Fourth Session of the Fifth KwaZulu Legislative Assembly. Policy Speech

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FOURTH SESSION OF THE FIFTH

LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

111

KWAZULU

SON

QOB

YE

A SIMUN

POLICY

SPEECH

BY DR .

MANGOSUTHU

J

G

BUTHELEZI

CHIEF MINISTER OF KWAZULU

705 T3K843 1992

MARCH 1992

S E R

R

E

O

J

V

F N

O

A T S

O H

ION

ITUT

INST

FOURTH SESSION OF THE FIFTH KWAZULU LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

POLICY

SPEECH

BY THE CHIEF MINISTER MARCH 1992

year's Honourable Members , my opening words in last Speaker , speech were that " .... no session of the KwaZulu Legislative policy at Assembly ever opened in the circumstances which are has once Mr

more difficult , more promising , more threatening and more conducive transition , this year's than making Africa radical South South to Assembly . "

How right I was . This year's Session opens with more being at stake time in South Africa than has ever been the case at any stake during the history of this country . I say there is more at than ever before because there is still such promise that I can hardly believe that it is the same country as it was KA June 16 of that year produced . TE

The

political

fluidity of South Africa today

in 1976 ,

is astonishing

which

given

40 years of growth of Draconian laws under apartheid and after more than a quarter of a century of the ANC attempting to mount an armed struggle by instilling a war psychosis into black society .

The readiness of Black South Africans and White South Africans to totally is meet with each other and to talk to each other astounding after centuries of colonialism and racism which have pitted race against race and community against community . The out reaching for each other now and the putting aside of racial fear and anxieties is astonishing given that only in very recent could not cross times Mr P W Botha , the previous State President , his Rubicon to actually take the reforms he was proposing to their logical

conclusion .

little as three years ago , As even the churches of the world and World the Council of Churches were backing the African National as Congress it cried out that reform was not possible in South Africa and that only a revolution would succeed in breaking down apartheid . Then the whole world was falling behind calls for the isolation economic of South Africa because it was thought that White South Africans would not relinquish their racist privileges voluntarily . The Black world also thought that the of power on d oppositi to aparthei in South Africa was deficient and incapable bringing of about an end to apartheid . It was thought that the against struggle apartheid would unless not succeed the international community so weakened apartheid that opposition to it would succeed .

2

How wrong everybody was who thought thus . Inkatha and the KwaZulu Government right from 1976 onwards expressed faith in the internal struggle against apartheid and assured the world that we would overcome turn to

it . We were condemned and castigated because we would not killing like others who had no faith in the Black man's

ability to break down apartheid .

internationally we because and isolated were castigated We that So development economic and investment foreign supported of end to apartheid could grow in the country and the opposition apartheid would come the

sooner .

Mr Speaker ,

Honourable Members , how astonishing it is that now in 1992 the National Party which imposed the most hideously systematic form of racist oppression mankind knew in the world , is now talking same the language which Inkatha spoke for 17 years as it opposed apartheid . Even more astonishingly the ANC and its private army

Umkhonto weSizwe which were calling me names and hurling insults at me such as calling me a traitor to the struggle and a snake that be hit on the head , must is now posturing in CODESA and grabbing one IFP policy after another and attempting to make

it their own .

over you the If look at the literature that the ANC has put out transcriptio of quarter of a century and if you have read last ns you would have their broadcasts from Radio Freedom in Addis Ababa , government a being how the ANC taunted me with heard and read Now we are witness to great and conniving with the State . stooge conniving between the Government and the National Party and the ANC We now see the Minister of Defence and the Minister of in CODESA . and and their Deputies in frequent discussion with the ANC Police there is a great sharing taking place between them .

Yet there is not one word of apology doing some of the things that the

from the ANC now that they are done and IFP has always are

speaking the same language as the IFP . There is no apology and confession that they were wrong in pitting Black brother against Black brother in an attempt to totally destroy me , the IFP and the KwaZulu Government .

As I have said , Mr Speaker and Honourable Members , it is just too astonishing to think of the somersaults the Government and the ANC have done in their attempts to gain a position centre -stage in politics where

the

IFP has

always

stood .

on be seen against deepening That the one side however must threats on the other side . Violence is perhaps worse now than it has ever been in the history of this country . Never before have we been witness to the merciless slaying of innocents that we now see , as AK 47 automatic gun power rakes through mourners at funerals or commuters on suburban trains .

3

Over 200 IFP office bearers have been slaughtered over recent years and many of them have died of multiple causes such as being stoned and hacked and stabbed and shot and finally burnt .

official policy of the While apartheid was the formal and and every Government year hundreds of thousands of Black South Africans were being thrown into jail because they were at the wrong the place at wrong time with the wrong bit of paper in their pockets , one could understand why some who could no longer take the pace democratic opposition in the country , across of fled our borders to seek military training .

While

apartheid

the official

was

policy

and

while

successive

Party Governments were busy strengthening their hold over National were they while and to enforce apartheid upon us , country the why one could understand measures to do so , Draconian employing some thought that the military option was the correct

Now way and

option .

however when it is clear to all thinking people that the only forward for the South African Government is to dump apartheid to establish a multi -party democracy as soon as possible , I

just cannot comprehend the mentality of ANC leaders who insist that Nor can their private army Umkhonto weSizwe remains intact . I comprehend the mentality of ANC activists and activists of other political

groupings who

still

kill

for political

purposes .

Honourable Members , not only do we face the perplexing Mr Speaker , there being more hope in this country of contradictions now and but we also face far greater duplicity than more violence with it , we have ever seen before in South African politics .

I will be addressing this issue at greater length later in this Policy Speech . But speaking of duplicity in politics , I must now profound distress at the extent to which the South register my profoun d African Government and the ANC stand shoulder to shoulder against KwaZulu taking its rightful place in CODESA . They also stand shoulder to shoulder in rejecting lobbies for His Majesty the King of the Zulus to be there .

I personally believe that both on the side of the Government and on the side of the ANC there are desperate attempts to cover up all them difficulties between themselves so that the world sees COoperating as the

two

master architects

of the new South Africa .

The and IFP and the KwaZulu Government boldly say what they want us remain what they say . steadfast in who in Those believe know that because of what we do and say , therefore be they will able to believe in us a decade hence .

I do not know where we stand with the ANC .

They talk about wanting

to meet with us again . We believe in meaningful talks . This has been our policy for decades . The problem at present is the fact

that we have CODESA problems on the one hand , in which they seem to respect the have a finger in the pie and particularly with to blocking

of the

King and the

KwaZulu delegation at

CODESA .

People like Mr Joe Slovo are in the sub- committee that is debating whether or not the King should be admitted to CODESA . The mere idea that it is powerful members of the ANC National Executive who are in doing their damnedest to force our King to prostrate himself extremely them , of now front makes the idea of talking just difficult .

other hand , the On the ANC/ SACP/COSATU alliance are behind the request to open up in the Goldstone Commission , the issue of the 200 youths who were trained in VIP protective services . We cannot comment on this matter at present , but the ANC/SACP/COSATU alliance are fully engaged in this matter and one should respect their right However , to do so . it is difficult to imagine a meeting at toplevel while all these things are going on .

The dismantle levels of violence and the reluctance of the ANC to military their wing , Umkhonto whose weSizwe , are cadres now directly involved in slaughtering our members with their AK- 47 rifles and handgrenades , makes it difficult to hold a meeting of this kind while our people are dying in droves every week . This is confusing to a lot of our members who are talking very openly about the ANC being on the war path as far as the IFP is concerned .

Again Mr Speaker , now which I will

Honourable Members I am merely touching on things now deal with later in my Policy Speech and I am in Africa only pointing to the complexities of current - day South hope which and violence co - exist and claims to democratic convictions co - exist with Machiavellian type politics .

Everybody

in

South Africa who wants

peace

and

fundamental

change

through negotiations really is over- eager to believe the best about the ANC and the SACP . They do not want to entertain notions that committed to the two strategy phase these organisations remain which the ANC and the

During

these years

SACP evolved during the

it became

clear that

1980's .

the gains

that

they

were

forthcoming hoping to make in the early 80's were not going to be for the foreseeable future . They saw that they were wrong and that the South African Government was not on the run . They saw their weakening they ever - increasingly position and saw themselves discredited internationally .

It became clear even to Soviet analysts at the time that unless they made political headway amongst black workers and peasants , there would never be a revolution . Seeing their failure and South the heeding the warnings of Soviet analysts , the ANC and formulating to African Communist Party returned a two -phase approach to their struggle

against

apartheid .

5

In the struggle

first phase they would enter as they did through the UDF ,

democratic the the Kagiso Trust

political and the

South African Council of Churches to win proletarian victories as a first step better to positioning themselves to win a final Socialist struggle .

Given the ANC's continued commitment levels and given the of violence

to maintain their private army still flow which from ANC

propaganda and incitement , and given the fact that the ANC refuses to become a political party but remains a movement committed to mass action politics , how can we not seriously ask whether the ANC finally SACP have abandoned their two - phase approach and the to establish a Socialist State?

KwaZulu year's this Members Honourable Speaker , Mr hope Assembly Session opens with violence confounding Legislative am I And while duplicity confounding democracy . political and to at current day South Africa in broad perspective I want looking at a great deal as I said at the outset , that there is , observe Africa stake and more so because some see the whole of South and

Thus ,

the whole power of the State up for grabs

by political

parties .

The people of KwaZulu just do not know what the ANC , the National Party and the Government are going to attempt to do with KwaZulu . The South African Government is buying a lot of political time with its assertions that it does not want to preeempt negotiations . Parties do not pre - empt negotiations by stating their positions clearly .

today , are As Chief Minister of Kwazulu I ask Mr de Klerk you status prepared to state that there will be no change in the of KwaZulu without the approval of the KwaZulu Government ? How Mr Speaker can we say a in the CODESA . Are exclusion will

believe that Mr de Klerk will back our right to have writing of our destiny if he refuses us entry into we being excluded for any other reason than that our make the annihilation of KwaZulu that much easier?

When one looks at the National Party's constitutional blue - print , you find recognition of the need for regionalism . There is , however , no commitment by the Government or the National Party to participate in what needs to be done to bring like -minded parties together to work jointly for a common future . The South African Government and the National Party do not stand boldly next to the IFP on matters where a deep - rooted South Africanism dictates that the we have common cause . Sometimes I do not know how to assess South African Government and the National Party .

Mr

speaker , Honourable Members , I am not asking for Government Party or National Party support for the IFP . I am not running for help , I am simply lamenting the fact that there is in South African politics a lack of gravitation of like -minded political parties to each other .

6

there is perhaps a of all the political parties in the country , greater degree of consensus between the IFP and the DP than there is between any other two parties . Yet right now leading members of the IFP share with me their dismay at the extent to which the DP is alienating itself from the IFP .

Zac de Beer actually goes public in making statements which are thinking I am totally disruptive of normalised IFP/ DP relations . agreements definition astounding statement that by his of here to amount CODESA and the at ANC Party National the between sufficient consensus . Dr

astounding fluidity in there is Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , South of also an ability astounding is There Africa . South lines . find each other across colour and ideological to Africans backlashes the fluidity and ability is counter - balanced by This producing . is othe each to out r reac to h this very ability which reconciliation prohibit to on communities wrecked is Violence taking place .

I do not know if the ANC/South African Communist actually alliance want the rapid normalisation relationships in South Africa . best to produce a normalised

Party/COSATU of political

They are certainly not situation which the

doing their negotiation

process requires .

South were If Africans and South African institutions left themselves our country would gravitate towards circumstances

to in

which the emergence of a government of national unity under a truly Such multi -party democratic constitution would be very natural . however for circumstances are not the best circumstances powergrabbing by political parties seeking monopolistic party political control . The best that there is amongst normal South Africans and the most valued attributes there are in our institutional life , are being subjected to violent disruption . There are some who can do nothing but dream of personal power in their party and having a party which enhances the personal power of its leaders by grabbing all the national power for itself that it can grab .

power of and the Kwazulu Government want the devolution IFP The totally be will it which ution in a constit want We downwards . of for kind the amass impossible political party ever to any ents built l Governm Party monolithic powers which successive Nationa We want the people to have more control over themselves . around bring to want and over the Government and we parties political also We to the people to make this possible . closer government the and constitution political power subjected to the all want supervision of the political process by the courts .

I have opened my policy speech in Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , vein because when I turn to specific issues I want Members to this be aware of the overall circumstances in which the issues I will be dealing with one at a time , are located .

7

Mr.

Speaker , Honourable Members , I must of course immediately look at CODESA and what is happening in the politics of negotiation . My first observation about CODESA is that the whole world is agog with it as though it had exploded on to our political scene out of the This is not the case . blue .

Mr Speaker , time the

Botha's the to and Indaba constitutional proposals and Mr PW Botha KwaZulu/Natal Mr Chris Heunis , his right hand man at the time , rejected the majoritarian principle on which much of the KwaZulu /Natal Indaba Honourable Members may remember that African Government was totally South

in Mr PW opposed

thinking was based .

Members

will remember that the relationship between myself and

Mr

PW Botha descended to one of their lowest ebbs ever , when in Benoni finally This outburst Mr Botha made derogatory remarks about me . led to Mr Chris Heunis and myself having a meeting in Durban at Ulundi House in which it was agreed that we should set up a team to identify obstacles to negotiations and to examine how they could be overcome .

This team was actually at work when Mr FW de Klerk took over the leadership of the National Party . I well remember how one of his dealings first with me was on the question of Regional Services Councils . Mr Heunis intended foisting these on us and ramming them our throats . down Mr de Klerk called for a moritorium on the KwaZulu implementation of the Regional Services Councils in and Natal because he saw the need for negotiations .

Work

on

identifying

obstacles to negotiations

finally

led

to

a

joint report . The extent to which we began influencing government 1989 thinking is shown by the extent to which the Government's election manifesto took our deliberations into account .

I am not , negotiations

Mr

Speaker , suggesting that what we resulted in satisfactory National

did in those Party policy

changes . What I am saying , however , is that the direction of change of National Party policy at that crucial time , at the end of Mr PW Botha's term of office as State President , and Mr de Klerk's term of office as State President , was that the discussions we had most certainly pointed the National Party in the right direction .

These bi - lateral discussions between the KwaZulu Government and the South African Government must be seen as one side of the preFebruary 2 1990 political coin . The other side of the political coin was the negotiations that we went through in successive meetings of political leaders in South African Government Executives .

meetings I often stressed the these In for the negotiation process preparations negotiations would really require of us .

of adequate importance what and the grasping of In November 1990 I said :

8

the people "I wonder sometimes whether in South Africa comprehend the complexity of the negotiation process which not going be victor/vanquished lies ahead . It is to a negotiating situation such as Mr Ian Smith faced at Lancaster which House . It is going to be a very involved process in those touch negotiating must so conduct themselves , so keep the people , that the with so seek mandates from the people , issues of negotiation are known to the people . In addition negotiations must be such that there is a constant referring back to the people for endorsement of that which is negotiated . It cannot be otherwise if we negotiate here in South Africa . people the We must negotiate among the people in a way that Bear with me , Mr. President , Dr. can see what is happening . · what I say today is directly relevant to today's to Viljoen agenda . I am saying that negotiations in South Africa are not going to be simplistic long weeklong week- end end excursions into face- saving exercises for the vanquished and public relations exercises It will be long, for the victors . it will be tedious and it will be full of hiccups hiccups which will turn into rough , bumpy rides as we go . the process there will come this Into intimidating ANC's the of politics

bruising , spoiling , mobilisation mass

are spoiling for a bruising fight while They programme . we situation . negotiation in eloquence in a prestigious gather There is the politics of what I am talking about that needs to be brought into focus . "

of It was in 1990 that I said this and I said it in the context ongoing discussions that were taking place in a KwaZulu/ South Work Group . That Work Group emerged African Government out of South deepening conflict and estrangement between myself and the African Government . It started to develop as a result of Mr PW will attitude Botha's high -handed towards Black leaders . You remember , Mr Speaker , that he was the State President who wagged his

finger

in my

face .

introduction the Tricameral the since of Ever parliamentary the with clear that we could not negotiate was it constitution was it Government within the four corners of what African South This irked the then State President , Mr PW Botha . doing .

Mr.

Speaker ,

Honourable

Members ,

you will

remember that

in

an

address I delivered to ASSACOM I called for reform to be put back on track . I said that Mr PW Botha " was faltering " . Honourable will members remember well that the then State President , Mr PW Botha , in a public address in Benoni , made a scathing attack on me . I had simply remarked that it was tragic that in the trip abroad that Mr PW Botha had undertaken in that year , he was not able to Black on report progress being made on negotiations with South African to see

leaders . conflict

He said of my criticism of him : " Many who wished trips his and chaos in our country " disliked

9

outside South Africa ,

and it was not

coincidence that I criticised

him for the trip he had made .

At the time of this incident I was having altercations the with Heunis , then Minister of Constitutional Development , Mr. Chris about the South African Government's unwillingness to respond positively

to

the KwaZulu/ Natal

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , after the 1983 constitution was

Indaba

constitutional

proposals .

the world forgets what took place Africa . introduced to South It

forgets that there was the KwaZulu / Natal Indaba . It forgets that prior to the Indaba there was the Buthelezi Commission . It forgets that even now the JEA stands as a monument to negotiations that took place then . than The world forgets that it was I more any other Black leader and who pushed negotiations showed that negotiations could work . made a particularly concerted effort in 1987 to attempt to bring I believe , the South African Government to the negotiating table . show the that the records must Honourable Members , Speaker , Mr I

I extent to which I was committed to negotiations for many years . C.J. Mr read into the record a letter I wrote to to would like Development and Constitutional of Minister Heunis , then the Planning on the

1987 .

8th June ,

In it I made an earnest plea for the commencement of negotiations in and Honourable Members will note that I was absolutely adamant that letter that Dr Nelson Mandela , Mr Zeph Mothopeng and other that political prisoners should be realised from jail SO negotiations about a constitutional future could take place . I ask Members please to note that I already then saw that even the best solutions that could have been found would be worthless if leaders then in jail were not party to reaching solutions . I am making this point now about CODESA . It is not a new point . I believe I , more than any other Black leader , assisted in the final release of Dr Mandela and others . I know, Mr Speaker , that had I the South during years African then those negotiated with there would be no CODESA today . Government and done deals with it , Those in CODESA must know that there will be no CODESA tomorrow if they think they can rush ahead without turning CODESA into a truly representative forum . I quote the

letter I wrote to Mr Heunis

C.J.

"The Hon .

I

1987 :

8th June

Heunis

Minister of Constitutional and Planning Republic of South Africa Private Bag 9029 Cape Town 8000

Dear Mr.

on the 8th June

1987

Development

Minister ,

believe

that

it

is necessary

for me

once

again

to

state

clearly where I stand on the question of negotiating about the of future South Africa . Right at the outset , I want to reiterate that I have spent the whole of my political life

10

in which committed to politics tactics non-violent and strategies are employed . Non-violent tactics and strategies can only have utility if they are used to oppose the worst that there is and to establish the circumstances in which the best that there is can be made better . The base - line thought I hold about the politics of negotiation which utilises nonviolent tactics and strategies in politics is that in this country in this day and age our prime concern should be to arrive at a point in our history at which Black , White , Indian and Coloured South Africans agree to be governed the way they are governed . Without the consensus which flows from a people who agree to be governed the way they are governed , there can no real democracy . be The day and age of the politics of prescription are gone . you, I make this a starting point of what I want to convey to Mr. Minister , in this letter because the reality is that the who vast majority of the 72 per cent of South Africans are want Black do not to be governed under the present dispensation with its Tricameral

Parliament ,

nor do they want

to be governed by the extension of the Tricameral Parliament's authority through the changed Provincial system set up and through Regional Black Services Councils . South Africans plans for local , for regional , for Government plans reject and for national government . provincial This rejection is vehement ; it is a rejection of the present constitution in part and in whole and it is a rejection of the intentions which lie behind the present

constitution .

For me the politics of negotiation , again in our circumstances Black , in our day and age , and can only gather momentum if White , Indian and Coloured leaders are involved in important negotiations . Negotiate that which they can sell to their constituencies . South Africa's political history has left Black constituencies shrunk and artificially circumscribed . Past National Party policy has pursued what in practical political terms in effect is a divide and rule policy . My own leadership outreach has to overcome apartheid barriers and order National Party policies have had to be defied in to develop the constituency which I now do have . I do not have of the political freedom of opportunity to sell any plan has action to Black South Africans which the State President to sell to White South Africans . He can go to the White electorate to seek a mandate at the National level . The South constituencies African constitution shrinks my formal to artificial

boundaries that are

imposed by ethnic principles .

In White politics it has been possible for the National to develop a considerable political power base at the and national level in every province , regional and in

Party local , every

region of every province , and in every city and town in the Its power inter- related base is a vast network of country . smaller power bases . The motto Unity is Strength is a motto which ever since 1910 has applied to the White Community only . other Black leaders reject this carving up I and of Black our political domains and it must be recognised that because domains have been carved up , political we do not have the behind freedom to campaign amongst people and to gather us mass do .

support to the

extent

that the

State

President

is

able to

11

all too seldom discussed , about I make the additional point , the division of Black South Africa into different Black power between which is aggravated by the overriding division bases The point too seldom discussed is the extent Black and White . President State which this Black/White division puts the to into a position where he cannot develop a National Party power Party National If the Black South Africans . amongst base to see no need for it itself to be free to campaign continues State at grass root level in Black society for that which the then he is forever going to be President wants to negotiate , dependent of others negotiating there on his behalf . He cannot man his National Council with politically viable Black leaders He because he himself cannot campaign amongst Black society . of has therefore cast himself into the very unenviable mould . him for do being dependent upon what other leaders The political implications of this dimension of South African politics have not been teased out , as important as I believe they are . It country the

only takes perhaps four or five to sit with their arms folded

Black leaders in and the State Every President is stymied . This is politically unhealthy . national real perception of democracy would see the need for leaders to be free to campaign across the length and breadth of the country at the local constituency level amongst all race groups .

to look at the question of negotiations have I that the State President's realities political

the against in position

the by Africa is robbed of a true national power base South to wants President State the If apartheid . of legacy negotiate at the national level with this political inadequacy do then it is of course his democratic right to him, around The State President's exclusion of the relevance of Black grass root factors in his own constituencies does not prohibit however , me from negotiating with him . When , he multiplies that deficiency ten fold and imposes it on me , then I have to think very carefully about what can be achieved through my present the involvement in the politics of negotiation in circumstances .

To continue on developing a thought around the limitations within which the politics of negotiation now have to be pursued in South Africa , I make a number of additional points . It is political history that is quite correctly perceived by Black South Africans for what it is , that Black politics has been shackled by bannings , jailings and intimidatory tactics on the part of the State . Black South Africans are not free to reject communism . They are not free to reject the ideals of a one - Party state . They are not free to reject a host of other for . things which some Black South African groupings campaign They are not free to reject or accept this or that leader who is in exile . in jail or who is banned , or who is Black in to leaders South Africa are therefore not free campaign effectively for the acceptance of that which perhaps now can be negotiated . I

have

clearly

stated

that before

I

become

involved

in

negotiations at the level of, say , the National Council , Dr. Mandela , Mr. be Nelson Zeph Mothopeng and others should

12

released from jail .

I must

at all costs avoid a

situation

in

which I could be involved in negotiations which would produce a formula which could in fact salvage the future of South Africa but be unable to gather the mass Black support which will not would be necessary to make the solution work . I negotiate lose all negotiate

myself into ignominy because if I do so then I will utility for the land I love So much . I will sell a myself into ignominy if I am not free to

workable solution to people who would support

it .

I have not campaigned for the release of Dr. Nelson Mandela in others , and particular , for because I need some political muscle behind me to deal with the State President . If he were to be released I would make every effort to make his release a factor of reconciliation amongst Black South Africans . The politics of violence thrives in an unreconciled Black South Africa . I have stated that I would serve under Dr. Mandela if Minister , that is what the people wanted . I have also , Mr. added that he should serve under me if that is what the people want . I want to be free to campaign with him for the good of South Africa if that is possible , and to campaign against him necessary . for the good of South Africa if that is If I to cannot do this I will be severely restricted in my ability sell

to Black South Africa that which is negotiated .

Minister , very of clear perceptions have Mr. I what is is totally saleable to Black South Africans and what impossible to sell . I will not enter negotiations to produce am If I which cannot be sold , politically speaking . that wrong in what can be sold and what cannot be sold , and if I remain aloof from negotiations at the national level about the South Africa itself , future of then South Africa loses absolutely nothing by my absence at the negotiating table . If I am wrong , the State President can safely ignore me . He did so when he established the President's Council ; he did so when he established the Tricameral Parliament ; he did so when he established the Special Cabinet Committee ; he did so when he did so established the Non- statutory negotiating forum ; he now is when he restructured Provincial Government ; and he doing So as he is attempting to set up Regional Services Councils .

Tricameral the that common consensus wide very is There constitutional as a longer be regarded no can Parliament very It is which can last any time into the future . format not has widely accepted that the Special Cabinet Committee that able to open up national negotiations of the kind been and it is widely accepted that are now so desperately needed , he which that delivered has not yet President State the al when he sought a mandate to establish the Tricamer promised for He had to go to the White electorate to ask Parliament . This second mandate amounts to another blank another mandate . he If him . South Africans have given White which cheque writes on it the political values of the Tricameral Parliament that goods fail yet again to deliver the political will he it . It those who gave him the cheque expect him to buy with is State now a matter of grave historical necessity that the can he President interprets his mandate in such a way that inscription holds his test on the blank cheque he amongst Black , Coloured Indian , and White South Africans . he If

13

inscribes on it only that which White South Africans want him to buy , he will overdraw his political account and make the He will also set the political clock back country bankrupt . a point in his own personal political history to from which there can be no recovery . drive Mr. Minister please believe it is not my intention to When he came the State President into an ignominious future . to Ulundi in 1979 I said that he was my Prime Minister ; I said publicly . this statement followed on my appeal to The the whole world not to judge him by his predecessors and to let prove him his own worth . It was I who said that the State feet President has pointed his in the direction of want statesmanship . I the State President to be a real worth participant in the moving of South Africa into a future having . sufficiently The magnitude of my political boldness is not perceived by White South Africans . When the whole world is actually thinking about negotiations in South Africa in terms of the kind of negotiations which took place at Lancaster House I am saying No , that cannot be . The whole world is for actually primarily looking negotiations between the National Party Government and the perpetrators of political violence . The whole world is in fact expecting the National in Party to negotiate itself into abdication . Black leaders the of politics violence only want to negotiate about the handing forces over of power to the revolutionary of the country .

strong cry " Apartheid cannot be reformed " is a very her ins bot It is I who ist , e reverberating around the world . h that if there are going to be any and to foreign governments , be the South African Government must negotiations , kind of

The

cry

changes involved in them and they must lead to constitutional Minister implicit in this call for Mr. which it co- authors . with of the absolute necessity to negotiate the recognition the which in Government about a future African the South a I recognise the need for Party will participate , National historical and crucial role for the State President . negotiating I see the need for the State President the at table . I want to be at that negotiating table but I must yet reiterate again that I am only prepared negotiate to for success . If that which is negotiated cannot be made to work , then there is only a hideous left . violent solution One failure to establish a constitution which will actually gather mass support by people who want to be governed the way they will be governed under it , will one day be the last failure . There are many who say that the Tricameral Parliament is in fact that last failure . I believe another constitutional failure of the magnitude of the Tricameral Parliament failure will turn out to be the last constitutional failure . I am not going be involved in negotiations which precipitate to that failure . I must be convinced that we are negotiating about that which can succeed . Whatever can difficult to difficulties

groups succeed across all population away am not running I establish . of negotiation . I will face up

be will the from to

any

14

is a facing up to if it difficulties in the I am pursuit of that which can be realistically achieved . not lowering sights , nor am I raising sights to levels which amount to Utopian wishful thinking .

difficulties

I have always Minister , Mr.

argued the necessity for compromise solutions . the unitary system which we knew ever since

1910 and a universal adult franchise system which could make work , my it has always been my cherished ideal and remains alternatives , ideal . cherished I am prepared to look at always provided the alternatives do not compromise the democracy itself . necessary and fundamental principles of Before we can have any democracy worth talking about , we must have one State in which there sovereign is one sovereign Parliament . We have always had one sovereign State with one this sovereign Parliament and there can be no deviation from fact . I

am

appalled that

at this delicate time

of

constitutional

development the South African Government continues with its unilateral policy of prescription on all Black South Africans by entertaining the request for so -called independence from KwaNdebele . I am appalled by statements made in the recent election campaign to the effect that KwaZulu was regarded as That "a national state not yet independent . " statement represents

either total political naivety or it

represents an

attitude incompatible with my involvement in the politics of national negotiation . When the State President presents me to the world as a leader who has " not yet accepted independence " he proscribes my involvement in national negotiations .

Mr. I make the point , Minister , that there is a man - size job undertaken be to by Black leaders . They will have be to pursued by man- sized political leaders . So much balderdash has been written about " authentic Black leaders " that is it draw distinctions between one Black leader to dangerous and another . This terminological danger however cannot be allowed obscure the fact that the State President appears to the on fill his all and sundry to be prepared face to it to of National Council with small boys . They will not be able to do doing . be the You job that man - sized politicians should cannot elevate the small boys of politics without cutting down You cannot equate the size of the man - size politicians . on Black town councillors with national leaders in a negotiating seating arrangement . Minority voices , State yes , but the leaders President is doing more than making sure that lesser are given an opportunity of making their contribution . He is belong elevating them to national status where they do not . Black South Africans must generate the leaders they wants their behalf . on negotiate The African South Government cannot do so on their behalf . To

sum

up

thus

far .

I

am committed to

the

politics

of

negotiation . I see the vital necessity of the State President negotiating with Black leaders . I am prepared to negotiate if is negotiations could possibly succeed because that which being negotiated is worth negotiating for and that which could negotiated could be sold by the leaders involved to their be respective constituencies .

15

must make a measured statement about a carefully considered I view I hold . Negotiations at the national level aiming to establish a new constitution which reconciles Black and White and makes it possible to mount the national effort needed to make will have to be negotiations the new constitution work , which Group accept the absolute necessity of scrapping the Areas Act and the Population Registration Act . Equality before law Black does not require distinctions between and White . Equality before constitution a does not require distinctions between Black and White . We will be floundering around negotiating tables until violence overtakes us all if the South African Government insists on negotiating Black acceptance for the necessity of the Group Areas Act and the Population Registration Act . I will vehemently support the need for individual and minority group rights . Guaranteeing group rights is a compromise I am make , form prepared to whether it be in one or another of another consociational government or whether it be in one or whatever is truly form of federal government , or else live democratic and can gain mass acceptance . I could not Group with Areas my being responsible for the effect of the Act and the Population Registration Act . How , Mr. Minister , Black leader approach my do I as a people on just , for Ntombela , the example , the event of the Reverend Fr Philip Bishop of Zululand's Administrative Assistant , being evicted church from his Eshowe residence which is the property of my merely because he is Black? The State still insists on making distinctions of race , colour and creed which the Church cannot supposed make and has not made . How can I stand aside as a leader of the Zulu people in terms of your policy and also as an Anglican , when this man of God whom I love and trust is told that he is not fit to reside on Church property on which he had been placed by the Bishop in order to help him serve God's people Even

more

in KwaZulu ? personally ,

Mr.

Minister ,

what do I say to

my

followers when my very own daughter was evicted from a flat in she Durban and now has to live in a residence where is surrounded by hostile youths calling " sell - out " to her? These in the are two people close to me and I mention them same breath as saying that it is the Group Areas Act which has in fact made Black townships ungovernable . It is the Group Areas boycott Act which in fact has fuelled the fires of the rent action . It has also fuelled the fires of transport problems . When must you herd people into group areas and say that they it is , live there however hideous communities must be which they developed which want to destroy that in are located . I do not anticipate that the administration of Black townships the will be normalised until the Group Areas Act and Population Registration Act have been scrapped . How do I respond as a Black leader to any increase in prosecutions under the Group Areas Act ? When Blacks and Whites are feeling themselves into grey areas so - called , how can I as a Black leader say nothing when the South African Government denies Black both which and White the freedom of association has evolved over time ?

16

Mr. Minister , which again is I make a further point , too appreciated with little . If I entered negotiating chambers the State President , it would be to achieve something real in with him . Right now my entry into a negotiating chamber which the State President held a whip hand position would only result in confrontation between us . I do not see the precipitating political sense of confrontation in a negotiating venue which should be working for reconciliation . I and the State President must negotiate when we have common make objectives and when we are negotiating about how best to them and saleable to all population groups of workable the country . That

is

why

I have asked

for a Statement

of Intent which I believe that I

Black and White leaders could sign together . am now right in hoping that the State President will an open negotiating agenda . I believe the National

entertain Party has

come to see that the present constitution will inevitably have be scrapped . to The scrapping of the constitution must be on laid the table as a negotiating common objective and must negotiations be about finding alternatives it . to I still believe that there is a very real need for a Statement of Intent which Black and White leaders could sign jointly . have to be about alternatives which Negotiations will could give effect to a Statement

of Intent .

I believe that history will show that open- ended agendas will that only be useful if they are open- ended agendas about how which is on the table could be modified . Let us go back to that position the of the 1962 constitution . Let us table and constitution then negotiate its modification to make it acceptable to all population groups . I could have negotiated with the State President within the framework of the old constitution . I cannot negotiate within the framework of the present constitution .

I

do

not

want

at

this

stage

to

prescribe

the

actual

We do need a starting point which cannot negotiating agenda . final a We do need present Tricameral Parliament . the be ion of tion adaptat the or elabora the be ve cannot which objecti We must start where we can the present Tricameral Parliament . be together and we must aim at that which we will start all be to have will Discussions together . share to able for example , comprehensive but I for one would like to table , amendment , possible Indaba proposals for KwaZulu / Natal the on When national negotiations touch or rejection . adoption the negotiating agenda must first and second tier government , The kind of be open enough for others to table alternatives . open negotiations which the National Party has started talking We must amount to negotiations with no agenda at all . about changed with the recognition of that which needs to be start thing of we must start with the recognition of the kind and into which it must be changed and once we have done this , then open let agenda between the beginning and the end be an the which that which we can explore the discovery of in agenda will see us through right until the end . I would in conclusion of this summary of some of my thoughts said which are by no means exhaustive of what needs to be that about negotiations record my appreciation for the fact

17

me the State President has up to now not directly pressurised I know that when he talks about to join him in negotiations . with leaders Black in a derogatory way who do not negotiate leaders Black him , South Africa hears him talking about me . We are will not be bludgeoned or ridiculed into negotiating . ready to negotiate as soon as it becomes possible to do there I have taken the trouble yet again to outline my position so . South that I believe negotiations are important and because The need to Africa can only be salvaged through negotiations . take can in which negotiation circumstances the establish political President's State the in is is a ball which place making wish him well in every endeavour he is now I court . the about bringing in succeed to make will yet and . in join others can circumstances in which I and

M.G. BUTHELEZI CHIEF MINISTER OF KWAZULU

Mr

Speaker ,

that

letter was written on the

June ,

8th

1987.

In

August 1987 I pushed for a South African Government response to the KwaZulu/ Natal Indaba negotiations . The whole of 1987 and the whole of 1988 saw no moves on the negotiating front so that by the time the State President attacked me in his Benoni address I was more than impatient , and finally it became clear that if we did not start talking about negotiations that there would be a total breakdown in communications

between myself and the

Government .

On the 14th October Mr Heunis finally wrote to me agreeing that we In a should set up a committee to discuss constitutional matters . letter of that date

I,

inter alia ,

said :

that the proposal your that find I also confirm "I Cabinet representatives of your Cabinet and the South African form a Committee to discuss further constitutional matters and developments on a

In my response ,

regular basis acceptable . "

Mr Speaker ,

Honourable Members ,

I

said :

involved in do want become of to not "I kind some identity constitutional ball in which fancy dress of the suggestion you is arose actors refer to The disguised . when I and one of my Cabinet colleagues met the spontaneously Deputy Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning , Mr R Meyer , and the Deputy Minister of Police Mr Leon Wessels , in Durban on the 5th of October this year .

At

that

meeting we discussed our deep frustration

with

the

inability of the South African Government to get negotiations off the ground and with the lack of dialogue between ourselves Should we in any way and at and the South African Government . talking any level continue talking about the difficulties of the I need about the constitutional future of South Africa , talking assurance that categoric from you the about the though difficulties will not be presented as talking as difficulties have been overcome . "

18

In

that

letter

I

forced Mr Heunis

out

into the

open

and

at

a

1989 was subsequently arranged for the 9th January which meeting and myself and my colleagues , and his colleagues , with Mr Heunis Government African to establish a Joint KwaZulu/ South agreed we of process the impeding obstacles identify to Group Work negotiations . as follows :

We then jointly

issued

a Press

Statement which reads

urgent " In recognition of the fact that negotiations are an Africa , necessity in solving the political problems of South fact are and in the acknowledgement of the that there obstacles impeding the process of negotiations , we have agreed appointed two will be by our that a joint committee Governments to identify and address these obstacles as well as to formulate principles on which there is common ground . The committee will report back to the and upon the receipt of such a report be held between us . "

respective Governments a further meeting will

Honourable Members , I am step by step establishing my Mr Speaker , to commitment the politics of negotiation and the constancy with which I have argued that negotiations must be representative . How we respond to the challenges which CODESA is now developing must be understood . We are not bringing in new- fangled thinking . Our position has always been very firm and very clear · there must be negotiations . Negotiations must be undertaken in a representative forum . The best negotiated solutions will be useless unless they are capable of implementation because there is wide enough support for them . People who are going to be affected by negotiations must have a say in negotiations . All these sentiments are sentiments that I have been constantly expressing for many years . I have also been constant in my assertions that KwaZulu will have to be at the negotiating table . In November 1990 when the peace process , signing which led to the of the National Peace Accord , had not yet commenced and while we were still busy talking about the prospects of negotiations and CODESA 1 was quite out of sight , I was already insisting that KwaZulu be involved in negotiations as KwaZulu . the At Fifth Conference of Political Leaders in South Government Executives held on 30th November I stated that :

African

"I also ask it to be recognised that the Zulu nation has very looking specific perspectives when it comes to at today's Mr President , whole negotiation situation . there was a Zulu sovereign Kingdom empire . There was a Zulu Kingdom - a powerful in the ranking of the nations of Africa in its day . We were We survived colonial onslaught longer than any other . the only nation to be brought into a full - scale war with Britain . We were actually defeated militarily .

We were dragged We all . at

into the Act of Union without any consultation historic must not repeat that error in

negotiations about the future of South Africa which we are now envisaging . The Inkatha Freedom Party is one thing ; there is also the Zulu nation . "

19-

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I want now to give evidence that we not only began discussing obstacles to negotiations at the end of but our 1988 and continued to do so throughout 1989 and into 1990 , negotiations were about substantial issues . The very first formal meeting of the KwaZulu/South African Government negotiation group met in Cape Town on 2nd March 1989 and it was attended by:

The Honourable CJ Heunis

Minister

of

Constitutional

Development and Planning The Honourable JCG Botha

Minister of Home Affairs Communications

and

of

The Honourable RP Meyer

Deputy Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning

Mr S S van der Merwe

Constitutional Adviser

Dr IM Rautenbach

Adviser

The Honourable Dr OD Dhlomo

Minister of Education and Culture , KwaZulu and of Secretary -General Inkatha

The Honourable Dr FT Mdlalose

Minister of Health KwaZulu National Chairman of Inkatha

Mr R Arenstein

Arenstein Bros. ,

Mr SJ Maphalala

Lecturer

and

Durban

Department

of

History

University of Zululand

In my opening to understand said :

remarks at the meeting I emphasised the need the magnitude of the task we were tackling

us for and I

set impeding "We out to identify and address obstacles the on process of negotiation as well as to formulate principles which there is an common ground . This is important assignment . When one is attempting something which is not very important , failure is not very important . In this Committee we will be attempting to make a break-through which will We be a break-through of historic significance . just dare not fail .

I

want

therefore at the

working outset of this Committee's life to spell out what I see to be the objectives we should be striving for . One must immediately ask questions about what it is that has not taken place which gives rise to a Committee looking at the stumbling blocks that have prevented success .

For me there have been stumbling blocks which have prohibited real us , negotiations taking place Sirs , between and yourselves , Sir , on the question of a new constitutional future for South Africa . " I

also

said that :

20

must disband if it is not going to "This Committee mount a It serious attack on the problems which confound negotiation . negotiations must disband if it is not free to define what should be aiming at

as well

as

identifying past

problems . "

Speaker , Honourable Members , remember you must these that negotiations began in Mr P W Botha's time . Mr de Klerk had not yet taken over the leadership of the National Party and I find it very

Mr

strange that he who came out so boldly in favour of negotiations within a year of taking office should now as State President be siding with the ANC on the question of the exclusion of KwaZulu from CODESA . It was only on the Saturday before the Preparatory some Committee Meeting on 30th November last year , that I spent hours with Mr de Klerk and Dr Viljoen , together with the Honourable Minister Without Portfolio Dr FT Mdlalose , the Honourable Minister of Works Inkosi SH Gumede and the Honourable Minister of Health , Dr BS Ngubane .

At the last meeting of Political Leaders in Government Executives , had I specifically asked the Honourable Minister of Health Dr BS participate Ngubane , to assert intention KwaZulu's to in negotiations . There had been a number of bi - lateral discussions between the South African Government and the IFP and there had also been bi - lateral discussions on between the IFP and the ANC the question of the

inclusion of His Majesty and KwaZulu

in CODESA .

These bi - lateral discussions had come to naught and my meeting with the State President at his residence in Pretoria during November , if was a last attempt to stave off the disaster that would follow KwaZulu was not admitted to CODESA .

us This meeting was necessary because the Government was telling the that ANC ANC was opposed to our inclusion in CODESA and the which quite adamant that it was the South African Government were KwaZulu . obstacle Mr and Majesty His to bringing in the was

Ramaphosa gave us the categoric assurance that this was the case on more than one occasion .

Up

until

that

meeting with the State

President ,

regarded him as fair minded and approachable . that when I saw him supporting what really was was totally astounded .

I

had

always

I must say however , position , an ANC I

They office . We begun negotiations long before his term of had top by earnest negotiations about crucial important matters were African South the members top members of and Cabinet KwaZulu Cabinet .

Those negotiations actually helped shape the Mr de Klerk made his now famous February 2 , three Houses of Parliament .

circumstances 1990 address

in which the to

21

between These negotiations I am talking about the KwaZulu Government and South African Government involving as they did top South African Cabinet Ministers , most certainly would have National Party's influenced Cabinet members and members of the Parliamentary Caucus into accepting that Mr P W Botha was a lost cause to the National Party and that they needed a run with the balls in these negotiations .

leader who could

I am not saying that KwaZulu single - handedly saved the and day brought Mr de Klerk out of the National Party woodwork . A general climate of negotiations was evolving in South Africa . There were , as I have been mentioning , ongoing discussions between the South African Government and African political leaders in South Government Executives . Anybody who attended both sets of negotiations will tell you that it was the KwaZulu negotiations which were constitutionally

speaking the most

substantial .

After many months of negotiations KwaZulu and the South African document Government ended up jointly setting out producing a substantial areas of agreement under a number of headings .

This

document

was important .

It subsequently

half

shaped

the

National Party's first real move away from apartheid in an election The which Mr F W de Klerk fought manifesto . very first election was fought on the kind of ground that had been prepared in the KwaZulu/South African Government

negotiations .

following important agreed The Committee that the were the which prevented different political groupings getting obstacles together to negotiate a meaningful constructive manner to eventually secure an acceptable political dispensation for South Africa .

the still -

-

fact

that Dr Mandela and other imprisoned ;

the fact that

certain political

not available

for negotiations

Rivonia

trialists

were

organisations and persons were South Africa ;

inside

the

fact that certain organisations and political groupings continued to use violence which impeded negotiations .

The

KwaZulu delegation to these talks insisted that the points be recorded as obstacles to negotiation :

-

other

individuals

being jailed

-

-

the then liberties ;

other than Rivonia

for political

existing

discriminating

laws

State

such

trialists

following

were

still

offences

of Emergency

as

the

restricted

Group

Areas

political

Act ,

the

Population Registration Act and the Separate Amenities Act did not make negotiations possible ;

22

-

the very existence of the Tricameral parliamentary system the imposition of Regional to negotiations ;

-

the

Government's

the Homeland

Services Councils created obstacles

pre-occupation of ethnic divisions seen

Policy and in the Tricameral

recorded

document

A

that

and

KwaZulu

in

Parliament

recommended

the

following

procedures : the release of Dr Mandela

and other Rivonia trialists ;

the release

of political prisoners ;

the declaration of an amnesty for all political prisoners exile ;

in

the un - banning of organisations ;

-

the end of the State of Emergency

the immediate abolition of discriminatory

legislation ;

joint a Statement of Intent should be issued in which commitments were made to replace the Tricameral Parliament with a system acceptable to the majority of Black South Africans In turn the South African delegation recorded that : -

it was futile calling for the release of prisoners prisoners serving an for amnesty sentences for criminal acts or calling for the those who have committed criminal acts and also rejected IFP's call for the un - banning the State of Emergency .

of the ANC and the

lifting

of

that in all these Honourable Members , stress again Mr Speaker , I our obstacles , weakened way we never in any about discussions not to be drawn into negotiations about the constitutional resolve released were South Africa unless political prisoners of future legislation was and un- banned were jail , organisations from between relationships political made normalised which scrapped Black organisations

Mr

impossible .

Honourable

Speaker ,

Members ,

I

repeat

I

am not

asking to

be

heard as the architect of the National Party's position in the 1989 General Election . At that time there were still many issues on which we opposed Government policy . There was then no commitment to an open race - free democracy that Mr de Klerk committed himself to in February the following year in his address to Parliament . The

point

I

am making

for posterity

is that

today's

negotiation

possibilities have roots in what I in KwaZulu did from 1986 through and us the State President now to leap away from For to 1989. is indeed process , us as untouchable in the negotiation regard impossible

for me

to

accept .

23

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I ask you to keep bearing what I am specifically . saying in mind as I now go on to discuss CODESA more It appears to me that CODESA is doing different things to different people in different organisations . I would like to spell out what I see CODESA to be and what I maintain CODESA just cannot be .

I am quite sure that if we had Members , Honourable Mr. Speaker , different party political discussions with of rounds numerous that they would actually find would we leaders around the country , even that say dare I was going on in CODESA . what know not in Cape Town do not really understand what CODESA Parliamentarians certainly do not understand what

is doing .

