONE DI OLIO Il primo indizio della coltivazione dell’olivo (Di Fraia, 1996b) ad Archi è stato il ritrovamento, nel fossato, di due noccioli d’oliva di morfologia e dimensioni tali (lunghezza massima 18 mm) da escludere che si potesse trattare di frutti di olivo selvatico (Di Fraia, 1996a; 1996b; 1998). Il secondo e importantissimo indicatore archeologico è costituito dai resti di oltre 50 dolii, la cui capacità va da 50 a 500 litri circa (Di Fraia, 2000). Essi sono distinguibili in tre gruppi: a) dolii di argilla più o meno depurata, con inclusione di tritumi di ceramica solitamente di colore più scuro (chamotte); gli esemplari di questo gruppo, di dimensioni medio-grandi (diametro degli orli 29-60 cm, dei fondi 30-55, del ventre 60-90; 13

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altezza fino a 80 cm), sembrano sprovvisti di anse; b) dolii di figulina, di dimensioni inferiori a quelle del gruppo precedente, talora dotati di anse; c) pochi dolii d’impasto, con spessori assai notevoli (fino a cm 3,3 per le pareti). In tutti e tre i gruppi gli orli sono sempre estroflessi, frequentemente ispessiti e/o sfaccettati, congiunti da una gola più o meno ampia ad un corpo molto più espanso che tende a restringersi notevolmente verso il fondo. Il profilo complessivo del corpo è pressappoco piriforme; l’orlo forma con la parete un angolo esterno che oscilla da 70° a 110°. L’unica decorazione consiste in un unico cordone orizzontale, generalmente di separazione del collo dal ventre; i cordoni hanno sezione convessa e possono essere lisci, a tacche o a impressioni anche molto marcate; le rare anse sono a maniglia orizzontale. Il fatto che non sia stata individuata alcuna traccia di uso del tornio rende pienamente plausibile l’ipotesi di una loro produzione locale, peraltro sicuramente evoluta per quanto riguarda la composizione degli impasti e le tecniche di fabbricazione e cottura. A ciò si aggiunge da un lato l’alto grado di omogeneità tipologica e per contro una serie di significative differenze (impasti, profili, tipi di cordonature ecc.) rispetto ai dolii noti da altre aree dell’Italia meridionale. Anche l’analisi della composizione degli impasti, che per alcune componenti risulta simile nella ceramica figulina e nei vasi a chamotte (Telleschi, 2000; Di Fraia e Telleschi, 2003), corrisponde bene a ciò che si attende da una produzione locale. Infine le grandi dimensioni e il peso suggeriscono che tali manufatti non erano destinati al trasporto di derrate, bensì ad un’installazione fissa. Dunque i dolii erano prodotti in loco per il deposito di notevoli quantità di derrate liquide destinate a un nuovo tipo di domanda economica, giacché fino al BF in Abruzzo tali contenitori non sono affatto documentati. Ciò implica che, nell’ambito di insediamenti di dimensioni e caratteristiche molto inferiori rispetto ai centri protourbani minoico-micenei, si era comunque sviluppata una produzione specializzata di grande rilievo economico; molti indizi convergenti confermano che i suddetti contenitori erano destinati ad un’installazione fissa per l’immagazzinamento e la conservazione dell’olio d’oliva (Di Fraia, 2000). La consistente presenza di dolii in comunità di villaggio medio-grandi è particolarmente significativa; infatti in tali società non è verosimile una produzione destinata soltanto o prevalentemente a una élite, né un immagazzinamento gestito esclusivamente dai ceti dominanti, come invece avveniva nel mondo miceneo. In secondo luogo la distribuzione dei reperti nei siti che hanno restituito un gran numero di dolii, soprattutto Archi e Broglio di Trebisacce (Peroni e Trucco, 1994), attesta una presenza diffusa all’interno della comunità, in quanto i resti di dolii non risultano concentrati in una sola area; ad Archi essi erano presenti in tutte le aree esplorate, corrispondenti ad almeno tre tipologie strutturali (fossato, area di frequentazione, probabili abitazioni), e anche a Broglio di Trebisacce resti di dolii, oltre che nella abitazione DN, sono stati ritrovati in molti altri settori. In questo scenario si può ipotizzare che alcuni vasi in ceramica figulina dipinta protogeo-

metrica, di capacità limitata (verosimilmente non oltre i 10 litri, come molti vasi a staffa micenei), fossero destinati, oltre che agli usi domestici, anche alla circolazione e al commercio dell’olio o di particolari prodotti a base di olio (balsami, profumi). E’ molto probabile che in ambito mediterraneo per un periodo abbastanza lungo l’olio abbia costituito soprattutto un consumo di élites economico-politiche o religiose; e sappiamo che nella seconda metà del 2° millennio a.C. in varie aree del Mediterraneo è senz’altro aumentato il numero delle comunità guidate da gruppi dominanti, accrescendo di conseguenza la richiesta di beni di prestigio o di lusso, tra cui anche alcuni prodotti a base di olio. Vari autori hanno sostenuto che nella protostoria l’olio potesse essere utilizzato per l’illuminazione. In realtà non è lecito proiettare indietro nel tempo situazioni e comportamenti noti in epoca storica, ma proprio per questo da valutare in stretta correlazione con contesti specificamente storici: produzione “industriale” di olio, relativamente grande consumo e talora spreco, con conseguente possibilità di riciclaggio dell’olio irrancidito (“lampante”) o di quello già utilizzato per cotture ecc. Ciò che rende improbabile l’uso per illuminazione è soprattutto il costo dell’olio derivato dalla spremitura di olive coltivate. Del resto un recente studio (Evershed et al., 1997) ha dimostrato che una serie di lampade rinvenute nel sito cretese di Mochlos, appartenente al Tardo Minoico I (circa 1600-1450 a.C.) erano state alimentate con cera d’api, un prodotto molto importante e diffuso nelle antiche società mediterranee. Recentemente a Pyrgos Mavroraki, nell’isola di Cipro, è stato scoperto un complesso industriale, datato intorno al 1900-1850 a.C., in cui agli impianti di produzione di olio sono associati, oltre ai laboratori per la produzione di profumi e farmaci, anche forni per la fusione del rame. 1 La direttrice degli scavi, Maria Rosaria Belgiorno, e altri ricercatori hanno pensato che il combustibile, o meglio uno dei combustibili, per tali forni dovesse essere proprio l’olio d’oliva. A conferma di questa tesi ci sarebbe il fatto che sia i forni, sia i laboratori per la lavorazione del rame sono impregnati d’olio; inoltre i depositi di olio, con dolii della capacità di 500 litri, sono stati giudicati eccessivi per la sola produzione di balsami e profumi, cioè la principale utilizzazione dell’olio finora riconosciuta per quell’epoca; altro indizio, in negativo, sarebbe l’assenza di resti di carbone di legna. In verità tale interpretazione sembra debole per più ragioni. Anzitutto non si vede perché, se il combustibile doveva essere l’olio contenuto nelle olive, non si potessero bruciare le olive intere, senza bisogno di spremerle. E’ vero che l’esistenza di frantoi e di grandi dolii dimostra che a Pyrgos veniva franta una grande quantità di olive; tuttavia si potrebbe sempre ipotizzare che una parte di esse (ad es. quelle scartate) potesse essere direttamente bruciata per alimentare i forni. Se poi si vuole sostenere che un combustibile liquido poteva essere 1

Le notizie su Pyrgos sono state attinte on line dai siti: www.pyrgosmavroraki. net, www.ciproatrevi.it

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più funzionale in alcune fasi della fusione dei metalli, bisogna comunque prevedere la possibilità che venissero utilizzati altri tipi di olio più economici, come quelli di lino e di lentischio (Di Fraia, 1996b). In realtà io credo che l’olio d’oliva fosse destinato proprio alla preparazione di prodotti di particolare pregio e di alto valore di scambio, come appunto balsami, profumi e farmaci; quanto alla possibilità di smercio di tali prodotti in grande quantità, dobbiamo dire che essa è inversamente proporzionale al numero di centri di produzione, che in quell’epoca non dovevano essere molti. Se poi consideriamo che Cipro era uno dei centri propulsori per la produzione e la diffusione del rame nel Mediterraneo, possiamo ritenere molto verosimile che l’esportazione di olio ne costituisse un’ottima implementazione e che l’olio potesse viaggiare insieme al rame (e forse, come vedremo più avanti, a tessuti pregiati), usufruendo della stessa ampia rete distributiva. Ma la cosa più importante e più ovvia – che pure è stata presa in considerazione dalla dott. Belgiorno, ma non mi risulta che sia stata ulteriormente sviluppata – è che il combustibile fosse proprio costituito dai residui derivati dalla frangitura delle olive, cioè la sansa e la morchia. Ancora oggi esistono industrie specializzate nella raccolta e lavorazione della sansa, i cui residui solidi sono ancora utilizzati come combustibile; a livello etnografico, in Italia tale uso è ben conosciuto ad esempio per l’alimentazione dei forni dei vasai, o per cuocere le rocce calcaree al fine di ricavarne calce viva. Il fatto che non siano stati trovati resti di carbone è spiegabile con il fatto che la sansa, essendo una pasta finemente triturata, brucia integralmente trasformandosi in cenere che periodicamente sarà stata rimossa dai fonditori, come si fa ancora oggi per qualsiasi forno o caminetto.

metrici e ponderali), ha fornito un contributo importante per la conoscenza della tecnologia della filatura e tessitura nella protostoria recente (Mistretta, 2004; Mistretta, in corso di stampa). La produzione dei filati doveva costituire un’attività di grande rilevanza, giacché il numero di fuseruole è davvero cospicuo (88); inoltre esse provengono tutte da aree connesse all’abitato e quindi devono aver avuto una precisa funzione economica, a differenza di quelle ritrovate in altri siti in contesti funerari, in cui può prevalere il valore simbolico e pertanto materiali e forme possono discostarsi dalle esigenze funzionali. L’analisi funzionale delle fuseruole di Archi, basata essenzialmente sull’osservazione e comparazione delle misure e del peso, integrate dall’applicazione del momento d’inerzia, ha permesso di dimostrare che la quasi totalità degli esemplari era destinata alla produzione di fili davvero sottili. Solo una fuseruola si discosta nettamente dalle altre per diametro e peso nettamente superiori; tale esemplare, pur isolato, è rivelatore di una produzione differenziata: esso poteva essere adoperato per realizzare fili più spessi oppure per accorpare più fili sottili torcendoli insieme. Appare comunque poco verosimile che la produzione fosse quasi interamente finalizzata alla realizzazione di fili sottili o sottilissimi. La mancanza di altre fuseruole grandi potrebbe essere dovuta alla deperibilità del materiale di fabbricazione; fuseruole di legno sono attestate in alcuni siti italiani dell’età del bronzo e presentano sempre un diametro maggiore rispetto alle fuseruole di Archi. Se teniamo conto del peso specifico del materiale, appare evidente che la realizzazione di fuseruole in legno permette di aumentare il diametro senza appesantire troppo l’oggetto; è dunque possibile che per le fuseruole più grandi si utilizzasse tale materiale. L’ipotesi di un uso del fuso senza fuseruola sembra poco probabile, perché là dove ancora in tempi recenti si seguiva questo metodo (ad es. in Toscana nel XX sec.) le fuseruole non erano usate in nessun caso.

Teoricamente il notevole impegno lavorativo (impianto, innesto, potatura, sarchiatura, raccolto, frangitura, immagazzinamento) e l’investimento iniziale (immobilizzazione di ricchezza per gli anni necessari perché gli olivi comincino a produrre) richiesti dall’olivicoltura possono essere giustificati da una forte domanda del mercato e/o da una serie di vantaggi per gli stessi produttori, forse soprattutto in campo alimentare (Di Fraia, 1996b); le due ipotesi peraltro non sono necessariamente alternative, anzi è verosimile una loro integrazione. La diffusione dell’olivicoltura e della produzione di olio postula dunque un quadro economico generale piuttosto progredito, una rete di scambi e una significativa circolazione della ricchezza (come del resto è successo anche in altri periodi storici). Occorre inoltre ricordare che l’olio entrava anche in alcuni processi produttivi, come la filatura e la tessitura, che ad Archi costituivano il secondo importante settore economico.

Comunque la produzione di fili sottili sembra confermata dall’alto numero (114) di pesi da telaio molto piccoli e leggeri; confrontati con esemplari provenienti da altri siti per cui disponiamo dei valori ponderali, i pesi di Archi si attestano su livelli nettamente inferiori (50-80 grammi). Il diametro di perforazione dei pesi, compreso fra 2 e 4 mm, suggerisce che essi fossero utilizzati tramite un anello di spago inserito nel foro a cui veniva legato l’ordito, ma, dato che il loro esiguo peso può mantenere in perfetta tensione solo pochi fili e d’altronde i pesi non potevano ammucchiarsi più di tanto, essi erano adatti soprattutto per fili sottili e leggeri e quindi per produrre tessuti delicati. I numerosi (121) rocchetti fittili piuttosto piccoli, non potendo contenere molto filo, forse solo raramente potevano servire da supporto per fili di trama ( ad es. nel caso di particolari e limitati disegni); è preferibile pertanto considerarli soprattutto, alla stregua delle attuali “spagnolette”, come accessori di due attività correlate alla tessitura: il cucito e il ricamo. La decorazione a ricamo di

FILATURA E TESSITURA Lo studio delle fuseruole, dei rocchetti e dei pesi da telaio in ceramica rinvenuti ad Archi (Di Fraia, 1996a; 2005b) attraverso l’esame di tutti i parametri (morfologici, 15

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particolari capi di vestiario o accessori poteva costituire un fattore di arricchimento e un segno di riconoscimento del prodotto o un modo per esprimere lo status sociale o l’appartenenza etnica. Le operazioni di cucito dovevano essere almeno altrettanto importanti, come testimoniano anche 9 aghi in bronzo e almeno 10 in osso rinvenuti ad Archi. La larghezza delle stoffe realizzate sui telai a pesi non è in genere sufficiente alla realizzazione di un intero capo di vestiario o di biancheria, e pertanto più pezze dovevano essere cucite insieme per aumentarne la larghezza, poi naturalmente doveva essere cucito il capo di abbigliamento. E’ inoltre documentato l’uso di guarnire gli indumenti con accessori di vario materiale (bronzo, ambra ecc.) cuciti sulla stoffa (Cataldi et al., in corso di stampa).

prima volta dunque, nel panorama della protostoria italiana, tali attività, solitamente confinate in ambito domestico sia per la produzione che per il consumo, sembrano assumere una particolare vitalità e un ruolo economico rilevante. Anche sul piano sociale potrebbero essersi prodotte novità importanti, poiché possiamo supporre che forse per la prima volta le donne siano state coinvolte come filatrici e tessitrici nell’organizzazione produttiva. IL MODELLO MICENEO Uno dei primi studi sull’economia micenea, dopo la decifrazione della scrittura lineare B, fu quello condotto da Killen (1964) sulla produzione tessile, a partire dall’allevamento degli ovini fino ai laboratori palaziali destinati alla filatura, tintura e tessitura. Mentre per la lana tutto il ciclo produttivo era controllato dall’amministrazione palaziale, il lino veniva ottenuto attraverso il prelievo fiscale, forse perché la produzione della fibra richiedeva una grande quantità di forza lavoro e la pianta, di per sé, non aveva certamente lo stesso valore economico degli ovini. Oggi sappiamo che a Cnosso si producevano tra le 45 e le 50 tonnellate di lana e nel territorio di Pilo circa 50 tonnellate di lino (Killen, 1984); i relativi tessuti dovevano essere di altissima qualità (Cultraro, 2006).

La mancanza o scarsità di rocchetti fittili in moltissimi siti archeologici in cui sono presenti sia fuseruole che pesi da telaio si può spiegare con l’amplissimo uso di rocchetti in materiale deperibile. I confronti etnografici supportano questa ipotesi: fino a qualche decennio fa in Abruzzo i rocchetti venivano fabbricati esclusivamente in canna o legno. Va anche precisato che i rocchetti in terracotta, di solito in numero esiguo nei siti d’abitato, sono più frequenti nei corredi funerari, il che, oltre a rendere ancora più interessanti i ritrovamenti di Archi, lascia supporre che la scelta della terracotta non fosse casuale, bensì esprimesse anche la volontà di valorizzare e personalizzare oggetti di uso altrimenti molto comune.

Successivamente, sulla base sia di tavolette in lineare B che di vari reperti archeologici (soprattutto contenitori, come i dolii e i vasi a staffa) è stata messa in luce l’importanza della produzione olearia. Si tratta di un’attività che sfruttava al meglio le caratteristiche dell’ambiente mediterraneo, piuttosto arido; infatti l’organizzazione palaziale da una parte valorizzava al massimo l’agricoltura a secco specializzata, anche grazie all’utilizzo di manodopera sotto forma di corvées, dall’altra la gestione dell’intero ciclo produttivo, anche attraverso personale specializzato, garantiva la massima efficienza economica.

Purtroppo la mancanza di resti di tessuti o di fibre tessili, non permette di affermare con certezza quali fibre fossero adoperate e quali tessuti realizzati. L’ipotesi più probabile vede l’utilizzo, distinto o anche integrato, di lino e lana, giacché esse sono le due uniche fibre attestate nell’Italia protostorica. Il lino in particolare sembrerebbe la fibra più accreditata per il tipo di filatura e di tessitura attestate ad Archi, giacché le sue proprietà fisiche lo rendono particolarmente adatto alla realizzazione di fili di ridottissimo spessore e dunque di stoffe molto leggere; inoltre il lino è stato coltivato in Val di Sangro fino alla metà del XX secolo. Tuttavia anche l’allevamento di ovini in Abruzzo è stata un’importantissima attività fin dalla preistoria e sappiamo che anche dalla lana potevano essere ottenuti tessuti particolarmente raffinati (Brusadin Laplace, Patrizi Montoro, 1982; Masurel, 1982). I recenti ritrovamenti a Pyrgos Mavroraki (v. nota 1) di fibre tessili ricavate dalle larve del lepidottero Tortrix viridens, endemico dell’Egeo su querce e pini, aprono nuove prospettive anche sulla produzione della seta nel mondo mediterraneo durante l’età del bronzo, ma ovviamente è troppo presto per prendere in considerazione questa suggestiva ipotesi nel caso di Archi.

Nel più ampio quadro delle dinamiche economiche nel mondo mediterraneo, sia per l’olivicoltura e la produzione di olio, sia per la filatura e la tessitura a livello specializzato, il modello miceneo potrebbe avere svolto inizialmente una funzione di stimolo e di traino, mentre il crollo della potenza egea potrebbe aver lasciato libero il campo per nuovi protagonisti economici, sia pure in ambiti più ristretti. In questo scenario la comunità di Archi, che non sembra aver avuto contatti diretti con i Micenei (soltanto due frammenti ceramici sono probabilmente di tipo miceneo: Di Fraia, 2005a, fig. 1: 2, 9 ), verosimilmente seguì l’esempio di altri gruppi che già da tempo, grazie a ripetuti contatti con maestranze egee, avevano acquisito nuove competenze tecnologiche (olivicoltura, produzione di dolii e di figulina dipinta), sfruttando al meglio le proprie risorse naturali e potenziando la capacità produttiva in settori economici già esistenti (filati e tessuti in lana e lino). La filatura e la

L’elevato numero di pesi da telaio sembra suggerire che ad Archi diverse famiglie fossero dotate di un proprio telaio, sia per la produzione domestica che per eventuali scambi, ma non è da scartare l’ipotesi che si fossero costituiti dei veri laboratori di tessitura, finalizzati alla produzione di stoffe commerciabili con altri siti. Per la 16

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tessitura rispetto ad altre attività offrivano una serie di vantaggi: 1) esisteva già una divisione del lavoro e conseguente specializzazione, nel senso che le donne esercitavano già tali attività a livello familiare; per una leadership politico-economica lungimirante, probabilmente sarà stato sufficiente razionalizzare, riorganizzare e coordinare le varie competenze professionali, dall’allevamento degli ovini, alla coltivazione del lino, a tutte le fasi successive del processo produttivo, magari anche selezionando le persone tecnicamente più dotate e favorendo così un processo di specializzazione; 2) esisteva un’adeguata disponibilità di materia prima (lana e lino), che, a differenza ad es. dei metalli, non doveva essere importata; 3) il prodotto rispondeva ad una domanda diffusa e costante e poteva contare anche su “mercati esterni” alla comunità; 4) per avviare tali attività non occorrevano grandi “capitali”, come invece in una certa misura era necessario per l’olivicoltura. Tutti questi fattori possono quindi spiegare questa opzione economica e il suo conseguente successo.

EVERSHED, R.P., VAUGHAN, S.J, DUDD, S.N., SOLES, J.S., (1997) – Fuel for thought? Beeswax in lams and conical cups from Late Minoan Crete. Antiquity, 71, p. 979-985.

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DI FRAIA, T. (1998) – Oil production and olive cultivation in Prehistory: acquired data and open questions. In Cresta M. e Teti V. (a cura di) – Proceedings of the International Congress The Road of Food Habits in the Mediterranean Area, Napoli, 2630 maggio 1997, Rivista di Antropologia, Suppl. Vol. 76, p. 69-72.

PERONI, R., TRUCCO, F. (a cura di) (1994) – Enotri e Micenei nella Sibaritide. Taranto: Istituto per la storia e l’archeologia della Magna Grecia.

DI FRAIA, T. (2000) – I dolii di Archi e il problema dei grandi contenitori per derrate nel Bronzo Finale. In Negroni Catacchio, N. (a cura di), p. 161-170.

TELLESCHI, T. (2000) – La produzione ceramica dell’abitato di Archi (Bronzo Finale). In Negroni Catacchio, N. (a cura di), p. 179-181.

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Session C22 GARDENERS FROM SOUTH AMERICA

LA PEINTURE SUR CERAMIQUE TUPIGUARANI: EXPRESSION DES VALEURS REGIONALES ET ETHIQUES DES HORTICULTEURS PREHISTORIQUES TARDIFS DU SUD ET DE L’EST BRESILIENS André PROUS Belo Horizonte. CNPq, Universidade Fédéral et Mission archéologique franco-brésilienne de Minas Gerais Abstract: Tupiguarani ceramists occupied most of the coastal range of Brazil and Rio de La Plata in the late Prehistoric period. They are probably in part the ancestors of historical Tupi and Guarani. Their women-made and decorated pottery expresses some collective values of the whole tupiguarani world. It seems that their paintings are related to myths and to the anthropophagic rituals described by the first Europeans that reach Brazil in the XVIth. But some stylistic differences show regional differences that may inform about politic and ethnic boarders. Keywords: Tupiguarani, Brazil, paintings, ceramic Résumé: Les porteurs de la céramique tupiguarani colonisèrent une bonne partie de la côte brésilienne et du bassin du Rio de La Plata au cours de la période préhistorique récente et sont en partie les ancêtres directs des Tupis et Guaranis historiques. Leur céramique, probablement produite et décorée par les femmes, exprime des valeurs communes à toute la communauté tupiguarani. Il semble que l’on trouve dans les thèmes peints des allusions à certains mythes fondateurs et à l’anthropophagie rituelle, décrite par les chroniqueurs portugais, allemands et français du XVIº siècle. D’autre part, des différences stylistiques montrent l’existence de frontières qui pourraient correspondre à des subdivisions politiques ou ethniques. Mots clés: Tupiguarani, Brésil, peintures, céramique

1960 (Chmyz et al. 1968; La Salvia e Brochado 1989). Les recherches s’attachèrent surtout à discuter la dispersion et les sociétés tupiguarani (Brochado 1984, Scatamacchia 1990).

INTRODUCTION Quand les européens arrivèrent sur les côtes du Brésil et au nord de l’Argentine au début du XVIº siècle, ils furent reçu par les tribus qui peuplaient le littoral et le bassin du Parana, depuis le Rio de La Plata au sud jusqu’au Maranhão, non loin des bouches de l’Amazone. La plupart de ces groupes parlaient des langues appartenant au tronc Tupi-guarani (les langues Guarani se trouvant au sud, les langues Tupi, au nord-est). Plusieurs chroniqueurs mentionnent la virtuosité des peintures faites par les femmes sur les vases en céramique, sans toutefois les décrire.

Quand, en 1999, notre équipe commença à étudier les sites tupiguarani de l’état de Minas Gerais, il fut possible de nous rendre compte de l’extraordinaire qualité des décors et nous décidâmes d’analyser les peintures dans l’ensemble des régions où l’on retrouvait cette sorte de céramique. Ce travail donna naissance à un projet collectif sur les populations qui produisirent la céramique tupiguarani, duquel participent une vingtaine de chercheurs brésiliens, uruguayens et argentins. Le résultat sera publié en trois volumes dans les prochains mois, pour lequel nous avons réalisé l’étude systématique des peintures. Cela nous a permis d’étudier près de 300 vases assez bien conservés, et d’analyser les dessins des fragments près d’un millier d’autres. Leur catalogue, élaboré en collaboration avec de nombreux collègues brésiliens, sera d’ailleurs publié dans l’ouvrage mentionné ci-dessus (Prous & Lima, sous presse).

A partir de 1968, les archéologues brésiliens du PRONAPA, (projet coordonné par B. Meggers et C. Evans) identifièrent comme “tupiguarani” (sans traitd’union, pour bien marquer qu’il s’agissait d’un concept archéologique et non pas linguistique) les sites du Brésil non amazonien dans lesquel on trouvait des céramiques décorées de peintures géométriques rouges ou noires sur fond blanc. En raison de l’état très fragmentaire des vestiges et du fait que les recherches de cette période privilégiaient la détermination de phases archéologiques à partir du comptage des types de tessons, il n’y eut pas d’étude des thèmes décoratifs, sinon au plan local (Schmitz 1959). Cette situation continua jusqu’à la fin du XXº siècle, malgré la publication de quelques notes sur des objets isolés; d’ailleurs, la finesse et la densité des traits décourage facilement la lecture des dessins. En fait, on s’intéressa davantage aux décors “plastiques” (ongulations imprimées dans la pâte fraiche et corrugations obtenues par pincement), dont les nombreuses variantes furent répertoriées dès les années

A LA DECOUVERTE D’UN CODE Les chercheurs du sud du Brésil (région traditionnellement occupée par les Guarani) avaient déjà vérifié l’existence de formes céramiques spécialisées, qui avaient été décrites par les Jésuites au XVIIº siècle. D’une manière générale, on trouve de grandes jarres pour garder les liquides, souvent réutilisées pour enterrer les morts; 21

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des marmites de forme parfois complexe; des vases pour boire le cauim (bière de manioc) et des bols. Plus au nord, dans la région historiquement occupée par les peuples de langue Tupi, on observe particulièrement de grands vases ouverts (presque absents des régions méridionales: ce sont des bassins de forme souvent quadrangulaire ou elliptique) et des marmites de formes distinctes de celles du sud. Les vases à cauim n’y apparaissent point, étant apparemment remplacés par des calebasses. Nous avons rapidement vérifié l’existence l’existence d’un lexique graphique et thématique bien defini, ainsi que l’existence de normes très strictes régissant la relation entre la forme des vases et leur décor, déterminant la couleur des élements du décor et l’organisation des éléments dans l’espace décoré (Prous, 2004; Prous, sous presse).

Fig. 3.1. Eléments de décor: lignes et points. Fragment de fond de bassin. Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, Universidade Federal de Bahia, Bahia. Nord-est du Brésil

Forme et décor

les unes des autres, provoquant volontairement un brouillage des figures. Pour guider la lecture et la reconnaissance des thèmes, les dessinatrices ont renforcé certaines lignes par des pastilles; des triangles marquent certains angles ou les points d’inflexion; de petits traits réunissent deux à deux les lignes parallèles qui contournent les figures, pour les distinguer des “remplissages” destinés à remplir les espaces. Très rarement, des digitations occupent des registres secondaires et peu visibles (fond ou intérieur des vases fermés).

Les marmites ne portent que des décors en relief. Pour un occidental, cela s’expliquerait par le fait que les dessins, si l’on en faisait, se couvriraient rapidement de suie; mais pour beaucoup d’indigènes (y compris pour les Assurini, un groupe tupi actuel), l’importance du décor est indépendante de sa visibilité. Il s’agit donc sans doute d’un choix qui n’est pas dicté seulement par la fonction. Les grands vases fermés portent un décor externe qui peut être plastique (ongulations, corrugations) ou peint. Dans ce dernier cas, il s’agit de frises d’éléments géométriques répétés au-dessus de l’épaulement; ces éléments sont composés de lignes droites, brisées ou de courbure constante. Les coupes à cauim sont exclusivement peintes, selon les mêmes principes. Les vases ouverts (bassins) portent un décor interne couvrant toute la surface interne disponible, mais leurs dessins sont plus complexes et formés de lignes généralement courbes, au tracé beaucoup plus libre.

Les thèmes comprennent surtout des ondes, des rectangles ouverts ou fermés, et quelques figures plus complexes combinant des lignes courbes et droites. L’un des plus fréquent évoque à première vue la forme d’un palmier, ou de deux palmiers placés tête-bêche. La disposition des éléments La peinture tupiguarani se caractérise par des dessins géométriques aux éléments de faibles dimensions qui remplissent totalement l’espace décoré, traduisant une véritable “horreur du vide”.

Les couleurs Le fond est presque toujours une couleur très claire (blanc, crème). Des bandes (toujours rouges) soulignent les lèvres et les reliefs des vases (épaulements, inflexions et renforts de bords). Les champs décoratifs principaux reçoivent des lignes peintes en rouge ou en noir, tandis que certains espaces sont rehaussés de points de couleur marron sombre ou noir (qui portent le même nom dans les langues Tupi et Guarani). Les jaunes (qui pouvaient être facilement obtenus) ne sont jamais employés, non plus que les bleus et les verts (regroupés sous une même dénomination dans les langues tupi-guarani). Très exceptionnellement, quelques vases fermés présentent de dessins blancs qui se détachent sur un fond rouge.

Alors que les vases fermés présentent une frise horizontale ou des modules alignés, les parties centrales des vases ouverts offrent plusieurs formules: − Décor sinueux amenant des formes “cérébrales”. Des faisceaux de lignes parallèles se replient sur ellesmêmes.

Les éléments graphiques et les thèmes (fig. 3.1)

− Décor formé par des alignements parallèles d’éléments répétés, interrompus par la fin du champ graphique (comme la vue que l’on a depuis une fenêtre, ou comme un papier peint, coupé aux limites de la pièce sans se préoccuper d’assurer l’intégrité des figures périphériques).

Les éléments graphiques sont des bandes, des lignes (épaisses d’une fraction de millimètre) et des points. Les lignes parallèles sont nombreuses et souvent très proches

− Décor par éléments concentrique; ceux-ci sont souvent disposés autour d’un cercle central, comme des pétales autour de la corolle d’une fleur. 22

A. PROUS: LA PEINTURE SUR CÉRAMIQUE TUPIGUARANI: EXPRESSION DES VALEURS RÉGIONALES ET ÉTHIQUES DES HORTICULTEURS…

Fig. 3.2. Décor structuré par une “armature”; Museu de Conceição dos Ouros, Minas Gerais. Calque de C. Jácome e L. Panachuk; dessin de M.E. Brito. Brésil centre-oriental avaient noté une prédominance des décors plastiques dans le sud et une plus grande fréquence des décors peints sur le littoral central e nord-est du Brésil, ce qui les amena a proposer de reconnaître deux sous-traditions. Mais dans la peinture même, de nombreuses autres différences renforcent l’opposition entre ces deux ensembles principaux, que nous proposons respectivement “prototupi” et “proto-guarani” (car la limite entre leurs vestiges respectifs correspond à la divisions géographique entre les tribus historiques parlant des langues tupi et guarani).

− Décor structuré par une ou plusieurs “armatures” formées par des lignes épaisses et renforcées, desquelles se projettent des éléments triangulaires ou en forme de crosse. (Fig. 3.2). Rares sont les vases qui présentent des formules originales, par exemple une structure compartimentée, rayonnante ou labyrinthique. Les bords reçoivent quant à eux des frises d’éléments simples linéaires; le plus souvent, ce sont des triangles, des hachures, des bâtonnets parallèles ou des ondes.

Tout d’abord, rappelons les différences déjà mentionnées dans la forme de certains vases; mais également dans leurs dimensions: pas de vases à boire le cauim dans le nord, ni de vases quadrangulaires ou ovales dans le sud, où les jarres atteignent de plus grandes dimensions.

LES VARIATIONS REGIONALES Malgré la présence de formules générales semblables, les céramiques de chaque région présentent des différences de détail très significatives. Dès 1968, les archéologues

D’autre part, le sud diffère du nord par la rareté de l’utilisation de la couleur sombre (noir -marron sombre), 23

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par l’étroitesse des bandes rouges et de renforts de bord, par l’épaisseur plus grande des lignes. Surtout, les décors méridionaux forment exclusivement des frises rigides, provoquant une impression de monotonie (Fig. 3.3). La décoration des bords est surtout formée par des ondes ou des triangles, voire par des hachures. Les caractères opposés se remarquent dans toute la zone littoral plus nordique, où la variété des formules d’agencement et des thèmes est beaucoup plus grande, ainsi que la délicatesse du trait dans les vases de grande qualité. Les bords sont décorés de bâtonnets parallèles, éventuellement barrés. Dans chacune de ces deux grandes régions on trouve des variantes et des particularités locales; par exemple la peinture rouge appliquée à la partie inférieure des urnes dans le Paraná; le motif de “pinces” dans l’état de São Paulo; le dédoublement des bords decorés de doubles bâtonnets dans le nord-est, ou le remplacement de la bande rouge par des traits parallèles dans l’état de Sergipe, etc.

de certains blocs culturels au cours du dernier millénaire avant l’arrivée des Européens. Cela contrarie d’ailleurs l’idée dominante selon laquelle les populations tupiguarani auraient été depuis toujours extrêmement mobiles. Cette opinion se fonde sur les migrations historiques, souvent justifiées par des raisons messianiques (recherche par les Guarani de la mythique Terre sans Mal), lesquelles sont peut-être en grande partie dues au choc des maladies et de l’évangélisation qui suivirent l’arrivée des Européens. Les migrations peuvent avoir été moins importantes au cours de la préhistoire, même si les traits communs entre les céramiques prototupi et proto-guarani nous obligent à penser à l’existence de relations sur de grandes distances entre les différents groupes tupiguarani. LA RECHERCHE DU SENS DES DECORS Le corps et la société Nous avons déjà remarqué qu’à première vue, certaines surfaces céramiques peintes – surtout celles des vases ouverts de la région proto-tupi – sont de lecture difficile. L’oeil se perd dans les innombrables lignes paralèles, comme quand on tente de lire la structure d’une toile d’araignée. Cet effet déroutant est évidemment conscient, et traduit sans doute une volonté d’obliger le “lecteur” à l’effort, peut-être pour pénétrer un sens aussi caché que le tracé qui l’exprime. Les peintres ont cependant placé des éléments discrets pour guider la lecture; ce sont des petits traits pleins ou pointillés, des renforts au point d’inflexion; ils servent d’éléments de liaison entre les lignes qui doivent être appareillées. On finit donc par découvrir la structure, finalement assez simple, sousjacente au chaos apparent.

Fig. 3.3. Décor géométrique formant frise. Vase à boire le cauim, région méridionale. MARSUL-Museu Arqueológico do Rio Grande do Sul, Taquará

Après la reconnaissance des structures générale et des thèmes géométriques, on peut tenter d’approcher le sens de certains éléments. Notre “pierre de Rosette” fut un vase dont le décor, formé par l’alternance d’éléments rectangulaires et triangulaires nous avait paru non figuratif lors d’une première visite au Musée Câmara Cascudo de Natal, il y a une vingtaine d’années. Quand nous commençâmes nos recherches systématiques, il nous parût évident qu’il représentait des visages humains. Rapidement, nous rencontrâmes, tout au long du littoral nord-oriental du Brésil, d’autres céramiques qui pouvaient être interprétées de la même façon (Fig. 3.4). Nous avons reconnu non seulement des visages, mais des corps schématisés, avec leurs quatre membres; la plupart se trouvent sur les vases à décor structuré,- que nous avions appelé initialement, en raison de quelque prémonition composition “à structure squelettique”. Cette interprétation fut renforcée quand nous réussimes à lire le dessin très effacé d’un corps dont on voyait la colonne vertébrale clairement représentée (Fig. 3.5).

Nous proposerons probablement bientôt d’autres grandes subdivisions régionales, à partir du catalogue des peintures dont nous terminons la préparation: en Amazonie orientale – où des sites tupiguarani commencent à peine à être découverts et étudiés, et dans le centre-ouest du Brésil (intérieur dês états de Minas Gerais et de Goiás), où les sites tupiguarani, peu nombreux, sont eux aussi encore peu connus. Il est évidement risqué de se fonder sur les divers degrés de ressemblance entre les peintures tupiguarani pour tracer des “frontières” entre différentes ethnies préhistoriques. Rappelons cependant que la limite stylistique entre les territoire proto-tupi et proto-guarani (frontière politique qui, aujourd’hui encore, sépare les états du Paraná e de São Paulo) correspond presque exactement à celle que l’on trouve entre les deux grands blocs linguistiques Tupi et Guarani depuis le XVIº siècle. Dans ce sens, l’archéologie vient suggérer une grande stabilité

Nos impressions initiales, qui nous avaient amené à parler de “dessins entéromorphes” ou “cérébraux” pour décrire 24

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Fig. 3.4. Figure humaine. Fragment de fond de bassin. Laboratório de Arqueologia da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, Natal. Nord-est du Brésil des lignes doubles divagantes alors que nous ne pensions pas encore qu’il s’agissait de dessins figuratives prirent alors un autre sens. Il nous parait maintenant certain que de nombreux dessins sont en fait des repésentations corporelles: forme en “palmier”, en “pince”, etc. D’autres pourraient représenter des organes (cerveau, intestins, voire les rins). Il est intéressant de noter qu’un dessin publié au XVIº siècle pour illustrer le livre de Hans Staden montre un plat Tupinamba rempli par les intestins d’un sacrifié; l’image ressemble precisément à certaines formes peintes des récipients archéologiques. Ces plats étaient probablement utilisés au cours de la vie quotidienne pour recueillir et préparer la farine de manioc (T. Andrade Lima, dans l’ouvrage sous presse édité par Prous & Lima, a récemment étudié les marques

d’utilisation visibles dans ces objets); mais ils accompagnent souvent les structures funéraires (Buarque 1999) et l’illustration de Staden montre leur présence au cours des rites de cannibalisme nécessaires au maintien de la société Tupi au XVIº siècle. La réutilisation pour les rituels de vases dont le décor était déjà abimés par um usage travail quotidien explique sans doute pourquoi ces vases ont été parfois repeints. Rien de plus normal que, destinés à accompagner finalement les morts, ils aient représenté les corps des membres de la tribu, destinés à être eux-mêmes l’objet d’une cannibalisation à leur arrivée dans le monde des morts. Procédé par lequel, selon Viveiros de Castro, se résolvait pour les Tupi et les Guarani l’opposition entre le 25

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Fig. 3.5. Représentation d’um corps humain; fond de bassin, Museu de História Natural da Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte. Calque L. Panachuk; dessin de M.E. Brito. Brésil centre-oriental Moi et l’Autre, seule voie possible d’intégration totale à une société –que ce fut celles de vivants ou celle des morts.

auraient soutenu la terre primordiale. Les exemples cités par cette archéologue étaient cependant trop peu nombreux, et la forme des dessins peu évocatrice. Nous avons trouvé d’autres vases de l’état de Rio Grande do Sul qui semblent cependant renforcer cette hypothèse, en associant la croix et des éléments serpentiformes (le serpent est le premier être qui pollue la terre primordiale, et est un élément essentiel dans la décoration guarani actuelle). On peut objecter que la croix et le serpent démoniaque sont des éléments chrétiens, mais il n’en reste pas moins que les prophètes Guarani ont su garder leurs distances avec la doctrine chrétienne et que les éléments graphiques sont bien présents sur les vases archéologiques, même si l’on ne peut affirmer qu’ils se réfèrent aux mêmes mythes historiques. (Fig. 3.6).

La dissolution du dessin en lignes apparemment desconnectées avant sa restructuration par un effort pénible, de même que le corps du sacrifié ou du mort est écartelé avant de se recomposer dans la gloire, telle pourrait être la leçon proposée par les peintures du littoral brésilien entre les états de São Paulo et du Maranhão. Une évocation des mythes? Dans la région tupiguarani méridionale, on ne reconnait pas les éléments anthropomorphes qui décorent les grands plat proto-tupi. Les frises, très géométriques, défient encore l’interprétation. Dans une tentative pionnière, notre collègue F. Tochetto (Tochetto, 1996) avait cependant proposé d’identifier un des principaux motifs néridionaux, en forme de croix, à la lumière des mythes guarani modernes. Il s’agirait des deux bâtons qui

Il n’est pas exclu que des éléments végétaux aient été également représentés: le thème em forme de palmier, bien sûr, mais aussi les décors de structure concentriques ou radiale, ou l’on est tenté de voir une corolle entourant le centre d’une fleur. 26

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finesse des traits, la multiplication des faisceaux de lignes parallèles et sinueuses, la précision des alignements. Les décors plastiques, par contre, sont peu soignés et peu profonds, n’accrochant guère la lumière ou les ombres. Il paraît donc que l’orgueil des potières du sud était de produire de beaux vases, alors que celui des femmes du nord était de présenter de belles peintures. Cette opposition de valeurs nous paraît se traduire également par l’existence de nombreux jouets et de vases montrant l’apprentissage ds jeunes filles. Dans le sud du Brésil, on a trouvé un très grand nombre de modèles réduits de marmites, souvent de forme complexe et décorées de corrugations et d’ongulations: la seule collection du Musée de Taquara doit en comporter une centaine. Ces vases en miniature sont très rares dans la région proto-tupi, où l’on dispose par contre des récipients de dimensions normales, mais qui paraîssent avoir servi à l’entrainement des peintres. Un modèle est tracé d’une main ferme, reproduit par une autre, hésitante et mahabile. Cela peut s’observer sur des vases de forme irrégulière, faits sans soin, certainement pour cet usage; ou bien sur des vases soignés, dont on a laissé le champ secondaire (le décor du bord) partiellement aux soins d’une ou de plusieurs débutantes. Ou bien encore, un croquis rapide proposait un cadre de lignes fermes, au milieu desquelles la nouvelle dessinatrice plaçait, de forme malhabile, des points de remplissage. Il s’agit là de l’équivalent de nos cahiers scolaires, où voisinent la main de la maîtresse et celle de l’apprenti. Ce qui n’empêche pas que deux femmes différentes mais toutes deux déjá habiles, aient pu travailler au même dessin, comme semble le sugérer les deux variantes d’un même dessin, chacune occupant la moitié de la surface décorée (vase nº 1 de notre catalogue).

Fig. 3.6. Décor de croix et de serpents, MARSUL. Rio Grande do Sul. Région méridionale (les photographies sont de l’auteur) Nous espérons que ces premières observations ouvrent la voie à une approche directe de la pensé tupiguarani, qu’on était loin de croire possible il y a seulement cinq ans. LA TRANSMISSION DES SAVOIR-FAIRE A l’époque historique, la fabrication et la décoration de la poterie est un travail exclusivement féminin dans la plupart des sociétés indigènes. Il est évidemment difficile de démontrer que c’était le cas au cours de la préhistoire tardive, mais cela paraît probable. L’étude des peintures et des pots nous permettrait ainsi d’approcher le monde féminin, dont les chroniqueurs français, allemands ou portugais, tous des hommes, n’ont guère parlé. Tous leurs récits privilégient les techniques de guerre et de pêche et les sociétés tupinamba, tupiniquim ou carijó apparaissent avant tout comme des mondes masculins dont la vie entière tourne autour de la capture de guerriers destinés au suplice. C’est la vision qu’ils ont léguée à la postérité.

CONCLUSION

Il est bien évident que, parmi les centaines de vases observés, on note des différences dans la qualité des formes et des dessins.

L’étude des vases que nous ont laissés les tupiguarani nous permet de dépasser l’image que nous avons d’eux à partir de textes sur leurs descendants probables, Tupi et Guarani historiques. On connaissait déjà les guerriers anthropophages qui se réalisaient dans la capture du prisonnier. On peut maintenant pressentir un monde des femmes, pour lesquelles la production et la décoration de la céramique permettaient non seulement de pourvoir aux nécessités quotidiennes, mais de participer à la préparation des rituels de mort sacrificielle sur laquelle reposaitr la société.

Tout d’abord, la virtuosité des femmes proto-guarani (meridionales) paraît s’exercer principalement dans l’élaboration de vases aux formes parfaites et parfois complexes, y compris d’urnes de dimensions gigantesques. Dans leur peinture, elles choisissent souvent des thèmes assez simples, et les traits peints sont relativement épais; la recherche d’un effet général harmonieux parait plus important que le rendu des détails. Quant aux décors dits “plastiques”, ils sont extrêment soignés; créant des jeux d’ombre et de lumière, ils donnent un grand relief aux volumes.

Il est encore trop tôt pour savoir si l’art de la peinture sur céramique a évalué au long du millénaire d’existence de la culture Tupiguarani, car on dispose de trop peu de fouilles systématiques et de datations pour situer les figures peintes dans le temps. Par contre, on commence à distinguer des provinces stylistiques qu’il est tentant d’associer à des différences ethniques ou politiques. L’intrusion d’un ensemble stylistique de type proto-tupi

On note l’inverse dans la région proto-tupi, où la forme des grands récipients est souvent un peu irrégulière et où l’on n’a pas cherché à montrer une habileté spéciale par la fabrication de vases de très grandes dimensions. Par contre, la recherche de la virtuosité s’exprime dans la 27

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au milieu dans le domaine géographique et stylistique proto-guarani, comme on peut l’observer dans l’ouest de l’état de Santa Catarina, pourraient refléter des mouvements de population difficilement repérables sans l’étude des décors. Il se pourrait d’ailleurs que quelques survivants des dernier Tupinambas, arrivés à la zone équatoriale du Maranhão au XVII° siècles, se soient rendu dans les Guyanes. En effet, S. Rostain (commmunication person-nelle; voir aussi: Colomb 2003) nous a signalé l’extra-ordinaire ressemblance entre les dessins Tupiguarani du centre et du nord-est brésilien qui apparaissent au XVIII° siècle sur les céramiques Galibi (Kal’ina) de Guyane française et du Suriname.

References bibliographiques BROCHADO J.P. (1984) – An ecological model of the spread of pottery and agriculture into eastern South America. Urbana-Champagne: Univ.of Illinois. Thèse. BUARQUE, A. (1999) – A cultura Tupinamba no estado de Rio de Janeiro. In: Tenório, M.C. ed., Arqueologia da Terra Brasilis. Rio de Janeiro: Editora da UFRJ, p. 306-320. CHMYZ, I. (et al.) (1968) – Terminologia brasileira para a cerâmica. Curitiba: CEPA. 8 p. COLOMB, G. (2003) – Réflexion sur une “style ethnique”: la céramique kali’na du littoral oriental des Guyanes” Journal de la Société des Américanistes, Paris. 89-1, p. 129-160.

Notons qu’il faut encore faire avec les décors em relief le même type de travail que nous avons tenté pour les peintures. Des thèmes précis peuvent se cacher derrière leur apparente simplicité (ce que suggèrent d’ailleurs certaines expressions recueillies par les Jésuites au XVIIº siècle). C’est le cas des corrugations, qui pourraient correspondre à l’évocation d’um cuir de caïman; la reconstitution de certains vases ongulés montre que leurs marques virgulées s’alignent pour former des volutes ou des triangles. Les archéologues, occupés jusqu’à il y a peu à compter les tessons sans se préoccuper des ensembles décorées, n’ont pas encore étudié ces dessins.

LA SALVIA, F. & BROCHADO, J.P. (1989) – Cerâmica Guarani. PortoAlegre: Posenato Arte e Cultura, 2a ed. LERY, J. de (1972) – Viagem à Terra do Brasil. São Paulo: Martins/EdUSP. Traduction de l’original français de 1578. PROUS, A. (2004) – Du Brésil à l’Argentine, La céramique Tupiguarani. Archeologia. Dijon. 408, p. 52-65. PROUS, A. (sous presse) – A pintura em cerâmica Tupiguarani. In: Prous, A. & Lima, T. A. (eds.), Os ceramistas Tupiguarani. Xapeco: CEOM. vol. 2.

Le premier contact des indiens Tupi avec les européens a été marqué par de fortes influences mutuelle; les indigènes ont fort apprécié les ceramiques eutopéennes, dont il se sont arfois inspiré, en sélectionnant les éléments qui pouvaient entrer dans leur code: bandes rouges de renfort, motifs de lignes courbes comme les rinceaux – motifs végétaux réinterprétés par les indigènes selon leurs habitudes graphiques traditionnelles. Le plus bel exemple de cette rencontre entre deux styles est sans doute un plat à motif végétal découvert par notre collègue M.C. Scatamacchia près d’Ubatuba.

PROUS, A. & LIMA, T. A coords. (sous presse) – Os ceramistas Tupiguarani Chapecó: CEOM. 3 vol. SCATAMACCHIA, M.C. (1990) – Tradição Policroma no leste da América do Sul evidenciada pela ocupação Guarani e Tupinamba: fontes arqueológicas e etnohistóricas. São Paulo, USP, Thèse. SCHMITZ, P.I. (1959) – A cerâmica Guarani da Ilha de Santa Catarina. Pesquisas, Antropologia. São Leopoldo: 3, p. 267-324. STADEN, H. (1968) – Viagem ao Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Ediouro. Traduction em portugais de l’édition originale en allemand, de 1556.

Si les maladies européennes et les guerres coloniales n’avaient pas détruit rapidement la dynamique société Tupinamba, on aurait sans doute vu se développer au Brésil (la terre du bois de Braise) une synthèse sylistique originale, par laquelle les femmes indigènes auraient “cannibalisé” les thèmes européens, assimilés au travers des canons graphiques tupiguarani.

TOCHETTO, F.B. (1996) – Possibilidade de interpretação do conteúdo simbólico da arte gráfica Guarani. Estudos Ibero Americanos. Porto Alegre. 22 – 1, p. 27-45.

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OS HORTICULTORES GUARANIS: PROBLEMÁTICAS, PERSPECTIVAS E MODELOS André Luis R. SOARES1 Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil Abstract: The Archeology of the agriculture groups – ancestors of the Guarani language speaking people – is a subject open to discussion. Even if we take the traditional approach, there is no consensus on the denomination of Tradition Tupiguarani or Guarani Subtradition. Archaeological practice remains, in most cases, restricted to the opening of small surveys. Through excavations of an archaeological site, we try to discuss the use of the space, and to analyze into the site the chronology of occupation and an estimate of demography. Although it is the analysis of a residence and its area of discards, it enables us to gather many answers and also some questions about these groups. Key-words: Archaeology, Guarani, archaeological theory, theoretical models Resumo: A Arqueologia dos grupos horticultores, antepassados dos falantes da língua Guarani, é tema aberto a discussões. Mesmo dentro da abordagem tradicional não existe consenso sobre a denominação de Tradição Tupiguarani ou Subtradição Guarani. A prática arqueológica permanece, na maioria das vezes, na abertura de pequenas sondagens. Buscamos, através da escavação de um sítio arqueológico, discutir o uso do espaço, uma análise intra-sítio, a cronologia de ocupação e uma proposta de demografia. Embora seja a análise de uma habitação e de sua área de descarte, possibilita muitas respostas e indagações sobre estes grupos. Palavras-Chave: Arqueologia, Guaranis, teoria arqueológica, modelos teóricos

A arqueologia dos grupos falantes das línguas TupiGuarani realizou avanços no final do século XX e começo do século XXI. O histórico das pesquisas e grandes sínteses podem ser vistos em Brochado (1984) e Prous (1992). A ocupação dos grupos guaranis mereceu várias abordagens para a reflexão: a origem dos grupos Guaranis, a forma de ocupação e os modelos propostos para a colonização das terras baixas da América do Sul. Neste trabalho realizaremos algumas reflexões sobre o desenvolvimento da arqueologia Guarani no Brasil Meridional. 1

influências, migração e difusão das culturas (Noelli, 1993:37) através do método Ford (1962). Essas cronologias estavam organizadas em conjuntos artificiais denominados fases e tradições. Além disso, tratava-se a América como exemplo das ‘altas culturas’, cuja porção da cultura material analisável no sítio era a cerâmica. Somada a esta limitação, o método Ford teorizava sobre análises como ocupação do sítio diacronicamente, através da estratigrafia nos sítios e a distribuição espacial das tradições, o que não era seguido pelo Pronapa.

No registro arqueológico o elemento que caracteriza a cultura Guarani enquanto etnicidade é a cerâmica, e esta pouco se altera ao longo de 1.500 anos, desde as datas radiocarbônicas mais antigas (±100/200 d.C.) até o contato com os jesuítas (séc. XVII). Desta forma, a cultura Guarani, ao invés de ser tomada como determinante, é determinada por uma organização social que se reproduz sem alterações significativas que possibilitam a manutenção da organização social.

Apesar da produção por parte dos próprios pronapianos relativa aos sítios hoje considerados Guarani, Meggers & Evans (1977:34) estabelecem o surgimento da Tradição Tupiguarani a oeste do Estado do Paraná no período 500-1000 d.C. e, mesmo reconhecendo que esta tradição está associada aos falantes do Tupi-Guarani, continuam desvinculando a Tradição arqueológica dos grupos historicamente conhecidos (Meggers & Evans, 1977: 36).

A partir dos anos 1960, a arqueologia deu um salto quantitativo e qualitativo. Os arqueólogos amadores que trabalhavam em diversas instituições tiveram a oportunidade de conhecer técnicos franceses, como a Madame Annette Laming-Emperaire, do Museu do Homem de Paris, e americanos, como Clifford Evans e Betty Meggers (1967: 153-158), do Smithsonian Institution, dos EUA.

Os autores afirmam que as seqüências seriadas demonstram a transição da pintura para o corrugado e o escovado. As limitações apontadas acima e no próprio Guia (1965), principalmente no que concerne às coletas e à definição das fases, não foi suficiente para abater o princípio fordiano de mudança e empréstimo das culturas. Ademais, havia contradições nas próprias afirmações sobre a distribuição e sucessão das ‘subtradições’, pois, se a pintura havia cedido lugar ao corrugado e este ao escovado, era impossível que a ‘subtradição pintada’ tivesse chegado ao Estado da Bahia em 1200 d.C. e no Estado do Rio Grande do Norte em 1500 d.C., contrariando sua mesma premissa de ‘expansão rápida’ dos Tupiguarani (Meggers & Evans, 1977:41).

Por outro lado, o Pronapa detinha uma série de limitações que somente há pouco vieram à tona de forma sistemática. Inicialmente, este tinha o objetivo de estabelecer cronologias relativas e determinar a direção das 1

Doutor em Arqueologia (MAE -USP), [email protected].

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No caso dos Guaranis, em que a ligação entre as sociedades desaparecidas (arqueológicas) e as sociedades históricas e atuais é inegável, diversos conteúdos das fontes históricas possibilitam uma aproximação bastante fiel dos grupos no período dos primeiros contatos (Noelli, 1993).

pouco esclarecedores. Desta forma, aquele sítio que apresentasse um fragmento cerâmico seria classificado sítio cerâmico, independente da origem do caco, ao mesmo tempo em que sua ausência de cerâmica marcava os sítios líticos, independentes de sua função (sítio acampamento, oficina, etc.). Além disso, sítios de centenas de metros quadrados eram classificados segundo estas sondagens que não representavam uma amostra válida para pesquisa. Da mesma forma, os fragmentos de cerâmica foram contabilizados independentes de seu contexto, quer dizer, cacos de panelas grandes foram quantificados da mesma forma que milhares de cacos de panelas pequenas ou médias.

A reprodução dos modelos interpretativos dos anos 60 continua tendo seguidores na arqueologia Guarani (Schmitz, 1985; Kern et alii, 1991). Além das seriações cerâmicas ou escavações parciais de algumas casas, a pesquisa pouco se desenvolveu. Um caso de utilização de métodos de escavação em grandes superfícies, tais quais os usados nos sítios europeus, com a preocupação de registro de todas as evidências, ainda está por ser publicado.

Igualmente, nunca se pensou na relação funcionalidade versus duração, considerando que quanto mais usado é um recipiente cerâmico mais rapidamente se quebra e deverá ser reposto. Assim é que surgiram as seriações cerâmicas, contabilizando milhares de cacos corrugados contra poucos lisos e pintados, dando origem às Tradições Pintada e Corrugada, falácia arqueológica oriunda de análises sintéticas e aleatórias.

Contudo, uma vez que os pesquisadores simpatizantes dominaram a arqueologia brasileira (e ainda dominam) os recursos de pesquisa, poucos avanços foram registrados entre os anos ‘70 e ‘90, ficando as críticas sem eco ou repercussão suficientes. Além disso, dada aos paradigmas do programa, a valorização dos achados arqueológicos recaiu sobre a cerâmica, relegando o material lítico a um segundo plano e fetichizando os “fósseis-guias” como ponto de chegada na pesquisa.

Propondo este modelo com mais vagar, parto da premissa de que o território é ocupado de forma lenta e manejado em nível ambiental (Noelli, 1993), de forma que a conquista do território será através da guerra ou cuñadazgo. Sendo assim (novamente similar à mitologia Tucano), os ocupantes mais antigos devem ocupar os lugares mais estratégicos (rios principais, controle de recursos ambientais, etc) ao mesmo tempo que ampliam sua rede de parentesco com a chegada de outros grupos que precisam de sua permissão para se instalarem. A ocupação, desta forma, processar-se-á em sentido radial a partir do melhor ambiente com mais facilidade de trânsito (pela importância dos convites), em direção à periferia sócio-ambiental, ou seja, menores recursos devido ao menor prestígio.

É necessário abrir um parêntese sobre a questão dos “fósseis-guia” na arqueologia brasileira. A herança francesa sobre a educação brasileira durante o império (1822-1889) fez com que muitas formas de pesquisa fossem reproduzidas sem adequação a nossa realidade. Tal foi o caso da idéia do Paleolítico e Neolítico brasileiro. Embora insustentável no país, os pesquisadores iniciaram seus trabalhos a partir da busca de um elemento sempre presente em cada sítio a fim de classificá-lo conforme os modelos existentes, e, caso não houvesse, criar novos modelos.

Este modelo não exclui o modelo ecológico já citado (Noelli, 1993) ao mesmo tempo em que não é excluído pelos dados arqueológicos. O exemplo dos afluentes do rio Jacuí e os dados propiciados pelos trabalhos de prospecção arqueológica nesta região, mesmo que estes dados sejam parciais, não excluem as hipóteses aqui levantadas.

Desta forma, artefatos lascados estariam dentro do Paleolítico brasileiro e os polidos, bem como a cerâmica, dentro do Neolítico nacional. As primeiras dificuldades nesta classificação vieram junto com as primeiras pesquisas, ainda no século passado, quando foram estudados os sambaquis do litoral paulista, imensos concheiros nos quais aparece todo o tipo de material arqueológico na classificação européia.

No caso do vale do rio Jacuí, os dados arqueológicos não permitem a definição da área ocupada pelos sítios. Se houvesse um mapa da região em escala com o tamanho dos sítios, a dimensão aproximada da distribuição do material cerâmico e a inserção geo-ecológica, poder-seiam estimar a aldeia principal e as periféricas, obtendo-se talvez até o limite do ‘cacicado’ (Hudson et alii, 1985: 723-737). Cruzando-se as informações arqueológicas com as dos séculos do contato, poder-se-iam sobrepor os mapas arqueológicos aos etnohistóricos, como demonstrado em outro artigo (Soares, 2005).

Mesmo assim, estavam criadas as Tradições Arqueológicas, conjuntos de objetos com similaridade de forma, com persistência no tempo e distribuição no espaço, conforme a TERMINOLOGIA (1976), que se tornaria o guia para a classificação dos objetos encontrados. Porém, a forma de escavação difundida no Pronapa eram os chamados poços-testes, sondagens de 1x1 ou 2x2 metros, no máximo, que davam uma visão diacrônica do sítio referido. A plotagem do material era realizada segundo camadas artificiais, de 10 em 10 centímetros, e a coleta era assistemática e seletiva, por critérios ainda

Os dados arqueológicos, mal administrados, acabaram sugerindo hipóteses absurdas, como o atrelamento do 30

A.L.R. SOARES: OS HORTICULTORES GUARANIS: PROBLEMÁTICAS, PERSPECTIVAS E MODELOS

tratamento de superfície (decoração) à antigüidade da peça, esquecendo-se as limitações das amostragens estudadas.

vagas de dispersão, descendo o rio Paraguai e Paraná, dariam origem aos Guaranis, semelhantes em diversos aspectos culturais e mitológicos.

Por exemplo, as diversas especulações a respeito de demografia pré-histórica carecem de qualquer rigor científico, uma vez que se baseia em equívocos mal formulados que têm se repetido. Como exemplo, pode-se citar Prous (1992:441), onde se vincula mecanicamente o número de sítios e quantidade de material à demografia:

Arqueologicamente, no entanto, a diferença observa-se nas formas das vasilhas: as Tupinambás são quadrangulares e pouco profundas, como tigelas, pintadas por dentro. Seu formato leva a conclusão de se utilizarem, sobretudo, pratos assados, à base de farinha de mandioca em pratos como beiju., por outro lado, as vasilhas Guaranis são de boca arredondada e profundas, como panelas. Sua pintura é externa e infere-se a utilização de pratos, sobretudo cozidos e não assados. Em sua tese, Brochado apresenta estas e outras diferenças de formas e função das vasilhas, além das datações absolutas que demonstram a antigüidade de ambas.

“Aos poucos, a decoração corrugada se desenvolveria, e se tornaria predominante no interior por volta do século IX: trata-se da subtradição corrugada, composta por numerosas fases cada uma representada por muitos sítios. É período de grande expansão demográfica.” (Prous, 1992: 441)

Fato é que a cerâmica Guarani e Tupinambá, afiliadas ao mesmo Tronco lingüístico, são, em formas e funções, radicalmente opostas, porém com o tratamento de superfície similar. Ambas apresentam pintura policrômica vermelha e preta sobre branco, além de apresentarem vasilhas corrugadas, pintadas e urnas funerárias. Para Brochado, isto demonstraria o parentesco entre os grupos que, além da língua e da cultura, apresentariam o corpus mitológico aparentado. O afastamento prolongado fez que os grupos mantivessem características similares, adaptando-se diferentemente ao meio.

As limitações deste tipo de afirmação são várias, mas aqui vale apenas assinalar que a existência de sítios, neste caso, é fruto da pesquisa arqueológica concentrada, não do aumento do número de sítios. Sabendo que a ocupação da área de domínio pode ser indefinidamente repetida, o aumento de material cerâmico não se torna indicativo de demografia, a menos que tivéssemos certeza da contemporaneidade destas ocupações. Este quadro só começará a ser revertido a partir do trabalho de Brochado que, participante do Programa, perceberá suas limitações e publicará sua tese a respeito das hipóteses de dispersão da cerâmica policrômica amazônica.

A partir da tese de Brochado, outros autores vêm criticando sistematicamente as limitações do PRONAPA, como Noelli (1993), Dias (1994), Soares (1996). Porém, novas abordagens de escavação e tratamento do material arqueológico estão muito incipientes, tratando em geral de sítios isolados ou análise de coleções.

Várias são as críticas ao trabalho de Brochado, como o fato das datações mais antigas sejam aquelas do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul; muitas vezes é esquecido que este é o estado mais bem estudado, além de que, durante o Programa, as datações mais antigas foram invalidadas. Ademais, tanto a Amazônia como o centro do país pouco foram estudados, limitando os resultados das pesquisas. Outro ponto básico na hipótese de Brochado é a respeito do encontro entre a cultura Guarani e Tupinambá históricas. Se a origem destas culturas fosse o sul do Brasil, onde se encontram as datações mais antigas, seria absolutamente impossível uma distinção tão apurada entre as tradições arqueológicas presentes no litoral acima de São Paulo e que se estende até o nordeste.

Independente da hipótese de Brochado verificar-se ou não quanto à origem dos grupos Guarani e Tupinambá, sua abordagem sobre a funcionalidade das vasilhas arqueológicas, bem como o tratamento dado à questão do entrelaçamento dos dados arqueológicos aos etnográficos e lingüísticos servem de exemplo a novas condutas na análise das sociedades em questão. Referências bibliográficas DIAS, A.S. (1994) Repensando a Tradição Umbu a partir de um Estudo de Caso. Porto Alegre, PUCRS, Dissertação de Mestrado.

Caso o ponto de dispersão fosse o sul do Brasil, a arqueologia presenciaria uma mudança gradual entre o Guarani e o Tupinambá arqueológicos, o que não acontece. A tese de Brochado sugere um ponto hipotético no sul da Amazônia, cruzando, com propriedade, os dados lingüísticos, etnológicos e arqueológicos para, mais uma vez, SUGERIR um ponto possível de dispersão.

FERNANDES, F. (1989) A Organização Social dos Tupinambá. São Paulo, Hucitec/UnB. FORD, J. (1962) Método Cuantitativo para Establecer Cronologías Culturales. Manuales Técnicos III, Washington, D.C. Union Panamericana. KERN, A.A. et alii. (1999) Arqueologia Pré-Histórica do Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, Mercado Aberto.

Se o ponto de partida for realmente como sugere Brochado, estaria em algum ponto entre as nascentes dos rios Madeira-Mamoré, espalhando-se pelo rio Amazonas, e descendo pelo litoral, os Tupinambás, enquanto outras

LIGHFOOT, K.G.; FEINMAN, G.M. (1982) Social differentiation and leadership development in early 31

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pithouse villages in the mogollon region of the American Southwest. American Antiquity, 47 (1): 6486.

Domínio no Delta do rio Jacuí, RS). Porto Alegre, PUCRS. Dissertação de Mestrado. PROUS, A. (1992) Arqueologia Brasileira. Brasília, UnB, 613p.

MEGGERS, B. (1965-1966) Considerações Gerais. In: Simões, Mário (org.) Programa Nacional de Pesquisas Arqueológicas 1. Resultados Preliminares do primeiro ano Belém, Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi, 1967. pp. 153-158.

SCHMITZ, P.I. (1985) “Território de domínio”: em grupos Tupiguarani: considerações sobre o médio e Alto Jacuí, RS. Boletim do MARSUL nº 3, Taquara, pp. 45-52.

MEGGERS, B. & EVANS, C. (1977) Las Tierras Bajas de Suramérica y las Antillas. Revista de La Universidad Católica. Número Monográfico de Arqueología. Ano V. Quito, Septiembre, n°17, pp.1169.

SOARES, A.L.R (1996) Organização Sócio-Política Guarani: Aportes para a Investigação Arqueológica. Porto Alegre, PUCRS, Dissertação de Mestrado. SOARES, A.L.R. (2005) Contribuição à arqueologia Guarani. Estudo do sítio Ropke. Santa Cruz do Sul, Editora da UNISC, Série conhecimentos nº 30.

MÉTRAUX, A. (1974) Migraciones Históricas de los Tupi-Guarani. Chaco, Universidad Nacional del Nordeste.

