Japanese grammar : a new approach 4876980160

Citation preview

g o / f t a / n e ふe

BY G isaburo N. K iyose

J 995

K Y O T O U N IV E R S IT Y PRESS JAPAN

PL533 kS^5T

C opyright© 1995 by Gisaburo N. Kiyose Published by Kyoto University Press Kyoto Japan ISBN 4-87698-016-0 C3081 P4200E

多 0■卜 a ^ ie ^ e

:

fjd J\fe 9f tJ^lfifnoacA

t by Gisaburo N . Kiyose

1995

Kyoto University Press Japan

crficrne ふe

リゝ

fi tie iv aji'卜 'iv n c ft

Table of Contents Abbreviation

Prejace

Table o f Contents

Abbreviations Preface chapter i

M e a n in g - B e a r in g S o u n d s

1 . Unbound Sounds

---------------------------------------

Interjection (2)

V e r b a l(2)

N o n -V e r b a l(3)

Actional Verb (3)

N o m in a l(3)

N ou n-A d jective (3)

N oun-Substantive (3)

Qualifier (4)

2. Bound Sounds

Attribute (4)

Adverb (4)

---------------------------------------

Suffix (5)

N om in al Suffix (5)

Verbal Suffix (5)

2

Q ualitative Verb (3)

Case Suffix (5)

5

Copulative Suffix (5)

Functional Verbal Suffix (6)

Derivational Verbal Suffix (6) Adverbial Particle (7)

Particle (6)

Phrase Particle (6)

Them ative Particle (7)

Conjunctive Particle (7)

Clause Particle (7)

Sentence-Final Particle (7)

3. Sub-Classification o f Meaning-Bearing Sounds ---------------------------4. Derivation ------------------------------------A gglutinative Language (10) D enom inal N ou n (11)

D erivative (11)

Deverbal N ou n (11)

8 10

D enom inal Verb (11) Deverbal Verb (12)

chapter 2 N o m i n a l s a n d N o m i n a l S u ffix e s 1 . Noun-Substantives Bound N o u n (16)

---------------------------------------16 D em onstrative (16)

N oun-A djective (18)

Num eral (17)

Bound N oun-A djective (19)

2. Case

--------------------------------------N om inative Case (20)

G enitive Case (21)

20

Appositional G enitive (22)

Subjective G enitive (22) D ouble Case (23) Elliptical G enitive (23) Accusative Case (23) D ative Case (25) Indirect Object (25) Agential D ative (26) A gentive Case (26) Allative Case (27) Terminative Case (27) Ablative Case (28) Comparative Ablative (29) Locative Case (29) Vocative Case (33)

Instrumental Case (32)

3. Adverbial Phrases Adverbial Particle (35)

4. Copulae N om inal Predicate (40)

C om itative Case (32)

--------------------------------------Them ative Particle (37)

--------------------------------------Sentence Style (42)

3 5 、ク

iii

Table o f Contents

chapter 3 V e r b a ls a n d V e r b a l S u f f ix e s t. Aspect

--------------------------------------Verbal Stem (46) Vowel Stem (46) Consonant Stem (46) Verbal Suffix (46) Union Consonant (46) Finite Form (47) Non-Perfective Aspect (47) Perfective Aspect (47)

46

U n ion V ow el (48) Internal Sandhi (48) Prospective Aspect (49) Finite Verb (50) Participle (50) Verbal N o u n (51)

2. Verbal Forms

---------------------------------------

53

Converb (53) N on-P erfective C opulative (53) Perfective Copulative (54) C oncessive (55) Rejected Conditional (55) O pen Conditional (55)

Provisional C onditional (56)

Perfective Conditional (56) Purposive (57)

N egative Copulative (57)

Simultaneous Processive (58)

Imperative Form (59)

Functional Verbal Suffix (60)

3. Secondary Stems V oice (61)

--------------------------------------Primary Stem (61)

Honorific (62) Polite (65)

Simultaneous (57)

Representative (58)

Passive (61)

61

Potential (62)

Causative (63) Desiderative (63)

Negative (64)

Pejorative (66)

4. Irregular Suffixation

67

Irregular Verb (67)

Irregular Verbal Suffix (68)

A nom alous Verb (68)

chapter 4 V a r ie tie s o f V e r b s 1 . Transitivity of Actional Verbs Intransitive Verb (72)

72

Transitive Verb (72)

2. Voice

77 A ctive V oice (77)

Passive V oice (77)

Indirect Passive (78)

Direct Passive (77)

D ative Verb (79)

Causative V oice (81)

Perm issive Causative (82)

3. Auxiliary Verbs

86

Auxiliary Actional Verb (86)

Progressive Phase (86)

Statal Phase (87) H onorific (87) Pejorative (88) Auxiliary Q ualitative Verb (89) M otional Verb (89) H um ble (94)

Polite (93)

Formal Word (94)

4. Character Durative Verb (97)

--------------------------------------Existential Verb (98)

M edio-Passive Verb (99)

Potential Verb (98)

M om entaneous Verb (99)

97

Table of Contents

chapter 5 1 . Theme-Rheme

S e n te n c e s

-------------------------------------

O bjective Sentence (104)

T hem e (104)

104

Rhem e (104)

Subjective Sentence (104)

2. Clauses

-------------------------------------

Simple Sentence (109)

N ou n Clause (109)

Adverbial Clause (110)

Attributive Clause (110)

$

Subordinate Clause (111)

Principal Clause (111)

C om plex Sentence (111)

Conjunctive Particle (112) C om pound Sentence (114)

3. Word-Order Inversion (116)

Co-ordinate Clause (114)

------------------------------------Primary Element (117)

Temporal Adverb (118)

Conjunctive Adverb (118)

121

Historical Ellipsis (123)

supplements 1 . The Epistolary Style Sorobun and Its Grammar 2. Accent Change in Pitch-Groups in Japanese 3. Labial Harmony and the Eight Vowels in Ancient Japanese, from the Altaistic Point of View 4. Universal Order of Meaningful Elements in Ural-Altaic, Korean and Japanese 5. Tunguz and Other Elements in the Languages of the Korean Three Kingdoms Indices Index 1 . Linguistic Terms (174) Index 2. Authors (179) Index 3. Bound Sounds (180)

116

Secondary Element (117)

4. Ellipsis -------------------------------------Discourse (121) Context ( 1 2 1 ) Brachylogy (122) Logical Ellipsis (122)

109

---------------

128 137

--------

145

--------

154

--------

162

--------------------------------------

173

vi

Abbreviations

Abbreviations

abl. acc. aff. agt. all. com . dat. gen. ins. lit. loc. neg. nom . non-perf. pass. perf. pros. term. v.i. voc. v.t.

ablative accusative affirmative agentive allative com itative dative genitive instrumental literally locative negative nom inative non-perfective passive perfective prospective terminative intransitive verb vocative transitive verb

Preface

P reface

Linguistic studies o f Japanese grammar have lagged behind in morpholog­ ical studies in comparison with the other category, i.e. syntax, especially since the 1960’s when generative grammar began to influence younger linguists. In my case, morphology rather than syntax is still my major field o f interest in Japanese grammar, because my academic interest has been in problems relating to the philology of Altaic languages and the history o f the Japanese language. Thus, this book, which is primarily intended to present my views on Japanese grammar in general, places great stress on morphology. Tradional Japanese grammar claims that Japanese verbs have conjugations and that verbal stems and suffixes vary in six conjugational forms, viz. uimperfect,” “continuative,” “conclusive,” “attributive,” “provisional” and “imperative,5 forms, so that the stems, both primary and secondary, can be brought into relation with additional suffixes or other words. Harold G. Henderson, for example, uses the terms, line-1, line-2, line-3, line-3A, line-4 and line-5 in his book, Handbook of Japanese Grammar (Cambridge 1943, p p .16 ff.), for the traditional six forms. Bernard Block admits as many as ten “conjugational forms55 (Roy A. Miller ed., Bernard Block in Japanese, New Haven 1970, pp. 424). As for Roy Miller, he even attempted to interpret etymologically the ending vowel o f a “conjugational form” 一 Miller labels it a “thematic vowel” that, he notes, belongs to stems, though it actually is a union vowel belonging to the suffixes — through comparison with “cognate” morphemes in Altaic languages (Miller, Japanese and the Other Altaic Languages, Chicago 1971, pp. 225 ff.). Traditional grammar also cites paradigms that classify the verbs into “quadri-grade,” “upper mono-grade, ‘lower mono-graae and “irregular” conjugations. The Japanese language is, however, not an inflectional language in linguis­ tic typology, but, as commonly recognized by traditional grammarians, an agglutinative language similar to the Ural-Altaic languages. If this is the case, it would be contradictory to believe in the existence o f verbal conjugations in

vii

vm

Preface

Japanese. Agglutinative languages usually do not have conjugations for verbal stems and suffixes, with words being derived from other words instead by mechanically appending affixes to invariable stems. In other words, there are no internal changes o f sounds in agglutinative languages as there are in inflec­ tional languages such as Indo-European In parallel to Ural-Altaic languages that have only suffixes, Japanese has neither prefixes nor infixes and, accordingly, its agglutination means that the formation of words takes place by adding suffixes to the stems. While work­ ing toward my Ph.D. in the Department of Uraic and Altaic Studies at Indiana University in the 1960’s, I realized that union consonants and union vowels also exist in Japanese, as in Altaic languages, but that they disappear when they directly follow a stem-final consonant or a stem-final vowel, respectively, in juncture o f verbal suffixation. This led to my paper entitled “Meaningless Conjugational Forms in Japanese Grammar55 which I presented at the EightyFourth Meeting of the Modern Language Association o f America, held at Den­ ver, Colorado on December 27-30, 1969. In this paper, I rejected the concept o f “conjugation” that had occupied the central position in traditional Japahese grammar. I then argued that the occurrence o f union consonants and vowels, which occur when the suffixes are appended to stems ending respectively with a vowel or a consonant, in verbal suffixation makes it appear as if the verbal stems are conjugated when transcribed in Japanese syllabic script and that fail­ ure to recognize the existence o f these union consonants and vowels had made the concept of “conjugation” central to traditional grammar. Upon the conclu­ sion of my presentation at the session of Japanese linguistics there, a professor from Columbia University asked me not to try to confute the existing theory because it had already been established thanks to previous scholarship, one from the University of Pennsylvania argued that my new theory was inconsist­ ent as it dissented from the established view on some points while accepting some points, and one from the University of Hawaii claimed that Japanese syllables could not be split into the consonants and vowels as I had analyzed because one syllable is always written as one native syllabic letter. It goes without saying that the criticisms of those professors are all linguistically non­ sensical. I then published my view in a paper in Japanese, “Renketsu shiin to ren-