I

There

agreement ,

is

by the sounds of it ,

it

is doing .

in CODESA

that

there

That apparently should now be an Interim Executive for government . has been agreed to . Discussion is now about how CODESA's agreed to transitional government interim need for an or should be or implemented . CODESA is debating whether it should be elected appointed .

or the also about whether the interim government is debate The tion ng titu body nt maki should act as a cons governme transitional the interim whether they are then asking questions about and legislative have should authority or transitional government of be actually debating what the fate should are They powers . present government structures .

the to asking questions about what should happen also tran They are peri siti . od onal during the constitution present a interim government or transitional authority with an proposing of will it structure which by the sounds executive constituted replace the present Cabinet . They

are

I also believe that they are actually debating questions about what this is going to happen to self-governing regions during transitionary period , and whether they should participate in the transitional authority . CODESA is also asking what interim or of self-governing should happen to the administrative structures regions during the transitional period which they envisage .

It seems function

me that the question of to CODESA's and status its transitional in this period really does need to be clarified . I make a point , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , that CODESA cannot

As

far as

clarify its status and its

I am concerned ,

function .

after the many months and even years of

negotiation , which took place between the South African Government and the KwaZulu Government , as well as between those who attended meetings of Executives of governmental structures , we are now faced with entirely new turns of events which were not anticipated .

24

for the end of last year , the quest a Towards Multi - Party Conference led to inter-party agreement that a Preparatory Committee of political parties should be formed . On the 29th and and there was 30th of November the Preparatory Committee did meet , agreement that a Convention for a Democratic South Africa should be held on December 19th , 20th and 21st .

( CODESA )

attendance Preparatory Committee which rejected that was It at of the King by the KwaZulu Government and by His Majesty , CODESA CODESA 1 held in December therefore took place without the Zulus . did , I there . bein Majesty and without His there being g sty being me Maje however , insist that the IFP remain in CODESA to participate in ali its work .

We had problems with the Declaration of Intent of CODESA 1 when it wording did meet and the IFP lodged objections to the of the also Declaration during the proceedings of CODESA 1. We lodged objections

regarding the exclusion

of His Majesty .

for to us Members , that it is important believe I Honourable here and we must pause what is going on in CODESA , to understand Speaker , Mr talking about . of what I am detail the at look debating Honourable Members must remember that CODESA is right now future of self- governing territories and what should happen to the our of while I am providing details the KwaZulu administration , objections to some central

The

Declaration

objections ,

reads

of as

aspects

Intent

of CODESA .

which

CODESA

adopted

against

our

follows :

" DECLARATION OF INTENT

We ,

the duly authorised representatives of political parties , political organisations , administrations and the South African Government , coming together at this first meeting of the mindful Convention for a Democratic South Africa , of the awesome responsibility that rests on us at this moment in the history of our country , declare

1.

our solemn commitment :

to bring about an undivided South Africa with one nation sharing a common citizenship , patriotism and loyalty , pursuing amidst our diversity , freedom , equality and security for colour , all irrespective of race , sex or creed ; a country free from apartheid or any other form of discrimination or domination ;

2.

to work to heal the divisions of the past , to secure the and open advancement of all , and to establish a free dignity , society based on democratic values where the worth and rights of every South African are protected by law ;

25

3.

to

strive

to improve the quality of life of our people through policies that will promote economic and growth development human and ensure equal opportunities and social

4.

justice

South Africans ;

to create a climate conducive to peaceful constitutional change by eliminating violence , intimidation and and destabilisation by promoting free political participation ,

5.

for all

discussion and debate ;

drawing in set motion of the up process and g n n o i i h t s u establi a constit that will ensure , inter alia :

to

a.

b.

that South Africa will be a united , democratic , nonand sovereign racial non-sexist state in which authority exercised over is the whole of its territory ; that

the

Constitution will be the supreme law

that it will be guarded over by an independent , racial and impartial judiciary ; c.

and non-

that there will be a multi - party democracy with the with right to form and join political parties and adult regular elections on the basis of universal suffrage in general on a common voters roll ; the basic electoral representation ;

system shall be

that

of proportional

d.

that the

e.

the diversity of the languages , that cultures religions of the people of South Africa shall acknowledged .

f.

that all rights ,

there shall be a separation of powers between legislature , judiciary executive and with appropriate checks and balances . and be

shall enjoy universally accepted human including and freedoms civil liberties freedom of religion , speech and assembly protected by an entrenched and justiciable Bill of Rights and legal a system that guarantees equality of all before the law .

We agree

1.

that the present entitled to put proposal

2.

that be ,

participants future shall and forward freely to the Convention

be any

consistent with democracy .

CODESA will establish a mechanism whose task it will in co-operation with administrations and the South

African Government , to draft the texts of all required to give effect to the agreements CODESA .

legislation reached in

26

the We , representatives of political parties , political administrations , organisations solemnly and further commit ourselves to be bound by the agreements of CODESA and in good faith to take all such steps as are within our power and authority to realise their implementation .

SIGNATURE ( S )

REPRESENTING

African National

Congress

Bophuthatswana Government Ciskei Government Democratic Party Dikwankwetla Party Inkatha Freedom Party Inyandza National Movement Intando Yesizwe Party Labour Party of South Africa Natal /Transvaal Indian Congress National People's Party Solidarity Transkei Government United People's Front Venda Government Ximoko Progressive Party

We , the South African Government , declare ourselves to be bound by in agreements we reach together with other participants in CODESA to accordance with the standing rules and hereby commit ourselves capacity , and the implementation thereof within our powers authority .

Signature

South African Government

Nkosi sikele ! iAfrika . Ons vir jou Suid Afrika . May the Lord bless our country . Morena boloka sechaba sa heso . Mudzimu Fhatutshedza Afrika . Hosi katekisa Afrika .

delegation December rejected IFP the The Declaration in of for Intent to the extent that it dictated a Unitary State future South Africa . We had many objections to the IFP's reservations and many said our that was if

fears were groundless . Our rejoinder was simply that the case , then the parties who objected to our of objections would have no problem in re - wording the Declaration Intent to make it clear that CODESA would entertain notions of a federal or other form of decentralised State as comfortably as it would entertain debate about a unitary State . Strangely enough , those who most agreed with our sentiments that the Declaration of Intent should make possible a federal future for South Africa , were the least prepared to lobby with us for an amendment to the wording of the Declaration .

27

The

IFP delegation formally handed in its objection to CODESA December and the IFP's objections were formulated as follows :

DECLARATION OF AMENDMENTS

(1 )

Paragraph

PROPOSED BY

in

INTENT

INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY

1:

That the words " an undivided South Africa with one nation " be omitted and substituted by the following : "A new South African nation . " REASON FOR AMENDMENT : WE OF THE IFP ARE MOVING THIS AMENDMENT MIGHT IMPRESSION BECAUSE IT GIVE THE FALSE THAT WE ARE THE NECESSARILY COMMITTED TO A UNITARY STATE AND WILL DENY US ADVANCE OPPORTUNITY ΤΟ THE ADVANTAGES OF FEDERALISM . NEVERTHELESS THE SUBSTITUTED WORDING WOULD EMPHASISE THE DESIRE TO CREATE A NEW SOUTH AFRICAN NATION . (2 )

Paragraph 5 : sovereign which Sub paragraph a: That the words " in authority is exercised over the whole of its territory " be omitted .

REASON FOR AMENDMENT :

WE MOVE FOR THE ELIMINATION OF THE

Sub paragraph d :

(i)

That word

( ii )

the word " horizontal " " separation " .

be

inserted

before

the

the words " and a vertical separation of powers That between the central government and the regions and " be inserted after the word "judiciary " .

REASON FOR THE AMENDMENT : THE INTENTION OF THIS AMENDMENT IS AGAIN TO MAKE ROOM NOT ONLY FOR SEPARATION OF POWERS BETWEEN THE LEGISLATURE , EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIARY BUT FOR DEVOLUTION OF POWER FROM THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT TO THE REGIONS .

(3)

Under the heading " We agree " to delete the paragraph numbered 2 and to substitute the following :

the "That CODESA and all of parties , signatories hereto , will make every effort to facilitate the process leading to a democratic constitution to be submitted to a referendum of all the people of South Africa . " AMENDMENT REASON FOR THE AMENDMENT : THE IFP MOVES FOR THIS BECAUSE WE CANNOT PERMIT THE RECOMMENDATIONS HERE TO BE RECOGNISED AS HAVING THE EFFECT OF FORMAL BINDING LEGISLATION . RESULTING FROM THIS CHANGE , THE DETERMINATIONS MADE HERE MUST BE SUBJECT TO REFERENDA BEFORE THEY ARE LEGALLY EFFECTIVE .

28

(4 )

That the omitted .

final

paragraph

of

the

declaration

be

REASON THE IFP MOVES FOR THIS DELETION FOR THE AMENDMENT : BE INTERPRETED AS CONFERRING THE WORDS MIGHT BECAUSE PARLIAMENTARY POWER TO THE RESULTS OF THE NEGOTIATIONS REACHED AT THIS CONFERENCE .

Committee of the IFP on the 7th of March debated the The Central issue and finally approved a re -wording of part of the submission following to the Management Committee , which should include the wording : " The Management Committee , and then CODESA II , issue a formal statement of interpretation in the attached form which will be deemed to be an annexure to the Declaration of Intent when signed by the signatories , making it clear , that irrespective of their individual interpretive views and for the avoidance doubts , seventeen of / the organisations / parties administrations who signed the Declaration of Intent declare interpreted that Intent , no provision of the Declaration of or alone in conjunction with any other provision thereof , shall be construed as -

(a )

favouring or inhibiting or precluding the adoption any of model , particular constitutional whether federal , or otherwise , confederal unitary , consistent with democracy ;

(b )

advocating preventing any participant from freely same separation , terms any the or the in of model , central constitutional of powers between a government and the regions ; of CODESA or during the proceedings Committees or Working Groups . "

any

of

its

to objections kind of are these having we While CODESA's issues KwaZulu the of the and while Intent of Declaration still are CODESA attendi King the ng Majesty and His Government said , have I as the air , CODESA is rushing ahead , in hanging Executive questions about interim governments and an considering for government . The following is a Resolution adopted by CODESA :

" 1.

need for interim/transitional arrangements is There in towards a facilitate transition the order to new democratic constitution to which CODESA is committed .

2.

An

important

creation of 3.

The

a

will aspect of such arrangements transitional executive structure .

transitional

executive

initially be by appointment agreed upon by CODESA .

structure

should

be

at

the

least

in accordance with procedures

29

4.

Agreements reached at CODESA in this regard will have be given effect to by Parliament through amendments the existing constitution and relevant legislation , order to give them constitutional

5.

and

legal

Other aspects of the interim/transitional still need to be discussed . "

to to in

form .

arrangements

Honourable Members , which Mr Speaker , we now face a position in CODESA CODESA will initially appoint a transitional executive and will decide what that transitional executive can and cannot do .

In my Presidential Address to the Central Committee on the 7th of March , I made the following points about the proposed transiti onal executive :

" AN EXECUTIVE WILL NEED TERMS

OF REFERENCE

has The Executive Arm of Government in normal circumstances for it by terms of reference prescribed the mandate it received in an election which set it up . Who will give the Terms Executive of Reference for the Government which will take over from Mr de Klerk and his Cabinet Terms of Reference . CODESA is focussed on negotiating a new It cannot be CODESA . in It would be dangerous Constitution into existence . the extreme to ask CODESA to start focussing on how we should be CODESA governed during this phase in which we now are . IS going to draw up guidelines for the next national budget ? CODESA in charge going we to put of prescribing to

Are the

Executive how to deal with security matters and how to direct the Defence Force? Are we going to expect CODESA to decide how upon what to do about health and educational matters and we deal with the land issue?

These are

just

a

few of the questions which come to mind .

APPOINTMENT OF AN EXECUTIVE WILL BE IRREVOCABLE become The IFP has long claimed that negotiations must a and into process Constitutional changes must be legislated and of position we have long rejected the notion a We Constituent Assembly leading to an Interim Government . transitionary said that some of have always however kind mechanisms will have to be brought into play . It would appear the to me that IFP participation in appointment of a Executive serving Government with one of us perhaps in it would put us

in an

impossible position .

Once we reach that point we would have stripped the prewe conditions set for our continued involvement in CODESA making it more representative , getting a clear CODESA to entertain the notion of a federal or solution which moved away from a unitary State omission of His Majesty the King and so on - in

commitment for other type of solution , the one bite .

30

Politically has speaking once the South African Government been replaced by a new Executive , there is only one thing to and that is hasten the speed of change . do we I argue that need time to make sure that CODESA leads to national unity and not to national divisions and escalation and of conflict violence . THE COLLECTIVE RESPONSIBILITY OF ANY GOVERNMENT EXECUTIVE Cabinet

unanimity

is a divided principle without which

there

can be no effective government . Who amongst us would like to sit in an Executive appointed by CODESA and subject ourselves to the majority decision of others appointed by CODESA to the extent of not daring to raise a dissenting voice outside Executive meetings ?

with thing specified an Executive to do a of notion The An Executive clearly defined terms of reference is one thing . the the other hand charged with running the country while on her altoget . another thing is , of change takes place process cheque blank to being asked to provide a actually We are CODESA which we would be expected to honour . AN EXECUTIVE

IN ABNORMAL CIRCUMSTANCES

Relations between the IFP and the have ANC been not normalised . Go to any grassroot IFP constituency and you will hear people say bluntly that IFP members and supporters have been killed and people will blame the killing on the ANC and its military wing Umkhonto weSizwe . Let us say that we do not believe this at all . Will it alter anything? Will our people see us any differently? They are there , they are where people are being killed . They know their communities and when they blame the ANC they do so with conviction . What would their reaction be to me sitting with Dr Mandela in some kind of interim Executive arrangement ? RULE BY AN EXECUTIVE

IN TIMES OF VIOLENCE

Everywhere I go people are button- holing me and crying out that they are being killed and asking me what to do . How will I be able to tell them that I am just one voice amongst many and that I do not control the police and I must stand impotently by while Umkhonto goes

about

its

nefarious work?

constituency What do I report back to when things get difficult . The people elected who me to my position as President of the IFP and Chief Minister of KwaZulu or CODESA which elected me to the Government Executive ? AN EXECUTIVE WITH NO CONSTITUTIONAL BLUE - PRINT TO

IMPLEMENT

None of us know where CODESA is going . We do not know what prices we will have to pay to keep CODESA together . None of us know that if CODESA nominates an Executive it will be there to be parenting its offspring Executive . We could end up with an Executive in government which is a political orphan .

31

If

CODESA went there will be no body to

insist

on mandates

or

to control action by the Executive . We would have an Executive making majority decisions which would very soon split it down the middle . Were there an Executive blueprint to implement and a Supreme what it is Court to oversee that the Executive is doing enjoined to do , There

that would be a different matter .

is no prospect

be done ,

who should do

of finding agreement about it and who should direct

should

what

the endeavour .

We would have an Executive that would very soon be a law asunder . itself until it broke

unto

AN EXECUTIVE WITHOUT A NATIONAL WILL TO BACK IT

I have argued again and again the necessity of broadening the base of CODESA . We would not have a successful Executive if it was not legitimised as an Executive organ of a Government of National Unity . I would not like to be in an Executive that the AWB , would have to move against the CP , organisations to the PAC and AZAPO and right them of and against the right organisations to the left of them .

country was a reconciled South Africa and a united there If e nominate which CODESA might would mandate an Executiv which g um in nd s r st re public of te mean or othe of a refe means by e at n pl t io . " to contem situat opinion , we may have a differen

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , I have an image of CODESA 1 being like a train parked at a station with a locomotive all steamed up and the conductor ready to give the go ahead for departure with undecided passengers on the platform , not wanting to get on the train because they did not know where

it was going .

I have a picture of CODESA II hurtling down some track , across some mountain pass , with the message still being broadcast to the people are plenty left at the railway station stating that there of seats available on the train , passenger and if they are not on it then it is their own fault .

I

am quite sure that had we been in CODESA from day one ,

and

had

CODESA would KwaZulu and His Majesty the King been in CODESA , not now be where it is . Most certainly had the CP and had the AWB and one , had PAC and AZAPO also been in CODESA from the CODESA day would not be where it is today .

Mr

running Speaker , CODESA negotiations are Honourable Members , away from leaders of political parties which are required to give it credibility and to give it real legitimacy .

I want to pause here , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , to make quite sure that everybody understands that I am not talking just to CODESA . discredit CODESA remains the only negotiation show in town . I am talking about improving CODESA when I question some of the things that

are going on in

it .

32

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members will have heard from my comments in my Vote of Thanks at the Opening of this year's Session on Tuesday that I am now quite adamant that the KwaZulu Government must now be quite is admitted to CODESA . It intolerable that anybody , Central Government , including the can think that committees of CODESA drawn from the ANC , COSATU , SACP , the Natal Indian Congress and the Transvaal Indian Congress , and other political parties who are altogether nationally inconsequential , can decide on the fate of the largest ethnic group in the country without even consulting with them .

new KwaZulu will be in the negotiation process or there will be no South Africa . I say that with total certainty because I know what made KwaZulu can offer and I know that the best efforts the ANC over a quarter of a century ago , the best possible Russian , Lybian , Vietnamese , Cuban , East German , support for revolutionary Africa armed only led to dismal failure when it came to a revolutionary struggle

simply because KwaZulu did not

join

in the armed

struggle .

at to be and it is going is going to be at CODESA , KwaZulu If p abreast of issues t n er ner ESA kee mus and we the , or lat soo COD must be constantly updated and Mr Speaker , Members of this House , on ESA on various issues . iti 's t w COD at is pos IFP the wha kno

Mr Speaker , I am not going to make statements and announce lines of going action prematurely and I am most certainly not to make its through about that we will not carry statements action to conclusion . I speak cautiously therefore when I say that this House must debate CODESA issues and then seek ways and means of debating our others other self- governing conclusions with in regions and with whomever will

I

can

imagine

join

in the discussions .

a situation emerging

in which

we

could

actually

debate CODEŠA issues with other political parties . At this stage I not am entitled to say that we are in a position to debate the would issues but I with the Conservative Party and the AWB , not rule that possibility out of court .

Institutionalised

South

Africa must understand that we ,

in

this

House , back South African negotiating forces , and that we will give The change . will for African to the South and content form CODESA Mr Speaker . All I am saying is is very fluid , situation in cannot they and Africa South fluidity the freeze cannot the whole process of change as appropriate a CODESA meal which it could eat at will .

though South Africa was

IFP The submission to Work Group III in CODESA which has these terms of reference , of must be debated by this House . The terms reference for Work Group III are as follows :

33

1.

WHEREAS the in amended

the parties at CODESA have committed terms set out in the Declaration of from time to time .

AND WHEREAS it has been agreed that a Working the appointed to consider be should CODESA interim government/transitional authority

themselves as Intent

Group issue

of of

arrangements/transitional

RECORDED that the Working Group on transitional IT IS authority arrangements/ interim government/transitional shall have the following terms of reference .

1.1 .

investigate , To canvass all possibilities and their upon application and report all proposals and make with recommendations regard to the manner in which the country until may be governed and managed the introduction of a new constitution .

1.2 .

To identify the key issues , need to be addressed .

1.3 .

commonality To identify areas of and already agreement exists between

processes

and problems that

aspects where participating

delegations .

IFP The to Work Group III submission to CODESA has a great deal it . commend about It is a thought - out position which most certainly demands attention . Of course , it does not purport to be a blue -print of what should happen and how it should happen . It is signposts with filled of what could be done and I believe in debating the merits of its submission , we should be particularly aware of the implications it may have Government and Administration .

for the

future

of the KwaZulu

While CODESA is at work we in KwaZulu continue participating with the Joint Executive Council which is broadening its base and expanding the areas of co - operation between KwaZulu and Natal . We must bear in mind what is taking place in the JEA and we must bear in mind that the KwaZulu/ Natal Constitutional Indaba recommendations offer us an actual starting point in considering constitutional developments in South Africa . Nobody is going to tell us that we wasted time and money in the Buthelezi Commission and in the Indaba .

The

IFP's submission reads

as

follows :

34

CODESA WORKING GROUP

III

TRANSITIONAL ARRANGEMENTS / INTERIM GOVERNMENT / TRANSITIONAL AUTHORITY

IFP WORKING DOCUMENT FOR SUBMISSION TO A CODESA MEETING ON 6TH FEBRUARY 1992

1.

INTRODUCTION

1.1

in this Working Group is The IFP's approach and will dictated overview by need for it to keep the a broad

be of

developments and progress in other working groups , because the negotiating process now set in train in this working group is Directions taken in one working group part of a larger whole . could have a profound impact of the IFP in terms of

on the policy position and objectives . its overall

goals Such

objectives are by consensus negotiations to pursue a two phase approach , the first aimed at determining the destination and the second at determining the course for reaching it , of the new South Africa . The IFP wishes to make it clear at the outset that both these aspects must encompass the principles of regionalisation .

1.2

Members of other delegations should also appreciate that the IFP operates upon democratic lines , requiring regular consultation with its Central Committee and through the Central

1.3

Committee to the Party's grassroots

The IFP delegation

in this ,

support base .

as in other working groups ,

does

not have an unlimited mandate and is therefore not prepared to conduct of negotiations in a hurried manner or to run ahead its mandate

or the progress

achieved

in other working groups .

1.4

It will not hesitate therefore to call for adjournments in the ensuring of interests such proper consultation if this is deemed necessary .

1.5

other in is the IFP delegation in this working group as Nor with parties to be dictated to by working prepared groups of ion complet the for frames ated time openly declared anticip certain steps in the negotiating process .

1.6

Attempts by any party to force the pace of the working group's be work in an unreasonable manner as though its work can divorced from that taking place in other working groups , will meet with firm resistance .

1.7

The the has no intention of bargaining away IFP future of South Africa's people through participating in a negotiating which seeks quick expedient results at the expense of process enduring principles . The foundations for the future multiparty democratic order need to be carefully laid and sufficient time should be allowed for reconciliation . The new South Africa must be responsibly and well governed into and the IFP will strenuously resist any existence suggestion that there should be constitutional leaps in the dark in trying to get there .

35

2.

TERMS OF REFERENCE

2.1

the The IFP has investigated the following possibilities for governance of the country until the introduction of the "new constitution" prepared by constitutional forum or constitutional making body , under which a general election of voters elects the

2.1.1

first government

of the new state

-

the present government remains in power under the present unamended constitution responsible to Parliament under the existing constitution ; Government Transitional a than CODESA is now) based and responsible President

2.1.2

( broader Reconciliation of State constituted under the the under Parliament to

existing constitution , amended as to certain unentrenched government This to make this legally possible . clauses parties generally recognised political would encompass of the portfolios organisations , and cabinet responsibility to be allocated in an equitable manner and in selection and with recommendations accordance structures agreed upon by such parties and organisations . 2.2

starting A similar a possibility investigated has further be 2.1.2 , except that the 1983 constitution would to point of be would Transition of "suspended " , and that the Government its principal function being to organise short -term duration , holding of an election for a constituent assembly to draw the under and to hold elections up and adopt a new constitution , government . it for a new

2.3

Yet

the involve a further possibility examined would reThis of the executive and the legislature as well . shaping of could introduce at least four distinct possibilities : first effectively that the current Constitution Act of 1983 would incrementally ) be replaced by a ( and perhaps new " interim second , Constitution Act " ; that the interim period will be

much longer than the generally anticipated two or three years ; third , that CODESA becomes the constitution making body for an constitution ; fourth , and " interim " that the interim government " ultimate " 2.4

itself becomes the constitution .

constitution making body for the

because it rejects 2.1.1 as an acceptable scenario IFP The at that the Government cannot be player and referee believes Despite separate representation at CODESA , it the same time . and is an undeniable constitutional fact that the Government the National Party are inseparable when it comes to the actual for example , The State President , governing of the country . Cabinet , and his leader of the National Party , the remains CODESA of whom sit in the National Party delegations to some is made up of representatives of that and its working groups , a of party . this Cabinet is in control the same time , At and constitutional very powerful and centralised highly the benefit every move of which can system , administrative National process .

negotiation Party to the detriment of others in the particularly are territories self-governing The

36

view of the Government's budgetary other vulnerable in and controls over them . At the international level the ( National Party) Government concludes political ) preferences . 2.5

The

2.5.1

agreements according to

IFP also rejects the scenario of 2.2

its

( party

because -

bring This the about a constitutional vacuum in which Transitional Government operates without being grounded in a constitutional framework and without being responsible for its actions to any parliamentary body (however representationally inadequate it may be ) in the run up to the election for the constituent assembly .

2.5.2

the

country

achieve

anything an hing anyt like be acceptable culture of democracy in which there would no significant degree of intimidation of the electorate . The memory of shocking incidents of "the necklace " of has

yet

to

those who were allegedly " collaborators " of " the system" forced their property the destruction of and the participation in " stay - aways " in attempts to render the country " ungovernable " ,

by persons giving allegiance

to

the so- called " progressive forces " , are still too recent . assembly , held an if Such election for a constituent prematurely , would most likely be a travesty of what it The IFP , should be : free , fair and without intimidation . has lost no since the signing of the Peace Accord , less than

2.5.3

20

of

depending procedure ,

its

leaders through assassination .

of rules the upon the electoral system and simple this could entrust to a party with a

the awesome task of constitution making at the majority , whose minority position would of other players , expense the their impotence to make any difference to guarantee result ; 2.5.4

It

cannot

subscribe

to a

piecemeal

approach

to

the

bringing about of a new South Africa but instead insists upon overall agreement being first reached upon all major ingredients of the new South Africa . 2.5.3

The upon

IFP's respect for constitutionality makes it place take to all changes for need the

insist a in

Support for this stance is constitutional and legal way . to be seen in item 1.1.4 ( j ) of the Terms of Reference of context Group 5 where reference is made to "the Working is Parliament The current of constitutional continuity . " only legal authority capable of changing the current the Any other approach would in constitutional dispensation . effect be revolutionary .

2.6

also opposed to is The IFP 2.3 envisaged paragraph in

interim arrangements any as the present which in terms of

constitution would be replaced by an " interim" constitution on the way to the " ultimate" constitution , whereby there would be addition to a in the composition of Parliament in change a ve Effective . Executi the of the position in change participation in power sharing at the more important Executive would Parliament by those presently unrepresented in level are first elections the IFP's view , until the suffice , in

37

held under a new constitution .

The

IFP would

insist that

the

question of the future form and regions of the new state would have to be placed on the agenda as well . 3.

CONSTITUTIONAL BACKGROUND

3.1

Introduction

3.1.1

It is necessary at the outset to take a hard look at the current Republic of South Africa Constitution Act of 1983 to see whether it is flexible enough to accommodate three first , main and ostensibly conflicting considerations : put the State President's repeated undertaking to any from the current system to those fundamental deviation who were ultimately responsible for voting him into power , namely the white electorate ; second , the need to co- option avoid anything that would look like and current system the endorsement by those outside system of finally , something which they regard as ' illegitimate ' ; how to avoid producing a new constitution under the guise of amending the old one .

Proceeding

3.1.2

from

these ,

a number of

possibilities

for

these the current Constitution in the light of adapting exist . In order to considerations without replacing it , these , Constitution a brief gloss over the appreciate itself will facilitate understanding .

3.2

Brief Background

3.2.1

:

the Constitution Act

In sequence , the parts of the Constitution Act relevant President , discussion concern to this the State the affairs , system of own and general the executive government and the

3.2.2

The

legislature .

State President

is elected by an

electoral

college

consisting of members of the three houses of parliament , majority . with house of Assembly the the (white ) in President . Their candidate is bound to be the state In terms of section 7 ( 5 ) the State President must qualify to Parliament , of which be elected to one of the houses means that as the Act stands at the moment , he cannot be a black South African .

3.2.3

and general Own were affairs supposed to form the backbone of the Constitution Act . In terms of section 14 affairs own are all those matters which affect a group coloured and Indian for the ' population group '' (white , purposes of the Constitution ) specifically . Section 15 provides that all other affairs are general affairs . It is no secret that the distinction has not worked well in practice ; in fact , under Mr FW de Klerk , there has been a marked move in the direction of fusion .

3.2.4

consists President , State of the executive The latter councils , ministers for the and cabinet President has a free hand State affairs . The in appointment of ministers . Two major qualifications

the own the are

that if a minister is not a member of parliament , he must become one within twelve months ( section 24 ( 3 ) ( a ) ; and

38

that in the case of ministers councils , ministers the the enjoy should the support of the majority in ar particul house . The State

3.2.5

President may also appoint

deputy ministers .

The legislative authority vests in the State President and parliament , The consisting of three houses . legislature is the sovereign lawgiver in and over the Republic (section 31 ) . There is proviso a that legislation on own affairs has to be passed in accordance with a specified procedure ( in essence : such legislation may only be adopted by house the a representing particular population group ) . An Act by passed parliament and signed by the State President , is parliament , and cannot be questioned in a court except for the procedure followed in passing the

a law of of law , law .

If there is a dispute among the houses on so - called President general affairs legislation , the State may refer the bill to the President's Council for a decision . resolutions , but voting on Joint sittings may be held , or , as it is put in parliamentary parlance , to done separately by question " has be

" putting the house . each

(Incidentally , joint sittings have become the order the day in parliament ) .

of

section 99 As regards the amendment of the Constitution , provides that the Act can be amended in three ways .

3.2.6

First , by the majority of the provisions may be amended i.e. by a bare majority , and ordinary Act of Parliament , is a dispute , may if there the Presidents Council be called upon to resolve the matter .

Secondly : two sections of the Act can only be amended by a two thirds majority of all the members of all three the language houses voting these two are separately ; clause ( section 89 ) and the amendment itself . clause Thirdly , some forty sections and the first schedule need an ordinary majority of all the members of all three houses voting separately . which the suggestions

This is follow ,

important , for some of will require this

procedure , which will be referred to as the procedure amending entrenched ' sections . 4.

THE

4.1

Statement

IFP'S

POSITION AND

for

PROPOSAL

The IFP's position and proposal in short is that it is willing in principle to agree to the establishment of a Government of mainly Transition as envisaged in paragraph 2.1.2 above , for reasons two important : first , that it is that the transitional authority should be established without delay to create an all inclusive constitutional forum or negotiating body with a much wider representation than is present at CODESA and second because the IFP strongly believes that no the major changes should be made to present Constitution with the without at the same time dealing comprehensively question of a

future

regional

structure .

39

4.2

The Constitutional Mechanics

4.2.1

for Realising the Proposal

unentrenched would be to repeal the option basic The is section 24 ( 3 ) ( a ) , which provides that a minister who her his or of a house at the time of member a not become a member within twelve months . must appointment , not did version of the Constitution Bill original The afterwards , It inserted was this clause . contain ministerial of doctrine result of the a as probably in terms of which a minister is supposed responsibility , representatives be responsible or accountable to the to parliamentary the and , hand one the on , of the electorate system of government , which implies that the executive is South In parliament . to drawn and accountable from to however , responsibility ministerial real Africa , parliament has become extremely weak anyway , and need not be a major obstacle to removing section 24 ( 3 ) ( a) . that of repealing this subsection would be benefit The 24 ( 1 ) , section in terms of State President could , the political At the any person to be a minister . appoint all among level , leave room for negotiation would it agreed

political organisations to compose an interested upon all inclusive ' multí party ' cabinet .

4.2.2

A

number

supplement

a.

Part

of

further

options

or reinforce the

IV on own and general

first

can

be

considered

to

one ;

affairs can be

repealed .

Some

sections in this part , notably sections 14 , 15 and 16 ( 1 ) , are entrenched . There should not be much objection to removing them . As was pointed out above , the distinction if between own and general affairs has become a burden , not an embarrassment .

b.

affairs , Consequential to the removal of own councils (section 21 and other provisions

ministers in which

reference is made to these councils ) should be abolished . needs councils If be , the ministers serving on these cabinet , either be could accommodated in the or be appointed deputy ministers .

c.

As a

further result ,

section 31 ,

which provides

for own

affairs legislation , should be deleted , together with the proviso to section 30 , and some other sections referring schedule , own affairs legislation . The first affairs , E purporting to set out own should S also PROPR repealed . d.

Finally , section 67 can be amended as a very bold step , and sit provide that the three houses of parliament to of may also require an amendment This together . vote section 99 governing the procedure for the amendment of With its strong majority in the House the constitution . of of Assembly , its substantial membership in the House parties and the likely support of other Representatives the possibility that the National on issues that matter , It remote . is outvoted in parliament be will Party of should even be able to muster the two - thirds majority all three houses for the amendment of section 99 .

40

4.3

The Advantages of the

4.3.1

IFP's

Proposals

The IFP's proposal would not lead to a complicated system of transitional government , would not draw attention too of away ultimate objective far from the a new constitution and and would not involve too much time energy - consuming tampering with the existing for constitution ; and it would allow an effective government

The

4.3.2

involving all participants

IFP submits that

its proposals ,

criteria but would bear the 4.3.2.1

they leave sufficient flexibility in the system to be adjusted in other directions ( i.e. to overcome the time

The

4.4.1

not only meet these

following advantages :

initially the transitional stage would be confined to the life of the present Parliament ( i.e. the end of 1994 ) ; 4.3.2.2

4.4 .

in CODESA .

limit

of the

end

of 1994 ) ;

4.3.2.3

they provide a real platform for a transitional national unity , government of all inclusive with full responsibility and participation by all concerned ;

4.3.2.4

they leave room for close liaison between the CODESA for as long and as Government CODESA process remains relevant to the constitutional and without creating additional cumbersome structures .

Effect

of the

Proposed Changes

A potentially non- racial , including representatives

of

executive , multi - party self-governing the

territories , nominally accountable to a sympathetic , nondominant parliament , and with all the constitutional and statutory existing the powers of cabinet could be of established . Since , in terms constitutional cabinet acts convention , and outwardly at least , the unanimously , there will seek be a strong tendency to agreement among all represented in the cabinet . On the hand , other in view of its transitional nature , the of temptation for the cabinet to take decisions great without political or constitutional significance consulting the people , 4.4.2

Since

there

will

be

would be weak .

no

own

affairs /general

affairs

distinction , the way is paved for constitutional equality and in administering the country , in producing budgets , rendering such as education in services health , and welfare . 4.4.3

Parliament remains intact in terms of its composition , it the three does not pass own affairs legislation , and houses sit and vote together .

4.4.4 .

Own affairs will be discarded , and it will be possible to commence administrative rationalisation within the terms

41

of broadly agreed policies adopted by the three houses sitting together , by the dissolution of the existing own into affairs departments other or their integration departments . the system function properly , to have will to met , be and adhered to :

order for In preconditions

4.4.5

understandings

some some

at It will have to be accepted by those in parliament present that in most respects parliament will to have assume role of formal the endorsement legislative of reached by the executive . agreements That this is illustrated achievable is by the announcement that

a.

parliament , during its forthcoming session , will not sit on certain days in order to allow participants in CODESA time to fulfill their commitments .

C.

Parliament will have to accept that in due course it will have to terminate its own existence , and open the door to the new constitution .

4.4.6

The significant

On

A.

the part

concessions would be the

of the National

Party ,

following :

it would give up

its

ultimate control over the government . ( Obviously , through its control of parliament it could in principle at any but that would be seen time frustrate the exercise , as display is such a of bad faith that it hardly foreseeable ) .

b.

The

parties

presently

outside

the

system

would

be

required to live with an unrepresentative parliament rubberstamp during the transition , but in view of the it should not be too high nature of that parliament , a to pay . price In this respect the Namibian experience offers some encouragement . For the sake of progress , the world , including the United Nations and SWAPO , accepted facto the de governance of Namibia by the ( illegal ) representative of the South African Government , even to the point of conducting a constituent assembly in terms of a proclamation

4.5

issued by that

representative .

Conclusion This

4.5.1

proposal

is based on the

assumption that

government or transitional arrangements distinct from or outside the context constitution . 4.5.2

an interim

cannot be created the of current

Hence the suggestion of the IFP that instead of up additional transitional or interim structures ,

setting a more

satisfactory and rational procedure would be to transform point the Constitution Act , the even to current point of renaming it the Transitional Government Act .

5.

THE MANDATE OF THE TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT OF RECONCILIATION

5.1

It be

is of fundamental firm agreement

importance to the IFP that there at reached CODESA and/or in

should other

42

negotiating pursued in

principles processes as to certain key to be the period of transition to a new constitutional

dispensation by the Transitional Government of Reconciliation , prior to its establishment . Agreement as to the construction what and composition of such government is not enough , it is it will do and not do in certain key areas of policy which is primary . No party participating in such Government of task by Transition should have the ability to frustrate its claiming that it did not have due notice of the key policies to be followed . That Government must have the political will effectively transitional and direction to govern in the period . 5:2

inter alia , Agreement will therefore have to be reached , the following key principles to operate during the period transition : identification

5.2.1

of

the regions

for major

devolution

on of

of

powers and the creation or augmentation of appropriate the new them so that when strong structures for it can draw upon Constitution is written , the actual experience gained in the regional governmental context . Specifically , the principles of the Natal / KwaZulu Indaba agreement in respect of that region's development must be built upon and implemented ; the

5.2.2

equitable

funding

thereof

and

of

socio- economic

development within such regions during the transition on a non-discriminatory basis having got rid of the doctrine of own affairs ; of fundamental socio - economic policies charter a which prior by of Transition shall establish Government the negotiating of the parties in CODESA or other agreement normal the through implemented be to process , recovery in pursuit of economic process , parliamentary including privatisation of state owned and development ,

5.2.3

or para- statal

6.

entities ;

CONDITIONS The

IFP's willingness

in principle to agree to and enter

a Government of Transition as a participant upon the following expectations

into

is however posited

6.1

on the seating of His Majesty the King of the Agreement nation and his delegation at CODESA .

6.2

reasonable to amendments IFP's Agreement the the on Declaration designed of Intent , to appropriate ensure neutrality been has which of in place of wording wording unitary reasonably construed by it as committing CODESA to a of of CODESA elevating decisions and state beyond their

Zulu

competence . 6.3

Proper

consideration

in

CODESA to the

claims

of

a

people

regarding itself as a separate nation to exercise the right of self-determination , so encouraging participation by presently d l enhancing exclude politica parties and organisations and so the inclusivity of CODESA .

43

6.4

That

as

far

as

the constitutional

position

of

the

self

provisions the relevant governing territories are concerned , the of 1971 of Self Governing Territories Constitution Act should be scrupulously observed by CODESA/the Government , and that the principle of sufficient consensus cannot be used to override a self governing territory's objection to a change in its constitutional status in other words , no self governing territory should be deprived of its current status without its consent . 6.5

Agreement as to the composition of the Transitional of Reconciliation to ensure its all inclusivity .

6.6

all respect of the disbanding and outlawing of in Agreement arms of surrender the armies and liberation and private caches .

6.7

with regard to the principles and Agreement constitution of the new state .

7.

SUMMARY

7.1

The IFP's strong adherence to constitutionality has encouraged search it to for a constitutionally acceptable method of creating a Transitional Government of Reconciliation which would be broadly based and all inclusive , representative of all significant political parties both inside and outside CODESA .

7.2

in This Transitional Government of Reconciliation would be by place until the Constitution of the new state was approved national referendum and thereafter elections held to elect its first government .

7.3

Such Transitional Government would responsibly and effectively govern the new state into existence under the present State President in accordance with policies which had been agreed in the prior negotiation process so that all would be committed in achieving growth and economic reconstruction the to

Government

framework of

the

interregnum .

7.4

create , commitment to Such policies would include a firm develop and augment strong regional structures of government and a socio - economic charter .

7.5

Because of constitutional the existing Parliament ,

of restraints relating to the life the period of transition envisaged

would be approximately two years . 7.6

7.7

Amendments to the existing Constitution , requiring only the simple majority of each of the three houses of Parliament in the tricameral system , would enable ministers to be appointed while the principle of to the Cabinet on a non - racial basis , "own affairs " would be three houses would sit

legislated out of existence and vote as one .

The

an election for a

IFP firmly rejects

so that the

Constituent

Assembly

to draw up the new constitution principally because first , the country does which not remotely have the democratic culture

44

render

such

free

violence

from

and minority exclude intimidation , it would effectively second ution constit making ful the in say meaning any from parties such in process place would it third and process , a constitutional vacuum outside of the present constitution .

would

7.8

election

proposals rejects likewise IFP The envisage would which Transition elections /referenda under an " interim " to the " ultimate " constitution .

7.9

Government holding

a for the

of of constitution on the way

the in participate to agree to and willingness IFP's The on posited is Reconciliation of Government Transitional certain conditions , namely

7.9.1

agreement

on the seating

the

of His Majesty the King of

Zulu Nation and his delegation at CODESĀ ; 7.9.2

agreement on the IFP's reasonable Declaration of Intent ;

7.9.3

a proper consideration determination ;

7.9.4

scrupulous

observance

amendments

in CODESA to the

issue

by CODESA/ the Government

to

of

the

self

of

the

constitutional position of the self governing territories which should not be deprived of their current status without their consent . 7.9.5

Transitional the of the composition to as agreement all to its ensure of Reconciliation Government inclusivity .

7.9.6

in respect of the disbanding and outlawing agreement private all and liberation armies and the surrender arms caches .

7.9.7

agreement with regard to the principles the constitution of the new state .

Mr Speaker ,

Honourable Members ,

and

of of

framework of

as we debate the acceptability or

otherwise of the IFP's Group III recommendations to CODESA , we must be very mindful of the fact that KwaZulu was not there prior to the position being reached in which the IFP made its submissions .

Negotiations of the kind that are taking place in CODESA run their courses , and the course is often determined by the interaction amongst the negotiators . As you negotiate and participate in or proceedings you may choose to shift around and be accomodative alternatively to dig your heels

in ,

depending on the

circumstances .

The National Party's position most certainly altered over the period from the end of November to date . It made adjustments and it thinking is now original beyond its draft constitutional proposals which

came

out before

the

Preparatory

Committee

even met .

45

Had His Majesty the King of the Zulus been in the negotiations , and had KwaZulu been in the negotiations , we may have influenced events and CODESA may have ended up with positions somewhat different to those decided upon .

It is not as though there is some kind of avenue of truth which one discovers as one travels down it , and no matter when one started the journey one would have ended up with the same truths as those who went ahead .

nor does the IFP represent the The IFP does not represent KwaZulu , In its pre - conditions for involvement in any interim Zulu nation . We have it was made dependent on certain conditions . arrangement , already gone beyond those conditions and they are already deficient have It was only this House which could our point of view. from said that I now drop my compromise suggestion that KwaZulu foregoes Majesty its participation in CODESA to secure the admission of His and his delegation .

the prepre -condition at liberty to add to that quite are We listed . Would We in its own wisdom, which the IFP , conditions them obviously respect the IFP's inputs but we cannot be bound by because the IFP is not KwaZulu .

From down take

the KwaZulu point of view things have already gone far too the negotiating road in CODESA for us simply to fall in and as given everything that has gone before entry into our CODESA , when we do enter .

am I will obviously be as true for the CP as it is for us . This Both the PAC quite sure that it will also be the case for the PAC . the CP must be brought into CODESA and they will be brought in and enter will although I am not sure whether they or later , sooner or . ted success into CODESA or into CODESA's negotia

negotiation am CODESA I not arguing that any new entrant to the automatic for right have predown laying an would process conditions and undoing everything they want undone .

What I am arguing is that CODESA must now make provision for Review Sessions for which new entrants could give advance notice of issues that they want re - opened for discussion and decision making .

This suggestion , that CODESA has Review Sessions is , in any event , a suggestion that the IFP should be making . The IFP is cautioning headlong against the rush of CODESA away from more inclusive representation in it . There is already debate in CODESA about time tables and the pace of CODESA which is far too fast thorough for negotiation work.

46

We must certainly not attempt to jump into CODESA II without CODESA principles 1 going through a review phase in which the of the negotiating delegates are reviewed . I would suggest that the State South should President expand the political leaders in African Government Executives for this purpose . We would then have all the all the parties , self-governing regions , the three Houses in Parliament , itself , well the Government as as Provincial Administrations , political parties and organisations drawn together to find common cause in our responses to CODESA's mode of operation and its conclusions .

There really is a need to give

CODESA some kind of parent .

It was

formed by the Preparatory Committee . The Preparatory Committee is the parent committee . It abdicated responsibility and then ceased to exist . The notion of building review mechanisms into CODESA and Conference or of providing for a broad - based South African Review National

There raised

Review Commission certainly does make

sense .

is another issue on CODESA's agenda which be could well this context . in I believe that CODESA will still come

unstuck because of its decision - making process . We had the problem spelt out to us when Dr Zac de Beer stated that consensus between the National Party and the ANC would necessarily be sufficient consensus for CODESA .

The notion that lack of consensus must be tolerated until CODESA becomes so worn down by disagreeme th at less and less is done in nts it until , so to speak , it flops to a stop , is very nebulous .

the IFP showed great concern In our original thinking in November , decision - making process and the about the management of the from negotiation process which we envisaged would flow whatever structures the Preparatory Committee set up . In our thinking at the time , we saw the need for a smaller committee of the big three parties plus representatives from one or two other parties , coming the together to nominate a management team which would then act on consensus This rejected of . was and we are now left principle of with CODESA with no parent and with no proper management .

There

is

a Management

Committee but

it amounts

to

Committee managing itself . Right now the Management who actually chaired by Mr PJ Ghordan represents

a

Management Committee is a combined

Natal /Transvaal Indian Congress whose active members could meet in a closet for their Annual General Meeting . That is all that they would need

in terms

of space to accommodate

representatives .

Those who manage CODESA under the conditions that I am recommending would have a parent body and beyond that all - inclusive South course , of African parent body there would , be the political parties existing in their own right which could relate to each other in bi - lateral or multi - lateral discussions and negotiations about the future .

47

CODESA is broken up into a number of small Right now as it stands , and context national meeting outside the are which committees trying to decide on the future for all of us . behind closed doors ,

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , one of the realities which we must think about is the reality of KwaZulu . creature KwaZulu is not a It is an entity the its of South own African Parliament . in historic right however Parliament much the South African has attempted enmesh to it in apartheid and make it conform to the and National rule . Party's desire divide to The fact that was legislation imposed on KwaZulu does not alter its historic have reality . We homeland never accepted the National Party's policy .

When CODESA debates the future of self-governing regions , they will actually at times be debating about disbanding and doing away with KwaZulu .