TERMINOLOGIA. (1976) Terminologia Arqueológica Brasileira para a Cerâmica. Cadernos de Arqueologia. Ano 1, n°1, Universidade Federal do Paraná, Paranaguá.

NOELLI, F.S. (1993) Sem Tekohá não há Tekó. (Em busca de um modelo Etnoarqueológico da Aldeia e da Subsistência Guarani e sua Aplicação a uma Área de

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L’OCCUPATION TUPINAMBÁ À RIO DE JANEIRO, BRÉSIL1 Angela BUARQUE Museu Nacional, Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil Tupinambá occupation in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil Abstract: For at least 2.000 years, the Tupinambá – a ceramist group that practice subsistence agriculture – occupied a vast area of the Brazilian seashore. The main archaeological evidence related to the Tupinambá is pottery. In the villages, not only can we find fragments related to daily activities such as the preparation of food, but also structures linked to ceremonies. The funerary urns associated with painted bowls were related to rituals as offerings to the dead, as we can observe in the archaeological sites and according to 16th and 17th centuries’ statements of chroniclers that were present to those ceremonies. Food and death were strongly tied up to one another and, in the archaeological sites, we find representation of this emblematic association. Keywords: Tupinambá, funerary structure, anthropophagie, cannibal feast Resumo: Há pelo menos 2.000 anos, os Tupinambá, grupo ceramista que praticava uma agricultura de subsistência, ocuparam parte do litoral brasileiro. A principal evidência arqueológica é a cerâmica. Nas aldeias, além dos fragmentos relacionados ao cotidiano, como preparação de alimento, encontram-se estruturas vinculadas a algumas cerimônias. As urnas funerárias associadas a tigelas pintadas estavam ligadas a rituais, como oferenda aos mortos, conforme pode ser observado nos sítios arqueológicos e comprovado pelos cronistas dos séculos XVI e XVII que presenciaram essas cerimônias. Alimento e morte estavam fortemente entrelaçados e nos sítios arqueológicos encontramos a representação dessa emblemática associação. Palavras-chave: Tupinambá, estrutura funerária, antropofagia, festim canibal

INTRODUCTION 1

Il existe des dizaines d’hypothèses qui cherchent à expliquer le processus d’origine et de dispersion des peuples Tupis, l’Amazonie étant acceptée par la quasitotalité des chercheurs comme le foyer originel (Rodrigues, 1964, 1986; 2000; Lathrap, 1970; Brochado, 1984; Scatamacchia, 1990; Noelli, 1996; Heckenberger et al. 1998); mais apparaissent des divergences quant à la localisation géographique et à la direction des voies d’expansion (Noelli, 1996; Urban, 1992, 1996; Viveiros de Castro, 1996). Malgré les problèmes existant du point de vue archéologique, nous allons opter pour la proposition de Rodrigues (op. cit.) sur l’origine dans le sud-ouest de l’Amazonie, d’où les deux populations se sont dispersées, les Guaranis prenant la route vers le sud et les Tupinambás vers l’est. Puis, en suivant les vallées des fleuves Paranapanema et Tietê, ils auraient occupé le littoral dans un mouvement sud-nord. Cette hypothèse est en accord avec la proposition de Dias (1994/1995: 131; 1998: 424) selon laquelle “la région entre le Paranapanema (SP) et Guaratiba (RJ), serait “l’aire cœur” du peuplement Tupi, d’où les groupes presseraient les limites avec la région sud et se répandraient vers le Nord.

Au début du XVIe siècle, quand les Européens sont arrivés au Brésil, ils ont trouvé le littoral densément occupé par des populations natives liées au tronc linguistique Tupi, comme les Tupinambás et les Guaranis. Les chroniqueurs, voyageurs, religieux ou colonisateurs, malgré des critères idéologiques ou politiques et des intérêts spécifiques, nous ont laissé, sans aucun doute, un précieux témoignage sur les populations existant alors dans notre pays et celui-ci, dans beaucoup de cas, viendra à être ethnographiquement vérifié par la suite. Les Tupinambás occupaient une grande partie du littoral, depuis l’état de São Paulo, à partir de la vallée du Paranapanema, jusqu’à l’actuel état du Maranhão, dans le Nord-est brésilien, alors que les Guaranis se concentraient dans le centre sud du Brésil, se dispersant à travers le Paraguay, l’Uruguay et le nord de l’Argentine. Il existe des données importantes qui permettent d’établir des relations directes entre les Tupinambás et Guaranis historiques et les traditions céramiques reconstituées à travers l’archéologie. La distribution des sites archéologiques correspond à la localisation des villages décrits par les chroniqueurs; la morphologie céramique, le type de décoration, qu’elle soit plastique ou peinte, montrent une forte similarité avec la documentation iconographique existante, et on note une correspondance entre les structures funéraires rencontrées dans les sites archéologiques et les récits faits par les auteurs des XVe et XVIe siècles (Buarque et al. 2003; Buarque, [D.L.] 2006).

L’une des explications pour l’extension de l’aire occupée par ces populations peut être trouvée dans le processus d’expansion de l’agriculture. Des recherches d’archéologie et de linguistique dans différentes parties du monde (Diamond & Bellwood, 2003: 597) défendent l’idée que la domestication des plantes et des animaux et l’expansion et la diversification des langues seraient des éléments qui pourraient expliquer le mouvement des populations d’agriculteurs en dehors de leurs centres d’origine, et l’occupation d’aires appartenant originellement aux chasseurs-pêcheurs-collecteurs. Cette hypothèse pourrait expliquer l’expansion Tupinambá depuis son noyau d’origine amazonien en direction des aires antérieurement

1 Recherche financée par FAPERJ (Projeto Soberanos da Costa). Avec l’appui de la “Prefeitura” de Araruama et du Museu Nacional/UFRJ. [email protected]

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Fig. 5.1. Localisation de la région d’étude

occupées par les constructeurs des “sambaquis” et ces populations peuvent être tenues pour responsables de la déstructuration du système socio-culturel de ceux qui pendant des milliers d’années avaient été les souverains de la côte. Comme complément à cette hypothèse, la région du Haut Madeira, où probablement se trouve l’origine du groupe linguistique Tupi, est considérée comme le centre de domestication du manioc, aliment très important dans la diète des Tupinambás (Neves, 2006: 42).

échelle moindre, la chasse et la collecte de mollusques. Ce groupe a atteint une expansion territoriale impressionnante, expansion qui coïncide, en grande partie, avec la diffusion de la céramique polychrome aux couleurs noires (ou marron) et rouges sur engobe blanc ou dans ses formes plastiques, avec le “corrugado”, brossé et unguéal comme les motifs les plus fréquents.

CARACTERISATION ECOLOGIQUE DES SITES TUPINAMBAS

Dans ce travail nous allons présenter l’occupation des Tupinambás à Rio de Janeiro, état localisé dans la région sud-est du Brésil et qui a été un des lieux les plus densément occupés par ces populations d’agriculteurs et céramistes (Figure 5.1).

L’OCCUPATION TUPINAMBA A RIO DE JANEIRO

Selon Brochado (1984: 288), à leur sortie de l’Amazonie, les Tupinambás pratiquaient déjà une agriculture intensive sur les terres rencontrées le long des plus grandes rivières de l’intérieur et sur le cours inférieur des fleuves côtiers. Selon Prous (1992: 373), on trouve des sites archéologiques à proximité des fleuves navigables, dans les zones de forêt, mais ils évitaient les régions sèches et les terres froides, et on ne trouve que de très rares indices de présence à des altitudes supérieures à 400 mètres audessus du niveau de la mer. Les Tupinambás exploitaient la forêt tropicale ou sub-tropicale et pratiquaient une horticulture basée sur la culture du manioc, complétant l’alimentation avec d’autres végétaux, la pêche et, à une

Les informations disponibles situent leur occupation (Buarque, D.L. [2006]; Buarque et al. 2003: 40) à partir de 2600 ± 160 ans BP 2 jusqu’à la moitié du XVIe siècle, en pleine période de contact avec les Européens, dont la présence, dans cette région, a été particulièrement intense. Les Portugais et les Français, par le biais d’artifices et de diverses formes d’approche, recherchaient des partenaires 2 Prime Lab, datation obtenue par Kita Macario, dans sa thèse de doctorat, Département de Physique, UFF, 2003.

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A. BUARQUE: L’OCCUPATION TUPINAMBÁ À RIO DE JANEIRO, BRÉSIL

Fig. 5.2. Village Tupinambá (Hans Staden, 1974)

pour l’échange de babioles occidentales contre le “bois brésil”, ou encore rivalisaient pour des terres, mais ils étaient également porteurs de maladies qui ont décimé, en peu de temps, ces populations.

composés par quatre à huit maisons, disposées autour d’une place centrale, avec une population qui variait de 200 à 2 mille individus. L’intervalle entre elles était variable, dépendant, probablement, des conditions environnementales et politiques (Figure 5.2).

Dans quelques villages, ont été récupérés des objets qui montrent l’interaction entre les deux cultures, Tupinambá et Européenne, à un moment où la société native n’avait pas encore été détruite: des éclats en quartz, des couteaux lithiques à retouche par pression, des haches polies partagent l’espace avec des perles en verre, des couteaux en métal, des porcelaines portugaises “borrão azul”. Dans le même site nous pouvons rencontrer du matériel céramique avec les caractéristiques plastiques et peintures présentes dans les niveaux antérieurs au contact (Buarque & Cordeiro, 2003 p. 165; Gaspar et al., 2004; Buarque, [D.L.] 2006), ce qui indique que, même avec l’impact de la présence Européenne, une partie des expressions culturelles se sont conservées. D’un autre côté, on note l’apparition de récipients céramiques avec des bretelles, des goulots, des preneurs, ratifiant l’impact de la présence Européenne parmi les natifs. En même temps, on perçoit la persistance d’éléments qui démontrent une forte identité ethnique et des changements qui sont le résultat du contact culturel.

Dans la région du Complexe Lagunaire d’Araruama, les villages Tupinambás sont disséminés sur une superficie de approximativement 250 km². Ils sont situés sur les aires planes, à proximité de la forêt, au voisinage des lagunes et des ruisseaux, à côté des versants des tertres de grande hauteur qui permettaient une domination de la région. Aucun village n’a été rencontré à proximité de la mer. Dans quelques villages on peut séparer deux espaces différenciés: celui des huttes et celui de la place centrale, où l’on rencontre très peu de registres matériels. Par ailleurs, l’aire d’habitation renferme de nombreuses structures funéraires, des foyers et des fragments céramiques provenant d’activités utilitaires, montrant, clairement, une superposition entre les espaces des vivants et des morts (Buarque & Cordeiro, 2003). La céramique est un des produits les plus accessibles de la culture matérielle, dans les villages Tupinambás, car dans les régions tropicales les restes organiques ont une faible conservation. Elle est présente dans tous les sites et l’on peut percevoir la diversité des formes, ce qui nous amène

Selon les chroniqueurs du XVIe et XVIIe siècles (Staden, 1974; Gandavo, 1980, p.126; Cardim, 1980; Léry, 1980, p. 229; D’Abbeville, 1975, p.139), les villages étaient 35

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à la multiplicité des fonctions. Elle peut être simple ou présenter des éléments décoratifs plastiques ou peints, avec des motifs très sophistiqués. Le rouge et le noir sur une base blanche ou crème ont été les couleurs utilisées par les potiers pour élaborer les formes géométriques, formant des dessins qui laissent transparaître la richesse de leur univers symbolique. Les motifs plastiques plus fréquents sont le “corrugado”, l’unguéal, le digital, le brossé et le spatulé. Les urnes de différentes tailles ont servi tant pour la production de “cauin”, boisson fermentée faite principalement à partir du manioc et abondamment utilisée dans les cérémonies rituelles, que pour les enterrements.

personnes de la communauté, ainsi que les offrandes qui faisaient partie du rituel (Figure 5.3).

RITUEL FUNERAIRE TUPINAMBA Les structures funéraires sont un contexte archéologique significatif pour essayer de comprendre les aspects idéologiques et sociaux du comportement humain. Lorsque nous parlons de la destinée des morts chez les Tupinambás, il est important de séparer le traitement donné à ceux qui appartiennent au groupe de celui appliqué aux ennemis. D’après les récits des chroniqueurs des XVIe et XVIIe siècles, les Tupinambás revendiquaient l’anthropophagie rituelle pour assurer la cohésion sociale; la guerre, la capture de l’ennemi et le festin cannibale postérieur n’avaient pas pour but d’assouvir la faim, mais de venger les parents et les amis tués par une autre tribu. La guerre aux adversaires était le “principal fondement de cette société” (Soares de Sousa, 1971, p. 320), ayant la capture et la vengeance comme éléments de structuration. Viveiros de Castro (1986, p. 650-660) dans une réflexion sur la signification de la vengeance et de l’anthropophagie, les interprète comme étant restauratrices, car elles rachetaient la relation du groupe avec son passé; comme productrices, une fois qu’elles impulsaient la machine sociale vers l’avenir, en créant la spirale de la vengeance, en produisant des personnes pleines, adultes – tueurs – pères. Il affirme que “sans l’ennemi, il n’y a pas la personne... sans les morts d’autrui il n’y a pas, littéralement, de vivants.” L’autre occupait une place d’honneur dans la société, soit par la concession d’une sœur, soit par l’honneur de le tuer ou de mourir de ses mains, le rapport avec l’ennemi étant donc la valeur sociale suprême (Viveiros de Castro, 1992: 283284).

Fig. 5.3. Structure funéraire. Photo Madu Gaspar (Buarque D.L. 2006)

Les structures funéraires sont l’ensemble le plus significatif trouvé dans l’espace d’habitation. Elles sont formées par une urne associée à des bols peints et des foyers, et on peut encore voir comme des trous de poteaux ayant servi au soutien des plateformes, qui auraient évité le contact des morts avec la terre, puisque leur poids, selon Anchieta (1933, p. 45), était vu par les Tupinambás comme quelque chose à éviter. La présence de ces trous corrobore le récit de Soares de Sousa (1971: 329): “... e têm-lhe feito na mesma casa e lanço onde ele vivia, uma cova muito funda e grande, com sua estacada por derredor, para que tenha a terra que não caia sobre o defunto, e armam-lhe sua rêde em baixo, de maneira que não toque o morto no chão” (“et lui ayant fait dans la même maison où il vivait un caveau très profond et grand…”) (Gaspar et al. 2004, p. 115; Buarque [D.L.] 2006). L’élément constant, en plus de l’urne, est le couvercle, qui “éviterait le retour des morts” (Prous, 1992: 384). En général, il est assez endommagé dans sa partie centrale, les fragments tombant à l’intérieur de l’urne, certainement à cause de la proximité de la couche d’occupation. Les marques d’imprégnation par les aliments, outre des résidus de brûlure sur la superficie externe, sont de forts indicateurs de ce que les pièces avaient été récupérées des activités utilitaires, comme la préparation du “cauin”, boisson largement consommée au cours des rituels, ou pour garder la nourriture pour le mort, selon des chroniqueurs (Léry, 1980, p. 247; Soares de Sousa, 1971, p. 329; Cardim, 1980, p. 94).

Dans les villages Tupinambás de la région des Lacs, les vivants et les morts partageaient le même espace. Il existe des évidences significatives du destin donné aux morts de la communauté et quelques indices du festin cannibale concernant les ennemis. Les pratiques rituelles qui se rapportent aux premiers, et qui sont manifestes dans le registre archéologique, indiquent que le modèle était résistant aux changements, puisqu’elles se sont maintenues de forme presque inaltérée depuis les premiers moments de l’occupation jusqu’à la période de contact avec les Européens. Dans les structures funéraires, dans les zones d’habitations, étaient enterrés les corps des

La présence du feu est constante dans les activités d’interaction sociale au sein de plusieurs sociétés. Dans la Région du Complexe Lagunaire d’Araruama, les feux sont récurrents dans les rituels funéraires des Tupinambás (Buarque, [D.L.] 2006) et le rituel alimentaire autour du mort a été manifeste; il y a des marques de brûlure sur la 36

A. BUARQUE: L’OCCUPATION TUPINAMBÁ À RIO DE JANEIRO, BRÉSIL

face externe et des vestiges d’imprégnation par des aliments à l’intérieur de quelques bols indiquant la coutume d’allumer le feu et de laisser de la nourriture autour du mort. L’existence de ces structures prouve ce que disaient des chroniqueurs, comme Léry (1980, p. 247248), Cardim (1980, p. 94), Gandavo (1980, p. 58) ou Thevet (manuscrit, p. 70) qui décrivent les pratiques funéraires chez les Tupinambás pour les personnes qui mouraient de maladie dans le village. Léry fait référence à ces coutumes des natifs comme forme d’éviter la nécrophagie de l’esprit Anhangá, dont ils avaient une crainte particulière. Thevet mentionne que la présence du feu a pour fonction d’épouvanter les mauvais esprits, et l’aliment (la nourriture) d’assouvir la faim de l’âme du mort. 3

contexte funéraire, qui serait réservé aux morts de la propre communauté, m’amène à émettre l’hypothèse de ce que ces pièces en céramique ont été spécialement produites pour recevoir les parties démembrées du corps dans un rituel anthropophagique réservé aux ennemis. Les références trouvées dans les sources primaires à l’existence de quelques outils spécialement produits pour les rituels du cannibalisme (Staden, 1974, p. 109) renforcent la possibilité de ce que ces récipients présents dans les sites de la Région des Lacs aient fait partie de ces coutumes structuratrices de la société Tupinambá (Buarque, D.L. 2006).

La pratique de l’anthropophagie était une coutume importante dans la construction de l’identité Tupinambá et est minutieusement décrite dans les sources des auteurs du XVIe siècle, mais ses indices dans les sites archéologiques sont encore faibles: parmi eux, les plus évidents sont ceux de la distribution spatiale des récipients et des fragments céramiques.

ANCHIETA, Pe.J. de (1933) – Cartas, informações, fragmentos históricos e sermões. Rio de Janeiro, Civilização Brasileira, 562 p.

References bibliographiques

BROCHADO, J. (1984) – An Ecological Model of the Spread of Pottery and Agriculture into Eastern South America. Urbana-Champaign, University of Illinois. Tese de Doutorado. BUARQUE, A. (D.L. 2006) – As estruturas funerárias das aldeias Tupinambá da região de Araruama, RJ, in Os ceramistas Tupiguarani, Ed. André Prous et Tânia Andrade Lima, Xapeco: CEOM. vol. 2.45 p. BUARQUE, A., RODRIGUES-CARVALHO, C., SILVA, E.C. (2003) – Programa Funerário dos Tupinambá em Araruama, RJ – Sítio Bananeiras, Revista do MAE Nº 13, USP, p. 39-55. BUARQUE, A. & CORDEIRO, J. (2003) – O Sítio Serrano: Franceses e Tupinambá desconheciam o testamento de Adão. Resumos SAB, p. 165. CARDIM, F. (1980) – Tratados da Terra e Gente do Brasil, Editora Itatiaia Ltda e Editora da USP, pp. 206.

Fig. 5.4. Motif intestinal. Dessiné par William Borba. (Buarque D.L. 2006)

D’ABBEVILLE, C. (1975) – História da Missão dos Padres Capuchinos na Ilha do Maranhão e terras circunvizinhas, Editora da Universidade de São Paulo/Livraria Itatiaia Ltda., 297 p.

Au centre se trouvent les habitations, la place, l’espace funéraire, mis en évidence par les pièces céramiques bien conservées ou des fragments cassés, résultant de problèmes taphonomiques, dont une partie significative peut être restaurée. En périphérie, les structures sont absentes et l’on y trouve divers types de fragments, où l’épaisseur et la décoration différentes font penser qu’ils ont été intentionnellement rejetés, fournissant des indices d’être un lieu de rejet. Nous y avons trouvé quelques fragments peints dont les motifs figuratifs rappellent des parties du corps humain, des os et des viscères (Figure 5.4). Un de ces motifs nous renvoie à une scène anthropophagique dessinée par De Bry (Figure 5.5) où les femmes et les enfants participent à un festin où les viscères de l’ennemi sont placés sur une assiette au milieu de la scène. La présence de ces fragments hors du

DE BRY, T. (1992) – Le Théatre du Nouveau Monde, Découvertes Gallimard Albums, França, 228 p. DIAMOND, J. and BELLWOOD, P. (2003) – Farmers and their languages: the first expansions. Science, vol. 300, p. 597-603. DIAS, O. (1994 -1995) – Considerações a respeito dos modelos de difusão da cerâmica tupi-guarani no Brasil. Revista de Arqueologia, São Paulo, 8 (2): p. 113-132. DIAS, O. (1998) – O índio no Recôncavo da Guanabara, Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, Rio de Janeiro, a. 159, n. 399, p. 399-641. GANDAVO, P. de M. (1980) – Tratado da Terra do Brasil. História da Terra de Santa Cruz, Coleção Reconquista do Brasil, Editora da Universidade de São Paulo, 150 p.

3 “ ...un petit feu à fin, disent-elles, que le malin esprit n’en approche et un peu de farine, à fin que si l’âme du defunct à faim, qu’elle mãge… (Thevet, manuscrit, p. 70)

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Fig. 5.5. Scène anthropophagique (Théodore de Bry, 1992) GASPAR, M.D. et al. (2004) – Histórico e Principais Resultados do Projeto de Investigação: O Aproveitamento Ambiental das populações Pré-históricas do Rio de Janeiro, Arquivos do Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro, V. 62, Nº 2, p. 103-129.

SCATAMACCHIA, M.C.M. (1990) – A Tradição Policrômica no Leste da América do Sul evidenciada pela ocupação Guarani e Tupinambá: Fontes Arqueológicas e Etno-Históricas. Tese de Doutoramento, USP. Mimeo, 310 p.

HECKENBERGER, M. NEVES, E.G., PETERSEN, J.B. (1998) – De onde surgem os modelos? As origens e expansões Tupi na Amazônia Central, Revista de Antropologia, São Paulo, v. 41, nº 1, 69-96.

SOARES, G. de S. (1971) – Tratado Descritivo do Brasil em 1587, Ed. da Universidade de São Paulo, 389 p. STADEN, H. (1974) – Duas Viagens ao Brasil, Coleção Reconquista do Brasil, Ed. da Universidade de São Paulo, 216 p.

LATHRAP, D. (1970) – The Upper Amazon. Ancient Peoples and Places, London, Thames and Hudson. 206 p.

THEVET, A. Histoire d’André Thevet Angoumoisin, cosmographe du Roy, de deux Voyage par luy faits aux Indes australes et occidentales. [Manuscrit]. 1575. Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris, France. 338 p.

LÉRY, J. de 1980 – Viagem à Terra do Brasil, Coleção Reconquista do Brasil, Ed. da Universidade de São Paulo, 302 p. NEVES, E.G. (2006) – Arqueologia da Amazônia, Coleção Descobrindo o Brasil, Jorge Zahar Editor, Rio de Janeiro, 86 p.

THEVET, A. (1983) – Les Singularités de la France antarctique. Le Brésil des Cannibales au XVIe siècle, LD/La Découverte, Paris, 173 p.

NOELLI, F. (1996) – As hipóteses sobre o centro de origem e rotas de expansão dos Tupi, Revista de Antropologia, Vol. 39, Nº 2, USP, p. 7-53.

URBAN, G. (1992) – A história da cultura brasileira Segundo as línguas nativas. In: Cunha, M.C. (Org.). História dos Índios no Brasil. São Paulo,Cia das Letras/FAPESP, 87-102.

PROUS, A (1992) – Arqueologia Brasileira, Editora UNB, 613 p.

URBAN, G. (1996) – On the geographical origins and dispersion of tupian Languages, Revista de Antropologia, Vol. 39, Nº 2, USP, p. 61-104.

RODRIGUES, A.D. (1964) – Classificação do Tronco lingüístico Tupi, Revista de Antropologia, SP v. 12: p. 99-104.

VIVEIROS DE CASTRO, E. (1986) – Araweté, os Deuses Canibais, Editora Zahar/ANPOCS, 744 p.

RODRIGUES, A.D. (1986) – Línguas Brasileiras. Para o conhecimento das línguas indígenas. São Paulo: Loyola.

VIVEIROS DE CASTRO, E. (1992) – From the enemy’s point of view. Humanity and divinity in an Amazonian society, the University of Chicago Press, 407 p.

RODRIGUES, A.D. (2000) – Hipóteses sobre as migrações dos três sub-conjuntos meridionais da família Tupi-Guarani. Anais do II Congresso Nacional da Associação Brasileira de Lingüística. Florianópolis: CD-ROM.

VIVEIROS DE CASTRO, E. (1996) – Comentário ao artigo de Francisco Noelli, Revista de Antropologia, Vol. 39, Nº 2, USP, p. 55-60. 38

Session S04 AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

THE EXPLOITATION OF URSUS ARCTOS ON THE LATE BRONZE AGE/EARLY IRON AGE SITE OF VILLIERS-SUR SEINE (SEINE-ET-MARNE, FRANCE) C. PAUTRET-HOMERVILLE, G. AUXIETTE, R. PEAKE INRAP (Institut National de Recherches archéologiques preventives) DIR Centre – Ile-de-France, 31 rue Delizy – 93698 Pantin cédex – France [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract: During summer 2005, we discovered, on the site of Villiers-sur-Seine (Seine-et-Marne, France) a radius from a brown bear (Ursus arctos L., 1758). This bone wore two cut marks on its diaphyse. We also discovered a canine tooth from this animal. The exploitation proofs of the brown bear are very rare, so we do not hesitate to present you this discovering. Is it a real butchery activity? What is the meaning of this act? The aristocratic site of Villiers-sur-Seine is dated Late Bronze Age and its function is uncertain. Through the study of these bones, we will discuss some hypothesis about this very particular site. Key-words: Ursus arctos – Final Bronze Age – Butchery Sumário: Durante o verão 2005, nós descobrimos, no local do Villiers-sur-Seine (Seine-et-Marne, France) um raio de um urso marrom (Ursus arctos L., 1758). Este osso desgastou duas marcas cortadas em seu diaphyse. Nós descobrimos também um dente canine deste animal. As provas da exploração do urso marrom são muito raras, assim que nós não hesitate apresentar-lhe este descobrir. É uma atividade real do butchery? Que é o meaning deste ato? O local aristocratic do Villiers-sur-Seine é datado idade de bronze atrasada e sua função é incerta. Com o estudo destes ossos, nós discutiremos alguma hipótese sobre este local muito particular. Palavras chave: Ursus arctos – idade de bronze final – Butchery

INTRODUCTION Location Situated near the village of Villiers-sur-Seine on the regional border between Ile-de-France and ChampagneArdenne, the “Gros Buisson” site was excavated in 2005 under the scientific direction of Rebecca Peake (Institut National de Recherches Archéologiques Nationales, INRAP). This Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age settlement is located in the Seine valley on the highest point of a triangular alluvial dome bordered to the South by the Seine itself and to the North by an important palaeochannel. To the West, the 2,3 hectares site is delimited by four concentric ditches, 6-10 m in width and 0,8-1,8 m deep. The settlement was probably in use for about 100 years from 800 to 700 BC. The site also includes evidence of more ancient and more recent features. Ten burials dating from the middle Neolithic period “Groupe de Noyen” (3500 BC) are located near the palaeochannel in the eastern sector and two successive settlements dating from the Roman period are located to the North-west. The Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age settlement has a very high density of features, as over 460 pits have been excavated inside the ditched enclosure and between the first and second inside ditches. A certain number of particularly well preserved pits are lined with daub to consolidate the walls and many pit fills contain clay

Fig. 6.1a. Villiers-sur-Seine – situation (C. Valero, INRAP) levels. The remains of domestic ovens and hearths have also been discovered. The pits have yielded large 41

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Fig. 6.1b. Villiers-sur-Seine – aerial view (C. Valero, INRAP) quantities of pottery and bone finds, having been filled with domestic waste from the settlement. Certain pits were probably used for food storage (storage pits for grain or small cellars).

REPTILES Emys orbicularis

European Pond turtle BIRDS

The plans of two large rectangular post-holed buildings measuring 92 and 250 square metres have been discovered in an area between the palaeochannel and the inside ditch in the Northern sector of the site. Other much smaller four or six post-holed buildings, probably granaries, have been located on the outside edge of the first ditch.

Anser sp.

Wild Goose

Grus grus

Crane

Larus sp.

Gull

Larus fuscus

Lesser Black-backed Gull

Corvus corone

Carrion Crow

Corvus frugilegus

Rook MAMMALS

The Fauna The number of identified animal bone fragments yielded by the 564 features of the site (413 pits) has been estimated at 50.000. The number of 26 identified species is particularly high for a site of this period, which include three species of fish (identification B. Clavel, INRAP), 4 species of bird and one species of turtle. 12 out of the 18 species of mammal are wild species (see table 6.1) and the fauna assemblage includes the right radius and a canine from a brown bear.

Equus caballus

Horse

Bos taurus

Bovine Cattle

Capra hircus

Goat

Ovis aries

Sheep

Sus domesticus

Pig

Canis familiaris

Dog

Cervus elaphus

Red Deer

Capreolus capreolus

Roe Deer

Sus scrofa

Boar

Bos primigenius

Aurochs

Canis lupus

Wolf

Vulpes vulpes

Red Fox

Ursus arctos

Brown Bear

Meles meles

Badger

Lutra lutra

Otter

Pike

Felis sylvestris

Wild Cat

Leuciscus cephalus

Chub

Lepus europaeus

Hare

Barbus barbus

Barbeau

Castor fiber

Beaver

Tab. 6.1. Species from Villiers-sur-Seine “Le gros Buisson” Latin name

Common name FISHES

Esox lucius

42

C. PAUTRET-HOMERVILLE ET AL.: THE EXPLOITATION OF URSUS ARCTOS ON THE LATE BRONZE AGE/EARLY IRON AGE SITE...

Fig. 6.2. ST 106 – Right radius of Ursus arctos

Fig. 6.3. ST 106 – Right radius of Ursus arctos: cutmarks

is 8,1 mm long and 1,8 mm wide, the second is 8,8 mm long and 3,2 mm wide. The meat from the carcass was obviously removed.

TAPHONOMY The bear radius found in the structure 106 has the following measurements:

Animal bone from the structure 115 includes the upper left canine of the same species of bear, the measurements of which are the following: length: 79,1 mm; diameter: 13 mm. It does not seem that these two finds are in any way linked to each other.

Measurements in Millimetres length

335

width ext. Prx.

33,8

length ext. Prx.

47,2

width ext. Dst.

42,1

length ext. Dst.

67

diameter mil. Diaph.

The radius measurements indicate a fairly large specimen, but it is not possible to determine if the animal is representative or not of the local ursine population. Weight and height vary greatly not only from one region to another, but also from one animal to another. For example, bears native to America’s North Pacific coast and islands are much larger than the bears found further in land: 300 to 500 kg (780 kg maximum) for South Alaskan male bears, whereas specimens from the South-West

21,8

Two deep cut marks which run across the bone shaft have been identified; they are short and deep were probably made when the animal was butchered. The first cut mark 43

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Yukon have a mean weight of 139 kg (Pearson, 1975, in Novak, 2005). The sexual dimorphism present in the bear population accentuates the variability even more. Pyrenean bears are the smallest, like most of the southern species, as the mean weight for a female is estimated at 75,4 kg and 113,5 kg for a male (Parde and Camarra, 1992). In 1954, Couturier estimated the mean weight for a Pyrenean male bear to be between 80 and 230 kg. For example, the largest bear to be killed in the Ossau valley in 1848 weighed 350 kg (Couturier 1954).

Art by more than a hundred cave paintings and objects found all over Europe. 24 caves in France and Spain possess cave paintings of either brown bears or cave bears: Lascaux, Isturitz, Chauvet….. (Patou-Mathis, 2004 in La Préhistoire. Histoire et Dictionnaire). Concerning examples of objects, can be cited amongst others a pink sandstone figurine from Isturitz, which dates from the Magdalenian, portraying a brown bear (Couturier, 1954). In more recent periods images of bears are less common apart from in medieval heraldic bestiary. Bears as domesticated animals

RELATIONS BETWEEN MAN AND BEAR

A bear’s jawbone showing marks from having worn a bit was found on the Grande Rivoire site in Isère. This Mesolithic site provides evidence of the very early captivity and “domestication” of bears (Chaix, Bridault and Picavet, 1997).

Hunting Throughout the ages, the main reason for hunting carnivores is for their fur. Evidence dating back as far as the upper Pleistocene period (Middle Palaeolithic) include cut marks on Ursus thibetanus bones found in the Cèdres cave (Var) probably made while skinning the carcass (Defleur and Crégut-Bonnoure, 1995). The high number of carnivore species found at Villiers-sur-Seine can be taken as a reliable indication of specialized hunting for fur.

During the middle Ages in Europe, bears were part of street shows and in France this activity continued until fairly recently as this photo shows.

Rare examples of carnivores as a food source also exist, the earliest evidence dating from the Middle Palaeolithic at the Biache-saint-Vaast (Northern France) and Taubach (Germany) sites, where bears were hunted and then eaten (Auguste, 1995). A more recent find of two bear canines from the Late Bronze Age site of Changis-sur-Marne “Les Pétreaux” (Seine-et-Marne) show that bear teeth were indeed recovered from (hunted?) bears and then exchanged. However, no evidence of bears being eaten has been found (Lafage et al., 2002). Bears were hunted for their meat until fairly recently in Europe. In eighteenth century France, the head and paws were considered a delicacy by aristocrats and bear fat was commonly sold at markets for its anti-rheumatic properties (Parde and Camarra, 1992). A twentieth century American cookbook includes a recipe for cooking bear meat: “Remove all the fat immediately because it quickly goes rancid. Marinade the meat for at least one day then cook it as one does any beef pot roast stew. Meat of a bear cub needs to cook for at least 2½ hours, that of an adult for 3-4 hours.”(After Rombauer & Becker, 1963 in The Joy of cooking).

Fig. 6.4. A dancing bear in the streets of Choisy-le-roi (94), at the beginning of the 20th century Bears and man go back a long way and this relationship is further illustrated by the interesting discovery at Villierssur-Seine. BEAR EXPLOITATION AT VILLIERS

Also in Asia that bears are seen as a popular dish. As well as its importance in traditional Chinese medicine, it is eaten in almost all of the countries of the Indochinese peninsular, in Korea, China, Taiwan and Japan. In Vietnam, restaurants serve bear’s paws for Korean, Japanese and Taiwanese tourists (Kruuk, 2002).

The bear remains at Villiers-sur-Seine were found in the following two structures (pits). ST 106 This feature is a small circular pit (1,33 m by 1,07 m and 0,53 m deep) with a brown gravely clay-silt fill. It is located in the Southern part of the site in a zone where the features are eroded. The number of identified animal bones is relatively low (18) in comparison to the material found in neighbouring pits. However it does seem to be a

Bear iconography Without necessarily being a cult object, bears (Ursus arctos and Ursus spelaeus) are represented in Palaeolithic 44

C. PAUTRET-HOMERVILLE ET AL.: THE EXPLOITATION OF URSUS ARCTOS ON THE LATE BRONZE AGE/EARLY IRON AGE SITE...

NRtd

NRtd from ST 106 and ST 115 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 ST 106

ST 115 Structures

Sus domesticus

O/C

Bos taurus

Sus scrofa

Cervus elaphus

Ursus arctos

Fig. 6.5. Distribution of the number of identified bone fragments by species and by feature refuse pit. The fauna is comprised of the following species: Sus domesticus, Bos Taurus, Ovis aries/Capra hircus, Cervus elaphus, Sus scrofa and Ursus arctos. Domestic fauna is predominant (c.f. fig. 6.5). The deer and boar bones come from immature animals. Cut marks found on two caprina vertebra confirm these animals as food sources.

relation to the exact function of the settlement. As well as the great quantities of pottery and animal bone, the animal bone also presents a diversity rarely seen for this period. As already indicated, within the mammal group, it is the wild fauna that has the highest frequency of fragments and species diversity. A third particularity is the high representation of carnivores in the mammalian fauna.

ST 115

These new elements in association with other data from the site: its fortification and its strategic position between the Seine and an important palaeochannel, the relatively small number of storage pits, the two large post-holed buildings that can be interpreted as dwellings or meeting huts and the enormous quantities of pottery some of it probably imported give a first glimpse of the high status of the settlement, that could even be termed as aristocratic. The relation domestic versus wild species indicates that animal husbandry was not the first preoccupation of the inhabitants at Villiers-sur-Seine and that hunting played an important role. The wolf appears to also have been hunted as well as the fox and the otter. With the exception of canine teeth, bone fragments from wild animals are essentially from the hind legs and the limb extremities (metacarpals and metatarsals, carpals, tarsals, phalanges). A badger bone is the only other element that bears traces of human activity with disarticulation marks that suggest that this animal was hunted for its fur and perhaps even for its meat. Absence of marks on the remaining bones in the assemblages, make it difficult to ascertain if the animals were hunted for their fur or their meat or both.

This circular pit is 1,15 m in diameter and 0,74 m deep with a rounded cut. It has a stratified fill with in its lower half a layer of grey clay-silt with charcoal and burnt daub inclusions; its upper half is a brown gravely silt with sandy deposits. This pit is located to the north, near the palaeochannel in the zone occupied by the Neolithic burials. Fragments of burnt sandstone and grinding stones were also found. Here again, a small number of animal bones was found (number of identified animal bones = 27). The identified species are the following Sus domesticus, Ovis aries/Capra hircus, Cervus elaphus, and Ursus arctos. As with the previous pit domestic species predominate the bone assemblage with capra numbering 16 fragments. The bear upper canine was found in this assemblage, it does not have any marks or perforations. The two pits are found at opposite ends of the site via a North-South axis. In both cases, the bear fragments were treated no differently from other species bone fragments. However, the absence of other bear fragments limits our interpretation of these finds.

Villiers-sur-Seine seems to have had an organisation that largely depended on outside contributions for its subsistence (hunting and secondary sites). Its foundation is strongly linked to its strategic position on the banks of the Seine, a trading centre with far reaching economic

DISCUSSION This preliminary study of animal bone assemblages from the Villiers-sur-Seine site poses many questions in 45

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

power as shown by the number of imported objects (amber beads, gold fragment, pottery with lead decoration, etc.). The trading of animal skins could have been part of this schema and would explain the high percentage of wild carnivores found on the site.

Bibliography AUGUSTE, P. (1995) Cadres biostratigraphique, paléoécologique et aspect palethnographique du peuplement humain dans la France septentrionale durant le Pléistocène. Apports de l’étude paléontologique des grands mammifères du gisement de Biache-SaintVaast (Pas-de-Calais). Thèse de doctorat, Paris, Muséum national d’Histoire naturelle, 724 p.

Put in this new context, the bear bones found on the site seem less incongruous. As previously seen, bear meat has been eaten for centuries, sometimes during ritual ceremonies (bears are considered sacred by certain Siberian peoples). The Aïnous (the indigenous population of Japan) capture bears very young, feed and care for them until their third year when they are sacrificed during an important ceremony. The meat is eaten and the bones are then buried in different areas (Couturier, 1954). At Villiers-sur-Seine, if bears were hunted to be eaten, the motivation and context of this (by taste or as part of a ritual) remain unclear. The bone fragments were not found in any particular context, but treated like all other waste from the site.

CHAIX, L., BRIDAULT, A. et PICAVET, R. (1997) “A tamed Brown Bear (Ursus arctos L.) of the Late Mesolithic from La Grande-Rivoire (Isère, France)?” Journal of Archaeological Science 24: 1067 – 1074. COUTURIER, M. (1954) L’Ours brun. DEFLEUR, A. et CRÉGUT-BONNOURE, E. (1995) “Le gisement paléolithique moyen de la grotte des Cèdres (Var).” Documents Archéologie française 49. LAFAGE, F., AUXIETTE, G., BRUNET, P. et al. (2000) Changis-sur-Marne, “les Pétreaux” (77). Habitat rural protohistorique du Bronze final, Rapport intermédiaire de fouille préventive 1999. Direction régionale des Affaires culturelles-service régional d’archéologie d’Ile-de-France.

CONCLUSION The presence of bear bone fragments and the fauna assemblage can be seen as strong indicators, alongside the site’s fortifications and its distinctive finds, of the aristocratic nature of the Villiers-sur-Seine settlement. Its location on the banks of the Seine, a navigable river in Prehistory, gave it exclusive control over river traffic and the surrounding area, an economic and hierarchical model similar to that of the princely sites or oppida of the Iron Age. The forthcoming study will allow a more detailed vision of this settlement that promises to be an exceptional discovery.

KRUUK, H. (2002) Hunter and hunted. Relationships between carnivores and people. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. 246 p. NOWAK, R.M. (2005) Walker’s carnivores of the world. Baltimore & London, The John Hopkins University Press. PARDE, J.-M. et CAMARRA, J.-J. (1992) L’Ours brun (Ursus arctos Linnaeus, 1758), Société française pour l’étude et la protection des mammifères. PATOU-MATHIS, M. (2004) Ursidés. in. La préhistoire. Histoire et dictionnaire. Paris, Robert Laffont.

The authors would like to thank the following persons: Fabienne Boisseau, Nathalie Ameye, Julien Boisson, Didier Cahu, Raphaël Denis, Anne-Estelle Finck and Jean-Philippe Quenez.

PEARSON, A.M. (1975) The northern interior grizzly bear Ursus arctos L., in ROMBAUER, I.S. et BECKER, M.R. (1963). The Joy of Cooking. London, Dent & Sons.

46

LA FORMACIÓN DE LAS SOCIEDADES PROTOURBANAS EN EL NE DE LA PENÍNSULA IBÉRICA A PARTIR DE LOS CONTEXTOS FUNERARIOS (1100-550 ANE CAL.) Enriqueta PONS Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya-Girona (Spain)

Raimon GRAELLS Becari FI, Universitat de Lleida (Spain). Departament d’Historia, Secció d’Arqueologia, Prehistòria i Història Antiga

Mariona VALLDEPÈREZ Universitat Rovira i Virgili-Tarragona (Spain) Abstract: Towards the end of the bronze age, western Europe became a complex social and cultural setting whose background was made up of autochthonous populations with evidence of having included other foreign populations of different origins, particularly from the continent and the Mediterranean. As a result of its geographical position, Catalonia was fully affected by this. The aim of this work is to show the social stratification processes that came about: the evolution from a rural, fragmented population to an urban population, as well as building an increasingly more diversified society in social terms. Keywords: Cremation necropolis, Society, Protohistory, periodisation, Catalonia Résumé: L’Europe occidentale devient vers la fin de l’Âge de bronze un ensemble social et culturel complexe formé en toile de fond par des populations autochtones accueillant et mettant en évidence d’autres populations étrangères de diverses origines, en particulier les populations continentale et méditerranéenne. La Catalogne, de par sa situation géographique, sera touchée de plein fouet. L’objectif de cette étude est de faire connaître les processus de stratification sociale qui se produit : le passage d’une population paysanne et fragmentée à une population urbaine, alors que se structure une société toujours plus diversifiée du point de vue social. Mots clef: Nécropole d’incinération, société, Protohistoire, périodisation, Catalogne

Aunque la cultura material de las necrópolis se reduce a menos elementos –fosa, conjunto funerario, cubierta y ajuar- que los que podemos encontrar en los lugares de habitación –casa, espacio de cocina, despensa, taller, almacén, lugar de reposo-, es también cierto que las necrópolis son lugares cerrados y sellados, por lo que la significación de los elementos que componen la tumba, si ésta no ha sido expoliada previamente, será más real, aunque parcial. En la mayoría de las sociedades primitivas, la humanidad ha querido manifestar cierto desafío a la eternidad en lo referente al contenido de las tumbas y a su perennidad. Cabe destacar por otra parte que son precisamente las necrópolis los principales modelos de consumo de artefactos y enseres. Y son precisamente estas dos características, el hecho de ser un lugar cerrado y sellado definitivamente y los componentes de la tumba, las que permitirán aproximarnos a la hipótesis de trabajo que encabeza nuestro estudio: la transformación de la sociedad a partir del continente y el contenido de las tumbas (fig. 7.1).

UNA JUSTIFICACIÓN PREVIA Con este trabajo intentamos realizar una síntesis sobre el desarrollo de la sociedad a través de las necrópolis durante la fase final de la edad del bronce e inicios de la edad del hierro (1200-550 ANE cal.) en el noreste de la península Ibérica. Las razones son varias, pero una de las principales es el cambio repentino del ritual funerario y la generalización del uso de la incineración en todo el territorio catalán, coincidiendo con un cambio climático importante que modificó los sistemas productivos en activo y con la sedentarización definitiva de las poblaciones establecidas en la zona. Durante el transcurso de estas modificaciones económico-sociales aparece la siderurgia y con ella uno de los cambios más importantes de la tecnología metalúrgica. El presente artículo tratará de una revisión acerca de las hipótesis evolutivas de la sociedad en el noreste peninsular durante el periodo de transición a la edad del hierro a través de las necrópolis. A partir de las necrópolis conocidas, de las cuales algunas recién descubiertas, hemos establecido varios estadios de desarrollo y cambios culturales, ya que los restos encontrados en las dos últimas décadas han modificado de mucho las tesis clásicas (Maluquer 1945-1946; Tarradell 1962; Almagro 1977; Pons 1984; Ruiz Zapatero 1985). 1

LOS ESTADIOS CULTURALES Estadio I: finales de la Edad del Bronce – Bronce Final IIIb

1

En la fig. 7.1, hemos establecido provisionalmente una tabla cronológica de los yacimientos estudiados siguiendo los diferentes criterios de datación según varios autores y de la cual nos hemos basado para establecer los estadios culturales de este trabajo.

En este período la incineración se generaliza por todo el territorio catalán, coincidiendo también con la presencia de necrópolis extensas en las principales llanuras de la 47

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Fig. 7.1. Relación cronológica y de duración de las necrópolis de incineración conocidas en Cataluña a través de los estadios culturales que van de finales de la edad del Bronce hasta principios de la iberización dentro de la edad del hierro

depresión litoral y la central. La diversificación territorial marcará unas pautas que se caracterizarán en la estructura funeraria y en la inversión utilizada en la construcción y en el uso del material constructivo. La estructura externa de la tumba adquirirá diferentes modalidades según las costumbres anteriores, aunque dominarán dos que dividen el país en dos grandes áreas: un grupo formado por necrópolis de tumbas con un contorno construido y con una estructura tumular, que se localiza en la Depresión Central y en los Pirineos (Lopez, Pons 1995); y otro grupo formado por tumbas sencillas construidas mediante una simple fosa en el suelo dentro de la cual se coloca la urna cineraria, característica propia de las necrópolis que aparecen en las depresiones del litoral y del prelitoral (Pons 2000; Lopez-Cachero 2005). El primer grupo – necrópolis como Roques de Sant Formatge o Coll del Moro de Gandesa (Rafel 1989)- parece necesitar una actividad colectiva para construir las tumbas, mientras que el segundo – necrópolis de Agullana, Can PiteuSabadell, El Molar, Pi de la Lliura- parece ser más bien de carácter individual. Estas diferencias tan marcadas en la arquitectura de la tumba –por individuo incinerado y enterrado– deben estar relacionadas con las características de la población, características contrastadas también en la construcción del hábitat (Pons 2003 y 2005).

metálico de bronce, alguna fusayola o concha, o un pequeño vaso de acompañamiento u ofrenda. Muy pronto empezaremos a observar que en las necrópolis del litoral van apareciendo tumbas (entre el 0 y el 14 %) con más elementos metálicos que las del interior. Estos elementos suelen ser objetos de ornamentación personal (brazaletes, anillos, anillas, agujas, navajas de afeitar, pinzas, etc) que en este estadio se encuentran en el interior de la urna cineraria y no suelen estar quemados (fig. 7.2a). Este hecho contrasta con el modo de vida de las poblaciones. Mientras en el litoral, los poblados están formados por pequeñas aglomeraciones de cabañas concentradas en espacios separados sin planificación y construidas con materiales perecederos, en la depresión Central se produce el inicio de los poblados cerrados y funcionales y aparentemente urbanizados (López-Cachero 1999, 2006; Pons 2005), y en las zonas montañosas del Prepirineo y las cordilleras del Litoral y Prelitoral, perdura la utilización esporádica pero constante de cuevas (Francès, Pons 1998). Estadio II: período de transición a la Edad del Hierro (725-650 aC) En este periodo observamos una perduración de las necrópolis extensas en el litoral (Agullana II, Can Piteu Ib, El Molar II, Coll del Moro de Gandesa, Roques de Sant Formatge), manteniéndose en cada una la estructura

En cuanto al contenido o ajuar funerario hay que destacar en la mayoría de los casos una simplicidad homogénea, aunque en algunas tumbas pueda aparecer algún ajuar 48

E. PONS ET AL.: LA FORMACIÓN DE LAS SOCIEDADES PROTOURBANAS EN EL NE DE LA PENÍNSULA IBÉRICA…

a

b

Fig. 7.2.a. Porcentaje de los diferentes ajuares funerarios con o sin depósito, de más antigua a más reciente. Las gráficas representan la presencia del ajuar metálico a través del tiempo; b. Ajuar metálico procedente de la tumba CPR-296 de la necrópolis de Can Piteu-Sabadell (foto equipo CPR) 49

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

funeraria pertinente, aunque con pequeños cambios, como por ejemplo un aumento del ajuar funerario en algunas de las tumbas, tanto en el número de vasos de ofrendas como en el repertorio metálico, la mayoría como indicadores de tumbas pertenecientes a personajes selectos dentro de una comunidad. En la mayoría de las necrópolis mencionadas aparecen tumbas diferentes al resto tanto en la dimensión del espacio funerario cómo en la construcción de la tumba y en su contenido, que deben señalar la singularidad o rol particular del enterrado, indistintamente del sexo o de la edad. En la necrópolis de El Molar destaca la presencia de algunas tumbas en base a su construcción, donde se ve una participación colectiva (T111, 95, 108) (Castro 1994); en la necrópolis de Agullana destaca la tumba 69 con una fíbula de pivote (Palol 1958); en la extensa necrópolis de Can Piteu aparecen también algunas tumbas sencillas con objetos exóticos de bronce y de procedencia alógena – cómo las fíbulas de pivote, o las fíbulas de doble resorte –, o los propios asadores de hierro (Marlasca et alii 2005).

o sexo, pero serán el inicio del evidente proceso de diferenciación social que se producirá en los siguientes estadios (fig. 7.2).

Como se puede observar en este estadio, asistimos a la aparición de objetos de bronce de procedencia alógena – fíbulas de pivote, de origen mediterráneo, la fíbula de doble resorte de origen sudpeninsular o fenicio, así como las primeras importaciones de cerámica a torno o de imitación fenicia. (Marlasca et al. 2005). Con todo, no debemos atribuir exclusivamente la presencia de objetos de prestigio a la complejidad de las tumbas, ya que una buena mayoría de estos objetos pueden pertenecer a tumbas sencillas. Lo mismo pasa con los primeros objetos de hierro. Y a la complejidad de ciertas tumbas que aparecen de manera extraordinaria en algunas de las necrópolis, su contenido y su construcción, debe entenderse cómo acciones deliberadas por la comunidad que ha participado en la ceremonia o en el banquete funerario, y no tanto cómo valores personales del difunto.

Las grandes necrópolis del Bronce Final desaparecen casi todas (unas pocas tumbas de Agullana permanecen), y a cambio tiene lugar la presencia de otras menos extensas (Pla de Bruguera, Anglès, Vilanera II, Can Piteu II). 3 Los cambios que se producen no sólo aparecen en la dimensión de las necrópolis, sino también en las formas cerámicas y en la composición de los ajuares. Si hasta ahora destacaban formas cerámicas que podían encontrarse en todo el noreste peninsular –urnas de cuello diferenciado, urnas bicónicas con borde exvasado (ambas decoradas), urnas de perfil en S con cordón impreso en la inflexión borde / cuerpo –, ahora veremos como cada grupo geográfico tiene sus propias formas, a pesar de que se observa la tendencia a unos perfiles sinuosos y estandarizados.

En lo referente a la habitación perduran en la zona costera las aglomeraciones de cabañas y en la Depresión Central los poblados construidos y cerrados de tipo funcional. Estadio III: Inicios de la edad del Hierro (675-600 aC) Este periodo está marcado por otro movimiento humano, pero de diferente índole y trayecto. Las poblaciones de la zona costera experimentan una mutación social y económica muy ligada a los movimientos marítimos y coloniales –unos de procedencia sudpeninsular promovidos por los fenicios, y otros procedentes del norte de Italia y centromediterráneos– y en los que las islas del Mediterráneo Central colaborarían de intermediarios (Asensio 2005) (fig. 7.3a).

Existen diferencias notables de tumbas con un ajuar rico en cantidad y calidad de objetos de ornamentación. Para ello estas tumbas engrandecen su espacio funerario: las fosas amplían la capacidad del hoyo mientras que las estructuras tumulares amplían el diámetro del contorno. En referencia a los ajuares, tenemos una presencia importante de objetos de bronce, especialmente de atavío –hebillas de cinturón, fíbulas, botones , o de ornamentación –brazaletes, anillas, colgantes, agujas–; también comienza a ser abundante la presencia de elementos de hierro –cuchillos y brazaletes– en la mayoría de las necrópolis de la zona litoral. Destaca la presencia de fíbulas serpentiformes halladas en las necrópolis del Vallès: en la necrópolis de Can Piteu se han documentado de momento 67 piezas, las cuales representan el 31% de las tumbas de la fase II de la necrópolis asociadas a su vez con un cuchillo de hierro. También se documenta la fíbula de resorte bilateral de hierro bastante más escasa, pero

Las influencias de las estructuras tumulares de la Depresión Central se extienden hacia el Prepirineo en el periodo de transición a la edad del hierro, como una muestra más de las huellas constantes del movimiento humano en busca de nuevos recursos ecológicos. Destacan las necrópolis de Mas Baleta III-La Jonquera (Tarrús 2006), Les Canals-Espolla (López, Pons 1995), Can Barraca (Martín-Machín 2006) y Can Bellsolá Besalú, las dos primeras de las cuales contienen un cuchillo de hierro 2 (fig. 7.1). Es importante la aparición de la primera siderurgia manifestada con la presencia de objetos personales – cuchillos y navajas– y de objetos ornamentales –anillas, brazaletes, etc., que aparecen tanto en tumbas sencillas, como en las tumbas más ricas de las necrópolis arriba mencionadas. En un primer momento parece ser que la adquisición de elementos exóticos, como el cuchillo de hierro u objetos de importación de bronce o hierro, es independiente de la clase social y no es distintivo de edad

3 Solo las dos necrópolis de Can Piteu-Sabadell coinciden en el mismo lugar, siendo la más reciente la que se superpone en parte a la más antigua (Lopez Cachero 2005). La superposición de tumbas es frecuente en lugares de enterramiento de larga supervivencia, donde es evidente el olvido de enterramientos precedentes (Agullana, Can Missert, Can Piteu).

2

Las necrópolis de Mas Baleta III, Can Barraca y Can Bellsolà han sido descubiertas estos últimos años y algunas permanecen inéditas. Agradecemos a los arqueólogos respectivos por su información oral.

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Fig. 7.3. Situación de las necrópolis de incineración de los estadios II-III y su influencia tumularia; situación numérica de las necrópolis o tumbas con armamento del estadio IV: 1. Pla de Gibrella-Capsec; 2. Peralada; 3. Vilanera y Muralla NE de Empúries; 4. Camallera; 5. Llinars del Vallès; 6. Granja Soley; 7. Can Canyís; 8. Milmanda; 9. Roques de Sant. Formatge-Serós; 10. L’Oriola-Amposta; 11. Mas de Mussols-La Palma; 12. Mianes-Santa Bárbara (mapa R. Balsera)

que aparece en casi todas las necrópolis como un indicador del periodo.

cuchillos de hierro, agujas de cabeza bipolar de hierro, a parte de las fíbulas de bronce o de hierro. Las tumbas con un mayor número de vasos cerámicos y/o con importantes objetos de hierro parecen corresponder a tumbas masculinas. Un ejemplo interesante es la tumba 68 de GBI de Mailhac que contenía 58 vasos cerámicos y entre los numerosos objetos metálicos de bronce y de hierro, había elementos correspondientes a guarniciones de caballo y a restos de un carro de hierro (Janin 2000);

Aparecen otros elementos de prestigio y de poder, que juntamente a un número importante de vasos de acompañamiento, son indicadores de banquetes funerarios –simpulum, páteras metálicas, asadores de hierro, etc.– además de elementos relacionados con la caballería y adornos de guarnición del caballo –bocados–, junto a 51

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destacan las tumbas masculinas 6 y 8 del Pla de la Bruguera (Clops et al. 1998); en algunos casos de tumbas masculinas empezamos a encontrar hebillas de cinturón de un garfio, puntas de flecha en Mas Baleta III, Agullana II, Camallera, algunas con armas incluidas como la punta de lanza de bronce (Agullana II, Vilanera II, Mimaldi) o de hierro (Roques de Sant Formatge). Mientras que las tumbas femeninas parecen destacar por un número más importante de objetos de ornamentación de bronce: GBI de Mailhac, Pla de la Bruguera, Can Piteu II, El Molar, Agullana, etc. En la necrópolis de El Molar las tumbas con la asociación torques / fíbula se atribuyen a hombres, mientras que la asociación colgantes /cadenitas /anillos /brazaletes son atribuidas a mujeres (Castro 1994; Ruiz Zapatero 2004). Sin embargo existen casos de tumbas atribuidas a mujeres con la asociación torques / fíbula o cuchillos / fíbulas con objetos de ornamentación en Can Piteu II; existe el caso de la tumba 1 del Pla de la Bruguera con objetos de ornamentación de bronce, un cuchillo de hierro y una hebilla de cinturón de bronce (Clop, Faura 1997). En la necrópolis de Agullana, la tumba 184, con 18 vasos cerámicos, cuatro de imitación fenicia y objetos metálicos raros como una hebilla de un cinturon y una fíbula de bucle, ha sido interpretado como un posible forastero destacado, seguramente masculino (Graells 2004).

del contacto de las dos vertientes pirenaicas, siendo el Pirineo mediterráneo uno de los lugares de más concentración de estos objetos (Parzinger, Sanz 1986, tipo Abb2 i 3; Pons, Pautreau 1994; Pons 2005). Empiezan a aparecer las primeras presencias de objetos punzantes de hierro, objetos más bien considerados como útiles plurifuncionales que propiamente armas –el puñal, el cuchillo grande y afalcatado, la punta de lanza o las puntas de flecha–. Entre este estadio y el anterior se conoce la existencia de puntas de lanza de bronce, algunas asociadas a tumbas con una panoplia guerrera como las tumbas de guerreros de Camallera o del Pla de Gibrella; otras sin ningún otro material punzante que el cuchillo, cómo en Vilanera II, Agullana II, etc. Ante la rica tumba 68 de la necrópolis GBI de Mailhac, con elementos de carro y guarnición del caballo, apareció solamente un puñal de hierro como elemento punzante ofensivo (Janin 2000). Las tres tumbas de Can Piteu con restos de bocado de caballo contienen uno o dos cuchillos de hierro, además de una fíbula serpentiforme o de una aguja de cabeza bipolar, pero sin ninguna arma (Lopez-Cachero 2005). Con todo ello cabe remarcar la presencia de un nuevo grupo social de elite cada vez más grueso y la inexistencia aun de una caballería militar. Tenemos constancia de ello por la presencia de estelas antropomorfas, que seguramente hacen referencia a personajes importantes, en el Castellets, en la Pedrera y en Roques de Sant Formatge; si bien hay hallazgos de otro tipo de señalización más sencilla en el Coll del Moro de Gandesa (Rafel 1995). El ejemplar de Roques de Sant Formatge corresponde a la cara de un personaje de sexo indeterminado (probablemente masculino). Parece clara cierta correspondencia como representación heroica del difunto (Junyent, Pérez 2003), a pesar de que existe el dilema de si corresponde a una estela que coronaria el túmulo al que se asocia, o si formó parte de alguna otra figura, amortizada como parte del túmulo después de su fractura. 4 El cippo antropomorfo de la Pedrera de Vallfogona de Balaguer fue hallado fuera de contexto. Morfológicamente corresponde a un cippo de tipo fálico, con una base cúbica y la parte superior cilíndrica, destinada a señalizar la tumba. Representa una cara esquemática en la parte superior del cilindro (fig. 7.4).

Los objetos de prestigio e indicadores de poder están relacionados con personajes destacados tanto masculinos como femeninos; están los elementos de banquete – simpulum (Can Piteu II-T18, Agullana II-T192, Vilanera II, Anglès-T8); los asadores de hierro (en las tumbas femeninas 20, 536 i 832, de Can Piteu); o bien los elementos relacionados con la caballería que marcan las primeres presencias de jinetes y de caballos domesticados y guarnecidos (tumbas 18, 21, 106 de Can Piteu) o con el atavío personal –hebillas de cinturón de placa rectangular (en Can Piteu, Agullana, El Coll de Llinars o Pla de la Bruguera); o hebillas de cinturón con el talón y la placa calados tipo Fleury y que se encuentra tanto en poblados – la Devesa (Besalú) o Puig de Sant Andreu (Ullastret), como en necrópolis (Can Piteu II, Pla de la Bruguera, Vilanera II-La Escala, etc. (fig. 7.2b). Aumentan las necrópolis y las tumbas con objetos de atavío personal adecuado para el nuevo estatus social cada vez más evidente, el del jinete, el del héroe local o el del caudillo, como son las hebillas de cinturón de un garfio, los botones y cadenillas. Son representativos los colgantes con anillas y apéndice, que aparecen en este estadio y perduran hasta los inicios de la era ibérica (existen 2 moldes para este tipo de objetos en el yacimiento de Sant Jaume de Mas d’en Serra (inèdito) y otro en el campo de silos de Avinyonet del Penedès (también inédito). Las hebillas de cinturón de talón y placa diferenciados de un garfio serán muy pronto el prototipo de las hebillas de cinturón ibéricas de dos, tres y más garfios y que aparecerán en todas las necrópolis y poblados de las costas del Mediterráneo nordoccidental a principios de la edad del hierro. Este hecho representa un buen ejemplo

Destaca en casi todas las necrópolis mencionadas la presencia de cerámicas de importación o de imitación de productos fenicios; no obstante existen tumbas con ciertos indicadores simpulum, fíbula de pivote, guarnición de caballo, brocheta, hebillas caladas o rectangulares, o con objetos de hierro– que no contienen precisamente elementos de procedencia fenicia. Por el contrario, la fíbula de doble resorte sí suele ir acompañada con restos de esta procedencia sudpeninsular (Vilanera, Agullana, etc.). Además, en otras muchas tumbas con ninguno de estos elementos alóctonos o con nada más que la urna cineraria, contienen el cuchillo de hierro. Podemos casi 4

Este ejemplar, de forma antropomorfa y esculpido en arenisca, fue hallado en la campaña del 2002 como parte de la cobertura de un túmulo.

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Fig. 7.4. a y b diferentes elementos de guarnición de caballo de La Pedrera-Vallfogona de Balaguer: a, bozal de bronce; b. Freno de hierro; c, d y e estelas antropomorfas: c, Preixana-Termens, d, Castellets de Mequinenza-Zaragoza, e, Roques de Sant Formatge-Serós (imágenes Universidad de Lleida)

decir que este artefacto –el cuchillo de hierro– era conocido por todos los forasteros que intentaron conectar

de la manera que fuera con los indígenas de las costas del mediterráneo nordoccidental. 53

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Por lo que se refiere a las zonas de habitación, empiezan a proliferar los asentamientos construidos y con una estructura preconcebida, organizada y urbanizada, emplazados en lugares elevados, de difícil acceso y defensa natural, aparentemente similares a los poblados cerrados y funcionales existentes desde hace tiempo en la Depresión Central, pero ahora el muro perimetral será más potente y defensivo. Se empieza hacia finales del s.VII en el valle bajo del Ebro hasta la costa y va extendiéndose hacia el litoral central y norte, desde el Garraf hasta más allá de los Pirineos, a lo largo del s.VI aC.

Junto con esta abundancia armamentística encontramos también un aumento del ajuar en objetos relacionados con el vestido –hebillas de cinturón de dos, tres o más garfios, botones– elementos que se encuentran vinculados a tumbas especiales o diferentes de las demás en contenido, y en este período muy asociados a tumbas con armamento, a tumbas llamadas de “guerreros” pertenecientes en general a tumbas masculinas. Otro tipo de ajuar de bronce aparece también en este período en tumbas que no contienen elementos armamentísticos – colgantes, cadenitas, anillos, fíbulas, etc. – y en donde los objetos de plata empiezan a ser importantes, Destacan las necrópolis del Coll del Moro, Mas de Mussols, Mianes, Oriola). En este caso las tumbas con este contenido han sido relacionadas a individuos femeninos. 7

Estadio IV: Las tumbas de guerreros y las poblaciones preibéricas En este período las necrópolis son poco extensas y en ellas aparecen grandes diferencias entre las dimensiones de la tumba y el contenido de las mismas. El número de enterrados parece menor en todas las zonas estudiadas, pero aumenta en porcentaje el número de las tumbas con ajuar –en las necrópolis paleoibéricas del Bajo Ebro encontramos el 100% de las tumbas con ajuar metálico o cerámico (Majoral 1992; Garcia, J., Zamora, 2005). En este período destacan precisamente las tumbas de guerreros, algunas aisladas, –Granja Soley, Llinars del Vallès, Camallera, Pla de Gibrella–; otras en pequeñas necrópolis –Can Canyís, Milmanda, Muralla NE, Peralada; que se extienden a lo largo de la costa catalana (fig. 7.3a). Este mismo fenómeno se da en la misma época en las zonas del litoral meridional francés, entre Carcassona y Agda: Las Peyros-Couffoulens, Grand Bassin II-Mailhac; Corno-Lauzo-Mailhac, St. Julien de Pézénas, etc.(Lucas 2003-2004, 5 Mazière 2005).

En esta fase se produce también un cambio drástico en las formas de las urnas y vasos cerámicos. Desaparece la clásica decoración de acanalados y las formas cerámicas son reemplazadas por vasos de formas sinuosas con pie marcado o sin él, y decorados la mayoría de ellas con un cordón impreso, abundando las formas sin apenas decoración. La variedad de formas de los períodos anteriores se ha reducido enormemente, siendo ahora bastante más estandarizadas. Además la mayoría de las necrópolis de este estadio contienen urnas a torno de elaboración indígena, elemento que las sitúa dentro de un período avanzado de la Edad del Hierro y como preludio de la cultura ibérica. Cabe señalar que parte de los yacimientos arriba mencionados – como Peralada y Muralla NE-Empúries al norte; la tumba de guerrero de la Granja Soley en el Vallés o las necrópolis de Mas de Mussol, Mianes, Oriola en el Bajo Ebro.– con cerámicas a torno de importación o preibéricas se encuentran a menos de 30 km de la costa y en total contacto con las poblaciones mediterráneas.