Preface | ix

ketsu boin to: Nippongo d6shi mukatsuy6 ron” [“Union Consonants and Union Vowels: No Conjugations in Japanese in Kokugogaku [Japanese Linguis­ tics] 86,1971 (pp. 56-42). Ever since the presentation of my paper in the United States and the publication of my article in Japan a number of conference papers, journal articles, dissertations and books dealing with Japanese grammar have appeared in which what I labelled union consonants and vowels are indi­ cated by their placement in parentheses when describing verb structure, regard­ less of the traditional , Journal of Linguistics III: 1 , 1967, pp. 37-81; 111:2,1967, p p .199-244; I V : 2 , 1968, p p .179-215, and Halliday, ^Functional Diversity in Language as Seen from a consideration o f Modality and M ood in E nglish/5 Foundations of Language VI: 3 ,1970, pp. 322-361. 3Vid. Chap. 2: 2>, pp. 36-37, infra.

女中デアル花サン

21

22 | ch. 2

Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

The suffix -no in this case denotes appositional genitive.

ノ

Kimura-san ga sensei no hazu wa nai. [Mr. Kimura cannot be a teacher.] Changing the noun phrase sensei no hazu [expectation to be a teacher] to the noun clause sensei de am hazu [expectation that he is a teacher], the above sentence can be rewritten: Kimura-san ga sensei de aru hazu wa nai. [Mr. Kimura cannot be a teacher.]

木村サンガ先生ノ答ハナイ

先生ノ害 先生デアル害

木村サンガ先生デアル害ハナイ

Similarly, given the following phrase, boku no syoonen no koro [my boyhood]

僕ノ少年ノ頃

it may also be reworded to this: boku no syoonen datta koro [days when I was a boy] As seen here, the appositional genitive plays the same role as the copula in an attributive clause. This sort of -no, nonetheless, cannot be re­ garded as a copula,4 because, unlike the copula, the suffix -no does not denote aspects such as non-perfective and perfective. The genitive noun boku no in the above clause boku no syoonen datta koro can be replaced by the nominative noun boku ga without changing the import. Thus, the following clause is possible,

僕ノ少年ダッタ頃

boku ga syoonen datta koro [days when I was a boy] To inquire as to why it is a good clause, more examples must be observed:

僕ガ少年ダッタ頃

sensei no tootyaku [the teacher’s arrival] The noun-substantive sensei [teacher] is the performer of the action tootyaku [arrival] in the above phrase. By changing it to an attributive clause sensei no tootyaku-suru [that the teacher arrives] and letting this clause modify a noun such as zikoku [time], the following noun clause is obtained: sensei no tootyaku-suru zikoku [the time when the teacher arrives] This noun clause is has the same context as the following noun clause:

先生ノ到着

sensei ga tootyaku-suru zikoku [the time when the teacher arrives] Thus, it may be concluded that the -no in an attributive clause is freely interchangeable with the nominative -ga. This use o f -no is called subjective genitive. Incidentally, the nominative -ga in the modern language was historically a genitive case suffix, too. 4Motoki Tokieda claims that this type of -no is an attributive variant of the copula -da. Cf. footnote 11 to this chapter.

.

ノ ノ

僕ノ，僕ノ少年ダッタ頃 僕ガ

先生 到着 先生ノ到着スル 時刻

先生ノ到着スル時刻

先生ガ到着スル時刻

ガ

時枝誠記， ノ ダ

.

2. Case

In order for a noun-substantive as the secondary word to be con­ nected with the primary noun-substantive which follows, because it must be in the genitive case, the noun-substantive, which is not in the genitive case, must take the form o f a double case by means of an appended -no. Otherwise, it cannot modify the following noun­ substantive. Ih is gives the following: kokyoo kara no tayori [a letter from the home village] syatyoo to no mendan [an interview with the company president! Oosaka made no kippu [a ticket to Osaka] geki2 yoo de no kooen [a performance at the theater] This rule, however, is restricted in that the genitive double case can not be formed with a nominative, accusative, or a dative noun. In other words, such double cases as * -ga-no, * -o-no, and * -ni-no can not be grammatically formed. Furthermore, when the bound noun that is modified is in a situation where it is assumed to be situated immediately after a genitive-case noun with -no, the bound noun no is always omit­ ted. As a result, the genitive noun stands for a thing possessed as it is, for example: Kimi no wa boku no yori sukosi ookii. [Yours is a little larger than mine.] Kono tukue wa gakkoo no da. [This desk is the school’s.]

獅 ラ ノ 便 リ

社長トノ面談

大阪マデノ切符

劇場デノ公演

ガノ

， * ヲ ノ ， * ニノ

君ノハ僕ノヨリ少シ大キイ

コノ机ハ学校ノダ

.

This use of -no is called elliptical genitive. It is also sometimes refer­ red to as absolute genitive. The genitive suffix -no is not always appended only to noun-sub­ stantives. For example: yuusuzumi sinagara no tukimi [a moon-lit view while enjoying the coolness of the evening] syusseki wa miawaseru to no henzi [a response that he would not attend] As seen above, it is appended even to a certain kind o f phrase or clause in which it modifies the noun-substantive which follows it. The object is a word influenced directly by the action of an actional verb, and the case that a noun-substantive takes when it functions as the object in a sentence is known as the accusative case. Sake o nonda. [I drank liquor.] Sinbun o yomoo [Let’s read the newspaper.] As seen in these examples, the accusative case is indicated by the suffix -o, but in the spoken language it is often indicated by the zero-form.

夕涼ミシナガラノ月見

出席ハ見合ハセルトノ返事

酒ヲ飲ンダ

.

新聞ヲ読マウ

ヲ

.

.

23

24

ch. 2

Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

for example: Sake 0 nonda ka i. [Did you drink liquor?] Sinbun 0 yomoo yo. [Let’s read the newspaper!] In fact, this is the original historical form. The accusative case marker was 0 in ancient times. Sora 0 tobu. [It flies through the sky.] Miti 0 aruku.

酒飲ンダカイ

.

新聞読マウヨ

.

空ヲ飛ブ

.

道ヲ歩ク

.

[H e walks along the road.]

The suffix -0 used in the above sentences also denotes the pure accusa­ tive case with the nouns sora [sky] and miti [road] as the objects of the transitive verbs tob-u [flies] and aruk-u [walks], respectively, and not anything else. Even though the semantic equivalents in English are “flies through the sky” and “walks along the road,” they have no influence on the Japanese grammar. Nonetheless, a view which regards the accusative-case nouns accompanying motional verbs like tobu and aruku as locative- case nouns denoting the location where the locomotive ac­ tions take place is still common among grammarians.5 Even in that case, however, the locative case has to be indicated by -de as mentioned later6 and not by -0 . Yoozi ga rooka de aruita. [A child walked in the corridor.] Yoozi ga rooka 0 aruita. [A child -walked through the corridor.] When the above two sentences are compared, the grammatical differ­ ences between them will become clearer. The former sentence states the fact that a child somehow toddled in an area of a corridor while the lat­ ter sentence implies that the child at least walked across or through a corridor and the corridor was under a certain influence of the action of the child’s walking. Thus, the action in the following sentence would be easy for one to perform in everyday life:

ヲ 空，道 飛 ブ ， 歩ク

飛 ブ ， 歩ク

ヲ 幼児ガ廊下デ歩イタ

.

幼児ガ廊下ヲ歩イタ

.

Taiheiyoo de oyogu. [One swims in the Pacific Ocean.] However, it is virtually impossible for a human being to perform the action stated below:

太平洋デ泳グ

.

Taiheiyoo 0 oyogu. [One swims across the Pacific Ocean.] Qualitative verbs, noun-adjectives, and also those qualitative verbs derived from actional verbs do not take objects. Accordingly, such sen-

太平洋ヲ泳グ

.

5E.g. Kokuritsu kokugo kenkyujo, Tokyo 1 9 5 1 ,pp. 239-240. 6Vid. Chap. 2: 2, pp. 29-32, infra.

Gendaigo no joshi, joddshi: Yoho to jitsurei,

国立国語研究所， 『 現代語の助詞助 動詞一用法と実例J

2. Case

tences as the next ones must all be ungrammatical: *Atarasii kimono o hosii. ([1 want a new dress.]) *Boku wa Haruko-san o suki da. ([1 like Haruko.]) * Motto tenpura o tabetai. ([1 want to eat more deep-fried food.])

*新 シ イ 着 物 ヲ 欲 シ イ . *僕 ハ 春 子 サ ン ヲ 好 キ ダ . *モ ッ ト 天 婦 羅 ヲ 食 べ タ イ .

The nominative-case nouns must be used in place of the accusative case in the sentences shown above. Only noun-substantives o f the accusative case can function as the objects, and among actional verbs only transi­ tive verbs that include those motional verbs mentioned earlier can take objects. The grammatical case o f a noun-substantive which expresses a goal toward which such an action as giving, shifting, or influencing is in­ volved is referred to as the dative case and is denoted by the suffix -ni as in the following sentences: Miyako ni noboru. [One goes to the capital.] Wazawai ga waga mi ni oyobu. [A disaster will befall me.]

都二上ル

.

災ヒガ我ガ身二及ブ

.

When this case is used together with an accusative-case noun, it is not so closely connected to the verb as the accusative case and indicates an indirect participation as a goal of the action: Haha ni tegami o kaku. [I write a letter to my mother.] Imooto ni ningyoo o okutta. [I sent my sister a doll.]

母二手紙ヲ書ク

.

妹二人形ヲ送ッタ

.