We have not seen one single ANC statement , and we have not seen one categoric single National Party statement , in which they give assurances that they are committed to recognising KwaZulu for the reality that it is . CODESA says that the TBVC countries cannot be without their approval . disbanded The TBVC countries in it have not undertaken to give effect to CODESA's decisions which would scrap them as self- conscious entities .

earlier , As I said one the reasons why of the ANC and the government not do want KwaZulu and His CODESA , Majesty in is because it will make their lives much more difficult when it comes to attempting to

scrap KwaZulu .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , it goes far beyond my assertion This that CODESA just does not have the right to disband KwaZulu . House , Honourable right Members , Speaker , Mr would have no whatsoever to prorogue the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly so that it formally exists but

cannot

operate because we want

it

annulled .

Mr Speaker , Every member of this House , who was elected to a seat Assembly , the or she in has a constituency to which he is Constitutionally , this House is also responsible to responsible . the Amakhosi Zulus .

When

I

of KwaZulu and

think about the

finally to His Majesty ,

future and

look at the

the King of the

practicalities

of

running a government in the new South Africa , I am totally adamant that sound administration will demand that traditional rulers and traditional political structures be used both for political and for inclusion in third tier government structures .

control

The Amakhosi of KwaZulu are important to city and town councils when it comes to administration . Across the length and breadth of Africa , it has been discovered that traditional rulers have to be

48

Right now , used . however , CODESA operates on the assumption that in writing a new constitution , negotiators would not necessarily have to give

recognition to the

Governments

may come

political

Mr

and go ,

parties may come

Speaker ,

fact that

KwaZulu

is

forever .

constitutions may come

and go ,

Honourable Members ,

but KwaZulu

we must

is

and

go ,

and

forever .

face up to what

we

are

going to do to secure a place in CODESA for KwaZulu . If that cannot as I said earlier , have to establish consultative be done we will , regions

between self - governing mechanisms as an interim measure .

and political

parties ,

the what submissions to CODESA and think might we , KwaZulu for are implications of the IFP's position of Chief meeting consultative steps even now at a taking about Ministers and the State President . In

thinking

We

are going to go to the people with these

about

the

IFP's

issues .

We are going

to speak for His Majesty , but I am sure that His Majesty would far we rather wish to explain his position to his people . But while will have to do so as our first responsibility , we will also have to work at the

Mr

Speaker ,

national

political

Honourable Members ,

level

as well .

these days when I talk about the

negotiation process I am always intensely aware just how it is for the National Party and the ANC to think that

dangerous they can

rush the negotiation process towards an early establishment of some interim multi -party an kind of transitional government with executive . I fear sometimes that I am just not being heard when I say that unless negotiators can go to negotiating chambers with mandates , and unless they are free to test negotiated compromises for acceptability amongst the people ,

we will not get

far at all .

The present levels of violence in South Africa are prohibitively high for the kind of rushing that the ANC and the Government are attempting . The IFP has called for the linking of the peace negotiation process . process with the The provisions of the National Peace Accord are not being properly implemente . Violence d continues spreading and erupting in the most unlikely places , such as amongst mourners at a funeral or service , commemoration and amongst commuters .

I remain totally convinced that until Umkhonto weSizwe is disbanded there will not be an end to the kind of violence which really is threatening the

negotiation process .

Again Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , for the sake of posterity , I in must put on record what is happening and I would like to do so sections . on two The first section will be on what is happening and the formal negotiation front in the National Peace Secretariat what section the second on is being done in CODESA to curb violence .

49

starting point

is the

halt

to

had enough

of

IFP's calling a

the IFP hypocrisy of the ANC negotiating with the Government and the while about the wording of a Code of Conduct for the Defence Force

A

convenient

they maintain Umkhonto as their private army .

Inkatha

Party at a particular point ,

Freedom

the

hypocrisy and refused to continue giving credibility to the ANC as drafting in peace - seeking a movement , by sitting with them a Conduct committee charged with drawing up a Code of for the Defence Force . The IFP made this submission to the National Peace Committee on the matter :

RESPONSE TO PROPOSALS MADE TO NATIONAL PEACE COMMITTEE'S SUB - COMMITTEE ON SADF CODE OF CONDUCT

1.

INTRODUCTION

1.1 .

terms of reference of the Sub- Committee must first The Accord viewed in the context of the National Peace be The SADF is the National Defence Force of as a whole . of act legislative by Africa , governed South namely the Defence Act ( No. 44 of 1957 ) and day . the of government the control of of extent questions may be raised as to the Although in Government's legitimacy , what is not present the by is that the present Government is recognised doubt jure international convention as being the de general the is It and de facto government of South Africa . of entity exercising the legal powers sovereign sole This appears to have been conceded by Mr the SA state . the at Naidoo on behalf of the ANC representatives J Parliament , under the

last meeting of the sub- committee on 11 December 1991 . 1.2 .

1.3 .

The unavoidable result of this constitutional is that the SADF can be the only lawful defence

force

It

because

is

position national

in the country . of this

that

the National

Peace

Accord

prohibits private armies i.e. every armed force of any political organisation which does not derive from legislative warrant in terms of the SA Constitution is private ipso army construed as a and facto to be therefore prohibited .

1.4 .

This principle is paragraph 3.7.3 . private armies

1.5 .

recognised in the clear wording of the National Peace Accord :

of "NO

shall be allowed or formed . "

For the ANC to argue therefore that " private armies " do logically armies " not include " liberation is and legally What untenable . it amounts to is that fall " liberation armies " allegedly outside the national defence National Peace Accord and only the be monitored by force needs to a Code of Conduct negotiated

by the very party ,

the ANC/ SACP

alliance ,

50

which maintains such a liberation army in pursuit the "armed struggle " , albeit in a state

of of

" suspension " .

1.6 .

revolutionary posture by the ANC/ SACP alliance in claiming MK , while the relation to its armed wing , right to participate in the political process through makes negotiation , a mockery of the National Peace places and question mark on the Accord a serious alliance's commitment to democratic values of a non Marxist Leninist variety .

1.7 .

Revolutionary strategy cannot compatibly co - exist with of the letter and the spirit of peaceful resolution conflict reflected in the content of the National Peace Accord .

1.8 .

This

It

simply will not do

for the ANC to hide

behind

the

principle that MK is the subject of separate bi - lateral arrangements between it and the Government which do not concern the National Peace Accord . The IFP was and is While therefore MK not a party to those arrangements . outside the peace process , remains the National Peace Accord with all seriously its good intentions is flawed , no matter the continuing faith good being displayed by the its IFP in its implementation of provisions 1.9 .

At

this

at grassroots very

moment ,

level . MK

cadres

and

recruits

are

receiving military training in the territory controlled its surrogate , the Transkei Government , by ready for infiltration back into South Africa as " defence units " in the townships , enhancing the risk of armed conflict and the spread of violence . 1.10 .

Speaking the preparing and

language of peace and at the same time war , equipping its private army for is

diametrically opposed to the intentions of the National Peace Accord and must be exposed for the double talk which it is .

1.11 .

IFP's view therefore is that the ANC /SACP The with Alliance's position on MK is in serious conflict National Peace Accord , the and constitutes an intimidatory posture inconsistent with truly democratic of a values and which bodes ill for the cultivation multi - party democratic

culture .

1.12 .

a A Code of Conduct for the SADF consequently assumes the by is failure a there when profile lopsided as a alliance to address the question of MK ANC /SACP strict requiring its disbandment if the army private terms of the Peace Accord are to be observed .

1.13 .

Since the establishment of the National Peace Accord , peace the process had been given new impetus in the formation of CODESA , and the IFP considers that the national interest would be better served by the issues of the SADF and MK being pursued in context the of CODESA .

51

CONCLUSION

2.

The

time

has

come

for

straight

talking .

If

the

Government is willing to sign a Code of Conduct for the National SADF with the ANC under the Peace Accord without the issue of the ANC's private army , MK , being resolved , the IFP is not . To do so , would be to confuse principle with expediency and spoil its reputation for consistency and honest dealing .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , the State President was quite right before observers from across the length to state at CODESA 1 , and breadth the world , of that the time had now come for the ANC to Umkhonto . honour the agreement that it had made to disband Dr Nelson Mandela , in an angry response , was quite wrong to say that the ANC would never disband Umkhonto .

During I question Dr Mandela's veracity when it comes to Umkhonto . the course of a decade in which the ANC was in exile and Umkhonto liberation army , high was self- styled a with its own command immunised from ANC National Executive Committee scrutiny , because of the ' need - to - know ' principle in these matters , even the ANC's left hand did not doing .

Everything

was

know what Umkhonto's

shrouded

left hand or right

in so - called military

and

hand were

revolutionary

secrecy . Umkhonto's high command was a law unto itself in the ANC , - ANC , one in three with organisations wrapped up SACP and National their Umkhonto . All leaders sat in the Executive Committee of the ANC .

That

was then .

Now the position

is different .

There

is

no

war

being fought ; there is no revolution being waged ; there is no need Dr Mandela , for the secrecy based on the ' need - to - know' principle . as President of the ANC , is the Umkhonto supreme commander to whom the chief of staff and everybody in Umkhonto should be

If

I

am

wrong ,

then Dr Mandela does not know

where

reporting .

Umkhonto's

caches of arms are , and he does not know anything about how true is that Umkhonto has ceased its military operations .

am convinced that I Umkhonto has not ceased its operations . Our people are dying weekly , daily almost , being delivered information which strongly suggests that is still active as Umkhonto .

it

military and I am Umkhonto

I believe that Dr Mandela is either not in control because he does going on , is on not know what or he controls what is going including knowing about

armed attacks

against the

IFP .

52

Committee , The IFP has raised this matter at the National Peace with demanding the disbandment of Umkhonto before we can continue the ANC it , but

in drafting Codes of Conduct , which should be applicable to from which their claimed status for Umkhonto exempts them .

It is in the context of these observations that I now give you the response ANC's to to the IFP complaint the National Peace Committee :

RESPONSE TO INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY COMPLAINT :

That the existence Peace Accord . 1.

Inkatha Accord

of Umkhonto weSizwe

( MK )

is

a breach of the

Freedom Party having signed the National Peace on 16th September 1991 now seeks to allege that

the Peace Accord also constituted an agreement to disband or dis -establish M.K. It does so on the grounds that it will is a term of the Peace Accord that private armies allowed or formed , private not be and that M.K. is a army .

2.

M.K.

(i)

avenues peaceful after 1961 in formed was M.K. and , ANC reform the to denied were constitutional particular after the ANC was

( ii )

( iii )

of in

itself prescribed .

Africa South armed actions inside conducted had M.K. eved the od achi it . peri In this 1961 and 1990 between on l The rati . Army iona Libe a of rnat Law us Inte in stat d irme fact l the ce by of this is conf acceptan internationa that the ANC was requested to , and did , sign the Optional the regulates the Geneva Convention which to Protocol conduct of armed forces in wars of liberation .

In 1990 , M.K. and the ANC , became lawful organisations in prescriptions African Law after the upon South these organisations were

lifted .

( iv)

6 August 1990 and after the possibility of achieving On a negotiated constitutional dispensation became manifest , and actions unilaterally suspended all " armed ANC the in recorded which decision was activities " related a Government , with the South African agreement bilateral known as the Pretoria Minute .

(v)

In terms of Paragraph 3 thereof , bilateral negotiations were to take place in regard to the implementation of this accord . The paragraph 3 Working Group continues to meet .

3.

BILATERAL AGREEMENT

On adopted the 12 February 1992 the Government and the ANC first report of the " Paragraph Three Working Group " which inter alia recorded the following agreement : -

53

(i)

That

the suspension of the armed struggle was

step towards ( ii )

phased

finding a peaceful settlement .

That the " armed actions included :

( a)

a

Attacks by means

and related

of armaments ,

activities "

suspended

firearms ,

explosive

of incendiary devices . (b)

Infiltration of men and material .

(၁) Creation of underground structures .

( iii )

(d )

Statements inciting violence .

(e)

Threats of armed action .

(f)

Training

inside

That membership

of M.K.

letter or spirit

( iv )

That

the

South Africa .

of the

presence

was no

longer a violation of the

Pretoria Minute .

of M.K.

cadres in the

country

was

acknowledged .

(v )

4.

to alia initiated inter phased process be rate reinteg M.K. cadres into South African society and to control over M.K. establish arms which process will be taken further by the Working Group .

That

a

The " Paragraph 3 Working Group " continues to meet and has inter alia , agreed , to a process of informing the its government of the extent and nature of arms under control . Such arms and ordinance will be placed under the joint control of any transitional authority and M.K. upon the formation of an Interim Government . M.K. will be disbanded upon the completion of the process of transition to a democratic constitution .

5.

The

ANC and M.K.

have fully committed themselves to the

Peace Accord and its

objectives .

In performing its duties under these Accords , the ANC and M.K. commit themselves to the process of transition as agreed to government .

by the ANC and other parties including the This does not , obviously , mean that either

the government or the SADF , self appointed arbitrators

can be regarded as legitimate and guardians of this process

and it is precisely to amend this unilateral control that negotiations between the ANC and the Government have taken place , CODESA has been established , and M.K. has suspended its armed actions . 6.

RESPONSE TO COMPLAINT :

6.1

The existence are operations

of M.K. and the extent of its matters covered by existing

agreements between the ANC and government .

continued bilateral

54

6.2

The fall

matters covered by these agreements and negotiations outside the scope of the Peace Accord as expressly which provided for in the opening chapter of the Accord states " This Accord will not be construed so as to detract from the validity of bilateral agreements between any of the signatories . "

6.3

existence This M.K. of and the exclusion matters of covered by the aforementioned Minutes were explicitly dealt with during the negotiation of the Accord . The IFP was represented during such negotiations . It is astonishing that the existence and scope of this clause should be disputed at this late stage , and it suggests a deliberate intention to accomplish ancillary or sinister objectives

6.4

or to undermine the Accord

reference Further , the plainly emanates Accord

itself .

Peace to private armies in the to from the signatories ' desire

M.K. The existence of regulate self - protection units . outside the scope of the discussion of such units . falls or any discussion of the KwaZulu Police would (As the SADF . ) 6.5

M.K. has in actual fact not deployed persons either in contravention of the Pretoria Minute nor the Peace Accord , nor has any quarter produced evidence of this . is an ( The reference to the Transkei as a " surrogate " directed ill - judged and comment should be to that administration . ) The commitment by M.K. is in stark contrast to the

6.6

conduct

of other parties to the Accord .

Other forces , legal and illegal , formal and informal , are currently bearing arms openly and undergoing training . This appears to have taken place in some instances with both IFP and Government acquiescence . M.K. cadres on the arms , are neither bearing other hand nor undergoing military training

in the

country .

6.7

function and operations of M.K. Although the existence , these continue to be regulated by the bilateral accords , CODESA at discuss of subject ions proper the be also will This is indeed conceded by the Working Grouping 1 and 3. (See paragraph 1.13 . ) IFP in its submissions .

6.8

from the conclude to as the IFP wishes as much In aforegoing that is SADF the for of conduct code a (A liberation inappropriate given the existence of M.K. both that which has suspended its armed actions ) , army This , are charged with policing the transition . forces In as much as it does not intend to do . it is assumed , role , this perform lawfully entitled to is SADF the notwithstanding its lack of legitimacy or accountability , and mechanisms the SADF must be bound by the agreement , values which are the foundation underlying the transition its in indeed conceded by Inkatha is (This process . CODESA submission . )

55

SUMMARY

M.K. is thus keeping to the letter and spirit notwithstanding the fact that its continued

of the Accord , existence and

operations are regulated by bilateral agreement and hence fall outside the Accord . Further the existence of these bilateral Accords made were and known to the IFP during before the negotiation of the Accord .

Mr

Speaker ,

Honourable

Members ,

the

State

President

in

his

condemnation of the ANC for failing to disband Umkhonto weSizwe was me it is a matter of considerable national and to correct , quite about importance that the State President does more than just talk 1990 , , 6th August on met Government the and ANC The the matter . Clause and entered into an Agreement known as the Pretoria Minute . 3 of this Minute reads as follows :

"3 .

In the interest of moving as speedily as possible towards a negotiated peaceful political settlement and in the context of the agreements reached , the ANC announced that was it now suspending all armed actions with immediate effect . As a result of this , no further armed actions and related activities by the ANC and its military wing Umkhonto weSizwe will take place . It was agreed that a resolve Working to Group will be established all outstanding questions arising out of this decision to sides report by 15 September 1990. Both once more themselves to do everything in their power committed to bring about

a peaceful

solution as

quickly as possible . "

On the 12th February 1991 the ANC and the Government again met and it the Working Group which the Pretoria Minute set up agreed that was of a was accepted by both parties that it a principle democratic society that political parties and movements should not have private armies . The ANC and Government agreed that control no should be exercised over ANC cadres and arms to ensure that armed action was undertaken . It was also agreed in principle that Umkhonto personnel would be re -integrated into South African society .

The National Peace Accord which the ANC also signed also explicitly excludes political parties from having private armies .

spokesmen , The ANC on a number of occasions , have denied that Umkhonto weSizwe is a private army , and they have denied that the Peace Accord clause , prohibiting private armies , is applicable to them .

I find it astonishing that in agreements between the the ANC it is undertaken to disband Umkhonto and it

Government and is agreed that

the continued existence of Umkhonto violates democratic principles , notwithstanding , the but this Umkhonto continues existence and Government does

nothing

about

it .

56

The Government kept these issues right out of the peace process which led to the National Peace Convention and the signing of the National Peace Accord . In fact , in the National Peace Accord the ANC was

instrumental

in recording that :

" This Accord will not be construed so as to detract from of validity bi - lateral between agreements any of signatories " .

the the

is This ANC the rather strange politics . The return of and Umkhonto to South africa is a matter of national interest in South Africa . should Events relating to them and issues involving them not be kept private by the ANC and Government . Yet this is what happened . One gets the impression of the Government pussy - footing Dr around the ANC and issues , and one is given the impression by looking the ANC the pussy - footing the Mandela of on at of Government with some considerable arrogance .

This goes hand - in -hand with the enormously inflated ANC and the self- acclaimed importance of its so called army .

self- image There is

even talk about integrating the army and the South African Defence could be a merger Force , as though there and a reshuffle of commanders could become suddenly personnel and Umkhonto South African Lieutenants and Generals .

There is even talk about Umkhonto receiving additional training to enable it to undertake this merger with the South African Defence Force . What Chris Hani and Joe Modise have to say about Umkhonto , and the speculation about the integration of Umkhonto the with South African Force , Defence the does not tally with Pretoria Minute and the DF Malan Minute . Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , it is common knowledge now that in May last year the State President called a National Conference on the Prevention of Violence and Intimidation , which the ANC boycotted simply because it was the State President who called the Conference , and they could not claim ownership to it . It is also a matter of common knowledge that the Conference on the led to the mounting of Prevention of Violence and Intimidation a peace process and the establishment of a Preparatory Committee which broke up into Work Groups , which in turn finally produced the reports which were incorporated into the National Peace Accord .

As a result of the peace process and the holding of the National Peace Convention on the 14th September last year , negotiations got under way for the holding of the November Preparatory Committee meeting which

led to the holding

of CODESA 1

in December .

peace linked thus are and the negotiation process process The in progress be functionally . historically cannot There and the of impleme the in progress ntation is there unless negotiations provisions of the National Peace Accord .

57

Honourable Members , Allow continue to the me now , Mr Speaker , second section of what is happening to combat violence . I have the dealt with the first section of what is happening on formal negotiation front in the National Peace Secretariat and in CODESA can perhaps I now wish to deal with what one to curb violence . call the informal situation .

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , South Africa is being assessed by whole the world basically in terms of what the world sees - or thinks it sees - what Mr de Klerk and Dr Mandela are doing . This also applies what violence to happening front . is on the International memory is abysmally short - lived . The world forgets that the ANC boycotted the State President's Conference on Violence and Intimidation last year .

The world forgets that the ANC had to be dragged into the peace process . It was only when public opinion moved solidly behind what violence , the State President was doing to combat and pressures were brought to bear on the ANC , that they considered coming into the peace process .

took It a strong committee , under the chairmanship Louw of Dr Alberts , to finally persuade the ANC to enter the peace process . it finally When did so , it astonishingly pushed hard for the dumping of the State President's Conference and wanted to start again to hold yet another Conference which would be seen to be an ANC development for peace for South Africa .

It

was

only the

IFP's very strong resistance and

our

insistance

that whatever we did next , the State President's initiative must be ANC It is we who have kept the peace process out of continued . While the ANC was manoeuvering to be seen party political control . to be a prime mover in the peace process , Members will remember , Mr that the being the ANC was slamming the Government for Speaker , In its Open Letter to the State President , the cause of violence . SADF also slammed the IFP falsely for being involved with the ANC and SAP in the killing of people in the Transvaal , to undermine the Honourable Members , you will remember that the Mr Speaker , ANC . only not by IFP the the Government and slam did ANC by making hideously false accusations about us collaborating in the matter of from killing away but it also sought to focus attention people , themselves , have the ANC did so by drumming up a campaign to and IFP members stripped of cultural weapons .

International memory is , as I said , astonishingly short lived . It necessary believe , therefore , is I for me to put the record Mr straight . Members , Speaker , Honourable going I am now to proceed with all the say .

prudence

at my command ,

counting every word I

There are proven statistics and then there are wild accusations . however , There are also , insights and perceptions which people at grass - root level have of what is actually taking place when they

58

murder ,

township death and destruction around them . Black closely is very society on neighbourhood - to - neighbourhood basis , knit . People in a street know who live on that street ; they know

see

what their political leanings are . They know what is going on. They who know know strangers in the street when they see them . They owns what vehicle in a street . When they see strange vehicles in a street ,

they know that they are

strange .

is this sure neighbourhood knowledge and no matter how There many score of the people know what the Enquiry are held , Commissions IFP members in black townships know that IFP members actually is . They know that it is ANC are killed because they are IFP members . killing the They know that who are killing IFP members . members power comes from ANC weaponry .

Members , Speaker , with prudence , Honourable I am speaking Mr because I am speaking for the record and I will say nothing today cannot off , that stand total scrutiny . I start I repeat , Mr Speaker , with the assertion that IFP members know that IFP members are killed simply because they are IFP members . They know who does the killing . They know that there is revenge killing . They know that there is criminal killing . People in black neighbourhoods also know that there are killings which are given a political and which are simply grudge killings or killings for personal

They

know all these things ,

Mr Speaker ,

Honourable Members ,

slant gain .

but

they also know when a killing is a political killing , and they also know when a political killing of an IFP member is an ANC attack on them .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I do not know how I can express the deep sense of shock I experience every time I am told that yet another IFP leader has been assassinated simply because he or she was an IFP leader . I do not know how one can actually bring to the world's attention how the IFP is actually being attacked . When I think about the death and destruction that is our daily experience , I just do not know how the IFP continues to be a party so committed to peace and to bring about peace through non -violent means .

Astonishingly , the now after seventeen years of being battered by more is the IFP ANC , criticised by the whole world , being and we than non-violent means of bringing about change to committed We are more committed to Black unity in a ever been before . have been diversity ever of tactics and strategies than we have rich before .

The world does not understand our pain because it hears about death one or another and destruction in South Africa in terms of statistic . It hears about numbers and it hears about comparative figures . In the IFP we do not hear about numbers . We hear about because they were leaders names and we hear about people we know , with us in the IFP .

59

Mr Speaker , I ask Honourable Members to rise and to bow their heads and to be silent for a minute . I ask for this pause of reverence members for IFP members who died simply because they were IFP committed to

IFP peaceful

tactics and strategies .

(A Minute's

Silence )

Speaker , Mr Honourable Members , must I now about talk the individuals who died . Quite obviously I cannot IFP name each martyr or IFP hero or heroine because there are just too many of them . Over 2000 ordinary IFP members have died in recent years , simply because they were IFP members . Each one of their deaths is as tragic as any other death . I do not regard the death of leaders as more important_than_the death of ordinary members of the IFP . however , Today , only I concentrate on the death of IFP leaders because

I

am talking about

attacks

on the

IFP as

a political

party .

There are in this House , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , many among are you who could stand up and give testimony to the fact that you have There are many here who because of the grace of God . alive to and thank God for the commitment to peace I death . escaped Without . House this of Members the amongst that there is justice that commitment all these seats would be empty .

I want particularly today , to remember our exuberant , optimistic , peace - loving and justice - loving brother , Mr Winnington Sabelo . We all remember the years of his dedication to both the Zulu people in his work in the KLA , and to South Africa at large in his work with every the Inkatha's IFP . From inception he was virtually in structure we had . He was there when the IFP came together for the first time , and he has been solidly with us ever since .

laughing leader who rose up Many will remember him as a colourful , in defence of people when the ANC and UDF first moved into Umlazi with their violence programmes in 1983. People of Umlazi will know that Winnington Sabelo rallied them for peace , and security and democracy .

He held people

together who were

under attack .

We remember the many attempts on his life , simply because he was an effective leader on the ground . We remember how , after each attack resolve on his life which he escaped , he would laugh with a deep and carry on undaunted .

We how , remember when attacks on him failed , his wife died a violent death simply because she was will his wife . Members that just remember a week or so before Sabelo was Winnington assassinated , he was talking and calling for peace in KwaMashu . The assassins then entered his shop as customers , and gunned him down as he stood behind the

counter waiting to

serve

them .

The world may have heard of another black man dying but we heard of We Winnington Sabelo dying . Thus it is with us daily sometimes . recorded , Mr about hear people dying whom we know . It must be

60

Honourable Members ,

Speaker ,

that we are compiling a

office bearers who have been assassinated , IFP office bearers .

list

of

IFP

simply because they were

The role call of IFP office bearers who have died assassins reads as follows :

at the hands

of

INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY LEADERS ASSASSINATED IN POLITICAL VIOLENCE : A LIST COMPILED BY THE INKATHA INSTITUTE'S VIOLENCE STUDY UNIT

1.

Mr C Buthelezi

Vice Chairman

(Hare

Wood)

to

stabbed

death 21/4/85

2.

Mrs J Mkhwanazi

Vice Treasurer

(Soweto ; stabbed 1985

3.

Miss N Gumede

Secretary

( Dambuza ) hacked 24/03/1985

4.

Mr M Ngcobo

Chairman

( Dambuza ) stabbed 11/05/1986

5.

Mr S

Chairman

( Kwamakhutha ) 01/01/85

6.

Mrs Sabelo

7.

Mr Ndlovu

Chairman

Sobantu Shot

8.

Mr FT Dlamini

Central Committee

(Kwamashu ) 28/10/86

9.

Mr BM Dlamini

Central Committee

(Kwamakhutha ) 1/1987

10 .

Mr P Lembede

Deputy Treasurer

( Sewula ) 1987

11 .

Mrs

Treasurer

(Munywini 1987

12 .

Mr

Youth

( Sweetwaters ) stabbed shot 13/09/1987

13 .

Mr Kubheka

Chairman

( Henley Pietermaritzburg ) stabbed 16/08/87

14 .

Mr A Dlamini

Organiser

( Henley )

Dlamini

D Ndlovu

S

Ngubane

Zola

North )

to

death

petrol

bombed

Wife of Mr W Sabelo Central Committee member (Umlazi ) August 1986 killed in an life of attempt on the Mr Sabelo

Chairman

1986

shot

petrol

bombed

stabbed to

death

branch )

stabbed

stabbed to

&

death

16/08/87 15.

Mrs Mlambo

Chairlady

( Emachobeni ) stabbed death November 1987

to

61

16 .

Mr Mtolo

Publicity Secretary

(Inanda 1987

17 .

Mr N Ngubane

Treasurer

(Mpumalanga ) 03/1987

18 .

Mr WS Hill

Youth Leader

(Kwamakhutha ) 28/05/87

19 .

Mrs

Wife of Executive

Killed

S Ntshangase

stabbed

Newtown )

shot

dead

stabbed

grenade

hand

by

3/1/87

20 .

Mr NM Shange

Chairman

(Woody Glen ) shot September 1987

21 .

Mr OR Dlamini

Chairman

( Inanda Newtown ) 7/8/87

shot

22 .

Mr Gunundu

Chairman Ward I

(Inanda Newtown ) December 1987

stoned

23 .

Mr V Mnomiya

Executive

( Inanda Newtown ) decapitated 10/87

24 .

Miss Ntshapa

Committee member

Willowfontein stabbed to death

Y/B Committee

kidnapped and 1987 stabbed

Y/B Committee

Dambuza stoned and

Majola

25.

Thulani

26.

Mr Eliot Mncwabe

27 .

Mr M Makhanya

Youth Organiser

Zikhali

28 .

Mr J

29 .

Mr Moses Majola

30.

Mshini

31 .

Ndlovu

( Tongaat ) 12/1988

Vice Chairman

Ashdown Shot3

killed

stabbed

(Ntshongweni ) 4/1988

Chairman

1987

1987

stabbed

bombed

petrol

sons also

1988

Chairman

Dambuza Youth Brigade Stabbed to death 1988

Mr J Ngcobo

Vice Chairman

(Mbabane Pietermaritzburg ) stabbed 1988

32.

Mr H Bhengu

Induna/ Organiser

Branch ) ( Dindi 06/08/1988

33.

Mr S Ngcobo

Vice Treasurer

( Munywini ) 23/05/1988

34 .

Mr A Mtolo

Chairman

(Mpumalanga Ward hacked 10/5/88

35 .

Mr DM Mbanjwa

Chairman

( Kwamakhutha ) 18/11/88

stabbed

petrol

bombed

8)

shot

62

36 .

Mr Mthethwa

Chairman

(Mpumalanga Unit 9/1/88

37 .

Mr M Nkosi

Committee Member

(Mpumalanga Ward 10 ) necklaced 01/1988

38 .

Mr S S Cele

Chairman

(Mpumalanga Unit burned 01/1988

39.

Dumasani Awettha

Youth Imbali Committee

Ward 4 1988

40 .

Mr Mbele

Committee member

( Bhambayi ) 10/1988

41 .

Mrs Dlamini

Chairperson

(Mpumalanga Unit 7 ) necklaced 02/1988

42 .

Mr Nzuza

Chairman

( Ekuthuleni ) stabbed 1988

43 .

Mr S Sibiya

Secretary

(Kwamashu Ward 2 ) shot & stabbed 2/01/1988

44 .

Mr Ndebele

Chairman

( Inanda Newtown Ward 8 ) 16/05/88 necklaced

45 .

Miss T Nkehli

Youth Sec .

(Mpumalanga ) 19/12/88

shot dead

46 .

Mr B Dlamini

Secretary

(Mpumalanga ) August 1988

shot

47 .

Mr P Blose

Organiser/ Induna

KwaNdwalane ( Nobamba ) ( Induna ) chopped & burnt (Port Shepstone ) 16/06/89

48 .

Mr

D Bhengu

Chairman

(Ngcolosi )

49.

Mr

PS Nzimande

Organiser

(Swayimane ) stabbed chopped and stoned 27/7/1991

50 .

Mr S Buthelezi

Chairman

(Swayimane ) 29/10/89

51 .

Mr S Makhathini

Induna/ Organiser

(Swayimane ) shot and stabbed on 29 October 1989

52 .

Mr M Gcumisa

Organiser

( Swayimane ) 31/12/89

53 .

Mr Shame

Publicity Sec

( Bhambayi ) necklaced December 1989

54 .

Mr M Mbewu

Committee member

( Ezimangweni ) December 1989

4)

9)

stabbed

shot

shot

shot

&

1989

&

stabbed

shot

necklaced

63

55 .

Mr Nkosi

Youth Committee

( Ezimangweni ) December 1989

56 .

Mr M Zondo

Induna/ Organiser

( Inanda ) stabbed to 01/01/1989

57.

Mr Phungula

Publicity Secretary

( Inanda )

58 .

Mr Nxumalo

Secretary

(Inanda ) stabbed December 1988

59 .

Mrs J Hlophe

Vice Secretary

burnt ( Matikwe ) with her family December 1989

60 .

Miss Margaret

Youth Secretary

(Matikwe ) throat burnt December 1989

61 .

Mrs Mbele

Treasurer

(Matikwe ) burnt in a with her family December 1989

62 .

Mr M Mkhize

Organiser

(Kwa Ngcolosi ) 1989

slit

63 .

Mr B Mkhize

Publicity Secretary

( Kwa Ngcolosi )

shot

64 .

Mr A Gasela

Vice Chairman

stabbed

stabbed

(Imbali

Ward

death

1989

in a house

slit

house

throat

1989

6)

06/11/89

65 .

Mr

D Manyoni

Youth

Imbali

Secretary

decapitated

Ward 5 17/11/89

66 .

Mr J Mtolo .

Treasurer

( Imbali Ward 4 ) 28/11/89

67 .

Mr B Gcwensa

Head Man/ Organiser

(Mkhazini ) 12/89

shot

68 .

Mr B Msomi

Induna/ Organiser

(Mkhazini ) 31/12/89

shot

69 .

Mr G Gumede

Chairman

(Matikwe ) shot December 1989

70 .

Mr S Ndlovu

Youth Leader

71 .

Mr B Khumalo

Vice

Chairman

( Inanda Stop 8 ) December 1989

burnt

72 .

Mrs Khumalo

Vice

Chairlady

( Inanda Stop 8 ) December 1989

burnt

73.

Mr Dlamini

Publicity Secretary

(Mpumalanga ) March 1989

stabbed

hacked

( Bhambayi ) necklaced January 1989

&

shot

64

74.

Mrs

75 .

Phakathi

Secretary

( Inanda Newtown C ) stabbed 11/89

Mr Hlongwane

Youth Leader

(Inanda Newtown C) stabbed 11/89

76 .

Mr Mhlongo

Publicity Secretary

(Inanda Newton B ) December 1989

77 .

Mr Mhlongo

Youth Secretary

( Inanda Newtown ) December 1989

shot

78 .

Mr Z Nkehli

Central Committee

(Mpumalanga Ward shot 3/3/89

10 )

79 .

Mr H Nxumalo

Chairman

( Umlazi ) shot January 1989

80 .

Mr

Chairman

(Mpumalanga Ward 7 ) stabbed June 1989

81 .

Mr Cele

Chairman

(Amawoti )

82 .

Mr Ngiba

Executive

(Ohlange ) shot December 1989 .

83.

Mr M Kubheka

Treasurer

(Ntshongweni ) shot stoned 13/02/89

84 .

Mr M Gwala

Organiser

(Ntshongweni ) 6/3/89

85 .

Mr S Gwala

Youth Chairman

( Emophela ) 17/10/89

86 .

Mr Mhlongo

Executive

( Matikwe ) shot November 1989 .

87.

Mr Gwala

Vice

88 .

Mr Buthelezi

Committee Member

(Inanda ) shot November 1989

89 .

Mr

Youth Secretary

( Ecabazini ) shot December 1989

90.

Mr M Mthethwa

Youth Publicity

( Ezimangweni ) shot December

TM Ngubane

Z

Mkhwanazi

Chairman

shot

13/4/89

shot

shot

(Ezimangweni ) shot & burnt 1989

1989

Secretary

91 .

Mr L Mbonambi

Vice Secretary

( Ezimangweni ) December 1989

92 .

Mr Ntobelo

Publicity Secretary

( Inanda stabbed

Newtown B ) & burnt

January

1989

93 .

Mr Dlamini

Vice

Chairman

( Ezimangweni ) December 1989

shot

shot

& burnt

65

94 .

Mr Dladla

Vice Chairman

( Ekuphakameni ) shot & burnt January 1989

95 .

Mr J Majola

Secretary

( Ecabazini ) shot , stabbed burnt January 1989

96 .

Mr

Z Mkhize

Youth Publicity Secretary

( Inanda Newtown B ) stabbed February 1989

97 .

Mr Ntimbane

Vice

Chairman

Dalmeny Farm January 1989

98 .

Mr Luthuli

Vice

Chairman

Dalmeny Farm stabbed January 1989

99.

Mr Khuzwayo

Publicity Secretary

100.

Mr

Vice Publicity Inanda Newtown hacked March 1989 Secretary

101.

Mr M Nzama

Publicity Secretary

Inanda Newtown stabbed March 1989

102.

Mbabiza

Organiser

Swaymane shot 1989

103.

Mr Simon Buthelezi

Chairman

Swaymane shot dead 29/10/1989

104.

Mr Soto Makhathini

Organiser

Swaymane shot dead 29/10/1989

105.

Mr H Mzindle

Organiser

KwaNdwalane ( Betania ) burnt in car 03/90

106.

Mr J Mbhele

Organiser

KwaNdwalane ( Bhobhoyi ) burnt to death 03/90

107.

Mr Mlambo

Organiser

Inanda

Shabalala

Gcumisa

Dalmeny Farm stabbed January 1989

shot

( Emachobeni ) 108.

109.

Mr J Ndlovu

Mr

S Ndwalane

Organiser

Branch Treasurer ( Councillor )

110.

111.

Mr A Ngcobo

Mr

S Ngcobo

&

04/90

KwaNdwalane burnt (Murchison ) alive ( Port Shepstone )

04/90

KwaNdwalane burnt ( Mbotsha ) alive ( Port Shepstone ) 04/90

Organiser ( Councillor )

Mthwalume

Publicity Secretary

(Ndwedwe ) May 1990

( Umzumbe ) 16/04/90

( Qologolo ) chopped

shot

66

112.

Rev A Ngcobo

Chairman

Smero Branch Shot dead 1990

113.

Mr P Ngcobo

Secretary

(Ndwedwe ) May 1990

114.

Mrs

Organiser

(Ndwedwe ) burnt in a house 1990

115.

Mr W Luthuli

Womens Committee

( Ndwedwe ) burnt house 1990

116.

Mr Gwala

Branch

(Ndwedwe ) stabbed to death June 1990

117.

Miss

P Shandu

Secretary

(Umgababa ) 20/7/90

118.

Miss N Shandu

Branch Committee

( Umgababa ) burnt to death 20/07/90

119.

Miss

Youth Committee

(Umgababa ) 20/03/90

120.

Mr S Khumalo

Vice Secretary

( Ezimangweni ) 24/8/90

121.

Mr Mbhele

Publicity

(Matikwe ) 1990

122.

Mr T Ngcobo

Vice

( Imbali 1/1/90

123.

Mr

124.

Mr MJ Mncwabe

D Luthuli

Z

Shandu

B Manyoni

Chairman

stabbed

burnt

ward

( Imbali ) 7/02/90

Chairman

( Imbali Stage shot 16/5/90

3)

shot

shot

2)

(Greytown ) 9/6/90

126.

Mr AP Shange

Chairman

(Azalia ) slit throat 20/6/90

127.

Mr

Publicity Secretary

( Imbali 10/6/90

128.

Miss B Dlamini

Ward

shot

Stage

( Imbali )

in a house

and stoned

Secretary

Secretary

to death

shot

Rev T Xaba

Sibisi

in a

burnt

125.

S

2)

shot

shot

7/7/90

129.

Mr

130.

Mr

131.

Mrs

L Mhlongo

T Nkwanyana

Duma

Publicity Secretary

9/2/90

Publicity Secretary

( Ezimangweni ) January 1990

Committee Member

(Sweet Waters ) 23/6/90

(Kwamashu

burnt

burnt

Organiser

(Councillor )

&

L)

shot

shot

3

67

132.

Mr Nzimande

Publicity Secretary

( Bhambayi ) 1990

133.

Mr Mgenge

Vice Chairman

( Bhambayi ) February 1990

134.

Mr S Nokwe

Chairman

(Tongaat ) 6/90

135.

Mr

Chairman

Sweetwaters 01/12/1990

136.

Mr Ntshangase

Chairman

(Taylors ' 14/05/90

137.

Mr Ngubo

Executive

(Woodyglen) & shot 3/90

stabbed

138.

Mr BP Mhlongo

Chairman

( Umbumbulu ) 11/1/90

stabbed

139.

Mr Msibi

Chairman

(Ntuzuma ) 27/3/90

necklaced

140.

Mr

Youth Chairman

( Ntuzuma ) 1/2/90

throat cut

141.

Mr Mkhize

Chairman

( Esikhawini ) 4/90

142.

Mr M.

Chairman

( Emawoti ) 1990

143.

Mr

Chairman

( Ekuphakameni ) March 1990

144.

Mr Khuzwayo

Induna/ Organiser

( Mgababa ) 12/5/90

shot

145.

Mr

Induna/ Organiser

(Mbabane ) 2/90

shot

146.

Mr Mzizi

K Mkhaye

T Ndlovu

Shinga

Dladla

F Mbongwa

Chairperson

( Inanda )

throat

slit

stabbed

shot

Halt )

dead

shot

shot

shot

stabbed

throat cut

01/90 147.

Mr

L Lombo

Chairman

( PMB Mvundleni ) 30/10/90

148.

Mr

BB Mbhele

Youth Secretary

( Emagabheni ) 14/6/90

149.

Mr

E Mkhize

Chairman

(Emagabheni ) shot & stabbed 26 May 1990

150.

Mr M Msani

Vice

( Emagabheni ) shot September 1990

Chairman

shot

shot

&

burnt

68

Secretary

(Greytown ) 9/10/90

Mr C Cele

Chairman

(Wema Hostel ) 14/11/90

153.

Mr

Chairman

(Dube ) shot 10/11/90

154.

Mr M Mcoyi

Vice Chairman

( Emagabheni ) March 1990

155.

Mr D Mchunu

Secretary

( Mgababa ) shot August 1990

156.

Mr

157.

Mr Frank Dube

Organiser

Mbubu shot 10/02/1991

158.

Mr

Organiser

Mnkangala hacked 10/02/1991

159.

Mr Alfred

Organiser

Zayeka hacked 10/02/1991

160.

Dulumizi Msindane

Organiser

Zayeka hacked

151.

Miss

152.

B Majola

P Mbatha

Z

Phungula

P Mthalane

Zuma

shot

burnt

shot

Vice Secretary stabbed 1990 and hacked

10/02/1991

161.

Mr M Maphumulo

Vice Chairman

(Maqonggo ) 24/3/91

shot

162.

Mr

Organiser

( Mbotsha )

killed

C Ndwalane

8/3/91 163.

Mr Hlela

Chairman

( Kwamashu 14/04/91

164.

Jack Maphumulo

Chairman

Swaymane 1991

165.

Mr E Khumalo

Vice

(Kwamashu Hostel ) 14/04/91

166.

Mr Mkhize

Organiser

167.

Mr

P Mthembu

Chairman

Youth chairman

Hostel )

shot

shot dead

(Richmond ) 29/03/91

shot

shot

(Vosloorus )

shot

07/04/91 168.

Mr Mlambo

Leader

Transvaal

shot

&

burnt

7/04/91 169.

Mr

170.

Mr M Khumalo

K Lamula

Youth

leader

Mayor/ chairman

( Murafe ) 07/04/91

handgrenade

( Meadowlands ) 19/04/91

shot

69

171.

Mr

Z Ngubane

Induna/ Organiser

(Mpande ) shot 29/4/1991

172.

Mr

K Mthembu

Induna/ Organiser

( Umgababa ) 30/04/91

173.

Mr M Gasa

Youth Leader

bombed

( Emalangeni )

shot

18/05/91 174.

Mr VC Zulu

Chairman

( Malukazi ) 28/06/91

stabbed

175.

Mr M Nsindane

Youth Treasurer

( Phatheni ) 07/07/91

shot

176.

John Nzuza

Chairman

( KwaMashu ) 3/8/91

shot

177.

Jotham Mkhize

Branch Treasurer

(Mafakatini ) 8/8/91

178.

Matanyi

Branch Chair

(Wembezi ) 14/8/91

179.

Inkosi

Inkosi/ Organiser

( Ixopo ) 16/08/91

shot

180.

Sibusiso Bhengu

Branch

(Umkomaas ) 26/8/91

stabbed

Zondi

DJ Ndlovu

Secretary 181.

Mr Nxele

182.

Ndodi

183.

shot

shot

Organiser

(Table Mountain ) 28/8/91

Organiser

(Ndaleni ) 30/08/91

Absolom Zulu

Organiser

(Mjika ) grenade 04/09/91

184.

Wilfred Sabelo

Publicity Secretary

Ngwelezane 08/10/91

185.

Petros Ngcobo

Branch Secretary

Imbali

Branch

Mtengwane shot and throat slit 16/10/91

Organiser

Umbumbulu shot dead

Thusi

186.

Bangukufa

Cele

187.

Nfunzelwa Ngcongo

shot

shot

shot dead

shot

12/10/91

in his home

03/11/91 188.

Mbhekiseni

189.

T Doris

190.

Canwell

Gwala

Caluza

Ngidi

Youth Brigade National Exec .

Mbalenhle shot dead

( Secunda ) 04/11/91

Branch Sec . Women's

Matimatolo shot dead

Brigade

12/11/91

Chairman

Dube Hostel/

Soweto

70

shot dead 16/12/91

191.

Joshua Jezangeni

Chairman

Enseleni / Empangeni shot dead 21/01/1992

192.

Winnington Sabelo

Central Committee KwaZulu MP

Umlazi shot dead 7/02/1992

193.

Mr Mandlala

Organiser

KwaMbonambi shot dead and mutilated 8/08/1992

shocking A summary of this list , Mr Speaker , shows that 78 IFP leaders were shot ; 6 were shot and stabbed ; 6 were shot and burnt ; 1 was shot and stoned ; 1 was shot and had his throat slit ; 1 was shot and mutilated ; and 1 was shot , stabbed and burnt .

Thirty - seven leaders were stabbed to death ; 3 were burnt and 1 was stabbed ; 14 IFP leaders were burnt to death ; burnt and chopped to death ; 1 was burnt and had his throat slit ; 6 were leaders of the IFP died the gruesome death petrol bombed ; 7 of being necklaced .

There , Speaker , Mr are the hideous facts that eight IFP leaders were hacked ; two were decapitated ; 1 was stabbed and stoned to Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , Ihad their 5 IFP leaders , death ; slit ; throats 3 died in hand grenade attacks ; 1 IFP leader was stoned to death .

no There is political party or organisation anywhere in South way Africa the whose leadership has been targetted for death in that IFP leaders have been targetted for death . I wonder whether there would still be a National Party , or a Democratic Party , or a parliamentary other Labour Party , or any party if their the like of organisations , IFP , had suffered the deaths 193 leaders .

Security reports tell me that in the six months from August 1991 to bearers January 1992 , there have been at least 20 IFP office attempts bearers ; murdered ; 92 to assassinate IFP office 60 have attacks on IFP office bearers ' homes ; and there been 11 ambushes

on vehicles

belonging

to

IFP office

bearers .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I do not sit on the ANC's National hear what is going on . to Executive I do not know where these know , attacks IFP office bearers are actually planned . on I do a however , that in these attacks the ANC is attempting to create They strategic weakness for the IFP in the KwaZulu / Natal region . are They attempting to destroy our command and control capacity . are trying to break down morale

and destroy

IFP discipline .