En este estadio, el contenido de las tumbas manifiesta una perfecta armonía y sincronía entre los enseres y objetos relacionados con el banquete funerario –simpulum, calderos y número abundante de vasos–, con marcadores de prestigio relacionados con el vestido y la ornamentación personal –fíbulas, objetos de ornamentación abundante, hebillas de cinturón, botones, etc– así cómo elementos indicadores de poder y de jefatura con abundante armamento de hierro, entre el que destaca un conjunto de elementos de carácter ofensivo –cuchillos grandes de punta curvada, espadas y puñales de antenas, puntas de lanza y talones–, apareciendo más tarde el soliferreum en las necrópolis paleoibéricas; y otros elementos de carácter defensivo, que suelen aparecer junto al soliferreum en las tumbas someramente más recientes. Las armas ofensivas suelen ser de bronce y destacan los cascos y las grebas; éstas han aparecido sobretodo en las necrópolis paleoibéricas –Granja Soley (Sanmartí et alii 1982), o las de Mianes (Maluquer 1987) y Oriola) (Esteve Gálvez 1999). 6

LA INCIDENCIA DE LA SIDERURGIA EN LA SOCIEDAD La aparición del hierro en el nordeste peninsular ha sido considerada como una iniciativa extra peninsular y como consecuencia de la convergencia y conveniencia de todo un complejo dinámico de poblaciones y de ideas (Rovira 2001). Ante los movimientos humanos que se aproximan procedentes del mediterráneo y del mundo colonial, la tradicional vía de los Pirineos se reactiva, pero a partir de ahora ya no será una vía de comunicación libre como antaño. En el Golfo de León los indígenas de las dos vertientes de los Pirineos Orientales están organizados y sus exigencias ante los nuevos allegados serán más fuertes para el intercambio de las nuevas mercancías. A partir del s.VIII y a lo largo del s. VII empiezan a circular numerosos objetos y artefactos de metal, primero de

5 La bibliografia sobre este grupo de tumbas de inicios de la edad del hierro del mediterráneo nordoccidental es inmensa, pero pensamos que Lucas en este artículo póstumo publicado en la revista Kalathos la recoge casi toda, recopilando recopilación exhaustivamente lo que pretendemos en este trabajo. 6 La reciente publicación de C. Farnié y F. Quesada 2005 sobre los símbolos de poder e instrumentos de guerra… es un buen ejemplo de estudio analítico y de recopilación de lo publicado sobre este tema.

7 Quisiéramos destacar aquí la abundancia de objetos de prestigio que aparecen en esta zona del bajo Ebro entre los siglos VII-VI aC, riqueza en materiales y en concepciones urbanísticas, tecnológicas y artesanales y que no observamos en las regiones situadas al norte del Ebro, a pesar de la existencia y del conocimiento de estos nuevos contactos.

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bronce y más tarde de hierro, éste último hasta ahora desconocido. La mayoría de estos objetos son de nueva concepción –toilette, vestimenta o de ornamentación personal- o elaborados de una nueva materia y técnica, objetos que circulan por el mediterráneo noroccidental. Muchos de estos objetos se presentan asociados varias veces entre sí, formando conjuntos similares que aparecen en lugares distantes, desde las necrópolis del Vallès –Can Piteu, Pla de la Bruguera, Coll de Llinars- del litoral central catalán, hasta las necrópolis de Francia -Grand Bassin I-Mailhac (Aude) o de la de Peyrou en Agda-, fenómeno que hace pensar que bien podría tratar-se de objetos de fabricación autóctona, a excepción de algunos que pueden bien tratarse de importación –es el caso de las fíbulas de pivote o de doble resorte, del simpulum, del asador, o de los objetos de guarnición de caballo, etc– (Marlasca et alii, 2005). Ha sido necesario el contacto de mundos diferentes, intercambiar los medios disponibles en beneficio mutuo y más adelante copiar, reinventar o elaborar objetos y artefactos necesarios, hecho que ha dificultado saber a ciencia cierta el lugar de origen de los mismos o el de su primera creación. Estos contactos tan directos son los propios de las ferias y mercadillos de quincallería y, porqué no, aceptar que bien podrían haber existido verdaderos mercados en los diferentes puertos mercantiles de Agde, Canet, Empúries, o del delta del Llobregat –entonces un estuario-, centros comerciales originados mucho antes de los primeros contactos coloniales (Pons 1984; 2005). 8

observamos que las poblaciones hasta ahora agropecuarias, pastoriles y trashumantes van transformándose hacia una sociedad artesanal y urbanizada con la presencia destacable de personajes de elite, de caballeros y damas pudientes, cuyo poder y riqueza quedan reflejados en las tumbas. La presencia de objetos de bronze relacionados con la vestimenta y el decoro personal –agujas de cabeza, fíbulas, hebillas de cinturón o botones- hace pensar en un cambio importante en la mentalidad personal, aun más cuando muchos de esos objetos pueden ser pertinentes a la hora de identificar el sexo del muerto. Será en el periodo de transición al hierro cuando empezamos a diferenciar tumbas destacables por el número de vasos de ofrenda o por un ajuar metálico importante y que pueden pertenecer a personajes particulares del grupo –caudillos, héroes, madonas (T184 de Agullana; T68 de G.B.IMailhac, etc). Los elementos de prestigio de hierro son relativamente escasos –excepto los cuchillos grandes, las fíbulas o agujas que son ciertamente importantes- y se reducen a unos pocos elementos de origen alógeno como los asadores y los relativos a la guarnición del caballo. – El asador destaca por su rareza. Además no suele estar relacionado con la complejidad de la tumba, y sí en cambio puede estarlo con el estatus social del difunto. Hasta hace poco solamente se conocían dos ejemplares hallados en la tumba 420 de la necrópolis de Le Moulinfascies G.B.I, datada entre el 700-650 AC. (Janin 2000, 127), tumba que destaca por contener un número elevado de vasos, un depósito de ofrendas cárnicas y se encuentra situada en un lugar destacado de la zona. En cambio se han localizado recientemente restos módicos en tres tumbas de la necrópolis de Can Piteu II, atribuidas a personajes femeninos –las tumbas T536, T20 y T832–, ésta última con un torques de bronce, junto a dos cuchillos, 1 aguja de cabeza biglobular y 1 fíbula serpentiforme, todo ello de hierro (López Cachero 2005).

Con la presencia del cuchillo de hierro en las tumbas 9 – entendido como útil doméstico, personal y plurifuncionalse empieza a percibir los primeros indicios de diferencias en el contenido de la tumba y que no solamente puede señalar un gesto de riqueza /pobreza, dominio / sumisión, sino que también podría estar ligado al acceso diferencial de dichos productos (Ruiz-Zapatero 2004, 320), introduciéndose en las poblaciones agropecuarias otros estamentos sociales distantes o próximos al poder. Hasta los tres primeros estadios culturales apenas encontramos elementos punzantes de carácter ofensivo, incluso en un momento importante de introducción de artefactos nuevos y de objetos de hierro, material este último hasta ahora desconocido. A partir del III estadio,

– Los objetos relativos a la guarnición del caballo simbolizan la domesticación del mismo así como la presencia de jinetes en el estatus social de las poblaciones estudiadas, hecho todavía no documentado hasta ahora. Los primeros elementos de guarnición de caballo que se conocen son de hierro y aparecen entre los estadios II y III. Su presencia en tumbas de incineración es escasa, pero suficientemente simbólica, ja que documenta por primera vez la figura del jinete o del héroe local.

8

Son interesantes los trabajos acerca de los orígenes sobre los primeros objetos de hierro en Catalunya, de Rovira 1998, y del sur de Francia, de Janin, Chardenon 1998). 9 El cuchillo de dorso rebajado, punta curvada y con un sistema de fijación de remaches en el mango de madera o de hueso es uno de los primeros objetos de hierro que aparece en las necrópolis de Francia y de Cataluña. En principio son pequeños y seguramente fueron de uso doméstico. Aparecen al final de la existencia de algunas necrópolis antiguas y en el periodo de transición al hierro:en Le Moulin aparece en 4 tumbas –T4, T266, T367, T348-; en Agullana se documenta en tres tumbas; en Can Piteu I en tres –T450, T1040, y la T288– y juntamente a ésta última aparece una fíbula de importación de bronce; en el Molar, se dan dos casos, etc. El cuchillo de hierro está siempre presente en ajuares funerarios de prestigio, de valor personal y aparece con objetos de importación. No obstante, también es cierto que el cuchillo de hierro es el único objeto que aparece en algunos ajuares de tumbas sencillas como objeto distintivo.

Debido a la ausencia todavía de armamento en estos períodos, podemos decir que este jinete no estaría relacionado con actitudes de tipo militar o belicoso, al menos en estos estadios; pero sí en cambio para el transporte y la montura. El estudio de la fauna correspondiente a los poblados ha documentado que el caballo fue sacrificado en edad senil y rara vez fue explotado para el consumo. La presencia de hallazgos de restos de guarnición y de 55

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montura en algunas necrópolis (Grand Bassin I, Can Piteu, La Pedrera) o de enterramientos de caballos inhumados en algunos poblados refuerza todavía más la existencia del caballo domesticado. 10

poco corrientes de bronze, objetos selectos, algunos de los cuales son de clara procedencia extranjera (Marlasca et al. 2005), o de indicadores de una aristocracia indígena (Bouloumié 1988). Se trata de objetos relacionados con banquetes rituales –simpulum, vasos metálicos, asadores, elementos asociados a un número importante de vasos para el consumo o a restos de comida-, objetos con símbolos heroicos –complementos del vestido y ornamentación personal, junto a armas de hierro, fenómeno este último que va a desarrollarse en el estadio IV (Lucas 2004). Alrededor del 600 aC, aparecen en todo el litoral tumbas aisladas o necrópolis de nueva planta, poco extensas, que contienen tumbas con una panoplia guerrera completa, objetos claramente destinados a combates organizados, tanto ofensivos como defensivos y que se detectan por primera vez (Farnié, Quesada 2005). Todo ello sucede inmediatamente después del momento en que toda la costa catalana y languedociana aparece picoteada por los contactos comerciales marítimos, especialmente entre el Ebro y el Hérault.

Otro de los acontecimientos importantes que sucede en el estadio III es la ampliación del espacio funerario y por tanto del depósito funerario y de su contenido que suele ser generalmente más rico en objetos metálicos de bronce y de hierro. Esto sucede en un mayor porcentaje de tumbas que en el período anterior. Este evento se produce con mayor frecuencia en las necrópolis del litoral que en las del interior, hecho debido a la importancia y acercamiento de los contactos marítimos. La relativa importancia de objetos metálicos presentes en las necrópolis y el considerable aumento durante el periodo de transición al hierro –a El Molar el 5%, a Agullana el 25%, a Can Piteu I el 10 % y a Can Piteu II el 70%, al Pla de la Bruguera el 100%, etc.– ha dado pie a algunos autores a definir la existencia de una escala social acomodada de la población enterrada (fig.). Para la zona costera, ya avanzamos en su día, la existencia de unas poblaciones formadas por una base social amplia –unas tres cuartas partes- definida a través de las tumbas individuales con apenas ajuar; y el resto sobrante estaría formado por dos grupos sociales: uno mayoritario aparentemente igual que el anterior pero con un valor adquisitivo y/o distintivo superior, ya que contienen un ajuar con un componente metálico en el que podemos incluir los objetos de hierro, que podrían pertenecer a mercaderes, artesanos, metalurgistas incluso; y el resto, un grupo minoritario que pertenecería a personajes de importancia capital dentro del grupo –grandes hombres o amas, jinetes, caudillos– coincidiendo en algunos casos con una construcción compleja de la tumba y con un ajuar rico en número de vasos y de objetos metálicos, no precisamente de hierro (Pons, Esteba 2000). Si nos referimos al diseño y a la procedencia de los objetos contenidos en la tumba podemos afirmar que en un principio hubo tumbas individuales y sencillas con objetos de hierro y que éste estaba ausente en algunas tumbas distinguidas (López Cachero 2005). De aquí la importancia que tuvo desde el principio de la siderurgia en la transformación de la sociedad.

Les poblaciones arraigadas habían demostrado hasta el momento ser poco beligerantes, no obstante existen precedentes que hay que buscar el origen de esta transformación dentro de la esfera evolutiva del estamento social formado especialmente por artesanos masculinos –mineros, ceramistas, comerciantes primero y jinetes, héroes y guerreros más tarde. En la Depresión Central, la consolidación prematura de un hábitat estable comportó muy pronto la presencia de un cabeza de grupo –big man– para controlar los excedentes ganaderos y agrícolas, además de los artesanales. Cabe destacar en esta zona el hallazgo de la estela de Preixana–Urgell con la representación de una figura humana masculina y guarnecido con un puñal, datada del 1500-1100 aC (fig.), así como los hallazgos de restos de guarnición y frenos del caballo en algunas de las necrópolis estudiadas, especialmente el hallazgo de la Pedrera – Vallfogona de Balaguer (Ribes 2002, 198-201, 255-256,). Aumentan a su vez el hallazgo de estelas antropomorfas como las conocidas en Els Castellets o en Roques de Sant Formatge (fig. 7.4). Però serà algo más tarde, ja dentro del siglo VI, y más bién cercano a las zonas costeras donde sobresalen las tumbas de guerreros, de las cuales diferenciamos las tumbas aisladas – Camallera, Capsec, Granja Soley, Llinars del Vallès– de las organizadas dentro de pequeñas necrópolis –Milmanda, Can Canyís o Peralada–. En las tumbas pueden encontrarse ajuares con toda la panoplia guerrera –espadas de antenas, puntas de lanza, talones para armas arrojadizas y de estoque, cuchillos para todos los usos, todo de hierro; la mayoría de estas necrópolis o tumbas con armamento suelen estar acompañadas de otros elementos de prestigio como el simpulum o de elementos de distinción personal cómo las hebillas de cinturón de uno, dos, tres o más garfios, del tipo ibérico, las cuales formaban parte seguro del vestido militar (Lucas 2004; Farnié, Quesada 2005; Graells 2005, 2006).

A lo largo del estadio III algunas tumbas aparecen por un lado con objetos de hierro y por el otro junto a objetos 10

Restos de guarnición de caballo han aparecido en las tumbas T68 de G.B.I de Mailhac-Auda (tumba con 56 vasos de ofrenda y varios fragmentos de hierro pertenecientes a carro y ruedas) y dos ejemplares en la T99 de la misma necrópolis (Janin 2000); en la necrópolis de Can Piteu (Sabadell) conocemos dos ejemplares aparecidos en las tumbas T269 y T21, ambas acompañadas de un ajuar metálico similar –de hierro, una aguja de cabeza bipolar, un cuchillo y dos fíbulas serpentiformes; y de bronce una placa de hebilla de cinturón, con 5 vasos cerámicos la primera tumba y con dos la segunda (López Cachero 2005). El conjunto más importante acerca de la guarnición y montura del caballo es el hallazgo de la necrópolis de la Pedrera (Vallfogona de Balaguer) datada del s.VI aC, conjunto formado por un bozal de bronce y dos conjuntos de frenos de hierro articulados que aparecieron junto a restos de caballo (Plens 1986, 122, Garcès 2002).

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valorar la figura del guerrero, generalmente masculino, dentro de una comunidad que en su etapa anterior desconocía esta clase de artefactos. La concentración desmesurada de esta clase de objetos en tumbas del estadio IV a lo largo del litoral, debería interpretarse como una simple percepción de amenaza en una época marcada por movidas internas y de cambios producidos por los nuevos estímulos que proceden del mundo mediterráneo y del sur peninsular ibérico (Nickels 1991), fenómeno que supuso un cambio importante en la sociedad indígena. En la escala de estamentos sociales, el eslabón situado entre las elites y la base común se ensancha –en las necrópolis languedocianas las tumbas con armamento representan el 40 % del total- y a su vez se añade una representación más de individuos masculinos además de los ya integrados en los grupos formados por herreros, ceramistas, mercaderes, comerciantes, etc. (fig. 7.5). Esta presencia de armas defensivas y ofensivas que algunos autores atribuyen al movimiento “hallstático” dura más bien poco. De repente nos encontramos con el establecimiento de las colonias de Massalia y Emporion que tienen lugar durante el primer cuarto del siglo VI y a su vez empiezan a proliferar a lo largo de toda la costa los poblados construidos con materiales sólidos y fortificados en substitución de las aldeas agropecuarias construidas con materiales perecederos. Bibliografia ALMAGRO, M. (1977) El Pic dels Corbs de Sagunto y los Campos de Urnas del NE de la Península Ibérica, Saguntum 12, Valencia, p. 89-141.

Fig. 7.5. Esquema procesal de los cuatro estadios acerca de los diferentes estamentos sociales según los contenidos de las tumbas, porcentaje, calidad y cantidad de objetos y número de enterrados (elaboración propia, ideado según Ruíz Zapatero 2001)

ASENSIO, D. (2005) La incidencia fenicia entre las comunidades indígenas de la costa catalana (siglos VII-VI aC): ¿un fenómeno orientalizante?, a El Periodo Orientalizante, Actas del III Simposio Internacional de Arqueologia de Mérida: Protohistoria del mediterraneo Occidental, Anejos de Aesp XXXV, CSIC, Mèrida, p. 551-564.

Las necrópolis conocidas del curso inferior del Ebro –Mas de Musols, Mianes o La Oriola– son de cronología algo más tardía, pero en ellas se han documentado tumbas con armas ofensivas de hierro –espadas, puntas de lanza, puntas de flecha– y defensivas de bronce –escudos, ornamentos pectorales, grebas, hebillas de cinturón, o cnémidas-, junto a otras tumbas que contenían otro tipo de objetos, la mayoría de los cuales eran de ornamentación y decoro personal, fenómeno que llevó a documentar el estatus sexual y elitista del muerto, hasta hace poco de difícil distinción (Maluquer 1987; Mayoral 1992). La presencia de tumbas aisladas o dentro de pequeñas necrópolis, pertenecientes a guerreros, por el contenido de la panoplia guerrera, es también observado en el sur costero francés, con la conocida tumba de Corno Lauzo en Mailhac (Taffanel 1962), o las tumbas de guerreros de las necrópolis de Couffoulens, Grand Bassin II, en donde un 40% de las tumbas contienen armas, o la de Pézenas (Lucas 2004, Mazière 2005). La presencia desmesurada de armamento de hierro en las tumbas podría deberse para

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JANIN, Th. (2000) Nécropoles et sociétés élisyques : les communautés du Premier Âge du fer en Languedoc occidental, Monographies d’Archéologie Méditerranéenne 7, Lattes 2000, p. 117-131.

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quera, Alt Empordà), Vuitenes Jornades d’Arqueologia de les comarques de Girona, Roses, p. 89-98.

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DWELLING OF ANCIENT PEOPLE AS FORM OF ADAPTATION TO COLD CLIMATE CONDITIONS (BASED ON MATERIALS OF EARLY IRON AGE IN WESTERN SIBERIA) Natalia MATVEEVA & Svetlana BERLINA Abstract: In the paper authors examine dwellings of Iron Age in Western Siberian forest-steppe zone as the result of adaptation to cold life conditions. They based on data of reconstruction of climate and buildings and analysis their plans and materials. These dwellings were wooden half-dugout sod-houses and were planed as farmsteads. They consisted of two- three-five rooms with long corridors and had different functional purposes. The roofing was reconstructed as two-sides or four-sides with grass, birth bark, layer of dirt. The floor was wooden in the living rooms, but fire was opened with earth zone floor around. The dwellings were spacious, but cold, wet because of keeping the young animals inside its in winter.

Dwelling is a key achievement of human culture, symbol of occupied area. The historical experience of northern development shows that the possibilities of human advancement into new territories and inhabitance of cold areas were conditioned by both the economical level and by peculiarities of natural climate conditions. They was reflected in the types and forms of dwellings. By analyzing the stationary dwelling of ancient people used in the wintertime, it is possible to distinguish between different forms of adaptation of communities to cold conditions.

With the change of cultural-economical type of ancient population in the Early Iron Age, conditioned by the introduction of mobile forms of cattle breeding and certain elements of nomadic household, the existing traditions of dwelling construction continuously developed and were added by new traits. Distinctive results of landscape and climate reconstruction of Western Siberia in I millennium B.C. – I millennium A.D. allow to compare the dynamics of the environment and evolution of the dwelling construction. This is why the materials of study of the dwellings of the Early Iron Age give us the opportunity to follow the different forms of adaptation of ancient people to cold climate conditions, which were reflected in dwellings and their elements.

One of the main functions of the dwelling is providing of the necessary closed space, protecting humans from the negative impact of the environment. Together with this, climate and landscape determined the technical decisions during the construction process. Thus, along with socialeconomical factors such as demographical structure of the society, social activity, household economy, migration processes, material-energetic resources, the level of development of the construction industry, the distance and connection with the developed centers, introduction of progressive constructions and materials. The type and form of the dwelling was greatly impacted by natural conditions. In ancient house construction process the following factors were considered: temperature, light, wind, precipitation, vegetation, relief, frost conditions, and the availability of construction materials.

That was developed society with complex social structure. People combined settled and nomadic forms of cattle breeding with dominating of the latter ones. Due to specifics of the economy population had different types of constructions according to their functions and period of usage, for example: seasonal (summer ones) and constant dwellings. This also conditioned the existence of different forms of dwellings: large surface constructions, though most often they were one or multi-chamber half-dugout sod-houses – main place of living during the wintertime. Sod-houses were the mass type of dwelling – rectangular form with log-pile frame (fig. 8.2). At that stage the specialized craft constructions separated into a different category: there were smithies, foundries, sheds for storing the fishing tackle, pantries, enclosures for cattle, which were situated in the distance of 4-8 meters from the main dwelling.

Let’s consider several peculiarities of ancient dwelling construction during the Early Iron Age of the foreststeppe zone of Western Siberia (Culture of Sargatka). Sargatka culture’s bearers lived during the V century B.C. – V century A.D., occupying the basins of the largest rivers in the region: Tobol, Iset’, Irtysh, Ishym (fig. 8.1).

One household usually owned one main, as a rule, the most spacious dwelling of square shape, which was connected to 1-3 smaller ones by long covered corridors (fig. 8.2). They represented a complex of separate rooms that had different functional intention. Architectural decisions were different as well. It was possible to demolish a part of the exterior wall or corner of the sodhouse and the addition could be made of rectangular or trapezoid form. Other possibilities were to add the corridor to the disassembled parts of exterior walls in the

Already in the Bronze Age there were several types of stationary year-round use and seasonal constructions, which corresponded to complex type of economy with domination of agricultural-cattle breeding and high portion of hunting and fishing together with handicrafts. The dominating cultural tradition was construction of half-dugout sod-houses, though there were both deep sodhouses and surface constructions. 61

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Fig. 8.1. Areal of Culture of Sargatka

Fig. 8.2. Rafaylovo settlement. Dwellings of several building layers The living quarters of multi-chamber dwellings according to the original plan were analogous to single chamber

right angle or 45°C, or Т-shaped, or L- shaped, at the end of the corridor a new square room was built. 62

N. MATVEEVA & S. BERLINA: DWELLING OF ANCIENT PEOPLE AS FORM OF ADAPTATION TO COLD CLIMATE CONDITIONS

Fig. 8.3. Culture of Sargatka. Rafaylovo settlement. Construction of dwellings 7 (1) and 6 (2) pile-frame constructions. The appearance of multichamber houses could be explained by continuous remodeling of single chamber houses with different additions (fig. 8.3).

explained by the long-term living on the same place as well as accommodation to complex economy, the consequence of which were multiple constructions and additions.

Along with houses that had separate functionally specialized rooms, there were dwellings with chambers of the same size, orientation and floor plan (fig. 8.4). The square of dwellings differs a lot: in the main living quarters it is 22 – 88 m2, in other household rooms 7 – 40 m2.

The climate in the forest-steppe zone of Western Siberia at that time was boreal type continental, with great variability in time. Most characteristic were high winds, long and cold winter. Presently mean temperature of January is -17°С in conditions of high humidity. The experience of reconstruction of climatic conditions for the area of Sargatka culture shows that landscape-climatic situation has been changing from warm temperatures with moderate humidity to significant cooling and increasing

This variety of architectural decisions and a s a result the formation of a farmstead type of construction could be 63

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Fig. 8.4. Culture of Sargatka. Dwelling 7 of Kolovo settlement. Foto of humidity. Together with this the steppe vegetation has been changed by forest-steppe type with birch forests with pine, alder and hazel. In spite of short term warming in the end of III–II centuries B.C. and in the first centuries A.D. characterized by steppe formation, the general trend corresponded to northern forest-steppe with high forest content in river valleys. Reconstructed according to palinological data mean temperatures of January of this region varied from -5-8 and -8-11°С to -17-20°C in different climatic periods. In such cold conditions the dwelling became sort of refuge, in which people hid from unfavorable conditions. If to consider this aspect of household construction, then it is possible to determine its separate elements as ways of protection from cold and heat conservation.

The walls of the dwellings were constructed using the technique of making slots in vertical piles and inserting the horizontal logs into those slots (fig. 8.5). This was confirmed by little ditches from lower row of logs in the perimeter of foundation pit, which alternated with ditches from vertical piles. This technique gave firm placement of the logs and minimal amount of chinks. The roofing of culture of Sargatka houses was reconstructed as two-sided or four-sided, insulated with grass, birch bark, layer of dirt. Ancient builders established additional racks under beams of the ceiling to prevent its collapse (fig. 8.6). Presence of long corridors (9-11 m) allowed to smooth sharp temperature difference at the entrance of the dwelling and by that to lower an opportunity of diseases, and also to prevent penetration of cold air inside, in corridors of such type there was an opportunity to put double pendant doors on loops. The corridors incorporated the inhabited chamber with economic premises, allowed to penetrate into them, not going outside the limits of the dwellings.

Such method as deepening of the dwellings into the ground produced the effect of low height of the construction. Considering that total height of the building was 2 – 2.5 m, and the depth in the ground was 0.5 – 1.0 m actual height of the construction was 1 – 1.5 m. Low four-sided roof created large declivity of the roofing, due to which the both roof and the walls could be snowbound, which in its turn lowered the heat loss. At the same time the declivity of roofing stopped turbulence and accumulation of snow on the roof itself. Significant thickness of accumulated snow could bring the roof down and make the roof leak in the spring during the snowmelt. From the other side the deepening of the dwellings into the ground allowed maintaining the temperature inside without heating on the annual mean level because of temperature stability of the ground itself and proper insulation of the outstanding parts of the building. This technology is still widely used by population of Western Siberia in construction of winter vegetable stores.

Probably, there were no windows in culture of Sargatka dwellings, thus light came from smoke aperture in the roof, or they were small and glazed either with an ice floe, or abdomen of animals. That is even if windows were available, probably, there were not of great importance for heat supply of dwellings. In the floor plan of the interior also there are elements of rational space usage of houses. The arrangement of the fire place in the center allows heating up the area, as source of heat and light, by planigraphy of the finds, the economic life in dwelling has been concentrated. The 64

N. MATVEEVA & S. BERLINA: DWELLING OF ANCIENT PEOPLE AS FORM OF ADAPTATION TO COLD CLIMATE CONDITIONS

Fig. 8.5. Population Culture of Sargatka technique of building

smoke from the fire left usually through smoke aperture, which was closed after fire burnt out.

basis was made with four racks and four crossbeams, covers were stretched on this frame. Canopies could be warmed with a fatty lamp. When it burned, inside the canopy it was so warm, that it was possible to undress up to a belt.

Besides that, separate compartments of dwelling could be warmed by small clay or wooden flat dish with fat of animals, in which the match from a rag or a moss floated.

Traces from flutes and the piles dividing the basic chamber into small sections, specify the existence of sleeping compartments or these were traces of more stationary variants of canopy.

In premises traces of a wooden floor – as flutes from a log, the rests of a tree are marked. It has consisted of boards or the logs sawn at length half-and-half, it was covered with felt or mates around the perimeter of dwelling.

Though also it is possible to speak about the usage of the whole complex of various measures for maintenance of a comfortable thermal regime in houses, it is necessary to note, that it was kept there not for long.

In many dwellings eminences-plank beds are fixed, which were sleeping and sedentary places for their inhabitants. By the archaeological and ethnographic data, they were rather primitive: the earthen eminences of 40-60 sm in height left at digging of a foundation ditch and fenced with boards, or simply brought down from logs and established on a floor.

Experimental researches of the Polish scientists on heat supply of a frame-based ground dwelling, for example, show, that fluctuations of temperatures were very sharp: while fire burned, inside the dwelling it was rather warm, the temperature rose till 20-25°С; when it burnt out, the temperature quickly fell down to 8-13°C and lower. S.V. Berlina and V.N. Filisjuk have performed calculations on reconstructed Sargatka constructions and living conditions in them.

They were dimmed by mates, skins of animals, felt. The temperature on them was higher than on a floor, due to higher position, and insulation properties of laying. Except for plank beds, in houses beds or trestle beds were used – their remains have been fixed in burials of Sargatka culture people.

With the help of a method of limiting conditions for building designs, they established, that depending on a structure of bearing constructions of a building two types of a roof could be used: 1) light with loading in 221,7

From ethnography data, usage canopies – rectangular tents made out of skins or fabric is well-known. Their 65

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Fig. 8.6. Culture of Sargatka. Ingalinka settlement. Roofing of houses. Scheme of calculation height of roofing. A- inclination beam; B- vertical post kgs/m, regularly replaced every 2-3 years; and 2) heavy, with additional support, but more durable, replaced more seldom, with loading 433,9 kgs/m (fig. 8.6).

The method of calculation of a thermal capacity determines the average temperature – about 14C; for maintenance of which the required amount of fuel needed 66

N. MATVEEVA & S. BERLINA: DWELLING OF ANCIENT PEOPLE AS FORM OF ADAPTATION TO COLD CLIMATE CONDITIONS

Fig. 8.7. Culture of Sargatka. Hypothetical picture of Rafaylovo settlement was not less than 15 cubic meter of wood in a cold season per one premises. Even at round-the-clock heating during winter time and periodic in fall-spring, difference of night temperatures in dwelling nevertheless was essential; it was supplemented with high humidity because of keeping the young animals in adjacent with inhabited premises (fig. 8.7).

KORYAKOVA L. (1988) – Iron Age of Trans-Urals and Western Siberia. Sverdlovsk. Ural university press. 240 p. On Russian language. MATVEEVA N. (1993) – Sargatka culture in the middle Tobol-river. Novosibirsk: Nauka. Siberian publishing company, 175 p. On Russian language. MATVEEVA N. (2000) – Social-economical structures of population of Western Siberia in the Early Iron Age (forest-steppe and sub-taiga zones). Novosibirsk: Nauka. Siberian publishing company. 399 p. On Russian language with English rezume.

Thus, paleo-ecological study of dwelling construction demonstrated rather low level of adaptation of ancient people to low temperatures during the winter period that in turn proves low parameters of life expectancy.

MATVEEVA N. (2002) – Interpretation of Models of Sargatka Culture Settlements in Western Siberia // Complex Societies of Central Eurasia from the 3rd to the 1st Millennium BC. V. II. Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph Series 45. Institute for the study man. Washington D.C. (2002). p. 374386.

As a whole, analyzing dwelling of the ancient human as a complex of various building techniques and adaptations, it is possible to tell, that the ancient population aspired to use various methods for preservation of heat in a premise and protection from cold.

MATVEEVA N., RYABOGINA N. (2001) – Reconstruction of Natural Conditions in the TransUrals in the Early Iron Age // XIV International Congress of Prehistoric and protohistoric sciences. Liege-Belgium. (2001) P. 86. Pre-prints.

References ANUZ R., STAHOVA E., STEPAN M., THER R., TICHY R. (2000) – Prvni etapa zimniho obyvani rekonstrukse polozemnie z dobi zelezne // Rekonstrukce a experement v arheologii. 1. Praga: Univerzity Hradec Kralove, 221

MATVEEVA N., RYABOGINA N. (2003) – Paleoenvironmental reconstruction of the Early Iron Age in the Trans-Urals region(based on palinological data). Archaeology, Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia. Novosibirsk. 4, p. 30-35.

CHIKUNOVA I. (2003) – Paleoeconomy of Sargatka Population of Western Siberia in the Early Iron Age // 9th Annual Meeting of European Association of Archaeologists. S-Peterburg. p. 108. Abstracts.

67

FOOD PRODUCTION IN THE SOUTHEAST OF THE IBERIAN PENINSULA (1500-900 CAL ANE) Joaquim OLTRA PUIGDOMÈNECH Departament de Prehistòria, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Abstract: Food production has been a constant occupation in society since the beginnings of humanity. Further away from the distinction between hunter/gatherers or producers, labor relates a wide range of different activities in order to obtain food. Far away from understanding food production only from the domestic point of view, it has a wide scope of study and it is linked to a complex net of different aspects of quotidian life, food production starts with the obtaining of raw materials which will be transformed in some way before consumption. The former paper makes a reflection about the point of view in which food has been looked in archeology, proposes a line of approach and argues about how we create knowledge about food production in the past, remaking that is not enough with the usual faunal o plant analysis nor any technique, but to view globally the production, more than only the phenomenic aspects of the different materials. A case study from the south east of the Iberian Peninsula (1500 – 900 cal ANE) is presented. Key Words: South east, Iberian Peninsula, food production, fauna, vegetables, storage, diet Résumé: La production de nourriture a été un métier constant dans la société depuis les commencements de l’humanité. Plus loin de la distinction entre “chasseurs” ou producteurs, le travail reliet un éventail de différentes activités afin d’obtenir la nourriture. Loin de la production de nourriture d’arrangement seulement du point de vue domestique, il a une portée large d’étude et il est lié à un filet complexe de différents aspects de la vie quotidienne, production de nourriture commence par l’obtention des matières premières qui seront transformées d’une manière quelconque avant consommation. Le présent article fait une réflexion au sujet du point de vue dans lequel la nourriture a été regardée en archéologie, propose une ligne d’approche et argumente au sujet de la façon dont nous créons la connaissance au sujet de la production de nourriture dans le passé, refaisant qui n’est pas avec l’analyse habituelle des restes animaux o ni aucune technique, mais pour regarder globalement la production, plus que seulement les aspects phenomeniques des différents matériaux. En exemple du sud est de la Peninsule Ibere (1500 – 900 cal ANE) est présente. Clé mots: Sud est, péninsule ibérique, production d’aliments, faune, végétal, stockage, régime alimentaire

INTRODUCTION

good indicator of life conditions of subjects and/or collectives and the relation between those. Food or eating is a recurrent element/act that affects everyone although in different ways. Food or eating will become an indicator of productive development of societies and of subjects/collectives access to production.

Three are the basic elements of social reality: Men, Women and Objects produced by their work. Social production has to be understood as the unbreakable relation between Labor and Consumption/use (Castro, Escoriza et al., 2002a; 2002b; 2005; 2005) were Labor Force plays a main role since is the only element that can’t be left apart. Social Production (Castro, Chapman et al., 1996; 1998) materializes in Social Practices, which can be divided in Economic Practices and Politico-Ideological Practices, both related in a dynamic way. Social Practices take place in Social Places, domestic or extra domestic places (Castro et al. 2002a; 2002b; 2003a; 2003b), relating subjects and/or collectives with those spaces and objects within in order to maintain or change social reality.

But many times the studies of food remain trend to become reduced to lists of species and the relative importance of their presence among the global comput. This lists answer to some of the fundamental questions, like what is eaten? But leave without answer many more. Like why some and not some other food? Who eats what? Were, when and how much is eaten? ... At the same time, despite we all know that eating is a recurrent element of life; attention has focused in banquets, feasts or celebrations, leaving aside the indicators of everyday production and consumption either because the difficulties of identifying and documenting them (which many times would respond to a lack of methodological resources); or to a predominance of the attention of research on production over consumption (also due to methodological resources but specially to the predominant trend of archaeology and many other social sciences to focus on masculine over feminine labor, traditionally circumscribed to domestic activities).

Therefore, special care has to be taken in study and contextualization of Social Places and remains in order to discover Social Practices that took place in the past. Social Practices as situations that mediate between subjects and/or collectives occur: exploitation or reciprocity (Castro et al. 2002a). That way will allow us to understand social production; in a global and in a more concrete and singular way. FOOD – A SOCIAL PRODUCTION

But we wouldn’t solve this last problem just mentioned by centering our attention in food consumption since the study of food only from production or consumption

Food or eating is not only necessary for living; but also important in life quality. Therefore, their study will be a 69

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

would lose the perspective of the reality of Food Social Production. Avoiding the relation between Labor – Consumption would difficult the understanding of social relations.

deny the repetitive character of these activities and link them only to domestic spaces, we will trend to consider everything that is out of these as ritual, symbolic or festive.

Food social Production has to be undertaken as the result of the interaction between Labor and Consumption, as the obtaining, processing (“cleaning”, cooking and/or storage) and consumption of food or edible materials. A reality seen as a whole and composed of moments, acts, steps, objects and subjects that interact in order to obtain edible products and subproducts.

In a similar way, if we think that only what we consider to be edible is edible, we will only find and consider what we were looking for. Including a meticulous methodology in our sites will help to find remains of insects, fish, small mammals, seeds, and many more…. And meticulous works will lead us to explain their presence in our sites, bringing light on to food production in different moments of prehistory all along the world.

In order to do so we have to leave behind some ideas or fallacies related to food production: the opposition between appropriation and production, the concept of subsistence linked to feeding, the relation between storage and social dissymmetry, the labor sexing that flies over all considerations of cooking and its relation to domestic spaces and, the previous ideas about what is and what is not edible.

CASE STUDY. FOOD PRODUCTION IN THE SOUTHEAST OF THE IBERIAN PENINSULA (1500-900 CAL ANE) Traditionally called Later and Final Bronze in the Southeast of the Iberian Peninsula include a period between the end of the Argaric society and the first’s arrivals of the “Phoenicians”. This time frame can be divided in two chronological moments 1550/1500 – 1250 cal ANE and 1250 – 900 cal ANE. Further information about these periods can be found in Castro (1992), Castro, Lull and Micó (1996), and Castro et al. (1999).

The opposition between appropriation and production, or hunter/gatherer economies vs. productive economies is false. Food obtaining is a basic and fundamental moment of food production, the form that the obtaining takes is significant and important in order to study not only food production but also social organization of any group. But, focusing on food production we consider important to keep in mind that any form of obtaining involves work and can be considered, therefore, as production.

This time frame has been considered as a dark period during many years. In the recent years some proposals have started to bring light in to them. Most of these recent proposals have represented a serious development in the knowledge we have, trying to bring more than the traditional typologies of ceramic pots. There is no place here to discuss the different existing proposals but we feel necessary to remark those that have not only wisely thought over this moment but also bring information or ideas about food production in relation with social organization. These are Harrison (1993; 1995) Harrison and Moreno (1986), Martínez and Alfonso (1998), Castro et al. (1999), Arteaga (2000), Risch (2002), Jover and López Padilla (2004), Aparicio (2004), Andugar and Saña (2004), and Arteaga et al. (2005).

As said, another concept to leave behind is subsistence and the idea that is linked exclusively with feeding. Certainly, food plays a big role, but is not the only aspect present in subsistence, where protection from the weather, sleep, and some security… is also necessary. Storage has been seen many times as a direct indicator either of social dissymmetry and/or surplus amasses. Storage is only the act of amassing a specific amount of material and its maintenance for a latter moment. Certainly is related in surplus amass and in social dissymmetry, but it can exist also in reciprocity relations. If we trend to read any storage evidence in a mechanic way we might be losing a scope on past reality.

The results presented here are part of the research undertaken by a group of the Department of Prehistory of the Autonomous University of Barcelona. This research has been mainly bibliographic until now and will continue with the study of organic residues in ceramics and faunal and vegetable remains from two sites of the southeast of the Iberia Peninsula (Gatas in Almeria and Murviedro in Murcia).

By labor sexing we refer to the sadly repeated idea that links specific works with specific places and sexes. Until we have no strong evidence, linking cooking to women in a univocal way, has to be considered as a hypothesis to prove. Moreover, the relation between cooking and eating with domestic spaces as places of recurrence has to be forgotten. It is true that domestic places are defined as spaces of recurrence of activities and people, but eating is an activity that is repeated over time and not necessary over space, because it takes place in a wide range of places and involves a wide range of people. Therefore, we might certainly find evidences of cooking and eating in domestic spaces, but also in many extra domestic places such as fields, workshops, communitarian spots… If we

For the first part of the work three fundamental aspects were taken in consideration in order to select the data that would be considered. First, sites that could be placed between 1500 and 900 cal ANE; second, selection of sites that presented any indicator related or relatable to Social Food Production; and third, selection of clear contexts and exclusion of the rest. 70

J. OLTRA PUIGDOMÈNECH: FOOD PRODUCTION IN THE SOUTHEAST OF THE IBERIAN PENINSULA (1500-900 CAL ANE)

17

Fig. 9.1. Site location From the application of these mentioned criteria, 17 sites were considered: 1. Cabezo Redondo (Villena, Alacant). 2. Cerro de la Encina (Monachil, Granada). 3. C. de la Mora – C. de la Miel (Moraleda de Zafayona, Granada). 4. Cerro del Real (Galera, Granada). 5. Cova d’en Pardo (Planes, Alacant). 6. Cuesta de San Cayetano (Monteagudo, Múrcia). 7. Cuesta de Negro (Purullena, Granada). 8. El Pla (Pego-oliva, Alacant). 9. Foia de la Perera (Castallà, Alacant). 10. Fuente Alamo (Cuevas de Almanzora, Almeria). 11. Gatas (Turre, Almeria). 12. La Horna (Asp, Alacant). 13. La Illeta dels Banyets (El Campello, Alacant). 14. La Lloma Redona (Monforte del Cid, Alacant). 15. La Mola d’Agres (Agres, Alacant). 16. Peña Negra (Crevillent, Alacant). 17. Murviedro (Lorca, Múrcia).

Other evidences of vegetables have been found in several sites, although the information is not systematized. Soler (1987) interpreted several species from Cabezo Redondo as remains of medicinal plants. One remain of Hordeum has been found in Cuesta de San Cayetano; in Cuesta del Negro (Buxó, 1997), one single evidence of Lens culinaris; in la Horna (Hernández Pérez, 1994) 20 grains of cereal were found in a silo; and in Peña Negra also cereals and some acorn were documented (Gonzàlez Prats, 1985). The presence of acorn is documented along the Iberian Peninsula in different chronologies and their relation with food production has been considered several times (Pereira Sieso and García Gómez, 2002). Gatas is the only site that has extended the study of vegetal remains to the point of proposing estimations of production and consumption. There are no significant differences between Gatas V and Gatas VI; although the vegetal diet in period V is more diverse than in previous moments with an increase in the importance of legumes and the possible, although not definitive, incorporation of olive. In the second moment, Gatas VI, the reduction of legumes could respond to a more arid moment or to a social decision of centering efforts in cereals (Castro et al. 1999).

THE EVIDENCES Food obtaining – Vegetables Few are the evidences of vegetal remains along the area and the period of study. Systematic flotation is rare and most of the information comes from selected contexts. Cereals are the dominant species in all sites. When determination has been possible, barley is much abundant than wheat, with the exception of Mola d’Agres were wheat and legumes have a significant dominance in relation to the presence of the same species in other sites (figure 9.2).

Irrigation centered a long time discussion about its role in such an arid area. With the available data now days, and in opposition with other proposals for previous moments (Chapman, 1978; Gilman and Thornes, 1985; Gilman, 71

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

90,0 80,0 70,0 60,0 50,0 40,0 30,0 20,0 10,0 0,0 Gatas V

F. Álamo

Cereals indet.

Gatas VI

Hordeum

Triticum

M. Agres Llegums

Fig. 9.2. Relative values of vegetal remains 1987); irrigation doesn’t have clear evidences that supports it. Although temperature reduction documented since 1500 cal ANE does not mean an increase in rainfall, the work undertaken by Araus et al. (1996; 1997) show that cereals were not irrigated and that rainfall or location of fields ensured enough water.

information available but also the lectures obtained from it. Dominance of domestic over wild species is a constant that shows the existence of groups completely capable of bread and control resources. Although it doesn’t disappear in any moment, rarely represents more than the 30% of the remains (figure 9.3). Hunting would represent a complementary activity that brought variability into the meat diet and, also, could represent the elimination of some competitors for domestic animals or more probable fields, since the main wild species documented are deer, rabbit and wild pig.

The use of plow is not documented in a conclusive way anywhere, but its employment is assumed by all authors. Only in Gatas IV (argaric moments) some indirect evidence trough soils micro morphology could reinforce the use of this mean of production. On the contrary, the presence of sickle flints is a constant trough all the period, with the exception of Peña Negra, were no sickle flints are documented but some sickle moulds have been found.

Looking at the percentages in a chronological way shows an increase of wild animal presence. This increase has to be contextualized, since some of the faunal remains that contribute to create this tendency com from Gatas (Test pits) and Peña Negra (selection of faunal remains). Deer is the most hunted and has a clear increase along the period. Some authors have proposed, as explanation to this fact, how the abandonment of fields at the end of argaric society would have affected the increase of wild animals and the increase of their hunting.

Food obtaining – Animals When trying to approach the information about fauna we encounter a shocking singularity in the south east of the Iberian Peninsula. The faunal remains and studies for the recent prehistory is one of the largest in Europe and although the large extend of work done, most of the information is difficult to contextualize mainly because it comes from old excavations and field methodologies that have conditioned the analysis. All have used similar methodologies; all used the NR and the MNI and fewer have considered other quantification methods such as weight. In many cases all remains have been considered, although they could be coming from different moments or from areas that could be affected by taphonomy and other sedimentary problems. Only Gatas has shown an interest in the singularitzation of remains not only vertically but horizontally, although the remains come from tests pits. Determination of sex and age or documentation of cut marks have been done in many cases. All of these aspects have to be considered in order to value not only the

Ovicaprins have a quite regular presence along all the period. Their dominance in certain sites, such as la Horna, la Foia de la Perera o Lloma Redona (Puigcerver, 1994)) has to be taken carefully, since the N is quite low. When possible, some of the authors of the studies have tried to distinguish between sheep and goats. In all cases, sheep have a more relevant presence than goats, with a mean value of 2,8 sheep for each goat (Driesch, 1974; Lauk, 1976; Friesch, 1987; Castaños, 1996). Cattle seams to increase all along the period. Suids have a quite homogenous presence. Equids also increase their presence along time, probably related with a use during life of 72

J. OLTRA PUIGDOMÈNECH: FOOD PRODUCTION IN THE SOUTHEAST OF THE IBERIAN PENINSULA (1500-900 CAL ANE)

%

OVCA

BOTA

SUS sp.

EQUUS sp.

CAFA

TOTAL DOMESTICS

TOTAL WILD

NOT. DET.

F. Perera

88,42

2,11

4,21

0,00

1,05

95,79

4,21

0,00

La Horna

69,84

11,51

3,17

1,59

1,59

87,70

12,30

0,00

Ll. Redona

79,07

0,00

4,65

0,00

0,00

83,72

16,28

0,00

M. Assolada

7,75

2,88

3,99

0,09

0,14

12,80

6,81

80,39

Gatas V

67,35

5,54

10,20

0,58

3,79

87,46

12,54

0,00

C. Encina – BT

35,80

14,46

15,11

32,89

0,00

98,24

1,76

0,00

Cabezo Redondo

64,38

6,05

6,03

1,42

0,88

75,69

9,89

14,42

C. N. – BT

32,51

23,16

21,50

3,16

2,30

71,28

7,63

21,09

F. A. V

35,28

14,54

12,84

1,01

1,54

58,03

41,97

0,00

Banyets

14,29

13,66

9,94

39,75

1,86

79,50

20,50

0,00

Planetes

52,14

21,37

13,68

0,00

11,97

99,15

0,85

0,00

Gatas VI

43,65

11,90

7,94

3,17

4,76

71,43

28,57

0,00

M. A. - Sector V

64,31

11,50

17,08

2,58

0,13

86,93

13,07

0,00

C. Encina – BF

49,99

26,77

11,85

7,73

0,00

96,34

3,66

0,00

C. Real

61,24

12,89

8,37

2,26

0,15

80,59

2,74

16,67

P. N. -Nivell II

39,58

22,43

7,39

5,01

0,00

74,41

25,59

0,00

Fig. 9.3. Main animal species documented. Presented as relative values of remain number these animals. In two sites, Cerro de la Encina and Illeta dels Banyets, its presence is remarkably high.

Fuente Álamo, la Horna and Peña Negra. Life exploitation of cattle is especially relevant since allows either strength or milk. And it’s a shame that there are no direct evidences of the presence and use of plow or cart; or any data from ceramic contents, which could help us to understand more carefully the importance of cattle in food production and relation it with other species.

From the different proposals on animal exploitation (figure 9.4) according to age and sex data we can see how suids have a clear orientation towards meat obtaining , since their killing pattern shows a major importance of young individuals with few adults, probably females, oriented towards reproduction. Ovicaprins show a shared tendency with a slightly orientation towards meat exploitation. Their exploitation during life could be centered upon wool, since the predominance observed of sheep over goat, while milk could be obtained not only from ovicaprins but also from cattle. We also can see how in four sites, Cuesta del Negro, Fuente Álamo, Mola d’Agres i Peña Negra, exploitation of ovicaprins is combined or dual 1, orienting some animals towards meat obtaining and some to life exploitation.

Trying to summarize al that has been said, in the first moment of the period under study we can observe an increase of hunting importance respect previous moments. This tendency towards increasing continues until the end of the period. In the first moment animal exploitation is oriented either towards meat or either dual; wile in the second moment exploitation is more diverse, with meat and dual exploitation but also with a clear trend towards life exploitation of some animals. Finally, there are very few references about means of production involved in animal exploitation. In the first part of the period the existence of enclosures is pointed by Driesch and Boessneck (1969) in the lower part of Cabezo Redondo. In the last period some authors have proposed that the spatial organization of structures in Peñon de la Reina would respond to the intention of gathering and protecting all flock at night (Martínez and Alfonso, 1998).

Equids also show different strategy. There are oriented towards meat exploitation in Cerro de la Encina, Foia de la Perera, Gatas V, Illeta dels Banyets, Lloma Redona and Peña Negra; and there are also older individuals in Cerro de la Encina, Cuesta del Negro and Gatas VI. Only in Mola d’Agres we could consider a clear dual exploitation. Relevant is how exploitation tendencies change trough time in Gatas and Cerro de la Encina. This could show changes in productive objectives of communities, but the singular origin of remains in these two sites leads us to remain careful. Cattle show a dual tendency, especially in

Food processing – Vegetables and animals Some interesting evidences of vegetal processing can be found especially for the first moment. Perhaps the most remarkable is the one from Cuesta de San Cayetano (Medina, 1996). This site contains a structure interpreted as for cereal toasting. The main problem is that only one

1 By dual we refer to exploitation of the same specie towards meat and other products obtaining at the same time.

73

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY Foia de la Perera

ALL

MEAT

Lloma Redona

ALL

MEAT

La Horna IMILKa dels Banyets Mola d’Agres

Cuesta del Negro

Fuente Álamo Gatas V C. Encina (Driesch, 1974) C. Encina (Lauk, 1976) C. Encina (Freisch, 1987) Gatas VI Cerro de la Mora Cerro del Real Peña Negra

OVCA and SUDO

MEAT

BOTA

MEAT / STRENGHT + MILK

ALL

MEAT

BOTA

MILK + STRENGHT

EQUUS and OVCA

MEAT / MILK + STRENGHT

SUDO

MEAT

EQUUS

STRENGHT

BOTA

STRENGHT + MILK

OVCA

MEAT / MILK + WOOL

SUDO

MEAT

BOTA

MEAT / STRENGHT + MILK

OVCA

MEAT / MILK + WOOL

ALL

MEAT

BOTA, EQUUS and SUDO

MEAT

OVCA

MILK + MEAT

OVCA, BOTA and EQUUS

MILK + STRENGHT

SUDO

MEAT

OVCA, BOTA and EQUUS

MILK + STRENGHT

SUDO

MEAT

OVCA and SUDO

MEAT

EQUUS and BOTA

STRENGHT + MILK

BOTA

MILK + STRENGHT

OVCA and SUDO

MEAT

-

-

OVCA and BOTA

MEAT / MILK + STRENGHT

RESTA

MEAT

Fig. 9.4. Productive orientation for each species

cereal grain has been found. Also for the first period, inattention in grinning means and no technical improvements together with a diversification of number and places for grinning or mortars is detected (Risch, 2002). This leads us to think that the control over grinning that existed previously has disappeared, and that this activity has been socialized, being everyone capable of grinning by its own. Stone tool analysis shows how many were used on vegetal materials as well as to cut meat or bone all along the period under study (Clemente et al. 1999).

moment. The presence of burned bones or seeds especially, has been linked to other moments of food preparation rather than cooking, although there isn’t much information about. As we pointed in the beginning, the attention that cooking has had to research has been traditionally as limited as the attention of any activity that could be considered as domestic or undertaken by women. Luckily, this trend is changing towards a more global perspective. The evidences related to food storage are also scarce. Some remains of fig could open the possibility of fruit drying in the first moment but we lack of strong evidences in order to support this idea. If happened, the only evidences would point to the first’s moments of the period under study.

Few things can be said about cooking evidences. In all sites places of fire are documented in domestic and extra domestic spaces and the tendency has been to consider the first ones as the places were cooking took place. For sure ceramic recipients played a role in food cooking although their approach is mainly typological and gives little information about their participation. There are no other evidences, like spoons, that could be related to this

Work undertaken in Gatas shows how storage could have been done in ceramic recipients, specially in the first 74

J. OLTRA PUIGDOMÈNECH: FOOD PRODUCTION IN THE SOUTHEAST OF THE IBERIAN PENINSULA (1500-900 CAL ANE)

moments (Castro et al. 1999). Also in la Horna, Cabezo Redondo or Cuesta del Negro ceramics have been documented with grains and in some cases in association with grinning stones.

Putting together the direct and indirect data we can have a wide view of food consumption. In the first period the vegetal diet diversifies with an increase in gathered plants in relation with the previous moments. It still to prove the existence of domestication of olive proposed from the Gatas remains. The amount of animal income also increases with a much higher hunting together with a management of domestic animals towards meat or dual exploitation. The presence of cheese dishes could show the exploitation of milk, but further analysis is necessary to assure it.

Silos are documented in Coimbra del Barranco Ancho, and la Horna. The first structures were found under the Iberian wall and their chronologic adscription was set according to the presence of certain ceramic materials (Hernández carrion and Gil González, 2004). In the second site two silos were found. One of the silos would be in use in the lasts moments of occupation while the other would have been amortized previously; although both would have been constructed in the same moment. In la Horna there is a clear relation between structures and cereal grains (Hernàndez Pérez, 1994).

In the second period the vegetal variety seen previously would decrease, there are fewer evidences of gathered plants. Upon the domestic ones, there is a slightly increase of wheat and legumes, although the data is very little. The importance of hunting is even higher and the amplification of domestic animals managing (meat, life or dual) together with the few direct evidences would lead us to believe in an increase of meat in diet.

Finally, in Cerro de la Encina, several structures have been documented along the site with a similar shape and dimensions. These structures have been considered as storage facilities, since no material was found in them and this could remit to their organic content 2 (Aranda i Molina, 2005). Similar structures have been documented in Cerro de Cabezuelos (Contreras, 1982), Peñon de la Reina (Martínez and Botella, 1980). These types of structures are placed outside domestic structures, close to these and with no clear adscription to one single structure.

Diet as a social consumption It would be stupid from our part to try to obtain social hypothesis only from food remains, since these are only a part of social reality. However, food and feeding are, as said, good indicators of social organization upon past and present societies. From the data presented here in such a brief way, we can see how the reality linked to food production and consumption changes upon time. The diet 3 changes as changes the quality of it and the amount of labor to obtain it. Also change in a clear way the means of production used in the different moments and the relations that organize the access to these means, to raw materials or finished food.

Food consumption For the first period we have no direct evidences about food consumption. This reality is related with the abandonment of argaric funerary norm and the diversification of burring and the lack of attention that anthropological studies have suffered through many years.

The end of the argàric society leads to a moment of much liberty and to the disappearance of the extended exploitation as defined in Castro et al. (2002a). The evidences show a diversification of production not only in food but also in other objects and spaces, allowing a wider access either to products or to means of production. Changes in the funeral norm and the heterogeneity that appears since 1500 cal ANE show different solutions adopted by different groups that have regained autonomy and reinforce the collective character of this moment trough burial. The relations established within these groups could vary much. It is fairly probable that some organizations trend towards a more hierarchic organization while others could adopt horizontal ways of relation trough reciprocity. The exploitation of men over women would have continued whatever the form of organization had been. This new situation had consequences in men and women life quality, and is reflected in the improvement of food consumption, either in variety and access, with a wider scope of vegetal incomes and an increase in the presence of meat trough

For the second moment we have little anthropological data that might be useful for our purposes, although there are several funerary evidences (De Miguel, 2004), many of them with chronological adscription problems. We have the evidence of the burial of two women in Cova del Pardo aged one between 17 and 20 years old and the other between 15 and 16 years old. The study of their bodies would reveal a diet based on meat consumption and a low physical stress, although they both died at a relative young age. The presence of hipoplasia would show some lack of nutrients o anemia episodes, but not related with their dead. Other evidence for the same area, but related to previous moments, is the man between 17 and 22 years old found in Mola d’Agres with a diet based in carbohydrates (Simon, 1998); and other from the Vinalopó area with a cereal diet also (Cloquell i Aguilar, 1995). Being very carefully with this data, since the N is extremely low, we could hypothesize about a change in diet tendency from cereal predominance to a meat based diet. 2

3 Diet is seen as social, common, regular and repeated consumption of foods.

The authors point that their adscription is still open. Samples have been taken in order to make chemical analysis (Aranda i Molina, 2005:177).

75

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

BUXÓ, R. (1997) Arqueología de las plantas. Ed. Crítica, Barcelona

hunting and domestic animals management (Castro, 2005).

CASTAÑOS, P.Mª (1996) “Estudio de la fauna del Sector V”, Peña Sánchez, J.L., Enrique Tejedo, M., Grau Almero, E., Martí Bonafé, Mª A. (1996) El poblado de la Mola d’Agres, homenaje a Milagro Gil-Mascarell Boscà, Generalitat Valenciana, Consellería de Cultura, Educació i Ciencia, València, 1996.

The study of past food production can be done. We have to overcome the gap between the statement of the presence and absence of certain animal and vegetal species and begin to construct knowledge around food production. To do so we have to incorporate in our project designs the idea that food production is a global fact that involves several places, moments, acts and people. We have to introduce methodologies in order to recognize evidences of food remains and look other remains as means of production that were o could be involved in food production. We have to surpass what was eaten questions to go further and answer the where, who, how much and why questions.

CASTRO MARTÍNEZ, P.V. (1992) La Península Ihérica enlre 1000-900 antes de nuestra era (Una situación histórica entre dos mitos: De El Argar a Tartessos). Servei de Publicacions de la Universítat Autónoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra, Microfichas de Tesis Doctorales. CASTRO MARTÍNEZ, P.V. (2005) “El Horizonte de Villena. El Sudeste ibérico c. 1550-1250 cal ANE”. In press.

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ARTEAGA, O.; SCHUBART, H.; PINGEL, V.; ROOS, A.M.; KUNST, M. (2005) “La culminación de las excavaciones arqueológicas en Fuente Álamo (Cuevas de Almanzora, Almería). Campaña de 1999”, en Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía, 2002, II, Actividades sistemáticas y puntuales, Junta de Andalucía, 2005.

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78

EL COMPLEJO MARCAVILCA: MOVILIDAD CICLICA Y TERRITORIO EN LAS POBLACIONES TEMPRANAS DEL MORRO SOLAR, CHORRILLOS Luisa DÍAZ ARRIOLA Arqueóloga. Profesora de la Escuela de Arqueología de la Univeridad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima, Perú [email protected] Abstract: This investigation is about the early cultural occupation process identified in the southern slope of the Morro Solar, in the district of Chorrillos, situated in the southern part of Lima, the Peruvian capital. We have named this cultural process the “Marcavilca Complex” according to the ethnohistorical sources which mentioned this name as the oldest denomination for this area. Based on the archeological evidences we have found, a cyclical mobility or a transhumance is proposed for the early populations of the Morro Solar, as a subsistence strategy used by this archaic fishermen-cultivators which permits us to define an occupation model of this territory that corresponds with the Archaic Period (10,000 a 3,500 bP). During this period, characterized by the domestication of plants and animals, the populations developed a cyclical mobility pattern between the existing environmental zones of the Peruvian central coast. With this strategy they exploited the resources of the shore and nearby valleys, establishing a complementary economy. At the same time, we understand this subsistence strategy is the special condition which permits a cyclical and seasonal appropriation of that territory; conditioning the technological advances and social complexity which further gave origin to the first complex societies in the region during the Late Archaic (5,000 – 4000 bP), and that are identified as well established during the Final Archaic (4,000 – 3,500 bP). Key Words: Perú, Central Coast, Marcavilca, Archaic Period, Cyclical Mobility

ASPECTOS GENERALES DE LA LADERA SUR DEL MORRO SOLAR

el “Conchal San Genaro” (Díaz, 1999; 2005), ambos separados por 1 km de distancia; mientras que las delgadas deposiciones de alimentos o fogatas se distribuyen en la zona intermedia entre estos dos sitios y ascienden por la ladera sur del Morro Solar. Caracteriza a estas concentraciones la ausencia recurrente de cultígenos, la presencia de instrumentos líticos rudimentarios y el consumo abundante de recursos marinos, especialmente moluscos de playa arenosa, la macha (Mesodesma donacium).

La zona conocida como Morro Solar se ubica en el distrito de Chorrillos al sur de la ciudad de Lima, la que se caracteriza por ser un macizo rocoso localizado al orillas del Oceano Pacifico. Este gran cerro, por un lado, está delimitado por una zona desertica que configura una extensa playa arenosa, y por el otro por una zona de valle y playas rocosa, las que proveen recursos diferenciados. Sin embargo, la característica fundamental del lugar es la presencia de los humedales de “Pantanos de Villa” (Serpar-Lima, 1998), que junto a otros ecosistemas ya desaparecidos (“lomas costeras” y pequeños bosques) por el crecimiento urbano, configuraban una zona excepcional para la captación de recursos. Asimismo, la existencia de rutas naturales de circulacion entre el Morro Solar y el valle de Lurín, ubicado entre 9 y 10 km (en linea recta) mas al sur, hicieron más facil el acceso a este valle, caracterizado por sus zonas inundables propicias para la agricultura incipiente.

En cuanto al Conchal San Genaro, se puede señalar que el yacimiento arqueológico puede alcanzar una profundidad de 2 m. en el deposito principal, y al igual que en ChiraVilla (Lanning, 1960: 52-53) se aprecian extrañas intrusiones arqueológicas en el terreno, las que cortan los estratos de ocupaciones anteriores configurando una serie de hoyos de 2 m a 2.5 m de diámetro de planta circular. PROBLEMÁTICA Y METODOLOGIA DE LA INVESTIGACIÓN

Las investigaciones arqueológicas realizadas en esta zona tanto por nosotros (Díaz, 1999; 2005), como por otros investigadores (Engel, 1957, 1958; Lanning, 1960; Escarcena, 1995; Montoya, 1996; Hudtwalker, 1997; Rea, 1997; Medina, 2000) han establecido la existencia de dos formas de ocupación cultural de esta ladera. Una consistente en la deposición reiterada en un mismo lugar de restos alimenticios, y otra consistente en delgadas deposiciones de ceniza y restos de alimentos de distribución dispersa y aisladas. La primera ha dado origen a los conchales arqueológicos denominados “Chira – Villa” (Engel, 1957; Lanning, 1960; Escarcena, 1995) y

Definimos como Periodo Arcaico en los Andes Centrales peruanos al lapso de tiempo comprendido entre los 10,000 y los 3,500 a.P., caracterizado por la adaptación del hombre a condiciones climáticas mas favorables (Período Holoceno), y al inicio del proceso de domesticación tanto de plantas como de animales, así como a la aparición de asentamientos complejos al finalizar este período, caracterizados por su arquitectura monumental. De acuerdo con Kaulicke (1999: 11) este período puede subdividirse en Arcaico Temprano (10,000-8,500 a.P.), 79

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Periodo

Fase

Sitio

Tipo de Establecimiento

Rasgos

Marcavilca I

Ladera Sur del Morro Solar

Estaciones

Fogatas aisladas

Marcavilca II

Ladera Sur del Morro Solar

Estaciones Campamentos aislados Grupos aislados – estacionales

Fogatas aisladas Grandes fogatas reutilizadas sucesivamente Intrusiones pequeñas

Arcaico Medio (8,500 a 5,000 a.P)

Marcavilca III

Conchal San Genaro

Campamentos aglutinados – estacionales

Intrusiones grandes y profundas Capas sucesivas Areas mayores con fogones sucesivos Pocos cultigenos

Arcaico Tardio (5,000 a 4,000 a.P)

Marcavilca IV

Conchal San Genaro

Aldea permanente

Conchal denso Pocos artefactos Pocos cultigenos, con prevalencia del algodón

Arcaico Final (4,000 a 3,500 a.P)

Marcavilca V

Chira – Villa

Aldea permanente

Conchal denso Diversidad de artefactos Variedad de cultigenos

Arcaico Temprano (10,000 a 8,500 a.P)

Fig. 10.1. Cuadro Cronológico de la Ladera Sur del Morro Solar, Lima, Perú

Arcaico Medio (8,500-5,000 a.P.), Arcaico Tardío (5,0004,000 a.P.) y Arcaico Final (4,000-3,500 a.P.).

SECUENCIA CULTURAL DEL COMPLEJO MARCAVILCA

Las estrategias de ocupación de las poblaciones arcaicas del Morro Solar configuran la trashumancia o movilidad ciclica dentro del territorio que ocuparon, donde la racionalidad de la explotación de los recursos presentes en cada nicho ecológico (humedales, lomas, valle y mar) es lo signficativo, por lo que el desplazamiento y las distancias que separan a cada zona de recursos no es relevante para su funcionamiento, lo que queda claramente establecido por el análisis estratigrafico de las unidades de excavación.

Marcavilca I Se ubica en el Arcaico Temprano, y se manifiesta por la existencia de fogatas aisladas, distribuidas de manera dispersa en toda la ladera sur del Morro Solar, sobre todo entre los sitios Chira-Villa y el Conchal San Genaro. Estas fogatas o zonas de preparación de alimentos son pequeñas, de delgados lentes de ceniza negra y blanca, con restos quemados de moluscos enteros (de playa arenosa y rocosa) y fragmentados, con restos de aves y de peces que fueron cocinados utilizando como combustible las achupayas (Tillandsias). Suelen ser concentraciones de tamaño variable (30 cm a 1 m) sin ninguna formalización estructural. Al parecer, se trataría de pequeños núcleos domésticos aislados, que debieron recolectar los productos de la zona, y luego elaboraron las fogatas donde prepararon sus alimentos.

Durante nuestras investigaciones en la zona se realizaron un total de 91 unidades de excavación, de las cuales 22 dan cuenta de la ocupación arqueológica identificada por nosotros. Es el análisis conjunto de la información recuperada por nosotros y por los otros investigadores que trabajaron en la zona, que nos ha permitido proponer una secuencia cultural de 5 fases denominada Marcavilca (Fig 10.1). La secuencia se sustenta en la aplicación adecuada de los principios de superposición, asociación y recurrencia para con cada una de las fases propuestas. Quince de las 22 unidades documentan la fase Macavilca I, y estas evidencias se correlacionan con las encontradas por Medina, Montoya y Hudtwalker. Las 7 unidades restantes corresponden al estudio y delimitación del Conchal San Genaro y dan cuenta de las fases III y IV. Las fases II y V se sustentan en los registros de Lanning (1960), Montoya (1996) y Hudtwalker (1997). El punto central de la misma se sustenta en la evidente superposición estratigráfica entre Marcavilca III y IV, pero también se sostiene por elementos comparativos de los materiales asociados.