Actional verbs which can take both an accusative noun and a dative noun simultaneously in a sentence are called dative verbs, and the dative noun functions as the in d irect object in contrast to the accusative noun as the direct object: Taroo ga Hanako ni Eigo o osieru. [Taro teaches Hanako English.] It goes without saying that Hanako is the indirect object and Taroo is the agent of the action to “teach” in the above example. N ow , if one tries to replace the subject o f the above sentence with Hanako and express an almost identical meaning, the dative verb osie­ ru [teaches] is replaced with the ordinary transitive verb osowar-u [learns], giving the following sentence: Hanako ga Taroo ni osowaru. [Hanako learns English from Taro.] As seen above, the suffix -m. is appended to ア 狀 ⑽ ， the agent o f the action to “teach.” The question arises o f whether this type of -m. should also be regarded as the suffix denoting the dative case. It may certainly be said that at least Taroo is not the goal. Proceeding with the inquiry,

太郎ガ花子二英語ヲ教ヘル

花 子 ， 太郎

花子，教ヘル 教ハル

花子ガ太郎二教ハル

二 ，太郎

太郎

.

.

25

26

ch. 2

Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

let us first try to use osie-sase-ru [causes to teach], the causative form of osie- m [teaches]. This leads us to this next sentence: Hanako ga Taroo nt £ig 〇 〇 osiesaseru. [Hanako makes Taro teach English.]

教へサセル 教ヘル 花子ガ太郎二英語ヲ教へサセル

.

This sentence gives the impression that Hanako is the subject and Taroo ni is a dative-case noun. However, Taroo ni here means “causing Taro to ” and, accordingly, the sentence can be rewritten:

花 子 ，太郎二

Hanako ga Taroo ni ( = Taroo o site) Hanako zisin ni Eigo o osiesaseru. [Hanako makes Taro (causes Taro to) teach English to Hanako her­ self.] Here, Hanako zisin ni [to Hanako herself] is the dative-case noun, and it is hard to consider Taroo ni to be synonymous with Taroo o site [causing Taro to] as a dative noun. It is because in this case, too, is actual­ ly the agent o f “teaching.” Next, let us try to use the passive-voice form osie-rare-ru [is taught] in place of the causative form: Hanako ga Taroo ni Eigo o osierareru. [Hanako is taught English by Taro.]

花 子 ガ 太 郎 二 （ 太 郎 ヲ シ テ ）花 子 自 身 二 英 語 ヲ 教 へサセ ル

Here, Hanako is still the subject and Taroo, the agent of the action to “teach,” takes the suffix -w/ as in the previous sentence. What is more, this sentence has the same meaning as the sentence cited previously:

花 子 ， 太郎

Hanako ga Taroo ni Eigo o osowaru. [Hanako learns English from Taro.] A grammatical case of this kind, which denotes an agent, is sometimes called agential dative, but there is also a view which regards this agentive case as being different from the dative case because it posses­ ses the function of denoting the agent accompanied by a passive or causitive verb in a sentence. The -ni in the following sentences corres­ ponds to that viewpoint: Sisyoo ni buyoo o narau. [She takes lessons from a dancing mistress.] Situin itidoo ni senbetu o moratta. [He was given a parting present by all his officemates.]

花子ガ太郎二英語ヲ教ハル

There is the suffix -e which is similar in meaning to -ni. Similar as they are, however, they are not interchangeable. The implications of the next two sentences are not identical: Asu wa Yokohama ni ikoo. [Let's go to Yokohama tomorrow.] Asu wa Yokohama e ikoo. [Let’s leave for Yokohama tomorrow.]

へ

太郎二

=

自身二 太郎二，太郎ヲシテ 太郎

教へラレル 花子ガ太郎二英語ヲ教ヘラレル

師匠二舞踊ヲ習フ

.

室員一同二餞別ヲ貰ッタ

二

明日ハ横浜二行カウ

.

明日ハ横浜へ行カウ

.

The usage of the dative case is solely for denoting the goal as seen in the following examples: Isu ni motareru. (He leans on a chair.]

.

椅子二凭レル

.

.

.

.

2. Case

Yagate isya ni naru. [He will finally become a doctor.] In these sentences isu e [toward a chair] and isya e [toward a doctor] may not be used. On the other hand, the suffix -e in the following examples cannot be replaced by -ni: Sore kara sore e to isogasii. [I am busy with one thing after another.] Sado e Sado e to kusaki mo nabiku. [Even plants are bending toward Sado.]

ヤガテ医者二成ル

.

椅 子 へ ， 医者へ

ソレカラソレへ卜忙シイ

.

佐渡へ佐渡へ卜草木モ靡ク

.

That which is denoted by the case suffix -e is the direction or course to­ ward which an action or movement is pointed. This sort of case is cal­ led the allative case. When a double case situation is formed by this allative case and the genitive -no, -e is always preferred and never -ni: gakumon e no akogare [a longing for scholarship] kyoori e no kito [my way to the home village] Hakata e no ressya [a train to Hakata] This is because these all denote direction, and there does not exist such a double case as *-ni-no. Other than the dative case and allative case denoting goal and direc­ tion, respectively, there is a case that denotes a terminal point toward which an action tends. When one says Hakata e no ressya [a train to Hakata], only the fact that this train is going at least to Hakata is asserted and whether or not Hakata is the terminal point is not men­ tioned. It might be going still further, for example, to Nagasaki, Kagoshima, or some other places. The fact that Hakata is the terminal point is expressed clearly, if one says the following: Hakata made no ressya [a train going as far as Hakata] A similar example reads: Roku-zi made tosyokan ni ita. [I stayed in the library until six o’clock.] In this sentence, the fact that six o’clock was the final time until I was in the library is asserted, and the fact that I was not there beyond that time is declared. Thus, the case that expressses the terminal point of time or space is called the term inative case, which is denoted by the suffix -made: Nenrai no tomo made kare o mihanasita. [Even old friends (needless to say others) abandoned him.] Kimi made sonna koto o iu no ka. [Would even you say such a thing?] This usage of -made is said by some to denote ^degree/* but the suffix -made of this use, too, denotes the terminal point (in possibility) and noth-

学問へノ憧レ

郷里へノ帰途

—

博多へノ列車

博多マデノ列車

六時マデ図書館ニヰタ

.

マデ 年来ノ友マデ彼ヲ見放シタ

.

君マデソンナ事ヲ言フノカ

.

マデ 迄

27

28 I ch. 2 Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

ing else. Incidentally, in the above examples the double case -made-ga, formed by the addition of the nominative case suffix, may be used in place o f -made. Similarly, the double case -made-o, with the accusative case suffix, may replace the -made in the following sentence: Kare wa nenrai no tomo made mihanasita. [He abandoned even an old friend.]

迄ガ

迄 ， 迄ヲ 迄 彼ハ年来ノ友マデ見放シタ

.

Also, the double case which consists o f a noun-substantive of another case accompanying -ni can be formed: Kodomo ni made warawareta. [He was laughed at even by the children.] The -ni in the above sentence is the aforementioned agentive case suffix. The terminative case -made is not always appended to noun-sub­ stantives, but can also be appended to certain phrases and clauses, for example: Sore hodo made nikunde ita. [That is the extent to which I hated him.] Mnitai to made ii dasu. [He has even began to say that he wants to die.] In addition to the dative, allative, and terminative cases mentioned above, the case that expresses a starting point of time or space for an ac­ tion or movement is the ablative case. The ablative case is indicated by the suffixes -kara and -yon: Tookyoo kara Oosaka ni itaru dootei [an itinerary from Tokyo to Osaka] rokugatu tuitati kara sitigatu sue made no zyooen [a performance running from June 1st to the end of July] It does not make a difference in the import in the above examples even though -kara is replaced by -yori, but generally -yori sounds more liter­ ary. Ano yoosu kara miru to, nani ka atta rasii. [It seems something happened judging from the atmosphere.] Sonna koto o nani kara sitta no ka. [From what did you learn such a thing?] The suffix -kara expressing the basis or source as in the above sentences, too, ultimately denotes nothing but the starting point and corresponding to “from” in English. The English “from” is, however, narrower in its usage than -kara. Since the ablative case denotes a pure starting point, it can be used in this way: Eiga wa roku-zi kara hazimaru. [The movie will begin at six o’clock.] Ima kara koko o syuppatu-suru. [I am leaving here now.] Also, such sentences that state retroactivity are quite grammatical as illustrated by the next examples.

子 供 ニマデ 笑 ハ レ タ

.

マデ

ソレ程マデ憎ンデヰタ

.

死二タイトマデ言ヒ出ス

.

カ ラ ， ヨリ 東京カラ大阪二至ル道程

六月一日カラ七月末迄ノ上演

カ ラ ， ヨ リ ， ヨリ

アノ様子カラ見ルト， 何カアッタラシィ ソンナ事ヲ何カラ知ッタノカ

カラ

カラ

映画ハ六時カラ始マル

.

今カラ此処ヲ出発スル

.

.

.

2. Case

Ima kara go-nen mae ni nyuukai-sita. [I entered the society five years ago.] Ato kara kangaete miru to, ayamari datta. [When I thought about it later, it was a mistake.] As seen in these cases, it does not always semantically correspond to “from” in English. The ablative case denoting comparison is called com parative ablative, which is indicated only by the suffix -yori and not by the other suffix -kara: Buzi no sirase ga nani yori uresikatta. [Nothing delighted me more than the news of your being safe.] Ano hito wa tosi yori zutto wakaku mieru. [That person looks much younger than his age.] When the particles -mo or -ka are appended to it, the forms -yori mo and -yori ka, often found in colloquial speech, are derived, but no peculiar meaning is added insofar as the case goes. The grammatical case which expresses the position of space or time that an action, movement, existence, or state takes place, is called loca­ tive case. The suffixes -ni or -de are generally said to represent the loca­ tive case, but the question o f whether a pure locative case suffix is grammatically accepted in Japanese must first be examined. When the suffix -ni used in the following sentences is observed, it indeed denotes the position o f space, but it can also be interpreted as the goal in a da­ tive suffix: Miyako ni ame ga huru. [It rains in the capital.] Niwa ni ana o horu. [He digs a hole in a yard.]