71

The

ANC

is

IFP

also attempting to deny

strategic

mobility

in

countering localised aggression by forcing shifts in resources from one area to another . It is a very ugly revolutionary situation which we continue to face , despite the peace accord , despite CODESA and armed the despite ANC's claim that it has suspended the struggle .

Mr

Speaker ,

Honourable Members ,

I

repeat yet

again ,

that

I

am

speaking with circumspection . It is to me unmistakably clear that the IFP leaders who died , died because they were IFP leaders . I am talking not caught about people who were in up IFP violence somewhere or another - I am talking about people who were actually hunted down and assassinated .

One estimate from security information is that something like seven every attempts were made to attack an IFP member for one that actually succeeds to maim or kill somebody . This means that there are thousands of attempts being made . The nature of the deaths , been targetted death , for the deceased having and the local knowledge of who is doing the killing , entitles me to conclude what be to I have concluded - namely that if the ANC's leadership is believed that it knows nothing about these attacks on IFP leaders , then we

face

a

really grave

situation

in this

country .

kill IFP leaders armed cadres are being orchestrated to If ANC then God help without the ANC leadership knowing about it , both structures South Africa and the ANC . There must be some command which do know of these attacks . You can see the patterns of them and attack shift , you can also see by the weaponry what type of forces are being mustered

against

the

IFP .

The use of AK47's , Makorov and Scorpion pistols and hand grenades Coloured and Indian cadres , the use and the involvement of Black , of fire cover , the use of code words and cross - fire patterns all Lastly of course , talk of sophisticated planning and campaigning . is aimed there the fire power which has been pre - placed and at which speak exits that people would use after fire had commenced , cold , calculated brutality . of That these are not just random attacks has also been shown by the are sometimes used in attacks .

fact

that

armour piercing

that the kind of weapons that Everywhere people know against them come from ANC arms caches . We just cannot AK 47's , buying hand grenades , armour piercing bullets ,

rounds

used are go around Makorovs

and Scorpion pistols .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , we also sit with the reality that there is almost a 100 % failure rate with regard to the arrest and conviction of those who attack and kill IFP leaders . If they were criminal attacks , or if they were blood feud attacks , the police would least at have some success in arresting the culprits and bringing them to book .

72

also We take note of the fact that some leaders who have been extremely lucky to escape have been attacked repeatedly . Inkosi Majozi from Ndaleni for example , and Mr VB Ndlovu from Imbali , have

suffered

no

less

than six assassination attempts .

Quite clearly , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , the attacks on IFP leaders are part of a wider strategy aimed at gaining territorial which have often seen how a pattern emerges in IFP We control . leaders attacked and after they are assassinated or are into go hiding , young ANC supporters go on enforced recruitment drives and use

intimidation to achieve their objectives .

you can discern Again , when you look at how youth have been used , are use . They clearly very the planning that goes into their commuters , placed at strategic points where they can intimidate shoppers , school children and residents .

We have

seen how ,

since Mr Winnington Sabelo's death ,

there

have

been stepped up campaigns of violence in Umlazi . Umlazi has always been an IFP stronghold and so Mr Sabelo was assassinated , and the the political killings now taking place in Umlazi are resulting in spread of fear and amount to softening up measures which would make an ANC invasion of Umlazi possible .

One of the worst features we have to face in doing political damage after control these violent attacks on IFP leaders , is the fact that the Goldstone Commission hears evidence which should be led by Again and again , lawyers and advocates . we find ourselves at a disadvantage tremendous because the ANC appears to have teams of lawyers and can afford advocates , and cannot afford .

whom the

IFP just

does

not have

and the terrible We have formally approached Mr Justice Goldstone , disadvantage has been conveyed to Mr the IFP is suffering under , John Hall , was the chairman of the National Peace Committee . It estimated that the cost of lawyers and advocates needed for only the would Commission's enquiry into violence in Thokoza run to anything between 200 and 400 thousand rand . The IFP just does not have that kind of money . The Lawyers for Human Rights provided us with very

limited

assistance

for a very short

time .

Politically speaking , if the Goldstone Commission ends up with biased views because the IFP cannot afford legal representation in hearings , these the Commission as part of the peace process will backfire and actually become an who are violent . Mr Speaker ,

Honourable Members ,

instrument

of protecting those

there would appear to me to be no

level real hope that there is going to be any dramatic drop in the There is no indication that of violence in the foreseeable future . those who are committing violent attacks on the IFP and killing its It is leaders , are going to be arrested and charged and sentenced . as though we

are

sitting without the protection of the

law .

73

Mr Speaker , I say " as though " , because as I said earlier , where are attacks by trained assassins and IFP leaders die trained as cadres are moved around the country to do the killing , it would be very surprising if the culprits could actually be apprehended and brought to justice . In the circumstances , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I cannot see we - as a regional government - can stand by while people how are Mr It was reported only yesterday , dying the way they are dying . weekend . another 13 people had died in Umlazi this that Speaker , they We know that Things are getting worse rather than improving . existence continued of continue the worse while get to will Umkhonto weSizwe

is

permitted .

It really is now time for the ANC to clean up its act behaving as a democratic force with the right to be in the establishment of a new democratic order .

start and to participating

The IFP never has had any military personnel . We have never had any trained military cadres . We do not have arsenals of arms and ammunition . We have no intention , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , of establishing a private army . Having said that , and having said with emphasis , it whether I must ask Members of this House the in not Units time has come for us to introduce Self Protection black townships

and black

rural

areas ?

Self Defence Units are not In terms of the National Peace Accord , permitted and no private armies may be formed . The Peace Accord also stipulates that Self Protection Units may be established if they are not not under party political

control

or influence .

Government This would suggest that it would have to be the KwaZulu and the KwaZulu Police which would set up Self Protection Units and give training to members .

I

would

violence

If

like this House and the

this House

need

for

to have

a

snap debate

on the

question

of

Self Protection Units to be developed .

agrees with me that

this has now become a

necessity

perhaps an Inter - Departmental Study Group , with members drawn from my Department , the Department of Police and the Department of be Interior should urgently convened for urgent work , and be charged with the responsibility of drawing up recommendations to the KwaZulu Government , after consultations with the Department of Police as well as the Department of Law and Order and Defence of the South African Government . Everywhere across the countryside , people are developing deepening the concerns about the spread of violence and the vulnerability of and KwaZulu against attacks . The last thing in the world we want is take the

for this concern to turn into law into their own hands .

a

situation

in which

people

74

Honourable Members , enough is enough . Year after year Mr Speaker , being have suffered violent attack and we have been blamed for we violent when it is our blood - IFP blood and KwaZulu blood - which members ' our in the streets in our members ' bedrooms , in flows motor vehicles

and wherever they walk .

We have reasoned with the world .

We have

spent

tortuous

days weeks

and even months conferring with others , meeting with others and we have been drawn into one so - called peace meeting after another . We have received emissaries and peace makers and we have received facilitators and all kinds of intermediaries .

In previous detail on when these

sessions of the Legislative Assembly I have reported in end these various initiatives and events . Then in the initiatives failed despite the very best we in this

House could have done and did do , and despite the best others could do that failed we entered the peace process and argued and cajoled there National Peace and reasoned until in the end was the and Convention we all went to the Carlton Hotel to sign the National Peace Accord .

while we did all these things and more , those who wanted to and maim and necklace and stone and burn and decapitate and mutilate their fellow human beings did so with a cunning conviction of witches at work who know that their nefarious activity would succeed .

And kill

I am shamed by the violence of Black South Africa . I am ashamed by my compatriots who want to smash me by dealing out atrocities to smash up the bodies of children and of women even , just so that I may hurt .

Mr

Speaker ,

Honourable

Members ,

what

worth

is

the

KwaZulu

Legislative Assembly to the people of KwaZulu and South Africa if amidst all this dying and all this suffering and amongst all this people ripping of open and smashing them with and stones with sticks and with knobkerries them protect themselves .

and with

assegais ,

we

can not

even help

I cringe these days when I go out to meetings and buttonpeople hole me and ask me what they must do because our people are being killed . this year , Mr Speaker , This House hideous state of affairs .

I

have read

out

a

list

of

IFP

must do

something

leaders who have

been

about

this

assassinated

simply because they were IFP leaders . I pointed to patterns in the activity of killing our leaders which indicate the continued of high - level planning and co - ordinating . I pointed to the fact that there is a certain ruthless cunning in the attempts being made to place the

IFP's

leadership in a strategic

crisis .

75

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I a harsh awareness to the Members happening .

am going to go on and on bringing of this House of what is actually

Allow me , Mr Speaker , to turn to present Members of this House with details of what is happening in just one black township . There are many townships just like it . I only pick on Bruntville because collected information there for presentation to the Goldstone Commission of Enquiry into deaths that occurred on the 4th and 5th of December 1991 .

The focus on the Commission on those two days in itself damns the ANC to and back again . hell Month after month after month IFP members were harassed and burnt and murdered and assassinated until anger in and of there was an explosion of indignation the end hatred of death and there was a retaliation in which 13 ANC members died .

It requested ANC was only this explosion of indignation that the Goldstone Commission of Enquiry to investigate . tried We the to long a draw attention to the fact that this was one incident in series

of murderous

We collected the could that we Commission .

provocation of

IFP members .

detail of this long harassment present the details of it

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members we must into the KwaZulu record so that future went on before them .

of IFP members So to the Goldstone

read this kind of harassment what generations might know

We are facing a situation in which many in CODESA - and perhaps the - would , not want South African Government I predict , to see take KwaZulu a major new initiative to establish community SelfProtection Units . There is a headlong rush into the negotiation as future though the rush itself will clear obstacles out of the

way .

Violence is negotiations .

a

blocking the hideous obstacle way forward in We have got to do something about the violence that

is hampering negotiations . There will be no successful unless we stop to deal with the matter .

negotiations

see I sometimes so clearly that South African politics stands transfixed by the imperatives of holding elections by 1994 that nobody wants to stop for anything . There will be no 1994 elections will be no interim government and and there arrangements there certainly will be no Constituent Assembly unless are reduced dramatically .

levels

of violence

76

am very aware of the extent to which we are caught up in a vicelike time grip . In all reality we will only be able to do what can the of momentum we do not succeed in breaking the done . be If I

in meeting

the

I nor Honourable Members neither , Most certainly Mr Speaker , will people KwaZulu Government nor the KwaZulu IFP the nor violence the changes amidst into constitutional rushed

the be now

spiralling of violence , upward 1994 negotiation time limits .

we will

not succeed

prevailing .

The

information

collected by Mr

about Philip

Bruntville Powell

is as

VIOLENCE

IN

and our

suffering

in

it

as

follows :

BRUNTVILLE

INTRODUCTION :

The

ongoing

violence

in Bruntville has

its

origins

in

a

multi-

IFP dimensional conflict which continues between supporters of the and ANC , workers affiliated UWUSA and COSATU the between and township . This dwellers and the comrades in the hostel between directed against violence to monitor the attempted has office on reports The of the IFP and to identify its origins . members which this document are based originate from statements made by the datain Bruntville and statistics drawn from the leadership IFP base

of the

Inkatha

Institute's Violence Monitoring

Unit .

The conflict has predictably been portrayed in simplistic terms by observers eager to explain away the conflict in terms of a purely conflict but the reality remains far more complex . ANC/ IFP This document attempts to provide a different perspective , that of the IFP on the issue of violence against its membership . It does not to purport provide a non - partisan overview but is a catalogue of observations reflecting the IFP perception of incidents and the violence . violence in Bruntville between the Inkatha Freedom Party and The National Congress the African has of its first some origins in visible/ reported a clash which took place on 7th incident was portrayed in the press and November 1990. This by both the ANC and the Democratic Party from the outset as primarily a conflict between the residents of the township who are described as ANC / UDF members and the hostel dwellers labelled as IFP members the thus ignoring complexity of the conflict and the parties stage involved . This is particularly significant in that at this no real IFP branch existed in Bruntville .

ORIGINS

Reports sparked

OF THE VIOLENCE :

indicate off

recruitment and Majola

by

the that a conflict

was Bruntville in initial violence coercive alleged the resulting from

attempts of Bruntville Civic under its join who refused to dwellers hostel

Derrick leader Civic or the

77

the at hostel dwellers called a meeting The money . contribute conditions Community Hall to discuss grievances related to general to and members of the Civic reportedly attempted hostel , the in to prevent the meeting from going ahead by disconnecting the power the hall

and

removing all the

chairs .

A member of the hostel committee contacted the SAP station commander and the magistrate and asked for the meeting to be allowed to take place outside the hall , due to problems with the holding of open air meetings in terms The magistrate agreed to the meeting the Station Commander were present .

of the Emergency Regulations . and taking place provided he

The

meeting was called to discuss the upgrading of facilities in The meeting the hostel and reportedly had no political dimension . went ahead peacefully despite provocation by youth elements in the township and the hostel dwellers were escorted back by the SAP to the hostel . Provocation of the hostel dwellers continued during the movement of the hostel dwellers back to the hostel and in the tension which

followed ,

the

conflict

began

in

earnest .

An attack took place on workers from the Railway hostel returning from the meeting . The attackers fled when the workers from the NPA came hostel to the assistance of the Railway hostel dwellers . and Later the comrades allegedly launched another attack reports of were received a white mini - bus arriving in Bruntville with weapons .

Mtolo , Mr this shooting began a railway worker , after was stressed It must be injured in the attack and taken to hospital . this stage no IFP branch had been formally at that launched in that the and that indicate reports Bruntville conflict was essentially resentment on the part of of result a the hostel dwellers at forced recruitment and the collecting of funds by the SARANGAM Civic Association . Soon

On the 8/11/90 an attack was launched against the Railway Hostel and two units were destroyed by fire and a hostel dweller was injured . the attack After a hostel dweller , Tibhobho Mr Sikhakhane , was killed in Bruntville while attempting to return to the hostel . He was hacked to death . Reports indicate that a large group of supporters of the Civic Association grouped together in White City and Phase 2 and prepared to attack the hostel . A largescale confrontation then ensued between the Civic supporters and hostel dwellers in which a large number of people were the killed and

injured .

Following this violence , representatives of the KwaZulu Government intervened , and assisted by the Inkatha Institute a meeting was called between the Civic Association , the hostel dwellers and was the chaired by the Town Board and attended by representatives of At this meeting , SAP and the KwaZulu Government . agreement was reached concerning measures to be taken to end the violence and a the statement was released and broadcast with support of all parties

concerned .

meeting effectively defused the situation but were reports received that militant elements within the youth in Bruntville had clashed with Civic leader , Majola , following this meeting . This effectively prevented any follow-up to the meeting and prevented

This

78

the

success of talks being translated the a into term long solution . Documentation relating to the minutes of this meeting and the statement are all on record .

VIOLENCE

:

1991

was supporter , an IFP indicating growing a

1.

On the 16/4/1991 Mr Richard Mpangase , stabbed by vigilantes in Bruntville , level of tension in the township .

2.

of supporters ANC/Civic group large a 19/4/1991 the On Zaca , David and gathered outside the home of IFP organiser , attempting to provoke a confrontation . hurled insults at him , militancy and more of the youth in the township became The following evident as the ANC began to mobilise support more unbanning . under held longer the no were its Meetings meetings , the and ANC as but Civic the of auspices in began of the township along political lines polarisation Derrick Majola was at the forefront of this process , earnest . youth in active element consisted primarily of the the but White

City and Phase

2 .

3.

by On the 24/4/1991 Derrick Majola was killed in an attack attack members of his family were unknown assailants . In the also killed . The court hearing into this incident following murder the the arrest of three hostel dwellers charged for found that the evidence against them was inconsequential and case the was withdrawn . Subsequent reports by Constable in Nomusa Majola linked the SAP to the killings a press statement released to the Natal Witness .

4.

On was the 29/4/1991 Mduduzi Mchunu , son of an IFP member , IFP attacked at school and shot by Comrades . The pupils of members at the the Bruntville High School were harassed by Comrades and some were forced to leave the school for fear of their lives .

5.

On

the

1/5/1991

the home of IFP member ,

attacked by ANC vigilantes , 6.

and

damaged

Mr

in the

Shabalala ,

was

process .

was City On the 4/5/1991 the home of Paulus Mchunu in White Majola's damaged by mourners returning from Mr and attacked Tension continued to build between the ANC youth and funeral . hostel dwellers who were now joining the IFP . The conflict intensified following Mr Majola's assasination was potential intimidate began Bruntville to allegedly the when ANC residents who were joining the IFP . This challenged the view that the IFP only had support amongst the hostel circulated dwellers . The attacks on IFP supporters who are residents of supporters was part of an effort to drive all IFP Bruntville out of the township and the subsequent burning of houses which became so common place in Bruntville exposes the lie of claims that IFP support is limited to the hostel .

7.

On

the

21/5/1991

the hostel was

8.

Mr

Siqopholozi

attacked and

Khumalo ,

an

IFP member

from

injured by ANC vigilantes .

attacked the 10/6/1991 a group of heavily armed comrades On IFP launch members returning from a meeting held to plan the Bruntville . the Mfulongavinjwa Branch of the IFP in The of

79

vigilantes , reportedly dressed as women , attacked the hostel ensued with numerous fire - arms . In the heavy fighting which many people died and the SAP recovered numerous weapons used by the attackers .

the This attack marked an intensification in the conflict as ANC reportedly imported weapons and cadres into the area . Reports indicated that the ANC members killed in this attack imported were from other areas (Greytown , and Dambuza of This attack marked a new level eMphophomeni ) . sophistication

in the

attacks

against

the

IFP .

9.

the home of Heavystone 11/6/1991 the On bombed by vigilantes at 23h00 and petrol continued throughout the month .

10 .

On

the

12/7/1991

the homes

of Mr Bethuel

Zaca's house was low - level conflict

Mayaba

and Mr

Xaba ,

both IFP supporters , were petrol bombed prior to the launch of the IFP branch . The ANC initially blamed these attacks on the IFP but subsequent investigations revealed that these claims were false and that the homes were those of IFP members . The press never corrected these false accusations .

11 .

by the 13/7/1991 vigilantes attacked IFP members employed On readings . meter take attempting to were who Council the Injured were Mr Nsimbini

and Mr Nhlanhla

Cekwane .

12 .

in On Bruntville 14/7/1991 the IFP branch was launched the the belying without any loss of life or damage to property , violence ANC claims that the event would spark off a wave of in the area .

13 .

On the 19/7/1991 an IFP member , City was attacked with petrol were destroyed

14 .

On

the

in the

20/7/1991

with an AK47

Mr Mnculwane's , home in White bombs and all his belongings

fire .

Mooitex workers were

while

returning

attacked by

vigilantes

from work .

15 .

On the 24/7/1991 IFP members , Mr Thulani Meyiwa and Venice Mchunu , were ambushed by alleged ANC vigilantes with an AK47 and were injured . This weapon was allegedly recovered by the SAP in a subsequent raid on ANC supporters .

16 .

On the 25/7/1991 was allegedly

IFP member

and hostel

stabbed to death by ANC vigilantes

in an attack on the

Zuma

dweller Mr Philip

hostel ,

in Phase

3.

IFP members

17 .

On

the

26/7/1991

Mr ) injured ( Vaya Zuma Mkhandi Ngubane ( died later of injuries ) , . fire R4 and AK47 by instantl y and Nelson Mnguni was killed

18.

On

the

27/07/1991

ANC vigilantes

19 .

On the Mrs T.

IFP member Phillip Ndlela was assaulted

after the

funeral

of IFP member

Nathi

by

Mchunu .

28/07/1991 IFP member and wife of organiser Mr H. Zaca , was attacked by ANC vigilantes and raped .

Zaca ,

80

20 .

On

03/08/1991 at approximately 13h00 alleged ANC vigilantes red launched an head bands , unprovoked attack red on workers returning from work . IFP member Mr Zwalakhe injured in the attack .

wearing Mooitex was *

21 .

On

that day IFP supporter Mr Mandla Sibiya was shot and Later allegedly ANC vigilantes . stabbed to death in a clash with 04/08/1991

home

the

of IFP

attacked and a hand grenade damaged in the attack .

22 .

23 .

vice - chairman

thrown at his house .

was

Zaca

Mr

The house was

05/08/1991 statements submitted concerning allegations On of the IFP members by the SADF 3SAI Battalion to of harassment Inkatha Institute . On

10/08/1991

member Mr Nzuza

IFP

was

attacked

by

knife

wielding vigilantes . *

ANC by threatened Mr Khumalo was member committee IFP Mr and was later attacked after the funeral of vigilantes Sibiya with a homemade fire arm .

24 .

On 11/08/1991 ANC vigilantes

25 .

On 15/08/1991 a group of twenty UWUSA members were ambushed on their way to work at Mooitex and IFP member , Mr Doctor Mchunu , dead was shot at approximately 21h20 . Other members were injured

IFP member Nozi in an attack .

Mchunu was

stabbed

to

death

by

in this unprovoked attack .

26 .

On 19/08/1991 IFP member , Mr Ndawonde , was shot at by alleged ANC vigilantes in an ambush next to the Railway Hostel .

27 .

On 24/08/1991 IFP supporters from Mooitex were and attacked IFP member Modisane Molife was fatally wounded in the attack , later dying in Escourt hospital . The attacks workers on walking to and from work continued , despite repeated promises by the Station Commander to provide adequate security . The escorting of workers inevitably seems to lapse after a few days and yet another attack followed by another appeal takes place . *

The

home

of

IFP vice - chairman Mr

Zaca was attacked

again

and damaged by stoning .

*

The

home

of

IFP committee member Mr Walter

Mchunu

was

burned down by the ANC vigilantes .

*

The

home

of IFP member Mr Xaba was

attacked

and

badly

stoned to

death

damaged . 28.

On

25/08/1991

IFP member Modisane

by ANC vigilantes

29 .

outside

Molefe was

a tea room .

charges 26/08/1991 IFP members in Bruntville laid assault On after comes This SADF . of the 3SAI of members against IFP lle from Bruntvi in SADF the ts against complain numerous members .

81

On

30 .

at approximately 21h30 IFP member Mr Christian Zondi's shop was burned down allegedly by ANC vigilantes .

31 .

On 28/08/1991 the home of IFP vice - chairman Mr Zaca was burnt down by ANC supporters . In subsequent attempts to guard the remaining IFP homes in Bruntville IFP members were allegedly assaulted and harassed by the SADF .

32 .

On

27/08/1991

30/08/1991

the home of IFP member Meshack

attacked and extensive damage

caused to

Xabashowe

was

it .

33 .

On 02/09/1991 further complaints of ANC/SADF co - operation in Bruntville . SADF fails to stop comrades burning down houses of IFP members .

34 .

On

06/09/1991

IFP member Mr Mnculwane

from ANC supporters because 35 .

On

08/09/1991

of his

receives

support

ANC members attempted

threats

death

for the

to attack Mr

IFP . Mnculwane's

home and when the security forces intervened an arms cache was discovered allegedly leading to the arrest of 4 ANC members . 36 .

Peace the National one day ( the day which - In 14/09/1991 was signed ) the homes of four IFP members are attacked Accord These are the homes of IFP members David and some burnt down . Zaca Zaca , Paulus Mchunu and Fredrick Shabalala . Ivy Hlubi , and Shabalala are both committee members of the IFP branch .

37 .

On

15/09/1991

the home

of IFP organiser Heavystone

Zaca

was

Zaca

was

burnt out in an attack by ANC vigilantes . 38 .

17/09/1991 : burnt out

39 .

The

home

of IFP organiser Heavystone

in an attack by ANC vigilantes .

On 18/09/1991 the Bruntville NPA hostel is attacked and in the attack IFP member Bongani Lamula is seriously injured . Spent attack R4 ( SADF ) cartridges are found near the scene of the and information indicates that the attack was carried out by members of the 3SAI of the SADF >

*

The

home

in

of IFP member Amos Mkhize was burnt down

an

attack by ANC vigilantes . 40 .

On

22/09/1991

at

13h30 ANC members attacked the home

member Mr AMos Majola 41 .

On

23/09/1991

and shots were

fired at the

IFP member Masolina Mchunu was shot dead

attack by ANC supporters who proceeded

42 .

43 .

to burn his

IFP

in

an

body .

24/09/1991 IFP members attempting to evacuate their On flee . to by ANC vigilantes and forced attacked are homes are then looted . *

of

house .

homes Their

At approximately 20h00 ANC supporters reportedly launch another attack against IFP homes and amongst those damaged is the home of IFP member Mdelwa Zuma .

IFP On at 15h00 the home of 28/09/1991 Madlala by ANC supporters . attacked was stoning

of his home .

Damage

is

extensive .

Mhlakaniphi member and fired Shots

82

44 .

On

02/10/1991

ANC supporter Bhekwenzi

Hadebe

killed by ANC supporters while carrying an apparent case of mistaken identify .

45 .

attacked

traditional

and

weapons

in

attacked On 06/10/1991 the home of IFP member Mrs Dlamini was by ANC comrades and burnt to the ground after she had been allegedly attacked while *

46 .

is

attempting

The home of Mhlakaniphi Madlala down .

to move her is attacked

furniture

out .

again and burnt

Mchunu , Meshack On 07/10/1991 IFP homes belonging to Paulus Sikhakhane and Mrs Sellina Mbatha were destroyed in Xaba , Mr attacks by ANC vigilantes .

47 .

On 10/10/1991 complaints against from IFP members in Bruntville .

48 .

14/10/1991 the ANC calls a consumer boycott and stay- away , On The ANC Consumer reports received of widespread intimidation . of to protest carrying the against boycott called was The IFP traditional weapons and/or spears by the IFP members .

the SADF

continue

to come

in

responded by instructing members to wrap their spears in cloth them avoid offending the sensibilities of people who saw to carry as The IFP members were also encouraged to a threat . spears at night and sticks during the day when walking to work to comply with the law .

49 .

On 17/10/1991 the home of IFP member Mrs Vilakazi was by ANC supporters and the house was stoned .

members IFP Mooitex .

50 .

On 18/10/1991

* 51 .

were attacked while

the

Mr JL Nzuza's

home

( IFP )

is

at

down .

stoned by Comrades . an IFP member ,

was

IFP members undertake an information day in Mooiriver inform the public about the reasons for the carrying

to of

On 19/19/1991 the body of Mr Thula Majola , found necklaced at the municipal dump . *

weapons . members

The pamphlets are well of the public answered .

calls for peace

52 .

on their way to work

of Mr Nzimande was burnt

house

attacked

are given coverage

received and questions by The pamphlet and the IFP in the

local

press .

*

Mooiriver press phone A for number is published in the members of the public to channel complaints regarding the members . No carrying spears by IFP of were complaints received .

*

supporters attacked the home of ANC and later returned to burn it down .

IFP member Mr Nzimande

On 21/10/1991 the home of IFP member Mr JL Nzuza was attacked ANC she by supporters and Mrs Vilakazi was threatened that would be killed .

83

unchecked went houses burning of the period this During Appeals for them despite the constant presence of the 3SAI . or to intervene to stop the burning of houses met with little no success .

53 .

On

06/11/1991

reports were received that

attempting to draw pensions were ANC vigilantes . 54 .

On

19/11/1991

the home

at

07h00

assaulted and

IFP members

intimidated

by

of IFP member Mr Ndawonde was attacked

by ANC vigilantes .

55 .

On 22/11/1991 and a fight

at 13h00 an IFP member was attacked in Mooiriver members and ANC broke out between the IFP

vigilantes . The

Inkatha Freedom Party

leadership takes a decision to halt

the carrying of spears after receiving an undertaking from the South African Police that UWUSA members would be escorted to This work and the withdrawal of the 3SAI SADF unit . suspension is acknowledged by the SAP and Mr Wessel Nel MP . Despite this voluntary suspension of the carrying of spears , the ANC of holds a demonstration march against the carrying spears in and after a period of relative peace and a halt attacks on IFP members , tension is once again evident in the township . the It is evident that following the withdrawal of 3SAI that number of attacks against IFP members fell off dramatically . This contributed towards a more peaceful climate in the township The and a definite fall in the level of violence . the ANC make appeals for the redeployment of the 3SAI despite obvious fall off in attacks .

56 .

On

03/12/1991

an

attack on an IFP member near

the

hostel during the afternoon in which Sipho Nkala was

*

57 .

On

Railway injured .

At approximately 19h45 a full attack is launched against the hostel . Three IFP members wounded in the ensuing fire and taken to hospital .

04/12/1991

at

04h25 the hostel

is attacked once again

and

Johannes Mbatha ( 24 ) is killed in front of the hostel . Heavy fighting breaks out between the hostel and White City in which numerous ANC supporters were killed .

58 .

On 07/12/1991 at 23h30 IFP members returning from Mooitex were Zuma , Solomon ambushed and Mr Joseph Myaba was shot dead . wounded . 30 AK47 Ephraim Nyathi and Million Madlala were shells were found at the crime scene .

59 .

and Kheswa at 13h00 IFP members Mbuzane On 12/12/1991 Manyoni were attacked by ANC vigilantes in a red mini - bus . shot gun was allegedly fired at them .

Mr A

84

IFP NEGOTIATION ATTEMPTS

Bruntville

:

IN MOOIRIVER/ BRUNTVILLE

According to violence has

the the IFP leadership in Bruntville its origins in the political intolerance to of the ANC who attempted on two separate occasions launching the IFP from prevent a branch in the township ongoing campaign and the to drive IFP township residents

The

(a)

IFP

leadership

level attempted to very outset . the

out

and to

close down the hostel .

in both Bruntville

and at

a

Midlands

initiate peace talks with the ANC from partial This attitude had led to the

resolution of a previous outbreak of violence during in which negotiations had defused the situation .

1990

Initial attempts through the Democratic Party to get the ANC to negotiate were a failure and reasons cited by the DP reportedly centred around a supposed lack of grass leadership resulting roots allegedly from the

(b)

assassination of leadership . The reasons given tend to be contradictory however , given that even prior to the death Derrick Majola , of the ANC was not willing to negotiate with the exception of the meeting chaired by the town board . A

(a )

union the involved all the parties of a meeting At official , explained the position of Mr Johnny Copeland , attend union and promised to try and get the ANC to his the next round of talks .

흐

(c )

(e )

peace initiative launched by the Mayor of Mooi River , Mr Theo Pratsch , to resolve the Mooitex conflict and the wider violence which resulted from ANC refusal to accept the growing UWUSA presence at Mooitex was launched . The Mayor , peace initiative involved the IFP , the the Forces , Security the sector , business the COSATU IFP . Textile Union , affiliated UWUSA and the Initial began talks between all parties involved show to leadership potential success despite the absence of AŃC who despite repeated attempts to get them to peace the talks refused to participate .

allegedly an received John Jefferies , who has played a leading role in the ANC's political strategy in Bruntville , that he would attend the meeting . He failed to arrive . The

organisers

undertaking

of

the meeting

from ANC activist ,

( f)

Textile Union also pulled out of the talks The due to what it described as pressures from the ANC and COSATU . which described They sent an explanation political from the ANC to pull out pressure and tension of the talks .

(g )

Reports have indicated that the Natal Midlands leadership Gwala's support of ANC viewed the extent of Harry the sufficiently militant Bruntville youth the amongst as strong to withstand

any

requests

for negotiations .

85

(h)

This worthwhile refusal

(i )

initiative

to negotiate

the

fell

flat because

The recent consumer boycott was called by Harry Gwala who the ANC stated in Natal Witness that the had tried everything to resolve the problems , not tried negotiation .

(j )

of the ANC's

issue .

the ANC clearly had

to Despite the heightened tension and the ANC's attempts weapons , force the issue of the carrying of traditional they have allegedly taken a decision not to participate currently in any negotiations with the IFP and are directing demands

to

the

IFP through the SAP .

CONCLUSION :

This document is an attempt to provide a background to the events which took place in the build - up to the events of the 3/4 December 1991. The constant attack and pressure on the IFP in Bruntville constant vilification and provocation by the ANC complicated by supporters in the township , despair in the hostel .

have

created a

feeling of

isolation and

inflamatory as the such made spokesmen ANC by remarks The n thwa esma use le Mthe spok the le diff to litt did Mr , tvil , ANC Brun Unfortunately , this process was and explosive situation . tense in Forces Security seeming inability of the the by compounded from inhabitants protect either the hostel or its to Bruntville the into or to regulate the flow of sophisticated weapons attack ship town . The IFP branch in Bruntville took various conciliatory stances , ie commitment to negotiations and the voluntary ending of the carrying These efforts were rewarded of spears in the interests of peace . with the attacks on the 3rd of December 1991. It should be noted that two further handgrenade attacks have taken place subsequently to the attack .

PHILIP POWELL KWAZULU REPRESENTATIVE

Speaker , Honourable Members I make no apology for asking us to Mr and assassination look at the detail of specific acts of murder , we that time is It . plunder perpetrated against the IFP and KwaZulu looked the facts in the face . There have been so many distortions violence in which Blacks are killing

of what is happening Blacks that the truth

in is

the too

deeply hidden to be perceived . So - called monitoring group after somonitoring called group have pointed fingers at the IFP because they swallowed ANC political

propaganda hook line

and sinker .

works to even often been made aware that the propaganda have I I . IFP the of members some influence some members of this House and have seen people cringe under the false attacks against us because they think that where there is smoke there must be fire .

86

We even lost members to the opposition because false propaganda ate at their confidence . The information I am presenting to away you corrects the malady of believing false propaganda . It is the IFP members of the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly who members and have been targeted

for attack and death .

am terribly aware of the extent to which knowledge among leaders I an but of the deaths of their co - leaders is one thing themselves followed and leaders awareness that ordinary people respected their them is another thing .

I will now, Mr Speaker and Honourable Members , present you with a was detailed report of attacks on IFP leaders and members which drawn up by the Inkatha Institute's Violence Monitoring Unit . This is a list of attacks on IFP members and their homes and their families . It is a very sobering report of death and destruction in destroyed been which IFP leaders ' homes and families have and killed

at

times .

Mr Speaker ,

Honourable Members

the

report

reads

as

follows :

A DETAILED REPORT ON ASSASSINATIONS AND ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATIONS OF INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY LEADERSHIP FIGURES IN NATAL PROVINCE ; REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA : THIS REPORT WAS COMPILED BY THE INKATHA INSTITUTE'S VIOLENCE STUDY UNIT AND CONSISTS OF ATTACKS FROM AUGUST 1991 TO FEBRUARY 1992 ONLY IN NATAL : AUGUST 1991 :

03 AUG

1991

KWAMASHU : John Mr

ZP CR 1562.7.91 : NO ARRESTS Nzuza , an IFP member and Chairman

KwaMashu hostel was ANC operatives .

in

the

shot dead by gunmen believed to be

04 AUG

1991

BRUNTVILLE : SAP CR 30.8.91 : NO ARRESTS Zaca an IFP vice - chair person was Mr David attacked by alleged ANC supporters who threw grenades at his home . No injuries were sustained .

08 AUG

1991

MAFAKATINI / ELANDSKOP : SAP CR 132.8.91 : NO ARRESTS IFP dead branch treasurer Mr Jotham Mkhize was shot allegedly by an ANC hit- man who entered Mr Mkhize's false home under pretences and then shot him at close

12

AUG

1991

range with a

9mm pistol .

EZIKHAWENI / RICHMOND SAP CR 132.8.91 : NO ARRESTS IFP leader Bhekashiye Nxele's home was attacked by ANC supporters . Aks , R4s , shotguns and hand grenades were used in the attack . Evidence indicates that at least one of the attackers had received training in the of his weapon . The attackers launched their attack the from several different angles in order to obtain maximum cross fire and to utilise the different fields of cover available at the scene of the attack . area , there were several bullet holes grouped directly at the head of the bed inside the one hut , the clear at objective being to hit whoever was sleeping there

87

that time . Fortunately there were no injuries as those attacked had received prior warning of the impending moved to a more secure attack and had hut in the ANC kraal . This attack was immediately followed by intimidation of Ezakhaweni residents and numerous were reports received of ANC forced recruitment . 12

AUG

1991

ELANDSKOP : SAP CR 534.8.91 : NO ARRESTS an alleged ANC hit - squad ambushed a At about 5.45pm , Ngubane ; Alfred vehicle , and Induna Mr leader IFP three Nzama and Induna Vincent Organiser , IFP an rifles 303 travelling . R4 rifles and were others were injuries No attack . the in used were

sustained . 14 AUG

1991

WEMBEZI : Mr an Mantayi Zondi a branch chairman shot dead with AK47 by an alleged ANC hit - man at a stop bus whilst waiting to return home .

14 AUG

1991

WEMBEZI : leader Duke Mbongwe's home was IFP and hand grenade used . Mbongwe has

attacked . survived

assassination attempts over the past

few months .

14 AUG

1991

AK47's several

WEMBEZI : Dladla , vice - secretary Mr Mnandi IFP Branch wounded by shot and alleged ANC supporters . attack also murdered in a separate on son was

was His the

same day . 16 AUG

1991

IXOPO : at IFP leader Chief Ndlovu was assassinated by gunmen the Ixopo service station . attackers The pulled up next to him and opened fire at close range . His daughter also was killed and his body guard was seriously injured . Chief Ndlovu was involved in peace bringing Prior to the Richmond area . information was received that the Chief was to be attacked by the ANC and even though precautions were taken , the assassination was successful . This particular attack has been compared to the " David assassination as similar modus operandi was Webster " close used . The Chief was working in co-operation who with Ndaleni IFP Leader Ndodi Thusi was assassinated at the end of August .

19 AUG

1991

WEMBEZI / ESTCOURT : attacked Mr Duke Mbongwa an IFP branch chairman was allegedly by ANC his with rifles at house AK47 attack but broken in the supporters . Windows were no injuries were sustained .

24 AUG

1991

BRUNTVILLE : belonging to Mr Zaca's , David house A viceIFP Chairperson in Bruntville and windows stoned was were broken .

88

24 AUG

1991

BRUNTVILLE : The home of the IFP chairperson in Bruntville , Walter ANC alight by alleged Mchunu was set supporters . There was extensive loss of property .

25 AUG

1991

NJOBOKAZI : IFP leader Zwelikababa Mthwetwa's home was His supporters . ANC by allegedly shop vehicles were also burnt in the attack .

25 AUG

1991

MAKHAYANA/ ESTON : NO SAP RECORD belonging to Zwelakhe Mthethwa , house A

attacked , two

and

an

Inkatha

was attacked by an ANC- aligned Organiser in the area , Two Babandu Ngubane and Bhulukwe IFP members , mob . red rs inju o in and four othe Nkom , killed were the attack . 26 AUG

1991

UMKOMAAS : NO SAP RECORD IFP secretary Sibusiso

Bhengu was stabbed

to death by

alleged ANC supporters . 28 AUG

1991

TABLE MOUNTAIN/ PMB SAP CR 131.8.91 : 1 ARREST dead . shot During IFP leader Mr Richard Nxele was investigations the incident , into police shot and killed a suspect who was armed with an R1 rifle and arrested another . Both men were allegedly ANC members the and according to residents , arrested suspect was admitted to police in their presence that he acting on instructions of an ANC leader in the area . believed to The arrested person was Israel Mthembu , an be MK operative . Case still pending as of 21.02.1992 .

28 AUG

1991

BRUNTVILLE/ MOOI - RIVER : SAP CR 131.8.91 : NO ARRESTS The homes of IFP vice - chair , Mr David Zaca , and other down prominent committee members were burned in separate

30 AUG 1991

incidents by alleged ANC supporters .

RICHMOND : IXOPO SAP CR 83.8.91 : 1 ARREST organiser , Ndodi Inkatha Chairman and Ndaleni IFP Ixopo - Donnybrook the (33 ) was assassinated on Thusi also were wife and child His near road Kokstad . the in Thusi was shot the same manner . in killed an in left at close range and head the back of blooded This cold a was car . abandoned from someone by within the assassination contained received information Further vehicle . member but the assassin was an MK that allegations as an IFP member from the Richmond area and formally The arrested person is was trusted by Thusi . such case his Khumalo who is out on bail , is Timbibanu be to is believed MK He a pending . still

operative . IFP

7

2.

alleged that there was ANC involvement . 18 attacks in total on leaders of the IFP . This

Office

Bearers

indicates

a

39 %

assassinated .

In all

1.

success

rate

cases ,

it has been

in assassination attempts

89

3. 4.

11 of the 18 attacks were on the leader's place 1 ambush on a leader's vehicle occurred . 6

of

these

leaders were

shot dead

and

of residence .

the other was

stabbed .

In these incidents , there is enough evidence to suggest that at least 5 of the successful assassinations were carried out by a trained assassin or group of assassins . The murder of Chief Ndlovu on the fact

16/08/1991 was virtually ignored in the press despite that his assassination bore the hall - mark of an

organised hit . SEPTEMBER 04 SEP

1991 :

1991

MJIKA: NO SAP RECORD the night , During Absolom a house belonging to Mr. Zulu , IFP Youth Organiser at Mjika was attacked with hand grenades . This attack resulted in the deaths Zulu , of Mr. a woman and two children . other Two

children were

critically wounded .

14 SEP

1991

BRUNTVILLE SAP CR 49 // 52.9.91 : NO ARRESTS IFP homes were burnt down in Bruntville . The houses belonged to David Zaca , vice - chairman in Bruntville and Mrs Ivy Hlubi .

14

1991

BRUNTVILLE/ MOOI - RIVER SAP CR 50 / 1.9.91 : NO ARRESTS The home of IFP committee member Mr Paulus Mchunu and burnt the home of IFP member Frederick Shabalala was

SEP

down by alleged ANC 15 SEP

1991

supporters .

BRUNTVILLE/ MOOI - RIVER : SAP CR 57.9.91 : 1 ARREST Home of IFP organiser Heavystone Zaca was burnt down with by alleged ANC supporters armed petrol bombs . Person arrested is an ANC supporter named Vusi case is pending Ernest Mhculwane . His at present ( 20.2.92 ) .

18

SEP

1991

NDALENI / RICHMOND : SAP CR 101.9.91 : 1 ARREST afternoon , Patrick Majozi , During Chief of the Ndaleni , with was ambushed in a mini - bus 10 were occupants . 3 people died in the attack and 7 are The deceased Spar Mtolo wounded . ( 17 ) ; Zabandoda Mthembu ( 40 ) and Sibusiso Goba ( 17 ) ANC supporter , Thandakwazi Dlamini was arrested . His case is pending ( 20.2.92 ) .

18

SEP

1991

RICHMOND : SAP CR 104.9.91 : NO ARRESTS IFP an leader Paulus Vezi survived assassination attempt in Richmond . Unidentified assailants fired three 9 mm pistol shots at him , but he escaped unscathed .

18

SEP

1991

SWEETWATERS/ MPANDE : NO SAP RECORD IFP leader Mpande Chair Mr Vusi Khumalo , in was attacked at his home by the ANC . The attackers were in a red bakkie . His wife and brother were shot and wounded by shots fired by shotguns . Bakkie was later recovered abandoned .

90

18

SEP

1991

RICHMOND : NO SAP RECORD IFP leader , Paulus Vezi , Mr. was shot at for second time by alleged ANC supporters armed with pistols .

the 9mm

24

SEP

1991

SUNDUMBILI - 02h45 : ZP CR 165.9.91 : NO ARRESTS Mr. Sikhosana , was The house of prominent IFP member , attacked by alleged ANC supporters . During the attack Sikhosana's son , Mr. Sithembiso ( 21 ) , was stabbed to death .

25

SEP

1991

RICHMOND : NO CASE REPORTED alight ANC supporters set a red bakkie on the Xhawulenge it Chief assumption that belonged to to Ixopo . The bakkie however belonged Mkhize from another individual . ANC supporters were boasting that they had destroyed the vehicle because the Inkosi is aligned to the

28

SEP

1991

NDALENI :

IFP .

SAP CR

155.9.91 :

NO ARRESTS

The house of assassinated IFP leader , Chief where Patrick Majozi was attacked by ANC supporters .

Mr. Ndodi Thusi , was residing , The next door

police station was also fired upon during the attack . The SAP returned fire and one attacker was wounded . policeman , guarding KwaZulu of Α the house Mr. Thusi , During September leaders . 1 IFP

was also

injured .

1991 , there were 11 leader was killed .

attacks launched against This indicates a drop in

IFP the

number of incidents perpetrated against the IFP . However , it must be noted the number of attacks on leaders increased significantly directly Peace after the signing of the September 14 National with 10 attacks on IFP leadership taking place on or after Accord September

14 .

There were 7 attacks on homesteads belonging to IFP 1 ambush on a vehicle that a leader was driving . 3 other attacks were carried out .

leaders

OCTOBER 1991 : 01

OCT

1991

NDALENI :

SAP CR

1.10.91 :

NO ARRESTS

leader , Ndodi Mr. IFP of assassinated The house R4 again attacked by persons armed with was Thusi , thrown A hand grenade was also rifles and AK - 47's . Majozi was IFP Leader Chief Patrick at the house . attack and he staying at the home at the time of the was clearly the 05

OCT

1991

target .

PATHENI : NO CASE REPORTED IFP leader , Mr. Vezi , was attacked by supporters the ANC with firearms , pangas and spears . The Vezi from and intervened rescued Mr. attackers .

of SAP the

91

7-9 OCT

1991

UMLAZI : ZP CR 125.10.91 : NO ARRESTS Bongumusa Mr. IFP Organiser Gwala's attacked on six occasions ANC supporters .

08

OCT

1991

in this

house

period by

was

alleged

NGWELEZANE : SAP CR 167.10.91 : NO ARRESTS Mr Wilfred Sabelo , Publicity IFP Secretary

was He gunned down allegedly by an alleged ANC hit - man . was shot dead in the temple by a single round whilst at his place of work . 09

OCT

1991

NDALENI : SAP CR 30.10.91 : NO ARRESTS The house of IFP Organiser , Vusi Mr.

alight

by alleged

supporters

Cele ,

was set

of the ANC .

11

OCT

1991

TAYLORS HALT : NO CASE REPORTED In an attack on the home of IFP leader , Chief Solomon wife Beslina ( 45 ) and Ndlovu , his daughter Alice shot and injured . were Seventeen AK- 47 and 9mm cartridges of pistol were found at the scene the incident .

11

OCT

1991

IMBALI STAGE 2 : NO CASE REPORTED Awetha , Member , IFP Committee Mr Hoosen was driving and attacked shot at whilst in Imbali township .

Nobody was

injured

in the

attack .

12

OCT

1991

IMBALI : SAP CR 162.10.91 : NO ARRESTS Imbali , secretary Mr IFP branch in Petrus Fana was Ngcobo , gunned down outside his home by unknown assailants .