Marcavilca II Esta fase tambien ubicada en el Arcaico Temprano, se caracteriza por la elaboración de fogatas recurrentes en el mismo lugar, donde aparece por primera vez el cultigeno del algodón. Estas concentraciones de cenizas no son mayores a 1.50 m de largo, con 80 cm o 90 cm de grosor que carecen de formalización estructural. La existencia de estas evidencias responden a la presencia de un mayor numero de personas reunidas, que se establecen por varios dias o semanas, que deben responder a cambios de orden social, donde los núcleos domestico encuentran mayor eficiencia en la participación de un mayor numero de personas para la obtención de los recursos aprovechados. 80

L. DÍAZ ARRIOLA: EL COMPLEJO MARCAVILCA: MOVILIDAD CICLICA Y TERRITORIO EN LAS POBLACIONES TEMPRANAS…

Marcavilca III Esta fase corresponde al Arcaico Medio (8,500 a 5,000 a.p), y se caracteriza por la formación de campamentos aglutinados, que desarrollan un aprovechamiento estacional más intensivo de los recursos de la zona, con una alta incidencia en los recursos marinos, aunque complementados con los recursos provenientes del valle. Los grupos humanos son mayores y están explotando no solo los recursos del mar, sino también los del valle, donde se percibe que el proceso de domesticación de plantas está consolidado. Es en este momento que se observa claramente el algodón y el mate (Lagenaria siceraria). Al final de la fase se incorpora la calabaza (Cucúrbita sp) y el fríjol (Phaseolus vulgaris). Si bien es cierto, que se observa la explotación de peces pelágicos como la corvina (Cilus gilberti), el bonito (Sarda chilensis), el jurel (Thrachurus murphyi) y escasamente los tollos (Chondrichtyes), la incidencia en peces obtenidos desde la playa es mucho mayor, lo que se expresa en un amplio consumo de la lorna (Sciaena deliciosa). Estratigraficamente se observan capas de ocupación y de abandono demostrando la movilidad cíclica del grupo, en una suerte de alternancia de ecosistemas. De las herramientas utilizadas para la pesca, se tiene un anzuelo hecho en choro azul (Choromytilus chorus, Fig. 10.2) que denota aún una actividad de pesca individualizada. El empleo del algodón sirvió para la elaboración de los tejidos entrelazados, y posiblemente también para hacer redes. La existencia del consumo de los mates (Lagenaria siceraria) y del algodón, muestra el aprovechamiento de los recursos de valle, evidenciando la movilidad hacia los ecosistemas de valle, posiblemente el Lurín o el Rimac. En esta fase también se elaboran grandes intrusiones en el terreno, configurando posiblemente una suerte de “viviendas subterráneas” (Fig. 10.3) sin ningún tipo de paramento que las formalice. Estas evidencias estarían dando cuenta de la existencia de campamentos de grupos aglutinados, que utilizan la zona de acuerdo a como se presentan los recursos según las estaciones marcadas del año, además de permanecer temporadas en el valle en su circuito de movilidad por los ecosistemas costeros.

Fig. 10.3. Unidad 74. Perfil Norte. Se observan la estratigrafía del Conchal San Genaro, con las deposiciones culturales y naturales, asi como una de las intrusiones identificadas en este yacimiento arqueológico Marcavilca IV La cuarta fase de ocupación en la zona, está representada por el Conchal San Genaro, donde se evidencian grandes cambios culturales. Es a partir de este momento que se da una ocupación permanente y un aprovechamiento intensivo de la zona. Esta fase ubicada cronológicamente en el periodo Arcaico Tardío (5,000 a 4,000 a.p), se caracteriza por mantener una economía basada en la explotación de los recursos marinos, con una mayor incidencia en los recursos de valle, tanto de la cuenca baja como de la media. Definitivamente, nos encontramos ante una concentración mayor de población, que a partir de este momento no abandonarán el asentamiento en la zona. Tecnológicamente se continúa realizando una pesca de mar adentro y de playa, similar a la fase anterior, manteniéndose la popularidad, en cuanto a consumo, de la lorna. Es en este momento, cuando aparece en el registro arqueológico la pesca del tiburón (Isurus oxyrinchus). De otro lado, la práctica de la pesca individual se mantiene, ya que no se reporta la presencia de redes, que indicaría un cambio social sustancial, al convertirse parte de esta labor en una tarea colectiva. La elaboración de tejidos en algodón es la misma, sobre todo con el empleo del tejido

Fig. 10.2. Anzuelo, elaborado en choro azul (Choromitylus chorus). Dimensiones: 21 mm de alto y 18 mm de ancho 81

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND EARLY METALLURGY

Fig. 10.4. Cuentas elaboradas en una concha de caparazón grueso (posiblemente Strombus). Las cuentas tienen en promedio entre 2 y 2,5 cm de largo x 1 y 1,5 cm de ancho, con un espesor promedio de 5 a 7 mm. La cuenta circular es bastante mas pequeña

entrelazado, aunque aparece el empleo del tejido llano. Nuestra interpretación de la ocupación continua y permanente en la zona es la formación de las primeras aldeas arcaicas en el área del Morro Solar. Las evidencias de peces permiten inferir la realización de una pesca probablemente realizada desde embarcaciones livianas, actividad que ya se conocería en la fase anterior. Como dijimos, se hace mayor y más complejo el uso del algodón, ya que no solo se le utiliza en los tejidos llanos simples, sino que estos además presentan decoración Rep, o teñidos de rojo. Se aprecia la utilización del algodón en las líneas de pesca, aunque también se elaboraron con cabuya (Agave americanus), dato importante si tenemos en cuenta que esta ultima especie solo se la encuentra en los valles medios costeros. Un nuevo recurso que se observa en el registro arqueológico, es el aprovechamiento de camélidos, a decir por los restos óseos (dos vértebras y algunos huesos largos), y abundantes coprolitos lo que marca un cambio sustancial en la economía de esta población. De otro lado, se configuran las características iniciales de la especialización del trabajo, como lo demuestra la presencia de 10 cuentas trabajadas (Fig. 10.4) y en elaboración hechas en una concha de caparazón grueso posiblemente Strombus-, proveniente de las aguas norteñas como ejemplo de la presencia de productos exógenos al área para la preparación de productos suntuarios. Estas cuentas fueron halladas en asociación a un apisonado arcilloso (capa C de la unidad 73) irrumpido por huecos de poste. Asimismo, se nota una mayor presencia de consumo de aves marinas. Si bien es cierto, que se aprecia claramente la extensa conformación del conchal, que pudimos dimensionar en una extensión superficial mayor a los 4,000 m2, también llama la atención la inexistencia o escasísima presencia de artefactos, como utensilios líticos, espátulas de hueso, piruros y otros tipos de instrumentos.

Marcavilca V Esta fase se encuentra representada fuera del Conchal San Genaro, y la ubicamos cronológicamente en el periodo Arcaico Final (4,000 a 3,500 a.p). Se la identifica en los niveles más profundos del sitio Chira-Villa, definida en el componente precerámico Villa (Lanning, 1953: 47). Para esta fase en Chira – Villa no se conoce la existencia de entierros ni de algún tipo de arquitectura claramente definida. Únicamente se conoce la existencia de una pequeña porción de muro construido con cantos rodados, la existencia de grandes instrusiones similares a las observadas en el Conchal San Genaro. Lanning, además reporta la presencia de textiles entrelazados, redes de algodón, puntas foliáceas de obsidiana, un anzuelo de concha, un piruro de Oliva peruviana, cuentas de Donax, un ornamento irregular de concha con una perforación hacia un extremo, tubos de hueso de aves, muchos chancadores con pigmento rojo, núcleos y un piruro de hueso de ballena. Hay que resaltar que la clara presencia de redes, necesariamente denota una pesca de tipo colectiva, marcando cambios fundamentales de orden social. De otro lado, la utilización de la obsidiana revela rutas de intercambio entre regiones muy alejadas, teniendo en cuenta que este material lítico es inexistente en la zona de estudio. En términos de extensión del yacimiento arqueológico, Chira-Villa es de menores dimensiones que El Conchal San Genaro, pero al parecer igual de denso. La disminución de su tamaño podría estar indicando un menor número de habitantes, tal vez debido a que las poblaciones comenzaron a concentrase en los valles, alrededor de los lugares con arquitectura monumental, los centros urbanos tempranos, que casi con certeza se ubicaron en el valle de Lurín. Mientras que la abundancia artefactual, revela avances en el conocimiento tecnológico y una tendencia a ciertas actividades especializadas. En este momento, en que la agricultura 82

L. DÍAZ ARRIOLA: EL COMPLEJO MARCAVILCA: MOVILIDAD CICLICA Y TERRITORIO EN LAS POBLACIONES TEMPRANAS…

comienza a prevalecer como actividad económica y de subsistencia, los pobladores de la zona se concentraron en la aldea permanente de Chira – Villa, los cuales mantuvieron sus estrategias de explotación y aprovechamiento del medio marítimo, aún cuando la cerámica se hizo presente en la zona alrededor de los 3,500 a.p. Por lo tanto, esta fase termina con la aparición de la cerámica en el registro arqueológico de las aldeas pescadoras de la zona, que corresponden al componente Chira del sitio Chira – Villa (Lanning, 1953), cuya economía se caracterizaría por la abundante presencia de cultígenos del valle, complementada con los recursos marinos.

comprensión del origen de las sociedades complejas de la región. Bibliografía DIAZ, L. (1999) “Estudio de Evaluación Arqueológica de los A.A.H.H. Nueva Caledonia II, San Genaro (Sección Oeste) y 26 de Septiembre – Chorrillos”. Lima. INC. DIAZ, L. (2005) “Estrategias de Ocupación del Litoral durante el Arcaico Medio y Tardío: El Conchal San Genaro”. Tesis para optar el Grado de Magister en Arqueología Andina. Preentada a la Unidad de Postgrado de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la UNMSM, Lima.

CONCLUSIONES

ENGEL, F. (1957) Sites et établissementes sans ceramique de la côte peruvienne. En: Journal de la Sociéte des Americanistes, 46. París.

A partir de las evidencias arqueológicas identificadas en la la ladera sur del Morro Solar, se puede definir que la primera ocupacion cultural del área corresponde al período Arcaico (10,000 – 3,500 aP), la que hemos denominado el Complejo Cultural “Marcavilca”. Las poblaciones arcaicas de esta zona desarrollaron una actividad de subsistencia que explotó racionalmente los ecosistemas de mar, lomas y valle, a traves de una estrategia de movilidad ciclica entre la zona del Morro Solar y los cercanos valles de Lurín y Rimac. Esta captación de recursos respondia a la estacionalidad de los ecosistemas presentes que claramente alternaba entre los recursos de mar en la estacion de verano, y los recursos de valle y lomas durante el invierno. En este proceso de apropiación y conocimiento del territorio es que se incorporaron paulatinamente los cultigenos, determinando cambios hacia una economía diversificada y productora más dependiente de las especies cultivadas en el valle, asi como a la aparicion de establecimientos que comenzaron a cobrar mayor importancia a raíz del descubrimiento de la agricultura.

ENGEL, F. (1958) Algunos Datos con Referencia a los Sitios Precerámicos de la Costa Peruana. Lima. ESCARCENA, A. (1995) Proyecto Arqueológico Morro Solar: Chira – Villa. Informe Temporada 1994 – 1995, Lima. Documento presentado al INC. Lima. Perú. HUDTWALCKER, J.A. (1997) Evaluación Arqueológica en los AAHH Nueva Caledonia I y Colinas de Villa Distrito de Chorrillos, Lima, Lima. Documento presentado al INC. KAULICKE, Meter (1999) “Los Estudios del Período Arcaico en el Perú: logros, problemas y propuestas.” En: Boletín de Arqueología PUCP N° 3, El Período Arcaico en el Perú: Hacia una definición de los Origenes. Editor, Peter Kaulicke. Lima. LANNING, E. (1960) “Chronological and Cultural Relationships of Early Pottery Styles in Ancient Perú”. Tesis Doctoral, inedita. Universidad de California.

Es asi, que esta estrategia de movilidad permite conocer los ciclos y ritmos de los ecosistemas, lo que contribuye a nutrir el proceso de apropiación colectiva del espacio geográfico aprovechado. Creemos por lo tanto, que en este dinámico proceso de relación hombre-naturaleza, y que está en permanente transformación, se va ir gestando y construyendo la noción de “territorio”, que posteriormente será importante para el entendimiento del origén del Estado. Si el patrón de ocupación fue la trashumancia, entonces la apropiacion será ciclica y estacional, repetitiva y generadora de derechos que condicionaban las formas sociales de ocupación y el aprovechamiento, asi como los avances tecnológicos y la institucionalidad para lograrla. Con lo cual, se crean las condiciones para el surgimiento de las sociedades complejas durante el Arcaico Tardío y Final. Sabemos que el tema no esta agotado y que falta mucho más por conocer y profundizar; sin embargo, nos interesa resaltar que el estudio de las estrategias de adaptación de las sociedades tempranas en el área, nos permitira tener una mirada más, una perspectiva más en el estudio y

LANNING, E. (1963) A Pre-agricultural Occupation on the Central Coast of Perú. En: American Antiquity, Vol. 28, pp. 360-371. MEDINA, A. (2000) “Estudio de Evaluación Arqueológica en los AA.HH San Genaro (Sección Este) y Villa Venturo, Chorrillos”. Informe Final. INC-Lima. MONTOYA, H. (1996) “Evaluación Arqueológica en Colinas de Villa y Nueva Caledonia – Chorrillos – Dpto. Lima”, Lima . INC. Documento presentado al INC. REA, C. (1997) Informe de Evaluación Arqueológica del Asentamiento Humano “Ilustre Maestro Víctor Raúl Haya de La Torre”, Distrito de Chorrillos, Provincia de Lima, Lima. Documento presentado al INC. SERPAR-LIMA (1998) Área de Protección Municipal Pantanos de Villa. Refugio de Vida Silvestre. Centro de Interpretación Pantanos de Villa.

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TOURISM, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT – A MODEL FOR ARCHAEOLOGICAL AREAS MANAGEMENT1 Fabio CARBONE (Archaeologist, MSc in Heritage and Cultural Tourism Management and Development), University of Aveiro (Portugal), [email protected]

Carlos M.M. COSTA (Associate Professor of Economy, Management and Industrial Engineering Dep., University of Aveiro), University of Aveiro (Portugal), [email protected] Abstract: Archaeological heritage and the enormous production of historical and cultural information linked with Archaeology, lead us to considerate the better way to optimize its management and its socioeconomic and cultural function. Tourism, of course, represents an instrument to valorise and promote this heritage, but we need to constantly enquire about the quality of the management models implemented for this process. This article is about the archaeological heritage management, particularly looking out for the possibility of create a better model of strategic management for archaeological areas. Based on the management quality analyses of Conimbriga, a Portuguese archaeological area, is exposed an integrated strategic model reflecting the ambition to give to archaeological heritage, and Archaeology itself, a new role into the sustainable development process through its association with Tourism. Key-words: Archaeology, Tourism, Strategic Management, Sustainable Development

INTRODUCTION 1

work of technicians of both areas – Tourism and Archaeology – to give new vitality to these witnesses.

Archaeological research provides scientific evidence for the reconstruction of our past. Over time, the increasing activity of archaeological research led to a series of thoughts and issues that we can summarize as: how to optimize and enhance the efforts produced by archaeology? It is shown, by some success cases, that the Tourism represents a valuable opportunity for such purpose. The Archaeology strongly captives curiosity and public interest. This ability of seduction translates into a congenital tourist vocation.

In this article we will present a review on the current qualitative levels of management of archaeological heritage in Portugal, through the analysis of the study case of the monographic museum and ruins of Conimbriga. Regarding these data, a conclusion will then be elaborated and a proposal for a new and more effective management model will be submitted. The work is structured as follows: the introduction is followed by a conceptual approach to the Archaeology and Tourism and their connections. After this framework, we will conceptually fundament the theory that Archaeology meets the conditions to become a dynamic component of the sustainable development of a particular destination, through its articulation with the Tourism strategic planning. We will then present a case study on the management of the archaeological heritage (and of the Archaeology itself) in Portugal we will expose the methodology adopted for the analysis and then discuss the data collected. Finally, it will be submitted a proposal for a new management model of the quality of archaeological heritage, based on the results of the analysis and models and principles studied.

However, in spite of the academic debate for years now existing on the opportunities and threats of the binomial “Tourism and Archaeology,” they represent areas that, in practice, only occasionally are associated and, in most cases, in a reduced articulated way. For that reason, the need for models of management of the archaeological heritage linked with Tourism represents today an emergency. First of all, we consider Archaeology on the planning and development of a tourist destination. That is, the association between Tourism and Archaeology must go beyond the valorisation, and musealization of an evidence, area, or archaeological site. Thinking on the touristic valorisation of archaeological heritage, merely in order to satisfy a purely aesthetic desire of the visitor, is somehow reductive regarding the real opportunities that Tourism and Archaeology can provide to each other. The proposal is to give a new role to Archaeology, not only to the archaeological heritage; contextualize the remains of the material culture on the past; but thanks to the joint 1

This article is based on data collected for a master thesis on Management and Development in Tourism (Carbone, 2006). Although these data has been updated and revised for the publication of this article, we have chosen to include a section dedicated to the Methodology evaluation, where the possible limitations of the research will be highlighted. These limitations will be addressed in future studies in the area of management and planning of archaeological Tourism.

This paper contents data updated at 2007 for the present edition.

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perspective, and inserted in the process of sustainable development. The practices of preservation and valorisation of archaeological heritage in pro of its touristic satisfaction fit and meet perfectly those who are the principles of sustainable development, including the preservation of cultural roots.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL HERITAGE AND TOURISM: TRUE ORIGIN OF TOURISM ACTIVITY Cultural heritage is characterized by all the witnesses, material and intangible, that represents the past, the old tradition of a given geographical and cultural area and whose decisive factor is its ability to symbolically represent an identity (Peralta da Silva, 1997). We talk of cultural Tourism (or of Heritage) to refer to Tourism that has as a main attraction these witnesses, that is, all those elements that, in the tourist sector, we call primary resources, characterizing a given geographical area and eventually classifying it as a tourist destination (Umbelino, 2004).

But how to insert in a more dynamic way the archaeological heritage – and, as we will see later, the Archaeology itself as research area – in the process of sustainable development? Articled with Tourism, but through new approaches. We agree with the position of Melucco Vaccaro and Misiani (2000), who defend an integrated approach to the valorisation of archaeological heritage, which is framed in a contemporary approach to archaeological research. Thus, the search for archaeological evidence no longer represents the response to a purely aesthetic desire of an elite, but contributes to the enrichment of what we call social memory (Manacorda, 2001: 86).

Among the primary tourist resources of a territory are, according to authors such as Yale (1992: 87), its archaeological heritage, i.e. those witnesses of the material culture of the past, that in archaeology we call evidence or monumental evidence (Carandini, 1996; Harris, 1979).

Still, several authors defend not only the link between Tourism and archaeological heritage, but also between Tourism and archaeology. Manacorda (2001), for example, advocates that a larger contact between the archaeological work and the public would give a greater consent of archaeological activity. We have already promoted and defended (Carbone and Carbone, 2006; Carbone, 2006) the idea that, not only the archaeological heritage, but also the archaeological research, i.e. Archaeology as a science and its research methodologies, can represent an object of Tourism valorisation.

According with Trigo (2000: 16), the Modern Tourism is a phenomenon that has appeared in the last decades of the nineteenth century – with events such as the creation of “Abreu Turismo” in Porto (1840) or the first package produced by Thomas Cook (1841) – and has become a social mass phenomenon on the second decade of the twentieth century. However, the links between what we today call the archaeological heritage and the human activety of “travel” and “visit” represent an older phenomenon: as was shown in a previous research (Carbone, 2006: 50) the patrimony that now call cultural, in particular archaeological, is in the social bases of Tourism itself. In the same study, theories according to which the root of the word Tourism can be sought, rather than in the English word Tour, in Hebrew Tur, which can be found in the Bible with the meaning of recognition travel, are highlighted.

The Tourism activity (or its development) in a destination, benefit from the presence and valorisation of archaeological heritage and of the knowledge produced around it, for the feature that gives to it: uniqueness, essential characteristic to the success of a tourist destination. The culture and history represent the unicum of one, and just one, geographic/cultural area, becoming, according to Mckercher and du Cros (2002), the components that can more differentiate a product/tourist destination. Still, the Australian Heritage Commission claims that the patrimony offers the possibility of "telling stories" about an area and its people, and points the heritage as a key element of a successful tourist destination (AHC, 2004: 15).

We can then say that the activity of drifting large distances, of travelling, contrary to what is commonly thought has to do not only with the need for human recreation claimed in the post-industrial society, but in the epiphany of the activity latter called Tourism, with the human deeper need, of “knowing”. This reflection brings us to the real sources of Tourism. Above all, to their primary motivation. Under the social changes that triggered in 1950, Tourism assumed new meanings, mainly socioeconomic, leading to mass Tourism (more or less organized), and especially, in our point of view, both on the demand and on the supply side, there is a distorted and reductive definition of leisure.

In short, the main added value that heritage, and in our case, the archaeological heritage, gives to Tourism and its development is, therefore, related to its ability to differentiate, and give uniqueness and authenticity to a destination. And, if we already highlighted the main advantages of the alliance between Tourism and Archaeology, we now focus our attention on the added value that this connection gives the local development process. From an economic point of view, Wale (1998), for example, defends the development of cultural Tourism as a provider of useful

ARCHAEOLOGY, TOURISM AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT The association between Archaeology and Tourism should be seen in a broader and more ambitious 86

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income to compensate the investments of local administrations related to the creation/maintenance of infrastructures and public facilities. We add that, within the framework of traditional economic activities, the promotion of cultural heritage Tourism, particularly historical and archaeological, helps to promote the revitalization of activities such as hand made products, local cuisine, etc.

as regards the implementation of the principles of sustainability; III. Review of a Case Study; IV. Data treatment; V. Model development. The research method chosen – the study case – seemed to be the most appropriate one, for the archaeological area of Conimbriga, representative of the Portuguese reality. Among the proposals of authors such as Bell and Wilkinson (1997) and Birmingham (2003), two data acquisition techniques were chosen:

Moreover, the added value to the socio-cultural development is related to the strong pedagogical potential of archaeology – not only as material heritage, but also as a science (Carbone and Carbone, 2007) – discipline that addresses in a multidisciplinary way the story, mainly due to the process of evidence contextualization (Carbone, 2006).

1) Interview: we interviewed the principal responsible of the area, the Director of the Monographic Museum and ruins of Conimbriga;

There are several national and supranational entities who defend this theoretical approach of valorisation of Tourism heritage while added value in the process of local development, for its driver power of balanced development of local context to improve the living conditions of the resident population in the destination; it favours the permanence of communities in rural and interior areas; potentiates the revitalization of the production of local products; promotes local cultural initiatives (AHC, 2004; WTO; 2000; WTO, 1998).

2) Direct observation: the first author of the study established a series of parameters provided by literature as ICOMOS (1993) and others, to carry out an evaluation of the management of the area through direct observation. The acquisition of data was supplemented by the analysis of statistical data on the number of visitors in a temporal interval that goes from the year 1987 to the year 2007. The source was the Portuguese Institute of Museums, current Institute of Museum and Conservation (ICM.IP), which produces statistical information based on the Order nº 9104/2004 (2nd Series) of the Ministry of Culture.

In practice, the capacity of development of archaeological Tourism – and, in general, cultural – greatly contributes to the socio-economic and cultural development, it relates first of all with its planning and monitoring, 2 under which it is a peremptory necessity the articulation of different entities and professional figures in a decision-making process based on an integrated approach. We conclude this section citing Costa (2001): (…) there is the need to redesign and innovate the planning practices: the new approach must be based on “pro-active” and horizontal policies, contemplating the social responsibility and chousing the strategic planning practice, designed and implemented by flexible organizational structures that enable the decentralization of the decision-making process and consequent action. 1529

The involvement of the main responsible for the area allowed a “participatory analysis”, which not only proportioned the discussion of the technical problems and obstacles encountered in the management process, but also represented a reflection moment and a self-evaluation on local and national policies adopted in the Heritage Management. During the search, the main indicators taken into account were: a) Relationship (cultural and socioeconomic) between the archaeological area and the residents; b) integration in the landscape and cultural territorial context;

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

c) Integration in the socio-economic territorial context;

Fitting the scope of this work, it becomes clear the contribution provided by the same in the search for new strategic and integrated management forms (models) of the archaeological heritage. To achieve this objective, the research took place in the following stages:

d) Involvement of technical heritage staff (archaeologists, conservation technicians, etc.) in the planning of tourist activities in the area (with particular attention to the procedures for presentation, archaeological tool of interpretation, etc.);

I.

e) Level of implementation of sustainability principles;

Formulation of the study hypothesis: the optimization of Tourism valorisation of the archaeological heritage through a different approach and a new management model;

f) Extent of participation of local actors; g) Cultural marketing strategy adopted for the promotion of cultural Tourism of the archaeological area with the local population and tourists.

II. Study of actual management models to assess the current trends in the heritage management, especially

The data collected through the interview was corroborated by the acquired data of the Direct Observation, which was

2

Miller e Twining-Ward (2006) gave an exceptional academic contribution about monitoring in tourism planning and development.

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held addressing three main areas, 3 each having their own indicators: I.

current Institute of Museum and Conservation, IMC, IP), which results in an operational inability for the implementation of projects by the local and the museum managers and even in the proper daily functionement;

Ruins conservation;

II. Tourism Valorisation (offer structuration, articulated with the other local actors in a multidisciplinary way);

2) Lack of coordination and promotion of strategic partnerships with public institutions such as the Central Regional Tourism.

III. Optimisation of the Tourism valorisation having in mind the local socioeconomic growth.

On the demand of a greater financial autonomy by the Director of the archaeological area, this is founded on the current methods of “supervision” by IPM, 4 and the limitations that this implies, especially in the implementation and guaranty of continuity for research/ conservation and valorisation projects.

The analysis of the acquired data allowed to highlight the major problems and limitations in the decision-making process and quality of the Conimbriga archaeological area management.

From a strictly “tourist” point of view it is denounced the inability to ensure the visitors an satisfactory experience, due to the lack of informative material and arbitrariness (by lack of staff) of the opening hours, among other shortcomings on the offered service. The data collected through the interview were confirmed and supplemented by ones collected through the Direct Observation, which was held taking into account three perspectives: ruins conservation; Tourism valorisation; optimisation of the Tourism valorisation having in mind the place socioeconomic growth.

DATA INTERPRETATION In this section we present the collected data, its interpretation, being introduced by a brief description of the studied site. Conimbriga – Archaeological area and its infrastructures The archaeological area of Conimbriga is in the administrative area of Idanha-a-Velha, Council of Idanhaa-Nova, district of Castelo Branco, in the Central region (NUT II) of Portugal. It represents, from a strictly archaeological point of view, a “pluri-estratificated” context. The oldest archaeological remains date from the ninth century BC, emphasizing, however, the Roman city of Civitas Igaeditanorum or Conimbriga, whose monumental evidences were studied by Alarção and Etienne (1977). Overall, the forum and the temple, the thermal complex, the aqueduct, and the defensive wall emerged as early as the Augusta age – although at this time the place would not be more than an oppidum (Osland, 2006: 72) – represent the monumental traces of greater importance, along with the numerous mosaic examples (with a prevalence of opus tessellatum) and structures that make visible the perimeter of the insulae and some late Roman domus. The area, still in the process of archaeological research, has infrastructures such as a monographic museum, with functions of interpretation centre (in operation), a restaurant and an infrastructure for the conduct of shows (both currently not working).

From the Tourism valorisation point of view, there was a lack of a valorisation strategy for the medium and long term. The levels of experience quality offered to visitors were considered poor or just enough. The main shortages regard interpretative instruments out and in-door (posters, billboards, leaflets, guided or self-guided tours, etc.). The collaboration of a non-governmental association has occasionally reached the Structural European Funds, to fill such gaps, having achieved the implementation of innovative projects in the archaeological interpretation field. However, the financial constraints do not allowed to continue with these projects. Regarding its advertisement, Conimbriga, despite the existence of a logo associated with the area (Fig. 11.1) and a very dynamic and interactive website (with English and Spanish contents), it lacks guided marketing plans or dinamization plans, although it is aspired the realization of cultural events, whose achievement is limited by budget constraints.

Data analyses and discussion The techniques of data collection chosen provided a wide range of data. The interview with the Director of the Museum Monographic Conimbriga highlighted, among the main weaknesses of the management process, the following emergencies:

Fig. 11.1. Conimbriga Archaeological area and museum logo

1) Lack of financial autonomy from the central administration, the Portuguese Institute of Museums (IPM, 4

One of the obligations for the tutored museum is sending to the central public institute of Archaeology 100% of all kind of profit produced by museum activities.

3

Completing de analyses system proposed by ICOMOS (1993: 15), based just on a) conservation quality and b) accessibility.

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Conimbriga Ruins and Museum's Visitors Anual Evolutions (1988-2006) 250000

NºPax

200000 150000

Visitors total number

100000 50000

2005

2003

2001

1999

1997

1995

1993

1991

1989

1987

0

Years Fig. 11.2. Visitor’s number in Conimbriga between 1987 and 2006 Other problem is the decontextualization of archaeologycal resources in the surrounding territory (lack of tourist products that create links between the ruins and the natural landscape, local crafts, popular traditions and the cultural roots).

was for a long time one of the few archaeological visitorsopen sites of Portugal: the emergence of new offers of archaeological Tourism in the country has reflected in Conimbriga “role”, i.e. the supply growth has, without any doubt, proportioned a more balanced distribution of tourist on the younger Portuguese destinations, characterized by the presence of archaeological sites. 5 On the other hand, however, the decrease in visits could also be, if not the only, one of the most tangible consequences of an obsolete management model.

One of the most peculiar features found in the evaluation of the archaeological area management, regarding its use in Tourism, is represented by the following phenomenon: by one hand, there is a great desire of visitors to assist the work of archaeological research, and of interaction with the archaeologists, on the other hand (the one we call the “offer”), is not contemplated any activity, communication tool, structured service that answers to the visitors will, and that promotes the interaction between them and archaeologists.

Regarding the optimization of the archaeological heritage valorisation for the local population, the research found the reflexes of the already outlined: weak links with the local population, from the point of view of their participation in the activities undertaken in Conimbriga; lack of monitoring of cultural and socioeconomic benefits, directly or indirectly linked to the presence and touristic exploration of the archaeological area exploration; lack of integration between the activities developed in the area and the local development process.

Still regarding the visitors satisfaction, it was adopted in our study as an quality indicator on the analysis of the management of the area, the research revealed the existence of a large complaints number that relate not only to the service provided o(r lack of it), but also the way of the ruins preservation, the lack of operators/ guardians, etc.). Another chosen indicator was the progress of Conimbriga visitors flow in recent years, according to data provided by IPM. The following chart shows the data on the number of visits received by the Conimbriga museum, since 1987 to 2005.

OUR MODEL Conditio sine qua non According to the acquired and analyzed data during this study and presented earlier in this article, taking into account the strengths and weaknesses of the current management model, and the opportunities and threats arising from association of Tourism and Archaeology for the management of an area, it was elaborated a proposal

There has been a continuous, but not constant, decrease on the number of visits to the area of Conimbriga. Exception is made for a peak of visits between the year 1998 and 2000, probably linked to the large influx of tourists in Portugal on the occasion of the 98 International Exposition (Expo98). There are several reasons for this decline. Among the principals, is the fact that this area

5 For the work was also used a complete overview about open-to-public archaeological sites in Portugal, by Raposo e Freire, 2001: 100-157.

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for a new management model. Yet, we should take into account, the fact that the deficiencies found in the management of the Conimbriga area are not linked, in most cases, to the lack of professionalism of the involved operators, but to induced factors, as the lack of financial autonomy for the projects redaction and implementation. It is priority to take into account that the current forms of “tutoring” applied to museums, specially the museums closely linked to the archaeological areas, in what regards to its financial aspect, does not represent a benefit but a limiting circumstance to the development of local Tourism. The Article 3 of the Protection and Archaeological Heritage Management Letter (ICAHM, 1990) on Economics Legislation mentions the need for adequate funds to support effective management programs for archaeological heritage. In the studied case, the funds provided for the management of the area cover only the human resources salaries. This lack of project development capacity contributes, as the Director itself denounced in the interview, the unresponsabilization of the area directors.

Fig. 11.3. Strategic management model for archaeological areas The components of the model do not represent disconnected “breakdowns” and autonomous, but interconnected, interdependent and integrated. Thus, the conservation component, integrates with the other two. The aim is to maximize principles as the ones defended in the Archaeological Heritage Protection and Management Letter, in which we found, in the Article 8 for example, considerations on the archaeological reconstruction, also regarding its experimental research and interpretation functions (ICAHM, 1990).

The proposed model has underlying condition the sine qua non in order to amend the financial methods of supervision by the state, in a decentralization process. A viable alternative would consist of a state guardianship to ensure the annual salaries of the museum staff, leaving the ticket income be are managed by the museum itself – which would be subject to supervision and would have to submit periodic activities reports – the other charges, since maintenance to the implementation of conservation and valorisation projects. Only in this way a real cultural programming, management and patrimony valorisation could be achieved.

The second component – the link with the resident community – relates to the optimisation of the archaeological knowledge in the socio-cultural growth of the local population process. The archaeological resource is a primary information in the context of cultural and historiography knowledge. The contact with such information, tangible link with the past in the form of movable or fixed patrimony, is available to the general public, but its contents are “cripted” by the intrinsic interpretation difficulties. It is the duty of the scientific community to decode this information and communicate their contents to the community. Once again, the model dynamics provides an interconnection between the components: archaeological research in a particular location should be accompanied by research and implementation of better communication methods with the local community, exploring the pedagogical aspects of Archaeology, for an intellectual enjoyment and consequently socio-cultural growth of archaeological resources.

The model This study had as primary aim the development of a model for archaeological heritage management, after the review of current models. The model, schematically shown in Fig. 11.3, proposes a more dynamic link of the three main aspects considered in the management process: a) areas conservation and museum, b) relationship with local population, c) Relationship with Tourism. Conservation is the first priority in the archaeological heritage managing. Through this first component is underlined, in primis, the continue partnership between archaeological areas and research institutes. However, the research should be ample, not limited to the mere archaeological research, but providing an integrated scientific effort where archaeological investigation plans in the medium and long term include the space for research of the valorisation methodologies and contextualization of the archaeological resource on the natural, cultural and social surroundings as well as investigations in the exploitation of tourism and archaeological heritage (dissemination, communication, marketing, etc..).

The contribution of the cultural resources, particularly the archaeological, under the socio-cultural growth of the local community, is linked with the ancient Greek philosophic concept of paideia, the “free man” formation, based first and foremost on the self-knowledge, that is, 90

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the knowledge of its historical cultural roots. Conceptually, the importance of this component in the context of a balanced development deserves that the “cultural sustainnability” represents the fourth pillar of sustainability, in the same level of the economic, social and environmental sustainability’s.

with the archaeological research activity, and not just with its product. We defend the idea of an “Archaeology valorisation” to supplement and complete the mere “appreciation of the archaeological heritage.” The contact of the visitors with the archaeologists and heritage technicians; the opportunity to participate in workshops that complement the visit; the organisation of visits archaeological areas still undergoing research and excavation, properly equipped. Although this last practice is starting to spread, it is also true that it is a phenomenon that is usually left to chance, not planned and organized as a component of the offer of “arqueo-tourism”. This would represent the end (where the safety conditions permit) of “areas prohibited to the public”, offering the visitors something as appealing as the archaeological traces themselves.

Also linked with this concept, the possibility, in a sociocultural dynamic optic, to promote projects such as mobility, that is, the possibility of the realization of thematic cultural exchanges based on cultural origins; 6 the creation of national and international networks, dinamizated by patrimony technicians and managers in partnership with groups of citizens; the realization of educational projects in formal and non-formal learning. The touristic infrastructures itself should have as privileged user, the local community, transforming the Tourism equipment in cultural equipment, that represents a mean of archaeological knowledge dissemination for tourists but also for residents, and that the activities be planned in order to promote the direct exchanges between the local population and tourists.

Another need in the context of improving the Tourism development management in archaeological areas is related to the creation of a systematic Branding Management. We propose, however, not only the mere creation of brands, but also the bet on the strong dynamic and dissemination of them. The challenge in this process of touristic branding reflects the answer to a latent reality in the appreciation of the archaeological heritage context, lacking in touristic-cultural animation innovation and connections, and environmental animation and economic and traditional professions revitalization.

The archaeological knowledge dissemination and the promotion of areas of archaeological interest by the population, aims at the growth of self-esteem and cultural identity, but also, in an economic point of view, promotes the rebirth of ancient traditions and subsequent revitalization of traditional economic activities at several levels: creation of traditional arts and crafts schools, scientific research in the fields of anthropology and ethnography, economic exploitation of local traditions, emergence of collateral economic activities, etc..

There is now a strong need for improvement with regard to the management of Tourism brands related to cultural heritage, particularly archaeological, which effectively contributes to the strategic development of Tourism in Portugal. Apart from the sun and sea, and even beyond infrastructures, as part of Tourism development and planning the systematic promotion of resources that can truly mark the uniqueness of the destination, taking advantage at the same time factors of competitiveness, supply diversification and demand for tourists recommendation, is an emergency. This new set of factors will be the main element of differentation, compared to other competitors and similar tourist destinations.

This aspect in particular connects with the last component of the proposed model, the link with Tourism. The security of an incoming that maximizes the socioeconomic dinamization can only be provided by the caption of the exterior public. The new role of heritage technicians in the process of “Tourism heritage valorisation”; the creation of new tools for the tourist flows management; the creation of a brand where the cultural aspect is predominant. The quality of Tourism development linked to the archaeological heritage is connected with the fomentation of partnerships between entities, i.e. conjoined work of Tourism technicians, archaeology technicians and the administration’s (local and national), as well as experts who monitor the socioeconomic and cultural impacts on the local population. The aim is to ensure the highest quality in the offered experience to visitors as well as to maximize the multiplier effects of Tourism activity by residents.

As can be extrapolated, the main quality of the proposed management model for archaeological heritage, is to aspire to: Greater integration of archaeological heritage in the process of sustainable development at local level; Improved quality of the internal management of human resources; Top quality in the conservation and preservation of archaeological remains; Maximization of cultural and socio-economic benefits derived from Tourism exploitation by the local population; Decentralization of the decision-making process and consequent agility of action for local actors; Greater involvement of heritage technicians in the process of tourist activities planning in the archaeological area; Greater contextualization and integration of archaeological heritage in local the economic and cultural reality; Continue improvement of the conservation and presentation conditions of the archaeological heritage as a Tourism resource.

Regarding the visitors experience (residents and tourists) we think it should be complemented through the contact 6 In this component of the model, the link with the ancient Greek paideia idea, it’s not just an intellectual link. The process of “creation” of a free man depends on his self-esteem and self-knowledge of his ruts. This is the main significance of paideia idea.

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economic and cultural development of the site. The current management model was evaluated as inappropriate, although most of the gaps (inadequate tools of communication and interpretation; lack of continuity in the valorisation projects and in the cultural entertainment activities; difficulties in the management of human resources; etc.) were justified by the area’s archaeological responsible (interviewed) by limitations induced by the lack of financial autonomy. Based on the collected data we moved up to the preparation of an improved model for the area management and, even before that, as an inevitable condition, it has been proposed a solution to the problem of lack of financial autonomy by the managers of the area.

CONCLUSIONS The Tourism is these years is subject to radical changes: both on the supply and on the demand side, the Tourism based on “3S” (Sun, Sand and Sea) leaves space to a more articulated, complex and mature development of a Tourism that could be defined as “3L”, Leisure, Learning and Landscape. This process of change can represent an opportunity to review the existing management models of heritage and archaeological areas with Tourism purposes, with the duplicate objective of optimising the experience offered to visitors and maximizing the positive impacts on the destination. The management of the archaeological heritage with Tourism purposes, was the topic addressed in this work, being developed a new management model for archaeological areas. In the start of this research, the issue concerned the possibility of improvement of the current management models of the archaeological heritage based on the alliance “Tourism and Archaeology”, from the supply point of view. The ambition was to make the archaeological heritage (and archaeology) a resource with a more dynamic role in the sustainable local development process, through its alliance with Tourism.

The integrated administration model proposed seeks the articulation of three main strands of action: conservation, relationship with the local population, relationship with Tourism. The integration between the local community, the scientific community and operators in the Tourism sector, has the main objective of promoting a cultural Tourism, particularly archaeological, that, on the demand side, promotes in the visitors the valorisation of the cultural dimension of their movements; on the supply side, improve and optimize the efforts produced within the archaeological research and its valorisation, having as main objective the balanced growth (not just economic but also socio-cultural) of the local community.

As for any good strategic plan elaborated from the offer point of view, the first stage was a reflection of sociological character on the demand. It was demonstrated how, in fact, the motivations behind the travelling activity – on the side of what today we call “demand” – are linked from the epiphany of this practice, to the need of knowledge and self-knowledge. We speak of the movements motivated purely by cultural needs, and not only – as is restrictively now defended – the need to “rest”, “status”, etc. The motivational component of knowledge, even though it appears in several authors between the motivations of a travel, is still undervalued, and is, by contrast, (re) taken into consideration in connection with the planning and Tourism development activated from the supply side. And not just for the benefit of tourist experience, as we shall see below, but first of all to a growth of the resident population.

The proposal presented in this article does not represent the ambition to create theoretical paradigms indiscriminately applied to all archaeological areas, taking into account the myriad of different contexts, whose variables should be considered case by case for a mired and optimized management vision. This work represents a contribution to the creation and adoption of models based on management and development strategies and of the territory based on irrefutable principles – on which we need a serious debate – that provide the correct coordinates in the journey towards local sustainable development.

Acknowledgements

This reflection becomes crucial in the general aspiration of redefinition of the role of archaeological heritage in Tourism and the local development process. But, to translate this aspiration into a concrete opportunity, it is necessary to develop instruments that serve as a guide in the administration of the alliance between Tourism and Archaeology. The analysis of current models of management and valorisation of archaeological heritage Tourism was undertaken, conducted by the study case of Conimbriga monographic museum and ruins.

Thanks to Carlos Costa (University of Aveiro) for research orientation and participation and to Virgilio Correia (Director of Conimbriga Museum) for disponibility during the collecting data’s phase. A special thanks to my wife, Inês.

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Session WS29 THE IDEA OF ENCLOSURE IN RECENT IBERIAN PREHISTORY

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THE IDEA OF ENCLOSURE IN RECENT IBERIAN PREHISTORY Organizers

António CARLOS VALERA, Lucy SHAW EVANGELISTA In recent years, the archaeology of Recent Peninsular pre-history has gone through a truly empirical revolution. From North to South, from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, there are few regions that have not been the source of surprises. This fast rate of discovery is made even more interesting by the curious context in which it has occurred: the increasing theoretical diversity in approaches to peninsular Prehistory. The empirical “finds” are now accompanied by different types of interpretation, giving rise to passionate debates, generating resistance from the more orthodox and reckless approaches to the more avantgarde ones. All this not only gives rise to fascinating discussion but also really shows the ideologic and contingent character of the production (construction) of knowledge (in this case archaeological knowledge). One of the focuses of this dynamic concerns the problems raised by ditched enclosures and their role in the development of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic communities of the Iberian Peninsula. Our ideas on this subject were radically changed in the last decade and the subject quickly took on a central role in theoretical discussion. Many questions relating to scale, meaning, to school, to the centrality of theory and to the growth and autonomy of archaeology make the debate on enclosures, in general, and ditches, in particular, one of the most fascinating areas of contemporary Iberian pre-history. Ranging from models that are based on World System or Peer Polity Interaction, to the more holistic approaches to human behaviour; from the strictest empiricism and functionalism, to materialism, passing through the most daring (type of) phenomenology and the insufficiencies, indecisions and linguistic prejudices that all of this generates, today, turn the debate surrounding these contexts, is one of the liveliest areas in the production of knowledge and in reflexion on archaeology. The main aim of this session, to be included in the UISPP program, is to gather researchers from different regions in Iberia, with different theoretical perspectives and for the first time to present together the data and most significant contexts and to compare the different approaches. And because the phenomenon, or the idea, as Chris Scarre puts it, is of European expression, it is essential that researchers who have dealt with this problem in other European regions should be included in this debate centered on the Iberian Peninsula.

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MAPPING THE COSMOS – A COGNITIVE APPROACH TO IBERIAN PREHISTORIC ENCLOSURES António Carlos VALERA Head of NIA (Archaeological Research Group) of ERA Arqueologia, S.A. ([email protected]) Abstract: As an introduction paper to this UISPP workshop congress, the advantages of interpretative plurality and theoretical “enlargement” regarding prehistoric enclosures issues it will be briefly discussed. In this context, the possibilities of cognitive approaches to spatial and architectural organization in the interpretation of some enclosures it will be outlined and its capacity to congregate different theoretical trajectories suggested. Key words: Cognitive approach; enclosures; landscape; cosmology; participation

INTRODUCTION

and embracing an image of a complex and relational enlargement of knowledge abilities. If we consider a complex and relational world, there is no reason to subtract knowledge to that dynamic. As Feyerabend once said, “I sustain that collaboration doesn’t require common ideology”. This is the perspective that inspired this session and the criteria for invitations to present papers (different regions of Iberia and theoretical paths are present).

Recent Prehistory in Iberia is going through a period that we might designate as “empirical revolution”. Surprising and important findings are announced everywhere. Furthermore, this hasty process of discovery (related with the structural development of both Iberian countries in the last decades) occurs in a context that makes it even more interesting: a growing diversity of theoretical approaches. Empirical findings are followed by interpretative pluralities, although debate doesn’t always take place.

Regarding the subject of the session, with this paper I intend to outline the possibilities of cognitive approaches in the interpretation of enclosure architectures, namely the relevance of a finalist model developed after psychogenetic dynamics of cognitive processes and their historic behaviour (Piaget, 1973; Baginha, 1985). And if the logic formality of cognitive stages and their classification are questionable today (Gardner, 2002: 167), the use of those principles and concepts are still very useful in the construction of models that can help us approach different forms of thought, without pretending to establish general and deterministic prepositions. As Criado Boado put it, in his recent revisiting of Lévi Strauss, this is just a resource “to think about them, more than natural or empiric entities” (Criado Boado, 2000: 300).

Theoretical options, as their epistemological grounds, are based on theoretical internal criteria (such as coherency, potentiality, performance, conceptual framework) but also in external factors, usually not discursively formalized (ethical, ideological, institutional and psychological commitments). Theory is never neutral and its diversified commitments tend to generate particular and contradictory forms of relationship with the object of analysis, sometimes incompatible in terms. Simultaneously though, the specificities of each approach, its limitations and potentialities, its methodological and conceptual acquisitions, justify interaction between different theoretical programs in the development of social sciences. They have a relational existence. They influence each other, they define themselves by opposition and rejection and they are built (methodologically and conceptually) to approach different areas of the social phenomena. Theory is dynamic. It has internal coherency, but it is open to confrontation that acts back in reformlating ways. Frequently, in this theoretical discussion we try to demonstrate the inadequacy of other theories, stressing the virtues of our own, sometimes as violently as ideological combat. But interaction is an enrichment process and disagreement or contradiction shouldn’t be a problem.

THE FINALIST MODEL Since its very beginning that Archaeology speaks about the minds of primitive Men, but those first approaches lack a formalized language and a solid research on human cognition processes. The development of that area of research after World War II, in fields like cognitive science and psychological and anthropological structuralism, was responsible for a renewal in interest on cognitive archaeology in the last quarter of the XX century. That interest has been mostly orientated to Man’s evolutionary process, but I think that the historical dynamics of basic mental representation categories is also very important to Recent Prehistory, helping contextual-lize meaning and allowing the emergence of the “differences of the past”.

Knowledge is a relational dynamic process of convergent and divergent interactions, amplifying and diversifying its abilities of interpretation and explanation, by confrontation of different theoretical programs that can subsist side by side. Here, I am getting away from a kunean perspective – a lineal evolution by paradigmatic substitution –

Recent developments – namely in Cybernetics and Information Theory – allow us to consider cognitive processes 99

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independently of a specific representation (Gardner, 2002: 46) and analyse their contingency, recognising different forms of thought through a cognitive anthropology. As Putnam (1988) stressed, using cybernetic developments, if Man is basically the same (hardware) his forms of thinking and representation (software) can change and do change.

absolute and is not articulated with other possibilities. A homology is established between object and perspective of the object. Particular aspects of perspective are considered as properties of the object, in the context of an absolute system of references. This centred position is associated to finalist pre-operative mental structures. In the other extreme is a decentred perspective, characterized by relativistic thought that tries to articulate and coordinate several different positions and perspectives regarding a given situation. It is associated to operative mental structures. These two general mental structures, in terms of the theoretical model, correspond to an “epistemic individual” (Piaget, 1973), an ideal individual that embodies the common representation mechanisms of a specific time. As usual, complexity of reality is simplified by de model, and the “epistemic individual” must not be confused with any real existence, always more complex and heterogeneous.

The idea of a hardware that keeps itself basically the same is an early assumption of Anthropology. In the beginning of the XXth century, Lucien Lévy-Bruhl started to establish a “primitive mind” different from ours, but he would later doubt that perspective and established differences as a question of graduation in a permanent structure. The same idea was shared by other anthropologists, such as Boas, suggesting that the cognitive potentials are the same and that differences are related to intellectual contexts contingencies (Gardner, 2002). Later, Lévi Strauss argued for a limited number of functioning modes of the human mind and that knowledge operates through classification processes that are essentially the same. In his structuralistic approach, the hardware would be his “Human Spirit”, stable and unchanged. That essential structure creates the frame of two rationality patterns – savage and domestic – with express themselves through specific historical “versions” – the possibilities that each pattern can assume in a certain historical context (Criado Boado, 2000).

Finalist mental structures present cognitive features that manage the relations with the world in a centred way, establishing the bases of its representations: a reduced capacity of reversibility and a reduced use of mental conserving principles. In causal sequences, the moments tend to be seen as “qualities” (with essential characteristics), usually with no connections between them. Reversible thought becomes impracticable. In other words, a certain situation is not related to anterior moments in its original sequence. Rezoning is centred in the final stages of processes: the arriving point is seen as the only one possible and fatalism is established. It is not considered a possibility amongst others, submitted to reversibility principles that allow its anticipation and perception as a situation in a ground of different possibilities. Finalism is set: the situation is seen as natural and unquestionable (there couldn’t be another).

We can always, of course, ask if the historicity of cognitive structures is not well established in the evolution process, and why those cognitive structures suddenly, with modern man, would escape to history and became an essence. Nevertheless, and besides the problem of biological historicity of human mind, we should admit that recognition is a contingent process and that cognitive morphologies are also historical (not essences). Modular theories of cognitive evolution showed that structural transformations are not just a question of physical evolution, but that cultures have a restructuring active role in the modes of thinking, not just in contents, but also in neurological organization: “a culture can, literally, reconfigure the patters of brain use” (Donald, 1999:25).

This way of thinking interferes in a very decisive manner in mental classification processes that organized the world, inducing homologies and participation mechanisms. The participation abilities allow peoples properties to be transferred into objects or participated by them, giving way to animism and generate situations where the symbol and the symbolized item are united: we don’t say a given name because it calls the thing, and lots of people don’t say cancer (they talk about a lingering disease), and Harry Potter shouldn’t pronounce the name of Voldemort. A centred perspective in processes final stages also induces artificialism, giving intentions to causal sequences and associating the ways of the world to models of human action: mythological or religious creationism is generated. The finalist way of thought is then a generator of animism, magic and artificialism, establishing the bases of psychomorphic causality (Baginha, 1985). It reveals levels of undifferentiation between individual and object, fusing their properties (totally or partially).

The historicity of cognitive structures allows us to speculate about the mental operative frameworks that might have functioned in Recent Prehistory, helping to considerer different forms of recognition and constructing meaning that enlarge our interpretative possibilities related, in the present case, to specific architecture and spatial organization. The cognitive stages models demonstrate that the individual mental structure reveal a historic behaviour in central categories of the representation process. The finalist model applies that notion to historical approaches. It generically establishes two poles that are understood as limits to several intermediate stages. In one side there is a centred perspective, where a given situation becomes an

These cognitive modalities are present in basic and structuring categories of representation process, such as 100

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causality, time and space. I’m particular interested here in perception and representation of the last two.

considered as separable “objects” with their one properties, so the idea of one village is missing.

In finalism, time is measured not according to a regular and homogenous scale, but according to phenomenon and events. Time is conceived in relation to the work done, to the space walked, to the event and its repetition. Time is subjective and phenomenological. Counting the time in moons or in days doesn’t change this heterogenic vision of time. What matters is the rising of the Full Moon or the Sun, and it is not necessary that those events have continuous and regular intervals. Naturally, the interaction with the natural world provides a certain notion of cycle and duration, but those times are seen as part of those things and not as something abstract and independent. Time of human or animal pregnancy is perceived; the agricultural cycle is controlled; the celestial movements are known. But their times are not independent from them and they are part of the qualities of those objects and events. They are qualitative and different times that can be used to organized different parts of life, different worlds but simultaneously lived, multiple narratives not necessarily articulated (Thomas, 1996). This is a discontinuous and irregular time that organizes events in a qualitative and heterogenic way. For example, the antiquity of a community could be expressed by the number of tombs in a megalithic graveyard (independently of intervals of construction) and the duration of a journey could be measured by the number of villages visited.

Naturally, finalist thought is a theoretical model that doesn’t have a plain practical correspondence. The model, like any other model, should be used adequately and carefully, concerning the particular historical conditions, keeping in mind that discourse is a compromise between the theoretical formula and specific situations. Its categoryzations, with natural graduation, could be considered adequate to approach pre-modern structures of thought and be helpful in inter subjective relations between present and past, as a contribution to diminishing the “mirror effect”. MAPPING THE COSMOS – A COGNITIVE APPROACH TO IBERIAN PREHISTORIC ENCLOSURES Diversity, dwelling and design Being a European phenomenon, enclosures present a significant formal diversity, probably corresponding to an equally diversified conceptualization of those architectures. In Iberia, that diversity is quite remarkable (Valera & Filipe, 2004), expressed in design, topography, dimensions, spatial complexity, foundation dates, temporality or contextual nature of occupation. As Scarre puts it, these contexts may function in many different ways, so it’s more prudent to talk about an enclosure idea developed in different forms to answer to specific social purposes (Scarre, 2001).

Naturally, this is not a continuous time. It can come back and reinitiate, can be interrupted and can get to an end. Individuals and communities participate in these different times and in things that are “out of time” (don’t change). Moving and unmoving times are set side by side and transition between them is possible, but regulated by social normative codes. Time is strongly tied up to space and daily life.

Diversity, namely in its most ephemeral versions, has been addressed by the so called “dwelling perspective” to stress the phenomenological importance of the act of building and inhabiting the buildings (Evans, 1988). Enclosures would have a permanent unfinished design, always emerging as a new experience. There wouldn’t be a particular form previous to construction, but a dwelling sequence developing in a relational context with all elements of the world, and meaning would be produced in the volatility of experience (Ingold, 2000). Therefore, design is not detachable from dwelling as a previous stage of building.

Space is also perceived in a centred way. Just like time, it is finite, qualitative, discontinuous and heterogeneous: the core has qualities that other areas don’t have and it is frequently organized in a polarized way. It tends to become a hierarchy of qualities. Certain places are seen as cores with qualities (inseparable and not transmissible) that other places don’t share. In spatial analyses, the centred perspective in processes final stages reveals a notion that the actual place is the natural place (had to be). Space becomes finalist since intentions are given to spatial causal sequences: things are where they should be, with qualities that are natural and essential, and each situation has a purpose (finality), which is the reason for its existence.

Though it is not particularly difficult to adhere to ontological and epistemological grounds that refuse the separation between subject / object and that underline the experience component of every representation, the excessive bounds to existential volatility may drives us to a not understandable and explainable particularism. If meanings come out of experience and dwelling, it is also true that those meanings tend to be retained. Ultimately, without that retention language itself (as thinking and knowledge) wouldn’t be possible. If meanings are historical and two individuals can not have the same exact experience or dwelling of a given situation, the dynamics of life has rhythms that allow pre-concepts to

Consequently, many places are not seen as whole composed of different parts. The parts are seen as independent entities join together. An example is provided by the Bororo villages of South America: the circular organizaton is divided in two parts that are 101

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Fig. 12.1. Examples of cosmologic representation (top, from left to right: Barasana cosmology (Colombia); Triora stele (Ligurean Alpes, Italy); Mesoamerica cosmologies) and three examples of physical resources for cosmological representations. A. Correlation between horizontal linearity of the Sun’s path from East to West with the vertical linearity of sky/earth’s surface/sub-soil; B. Using water streams to express cosmological dichotomies: axel established by division left bank/right bank and axel established by stream (upstream / downstream); C. Using topography to express cosmological dichotomies (example: plateau/valley). These different resources can be articulated in different ways

be established and shared, which guide and constrain action.

Cosmographies: interpretative possibilities of Finalist Cognitive Structure model

Otherwise, we would be in the presence of a new form of dichotomy between structure and agency, between the social and the individual. If the act of building participates in the construction of the meaning of an architectural structure, that act is also bounded to previous meanings rooted in tradition (and generally communicated by communities) and by purposes also shared and related to that same tradition. It is not surprising, then, that Whittle recently argued that several similarities occur in enclosures in different and vast areas of Europe (such as circular tendency or concentric design), suggesting the existence of shared ideas that actively participate in architecture conforming and in territory and landscape organization (Whittle, 2006). A furtive approach to a structuralist suggestion that many resemblances throughout the world might express structural similarities of solutions develop-ped to deal with certain problems and situations of social organization that have a limited range of possibilities.

The role of cosmologies in space organization and architecttural developments of prehistoric communities has been pointed out as one of these shared ideas by archaeological research. Bibliography is vast and generally outlines that cosmologies are reflected in symbolic elements, art, architecture or landscapes. In other words, bibliography speaks of cosmographies. Cosmologic approaches inspired by Phenomenology have asserted the inadequacy of dichotomies such as sacred/profane or human/natural in the interpretation of prehistoric sites, arguing that daily life, cosmos and religion constitute an inseparable unity (paradoxically, Phenomenology induced holistic perspectives). Architectures and spatial organization are part of that totality, simultaneously reflecting it and acting upon it. As support, lots of ethnographic examples are available, presenting houses or entire sites where construction is impregnated by cosmology. 102

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These cosmologies are usually organised by zones, with specific properties and borders more or less defined, but permeable (Figure 12.1). The importance of the notion of limit to the classification of space and the construction of its meanings has been frequently outlined (Paul Lévi & Segaud, 1983; Sack, 1986; Levefre, 1991; Barth, 1999; Vignaux, 2000). Being symbolic devices, representations need discontinuities in order to exist. They require frontiers. Barth particularly insists that identification is simultaneously differentiation. A qualitative hierarchy of space develops demarcation modes that establish borders. Those borders, however, are not very tight or well defined, and intermediate spaces of transition are frequent (Appadurai, coated by Silvano, 2001), which reinforce the symbolic value of special elements of connection (such as pathways or gates and doors).

Anthropology shows us that social and cosmological organizations structured by dichotomies are frequently expressed through dualistic systems of opposed elements. However, in his analysis of dualism, Lévi-Strauss (2003) underlines that dual symmetrical and reciprocal structures are quite rare, if existent. He distinguishes two forms of dualistic structures: the diametrical structure and the concentric structure. The diametrical one is expressed by divisions of elements into apparently symmetrical and reciprocal parts. On the contrary, in concentric structures a centre/periphery hierarchy is recognized between the elements and their relations became asymmetric and less reciprocal. An inequality is established among the opposed elements that apparently is absent from the diametrical expression. Furthermore, the reciprocal and symmetrical relationship of opposed elements tends to develop a confined diametrical structure, while concentric organization projects itself in the surroundings, prolonging the hierarchy of elements.

Cosmological space frequently appear divided in three parts: an upper world (associated to sky, stars, mountains, aerial vision), a middle world (earth surface) and a underworld (sub-soil and its inhabitants – such as ants for example), usually articulated with the Sun and Moon trajectories. Sometimes there are intermediate spaces between these major cosmologic territories. In a finalistic context, the cosmos organization is qualitative, heterogeneous, hierarchic and, most important, participation mechanisms take place (Valera, 2006): cosmographies (that is, Cosmos representations) participate of Cosmos properties. Symbol and symbolized are fused.

However, in the majority of cases, diametrical symmetry is just apparent (idem). Frequently the two elements represent asymmetric dichotomies such as identity / transformation, stability / change or situation / process. In other situations a triadic organization lies beneath the apparent dualism or diametrical and concentric dualism and triadic structures are combined simultaneously in a more complex social organization and representation. Therefore, we must keep in mind the complexity that might be behind dualistic systems in the examples presented below.

The base of cosmologic construction and the base of its physical representation are the same: the world and its dwelling. So anything may be used to express cosmologic properties and participate in them. In this context, architecture and landscape organization appear as ways of “mapping” the Cosmos. The characteristics and stories associated to the Universe can be read, remembered and experienced through spatial organization, since they are inscribed in it. Architecture, as spatial building, can be cosmographic: it can become a map that represents Cosmos. But in finalist cognitive structures these building maps are not simple representations: since physical particularities chosen to express cosmological dichotomies participate of the properties of those cosmological fields: they are what they represent.

Three practical examples in Portugal: Perdigões and Porto Torrão enclosures and Fornos de Algodres settlement network I will now present three examples of settlement organization and architecture solutions that may be read according to a cosmological representation framework and help us in the interpretation of some enclosures and their contextual landscapes. The first case regards the Perdigões archaeological complex (Lago, et al., 1998; Valera et. al., 2000 and in print). The Perdigões enclosure is located in Alentejo region (South Portugal), in the occidental extremity of Ribeira do Álamo valley and of the local settlement network. The site was built in a depression that looks like an amphitheatre open to East, to the valley where more than a hundred megalithic tombs were located. To West, South and North, visibility is restricted by the site’s own topographic limits. A “spot” clearly marks the centre of the enclosure and from there visibility is directed to East by topography, to the Monsaraz hill that marks the horizon in the other extremity of the valley. If we are standing in this central point of the enclosure, the sun rises behind Monsaraz hill to make its path over the valley and to sets just in the West limits of the site. This central “spot” is surrounded by a sequence of roughly concentric

For instance, a mountain just doesn’t simply represent the upper world, it is the upper world, and the same may occur with a particular part of the house or the settlement. Architecture and physical particulars of landscape (such us topography, hydrology, geology, etc.) appear as semantic resources, expressing in a polarized way the dichotomies through which the Universe might be organized (Figure 12.2). The criticism on projection of modern dichotomies in the research past societies should not minimize the structural role that dichotomic thought must have played in the prehistoric social organization. Specially, it shouldn’t lead us to take dichotomic thought for a simplistic dualism. 103

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Fig. 12.2. Perdigões aerial photography with indication of specific areas and orientation and in the local territory (The biggest dot is Perdigões enclosure, the small dots correspond to megalithic monuments; the others to settlements) 104

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ditches which are themselves framed by to other circular and concentric ditches with a 450 m diameter, with very little space between them. The circularity of the outside ditch is interrupted at East by a semicircular structured graveyard, where megalithic collective graves (similar to tholoi) have eastern orientations. Two doors in those circular ditches open to the valley in the East quadrant, symmetrically located in each side of the graveyard and a cromlech is situated just a few meters below, also in the East side of the enclosure (Figure 12.2).

The empirical information necessary for debating these interpretative hypotheses is still scarce at Perdigões, since archaeological excavations are restricted to small areas, leaving many uncertainties about design, building dynamics, nature of occupations and their temporalities. Never the less, these hypotheses, that don’t necessarily involve the rejection of a more functionalist approach, enlarge the questionnaire of research and provide a richer understanding of the site. A second case is Porto Torrão (Valera & Filipe, 2004), also in Alentejo region. It is another enclosure where the mode B of Figure 12.1 could be tested. The enclosure is crossed by a stream that flows from East to West. There are two known ditches (possibly concentric), but we don’t have their complete trajectories. It is possible that the ditches were circular or elliptic and that the enclosure was crossed in the middle by the stream, just like the Pijotilla enclosure in Extremadura (Spain). The inside division in two compartments (North and South banks) and the direction of the stream (upstream, the origin of the water, related to East and the downstream, the destination of water, related to West) are natural polarities that appear as potential resources for cosmological homologies in spatial organization of the site.

The spatial organization of the enclosure and the established link with local spatiality strongly suggest an astronomic relation and a connection to the ways in which these communities understood there world (in a way similar to mode A of figure 12.1). The design of the site, at list in a certain moment of his life, could express a cosmological map, with its hierarchic territories towards the centre. Remember that there are plenty of ethnographic examples where the vertical stratigraphy of Cosmos is expressed in circular concentric representations. In another way, local geology, with a concentric lithology could also sustain cosmologic homologies of the same kind. The enclosure was built in a geologically favourable area (weathered diorites and gabbros), but chooses a limit of that geological ground, showing the interest for the morphology of that specific point and its relation with the surrounding landscape. In an absolute cognitive context, this concentric geology would be impregnated of finalism and its configuration would have had meaning, it would respond to intentions, and the coincidence of centralities (of enclosure and favourable geology) could reinforce the cosmological reading of local landscape.

As it was argued before, examples of superposed complex diametrical and concentric dualities are known in anthropological research. In America, the Winnabago and the Bororo simultaneously conceive their social and spatial structure both in diametrical and concentric ways (Lévi-Strauss, 2003). The Bororo divide their circular villages in two halfs (four clans each) according to an EW axel (with the territories of the dead at each extremity) and then again according the N-S axel (a different rearrangement of the groups of four clans). In this last duality one group of clans is called “the above” and the other “the below”, but when the division axel is physically marked by a stream they are called “the up stream” and the “down stream”.

An open and hierarchic concentric structure of space (physical, social and cosmological) may be seen here, but diametrical organizations could also be present. The site’s location in the valley is according to what Criado Boado calls a megalithic landscape organization, structured on dichotomies of light /darkness, world of the living / world of the dead, front / back, dichotomies associated to East and West (to Sun’s rising and setting).

So, an apparent division in to symmetrical areas may hide a much more complex structure of spatial organization and mining, expressing the complexity of cosmological and social structures, where natural and explicit elements may be combined with others (less evident and tangible) in place building.

Independently of the debate of concrete functions (a place where people lived permanently, a temporary ritual meeting point, etc.), the access to this enclosure would have to be seen as a finalist movement, not simply to a surrounded space, but towards a specific place representing (in the way it was design and lived) the local landscape, a social structure and a world vision. The two primary modes of dwelling defined by Casey (1993) are united here: the “Hestial dwelling” (name inspired in the Greek goddess of the heart, as symbolizing the core), which points to centrality, circularity and self enclosure; and the “Hermetic dwelling” (following Hermes, the god of movement and roads) related to linearity of movements (paths) in daily life. In other words, the basic oppositions referred by Lévi-Strauss: identity / transformation, stability / change or situation / process.