今カラ五年前二入会シタ

.

3V カラ 無事ノ知ラセガ何ヨリ嬉シカッタ

.

アノ人ハ年ヨリズット若ク見エル

.

モ ， 力， ヨリモ ヨリカ

二， デ

都二雨ガ降ル

.

庭二穴ヲ掘ル

.

小枝二

Koeda ni hana ga saku. [Blossoms bloom on small branches.] Hatake ni me ga deru. [Sprouts have come out in a field.] Moreover, noun-substantives denoting existence or non-existence of things always require -ni:

小枝二花ガ咲ク

In addition, noun-substanives denoting the time when an action or a movement take place always requires -ni: Hati-zi ni kitaku-sita. [He returned home at eight o’clock.]

.

後カラ考へテ見ルト，誤リダッタ

In the following sentences, however, it is difficult to regard koeda ni [on a small branch] and hatake ni [in a field] as dative-case nouns:

Otooto wa Hokkaidoo ni iru. [My younger brother is in Hokkaido.] Mada heya ni suunin nokotte iru. [A few people are still left in the room.] Kono mati ni ginkoo wa nai. [There are no banks in this town.]

29

畑二

畑二芽ガ出ル

.

.

弟ハ北海道ニヰル

.

マダ部屋二数人残ッテ

コノ町二銀行ハ無イ

八時二帰宅シタ

.

.

4

ル

.

30

ch. 2 Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

Natuyasumi ni Karuizawa e itte kuru. [I will go to Karuizawa during summer vacation.] For the above reason, the locative case suffix -ni can be considered to exist in Japanese. The fact that the locative -ni occasionally forms the double case -made-ni, appended to the terminative case suffix, also con­ firms its existence: Mati made ni oka ga futatu aru. [There are two hills on the way to the town.] Yuugata made ni kitaku-suru. [I will return home by evening.] As mentioned earlier, the double case consisting o f the dative or agentive -ni and the terminative -made is not -made-ni as above, but always takes the form -ni-made: Next, let us examine the usage o f -de.

夏休ミニ軽井沢へ行ッテ来ル.

Kooen de asonda. [They played in the park.] Tosyokan de benkyoo-sita. [I studied in the library.] Since the -de in the above sentences also denotes positions of space, it may be said to be a locative case suffix. However, this leads us to the question of whether or not the suffix -de above can really be distin­ guished from such sentences as those given below:

公園デ遊ンダ

Omotya de asonda. [They played with toys.] Zisyuusyo de benkyoo-sita. [I studied with a self-teaching book.]

町マデニ丘ガニツ在ル

夕方マデニ帰宅スル

二，マデ，マデニ ニマデ デ

玩具デ遊ンダ

.

自習書デ勉強シタ

Niwa ni ana o horu. [He digs a hole in the yard.] The word niwa ni [in the yard] here may be interpreted as a dative-case noun, but it can be alternated with niwa de by means of adding another dative-case noun to the sentence:

庭二穴ヲ掘ル

7Vid. Chap. 2: 2, p. 32, infra.

.

デ

玩 具 ， 自習書

Furthermore, it is also possible to add an instrument, kuwa [hoe] here:

.

図書館デ勉強シタ

The nouns omotya [toy] and zisyuusyo [self-teaching book] are instru­ ments utilized, respectively, for “playing” and “studying,” and the suffix -de here is the instrumental case suffix which will be mentioned later.7 If so, both kooen [park] and tosyokan [library], too, would be analogously utilized for “playing” and “studying,” and it could be concluded that those nouns are not accompanied by the locative -de but instead by the instrumental -de. However, this interpretation is not necessarily correct. Once again let us examine a pertinent sentence.

Niwa de zimen ni ana o horu. [He digs a hole in the ground in the yard.]

.

.

公 園 ， 図書館

デ

.

庭二 庭デ

庭デ地面二穴ヲ掘ル

鍬

.

.

2. Case

Niwa de (zimen ni) kuwa de ana o horu. [He digs a hole (in the ground) with a hoe in the yard.] In the above sentence, -de in kuwa de [with a hoe] is obviously the in­ strumental case suffix, whereas it is difficult to consider the -de in niwa de to be the same instrumental suffix. Inaka de wa yasai ga yasui. [Vegetables are inexpensive in the countryside.] Ano hito wa Beikoku de yuumei da. [He is famous in the United States.]

庭 デ （ 地 面 二 ）鍬 デ 穴 ヲ 掘 ル

デ，鍬デ デ，庭 デ

田舎デハ野菜ガ安イ

.

—

As in the above sentences, when the predicate is a qualitative verb or a noun-adjective, the noun-substantive denoting a space, where there ex­ ists quality or a state o f the predicate, always requires the suffix -de. For these reasons, -de can be considered to be the locative case suffix. In summary, there exist two suffixes denoting a position o f space -ni and -de. When the predicate is an actional verb or a qualitative verb denoting either existence or non-existence, such as ar-u [exists] or na-i [is non-existent], the suffix -ni is preferred, but when the predicate is an actional verb denoting an action or deed or a qualitive verb denoting quality or a state, -de is preferred. Also, the locative suffix that denotes a position of time is considered always to be -ni. Thus, the locative -ni and -de may be regarded as allomorphs o f the same suffix since they are environmental variants forming complementary distribution. Indeed, there are some cases where both locative forms can represent positions of space: Kyooto-si ni umareta. Kyooto-si de umareta. [I was born in Kyoto City.] Tokai ni sodatta. Tokai de sodatta. [I grew up in the city.] Nagaisu ni nete iru. Nagaisu de nete iru. [He is sleeping on the sofa.] Also, the same phenomenon can be seen in cases where positions of time are represented: Go-zi ni sankai-sita. Go-zi de sankai-sita. [The meeting adjourned at five o'clock.] Kongetu nakaba ni uki ni hairu. Kongetu nakaba de uki ni hairu. [It will enter the wet season in the middle of this month.] Nonetheless, more active. ists] does not ample shown

the sentences that prefer -de tend to sound semantically Further, a locative-case noun used with the verb ar-u [ex­ always prefer -ni, but occasionally prefers -de as in the ex­ below:

京都市二生マレタ 京都市デ生マレタ

都会二育ッタ 都会デ育ッタ

. .

. .

長椅子二寝テヰル 長椅子デ寝テヰル

五時二散会シタ 五時デ散会シタ

. .

. .

. 今月半バデ雨期二入ル. 今月半バニ雨期二入ル

在ル 二， デ

31

.

32

ch. 2

Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

Asu koodoo de enzetukai ga aru. [An oratorical meeting will be held in the auditorium tomorrow.] Note, however, that the verb ar-u here does not mean ^exists** but means “is opened” or “is held.” The case that expresses a means, method, instrument, or the like is the aforementioned instrum ental case, and is indicated by the suffix -de: Eigo de hanasu. [He talks in English. J Denwa de siraseru. [He tells it over the phone.] Enpitu de kaku. [He writes with a pencil.] Densya de tuukin-suru. [He commutes to work by train.] Kami de ningyoo o tukuru. [He makes a doll out of paper.] In the above examples, all the instrumental nouns denote “those which are utilized” in the performance of actions. The following sentences also include instrumental-case nouns: Itininmae de sen-go-hyaku-en da. [It is one thousand and five hundred yen for one person.] Hitori de dekakeru. [He goes out by himself.] Kisoku de kin-zirarete iru. [It is prohibited by the rules.]

明日講堂デ演説会ガアル

.

在ル

英語デ話ス

.

電話デ知ラセル

鉛筆デ書ク

.

.

電車デ通勤スル

.

紙デ人形ヲ作ル

.

一人前デ千五百円ダ

一人デ出掛ケル

.

.

規則デ禁ジラレテヰル

.

大雨デ通信ガ途絶エタ

.

There are also cases denoting a cause or a reason. For example: Ooame de tuusin ga todaeta. [Correspondence stopped because of a downpour.] Kootuuziko de kyuusi-sita. [He died suddenly in a traffic accident.] Thus, the instrumental case denotes a wide variety. The double case is also formed when the suffix -de is appended to the terminative -made: Tandai made de zyuubun da. [It is enough to go as far as junior college.] Ryookin wa Sibuya made de ni-sen-en mo suru. [The fare is as high as two thousand yen to go as far as Shibuya.] The grammatical case that expresses a co-operant or accompanist for an action, movement, existence, or state is called the com itative case, and this function is assumed by the suffix -to: Kodomo to asobu. [He plays with children.] Boku no iken wa mina to onazi da. [My opinion is the same as that of everybody.] Hannin to wa mattaku betuzin datta. [He was a completely different person from the criminal.]

交通事故デ急死シタ

.

デ， マデ 短大マデデ充分ダ

.

僕ノ意見ハ皆卜同ジダ

.

犯人トハ全ク別人ダッタ

.

2. Case

33

W hen th in gs are enum erated, c om itative-case n ou n s are also used: U m i to yama to dotira o erabu ka. [Which do you choose, the ocean or the mountains?]

海卜山トドチラヲ択ブカ

.

In this case, h o w e v e r , w h e n another b ou n d sou n d such as a su ffix, copula, or particle is appended to the last cited co m ita tiv e n ou n , the suf­ fix

-to o f that n o u n is often om itted: O tok o no ko to onna no ko (to) ga asonde iru. [A b oy and a girl are playing.] K yooto to O osaka to K oobe (to) tti yoozi ga aru. [I have things to do in K yoto, Osaka, and K obe.] K yoo no siken w a buturi to kagaku to seibutu (to) da. [T oday’s exam s are physics, chem istry, and biology.]

W hether the su ffix

-to giv en in the parentheses ab ove is used or n o t is

卜

.

男 ノ 子 卜 女 ノ 子 （卜）ガ 遊 ン デ ヰ ル

)

娜 ト ガ 反 卜 神 戸 （卜 二 用 事 ガ 有 ル

.

今日ノ試験ハ 物 理 卜 化 学 卜 生 物 （卜）ダ

.