13

ОСТ 1991

SIMOZOMENI - RICHMOND : SAP CR 61.10.91 : 1 ARREST talks returning Whilst from peace with ANC members , IFP leaders Patrick Majozi and Chief X bodyguards , Mkhize , two were together with their ambushed when they came across a barricade in the middle of the road . Majozi instructed the driver stop not to and a group of men opened fire with automatic weapons . The vehicle was extensively hit and 500 a fuel pump was ruptured . About metres past the barricade the car stalled but the shooting continued . An SADF patrol was alerted by the shots and when the soldiers intervened , the attackers fled . was ANC supporter Bongani Sindane arrested . Remanded to 21.2.92 . His case is pending .

16

OCT

1991

MTENGWANE / P . SHEPSTONE : SAP CR 213.10.91 : 2 ARRESTS Leader , IFP Mr Bongukufa Cele ( 65 ) was shot and his when about 20 ANC throat slit supporters attacked his home . The attackers announced themselves as opened , they being policemen and when the door was home . the entered and killed the occupants of ANC Seven IFP supporters died in this incident . pending Case is and supporters were arrested . remanded to 3.3.91 .

19

OCT

1991

WEMBEZI : NO SAP RECORD IFP Leader , Mr Duke Mbongwa survived an assassination attempt when the car in which he was travelling was

92

ambushed by alleged ANC supporters armed with AK47 rifles and 9mm pistols . No injuries were sustained . 22

OCT

1991

IMBALI : SAP CR 286.10.91 : NO ARRESTS Three Mrs gunmen attempted to assassinate Ndlovu , wife Thandiwe of the KwaZulu Deputy Minister of Works , Mr Veliphe Ndlovu , as she left work . Two KwaZulu policemen who were home for Mrs. fire , Ndlovu returned but the escorting attackers managed to escape .

23 OCT

1991

NDALENI : SAP CR 59.10.91 : NO ARRESTS Vusi Cele , Mr. was ambushed at IFP Organiser , gates of the Ndaleni Mission where he works at

the the

school for the deaf . It is alleged that his attackers Mr. Cele was seriously injured were ANC supporters . as and is at present ( 12.02.1992 ) still hospitalised a result 24 OCT

of injuries

NHLALAKHALE : GREYTOWN : Obert IFP Organiser

1991

comrades using 26 OCT

1991

sustained . SAP CR 108.10.91 : by slain Cele

9mm pistols .

NTINYANE/ UMBUMBULU In limpet - mine attack on the home a

Mr Shozi during a wedding feast , 12 were seriously injured . 26 OCT

of

IFP

leader ,

six people died

and

IMBALI A group of about eight men attacked the home of IFP V.B. leader , Mr Ndlovu . no injuries were sustained .

1991

20 attacks on IFP bearers killed . There were There were There were

NO ARREST alleged ANC

Leadership

figures

in which there were 4

office

5 vehicle ambushes during the month . 13 attacks launched on the homes of leaders . 3 other attacks .

NOVEMBER 1991 : 03 NOV

1991

UMBUMBULU : ZP CR 10-12.11.91 : NO ARRESTS and was slain Mr Nfunzelwa Ngcongo , IFP organiser , seriously wounded when a Mr Sithole , his companion , 2 alleged ANC vigilantes opened fired on his house . at fire were killed in return supporters the ANC scene of the incident .

04 NOV

1991

MAFAKATINI : NO IFP 06h45 At

POLICE RECORD Organiser , Mr

Walter

Ndlovu ,

was en stabbed to death by alleged ANC supporters whilst route to work . Mr Ndlovu was vocal in his antiVAT stay- away views and it is believed that this could have been at the root of the attack .

06

NOV 1991

WEMBEZI : NO POLICE RECORD Home of IFP Committee Member , Mr Mnandi Dladla alight set in a petrol bomb attack by alleged attack , Mfaniseni Dladla supporters . In the killed and one

other seriously wounded .

was ANC was

93

08 NOV

1991

IMBALI STAGE 2 : Secretary IFP

NO CASE REPORTED Nhlalayenza in Imbali , Mr

Ngcobo's and 9mm home was attacked by alleged ANC comrades . Partial damage to the home AK47 firearms were used . was 12

NOV

1991

sustained but

there were no

injuries .

PATHENI / RICHMOND : SAP CR 54.11.91 : NO ARRESTS Paulus Vezi , The home of Mr. IFP Leader in Patheni , was attacked by ANC supporters armed with AK47 rifles hand grenades . and Extensive damage was done to the home but

21

NOV

1991

no

injuries were

sustained

BHIDLA - BULWER : SAP CR 55.11.91 : 1 ARREST armed with firearms Alleged ANC vigilantes , spears The first and bush knives , went on the rampage . Mr. attack was launched on the house of IFP leader , Sipho Nthembu .

Shots were fired at the house and it was set then burning alight , Pindele Nthembu ( 10 ) and Nthobisi Nthembu (7 ) to death . These vigilantes then fired shots some at several other houses and were set alight . This resulted in residents fleeing for their lives and in the ensuing mayhem Sibusiso Sibetha ( 10 ) was stabbed and badly wounded . guard , court Mr. KwaZulu policeman and Jethro Dumisane Ngcobo , was shot and killed when he went to investigate and his 23

NOV 1991

24 NOV

1991

firearm was

stolen .

MATIMATOLO : Doris Caluza , Mrs IFP Branch Secretary was gunned down by an alleged ANC hit - man . She was shot with a 38 special revolver , after which , her attacker was also killed in a shoot - out with people at the scene . MATHULINI : his wife and Mr Mgoduso an IFP Branch Chairman , were killed by alleged ANC supporters .

son

8 attacks on IFP portfolio holders and 4 of these attacks resulted success This is a 50% in the death of an IFP leader . rate in attacks on leaders . There were no vehicle ambushes where leaders were attacked . There were 5 attacks on leaders homes . DECEMBER 1991 : 03

DEC

1991

MATIMATOLO : IFP Alleged ANC supporters attacked the home of the with Mdunge , Mr Mkhaya in the township , Organiser sustained but were injuries No hand -grenades .

extensive 07

DEC

1991

MTHENGWANE

damage

was done

to the house .

-

Mr. Majola , Samson The house of IFP vice - chairman , attacked . There have been numerous attempts on was Mr. Majola's life and he has also received telephone threats from people who said that he would die if he did not distance himself from the IFP .

94

07

DEC

1991

IMBALI Mr. councillor , The house of IFP leader and Abdul Shots were fired from a bushy Aweta , was attacked . area next to the house and residents allege that SADF soldiers were in the vicinity before and after the attack . IFP The soldiers denied this . ANC and residents agree in the that SADF members were vicinity they before and after the attack and that did not respond . Alleged ANC involvement .

07

DEC

1991

IMBALI - 16h30 & 18h45 Works , Mr. The house of KwaZulu Deputy Minister of V.B. Ndlovu , senior IFP official , a was attacked twice in the space of a few hours . Four men , one armed with a HMC automatic weapon , attacked the house Residents claim that the men who were 4.30pm . at involved in the attack were well known ANC activists and the

that just prior to the attack they were seen in company of soldiers of 3SAI Battalion . After

attacking Mr. Ndlovu's house it is said they returned to with 3SAI a social occasion jointly being held Battalion members and ANC members . 3 SAI soldiers (who were in the immediate vicinity of the attack , claimed they failed to respond because " they did hear the attacks " . Shortly after dark the house was attacked again - this time by a man who hurled a hand The explosion caused onto the roof . grenade substantial damage , but there were 6.45pm a hand grenade was thrown house . 07

DEC

1991

07

DEC

1991

no at

injuries . At Mr Ndlovu's

IMBALI STAGE 2 The home of the late IFP Leader in Imbali , Mr Petros Ngcobo was attacked by alleged ANC supporters armed Machine pistols . with ( HMC ) Hand There were no injuries sustained and minor damage was done to the house . MTENGWANE : Organiser , IFP

Mr Samson Majola and his wife were attacked in their home by AK47 wielding attackers believed to be supporters of the ANC . Several shots were fired and some damage was done to the home but no

09

DEC

1991

injuries were

sustained .

IMBALI : was The home belonging to IFP Leader MR Abdul Awetha Rounds from an attacked by an alleged ANC hit - squad . damage AK47 rifle were fired at the house but little was done .

10

DEC

1991

MTHENGWANE was killed in Wiseman Mthembu , Mr. organiser , IFP assassination . organised is believed to be an what IFP member , Mr. Stimela Mbambo was also killed in the Whilst they were driving to work a vehicle incident . opened occupants next to theirs and the up pulled Mr. Mthembu killing with them AK - 47's , fire on instantly and Mr. Mbambo died on his way to hospital .

95

11

DEC

1991

WEMBEZI :

stabbed IFP Committee Member Mr Mdlolo was brutally and seriously wounded by alleged ANC supporters who accosted him in a bus . 12

DEC

1991

WEMBEZI : home The

of IFP Committee Member Sipho Mtshali

was

attacked by supporters of the ANC who were armed with an assortment of weapons . Grenades and petrol bombs destroyed the home . No injuries were sustained as the occupants managed to escape . 14

DEC

1991

IMBALI : Mr IFP Leader and KwaZulu Deputy Minister of Works life V.B.Ndlovu survived the seventh attempt on his ( the third attack on his home in a week ) . Two men were injured when his Imbali home was raked by AK47 assault rifle gunfire and hand grenades , resulting in damage . extensive The four attackers also fired at members of a police firearm unit who arrived on the scene . A bullet that ricochetted off a door handle on the police van narrowly missed the policeman who driving . was The police shot back at the attackers but they escaped .

15

DEC

1991

MAQONGQO/

TABLE MOUNTAIN

IFP leader , Sabelo Elliot Gcabashe ( 35 ) was seriously He wounded after surviving an assassination attempt . ambushed was as he drove past the Maqonggo bottle store near his home . Six gunmen sprayed his vehicle with AK47 gunfire , riddling his Mazda 323 with bullets and hitting him three times before fleeing . Police found 25 spent cartridges at the scene . This attack followed the discovery of an ANC hit list in the Table Mountain area . The Institute has in their possession a copy of that list which is available on request . 17

DEC

1991

PIETERMARITZBURG IFP Table Mountain chairman , Mr Thomas Gcabashe ( 45 ) , was assassinated in the driveway of his home in White an Grange , at 6.45pm - three days after The Road , at an Inkatha leader attack on his brother Elliot , He was shot five times in the neck nearby Magongqo . and shoulder with an unknown calibre of weapon and was squad instantly . hit ANC alleged The died home . returned inside his property when he waiting resembled circumstances of the shooting closely The the manner in which ANC Table Mountain and Contralesa assassinated Chief Mhlabunzima Maphumulo was leader ( on February 25 )

20

DEC

1991

in his driveway

in Havelock Road .

ESIKHAWINI The houses of six IFP members , including the house of councillor , Mtshali , Bonisiwe were Mrs township petrol bombed .

96

21

DEC

1991

WEMBEZI : The home

of

IFP Leader

in Wembezi ,

Mr Duke Mbongwa ,

was attacked by alleged ANC supporters . Hand grenades were used in this attack . No injuries were sustained . 21

DEC

1991

DEEPDALE/ BULWER 12.05am , At about the home of Branch Treasurer Mr ANC Falakhe Andros Ngcobo was attacked by alleged rifles supporters who were armed with AK47 and a shot - gun . his wife were and Mr Ngcobo and shot wounded attack . and his mother was shot dead in the The down home and Mr Ngcobo's car were burned in the attack .

24

DEC

1991

MOOIRIVER IFP Chairman

in Bruntville ,

Mr.

Amos

Zondo ,

attacked by members of the ANC in the presence SAP . No injuries were sustained . 18 attacks 14 attacks JANUARY 02

on IFP leaders and on leaders homes .

2 leaders 1 vehicle

killed . ambush

1992 :

JAN 1992

EMPANGENI IFP Youth leader Mr. Mlozane Mhlongo's was found on a riverbank .

04 JAN

was

of the

1992

ESIKHAWINI

mutilated body

-

The house of IFP organiser , Mr. Shandu , was attacked by ANC Comrades . Nombuso Shandu , was A young girl , shot and wounded and the house was set alight . 06 JAN

1992

HOPEWELL : / IXOPO Secretary , IFP Branch Mr Hadebe was abducted by alleged ANC supporters and given 250 lashes for not attending an ANC meeting .

06 JAN

1992

TABLE MOUNTAIN IFP chairman , Mr. Sabelo Gcabashe , was ambushed as he Gcabashe was drove through the township . Mr. not two injured in the attack and suspects were subsequently arrested by the SAP .

07 JAN

1992

IMBALI - 7.30am & 11.15am Ndlovu , Jeremy Mr. the driver of Deputy KwaZulu Minister of Works , V.B. Ndlovu , Mr. was attacked whilst driving twice township . in the In both

attacks ( 07h30 & 11h00 ) firearms and stones were used by alleged ANC supporters and no injuries were sustained , despite damage being done to the vehicle . attacks the In both intended victim V.B was Mr Ndlovu . 07 JAN 1992

WEMBEZI : The house of IFP Chair in Wembezi , Mr Aaron Mbokazi alleged was attacked and partially burned by ANC

supporters .

97

08 JAN

1992

WEMBEZI - 12.30am The of IFP Leader house

Mbongwe , 08 JAN 1992

1992

Organiser ,

Mr.

Duke

IMBALI Miss Jabu The home of IFP Committee Member , Mgwaba attacked was by alleged ANC supporters . A handfired grenade was thrown at the home and shots were from an AK47 rifle . No injuries sustained but damage was sustained to the dwelling . Several other attacks have taken place few months and obtained .

15 JAN

and

bombed by unknown assailants .

was petrol

against Miss Mgwaba over the past still being details of these are

WEMBEZI - 03h00 Wembezi , Mr. The house of the late IFP chairman in Mantayi Zondi , was burnt in a petrol bomb attack . This attack was allegedly launched by a number of known ANC supporters . The SAP recovered two well petrol

bombs which

failed to

ignite .

This incident was preceded by several threats made to the Zondi family due to their affiliation with the Freedom Party . Zondi was murdered Inkatha Mr. in persons whilst returning from work , by August 1991 , alleged to be ANC supporters . After Mr. Zondi's who family was still targeted by people death the no attacking apparently have qualms about a of which the defenceless woman and her six children , youngest 18

JAN

1992

is

only seven years

old .

IMBALI : of V.B.Ndlovu , Home IFP leader and KwaZulu deputyMinister of Works was attacked by ANC supporters . Shots were

fired but

only minor damage was caused .

21 JAN 1992

ENSLENI - 3h20 IFP branch chairman , Mr. Joshua Jezangeni , was shot dead and another person wounded when alleged ANC comrades attacked Mr. Jezangeni's house .

23 JAN 1992

IMBALI ANC of Mr 5 alleged supporters attacked the home V.B.Ndlovu , and IFP leader deputy -Minister for KwaZulu . AK47 rifles were used in the attack which resulted

in minor damage

to the home

and

no

injuries .

27 JAN

1992

UMLAZI : organiser The home of Mr Bungumusa Gwala , IFP in Umlazi , attacked alleged ANC was by supporters . Attackers used AK47 rifles .

27 JAN

1992

UMLAZI Three

- 17h45 members

of the KwaZulu

Police

guarding

the

Bongumusa Gwala , house of prominent IFP member , Mr. were attacked by a group of unidentified persons . 27 JAN

1992

WEMBEZI B. Mrs The home of IFP Organiser alleged ANC comrades who attacked by

was Mlotshwa threw petrol

98

bombs

in the

son Nhlakanipho

Her

house .

admitted to hospital

from smoke

( 10 )

was

inhalation .

27 JAN

1992

MALUKAZI .... Date not verified . leader , The Thomas Mr home Ngcobo , IFP of was attacked by alleged ANC supporters . AK47 rifles were used in the attack . No injuries reported .... further information pending .

29 JAN

1992

ISIPINGO Mazibuko , was Mr M.J. IFP Organiser in Umbumbulu fired in Isipingo . upon He sustained 6 gunshot admitted to hospital in serious wounds and was a condition .

31

1992

EMANGWENI / BULWER including IFP Leaders ,

JAN

Mr

David

Ntombela ,

Nkosi

Ngubane , Nkosi Ncgobo and Nkosi Hlongwane came under from fire ANC supporters at an IFP meeting in the area . The leader were ambushed and fired on next to where the road leading into the area posters weSizwe advertising the launching of Bulwer Umkhonto and were found other posters threatening and insulting the IFP . Over 100 women came forward to forced ANC make statements complaining of recruitment , 31

JAN

1992

intimidation and

HOPEWELL/ IXOPO IFP Chairperson ,

Mr J.

extortion of money .

Shange ,

was

shot

and wounded

This incident by alleged ANC supporters in Hopewell . of follows other acts of intimidation and harassment the IFP in this area . During this month there were 2 leaders were assassinated . leaders homes and there were In the six months been at least : 20

IFP

office

19 attacks on IFP office bearers . There were 12 attacks launched on the 3 vehicle ambushes .

from August

1991

until

31 January

1992 ,

there has

bearers murdered

92 attempted assassinations of IFP office bearers . 60 attacks on homes belonging to IFP office bearers . 11 ambushes on vehicles belonging to IFP office bearers .

FEBRUARY 03

FEB

1992 :

1992

KWAMASHU : An alleg compr colou ANC hit squad of , ed ising red Indian and black assassins launched an attack against and IFP KwaMashu Section E councillor Chairman attack , the Vilakazi of the KwaMashu branch . In grenades and an assortment of firearms (AK47's , Makarov and Scorpion pistols ) closely associated with MK operations were used resulting in over R150 000 the damage being done to property . One child suffered a wounded leg in the incident which was subsequently amputated by doctors . The use by the attackers of fields of cover , code words to refer to

99

each - other and the use of cross - fire and short bursts of fire at exits after grenade blasts all indicate a This attack was launched by high degree of training . a well trained team of men with military experience . an Information received re - enforces the belief that MK hit squad 03

FEB

1992

is operating in this area and

others .

MANDAWE/ UMKOMAAS At about 10pm the home of IFP Branch

Chairman , Mr In Nyawose was attacked by alleged ANC supporters . attack , the his wife was shot and wounded in the forehead . The son of well known ANC member Msomi was wounded when Mr Nyawose defended himself . Police have been informed .

05

FEB

1992

PATHENI / RICHMOND The home of IFP Chairperson in Patheni Mr Paulus Vezi was attacked by supporters of the ANC . Mr Vezi is this also the leader of the IFP peace delegation in In the attack , area . four groups of ANC supporters sides attacked Mr Vezi's kraal from different in order to gain maximum cross - fire . The attackers shot Mr Vezi in the stomach with an AK47 when he tried to escape from the huts . Other members of the Patheni and community opened fire on the attackers a Mr Justice Vezi , Justice brother of Paulus was killed . involved Vezi was an ANC supporter and had long been in acts

05

FEB

1992

of aggression against

the

IFP .

IMBALI leader About 15 gunmen attempted to assassinate IFP three young In the attack , Abdul Awetha in Imbali . Mr Abdul Awetha , was children were shot in the head . at to school in the township children transporting about 6:30 am in the morning when the vehicle in which ANC he was travelling in was ambushed by an alleged squad . hit

The attackers AK47S , and used Makarovs automatic weapons frequently associated with Umkhonto weSizwe operations . bullets used in the initial stages The attack were of the armour 17 piercing , expended found at the scene . rounds were vehicle When the stopped , car .

a grenade was thrown under the

front of the

The grenade explosion rendered the car immobile and Mr Awetha and his son Ismail managed to get out of the car but three children did not manage to escape . According to eye witnesses , the alleged ANC assassins then the walked up to the vehicle and shot three children killing at close range in the head them instantly . who Ismail Awetha provided the names of the deceased are Precious Chiliza ( 6 ) and Nkanyiso Sithole ( 10 ) , Noluthando Mkhize ( 9 ) , all were scholars at the Berg Street

Primary

School .

100

07

FEB

1992

UMLAZI : MP, Mr Committee Member and KwaZulu Central IFP a Winnington Sabelo was assassinated in his shop by gunman who fired three rounds into Mr Sabelo's body Mr Sabelo was a leader dedicated to at close range . peace and had just been involved in making a joint appeal for peace with ANC leader Felix Dlamini .

08

FEB

1992

TAYLORS HALT DINDI which Branch in IFP car 20h00 , the about At Chairperson , Mr G. Phoswa was travelling in Edendale The operatives . was ambushed by alleged ANC Road , the assortment of weapons at an fired operatives damaged A the in was attack . which vehicle Mr M Magubane was shot and wounded in the passenger , the attack before the vehicle managed to move out of range of fire .

08

FEB

1992

KWAMBONAMBI IFP leader , Mr Madlala was killed in an ambush on his vehicle after being set up by an alleged ANC spy . He was shot dead in his vehicle as he was travelling in his area after the spy allegedly informed the ANC as was to Mr Madlala's movements . Mr Madlala's body mutilated with his genitals being chopped off by the attackers . His body was then removed and has still not been found . Further information is still being received .

09

FEB

1992

UMLAZI T SECTION The home IFP Organiser in Umlazi hostel , Mr Ndebele was attacked by alleged ANC gunmen who fired at his home with were no AK47 rifles . There injuries sustained .

must be stressed It unit has only been

violence study that the Inkatha Institute started in existence since July 1991 and

monitoring incidents of violence in August 1991. Due to this there is a backlog of data which needs to be incorporated these lists as further information becomes available .

fact , into

SOME OF THE MAJOR TRENDS WHICH EXIST WHEN UNDERTAKING AN ANALYSIS OF THE DATA CONTAINED IN THIS REPORT . Trends

include :

1.

The South African Police have an atrocious record with regard to the arrest and conviction of attackers on IFP leaders . To date , the SAP have an almost 100 % failure record in arresting This raises serious questions as to assassins of IFP leaders . If these the relationship between the SAP and the ANC . areas or assassinations had taken place in white if the those of the National Party or the leaders were ANC , there would be an international outcry .

2.

is a clear trend that when It after shortly assassination , hiding , into the has gone and a high drive recruitment

for targeted an IFP leader is or s/he has either been killed forced a on ANC youth embark IFP of degree of intimidation

101

ANC aligned youth are At the same time , supporters arises . can intimidate they strategic points where all at placed residents . and other commuters , children school shoppers , This trend has

3.

occurred in Richmond ,

Umkomaas

and other areas .

involved leaders the many of the cases in the document , In like Leaders . attempts assassination survived numerous have from Ndlovu mr V.B. Majozi from Ndaleni in Richmond , Chief six than less no survived have others and Imbali assassination attempts .

4.

In the cases recorded , over 75 % of incidents involve the use Most of these firearms are of firearms against IFP leaders . most AK47 rifles . The perception on the ground is that of firearms these are part of ANC arms caches and that those controlling these caches are Umkhonto we Sizwe operatives . perception This right , or wrong , has led directly to the increase of volatility in certain areas and has directly lent to the violence .

5.

This

document

is

an

indictment

against

other

violence

monitoring agencies who have not been able to collect accurate The Inkatha Institute information pertaining to the violence . field workers are the only ones who have uninhibited access to thus We would leaders and supporters in all areas . Inkatha agencies a formal challenge to any of these monitoring issue to compare their monthly reports with ours over the past We can conclusively prove their one - sidedness . months .

seven

media much been there has of February 1992 , month the During political paid to the increase in attacks on leaders of attention ANC The reality is that there has been one attack on an parties . This leaders . during this time and eleven attacks on IFP leader the equivalent of almost one attack for each day of the represents month so far . extremely place under on ANC leader Mr Ngwenya took attack that circumstances and well placed ANC sources suspect suspicious itself . ANC done by a faction within the was assassination the Imbali During the ANC Midlands Region conference which was held in Mr between December 1991 , there was a confrontation 14-16 from of Mr Gwala was accused Ngwenya S'khumbuzo and Mr Harry Gwala . allegedly had he as for pals " corruption " jobs and financial relatives organised posts in the ANC offices for his friends and The

Mr and not for others who were more deserving of those positions . made having was also accused publicly by Mr Ngwenya of not Gwala Dambuza for for his area but taking money only available funds Mr Ngwenya publicly said that he was not where Harry Gwala lives . afraid of being killed for telling the truth .

was The atmosphere at the meeting was extremely tense and Mr Gwala jeered several times and Mr Ngwenya and Mr Gwala clashed several times in front of the other delegates . Mr Ngwenya was a man who conflict vocally into expressed his commitment to peace but came with Mr Gwala who is intent on retaining military supremacy in the units . Natal Midlands and on setting up vast networks of defence It is thus the assertion of the Inkatha Institute that there was a within strong possibility that Mr Ngwenya was killed by a faction the organisation he

represented .

102

have incidents where other IFP There been leaders have been attacked during the past 10 days but this information is still being collected in detail . Further information will be available from the Violence

study unit

at the

Inkatha

Institute .

This list represents a trend which has been existence in since 1985. From that time until present , over 190 office bearers have been assassinated . INKATHA INSTITUTE VIOLENCE STUDY UNIT SOME ASPECTS OF ATTACKS ON IFP LEADERS IN NATAL 3 August

1

1991

-

8

February

1992

the whole story regarding political Statistics cannot tell violence , but they do help place events in the right perspective . startling , Figures just released by the Inkatha Institute are to challenging the notion propagated by the left that the IFP is blame for the violence and that it is the aggressor . The reality is that :

* * *

the past

Over

six months ,

an IFP leader has come under attack

every two days . the same period , one of these attempted Over assassinations succeeded every nine days . average , month On 3 IFP leaders have been killed every over

five years .

over the past

These

are

shock findings

the

of an

Inkatha

Violence

Institute

study into attacks on IFP leaders in Natal over the The Institute recorded 100 attempts on the lives of

Monitoring Unit past 6 months . IFP leaders , of which 21 were successful .

The

first

two

weeks of February alone

saw

attacks

on

KwaMashu

councillor George Vilakazi , Patheni chairperson Paulus Vezi , Imbali Abdul Awetha , and Umlazi's KwaZulu MP and Central Committee mayor member Winnington

Sabelo .

Sabelo died .

Others were wounded .

These assaults hardly comprise a new phenomenon however , and this recent of the series of attacks must be seen within the context violent deaths of more than 184 IFP leaders since 1987. The sixmonth figures thus represent a steady though largely unreported in constant the internecine conflict in Natal over the past 5 on average , than 3 IFP years , where more leaders have been assassinated every single month

for over 60

months .

But while this is no surprise to the beleaguered IFP leaders communities under seige , it is not generally known among general politics

It

public . And this is perhaps of violence monitoring .

is crucial

to appreciate

that the

and the

not very surprising

given the

Institute's

findings

Inkatha

are based upon very recent research , and that only set up six months ago . Prior to that ,

a Monitoring Unit was most on information

103

violence that was reported in the press was derived from monitors and agencies whose politics was closely identified with one party and who had a vested interest in down playing or even ignoring the IFP side to the story . The Institute's unit is the only monitoring agency that has access to accurate information on aggression directed against IFP leaders and communities .

change . violence are now fortunately beginning to on Perceptions media se , otherwi been never has ing reality underly the While an by constitute , IFP supporters that now suggest reports al politic of y age victims the of lming majorit percent the , overwhe it will take a long time for the Unfortunately however , violence . five IFP to make up for the media ground it has lost over the past years .

People ground

rarely realise what is really going on and violence on is of far greater severity than is usually realised by

the the

general public .

There are many IFP leaders who live in constant fear of their lives - Mr VB Ndlovu and who have been subjected to multiple attacks have each been (Imbali ) and Chief Majozi ( Ndaleni ) for instance , more attacked than six times . George Vilakazi has survived more than a dozen attempts

on his

life .

While individuals survive one or more attacks , they frequently lose sisters , brothers , parents , children and friends to the desperate attackers . Awetha survived last week's attack , but three children accompanying him were

Even active

more

sadly ,

in trying to

mercilessly gunned down in cold blood .

many of those secure peace

targeted ,

such

as

Sabelo ,

were

in their area .

The communities under attack and survivors of these assassination attempts believe they are carried out by the ANC . This is often a reference to the ANC's youth elements acting on their own agendas , or on behalf of and with the assistance of regional don't necessarily believe Mandela is directing the the past six months and more has also revealed is which communities and individual targets are now Umkhonto weSizwe

They believe has changed

is

increasingly directly

They warlords . war . But what the extent to convinced that

implicated .

it highly significant that the nature of the attacks hit from mob attacks to squad - type operations .

Individual assassinations of key leadership figures is now the norm rather than the exception . More than 75 % of the attacks involve the use of AK- 47s , and many incidents , exemplified by the most recent attack on councillor Valakazi , bear the hallmark of well - executed and planned MK operations .

104

In

the

context

of the ANC's

earlier publicly stated

strategy

of

marginalising and destroying the IFP , and of taking the struggle to the rural areas , it is not surprising that most of those targeted attack believe that this strategy has not changed despite for the Peace Accord signed by the ANC and IFP on 29 January 1991 . formal is not very encouraging

This

for the peace process .

A further point raised by the Institute's research is that the South African Police has an atrocious record regarding the arrest conviction of the attackers . the SAP has an and To date , almost those 100 % failure record in apprehending and bringing to justice , assassinating IFP leaders . The Institute is wary of making blanket claims of SAP/ANC duplicity , but at the very least it questions both police competence , as well as the kind of political will that after permits such mass assassinations to continue unchecked year year .

Speaker , Mr Honourable Members , I am simply giving you these substantiate the statement I made details to earlier that IFP members are actually targeted and the IFP is being subjected to sustained assaults .

We

attacks

do not

represent

new tactics and strategies being to used against the IFP . For years now the IFP has been subjected this type of brutality . Mr Speaker , enough is enough . These

must now take

up the

cry of our people who desperately need

at

least some degree of protection . It is totally impossible for the South African Police , or the KwaZulu Police , to be everywhere all They time . the Assassins and hit squads are very mobile . draw police into one area by attacking homes there and then slip off to another area to attack homes where there is no protection .

When mothers how you hear the heart - rending personal accounts of with dark to flee and spend the night cowering in the had have their young children to save their lives , and of how grannies have alive being seen , burnt under a bed to avoid only to be hidden then you will realise the extent the house was set on fire , when for protection , are cries from to which the cries from our people the heart .

Mr Speaker ,

Honourable Members ,

Protection Units are

now a must . do Quite obviously we do not want to raise any false hopes and we not want to give people the impression that the KwaZulu Government has the resources to mobilise and train all those who need protection . One should not , I believe , make any promises . In the

meantime perhaps we should be thinking about a strategy of where to make a beginning and which area should be regarded as a prototype area for the purposes of developing self - protection blueprints for people .

105

Mr

Speaker ,

Honourable Members ,

I have thus

far dealt

with

the

circumstances in which CODESA is developing KwaZulu's commitment to negotiations and I demand that we make use of the considerable acquired through skills that we have our involvement in the Commission , the the and setting up of JEA the Buthelezi KwaZulu/Natal Indaba .

I have talked about our track record of commitment to non-violence history and our of actually having negotiated with the South African Government to eliminate obstacles to negotiations . I have surrounding concentrated on today's politics and the forces the negotiating process . I then dealt with the need to recognise that hamper levels of violence are prohibitively high and could really the negotiating process .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I want now to turn focus away from look and the at to happening South Africa today in what is No country context in which events are happening . international What happens in is an island unto itself in these modern times . context here and South takes places in an international Africa and between opinions is a great divergence of approaches there ourselves and the ANC .

I want to pause , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , before going on to about the international scene , talk to draw attention to the fact suddenly that barriers are being removed and KwaZulu will have ever- increasing access to foreign governments and international agencies .

a is not KwaZulu has world really understood that never The been have media International of apartheid . construct too the all dominated by loudly proclaimed ANC views that KwaZulu of Africa was most a of apartheid . product places in South The worth more than in lie filthiest else sometimes is anything propaganda

The

terms .

ANC has ,

ever since

1979 ,

stepped up every effort that they could make to denigrate KwaZulu as a product of apartheid and those in it as working within the apartheid system . ANC attacks on KwaZulu and on myself as Chief Minister slam doors in our faces . The ANC has been particularly insistent that we should denied be access to Africa and the Third World . Wherever I have gone in the world , I found that there are people there , have groups there , churches even , The who have said that I should not have come . damage that the ANC has done will never really be able to be assessed but

I

know just

how enormous

it has been .

Mr Speaker , We in this House , That will all begin to change now . a I can really say that hardly not be stopped by the ANC . could in which either one or another of us are month of a year goes by, or governments being hosted by somewhere else in the world , not The burden of what I am saying is meeting with important people . attacks these in suffered we and the IFP have what about not South that The burden of what I am saying is KwaZulu . against

106

attacks suffered , because of the distortions in the has The attacks against KwaZulu have been made within against KwaZulu . the framework which has had to distort South African realities .

Africa

I am rather a seasoned politician by now . All the boyish idealism have been purged and the innocent exuberance I had until recently , out of me by the realities of the world which have made me realise that nations around the globe dominantly act in self - interest and only participate in outright ventures where they gain diplomatically , least where they or at the very do

something lose not

anything .

We

thus

had

the

contradictions

of

a

United

States

Government

American interests by shoring up right wing dictatorships securing South in rights while campaigning for civil America South in Africa . For many in the United States , most even , South Africa is no irrelevantly small far away country about which they have some real aid

concern . The turning on and off of multi - million South African United the in projects by administrators and politicians

States is inconsequential and global commitments .

against

their multi - billion rand Far East

distortions What influence can be exerted is rightly important and of South African realities are terribly detrimental . Despite these me rather somewhat cynical views and experiences which have made jaundiced as far as foreign aid is concerned , we must never lose sight importance foreign of of the of the proper management relations .

I know that South Africa is locked into a global north/south in economic If axis . we are going to have economic development this country it will be because we take up our rightful place on this axis gain and entry into international markets in the industrialised countries of the world . The whole business of international trade and access to markets is going to be survival business

during the

next decade .

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , it is vital that we do a lot more There are some to sell South Africa abroad than we have yet done . Africans , harsh realities that we will have to face up to as South and it will be extremely tough going to get South Africa properly re - integrated

into the

global

economy of

industrialised

nations .

We will certainly not do so if we rely on the muddled thinking of failed In this day and age of the ANC to promote our interests . South African the proudly embraces still the ANC Communism , However natural this is because the majority of Party . Communist themselves are of the National Executive of the ANC members the members of the Communist Party , it has serious implications for the promotion of South Africa around the world .

107

has Mandela Dr solidarity with embraced Colonel

Fidel and embraced Dr Castro has expressed the Cubans them . and admiration He has for Gadaffi and has supported Saddam Hussein of Iraq after his rape of Kuwait . He embraces Yasser Arafat and adopts very strong anti - Israeli sentiments .

Russia and the Communist world , in the heyday of Communism , failed dismally development the economic of African to assist in the in countries . Many African countries grasped independence 1960's and 1970's with starry - eyed beliefs everything right .

that

Socialism could put

seductive the Dr Nyerere fell victim to the solve able to and Socialism being st - based sociali Nyerere's Dr the people . of problems poverty part Ujima philosophy was introduced with total commitment on the work They did everything to make it of the Tanzanian Government . that the only In the end Tanzania found done . be could that entry ent ability and of Western technology and managem importation economically be the into market of industrialised nations could great Even of dreams

leaders like collectivism

beneficial to them . Some of the experiences of African countries which looked to Socialism have been very sobering for them . One has only to look across the Lebombo mountains to Mocambique to find an example of Socialist ideals failing and leaving poverty and threatened government in its wake .

At one point in time , when the first flushes of Frelimo victory had passed making and harsh realities of the poverty of the land were themselves felt , the then President , Mr Samora Machel , attempted to Russia enter into preferential trade pacts with East Germany and development and sought special aid package deals to assist in the of Mocambique . He was turned down like an outsider and Mocambique was left to fend for itself .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , the ANC is embracing world losers when it embraces leaders of Communist Parties and Heads of State of There is an international re - alignment which Communist countries . There was a time has very positive implications for South Africa . was South Africa , to and revolution exporting when Russia into all revolutionary movements that could be enticed supporting Communist camps by the rewards of arms and ammunition .

ANC The because

training

and the

supply

ended up in the Communist camp in international politics of it was the only place which provided any kind support

for what Mr Oliver Tambo , in exile , was seeking .

The

of military

ANC therefore

is

out

who went

of

ahead to prepare

step with

international

for an ANC life

trends

and

we

must make quite sure that the world does not get a picture of South Africa which is painted by Dr Mandela embracing Castro , Gadaffi and Arafat and from his support of Hussein against Kuwait .

108

I would like to report on the kind of things that I have said in Africa , Britain , Europe , the Far East and North America . One of the issues that I have constantly to deal with in meeting foreign Heads of State , and members of foreign governments , of how far reform has gone in this country . Dr

Mandela constantly calls

for

is the question

continued pressure

against

South

Africa because he says reform is reversible . I argue the reverse . give now I a message to the world that reform in South Africa is unstoppable and there are no prospects whatsoever of this reverting to any form of apartheid or non- apartheid .

country

British

Foreign

I year , when Last Secretary in Durban ,

met Mr I

Douglas

Hurd ,

the

said :

"It is very difficult to judge just how near or how far South Africa is from commencing negotiations to bring about a new , democratic era in this country . The South African Government has now already scrapped all the cornerstone apartheid legislation behind which they could have taken refuge had they wanted to themselves delay negotiations . It is clear from the Government's programme in the Legislature and from the lead which Mr F W de Klerk and Dr Gerrit Viljoen are giving , that the Government has acted purposefully in scrapping apartheid legislation because they are serious about political order through negotiations . "

establishing a new

I pointed out that : " It was only in the last decade , or perhaps decade and a half , that revolutionary organisations set new aims and objectives for their struggle . They equated capitalism with apartheid notion that and popularized the apartheid could not be reformed from within and the only negotiations worth having were negotiations in which the South African Government hands over power to the people ,

i.e.

to the ANC .

really do not know where the ANC stands in this matter today . Dr Nelson Mandela only very recently talked about the ANC as a government in the waiting and there is very little indication by the ANC that it regards itself as a Party amongst other Parties in this country . All indications are that the ANC continues to see itself as a vanguard movement

We

which is exile .

going

to

finally emerge

as

a

government

returned

from

We on the other hand have kept true to the hallowed values of the Black struggle for liberation for which a long line of heroes , heroines and martyrs have suffered died . and We wanted the South Africa that there was but a South Africa purged of racism . We gave consistent support for the concept of a market related economy which promotes economic growth . We rejected the punitive isolation of South we Africa , and rejected

in particular disinvestment

We knew that that there is

and sanctions .

if we were going to succeed in getting the best in South Africa to work for a new democracy , we

would have to make sure that the downward plunge of the South economy African was arrested and a programme of sustained economic growth would have to be

established .

"1

109

I always argue strongly that the process of change in South Africa has roots in a broad South Africanism . I point out that what Mr de Klerk is doing to bring about his part . I told Mr Hurd :

"Whether

reform ,

you are talking about

amounts to

Parties

survival

inside

action on

Parliament

or

outside it , you are talking about Parties which are ultimately going to be disciplined by this broad South Africanism I am referring to . We will not tolerate political extremism and we do want political adventurism . As South Africans we want politics to be market based politics . We want politics to be roots people . policies which appeal to grass We want constituency to get . "

politics and that

is what

South Africa is

In a memorandum for discussion with the Commonwealth Association Group I pointed

out

going

Parliamentary

that :

first thing I want to say is that a parliamentary system " The and exist in a social , cannot political economic vacuum . Democracy unless is expressed in parliamentary behaviour but democracy it does thus expressed is a democracy of a nation , not count for much . " And that :

violence has "Everywhere it is recognised that levels that are South africa reached in prohibitively high for the however , emergence of democratic procedures . It is , insufficiently recognised that the negotiation process which violence must now embark upon is terribly limited by the we that

is taking place .

I argued that for institutionalised South Africa and the man in the street to succeed , we need to develop tolerance and we rejected the Harare because it demanded winner- takes -all politics Declaration which would aggravate the

racial

tensions

there as an aftermath of apartheid .

"Unless unless

we have a spirit of spirit that

I

in the country which

are

said :

of tolerance amongst tolerance is backed

political tolerance amongst the people , impasse after another .

we will

negotiators and of cult a by only reach one

It is therefore vitally important for us in the IFP that it is recognised that present levels of violence in South Africa are Violence must be reduced for negotiations prohibitively high . to have any chance of success . "

said that that was the way forward and that we would into constitutional darkness by bowing to ANC demands to an Interim Government now . I

not leap establish

110

When overseas I have always pointed out that we need reconciliation and not confrontation , because we must establish a national will to democracy make work and then to go on against after victories apartheid , to wage a relentless campaign against ignorance , poverty told the Commonwealth Parliamentary and disease . I Association Group : " Political oppressive

victories government

against a racist government or an sufficient . on their own is just not

People demand victories which will be followed by rising Where ever standards of living for the poorest of the poor . political victories have not produced this dividend for the oppressed and the poor , the victors who have ousted colonial , victims racist and oppressive governments in turn become the dissatisfaction which of forces arise out of the of the people . "

I always emphasise the need for us to recognise that economics must be regarded as being as important as politics in the planning of the re - structuring of South Africa and a new democracy . I said : democracy Africa do not produce " If we in South a after in which the ordinary people actually apartheid benefit in democracy terms of increased standards of living , the we attempt to

establish will

fail .

followed by development economic and For politics to be sustained growth of the magnitude that will enable a government after apartheid to roll back the frontiers of democracy poverty , we must establish a national will to make work and to develop the kind of society which can generate the kind of wealth that will be needed . '

I always

tell the world that :

" There

are huge backlogs in housing which can not be met even there is no population growth . if When the huge population market place , bulge one hits the there will be another following it because the black birth rate in South Africa is going to continue at as we can see ahead .

over three per cent per annum for as far

Black birth rates in this country like elsewhere function of economic growth . The lower be

are going to the economic

growth and the lower the real wealth of the people , the higher the birth rate will be . It is only sustained economic growth which can bring down the birth rate and we have to face the reality the that high birth rates will continue well into future . It is no use deluding ourselves . We must be aware that central cash economy cannot be expanded sufficiently and

the fast

enough to provide relatively full employment opportunities for as far as we can see ahead . The economy will not be expanded sufficiently to generate the kind of wealth which will most that the Black population of South Africa who are the disadvantaged will be adequately housed and will have adequate social welfare and education systems provided for them , again for as far as we can see ahead . "

111

One of the messages that I constantly convey to the outside world is that South Africa is not like Mozambique , Angola or Zimbabwe where liberation movements returned to become a government returned from exile . I told the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association :

"There are in South Africa no vanquished and no there are victors . We do not have the situation which surrounded the Lancaster House negotiations which led to the constitutional development of Zimbabwe . We do not have the military and the political victories which forced the Portuguese Administration to to abdicate Frelimo in Mozambique and to the MPLA in Angola . enabling by history have to make new will Africans South become to down settle onaries to exiles and revoluti retired a pate in partici to and Parties of amongst Party a members and process which was not driven by revolutionary democratic military successes . The finest political goals we can set ourselves are those which are authored by the realisation that institutionalised that South Africa is ready to back really fundamental reforms It will abolish apartheid forever and establish a democracy . and is institutionalised South Africa which is all - powerful ready to bring about the new South Africa . " I

also always attempt to convey to the world how important

for South Africa not to jump from the frying pan told the Commonwealth Parliamentary Group :

"We

want

checks

prohibitive

of the

and balances brought

into the

into being

amassing of power for the sake

it

fire .

which of

is I

are

power .

This can only be achieved in the give and take of negotiations which all Parties are really prepared to compromise in until it hurts

in order to put

There former

victory going to be a simple marching to not revolutionary think of forces who themselves

is

South Africa

first . by as

governments returning from exile . We must be quite sure that response we in the end produce a South African by South Africans establish to our South African challenge to a democracy . establish It has not been South Africa's way to the reform process by the barrel

of the

gun . "

I

met the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association Group on the 10th last year , July of and on the 15th of July I met with Mr Luis Geraldes , the Deputy Secretary General and other members of the Social Democratic Party in Portugal . I have always found Portugal to be reasonable and responsive when reacting to South African issues in the EEC and other international forums .

and Portugal has the advantage of having been a colonial power their having been driven to have to deal with Frelimo and MPLA by failure its to make racist governments last in colonies . The advantage having undergone huge Portuguese the of also have upheavals after the toppling of General

Salazar .

112

The rejection of the Salazar dictatorship led to a period of uncertainty and fluidity in which a Communist government actually came to power . It did not last that long because Communism did not There are very have the key to Portugal's economic development . many poor people in Portugal , and we saw yet with the government leads to dissatisfaction finally

results

in the

again how poverty day , of the and

toppling of the government .

Portugal has an understanding of our situation . Portugal also has the advantage of having a large Portuguese expatriate population in Africa . therefore South Its interest in South Africa is very In my keen . discussions with Mr Geraldes pointed I the to importance of looking at the South African situation in the context of Southern Africa , Central Africa and Africa beyond . I said :

Black leaders , "As we must be aware that what we do in South Africa will have repercussions throughout Southern Africa . Repercussions will even go further than that . The whole of Central Africa and the whole of Southern Africa , I believe are inextricably bound together if Central and Southern Africa seek to maximise their benefit on the continent of Africa . Zambia , even and pre - ordained that already has Economics of are included in the Southern Africa sphere perhaps Zaire , the of north than the spheres of interest more interests Zambezi . Most certainly Mozambique and Malawi will also fall into that sphere of interest . I can never stop thinking of a united forming Africa Central , West East , and Southern a huge economic bloc making politics work for economic and for the betterment of the people .

development

I go as far as to say that South Africa can simply not hope to only be an island unto itself . The good of South Africa can ultimately secured by locating South Africa in Southern be and Africa and beyond to realms which include Central , East West Africa . "

In speaking to Mr Geraldes , I rejected the Harare Declaration , and pointed also to the fact that there were no vanquished and no victors in South Africa and that in planning the way forward we must be aware of the need to deal with White fears . I said :

" We simply cannot afford to ignore the fears of Whites who are SO strategically located in the South African economy and in the South African Civil Service that they be could quite say, We must , disruptive if they so chose to be . I always remember that Whites are militarily prepared and could present the a front against popular developments which would make by toughest action by Renamo and UNITA child's play comparison . "

113

On the 16th of July I prepared a memorandum for discussions with Mr M Ohta , the Consul General of Japan . We really need to pay a lot of attention to Japan and the role of the Japanese in the global economic scene . It is one of the world's towering economic powers . If to our country is going to make economic progress it will have be because we break into world markets . Japan understands what it I economy . means to struggle from nothing to establish a vibrant told Mr Ohta :

"When I totally

look around me at Africa and the Third World , convinced that the thing that we should

I become most be

striving for in politics and in the change process in South Africa , is to emerge from this particular phase of political and constitutional development with a real deep - seated that national will and determination to establish a democracy will bring about phenomenal

economic growth .