A third example, related to situation C of Figure 12.1, is provided by the 3rd millennium BC settlement network in the Fornos de Algodres area, in central Portugal (Valera, 2006). There, the landscape presents a topographic duality. In the West side there is a plateau where megalithic tombs were built in the 4th millennium, but remain symbolically and functionally active in the 3rd; in the East side two deep valleys with fertile alluvial soils. A perpendicular line is dividing (and uniting) this duality: a traditional path of communication along the edge of the plateau. It was along this axel that almost all of the settlements were located during the 3rd millennium BC, 105

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reinforcing the duality of the local landscape. The vertical stratigrafy of upper, middle and under world of a cosmological structure could be expressed by this horizontal topographic organization of landscape. At East, where the Sun rises, we have the fertile valleys where life flourish; at West the territories of the dead and ancestors; in the middle the residential ground.

by controlling its physical representation; enable them to symbolically travel through their cosmological territories by moving in a homological organized space. Daily walking or periodic ritual walks through those “maps” would be like walking the universe hierarchy. Participation allows the control of the symbolized by controlling the symbol. Enclosure architecture (or the architecture of some enclosures) would go behind social and cosmological representation and participate in their production and reproduction. This cosmological bond would be extendable to landscapes and to the ways in which meaningful places were structured.

In a finalist cognitive structure this natural space organization would be read in a centred and qualitative way. Independently of the fact that the properties of the different places could be explained by myth and given a cyclical historicity, they would be seen as absolute, as “natural” in the sense that they were where they should be, with the properties that they should “naturally” have, mapping a living cosmos.

Cognitive participation processes are essential here. Places, buildings, objects, can participate of people, communities or world properties, assuming emblematic or totemic senses. But they don’t just symbolically represent the communities or the Cosmos; they participate of their qualities, helping I their symbolic control and historical reproduction. In the Lord of the Rings, the white city of Gondor is more than a representation of humans; it is their personification as a whole. The destruction of the Bastille (as, later, Rudolf Hess’s prison) was for many more than a symbolic act: a destruction of evil itself, of which properties the building participate. Participative thought is one of the bases of homologies between part and whole, characteristic of pre-operative ways of thinking that can be assumed for Recent Prehistory communities.

Once more, functionalist or other materialistic approaches (that can provide other hypotheses of explanation and interpretation for this settlement organization) do not need to be discarded, just restricted in their determinism and causality and opened to a relational dialog with other perspectives that may enlarge our understanding of this communities and the interpretations of their archaeological remains (in which construction we definitively participate), in a way that reduces (controls) the “mirror effect”. FINAL REMARKS

The finalist cognitive structure model provides a framework to approach architectures and their contextual landscapes in different historical periods and can be helpful in Recent Prehistory research. In this theoretical context, many enclosures and landscapes are open to other interpretative possibilities, though I don’t think they can be extendable to all, in a new generalization movement. And can these contexts be considered settlements? Why not? Barasana houses are still houses where people leave their daily life, though their architecture is cosmologically impregnated. We just have to liberate residential areas from its traditional functionalistic and materialistic “enclosure”.

A progressive sedentary condition, with territory contraction, reinforcement of borders, increasing of land investments and dependences, had mental implications. Cultural contexts interfere in cognitive processing. The growing capacity of man’s intervention in nature stimulated the perception of space as something open to human transforming intention. In another way, the development of megalithic “cultural movement” generated new perceptions of time, associated to tradition and social memory (Criado Boado, 2000; Bradley, 2004), which imply new patterns of space rationalization and dwelling. This process would open the door to future separation between human and natural and to the redefinition of their relationships.

Bibliography

The control over the natural (even if not yet conceptualized as such) has cognitive repercussions in the way mental space categories were processed. But if changes in the perception of space and time capacities are induced during Recent Prehistory, nothing allows us to think that they would escape to an essentially qualitative and hierarchic organization of a finalistic type. Therefore, I assume as promising the interpretation that some of this enclosures were places where identities were produced and reproduced, functioning as poles of social aggregation and of world organization through cosmological homologies. They guide the “being-in-the-world” of communities and individuals that, through participation psychological processes, were in control of their Cosmos

ALARCÃO, Jorge de, (1996) Para uma conciliação das arqueologias, Porto, Edições Afrontamento. BAGINHA, José, (1985) Sebenta de apontamentos de Teoria da História, disciplina minitrada na Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa no ano lectivo de 1984/85, Manuscrito por A. Valera. BARTH, Fredrik, (1999) “Les groupes ethniques et leurs frontières” (Poutignat, Philippe e Streiff-Fenart, Jocelyne), Théories de l’ethnicité, Paris, PUF. (Traduzido do original de 1969: “Ethnic groups and boundaries”). BELL, James, (1994) “Interpretation and testability in theories about prehistoric thinking”. The anciente 106

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HURTADO, Víctor (1999) “Los inicios de la complejización social y el campaniforme en Extremadura”, SPAL, 8, Sevilla, p.47-83. INGOLD, Tim (2000) The Perception of the Environment. Essays on Livehood, Dwelling and Skill, London, Routledge.

CASEY, Edward C. (1993) Getting Back into Place: Toward a Renewed Understanding of the Place-World, Bloomington, Indiana University Press.

JORGE, Vítor O. (2005) Vitrinas muito iluminadas, Porto, Campo das Letras. JORGE, Vítor (ed.) (2006) Approaching Prehistoric and Protohistoric architectures of Europe from a dwelling perspective, Porto, ADECAP.

CRIADO BOADO, F. (2000) “Walking about LéviStrauss. Contributions to an Archaeology of Thought”, (C. Holtorf e H. Karlsson eds.) Philosophy and Archaeological Pratice. Perspectives for the 21st Century, Bricoleur Press, Göteborg, p.277-303.

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DeMARRAIS, E.; GOSDEN, C. & RENFREW, C. (2004) Rethinking materiality. The engagement of mind with the material world, Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.

LAGO, M., DUARTE, C., VALERA, A., ALBERGARIA, J., ALMEIDA, F. & CARVALHO, A. (1998) “O Povoado dos Perdigões (Reguengos de Monsaraz): dados preliminares dos trabalhos arqueológicos realizados em 1997”. Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, vol. 1 nº 1, Lisboa, pp. 45-152.

DONALD, Merlin, (1999) Origens do Pensamento Moderno, Lisboa, Fundação Calouste Gulben Kian. DONLEY-REID, Linda (1990) “A structurig structure: the Swahili house”, Kent (ed.), Domestic architecture and the use of space. An interdisciplinary crosscultural study, New Directions in Archaeology, London, CUP, p.114-126.

LEDRUT, R. (1990) “L’homme et l’espace”, Encyclopédie de la Pléiade / Histoire des Moeurs, vol.I, Paris, Gallimard, p.59-114. LEWIS-WILLIAMS, D. & Pearce, D. (2005) Inside the Neolithic mind, London, Thames & Hudson.

EVANS, C. (1988) “Acts of enclosure: a consideration of concentrically-organized causewayed enclosures”, (J. Barrett & I. Kinnes, eds.) The archaeology of context in the Neolithic and Bronze Age: recent trends, Sheffield, Sheffield University, p.85-95.

LEFEVRE, Henri (1991) The production of Space, Oxford, Blackwell. LÉVI-STRAUSS, Claude (2003) “As organizações dualistas existem?”, Antropologia Estrutural, 7, Rio de Janeiro, Biblioteca Tempo Universitário, p.155189.

GADAMER, Georg, (1984) Verdad y método. Fundamentos de una hermenéutica filosófica, Salamanca, Ediciones Sígueme, p. 331-377.

MALAFOURIS, Lambros (2004) “The cognitive basis of material engagement: where brain, body and culture conflate”, (E. DeMarrais; C. Gosden & C. Renfrew eds.), Rethinking materiality. The engagement of mind with the material world, Cambridge, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, p. 63-62.

GARDNER, Howard (2002) A nova ciência da mente. Uma história da revolução cognitiva, Lisboa, Relógio D’Água. GIDDENS, Anthony, (2000) Dualidade da Estrutura. Agência e Estrutura, Oeiras, Celta.

MARQUES, José & PAÉZ, Dario (2000) “Processos cognitivos e estereótipos sociais”, (Jorge Vale e M. Benedivta Monteiro coords.) Psicologia Social, 4ª ed., Lisboa, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, p.333-386.

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MÁRQUEZ ROMERO, José Enrique (2003) “Recintos prehistóricos atrincherados (RPA) en Andalucía (España): una propuesta interpretativa”, (S.O. Jorge coord.) Recintos murados da Pré-História Recente, Porto/Coimbra, FLUP / CEAUCP, 269-285.

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inequality in the south of the Iberian Peninsula (IV-III millennia cal BC)”, (P. Díaz-del-Rio e L. Garcia Sanjuán eds.) Social inequality in Iberian Late Prehistory, BAR International Series, XXX, p.217234.

VALA, Jorge & MONTEIRO, M. Benedicta, coords. (2000) Psicologia Social, 4ª ed., Lisboa, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian. VALERA, António Carlos, (2003) “A propósito de recintos murados do 4º e 3º milénios AC: dinâmica e fixação do discurso arqueológico”, (S.O. Jorge coord.) Recintos murados da Pré-História Recente, PortoCoimbra, DCTP/CEAUCP, p.149-168.

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VALERA, António Carlos & Filipe, IOLA (2004) “O povoado do Porto Torrão (Ferreira do Alentejo): novos dados e novas problemáticas no contexto da calcolitização do Sudoeste peninsular”, Era Arqueologia, 6, Lisboa, ERA Arqueologia/Colibri, p.28-61.

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THE DITCHED ENCLOSURES OF THE MIDDLE GUADIANA BASIN Víctor HURTADO Departamento de Prehistoria y Arqueología. Universidad de Sevilla E-mail: [email protected] Translation: Ruth Taylor Abstract: New ditched enclosures dated in the 4th and 3rd millennia BC have recently been discovered in the Middle Guadiana Basin. In this paper, all the known sites, some of them unpublished until now, are presented and through a macro scale analysis it is possible to infer that such sites were places of territorial reference, independently of their actual function. Resumen: En la Cuenca Media del Guadiana se han descubierto en los últimos años nuevos sitios con fosos datados entre el IV y III milenio a.n.e. En este trabajo se exponen todos los yacimientos conocidos, algunos hasta ahora inéditos y se realiza un análisis a escala macro espacial a través del cual es posible inferir que tales sitios son lugares de referencia territorial, independientemente de cual sea realmente su función.

Recent open air excavations of sites dating from the fourth and third millennia BC in the southwest Iberian Peninsula have provided evidence that enables the analysis of the system of spatial organisation and differentiation through the large constructive features and the different functional contexts within the settlements, as well as of the distribution of these sites throughout the territory. The scope of the scale and volume of the information obtained in particular regions allows us to reflect upon the capacity of this data to be related back to the general interpretations that are becoming accepted regarding the construction of these enclosures.

“European phenomenon”. It has been argued that “simply stated, there is no such thing as a pan-European ‘enclosure phenomenon’” (Diaz-del-Río 2004:110), thus suggesting the need for them to be interpreted on the basis of the analysis of specific regions. In the Middle Guadiana Basin (hereafter MGB), archaeological field surveys have enabled the identification of a considerable number of prehistoric settlements; however, excavations at these sites are still few (particularly in the Spanish territory) despite such excavations being fundamental to the knowledge of their chronological and stratigraphic components, the context or the layout of the features, all of which constitute basic information for the elaboration of explanations of the functions fulfilled by these enclosures in terms of the spatial organisation of the settlements. Until now, the discovery of ditched enclosures in the MGB has relied to a great degree on the excavation of sites and this has led us to believe in the existence of others whose presence cannot be detected from the surface. The number and distribution of these structures is thus likely to be modified when future excavations take place.

Since the 1970’s, when the existence of ditches in the settlements of the Southwest became known alongside other negative features such as silos, the interpretations of these elements have been very variable according to the different theoretical approaches applied. For some researchers, the function fulfilled by the linear features excavated in the ground would have been the differentiation and delimitation of spaces, both internal and external. The external ditches may have been more closely related to defensive purposes although on occasions they may have served other functions such as drainage or the canalisation of water. For others, the existence of ditches, silos and other excavated features was considered a constant throughout the European Neolithic, “especially in its megalithic variant” (Marquez, 2001:209), not only in terms of the morphology of the structures but also in terms of “the character and deposition of their contents” in such a way that they were thought to correspond to a “ritual phenomenon” of the megalithic societies of the fourth and third millennia BC (Marquez, 2001:210), as is the case in many regions of Europe (Burgess et al. 1988; Darvill and Thomas 2001). However, the diversity observed in terms of chronology, size, layout and contents of the enclosures of the different sites (e.g. Varndell and Topping 2002) casts doubts upon the idea that they may correspond to a

SITES WITH DITCHES This study presents the ditched enclosures currently known in the MGB. Observing the location map (Fig. 13.1), it is noticeable that these settlements are preferentially located by the Guadiana River. This pattern is noteworthy given that it may be assessed in terms of a tendency within the modes of occupation corresponding to different periods and whose analysis must be evaluated in comparison with other sets of settlements. Another observation regarding the distribution of sites with ditches by the Guadiana River is that most of them are located on the right bank. This could be due to archaeographic reasons and the greater intensity of field 109

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Fig. 13.1. Distribution of the ditch enclosures and fortified settlements of the Middle Guadiana Basin The excavations covered an area of 61 m2 and although the total extension of the site was not recorded, it possibly would have spread over approximately 1 ha, judging by the dispersion of surface finds.

surveys on the right bank over the past years, 1 although it is also to be taken into account that the field surveys carried out on the left bank generally indicate a lesser density of occupation, particularly during the fourth millennium BC. This situation finds support in the difference in the number of megalithic structures on one side and another of the river. Indeed, megaliths are very numerous within the Portuguese territory (especially in the area of Reguengos de Monsaraz) and are much fewer on the Spanish side (concentrated in the municipalities of Barcarrota and Valverde de Leganés).

In the limited area of the excavation, a ditch was detected that surrounded the structures identified on the inside (Fig. 13.2); this negative feature appears not to have enclosed completely the habitational space since a terminal of the ditch was documented. The ditch displayed a V-shaped section excavated in the natural dry ground made up of sand and gravel with a depth of 1,25 m and a width that increased from 1,5 m at its terminal up to 3 m.

El Lobo is one of the first Late Prehistoric sites, along with La Pijotilla, to have been identified and excavated in Extremadura. It is located on the outskirts of present-day Badajoz and is close to the Guadiana River. The excavator of the site, L. Molina 2 considered that the environment of the time was probably a marshland and that the site would have been surrounded by lagoons and may even occasionally have become isolated due to the swellings of the river.

The fill of the ditch was made up of a succession of ashes, charcoal and earth, more or less burnt and containing a high organic contents and a large quantity of fragments of pottery, animal bones, stone tools and other materials, most of them with signs of exposure to fire. Inside the ditch, a hearth in the form of a circular mud feature hardened and compacted by the fire and surrounded by stones of regular size was documented within a small depression filled with ashes and charcoal. Upon the ditch, several habitational structures were located, partially excavated into the virgin ground.

1

Numerous archaeological activities have been carried out over the past years in the Guadiana River as part of the tasks of minimalisation of the environmental impact of the construction of the Alqueva dam, to which the field surveys carried out in the municipality of Alandroal can be added (Calado 1993). 2 Lucio Molina published a first study in 1980; other excavation campaigns took place in the early 1990’s but still remain unpublished. Over the past years he was preparing a PhD based on the excavations of El Lobo and Granja Céspedes that was suddenly interrupted by his recent death in December of 2006. Despite this circumstance, the study was at an advanced stage and we hope to see it published in the near future as a tribute to his work.

The assemblage of materials recovered from the fill have been attributed to the Late Neolithic, characterised by the predominant presence of carinated dishes and curved ellipsoidal dishes with appendices around the carination. 110

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Fig. 13.2. Ground plan and sections of the settlements of Granja Céspedes, El Lobo (after L. Molina), Los Cortinales (after M. Gil Mascarell et al.) and La Pijotilla (after V. Hurtado). Drawn at different scales 111

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La Pijotilla is the best known settlement of the MGB at which a large circular ditch that surrounds the settlement, a second semicircular internal ditch and trenches at the centre of the site have been documented (Fig. 13.3). The layout of the external ditch is known by means of aerial surveys and photographs that show a complete almost perfect circle of 920-940 m in diameter that defines an area of almost 80 ha; the excavation of the eastern sector enabled the study of its composition and the identification of some wall structures located immediately next to it.

Plates with reinforced or almond shaped rims were absent. Granja Céspedes is located on the left bank of the Caya River, border with Portugal, at the place where the mouth of this river forms an angle with the Guadiana, at 6 km from Badajoz. It was discovered in 1959 when during the levelling of the terrain a series of materials including 24 plaque idols were recovered, thus initially leading to consider the finds as the grave goods of a disturbed megalithic structure. However, after several excavation campaigns during 1982, 1990 and 1991 (that remain unpublished, see footnote 2), L. Molina was able to document the site as a Chalcolithic settlement.

In 1996 the site was unfortunately crossed by an open canal for the construction of a gasoduct. This canal crossed in diagonal the lines of the two ditches, the external circular ditch and the internal semicircular ditch. The work carried out to document the destruction suffered by the structures only allowed the observation of the width and stratigraphic composition of the two ditches, but not their depth (although they do not appear to have reached 2 m). 3

Using aerial photography, L. Molina interpreted some colourations as several ditches, one of which surrounded the settlement whose extension was estimated to cover between 5 and 6 ha, and others in the interior of the main enclosure that, according to Molina, may have been used to delimit habitational structures.

The open air excavation carried out in Trench D10 of the eastern sector (Fig. 13.4) confirmed that the ditch was 4 m wide and between 1 and 1,5 m deep. A length of 42 m was uncovered, oriented N-S. The inferior level corresponded to an important accumulation of loose earth mixed with red clay that originates from the decomposition of the natural stratum of red Mediterranean earth with limestone into which the ditch had been cut. Little material was recovered from this fill. When the ditch was half-filled, some wall structures were built at little distance from the ditch and within the inner area of the enclosure. At this time, both the ditch and part of the external area were covered by a floor of small and medium size stones. Also belonging to this level, and in the inside of the ditch, a number of rectangular slate slabs were documented whose measurements varied between 0,5 and 1 m although their dispersion did not indicate any particular disposition.

During the excavations, two parallel ditches were identified. They were characterised by V-shaped sections, were separated by c. 3-5 m and were cut into a natural stratum of red clay and gravel (Fig. 13.2). The interior ditch (E1) was 2 m wide and 2 m deep, and its backfilling must have taken place rapidly. Once filled in, a hut was constructed upon its location on a base of stone and daub. It cannot be determined whether the two ditches were coetaneous or if the second (E4) corresponded to a later moment, once the first had been filled. Although there are no absolute dates available, the artefacts deposited within the ditch indicate a construction date later than that of El Lobo, possibly in the first half of the third millennium BC.

With regards to these slabs, it is necessary to emphasise the rarity of slates in the settlement given that it is not material that can be found in the area; the only slates found at the site were documented in the western sector and specifically formed part of the lining of the walls of the passage of tomb 1 and the delimitation of a circular tomb containing Beaker pottery (Hurtado 1986).

Los Cortinales is the site situated furthest into the interior of this territory, in the vicinity of Villafranca de los Barros. Only a small number of test-trenches were excavated that did not permit the observation of the complete extension of the structures. All of the identified features correspond to the Chalcolithic period and were excavated into the natural limestone ground and were filled by a single level of dark brown earth, of loose texture and containing some medium size stones. Most of these features correspond to “silos” although the presence of a ditch of U-shaped section, 4 m. wide and with a NWSE orientation was documented (Fig. 13.2). The position of this ditch with regards to the other structures and whether its location corresponded or not to the perimeter of the settlement is unknown. Inside the ditch, at a depth of 1,3 m, a concentration of shapeless stones of different dimensions and without any kind of bond between them was recorded alongside a series of fragments of daub of different shapes and sizes with no particular disposition, some of which bore imprints.

50 m to the south of the Trench D-10, another trench was opened, identified as M-1 (Fig. 13.4), in an area in which a tractor had extracted a number of rectangular slate slabs, some of which measured up to 2 m. At first, this find was thought to belong to a funerary structure, although the position of the slate slabs still in their original locations and the absence of human remains did not corroborate 3 In the western sector of the settlement, the width of the trench opened for the gasoduct reached 10 m in the outer ditch and 14 m in the inner ditch. These measurements correspond however to diagonal and not transversal lines, thus the real breadth across the ditches would be approximately half.

112

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Fig. 13.3. Ground plan of the settlements of Juromenha 1 (after M. Calado), La Pijotilla (after V. Hurtado), Cabeço Torrâo (after Lago y Albergaria), Perdigôes (after Lago et al.) and San Blas (after V. Hurtado). Drawn at different scales 113

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this idea. The structure was formed by two rows of slabs that shaped a small wall of which only an alignment of two elongated and horizontally placed stones survived. Other rectangular slabs were placed at right angles to the wall, some directly resting upon it and others fallen; one of them was covered by a pile of stones. Interestingly, the virgin soil had been excavated as if it were a passage of 1 m width, 2 m length and 0,5 m depth, orientated E-W. Within the feature, a number of smaller slates was recovered. The two rows of aligned slabs departed from this small depression and may have formed a structure whose layout reminds that of a funerary structure but whose function must have been other, although difficult to precise.

There was no construction that connected this possible “door” with the crescent shaped wall (E1), nor were there any remains that indicated a walled closing system to one side and another of the “door”; between the two structures, the only feature documented was a narrow and shallow canal that began from the northern side of E1 and continued its curvature in an S shape that was interrupted some 4 m from E2. The materials recovered from inside E2 did not provide either much information regarding its utility, with the exception of a human jaw that was located outside of the area of the walls. For the moment it is problematic to suggest an explanation of the function of these structures due to the rare materials recovered and the fact that other similar structures are known.

This slab structure had been built upon a trench excavated in the limestone terrain, with a U-shaped section and a NS orientation, 1,5 m wide and 1 m deep. The fill of this feature was made up of earth and small stones with little archaeological material. In its base there was a sandy level with animal bones. Most of the slate slabs of D10 and M1 appeared above the ditch, thus suggesting a relationship between the intentional back-filling of the feature and the placement of slabs upon it.

It is very probable that these structures formed part of a complex organisational system of a space related with funerary and ritual activities that were carried out in this sector of the settlement. In an area of 100 meters from the ditch towards the inside, a series of tombs, pits (with human and animal remains) and other circular structures dug into the ground were identified whose contents is different from that documented in the habitational structures located in the central area of the settlement (Hurtado 1986, 1991; Hurtado et al. 2002).

The excavation of both trenches showed that in this sector a same process took place, during which the ditch was first dug and later rapidly back-filled. Finally, other positive structures were built on top and right next to the ditch whose interpretation is not straightforward.

In the central area of La Pijotilla, there was a different type of ditch that we have preferred to call trench (Fig. 13.2). Its morphology is different from that of the ditched enclosures that appear to delimit the site. The trench, identified in several of the central test-trenches displayed an irregular sinuous ground plan and was cut into the red clay with limestone. Its section shaped a very open Ushape with gently sloping and slightly undulating sides. In Trench C-K, to the south, the terminal of this feature was located. At its extremity, it was angular and pointed East although immediately it turned 90 degrees in order to head North, becoming gradually wider until its width reached 4 m. Its depth was also different at its terminal (2,5 m) and in its next section (1,4 m). The superficial level of the trench was irregular and displayed considerable variability with differences of up to 1 m from end to end. These irregularities in the ground plan of the trench are very similar to those displayed by the site of El Lobo.

The wall structures documented in Trench D-10 at first suggested that we were faced with a defensive wall built next to the ditch. This was where a wall of 14 m was uncovered that preserved up to four rows of stones; the terminals were thinner and the wall was thicker in the central section, thus resembling a crescent. The constructive system of this structure identified as E1 consisted of well placed regular stones of medium size on the external face, facing East, that displayed a vertical profile and was carefully built. The thickness of the wall on the other hand was made up of smaller stones and the western face had not been subject to the same careful finish. Were this structure to correspond to a wall, there would have been a great amount of collapsed stonework upon the ground which did not exist. It is interesting that the curved shape of the wall appears to follow the curve of the ditch that exists at this point of its N-S stretch.

Unlike the external ditch, the contents of this trench provided a large amount of materials. The lowest level was made up of a deep layer of sandy earth and clay from which a large quantity of ceramic materials (1125 sherds) and animal bones (320 fragments) was recovered. The second superimposed level corresponded to the slow silting of the trench in which the slipping of the virgin limestone earth can be observed. During this time, abundant dumps of different materials (4075 pottery sherds, 745 bone fragments) continued to take place, along with burnt material and successive layers of earth used to cover the refuse. The most interesting aspect of

Another construction (E2) is located 11 meters to the North of this structure and is formed by two parallel walls that display the opposite orientation, that is E-W. The walls preserved a height of 60 cm that corresponded to four rows of medium size stones. The eastern extremities of both walls, closest to the ditch, were curved without meeting in an arc. A slate slab, fixed vertically into the ground, formed what resembled a door. 114

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Fig. 13.4. La Pijotilla. Excavation in the eastern area of the settlement. a) Ground plan of Trench D10 showing the ditch and structures E1 y E2; b) Photography of the door, or structure E2 from the North; c) and d) Photography and ground plan of Trench M1, showing the position of the slate slabs upon the ditch 115

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this fill is the presence of several human skulls mixed in among the animal bones, rounded pebbles, pottery sherds and fire refuse. The skulls were found in an unorderly pile and without any type of ritual. They thus appeared to have been thrown into the trench as if they were but another type of remains.

almost 1 m height. Its fill contained barely any artefacts and a level of collapsed daub (perhaps the material used for the upper part of the wall) and a large amount of slates. The function of this ditch does not appear to have been very efficient as a defensive system given its little depth. It is however interesting to notice that it was exclusive to the flattest area of the settlement since the rest of the wall is built at a higher level above the river, thus exploiting the natural defence that is absent in the southern section. It is possible, as is the case in other historical periods, that the construction of the ditch served to emphasise the height of the wall. Another consideration is that the effect functioned as a symbolic demarcation since it is precisely this line that separates the megalithic necropolis from the habitational area.

A sample of charcoal from this level provided the absolute date of 3869± 70 BP. 4 Another significant find corresponding to this level was made in Trench C-D, located further north. A complete large globular vessel within another fragmented pot was found with a plate placed as a lid and surrounded by several other vessels. Given the location of this vessel beneath the level of a hut, we first interpreted this find as the contents of a possible silo pit (Hurtado 1988), although during the excavation the structure of the feature was not clearly visible. The only clue was the sinking of the stratigraphic section between the surface of the vessel and the floor level of the hut. In the sunken zone, above the vessel, a limestone occulated idol and a hand grinder were discovered.

A second ditch was identified in the highest area of the interior of the settlement. A wall and a large ditch, Ushaped in section, 10 m wide and 4 m deep, defined a circular enclosure of approximately 130 m in diameter (Fig. 13.2 and 13.5). In an advanced moment of the third millennium BC (around 2235 cal BC), the wall was partially destroyed and the ditch filled in with much slate and daub belonging to the wall. The fill of the ditch took place in several phases. In its base, there was a layer of sand and silt in which the phreatic level was surfacing. This level was covered by a deep layer of red clay that corresponded to the collapse of the upper part of the wall. After this episode, the sedimentation of the ditch was slow due to the gradual destruction of the slate wall and during this phase a greater amount of materials was deposited in the feature including some human remains, a jaw and a phalanx, alongside other animal bones. Later on, the ditch was filled by the destruction of the wall, whose remains were used to level the ground. However, at this level a smaller ditch was cut and the wall was possibly partially rebuilt with a thinner breadth. This wall was documented in its collapsed position inside the fill of the ditch where it maintained several rows of stones giving the impression that it had fallen all at once, thus rapidly filling the ditch. The presence of Beaker pottery in an intermediary level of the fill of the ditch indicated that the feature was open during this phase.

The trench had become completely sedimented by a layer of fill that levelled the surface on which the circular hut was built out of daub, branches and support posts. Inside this hut, several groups of artefacts were found, distributed in different parts of the structure. Some of these groups were composed of ornamental bone objects (15 spatulas, awls, needles and decorated rectangular plaques), others of sickle teeth (17 pieces) and loom weights, alongside copper objects, decorated pottery and marble vessels, whose location in situ was permitted by the fire that destroyed the entire structure. It is the hut with the largest diversity of prestige objects currently documented at the site, thus supporting the existence of differentiation of a social nature and in the access to resources. San Blas. San Blas is a large settlement that has been recently identified on the left bank of the Guadiana. The currently known extension is of 30 ha (Hurtado 2004). The settlement is located next to the river and is delimited by a wall of which there is evidence along almost two kilometres, excluding the eastern side that is the emplacement of a hill (Fig. 13.1 and 13.3). Most of the wall follows the course of the Guadiana River and that of a small stream that contributes to the former.

The explanation of this enclosure with ditch and wall must be related with the system of differentiated spatial organisation of the settlement and not with a reduction of the settlement since the absolute dates confirm the coetaneous existence of structures inside and out of this enclosure.

The southern section, of more than 700 m, follows a direction at right angles to the river. This side is where a door flanked by two bastions to the inside was documented. During the excavation of this section, a ditch associated with the exterior of the wall was located. It measured 5 m in width and 1 m depth, and was limited to the West by a containment wall that formed a step of

A third structure excavated in the ground was also located inside the settlement close to the river. The trench, measuring 2 m width and almost 1 m depth, formed a segment of a circle and delimited a corner of the site. In Trench F7 (Fig. 13.3 and 13.5) a terminal of the trench

4 (BM-1603: 3869± 70 BP= 2460-2200 cal BC 1 σ ; 2500-2130 cal BC 2 σ).

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was identified from which it led North, although the geophysical survey indicates that it would also continue towards the West with a gap in the centre of the arc, thus forming an access. In the fill of the trench, two almost complete vessels were found that were deposited upon a bed of small pebbles for greater stability. It therefore is an intentional deposit that can be related with a ritual act (Fig. 13.5).

the complete length of a semicircular feature that, according to the site excavator, “suggests the representation of a snakes tail” (Calado 2005).

The trench defines an area within which a stone alignment in the shape of a segment of a circle surrounded several combustion structures that displayed abundant remains of metallurgic smelting. 5

The excavation reports of these Neolithic sites have not yet been published but some releases of information 7 indicate that the ditches (between 2 and 4 m wide and c. 1 m deep) must have been back-filled quite rapidly. These sites have been interpreted as places of occupation on the basis of the large quantity of artefacts recovered from the negative features of pits, ditches and hut floors, although according to M. Calado, “other implications, namely of symbolic nature, can also be envisaged”. 8 Regarding this issue, the presence at Águas Frias of plaque idols at different stages of their manufacture process and the proximity of the site to the large ensemble of rock art near in the Guadiana River are significant for the author.

The undulating form of the Neolithic ditches lies in contrast to the circular and regular shape of the layout of the Chalcolithic settlements of Perdigôes and La Pijotilla.

The function of this trench would therefore have been to create a physical and symbolic border between the habitational space and the area dedicated to an industrial activity. The trenches within the interior of the settlement can thus be interpreted as separators between different spheres related with domestic and productive activities. On the right bank of the Guadiana, in Portuguese territory, several ditched enclosures are known (Fig. 13.1) at Santa Vitoria in Campo Mayor (Dias, 1996), Juromenha 1, Malhada das Mimosas 1 and Águas Frias in Alandroal (Calado 2002 and 2005), and Perdigôes in Reguengos de Monsaraz (Lago et al. 1998), as well as the site of Cabeço Torrâo at Elvas (Lago and Albergaria 2001) whose function remains problematic. With the exception of Juromenha 1 that is considered to belong to the Late Neolithic, the remaining sites include Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic occupations.

At Cabeço Torrâo (Fig. 13.3), the occupational evidence does not seem as consistent for the excavators as in the previous cases (Lago and Albergaria 2001). At this site a small ditch of 1 m depth and 1,5 m width was identified that surrounded the hilltop of a small elevation on which several ditches containing pottery, hand grinders, loom weights and stone tools belonging to the Late Neolithic were identified. Next to this enclosure a group of standing stones, a megalithic tomb and stones with engravings were located. The discovery together of the two types of structures led de authors to suggest two interpretative hypotheses: (i) that the settlement was contemporary to a sacred megalithic enclosure, in which domestic and religious spaces coexisted spatially and chronologically or (ii) that the settlement with ditch was later than the sacred space with standing stones, thus the organisation of the habitat would have respected the memory of the earlier space.

All of these sites are located on terrains with a high agricultural potential although Juromenha 1, Malhada das Mimosas 1 and Águas Frias are located in lowlands whilst Santa Vitoria and Perdigôes prefer locations on gentle elevations or hill slopes respectively. The scarcity of information available for Santa Vitoria 6 indicates that two phases dating to the first half of the third millennium BC can be differentiated at the settlement of approximately 1 ha. The two ditches are thought to belong to the first phase and have been considered in defensive terms. They display a circular layout although their ground plan is slightly sinuous. Numerous pits, cisterns and habitational structures were identified in the interior area.

At the Chalcolithic settlement of Perdigôes (Fig. 13.3) that covers some 16 ha, there are at least 5 concentric ditches (Lagos et al. 1998) located on the slope of a semicircular elevation that recalls a theatre dominating the valley. This location and the abundance of water resources have led the site excavators to consider the possibility that the ditches may have functioned as “drainage elements and water conducts” (Lago et al. 1998:145). This interpretation coincides with that formulated for the ditches of Marroquíes Altos (Jaén), also located on a hill slope which would form a “hydraulic-defensive network...a unitary construction for the regulation and use of the hydraulic resources of the nearby basin” (Zafra et al., 1999:90).

The excavations at Águas Frias and Juromenha 1 (Fig. 13.3) revealed an interesting system of sinuous ditches and particularly in the first case it was possible to locate 5 The dimensions of the 4 “furnaces” are approximately 0,5 m in diameter and 0,5 m depth. The walls were reddened by the action of the fire and the base was formed by a floor of slates. No evidence was recovered from inside them that could indicate their function. 6 The work of A. Dias has not yet been published. Copies are known of the study presented at the University of Porto to which we have made reference (Dias 1996). The only available information is that provided by the web page (http://www.ippar.pt/monumentos/sitio_stavitoria.html) and our own visit to the site during the course of the excavations.

7 Communication presented by M. Calado at the meeting on "Los primeros campesinos de la Raya” in Cáceres, November 2005. 8 Abstract presented by M. Calado for the session of this USPP Congress.

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Fig. 13.5. San Blas. a) Trench M25. Photography from the East of the wall and ditch; b) Northern section of Trench M25; c) Photography of the ditch that delimits the industrial activity area, with the position of the vessel; and d) Stratigraphic section of Trench F7 third millennium BC (Santa Vitoria, Perdigôes, La Pijotilla, Los Cortinales), with the exception of Granja Céspedes, 10 tend to be further from the river.

ASSESSMENT What first stands out from the evidence of ditched enclosures in the MGB is their variability in terms of chronology, layout and size:

− Another tendency can be observed in the distances between the settlements of the two periods. Such information, as we shall discuss below, applied to the analysis of the territory enables the assessment of the different sizes of territories during the two chronological periods. Thus, the ditched sites of the fourth millennium BC are located relatively close to one another while in the third millennium BC they are much more distant.

− Although there are no absolute dates for most of the sites, especially those considered to belong to earlier dates, 9 the cultural indicators point towards construction dates that begin in the Late Neolithic, in the second half of the fourth millennium BC, and continue through into the third millennium BC. The only available absolute dates come from the settlements of La Pijotilla, whose six samples have provided a chronology between 3080 and 2200 BC, and San Blas, whose seven datations from Late Neolithic and Chalcolithic levels have established a date range between 3490 and 2140 BC.

− The diversity of the surfaces delimited by the external ditches is considerable. Among those belonging to the fourth millennium BC for which there is sufficient information, Cabeço Torrâo may span a diameter of 50 m, while the longest axis of Águas Frias, excavated in its totality, measured 170 m and that of Malhada das Mimosas c. 140 m. The smallest settlements of the third millennium BC are those of Santa Vitoria with a diameter between 20 and 50 m 11 and Granja Céspedes with an estimated diameter of 40-50 m. The dimensions of the external ditches of the settlements of Perdigôes and La Pijotilla on the other hand exceed 450 and 900 meters in diameter respectively.

− In most of the cases, the ditches are filled before the final abandonment of the settlements. At the Chalcolithic sites there is evidence that the ditches were remained open in the second half of the third millennium BC, as is the case at San Blas, Perdigôes and Porto Torrâo (Valera and Filipe 2004), as is demonstrated by the presence of Beaker pottery within the fills. − There exists a different tendency in the model of implantation of the Neolithic and Chalcolithic ditched enclosures in relation to the Guadiana River. The settlements of the fourth millennium BC (El Lobo, Juromenha 1, Malhada das Mimosas, Aguas Frías), with the exception of Cabeço Torrâo, are closest to this large river. On the contrary, the sites belonging to the

− The layout of the external ditches is also variable. In general, the Neolithic sites documented until the moment and that have subject to open air excavations 10

Lucio Molina, in his research work presented at the University of Cáceres, indicates that the dimensions of the site could reach 6 ha. and that the structures were located in the interior area, although part of the site has disappeared. 11 Measurement obtained by aerial photography.

9 There are radiocarbon dates for Juromenha 1 that have provided dates between 3500 and 3000 cal BC (oral information from M. Calado).

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display semicircular and sinuous ditches. At the Chalcolithic sites the ditches tend to be circular and display a regular ground plan.

Symbolic interpretations have undergone a great development over the past years as an alternative to functionalist interpretations. From this perspective, the idea of these ditched enclosures as places of permanent settlement has been questioned (Bradley 1993; Edmonds 1999, Marquez 2003) and they have been interpreted as places of periodical gatherings and spatial references within the context of the mobility of groups dispersed throughout the landscape in order to help their social integration, particularly within megalithic societies whose stable and sedentary nature has been questioned because of their agricultural practice based on long periods of fallow (Barrett 1994; Márquez 2001:214215). This interpretation is supported archaeologically by the fact that some European sites do not display any evidence of occupation within the area delimited by the ditches (Darvill y Thomas, 2001). This area is instead occupied by wells, pits and trenches that would be the result of ritual practices at reiterated ceremonial occasions.

− The width and depth of the ditches differ in the different sites, although the earliest Neolithic ditches are those with the most reduced dimensions, and particularly lesser depth. These typically display measurements around 2-3 m width and 1-2 m depth. The ditches at the Chalcolithic sites can reach 9-10 m width and 4-6 m depth, as is the case at Perdigôes (Lago et al. 1998:71) or the inner enclosure of San Blas (Hurtado 2004). All of the sites with ditches are located in lowlands of easy access; none are emplaced in high or strategic positions. This factor must be taken into account when dealing with the defensive character of these enclosures. Functionally, none would fulfil the requirements of an efficient protective strategy. However, this possibility has been completely ruled out by the site excavators of Perdigôes and Santa Vitoria due to the presence of a collapse of stones inside the ditch at the former (Lago et al. 1998: 145) and evidence of a daub wall at the latter (see footnote 6).

To shed light upon this problematic, Diaz del Río suggests that the first key issue is the presence or absence of permanent habitational evidence at these sites and for this purpose he considers important the identification of the existence of (i) a correlation between the location of the site and the high agricultural potential of the terrain, (ii) the abundance of domestic structures, (iii) a complete repertoire of items expected from a habitational context, high density of pottery sherds and stone implements, with the presence of most of the stages of the chaîne operatoire, (iv) a high density of hand grinders and quern stones, faunal and food remains, as well as (v) pollen evidence that reflects the transformation and exploitation of the surrounding landscape (Diaz-del-Río 2004:111).

The hypothesis of the defensive function of the ditched enclosures is still supported by some researchers, as is the case of Valencina de la Concepción, Seville, where the ditch would act as “a protection of the ‘silo filed’” (CruzAuñón and Arteaga 1999:606), or the nuanced interpretation of the ditch of the Polideportivo de Martos, Jaén, that would have fulfilled a dissuasive and defensive function (Lizcano and Cámara 2003). It is however difficult to envisage the protection of such an enormous extension as that delimited by the ditches of the large settlements such as Porto Torrâo, La Pijotilla, Perdigôes or Valencina at which a great number of individuals would have been necessary to cover all of the area (Marquez 2003:272). This appreciation is more evident when we observe that, at least at La Pijotilla, the habitational area clusters in the centre of the enclosure thus leaving an intermediary space between the huts and the external ditch that was mostly occupied by funerary structures. The calculation of the population in relation to the size of the settlement must therefore be reduced considerably.

This objective is however difficult to fulfil without a full set of data from most of the MGB sites that until the date have not yet been published. However, the information communicated by the site excavators indicates that the settlements are located on terrains with a high agricultural potential and contain (with the exception of Cabeço Torrâo where no habitational structures have been identified) all of the domestic indicators characteristic of a stable sedentary community. This evidence does not however seem sufficient to allow the interpretation of the ditched enclosures at the margin of their symbolic and ritual significance. In the case of Valencina de la Concepción (and as could also be argued for La Pijotilla), where all of the characteristics of a permanent settlement are reunited, J.E. Márquez (2003) considers that the great extension and long chronology throughout the third millennium BC are the result of successive ritual practices that were carried out extensively, in horizontal, over an extensive period of time. He bases his argument on the absence of vertical stratigraphic sequences at these sites, unlike the case of other Bronze Age permanent settlements.

At least in the cases of La Pijotilla, Perdigôes and Marroquíes, their location on slopes or gentle river basins has led to think that the ditches may have served in the canalisation of water (Hurtado 2003:250; Lago et al. 1998:145; Zafra et al., 1999:90). At La Pijotilla, the external ditch was filled while the site was still occupied, thus indicating that whatever the function of the ditch, this feature was not maintained during the entire life of the settlement. On the other hand, the characteristics of the terrain of low consistency would have required the continual cleaning of the ditch. This factor in itself leads to question the efficiency of the feature given that the perimeter reaches almost 3 km. 119

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According to this explanation, successive ditches would be cut as the space occupied by the ritual structures grew within the sites with a long chronological span. If we take into account that from the symbolic perspective the ditches would have acted as a physical delimitation of a monumentalised space in which the places where the ritual activities were carried out were referenced and defined, it could be expected that the external ditches were to be cut at the same time as the beginning of such ritual practices. In the case of sites with several ditches, such as Perdigôes, it would be possible to explain their presence as successive closing devices as the space became larger; in other cases with interior ditches, such as La Pijotilla, this possibility is less likely and the ditches may have served as spatial/symbolic divisions between different activities, as is indicated by the ditch that separates the metallurgic activity area of San Blas.

below, because of the regular and centralised distribution displayed by these sites within the territory. Interpreting at a semi-micro scale, and considering that the enclosure basically acts as a monumentalisation of the domestic space, a demarcation of the interior and the exterior, we must suppose that there exists a larger number of enclosures than those currently known. On the other hand, on a macro scale, if these enclosures constituted places of reference and gathering for the communities disseminated throughout the territory, then the number of sites, as appears to be the case, would be more limited. As mentioned earlier regarding the distribution of ditched enclosures within the MGB, the information currently available shows the relative closeness between the sites of the fourth millennium BC. Focusing on the hypothesis of places of territorial reference (independently of their socio-political, economic or religious nature), it is possible to deduce that the scope of these territories was smaller than the extension that they reached in the third millennium BC. The settlements of the fourth millennium BC display an average distance of c. 20 km between sites. An exception is the distance of only 4 km that separates Juromenha 1 and Malhada das Mimosas and that may be the result of a process of substitution judging by the differences in their chronologies. 13 In contrast, the distance between the large ditched enclosures occupied during most of the third millennium BC ((La Pijotilla, Perdigôes and Porto Torrâo) are located at distances of 70-80 km of each other.

For the moment, the data of the excavations and the absolute dates available are insufficient for the assessment of the dynamics of enlargement/reduction of these sites. For the MGB region, some authors agree that during the Beaker phase there was a reduction of the size of the settlements and an abandonment of the fortifications (Valera 2002, Tavares and Soares 2002, Calado 2002). At La Pijotilla, the external circle was cut and filled at a time prior to the Beaker phase, while it is possible that the internal semicircle, that defines a more reduced area, 12 either concentrated the habitat of the last occupational phase or corresponded to a differentiated area within the spatial organisation of the settlement, as is the case of the “citadel” of San Blas. The most problematic issue regards the interpretation of the ditched enclosures on the basis of the presence or absence of particular indicators. The patterns used to differentiate between ritual sites and habitational sites are complex since, as underlined by J.E. Márquez, there do not usually appear elements exclusive to one or the other function, nor did there exist a separation between the behaviours of sacred and profane nature within prehistoric societies (Márquez 2003:277), thus causing some difficulties for the interpretation of the archaeological record. In spite of these difficulties, there has been some effort from this symbolic perspective to attribute a ritual significance to the ditched enclosures in contrast to other types of site that do not possess this kind of physical delimitation. More controversial is the interpretation of ritual activities in structures excavated into the ground that are barely differentiable from those that correspond to domestic uses, except for their contents.

Setting aside the function or functions that they may have fulfilled, it seems evident that the enclosures would have acted as a centralised reference among the communities that occupied a given territorial area and that, following the hypothesis of a central place, the size of these territories would have varied between the fourth and third millennia, displaying a considerable increase during the Chalcolithic period. The case of the southern plain of the Spanish province of Badajoz seems important given that it displays physiographic characteristics that define a territory whose analysis enables the identification of a hierarchical system of implantation by means of open and fortified settlements during the third millennium BC organised around the large ditched enclosure of La Pijotilla (Hurtado 1999, 2003). Other evidence, such as the diversity of “occulated idols” in the southwest and the adscription of some of their variants to particular geographical areas, enable us to affirm the existence of groups with signs of territorial identities (Hurtado 2006).

There exists a body of archaeological evidence that enables us to consider the significance of ditched enclosures as distinguished with regards to other habitational sites, particularly because not all settlements construct these closing structures and, as we shall see

On the other hand, a large number of fortified sites emerged in the MGB during the third millennium BC while ditched enclosures were still being built, be it in 13 Juromenha 1 only endured during the second half of the millennium while Malhada das Mimosas survived until the beginning of the third millennium BC.

12

The western sector of the site has barely been excavated and is only known through its intensive field survey.

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minority. This process cannot therefore be interpreted as a phenomenon of substitution of one type of closing system by another and it is thus reasonable to think that these two types of construction did not fulfil the same function. The Chalcolithic ditches continue to serve as places of territorial reference, with the nuance that they are linked to a wider spatial scale and a greater degree of social, political and economic competencies upon a territory in which the level of hierarchisation has increased.

ubicados en La Estacada Larga (Valencina de la Concepción, Sevilla). Excavación de urgencia de 1995”. Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía. Junta de Andalucía: 600-616. DARVILL, T.; THOMAS, J. (2001) (eds.), Neolithic Enclosures in Atlantic Northwest Europe . Oxford. DIAS, A.M.M.C. (1996) Elementos para estudo da sequência estratigráfica e artefactual do povoado de Sta Vitória. Porto. Trabajo de investigación inédito.

In the MGB, the settlement of La Pijotilla is the best example to illustrate the model of symbolic and ritual centre within a third millennium BC territory. This site reunites all of the indicators of a ceremonial place, but also has yielded the largest assemblage of idol representations not only of the MGB but of the entire peninsula (Hurtado 1980, 1999), thus reinforcing its functional assignation. However, La Pijotilla cannot be interpreted as an exclusively ceremonial centre, given the evidence of a permanent settlement in which all of the activities characteristic of a domestic production are represented. The prevailing role of this site in the socio-political and economic organisation of the territory (Hurtado 1999, 2003) would also have made use of the ritual activities as an integral mechanism of the exchange networks that in tribal societies ratify all types of social and economic transactions (Kristiansen 2001: 95). La Pijotilla would therefore have stood as the redistributative centre of a communalist based hierarchical territory (García and Hurtado 1997) that exercised control thanks to its consideration as the nuclear matrix and parental and ideological place of reference in which religion would have constituted a considerable ideological pillar and a regulating mechanism of the social relationships within a wide and strongly hierarchised territory (Hurtado 1999:67).

DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2004) Copper Age ditched enclosures in Central Iberia. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 23(2) 107–121. EDMONS, M. (1993) Interpreting Causewayed Enclosures in the Past and the Present. En Tilley, C.Y (ed.) Interpreting Archaeology. Londres : 99-142. GARCIA SANJUAN, L. y HURTADO, V. (1997) Los inicios de la jerarquización social en el Suroeste de la Peninsula Ibérica (c.2500-1700 ane).Problemas conceptuales y empíricos”. Homenaje a la Drª Gil Mascarell. Saguntum 30: 135-152. GIL-MASCARELL, M.; RODRIGUEZ, A. (1988) “Los Cortinales, un yacimiento calcolítico en Villafranca de los Barros (Badajoz). Extremadura Arqueológica I. Mérida: 55-68. HURTADO, V. (1980) Los ídolos calcolíticos de La Pijotilla (Badajoz) Zephyrus XXX-XXXI: 165-205. HURTADO, V. (1988) “Informe sobre las campañas de excavaciones en La Pijotilla (Badajoz). Extremadura Arqueológica I. 35-54. Mérida. HURTADO, V. (1986) “El Calcolitico en la Cuenca Media del Guadiana y la necrópolis de la Pijotilla” Actas de la Mesa Redonda sobre Megalitismo peninsular. Madrid: 51-77. HURTADO, V. (1991) “Informe de las excavaciones de urgencia en La Pijotilla (Badajoz). Extremadura Arqueológica II: 45-68.

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VALERA, A.C. (2002) “Pré-Historia Recente da Margen Esquerda do Guadiana” Al-Madan II serie. Dezembro 2002. Almada (Portugal): 117-121.

“Producción arqueológico II Jornadas Resúmenes.

VALERA, A.C. y FILIPE, I. (2004) O povoado de Porto Torrâo (Ferreira do Alentejo) Era-Arquelogia 6: 2861. VARNDELL, G. y TOPPING, P. (eds) (2002) Enclosures in Neolithic Europe. Essays on Causewayed and NonCausewayed Sites. Oxbow Books. Oxford.

MARQUEZ, J.E. (2001) De los campos de silos a los agujeros negros: Sobre pozos, depósitos y zanjas en la Prehistoria Reciente del Sur de la Península Ibérica”. Spal 10. Sevilla: 207-220.

ZAFRA, N., HORNOS, F, y CASTRO, M. (1999) “Una macro-aldea en el origen del modo de vida campesino: Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén) c.2500-2000 cal ANE” Trabajos de Prehistoria, 56, nº1: 77-102.

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NEOLITHIC ENCLOSURES AS POWER EXPRESSION IN MEDITERRANEAN SPAIN Teresa OROZCO KÖHLER, Joan BERNABEU AUBÁN, Lluis MOLINA BALAGUER Dept. Prehistòria i Arqueologia. Universitat de València. Spain Abstract: Since the first agricultural and herding groups settled in the valleys of the central area of Mediterranean Spain, monumental enclosures appear in the new territory. The presence of this monumental space, together with other elements typical of the landscape (caves with symbolic items, rock art sanctuaries, small burial caves) allows postulating a reading of social power managing in these groups. In later stages, we find another kind of ditches with different features but in the same geography, clearly related to habitation spaces. Key Words: Neolithic; monumental enclosures; labour investment

INTRODUCTION

provided by the material record, these two categories seem to respond to different chronological horizons, though we should be tentative due to the lack of data for some phases in the chronocultural sequence.

In the last decades, dug structures commonly called ditches were identified in the Valencian archaeological record, traditionally associated to Chalcolithic sites in the Iberian frame. We would note, however, that in this area this kind of structure is fragmented due to the precarious conservation conditions from both strong anthropization of the territory and an important erosive action on the landscape, highly limiting its interpretation. One of the recent outstanding findings was the identification of this kind of structures in ancient sites (Early Neolithic), with quite different features as regards location and morphology as well as, probably, function.

Monumental enclosures Monumental enclosures appear from the early neolitization horizons in the area (ca. 5600 cal. BC), representing one of the ideological referents printed by the Cardial groups in their territory. We know of their location in the Serpis valleys and can follow their history in some detail, mainly from the research on Mas d’Is (Penàguila, Alicante), a settlement that, as most sites from the early Neolithic phases, is placed in the source of the Penàguila river –a tributary of the Serpis, the main fluvial axis flowing into the Mediterranean (Fig. 14.1).

The geographic area considered in this paper comprises the central territories in the Valencian region, between the Xúquer and Segura rivers. Most of the sites discussed are located in the Serpis river fluvial basin and in the neighbouring region (Fig. 14.1). The chronological framework considered expands from the early Neolithic to the Bell Beaker Horizon, with unbalanced information available for the different cultural phases from ca. 5600 to 2200 cal. BC.

A monumental group was recorded in this settlement. It corresponds to an area segregated from domestic structures (Bernabeu and Orozco, 2005), limited by two ditches (Ditch 5 and Ditch 4) dug in Miocene marls (Fig. 14.2). In both cases, they are interrupted ditches in U section, 12-18 m wide and 3.5-4 m deep. They limit a singular space, in an indefinite way, though their trails present a circular tendency. The fillings show some continuity in time, with gatherings of archaeological material and faunistic remains stratified between potent packages of natural sedimentation. These features differ from the other category identified (habitation boundary enclosures), with a stratigraphy indicating fast filling.

ENCLOSURE DITCHES Dug structures known as ditches involve a highly varied typology. This diversity may be related to the human group involved in its building and/or maintenance; their common features, however, are evident when we evaluate them in a large territory. Actually, not all known ditches fit the same function; thus, in previous papers (Bernabeu et al. 2006) we differentiated between:

The history of the monumental enclosure of Mas d’Is was reconstructed from a series of 14C dates (Fig. 14.2):

− Habitation boundary enclosures

-ca. 5400 cal. BC: the first enclosure in Mas d’Is (Ditch 5) was dug; in its basement, a set of materials were intentionally deposited (hammerstones, a small grinding mill and a ceramic vessel with Cardial decoration).

In both cases we find architectonically simple elements that, nevertheless, present clearly different morphological features. The only coincidence between both types of enclosures is that they seem to be made up of interrupted ditches. From absolute dates and the relative chronology

-ca. 5100 cal. BC: another structure of larger dimensions was dug outside (Ditch 4), with peculiar features: it not only limits a larger internal space but it also presents a well-established plant design. For a time, both structures were in function simultaneously,

− Monumental enclosures

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Fig. 14.1. Prehistoric enclosures located in the Valencian region (Spain), from the Early Neolithic to the Bell Beaker Horizon (c. 5600 – 2200 cal BC) limiting a unique space that, in our view, may be used for certain rituals in some occasions (Bernabeu and Orozco, 2005).

the territory by the first agrarian communities (ca. 5600 cal. BC). These groups show a strong emphasis in intensification, control and protection of their social identity, evidenced in the effort devoted to a series of places (large caves with a high number of symbolic items, small burial caves and rock art sanctuaries), segregated from the domestic space that, inversely, is devoted scarce labour investment: the use of mud and wooden poles as building materials is present in the house’s record in Mas d’Is (Bernabeu et al. 2002). The settlement pattern of these groups is interpreted as villages or open settlements made up of groups of quite distant houses that sometimes integrate the small vegetable gardens (Bernabeu, 1995).

It is probably at this time when another ditch was built in a nearby site: Mas de D. Simón, located about 1 lineal kilometre from Mas d’Is (Fig. 14.1). Electromagnetic surveys gave a detailed picture of its morphological features. The materials recovered on surface, however, are quite definite about chronology, allowing the matching of the upper levels in the structure filling to this chronological period. We cannot be precise about building activities throughout the period between ca. 5000-4500 cal. BC due to lack of data. The following landmark in the history of this monument corresponds to:

The change in settlement pattern in the Serpis valleys is clearly seen in c. 3900 cal. BC, with an archaeological record of intense lowlands habitation in the middle course of the Serpis, where there is an upsurge of a completely different settlement: since then, large villages (sometimes larger than 10 ha) with silos and ditches develop, evidencing the total settlement of the territory and colonizing dry barren lands (Bernabeu and PascualBenito, 1998).

-ca. 4500 cal. BC: at this time, Ditch 5 is levelled and different structures -some of combustion- appear on top of the filling. Meanwhile, Ditch 4 was partially backfilled and another dug structure is found outside it (Ditch 3), corresponding to two small trenches of reduced dimensions and imprecise functionality. Data from this singular construction, together with the analysis of contemporary (early Neolithic) sites, allow the definition of what is known as the Cardial landscape (Bernabeu and Orozco, 2005; Bernabeu et al. 2003; Bernabeu et al. 2006), developed from the colonization of

The building of another monumental ditch (Alt del Punxó; Fig. 14.1) is recorded for this period (ca. 3900) in the middle course of the main fluvial axis of these valleys (the Serpis river) that also presents large dimensions and 124

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Fig. 14.2. Map of Mas d’Is neolithic structures. The C14 dates allows us to reconstruct the history of the monumental enclosure U section, without hosting a boundary for any habitation space. Our research –still unpublished – will enlarge the information about the morphology and the arrangement of these structures, as well as their chronology and function.

structures. None of them, however, was found intact, being strongly affected by erosive agents, thus making it difficult to set a circular arrangement round all inhabited space. The placement of settlements, mainly in interfluvial areas, has already presented some natural borders, which are sometimes complemented by these enclosures. Available data shows that inhabited space does not exceed these structures.

Habitation boundary enclosures Habitation boundary enclosures are recorded in c. 3300 cal. BC. They not only appear in the Serpis valleys, but also in neighbouring valleys and lands (Fig. 14.1). They show a variety of dimensions, always smaller than monumental enclosures, and are usually thin and frequently in a V section (Fig. 14.3). Their segments are not more than 30 m long, and domestic spaces are found inside, as seen some excavations: Niuet (Bernabeu et al. 1994), Arenal de la Costa (Bernabeu, 1993), or La Torreta/El Monastil (Jover et al. 2000-2001).

In time, when they ceased to fulfil their original function and were backfilled by natural and anthropic contributions, the space may be occupied by new dwellings; new enclosures were dug in other areas of the settlement –occasionally- presenting a relatively fast building, use and disuse cycle. We count on some 14C dates that indicate for Niuet enclosure (Fig. 14.3) a building date of ca. 3300 – 3200 cal. BC, whereas Arenal de la Costa (in the neighbouring valleys) indicates the end of the Bell Beaker Horizon ca. 2200 cal. BC (Bernabeu 1993; Bernabeu et al. 1994). So far, there are no records

These segmented enclosures seem to host the boundaries of the settlement or, at least, of its internal habitation 125

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Fig. 14.3. Habitational boundary enclosures –frequently in a V sectionare presents in several sites, as Niuet (Serpis Valleys) c. 3300 cal BC of causeway enclosures in settlements from early Neolithic phases.

When analyzing these dug structures, we find the communitarian effort implied. The enclosures, however, are not the sole element in the record that can be used as indicative of labour investment; we have noted somewhere (Bernabeu et al. 2006) that other aspects, such as the intensification of agricultural production, may be used for the same purpose. One element in the archaeological record that allows such estimations are the silos, well represented in settlements from the late phases (from ca. 3900 cal. BC) in the Serpis valleys, when a change in settlement pattern is recorded (extensive settlements located in the lowlands) and in the subsistence system, with the surge of dry land agriculture based in the introduction of ploughing (Bernabeu, 1995; Barton et al. 2004); these storage structures, however, are documented earlier in other peninsular Mediterranean areas.

As aforementioned, these recent chronology enclosures are of smaller dimensions though, probably, they limit larger spaces. Considered individually, their building involves a lower labour investment. These landscape elements gave rise to a tendency that would consolidate in the Bronze Age (ca. 2200 cal. BC) when some infrastructure works of a completely different nature would be recorded in these valleys, such as the terracing and building of stone walls. They would evidence the mobilization of labour investment towards habitation areas. LABOUR MOBILIZATION AS POWER EXPRESSION

If we focus on enclosures as the reflection of the collective labour made by communities along late Prehistory, we can make estimations of the mobilization of labour force they represent, accepting the limitations imposed by the partial conservation of the record. This quantification is proposed in many papers (Erasmus,

The enclosures presented here correspond to a communal work, and are indicative of the capacity to mobilize labour force and, in this sense, the power hold by some members in the society. 126

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1965, and others), being the estimation most frequently used an investment of 10 working hours to dig 1 m.sq. (Andersen, 1997: 296). In spite of the incomplete knowledge of the enclosure trail, the labour investment to dig the enclosures in Mas d’Is is estimated much higher than 100,000 hours/person (Bernabeu et al. 2003).

be understood as the shaping of our reflections and analytical proposals in the making. We are aware of the partiality of empirical evidences and the information gaps we still have; nevertheless, the ancient stages of the chronological framework postulated can be revised with some precision and singularity. New data and different points of view or research guidelines may obviously offer different readings of the historical process we will present.

In early papers (Bernabeu and Orozco, 2005) we noted that the social organization of Neolithic groups in this area corresponds to rank societies with an emergent leadership. The best evidence of rank are monuments (Earle 1997) that, in the territory under study, are documented from the early Neolithic horizons.

MONUMENTAL ENCLOSURES IN THE CARDIAL WORLD The nucleus of population concentration in the first moments of the neolitization of these lands is located, as aforementioned, in Penàguila basin, where recent surveys prove the existence of many open villages as integrants of the landscape (Fig. 14.4). Thus, the earliest settlement chronology is found in House 2 in Mas d’Is (ca. 5600 cal. BC), though the settlement of this area is consolidated more than a century later, with the building of the first monumental enclosure (Bernabeu et al. 2003).

When a group invests labour force with delayed yield, be it the making of warehouses, tools or monuments, as is the case here, it is necessary to have a long term organization, centralized in some aspects, to manage labour force (Mann, 1986), responding to certain mechanisms difficult to define for past times. Many authors, not only from an ethnographic perspective but also by analysing the archaeological record, have focused on the importance of the “labour feasts or banquets”. This kind of feasts or banquets allows the punctual gathering of a large amount of labour force. They tend to be called upon to aggregate groups of workers making identical, non-specialized jobs –i.e. they are useful in contexts where the simple multiplication of hands effectively reduces working time (Dietler and Herbich, 2001).

The singularity of the enclosure built there may be evaluated by many factors (large dimensions, no relation with habitation space). We find it necessary, however, to frame the analysis in the collection of elements that, along these valleys, make a singular stage that justifies speaking of a strong territorial feature in the first agrarian communities or, at least, of a clear need to fix the boundaries of a territory. We can read the location of other exceptional settlements in this geography in the same fashion (Fig. 14.4):

Although empirical evidences in the study area are not enough for a detailed evaluation, it is feasible to consider the celebration of these banquets as a mechanism of labour force mobilization, aiming not only to enclosure building but also to the intensification of agricultural production, as noted in a recent paper (Bernabeu et al. 2006). In the case of enclosures, a similar mechanism may have allowed the digging of structures, both monumental and habitation boundary, as they correspond to simple architectonic elements. It does not imply, however, that the meaning of these structures responds to the same conception, nor to the evolution of an idea, though the circular tendency design they seem to show may suggest, at first view, a common symbolic scheme shared throughout Europe, where circular enclosures – both dug and built– are effective since the rise of the first herding and agricultural communities.

a) Strong presence of some caves (Or, Sarsa) with an unusual volume of singular items: pottery vessels with symbolic styles (Martí and Hernández, 1998), musical instruments (Juan-Cabanilles et al. 2001), slate bracelets (Orozco, 2000), ochre powder and rock, prepared for mixing colorant stuff (García-Borja et al. 2004), and a strong consumption of sub-adult ovicaprids (Pérez Ripoll, 1980); b) There are also small funerary caves in adjacent hills, making true necropolis areas (Bernabeu et al. 2001), c) This panorama is finished with the location of Macro Schematic rock art sanctuaries, places of important symbolism that –curiously- are lined up in the borders of the Serpis valleys, with chronologies defined by the superposition of representations in this style under the other figures present, as well as by their pottery parallels (Cardito, 1998; Martí and Hernández, 1988).

The diversity of the structures dug in the peninsular Mediterranean area responds to different social needs, showing a variation in power management inside these communities along the time. They clearly show that the economic system practiced by these groups had the potential to generate enough surpluses to carry out communal works of some importance. The different nature of such works, however, is indicative of the difference in power sources.

All these locations manifest the higher investment on aspects of greater visibility that, in this case, represents a higher symbolic character, indicating the possession and transformation of the space by these social groups. It can

The reading of the social features we are proposing for the prehistoric communities in this territory analysed should 127

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Fig. 14.4. Several elements, such as monumental enclosures, caves with symbolic items, burial caves, and rock-art sanctuaries, allows us to designe the landscape of the early neolithic groups (c. 5600 – 4900 cal BC), in the studied region be read as a strong process of territorialization and rooting in this space.

a lineage, a genealogical clan, a village, a tribe (Mann, 1986). Power is held on behalf of the group and it implies neither coercive capacity nor the possibility to get hold of the resources. This kind of societies may present centralized or decentralised ways of power to a higher or lower degree, based –maybe- in the diversity of the sources of social power. Inside them, tensions are expressed, either by the resistance to excessive concentration, or due to the difficulty to impose the will of some over the rest that, in any case, would facilitate the rise and dismantle cycles of the social nets of power.

We clearly see that labour is directed to ideological aspects –which reinforce intra-group cohesion as well as individual authority. It helps to propose that the social nets mobilizing, organizing and coordinating labour investment in these Neolithic groups in the Serpis valleys also feed on ideological basis. Thus, it is the control over the ritual or the ideology what legitimizes certain individuals to mobilize resources on behalf of the group. Ideology has both a symbolic and material component, and constitutes a media to transmit many messages and information; it can materialize in the form of ceremonies, symbolic objects or monuments, reaching the status of an effective source of social power (Earle, 1997). Such materialization makes it possible to spread a doctrine or ideological body among a local group, as well as to establish communication between the power of a central authority and the lot of the people (De Marrais et al. 1996). Ideological power may lead to set up and maintain domination relations. It is possible, however, for nondominant groups or segments to develop resistance ideologies to consolidate their position in the social order.

We can understand the development of power in the first agrarian communities in the Serpis in this sense. Landscape monumentalization in such terms facilitates discussing the development of a collective power resting on the control of the ritual and the ideological mechanisms that allow certain individuals –on behalf of the group- to increasingly mobilize resources. A diachronic reading of the monumental enclosure in Mas d’Is with its documented phases (building, enlarging, abandonment...) indicates that it is a discontinued process prolonged in time that may be understood as the result of the cyclic movements of advance and receding of power structures; i.e. as the manifestation of social resistance to any try of an excessive power accumulation.

In non-state groups, powerful individuals invariably represent an association: a household, an extended family, 128

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earlier – we will not find in these lands monumentally built spaces (monumental enclosures). The absence of megalithic constructions, that are substituted by multiple burial caves here, together with the gathering and unequal distribution of the agricultural production –evidenced by the analyses of the silos dug in the settlements-, would confirm the displacement of social power nets towards different sources of ideology, ritual and symbolism.