卜

arbitrary. In an ind ep en dent phrase o f enu m eration o f co m ita tiv e n ou n s, it is an identical situation as the o n e above: haru to aki (to) [spring and autumn]

春 卜 秋 （卜）

A w o r d u sed to address a person or person ified object is, w h ile being situated in a sen ten ce, n o t related to other w o r d s and stands inde­ pend en tly. T h e case o f a n ou n -su b stan tive thus u sed for the form o f

vocative case and is indicated b y the su ffix -yo, -ya, or the zer o -fo rm as in the fo llo w in g group o f sentences: R yoosei yo ziti no seisin o wasureruna.

address is called the

[D orm itory students, don’t forget the spirit o f self-governm ent.] B oo ya, koko ni oide. [C om e here, little boy.] N an i, kim i 0, sinpai wa iranai. [W hy, you d on ’t have to w orry.] Minasan 0, sorosoro sitaku-sim asyoo. [Let’s get ready n o w , everybody.]

3

ャ 寮生ヨ， 自治ノ精神ヲ忘レルナ

坊 ヤ ，此処ニオ出デ

.

何 ，君，心配ハ要ラナイ

.

皆サン，ソロソロ支度シマセウ.

A ll the case su ffixes m en tio n ed thus far are su m m arized in the table b elow . C ase Suffixes

N om . Gen. Acc. Dat.) A gt. 1 Loc.

-ga, -0 -no -0, -0 -ni -ni, -de

Ins. All. Abl. Term. C om . Voc.

-de -e -kara, -yori -made -to -yo, -ya, -0

- ガ ，-0

-デ

-ノ

一へ

- ヲ ，_0

- カ ラ ， -ヨ リ

一二

N o u n -su b sta n tiv es in cases other than n o m in a tiv e, g e n itiv e , accusa­ them as adverbial adjuncts. S o m e o t tn em m o a u y o n ly actional verbs. When th ose cases form a d ou b le case w ith the n o m in a tiv e or accusative

-ga or accusative -0 :

-マデ -

_二 ， - デ

tive, or v o ca tiv e have the fu n ction o t m o d ity in g the verb s w h ic h to llo w

case, their case su ffixes precede the n o m in a tiv e

.

ガ， ヲ

卜

- ョ ，- ヤ ，_0

34 I ch. 2

Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

Tyuunen kara ga yootyuui da. [Careful medical attention needs to be paid from middle age.] Zyookyoo irai kyoo made o kaiko-suru. [I look back upon the time until today since I came up to the capital.] As aforementioned, when a noun in such grammatical cases as those above modifies the following noun-substantive, those case suffixes like­ wise precede the genitive -no.

中年カラガ要注意ダ

.

上京以来今日マデラ回顧スル

ノ

.

3. Adverbial Phrases

第 2章

■ncme^tai^ atia *iomt^na/

名詞と名詞接尾辞

3

3

副 詞 句

A d v e r b ia l P h ra ses

When a noun-substantive is coupled with a certain type of particle, it occasionally contains the adverbial function, and it defines the mean­ ing o f a verb. The combination o f a noun-substantive and a particle is referred to as an adverbial phrase, and particles that form adverbial phrases are called adverbial particles. Adverbial particles are a kind of suffix in a wide sense, but they are not appended to noun-substantives as closely as case suffixes. Usually, an adverbial particle is placed after a case suffix as seen in the following examples: Boku ni sae osiete kurenakatta. [He did not tell it even to me.] Senmonten de sika utte inai. [Only speciality stores sell it.] Tookyoo e kurai hitori de ikeru. [I can go by myself at least to Tokyo.] Kimi ni dake misete yaroo. [I will show it only to you.] The last example sentence can also be expressed in this way: Kimi dake ni misete yaroo. [I will show it only to you.] Concerning adverbial phrases, in sentences where the case suffixes of nominative or accusative nouns are omitted (or indicated by the zeroform), adverbial particles are usually appended directly to the noun-sub­ stantives: Kodomo dake nokotta. [Only the children remained.] Syoosetu bakari yonde ita. [He was reading only novels.] If the suffix -ga or -o is appended especially for emphasis, the suffix is preceded by an adverbial particle: Kodomo dake ga nokotta. [Only the children remained.] Syoosetu bakari o yonde ita. [He was reading only novels.]

僕

ニサへ教 へ テ ク レ ナ カッタ

専 門 店 デ シ カ売 ッ テ ヰ ナ イ

.

東京へクラヰー人デ行ケル

.

君ニダケ見セテヤラウ

.

君ダケニ見セテヤラウ

.

子供ダケ残ッタ

.

小説バカリ読ンデヰタ

.

ガ， ヲ

子供ダケガ残ッタ

.

小説バカリラ読ンデヰタ

.

35

36

ch. 2

Nominals and Nominal Suffixes

In those cases, however, rather than saying “particles,” they should be considered to have been suffixized and have formed unities with the nouns. This fact is well attested to by examples of the genitive case: gaikokuzin dake no dantai [a group of only foreigners] kayu bakari no syokuzi [a meal of only gruel] zoo hodo no ookisa [size as large as an elephant] Again judging from the meaning, it can be regarded that each “adverbial particle” above forms a unity with the noun-substantive. There are some other adverbial particles such as -yara [and so on], -koso [the very], and -nomi [alone], for example: Doko e yara kieusete simatta. [It completely disappeared somewhere.] Koko de koso sirarete iru ga, yuumei de wa nai. [He is indeed known here, but is not famous.] Wareware ni nomi tokuten ga ataerareta. [We alone were given the privilege.] Similarly, -ya [and, or], -ka [or], and -nado [etc.], which are used to cite similar things or persons, are, unlike the comitative case suffix -to, all adverbial particles: Daisuu ya kika nado zenzen siranai. [I do not know at all things such as algebra and geometry.] Arare ka yuki ni kawaru daroo. [It will probably turn to hail or snow.] As was mentioned previously in conjuction with the nominative case -ga, it is quite unnatural to say the next sentence suddenly without a proper context: Kono syoosetu ga omosiroku nai. [This novel is not interesting.] However, it was noted that as a response to the question dono syoosetu ga omosiroku nai ka [Which novel is not interesting?], it would be quite natural. From the context, omosiroku nai is “given” and kono syoosetu [this novel] which is “new” is presented by the suffix -が . Speaking in terms of a generative grammar, omosiroku nai is the presupposition and kono syoosetu is the focus.8 In response to the question dono syoosetu ga [which novel], the speci­ fied kono syoosetu [this novel] is presented by -ga. This sort of -ga that presents the “focus” is also an adverbial particle: Boku ga o-tya ga nomitai. [It is I who want to drink tea.] 8Cf. Noam Chomsky, 4 ——00 ~ > 一 — UU

example Words (tiisa-) tiisoo [small] (ooki-) ookyuu [large] (hiro-) hiroo [wide] (akarw-) akaruu [bright]

N o t e : T h e r e is n o q u a lita tiv e - v e r b a l s te m e n d i n g w i t h

(小 サ イ ）

小サウ

(大 キ イ ）

大キウ

( 広 ィ ）

広 ウ

(明 ル イ ）

明ルウ

e.

In contrast to copulative converbs in the non-perfective aspect, there are converbs denoting p e r f e c t i v e c o p u l a t i v e , which are formed, in case o f actional verbs, by the addition o f the suffix -(i)te to the stems as in tabe-te [having eaten] and hanas-ite [having spoken] in the case of actional verbs.3 Verbs of this form are also simply called perfective converbs, and, as aforementioned, the internal sandhi takes place when the -(i)te is suffixed to consonant stems except for those ending with s. Since it is a converb denoting the perfective aspect, this converb is used to express the temporal sequences of events: Kyoo no gogo, syunin ni atte koyoo. [I will go and see the manager this afternoon.] If a copulative converb of the non-perfective aspect is used here instead, the sentence does not make sense as shown in the following example: *Kyoo no gogo, syunin ni ai koyoo. Perfective converbs are used for various purposes, and those forms are 3To wit, what is generally called the “fe-form” （or simply “gerund”） in circles of Japanese educators is the perfective copulative converb.

食べテ 話シテ

今 日 ノ 午 後 ， 主任二 会ッテ来ヨウ.

* 今 日ノ午後，主任二会ヒ来ヨウ.

2. Verbal Forms

required always when auxiliary verbs follow: Iti-niti-zyuu asonde iru. [He is playing around all day. ] Wazawaza okutte kureta. [He took the trouble to see me off.]

55

一日中遊ンデヰタ.

ワザワザ送ッテクレタ.

They are also used when accompanied by a certain kind o f case suffix. For example: Odai wa mite no okaeri ni. [The fee is to be paid when leaving after seeing it.] Mati ni tuite kara hitoyasumi siyoo. [Let's have a rest upon arriving at the town.] Perfective converbs o f qualitative verbs are formed by the addition of the suffix -kute to the stems like taka-kute [having been high]. Unlike actional verbs, they are not followed by an auxiliary verb. Both -(i)temo and -kutemo, which are formed by the themative parti­ cle -mo appended to the perfective converb suffixes, are suffixes which form c o n c e s s i v e converbs o f the respective sorts of verbs: Doko kara nagamete mo utukusii. [No matter from where you view it, it is beautiful.] Tatoe atukute mo ikkoo ni kamawanai. [Even if it is hot, I do not care at all.]

才代ハ見テノオ帰リニ.

町 二 着 イ テ カラー休 ミ シ ヨ ウ .

高クテ

跡

防

モ

美

シ

イ

.

タトへ暑クテモー向二構ハナイ.

Both -(i)tewa and -kutewa, formed likewise by the themative particle -wa, are suffixes forming similarly r e j e c t e d c o n d i t i o n a l converbs. Even as conditional clauses headed simply by “if” or “when” in the English equivalents, they are classified in detail in meaning in Japanese, and different conditional converbs are required depending on the context. Oogoe de hanasite wa, hata no hito ni meiwaku da. [If you talk loudly, it will annoy the others.] Koko ni hako o oite wa ikenai. [You must not place boxes here.] Sonna ni mizikakute wa komaru. [It will be a problem if it is that short.]