I stated in the memorandum that South Africa is very advantageously expertise placed because we have pools of technical and financial and we have us to management skills which will enable manage increased

economic activity because

of investments .

On the 26th of July , 1991 , I met Mr Leo Tindemans , a former Belgium European Minister Prime Member of the and at that time a Parliament . My message to him was that it was South Africans who wanted change . I said :

and want stable a secure to bring about Africans " South on which democracy rests parliamentary based on society law universal adult franchise and total equality before the us . We want what all Europe wants for and the constitution . We want what all civilised mankind wants for us . This for much real are

deep - down South African demand for decency and pragmatism progress towards prosperity is the driving force behind In a very polítics which no political Party can ignore . · they sense political Parties are not making politics in the politics South participating that Africa is

making . "

H

emphasised that I said : affair .

change

in South Africa was

not

a political party

it believe in the change that is taking place because "I is not in the custody of any political Party which could suddenly There is no one blunder and break up the hope that there is . in whose hands the whole leader , or even one set of leaders , Change is becoming an all - South process of change now rests . the only it is going to succeed because and thing African ' real politik ' change . "

in our

country

is

involvement

I pointed out that we face a unique situation we have tremendous advantages . I said :

in bringing about

in South Africa

and

114

we have "While we are a Third World country in many respects , the tremendous advantage of having a First World driving force Nowhere in the Third working to empower the forces of change . business World has there been such a vast interlocking of big Nowhere has there been such a vast in the process of change . liberation society institutionalised and interlocking of technological activity . Africa is adding astonishing South and managerial

skills to the process

of change .

of We also have the tremendous advantage of having a heritage clean racism, will be things which once washed of of the tremendous value to all those who are busy putting new South Africa together . We have far more worth salvaging from the past than has been We have a the case in any other Third World country . welldeveloped economic infrastructure which is probably the most efficient in the whole of Africa . We probably have the best astonishingly banking system on the continent . We have an efficient legal underpin will

system which , once again if washed every decision made in the process

with institutionalised

contractual

of racism , of change

backing .

There is a great reservoir of management and technological skills which will be more than sufficient to act as a nucleus to attract further management and technological skills which will be drawn into the country by foreign investors . We have probably the best tele - communication system in the whole of Africa . We have an efficient and vast electricity supply and distribution system and we have transportation systems unequalled in Africa . "

I did not misrepresent South Africa to the world and to tell Mr Tindemans that :

I had to go on

am "I confident and positive thus about politics in our country . I must now , however , go on to say that the greatness of the South Africa about which I have such clear visions is going not to be established without hiccups and even severe disruptions in the process of making the new South Africa a reality . My confidence wish - washy is not a sentimental idealistic optimistic looking at the future with blinkers on . My optimism rests on my knowledge that the going is going to get tough but we have the quality to win through in the end . In speaking going about the getting tough , one must immediately focus on violence which is now running at such levels there that is no possibility of real negotiations getting off the ground right now . Political Parties could now be brought the negotiating process into without too much difficulty . The problem , however , is that negotiations are not going to be a behind closed doors , Lancaster House type Conference negotiations . They are going to be a people's event . "

I

said that we

rejected the Harare

Declaration .

I

said :

115

" It is not only our democratic right to reject something that has been foisted on us without consultation , but we reject the Harare Declaration because it mis - assesses the South African situation . It is modelled on the political experiences of countries which were liberated by marching armies and coming home as governments returned from exile .

parties

think we reject the More importantly I Harare Declaration because it rides rough - shod over the fear factor which is in part responsible for the violence already taking place . South Africans do not want to be pushed into making constitutional leaps in the dark . There is a very genuine deep- rooted White fear that revolutionary victories would give rise to the kind one - Party of harsh majoritarianism which established States elsewhere in Africa . "

I said we also rejected the Harare Declaration because was wrong for South Africa . I said :

in

idiom it

has a it because the Harare Declaration reject also "We South Africans winner - takes - all political essence . straight State the of want to replace the monolithic powers not do South Africans want the power of around any new government . and they want the devolution of power State fragmented ; the is That people . want government brought closer to the they many great I am fighting for and that is what a great , what people here want . "

end of July , and I undertook a trip to Taiwan met the At the Taiwanese Taiwan , of and Foreign Minister and the President I addressed the Hong Kong Chamber of Commerce . We also had the opportunity of addressing and meeting senior government officials and I had the honour of meeting and discussing matters with the Premier of the Executive Yuan . I met the Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs and had the opportunity of meeting numerous people discussions .

in these

at looking I took with me had the opportunity of The delegation and welfare social health was doing about housing , Taiwan what directing of problem how they were tackling the and facilities Taiwanese youth .

The Taiwanese are remarkable success

achieved very practical people and they have meet the in establishing a viable economy to

needs of the people by employing totally opposed to Communism .

free

enterprise

I stressed that we needed political victories we were going to succeed . I pointed out the political power and I said :

courses .

They are

for multi - partyism if fact that money meant

116

victory "A for the ANC in South Africa , whether it is a victory establishing next phase in the of multi - Party a democracy or not , will be a victory for the South African Communist Party .

Yet , Mr. Minister , millions of dollars pour into South Africa to assist the ANC and virtually nothing comes in assist to only the membership -based Party which is Freedom Inkatha and to Party powerful enough to say no to the ANC , political Nothing comes in to shake the ANC when it says no to the ANC . the it is IFP , the despite the fact that not only assist al is it bu , co th so in or po t largest untry e ganisation litical to capacity greatest with the organisati political the on across race and class barriers . " establish constituen cies

I out that foreign governments were introducing pointed between Black political parties and I said that :

the fact that the IFP has a great many more " Despite than the ANC , and despite the fact that the IFP is

equality

members growing

very vigorously , help is just not coming to it . We are facing an almost impossible battle because of the inequality between on-the-ground the ANC and the IFP in the support systems for work .

Senator Foreign governments are producing this inequality . Gareth Evans , the Australian Foreign Minister , visited South Africa recently and left behind him R4 million for the benefit of the ANC . Many , many millions of rands have been pledged to the ANC

from the United States ,

Europe

and the East .

We can The world must do something to correct this imbalance . Mr. help ourselves both economically and politically , but , Minister , we now need to be helped to help ourselves . Inkatha Party Freedom is growing phenomenally on the ground where first votes are going to be cast in the election after apartheid . IFP .

We

do

Last year alone we added

98

888

new members to the

not

have one national organiser to service that new throng of people . We do not have a communications department in the IFP because we cannot afford typewriters , let alone are We in the computers . organising on our bare feet townships and in rural areas . We are gathering members by

hard , grass - root work . We can get the members because we know we how to make our political appeal and the political product are selling , is very saleable . But when we have the members , we need to employ them and direct them and utilise them for the

sake

of democracy and this

is where we

are

failing . "

In talking to the President of the Republic of China , I stressed what oneI often stress overseas and that is that there is not a South to - one relationship between a struggle for liberation in Africa and the struggle for liberation in Mozambique , Zimbabwe and Angola .

117

I

said :

" I make the point , President , Mr. that negotiations are not House Lancaster going to be an event like that of the kind of That Conference which set Zimbabwe on its feet . Conference in which the handing over of power is negotiated , will not take place in South Africa because unlike Zimbabwe , there are no victors and there are no vanquished . equal . Negotiations will take place between Parties which are One of the first problems we face - and it is a major problem - is to get erstwhile revolutionary movements not only to agree to a multi - Party democracy as they have formally done , We but to begin behaving like Parties amongst other Parties . are struggling to make erstwhile revolutionary Parties accept that others have equal rights with them . We are struggling to them for equality make accept that they should work of policy opportunity between political Parties to make the seek proposals , argue their merits to public and constituency support

for them . "

on which is based I argued against the Harare Declaration , about negotiations in South Africa would be that assumption I said : handing over of power to the ANC .

the the

calls "The ANC authored Harare Declaration for the Assembly of a an establishment Constituent and Interim Government because it does not want to deal with a Government it could not defeat in revolutionary attacks . It wants the South African Government to abdicate and hand over its powers to an Interim Government .

other on the We hand say that there is a Government which has now so severed itself

South African from apartheid

policies of the past , that it is not only a de jure government and a de facto government but also it is a legitimate government . It must democracy now legislate the new into existence . Constitutional change must be introduced through legislation , and negotiations are about what legislation now needs to be passed

to bring

about the new South Africa .

This the ANC refuses to accept and they refuse to accept the situation because the orderly progress of seeking common ground on the way to establishing a Western - type multi - Party democracy , will be the order of the day in the circumstances which now appertain . This is where ' real politik ' lies in South Africa and this is what the ANC wants to change . The ANC also does not want to accept the need to begin with a situation in which negotiations start with a clean slate . The Harare Declaration calls for a Constituent Assembly and builds into the proposals it makes a command majoritarian idiom and a winner -takes - all style of politics . wants It and vote

to it

a establish a Constituent Assembly by then to wants the winning majority

proposals for an Interim Government government . post -apartheid first

majority formulate

leading to elections for a the in There is no room

118

However for anything else than that process . proposals you their in it is the first majority at their proposals , look whole Constituent Assembly which will determine the proposed process of transition afterwards . reasons . valid very this process for three say to no We the about consulted we Firstly say no because we were not on it ANC is attempting to foist The Harare Declaration . rushed was it and Zimbabwe in up drawn was It Africa . South in before anyone the OAU for immediate endorsement to off We South Africa was asked what they thought of the proposals . what and are tired of being told what we must do and sick reject the We . support must we developments constitutional Harare Declaration as something which was conceived out of our the very and as something which spurns hearing , and sight is a there that dictate which democracy of of principles of futures constitutional decide must who people sovereign countries and not committees . "

we I argued that we need to establish a reconciled South Africa if it are going to develop a will to establish a democracy and make also that unless we make work . I argued political victories meaningful to the people by using political victories as stepping stones to economic development , we would be facing real problems in the future . "We in Inkatha Freedom Party are totally convinced that unless we bring about the reconciliation of Black and White now while we are working finally to bury apartheid , and now while we are laying the foundations for a race - free , multi - Party democracy , we will not end up with the national will to establish a democracy and make

it work .

been We a has democracy say emphatically that once very established , we will immediately have to get on with the job of making political victories against apartheid meaningful it making by We must do so South Africa . of the people their both for them to gain by taking advantage of possible and their equality of opportunity before equality the constitution .

the

law and

When a new government is established after apartheid , we will able be to afford to do nothing else than this . If a new expense government is established at the of economic development , and at the expense of racial harmony , be able to address the poverty question .

we will not

The best democratic government that we could possibly set up , stand of the will not against a rising tide anger from majority majority of the people which will surely come if the in South Africa continue to get poorer after apartheid has been vanquished and a new democratic government has been change established . Only real evidence of meaningful in will be standards of living to come will buy the time that needed to increase the production of wealth in South Africa . If we are going to succeed people will need to believe that they the hard work they will have to do and the sacrifices will have

to

make ,

will

achieve

economic

gains . "

and

119

In addressing the Hong Kong Chamber of Commerce , change coming from institutionalised South Africa the importance and I said :

of the

role

of big business

I

talked

about

and I emphasised in bringing about change

undergone its " Institutionalised South Africa has own metamorphosis and no Party political dictation can reverse institutional history . Big business and economic institutions were preparing for this day long before Mr FW de Klerk made Without big his famous February 2 1990 address to Parliament . business support , the National Party could not have done what support , it did in the past and wi4hout big business the to National Party cannot now do what Mr FW de Klerk wants it do . Mr de Klerk is totally dependent upon big business and that is not his only dependency . The business has no option but to back reform . economy Big long passed the point at which it was still possible to has apartheid some degree to direct economic affairs to produce work shop politics . The White dependency on Blacks on the floor , in managerial positions is such that only the welding out economic survival .

and in the market place itself, of the two together could spell

of Politically , the groundswell demand for the normalisation democracy Western - type industrial Africa as a modern , South every across running across the whole country and is which boundary , is demanding that political Parties develop racial

new bases

from which to operate . "

I emphasised what I emphasise everywhere in the world , mainly that South Africa starts off with tremendous advantages because we have : " Free enterprise can work for South Africa because we have the foundations on which to build a really effective market - driven economy . We have the economic infrastructure . In comparative terms , if you look across Africa you will not find the equals of South Africa's banking system , tele - communication systems and the sophistication

Nor

across the whole

of

fiscal

management

of Africa will you

system , or electricity in South Africa .

skills .

find a transportation

and water supply systems to equal

that

is The economic infrastructure is there ; it is sound and it ready Minerals are for very substantial expansion . there ready to be exploited and what is already in South African ready terms a very large and very strong export industry , is for a very wide Politically

range

we must

of beneficiation developments . aim at a multi - Party democracy

patterned

on democracy in Europe and North America to give us a natural with which fit an enterprise -driven economy in Government intervention is minimal to produce the that there are in the Western world . "

I

kind

argued that we must move away from the past the State in the economy . I said :

of mixed

economies

over- intervention by

120

" There

has always been over - intervention by the

State

in

the

economy of our country . The economy was manipulated to produce the safeguards needed for apartheid ideals which would and did lead to economic stagnation . The high cost of protection and the un- competitiveness of the economy of course go hand in with hand low levels both of management and labour skill productivity , declining capital productivity and low levels .

Fundamental principles must be adopted as guiding principles . There must be private ownership both of property and of the means of production . There must be freedom for market forces in the economy . There must be minimum State intervention and There must this should only be facilitative and regulatory . economy . There be increased competition in the must be banking commerce , greater partnerships between mining , and industry and government . There

must be a very just

distribution of

income and

wealth ,

and equal opportunities for all in the economy . There must be a dominating pragmatism that deals with inequalities , not as an what end in themselves but as a strategy recognition that nation good is for the individual must also be good for the and its economy . There must of course be the elimination of and gender discrimination and the development of race South Africa's human potential . All the hope that we are entitled to have that we will be able economy to establish a market - driven in which increased productivity and proper management of the fiscus will produce the wealth that we will need to roll back the frontiers of poverty , depends upon us putting our political house in such a way that economic development is possible . "

in order

In talking to Government Officials , I pointed out the need to curb violence if we were going to make progress in negotiations . I said :

" IFP leaders are attacked and brutally slain because they are office bearers in the IFP . They do not die out there in some riot , or battle - field or skirmish . They are sought out where they live and killed in their homes . They are waylaid on ambushed they and routes use in daily life , assassinated . They are gunned down for execution . This about .

in their motor cars . They are sought out is the kind of killing I now want to talk

IFP leaders died in 1985 and two Five 14 died in 1987 , escalation started . and

A

51

in

total

1990.

of

152

This

year already

office bearers

12

And then the in 1986. 17 in 1988 , 50 in 1989 IFP

leaders have died .

of Inkatha Freedom

Party

have

been assassinated , slain , murdered . They number among them 37 chairpersons vice - chairpersons . and 14 Central Committee IFP organisers , publicity secretaries , IFP members , treasurers , have been IFP youth leaders , deputy - treasurers ,

121

brutally youth assassinated . been 19 leaders alone have murdered . They have died very ugly deaths . was One leader stabbed shot , and burnt . 10 died with their throats slit . died Seven in the extremities of pain caused by necklacing . burnt . 54 were simply shot ; others were shot and then Some were shot and then stoned to death . For every Those are IFP leaders who were targeted for death . one IFP leader who has died , something like ten ordinary IFP members have died in violence . We are brutally assaulted and because we we are not brutally assaulted are weak and nobodies . We are brutally assaulted because we are the only organisation capable of standing up to the ANC and black organisation saying no .

How does one normalise relationships in the circumstances we There face? is only one answer and that is to empower the people and let the people at grass root level , at man - in - thestreet level , sort out the who's who of politics and pick up the leaders people want picked up and drop the leaders people do not want . "

In talking to the Premier of the Executive Yuan I said South Africa need to do what Taiwan has done . I said :

that we

in

" It is therefore with emphasis that I say that Taiwan has done Taiwan has swept away what and we want to do . constraints allowed has enabled every single who that which Taiwanese wished to do so , to contribute in his or her small way to your economy . And you have co - ordinated the input of your citizens so that their industry was felt on the world stage . You have provided Africa , and in particular South Africa , with an example to follow and we are here to learn from Taiwan . In a country such as South Africa , where First World and Third World economies co - exist in one country , the First World ideal is a very real one . There is a massive migration away from Urbanisation rural areas and subsistence economies in them . in South Africa is proceeding at something like four per cent per annum as people flock to the cities where they hope to participate

in the

cash economy .

I a pointed out that we are faced with a crises of having the population and a high birth rate amongst the poorest of development to and human that was vital if we are going progress . I said :

large poor make

the reality is that only one out of every ten " In my country , the formal leavers has a chance of finding a job in school add economy . Every year the 90 % of remaining school leavers 40 % . the And unemployment stands at around unemployed . to Urbanisation is Poverty is endemic . The youth have no hope . newly with most occurring at a rate of 4 per cent per annum , urbanised people moving to unserviced urban

slums .

122

The Black population is increasing at a rate of 3 % per annum, the inflating inflating the number of unemployed people and Infant mortality rates , of people living in poverty . number all tell us South Africa is lack of health services , the in growth is Economic have stubborn inflation . We trouble . Government spending is increasing and per capita income zero . Housing , Basic needs are not being satisfied . is decreasing . of provision electricity , the water , health , education , social facilities - all these need urgent sport , employment , This is the Third World reality of my country and attention . is the experience of the 60 % of Black South Africans who live below the poverty There

are

line .

of course other realities

in

South

Africa .

The

many great inequality in the allocation of resources over the years of apartheid led to the situation where White South Africans hold 80 % of all personal wealth in South Africa and fact control the major resources of the country , despite the that they constitute

only 13 %

of the population .

solutions have been advocated as mechanisms primary Two of and The creation . wealth notion redistribution the in has generated impossible expectations redistribution its and But the IFP many minds of Black South Africans .

membership reject this out of hand as redistribution of wealth will only lead to the redistribution of poverty . " I argued as I always argue in the outside world , that simply taking away wealth from the have's and spreading it amongst the have - not's would not help . I argued that the redistribution of wealth must come from the redistribution of opportunity with equality for all to take

advantage

of equal

opportunity .

I

said :

" The IFP advocates rather the redistribution of opportunity . The political objectives of the IFP reflect this need to redistribute opportunity by ensuring the means of production We will be guaranteed to all . argue that opportunity sufficient to satisfy rising expectations does indeed exist . opportunity create We have the infrastructure necessary to within South Africa . Our water and for example are the most advanced

electricity supply systems in Africa . And we have

banking , tele - communication systems and we complex transport , have important fiscal management skills . In addition to the necessary infrastructure we have vast supplies of minerals to And we exploit to enable us to create opportunity for all . have the capacity to develop a strong trade and export sector . Proper development and proper planning could create economic opportunity

for millions of the poorest

of the poor .

I emphasised that the new South African Government would inevitably economy the have to play a role in directing change and managing but and that such intervention is necessary in the market place not role . should result in stripping free enterprise of its I said :

l " Initially an influentia the government will have to play t role in ensuring the establishmen of such an economy becomes possible through an improved performance of existing industry , and a doubling of the industrial base in the shortest possible time .

123

State involvement in the economy has to be limited involvement encourage to establish political and economic structures that and should They also enterprise the creation of wealth . equal ensure generate access to this process for all and devising benefits from it for all . It is important that in State intervention , safeguards against the extension of this interference are guaranteed and strategies used by the State Africa are self- cancelling . is full of bureaucratic monoliths . The State an economic advisory

must play a role in the establishment of council to research and formulate plans

and programmes for long term economic growth and employment consultation with other bodies .

in

development and the in must play a role also State The high-tech capital - intensive competitive a of expansion and growth manufacturing export - led to serve both sector increased domestic

consumption . "

In talking to the Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs , important it was to ensure that the ground was

I stressed how level for all

political parties and that the IFP urgently needed assistance if it going was to assume the importance which its very wide - spread membership dictated that

it

should have .

August , I was invited to a conference of the World League for Freedom and Democracy . I could not personally attend and asked the Honourable Mr S J Mhlungu our Chief Whip to attend the conference on my behalf and deliver a message to it from me . In my address to this conference I emphasised the fact that reform was coming to South Africa because of internal developments and not because there I were revolutionary victors or the colonial or racist vanquished . said that : In

"This South historic Africa , process of internal reform in flowing every from on- the - ground opposition to apartheid in walk of life by people who preferred non-violence to violence , took place at a time when there was a global recognition that far Communism had failed and that negotiated settlements were war preferable to and revolution for the solution of the world's

regional

problems .

collapse idiom The of Communism in East Europe and the of perestroika and glasnost led to a cessation of the exporting its to Africa of war and revolution by the Soviet Union and revolutionaries in a deep quandary left and This allies . that they had to decide to accept the fact Blacks finally they than could do more inside South Africa through non -violence they could do outside South Africa

through violence .

February Mr FW de Klerk's historic 2 1990 address to Parliament in which he announced the unbanning of the ANC and other organisations , and in which he announced his intention to release Dr Nelson Mandela from prison set in motion vast trains of political events which are now just beginning to struggle into settle down a to normalise South African politics so that we can get on with a negotiation programme in which we will finally agree upon a new constitution for the country . "

124

in the world I stress Everywhere great tasks , these are : TASK

I.

establish To opportunity , safeguards

TASK

2.

that the

IFP has

set

itself

for

equality free , non- racial , democratic society with

open , an reconciled

for all people .

To harness the great resources of the country to fight people , poverty , namely : the of enemies real the hunger , disease , ignorance , insecurity , unemployment , homelessness and moral decay .

TASK 3 .

the for country the wealth of the To re -distribute and to establish political and of all people , benefit and encourage enterprise that structures economic will the wealth all governments of the future create need .

TASK 4 .

To ensure the maintenance of a stable , peaceful society happiness , and their which all people can pursue in realise their potential ,

I

stressed

the

apartheid and

importance

without

Black /White

of joint

establish a democracy .

fear or

I

favour .

action

to

end

said :

"We believe that the process of change in South Africa should be one in which Black and White now join to finally eradicate democracy . That apartheid and lay the foundations for a new will be our safeguard against Communism and totalitarianism . We want together as Blacks and Whites to preserve the best that there is in the country while we eradicate apartheid . We want to move forward in consensus , defining what is the best South Africa , So that for we can finally achieve the gaining of objectives the Black struggle for liberation of entry

into the South Africa

we

know but

purged

of racism . "

last In to October year I was invited address a Business International Conference in Frankfurt and I asked The Honourable Minister Without Portfolio Dr F T Mdlalosi to attend the conference focused on and deliver a paper on my behalf . The conference business issues and I found it necessary first to again argue that for changes were irreversible in South Africa to offset ANC cries continued sanctions against this country .

Mr Speaker , " The

Honourable Members , first thing to

say ,

I

said :

of course ,

is

that

change

Africa really is now irreversible and I would like this fact because much of what some other Parties

in South

to dwell on doing , are

Party is being justified by the fear that the ruling National and the South African Government will renege on its now public national and international undertakings to bring about an open democracy .

125

There are still governments in the world which have not lifted sanctions because , they say , the intention to change South Africa which Mr FW de Klerk has signalled are insufficient and they are waiting for the final confirmation of change in the birth of a new democracy before they will lift all punitive measures against South Africa .

the justify who there are still some Africa South the of liberation armies and reserve rights to use retention becoming of instead action politics mass of forcefulness change because politics constituency in immersed totally cy . democra new a really is irreversible and there will be

Inside

what Freedom Party sees South Africa being driven by Inkatha There is amounts to an institutionalised demand for change . ' ' real politik no ng prepari is outside the politics which politik ' towards South Africa for negotiations and heading the country democracy . multi - Party action mass Programmes of new , a all intimidation to make them work - as inevitably requiring action will mass programmes do - are just not necessary and not be tolerated

When

overseas

I

for over long . "

found that it was necessary to

be

positive

and

optimistic and I had to tell the South African story as it actually is . The ANC tries to pass gloomy- doom where ever it goes , because wants the world to back it · the ANC it in preparing for the worst . Of course the ANC does not tell the world that it will be ANC confrontationalism in politics , the retention of their private army and their commitment to mass action programmes rather than to constituency politics which will bring about the destruction of the negotiation process , if that ever takes place .

I

am positive ,

and

I

told the

Business

International

Conference :

thus "We have a situation in which the South African Government itself has committed to change and political have committed themselves to work peacefully to Parties make that change possible . "

The world is still given to understand that the negotiation process get ground . off the I told the Business still not may Internatltional Conference that this is not so and that : "The real political issues now revolve around who should be in the the driving seat of change and it is here that IFP takes a different

stance to the African National

I spoke with confidence because to negotiations . I said :

I

Congress

know that

there

and

its

allies . "

is no alternative

" The South African Government can now do nothing unilaterally . The political base on which its past monolithic powers rested , has already been destroyed . Institutionalised South Africa

126

Government , will not tolerate action by the South African particularly if that unilateral action is retrogressive . The failure of the South African Government to bring about change would also spell doom for through constructive moves forward , it in the white electorate . "

If

we allowed the negotiation process now to gather momentum, and if all political parties began preparing to become just political multi - party parties amongst other political parties , putting a democracy into position I would have no problem with my work in multi - party endeavours . We need the momentum . I agreed that there defuse were right -wing backlashes , but it is progress that will right -wing backlashes .

" On

I

said :

the other hand ,

powerful

moves

forward in which all

the

major Parties co - operate will defuse right - wing fear and give no evidence that Whites are wrong in believing there can be dealing with black political forces in an open democracy . "

Of course ,

whenever I am overseas I have to argue the need to look at economics as much as we are looking at politics to bring about a politics I constantly have to argue that and just society . fair Business the told I are two sides of one coin . economics and International Conference : " The IFP also perceives the need for a future democracy to on rest a market -driven economy . We believe that a future rigorous government ensuring should in be that its interventionist the action that is goal - orientated and intervention will cease when goals are reached . There will have to be one or another degree of mix . that mix in the economy is going to be . "

The question

is what

I also have to deal with the consequences of irresponsible ANC talk about economic matters . The world just does not know what to think day of the ANC . It breathes hot and cold and says one thing one and another thing the next day , about a free enterprise system for about South Africa , the redistribution of wealth about the extent honouring of foreign debts and about the of government intervention

in the

I have to make the political victories

economy which they

favour .

outside world understand that unless terms meaningful to people in of

standards of living for them , no democracy will founded we make it to begin with . I said :

last ,

we make increased

however well-

" If we do not redistribute wealth , no government will stand for any length of time . Spreading mass poverty always is the mortal enemy of democracy . We already have common cause that this is the case . What one does about it , of course , gives rise to contentious issues .

Any

political

Party

in government

after apartheid

and

all

political Parties in a coalition government or better still , a government of national unity , will face the political reality

127

take that there is just not enough wealth in the country to from the haves and to give to the have - nots to make them have -nots satisfied . You cannot buy the satisfaction of the with all

the wealth that

there

is amongst

the haves .

There is also , I believe , very substantial agreement that the redistribution of wealth must not lead to the destruction of the productive capacity of the economy . We are very very , fortunate that our day of liberation is coming at a time in which there is international recognition that State ownership of all

the

means

of production spells out disaster .

There is no major player in South Africa that is any longer economy Socialist talking about a State -controlled in a system . Market forces will have to operate and free enterprise will have to be the dominant driver in economic progress . "

There is another matter which I find I have constantly to correct . The world often looks at South Africa and asks whether the ANC is doing what is right for the country , because they believe that that is what the ANC is attempting to do . They see some noble struggle taking place in which the ANC is trying to produce a South Africa which the world wants . They do not see the ANC , and indeed the government , playing power stake games which they both know are inescapable . I told the Businessmen at the

Frankfurt

in the midst

of negotiations

Conference :

real threat to the whole negotiation process is " The to be found The IFP sees in the desire for political power . the ideal form as being one in which the majority that does a government after apartheid , is a multi - Party majority . We do not use the term ' government of national unity because that implies some kind of arrangement by political

Parties . "

in about what I have said and what I have done speaking In the the outside world to bring support for the negotiation process and comment and pause now must I , Africa South of economic development the accepting and by Dr Kenneth Kaunda aside standing the on which results which established multi - partyism in Zambia election I have always had Chiluba replacing him as President . led to Mr. and Africa of deepest for Dr Kaunda as a true son respect the His role in Africa will be noted by every friend of South Africa . colossus down through the centuries as being an African historian . today statemen and one of Africa's most venerated elder

When this

I heard that he had is what I said :

Dr Kenneth Kaunda c/o State House LUSAKA . ZAMBIA

lost the

elections ,

I wrote to

him

and

7th November 1991

Ref :

4455

128

FAX VIA PROTOCOL DESK

:

092601-252867

To our father of African politics ,

What is there to say? We all say we love you What can I say? You will forever go down in the annals of African history KK . as a great man , a great true son of Africa .

Statesman ,

a

feeling human being and à

I, who have known you and loved you , have something to say to my friends when they ask why I think you went ahead with an election when you ought to have known what the outcome would They be . ask why you did not retire from politics save to yourself this pain of electoral all wrong .

rejection .

I say no ,

they are

You saw the need for movement away from single party political democracies or you multi - party systems to would not have permitted an election to take place . I say to my friends that Zambian thing . you saw the need of Africa . It wasn't a as and Mother Africa is calling for new things in politics always you were

in the

forefront

of what

is good

for Africa .

I say to my friends that nothing could have been more valuable to Africa than what you did . You showed great leaders that great leaders can stand aside and allow a new generation of leadership to take over . In fighting an election which you of lost , you gave messages of hope to millions upon millions and change sons daughters of Africa who want things to and hands . own their forces of change into the take to want their of land gn the in soverei be to Democracy empowers people

You allowed your children to grow up and to make their birth . be to and mistakes own their decisions , make to own responsible

for their own triumphs .

It would have been an easy option to retire gracefully at the end of a very illustrious political career . It would have been easy to be sung out of office . You chose the hard road go to walk . You went there ahead alone where only you could and with an epoch - making gesture of faith in your countrymen , you admitted electoral defeat and wished your successor well . That is the Kenneth Kaunda we know - a man and human being before being a politician .

and I now say These things I say to my friends and more , to you that we cannot experience the awesome aloneness the of you took and recent the turn of events in the decisions election . However you rose to meet the historic challenge of permitting an election in which somebody else would obtain a mandate to form a government , you must have hurt and hurt and hurt

again deep

inside where

nobody can see .

It is my fervent hope that when you have had the time you need for yourself that you will come forth out of where you went to be in Africa with us and to take up the cause of Africa as a senior Statesman of very rare distinction .

129

Africa needs you . South Africa certainly needs you in Africa . You as politics could stand up for democracy and decency in if any ,, few others , Your integrity , your humility , could . if insight deep Christian convictions and your penetrating your into the ways of man and society simply cannot be lost to us . you it for me to make even one suggestion about what be Far to All I know is that we need you and ask you to do . ought South of future When I look at the give of yourself . us am happen . I once at for what may am I afraid Africa South Africa's final victory over racism that confident and of minority government will be a victory for the whole white I Southern Africa and at the same time I fear for the future . because not many countries in Africa have been able fear to racism over the struggle after political victories continue and colonialism and to grapple with the real issues of destiny and what to do about them . - poverty , ignorance and disease

do How we make South Africa's victory over apartheid and finally over violence and revolution and war , a victory for people So that they may know that politics does fill empty bellies? How do we so manage our victory over apartheid in country this that what happens here is epoch - making for the whole of Southern Africa and Central Africa beyond? How do we go

about

fulfilling my

life - long dream of living

to

see the vast economic backbone running down from Zaire through and Zambian mineral deposits , through Zimbabwe and Botswana , Cape African mineral deposits right down to through South African reality How can Town? we make this economic backbone the which millions upon millions need

do the How together in things that ordinary man

it to be?

Africa countries of Southern and Central one huge sub- continental onslaught against make the ordinary peasant and worker and and woman lead

lives

get the the

of misery and pain?

How do we make the whole of Southern Africa and Central Africa as flourish one vast region to do more than what Japan did what the war , more than what Taiwan did and more than after South Korea did after the Korean war? How do we raise up and daughters of Africa to go forth into the new world which you have launched Zambia with the election that

sons into you

permitted?

only is a letter of love and appreciation and I letter This them? the questions I ask because of whom else can I ask ask to When there is a new government after apartheid I will see have you that you are honoured in South Africa for what it Right now been , what you are and what you will still become . I

can only say what

I have

said and mean every word of

it .

May God really guide you and may He really keep you and may He uphold you in this time of the greatest ever testing of your strength . With my deepest

respect

MANGOSUTHU G BUTHELEZI

and affection ,

130

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I think it would be appropriate if Dr this House could pass a resolution expressing appreciation for seen I have contribution to the development of Africa . Kaunda's him and I look forward to him regularly down through the decades , his own unique contribution to the development of democracy making Conference Only two weeks ago , I addressed a South Africa . in Democracy the Multi - Party in for by Institute organised Johannesburg , Kaunda and I had the privilege of again meeting Dr who had accepted an invitiation to address

the

same

Conference .

should know what I said Mr Speaker , Honourable Members I believe , There is an ongoing development of South Africa's Kaunda . to Dr. and I believe that KwaZulu will now be able to come into its image We own as a contributor to a better understanding of South Africa . must send missions into Africa and we must realise that the day for South African involvement in the OAU cannot now be very far off . When I met

Dr Kaunda

this

is the message

I

conveyed to him :

that I would first like to express my great joy " Dr Kaunda , you have come to South Africa to participate in deliberations vastness your of The a future democracy . regarding here

experience , and the integrity of your political beneficial to all those who are sure , be am heads

together to talk about

acumen will , I putting their

the new South Africa .

It is part of the excitement of today that world leaders like so who you and who are so implacably opposed to apartheid , this to apartheid in here opposition staunchly supported country participate in to can to South Africa now come discussions we as such here are having those this at Conference .

You, Dr Kaunda , will go down in history as having made one of the bold the in Africa to prepare moves for twenty - first century . I believe your decision to introduce multi - partyism Zambia , and to your subsequent acceptance of the election outcome , will yet be recognised as the prophetic act that it was . We are honoured , Sir , that you have come to share your experience with us . Our circumstances are very difficult and our ideals which are very high , are under threat . To have an elder statesman of Africa , such as yourself , showing the interest that you show in our struggle

to establish democracy

is gratifying

indeed .

In looking at South Africa with you , Sir , I want to start off the by making the statement that there is a need to see that final achievement of democracy is the important thing and not achievement its by any one particular route . I say this right now, is , because there the danger that unrealistic expectations that negotiations will succeed and that we will have to a transitionary situation in nine months leading a fully fledged democracy soon after ,

will

confound matters .

remark , There is always a danger when drawing parallels . I however , that final Zambian independence only came after a failed Central African Federation and that the Lancaster House long Conference which set up the independence of Zimbabwe was in the making through a number of failed attempts .

131

Tragically,

there

is

the

need for

this

warning .

I

say

tragically because it is not pre - ordained that negotiations leading to an open multi -party race - free democracy will have to run a tortuous course . There is an astonishing upwelling groups , wanting race of South African goodwill across all South African political parties to get on with establishing the democracy in this country that the whole world is waiting for .

There is even, I believe , world wide consensus that we should have a multi -party democracy resting on the free enterprise system with only really necessary government intervention . There agreement is that we should have a small efficient government at the national level with massive devolved power downwards towards second and third tier levels of government . There is very substantial agreement across all race groups and across all shades of political opinion need we an that entrenched Bill of Rights in the Constitution . There is agreement that a universal adult franchise system of voting should incorporate the principles of proportionality when it deciding to comes who will govern and will who form the executive of the government .

We are , in short , poised as a country to service the land of our birth under the guidance of a government of national unity . The political field is open to negotiations aimed at maximising constitutional and political stability so that we get can on with the process of the kind of economic reform ordinary that will make political victories to meaningful people in terms of increased standards of living for them . fact With all this going for us , and against the additional industrialised that South Africa is the most country in Africa , with economic well founded infra - structures , well developed road , developed systems , and harbour rail well electricity and water supply systems and an efficient communications system , it is tragic that one still has to caution road to constitutional democracy that the may yet prove very difficult . Ever since Mr de Klerk made his now famous February 2 address to Parliament , I have been arguing very strongly that we must South Africa's race groups during the reconcile process of negotiating a new democracy into being if we want to succeed . democracy must We develop a national will to establish and make it work .

I therefore argued strongly against winner takes all politics . South Africa is a divided society , and it is a plural society . separate We will not be able to get rid of the divisions that us from democratic success until we recognise the plurality of not Party South African society . I do repeat National propaganda that South Africa is a country of minorities . I do , however , argue that South African minorities are real and democracy have to find a way of producing a they will that all - or- nothing will work . Winner takes all politics in political

battles will not help us

find the way .

132

We

must negotiate a new South Africa into

existence .

majeur politics by vast majorities will not succeed . first thing I say we must do , is to ensure that country's minority parties are joint participants

Force The very all in

the the

political process and the negotiation process through which we are going to establish a new democratic order . CODESA has risen out of the South African climate of opinion democracy the for this country that you and wanting , Sir , other international statesmen want for us . CODESA followed on national peace the moves which originated in the State year President's Conference on Violence and Intimidation last and culminated in the signing of the National Peace Accord on the

14th September ,

1991 .

of CODESA is therefore legitimised as an outcome important South African moves to make society amenable to the negotiation process which will establish a new democracy . I fully do not CODESA's legitimacy . The IFP was question involved in setting it up and is now fully involved in its however , We are , workings . compelled by our commitment to make CODESA work to caution against have misgivings .

some things

about which we

CODESA will survive or fall on the extent to which it remains rooted in consensus politics . I make a second statement . The outcome of work in CODESA will hinge on the extent to which its findings and recommendations find common acceptance across virtually the total South African political spectrum . Right now CODESA is insufficiently representative of South African political opinion in thinking about

to justify the pace real negotiations .

it

is setting

for

itself

I pause , Dr Kaunda , to emphasise that we must get the change process and constitution making right the first time . We are living in a golden moment of history and astonishingly we , South Africans , are capable of crossing party lines and colour to lines come golden together to take advantage this of moment . If negotiations went wrong and established a government in to democratic dispensation which could not stand , I shudder think of the consequences . Below the South African willingness to reach compromise solutions and to meet across party political differences , there are harsh realities which are there as consequences of nearly a century of racist rule following two centuries of colonialism . There are the harsh realities which are the consequence of the draconian measures which successive National Party governments employed to smash democracy . There are also the harsh realities which are there as the consequences of revolutionary thinking and practice . Everywhere black in South Africa there is a sub -strata of and anger . intolerance Black South African society has been ripped violence . apart by black on black The cult of intolerance reality which now prevails in so many areas is a which we have to face .

time If we do not get our Constitution making right the first our failing will unleash very ugly consequences and I do not

133

know how long it will take for us to sufficiently recover from failure before we can think of coming together again in circumstances which are as conducive as we now have . my I make these observations to stress the real importance of statement that we must not allow CODESA to fail . It will fail put to we if rush headlong into the future without pausing Dr with met is I CODESA . in wrong which that right My Treurnicht and some of his Conservative Party colleagues .

colleagues have met with other political leaders from the left the political domains now excluded from the right from and no is We have argued with them that there work of CODESA . a of for them and their followers outside future political Comulti - party by which be established only can future operation . On the other hand I warned CODESA that it cannot succeed if it proceeds without the Conservative Party and the AWB from the right , or if it procedes without the PAC and AZAPO from the left .

in South violence I have also warned that the levels of excessi society h be to continu i African g h vely e process is The whole negotia high in fact . prohibi tion tively disrupt is which ransom by the violenc to hel being d ing e and s o We do not have the minimum degree politic . tabilit f s y to process for the negotia necessa normali politic tion ry ty al succeed . There

is between also not the acting out of normal practice ants icip t y part l join ssar be to ies them for tica nece part poli The IFP and the ANC have not in a common negotiation process . January we the sign to since met when 1991 again met Those agreements agreements and accords that we did come to . accords still remain disrupted by the action of the and ANC the and President following Letter to the State Open its consequences of that Letter .

The the ANC adamantly refused to meet with us right through Peace process which culminated in the signing of the National Peace Accord on the 14th September last year . into We went the Preparatory Committee which set up CODESA not having yet met . The ANC We participated in CODESA not having yet met . has accepted in principle that we need to meet again in the same 1991 , when way as we met on the 29th of January the President of the ANC led his National Executive members of the Central Committee of the IFP .

and when

I

led

the clearly , political all Quite ground must be level for to going multi - party democratic discussions are if players party Violence by one party against another become fruitful . progress are not going to see any real We in cease . must parties this political country unless all in negotiations aside You cannot put violence really do put violence aside . maintain a private political army . That is what the ANC and weSizwe doing its as Umkhonto is refusing to disband in military wing . Nor can we hope to proceed with any degree of the CP , more and if like parties political success particularly like the AWB , continue to encourage the evolution of an Afrikaaner revolutionary idiom in what they are doing .

134

The ANC's accusation that the IFP is surviving only because it has army and police trained assassination squads and military and are para -military units is vile . Those accusations totally unfounded . At no stage has the IFP ever turned to actions . military or violent In spreading mass violence members of all political parties are drawn into violence . But made we have never as an organisation and at leadership level a decision We

to set

up

assassination

squads

or military wings .

cannot do as the ANC is doing - maintain a

private

army ,

continue training military personnel , continue holding caches of arms and ammunition scattered around the length and breadth military country and blame the IFP as surviving on of the action and at the same time pretend to want to normalise relationships

and work

in concert

in CODESA .

is good , in It I think , that we will now see who leads who white society . hold The pause by Mr FW de Klerk to a Referendum to see whether he has a mandate to do what he is doing from the people who elected him into office could yet well

prove to be constructive .

We need more pausing to CODESA process .

settle more

issues which threaten

the

have already We talked about the need to make CODESA more and the need to normalise politics to representative make a ve I know that I cannot touch on all representati CODESA work . the important issues we face in South African politics but , Dr Kaunda , must go on to argue for the need to pause and take I stock of what

is happening

in CODESA .

We went to the Preparatory Committee at the end of November to attend a Multi - Party Conference to talk about how to structure we negotiations and about the negotiation structures would to need succeed . The was Preparatory Conference So astonishing to possible

in the extent to which political parties found it whole talk to each other that the process was

unduly hastened up . The and

Preparatory Conference actually turned itself into CODESA CODESA immediately turned it into a Constitutional Negotiation Forum . In a matter of two days CODESA rushed into endorsing a Declaration of Intent and Terms of Reference for carry five Work Groups and then setting up the structures to on .

had We of our the courage convictions to question this headlong rush into the future . We questioned the Declaration of Intent and some of the Terms of Reference and we are now questioning mission that CODESA the sees itself as having . We argue that the negotiation process must be one which in go to the negotiating table to negotiate debate and the terms of mandates with which they went and then to frequently return to the constituencies from whom they got the mandates to seek confirmation that what they were doing was le ptab acce . parties within

135

Here now ,

I want to pause and say that this is not possible right and this alone could cause us to slow down the CODESA There just is too much violence for CODESA to process . continue at

its present rate

of development .

Politically , importantly , in danger we face the more and that black CODESA which have a parties some because constituency a white have parties which some agree with constituency , is black/white there that believe people that That is to ignore a issues . agreement important on There to be all inclusive . Constitution has , by its nature , is failure to appreciate the need feature of a Constitution . This

is

particularly

for universality

dangerous when the

whole

as the main

world

sees

ANC/SAG-NP agreement being of paramount importance because the and world assumes the government and the ANC talk for blacks needs to sell political party , Each I argue , whites . its de Mr political thinking to every race group in this country . cannot even put his foot in black society to argue Klerk the merits of what he is doing . Whereas the ANC can put its foot in white certainly not in the position to gather support to

any significant

it is most society , constituency white

degree .

terms , I look at the harsh reality that in membership viewed both the National against the total South African population , Party and the ANC are

insufficiently representative .

only on very rare Even a major party in a settled democracy occasions actually speaks for the majority of the people . The distinction between a dominant membership based party , and the majority of the people of a country , needs to be made in the circumstances we face . There

is

too much party politics ,

and there

is

too

little

for us to be reaping the benefits that constituency politics African from the existence of South reap to we should be able There are no prospects whatsoever of South Africa goodwill . would The whole country slipping back to apartheid society . Resistance would be go up in smoke before that could happen . There is only one way to go and that is prohibitively strong . forward - towards a multi - party democracy .

We urgently need confidence and success so that we can make a on start economic recovery and in parallel endeavours to African society . for afford reconstitute South We cannot CODESA to rush ahead beyond the mandate of its participating The best way parties . We cannot afford for CODESA to fail . hasten the negotiation process is for us to pause to to now put CODESA on track .

Dr when I wrote to Honourable Members , Speaker , Mr of course , Mr Chiluba to election defeat , I also wrote his after Kaunda of The following are excerpts congratulating him on his victory . my letter to Mr. Chiluba , dated 7th November 1991 :

136

"I write to congratulate you on your historic victory in the recent election in Zambia . Zambia is very important in Africa and

it most

certainly

is very important

to South Africa .

I am quite convinced that Zambia and South Africa are going to form a formidable team to put the whole of Southern Africa on the international economic map . "

And : " Right through my political career , I have been deeply aware forces that the balkanisation of Southern Africa by colonial has continued to have a terribly detrimental effect on the quality of life for many millions of people in Southern and Central Africa because there has been apartheid , not put Southern Africa together .

and we

could

Now that our day of liberation is in sight and now that we can be quite sure that apartheid is going to be eradicated and a multi - party democracy is going to be established in South Africa , we must turn our minds to what we here can do for and with the whole of Southern and Central Africa . Together

I am quite sure that the States Southern of and Central Africa can combine to do a lot more could be summed up in the total of what they would all do separately . There are preferential trade pacts to arrange ; there are currency deals to be put together . There is international financing to be arranged and to be facilitated by the strength of the whole of Southern Africa acting as one economic block . There is the technology spread of relationships and deeply symbiotic between Southern and Central African States to establish . "

Mr

Speaker ,

Honourable

Members ,

I return to what

I

said

abroad

about South Africa . I am presenting the details of what I said , Mr Speaker , because it is vital that Members of this House have the opportunity of making an input into the kind of things I say . I do go not overseas to advance my own image and I often stress how important it is that I do not have the luxury of expressing personal

opinions .

on and Africa say abroad I say on behalf of Black South I What I tell the world what Black South Africa wants behalf of KwaZulu . convey I Black wants . KwaZulu what world the tell I and Being a democrat I have to come back to perspectives to the world . to make quite sure that with those who support me at home , check they approve

of what

I

did while

I was

abroad .