THE DISSOLUTION OF THE CARDIAL WORLD The archaeological record in Penàguila basin reflects a series of transformations that most probably are indicating crisis periods in the development of power. We are not only referring to the hiatuses in the building activities in the monumental enclosures of Mas d’Is, but also to some other evidences, though the reading of the process is limited by the gaps in available information. We have indicated above that ca. 5100 cal. BC (from evidences collected in the surveys) a second monumental enclosure is built at a short distance from Mas d’Is; it is only after 4900 cal. BC, however, when the current settlement model would radically change.

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It seems that after this date the activities related to both monumental ditches in Mas d’Is are reduce or even stopped. These changes chronologically coincide with an evident reduction of the settlement in the Penàguila area: though the model of small dispersed villages goes on, its number is drastically reduced (Bernabeu et al. 2006).

BARTON, C.M., BERNABEU, J., AURA, J.E., GARCÍA, O., SCHMICH, S., MOLINA, LL. (2004) Long-Term Socioecology and Contingent Landscapes. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 11 (3): 253-295.

Simultaneously, in most cavities housing constant activities during the 6th millennium cal. BC, the record shows radical changes in orientation. Thus, some caves such as Or or Sarsa –important centres cumulating symbolic elements- limit their evidences to sporadic presences with scarce remains. Even some small settlements in these valleys, such as the Abric de la Falguera (Alcoi), used as occasional habitation spaces, during the early Neolithic, abruptly ceased their activity (García and Molina, 2005).

BERNABEU AUBÁN, J. (1995) Origen y consolidación de las sociedades agrícolas. El País Valenciano entre el Neolítico y la Edad del Bronce. Jornades d’Arqueologia. Alfàs del Pi (1994). Valencia: 37-60. BERNABEU, J., OROZCO KÖHLER, T. (2005) Mas d’Is (Penàguila, Alicante): un recinto monumental del VI milenio cal BC. III Congreso del Neolítico en la Península Ibérica. 2003, Santander. Universidad de Cantabria: 485-495. BERNABEU, J., PASCUAL-BENITO, J.LL. (1998) L’Expansió de l’Agricultura. La Vall de l’Alcoi fa 5000 anys. Diputació de Valencia. (Col.lecció Perfils del Passat, 4).

In this context, what we may call the symbolic world noticeably modifies its representation supports. Thus, we stop identifying any evidence of symbolic styles in pottery after those dates. Similarly, we have to think that the artistic cycle of the Macro Schematic rock art is finished. Though it is true that we are ignorant as regards chronological differences, some of these rock art sanctuaries are affected by new artistic representations of the Levantine style that cover them, as in La Sarga. The abandonment of the discourse represented by these manifestations, together with the rest of the evidences discussed, suggests an important modification of the social ways that had defined previous periods.

BERNABEU, J., MOLINA, LL., GARCÍA, O. (2001) El mundo funerario en el Horizonte Cardial valenciano. Un registro oculto. Saguntum, PLAV, 33: 27-35. BERNABEU, J., OROZCO, T., DIEZ CASTILLO, A. (2002) El poblamiento neolítico: desarrollo del paisaje agrario en les Valls de l’Alcoi. In Hernández & Segura (coords) La Sarga. Arte Rupestre y Territorio. Ayuntamiento de Alcoi and Caja de Ahorros del Mediterráneo. Alcoi: 171-184. BERNABEU, J., PASCUAL-BENITO, J.LL., OROZCO, T., BADAL, E., FUMANAL, M.P., GARCÍA, O. (1994) Niuet (L’Alqueria d’Asnar). Poblado del III milenio a.C.. Recerques del Museu d’Alcoi, 3: 9-74.

We lack any information to visualize the behaviour of Neolithic groups in this geographic frame, however, until the early 4th millennium BC. From ca. 3900 cal. BC, some variations in material culture and settlement patterns are evident in the Serpis valleys though, in spite of the partial empirical evidence, fundamental changes in the system should develop between the late 4th and early 3rd millennium BC. From this moment, an important demographic growth and an increase in the agrarian production capacity is clearly seen, as well as the emergence of the plough and the habitation areas limited by ditches. From this stage at least –though probably

BERNABEU AUBÁN, J., OROZCO KÖHLER, T., DIEZ CASTILLO, A., GÓMEZ PUCHE, M., MOLINA HERNÁNDEZ, F.J. (2003) Mas d’Is (Penàguila, Alicante): Aldeas y recintos monumentales del Neolítico Inicial en el valle del Serpis. Trabajos de Prehistoria, 60, 2: 39-59. BERNABEU, J., MOLINA, LL., DIEZ CASTILLO, A., OROZCO KÖHLER, T. (2006) Inequalities and 129

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power. Three millenia of Prehistory in Mediterranean Spain (5600-2000 cal BC). In Diaz-del-Río & García Sanjuan (eds) Social Inequality in Iberian Late Prehistory. British Archaeological Report, IS, 1525: 97-116.

ción al uso de la materia colorante en Cova de l’Or. Recerques del Museu d’Alcoi, 13: 35-52. GARCÍA PUCHOL, O., MOLINA BALAGUER, LL. (2005) La secuencia prehistórica de l’Abric de la Falguera (Alcoi, Alacant). Las ocupaciones del Mesolítico Reciente y del Neolítico. III Congreso del Neolítico en la Península Ibérica. 2003, Santander. Universidad de Cantabria: 893-901.

BERNABEU AUBÁN, J. (dir.) (1993) El III milenio a.C. en el País Valenciano. Los poblados de Jovades (Cocentaina, Alacant) y Arenal de la Costa (Ontinyent, Valencia). Saguntum, PLAV, 26: 9-179.

JOVER MAESTRE, F.J., SOLER GARCÍA, M.D., ESQUEMBRE BEBIA, M.A., POVEDA NAVARRO, A.M. (2000-2001) La Torreta – El Monastil (Elda, Alicante): un nuevo asentamiento calcolítico en la cuenca del río Vinalopó. Lvcentvm, XIX – XX: 27-38.

CARDITO ROLLÁN, L.M. (1998) Arte macroesquemático y paralelos mediterráneos: apuntes para su cronología. Saguntum, PLAV, 31: 99-108. DE MARRAIS, E., CASTILLO, L.J., EARLE, T. (1996) Ideology, materialization and power strategies. Current Anthropology, 37, 1: 15-31.

JUAN-CABANILLES, J., MARTÍNEZ VALLE, R., ARIAS GAGO-DEL MOLINO, A., MARTÍ, B. (2001) Los tubos de hueso de la Cova de l’Or (Beniarrés, Alicante): instrumentos musicales en el neolítico antiguo de la Península Ibérica. Trabajos de Prehistoria, 58 (2): 41-67.

DIETLER, M., HERBICH, I. (2001) Feast and labor mobilization. Dissecting a fundamental economic practice. In Dietler, M. & Hayden, B. (eds.) Feasts. Archaeological and Ethnographic perspectives on Food, Politics and Power. Smithsonian Institution Press. Washington: 240-264.

MANN, M. (1986) The sources of social power. Volume 1. A history of power from the beginnings to AD 1760. Cambrige University Press. Cambridge.

EARLE, T. (1997) How chiefs come to power. The political economy in Prehistory. Standford University Press. Stanford.

MARTÍ, B., HERNÁNDEZ, M. (1988) El neolític valencià: art rupestre i cultura material. Servei d’Investigació Prehistòrica. Valencia.

ERASMUS, C.J. (1965) Monument building. Some field experiments. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, 21-4: 277-301.

OROZCO-KÖHLER, T. (2000) Aprovisionamiento e Intercambio. Análisis petrológico del utillaje pulimentado en la Prehistoria Reciente del País Valenciano (España). British Archaeological Report, IS 867. Oxford.

GARCÍA BORJA, P., DOMINGO, I., ROLDÁN GARCÍA, C., VERDASCO, C., FERRERO CALABUIG, J., JARDÓN, P., BERNABEU, J. (2004) Aproxima-

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MONTENEGRO, A NEOLITHIC ENCLOSURE IN GALICIA – INSIGHTS INTO MEGALITHIC SPACE Camila GIANOTTI GARCÍA, Patricia MAÑANA-BORRAZÁS, Felipe CRIADO BOADO Landscape Archaeology Laboratory, ‘Padre Sarmiento’ Institute of Galician Studies (CSIC-XuGa) Associated Unit: Paleoenvironment, Heritage and Landscape Laboratory (IIT, USC) Abstract: From a comparative analysis of different archaeological sites from the Northwest of the Iberian Peninsula, Neolithic spatial conceptions and their materialization in different architectures from this period will be discussed. A formal analysis of a recently excavated site is presented (Montenegro, Galicia), in order to see how the construction of circular enclosures reproduces the organizational model of space identified in monumental architectures elsewhere. We will explore the origin of these constructions, their functionality and their relation with other archaeological scopes, to see how they are all different versions of the same idea. Finally we will discuss what we consider the key point: that the hegemony of a concept may be recognized behind the materiality: of circular spatiality as an essential instrument of Neolithic societies that began to tame the world. Keywords: NW Iberian Peninsula; Late Neolithic; Spatial conceptions; Landscape Archaeology; enclosure

NEOLITHIC SPATIALITY: CONCEPT AND MATERIALITY

theoretical principle that we have developed in our research on Landscape Archaeology for some time: all spatial forms are determined by the spatial concept present in the socio-cultural group that produced them. This principle is applied to material or imaginary forms, or (amongst the first group) landscapes or material culture, or amongst this, moveable objects or architectures.

Discoveries of Neolithic enclosures in the Iberian Peninsula have multiplied in recent years, particularly in areas where remains of this kind had not previously been identified. This is the case of the NW region of the peninsula, with discoveries of this kind in both northern Portugal and Galicia. While these new sites present new problems in terms of their interpretation and archaeology, basically related with their functional and chronological heterogeneity and the dynamics of their construction, we must recognise that they contribute in some way towards ‘normalising’ the situation of Megalithic monumentality in the NW Iberian Peninsula, and equating it with the situation known for this period in most of the Atlantic Megalithic provinces, in which the enclosures have become common realities and part of the phenomenon. And so, while for many years the megalithism of the NW Iberian Peninsula was represented almost exclusively by funerary mounds, today we may verify that what we refer to as the ‘megalithic package’ is also present in these zones, including at least standing stones, megalithic enclosures, stone and timber circles, and related settlements.

The field of anthropology has studied in great detail the structure of thought and cognitive forms, and their relation with specific social and historical forms (Lévi– Strauss 1973). The application of these theories to Prehistory is one of the ways in which Landscape Archaeology functions. We have proposed the application of Lévi-Strauss’ model to prehistory in the shape of two different patterns of rationality: the ‘wild’ and ‘domestic’ pattern of rationality (Criado 2000). Therefore, our examination of a circular Neolithic enclosure is proposed, above all, to contribute to seeing how this special type of monument materialises a Neolithic concept of space that is also represented in other areas of the megalithic experience: funerary architecture, the organisation of burial mounds, the construction of funerary chambers, the representations they contain (paintings or carvings), the distribution of grave goods, the erection of standing stones, and of course, the construction of the monumental landscape. Each of these areas must be treated as different expressive codes (in the sense conferred upon it by Structural Anthropology for some time: Lévi–Strauss 1973). The different codes within a culture are interconnected by relations of compatibility between them, a principle which, in turn, is based on the practical requirements of linguistic and meta-linguistic communication, as nobody is able to create contents that are significant for an audience without using the references that are common to this same audience. This gives these abstract principles a level of reality which, despite being characterised by structuralism as rationalist (Layton 1997), and by mechanicist

The initial aim of this article is to present a summary of the site of Montenegro (in the Morrazo Peninsula, Pontevedra, Spain), which is one of the best examples of a complex archaeological site excavated to date in Galicia. The site has been defined as such due to its recognised architectural, chronological and functional diversity. In this article we will focus almost exclusively on one of the areas of the site: the circular enclosure located to the east of the excavation area, dated to the mid-third millennium BC. However, we would draw attention to the fact that the treatment of this information leads us to proposing a series of important historical and anthropological problems. The method we use here is based on a specific 131

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3000-2500 BC, coinciding the period when the great chambers were sealed. 2 The fact is that the most outstanding archaeological elements from the Neolithic period in Galicia are megalithic monuments.

materialism as idealistic (Harris 1982), could be better understood from the notion of intersubjectivity proposed by new hermeneutics (Gadamer 1977) or from the principle of “incorporeous materialism” established by Foucault (1980).

The fifth millennium BC saw the development of the Early Neolithic, that would have witnessed the development of the earliest types of agriculture, although mainly based on a mixed economy, which we may actually assimilate to what is known as the ‘MesoNeolithic’ period (Zvelebil 1986). Little evidence remains of this period in Galicia: a pair of non-monumental sites dated back to the mid fifth millennium (Lima 2000), with no sites known with older datings so far. Beyond Galicia, the first megalithism of the European Atlantic area develops architectural forms such as standing stones, cromlechs, alignments, dolmens, timber circles and ring cairns, extensively documented throughout the fourth and third millennia BC in Great Britain and Ireland (Bradley 1998; Bradley et al. 2002; Burl 2005; Gibson 2005; Hartwell 2002). The studies carried out into this type of megalithic architecture provide us with a horizon of reference in order to obtain a better understanding of the archaeological site of Montenegro.

The theoretical assumption implicit in this proposal is very simple: all societies need a certain concept of space in order to live and reproduce social life. A proposal of this type makes it possible to advance architectural analysis, studies of the landscape or stylistic analyses far beyond the point they normally reach. It also allows us to see that beyond monuments and landscapes, there is pure space. By considering the site of Montenegro, we will develop this theoretical and methodological proposal. Together with presenting new data for the Neolithic in the NW Iberian Peninsula, we may go further, exploring the cultural significance of monuments of this kind, and discovering the spatial model that was in place in a society of the Late Neolithic period. In order to develop this approach, we need to define the spatial model that is materialised in different types of monuments through spatial regularities. Based on the Montenegro site and on further evidence from Galicia (similar to others along the Atlantic coast), we will see what we consider to be the model for megalithic space in this region.

In Galicia, with the exception of the funerary structures that appeared around 4500 BC, the presence of other megalithic elements (standing stones, stone circles, etc.) is to date limited, in specific points and has been little studied (see a list of sites in Fábregas & Vilaseco 2003; Monteagudo 2003; Villoch 1998) Figure 15.1. Other recognisable sites from this period are domestic settlements, with evidence frequently found of structures made of perishable materials (post holes, ditches, hearths, etc.) (Bonilla et al. 2006, Lima 2000; Méndez & Rey 2005; Parcero & Cobas 2005; Prieto 2005, Suárez 1997; Suárez & Fábregas 2000), and the material culture mainly formed by incised pottery (Prieto 2001; Criado & Cabrejas 2005: 125-135), and a stone production based on quartz technology (Criado & Cabrejas 2005:117-124; Baqueiro 2006).

It is true that this treatment of the enclosures hides its truly historic significance behind its structural or cultural significance. There are a number of specific archaeological problems which, in principle, this proposal does not resolve, such as their chronology, their emergence and disappearance, their relationship with other megalithic monuments, their use over time, or their relationship with the settlements. However, aware of the difficulty of these issues, the methodological alternative is to resolve the important features which should (and may) be resolved at more general level – the existence of a Neolithic model for the cultural organisation of space and its definition – and then propose the social and historical features of the phenomenon. For this reason, we will structure the last section of this article in both levels.

Similar features are described for the dwelling sites belonging to the Mid Neolithic. This data supports a rather homogeneous model of settlement from the middle of the fifth millennium BC until the middle of the third millennium BC, based on small settlements with a location pattern that coincides on occasions with the location of megalithic monuments, or close to them (Criado et al. 1986; Criado et al. 2000; Lima 2000).

Megalithic sites, structures and enclosures in the NW Iberian Peninsula The megalithic phenomenon in Galicia covers a period of approximately 2000 years, between 4,500 cal BC, as documented in monuments with the oldest datings, 1 and

The transition between the fourth and third millennia BC may be seen as a moment of social intensification, in which the most monumental funerary structures were in use, as would seem to be indicated by the datings from the different moments of use of monuments such as Cotogrande 5 (Abad 2000), Dombate phase II (Alonso & Bello 1997), Forno dos Mouros 5 (Mañana 2005) and A

1

Forno dos Mouros 5 de Ortigueira – A Coruña (UA 20009, 4552 – 4351 cal BC., in Mañana 2005), the dating of the painting from the chamber of Coto dos Mouros –(CAMS-83631, 4540-4240 cal BC 2s, Steelman et al. 2005) or the tumular mass of Catasol 2 (CSIC-1039, 5030-4800 cal BC 2s), and the oldest from the tumular mass of Alto da Barreira (CSIC-1039, 5030-4800 cal BC 2s), both in Alonso & Bello 1997.

2 The enclosures in Os Campiños (Fábregas & Fuente 1991/92) or Dombate (Alonso & Bello 1997) have been dated to this period.

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Fig. 15.1. Distribution map of Neolithic archaeological sites in the NW Iberian Peninsula Romea (Mañana 2003), amongst others. In traditional terms, this period may be situated within the Late Neolithic, although in Galicia other authors have attributed this to the Copper Age with Penha-type pottery (Bonilla et al. 2006; Eguileta 1999, Fábregas & Vilaseco 2003, Suárez & Fábregas 2000), applying a periodisation more befitting of central and eastern Iberia, whose defining features (large settlements, ‘fortifications’, systematic metalworking, social complexity) are not apparent in Galicia until sometime later. In this case, we prefer to use an Atlantic categorisation, in which the Late Neolithic replicates the dynamics of the southern regions, revealing an intensification of the previously existing social dynamics. Following this high point of megalithic activity, the decline of monumental funerary architecture seems to have begun, marked by an event that is repeated in several mounds with corridors, when the large chambers began to be sealed around 2800-2500 BC

(Dombate phase III, Os Campiños 6). It is from this moment when an inflexion point occurred in the construction dynamics of monumental architecture, with both change and diversification: − New funerary structures – cists – were built (Casota de Berdoias, Fornela dos Mouros de Aplazadoiro, Devesa de Abaixo (Vázquez 2005), or smaller monuments, small barrows with pits or cairns, or other deposits that usually contain important grave goods, something that has been interpreted as a change from collective to individual monumentality (Criado & Fábregas 1989). − Work continued on existing monuments, where alterations have been documented (such as well pits, holes, fires, etc.), deposits of new materials (particularly bell-beaker pottery), as well as remodelling works, mainly involving increasing their volume by adding new quantities of material. 133

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Neolithic period is represented throughout practically all of the excavated area, and has the most conspicuous archaeological features. The distribution and type of structures located makes it possible to identify three different areas. Despite the difficulty in connecting structures without any direct stratigraphic connection (a common feature in many open-air Galician settlements, see Aboal et al. 2005), we were able to identify at least three stages of occupation for this period which are confirmed by the datings currently available (see below), Figure 15.2.

− New monumental spaces emerged. There was a diversification of monumental architecture, transferring it to other spheres such as large settlements, with different areas of activity and architectural forms, palisades, enclosures and stone circles. − Alongside this change, many of the sites from this period are larger than their predecessors, may they be open or ditched. Internally they consist of areas of activity, in which processes of repeated and intensive occupation of the same space throughout long periods of time are documented. Here we find superimposed archaeological structures: post holes, hut floors, hearths, storage structures (in the Morrazo peninsula: Montenegro, Remedios, Lavapés, Mesa de Montes, A Fontenla, Guidoiro Areoso), (Fábregas & Vilaseco 2003; Méndez & Rey 2005; Prieto 2005; Suárez 1997), and materials that bear witness to a technology focused on making use of cultivated resources, grazing and the intensification of the exploitation of wild resources. It was at this period that the settlement of Montenegro appeared.

To the West, coinciding with a flat area facing towards the valley bottom, a settlement area was more clearly documented, thanks to a variety and density of structures: post holes, hut floors, linear structures, foundation trenches, pits and hearths. The absence of clear occupational floors made it difficult to identify the constructive units in this sector, although 2 specific cases of larger oval structures were identified, surrounded by other smaller, which were probably complementary buildings. Based on a sample of charcoal from the base deposit (UE362) which filled in a rectangular pit (UE155) located in this sector, a dating of 2470-2130 cal BC was obtained (2s, 95.4% prob.) (CSIC-1986).

MONTENEGRO IN THE LIGHT OF THE DATA

Another of the areas of the settlement coincides with the zone half way down the hillside, and with the lowest density of structures and materials. Here the base of an oval hut measuring 3.5 x 1.5 m was found, identified thanks to two foundation trenches with postholes, similar to three others found in different parts of the settlement. Based on a sample of charcoal from one of the deposits filling in the foundation trench to the West, a dating of 2880-2570 cal BC (2s, 95.4% prob) (Ua-23591), coinciding, as we will see, with the dating for a similar hut within the circular enclosure.

The archaeological site of Montenegro was located in 2003 thanks to an intervention involving trenches and test pits as part of the archaeological monitoring of the construction work of a motorway on the Morrazo peninsula. This initial phase led to an open area excavation, covering 5800 m2 (Criado & Cabrejas 2005: 50-54). The site is located in the south-west of Galicia, in the peninsula of O Morrazo, between the estuaries of Pontevedra and Vigo. Situated in a transition point between highlands and lowlands, at a height of 180 m above sea level, it stands at the head of the Moaña Valley, over a prominent outcrop on one of the sides of Mount Agudelo, which runs from NE-SW along the coast. To the east it is flanked by a small basin with steep, shady slopes, while to the west the land slopes gently downhill towards an open section of the valley, with a small stream. This topographic position lends it a prominent character in relation to its immediate surroundings, further highlighted by the presence of a large granitic outcrop to the south of the excavated area. Its position offers extensive views to the SE-SW over the whole of the Moaña Valley, part of the coastline and the Vigo estuary; however, to the West, North and North-East, the view is partly constrained by the hills of Paralaia and Agudelo.

A few metres away from this hut, a series of structures was found with an interesting stratigraphic complexity. This group was formed by a subcircular estructure excavated in the substrate and intentionally filled in with the same material. At a later stage, two rectangular pits were excavated on top of this structure, filled in by slime deposits, whose interior walls were lined with mediumsized stones. In this same area, a trench with a length of 35m was excavated, which exits the circular enclosure (which we will describe later on), and crosses the slope from the SE-NW. The straight trench, except for a small section which splits into two parallel sections, is 25 cm wide, between 20 and 25 cm deep, and has a U-shaped profile. Towards the NW corner a series of postholes were excavated, leading us to propose the hypothesis that this was part of some type of palisade.

Areas of activity, structures and material culture documented

At the highest point of the site, coinciding with the existing plateau, one of the most peculiar megalithic structures found to date in Galicia was identified. It is a circular enclosure with an internal diameter of 20 m, comprising a series of perimeter structures and

The excavation work made it possible to document a series of archaeological structures corresponding to two different periods: Mediaeval and Late Neolithic. The Late 134

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Fig. 15.2. Archaeological plan of excavated area internal constructions, an access zone facing towards the SE, and two other possible access zones to the N and N-NE, which as a whole are indicative of its constructive complexity and sequence of use (Figure 15.3).

smaller blocks was connected to this structure, set into a previously dug trench, so that the SW quadrant was enclosed by both structures. From one of the deposits (UE727), a sample of charcoal was sent for dating, giving a result of 6400 – 6080 cal BC, (2s, 95.4% prob.) (Ua-23590). Lacking the ability to contrast this information with new datings, this reading opens an interesting series of questions regarding the sequence of occupation of this space throughout time. Another stone ring was also identified in the SE quadrant, although unlike the former, it is made of small and medium sized blocks laid over the underlying rock.

From an architectural point of view, the enclosure is configured in its southern half by two stone rings, while to the north it is surrounded by a trench. In the process of constructing the stone ring, to the west, part of the granitic outcrop running from N-S was altered, cutting it away to a width of 1m, and integrating it into the general structure of the enclosure. A ring of large stones supported by 135

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Fig. 15.3. Aerial photography of the circular enclosure of Montenegro archaeological site The northern half of the enclosure is surrounded by a semi-circular trench 0.8 m wide, with a U-shaped profile and a depth of between 0.3 and 0.4 m. The trench is interrupted in two points, one towards the NW where it coincides with the rock outcrop, and another towards the N-NE, which continues by connecting with the stone ring to the East. Both interruptions have been interpreted as secondary access points to the enclosure.

Most of the materials recovered come from the circular enclosure. Close to 2300 sherds of pottery were recovered, along with 1032 stone items, ochre, adobe and fragments of iron from the area that was occupied in the mediaeval period. In general terms, the analysis of the pottery has made it possible to characterise the system of ceramic production. One outstanding feature was the well-preserved condition of the material, which made it possible to reconstruct 120 closed, bowl-type vessels with simple morphologies (13% of the sample), with a wide range of sizes and a high percentage of decorated pieces. The frequency of decorated vessels is high, mainly using incised, metope or Penha-type decoration, together with a small number of vessels (N=4) with bell-beaker decoration (Criado & Cabrejas 2005: 117-119).

The interior space contains a series of structures that bear witness to the organisation and use of the enclosure. In a central position, slightly to the north, a circular structure was excavated, with a diameter of approximately 4m formed by post holes, with an access zone facing towards the SE, marked by the presence of an access structure defined by post holes. Inside the enclosure, almost symmetrical to the perimeter wall and adjoining it, two hut bases were excavated similar to the one found on the sloped part of the settlement. Oval in shape, measuring 3.5 x 1.5 m, both are formed by foundation trenches with post holes in their base. These types of cabins were built in an identical manner, characterised by cutting away the base rock and then digging two lateral foundation trenches (one deeper than the other), and an interior flooring of saprolite. The base deposit (UE817) which filled in one of the trenches (UE836) of the hut was dated at 2790 – 2570 cal BC (2s 70.1% prob) (Ua-23589).

The system of lithic production is mainly based on local raw materials (quartz), although there are also pieces of flint, schist and granite. Products were found that were representative of all of the sequences of the ‘operative chain’ that made it possible to establish the technological characteristics of the production of chipped lithic tools. With regard to polished items, this site has provided an interesting collection of pieces connected with grinding activities. Were recovered a total of 17 millstones made of granite; of these, only 4 were complete, while the other 13 were fractured and reused as constructive material. Six of 136

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these millstones were used on both sides, and had been thrown away as a result of becoming overly worn or having broken. None of the pieces were reassembled, meaning that fragments are still missing from the fractured millstones. Other polished pieces that were also found inside the enclosure included a number of cutting tools, two axes and an adze (Criado & Cabrejas 2005: 117-119).

generally representing stages within the sequence of use and construction of more complex monuments (Burl 2005; Gibson 2005). Although the enclosure in Montenegro is not exactly a timber or stone circle, it does have similarities with the complex sites in which these tend to appear, and shares a series of formal features with them. The ring stone, the central circular construction of wooden posts with access to the SE and the small huts inside are three key elements within the sequence of use and remodelling of this monumental construction. For the time being, until we obtain new datings, it seems that the oldest structure is the stone circle, and the huts are apparently the last stage, without being able to establish the chronology of the circular structure of wooden posts, due to the lack of any stratigraphic connection between them.

DISCUSSION AND FINAL CONSIDERATIONS The megalithic enclosure: a singular space The circular enclosure of Montenegro provides us with new data for old problems, and provides evidence that helps to equate Galician megalithism with the rest of the Atlantic coastal region, showing the diversity and integrity of the archaeological record in the NW Iberian Peninsula.

But what were the reasons for maintaining, remodelling and using a space with these characteristics throughout time? What relationship did this space have with other areas of the settlement? Although it is difficult to answer the first question, especially due to the very poor preservation of organic remains in Galicia that prevents us from recovering direct funerary remnants, there are other aspects that do allow us to suggest that it may have functioned as a worship space, possibly related to funerary events:

An initial analysis of this singular space presents us with four fundamental issues to discuss here. Firstly, the enclosure itself as a monumental space with its own entity within the settlement; secondly, its relation with other areas within the site, leading us to a third question: the meaning behind its construction and the type of activities that took place there. Finally, the historicity of the construction, its origin and the development of a context in which there were still many other megalithic monuments in use.

− The presence of a rectangular pit in the interior of the enclosure, located in the access zone, whose role as a burial is seen in different megalithic circles and timber circles in the British isles (Burl 2005; Gibson 2005) or sites such as the Druid’s Circle (Brul 2005:33), Down Farm (Green 2000:70).

The model of Neolithic spatiality, already explored by a number of authors (Bradley 1998; Criado 1999; Criado & Villoch 1998), is reproduced in the architecture of the enclosure, with a strong correspondence with the spatial organisation seen in another type of megalithic site: mounds (see Figure 15.4). The circular shape, the dual and asymmetrical organisation of space, access from the SE, the pre-eminence of the centre, and the integration of natural elements are some of these features (Criado & Villoch 1998). In Galicia, there are examples in which it is possible to see the association between stone circles and mounds, as both constructions share the same space. This is the case of the stone circles of Vilagarcía (informed by V. Caramés) and O Freixo (see Figure 15.1). This correspondence makes it possible to initially establish a chronological relationship between the enclosure of Montenegro and the megalithic phenomenon, and secondly, suggest the relationship with aritual space (we will return to this idea later on).

− The material culture recovered from within the enclosure stands out as a result of its uniqueness if we compare it with other areas of the site and other sites in the region. The high frequency of decorated pottery in relation to the undecorated pottery, and the incorporation of broken millstones into the architecture of the enclosure. − The location of the enclosure in relation to the settlement. The enclosure is located towards the E-SE of the settlement, in a prominent position looking out over the Valley of Moaña. We find a similar situation and location in the settlement of Perdigões, where the funerary space (tombs) and the cromlech are situated to the E of the settlement, with the first positioned between two ditches that surround it (Lago et al. 1998; Valera 2003). So far we have focused on the megalithic enclosure: its architecture, meaning, function and temporality; yet there can be no doubt that to consider the singularity of this archaeological site, a complete interpretation should integrate its context. As we said at the beginning, the site has been interpreted as a the Late Neolithic settlement with different areas of activity, one of which is the circular enclosure. The relationship between this and other areas of the settlement leads us to important issues

One of the most problematic aspects of this kind of sites is their functionality and temporality; as the latter is reflected in sequences of use that stretch over quite long periods of time. Similar types of sites as the timber and stone circles of the British Isles, allow us to set a horizon of reference in order to approach both aspects. Sites of this kind in the Atlantic regions usually appear integrated within larger monuments such as henges or even mounds, 137

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Fig. 15.4. Model of Neolithic space represented in the circular enclosure of Montenegro we wish to explore: the convergence and indissolubility of the domestic and funerary spheres in the Neolithic world, at least in its later stages, something we have already pointed out in previous studies (Criado et al. 2000, Criado et al. 2005), and which is clearer some Copper Age sites such as Perdigões (Lago et al. 1998) or Bronze Age sites such as Devesa de Abaixo (Vázquez 2005).

such as the one in Montenegro represent a complement of funerary monumentality at the moment when megalithism appeared, making funerary and ritual monumentality operate together, or do they represent a transfer at a given moment of funerary monumentality to the ritual, ceremonial, habitational and domestic sphere? The structure in time and its historicity

At the Montenegro site, the settlement appeared and expanded, integrating a previously existing space (the circular enclosure), and also reproducing and maintaining the previous spatial order. Examples in the Peninsula reveal other settlements which also have an associated necropolis, such as Perdigões in Portugal (Lago et al. 1998; Valera 2003), and in Galicia, the recently excavated site of A Gándara (by Fidel Méndez). These issues propose new hypotheses that should be resolved in future excavations and new explorations of the archaeological record of the Montenegro site: Do circular enclosures

The data obtained make it possible to situate the construction of the circular enclosure as part of what we may refer to as the Atlantic Neolithic, establishing points of coincidence between Montenegro and constructions such as stone or timber circles from the Neolithic period in Britain or Ireland (Bradley 1998; Bradley et al. 2002; Burl 2005; Gibson 2005; Hartwell 2002). Also, the circular enclosure in its context, the settlement, puts Montenegro at the forefront of a new reality in Galicia: research into large-scale settlements from the Late Neolithic. 138

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Returning to the issue of the historicity of these sites, the enclosure of Montenegro, like barrows, make it possible to consider megalithism as a long-lasting historical and social process, neither homogenous nor continuous, but which does maintain a common formal-spatial and temporal background. The desire for permanence and visibility is typical of the monumental nature of megaliths, in opposition to the concealment represented by burials in chambers or pits, or the fact that the dwelling structures were perishable, while those used for the dead are permanent. Also, the presence of breaks and ruptures within this phenomenon, which appear as marked by peaks of monumental activity followed by periods of inactivity, allow us to maintain that this process is neither continuous nor linear (Blas 2006; Criado et al. 2005; Mañana 2003). The combination of the stratigraphic analysis of the monuments, together with the datings of their different stages, are reliable proof that this model of a long lifespan with discontinuities in their use is increasingly recurrent, leading us to propose that this “cultural rhythm” is something inherent in megalithism itself (Criado et al. 2005; Mañana 2003).

(Bradley 1998; Criado 1999; Criado & Villoch 1998) reflects the continued existence of an idea: the circular spatiality and the concentric model of organisation so commonly seen in Neolithic architecture, reproduced later in the large settlements surrounded by ditches. The continued use, re-use and reconstruction of the circular enclosure of Montenegro reveals a general spatial concept that was maintained, an earlier idea that continued not only in the architecture of the enclosure, but also in its dual, asymmetrical organisation, as shown by the greater density of materials found in the SE sector. The concordance between spaces and cardinal points is also an expression of this same code. In summary, we may consider monumental architecture as a constructive project, as a mechanism for reproducing a concept, and for making an idea reality. What we have, beyond barrows and enclosures, is a Neolithic spatial model with its regularities; the abstract model of this concept of space underlying monuments, landscapes and materiality from the Neolithic period in the NW Iberian Peninsula.

In the case of Montenegro, so far we have four C14 datings. Three of these fall around the first third and middle of the third millennium BC. Like other megalithic sites – barrows and stone or timber circles – the historical process of the enclosure in Montenegro reveals a series of stages that involved the remodelling, maintenance and even replacement of previously existing structures for new ones, although above all, it reveals the continued existence of the significance and use of certain places with a ritual character (Hartwell 2002; Gibson 2005).

References ABAD GALLEGO, X.C. (2000) Actuaciones arqueológicas en la necrópolis tumular de Cotogrande (Cabral – Vigo). Campañas 1989-1992. Brigantium, 12: 7584. ABOAL FERNÁNDEZ, R.; AYÁN VILA, X.M.; CRIADO BOADO, F.; PRIETO MARTÍNEZ, M.P.; TABARÉS DOMÍNGUEZ, M. (2005) Yacimientos sin estratigrafía: Devesa do Rei, ¿un sitio cultual de la Prehistoria Reciente y la Protohistoria de Galicia? Trabajos de Prehistoria, 62 (2): 165-80.

Returning to the Neolithic model of spatial organisation

ALONSO MATTHÍAS, F.; BELLO DIÉGUEZ, J.M. (1997) Cronología y periodización del fenómeno megalítico en Galicia a la luz de las dataciones por Carbono 14. In Rodríguez Casal, A. (ed.). O Neolítico Atlántico e as orixes do Megalitismo, pp 507-20. USC Santiago de Compostela.

To end up, we would like to return to the idea presented at the beginning: that all spatial forms are determined by the concept of space present in the socio-cultural formation that produces them. The absolute coherence between the spatial organisation of the enclosure of Montenegro and Neolithic spatiality is a clear example of the materialisation of this principle. From a rationalist and structural point of view, we see that the Neolithic pattern of organisation is repeated in the circular enclosure through different standards that once again reaffirm the model already proposed by several authors (Bradley 1998; Criado 1999; Criado & Villoch 1998):

BAQUEIRO VIDAL, S. (2006) La producción lítica del yacimiento neolítico de O Regueiriño (Moaña, Pontevedra). Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, 119: 55-85. BLAS CORTINA, M.A. (2006) La arquitectura como fin de un proceso. Zephyrus, 59: 233-255. BONILLA RODRÍGUEZ, A.; VILA, M.C.; FÁBREGAS VALCARCE, R. (2006) Nuevas perspectivas sobre el espacio doméstico en la Prehistoria reciente del NO. Zephyrus 59: 257-273.

1. Circularity 2. Access from the SE 3. Dual organization: by halves

BRADLEY, R. (1998) The significance of monuments on the shaping of human experience in Neolithic and Bronze Age Europe. Routledge. London.

4. Asymmetrical organization of space 5. Close relation with natural elements (such as rocks)

BRADLEY, R.; BALL, C.; CROFT, S.; PHILLIPS, T. (2002) The stone circles or Northeast Scotland in the light of excavation. Antiquity, 76: 840-48.

This pattern, translated into different areas and types of Neolithic architecture, such as monumental architecture 139

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STEELMAN, K.L.; CARRERA RAMÍREZ, F.; FÁBREGAS VALCARCE, R.; GUILDERSON, T.; ROWE, M.W. (2005) Direct radiocarbon dating of megalithic paints from north-west Iberia. Antiquity, 79 (304): 379-389.

VÁZQUEZ LIZ, P. (2005) Idade do Bronce: Devesa de Abaixo – Os Torradoiros. In Criado Boado, F.; Cabrejas Domínguez, E. (coord.). Obras Públicas e Patrimonio: Estudo Arqueolóxico do Corredor do Morrazo. TAPA, 35, pp. 63-69. IEGPS, CSIC, Santiago de Compostela.

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TEN KEYS TO THINK SOUTHERN IBERIAN DITCHED ENCLOSURES José E. MÁRQUEZ ROMERO Lecturer, Área de Prehistoria, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Málaga, Campus de Teatinos s/n, 29071, Málaga, Spain, Email: [email protected]

Víctor J. JIMÉNEZ JÁIMEZ Assistant Lecturer (Research fellowship by Junta de Andalucía), Área de Prehistoria, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad de Málaga, Campus de Teatinos s/n, 29071, Málaga, Spain, Email: [email protected] Abstract: Scientific discussion about Late Prehistory ditched enclosures in Iberian Peninsula started later than in other European areas. Thus, until the end of last century, those sites were simply explained as evidence of the first sedentary settlements in our Prehistory. Since then, a new scientific debate has begun, and two groups of researchers and scientific teams have emerged: those who support the traditional ideas and those who defend new, alternative interpretations. The session “The idea of enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory” at the XV UISPP is a good chance to evaluate as a whole all the interpretative possibilities which have come up in last five years, regarding what we think are key questions to understand this problem. Particularly, we will make explicit the views that University of Málaga (Spain) is advocating since 2001 about the abovementioned key points. Key words: Late Prehistory, Ditched enclosures Diez claves para pensar los recintos de fosos del sur de la Península Ibérica Resumen: La discusión científica sobre los recintos de zanjas de la Prehistoria Reciente es tardía en la Península Ibérica con respecto a otras zonas europeas. Así, hasta finales del pasado siglo, la idea explicativa dominante había identificado en estos yacimientos los primeros poblados sedentarios de nuestra Prehistoria. Desde ese momento, se ha abierto un debate que ha obligado a los distintos equipos e investigadores a decantarse por propuestas, o bien continuistas, o bien alternativas al paradigma tradicional. La sesión “The idea of enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory” del XV UISPP es una inmejorable ocasión para evaluar en conjunto las distintas posibilidades interpretativas surgidas en los últimos cinco años, tomando como referencia una serie de cuestiones que consideramos clave para la comprensión de esta problemática. De forma particular, haremos explícitas las posturas que sobre estos puntos clave han adoptado las propuestas que desde 2001 la Universidad de Málaga (España) viene realizando sobre dicha problemática.

DECLARATION OF INTENTIONS

can/must modify or clarify substantially our starting assumptions.

Iberian archaeologists entered the discussion about Prehistoric ditched enclosures much later than their colleagues from other European regions. Only in the last five years the distinctive characteristics of these sites and the necessity of seeking new and more elaborate interpretative proposals have been pointed out. Thus, the Área de Prehistoria of the Universidad de Málaga (Spain) has opened its own interpretative guideline, exposed in several publications (Márquez 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2006a, 2006b, Márquez & Fernández 2002, Jiménez n.d.a, n.d.b, Jiménez & Márquez n.d.). The present text attempts to summarize, under the shape of a “Decalogue”, the main methodological and interpretative ideas that support and guide our research. These assumptions are presented in the XV UISPP Session “The idea of enclosure in Recent Iberian Prehistory”, as an invitation for all the researchers interested in this topic to enter the discussion. It is not a closed proposal, but it is an alternative to current models. And it is by no means exposed with the naïve intention of reaching some kind of agreement or consensus (something very unusual between Prehistorians). It only informs about where we are and about the direction we believe should be taken in the next few years. Despite all this, we are sure that the discussions and dialogues encouraged by this meeting

DENOMINATION We do not excavate sites, we do excavate concepts. Therefore, the deep renovation that the archaeological discipline is suffering in the last years, especially in Prehistoric studies, must take the form of new categories of analysis. Regarding this topic, we believe the term poblado de fosos (“ditched settlement”) has definitely lost its descriptive or analytical value to designate a set of abundant archaeological evidences uncovered in our peninsula (IV-III Millennia BC). Few years ago (Márquez 2001), we proposed the expression Recintos Prehistóricos Atrincherados (RPA) as a Spanish synonym for what we denominate “ditched enclosures” in English and enceintes fossées in French. However, we must acknowledge that the term recinto de fosos has been tacitly accepted by Spanish and Portuguese researchers as the most suitable, at least at the current state of the research. In Spanish, we can use several words as synonyms for fosos, like trincheras or zanjas, but fosos is etymologically related to the French word fosse (enceintes fosseés) and Portuguese noun fosso (recintos com fossos), and therefore sounds more familiar. Hence, we will also adopt the name recinto 143

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de fosos as a provisional Spanish translation of “ditched enclosures”. Only time will tell if the expression recinto de fosos/ditched enclosures is or not a useful category for historical analysis.

TIMEFRAME Both the tradition of circular enclosure and the tradition of structured deposition have their own timeframe in European Prehistory. Nonetheless, their convergence in Southern Iberia seems to reach its peak during the “classical” megalithic period (c. 4000-2500 cal. BC; Castro et al. 1996), that is, Late Neolithic and Early Copper Age, in terms of traditional relative chronology (for a compilation of absolute dates, see Márquez 2006a: table 12.1).

CONSTITUTION In our opinion, the constitution of the Iberian sites named ditched enclosures is determined by the convergence of two European Prehistoric “architectural” traditions: Construction of circular enclosures

This timeframe must be clarified, since exceptions are known dating from Early Neolithic (Bernabeu et al. 2003, Siret (1893) 2001), i.e. long before the first megaliths were built. On the contrary, it seems very unlikely that the construction and occupation of ditched enclosures –just like the practice of building megalithstook place later than the last third of the III Millennia BC. If this is true, in most cases enclosures were abandoned and ditches were already filled when the earlier evidences of Bell-Beaker Pottery appeared in the archaeological record (one exception could be the Beaker potsherds found in the fill of a ditch at Porto Torrão; Valera & Filipe 2004). That does not mean that some ditched enclosures could not continue to be the focus of attention in the Late Copper Age and Early Bronze Age. In fact, as is the case in other European regions, non-contemporary associations (e.g. Bell-Beaker / Late Copper Age, Bronze Age) are fairly common at Iberian ditched enclosure sites. But, and it must be stressed, we deem their assimilation with models of local pre-urban evolution to be inadequate.

As it is known, this is a widespread tradition in Prehistory, although building techniques may vary through time and space. For example, in Europe, it is known the use of ditches (Darvill & Thomas 2001, Varndell & Topping 2002), stone circles (cromlech), palisades (Gibson 2002), walls (Jorge 2003) or a combination of some of these elements at the same place. Besides other considerations, archaeologists nearly unanimously assume that these enclosures were constructed in order to delimit a specific place, possibly subject to restricted access, where two special categories (inside-outside) were established. These categories might be socially and symbolically significative. Underground/underwater structured deposition of objects and goods (e.g. Levy 1982, Richards & Thomas 1984, Hill 1995, Bradley 1998, Pollard 2001) This is also a widely developed practice in Western European Prehistory. It may be identified at very different contexts, such as settlement foundation deposits, under walls or inside them, at wet places, at ditched enclosures or simply in pits spread over open spaces (traditionally known as campos de hoyos o de silos, that is, unenclosed pit clusters or pit scatters). More than a simple practice or idea, this tradition seems to configure a sort of language able to express multiple ideas: it could be just a strategy for refuse management, but also a means of avoiding the accumulation of goods (conspicuous destruction), or even making offerings. In any case, deposition and intentional burial of objects become a reflection of the wishes, necessities and worries of the social group. In Europe, these practices started in earlier periods of Prehistory, perhaps in the Mesolithic, and continued, probably with changing meanings, through the Bronze Age (objects, specially metallic artefacts, in hoards and watery locations), Iron Age (e.g. Tartesian hoards, British Iron Age pits), Classical period (e.g. votive deposits in Greek and Roman sanctuaries), etc.

SCALE As we pointed out earlier in this text, one of the keys to understand the problem of Iberian ditched enclosures is to bring their presence in the peninsula into the context of European enclosures. This is an original approach, since traditional models have always explained these sites exclusively as part of local or regional historical processes. Thus, in the late sixties of the twentieth century, Culturalist scholars coined the term “Cultura de los silos del Guadalquivir” to name what they perceived to be a regional “culture” characterized by countless unenclosed pit clusters –interpreted as settlements with storage pits- (Collantes De Terán 1969: 61, Bübner 1981: 141, Carrilero et al. 1982), whilst, in the last decades of the century, Processual Archaeologists (e.g. Ruiz Mata 1983, Fernández & Oliva 1985, Martín De La Cruz 1985, 1986, Hurtado 1991) and Social Archaeologists (e.g. Lizcano et al. 1991-1992, Lizcano 1999, Zafra et al. 1999; Arteaga & Cruz-Auñón 1999, Nocete 2001: 67) interpreted ditched enclosures -and unenclosed pits- as vernacular architectural elements (namely fortified settlements) built in the context of specific Southern Iberian historical processes. We should note, however, some exceptions, like a comparative study carried out

In short, both ideas (enclosures and deposition), which belong to independent traditions, meet, in many regions of the peninsula, in the so-called ditched enclosures, and remain together for several Millennia (IV-III). This convergence is one of the central premises of our analytical proposal. 144

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between Southern Iberian and Southern Italian ditched enclosures (Martín De La Cruz 1991).

and deposits, they have always attributed this to the effects of post-depositional disturbances, underestimating the extraordinary importance of depositional processes and refuse management strategies in primitive societies (see for instance Schiffer 1987, Tani 1995). Thus, ditched enclosures sites have traditionally been interpreted by many Iberian researchers, following Louis Siret (2001 (1893)), as ancient settlements destroyed by natural agents (erosion).

Adopting a pan-European approach when interpreting these sites (Márquez 2001) lets us enter the discussion that, in the last decades, has taken place between several generations of European scholars (see for example Burguess et al. 1988, Andersen 1997, Darvill And Thomas 2001, Gibson 2002, Varndell And Topping 2002, Jorge 2003), discussion so far avoided by most Iberian archaeologists. We acknowledge that the idea of enclosure (Scarre 2001) may play different roles in specific historical contexts. Nonetheless, so many similarities in the shape of the enclosures and in the formation processes of the archaeological record between thousands of European ditched enclosures (e.g. cultures of Rössen, Michelsberger, Neolithic Funnel Beaker, Chasensse, Early Neolithic) cannot be simply ignored or underestimated. If we intend to elaborate solid interpretative proposals, the scale of analysis is a crucial parameter.

There are many reasons to be sceptical about it. The idea of major post-depositional disturbances in ditched enclosures is often automatically assumed, so it remains undemonstrated in most cases. Anyway, post-depositional processes may explain some specific examples, but it is difficult to accept that erosion was the only cause of such a widespread property of Iberian ditched enclosures. Further, erosion is the displacement of solids by erosive agents and, therefore, it normally involves the deposition of the transported material in another place. The question is, where? Sometimes the answer is: in pits and ditches. However, the “special” characteristics of the archaeological deposits present in underground features at ditched enclosures (structured deposition, see section 2 and next section), together with several ideas exposed by the most recent and influential surveys about formation processes of the archaeological record and structured deposition (e.g. Hill 1995, Lamotta & Schiffer 1999, Pollard 2001), make us consider highly unlikely their formation by chance or randomly.

FORMATION The issue of ditched enclosures sites is, above all, a problem of formation processes of the archaeological record (Márquez 2006b: 226). With that in mind, we think it is extremely important to notice the following: while there is a massive presence of archaeological material inside the underground structures, there is an unexpected scarcity of cultural material outside the same features. In other words, although the total amount of items (animal and human bones, sherds, lithics, etc.) present in every enclosure is most of the times huge, it is almost impossible to find what we usually call “occupation deposits” outside the structures, i.e. cultural material spread over the former surface of the site. It must be said that we are not considering here occupation deposits from previous or later stages in the lifecycle of the site (e.g. Bell-Beaker, Bronze Age, Roman, etc. occupations); in fact, they are not uncommon. These comments are instead referred to the scarcity of surface material dating from – approximately- the same time as the items which compose the fill of the underground features. That could mean that when ditches and pits were active and the site occupied, no surface deposits were allowed to form. Or that could mean that at the time of abandonment, cleaning activities were carried out to remove refuse accumulated on the surface of the site and a considerable part of it was deposited underground. We will develop these statements in this section.

On the contrary, we believe that human agency must have played a decisive role in the process of “cleaning” the surface of the site and filling the structures. Whatever the practices and activities carried out at ditched enclosures (see section 10), we think it is plausible that, at the end of their lifecycle, many of the objects involved in these activities left the systemic context and entered the archaeological context (sensu Schiffer 1987) following certain rules (see next section). One of the most archaeologically visible consequences of this is the deliberate removal of nearly all the refuse which otherwise would have been left on the surface of the site. In short, we believe that the main cause of the abovementioned asymmetrical distribution of cultural material is not erosion or any other post-depositional process, but specific practices of object abandonment (depositional processes) which determined what items were deposited, where and how. From this perspective, we should consider a general good state of preservation of the archaeological record at ditched enclosures. The record, however, would not be a direct reflection of economic or “domestic” structures.

Such an asymmetrical distribution of cultural material is actually a distinctive feature of European ditched enclosures, and Iberian ditched enclosures are not exceptions. It is hard to find another type of site from earlier of later periods with this characteristic. Surprisingly, although archaeological reports usually notice the almost absolute absence of surface structures

DEPOSITION In our opinion, most objects found in the fills of ditches and pits were deliberately deposited there. These acts of deposition were structured, that is to say, subject to a set 145

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of symbolic rules, not very different, as far as we know, from those noticed at many other European sites. We will describe here some of the most obvious associations and dissociations between objects, although there is a lack of information regarding this in archaeological reports.

other many cases, the human bone remains appear disarticulated and intentionally piled up within these features. This in turn leads us to believe that we are observing symbolic practices which integrate the deposition of fleshed bodies, and previously unfleshed skeletons and/or disarticulated remains. At times, the bones appear below a single large stone, or as is the case of bovid and dog burial, covered by a layer of pebbles and/or pieces of quern stone. Lastly, it is worth noting that the remains of people and animals are nothing more than another undifferentiated part of larger depositional episodes involving important volumes of artefacts and ecofacts.

Ditches and pits are filled, either in one step or as a sequence of acts. Sometimes, it seems that whoever did it had the intention of filling them completely in order to make them impossible to be seen from outside. Finds typically include potsherds, prismatic blades and other flint tools, flint knapping waste and broken quern stones. Large open vessel forms (dishes, plates) are abundant, while decorated sherds are very scarce. There seems to be a general tendency to break many of the items before deposition, especially ceramic vessels; in fact, whole vessels are rare.

CENTRALITY One of the most used commonplaces in the discussion about ditched enclosures is their so-called centrality. Their vast size, circular design and position in the landscape –at open areas along natural routes, at the entrance of valleys, etc.- lead many researchers to attribute them the status of population centres (for instance, Baker & Webley 1978). The most extensive Southern Iberian ditched enclosures –e.g. Valencina de la Concepción, Ferreira do Alemtejo, La Pijotilla, Perdigões- have also been related to smaller sites in the same area and interpreted in terms of their political, economical and/or symbolical centrality during IV-III millennia BC (Lizcano 1999: 238-239, Hurtado 2000: 389-390, Nocete 2001: 95, 137, Valera 2003: 136). These proposals are interesting but need to be clarified.

Together with those kinds of objects, huge quantities of animal remains are usually found. The analysis of the faunal remains deposited within these structures (Márquez, 2006) has enabled the identification of numerous examples of Bos Taurus; Capra Hircus and Ovis Aries; Canis Familiaris; Sus Domesticus and Cervus Elephans (deer), although the latter are basically represented by their antlers. In most cases, all of these species are incomplete and disarticulated, although some cases of complete and articulated bovid and dogs have been documented (Hurtado 1991: 54; Lizcano 1999: 112 y 117; Conlin 2004: 373). In such cases, the remains of these animals are very frequently covered by a layer of stones and/or broken quern stones. In the fill of the same structure, alternate “levels” of articulated and disarticulated animals can sometimes be observed. Within the same level, individual specimens can even be treated in different ways (e.g. see structure XV of Polideportivo de Martos, Lizcano 1999: 115). Finally, skeletal elements of a single individual have been observed in spatially distinct features, as is the case of an adult male sheep whose skull was found in structure XXV of Polideportivo de Martos while the cervical vertebra were located in the base of feature XIIb (Lizcano, 1999: 112).

When making statements like the above-mentioned, which link, in space and time, ditched enclosures to other types of sites (e.g. necropolis, settlements, raw material sources, etc.), their particular “temporality” (Whittle 2006) must be taken into account. An almost universal feature of these sites is the recurrent use of a specific space throughout the centuries, that is, the construction, use and abandonment of several enclosures at the same place but not at the same time. Sarup is a nice example: five successive ditched enclosures were constructed and abandoned in a discontinuous manner from 3400 to 2800 BC. (Andersen 1997).

Nonetheless, the most intriguing finds are human bones. The deposition of human remains at these sites also presents some common features (Márquez, 2004). Firstly, there is no indication of the differential or preferential treatment of human remains compared with other types of deposition. They are never accompanied by grave-goods, and along with bovid and dogs, they are the only species that appear complete and articulated. Regarding ditches, examples are only known at the sites of Valencina de la Concepción and Marroquíes Bajos (Fernández & Oliva 1986: 20; Zafra et al. 2003: 83). On the other hand, many bell-shaped pits contain one or two individuals, while as many as five individuals may appear in some hallows. When the bodies are complete, they generally adopt a foetal or crouched position. In the hallows, some kind of centrifugal process seems to be applied to the remains which are shifted towards the periphery of the pits. In

In general terms, we assume that the time frame of a particular enclosure is relatively short, since archaeological materials found in the fills are usually quite homogeneous and seem to date from around the same time. The foundation of the site could consist in the act of enclosing the circular space by digging the ditches. While the ditches were free of sediments and cultural material, the enclosure was active. That was probably the time for social practices and transactions and, of course, “domestic” activities. Such activities inevitably produced some refuse, which was deposited together with other cultural material in pits. At abandonment stage, the ditches were filled and the enclosure became inactive. The whole site turned “invisible”: the enclosure was 146

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nothing more than the projection of a singular event in a meaningful natural place.

communal and/or competitive consumption, women exchange, etc. If true, ditched enclosures would be “arenas of power” where social transactions such as the fight for leadership -defined in terms of prestige and moral authority- or the consolidation of gender roles took place.

We could argue then that while every ditched enclosure has a temporality that corresponds to Braudel’s short-term history (évenementielle), the importance of its natural emplacement might even reach the long-term (longue durée). It is a mistake, therefore, confusing the “symbolic” or “political” time frame of the enclosure with the time frame of the natural place where the former is located. “Centrality” in the long-term is more a characteristic of the natural place than that of the enclosure. With that in mind, it is a bit more difficult to accept some of the proposed relations between a singular enclosure and other sites: today they are close in space, but were they close in time in the past?

METHOD We have argued earlier in this paper that formation processes of the archaeological record at ditched enclosures are “anomalous”. We have stressed how hard it is to label them with classic categories like “settlement” or “necropolis”, as well. All this leads us to suggest some methodological changes in the three main stages of the archaeological research process: prospection, excavation and post-excavation.

SOCIAL COMPLEXITY

In sections 6 and 8 it has been explained how depositional processes may have removed most cultural material from the surface, turning the whole site “invisible”. It makes extremely difficult to find ditched enclosures and unenclosed pit clusters through conventional surface prospections, unless the underground structures have previously been destroyed and their fill components scattered. Hence, we strongly recommend geophysical prospections and the intensive use of aerial photography.

As J. Brück has appropriately pointed out, in Western societies economical, political, domestic and ritual activities are considered distinct spheres of practice, separated spatially, temporally and conceptually from one another. Because of that, Archaeologists have seen themselves capable of identifying the same categories of thought at a spatial level (houses, sanctuaries, workshops, etc.) in the archaeological record (Brück 1999: 60-61). Not surprisingly, ditched enclosures have almost unanimously been labelled “residential areas” where domestic and day-to-day activities took place, i.e. human settlements. Moreover, their size has been interpreted as evidence of the early emergence of social complexity. Nevertheless, we think that the archaeological record does not support this hypothesis given that the magnitude of the social and political activities implied by these protourban settlements is not accompanied by other indicators such as monumental entrances, ceremonial buildings, architectural differentiation, stables, irrigation, water storage or public spaces. Further, clear evidence of the secondary products revolution are barely present (e.g. signs of ploughing, animal traction, etc) (Márquez 2006b).

With regard to the excavation process, it is very important to notice any kind of association or dissociation between objects, in order to identify any evidence of the effects of human agency in the disposal of items -e.g. ceramic vessels upside down, the specific location of a particular sort of object at a particular side of the feature, animal and human bodies covered by a layer of pebbles and/or pieces of quern stone, etc. (Márquez 2004, 2006a)-. It is also essential to collect samples for C14 dating and other analysis (pollen, sediments, soils…). Extensive excavation should be considered a priority. And last, but not least, post-excavation duties must include the analysis of spatial relations between objects, at least at two levels. On one hand, examining the fills of each and every structure, in a similar manner to J.D. Hill’s work on British Iron Age depositional practices (Hill 1995). This author sought for and found regularities using three basic units of analysis: the layer/archaeological deposit, the “third” of the structure and the whole feature. He intended to determine whether human and animal bone remains were deposited in the same layer or not, if such items were associated with other finds, if the presence of a specific kind of artefact or ecofact was a singular characteristic of the upper, the middle or the lower third of a pit or ditch, etc. Many other questions could be made to enhance our knowledge of the rules governing structured deposition at ditched enclosures.

Having said that, we do share the widespread opinion that ditched enclosures were central elements in numerous social processes all across Prehistoric Europe. Ditched enclosures, in fact, could actually be places where a wide variety of economic, mundane or domestic activities were carried out. But, unlike the above-mentioned hypothesis, we argue that Prehistoric social complexity must be thought using more “subtle” parameters. For instance, ditched enclosures cannot easily be assigned to the traditional category of “permanent settlements” or “population centres”: although it is evident that these sites involved important aggregations, they appear as the setting of frequent but not necessarily lasting large-scale meetings of people. Thus, it seems plausible that, at these sites, kinship societies renegotiated power and social relations through social events like rites of passage,

On the other hand, a second level of analysis focuses on the relations between the specific locations of under147

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CASTRO, P., LULL, V. & MICÓ, R., (1996) Cronología de la prehistoria reciente de la Península Ibérica y Baleares (c. 2800-900). B.A.R., Internacional Series 652, Oxford.

ground structures and the nature of their archaeological contents (artefacts, ecofacts and how they were deposited), just like some scholars have surveyed the structure of deposition at Windmill Hill or Stonehenge (Whittle et al. 1999, Pollard & Ruggles 2001), where patterns of deposition seem to be related to the perception of several natural cycles by the people who built the sites. That is the reason why extensive excavations are so convenient.

COLLANTES DE TERÁN, M., (1969) El Dolmen de Matarrubilla. In Vº Simposium de Prehistoria Peninsular, p. 47-62. CONLIN, E., (2004) El poblado calcolítico de Carmona (Sevilla). In Simposios de Prehistoria Cueva de Nerja. II. La problemática del Neolítico en Andalucía. III. Las primeras sociedades metalúrgicas en Andalucía. Fundación Cueva de Nerja, Nerja: 370-378.

Finally, the study of the physical and chemical features of the cultural material uncovered must be stressed, as well, because the data collected could inform us about formation processes of the archaeological record; for instance, the degree of damage of the potsherds (for more examples, see Schiffer 1983, 1987: chapter 10).

DARVILL, T. & THOMAS, J., (eds.), (2001) Neolithic enclosures in Atlantic Nortwest Europe. Oxford: Oxbow Books. FERNÁNDEZ, J. & OLIVA, D., (1985) Excavaciones en el yacimiento Calcolítico de Valencina de la Concepción (Sevilla). El corte C La Perrera, Noticiario Arqueológico Hispánico 25, p. 7-131.

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POLLARD, J. & RUGGLES, C., (2001) Shifting Perceptions: spatial order, cosmology, and patterns of deposition at Stonehenge, Cambridge Archaeological Journal 11/1, p. 69-90. RICHARDS, C., THOMAS, J., (1984) Ritual activity and structured deposition in later Neolithic Wessex. In R. Bradley & J. Gardiner (eds.), Neolithic studies, B.A.R. British Series 133, p. 189– 218.

MÁRQUEZ, J.E., (2001) De los campos de silos a los agujeros negros: Sobre pozos, depósitos y zanjas en la Prehistoria Reciente del Sur de la Península Ibérica, Spal Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología 10, p. 207220.

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WHITTLE, A., (2006) The temporality of the enclosure, Journal of Iberian Archaeology 8, Approaching Prehistoric architectures of Western Europe from a “Dwelling Perspective”. Proceedings of the TAG session, Sheffield 2005.

MARTÍN DE LA CRUZ, J.C., (1986) Papa Uvas II. Aljaraque, Huelva Campañas de 1981 a 1983, Excavaciones Arqueológicas en España 149, Madrid. MARTÍN DE LA CRUZ, J.C., (1991) Types of fortification in sites in southern Italy and Spain during the Neolithic and Cooper Ages, In Iberian/Sardinian Coloquium, Tufts University, Boston.

WHITTLE, A., POLLARD, J., GRIGSON, C., (1999) The harmony of symbols. The Windmill Hill causewayed enclosure. Oxford: Oxbow Books. ZAFRA, N., HORNOS, F. & CASTRO. M., (1999) Una macro-aldea en el origen del modo de vida campesino: Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén) c. 2500-2000 cal. ANE, Trabajos de Prehistoria 56/1, p. 77-102.

NOCETE, F., (2001) Tercer milenio antes de nuestra era. Relaciones y contradicciones centro/periferia en el Valle del Guadalquivir, Barcelona: Bellaterra.

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EL LUGAR DE MARROQUÍES BAJOS (JAÉN, ESPAÑA) – LOCALIZACIÓN Y ORDENACIÓN INTERNA Marcelo CASTRO LÓPEZ, Narciso ZAFRA de la TORRE, Francisca HORNOS MATA Junta de Andalucía, Consejería de Cultura, Delegación Provincial de Jaén, c/. Martínez Montañés, n.º 8 – 23007 Jaén, correo electrónico: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] Abstract: The archaeological site of Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén, Spain) is being excavated since 1995, when its conservation was threatened by the urban growth. The existence of a complex hydraulic system in the Copper Age is one of the most original discoveries in this site as well as one of the most discussed issues. This contribution gathers scattered evidences about the planning of the prehistoric constructions related to: water harnessing and water regulation on the northern slope of Mount Santa Catalina. This planning proves an accurate knowledge of both the site topography and the course of superficial waters, and above all, it shows the will to adapt the forms and solutions of a previous model to this specific site. The forced circulation of waters is an original unitary solution with three main points: the location of the centre, the drawing of different connections and, the establishment of the limits of a hydraulic system. Its morphology, strange to our logic, would obey a symbolism which we hardly reach to understand. Resumen: La zona arqueológica de Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén, España) viene siendo excavada desde 1995, cuando su conservación fue amenaza por el crecimiento urbano. La existencia de un complejo sistema hidráulico durante la edad del Cobre constituye uno de los hallazgos más originales de este sitio, y también uno de los más discutidos. Esta contribución reúne evidencias dispersas acerca de la planificación de las construcciones prehistóricas relacionadas con la captación y regulación de las aguas de la vertiente septentrional del cerro de Santa Catalina. Esta planificación demuestra conocimientos precisos sobre la topografía del lugar y la trayectoria de las corrientes de agua superficiales, pero ante todo pone de manifiesto la voluntad de adaptar las formas y soluciones de un modelo previo a este lugar concreto. La circulación forzada de las aguas fue una original solución unitaria, que tiene sus principales decisiones en la localización del centro, en el trazado de las distintas conexiones y en el establecimiento de los límites del sistema hidráulico. Su morfología, ajena a nuestra lógica, debió obedecer a un simbolismo que apenas empezamos a comprender. Del sistema como suceso histórico, hay que investigar los antecedentes que precipitaron su construcción, y los nuevos usos que acabaría adquiriendo cuando dejó de mantenerse cotidianamente. La construcción de este sistema hidráulico demuestra una alta capacidad para comprender y ordenar el espacio, que se manifiesta en su trascendencia mucho tiempo después de haber sido abandonada.

dentro de un asentamiento previo. El verbo circundar comparte con el anterior la disposición a encerrar o rodear por completo algo, pero cuando circundamos parece desaparecer la voluntad de impermeabilizar asegurada por la materialidad de la cerca –se puede identificar con una demarcación o límite más neutro, que no guarda relación con el marcado relieve topográfico de los fosos-. Finalmente, incluir parece el término más cercano en su etimología a enclosure, pero no contamos con un sustantivo adecuado para esa acción. El diccionario de la RAE entre otras acepciones de incluir, señala poner algo dentro de otra cosa o de sus límites, y ese algo en nuestro contexto puede ser cualquier cosa delimitada por los fosos, que por tanto pasarían a ser un simple dispositivo delimitador. Los enclosures en una problemática traducción en el sentido de incluir, no harían referencia tanto a los propios fosos, como a la superficie comprendida dentro de los mismos.