大 声 デ 話 シ テ ハ ，傍ノ人二迷惑ダ.

此処二箱ヲ置イテハイケナイ.

ソンナニ短カクテハ困ル.

As shown in the above examples, the rejected conditional converb expresses a condition on “undesirable” actions and states. This converb also has a special use o f expressing repetition as in the following: Nete wa yume, samete wa ututu no itiniti datta. [I was half asleep and half awake all day.] In addition to the rejected conditional, conditional clauses formed by such converbs as tabe-ruto [upon eating], hanas-uto [upon speaking], and taka-ito [upon being high] are all called o p e n c o n d i t i o n a l , for which the converbs are formed by the suffix -(r)uto being appended to the stem of actional verbs or by the suffix -ito to that o f qualitative verbs. This expresses a definite condition for an action or a state which will occur soon after in time sequence, regardless o f whether it is a “welcome” condition or not:

寝 テ ハ 夢 ,覚 メ テ ノ 、 現ノー日ダッタ.

食 ベ ル ト ， 話スト 高イト

56 | ch. 3

Verbals and Verbal Suffixes

Gaikoku kara kaeru to, butyoo ni syookaku-sita. [When he returned from abroad, he was promoted to chief director.] Kaze ga huku to kono koya wa abunai. [If a wind blows, this shack is dangerous.] Hanasi ga amari muzukasii to tyoosyuu ga komaru. [If the speech is too difficult, the audience will be in trouble.] There are non-perfcctive and perfective forms in converbs express­ ing precondition. Converbs denoting p r o v i s i o n a l c o n d i t i o n a l in the non-perfective aspect take such forms as tabe-reba [if eats] and hanas-eba [if speaks] in the case of actional verbs and taka-kereba [if high] in the case of qualitative verbs. These suffixes are respectively -(r)eba and -kereba: Tanomeba kuru daroo. [He will come if we ask.] Kaze ga tuyokereba tyuusi-suru. [If the wind is strong, we will call it off.] As seen above, these suffixes usually denote provisional condition, but also have the special use of expressing the coexistence of actions. Ame mo fureba kaze mo huku. [It rains and the wind blows as well.] On the other hand, converbs that express the preceding condition in time for the following action or state to come into existence are those such as tabe-tara [if ate], hanas-itara [if spoke], and taka-kattara [if having been high]. These serve as the p e r f e c t i v e c o n d i t i o n a l , and the suffixes are respectively -(i)tara and -kattara for the two types of verbs. The forms may also appear without omission o f the ending -ba, -(i)taraba and -kattaraba, when used in formal settings: Zyunsa o mitara(ba) minna issei ni nigedasita. [When they saw an officer, they all ran away at once.] Roku-zi ni nattara(ba) syokuzi ni siyoo. [Let’s have dinner at six o’clock.]

外 国 カ ラ 帰 ル ト ，部長二昇格シタ.

風ガ吹クトコノ小屋ハ危イ.

話ガ余リ難シイト聴衆ガ困ル.

食べレバ，話セバ 高ケレバ

頼メバ来ルダラウ.

風ガ強ケレバ中止スル.

雨モ降レバ風モ吹ク.

食べタラ，話 シ タ ラ ， 高カッタラ

巡査ヲ見タラ皆一斉二逃ゲ出シタ.

六時二成ッタラ食事ニシヨウ.

Moreover, this converb is also used in expressing the subjunctive mood: Mosi yuki ga huttara, doo siyoo ka. [What should we do it it should snow.] Gakusi ga nakattara, ryuugaku nado dekinai. [If you had no school expenses, you would not be able to study abroad.] Tosyokan ga motto tikakattara, mainiti de mo riyoo-sitai. [If the library were closer, I would like to use it even every day.]

若 シ 雪 ガ 降 ッ タ ラ ， ドウシヨウカ.

学資ガ無カッタラ， 留学ナド出来ナイ.

図書館ガモット近カッタラ， 毎日デモ利用シタイ.

As has been seen thus far, there are four kinds of conditional con­ verbs in Japanese and each of them has different denotations. As for concessive converbs, in addition to the aforementioned one, there is also the prospective concessive converb as seen in the following sentences: Donna tokoro ni sumoo to heiki da. [Wherever I may dwell,I do not care.]

ド ン ナ 所 二 住 マウト平気ダ.

2. Verbal Forms

Oofeflrao/^swfewttafearoofomattakukinisinai.

[Be it much or be it little, I do not care at all.] Koko ni n okoroo to n okorum a i to suki ni suru ga ii. [You may do as you like whether you would stay here or not.]

57

多カラウト少ナカラウト 全ク気ニシナイコ コニ残ラウト 残ルマイト 好キニスルガ良イ.

The suffixes of this con verb in actional and qualitative verbs are - ( y ) o o t o and -ka ro o to respectively, and the negative of the former is - ( u ) m a it o . In­ cidentally, there is a similar form: Doroboo wa nig eyoo to sita. [The thief tried to escape.] However, the -to here is the quotative particle and so the structure is not the same. There are also converbs which only actional verbs have. For exam­ ple, the n e g a t i v e c o p u l a t i v e converbs such as t a b e - z u n i [without eat­ ing] and h a n a s - a z u n i [without speaking] are formed by the suffix - ( a ) z u n i appended to the stems. It is also seen as - ( a ) z u omitting the ending -n i. It is usually omitted especially in the case of continuative use. Actually, qualitative verbs also have a similar form - k a r a z u , for example, ta k a -k a r a z u [not being high], but it is not used as often except in idioms like those below: Tunezune n ik u k a ra zu omotte ita. [I had always a liking for her.] A tu k a r a z u sam u ka ra zu risookyoo da. [It is a utopia being neither hot nor cold.] For only actional verbs, there is the suffix -(i)n a g a r a that forms converbs such as tabe-nagara [while eating] and h a n a sinagara [while speaking]. The use of this converb, however, is limited to the case where two or more actions are performed at the same time by a thing or person, and is not used when different agents perform different actions simultaneously. The following is an example o f such an ill-con­ structed sentence: *Otto wa ongaku o kikin a ga ra , tuma wa kutusita o amu. ([While the husband is listening to music, the wife is knitting socks.])

s im u lt a n e o u s

Whereas, if the action or state o f the following verb is adversative in meaning, two different agents can be used to connotate a concessive sense. Otto wa gakumon ga arinagara, tuma wa mattaku no mugaku datta. [While the husband was well educated, his wife was completely un­ educated. ] Also, there is the suffix - ( i ) n i as in ta b e-n i [for eating] and h a n a s-in i [for speaking], which forms p u r p o s i v e converbs when appended to stems. The verb which follows this converb and is modified by it can only be a motional verb. Accordingly, the following sentences are grammatical: Kitte o ka i n i yuubinkyoku made iku. [I will go to the post office to buy stamps.] Wasuremono o tori n i kaetta.

泥棒ハ逃ゲヨウトシタ.

食べズニ 話サズニ

高カラズ

常々憎カラズ思ッテヰタ.

暑カラズ寒カラズ理想郷ダ.

食べナラガ，話シナガラ

* 夫ハ音楽ヲ聴キナガラ 妻ハ靴下ヲ編ム.

夫ハ学問ガ有リナガラ， 妻ハ全クノ無学ダッタ.

食べ 二 ， 話シニ

切手ヲ買ヒニ郵便局マデ行ク.

忘レ物ヲ取リニ帰ッタ.

58

j

ch. 3

Verbals and Verbal Suffixes

[I went back to get something I had left behind.] However the next sentence is ungrammatical: *Tegami o kaki ni binsen o kau. ([1 will buy a writing pad in order to write letters.]) Besides, the suffix which forms sim ultaneous processive converbs such as tabe-tutu [while being eating] and hanas-itutu [while being speak­ ing] is -(i)tutu, and this converb is also formed only by actional verbs: Sakana o uritutu sono hi o kurasita. [He earned a scanty livelihood by selling fish.] Toozi yononaka wa kawaritutu atta. [The world was in the process of changing at that time.] The suffixes which form the representative converb are -(i)tari as in tabe-tari [such as eating] and hanas-itari [such as speaking] in the case o f actional verbs and -kattari as in taka-kattari [such as being high] in the case of qualitative verbs. There are still other converbs including collo­ quial and literary ones. Frequently used bound sounds which form con­ verbs are shown collectively in the tables below. Fu

n c t io n a l

Non-Perfective Copulative Perfective Copulative Concessive Rejected Conditional Open Conditional Provisional Conditional Perfective Conditional

Su

f f ix e s

-(0 i e

ィ •パ

-(i)te -m o

f o r m in g

A

c t io n a l

C

Negative Copulative Prospective Concessive Negative Prospective Concessive

o n v e r b s

|

-(a )z-u -n i

1- ( a ) z - u f

-(y )o o -to

\ -(y ) |

〇 〇 -ga

-(u )m a i-to

\ -(u )m a i-g a

-(i)te -w a

Representative

-(i)ta ri

-(r)u -to

Simultaneous

-(i)naQara

-(r)eba

Purposive

イリ

Simultaneous Processive

-(i)tu tu

1-(i)ta-raba 1 -(i)ta -ra

m

N o t e : T h e r e a r e a f e w m o r e s u ffix e s b e s id e s th o s e c ite d a b o v e . F U N C T I O N A L S U F F IX E S F O R M I N G Q U A L I T A T I V E C O N V E R B S

Non-Perfective Copulative Perfective Copulative Concessive Rejected Conditional Open Conditional

-ku -ku-te -ku-te-mo -ku-te-wa -i-to

Provisional Conditional Perfective Conditional Negative Copulative Prospective Concessive Representative

N o t e : T h e r e a r e a f e w m o r e s u ffix e s b e s id e s th o s e a t e d a b o v e .

-ke-reba J -kat-ta-raba \ -kat-ta-ra -kar-az-u J -kar-oo-to 1-kar-oo-ga -kat-tari

*手 紙 ヲ 書 キ ニ 便 箋 ヲ 買 フ .

食べ

ッ、，話シッ、

魚ヲ売リツツソノ日ヲ暮シタ

.

当時世ノ中ハ変リツツアッタ

.