In November I undertook a trip to Switzerland , Belgium and Germany . In Switzerland I addressed a Conference at St. Gallen in Zurich on Road the theme " The Ahead for South Africa and the Role of Political Parties and the Influence of Economics " .

In my opening

statement

I

said that :

137

I

"When

look at the

issues we

face

in South

Africa

in

the

am immediately aware that context of South Africa in Africa , There a third partner in anything that we do must be the EEC . can be no real developments in South and Southern Africa which can take place quite outside European influences and in - puts . " I

pointed out that there would be no solution for South Africa if I as sufficient unto regarded ourselves living in an island we itself . I pointed out that :

"NO country in the whole of Southern and Central Africa has completed its liberation a course because there was balkanisation Southern Africa and colonial of strangleholds of put over what should have been sub- continental wide drifts events and circumstances . The

struggle

for liberation finally means

poverty , ignorance A independence .

a struggle

against

or disease once you have achieved political a have they if free be cannot people

sovereign government that cannot govern for the benefit of the its because that sovereign government is hamstrung by people disadvantages . and continental sub- continental location or The final sovereign freedom of governments international contexts . "

As

always ,

political University :

to development economic I told the and progress .

link I stability

is

only achieved in

of the prospects the Conference at

" I look at Africa and I see the political atrocities that have occurred , and I say to myself that no one can lay blame where the mortal enemy of spreading mass poverty emerged as democracy and good intentioned governments never had a chance of success because they did not have the means to govern for the benefit of the people . Spreading mass

poverty will destroy the very best

that we

can

possibly do in introducing a new constitution and establishing politics For me economics and a democracy in South Africa . are but two sides

of a

single

coin . "

When I am abroad I always try to put the political clashes which I have with the ANC in perspective . In Zurich , during this trip , I said :

one the political clashes which I have with the ANC on "The hand , other the South African Government on the and hand to the basic positions that I have been pointing to in relate a establish to The ANC wants have thus far said . I what It strong , simple majoritarian government which it will lead . African to entrench winner - takes - all politics in South seeks It wants to fight all - or - nothing political battles politics . so that it can finally hope to emerge as a government returned Dr Mandela does indeed talk about the ANC as exile . from government - in - waiting . "

138

Honourable Members , We also these days , must be very Mr Speaker , aware of the need that there is to make the world understand that unfettered majoritarianism in politics in plural societies does not ultimately and work can only be maintained by coercion in government action .

I am constantly astounded that the whole world cannot see the truth of this statement in the events of what used to be the USSR and East Europe . No more powerful attempt could have been made than to force total conformity on diverse populations than was the case in which lay Union and East Europe . The awesome power the Soviet Soviet State was just not enough to behind the secure long - term success .

We understand face the difficult task of having to make the world that the new we must somehow combine South African diversity in democracy we are going to establish , but we just cannot do so by establishing

a powerful

central

government which will be

to deal with South African diversity as

it

sees

expected

fit .

of There will be no prospects of lasting peace and the development democracy to releave dealing with minorities and ethnicity until We must build the necessary after a new government is in position . safeguards

for minority rights

In Switzerland

I

into the new constitution .

said :

"We dare not make the blunder of discounting the ethnic factor African political totally the South situation . am in I with opposed to racism and I will have nothing to do any which constitution which uses race as a guiding principle or rests on racial

cornerstones

or uses racial

building blocks .

I would have nothing to do with the Tricameral Parliament because it was racist in nature . I vehemently campaigned Nothing against racist . the homeland policy because it was short of total equality before the law and the constitution will suffice . South Africa's voters ' rolls of the future must be completely race free . There must indeed , I say , not even be a legal and constitutional definition of race . The law and man , the courts must know no such thing as a black a white man ,

an Indian man

or a Coloured man .

Idioms and ways of doing this and Cultures do exist , however . of different slants giving rise to views world different is Regionalism . cultures different in exist do , perception Africa The idiom of democracy in South as a reality . there utilisation be an idiom tolerant of differences and the must of differences to make power out

of heterogeneity . "

The of theme of the Conference demanded that I emphasise the role business in changing South Africa . absolutely I said that it was vital for the democratic future of the country for us to get the South African economy of the country working and productive . I said :

139

- bringing means in this doing two things " Unquestionably management the and investment with the technology capital productivity and and increasing that come with it , skills matters economic , the management of in efficiency general to access gaining and developments benefication for in going international markets . "

I outlined the general principles under which the its economic policy . I said :

principles under which the general " The economic policy will be : 1.

IFP

will

IFP will

shape

shape

its

2. 3. 4.

private ownership of property and the means of production ; allowing market forces freedom in the economy ; minimum intervention in the economy by the State ; role in the economy to be the State's facilitative and

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10 .

regulatory ; the promotion of competition in the economy ; the recognition of interdependence in all decision - making ; just distributions of income and wealth ; equal opportunity for all participants in the economy ; pragmatism in dealing with inequalities and imbalances ; the elimination of race and gender discrimination in the

11 .

And I

economy ; development the Africans . "

added ,

in talking

generating benefits

of

about

for the

the

human potential

of

all

South

increasing economic productivity and

masses

in South Africa ,

that :

" At all costs , the IFP believes that we must avoid theoretical rarification economic policy . in We must be flexible and highly pragmatic .

We

must

start off with existing productive

sectors of the economy and we must bring about greater interim economic stability by conducting information campaigns designed to reduce unrealistic expectations , introduce mass income job creation schemes , give material subsistence urgently attention to the more desperate areas of basic need , training commence with large - scale education and skills programmes necessary to sustain growth and finally , establish an economic planning body to plan for the next stages of each implementation strategy . "

Always , I find myself having to argue that there is danger in some tendencies towards socialism amongst some South African political parties . I said : "We do not believe that this kind of economic policy will flow policy from any one - party State . It is the kind of economic can which will only naturally go hand in hand with what one perhaps

call Western- style multi - party democracies . "

From Switzerland I went to Brussels where I addressed journalists , businessmen the and opinion makers , audiences of Chamber of Commerce , and a former Vice - First Minister and Minister of Justice of the Liberal Party .

140

has always been part of Scandinavia which solidly has the ANC and which has been most stringent in their support of the punitive isolation of South Africa . On this trip I found an altogether changed attitude towards South Africa in Belgium . I believe that KwaZulu can gain a great deal by developing as many links as possible with Belgium and particularly with big business in Belgium . Belgium

backed

News

was fortunate I found real interest and went Wherever in Verbeke , an is who Mr of home the at businessmen meeting who has made investments in industrialist of considerable stature , must not under - estimate the importance of linking We KwaZulu . up connections with business who have abroad industrialists with KwaZulu .

I was very fortunate on this Belgium trip to have had Dr. Marius Spies ahead go of me to prepare the way for discussions with businessmen and investors . KFC has been superb in its performance selling in investment viable KwaZulu as a place where there are

opportunities .

Mr Speaker Honourable Members , most of us in this House have been We have been here in order to in opposition politics a long time . We have been here to destroy the South African apartheid . oppose keep have policy . homeland to a here been We d homelan Government's resistance base intact .

Russia with massive backing from very best that the ANC did , The of did not clear one square meter its allies which they had , and not There was Affrican territory of SADF and SAP control . South The ANC had no bases from which one liberated zone in the country . . Africa to operate inside South

Frelimo would never have won had they not had liberated areas Mocambique . inside The MPLA and UNITA would not have won had they would not not had liberated zones from which to operate . There victories Mocambique Angola adjoining and if have been in with territories had not provided Frelimo , the MPLA and UNITA to open up could be used as springboards military bases which then liberated zones and then to service the activity which was conducted from them . Robert Mugabe would not have won if he had not had adjacent

Zambian bases

from which to

operate .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , opened up a base We in this House , and resistance for the only kind of fight which could have won of racism in the end did win - the fight against apartheid and which here on - the - ground in South Africa , using multi - strategy approaches other resistance and each organisation which political in one were you the to roles complementary played organisations playing .

141

It was KwaZulu and finally KwaZulu the South African Government's

which actually broke alone , homeland policy and made

up it

impossible for Mr Voster and then Mr Botha to achieve the objective of establishing a Confederation of Southern African States .

Had

KwaZulu

opted to join

Transkei ,

Bophuthatswana ,

and

Venda

Ciskei by accepting Pretoria's offer of so - called independence , socalled independence would have become real independence our and joining the scheme of things would have made the pursuit of a Confederation of Southern African States a

' real politik .

Honourable Members , had we and had the Zulu people not Mr Speaker , that principled and had we not retained our deep conviction been end , we what we were doing was right and that we would win in the have dumped the ANC and gone for independence and achieved a would very dominant role in a Confederation of Southern African States .

It laid

I have never said that before , but that is the reality of it . our refusal to betray the struggle for liberation which was

the foundations for the victory which is now being won . Dr Mandela knows this , and Mr de Klerk knows this . What Mr de Klerk is now doing became possible because we prepared the way of negotiation .

for the politics

Honourable Members , a rage starts to rise in me when I Mr Speaker , we did for just on two decades to bring about today's what think of which now, in the hour of South Africa's glory we and politics spurned is Majesty His KwaZulu is spurned and helped to establish , and we are not even permitted entry into the negotiating chambers .

A rage rises in me when I think that during the last two years , us ANC continues its attempts to lord it over us and to treat small boys

the as

in politics .

Mr Speaker , I was utterly outraged in October Honourable Members , the in presence the ANC effectively blocked my when year last The ANC proceedings of the meetings of the Commonwealth in Harare . and They went and PAC were invited to address the Commonwealth . they did

This

has

so but the ANC blocked me

been

from doing

going on ever since

so .

Inkatha was

formed

in

1975 .

Everywhere in the world , the ANC did whatever they could do to stop visiting me Heads freely of State and travelling abroad . For years , everywhere I went , the ANC would go ahead and organise antiapartheid groups to demonstrate against me and to say the most despicable things about me , about Inkatha IFP and particularly about KwaZulu .

" Homeland politics " was dragged through the middens , spat upon , and the upon ' I take unprecedented step of using words like ' shat because It did , course , that is actually what took place . of not mostly succeed . Every year during my political life I have the been abroad and seen the most powerful Heads of State in world . Every year my senior lieutenants have been abroad and they too have

seen powerful

leaders

in many ,

many

countries .

142

with no offices to represent us With nothing , with no resources , and with no roving ambassadors , we maintained a presence in Africa , Europe , North America and the Far East . The worst that the ANC did to block us actually failed .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , despite the worst that the ANC did , I received invitations from Heads of State in Europe , North America and Africa . I was even invited to Moscow but the ANC managed to block my trip to Russia .

Despite the worst that was done by the ANC , Inkatha became known and every editor in every population in every country knew who we were and what we were doing . Inkatha's name and my name became a household name in the countries of the world . But the damage was done .

I When Dr Mandela was released from jail and the ANC was unbanned , magnanimously thought that these things would then end . I wrote to Dr Mandela , congratulating him on his release , and even held a mass Almighty the for Dr Prayer Rally in Durban giving thanks to Mandela's release . In a Rally which he held in Durban , Dr Mandela to paid tribute what I had done to gain his release . In the he meeting between the ANC Executive and IFP Central Committee , explicity stated to everybody there that he appreciated what I had to done to gain his release , and he appreciated what we had done oppose apartheid and the Homeland policy .

was of course there Members , then Honourable Speaker , Mr the we foot of what we agreed to in Durban when under trampling met the ANC , when in April the ANC published its Open Letter with to the in been have could which bond any smashing the State President process of being developed . A hideous psychological war against the the again declared and then there was the stepping up of was IFP killing

of

IFP

office

bearers .

It was in this resurgence of hate for the IFP and the resurgence of action against the IFP , that I was told that the ANC had violent blocked meeting . me from attending the Harare Commonwealth Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , this House must know what the ANC has and done to denigrate me and to call everyone of you here lackies traitors cause struggle sell outs and to the of the .

and I always hear what goes on . I have friends in important places When I heard that I had been blocked , I I know that I was blocked . over Babangida who would be presiding wrote to General Ibraham B. John Mr to wrote and I also Meeting in Harare , Commonwealth the Kenneth Dr to of Great Britain and Minister Major , Prime the Kaunda ,

then

Mr Speaker ,

President

of

Zambia .

Honourable Members ,

these

are the

letters that

I wrote :

143

10th October 1991

General Ibrahim B Babangida President Commander - in - Chief

Ref :

4409

Armed Forces of Nigeria State House

Lagos Nigeria Mr President , Mr President , I am writing to you as a matter of some urgency about the Commonwealth invitation to the Presidents of the ANC and PAC to address members of the Commonwealth in Harare next week . My

discussions with General Olusegun Obasanjo and more recently with General Mahommed have encouraged me to take this step of writing to you . Nigeria is powerful in Africa and in the Commonwealth and the interest that you , Mr President , are displaying normalising to assist in the process of between anti - apartheid political Parties and relationships between organisations in South Africa , is very welcome . It is my hope this interest of yours , that Mr President , will lead you to intervene successfully in the matter I am writing about . It really is vitally important for internal political reasons that the ANC and the PAC are not selectively endorsed by the Commonwealth to the exclusion of Inkatha Freedom Party .

only invitation yesterday I heard about the and it is therefore with some haste that I have to act . I do not even know whether this letter will reach you before you leave for Harare . I will in any event send a copy of this letter to your diplomatic mission in Harare .

The exclusion of Inkatha Freedom Party from the Commonwealth to endorsement amounts its participation in South African For the years that the ANC and PAC were in Party politics . exile and were given observer status by the United Nations and the OAU , I made no objections to their privileged position . The situation is , however , now very different . They are not The exile . are banned . in Their organisations not foundations of apartheid have been broken up and we are busy The dismantling the last of it and throwing its pieces away . continued selective endorsement of the ANC and PAC is now quite

inappropriate .

Mandela , myself are , Mr FW Dr Nelson de Klerk and by widespread agreement , the three major actors in the unfolding South African drama of burying apartheid and raising up a new historically The PAC democratic South Africa . is and sentimentally important and they must have a role to play in the creation of a new South Africa , but to include the PAC in very a Commonwealth endorsement and to exclude the IFP is PAC been wrong . The is a small Party and has not even a participant in the peace process Peace Accord .

and did not

sign the National

144

there are There is in South Africa no Party suing for peace , vanquished victors and there are There should only be no no . interests leaders and Parties who are putting the of the country first and who are seeking to establish a multi - Party democracy in such a way that reconciliation comes during the transitionary process . If we become cannot reconciled sufficiently to normalise political relationships between South African political Parties , we will not get very the road towards a multi - Party democracy . We need a of assured

multi - Party democracy in which every freedom to campaign for support and

far down

Party is fight to

elections if the warring factions in South African society are to be brought together in peace . We will also need mechanisms between of reconciliation race groups if we are going to establishing democracy . succeed in a multi - Party If the Commonwealth it will add

endorses one political alliance in South Africa to the many already difficulties which have

mounted up to produce

problems

of

considerable magnitude .

The ANC has a democratic right to pursue policies and to adopt tactics and strategies of its choice but the IFP has the same right . The selective invitation to Dr Mandela and Mr Makwetu on unfair to address members of the Commonwealth is in fact Commonwealth countries . Commonwealth countries need to hear PAC IFP perspectives as much as they need to hear ANC and perspectives .

to President vein written letters in similar also have I lobby Kenneth Kaunda and to Mr John Major in the hope that a the to invited am that I ensure to set up be could do So, it to now meeting late too is it If . Commonwealth assist nt could , Mr Preside would be my sincere hope that you , by raising the matter at a suitable point on the agenda . I

feel

particularly strongly about

this

issue ,

Mr President ,

I because South Africa should be at the Commonwealth meeting . Africa experienced great anger when Dr Verwoerd removed South right be the I believe , It would, the Commonwealth . from

thing in this interim phase of South Africa's development , for Party's the Commonwealth to hear Inkatha Freedom of members believe on South African politics and the role that we views South Africa

should play in Africa

and

in the Commonwealth .

we We will need the power of Nigeria in Southern Africa after have eradicated apartheid and we are re - constituting economic and political ties in the sub - continent . I wish you well in deliberations , your Mr President , and I look forward to the outcome of your

inputs to the

I have the honour to

remain ,

Commonwealth meeting . Mr President ,

Yours sincerely , MANGOSUTHU G. BUTHELEZI President Inkatha Freedom Party

t

145

The Hon John Major Prime Minister of Great

10th October

1991

Britain Ref :

10 Downing Street London SW1 United Kingdom

4408

Mr Prime Minister , Mr Prime Minister , I am making an urgent and direct appeal to yourself to intervene and correct the imbalance which the selective invitations to the the Presidents of the ANC and the PAC to address members of the Commonwealth has created . yesterday and invitation is it the about heard I only I do not even therefore with some haste that I have to act . for whether this letter will reach you before you leave know I will in any event send a copy of this letter to you Harare . through your High Commissioner The

exclusion of Inkatha

OAU ,

I

in Harare ,

Mr Prime Minister .

Freedom Party from this

endorsement Party to Commonwealth participation in South African amounts exile the years that the ANC and PAC were in politics . the were given observer status by the United Nations and and

made no objections

to their privileged position .

however , The situation is , now very different . They are not banned . in exile . Their organisations are not The foundations of apartheid have been broken up and we are busy The dismantling the last of it and throwing its pieces away . continued selective endorsement of the ANC and PAC is now quite Dr

inappropriate .

Nelson

Mandela ,

Mr

FW

de

Klerk

and

myself

are ,

by

widespread agreement , the three major actors in the unfolding South African drama of burying apartheid and raising up a new historically PAC and democratic South Africa . The is sentimentally important and they must have a role to play in the creation of a new South Africa , but to include the PAC in very a Commonwealth endorsement and to exclude the IFP is been wrong . The PAC is a small Party and has not even a partícipant in the peace process and did not Peace Accord .

sign the National

there are There is in South Africa no Party suing for peace , no victors and there are no vanquished . There should only be the leaders and Parties who are putting the interests of country first and who are seeking to establish a multi - Party democracy the in such a way that reconciliation comes during transitionary process . If we cannot become reconciled sufficiently to normalise political relationships between South African political Parties , we will not get very the road towards a multi - Party democracy . need We a assured of

multi - Party democracy in which every and freedom to campaign for support

far down

Party is fight to

elections if the warring factions in South African society are to be brought together in peace . We will also need mechanisms are of reconciliation between race groups if we going to democracy . establishing the in If succeed a multi - Party

146

Africa Commonwealth endorses one political alliance in South already which have it to the many will add difficulties mounted up to produce problems

of considerable magnitude .

The ANC has a democratic right to pursue policies and to adopt tactics and strategies of its choice but the IFP has the same right . The selective invitation to Dr Mandela and Mr Makwetu on to address members of the Commonwealth is in fact unfair Commonwealth countries . Commonwealth countries need to hear IFP perspectives as much as they need to hear ANC and PAC

perspectives . I have stated on a number of occasions to British to and Mrs Thatcher , Margaret a has Britain that convinced am I of role to play in the establishment important particularly an It is more than Britain being democracy in South Africa .

Prime Minister , Mr predecessor , your Ministers , Cabinet

honest broker of some considerable Africa into a South locked that

importance . north/south

It was Britain and economic

axis and the best that there is in South Africa is diplomatic context It is in this because Britain left it behind . there that

I

am appealing to you .

I have also written letters in similar vein to President Kenneth Kaunda and to General Ibrahim Babangida in the hope that a lobby could be set up to ensure that I am invited to the Commonwealth meeting . If it is too late now to do so , it would be my sincere hope that you , Minister , Mr Prime could assist raising by the matter at a suitable point on the agenda . issue , I feel particularly strongly about this Mr Prime Minister , because South Africa should be at the Commonwealth meeting . I experienced great anger when Dr Verwoerd removed South Africa from the Commonwealth . It would , I believe , be phase the right thing in this interim of South Africa's development , for members of the Commonwealth to hear Inkatha role Freedom Party's views on South African politics and the the that we believe South Africa should play in Africa and in Commonwealth .

I wish you a good Commonwealth meeting , Mr Prime Minister . There are troubled times ahead for South Africa and what happens in South Africa will have implications for the whole of Southern Africa and Africa beyond . The inputs that you are going I

to

remain ,

make

are

going to be

Mr Prime Minister ,

needed . sincerely yours ,

MANGOSUTHU G. BUTHELEZI President Inkatha Freedom Party

and : H.E.

Dr Kenneth Kaunda

President of the Republic State House Lusaka Republic of Zambia

10th October of

1991

Zambia Ref :

4407

147

Your Excellency ,

I have only now come to learn that the President of the PAC the and the ANC have been invited to address members of I am Commonwealth who will be gathering next week in Harare . writing to you , elder Mr President , as a highly respected to Statesman in Africa appeal to you to explain to your colleagues Commonwealth how inappropriate this selective endorsement of ANC and PAC political is .

positions

in South Africa

The exclusion of Inkatha Freedom Party from this endorsement amounts to Commonwealth participation in South African Party exile For politics . the years that the ANC and PAC were in and were given observer status by the United Nations and the OAU ,

I

made

no objections to their privileged position .

however , The situation is , now very different . They are not banned . organisations in Their exile . are not The foundations of apartheid have been broken up and we are busy The dismantling the last of it and throwing its pieces away . continued selective endorsement of the ANC and PAC is now quite

inappropriate .

Dr Mandela , Nelson Mr myself FW de and Klerk are , by widespread agreement , the three major actors in the unfolding new South African drama of burying apartheid and raising up a democratic historically South Africa . The is PAC and sentimentally important and they must have a role to play in the creation of a new South Africa , but to include the PAC in a Commonwealth endorsement and to exclude the IFP is very wrong . The PAC is a small Party and has not even been a participant in the peace process and did not sign the National Peace Accord .

There

is in South Africa no Party suing for peace , there are no victors and there are no vanquished . There should only be leaders and Parties who are putting the interests of the country first and who are seeking to establish a multi - Party democracy in such a way that reconciliation comes during the transitionary process . If we cannot become reconciled sufficiently to normalise relationships between political South African political Parties , we will not the road towards a multi - Party democracy .

We need assured

a of

multi - Party democracy freedom to campaign

get very far down

in which every and for support

Party is fight to

elections if the warring factions in South African society are to be brought together in peace . We will also need mechanisms between of reconciliation race groups if we are going to establishing a democracy . multi - Party succeed in If the Africa Commonwealth endorses one political alliance in South have already it will add to the many difficulties which mounted up to produce problems

of considerable magnitude .

148

The ANC has a democratic right to pursue policies and to adopt same tactics and strategies of its choice but the IFP has the right . The selective invitation to Dr Mandela and Mr Makwetu to address members of the Commonwealth is in fact unfair on Commonwealth countries . Commonwealth countries need to hear as IFP perspectives much as they need to hear ANC and PAC perspectives .

President , into you have always had a particular insight what African politics and a balanced understanding for South Mr I appeal to you , can and should be done in South Africa . too to seek agreement from your colleagues that I President ,

Mr

should be asked to go to Harare to present the perspectives of the South African situation .

IFP's views

and

In thinking about how to approach this issue , I decided that the best approach would have been for me to seek your advice about how best to proceed . Unfortunately , Mr President , as I have said , I have just come to hear about the invitations to the PAC and ANC and I am aware that Heads of State will be travelling to Harare time for the ideal

over this coming week- end and there and course of consulting you first

is no then

acting . Not being able to do this , Mr President , I have instead also written to General Ibrahim Babangida and Mr John Major . It is my earnest plea that even if you , Mr President , and they , get agreement that I should be invited to address cannot the the that you raise meeting before it convenes , Commonwealth

matter at a suitable point in the proceedings so that at least Commonwealth the world will know that there are some in the ANC who would disagree with the selective endorsement of the and PAC . Not and not knowing of your own travel plans , Mr President , have I knowing when this letter will actually reach Lusaka , taken the liberty of sending it both to you there and to you care

of the

British High Commissioner

in Harare .

President , Thank you for being the kind of statesman , Mr to I wish you whom one can address a communication such as this . President , well , Mr in your strivings in this Commonwealth meeting It will not be long now for a better world . before South Africa rightful place the can take up its in Commonwealth

from which

it was

removed by Dr Verwoerd .

you to and ask Mr President , request please find it possible to convey your response to my through the British Ambassador in Pretoria if necessary . I

remain

Yours most

fraternally yours ,

sincerely ,

Mr President ,

MANGOSUTHU G. BUTHELEZI President Inkatha Freedom Party

149

I learnt through informal sources that finally it was consultation with the ANC which led to the failure of this effort to gain entry to the Commonwealth in order to present an IFP and a KwaZulu point Members of this House , Mr Speaker of view . ought to know about these things and these things ought to be written into the record so that those who follow us will see that whatever happens in South Africa , national unity left no stone unturned to bring about based on the acceptance of the need to have unity and diversity by putting South Africa first .

is not going to disappear . whatever We will be party to We We have never sought ethnic politics . in South Africa .

KwaZulu happens

If you look at the KwaZulu/ Natal Indaba have never sought racism . House this in we accepted in which proposals constitutional I stated you will see that there is no racism in them . principle , constitutional of that these kind and I state again , publicly , principles and the wisdom in the Buthelezi Commission reports , will the involvement in our for departure of points our provide negotiation process .

Whatever else happens , regionalism will be entrenched as important force . KwaZulu will remain a regional new South Africa . the in and however however boundaries of regional government are written , are government tiers of separation of the three vertical the Finally , in the will see that all they achieved ANC affected . their long , very bitter and very violent attack against KwaZulu was a closing of KwaZulu ranks against attacks from without .

Honourable Members , there will be elections in the not I cannot see how there can be another Whitesfuture . is The country election or even a Whites - only referenddum . only constitution moving towards deadlines which are prescribed by the itself , and we only have between now and 1994 to prepare for one or another form of new government .

Mr Speaker , too distant

A Referendum will in all likelihood come before then . Every Member of this House must be aware of the fact that Zulu honour will be at stake . We must prepare for elections , we must tell the people what is going on and wherever there is a Zulu , he or she must be made long aware that the final expression of Zulu respect for our very leadership line of illustrious Kings and Zulu respect for my own national and my own line of descent , must be expressed in Zulu pride

If

we

in the way people vote

fail

the past smashing where we

in making the

in elections and referendums .

people

aware

of what has taken

place

in

and what is happening now the ANC will finally succeed in Zulu identity and shaming Zulu pride in who we are and came

from .

150

Honourable Members , I will return to make a number of Mr Speaker , about the ANC and its role in politics today after observations I have completed my report back to this House on what I have done and said on behalf of Black South Africa in the outside world .

went Munich and Bonn had In November I to after I been to and Belgium . Switzerland In Munich I addressed the Hanns Seidel The paper I Franz Josef Strauss Symposium . addressed Foundation Coheaded " Southern Africa at the Cross Roads - Conflict and operation . "

As

a departure point

I

said :

the trace this broad sub - continental focus one could "With development of violence over time to internal national causes conflict the in and finally locate it causes African and and the capi worl talist Soci d Comm alis unis t between the t world . There would be a lot to tease out in this focus and indeed

it would be

important

to do

so .

Instead , I choose to look at Southern African conflict with a recent in what has been happening in South Africa on focus and conflict do so because in a very real sense , I times . violence in Southern Africa as such has led to radical changes But as violence in vast areas of Southern and Central Africa . Mozambique , in did whatever it did do in running its course was violence Malawi , African South Zimbabwe , and Zambia and Africa of the rest from isolated . detached was It interest of in South Africa became the focal point violence having a every country in Southern and Central Africa with stake in the violence game . "

I pointed out Southern Africa

drawing that the ANC was party to the whole of into a conflict situation in South Africa . It set

up its headquarters in Lusaka . It established military bases Mocambique Tanzania and and it used Swaziland and Botswana infiltration routes into South Africa .

I

in for

said : "Whatever

was

said to the

contrary ,

Zambia ,

Zimbabwe

and

Botswana played host to the ANC's military personnel and made it possible for the transportation of arms and ammunition to these countries into South Africa . Then there was the South African Government's violent backlash with pursuit cross -border raids taking on more than hot Mocambique , raids dimensions . Pre - emptive were made on These countries began paying Zimbabwe , Botswana and Zambia . prices for playing host to those involved in violence in South Africa . And the armed struggle went on and the retaliations went and there were no developing prospects of on victories through violence . Countries began paying prices for an armed struggle

which was

not

achieving

anything . "

151

surrounding I pointed out , however that African States South Africa had to push back the frontiers of violence which gave South Africa the additional struggle impossible .

geographic immunity and made successful armed I reminded the audience that there was the

Nkomati Accord and Mocambique's withdrawal of permission to the ANC had to use its territory for military purposes . Swaziland not later , permitted military bases and neither had Botswana nor Zimbabwe . I emphasised that ultimately that left to decide whether it wanted revolution or not . I

South Africa said :

free

" Indeed , had Black South Africa wanted war there would have been war and had they wanted revolution , there would have been knew that revolution . swing I I could the whole armed struggle away from the defeats and stalemates it was meeting , and I knew that I could lead Inkatha into the armed struggle and make

it the

death of apartheid .

I had to because I was I examined that option very carefully . under tremendous pressure to lead Inkatha and KwaZulu into the from revolutionaries struggle . I was under pressure armed and I was under pressure to provide the outside South Africa , which revolutionaries inside South Africa support logistic from all sorts of organisations inside the country and needed in the outside world . Some of this pressure was very difficult to resist because it came with deep moral endorsement from people I admired and by important churchmen in the world .

In the

final

analysis , saying .

membership was

however ,

I had to hear what Inkatha's Inkatha was founded very specifically

to give the develop to

exiled ANC an internal partner which it could use whatever it could develop in with collaboration people inside the country who were working above the ground , opposing apartheid through democratic means . "

of colours the that Inkatha was launched flying out chanting old songs and liberation old singing and I existence slogans . of its very first month From quoted I South Africa's consciousness of the ANC . Black raised banned literature and made known the views of leaders in exile like Mandela's Oliver Tambo and I always quoted extensively from Dr Mr that Speaker Members Honourable , Mr , pointed out I . writings giving grew phenomenally in membership because my line of Inkatha and this country an opportunity to champion old causes in people Inkatha was this It masses . the to appealed values hallowed pointed I liberation liberation

rapidly which emphatically said no to the armed growing the and we knew We were on the ground in the country said :

struggle . score . I

the IFP's membership knew that liberated zones would not be established in South Africa . The typography of South Africa Zimbabwe and Angola . Its is different to that in Mocambique , It is not a place demography is also different . where a Black bush war could be fought . South Africans successful and they voted with their feet against the armed knew this struggle . "

152

I

reminded

the

They knew the

audience that

armed

Black South Africans

struggle would

fail

and

it did

were

correct .

fail .

Mr. Speaker , Honourable Members , I am dwelling for a few moments on what I said in Munich because one of the current issues in South Africa today weSizwe . is that of the continuation of Umkhonto Chris Hani and Joe Modise strut around as though they head a army of South powerful liberation which will form the basis Africa's forces . struggle

Defence Force and even control the police and all security This is absurd . Nowhere in the history of Africa's for liberation has there ever been an army of such ill-

repute when it came to military campaigns and military victories . There was not one military campaign in South Africa . I told the Munich audience : " At no stage for more than a quarter of a century during which armed struggle was pursued , the was any road or rail network rendered inoperable . South Africa's electricity and water factory supply systems were never rendered inoperable . No ever stopped producing

Black inside

of

revolutionary violence .

South Africans saw ever - increasingly their country was shifting away from

targets move . The

because

towards

soft

civilian targets

violence then which was

that hard

violence military

and they rejected

this

launched with such high hopes and

was made the primary means of bringing about radical change in South Africa by revolutionaries , was actually launched in vain . It did not bring about the toppling of the South African Government . It did not produce martyrs who died for great victories . "

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , we are today struggling enormously because of the ANC's failed military options . When they could not headway make any as a military force and only suffered reverse after reverse as the South African Government and the Defence Force became stronger after each time they attacked it , the ANC started to set Black brother against Black brother . In the early 80's , Mr Members , Speaker , the Honourable turned the ANC to change classical armed struggle into what they called " a people's war " . They encouraged our young school children to burn their schools and to hound their teachers down under the influence of the slogan Today , " Liberation Education Tomorrow " . from In ANC broadcasts Radio Freedom in Addis Ababa the ANC daily resorted Black South Africa , and the youth in particular , to form armed units and to spread violence the from townships into white areas and into areas . industrial They urged workers to destroy equipment and urged and factories Black activists to arms seize from white suburban homes and from the police .

A whole cult of violence and destruction was implanted in the hearts and minds of ANC followers . violence It is that cult of which has cost it us so dearly and which has the left behind killings So and the burnings and the destruction of property that hideously mars

the

image

of

Black

South Africa

today .

153

I told the Munich audience : " And now we have to deal with the aftermath of violence which includes the cult of intolerance in Black South African society . We also have to deal with a whole modern younger township generation which has grown up in situations of conflict which revolutionary violence produced without gaining significant victories against apartheid . Conflict has been violence has been real and we are now real in South Africa ; "1 dealing with that reality .

I

pointed out

that violence

and poverty were two sources

of

real

danger for the negotiation process . I pointed out that in the South African climate the ANC's commitment to mass action politics is extremely dangerous .

Members , Mr on Speaker , Honourable Dr Mandela was at it again and Friday Saturday threatening to take the kind of action mass that would if necessary destroy the South African economy . That is unless unutterably you irresponsible are finally committed to because that is the only way you will produce chaos be able to establish a

Socialist

In Munich I warned

" Mass which laying

one - party

State .

that :

situations action politics is dangerous in explosive There must be the so characterise South Africa today . of arms . There must be the cessation of down

confrontation leading to violence . There must be a very much stronger movement towards the politics of negotiation and the that the you of recognition cannot negotiate in midst violence . " Mr Speaker , from Munich I went to Bonn where I had discussions with Mr Lutz Stavenhagen , Minister in the Office of the Chancellor . I also addressed members of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation . In the Chancellor's office I called for a reduction of violence and the disbanding Peace Umkhonto of weSizwe . I praised the National Accord and urged the West German Government to exert pressure on and all organisations producing violence in South Africa particularly on the ANC which still

At

retained

the Konrad Adenauer Foundation we

its

private

army .

talked about the need to

look

at the reduction of violence and poverty and the introduction of political system in which there would be the maximum devolution of system to power with checks and balances built in the political as stop the growth of Draconian powers around future governments being

that which we

should

be

pre - occupied with .

Honourable Members , Speaker , Mr I conclude my report - back on my trips overseas intensely by reporting on a very hard working and rewarding trip I paid to the United My itinerary was as follows :

States

in February this

year .

154

Monday 3rd February Dinner Island

with

Mr

& Mrs Marzullo

and Mr

& Mrs

Peters

at

Marco

Tuesday 4th February

10 am . Interview with Eagle York Times

· local

12 noon - 2.00 pm . Private luncheon Address : the Hideaway Beach Club . SA" Naples Times

2.30 pm .

subsidiary paper of

New

for 25-30 people given at " The Present Realities in

interview -

3.00 pm . paper

Interview by editor of Naples Times for a major newspaper story

4.00

to

5.00

pm.

Meeting with

TV ,

radio ,

Introductory remarks by Dr Buthelezi

local

a major

people . press followed by questions

- 10.00 pm 7.00 . Reception and dinner for 125-150 people to be co-hosted by Mr and Mrs SG Marzullo and Mr and Mrs Leslie Peters . Address after dinner Wednesday 5th February Departure

for West

-

2.00

4.00

Palm Beach ,

arriving 600 to

Major address to

pm .

Multi - Party Democratic Non - racial South Africa . "

4.00 to

5.30

pm .

at 1

10

am

000

people .

" Can a

Society evolve peacefully

Reception

6.30 pm. Boca Raton , Florida . Reverend Harold Steven , town . Address to approximately 1 000 to 1 500 people : is happening in SA"

8.00 pm Thursday

Private

in

dinner ,

West

Bible " What

Palm Beach

6th February

9.30 to Beach

10.30

3.00 pm Depart

am .

Interview with Editorial

for Ormond

Dinner with Mr and Mrs

Beach ,

Board ,

West

Palm

Florida

Merrell

Friday 7th February

12

noon .

Lunch at the Halifax

· 1.30 2.00 invited press

pm .

Press

2.30 pm . Meet with the News Journal .

Club ,

Conference

Editorial

Tiger Bay

Club Meeting

at the Halifax

Board

of the

Club

Daytona

for

Beach

155

3.30

Television

pm .

- Television

WCEU

interview

show,

"Viewpoint "

VIP Dinner

7.30 pm .

"My role

people .

and

address

at

the Halifax Club :

30

to 40

in the new post - apartheid SA"

8th February

Saturday

12

Club .

Reception at the Halifax

6.30 - 7.30 pm.

noon .

Luncheon at the

4.15 pm

Arrive

at

9.12 pm.

Arrive

Dallas

residence

Daytona

of Mr & Mrs Gosney

Beach Municipal

Airport

Sunday 9th February

11.00

10.15

am .

Incarnation , Great to 1 000 attendees

Address to

3.00

- 4.00

5.30 pm.

pm.

followed

Hall

meeting

Informal 12.30 pm . Langston University

congregation ,

by questions and answers .

with

Interview with the

Meeting with Mrs

Halloway ,

Dr

the 800

President

Dallas Morning News

St John Garwood

Reception and buffet dinner at the home pm . 6.30 Mrs Vance Miller with approximately 100 guests Monday

of

Church

of Mr

and

from

the

10th February

8.00

- 9.00

public , 10.15

Radio

am .

Don Evans am .

student

body

show ,

St

Phillips Academy ,

of

181 ,

am . 11.15 Press Campbell Center

- 2.00

interview/ call - in programme Station KPBC

6-10 years Conference ,

Episcopal

and teachers Dallas

School .

Speak to

and parents

Doubletree

Hotel

at

Luncheon Public Affairs Host : Luncheon . area 150 app and gue VIP rox and sts with members imately ans and wers students . Address followed by questions

12.00 Club ,

2.30 News

pm .

pm .

Meeting with the

Editorial

Board

of Dallas Morning

David Gold Show radio programme . 4.00 - 5.00 pm . interview and call - in

60 minute

interview , PBS . Dennis 13 , Channel TV 6.30 7.30 pm . n n participatio . live audience Show tape interview , McCuisto ed as at t ll ic es nd Da nd ow S gh co e in sy , sh PB hi se th is This throughout Texas

8.00

pm

Private

dinner with CALTEX Executives

156

Tuesday

11th February

7.00

am

10.18

Depart hotel

am .

Arrive

in

for airport San Francisco

11.15 am - 12.15 pm . Meeting and luncheon Examiner with Editorial Board . Address " Constitutional Developments in SA: What does the future hold ? " followed by questions . Attendance of 300-400 people 2.15

-

3.15 pm .

6.00

-

8.00 pm.

8.00

pm

Depart

for the

9.00 pm

Depart

for Los Angeles

10.00

pm Arrive

11.00 pm Arrive

Wednesday

Lincoln High School .

Attendance

of 800

VIP Reception airport

in Los Angeles at Hotel

12th February

8.00

to 9.00

am .

Breakfast meeting with Editorial

Board

of

the Los Angeles Times

9.30 -

10.00

am .

TV interviews

10.00 11.00 am . This is telephone .

by Interview with Michael Jackson Show air a KABC Radio Talkshow that is on the daily . Mr Jackson is an internationally renowned host who has 7 Emmy and 4 Golden Mike Awards as well as numerous other won for Jackson lived in South Africa and worked Mr accolades . SABC . He has entertained listeners for 22 years of KABC the talk radio

11.00 Press

- 11.30 am . Conference

Los Angeles World Affairs

Council

sponsored

11.30 · 12.00 pm. Los Angeles World Affairs Council private Reception with members of the Council's Board of Directors and other prominent Council members followed by luncheon address and question and answer session with the audience 1.45 pm . students

Student briefing with Los Angeles

area high school

3.00 - 4.00 pm . Interview with the Diane Glazer Show . This syndicated programme is over cable TV . Mrs Glazer has interviewed countless public figures including Dr Kissinger , Prime Minister Shamir , Baron Rothschild and Mrs Jeane Kirkpatrick . She is a member of the World Affairs Council's Board of Directors Reception organised by Dr Sipo Mzimela

157

9.00

am

10.10 pm

Thursday

airport

Depart

for the

Depart

for Washington DC

13th February

6.00

am Arrive

11.30

am .

Assistant

Meeting at the State Department with Mr Hank Cohen , Secretary of State for African Affairs

Luncheon at the pm

2.00

at hotel

State Department

Depart hotel

its entirety on CNN's

for

10 minute

international

interview to be aired

in

programme

Cato Institute Conference on " Constitutional 4.00 - 6.00 pm. Provisions to Safeguard a Free Market Economy . " 200 people in attendance

- 7.00

6.00

pm .

Reception

at the Capital

for

Hilton

200

people

Friday

14th February

Breakfast 6.00

meeting with businessmen

pm Depart Washington

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , my last report - back to this House trips on my overseas is on the trip I undertook United to the States in February this year . That was I think my most successful trip ever to the United States .

and institutions people , that found went , I I Everywhere South were admitting that they had to re - assess the organisations situation situation . Some of them were re - assessing the African here because they recognised that they were wrong in previous years revolutionary of accommodation thought that only the they when could and the complete economic isolation of South Africa threats They now see that indeed possibly bring about an end to apartheid . it was internal non - violent opposition to apartheid and the process fair negotiation which has now commenced that will establish a of and just

There

society

are ,

of

in this

course ,

country .

those

who

continue

to

listen

that fact that negotiations are now despite propaganda which has proved that the ANC was so wrong for so long .

to

ANC

happening

Ultimately perhaps it does not matter why people are re - assessing this country as long as they do so . As long as people now see that long it is non - violence and negotiation which will succeed and as they in society must curbed and be see that violence as

158

organisations and political movements such as the ANC which keeps a alive private army on the ready and which uses confrontationism then there is some through reliance on mass action are very wrong , hope . They must see , for example , that doing what he is doing now -

Dr Mandela is dangerously wrong in the threatening mass action and

destruction of the economy when he does not get his way with regard course , to price increases on basic food stuffs . We are all , of prices food very concerned with the possible addition of VAT on against

the background

of escalating

poverty amongst

our people .

The KwaZulu Government and the IFP also vehemently oppose increases in basic food prices which hit the poorest of the poor the hardest . economy patently is go However to as far as destroying the irresponsible . If the economy is destroyed in trying to keep inflation will end up with the kind of run - away prices down , we which has

reached

500

to

1000 % per annum

Dr Mandela is not looking at the poor when he talks like that . political

figures

in South America .

of interests of the poorest the He is only posturing for party

gain .

It is reminiscent of the kind of posturing that was evident in the Then ANC's Open Letter to the State President in April last year . the ANC made preposterous demands which could not be met and were indeed not met . The ANC was playing to its grumbling galleries . The ranks . its ANC's leadership is faced with deep divisions in They and

have the Harry Gwala factor which destructive relationships is of

is totally confrontationist possibly the ANC could

establish between itself and the IFP and the National also have the Chris Hani factor which is totally militarism in the ANC and to contending for power .

In

re -assessing

its

South Africa ,

emergence

as the

Americans must

They Party . committed to

only organisation

realise

that these

ANC confrontation , militarism and power - grabbing dimensions of the Re - assessing South Africa and knowing have now become intolerable . re -integrated be is doomed and South Africa must apartheid that Unless is actually not enough . the international community , into pressure is reversed by bringing international pressure against the confrontation , we destructive tactics using violence and and ANC It will be rough anyway , but will have a very rough passage ahead . will community very add the international by assessment this problematic dimensions to what we

have

to

face .

I found that wherever I went in the United States there were signs is of the ANC losing face because of the way in which Dr Mandela conducting himself . When he embraced Colonel Gadaffi and backed Iraq

against

Kuwait ,

and when he publicly embraced Yasser Arafat ,

he distanced himself and the ANC very considerably from important opinion - makers in the United States . When he went on to proclaim Fidel Castro as a hero and praised Cuba for its contribution to mankind ,

he went

just too

far for a great

many more Americans .

159

I am not saying that the tide has turned and that KwaZulu and the IFP will now have an easy time soliciting American support . All I am saying is that a re - think is taking place which was very evident to me when I was there in February . Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I will not now go into detail about everything I said to everybody . My message to the outside world is much the same wherever I go because there is only one South African situation which must be told as it is wherever I go . However , I wish to present to Honourable Members , the text of what I said when Hank Cohen , Mr I met Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs .

Until fairly recently the United States never had a Southern Africa policy . It was only during Mr Ronald Reagan's term of office as President that the United States began developing a policy towards us at all . Until then we were too insignificant and what we did did not have many

First

implications

for US vested

interests .

Chester Crocker , have been and latterly Mr Hank Cohen for the development of Southern African policy and the is It of American interests in this sub - continent . therefore important , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , to know what I said to Mr Cohen . My Memorandum was as follows : Dr

responsible development

MEMORANDUM FOR PRESENTATION TO MR HANK COHEN ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE AFRICAN AFFAIRS BUTHELEZI , BY MANGOSUTHU CHIEF MINISTER OF KWAZULU AND PRESIDENT OF INKATHA FREEDOM PARTY WASHINGTON .

Mr

Cohen ,

I

am

13TH FEBRUARY

very pleased to have

1992

this

updating you on Inkatha Freedom Party's current the South African situation and CODESA .

opportunity

of

thinking about

I and Inkatha Freedom I start by making a general statement . Peace National Party are deeply committed both to make the Accord work and to do everything we can to ensure that CODESA to leads successful negotiations about the constitutional future of South Africa . and Where we differ with other political parties on principle procedure , we differ because of this commitment . We want to add what we can add to ensure that we achieve the successes which the world is expecting us to achieve .

major have the with we general , both concerns implementation of the provisions of the National Peace Accord and with the ongoing work of CODESA . In

We state quite clearly that the continuing insistance of the Umkhonto we Sizwe quite that remains intact is ANC quite is unacceptable . Umkhonto is a private army and it negotiate intolerable that the ANC expect us to sit down and democracy with them and to reach agreements about peace and while they themselves continue to maintain an army which has caches of arms and ammunition secreted around South Africa .

160

Both at the National Peace Convention on the 14th September and on other occasions , Dr Nelson Mandela has stated that if the Peace Accord fails or if negotiations fail , the ANC will ambiguous While statements are more resort to mass action . about Umkhonto , what Mrs Winnie Mandela and Mr Chris Hani say about Umkhonto and possibly " going back to the bush " , remain unchallenged and uncorrected by the ANC . Quite clearly the ANC intends keeping Umkhonto intact because from its point of view it may have

further use

for

it .