INTRODUCCIÓN La convocatoria de esta discusión sobre los recintos, más concretamente sobre los recintos de fosos –o enclosures en su denominación inglesa-, nos obliga a realizar una primera reflexión acerca de la adecuación de esos nombres a la realidad de un asentamiento concreto de la Edad del Cobre, el poblado de Marroquíes Bajos en Jaén (Andalucía, España), caracterizado por la presencia de una serie de fosos concéntricos. La denominación de recinto resulta demasiado general, y en nuestro caso desafortunada porque contribuye a confundir estos sitios prehistóricos con otros de época ibérica y romana que en nuestra región se vienen designando de la misma manera –se hace notar que tampoco existe ningún consenso acerca de esos otros recintos-. La traducción al español de enclosure hace referencia a tres acciones, como son cercar, circundar e incluir –tal vez el sentido justo del término en nuestra lengua resulte de una interpolación entre esos tres verbos–. El verbo cercar se refiere a una acción exterior a algo, así se cerca a un enemigo, o se dispone un cercado para la protección por ejemplo de un sembrado. Por el contrario, los fosos de Marroquíes Bajos fueron un dispositivo concebido desde

Se concluye que ninguno de esos términos puede aplicarse con rigor a Marroquíes Bajos, aunque ciertamente su realidad tampoco resulta ajena a algunos de los sentidos agregados bajo esas palabras. La continuidad de la traza de los fosos –esperada en las acciones de cercar o circundar-, y la discontinuidad entre 151

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Fig. 17.1. Plano de localización de la zona arqueológica de Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén, España) interior y exterior marcada por esos mismos fosos –que relacionamos con incluir/excluir-, se encuentran en la definición arqueológica de Marroquíes Bajos. Sin embargo, ninguno de esos términos da cuenta de la geometría circular y concéntrica característica de la ordenación interna del sitio –una parte de la discusión está centrada en saber si aquí los distintos recintos de fosos son coetáneos o sucesivos en el tiempo-. Por otra parte, los fosos no traducen nada parecido a la actual oposición urbano/rural –o poblado/despoblado-, y si bien el cuarto foso separa un espacio interior densamente habitado de un espacio exterior ocupado por tierras de cultivo, necrópolis y algunos talleres metalúrgicos, existe un quinto foso que engloba a todo esa amalgama de formas distintas de habitar.

LA INVESTIGACIÓN CENTRADA EN MARROQUÍES BAJOS La campiña de Jaén se puede describir como una región intermedia –un espacio de conexión entre el río Guadalquivir y las montañas sub-béticas-, que ha estado vinculada a lo largo de la historia con la agricultura de secano. También se ha subrayado a menudo que la campiña constituye una región abierta, en particular hacia occidente siguiendo el curso del Guadalquivir, siendo discutido si su límite oriental se encuentra en el río Guadalbullón, o continúa más allá hasta donde el Guadalquivir se interna en la Sierra de Cazorla. Se ha querido ver un centro político de esta región durante la Edad del Cobre en la actual Porcuna (Nocete, 2001: 153), y desde esa hipótesis de ordenación, la zona arqueológica de Marroquíes Bajos (en adelante Z.A.M.B.) se encontraría en los confines orientales de su territorio hipotético. En efecto, si se acepta que la campiña durante la Edad del Cobre funcionaba como una unidad territorial, y que esa unidad tuvo un centro en la actual Porcuna, y que el límite oriental estuvo en el río Guadalbullón, debemos convenir que la Z.A.M.B. –como la actual

La confusión de las palabras descubre la ausencia de conceptos adecuados para designar la realidad de un asentamiento cercado por varias líneas de fosos. Esperamos que la confrontación de los resultados obtenidos en Marroquíes Bajos con las evidencias procedentes de otros sitios contribuya a esclarecer el significado de los fosos abiertos durante la Edad del Cobre en relación con distintos lugares poblados. 152

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ciudad de Jaén, capital de la provincia- fue un lugar fronterizo y excéntrico. Sin embargo, esa hipótesis requiere asumir como ciertas demasiadas circunstancias que aún no han sido probadas –que tal vez nunca vayan a ser probadas-.

en nuestra región. Se apuntaban antes algunas de las novedades, como la ingente aplicación de medios a las excavaciones, o la ejecución de las mismas en un periodo que se inicia en 1995 y casi está concluido –al menos en el área central de la Z.A.M.B.- diez años después. Otra novedad se encuentra en la concurrencia de equipos investigadores numerosos y diversos –algo que, en principio, estimaríamos como una ventaja en cualquier investigación científica-. También destacamos el protago-nismo que en esa investigación ha adquirido la Arqueo-logía Pública, derivada de la voluntad de intervenir sobre la zona arqueológica manifestada por la Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía –empezando por la aplicación por primera vez a una zona arqueológica de una figura jurídica de protección como es la catalogación específica, y donde se ha desarrollado nuestro propio trabajo –que se resume en la triple vertiente de conocer/investigar, proteger/conservar y mostrar/divulgar- Esas son algunas de las circunstancias objetivas de la investigación en la Z.A.M.B., y nos enseñan que aun actuando en una ciudad en construcción –y por tanto en el marco de la denostada arqueología de urgencia-, se pueden descubrir fallas en la investigación académica convencional –incluso en proyectos recientes que en nuestra región dispusieron de medios excepcionales-. También la investigación en la Z.A.M.B. ha iluminado el comportamiento de otras instituciones, como el Ayuntamiento de la ciudad, que ha liderado la oposición judicial a la norma protectora –y al mismo tiempo ha promovido la más extensa de las excavaciones en las calles y en otras superficies públicas-, o el Museo Provincial, que ha resuelto la difícil entrada a sus depósitos de una ingente cantidad de muestras y materiales –y en cambio, en una reciente remodelación de su sala de Prehistoria ha sido incapaz de incorporar una representación adecuada del sitio que desde 1995 inunda sus almacenes-.

Este acercamiento tergiversado –al menos en un sentido territorial-constituye el principal obstáculo para reconocer no ya el papel de la Z.A.M.B. durante la Prehistoria, sino el estatuto que queremos otorgar en la investigación arqueológica actual a la experiencia de Marroquíes Bajos. La llamada arqueología de urgencia –o rescue- debe afrontar dos estigmas principales, como son una financiación innoble –parecen concluir quienes sostienen esa opinión que sólo la financiación pública, y sus controles, asegura una investigación científica cualificada- y la parcialidad en el acercamiento al sitio investigado – ciertamente la arqueología de urgencia siempre esta centrada en salvar una amenaza, tanto como otras prácticas en apuntalar un currículo investigador-. Esas objeciones a una arqueología –por cierto, mayoritariadeben ser demostradas para cada experiencia, o en caso contrario, serán un simple prejuicio. Los recursos – públicos y privados- acaparados desde 1995 hasta hoy por los investigadores de la Z.A.M.B. no tienen precedentes en ningún proyecto de investigación arqueológica –al menos entre aquellos desarrollados en la provincia de Jaén-, y no conocemos ningún otro sitio con la extensión de la Z.A.M.B que haya sido excavado de una manera tan extensa en tan breve periodo de tiempo. No obstante, admitimos que todo se ha desenvuelto dentro de unos límites, pero recordamos ahora que todas las investigaciones –y no sólo las arqueológicas-, se desarrollan dentro de unos límites presupuestarios, temporales… que vienen impuestos desde fuera al proyecto de conocimiento. La investigación de la Z.A.M.B. dentro de la llamada arqueología de urgencia –algo que, por ejemplo, no se puede sostener para el proyecto sobre la zona arqueológica financiado mediante convenio entre la Consejería de Cultura y el Centro Andaluz de Arqueología Ibérica-, da cuenta del ritmo y del lugar de las excavaciones, pero la urgencia no ha sido el único límite de esa investigación –ni siquiera el principal-, y desde luego no compromete sus resultados. Nos parece que detrás de la crítica a la investigación de urgencia de la Z.A.M.B., se está enjuiciando la inconveniencia de sus conclusiones más evidentes –y se persigue socavarlas subrayando la falta de legitimidad de quienes las enunciamos-, de hecho sabemos que quienes realizan esa crítica hubieran preferido un completo silencio sobre Marroquíes Bajos. El trasunto nos debe resultar familiar, estamos asistiendo a una agria disputa que involucra a miembros destacados de una comunidad –que se pretende científica-, pero que nada tiene que ver ni con el conocimiento científico, ni con la ética exigible a sus practicantes.

Queremos concluir que las condiciones de la investigación han resultado críticas en múltiples direcciones, esclareciendo el verdadero papel de ciertas instancias de la investigación académica, y de las instituciones implicadas en la administración pública de esta zona arqueológica. Por nuestra parte, la experiencia de Marroquíes Bajos nos ha obligado a estar en sitios insospechados –como ahora en Lisboa-, y a hacer cosas impensables, como investigar dentro de la Administración Pública y fuera de la Universidad. Las condiciones de la investigación han sido críticas en muchos sentidos –para los objetos, como para los sujetos de la investigación-, y forzosamente también las conclusiones debían ser críticas con un conocimiento sobre la Edad del Cobre en la región que se pretendía clausurado (ver una posición contraria sobre esta experiencia en Lizcano y otros, 2004). OBJETOS CIRCULARES Y CONCÉNTRICOS EN RED Hemos comentado en otro lugar las cambiantes denominaciones de la zona arqueológica en unos cuantos años –

La investigación en la Z.A.M.B. debe contemplarse como una ruptura con la anterior investigación de la Prehistoria 153

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desde los enigmáticos códigos de la planificación urbana a los ilustres nombres que han bautizado a las calles actuales-, y nuestra preferencia por Marroquíes Bajos, un topónimo que designaba el ámbito de una extensa huerta contemporánea. Cuando empezamos a hablar de los fosos prehistóricos como un sistema de irrigación, aún subsistían las canalizaciones de esa huerta, y tal vez fueron nuestra primera inspiración. No obstante, prevalece una diferencia fundamental entre la forma dendrítica de la red de acequias e hijuelas de la huerta y la vocación circular de los fosos prehistóricos, que tratamos de describir a continuación.

académicas viene monopolizando buena parte de las excavaciones prehistóricas, creemos que nunca hubieran detectado el tamaño y forma de esos fosos-. En definitiva, la hipótesis de la ordenación del poblado siguiendo un modelo circular y concéntrico, siendo enunciada inicialmente a partir de unos cuantos datos (Hornos y otros, 1998), se puede sostener ahora como un hecho comprobado. El dispositivo de fosos concéntricos constituye la peculiar columna vertebral del poblado prehistórico de Marroquíes Bajos. La principal objeción a esa organización concéntrica señala que los fosos pueden estar indicando sucesivas ampliaciones del poblado. Según esa interpretación, los fosos circulares crecieron sucesivamente desde un centro –generacional o coyunturalmente definido-, y entonces el sistema – circular y concéntrico- resultante fue en su conjunto un verdadero monumento a la imprevisión humana –algo que estamos dispuestos a admitir como un mal característico de nuestro tiempo-. No obstante, se ha comprobado que un foso central descubierto recientemente (Rodríguez Ariza, 2004), y el primero de aquellos que se conocían por anteriores excavaciones, tienen características especiales, como son la presencia de bastiones y empalizadas, y su existencia se está datando en un momento temprano de todo el sistema, como se apunta más adelante.

Descripción y restitución hipotética Hemos definido en reiteradas ocasiones el asentamiento de Marroquíes Bajos como una construcción geométrica simple, que consiste en una serie de fosos concéntricos. Se trata de una forma común en la naturaleza –presente en los anillos de crecimiento de los árboles, en las ondas producidas por un objeto al caer en la superficie del agua, o en las órbitas aparentes de los astros-, pero extraña como forma de ordenación de un asentamiento humano, limitada a unos cuantos casos raros –como Bagdad, por ejemplo- y a un mito poderoso como la Atlántida –de hecho, no hemos podido evitar una utilización pseudocientífica del modelo en el enésimo descubrimiento de la realidad de ese mito-. La forma circular concéntrica como forma de ordenación interna de un asentamiento constituía hasta hace poco tiempo una rara y atrevida excepción, pero esa hipótesis –expuesta en los primeros años de las excavaciones en la Z.A.M.B.- ha sido constatada en los trabajos de excavación que se han venido desarrollando desde 1995, y sin duda esa constatación ha sido posible porque la misma hipótesis tenía un alto valor predictivo.

Además de las cronologías absolutas aportadas por las dataciones de carbono 14, las evidencias más contundentes sobre los fosos como construcciones coetáneas se encuentran, por ahora, en dos fosos o canales que conectan a varios de aquellos que siguen una traza circular –y por tanto prevén su coincidencia en un mismo tiempo-. Se excavó –y fue conservado para su posterior presentación pública- un canal en la manzana H del sector R.P. n.º 4, que fue construido y varias veces reconstruido con muros de piedra, cruzando transversalmente el tercer foso circular y siguiendo en esta parcela la depresión natural del terreno. Se observa por tanto que esta construcción –un canal más o menos rectilíneo-, procediendo del foso segundo, cruza el tercero y se dirige al cuarto. Más recientemente, en la parcela rotulada como R.U. n.º 16 del sector S.U.N.P. n.º 1 (avda. de Madrid s/n), se ha documentado otro tramo de foso, excavado con paredes verticales y fondo plano, que parece estar dispuesto para unir los fosos cuarto y quinto –tal vez asimismo relacionado con otros fosos cercanos que parecen escapar de la trayectoria circular- (García Cuevas, 2005).

La hipótesis de un trazado circular y concéntrico de los fosos se enuncia en un primer momento desde un planteamiento explícito de economía explicativa, pues trataba de organizar dentro de un esquema de distribución unitario las frecuentes y dispersas apariciones de fosos en los niveles prehistóricos del asentamiento, y al mismo tiempo, prevenir la localización de los mismos en aquellas parcelas que aún quedaban por excavar. Los resultados de numerosas intervenciones desde 1995 han avalado la validez de ese modelo hipotético. No obstante, tal vez la más valiosa confirmación de esa geometría proceda de fuera de Marroquíes Bajos, cuando se reconocen algunos de sus rasgos en otros poblados peninsulares de la Edad del Cobre, como La Pijotilla (Hurtado, 1997), donde se aprecia la misma tendencia circular en la delimitación del poblado, o Perdigões en Reguengos de Monsaraz (Lago y otros, 1998: 141), donde también se apunta el recurso a la disposición concéntrica de los fosos. Ambos sitios tienen en común con Marroquíes Bajos, además de esa preferencia por su delimitación mediante fosos más o menos circulares, el haber sido objeto de investigaciones extensas en tiempos recientes –los tradicionales sondeos estratigráficos, una práctica que en distintas tradiciones

Resumiendo las características del sistema (ver tabla 17.1), el asentamiento cuenta con cinco fosos circulares y concéntricos completos, aunque el foso situado en la posición central –descubierto hace sólo dos años (Rodríguez Ariza, 2004), y que hemos llamado foso 0 para no trastocar la numeración antes asignada a los demás-, y tal vez el siguiente, se abandonan cuando se construyen los otros. Todos estos fosos están proyectados sobre un plano ligeramente inclinado y continuo del 154

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Tabla 17.1. Principales medidas del sistema de fosos de Marroquíes Bajos Foso n.º

Radio (m.)

Perímetro (m.)

Superficie comprendida (Has.)

0

30

190

0.3

1

50/70

315/440

0.8/1.5

2

140/150

880/940

6/7.5

3

200/210

1250/1300

12.5/13.5

4

330/360

2100/2250

34/40

5

600

3750*

113*

*Magnitudes estimadas bajo la hipótesis del foso 5 circundando por completo el asentamiento, sin embargo hasta ahora su existencia sólo ha sido comprobada en los sectores occidental y septentrional.

Fig. 17.2. Hipótesis reconstructiva de los fosos descubiertos en el poblado prehistórico de Marroquíes Bajos terreno, de manera que ninguno debe cruzar depresiones significativas –aunque obviamente existe una cota mínima en la trayectoria de cada foso, donde debe estar situado un punto de drenaje final, como se documenta por ejemplo en el canal de la parcela H del sector R.P. n.º 4, que antes se mencionaba-. Sólo en el extremo occidental del trazado del cuarto foso –aquel que está dotado al interior de una potente muralla-, se aprecia una excepción a esa pauta, pues allí el foso se acerca a un barranco, originado por un arroyo cercano, y para salvar ese obstáculo manteniendo

aproximadamente su trayectoria circular, se construye con adobes y piedras un tramo de acueducto, en parte por encima del nivel del terreno. Además de esos fosos, se encuentra otro exterior, que hasta ahora sólo se ha documentado en los sectores septentrional y occidental del asentamiento, y que como el foso cuarto, también cuenta con una muralla –construida con adobes sobre zócalo de piedra, y reforzada con bastiones semicirculares-, aunque sorprendentemente parece dispuesta sólo a intervalos regulares (ver un esquema general en fig. 17.2). 155

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Estas construcciones circulares y concéntricas resultan por completo recurrentes y previsibles, y nuestro conocimiento de sus trayectorias contrasta vivamente con nuestra incertidumbre acerca del trazado de aquellas otras que, como los fosos rectilíneos antes indicados, servirían para conectar el sistema de fosos con la red hídrica. En realidad, apenas conocemos la transacción entre la estructura circular y concéntrica de los fosos y la forma dendrítica de la red fluvial, que sin duda fue la decisión más relevante que en su momento debió ser adoptada. La originalidad del proyecto de construcción de los fosos – que ahora identificamos como la mayor novedad aportada por la Z.A.M.B.- no estuvo tanto en la adopción de un patrón circular –que como hemos visto, resulta un motivo común en ese ambiente cultural-, como en su adaptación a una topografía particular, que tratamos de comprender en el apartado siguiente.

pesar de las modificaciones introducidas por la ciudad actual en la topografía original, se distinguen aún tres arroyos que hunden sus cabeceras en ladera septentrional del Cerro de Santa Catalina. De este a oeste, el primero parte de algún punto situado entre las plazas de la Merced, Santa María y San Francisco, y el cauce sigue después aproximadamente el actual Paseo de la Estación. El segundo tenía su principal caudal en el manantial de la fuente de La Magdalena, y el tercero abarca la ladera situada extramuros. Esos tres arroyos convergen en la zona arqueológica de Marroquíes Bajos, generando la más alta de las lagunas mencionadas. Los dos últimos arroyos son conocidos con los nombres de La Magdalena y El Molinillo cuando discurren en su cuenca baja. Los tres cauces son corrientes de cuarto orden en la red hídrica, pero debido a la existencia de manantiales copiosos al pie de las montañas –concretamente procedentes del acuífero denominado Castillo/La Imora-, casi siempre llevaron aguas abundantes, incluso caudales que no esperaríamos en corrientes tan secundarias.

Se admite abiertamente que esta contribución no va a cerrar muchos de los interrogantes abiertos a propósito de la Z.A.M.B., así por ejemplo, seguimos sin disponer de ninguna explicación satisfactoria acerca del ritmo de sucesión aparentemente irregular y desordenado de los fosos. No encontramos ninguna regularidad ni en la magnitud del radio de los sucesivos círculos, ni en la superficie comprendida entre dos círculos consecutivos – corona o banda- (ver tabla 17.1), ni por supuesto somos capaces de atribuir un significado social o histórico de esa segmentación interior del asentamiento. Por el contrario, una lectura histórica de la secuencia del asentamiento de Marroquíes Bajos, basada principalmente en su arquitectura, fue presentada el año pasado en otra reunión científica (Zafra y otros, e.p.).

El emplazamiento particular del poblado de Marroquíes Bajos en la ladera se caracteriza por su cercanía a la laguna. Se ha preferido para su localización una superficie de perfil suave, contorneada por desniveles importantes en su lado oriental y por los dos arroyos nombrados hacia occidente, que actúan como los límites topográficos del sistema de fosos. El centro del asentamiento se dispuso sobre una dorsal del relieve, aún débilmente reconocible sobre el terreno, alejado por tanto de otras zonas cercanas susceptibles de ser inundadas cuando vienen crecidos los arroyos de la vertiente norte del Cerro de Santa Catalina. Esa dorsal, que cruza por su centro los fosos concéntricos, todavía está ocupada por el principal colector de la ciudad de Jaén, y obviamente tiene la capacidad de redirigir cualquier corriente hacia direcciones opuestas.

Localización y emplazamiento El emplazamiento histórico de la ciudad de Jaén, como sus antecedentes prehistóricos, ha oscilado entre la cima del Cerro del Castillo (o de Santa Catalina) y la planicie inmediata. Se trata por tanto de un lugar constituido sobre una morfología heterogénea –cerro y planicie-, que actúa como una articulación –una verdadera bisagra-, relacionando la campiña y las terrazas fluviales del río Guadalbullón al norte y noreste con las montañas de La Mella y Jabalcuz al sur. El límite de la planicie hacia el norte y el este se encuentra punteado por una serie de pequeños promontorios –realmente debemos hablar de una loma sostenida sobre unos cuantos puntos de mayor relieve-, que estuvieron precedidos por una cadena de lagunas –conocidas hasta su desecación entre los siglos XIX y XX-. Se puede decir que la ciudad histórica de Jaén, y antes los asentamientos de Marroquíes Bajos, estuvieron dispuestos sobre una misma ladera.

La cuestión hidráulica Se han señalado objeciones importantes al uso hidráulico de los fosos (Díaz-del-Río, 2005), que comprometen la necesidad de los grandes trabajos movilizados para su construcción como requisito para la ampliación de una agricultura intensiva, basada en el regadío. Ahora queremos matizar el papel de esa particular función entre otras -que como la defensa o el drenaje, debieron ser asumidas por el sistema de fosos-. Efectivamente, los fosos –y sus murallas- otorgaron al asentamiento una ventaja defensiva innegable, y también los fosos a menudo debieron servir para evacuar aguas hacia las lagunas cercanas –a juzgar por la posición del poblado, eso sería necesario de vez en cuando-. No guardamos tampoco ninguna duda acerca de la circulación del agua a través de los fosos, pues las arenas y los limos depositados en su fondo, como las formas de erosión de sus paredes, indican la actuación de las corrientes de aguas de forma más o menos permanente. Se encuentra en esta circunstancia la principal prueba del uso

La ciudad y los asentamientos anteriores siempre estuvieron situados entre la cima y la laguna, coincidiendo por tanto con algún tramo situado entre la cabecera y la desembocadura de una serie de arroyos que drenan la vertiente norte del Cerro de Santa Catalina. A 156

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de los fosos como sistema de irrigación, pues la articulación de los distintos fosos no sólo sirve para drenar el suelo ocupado hacia las lagunas y los cauces próximos –o al menos no constituye la más eficiente solución a ese problema-, sino también para introducir el agua dentro de una amplia extensión de terreno que consideramos en el interior del poblado, y además hacerlo de tal manera que el agua pudiera llegar a cualquier punto de esa extensión. Se trata por tanto de un mecanismo de centralización/captación y redistribución extensa del agua, que resulta la característica fundamental de todos los sistemas de irrigación.

Antecedentes, construcción y reconstrucción La construcción de los fosos sin duda aprovecha la habilidad y los instrumentos puestos a punto en la realización de otros trabajos de excavación, que se conocen en la región desde etapas anteriores, y desde luego en el mismo valle del río Guadalbullón –obsérvese, por ejemplo, la presencia de fosos anteriores al sistema de Marroquíes Bajos en la zona arqueológica de la Vega Baja de Mengíbar (Plazas y otros, 2003)-. La ocupación durante el Neolítico de los márgenes del arroyo de La Magdalena –que antes se describía en relación al emplazamiento de Marroquíes Bajos- se puede datar en el V milenio, aunque resulta improbable el mantenimiento de esa población en el mismo sitio hasta la constitución del sistema hidráulico. Ese episodio temprano debe considerarse como una frecuentación del sitio, que viene a indicar la concurrencia en Marroquíes Bajos de condiciones topográficas y ambientales que resultaban atractivas para las comunidades neolíticas, pero aparte de coincidir en esa preferencia no parece encontrarse ninguna continuidad entre ese establecimiento temprano y el macroaldea de la segunda mitad del tercer milenio. No resulta factible por tanto la transmisión directa de conocimientos entre las gentes de esos dos momentos –ni sobre el lugar de establecimiento, ni sobre las formas de construir excavando la tierra-.

LOS TIEMPOS DE LOS FOSOS Se revisan a continuación los principales datos cronológicos que ahora disponemos sobre los fosos de Marroquíes Bajos, asimismo se esbozan los principales episodios de este sistema a través del tiempo. Por otra parte, hemos creído conveniente subrayar las dificultades que puede presentar la fechación de los depósitos contenidos en los fosos. La formación estratigráfica Las superficies de excavación de los fosos –que a menudo se distinguen como sucesivas interfacies- y los sedimentos depositados en su interior constituyen un conjunto estratigráfico que presenta notables dificultades de interpretación. Se advierte la complejidad estratigráfica que los fosos acabaron adquiriendo después de su primera apertura, cuando fueron necesarios continuos trabajos de reexcavación, o en sentido contrario, de restitución de las paredes originales del vaso para afrontar su frecuente erosión, como se aprecia por ejemplo en el extremo oriental del quinto foso (Sánchez Vizcaíno y otros, 2005). Así, sabemos que se puede determinar con facilidad la dirección de procedencia de los aportes en una cuenca cerrada, pero nos encontramos ante una realidad estratigráfica más complicada, debido a la movilidad que van a experimentar buena parte de los depósitos que van a parar al fondo de los fosos. La continua acción del agua se convierte en un agente decisivo en ese proceso, debido a su capacidad para modelar las paredes de los vasos, transportar materiales y sedimentar paquetes estratigráficos completos.

Hacia el 2800/2600 cal BC reconocemos la primera ocupación de la superficie que después va a ser el centro de la macro-aldea. Un poblado de unos 3000 m.2 rodeado por una empalizada con bastiones y un foso (el llamado foso 0). Prácticamente en las mismas fechas calibradas la aldea multiplica por cuatro su superficie, construyendo una nueva empalizada con bastiones y un foso mucho mayor (foso primero). Hacia 2450/2300 cal BC situamos el origen de la construcción de la red de fosos (segundo, tercero, cuarto y quinto), según se desprende de las muestras obtenidas en la base de la muralla principal (parcela E 2-4 del sector U.A. n.º 23) y en un primer estrato de colmatación del fondo del foso quinto en la parcela del Colegio Público Cándido Nogales (Sánchez y otros, 2005). Realmente, debemos pensar para la apertura de ese foso quinto en un momento anterior, considerando que cuando se produce el depósito obviamente ya había sucedido tiempo atrás su excavación. El abandono de los fosos –aunque no de la muralla circunvalada por el cuarto foso- se debe situar antes del 2125/2000, fechación obtenida del suelo que cubre el foso cuarto colmatado en la puerta de la muralla descubierta en la parcela E 2-4 del sector U.A. n.º 23.

No se trata ahora de examinar todas las coyunturas posibles de formación de la secuencia estratigráfica relacionada con los fosos, sino de alertar acerca de los errores que se pueden cometer en caso de no apreciar la complejidad de esa secuencia. Se exponen a continuación algunas de las fechaciones basadas en el carbono 14 obtenidas del sitio (ver tabla n.º 2 en Zafra y otros, 2003), y una propuesta de ordenación cronológica de los principales episodios advertidos en la construcción del asentamiento de Marroquíes Bajos, poniendo el énfasis en las dataciones relacionadas con la construcción, mantenimiento y abandono de los fosos.

Esas dos fechas comprenden el tiempo de vigencia de los fosos, incluyendo por supuesto el tiempo de su construcción –que a juzgar por la envergadura del trabajo realizado, debemos considerar como una larga obra-. Entretanto, debemos estimar la realización de continuos trabajos de mantenimiento del sistema, que en conjunto pudieron llegar a consistir en una nueva re-excavación general, y en parte, en una restitución de las paredes de 157

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los fosos –en aquellos tramos donde el agua había erosionado la forma original-, algo desde luego complicado para quienes habían acumulado experiencia y conocimiento sobre todo en los trabajos de excavación – de los fosos y de otras muchas clases de construcciones subterráneas-. Resumiendo, se debe hablar de un tiempo de excavación del sistema iniciado hacia 2450/2350 cal BC, y de un tiempo de mantenimiento hasta 2125/2000 cal BC, cuando se abandonan esos trabajos, que son realmente imprescindibles en cualquier sistema hidráulico –hasta el punto de poder augurar un pronto colapso del espacio irrigado cuando cesan las tareas de mantenimiento-.

construcción y mantenimiento, que equivale al tiempo de vigencia de ese proyecto-. Sin embargo, la complejidad de este objeto no tiene ninguna correspondencia visible con un incremento significativo de la desigualdad, ni tampoco hasta ahora se han descubierto espacios vinculados a un ejercicio de la coacción sistemático e institucionalizado. Tampoco se advierten cambios de calidad ni en la tecnología constructiva, ni en la organización del trabajo. Los fosos de Marroquíes Bajos, como otras construcciones monumentales en contextos históricos semejantes, pueden estar representando el umbral de un modo de producir, caracterizado por una importante capacidad de agregación de población y trabajo, que se moviliza para acceder de manera estable a dos recursos básicos, como son la tierra y el agua, y multiplicar su aprovechamiento.

Subsistencias formales y funcionales Una vez excavados los fosos en el sustrato geológico, los pobladores de Marroquíes Bajos dispusieron de un medio para centralizar el agua de la vertiente norte del Cerro de Santa Catalina, y redistribuirla en una extensa superficie. Después de la ruina de esa construcción, cuando los fosos fueron colmatados, una parte de las aguas subterráneas ha seguido circulando dentro del sistema prehistórico hasta hace unos años –cuando las edificaciones de nuestro tiempo han desmantelado el techo de los estratos geológicos-. Se conoce, por ejemplo, el aprovechamiento de esas aguas mediante pozos de noria en época medieval islámica, o la existencia de una gran cisterna de época romana en el sitio donde estuvo el centro del poblado prehistórico, precedida por un castellum aquae destinado al reparto del caudal de agua. Asimismo, uno de los principales pilares –y su correspondiente alberca- de la ciudad estuvo alimentado hasta hace unos años por una mina de agua transversal a los fosos cuarto y tercero –esa alberca se ha integrado recientemente en un parque-, coincidiendo en parte con el canal rectilíneo antes mencionado.

Este proceso histórico va a ser abortado en los últimos momentos de la Edad del Cobre, cuando se franquea alguna circunstancia crítica para su desarrollo, derivada por ejemplo de la contradicción entre el mantenimiento de las formas establecidas de integración social, que exigían importantes contribuciones de trabajo comunitario, y los nuevos objetivos de reproducción social y económica de las unidades domésticas campesinas (ver esta problemática en Zafra y otros, 1999). No obstante, también se debe contemplar que el súbito abandono del sistema de fosos –en la fase que denominamos Z.A.M.B. 4- fuera consecuencia de una destrucción violenta del asentamiento anterior –o al menos de sus instalaciones más representativas y peculiares-. Si hubiera ocurrido de esta manera, el devenir de Marroquíes Bajo durante la Prehistoria puede no identificarse con la trayectoria lineal de una sola comunidad, sino con el solapamiento –y probablemente el enfrentamiento- de sociedades y modos de producción distintos.

Sin duda, nos llama la atención que en distintos momentos históricos se haya seguido aprovechando la capacidad de los fosos prehistóricos para encauzar el agua, aunque entonces su trayectoria exacta fuera desconocida. Aún más sorprendente resulta que la construcción de una amplia curva de la vía férrea a su entrada en la estación de Jaén en la segunda mitad del siglo XIX siguiera de manera bastante aproximada la trayectoria del cuarto foso, y que ese mismo trazado haya sido fosilizado por una de las calles de nueva apertura en la urbanización actual –la vía férrea y el cuarto foso discurrieron en ese tramo con una pendiente continua parecida, coincidiendo en su localización-.

Referencias DÍAZ DEL RÍO, P. (2004) “Faccionalism and Collective Labor in Copper Age Iberia”. Trabajos de Prehistoria 61, nº 2: 85-98. GARCÍA CUEVAS, M.ªF. (inédito) Informe de la excavación preventiva realizada en la parcela R.U. n.º 16 el sector denominado S.U.N.P. n.º 1 (avda. de Madrid, s/n). Archivo de la Delegación Provincial de Cultura en Jaén. 2005. HORNOS, F.; ZAFRA, N. y CASTRO, M. (1998) “La gestión de una zona arqueológica urbana: La experiencia de investigación arqueológica aplicada en Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén)”. Boletín del Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico 22, 82-91.

DISCUSIÓN

HURTADO, V. (1997) “The Dynamic of the Occupation of the Middle Bassin of the River Guadiana Between the Fourth and Second Millennia B.C.: an Interpretational Hypotesis”. En M. Díaz-Andreu y S. Keay (eds.): The Archaeology of Iberia. The Dynamic of Change. Routdlege. London: 98-127.

La construcción de un objeto como los fosos de Marroquíes Bajos indica, en primer lugar, una capacidad sorprendente para aglutinar trabajo dentro de un proyecto unitario, que además se sostuvo a largo plazo –aun cuando sigue siendo incierto el tiempo empleado en su 158

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Marroquíes Bajos: El quinto Foso”. Trabajos de Prehistoria, 62 n.º 2: 151-164.

LAGO, M.; DUARTE, C.; VALERA, A.; ALBERGARIA, J.; ALMEIDA, F. y CARVALHO, A.F. (1998) “Povoado dos Perdigões (Reguengos de Monsaraz): Dados preliminares dos trabalhos arqueológicos realizados em 1997”. Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia: 45-152.

SERRANO, J.L. y CANO, J. (inédito) Informe sobre la intervención arqueológica en la urbanización del SUNP 1, campaña de 2002. Archivo de la Delegación Provincial de Cultura en Jaén. 2002.

LIZCANO, R., CÁMARA, J.A., CONTRERAS, F., PÉREZ, C., BURGOS, A. (2004) “Continuidad y cambio en comunidades calcolíticas del Alto Guadalquivir”. Simposios de Prehistoria Cueva de Nerja. Fundación Cueva de Nerja. Málaga: 159-175.

ZAFRA, N. (e.p.) De los campamentos nómadas a las aldeas campesinas. La Provincia de Jaén en la Prehistoria. Universidad de Jaén. Jaén. ZAFRA, N.; HORNOS, F. y CASTRO, M. (1999) “Una macro-aldea en el origen del modo de vida campesino. Marroquíes Bajos, Jaén c. 2500-2000 cal ANE. Trabajos de Prehistoria, 56, n.º 1: 77-102.

NOCETE, F. (2001) Tercer Milenio antes de Nuestra Era: Relaciones y Contradicciones Centro/periferia en el Valle del Guadalquivir. Bellaterra. Barcelona.

ZAFRA, N.; CASTRO, M. y HORNOS, F. (2003) “Sucesión y simultaneidad en un gran asentamiento: La cronología en la macroaldea de Marroquíes Bajos, Jaén. c 2500-2000 CAL ANE”. Trabajos de Prehistoria, 60, n.º 2: 79-90.

PLAZA, E.; NIETO, A.; ... RODRÍGUEZ-ARIZA, Mª.O. (inédito) Informe de la excavación arqueológica en el sector central de la Zona Arqueológica de Marroquíes Bajos. Archivo de la Delegación Provincial de Cultura en Jaén. 2004.

ZAFRA, N.; CASTRO, M. y HORNOS, F. (e.p.) “Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén, España) c. 2800-2000 Cal ANE: Agregación, intensificación y campesinización en el alto Guadalquivir”.

SÁNCHEZ, A.; BELLÓN J.P. y RUEDA C. (2005) “Nuevos datos sobre la Zona Arqueológica de

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SPATIAL ORGANISATION OF THE ALCALAR COPPER AGE SETTLEMENT (ALGARVE, PORTUGAL) María Elena MORÁN HERNÁNDEZ Archaeologist in the Direcção de Projecto Municipal do Centro Histórico e Património, Lagos Municipality (Portugal) Member of the Associação Arqueológica do Algarve. E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: In the western side of the Algarve (South Portugal), the Copper Age site of Alcalar was occupied during the 4th and almost the whole 3rd Millennium BC and includes the «power centre» of the territory that stretches out between the Alvor sand bar and the Monchique mountains. The site includes a huge settlement of about 20 hectares and is directly connected with a monumental megalithic necropolis with some two dozen round barrows. The results of the researches we have been carrying on the settlement site, using geophysical surveys and archaeological test excavations, allow us to interpret the remains. The dwelling areas seem to be organised by the use of ditches, around the inhabited surface, presumably used by an elite ruling over the territory, whose resources were centralised within the settlement area by means of tributes. Other areas, also defined by a system of concentric ditches, included a large number of storage pits dug into the ground. Extending the dwelling area to the north to the limit of the mound clusters, a multiple linear, straight ditch bounds a lower settlement area. A similar system was observed to the west side of the upper plateau, where an external ditch, connecting the southwest slope with the oriental cluster of barrows, also bound the lower area of the settlement. Resumo: Situado no Barlavento do Algarve, o sítio calcolítico de Alcalar, cuja ocupação abrange os finais do IV e quase todo o 3º milénio antes da nossa era, corresponde ao «centro de poder» do território que se estende entre a barra de Alvor e a Serra de Monchique. O sítio compreende um vasto povoado, com uma área de cerca de 20 hectares, e uma necrópole monumental megalítica, com ele directamente conotada, constituída por cerca de duas dezenas de mamoas. Os resultados da investigação que temos vindo a realizar, com recurso a procedimentos geofísicos, permitem-nos interpretar as estruturas detectadas. O espaço doméstico parece organizar-se mediante o uso de trincheiras, que ordenam uma superfície habitada presumivelmente reservada a uma elite dirigente do território, cujos recursos o povoado calcolítico centralizava mediante tributo. Outras áreas, também definidas por fossos concêntricos, albergaram inúmeros silos de armazenagem escavados na rocha. Alargando a área doméstica para norte, até ao limite da área tumular megalítica, estende-se um fosso múltiplo, de traçado rectilíneo, que parece albergar na sua parte interna um povoado baixo. O mesmo se comprova do a nascente da área amesetada do povoado calcolítico, onde também parece existir um povoado baixo delimitado por um fosso exterior, ligando o sopé sueste do povoado com o núcleo oriental da necrópole.

THE 3rd MILLENNIUM BC IN SOUTHWEST IBERIA: THE HISTORICAL PROCESS

society to access the consumption of a wide range of products, different from those themselves could produce.

In Southwest Iberia, in the transition from the 4th to the 3rd Millennium BC, land-use economy was intensified with increasing crop production and cattle raising, a process known as Secondary Products Revolution (Sherratt, 1981; Harrison, 1985). Regional economies consolidated with a specialised copper mining and metallurgy stressing social differences, and the first forms of political organisation took place, when power based on territorial control of the production forces, requiring an increasingly centralisation (Nocete, 2001; Nocete, 2006).

The production reserves accumulated in the power centres allowed the elite to sustain a trading network, intra and interregional, giving place to transactions among the big power centres established in the valleys of the Guadalquivir, upper Sado and middle Guadiana and their peripheries, allowing the widest circulation of prestige items among the elite, such as African ivory or Baltic amber. Occupying a peripheral position in relation to the biggest power centre located in the Guadalquivir valley — Valencina de la Concepción —, the Copper Age settlement of Alcalar is situated in the Western Algarve, dominating a territory framed by the Ria de Alvor and the mountains of Monchique, where it seems to have reproduced the same relations and contradictions that took place in Valencina, at the same time period. Thus, the ruling elite of Alcalar sustained political relations with the Valencina ones, promoting them socially by using sumptuary items, weapons and idols (Morán, 2001).

Along with a specialised craftsmanship, the division of labour allowed not only to fix the population in stable settlements but also consolidated the power centres, macro-settlements to an increasing extent. The exploitation of the territories included their management from these settlements by a political elite, ruling over communities and land, and accumulating power, this being inherited along with the maintenance of parental links with the members of the communities. These huge settlements were also barn zone for planned production, re-distribution places for a variety of products obtained by tributes from the productive sites, thus allowing the whole

The role of these elite, specifically in the management of territory and resources, along with the control of products 161

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Fig. 18.1. Location of the Copper Age settlement and necropolis at Alcalar according to the spread radiocarbon dates of burial pits, where individuals had been interred with multiple shell armbands and other stone objects and pottery vessels. Its excavator, Mário Varela Gomes, interprets a series of post-holes apparently associated with these burial pits as being rectangular shaped features, similar to central European long houses.

for interchange and communitarian re-distribution, was made without use of violence, once the elite were responsible for the stability of the whole community and their nourishment, as intermediaries among men and divinities, or by granting the continuity of agricultural resources. Power was established by means of ideological or political coercion, always for the good of the community, and this was why the elite saw their power reinforced and why the state machine, in its pristine form, was consolidated (Morán & Parreira, 2003).

Archaeological data points to that, since the end of the 4th Millennium BC, the territory framed by the Ria de Alvor and the Monchique mountains had been managed from the settlement established at Alcalar, which then constituted a central place with power centre functions, with its monumental enclosures and its monumental necropolis of funerary temples and related ceremonial areas.

SETTLEMENT IN THE ALCALAR AREA FROM 5th TO 2nd MILLENIUM BC: AN OUTLINE The earliest evidence of settlement in the Alcalar area subsequent to the stabilization of the sea level ca. 6000 BP (Hoffmann, 1987: 26-27) are the dwelling remains recorded under the mound of Monument 7 and much earlier than the monument itself (Morán & Parreira, ed., 2004: 117; Monge Soares, 2004: 117).

Archaeological data supports the construction of a monumental necropolis at Alcalar only in the late 4th / beginning 3rd Millennium BC: Monument 1 is a polygonal chambered passage grave, with a large passage under a round cairn of limestone, where an engraved slate plaque was found (Leisner, 1943), similar to those known from late Neolithic / early Copper Age contexts in southwest Iberia (see Gonçalves, 1999: 115-117; Lillios, 2004: 131).

Radiocarbon dates obtained from Venerupis decussatus shells buried within a small pit dug into the ground, place this activity at 6520±40 BP (5300-4810 cal BC), and radiocarbon dates obtained from carbonized Quercus wood from two fireplaces preserved within small pits and constructed of sienite blocks and hand tool fragments, which date back to 4770-4360 cal BC, prove that this area was used by shell fisher and crop consumers in the first half of the 5th Millennium BC.

To this early phase of the monumental necropolis corresponds a group of no less than four rock cut graves, situated in a peripheral area of the Alcalar settlement. From those collective burial chambers artificially dug into the soft limestone ground, only grave 1 was totally excavated and grave 3 has been test excavated (Morán et al., 2005). Radiocarbon dates obtained from the bottom layer of grave 1, 3499-2880 cal BC, show that this collective chamber was currently in use during the second

In the neighbourhood, to the east of the Ribeira da Torre, a settlement was recently discovered in Castelo Belinho (Gomes, 2005) which seems to date back to 4800-4500 162

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half of the 4th and the begin of the 3rd Millennium BC (Morán & Parreira, ed., 2004).

materials for building and artefact production. Sílex from Poio and quartz, quartzite and greywacke from the area, were used for the production of implements used in agriculture, such as the denticulate probably used as sawelements to cut vegetables, or the axes of the mirense type used to work wood, although we do not rule out that some denticulate and chipped stone blades could have been use to collect shellfish.

The hegemony of the Alcalar settlement over the surrounding territory consolidates throughout the 3rd Millennium BC, when considering the artefacts collected in the necropolis by Estácio da Veiga, Santos Rocha and Formosinho (Leisner, 1943; Leisner, 1959), along with the pottery that we have collected in the Alcalar settlement (Morán & Parreira, 2003) as well as in the building and use contexts of Monument 7 (Morán & Parreira, ed., 2004) and Monument 9 of the megalithic necropolis, where we could check the presence of pottery vessels from the same type as those collected in contexts from the so called Southwest Copper Age (see Silva, 1993). Radiocarbon dating of a charcoal sample from a fireplace outside the mound, nearby the front wall of Monument 7, 2465-2199 cal BC, shows that this funerary temple was being used in the third quarter of the 3rd Millennium BC, before access to the chamber — and thus its use as a funerary temple — had been closed by stone blocks which functioned as a “large time scale prohibition” (see Jorge, 2002: 153, 156). This date gives also a terminus ante quem for the building of Monument 7 in the second half of the 3rd Millennium BC.

For the production of hand tools, sienite blocks were used, obtained in the Monchique mountains, but also greywacke was chosen for this purpose, as it was sandstone, otherwise hammers were preferably made from quartz and greywacke. Copper was mined from the pyrite outcrops located in the slate belt of the Alcalar hinterland, where until the 19th century copper mines were in use. Gold, although scarcely present in the archaeological contexts, as a result of tomb raider activities, shows an alluvial and, as such, has a local provenance. We assume that pottery also is locally made, but clay analyses to properly support this are still missing, and a small part was surely imported from outside areas, such as bell beakers of Maritime Type, in its Cord-Zoned Variety (C/ZM) (Harrison, 1977: 14-15), a highly distinctive variety found in the bottom layers of the mound of Monument 7. We hope to carry out such an analysis when excavations currently being carried out at the Alcalar settlement are concluded.

The use of the Alcalar complex in the 3rd Millennium BC corresponds to the most active periods in the Copper Age phase of the necropolis and of the settlement, before the collapse of the tributary system which, in this area, seems to occur in the first half of the 2nd Millennium BC: by Monument 7, radiocarbon dating of a charcoal sample from a fireplace later than the closing of the barrow between 1682-1448 cal BC gives evidence to the use of the immediate area around the mound during Southwest Bronze Age II (according to Schubart, 1975), and shows frequency of this monumental area contemporary to the use of Bronze Age cist necropolis such as Vidigal, Poio or Serro de Bartolomeu Dias long after the abandonment of the Alcalar Copper Age settlement, although the correspondent 2nd Millennium settlement still remains to be identified.

Along with the presence of local raw materials, artefacts made of long distance raw materials were also found. Among these, significantly are the engraved slate plaques, ideotechnic items suggested to have been brought from the inner Alentejo region (Gonçalves, 2004). Amphibolites for the production of stone axes and adzes. Oolithic silidified limestone, used to produce the large blades found in Monument 3 was probably imported from the Ronda mountains (Nocete et al., 2005), although, examples such as the (Baltic?) amber artefacts (Beck & Vilaça, 1995) and the variscite beads mined at Encinasola (Nocete, 2001) and found in the funerary temples of the Alcalar monumental necropolis, show long distance trading networks.

THE TERRITORIAL ORGANISATION OF ALCALAR IN THE 3rd MILLENNIUM BC In the immediately periphery of Alcalar, the population was distributed in other settlements, subsidiary to the central place (see Morán & Parreira, ed., 2004: 24; Lopes, 2006), to which they gave tribute with part of their production and with manual labour, necessary for the building of, e.g. ditches to enclose or divide the settlement and consumption areas, or the areas with storage pits, where the surplus produce was kept.

The procurement of resources The consolidation of a peasant economy led to the emergence of a social elite which, based in the power centre of Alcalar, managed the territorial resources, rationalizing the territory according to the production, developing a mixed cultivation of dry farming and irrigated gardening, including swamp cultivations, complemented by shepherdding, hunting, fishing and shellfish collecting, along with mining and metallurgy activities, as shown by the metal implements found in the archaeological excavations carried on the Alcalar main settlement.

The circulation of abiotic resources The territory framed by the Alvor Ria and the mountains of Monchique enabled access to a large variety of raw 163

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THE SPATIAL ORGANISATION OF THE ALCALAR SETTLEMENT

Aspects of the privileged dwelling zone Enclosed by a winding ditch, the domestic area we have been excavating in plot 16L, on the top of the Alcalar settlement hill, includes an elongated round house with its bottom slightly dug into the ground. The mud walls had a ca. 1 m wide foundation base, made of irregular limestone masonry. Inside this house, within an earthen ring of ca. 1,20 m diameter, there was a fireplace; between its earthen ring and a stone arc, against the inside of the house wall, the ground was covered with ashes. There is evidence for no less than two phases in the use of this house, as there is another domestic layer under the deposit of ashes.

Geophysical surveys and archaeological excavations carried out on the Alcalar copper age settlement, one of the largest settlements of the 3rd Millennium BC found in Portugal (Kunst, 2001), allow us to approach the evidence of architectonical complexity and space occupation strategy of this site. The settlement is located on a NE-SW lengthened hill, standing out over the surrounding fertile plains. But the surface inhabited in the Copper Age extends to lower heights reaching the mortuary area, whose monumental buildings and related ceremonial places act like a boundary at the northern side of the habitat. A look at the plotted magnetograms (see Morán, 2001), along with the evidence resulting from archaeological test excavations, shows a zoned organisation of this vast settlement: a large dwelling zone was revealed on the highest plateau, with domestic units each of them apparently including a house building, which sheltered the resting places and the food preparation and eating areas, and around which were spread the areas for catching and preserving water (rock-cut channels and tanks) and a wide variety of pits —features dug into the limestone ground mainly designed for storage but also used for other different purposes over time, lastly for the disposal of refuse. This dwelling zone occupies an outstanding position within the central area of the settlement and is surrounded by a strip, showing a large amount of pits, thought to be storage pits and thus revealing a huge barn zone. The whole dwelling-storage complex is bounded by multiple ditches, dug into the ground and interrupted by narrow causeways, and once provided with earth banks, palisades and stonewalls. The regular concentric plan of these boundaries gives to the inhabited surface almost the appearance of an «urban» organised hillfort.

Fig. 18.2. Excavation of the winding ditch in sector 16L Immediately outside the house, two sub circular pits dug into the ground were discovered. One of them, ca. 1 m diameter, seems to cut the other, smaller and less regular pit with ca. 0,8 m diameter. Nevertheless, we suspect a simultaneous use of both pits, related to a canal draining to them, as a double water tank, the larger and deeper being used for water storage and the smaller to decant the liquid.

Diverging from these concentric enclosures, and extending from the northern slope of the hill to the lower heights where the funerary temples are located, there is evidence for a multiple linear, straight ditch boundary of the lower settlement area, thus complementing the strip of barrows. Geophysical data, with characteristic anomalies similar to those shown by the internal structure of the tholos tombs, indicates that this enclosure was also provided with a slate made rampart, the collapsed material of which was deposited inside the ditch dug into the ground. The same system was observed to the west side of the upper plateau: there, an external ditch, connecting the southwest slope with the oriental cluster of barrows, also surrounds the lower area of the settlement. Similar features, separating settlement and production areas from funerary ones, were detected in other sites of south Iberia, specifically in the large settlement of Valencina de la Concepción (Vargas 2004), near Sevilla

Also outside the house, the excavations uncovered a circular, bell shaped storage pit dug over 1m deep into the ground, although its entrance is destroyed. A thin deposit of clay conserved against the pit walls, seems to indicate evidence of the original inside coat of this structure. Deposited inside the pit, were five layers with organic material, some small stones, pottery and two copper ingots. To the west of this domestic cluster, separated by a winding ditch, was located another dwelling area. A storage pit, of a sub circular plan with ca. 1,8 m maximum diameter, dug in the shape of a bell, irregular due to the complex nature of the ground rock, still conserves its original mouth of 0,6 m in diameter, and ca. 164

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Fig. 18.4. Rock cut rectangular pit with deposition of human remains in sector 16L sequence (Morán & Parreira, 2003: 315-316; Gato, 2004). The bottom phase of this sequence corresponds to the outside area of a domestic unit, with several occupation horizons. A second phase corresponds to another domestic unit, including the building, use and decay of a house or hut, connected with a, not excavated, storage pit. Over the evidence of a third phase, which is levelling the collapsed, preceding domestic unit, a new dwelling area was constructed, from which the decayed remains of another house, with its foundations made of limestone masonry. A top layer, originating from the traditional agricultural activity in this area, closes the stratigraphic sequence, levelling the top of the prehistoric layers and partially destroying them.

Fig. 18.3. House with central fire place in sector 16L, covered by its collapsed mud walls 1,5 m over the pit bottom. The deposits filling this structure were plenty of shells, mollusc remains from sandy biotopes (cockles, razor clams) as well as from rocky coasts (mussels). Vertebrate remains were also present, as well as carbonised plant remains, handmade pottery and clay fragments, which may well correspond to the original inside coating of this pit.

The barn zone and the bounding ditches In another settlement area, located at the start of the slight southern slope of the hilltop, the geophysical surveys revealed the occurrence of many structures dug into the ground. The relatively small size of the plotted marks, along with their large number, led to the conclusion that we are here dealing with a large storage area, i.e., a “pit camp”, concentrated within an enclosure with the function of a huge barn, corresponding to a strip encircling the main residential area located on the hilltop of the settlement. This storage area is bounded with a multivallate enclosure provided with several concentric circuits of earthworks, ditches eventually accompanied by palisades, or ramparts, acting as a dissuasive and defensive measure, with narrow, disrupted causeways, making access difficult to the inside areas.

Nearby, there is a cylindrical pit, with ca. 0,5 m maximal conserved depth; a channel, running NW-SE, surrounds the pit from the northeast and converges into a drill entering the pit in its eastern side. Possibly, we have here the evidence for a water reservoir designed for domestic consumption, supplied from a, still not located, well by a channel dug into the ground; or, alternatively, a structure collecting rainwater, also drained from the nearby standing ditches. A rectangular pit with 1,0 m x 0,9 m, furnishes data for the occurrence of human remains deposited in a dwelling area. Inside the pit, we found the bones of a minimum of two adults and one child. This funerary context corresponds to the latest moment presently detected of a prehistoric use of the Alcalar settlement, since the funerary pit cuts the water channel supplying the water tanks located outside the large circular house.

Two segments of the winding ditch, previously identified in the geophysical survey, were excavated, developing in an arc in SE-NE direction and preserved with a maximum width of 2,5 m at the top. Under the agricultural layer of the surface, the interior of the ditch is entirely filled with a sequence of prehistoric sediments. A hard layer, due to the chemical effects of rainwater in sediments with a

At the extreme south of the hilltop plateau, a test excavation was made, showing evidence of a dwelling 165

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limestone matrix, preserved the underlying contexts. These include some areas paved with small pieces of limestone and tablets of red Silves-sandstone, along with articulated, faunal remains of mammals, including the deposit of an entire skeleton of a lamb, mollusc shells and dispersed charcoal. Thus, it seems possible to interpret this evidence as a result of the abandonment of a ditch bounding different domestic areas, filled up with rubbish, allowing ulterior a later change in the arrangement of the dwelling surface.

Associação Arqueológica do Algarve (AAA). I thank the owners of the different settlement areas Anderson, Tackenberg, Fischer, Schulte-Hullern and Danielli, for giving me access and allowing me to carry on geophysisical survey and excavation in their private properties. I owe a great debt to Helmut Becker for the results of the geophysical survey he made during his hollidays, thus allowing a comprehensive view over the settlement organisation, helping define the research strategy. I thank Oswaldo Arteaga and Juan Manuel Vargas for the kind information on the ditches found at Valencina de la Concepción, Diego Angelucci (IPA, Lisbon) for preliminary evaluation of the sediments inside the winding ditch and the house of sector 16L at Alcalar, and Jair Gonçalves for the graphic treatment of field surveys and drawings. I am also thankful to Marta DíazGuardamino, Oswaldo Arteaga, Pedro López, Ana Pajuelo, Michael Kunst, Monge Soares e Victor Gonçalves for discussing the contexts of Alcalar, and to Rui Parreira, for the many discussions I had with him and for the suggestions he made when reviewing the manuscript. Finally, I owe a debt to Jenny Compton (AAA) for kindly proof reading the English paper.

DISCUSSION Approaching horizontal stratigraphy is problematic, considering incomplete excavated features and the eventually change of our points of view with new forthcoming data. In spite of this, we can point at some conclusions: 1. The enclosures seem to have been designed as boundaries of large dwelling and storage areas, obstructing access to them, along with keeping storage pits free from moisture and rain water, partially also drained into tanks and thus supplying the necessities of everyday consumption.

References

2. Some ditches were enclosing (family?) domestic units, which include a house to shelter resting places and food preparation and eating areas, and features for the daily supply of provisions and water (storage pits and water tanks), along with a wide variety of pits for less evident purposes.

BECK, C. & VILAÇA, R. (1995) The provenience of portuguese archeological amber artefacts — a case study from Moreirinha (Beira Baixa). GATO, V. (2004) Estudo da Cerâmica do corte 04 do Povoado Calcolítico de Alcalar. Tese de licenciatura. Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas. Universidade Nova. Lisboa.

3. There is evidence for a sequence of different uses in the dwelling zone, with phases of domestic units bounded by winding ditches, and later phases destroying the ditches and extending the dwelling area over them.

GOMES, M.V. (2005) Uns estranhos homens do Neolítico antigo. Barlavento on-line, de 18 de Agosto de 2005. GONÇALVES, V.S. (1999) Reguengos de Monsaraz, territórios megalíticos. Lisboa, MNALV.

4. A finer chronology for the occupation of the Alcalar settlement, approached by the excavations carried in sector 15L, relies on complete excavation still in progress of the features in sector 16L, now generally dated within the 3rd Millennium BC.

GONÇALVES, V.S. (2004) As placas de xisto gravadas dos sepulcros colectivos de Aljezur (3º milénio a.n.e.). O Arqueólogo Português. Série IV. Volume 22. Lisboa.

5. When storage pits were abandoned as a result of their structural decay, they seem to have been sealed by with organic deposits from domestic rubbish.

HARRISON, R.J. (1977) The Bell Beaker Cultures of Spain and Portugal. American School of Prehistoric Research, Bulletin no. 35. Cambridge, MA: Peabody Museum, Harvard University.

6. The overlaying of features shows a continued use of the same areas but also points to a possible change in their function: this could explain why in sector 16L a house building disabled a water reservoir and the canal related to it, could also allow a contemporary use of at least the latest phase of the house with the placement of the funerary pit, as both cut the same water supply feature.

HARRISON, R.J. (1985) The ‘Policultivo Ganadero’ or Secondary Products Revolution in Spanish Agriculture 5000-1000 BC, “Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society”, 51, p. 75-102. HOFFMANN, (1987) Holozänstratigraphie und Küstenlinienverlagerung an der andalusischen Mittelmeerküste [= Berichte aus dem Fachbereich Geowissenschaften der Universität Bremen, 2] Bremen.

Acknowledgements

JORGE, S.O. (2002) Castelo Velho de Freixo de Numão: um recinto monumental pré-histórico do Norte de Portugal. “Património / Estudos”, Lisboa, 3, p. 145-164.

For the field seasons in the Alcalar settlement I gratefully acknowledge the support given by members of the 166

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KUNST, M. (2001) Die Kupferzeit der Iberischen Halbinsel. In “Hispania Antiqua: Denkmäler der Frühzeit” (Ulbert, T., ed.), Mainz. von Zabern, p. 6799.

MORÁN, E. & PARREIRA, R., ed., (2004) Alcalar 7: Estudo e Reabilitação de um Monumento Megalítico [= Cadernos, 6]. Lisboa: IPPAR. MORAN, E. et al. (2005) Monte Canelas (Alcalar, Portimão): Trabalhos arqueológicos de salvamento de um habitat da época islâmica no Barrocal Algarvio. “Xelb”, Silves, 5, p. 133-156.

LEISNER, G. & V. (1943) Die Megalithgräber der Iberischen Halbinsel: Der Süden, 1 [= RömischGermanische Forschungen, 17]. Berlin: de Gruyter. LEISNER, G. & V. (1959) Die Megalithgräber der Iberischen Halbinsel: Der Westen, 2 [= Madrider Forschungen, 1/2]. Berlin: de Gruyter.

NOCETE, F. (2001) Tercer milenio antes de nuestra era: Relaciones y contradicciones centro/periferia en el Valle del Guadalquivir. Barcelona: Ediciones Bellaterra.

LILLIOS, K. (2004) Lives of Stone, Lives of People: Reviewing the engraved plaques of late Neolithic and Copper Age Iberia. “European Journal of Archaeology”, vol. 7(2), p. 125-158.

NOCETE, F., R. SÁEZ, J.M. NIETO, R. CRUZ, R. CABRERO, E. ALEX & M.R. BAYONA (2005) Circulation of silicified oolitic limestone blades in South-Iberia (Spain and Portugal) during the third millennium B.C.: an expression of a core/periphery framework. “Journal of Anthropological Archaeology”, 24, p. 62-81.

LOPES, S.M. da T. (2006) Estudo do conjunto artefactual cerâmico da fossa nº 40 do sítio arqueológico de Barradas. Tese de licenciatura. Faculdade de Ciências Humanas e Sociais. Universidade do Algarve. Gambelas/Faro.

NOCETE, F. (2006) The first specialised copper industry in the Iberian peninsula: Cabezo Juré (2900-2200 BC). “Antiquity”, 80, p. 646–657.

MONGE SOARES, A.M. (2004) Variabilidade do ‘upwelling’ costeiro durante o holocénico nas margens atlânticas ocidental e meridional da Península Ibérica. Universidade do Algarve, Faculdade de Ciências do Mar e o Ambiente. Faro.

SCHUBART, H. (1975) Die Kultur der Bronzezeit im Südwesten der Iberischen Halbinsel [= Madrider Forschungen, 9]. Berlim: de Gruyter.

MORÁN, E. (2001) Aproximación al estudio geoarqueológico de Alcalar (Portimão, Algarve-Portugal) en el III milénio a.n.e.: Evidencias arqueológicas de la existencia de una sociedad clasista inicial, “Revista Atlántico-Mediterránea de Prehistoria y Arqueología Social”, Cádiz, 4, p. 169-205.

SILVA, C. TAVARES da (1993) Calcolítico. In “PréHistória de Portugal” (Silva, A.C.F. da, ed.), Lisboa: Universidade Aberta, p. 195-233. SHERRATT, A. (1981) Plough and Pastoralism: Aspects of the Secondary Products Revolution. In “Pattern of the Past” (Hodder, I. Et al., ed.) [= Festschrift David Clarke]. Cambridge: University Press.

MORÁN, E. & PARREIRA, R. (2003) O povoado calcolítico de Alcalar (Portimão) na paisagem cultural do Alvor no III milénio antes da nossa era. In “Recintos Murados da Pré-História Recente” (Jorge, S.O., ed.), Porto-Coimbra, p. 307-327.

VARGAS, J.M. (2004) Valencina de la Concepción. Carta Arqueológica Municipal. Arqueologia Monografias. Junta de Andalucia.

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SCALING THE SOCIAL CONTEXT OF COPPER AGE AGGREGATIONS IN IBERIA Pedro DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO Instituto de Historia, CSIC, C/ Serrano 13, 28001-Madrid. Spain [email protected] Abstract: Materialist perspectives have focused their arguments on the leading role of coercion and conflict in order to explain the Third millennium BC Iberian archaeological record. Recently, ritual dynamics have been considered. All arguments rely on the same evidence, having explicit or implicit generalizing interpretative intentions. This paper is a critical review of two recurring opinions used by Spanish scholars to support the hierarchical -read class- and coercive nature of Copper Age societies: that variability in settlement size reflects control hierarchies and that highly formalized planning of villages and monumental enclosures reflect direct coercive control of labor. Finally, I briefly comment on some recent problematic uses of the ritual/domestic dichotomy. Key Words: Iberia. Copper Age. Enclosures. Coercion. Persuasion Resumen: Las perspectivas materialistas han centrado sus argumentos en el papel decisivo de la coerción y el conflicto a la hora de explicar el registro arqueológico del Tercer Milenio AC. Más recientemente se ha empezado a considerar el papel del ritual. Todas las argumentaciones se basan en la misma evidencia y cuentan con intenciones interpretativas generalizadoras implícitas o explícitas. Este trabajo es una revisión crítica de algunos argumentos utilizados por los investigadores españoles a la hora de sostener el carácter jerárquico (léase clasista) y naturaleza coercitiva de las sociedades de la Edad del Cobre: la variabilidad en el tamaño de los asentamientos y la elevada planificación formal de aldeas y recintos monumentales. Finalmente realizo un breve comentario en torno a algunos usos problemáticos recientes de la dicotomía ritual/doméstico. Palabras clave: Península Ibérica. Edad del Cobre. Recintos. Coerción. Persuasión

formation process of the so-called “initial class societies” of the Copper Age. This interpretation has been widely accepted by many scholars, and could be identified as dominant, at least in Spanish contemporary archaeology (see Vicent 2006).

INTRODUCTION Information on new Copper Age sites has increased dramatically since the last state-of-the-art meeting on Chalcolithic Iberia (Seville 1990, see Hurtado dir. 1995). No doubt, the first and most evident consequence has been the loss of centrality of the two traditional cornerstone cultures of the Copper Age –Los Millares and Vila Nova de San Pedro– in the interpretations of the political, social and economic dynamics of Third millennium BC Iberia. Since then, some researchers have put forward different explanations for this new evidence. They have suggested new alternative readings that have offered relatively articulated regional scale interpretations of the archaeological record. The most ambitious analyses are those put forward by F. Nocete (2001) and S.O. Jorge (1999), especially because of their broader trans-regional comparative perspective. However, one should be ready to acknowledge the fact that the published archaeological record (that is, the known archaeological record) of Copper Age Iberia is still too scarce to support these or many other possible interpretations. Consequently, any plausible interpretation will be more or less robust depending on its capacity to explain the archaeological record with reasonable parsimony.

On the other hand, the late impact of different kinds of post-processualisms (phenomenological, hermeneutical…) has encouraged the surge of interpretations that tend to stress ideological aspects (frequently reduced to “ritual”) in the formation and development of Chalcolithic societies. In sum, contemporary Spanish leading interpretations on the critical causal elements that would explain the archaeological record of the Copper Age emphasize either coercion or ritual. Obviously, any scholar familiar with Iberian Prehistory would accept that there may be plenty of evidences for both in the Third millennium BC archaeological record. My interest in this paper is not evaluating the strength or weakness of the different positions, but the strength of the evidences used to support each interpretation. Although with slight differences, most researchers would admit that pre-Copper Age Iberian societies were characterized by a kinship-based social structure, a relatively low level in the development of the productive forces, and a variable dependence on agriculture and/or herding related to differential environmental contexts. Under these circumstances, the possibilities of increasing surplus would require either a radical technological change –one that would trigger the development of productive forces- or an increase in the concentration of

There are currently two confronting proposals. On the one hand, some Marxist perspectives inspired by LatinAmerican “Social Archaeology” (e.g. Bate 1998; for a review see Patterson 1994 and Oyuela-Caycedo et al. 1997). 1 They prioritize coercion as the key element in the 1

Time will say if they should be included in the group of Spanish Marxist archaeologists that are “tak[ing] archaeology to the masses” (McGuire et al. 2005: 362), or to the choir.

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the labor force. The archaeological record suggests that the latter was preferred, probably the only historically feasible.

some time contemporaneous to the larger “centers”. 2 For instance, radiocarbon dates would suggest that the pretty impressive fortified site of Albalate, in the Upper Guadalquivir (Nocete 1994), was at least partially contemporaneous to the massive site of Marroquíes Bajos (Zafra et al. 1999; 2003). A possible interpretation would consider that the fortification process in both sites emerged as a result of the need to control – and most of all proclaimthe access to nearby resources. Although difficult to prove, this suggestion would not demand substantial differences between the evidence for production and consumption at both sites, and could simply explain differences in settlement size by considering the relation between inhabitants and nearby carrying capacity. Otherwise stated, it may be reasonable to suppose that the archaeological evidence for both sites would be somehow similar. If, on the other hand, we propose that a big settlement controls all smaller sites by, let us say, coercion, we should expect to find clear-cut notorious evidences for differences in production and consumption between sites. Testing this hypothesis would obviously require both a territorial analysis and a detailed and comparable in scale analysis of the archaeological evidence, something that is nowadays impossible knowing the available information. If we face the fact of a virtual absence of contextual information, we can only rely in accepting the scale of labor investments in infrastructure as the only proxy to evaluate the degree of submission of small sites to big “centers”. However, this view reintroduces the premise that settlement size is enough to prove the existence of hierarchies, thus becoming a circular argument.