食 べ タ リ ，話シタリ 高カッタリ

2. Verbal Forms

Verbal forms expressing commands, requests, entreaties, and pro­ hibition (in the negative case) are labelled as i m p e r a t i v e f o r m s . The affirmative imperative forms of actional verbs are normally formed by appending the suffix -ro to vowel stems or -e to consonant stems as seen in tabe-ro [eat!] and hanas-e [speak!]. In the case of the irregular verb kuru [comes] and such honorific anomalous verbs as nasar-u [does], ossyar-u [says], kudasar-u [gives] and irassyar-u [comes, goes], the suffix -i is used instead, to form ko-i [come!], nasa-i [please do], ossya-i [please say], kudasa-i [please give], and irassya-i [please come, go] respectively. As these three suffixes -ro/-e/-i are in complementary distribution to each other, they should be regarded as allomorphs. In colloquial speech, the suffix -(i)na express a command as exemplified below: Sassato kaerina. [Go home quickly.] Also, copulative con verbs in the non-perfective and perfective aspects as well as the finite forms in the perfective aspect imply a sense of com­ mand in certain contexts, for example: Yukkuri o-tabe. [Hope you enjoy your meal.] Motto hayaku hasitte. [Please run faster.] Saa, katta katta. [How about it? You want to buy it?] Those are normally not treated as imperative forms, however. The suf­ fix for the negative imperative form of actional verbs is -(r)una as seen in tabe-runa [don't eat] and hanas-una [don't speak]. Not only the second person, but also the third person can be the subject o f an imperative verb: Mazu iidasita mono ga hazimero. [The one who broached the subject, start first!] Nani mo wakaranai rentyuu ga kuti o dasuna. [A tribe not knowing anything, don’t meddle!]

食 べ 口 ， 話セ 来ル， 為サル， 仰ル 下サル， イラッシャル 来 イ ， 為 サ イ ， 仰イ 下 サ イ ， イラッシャイ

サッサト帰リナ.

ユックリオ食べ.

モット速ク走ッテ.

サ ア ， 買ッタ買ッタ.

食 べ ル ナ ，話スナ

先 ヅ 言 ヒ 出 シ タ 者 ガ 始 メロ.

何モ分ラナイ連中ガロヲ出スナ.

The bound sounds which form the imperative forms of actional verbs are shown in the table below. Functional Suffixes Forming Actional

Aff./Neg. Stem Affirmative Negative

imperative

Verbs

Vowel Stems

Consonant Stems

Anomalous Stems

-ro -(r)una

-e -(r)una

-i -(r)una

The suffix for the imperative form of qualitative verbs is, as seen in taka-kare [be high!], -kare, which consists of the actional-verbalizer -karaccompanied by the imperative suffix -e. In the modern language, however, it is in many cases used for forming such clauses as the fol­ lowing:

高カレ

59

60 | ch. 3

Verbals and Verbal Suffixes

Hayakare osokare si wa yagate otozureru. [Be it sooner or be it later, death will eventually come.]

早カレ遅カレ死ハヤガテ訪レル

The form is the imperative in its grammar, but it actually denotes con­ cessive. In the case of actional verbs, too, the imperative form does not necessarily denote an imperative sense, for example: sore wa tomo are, [be that as it may,] While the form is imperative in grammar, it is used for concessive in meaning in the above example. Furthermore, there is no negative im­ perative form in qualitative verbs. The four forms of verbs that have been mentioned so far, viz. the finite form, the participle or verbal noun, the converb, and the impera­ tive form just mentioned above, are all called verbal forms. This does not mean that all verbs have the four verbal forms; potential verbs such as tabe-rare-ru [can be eaten] and hanas-e-ru [can be spoken] and mediopassive verbs such as mie-ru [is visible] and kikoe-ru [is audible], for ex­ ample, do not have imperative forms. Also, copulae, though not verbs, do not have imperative forms. Various verbal suffixes that form these four verbal forms, being appended to actional or qualitative verbal stems, viz. f u n c t i o n a l v e r b a l s u f f i x e s , are also called syntactical verbal suffixes or grammatical verbal suffixes in morphology. Other than those names, they are also called conjugational verbal suffixes by some, but this name is inappropriate because Japanese verbs do not have con­ jugations. When several verbal suffixes are appended to a stem at one time, the functional suffix is always situated at the end o f a chain of suf­ fixes and is never followed by other suffixes. In other words, deriva­ tional suffixes are inserted between the verbal stem and the functional suffix. All the Japanese verbal suffixes, both functional and derivational, are mono-functional and, therefore, a suffix is never charged with two or more grammatical functions at a time. The suffix -5 in such words as “eats” and “speaks” in English is a marker which indicates that the tense is present and concurrently the subject is the third person singular, but the suffix ~(r)u of finite forms or participles in tabe-ru [eats] and hanas-u [speaks], for example, is used exclusively as a marker of the non-perfective aspect and does not fulfill any other function.

ソレハトモアレ，

食べラレル，話セル 見エル， 聞コエル

食 べ ル ， 話ス

3. Secondary Stems

第3 章

c /ia /t /e^ S and

噼

動詞と動詞接尾辞

e/t^a Z な

3

3

二次語幹

S e c o n d a ry S te m s

When an actional verb takes the performer of an action, viz. the agent, as its subject, the v o i c e o f the verb is regarded to be active. The voice is the nature o f a verb indicating the relationship o f the subject to the action denoted by the verb, and it is generally indicated by distinc­ tion o f the form o f a verb. The forms that the functional suffixes such as -(r)u forming finite verbs are directly aopended to the roots, i.e p r i m a r y s t e m s of actional verbs, such as tabe- [eat] and hanas- [speak], are all verbs o f the active voice with the exceptions of the medio-passive verbs. In order to be considered the p a s s i v e voice, verbs have to take such forms as 如らe-rareィ w [is eaten] and [is spoken】 . That is to say, the derivational stems such as tabe-rare- [be eaten] and hanas-are[be spoken] must be derived first, and then various functional suffixes are appended to these stems. Stems which are thus derived from deriva­ tional suffixes added to the primary stems are called secondary stems. Secondary stems are not always formed by one derivational suffix, but often by several suffixes appended in a chain, and all the derivational stems thus formed are still called secondary stems regardless of the number of derivational suffixes appended. Since secondary stems are also a sort of stem, they form finite forms, participles, converbs, and im­ perative forms. The passive voice is a voice having the receiver of the action as the subject, and the noun-substantive denoting the agent is accompanied by the agentive case suffix -ni. The passive voice may be formed with an agentive noun not only from transitive verbs, but also from intransitive verbs in Japanese. Ko ga oya ni sinareru. [A child has his parent die.] (Lit. [*A child is died on by his parent.]) This is the so-called “victimizing passive.” A transitive verb in the passive voice along with an accusative noun also normally makes a sentence into the ‘ victimizing passive.” For example, the following sentence is in active voice with a transitive verb: Syuukansi ga siseikatu o abaku.

食べラレル，話サレル

二

子ガ親二死ナレル

.

「迷 惑 受 身 」

週刊誌ガ私生活ヲ暴ク

.

62

ch. 3 Verbals and Verbal Suffixes

[A weekly magazine exposes one’s private life.] When the above active sentence is changed to a passive sentence, it changes to the following: Siseikatu ga syuukansi n i abakareru. [One’s private life is exposed by a weekly magazine.] When s is e ik a tu [private life], the object of the action or the verb, stays as the accusative noun as it was, the sentence becomes that of “victimizing passive”： Siseikatu o syuukansi ni abakareru. [One has one’s private life exposed by a weekly magazine.] The same derivational suffix - (r )a r e - as above also derives p o t e n t i a l secondary stems. Consonant stems only derive the potential secondary stems (not only by -(r )a r e - but) by the derivational suffix - e - t too. As a result, the forms h an a s-a re-ru [can be spoken] and h a n a s-e -ru [can be spoken] coexist. Since the actional verbs formed from potential deriva­ tional stems all are intransitive verbs and cannot be accompanied by an accusative noun, the object of the action stands as the subject just as in the case of the passive voice and the performer of it is expressed as the agentive noun: Sonna muzukasii hon g a kodomo n i yom eru mono ka. [How can children read such a difficult book?] Kono yoohuku d a k e ^ sekitori n i yatto kirareru. [The sumo wrestler can barely wear only this suit.]

私生活ガ週刊誌二暴カレル.

私生活

私生活ヲ週刊誌二暴カレル.

話サレル，話セル

ソンナ難シイ本ガ子供二 読メルモノカ. コノ洋服ダケガ関取二 ヤット着ラレル.

Further, potential derivational stems cannot be accompanied by impera­ tive verbal suffixes. The derivational suffix - (r )a r e - also derives h o n o r ­ i f i c secondary stems, which is the same in form as the passive secondary stems in the respect that they can form the imperative forms. However, unlike passive or potential, the transitivity or intransitivity of the pri­ mary stem is still kept in honorific secondary stems: Denka ga kyuu ni nittei o kaerareta. [His Imperial Highness suddenly altered his schedule.] As above, stems, which were originally transitive, leave the object of the action as accusative nouns and do not change them to the subject. Therefore, even in the case where the agent is not stated, the following is a passive or potential statement: Sakana ga taberareru. [Fish is eaten] or [Fish can be eaten = One can eat fish.] On the other hand, it is obvious that the following is a sentence denot­ ing the honorific: Sakana o taberareru. [An esteemed person eats fish.] In addition to the active and passive voices, there exists a voice which has the director of an action as the subject and requires an agen­ tive noun for the agent of a predicate verb. This voice is called the

殿下ガ急二日程ヲ変へラレタ.

魚ガ食べラレル.

魚ヲ食べラレル.