On the question of the armed struggle and Umkhonto , we object Government most strenuously because negotiations between the and the ANC on the DF Malan Accord and the provisions about disbanding of Umkhonto , doors . the take place behind closed We do not know what is actually being said by whom and we do not know what

positions

are

being

adopted by whom .

we State All know is that Umkhonto remains a problem . The be would President quite clearly anticipated that the issue 14th settled before the National Peace Accord on the was September . His statement at CODESA itself in December that the Government is frustrated in its negotiations with the of I find it quite intolerable that something such ANC . I national importance can remain the private property of the ANC and Government , as though the rest of South Africa had no say in the matter .

The IFP has waited patiently for the Government and the ANC to complete their negotiations and follow the protocol agreed to were disruptive not in the DF Malan Minute . We in negotiations leading to National Peace Convention on the 14th September . We accepted the Government's bona fides that it was handling the matter and would reach finality with the ANC . are now the very We somewhat disturbed because categoric by statement Dr Mandela at CODESA and other places that the ANC will never disband Umkhonto leads us to believe that our patience will the issue .

not

be

rewarded with a negotiated

settlement

of

We have therefore tabled our objections at the National Peace Secretariat and National Peace Committee levels and we will the issue at CODESA . We have already taken a firm pursue stand in the drafting Sub - Committee charged with drawing up a Code of Conduct for the Defence Force . We have served notice work that we will not continue participating in the drafting Defence Force and will not sign any Code of Conduct for the We have already while the Umkhonto issue remains unresolved . referred the matter to the Executive of the National Peace Committee .

For your information , I append a copy of details of incidences of violence committed against IFP members and supporters since the signing of the National Peace Accord on the 14th September 1991. I also attach a copy of a report providing details of the number of IFP office bearers who died violently in recent years .

161

The IFP continues to be targeted for violence . We must deal with violence and the continued existence of Umkhonto and what Dr Mandela , Mr Chris Hani and others say about it amounts to providing the perpetrators of violence with a charter which sanctions what they are doing . I

also want to express a number of concerns ,

and even

grave

misgivings , about CODESA and its proceedings . As you know , we were not signatories to the Declaration of Intent and I append a copy of the amendments to it which we have submitted for consideration . I make the point that none of these amendments should occasion any difficulty for the South African Government , the National Party or the ANC . Nor should they occasion difficulty for any of the other participants in CODESA . Everything that anybody in CODESA wants to do under the aegis of the presently worded Declaration of Intent could in fact be done under the aegis of a Declaration of Intent as amended on the lines of our want proposals . We are therefore not inhibiting what others we to do . We simply want to expand the scope which we feel of will need to table our proposals for a strong devolution power and the constitutional separation of first , second and third tier levels of government . In other words we are not adopting a difficult , non - negotiable political of which inhibit the freedom other stance will parties We

have

to a

pursue

their own objectives

somewhat

more problematic

in CODESA .

reservation about CODESA CODESA is just South African committing is

than the wording of the Declaration of Intent . sufficiently not representative of the whole political spectrum to undertake the work it itself to undertake .

It is well that there has been known very a strong and sometimes violent campaign against the IFP and KwaZulu aimed achieving the KwaZulu at dissolution of the Legislative Assembly . Assembly KwaZulu Legislative The is a constitutional Parliament .

reality and

it

can only be

altered by an Act of

of course base our whole position on the fact that KwaZulu We and Swaziland had a status far greater than that of Lesotho , KwaZulu was a n in 1910 , to the Act of Unio Prior Botswana . of product Kingdom . a not is It independent sovereign apartheid as are

other

self- governing

regions

in South Africa .

the We have tabled a demand for the admission of His Majesty working King and his delegation as of the Zulus a full delegation at CODESA . It is for us unthinkable that in this day and age KwaZulu and its citizens will again be to arbitrary decisions about the very existence and KwaZulu .

subjected future of

We make the political point that CODESA reaches decisions on a consensus basis . There is no voting in CODESA . The number of decision - making delegates are irrelevant when it comes to the in the process it . All we want is the right of His Majesty

162

debate in a Zulu delegation to participate about and King e s at on ip si ic ci y that de in an would and to part future their are That is our democratic right and we its future . affect ng mi it . clai As

traditional

Prime

Minister

to

Zulu King ,

the

I could

not attend CODESA I meetings without appearing to abandon my King . campaign will remain with him and together we will mount a I proceedings . have him and a delegation included in CODESA to We have tabled the matter at the Management Committee level of will I and we await the outcome of our submissions . CODESA if remains matter this CODESA attend to able be not

unresolved . Again , we state that we are not adopting any non- negotiable which inhibit any of the other delegations . positions The of King His the Majesty is party politically exclusion motivated and he is not being excluded because of any South African national interests . I

have

had discussions with the

Conservative Party and I

am

doing whatever I can to persuade Dr Treurnicht to participate in CODESA . I have no alliance with Dr Treurnicht and the IFP are has no alliance with the Conservative Party . We not ourselves acting out any pre - arranged commitment between in making representations I

have

stated

for the

inclusion

of the CP in CODESA .

very frequently that unless

we bring about national reconciliation during the final phases of dismantling apartheid and establishing a new , multi - party non- racial , make democracy , we will not end up with the national will to the democratic constitution we adopt , work . with constitutional do warn against rushing ahead really I action political to in effect amount would which changes a parties . are They right - wing Africa's South against political reality and they must be dealt with because it would be foolishness in the extreme not to do so .

not representative of the Conservative is CODESA Party and the further to even is it , parties right of nor it of on the left parties the of political representative amongst others , The PAC and AZAPO , have not been spectrum . CODESA decisions could well be drawn into CODESA proceedings . proceedings binding on those parties which participate in its be but they can certainly not to decisions made , agree and ant regarded as being binding on parties which are not particip in CODESA's proceedings . CODESA has proceedings

no constitutional or legal binding on provincial

governments

or political

parties not

its status which makes governments , regional

represented

on it .

question needs whole The of the status of CODESA urgent status attention . We are adopting very firm positions on the CODESA because very real danger CODESA being of we see the of about into than turned a political arena rather a forum negotiations .

163

the irreconcilable into bring focus have to we Here the South African Government and differences between the ANC , our state We on the question of how to proceed . ourselves behind - theabout the extent to which there is concern deep give to conniving between the Government and the ANC scenes community of perceptions ongoing international the negotiations at work incorporating what the outside world sees We regard the two prime political actors in the country . as working into moved African Government as having South the for South relationships the ANC which are problematic with Africa . therefore It is not taking sides with the South African Assembly Government when we reject demands for a Constituent as leading to an Interim Government which will act both the government

of the

day and a constitutional making

body .

We reject the ANC's call for a Constituent Assembly for June this year on very hard -headed practical grounds . A Assembly Constituent would make no sense unless it was an elected body . Quite clearly , there cannot be free and fair elections during the first quite some time to come .

half

of this year

and probably

for

The levels of violence are too high . There are very large regions South Africa where violence is so prevalent of that all normal political activity has to be suspended . There are no prospects of political parties being able to freely project their image and present their policies and options to a voting public .

The continued existence of Umkhonto and the ANC's public commitment in word and in deed to mass action and tactics circumstances which strategies creates in free and fair elections can just not be held . If you look at the detail of the violent attacks against the IFP in the documents I append , you will have to accept the point I making . am Political intimidation in black townships in South Africa is rife and levels intimidation are prohibitively high and would of not permit free and fair elections . The ANC's makes sense

Assembly Constituent a rushing into demands for They are not worried about to it and its allies .

levels of intimidation because they are committed to mass the have action never which in our circumstances most certainly taken place without intimidation working to enforce with the demand for action . We an

compliance

have a far more fundamental objection against rushing into Constituent Assembly . elected It is that the proposed

action to do so forms part of a political approach outlined in the Harare Declaration . The ANC is committed to establishing itself as a major political in all - or - nothing political

party in winner - takes - all battles .

politics

way the It is not seriously concerned about this . are We South reconciled not the way to produce a is It forward . proposals The assumptions which underlie the ANC's Africa . this June the election of a Constituent Assembly before for could that any powerful government after apartheid are year

164

attend to national reconciliation as one of its objectives . We say this is wrong political thinking and dangerous in the extreme . If the majority of every race group in South Africa does not end being up prepared to be governed the way they will be under a new constitution , will have we enormous governed problems on our hands . The South African situation is far more potentially explosive than was the case in any African State on the eve of its independence . We dare not risk counter - revolutionary backlashes new and challenges to the status quo by those who are logistically and strategically capable of mounting armed resistance which would make the best or worst that UNITA and Renamo could do look child's like play . Quite clearly the issues at stake in the differences between Government , the question the ANC and the IFP on the of transitional arrangements threaten to turn CODESA into a tough political arena . That was not the intention . As far as I am concerned , the intention of the Preparatory Committee which is the parent body which gave birth to CODESA was to establish a discussion There was a forum about negotiations . need to discuss negotiation structures and the negotiation process that would be most suited to our South African circumstances . to I reiterate my earlier statement that it is our commitment of make CODESA work and it is our commitment to the politics negotiation and to a non- violent solution to South Africa's problems , that is leading me I have not made the points gain .

My concern

is

to making the points I have made . I have made for party political

a South African concern .

be must Africa South always argued that the new have We this ty that stabili the in It is into position . governed from transition will create that we can achieve a approach with maximum the to open democracy an society apartheid Political adventurism in CODESA at this stage possible speed . delay will arena , making CODESA and political party a attempts reach to all frustrate and negotiations early settlements .

We made the proposal that negotiated changes had to be governed into position and that a new constitution would have to be introduced by an Act of Parliament , long before the National

Party adopted this as their official

position .

proposals serious would be prepared to look at any IFP The constitutional about which the Government may make to bring present in a two - phase approach by first amending the change parliamentary constitution to make it possible for Tricameral of to have a say in decision - making about the running Blacks and about how to proceed to the country in an interim period , a new democracy . The ANC's claim that referee is spurious are suggesting and ANC , the National similar position .

the Government

cannot be both player

and we circumstances which - the indeed the government is suggesting Party and the IFP - would all be in a

because under the

165

Politically , the course of action we are proposing is sensible because the South African Government can do nothing on its own Any without the ANC and the IFP concurring with what it does . unanimous decisions that are made in joint negotiations would possibly not have to be implemented . The Government could which was face a situation in it seen to deliberately frustrate the implementation of decisions reached in open and fair negotiations . There is also the question of how best to ensure that negotiations remain as all - inclusive as possible . In terms of proposals now finding favour amongst most political parties that we should rely on proportional representation in voting structures , now for for new constitutional elections a Constituent Assembly will blow many small political existence . not do I situation

parties

right

out

of

about want to appear to be negative the present in South Africa . It is because I am positively

inclined to believe that negotiations I raise the points that I am raising . support of the negotiation process .

can be made to work that I am raising points in

There is so much going for us in South Africa that we just have to succeed . There is a very strong groundswell demand that we succeed which is running across all race groups . We the face very advantageous circumstances that if we get in political parties to agree to a constitutional settlement and which there will be a strong downward devolution of power of the constitutional separation of the three tiers government , want .

elections will be

unifying .

This

is what people

I believe we will find great support for proposals to entrench the constitutional separation of the three tier levels of government and the separate tax bases

entrenchment of constitutionally protected for each Regional or State Authority .

be There will very substantial support for constitutional establish a new democracy on a economy proposals to market base . There is widespread recognition that only a responsibly run free enterprise system could produce the kind of wealth would require to that govern for the any new government benefit of the people . There

is widespread agreement that the poverty problem will have to be tackled as a high priority in the new South Africa . If we developed a national will to establish a democracy and it work , make we would be able to go on to mount a national fight against poverty , ignorance and disease . Without this fight being fought successfully , no government would last for any length of time . We simply have to ensure that whatever constitutional and political changes we make are compatible with sound economic and fiscal planning .

multi - party non- sexist , I see a non - racial , In broad terms , democracy logical a resting a free enterprise system as That is where South all South African history . of outcome

166

It is tragic Africa has been heading towards ever since 1910. that White racism has thwarted a national movement towards this

final

destiny

for the country .

The closer we come to a negotiated settlement in South Africa , the ensuring more importance I attach to that political , constitutional and socio - economic changes in South Africa are made in such a way that South Africa becomes a gateway for the development of the rest of Southern Africa . We are not an island unto ourselves and the way we bring about change in South Africa will determine our preparedness and readiness and our on ability to act as a catalyst for economic development the whole sub- continent .

In conclusion , Mr Cohen , I want to express my appreciation for the way in which President Bush moved on the sanctions issue so . soon as it became politically possible for him to do as Nothing could be more unproductive both for political change , continued punitive and for economic development , than the economic isolation of South Africa . but we really do We do not only need sanctions to be lifted , need programmes of substantial foreign investments which will bring in new technology and new management skills to the South African It is now Africa's economy . vital for South development and the economic development of the whole subcontinent , that closer economic ties are forged between the United States and South Africa .

We need to be politically and economically innovative in South Africa and perhaps the time has come to explore what can be done by the United States to stimulate greater South African participation in world markets and to stimulate programmes of more mineral benefication benefits which will earn foreign needs exchange for South Africa and which could well suit the of international trade balances and the strategy interests of the world's

larger - scale

corporations .

have could I are a great many issues that there Cohen Mr what I this manner but I have confined myself to in raised to as the most current and urgent issues that we need regard discuss . I hope that this Memorandum does help us to focus on matters of common concern in the discussions that we are going to have . "

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I came back from the United States be with a very much deepened awareness that a lot of work needs to is done enable Americans to come to a fair assessment of what to taking place

in South Africa .

Unfortunately , extremely can ANC it while difficult the be confrontations on its headlong rush towards the kind of continues politics to SO the which going be to are destructive of negotiation .

Mr Speaker , specific

Honourable Members ,

aspects

I want to

of the ANC's threat to the

pause now to deal

with

negotiation process .

167

the Unquestionably , three most important

as the Party and the ANC rank IFP/National No matter players in the negotiation process .

how much committee work is done by other parties , and no matter how debate , power a contribution other parties make to the important ANC . the Party and the IFP/National in The task of resides implementing a new constitution will dominantly rest on these three parties because , in the final analysis , they will influence more individual voters in a referendum or an election , than all the other parties put

together .

The relationship between these three role players is therefore of Some critical importance to the negotiation process . of the remarks which I have made during my Policy Speech this year , have - a had to be made because the ANC must be exposed for what it is make political organisation using spoiling tactics to party political

gains .

It is truly tragic that the ANC has conducted itself in such a made . manner that I have just had to make the observations I have extent IFP , The to which there is an ANC vendetta against the headed Mandela , Granada by Dr was very clearly seen in the television show recently .

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , it quite astounds me how a modern making and to respected television station in Britain could turn such a filthy piece of propaganda against the IFP and myself , as was the case in this television programme .

The programme Mkuze , and the

near starts with a view of the Ghost Mountain Inn commentator states that this is where South African

backed hit squads were

We

are told that the

while talking

trained .

Government

is aiming to

kill

Black opposition

reform .

The camera then switches to scenes in Bruntville , talking about the township as being under siege because the people in it support the ANC . The commentator says that seventeen men , women and children who were supporters of the ANC - were killed in a massacre . It is stated that they were murdered by rival IFP members from migrant worker hostels . It is stated that the SAP witnessed the attacks but failed to prevent them .

Honourable Members , in the midst of this kind of image Mr Speaker , Dr Mandela then comes into and hideous propaganda against the IFP , Government , the that says the about focus . talking He , in He says Government has strong and well equipped security services . that if the government wanted to stop the violence they could do so but he adds that they have consistently failed to in a day or two , years Mandela then says that during the last thirty Dr do so . Security the of election was fought on the basis general every ANC the the country who were concerned in destroying of Forces because they were

the

enemy of the

country .

168

commentator then adds that the South African Government gave The funds to the IFP because they wanted to build it up at the expense of the ANC .

South the The commentator tells the world that the IFP leader is African Government's kind of man , a leader of one of the homelands .

commentary Inkatha The is that violence and that IFP rallies are

supporters most cause of the often funded by the Government ,

and that

killing .

the

rallies

often lead to

commentary then sinks as low as I have ever seen or heard in all my life . The world is told that Inkatha killers target people people train make too attacks , an to in attempt to try in

The

frightened to support

the ANC

openly .

are We hymns the then in shown a visual of commuters singing The trains . hymn-singing commentary adds that commuters in this were compartment do not know when Inkatha might attack and if they South African attacked they know they will get no help from the The commentary adds that the Police do not only stand by , Police . and watch the IFP kill people - they also ask them to do it .

world is given scenes of a squatter camp , The and they are told that authorities have tried to get people to move by cutting off their water , and that they resorted to hire trained assassins to kill civic leaders . The world is also told that police go to jails to offer people freedom in return for killing those people that N they want killed .

is It camera

the the lowest of the low in the Granada programme that Security again focuses on Dr Mandela . He says that the

Forces have taken over the violence and that they are using certain Black organisations in order to carry out the violence that they themselves want . He says their purpose is to prevent the ANC from taking

Mr

over power

Speaker ,

in this

Honourable

country .

Members ,

the

whole programme

does

not

mention any other culprit of violence . It is solely concentrated on When Dr Mandela says the Government is now using certain the IFP . he is Black organisations to kill in the context of the programme , then telling They organisation . the world that the IFP is that show . bring Mbongeni Khumalo onto the

sits He which are

there , making statements about the Mkuze Training Camp , shameless lies . The picture he paints is of IFP picking

strong supporters , sending them to Namibia for offensive then bringing them back to Mkuze to get further military and education in what their purpose was .

training , training

169

After

they have undergone political training , they are then sent out to murder people . The Granada programme then shows a visual of a police station where they say even serving policemen are afraid to go because of the notorious hit squads in it .

The link then Gang

who programme then quotes from so - called human rights lawyers Inkatha with more than one hundred murders . The programme Cats sinks to another low and says that the Wesselton Black was trained

at Mkuze

and

is

an IFP gang .

at this point Dr Mandela again is Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , funded Government has the the whole world that telling shown to do continue they and , ANC the to hostile are which organisations this after the State President had given assurances that even So happen . would not

this really is too much . Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , Enough Dr Mandela has really stooped so low now enough . is making in television garbage , appearances in this kind of personal strong that

we

must now do

something

about

it .

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , the National Peace Committee must be told that such propaganda as was television used in this programme , provides the aura in which the statements made by Dr Mandela can will only be regarded as direct provocation which result

in

further killing .

can brash One disagree with Dr Mandela when he makes political statements , or when he hugs and salutes the most notorious killers in the world . That is bad politics and bad taste , but what he did Granada in this programme amounts to killing talk , which is totally despicable .

Honourable Members , I want to state that opposed Speaker , Mr evidence I actually have and vicious propaganda , cheap this continued ANC intentions to kill IFP leaders .

I

have

spent

quite

some

considerable

time ,

during

this

to of

Policy

Speech , Mr Speaker , giving details of IFP leaders who have already died . This is not something from the past . They continue to die every week .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , recent information has come to my knowledge and been made available to me , which discloses an ANC decision to try and locate the two hundred members of the IFP who were trained at Mkuze to protect VIPS and government and to hunt them down and to kill them .

I

also

have

organised to

information operate

regarding

a hit

from Eshowe to kill

IFP

squad

installations ,

who

leaders .

have

been

170

murdered , additional received I Sabelo After Winnington was on about the names of other IFP leaders who were also information the same hit list .

Mr Speaker , ANC members

Honourable Members , this is just not taking the law into their own hands .

a matter of some It is a lot more when than that . We saw this very clearly , just three weeks ago , the ANC actually moved a Umkhonto platoon into the area to do the killing took place . that I have actually seen audio visuals in

which truth of this

assertion

is made very clear .

Speaker , Mr. Honourable Members , quite clearly I am saying very I things . serious One does not lightly make the assertions that have made . In

circumstances

the

I

cannot

see how we

can

just

swallow

the

shamelessness of Dr Mandela's behaviour in appearing in the Granada television programme , and for repeating things for the whole world to hear which the ANC has been saying in unfounded attacks against me and the IFP .

really could how the State President Mr Speaker , would ask , I and peace about sit down with Dr Mandela to talk to me expect sinks army private a who keeps when he constitutional matters , as low as he has sunk to gain political mileage against the IFP .

Our IFP Chairman , Dr Mdlalose , received a communication from Mr Cyril Ramapoosa formally proposing a meeting between ANC's the National Executive and the IFP Central Committee . A proposal was made that a small sub - committee be formed to go into details to draw up an agenda .

I must now , however , consult the constituencies of Members House and I must consult IFP members and IFP constituencies taking

any

further steps

forward

in this

of this before

regard .

Everywhere I go people are asking me what they must do because they are being killed . We have had to move towards establishing Self Units . Protection There are areas in which the bulk of local and We regional populations live in total fear of their lives . must help them .

The kind programme certainly

We just have

no

option .

of things that Dr Mandela said in the Granada television They must have been heard right around the world . most will heard in Black townships be feelings where are

running very high .

I really and do not know how we can sit down in CODESA continue ANC negotiating delegates , about the future of South Africa with when Dr Mandela and top ranking leaders from the ANC make these totally unfounded and hideously wrong statements about the IFP's culpability

in the violence

that

is

taking

place .

171

There really can be no hope of normalising relationships the political parties at CODESA while the ANC continues these despicable statements .

Deep down between the leadership

between to make

common ground in Black South African society there is It is truly tragic that the ANC's IFP and ANC members . is

terrified

of this

common ground .

The problem is that the common ground can only be found if both the IFP and the ANC come together to share democratic forces capable of making really major contributions to the development of a new South Africa .

out iron to prospects of democracy actually working is It the is of the ANC and the IFP in the normalisation between difficulties increase to ANC leading the is relationships that the their violence

against

the

IFP .

I speak with sober concern when I consequences for the ANC's attitude

talk about could be .

the what ultimate I personally , and a

who originally great number of Members of this House , Mr Speaker disgusted the ANC background , are utterly came out of at the organisation

which used to be our own organisation .

Quite clearly we will just have to sit back and take stock and reexamine our approach to our involvement in the negotiation process .

Nothing is going to keep me and the KwaZulu Government , or the IFP , out of the negotiation process . I have struggled my whole life to I establish the negotiation process as a central political force . from am not going to be the one that withdraws negotiations . I will not be the one who will withdraw from the National Peace Committee .

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , I will be damned if I am going to National Peace process and participate in enter the negotiation initiatives only to be trampled on , to be sworn at , in the way Dr been did in the Granada television programme which I have Mandela telling you about .

that continues to be provocative and to talk in a way Mandela Dr 19th of does provoke anger . In a news conference on the really the Mandela responded to a question on Dr month , this possible He said : participation of His Majesty in CODESA .

11 this was a sensitive matter that has been handled by the IFP traditional in a way that created enmity among other leaders " .

172

really something It is astounding that Dr Mandela can say like that . I dare say that the only enmity amongst traditional leaders in South Africa , which has arisen because of our campaign for His CODESA , ANC Majesty's inclusion in has arisen because the has whipped up opposition sentiment .

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , to this day Dr Nelson Mandela has not come to pay his respects to His Majesty . He has seen every other hereditary ruler of any note everywhere in the country , but he has consistently failed to keep appointments once made and also failed to

finalise

new arrangements he has promised

to make .

His Majesty does not need to see Dr Mandela . South Africa needs Dr Zulu Mandela to normalise relationships with His Majesty and the Nation .

Honourable Members , you will remember that Dr Mandela Mr Speaker , even as went far as agreeing to dates for a visit both to His Majesty and to myself and there was even an agreement on an itinerary which would include visits to the graves of Zulu Kings .

you will remember that Dr Mandela suggested that he be Mr Speaker , to hosted by me at KwaPhindangene and then for me to accompany him Other suggestions . I accepted his Nongoma to see His Majesty . being as more however , have regarded business must he which set He promised to drew him away at the last minute . important , some for but date soon as possible in August 1991 , as another This was in spite of reasons unknown to us that never took place . this the confirming King Dr Mandela telephoned that fact the appointment .

leadership I find it very strange that Dr Mandela , and the ANC's that matter , for slights His Majesty and then thinks that he can talk for all Black South Africans . I am particularly amazed at the since Members will perhaps remember case of slighting His Majesty , the occasion in Copenhagen when Mr Thabo Mbeki went on an attack but His Majesty , against me and said it was not I , who was the leader of the

At

a Press

Zulu people .

Conference

in Copenhagen ,

1989 , Mr Thabo Mbeki was questioned some of the questions and answers :

Denmark , about

me

on the

and the

27th of June , following were

Question 4 : election , In case after the that democracy in South Africa - release

step forward to more of Nelson Mandela and if there is a change in the actual policy of the Government - are Africa you prepared to participate in the Conference in South . or outside involved , with all South the Africa , parties Are you including UDF , including Chief Buthelezi and so on . prepared to participate in negotiations ?

173

Mr Mbeki's

answer :

Well , first of all , I should say that you see has always been the policy of the ANC that the to this conflict is a political resolution of Over decades we have been saying this . There Prime Minister of the South African regime received a letter from the ANC , why don't you

- the ANC - it best solution the conflict . no is in fact not who has

sit down and negotiate to resolve this problem? And consistently it is the other side that has refused . So that's the first point . So there is no problem from the point of view of the ANC of entering into general negotiations to solve this problem . No problem . But have said that it is we necessary , for any negotiations to take place , that a necessary climate needs to be created ; it can be created by us , it could be created by the other side , as you are saying , we are so - called prisoners . Its going to take place . The unbanning of the ANC or other organisations follow these things that have got to take place , then you have a climate , where it becomes possible for all the the ANC , leaders of because some of them have come out of prison , to be able to make contact with the because people , the ANC is no

longer an

illegal

organisation and so on .

So we have said , its necessary that those conditions should be made . And that once that climate conducive to negotiations is created , the ANC is more than willing to sit down and say , all right , what else can find we do now than to a political solution to the South African problem? Our future liberation

- in terms of is that the ANC , important that it is struggle - the ANC is not the only force in South

Africa that is engaged in this struggle for a democratic South Africa . Organisations I would like to mention which are part the Council of Bishops , of this process - the UDF and COSATU , There are many the Council of Churches and all these people . involved the forces that are in this struggle for democracy ; transformation of South Africa into a non- racial and it is our view that they would have to be part of the process

of those

negotiations .

So ,

no problem about that .

Chiefs , Bantustan Like the other Gatsha Buthelezi is a Chief . the end of the month , Bantustan At he receives a salary from Pretoria . The daily task he carries out is to system administer the section of the South African apartheid as the head of KwaZulu Bantustan - Chief Minister . So unless by his actions , he defines himself as belonging not to the de Klerk side , but to this side . Sure he would want to be around okay , at such a negotiating table and would take part , as I said , but .. apartheid structures .

The claims that are made about Gatsha false like - I do not disformularise

Buthelezi which are very -- the used , that he is

the leader of the six million , seven million , eight million Zulus . Buthelezi has never been leader of the six , seven , eight million . The Zulu people have got a King . If you look the traditional structures of the Zulu people , at Zulu as a King , who could say in traditional terms : " I am the so many Zulus " Gatsha Buthelezi is a minor Chief .

leader of

174

In the traditional structure there is no way in which he can claim that he is the leader of the six million . But he has Buthelezi has never been elected by anybody to made a claim . be Chief Minister of the KwaZulu Bantustan . He was appointed by Pretoria . So I am saying that if you look at traditional government , to be structures of Buthelezi cannot claim a representative of the Zulu people . If you look at more modern things in terms of elections , he cannot claim he was elected either . He was appointed by Pretoria , and placed there and Chief Minister , month , called is paid at the end of the is supplied with a Mercedes

Benz to drive around and all that .

And so , sure , let him come and sit to negotiate . But as I say , his place and his activities would define him as part of the de Klerk administration unless he acts in a way which defines sure , the ANC would have no problems that him . But once climate was created , by because the creation of that climate the release of political prisoners and banned organisations and so on .

course , it creating of a climate from Apart would also the seriousness and the bonafides of the regime that indicate to now ready it is now ready to act , is it move . And indeed , of saying certainly the ANC would have no problems , a " all right - let us sit down and see what we can do to find political

solution

of this problem " .

And yet , Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , ' The Citizen ' of 19th February 1992 :

Zulu Monarch

' King

of IFP '

at

CODESA

we

:

read this news

item in

Mbeki

Zulu Durban : Monarch King Goodwill Zwelithini would cease to King be of the Zulus if he was allowed to participate in CODESA alongside an Inkatha Freedom Party delegation . This would make him King of Zulu IFP supporters only according to Thabo Mbeki .

The

ANC's

head of international

affairs was

speaking

at

an

IDASA forum in Durban yesterday . He said it had been agreed in parties political to CODESA that only leading preparations Mr Mbeki participate in constitutional negotiations . would observers as leaders should attend CODESA traditional said directly right on issues speak with to intervene or the ANC affecting them . had the it was untrue that He said specifically blocked King

Zwelithini's

participation .

incorrect effort has been made to equate the "An delegations of traditional leaders as political parties " . There were few existed . countries in which a party political King or Queen It seemed the IFP had changed its position on King Zwelithini , and because the in the past it had been stressed by Inkatha KwaZulu Legislative Assembly that said Mr. Mbeki .

the King was

above

politics ,

175

Honourable Members , is the entire report . That , It Mr Speaker , seems unbelievable that this was the same man speaking who said in July 1989 , in Denmark , what we have just read about me not being the leader of the Zulus , but that the King was .

Mbeki's a standing should speak such drivel by saying that if our King led at CODESA , delegation which is going to determine his future and It

seems

strange

that without

that of his territory , according to Mr Mbeki .

any thinking a man of

he would thereby become the

Mr

King of the

IFP

Mr Mbeki , as a man of erudition should know that in all the former British Colonies , when constitutional the time came for talks , Kings and other hereditary rulers were represented . utter It is balderdash for Mr Mbeki to state that the IFP has changed its position on the

Zulu King .

We have not

changed

at

all .

We have a constitution which states that the King is above party KwaZulu King politics . The is part of the structure of the Assembly Legislative - as a member of the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly , who symbolises the unity of his people . Every member of the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly swears loyalty to the State as when he or President the Head of State and the King , she is sworn in . Mr In any case the ANC has so far refused to be a political party . Mbeki must tell us how the Xhosas of Transkei and the Xhosas of the Ciskei are political parties in any sense . He must tell us how the Vendas of Venda , and the Tswanas of Bophuthatswana are political parties in any sense . In what way are political parties superior to a delegation of the Zulu King? Which political party at CODESA can claim to represent each and every single Zulu - speaking South African? How now has the ANC justified its rejection of a delegation of His at CODESA , Majesty and how now is the ANC so busy creating enmity against KwaZulu on the pretext of facing difficulties about His Majesty's

entry

into CODESA?

In December , following the Preparatory Committee meeting at the end of November , where His Majesty's participation in CODESA was first rejected , it was Mr Cyril Ramaphosa who tabled an amendment to a was for the admission of His Majesty . call In this amendment it claimed that CONTRALESA should have the same rights as His Majesty to be represented in CODESA . The ANC is doing nothing but making capital out of the issue of His Majesty joining CODESA .

any CODESA has gone too far down the road for This must now end . His KwaZulu . delay further in the admission of His Majesty and Majesty will not go without KwaZulu and KwaZulu will not go without the from His Majesty . KwaZulu and His majesty are excluded If CODESA decision - making process , the decisions of CODESA will not be Only agreements reached binding and will not hold in South Africa . African South CODESA which are sufficiently representative of by for implemented be to hope can opinion , political general acceptance .

176

We

now face

a situation in which the Government

attempting

is

to

leap - frog ahead and rush into establishing what really is a kind of Interim Government , which could possibly become the only government and is doing so because we are not there we will have for decades , will The ANC it is playing a hard - to - get game with the ANC . and as transitional Government tabling now is the what reject proposals .

The world , however , will fail to see that in rejecting some detail transitional proposals , and even some major principles in it , of the step of introducing them is a format by which the Government can move towards the ANC . It will do so by agreeing to establish The Government's proposal an elected Interim Government . amounts to nothing other than a Constituent Assembly . The political is ANC now going to be one between the Government and the what kind of Constituent Assembly we should have , and not whether or not we

should have

fight about about

a Constituent Assembly .

the The Government and the ANC want His Majesty and KwaZulu out of negotiating arena because they want to dispose of things without us , which they know they will never be able to dispose of if we are present . This

is

part

of the

continuation of the campaign

that

the

ANC-

SACP /UDF / COSATU alliance launched in July 1990 when a stay- away was KwaZulu . organised by them in order to demand the dismantling of When one comes to think of it , Dr Mandela's outburst against me on the SABC - TV interview on the 19th of March was in keeping with the July in campaign , anti - KwaZulu which his organisation launched 1990 .

Speaker , Mr Members , Honourable it does not matter how much Dr Mandela twists and turns on the issue , the facts are that he does not want His Majesty , or KwaZulu , in the negotiating process . He makes out as though the issue is one which involves me . In the SATV programme I mentioned , Dr Mandela said that the issue of the King was

clumsily handled by the

IFP .

He said that initially I claimed He says that I was inconsistent . but I now want him in politics . the King was above politics , that talking a is not as though it is a Buthelezi issue - it is He I The King is never involved in party politics . Buthelezi issue . have vehemently opposed any attempt by the South African Government Bureau to draw the King into divisive party politics when the then Department Security thundered the spear of the National of State Both His Majesty and I must stand to draw the King into politics . monarchy Zulu to resist drawing the institution of the together into party politics .

While the King elite position

is not involved in party politics , the King has the of a traditional ruler in South Africa , having a de

jure presence in the KwaZulu Legislative Assembly . Every Member in this House knows that when an oath of loyalty is sworn here in this Assembly , it is an oath both of loyalty to His Majesty the King of the Zulus as well as to the South African Head of State .

177

I do not know how Dr Mandela can justify pronouncing upon an issue which is actually still in the process of being handled by the CODESA Committee . It is totally amazing that during the television broadcast , Mandela the Dr ruling , made a public disregarding process that

is

taking place

in CODESA .

Dr Mandela also disregards the fact that from many parts of Africa have precedents have been set , showing that it is imperative to somebody of His Majesty's stature and historic importance at the negotiating table ,

where a new constitution

is being thrashed out .

independent were there when Ghana was given an rulers Hereditary was constitution . Hereditary rulers were there in Uganda when it Lesotho They were there when its independent constitution . given when They were there given its constitutional independence . was Zambia was

given its

constitutional

independence .

as issue the wrong of Dr Mandela to personalise reality ignore the We will not it were a Buthelezi issue . though that while KwaZulu is being shunned , Xhosa - speaking people of South the by are being represented twice over in CODESA - once Africa It

is

utterly

Transkei

I have no

delegation and again by the Ciskei

objection to Transkei

and Ciskei

delegation .

being

represented .

It

is good and proper that that is so . All I am saying is that it is good also and proper that KwaZulu should be represented . Even mediocre academics like the one who appeared on Agenda when Inkosi SH Gumede and Mr Victor Sefora of CONTRALESA were interviewed by Mr Adrian Steed , are used in an effort to give credibility to this travesty of justice which is committed in excluding representatives detects One of the largest nation in South Africa from CODESĂ . anchormen feeling on this anti - KwaZulu even from some of the television , for example when Inkosi Gumede was interviewed with Chief Ministers from different regions , and also when he appeared on Agenda on the 24th March .

Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , the constant misinterpretation of in sickening is becoming very disheartening - quite position my fact .

Look at what is happening in the reporting regarding my attitude to Natal Witness actually sniped the Referendum . The at me for talking to the Conservative 17th , after the Referendum ,

Party . In an editorial on Tuesday March the Natal Witness said :

" While not advocating a No vote , at the KwaZulu address opening signalled

The Editorial

enthusiasm

for the Yes vote

outcome . "

says :

" This unsettling ethnic fall the Zulu demand clearly

Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi's hardly Assembly Legislative

emphasis on Zuluness means that should on deaf ears , the message has been

underlined by Buthelezi

that he would go down to

' the

178

very heart of Afrikanerdom ' to campaign for KwaZulu's participate in constitutional negotiations . "

right

to

Honourable Members , I have - as a South African - the Mr Speaker , right to go to the heart of any opposition party for support to try and persuade them that I am right . The leading article suggests that my going to ' the very heart of Afrikanerdom indicates that I would go to the Conservative Party for support . This is not what was in my mind when I uttered those words . I knew what I was saying . What I was saying was that I would go to Mr de Klerk's base support if necessary , to argue the merits of Majesty's His inclusion and KwaZulu's inclusion in the negotiating process .

Mr Speaker , the whole issue was lamentably complicated by Mr Musa Myeni's atrocious disregard of IFP policy and sentiment in his promoting of a Non-Aggression Pact between the IFP and the AWB . The Natal Witness makes an atrocious error of judgement when it says that the heart of Afrikanerdom is the AWB and CP .

The action of Mr Musa Myeni was irrelevant and distant from my own Sometimes one just cannot dealings with the Conservative Party . win . Í remember Mr Johan Coetzee saying that some people suggested in that Buthelezi should be thumb - screwed for talking to the ANC of course , 1979 . The reference is , to medieval torture chambers where people were chained down and clamps were screwed down with which can be a source of ever increasing pressure to crush thumbs , great pain . This was because I and Inkatha were speaking to the ANC when that was still taboo .

in I have always played host to every political leader and party country the . My doors have always been open to all . I have never away shied from meeting anybody , whether they are in favour or For this praiseworthy openness , whether they be out of favour . I make anybody apologies to nobody . I do not have to apologise to

for seeing Dr Treurnicht , just as I apologise to nobody for seeing Mr Oliver Tambo when it was regarded as treachery to do so . I have walked tall in politics because I have cut my own independent path and done what is right , regardless of the consequences .

It who have is to me a matter of some considerable pain that I, been so open , am actually now confronted with the Natal Witness and other newspapers beating me with a Myeni stick - whom I have nurtured feeling youth from onwards - instead deep of disappointment with me sharing and my pain at being SO misrepresented by somebody whom I had helped along road the of life . The media is attempting to beat a pained Buthelezi with a gleeful Myeni . It may not be like that . Mr Myeni will still have to be answerable to the IFP's Committee .

Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , I turn now to touch on some issues Legislative arise out of the responsibility of the KwaZulu which Assembly for the Zulu people .

social

economical

and political

development

of the

179

to able We do not have the luxury that ANC leaders have of being 24 committees and devote ourselves to political movements in sit with deal to We have unending agendas in trying day . hours a will be I services . the people for our by demands ceaseless as more specific issues in my departmental speeches dealing with Economic of Minister , of Police and as Minister Minister Chief Affairs . Speaking

as

Minister

Chief

in my

Policy

Speech ,

irresponsible of me however if I did not bring home needs to be done to maximise the advantages of the what we will gain out

it

would

be

to members what Zulu people and

of whatever we do within or through CODESA .

A whole new South Africa is being shaped and I fear greatly that too many political parties believe that only committee work is necessary to establish a new constitution .

Mr We have the tremendous advantage of the Members of this House people Speaker , being leaders here with mandates from the and having responsibilities to them . I address myself equally to the in Amakhosi this House as I do to other Members of the Assembly , you when I say that you have to live , eat and sleep democracy and constituency have to be totally preoccupied with extending the support you have .

I I am not sure how the South African cookie is going to crumble . am not sure how effective CODESA is going to be and I am not sure that there are no bumps that are going to unseat the negotiation process in the rough ride that inevitably lies ahead . I am sure , however , democracy ultimately that it is only true that will survive .

We really do still not being able to Dr Even Mandela breaking in which

stand in danger in this country of Black leaders realise that the struggle is not a way of life . I believe needs to be told that the time is we have to reap the crops of liberation and not

keep ploughing and cultivating until a seed we should be reaping is trampled underneath our feet and scattered . Now is the time to put together that which the Almighty and history is offering us .

CODESA , and Whatever happens to CODESA and in CODESA and through to take , however many bad turns the negotiation process is going ultimately come we will have to back to sound democratic developments which will put

a real

democracy

in place .

constituency develop any Member of this House to by No effort politics and broaden constituency support will be wasted . Even if there is a right wing coup d'etat tomorrow and our negotiation process comes crashing to a halt , the work that is done to develop However Government constituencies will remain valuable . the connives with whomsoever , I people is the in power establish a

stable

and

guarantee that in democratic

profitable

in the final structures

democracy .

analysis it which will

180

Sir , Mr Speaker , emphasis that if

with I really do not know how I can say more very in we have problems today it will large take measure be because Members of this House did not sufficiently the booklet " A Short Guide to Practical Politics " seriously and pattern their lives

and their physical

work on its

suggestions .

I am going to be fighting for the Honourable Members , Mr Speaker , its and form KwaZulu in one or another of existence continued I Africa . South the ongoing development of in role continued future a for fighting that am I believe to like would really in which those who back me to ultimate victory are going situation by be able to make political victories palatable to the people to to Africa them around what can be done in the new South rallying improve their lot

in

life .

action Mass which politics not does itself concern with constituency development will be death to South People Africa . will be marching

for bread

instead

of planting wheat

for bread .

It is only when political leaders have on- the - ground constituencies they can lead against poverty , whom ignorance and disease after they have led them to victories against apartheid , that we will be finally liberated . We

must

not

under - estimate

the deep

confusion

that

political

propaganda and counter - propaganda is sowing in the hearts and minds Assembly , Speaker , of this Mr of the people . Every Member tirelessly Members , Honourable must understand the need to work constituencies to make sure that people their amongst understand the

issues we are

facing

in this country .

violence and constant threats I am very aware how difficult to life , limb and property make it for some Members of this House to lead amongst the people who elected them to be here . I do not say I under - estimate the dangers that every one of you face when lead from that unless you can remain in your constituencies and within , you really are constituency - less .

is a tendency amongst some to remain away from their There more constituencies for longer than is necessary . Some find it Always luxury to comfortable live in and safety elsewhere . there remember that are those you leave behind who are just as who threatened as you are and have nowhere to run to . Any member time spends more in the flats in Ulundi than in his or her constituency

is

committing

political

suicide .

I cannot stress sufficiently that whether we are talking about a revolution or counter- revolution , or whether we are talking about the development of constituency politics or politics which will stand the test of time , politics begins with the hard , backbreaking work of mobilising people .

democracy my life I have struggled to establish a in this All country in which constituency politics is the order of the day . I am on trying to build a society in which ordered life can proceed

181

problemthat communities know what they want and have basis the negative and positive for scope sms is there and mechani solving ur behavio good for encouraging sanctions aging bad ur discour and behavio good wonder I important . made must be opinion Public behaviour . sometimes important

how how many Black leaders in South Africa are aware of now begin to for a future democracy for them it is

fostering democracy at grass - root

levels .

Mr Speaker ,

I

Honourable Members ,

am also aware

of the

fact

that

have leaders face almost insuperable tasks when they constituency to rally communities without institutionalised South Africa backing what they are doing . I

am

talking

about

institutionalised South

Africa

helping

to

develop wholesome communities . I turn immediately to the churches and say to them that they have a grass - roots role to play which no And or institution no organisation can play on their behalf . I on Mr Speaker , want to pause here , Honourable Members to comment the role of the churches . the I found myself in very difficult position when State President called his Conference on the Prevention of Violence and Intimidation last year and the South African Council of Churches refused to co - operate and actually boycotted the meeting . There is still tragically the notion amongst some church leaders that the Kairos document was a valid document and remains valid in the There has been a great deal of publicity changing circumstances . around political changes and the involvement of political parties and groupings in the peace process and in the negotiation process .

I

wonder

why there

has

not

been the

equivalent

to

work

amongst

churches to help shape the new South Africa . They cannot do so by riding on political band - wagons . Nor can they do so running behind or running ahead of political parties .

I would be quite justified in saying a lot more than that there is a need for Church involvement in the social reconstruction of constituency development the communities and of bases which democracy needs . If apartheid is dead and we are looking at all political parties to bringing in assist about a new and just South Africa , does it really matter what party is dominant in what neighbourhood ? Should churches not be able to work with the IFP in one neighbourhood and the to ANC in another neighbourhood if both parties are committed develop constituency

support

for democracy?

Just after the middle of last year the Secretary - General of the South came African Council of Churches and some of his colleagues to Ulundi to have discussions with me . We talked rather simply and IFP we discussed past difficulties which the experienced . We talked about the time when we could see that the SACC could really be described as the ANC in prayer . Both sides recognise that there was a new South Africa in the emergence and that we are all in the same South African melting pot and that there was a need for us to look afresh at

each other and at what we were doing .

182

It was agreed that the new circumstances demanded that we establish an IFP/SACC Work Group to look at ways of overcoming the and SACC estrangement between the IFP the which both sides experienced .

made . The Work Group met on a number of occasions and progress was We are assured that the SACC is not opposed to the IFP in the new South African circumstances and that it was action on principle and not action against the IFP which led to the boycotting of the IFP when it came to the dispensation of the multi -million rand largesse which came from international Christendom for development projects .

Mr

Speaker ,

Honourable

Members ,

I said earlier that we

in

the

KwaZulu Legislative Assembly do not have the luxury of spending our time in committee work . I said we had numerous agendas which enable us to meet the countless demands from the people that we do new something for them . The time has now come for us to put the philosophy of South Africa into practice and to draw the churches into what we are doing to

Mr Speaker , whether we are to speed up the process

assist

the people .

talking about of paying out

KwaZulu's constant attempt pensions and to make the

whole system more efficient , or whether we are talking about social about welfare or community development work , we are talking the need for possible co - operation between the churches and whoever represents

KwaZulu

authority

in the community we are

serving .

In the new South Africa the Church should be free and independent own and should be able to determine its responsibilities and charter its own course in the country . A free Church however should be free in South Africa to do what the Church does everywhere - co - operate with the State wherever possible for the benefit

of the people .

that Discussions the IFP have been having with the SACC should perhaps move into a second phase discussion in which the IFP and KwaZulu officials have discussions with member churches of the SACC with a view to maximising co - operation at grass - root level for the development

of communities

and the upliftment

of people .

Ultimately Mr Speaker , Honourable Members , the success with which we could put a new South Africa together will be determined by the success with which we can breach the chasms which there are in our divided society . There is a real danger of us waiting eagerly for the new South Africa to come and not realising that it is not only constitutions national and accords and agreements which will suffice to establish the new South Africa . out effort by all institutions and all

Nothing short organisations

communities to make

sufficient .

democracy work ,

-0-

will be

of an all and all

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