We should also suppose that due to the initial social conditions (let us say, of the Fourth millennium BC) where all social relations were probably expressed in terms of kinship, any option of applying force or extortion to your own kin would imply either breaking kinship logics or manipulating them in one’s own benefit. Certainly, most studies of early civilizations suggest that the use and manipulation of such logics was behind the rise of many powerful groups, and frequently an effective means in the hands of the elites. However, the logic of kinship demands the practice of reciprocity: overt and continuous extortion may be impossible unless groups are previously “caged” (sensu Mann 1986; see Gilman 1981). Lacking these conditions, “inequality is not constructed practically nor ideologically justified but by services to a community” (Godelier 1977: 136). Thus, persuasion rather than coercion may be behind the archaeological evidence for Third millennium BC lineage competition in Iberia (Díaz-del-Río 2004). It is reasonable to suppose that open coercion did not play an initial determinant role in these aggregation processes. One would expect the evidence to be not too different from the previous late Neolithic one. Nevertheless, one should be able to evaluate the feasibility of the “coercion hypothesis” by analyzing the archaeological record, and not just by a preference for an alternative discourse. In order to do so, I will now focus on two arguments frequently used by Spanish scholars to support the hierarchical (class) and coercive nature of Third millennium BC societies: that variability in settlement size reflects control hierarchies and that highly formalized planning of villages and monumental enclosures reflect direct coercive control of labor. Finally, I will briefly comment on what I think are some recent problematic uses (or let us say, abuses) of the role given to ritual practices in Third millennium BC Iberia.

The Iberian central Meseta is a good case study to assess the relation between settlement size and political hierarchies during the Copper Age (for an overview see Díazdel-Río 2006). The area has been traditionally considered less complex than its contemporary southern neighbors (Millares and Vila Nova cultures) and, consequently, left aside in debates concerning “initial class societies”. The region is known to have an important amount of Chalcolithic settlements of different sizes, mostly discovered as a consequence of past decades real-state and public infrastructural boom. Out of all, the most relevant may have been the recent discovery and excavation of the first ditched enclosures in the region (Díaz-del-Río 2003; 2004b). At least two of them have been completely mapped, allowing the definition of their total extension: the external enclosure of ‘Fuente de la Mora’ has 1 ha and Gózquez 0.3 ha. Both are small compared to other known enclosures of Iberia or of the British Isles (Oswald et al. 2001: 73).

SETTLEMENT HIERARCHIES A classical way to argument the existence of political hierarchies and relations of dependence between settlements has been the observation of size differences between sites: the smaller should depend political and/or economically on the larger. Although problems related to this kind of interpretation are multiple (and I would say evident by now) its use is still frequent, particular when confronting the Iberian Copper Age, where size differences between sites are undeniable.

These sites contrast with some recently discovered settlements such as Camino de las Yeseras (Blasco et al. 2005). It is located in fertile riverbanks of the Jarama, about one 2 Nevertheless, this is not always the case. For instance, a detailed examination of the evolution of regional settlement patterns (Nocete 1994) compared to the evolution of the woul-be-center of Marroquíes Bajos (Zafra et al. 1999) suggests that small villages may have been the result of a peopling by groups fleeing the macro-village (Díaz-del-Río 2004a), and not tribute-producing settlements.

In spite of the well-known limitations of our archaeological record, and the inevitable problems related to the statistical error of absolute chronologies, one would suppose that most small sites would have been at least for 170

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kilometer from the river-bed and three from its confluence with the Henares river. According to its diggers, this Third millennium BC settlement is placed in an especially advantageous location regarding all potentially exploittable resources: “the availability in fertile lowlands of both irri-gated land agriculture and fresh pasture […] should have been determinant in the election of the sites’ location” (Blasco et al. 2005: 457). Although only 1.4 ha have been excavated up to date, the authors suggest a total extension of about 20 ha and a structure comparable to a casewayed enclosure.

this premise and due to the lack of unequivocal evidences of differential production or consumption in and between settlements (Gilman 2000), many researchers have ventured considering communal constructions in larger sites as good examples of the existence of social hierarchies (“nobilities”) organizing and taking advantage of collective labor. There are obviously substantial differences among Third millennium BC settlements in Iberia, both in the amount labor and in the design complexity. Labor gradation may range between the 113 ha complex ditch system of Marroquíes Bajos (Zafra et al. 1999) and, to give an emblematic example, the 0.5 ha enclosure of Los Millares known as “Fortín 1” (Arribas et al. 1983). Design complexity does not necessarily relate to size, as the latter example clearly shows.

As has happened in other Iberian regions, the presence of a site with these characteristics and extension would allow some scholars to argue for the existence of a political/ economic hierarchy by the Third millennium BC in the central Meseta. The argument would be simple: the existence of a size hierarchy in contemporaneous settlements would indicate the existence of a political and/or economic dependence of the smaller from the largest. The way to test this hypothesis would also be straightforward (Brumfiel 1972; Steponaitis 1978; 1981; Wright 2000): comparing the “carrying capacity” of each settlement, i.e. the maximum number of individuals that can be indefinitely supported in each nearby environment. If there is a proportional relation between settlement size and resources, we must then consider a more parsimonious explanation: larger settlements and population concentrations may exist wherever the surrounding carrying capacity would allow them to survive.

The up-to-date best quantified comparative analysis of Copper Age labor investments has been put forward by Monks (1997). Although the author points out to important aspects of labor mobilization, it informs us specifically on the amount of labor invested. Nevertheless, I would suggest that the straightforward quantification of construction volumes misses an important point: the way collective labor was carried out. I believe that it is this variable the one that can help us understand the tactical or organizational power (Wolf 1999: 5) of these prehistoric groups.

PLANNING

It may be illustrative to start with a close-by French example, the Third millennium BC settlement of Boussargues, near Montpellier (Colomer et al. 1990) (Figure 19.1). It is a small 860 sq.m enclosure located on top of a hill, in a position rather similar to many contemporary settlements in Iberia. A detailed publication describes at least three constructive phases. The place is initially occupied by six small circular structures of identical dimensions. The reduced interior space in each of them suggests they were shelters rather than a place to carry out the everyday life of the building group. Moreover, the distance between them point to a predetermined design in their distribution, facilitating while limiting the future second phase: an enclosure. Using an hydraulic analogy (with apologies to Barceló 1989), the initial disposition of these structures entail the future rigidity of the design: any later modification would imply expanding it outside the initial limits. The enclosure was constructed building wall segments between the six initial structures. Further on, some initial huts were expanded by roofing new areas. Due to the construction scale as a whole, it is reasonable to suppose that the structure of the village was a result of the organization of a segmentary group, where constituent parts create a space -both private and collective-, and where decisions are taken in a cooperative way. The same structure of the village acts as metaphor and a formal representation of the social structure of the aggregation.

The organization of collective labor and the planning and execution of public works demand leadership. Based on

Let us now analyze a classic case in Iberian Prehistory. Monks (1997: 21) has calculated that Los Millares

Obviously, this kind of analysis requires a straightforward landscape archaeological research program to a regional scale, something that is not the aim of this paper. But I nevertheless have some tips on how results would be. It is possible to order the up-mentioned sites just by knowing their position regarding nearby fertile lowlands: Gózquez, close to a secondary stream would be the smallest; Fuente de la Mora, on a hill by the slightly larger Butarque riverbank would follow and, finally, Camino de la Yesera, on the fertile lowlands in the Jarama river (the largest riverbank in the area) would be the largest. And so it is. Concluding, we have to set aside our frequent predisposition to suggest the existence of political and/or economic hierarchies between sites by just considering their size. We would necessarily require the use of quantitative methods in order to contrast the carrying capacity of the settlement’s territory to support variable size aggregations. It is however symptomatic to observe how the largest sites in Copper Age Iberia are located in highly fertile areas (Valencina de la Concepción, La Pijotilla) or in places with a comparatively prominent productive potential (Los Millares, Marroquíes Bajos).

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Fig. 19.1. Construction phases at the French Copper Age site of Boussargues (modified from Colomer et al. 1990)

required a labor investment of more than 100,000 days. This, of course, says nothing of the way and pace in which it was built. But we can obtain a general sense of the way the first line of enclosure was built, even though the sequence of building events at the site has not been entirely published. Although the enclosures are most frequently represented as a continuous black line, without the outlines of construction events, I have redrawn them specifically attending to their different components. In fact, the excavators represented building interfaces by drawing a thicker line. In my representation (Figure 19.2), different greys do not represent a specific building sequence, but highlight the fact that the “fortification” does not seem to be a pre-planned construction, but a series of far from neatly crafted constructions and reconstructions. Obviously, many authors have stressed that Los Millares walls were sequentially widened by the incorporation of different reinforcements and formal changes. As Molina and Cámara (2005: 34) note, the average thickness of this (wall) is about two meters and was made adding many reinforcements in the internal face of the main wall”. This interpretation, however, gives a unified view of how labor was deployed; something that is not so obvious if the building dynamic is carefully revised following the evidence recorded during the excavation. When we separate clearly later reinforcements and modifications, we can identify that the so-called main wall is in itself nothing else than an addition of different segments. Some of them were built in a strange way for a planned construction. For instance, there are many rectilinear wall fragments ending in a socalled bastion, but its continuation is another building project, rather inadequate if the construction was intended to be a long-term monument/fortification. In other cases, rectilinear walls were built over previous circular constructions (either bastions or dwellings), or other walls were made and later bastions finally added, some of them incorporating evidence of everyday life activities inside. Actually, the image of an impressing fortification with eleven bastions strategically placed (such as the one recently reconstructed in the archaeological guide of the site) is highly misleading: there is enough evidence to

argue that bastions and façades were neither designed nor built simultaneously. I think the case of the first line in Los Millares provides good clues about labor organization and its deployment, and above all, about the kind of surplus labor control that may have been at work. It would not be reasonable to suppose that the society that built Millares lacked the practical knowledge to build a main wall with bastions if they had wanted to. Consequently, it may be suggested that no matter the social institution behind this work, it did not control the means to recruit, organize and mobilize labor in order to build a unified monumental project. The resulting image is an aggregation of segments of building projects that, in a way, reflected a similar idea about a desired final product. The tactic or organizational power (to use E. Wolf’s terms) was probably restricted to each group’s variable recruitment capacity. The multiple segments constituting the fortifications in Los Millares, as those at Boussargues or at the Portuguese site of Castanheiro do Vento (Jorge et al, 2006) (see Figure 19.2) are not just good metaphors, but the very result of the social structure that built it. The apparently large constructions of Iberian Peninsular Chalcolithic are not necessarily the result of powerful and exploitative hierarchies behind decision-making. It rather seems that, as happens in Boussargues or Los Millares, they are the result of additions with a sequential labor mobilization, according to the capacity of the different segments to mobilize their own labor force in an effort that rarely required an important collective effort. They did not demand a high previous planning, although they probably shared and transmitted a highly valued practical knowledge. BEYOND RITUAL Open coercion does not seem to be the generalized mechanism to mobilize collective labor during the Third millennium BC. Thus, we should evaluate more persua172

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Fig. 19.2. Construction dynamics at three Copper Age sites compared to scale (1) Los Millares (modified from Arribas et al. 1983), (2) Castanheiro do Vento (modified from Jorge et al. 2006) and (3) Boussargues (modified from Colomer et al. 1990)

sive forms. Perhaps the most evident –and effective– way to attract and mobilize labor in tribal contexts is the practice of collective activities of a reiterative nature that establish a web of social relations of mutual support. These activities, whatever their form (feasts, gatherings, different kinds of works …) and degree of ceremonial elaboration, are eminently persuasive: groups are voluntarily involved and frequently subdued to the highly formalized dynamics of the activity. Groups may avoid these activities as long as they are not seriously affected: voluntary exclusion from these social webs of mutual support may expose them to socioeconomic predation (Hayden 2001: 575). Consequently, groups would participate in collective activities in order to avoid potential risks, obtain immediate benefits, or promises of future gains.

efficiently enough to be materialized in a massive perpetuated result. In order to achieve it, it was necessary to meet three sine qua non conditions: availability of a large labor force, the material conditions of production to support them, and a recurring and persuasive summoning capacity. It is the differences in the political-economic scale of regional developments during Iberian Late Prehistory that I suggest are key in order to understand how these three conditions historically interplayed. Nevertheless, most interpretations of monumental enclosures in the Iberian Peninsula that have rejected the “coercion hypothesis” have highlighted the role of ritual activities, but oversimplifying the archaeological evidence into a domestic/ritual dichotomy. Certainly, during the last years the interpretative pendulum has shifted from considering enclosures as habitation/domestic spaces to non-habitational /ritual arenas, an interpretation repeated ad nauseam by scholars that have applied Procust’s bed to all European and non-European enclosures. The under-

These means of labor mobilization were probably accessible to all Iberian groups in the Third millennium BC. However, only some of them mobilized surplus labor 173

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standing of enclosures has been so radically inverted that any enclosure was indisputably considered a ceremonial space: domestic or defensive components would be the ones that required extra support in the eyes of the new exegetes.

neither explicit nor massive in previous Neolithic phases, and is practically non-existent in the later Bronze Age, with the outstanding exception of the Southeast. Be it domestication of the ritual or ritualization of domestic events, what is needed is to focus on the political roles of ritual practices in a comparative diachronic and regional perspective.

I want to highlight three aspects of this trend that may be problematic within its use in the Iberian archaeological practice. First, it has invigorated the risk –and the application– of a traditional (normative) interpretation of what ritual is and can look like. In other words, this trend argues the presence of some kind of ritual practice whenever the archaeological record includes “anomalies”, that is, unusual evidence difficult to interpret in straightforward functional terms.

Bibliography ARRIBAS, A.; MOLINA, F.; SÁEZ, L.; DE LA TORRE, F.; AGUAYO, P.; BRAVO, A. and SUAREZ, A. (1983) “Excavaciones en Los Millares (Santa Fe de Mondujar, Almería). Campañas de 1982 y 1983”. Cuadernos de Prehistoria de la Universidad de Granada 8: 123-147.

Secondly, in spite of frequently having a post-processual discourse, the most frequent interpretation is openly funcionalist: enclosures are spaces that are not appropriate for living but are created in order to host ceremonial gatherings of dispersed groups. The interpretation has been applied to most Italian and central European Neolithic enclosures, the English Stonehenge or the north American Poverty Point, and seems to become a enlightening interpretation when applied to Los Millares, Valencina, Marroquíes, La Pijotilla, Gozquez de Arriba or Castelo Velho. Thus, the previous postprocesual stress on the importance of the ideological component of all societies has been overtly simplified into a conventional archaeological practice.

BARCELÓ, M. (1989) “El diseño de espacios irrigados en al-Andalus: un enunciado de principios generales”. I Coloquio de Historia y medio físico. El agua en zonas áridas: Arqueología e Historia. Almería: XVXLXI. BATE, L.F. (1998) El proceso de investigación en Arqueología. Crítica. Barcelona. BLASCO, C.; LIESAU, C.; DELIBES, G.; BAQUEDANO, E. and RODRÍGUEZ, M. (2005) “Enterramientos campaniformes en ambiente doméstico: el yacimiento de Camino de las Yeseras (San Fernando de Henares, Madrid)”. En M.A. Rojo Guerra, R. Garrido Pena and I. García Martínez de Lagrán (coords.): El Campaniforme en la Península Ibérica y su contexto europeo. Arte y Arqueología 21. Universidad de Valladolid. Valladolid: 457-472.

Finally, the domestic character of enclosures has been systematically denied, but one still wonders the kind of archaeological features that should be found to define a domestic space or a ritual one, if that division is in any way possible. For instance, most scholars would agree on the idea that most Third Millennium BC sites in central Iberia have both animal and human deposits in primary and secondary position that suggest a society with widespread ritual practices. But, if they all should be considered as ritual spaces, we would then face the paradox of not only lacking domestic sites, but most of all, ignoring its defining features.

BRADLEY, R. (2005) Ritual and domestic life in Prehistoric Europe. Routledge. London. BRUMFIEL, E. 1972) “Regional Growth in the Eastern Valley of Mexico: A Test of the ‘Population Pressure’ hypothesis”. In K.V. Flannery (ed.): The Early Mesoamerican Village. Academic Press. New York: 234249. COLOMER, A.; COULAROU, J. y GUTHERZ, X. (1990) Boussargues (Argelliers, Hérault). Un habitat ceinturé chalcolithique: les fouilles du secteur ouest. Documents D’Archéologie Fran aise 24. Maison des sciences de l’Homme. Paris.

Of course, the background of all these problems is a limited understanding of the political-economic role of ritual in most early farming societies. If, as Sahlins (1976) or Godelier (1986) have argued, there is no division between structure and superstructure in the so-called tribal societies, then trying to define the archaeological evidence by applying the domestic-ritual dichotomy would be misleading, as in fact Bradley (2005) has recently reminded us. Nevertheless, the fact that –in Bradley’s opinion- daily life is ritualized does not imply that we have to focus settlement analysis exclusively in order to identify non-utilitarian anomalies. On the opposite, it is precisely in the domesticity of the archaeological record were we can find key elements to understand Third Millennium BC Iberian societies. Over all, we should highlight the fact that this domesticity is

DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2003) “Recintos de fosos del III milenioAC en la Meseta Peninsular”. Trabajos de Prehistoria 60(2): 61-78. DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2004 a) “Factionalism and collective labor in Copper Age Iberia”. Trabajos de Prehistoria 61(2): 85-98. DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2004 b) “Copper Age Ditched Enclosures in Central Iberia”. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 23(2): 107-121. DÍAZ-DEL-RÍO, P. (2006) “An appraisal of social inequalities in central Iberia (c. 5300-1600 cal BC)”. In P. Díaz-del-Río and L. García Sanjuán eds.: Social 174

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Inequality in Iberian Late Prehistory. British Archaeological Reports International Series S1525. Oxford.

NOCETE, F. (1994) La formación del estado en las campiñas del Alto Guadalquivir (3000-1500 a.n.e.). Análisis de un proceso de transición. Monográfica Arte y Arqueología. Universidad de Granada. Granada.

GILMAN, A. (1981) “The development of social stratification in Bronze Age Europe”. Current Anthropology 22(1): 1-23.

NOCETE, F. (2001) Tercer milenio antes de nuestra era. Relaciones y contradicciones centro/periferia en el Valle del Guadalquivir. Bellaterra Arqueología. Barcelona.

GILMAN, A. (2000) “Assessing political development in Copper and Bronze Age Southeast Spain”. In Jonathan Haas (ed.): From Leaders to Rulers. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. New York: 59-81.

OSWALD, A.; DYER, C. and BARBER, M. (2001) The Creation of Monuments. Neolithic Causewayed Enclosures in the British Isles. English Heritage. Swindon.

GODELIER, M. (1977) Teoría marxista de las sociedades precapitalistas. 3rd edition. Laia. Barcelona.

OYUELA-CAYCEDO, A.; ANAYA, A.; ELERA, C.G. and VALDEZ, L.M. (1997) “Social Archaeology in Latin America?: Comments to T.C. Paterson”. American Antiquity 62(2): 365-376.

GODELIER, M. The Mental and the Material. Thought, economy, and society. Verso. HAYDEN, B. (2001) “The dynamics of wealth and poverty in the transegalitarian societies of Southeast Asia”. Antiquity 75: 571-581.

PATTERSON, T.C. (1994) “Social Archaeology in Latin America: An Appreciation”. American Antiquity 59(3): 531-537.

HURTADO, V. (dir.) (1995) El Calcolítico a debate. Reunión de Calcolítico de la Península Ibérica. Consejería de Cultura. Junta de Andalucía.

SAHLINS, M. (1976) Culture and Practical Reason. University of Chicago Press. Chicago.

JORGE, S.O. (1999) “Domesticating the Land: the first agricultural communities in Portugal”. Journal of Iberian Archaeology 2: 43-98.

STEPONAITIS, V. (1978) “Location Theory and Complex Chiefdoms”. In B. Smith (ed.): Mississippian Settlement Systems. Academic Press. New York: 417-453.

JORGE, V.O.; MURALHA, J.; MARGARIDA, A.; LEITE, G. and SOUSA, L. (2006) “Copper Age ‘Monumentalized hills’ of Iberia: the shift from positivistic ideas to interpretative ones. New perspectives on old techniques of transforming place and space as results of a research experience in the NE of Portugal”. In V.O. Jorge, J. Muralha, A. Margarida, G. Leite and L. Sousa eds.: Approaching ‘Prehistoric and protohistoric architectures’ of Europe from a ‘dwelling perspective’. Journal of Iberian Archaeology 8. Porto: 203-264.

STEPONAITIS, V. (1981) “Settlement Hierarchies and Political Complexity”. American Anthropologist 83: 320-363. VICENT, J.M. (2006) “Prologue”. In P. Díaz-del-Río and L. García Sanjuán eds.: Social Inequality in Iberian Late Prehistory. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1525. Oxford: ix-xiv. WOLF, E.R. (1999) Envisioning Power: Ideologies of Dominance and Crisis. University of California Press. Berkeley.

MANN, M. (1986) The Sources of Social Power: Volume 1, A History of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.

WRIGHT, H.T. (2000) “Modeling Tributary Economies and Hierarchical Polities”. In G.M. Feinman and L. Manzanilla eds.: Cultural Evolution: Contemporary Viewpoints. Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers: 197-213.

McGUIRE, R.; O’DONOVAN, M. and WURST, L. (2005) “Probing Praxis in Archaeology: The Last Eighty Years”. Rethinking Marxism 17 (3): 355372. MOLINA, F. and CÁMARA, J.A. (2005) Los Millares. Guía del yacimiento arqueológico. Consejería de Cultura. Junta de Andalucía.

ZAFRA, N.; HORNOS, F. y CASTRO, M. (1999) “Una macro-aldea en el origen del modo de vida campesino: Marroquíes Bajos (Jaén) c. 2500-2000 ANE”. Trabajos de Prehistoria 56(1): 77-102.

MONKS, S.J. (1997) “Conflict and Competition in Spanish Prehistory: The Role of Warfare in Societal Development from the Late Fourth to Third Millennium BC”. Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 10(1): 3-32.

ZAFRA, N.; CASTRO, M. and HORNOS, F. (2003) “Sucesión y simultaneidad en un gran asentamiento: la cronología de la macro-aldea de Marroquíes Bajos, Jaén c. 2500-2000 ANE”. Trabajos de Prehistoria 60(2): 79-90.

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Session C88 RHYMES ET CAUSALITES DES DYNAMIQUES DE L’ANTHROPISATION EN EUROPE ENTRE 6500 ET 500 BC: HYPOTHESES SOCIO-CULTURELLES ET/OU CLIMATIQUES

SICILIAN ANTHROPIZATION IN THE MEDITERRANEAN BACKGROUND Angelo VINTALORO Corleone – Italy

With its strategic position in the centre of the Mediterranean Sea, in the course of millenniums Sicily has always played a leading important role as regards the trading and exploratory lines coming, as we will soon demonstrate, above all from the Near East and from the north of Italy.

Uzzo, situated within the Reserve of the Zingaro on the coast between Palermo and Trapani, dates back to around ten thousand years ago. The associations of mammals of this kind confirm that also in Sicily a sharp climatic change has taken place with the diffusion of arboreous shed. In witness of that, there is the predominance of remains of deer and wild boar, hunted since the end of the Mesolithic or the beginning of the Neolithic.

To take a step backward as regards our topic, we must say that the Upper Paleolith had a later beginning than the peninsular one. Laplace himself dates the beginning of the Upper Paleolith in Sicily to the evolved Aurignacian.

During the next climatic phases, it takes place a light diminution of the seasonal contrast, which brings Sicily towards a certain climatic acidification, above all in the Southern and South-eastern area of the island. This is one of the richest and most crowded area in Sicily in every age, but in the period at issue, that is the end of the Mesolithic and the beginning of the Neolithic (between ‘eight thousand’ and ‘six thousand and five hundred’ before Christ), the landscape had to be characterised by Mediterranean scrub-land and oak woods. At the beginning of the Neolithic we have documentary evidences of strawberry-trees, vines and wild olive-trees, while cereals are documented from the Neolithic onward.

Climate and climatic changes have always modified the isle aspect together with its anthropization, which, considering the land breadth, did not have homogeneous evolution and outcomes in each of its parts, but it was rather discontinuous and involving different and independent areas with sometimes occasional intersections one with the other. The shift from the Pleistocene (pron.: plìstosin) to the Holocene (pron.: hòlosin), which in Sicily takes place around ten thousand years ago, evolved into a climatic instability linked to North Africa (from where Sicily is only one hundred and fifty kilometres far) with an alternation of minimum or maximum rainfalls which determined sometimes drying up and desertification, sometimes the appearance of lakes and marshes.

From Cave of Uzzo come the most interesting data of this area, which presented a high density of population, both with permanent and semi permanent groups. These latter people controlled the area as far as Cape St. Vito, although the central reference nucleus was always represented by the Cave of Uzzo and from its bay. It has been verified that both the sea resources and the land with the harvesting and the next domestication of plants have been very much exploited. This land included also the whole Valley of the Belice, where the hilly Corleonese areas were especially employed in sheep farming and cereal growing.

It seems clear that, in a sea-surrounded territory, run across by hundreds of rivers, with mountain chains sometimes around two thousand metres high and with smooth hills bordering the typical Sicilian valleys, the anthropization took place by clearly-defined areas, also because of the land morphology and of the rocky ground, which sometimes made up an insuperable barrier. In Sicily there are calcareous rock caves which used to represent the safest places and shelters, since most of the Sicilian rocky ground is made up of friable calcarenite sedimentary rock of very little usability.

During the Neolithic age, the mild Sicilian temperature favoured the development of permanent groups in the whole island, with some important penetrations into the Hyblaean upland and into some isolated inhabited inland areas.

The beginning of the Holocene causes a drastic reduction of the coastal plains which hosted some human settlements and which constituted the favourite habitat of the great mammals as uruses and equids. This event established the definitive insularity of Favignana, Levanzo and the Maltese islands.

But the most important period of the Neolithic is the discovery of navigation; although it was coastal navigation, it permitted the discovery of the Aeolian Islands in Messina area and the Egadi Islands very near to Trapani. By the “diffusionism” theory this is the time when in Sicily the populations, coming from the ”Fertile Crescent” located between eastern Palestinian, the

This climatic change corresponds to the spread on the island of the Mesolithic Culture, which, in the Cave of 179

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nuraghi, which were characterized by the predominance of the stonework on the empty usable space. This typology finds further comparisons in France with some tumuli which date back to the Middle Neolithic, such as those of La Noguettè in Calvados. The cultural background of the sese is that of Rodi-Tindari-Vallelunga in northern Sicily (beginning of the second millennium before Christ). It is in contraposition with the Castelluccio Culture in south-eastern Sicily, but it is linked to to the Capo Graziano Culture in the Aeolian Islands and to the proto-Apennine B of the peninsula.

southern part of Anatolia and the Zagros chain, overlapped following more or less regular migratory waves. The colonizers surely came from different areas, not necessarily in touch one with the other, adjusting the new farming and breeding know-how to the new stimuli, to the changed environmental conditions and, last but not least, to the needs of the natives. The discovery of ceramics, which happened almost certainly soon after the advent of farming and sheep breeding, represented for sure the next most important moment of the Neolithic age, which completes the agricpastoral renewal scene. It is with the Facies from Stentinello in the fifth millennium before Christ that starts the definition of open-air settlement with the continuous and quick agric-pastoral development which will reach its climax with Diana Culture (between ‘three thousand and five hundred’ and ‘two thousand and five hundred’ before Christ).

During the Eneolithic the connections with Maltese islands continue, even if the Facies from Malpasso has some similarities with the Anatolian area and the Aeolian have relationships with the Greek islands. The decay of the Aeolian coincides with the enrichment of some Sicilian areas especially on the western side. The discovery of metals brought to some people such an accumulation of wealth derived from the possession and the monopoly of the metal sources that consequently caused a socio-cultural diversification.

Moreover it is under consideration the hypothesis that some elements of the initial Neolithic may have been introduced from North Africa, such as the sheep, whose progenitress is in fact considered the so-called “Barbary Sheep” from North Africa.

This luxury will be monopolized by some groups which will start to differentiate themselves from the rest of the community both for property and power.

Ceramics prove these external connections which are very visible also in Malta and in the area of the present region Calabria. The Facies from Ghar Dalam in Malta can be associated with the Sicilian Facies from Stentinello (between ‘five thousand and one hundred’ and ‘four thousand and five hundred’ before Christ). In fact their decorative patterns are almost identical, up to the Diana Culture from the Aeolian Islands, which are very similar to the vase typology with the typical reel handles of the Grey Sorba and Red Sorba Cultures in the Maltese islands. All this testifies to the continuous connections of Malta with Sicily since the Middle Neolithic. While we find similar three-colour ceramics in the area of the Campania islands, particularly in Capri.

But the cultural fragmentation, which characterizes the beginning of the Aeneolithic with a cultural diversification in the island, causes the arrival of new warriors with a lithic and metal production, having warlike forms coming from the Helladic world through the mediation of central and southern Italy. This is the moment when Sicily becomes the true mainstay of intensive sea trading and will be the land mostly linked, both culturally and politically, to the Aegean development, as demonstrated by the craft made vase production, ideally linked to the Helladic-Anatolian experience.

Obsidian represented the Sicilian resource which expanded in the whole Mediterranean area. The most important mines were in Lipari and Pantelleria, but the obsidian made objects have been found in the Maltese islands, in the whole North Africa and Italy, in the south of France and in present Slovenia.

The Facies from Saint Ippolito and that one from the Guado in south Italy (from ‘two thousand and five hundred’ and ‘two thousand and two hundred’ before Christ) have a common origin in the Aegean-AnatholianCypric environment. In this period in western Sicily there was the culture of the oven- shaped graves on offset planes, the same as in Palestina (Dhar Mizbaneh and Gibeon) starting from the Middle Chalcolithic (from ‘three thousand two hundred and sixty’ before Christ and next). Other characteristics in common with the Palestinian Culture can be found in such ceramic artefacts as either the flattened cinerary urns with cylindrical neck and linear red decoration or in the twin vases.

Certainly the animals arrived in Sicily from the near East and they were already tamed, as confirmed by the data of the Cave Uzzo, in particular they were dogs, goats, sheep, oxen and swine. It is especially worth quoting Pantelleria and its ‘sesi’, peculiar and original monuments, unknown out of Sicily. They are circular structures, frustum of cone shaped and built following a megalithic technique for exclusively funerary use.

Between the third and the second millennium B.C. we have the appearance of the bell-shaped cup which brought undoubtedly some changes in the political and social Sicilian organization. It is almost sure that the Bellshaped Culture arrived in Sicily through the mediation of

They reflect the tower module, well known in the other central Mediterranean areas, such as the Balearic Navetas and Talayots, the Corsican towers and the Sardinian 180

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Sardinia, whose artefacts bring us directly to the same bell-shape used in central Europe. Our vases are strictly connectible to those found in funerary contexts in Silesia, South Poland, Holland (Rhenen) and south Germany (Oberrhein and Osthofen). In this historical period it starts the birth of independent groups who live in villages far only few hundreds metres one from the other, above all in western Sicily, since in eastern Sicily this culture has a sporadic presence. Practically speaking we have the birth of the first agric-pastoral society with well-developed trading connections between the groups.

In the ancient Bronze Age it was even more marked the subdivision into clans. The discovery of tombs richer than others makes us suppose the existence of a chief of the clan who cared the relationship with the other groups. In the animal breeding prevailed that of sheep and oxen, much less that one of swine. Of great importance in this period (from ‘one thousand and eight hundred’ B.C. onwards) appears the relationship with the Maltese islands and the Tarxien culture and Cemetery. These connections were proved to represent above all the holy sphere.

The Bell-shaped Culture is associated with the Facies from Malpasso, Partanna and Sant’Ippolito, between the end of the third millennium and the beginning of the second one B.C. and with the Facies from Rodi-TindariVallelunga in the final part. All this creates a religious syncretism between what brings the bell-shaped artefacts and what already existed in Sicily, to give birth to what we call proto-Sicanian culture.

It has always remained fundamental the relationship with Sardinia, but above all also with the peninsular area, relationship which has never been interrupted since the Neolithic onward, thanks to the connections from and with the Eastern countries and, more precisely, Greece and Anatolia. Quite a different matter is represented by the minor islands such as the Aeolian, which, thanks to the Cape Graziano Culture, overcame the Eneolithic decay caused by the discovery of metals substituting the obsidian. The Cape Graziano Culture was not an evolution of the preceding facies, but it was constituted by elements coming from the Maltese islands (Tarxien and Tarxien Cemetery) and from continental Greece with the Protohelladic III and with the Mycenaean ceramics (Myc I and II). There are a great number of points in common between these two cultures, such as the fish bone wall structure, the use of bothroi, the presence of lithic paving, the inhumation and the cremation in the funerary rites, the kinds of bowls and pitchers, the engraved decoration, the axe with a cylindrical hole for the handle, the fictile horns and hooks fastened as those typical from Troia I. For the first time we notice also a certain expansion of the Aeolian predominance, since the legend narrates about the foundation of Agathyrnos (perhaps Capo d’Orlando) with Pheraimon and Androkles who would dominate the regions spreading from the Straits of Messina to Cape Lilibeo, given that Rhegion was founded by Giocasto and Xouthia-Lentini from Xouthos.

The most important penetration routes, following the north-south axis, were the valleys of the Oreto, Eleuterio and High Belice. The axis of the Belice southward and of the Imera northward has been located as the borderline between the Bell-shaped culture and the Castelluccio Culture in eastern Sicily, which has always maintained connections with the Aegean islands and Anatolia, making of that its power point. In the Sicilian hinterland, there has been recently the discovery of some settlements contiguous to some peculiar natural emerging places (rocky peaks, etc.), visible also from very far away and identifying, in the site, its strongly commercial characteristic, where the groups met daily for their own ‘business’. In few words the emerging rock represented “the trading sign” of a fairy-mercantile place. Among the groups of huts there were large spaces used on one side for ovens and fireplaces, on the other for rubbish dump. Some villages used to have also a common area designed for sacred rites. And this is just the period when the villages start to be fortified following the Aegean model of semicircular big towers.

At the end of the thirteenth century B.C. there was a reinforcement of the connections with the Aegean islands which brought to the formation of the proto-human sites and to the political stabilization of the èlites who controlled the metallurgical production. The development was not equal to that one of the Aegean islands, however this latter area together with Sicily constituted a local central-peripheral system, founded on the interaction of the two poles, where the centre transmits artifacts and technologies to the outskirts, quickening as a matter of fact the processes of social differentiation and of increment of the complexity of the economical organization, which permitted to Sicily to get rid of the farm surplus (such as olive oil and wine) and the manufactured goods such as perfumed oils.

It is possible that in this period some inner hierarchies developed, so that in the connections with the other villages it is very evident the rise of the product specialization with some groups expert in the flint tool making and others in the basalt millstone making. The graves are of the little cave kind and belong only to one familiar group. Moreover there were a lot of imported metal goods brought from the Aegean area, such as triangular daggers, sword points, various punches and also a weighing yoke. 181

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It is in the middle and late Age of Bronze that the Mycenaean influence first grew stronger and then decayed because of the Ausonians who came from peninsular Italy and violently supplanted the tribal groups, starting from the Aeolian islands and from the northern coasts, until they ousted Pantalica itself and gave uniformity to the Sicilian culture (from ‘one thousand three hundred and fifty to one thousand and twenty’ B.C.).

Starting from the middle of the eighth century B.C., Greek colonization in Eastern Sicily and Phoenician colonization in Western Sicily prevailed, bringing forth some important contributions to the development of the town planning and colonizing the island in an almost homogeneous way. In the Greek area an important phenomenon regarded the marriages, voluntary or not, of Greek people with native people in order to come into possession of large amounts of lands, where they permitted the settlement of new Greek colonies.

For the first time in Sicily there was the acceptance, within some independent groups, of external people, on condition that there was a common alley. All this until the edges of the Iron Age, when Sicily is populated by the Sicanians in the central part, by the Siculians in the eastern part and by the Elymians in the western part.

On the contrary, the Phoenicians, who were always interested in the farming, fishing and even mining resources to trade into the eastern markets, made of Sicily their point of reference, so that on one side they built large sea harbours, on the other side they deforested large areas of the island in order to give start to intensive cereal farming and sheep and cattle breeding.

The Sicanians are probably a native population that has started since the Neolithic with the Stentinello culture. They are ascribed the discovery of corn and its cultivation. A mix of Trojans and Focesi who escaped the Achaei and in the western part mingled with the Sicanians, giving birth to the Elymians, although in other theories it prevails the opinion by which they are considered a population originally settling in the areas of Liguria and of the present south-eastern France and then coming to Sicily following the ancient routes.

Then the transformation of the raw materials, such as that of the minerals into metals and that referring to the production of salt to preserve food, bettered the quality of life and made possible the plan of integration of man in the territory. References

Finally, around the year one thousand, through the Straits of Messina, a new population arrived, the Siculians, escaping from the Campanian people of the Osci and having at their side a new and powerful means of war: the horse. These peoples settled in eastern Sicily having as a border the Salso river.

PRIMA SICILIA – ALLE ORIGINI DELLA SOCIETA’ SICILIANA (1997) – AA.VV. Regione Siciliana – Ediprint. SEBASTIANO TUSA – La Sicilia nella preistoria – Sellerio editore Palermo.

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ETABLISSEMENTS ET PARCOURS: L’INFLUENCE DE L’ENVIRONNEMENT SUR LES STRATEGIES D’INSTALLATION ET SUR LES PARCOURS PENDANT LE CHALCOLITHIQUE EN ITALIE CENTRE-SEPTENTRIONALE Neva CHIARENZA, Renata GRIFONI CREMONESI, Irene LAMBERTINI Università degli Studi di Pisa Résumé: Cette étude présente une analyse du peuplement du Nord et du Centre de l’Italie pendant Le Chalcolithique et le Campaniforme, obtenue par l’examen des sites d’habitat et funéraires découverts dans cet environ en cette période; on a fait donc un recensement des sites connus jusqu’aujourd’hui, en comptant les découvertes sporadiques et les témoignages à caractère rituel aussi: on est ainsi arrivée à tracer une carte des fréquentations durables et non; à partir de ça on a pu formuler des hypothèses sur les priorités qui dressèrent les gents énéolithiques vers certaines bandes altimétriques et certaines conditions géomorphologiques. Toutes ces données soulignent d’importantes différences entre les choix des endroits dans le Nord et dans le Centre de l’Italie, en tant que conditionné par les caractéristiques géomorphologiques des environs. En suite, on a pu observer l’importance des contacts, possibles grâce à une très bonne connaissance du territoire. Mots Clés: Enéolitique, Italie Centre-Septentrionale, Altitude, Géomorphologie, Voies de comunication Summary: This study presents a global vision of the Northern-Central Italy’s peopling in Copper Age and Campaniform, based on the analysis of settlement and funeral modalities testified in this area during this period. For this purpose we have proceeded to make a census of the sites which have been found up to now, including traces of frequenting and religious usages: in this way we have been able to outline a map which has let us formulate hypotheses about the priorities that could explain the preferences for some altimetrical strips and geomorphologic conditions. The arrangement of the data we have obtained brings out that settlement choices made in the North are different from the ones which are made in the Center of Italy because they depend on the different geomorphologic characteristics. Secondly we could underline the importance of contacts which has been possible thanks to a deep knowledge of the territory.

Cette étude vise à obtenir une vision globale du peuplement de l’Italie du Centre-Nord pendant la période Chalcolithique (autres noms utilisées: Enéolithique ou Age du Cuivre) et la Campaniforme. Pour faire cela nous avons analysé les modalités d’installation et les modes funéraires relatives à cette aire et à cette époque. Nous avons ainsi recensé tous les sites connus jusqu’à présent (quoique on les ait étudiés en différents moments et avec des méthodes pas toujours valables), n’oubliant pas les traces de fréquentation et des pratiques cultuelles attestées dans cette zone. En suite, nous avons réalisé une carte de distribution des sites chalcolithiques grâce à laquelle nous avons formulé des hypothèses non seulement sur les priorités qui ont motivé la préférence pour certains contextes géomorphologiques, mais aussi sur les possibles voies d’échanges qui reliaient les populations de l’Italie du Nord à celles d’au-delà des Apennins.

nière des pâturages d’altitude ou à la chasse. La découverte de l’Homme de Similaun au Trentin Haut-Adige (à 3278 m) confirme la fréquentation des Alpes durant l’Age du Cuivre. C’est une donnée très éloquente qui souligne que c’est le manque de recherches qui représente le plus souvent un obstacle à la connaissance de notre passé. Pour élaborer ces données nous avons utilisé tous les éléments de la culture matérielle (à partir des traces d’établissements, de nécropoles et d’aires de culte jusqu’aux découvertes sporadiques, également importantes) qui indiquent la présence plus ou moins durable de l’homme sur le territoire. On a ainsi décidé d’omettre les données relatives aux découvertes sporadiques pour vérifier si les pourcentages sur les fréquences des établissements changeaient. Le niveau altimétrique entre 0 et 299 m est de nouveau celui où la plupart des sites se trouve. Si nous ne comptons pas les découvertes sporadiques dans notre analyse, nous remarquons une légère diminution du pourcentage dans les niveaux de 300 à 399 m et de 500 à 599 m (graphique 21.2). Cette catégorie de découvertes indique une fréquentation humaine qui n’est pas forcement liée à des établissements durables mais plutôt aux activités de chasse, de pâturage et à de différents types de déplace-ments. On explique donc cette diminution avec la présence d’anciens parcours d’échanges dans les niveaux altimétriques concernés par cette diminution.

D’une première observation de la distribution des sites chalcolithiques en Italie Septentrionale (graphique 21.1), il est évident que la plupart d’entre eux (soit 77% de leur totalité) se trouve aussi bien sur les premiers reliefs préalpins et des Apennins que dans les zones de plaine à côté de ces derniers. En analysant en détail les résultats obtenus, on remarque que 54% des témoignages se trouve dans la plaine ou sur les reliefs les plus bas (jusqu’à 200 m au-dessus du niveau de la mer). Aux altitudes plus élevées la fréquentation diminue progressivement comme l’altitude augmente. Cependant, la présence de l’homme est documentée même à une grande hauteur (plus de 1400 m) où elle est mise en relation avec l’exploitation saison-

Jusqu’à présent nous avons pris en considération tous les sites de l’Age du Cuivre, une période très longue qui va de 3500 à 2300 cal. BC environ. A cause de la pénurie des éléments que nous possédons, nous ne pouvons pas 183

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Fig. 21.1. Carte de l’Italie du Nord et du Centre. On a marqué avec des pois noirs les sites durables (plus grands) et les découvertes sporadiques (plus petits); les flèches aux contours marqués indiquent les passages sur les Appenins entre l’Emilie et la Toscane; les autres flèches indiquent les principales voies le long des fleuves Pô, au nord, et Tibre, au centre diviser cette époque en stades chronolo-giques précis: la seule donnée certaine que nous avons concerne l’attribution des manifestations campaniformes à la phase finale du Chalcolithique, entre la fin du III millénaire av. J.-C. et les premiers siècles du II millénaire. Nous avons ainsi décidé de comparer les sites proprement chalcolithiques avec ceux où l’on a retrouvé des matériaux campaniformes (graphique 21.3). Les résultats montrent que les sites se placent dans la plaine ou sur les premiers reliefs préalpins ou des Apennins, dans les niveaux altimétriques entre 0 et 299 m. Le maximum des sites campaniformes est marqué entre 100 et 199 m. Finalement, il est intéressant d’observer qu’on n’a pas retrouvé de sites campaniformes aux altitudes plus élevées de 900 m. Des lacunes archéologiques pourraient fausser cette donnée, mais si elle représentait la réalité de la fin du III millénaire, cela pourrait indiquer un précis choix d’installation des populations campaniformes.

L’étude que nous avons menée jusqu’à maintenant montre les niveaux altimétriques les plus fréquentés pendant l’Age du Cuivre. D’ailleurs, on aurait atteint la même conclusion en observant la carte de distribution des manifestations énéolithiques qu’on a retrouvées en Italie Septentrionale (figure 21.1). D’après cette carte, il est évident que les sites se placent aussi bien dans la plaine, à côté des premières chaînes de montagnes, que sur les derniers reliefs des Alpes (au Nord) et de l’Apennin Tosco-Emilien (au Sud). En outre, la plupart d’entre eux se trouve près de cours d’eau et, en ce qui concerne la zone au Nord du Pô, aux bords des lacs italiens les plus importants, où il y avait une disponibilité accrue de ressources alimentaires et économiques. Dans l’Italie Centrale on a une situation très différente (graphique 21.4): ici les sites sont concentrés dans la bande comprise entre 0 et 50 m sur le niveau de la mer 184

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(dans les zones près des côtes, 17%), et dans celle qui va de 200 à 400 m (34%), avec un évident fléchissement entre les deux (50-200 m); un certain nombre de témoignages se trouve jusqu’à 700 mètres, alors qu’entre 700 et 900 m les matériaux deviennent rares, voire très rares, et dus simplement à des passages, au dessus des 900 m.

du Chalcolithique devaient utiliser pour se déplacer. Dans les sites du Nord de l’Italie, la haute concentration de sites le long du fleuve Adige devient ainsi significative: les témoignages sont présents de façon continue du Trentin Haut-Adige à la Vénétie, le long de l’axe Isarco-Adige, et ils atteignent à peu près la Mer Adriatique. Cela souligne qu’on utilisait beaucoup cet axe d’échanges pendant le Chalcolithique: en effet, il reliait la plaine et les zones côtières à la région des Alpes qui était strictement liée à l’Europe Centrale. Il semble que tout ce qu’on vient de remarquer à propos de l’Adige soit valable même pour d’autres fleuves du Nord-Est et, notamment, pour le Tagliamento. Le long de ce fleuve, entre Enemonzo sur les Alpes et la Lagune de Marano, de nombreuses découvertes nous ont permis de reconstruire les itinéraires qui joignaient les zones côtières du Caput Adriae à l’Autriche. De plus, la grande concentration de matériaux chalcolithiques dans l’aire de Pordenone, à Anaret de Pinzano et à San Vito al Tagliamento, indique une probable présence d’établisse-ments dans des zones favorables à la vie de l’homme. Par exemple, dans l’aire de San Vito, au croisement entre la haute plaine graveleuse et la basse plaine argileuse, l’émergence d’eau sortant du sous-sol créait une région riche de cours d’eau, où il y avait des zones humides, des bois et des prés qui favorisaient les établissements. D’autres sites, comme celui d’Anaret et celui de Meduno (le seul établissement retrouvé jusqu’à présent au Friuli) témoignent que les facteurs environnementaux (comme l’hydrographie et l’orographie) conditionnaient les choix d’installation. La position des deux sites, entre la montagne et la plaine, n’était pas seulement fondamentale pour les échanges et les contacts entre l’aire des Alpes et le Friuli, mais elle rendait aussi possible l’exploitation des terres fertiles de la plaine et des ressource de la montagne. Il semble que le nouvel intérêt envers les zones de montagne (très répandu dans l’Italie Septentrionale, de la Ligurie à la Vénétie du Nord) soit causé par de nombreux facteurs économiques, liés aux activités d’échanges, de chasse, de pâturage, d’alpage et d’exploitation de matières premières.

Cette discontinuité dans la distribution des sites est bien confirmée quand nous ne comptons pas les découvertes sporadiques et celles à caractère cultuel (statues-stèles), et nous analysons seulement les sites occupés de façon continue (graphique 21.5): la préférence pour les faibles altitudes devienne absolue et presque 25% des sites se trouve entre 0 et 50 m; d’autres choix importants sont localisés entre 300 et 400 m (17%) et entre 600 et 700 m (12%); cette dernière donnée est due presque exclusivement aux sites des Abruzzes. Les fléchissements sont toujours bien évidents entre 50 m et 200 m et au dessus des 700 m, tandis que les témoignages disparaissent au dessus des 900 m sur le niveau de la mer. Ces données sont mieux compréhensibles si nous analysons ces différentes typologies de sites rencontrés, leur nombre et leur pourcentage (graphique 21.6). La plupart des témoignages vient des découvertes sporadiques, généralement liées à des fréquentations non continues des lieux (41%); habitats et sépultures atteignent respectivement 16% et 18%. Les fréquentations des grottes, qui constituent 19% de l’ensemble, sont assez localisées, car elles se trouvent surtout en Toscane, dans la Lunigiana e la Garfagnana, qui continuent l’arc de la Ligurie avec sa tradition d’utiliser ses abris et ses petites grottes pour les sépultures ou comme bergeries; mais les grottes sont fréquentées aussi autour de Pise, de Sienne, de Grosseto. D’autres témoignages de vie en grotte sont présents en Ombrie, Abruzzes, Latium. En général on peut observer que la plupart des habitats se dispose le long des vallées fluviales (par exemple beaucoup de sites de la Toscane, mais aussi du Latium, des Marches et des Abruzzes) ou dans des endroits humides, c’est à dire autour des lacs ou dans des zones marécageuses (à ce propos il est intéressant de savoir que de récents études ont démontré qu’au moins deux marécages – Orbetello et Maccarese – étaient ou présentaient autrefois des lacs); parfois les sites se disposent en proximité des sources de matières premières, dans des endroits qui ont été exploités en tant que mines (S. Vincenzo, Monte Amiata, Manciano) ou carrières (Roccastrada). Par contre, aux altitudes élevées on a presque seulement des découvertes sporadiques, lisibles comme des témoignages de fréquentation occasionnelle (figure 21.1).

Jusqu’à présent l’analyse des modalités d’installation et des chemins principaux des populations chalcolithiques a concerné la région au nord du Pô. Cependant, on remarque des choix d’installation pareils au sud de cet axe: la plupart des sites se trouve dans la plaine à côté des premiers reliefs préalpins ou sur ces derniers et tout près d’un cours d’eau. Il faut rappeler qu’en Emilie Romagne les vallées des Apennins sont parallèles entre elles et qu’elles s’étendent du Nord au Sud. Les fleuves qui coulent dans ces vallées sont perpendiculaires à l’axe fluvial de la région padane: le Pô. Pour cette raison ils ont toujours relié l’Italie du Nord à l’Italie Centrale. Dans ce particulier contexte géographique-environnemental, la plupart des sites se place le long de la voie Emilienne, qui deviendrait l’axe le plus important de la Plaine du Pô pendant l’époque romaine. En réalité, elle ne réutilisait que des parcours beaucoup plus anciens mais qui étaient quand même extrêmement valables du point de vue de la rapidité des mouvements car ils reliaient les zones

Directement liés aux choix d’installation nous retrouvons les parcours qui vraisemblablement mettaient en communication les différents sites. L’analyse des témoignages matériaux et de leure distribution, avec l’observation de la géomorphologie du territoire, nous a permis de reconstruire les possibles routes d’échanges que les gens 186

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côtières de la Romagne à celles de l’aire du Pô. Les sites qui se trouvent sur cet axe se disposent surtout dans les points où les fleuves, qui descendent de l’Apennin, commencent à couler dans la plaine. On peut ainsi déterminer une typologie de peuplement commune à tous les sites de plaine de l’Emilie Romagne, qui implique le choix d’une aire avec certaines caractéristiques hydrographiques et stratégiques.

préférait pour aller de Parme en Ligurie ou en Toscane. Toutefois, il n’est pas toujours possible de reconstruire les anciens parcours grâce seulement au recensement des établissements, des nécropoles ou des découvertes sporadiques. Dans la vallée du Magra, un autre type de témoignage acquiert une certaine importance: les statuesstèles, situées probablement loin des installations et dans des endroits stratégiques, comme des gués, des parcours d’arête, des cols, des lieux d’arrêt ou des endroits par lesquels on arrivait aux pâturages. Leur présence nous permet de tracer une route d’échanges qui apportait dans la Plaine du Pô des produits et des matières premières de la Ligurie ou de l’Italie tyrrhénienne à travers l’axe Magra-Taro-Baganza (encore aujourd’hui la principale voie de communication).

Les sites de plaine semblent ouverts aux échanges culturels et commerciaux avec la région de la Plaine du Pô et avec celles d’au-delà des Apennins, alors que la fonction de ceux qui se trouvent sur les Apennins paraît différente. En effet, les sites d’altitude étaient défendus naturellement car ils se plaçaient sur des terrasses fluviatiles ou sur les montagnes et ils dominaient les vallées au-dessous, contrôlant ainsi les voies d’échanges qui conduisaient de la Toscane à l’aire du Pô.

A l’Est, en Romagne, l’analyse de la distribution des sites montre que les établissements découverts ne se trouvent qu’à l’embouchure des fleuves dans la plaine. Au contraire, les témoignages qu’on a retrouvés le long des vallées des Apennins n’attestent qu’une importante fréquentation des groupes énéolithiques et non pas d’établissements stables. Les découvertes sporadiques retrouvées le long des fleuves Marecchia, Savio, BidenteRonco, Montone, Lamone et Senio, marquent les parcours utilisés pour les liaisons avec la Toscane et les Marches. D’ailleurs, la grande quantité de témoignages dans la zone de crête de l’Apennin, entre Marradi et le Mont Fumaiolo, nous a poussé à penser qu’il n’y avait pas seulement des interrelations Nord-Sud mais aussi Est-Ouest. L’intense fréquentation de l’Apennin de la Romagne était due à beaucoup de motifs que la documentation archéologique ne peut pas déterminer complètement: outre la transhumance et la chasse, la position clé de l’Apennin, indispensable pour les échanges avec l’Italie Centrale, est devenue fondamentale pour le développe-ment de ces parcours. Il semble toutefois qu’un autre élément ait conditionné la préférence pour certaines voies plutôt que d’autres: la présence de sources d’eaux thérapeutiques le long de quelques vallées a favorisé des itinéraires qui étaient liés à des cultes rendus aux eaux. Il est difficile de démontrer la valeur cultuelle de certains parcours, comme celle de l’axe Ronco-Bidente, pendant l’Age du Cuivre, mais la continuité de ces rites aux époques successives (parfois jusqu’à aujourd’hui) permet de confirmer cette hypothèse. En outre, l’axe Bidente-Ronco gardait une valeur cultuelle même dans la plaine, où il y avait un site connu pour ses eaux minérales et fréquenté dès la fin du Néolithique: la Panighina di Bertinoro (Forli). Cette source d’eaux thérapeutiques, dont on connaissait les qualités à niveau interrégional, attira des personnes d’autres traditions culturelles, comme celles de Conelle ou de Rinaldone.

En analysant la disposition des découvertes archéologiques des Apennins, nous pouvons supposer les parcours que les populations du Chalcolithique utilisaient davantage pour se déplacer de et vers l’Italie Centrale. On pouvait dépasser la crête des Apennins en remontant les cours des fleuves qui arrivaient à la zone de Bologne, la zone avec la plus haute concentration de témoignages énéolithiques. Les matériaux de l’Age du Cuivre qu’on a retrouvés le long des vallées de l’Idice, du Zena, du Savena et du Reno soulignent que ces axes participaient de façon plus ou moins intense aux échanges entre la Plaine du Pô et les régions d’au-delà des Apennins. La découverte de matériaux sporadiques sur les zones d’arête entre la région de Bologne et la Toscane nous montre que l’homme avait une profonde connaissance de l’environnement où il vivait. Les découvertes sporadiques repérées sur le Sasso di Zenobi, sur le Monte Canda et sur le Sasso della Mantesca ont deux significations: ils indiquent l’itinéraire utilisé dans ces zones de crête et ils montrent qu’on choisissait ce parcours non seulement parce qu’ils sont brefs mais surtout parce qu’il se trouvait dans les parties des versants les plus stables. La crête des Apennins (entre le col de la Raticosa et celui de la Futa) est caractérisée par des terrains sujets aux éboulements. Cependant, il y a aussi des éperons rocheux (dans les endroits où l’on a des découvertes sporadiques) qui marquent l’itinéraire à suivre mais surtout qui rendent stable le versant. La crête franchie, le parcours continuait sur le versant toscan le long de deux affluents du Sieve, mais comme il se déroulait sur des terrains instables, il était nécessaire de suivre les voies de crête, plus sûres et non sujettes aux éboulements. Du Sieve le parcours devenait plus simple et on arrivait vite à l’Arno. D’ici l’on pouvait atteindre la mer ou, en remontant ce fleuve, la zone d’Arezzo.

Dans les endroits adossés aux Apennins qui séparent la Toscane de l’Emilie, de nombreuses pointes de flèches et des objets en pierre polie ont été découverts à Firenzuola et à Marradi: leur distribution en direction des cols nous indique le chemin qui devait conduire d’un côté à l’autre de la chaîne de montagnes, passant par le Col de Casaglia

La situation de la zone de Parme est la même que celle de Bologne. Les découvertes se concentrent aux embouchures des fleuves Taro, Baganza et Parme dans la plaine; au contraire, celles qu’on a retrouvées dans les vallées de ces fleuves indiquent les itinéraires des Apennins qu’on 188

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(913 m) et par le Col de Scarperia (892 m) pour rejoindre les vallées du Santerno, Lamone et Sieve. Ces témoignages se retrouvent le long du fleuve Sieve, se disposent sur la ligne de partage des eaux Magra – Serchio et semblent indiquer une autre voie pour l’Emilie à travers le Col du Cerreto. La présence de pointes à ces hauteurs nous suggère que ceux-là étaient au même temps des parcours de chasse, aux quels la fréquentation des grottes est liée.

jusqu’à la chaîne de montagnes, et donc aux cols qui conduisent à l’Adriatique. Sur le versant Adriatique les découvertes prouvent que les gens du Calcolithique parcouraient les vallées des fleuves perpendiculaires à la chaîne des Apennins: un exemple très significatif est celui de la vallée du Vibrata, qui conduit à la Grotte S. Angelo, ou du fleuve Tronto, à la limite entre les Abruzzes et les Marches; ce dernier parcours peut mener jusqu’au sites de l’Ombrie (Norcia) ou du Latium (Rieti).

Dans la Garfagnana, à la limite entre Toscane et Ligurie, ces parcours de chasse sont bien reliés aux zones les moins élevées par la vallée d’un ancien affluent du fleuve Arno (le fleuve Serchio) dont la vallée est une très bonne voie vers l’arrière-pays, en se dirigeant dans la vallée du Tibre par l’un de ses affluents, vers le sud de la région.

Dans le Marches, les ateliers de silex de S. Esuperanzio, dans l’arrière-pays, sont liés à Fontenoce et Arcevia, les sites les plus importants de la région, par le fleuve Musone; la vallée de l’Esino représente un autre parcours possible entre la côte et l’interieur.

Une position très bien liée aux parcours caractérise Sesto Fiorentino aussi, au nord de Florence, très riche en témoignages, du Néolithique au Campaniforme: placé sur les contreforts des monts du Mugello, ce territoire peut être rejoint par la vallée de l’Arno et ses affluents, ou par les versants du Mugello, des zones qui nous ont restitué beaucoup de pointes de flèche. Ce site se trouve donc dans une très bonne position pour le contrôle aussi bien du cours de l’Arno que des cols en direction de l’Emilie.

Un cas très significatif pour ce que nous venons de dire en matière de voies de communication est celui de la culture de Rinaldone: caractérisée par ses sépultures à chambre et par ses vases à col cylindrique, elle a son centre dans le sud de la Toscane (Maremma) et du Latium du Nord; en se déplaçant en direction du nord ou vers l’arrière-pays, le long des fleuves Orcia, Chiana, Cecina nous retrouvons encore des sépultures liées à cette tradition; mais nous avons aussi un très bon exemple de contact entre la côte Tyrrhénienne et la côte Adriatique: en fait, un ensemble de sites très intéressants a été mis à jour dans la zone de Ancône, dans les Marches, avec sépultures et vases liés de façon évidente à la culture de Rinaldone.

La vallée du fleuve Orcia et de ses affluents, dans la zone de Montepulciano, mène à la carrière de jaspe de Roccastrada et aux mines de cuivre de S. Carlo di Campiglia et du Monte Amiata; un autre parcours pour ces sources de matières premières est représenté par le fleuve Fiora, qui, avec l’Albegna, relie les sites du sud de la Toscane au nord du Latium. Il est très intéressant de savoir que, entre ces deux fleuves (Albegna et Fiora) il y avait à l’époque au moins trois lacs, dont aujourd’hui ne reste que le marécage d’Orbetello (Negroni Catacchio 2002). Une situation semblable se retrouve au nord de Rome, dans le territoire de Maccarese: marécage jusqu’au XIX siècle, lac autrefois (Manfredini 2002; Carboni et alii 2002).

Comme on a vu, beaucoup de sites d’habitat se disposent le long des fleuves qui sont des voies d’échanges commerciaux: donc on peut dire que ce choix est dû non seulement à la présence de l’eau en tant que ressource fondamentale, mais aussi en tant que voie de communication. Par contre les sites autour des lacs et des marécages montrent une attention concentrée sur l’économie de subsistance liée à l’eau: pèche, chasse, cueillette, élevage, agriculture.

La vallée du fleuve Tibre est une autre voie de communication très importante: il naît à la limite nord de la Toscane, traverse l’Ombrie (où il y a peu de sites) et s’étend jusqu’à Rome, en reliant une zone très vaste de l’arrière-pays. La côte Tyrrhénienne est reliée à cette artère longitudinale par les vallées transversales de petits fleuves, tandis que les affluents du Tibre même, par exemple l’Aniene, marquent la direction vers le Sud; en plus, si on traverse le col entre Anticoli et Arsoli, on peut arriver à l’ancien lac Fucino, dans les Abruzzes; d’autres affluents indiquent la direction vers l’Est, et donc les Apennins. Il s’agit d’un réseau de voies qui peut assurer le contact entre les zone de mine (S. Carlo, Manciano) ou de carrière (Roccastrada) et les sites autour des lacs et des marécages (Trasimeno, Orbetello, Bolsena, Bracciano, Maccarese) jusqu’aux Abruzzes (Fucino). Encore vers le sud, le fleuve Sacco et le Liri assurent une voie pour la Campanie. En se dirigeant vers l’intérieur, on arrive

D’autres habitats liés aux caractéristiques de l’environnement naturel sont ceux qui se trouvent tout près des mines ou des carrières: on ne parlera plus de subsistance, dans ce cas-là, mais plutôt de ravitaillement et peut-être de contrôle des matières premières. En concluant, on peut distinguer des stratégies d’habitat dont le choix est bien raisonné: − les habitats qui naissants dans des endroits qui puissent leur assurer la subsistance et l’autonomie: choix de lacs et marécages; − les habitats qui naissants tout près des sources de matières très utilisées: choix de zones auprès des mines et des carrières; 189

RHYMES ET CAUSALITES DES DYNAMIQUES DE L’ANTHROPISATION EN EUROPE ENTRE 6500 ET 500 BC...

CHIARENZA, N., LAMBERTINI, I. (2006) Tipologie insediative nell’eneolitico dell’Italia Settentrionale e Centrale, Origini XXVIII, pp. 137-174.

− les habitats qui naissants par conséquence et en dépendance des échanges commerciaux, en tant que ponts ou étapes pour ces échanges: choix de sites le long des voies de communication.

COCCHI GENICK, D., GRIFONI CREMONESI, R. (1985) L’età dei metalli nella Toscana nordoccidentale (par), Pisa.

Ces observations mettent en évidence l’existence d’un réseau de déplacements qui compte:

COCCHI GENICK D., GRIFONI CREMONESI, R. (1989) L’età del rame in Toscana, Viareggio.

− des parcours sur des distances limitées, quand les témoignages aux altitudes élevées nous suggèrent des activités liées à la chasse ou à la transhumance; il s’agit de déplacements dont le point d’arrivée correspond au point de départ, c’est à dire un habitat fixe, alors que les fréquentations en haut devaient être périodiques ou saisonnières.

DEL LUCCHESE, A., MAGGI, R., NISBET, R. (1987) Tana del Barletta, Archeologia in Liguria III, 1. Scavi e scoperte 1982-1986. preistoria e Protostoria. Genova, p. 165-168. DEL LUCCHESE, A., MAGGI, R. (1998) Dal Diaspro al Bronzo. L’età del Rame e l’età del Bronzo in Liguria: 26 secoli di storia fra 3600 e 1000 a.C. (par), Luna Editore, La Spezia.

− Des parcours sur de longues distances, quand les témoignages nous suggèrent des contacts étendus; le point d’arrivée était différent de celui de départ et les parcours liaient entre eux deux ou plus habitats durables.

GRIFONI CREMONESI, R. (2006) Le presenze eneolitiche nelle grotte toscane: spunti per una discussione, Atti del VII Incontro di Studi “Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria”, Centro Studi di Preistoria e Archeologia, Milano, vol. II, pp.473-480.

− Donc on pourrait nommer “locaux” les déplacements limités, non seulement par rapport à la distance objective mais surtout parce qu’ils ne reliaient pas un centre à d’autres; à coté de ces parcours-là on avait des déplacements plus étendus et plus complexes: sur ces voies il y avait des habitats qui s’interposaient dans les contacts entre les sites les plus éloignés.

IRTI, U. (1989) Gli insediamenti all’aperto del neolitico e dell’età dei metalli, Atti del convegno di Archeolo-gia Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità, Archeoclub d’Italia, Avezzano 1989, Roma, p. 76-109. IRTI, U. (2001) Nuove testimonianze dell’età dei metalli nel bacino del Fucino, Atti del II Convegno di Archeologia, Il Fucino e le aree limitrofe nell’antichità, Archeoclub d’Italia, Celano, 1999, Avezzano, p. 88-104.

Bibliographie BAGOLINI, B. (1981) Il neolitico e l’età del rame. Ricerca a Spilamberto e S. Cesario 1977-1980, Preistoria Alpina, 32.

IRTI, U. (2003) Nuovi dati sull’eneolitico del Fucino con particolare riferimento alla ceramica a squame, Atti della XXVI Riunione Scientifica dell’I.I.P.P., p. 253266.

BIANCHIN CITTON, E. (1992) La frequentazione della Val Fiorentina (Selva di Cadore – Belluno) durante il tardo Neolitico e l’Eneolitico, Quaderni di Archeologia del Veneto, VIII: 122-127.

MAGGI, R. (1998) Val Pennavaira, in Dal Diaspro al Bronzo. L’età del Rame e l’età del Bronzo in Liguria: 26 secoli di storia fra 3600 e 1000 a.C., par Del Lucchese A. e Maggi R., La Spezia, p. 70-74.

CARBONI, G. (2002) Territorio aperto o di frontiera? Nuove prospettive di ricerca per lo studio della distribuzione spaziale delle facies del Gaudo e di Rinaldone nel Lazio centro-meridionale, Origini XXIV, p. 235-302.

MANFREDINI, A. (2002) Le dune, il lago, il mare. Una comunità di villaggio dell’età del Rame a Maccarese, (par) Origines, Firenze. MATTIOCCO, E. (1986) Centri fortificati vestini, Deltagrafica, Teramo.

CARBONI, G., CONATI BARBARO, C., GIRAUDI, C., MANFREDINI, A. (2002) Abitati perilacustri a Maccarese: occupazione e abbandono, Atti del Quinto Incontro di Studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria, Milano, p. 211-215.

NEGRONI CATACCHIO, N., CARDOSA, M. (2002) Dalle sorgenti al mare. Rapporti tra l’area interna e le lagune costiere nel territorio tra Fiora e Albegna, Atti del Quinto Incontro di Studi Preistoria e Protostoria in Etruria, Milano, p. 157-177.

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