3. Secondary Stems

voice. The causative secondary stems are derived by the suf­ fix -(s)ase- as seen in tabe-sase-ru [causes to eat] and hanas-ase-ru [causes to speak]: c a u s a tiv e

Oya ga ko ni kusuri o nomaseru. [A parent makes the child take the medicine.] In the above sentence, the grammatical case o f the noun-substantive ko [child] at whom the action is directed looks like the dative, but, as men­ tioned earlier in conjunction with the suffix -ni, it is in fact the agentive case.4 When the causative and passive suffixes are appended to the same verbal stem simultaneously, the causative suffix always precedes the pas­ sive suffix as in tabe-sase-rare-ru [is caused to eat] and hanas-ase-rare-ru [is caused to speak]. The derivational verbal suffixes -(r)are- and -(s)ase- mentioned above are both suffixes which derive secondary stems o f actional verbs, but the suffix -(i)ta- in tabe-ta-i [is desirable to eat] and hanas-ita-i [is de­ sirable to speak] is the d e s i d e r a t i v e suffix which derives secondary stems of qualitative verbs from actional-verbal stems. Because the secondary stems thus derived are qualitative-verbal stems, they cannot be accompanied by any actional-verbal suffixes and can only be accom­ panied directly by qualitative-verbal suffixes. Moreover, even if it is de­ rived from the primary stem o f an actional verb, a secondary qualitative-verbal stem never takes an accusative case noun as its gram­ matical feature. Thus, a sentence such as the one which follows must be ungrammatical: *Mizu o nomitai. ([1 want to drink water.]) The noun mizu [water] should, of course, be in the nominative case as shown below: Mizu ga nomitai. [I want to drink waker.] (Lit. [Water is desirable to drink.])

食べサセル，話サセル

親ガ子二薬ヲ飲マセル.

食べサセラレル，話サセラレル

食 べ タ イ ， 話シタイ

水ヲ飲ミタイ.

水

水ガ飲ミタイ.

However, the next two sentences are both accepted as being grammati­ cal: Mizu o nomitai to omou. [I think I want to drink water.] Mizu ga nomitai to omou. [I think I want to drink water.] It is because this is a matter o f the extent o f quotation by the conjunc­ tive particle -to. In the former, the noun mizu [water] is used as the ob­ ject of the transitive verb omow-u [I think] and is situated outside the quotation, whereas in the latter, mizu is regarded to be situated inside it. In short, they have the following structures: Mizu o “nomitai” to omou. 4Chap. 2: 2, pp. 25-26, 28, supra.

水ヲ飲ミタイト思フ.

水ガ飲ミタイト思フ.

水 思フ 水

水 ヲ 「飲 ミ タ イ 」 卜 思 フ .

63

64

ch. 3

Verbals and Verbal Suffixes

(Lit. [I think water “to be desirable [for me] to drink.’’]) “Mizu ga nomitai” to omou. (Lit. [I think “water is desirable [for me] to drink.’’])

「水 ガ 飲 ミ タ イ 」 卜思、 フ.

It should be noted here that the desire denoted by the suffix -(i)ta- is the desire of the speaker himself, and so the agent (which is often thematized) is the first person and never the second or third person in a prin­ cipal clause. The only exception is an interrogative sentence with the second person agent. Kimi wa nani ga mitai ka. [What do you want to see?] The reason is because the question expects a response with the first per­ son as the agent. However, in clauses other than principal clauses (i.e., subordinate clauses), any type of agent may be used as seen in the ex­ amples below: Kimi ga aitakereba, awasete yaroo. [If you want to see him, I will let you see.] Ano ko wa kitto inu ga kaitai no da. [It is that that child surely wants to keep a dog.]

c

There is a suffix -gar- appended to the stems of qualitative verbs or noun-adjectives expressing emotion, which also derives secondary actional-verbal stems; that is, -gar- in ita-gar-u [complains o f pain], uresigar-u [is glad], and iya-gar-u [dislikes]. Since derivational stems formed by the desiderative suffix -(i)ta- are similarly stems of emotive qualitiative verbs, those are also actional-verbalized by the suffix -gar-, e.g. tabeta-gar-u [wants to eat] and hanas-ita-gar-u [wants to speak]. Since the de­ siderative -(i)tagar- thus formed by the compounding derives actionalverbal secondary stems, the verbs formed by this suffix can freely take accusative nouns avoiding the restriction seen on qualitative verbs, and even in a principal clause they can also freely take agents of any person: Kare wa kuruma o kaitagatte iru. [He wants to buy a car.] It should be noted that the desiderative derivational suffixes -(i)ta- (and its compound -(i)tagar-) are preceded by the suffixes -(s)ase- and -(r)arein a secondary stem if they co-occur. Similarly, there is the negative derivational suffix -(a)na- which de­ rives qualitative-verbal stems from the stems o f actional verbs as seen in tabe-na-i [does not eat] and hanas-ana-i [does not speak]. Nonetheless, this has been formed by an analogy to qualitative verbs. Thus, despite the fact that negative secondary stems are accompanied only by qualitative-verbal suffixes, they are not purely qualitative-verbalized and still keep the transitivity of the primary actional-verbal stems. Also, they cannot be accompanied by the prospective suffix -karoo and, accord­ ingly, the compound suffix * -(a)nakaroo does not exist, because the negative prospective -(u)mai is used instead. As the perfective converb the form -(a)nakute is expected, but actually it is -(a)naide as in the next

君ハ何ガ見タイカ.

君 ガ 会 ヒ タ ケ レ バ ,会 ハ セ テ ヤ ラ ウ .

アノ子ハキット犬ガ飼ヒタイノダ.

痛ガル，嬉シガル 嫌ガル

食べタガル，話シタガル

彼ハ車ヲ買ヒタガッテヰル.

食 べ ナ イ ， 話サナイ

3. Secondary Stems | 65

example: Doko e mo yoranaide massugu kitaku-sita. [I returned home straight without dropping by anywhere.] However, in the case in which the converbs denote concessive and re­ jected conditional, still the form -(a)nakute is followed by -mo and -wa, respectively: Kanzi ga yomenakute mo nan to ka naru daroo. [Even if we cannot read Chinese characters, somehow it will come out all right.] Hayaku kite kurenakute wa mina ga meiwaku-suru. [If you don’t come soon, all of us will get in trouble.] The copulative converb of non-perfective aspect (the form with -(a)naku) does not have the continuative use but is used only adverbially as in the following examples: Tikagoro wa seihuku o kinaku natta. [Recently, they have come not to wear uniforms.] Wazato tuakaranaku suru. [They make it incomprehensible on purpose.] The negative derivational suffix -(a)na- is preceded even by the desiderative -(i)tagar- within a secondary stem. When all the derivational suf­ fixes mentioned so far are appended simultaneously to a primary stem, they appear as tabe-sase-rare-tagar-ana-i [does not want to be made to eat] in the order o f causitive, passive, desiderative, and negative and the functional suffix (-/ here) is placed at the end of the word. The negative suffix -(a)na- is not coupled with the existential actional verb ar-u [exists], and in order to negate the existence, the qual­ itative verb na-i [is non-existent] is used instead. Incidentally, as the negative derivational suffix is never appended to a stem other than that o f an actional verb, it is, of course, not used for the negative expression o f qualitative verbs. In the case of qualitative verbs, the negation is ex­ pressed by means o f a verb phrase like the copulative converb which is followed by the negative auxiliary qualitative verb na-i as in taka-ku na-i [is not high]. In the case of the copula -da [is], too, it is expressed by its converb -de which is followed by the same na-i. The speaker’s respects to the addressee are exhibited in the sentence-final expression. When the predicate is an actional verb, the polite style sentence is made by being concluded with a verb whose stem is accompanied by the p o lite derivational suffix -(i)mas- like tabemas-u [eats, sir] and hanas-imas-u [speaks, sir]. Since this suffix is an irregular derivational suffix, the participle, perfective converb, conces­ sive converb, and conditional converb, o f polite derivational stems do exist, but they are rarely used. The functional suffix -(i) which form non-perfective copulative converbs is never appended to a stem with -(i)mas' The imperative form -(i)mas-e is also restricted and is formed only by the derivatives from honorific anomalous verbal stems. For ex-

何処へモ寄 ラ ナ イ テ 賓 直 グ 帰 宅 シ タ .

モ，ハ 漢字ガ読メナクテモ 何トカ成ルダラウ.

早 ク 来 テ ク レ ナ ク テ ハ 皆 力 *^ス ル .

近頃ハ制服ヲ着ナクナッタ.

ワザト分ラナクスル.

食べサセラレタガラナイ

在ル

無 イ ， 高クナイ ダ デ ， ナイ

食べマス，話シマス

66

ch. 3

Verbals and Verbal Suffixes

ample: Doozo o-saki ni nasaimase. [Please do it before me, sir.] Dooka watakusi ni mo kudasaimase. [Please give it to me, too, sir.] Secondary stems formed by the polite derivational suffix are accompa­ nied irregularly by verbal suffixes. In order to form the prospective fi­ nite verb (or participle) the union consonant y in the functional suffix -(y)oo is not latent and, therefore, -(i)mas-yoo is compounded, and the polite suffix cannot be coupled with the negative derivational suffix -(a)na-, but its negation is expressed by the special form -(i)mas-en. Col­ loquially, there is also a variant of its imperative form, -(i)mas-i. Within a secondary stem, being preceded even by the desiderative -(i)tagar-, the polite suffix is, as in hanas-ase-rare-tagar-imas-umai [may not want to be made to speak, sir し always situated immediately before the functional verbal suffix (-umai here). Other than the derivational suffixes discussed above, there is also -(i)yagar- which forms the pejorative secondary stems, e.g. tabe-yagar-u [damnably eats] and hanas-iyagar-u [damnably speaks]. The order o f the location o f this suffix is after the desiderative -(i)tagar- and before the polite -(i)mas-. The secondary stems formed by the pejorative -(i)yagarare rarely used except in colloquial speech. The bound sounds appended to the stems of actional verbs forming derivational stems are listea in the table below. D E R I V A T I O N A L V E R B A L S U F F IX E S F O R M I N G Se 叫;：

ausitive Passive | Potential \ Honorific'

A

c t io n a l

-(r)aree r iv a t io n a l

Se

c o n d a r y

-v

e r b a l

St e m

Desiderative Pejorative Polite

-(s)ase-

し

D

c o n d a r y

Q

v e r b a l

Su

u a l it a t iv e

Desiderative Negative

f f ix e s

-V

Fo

erba l

-(i)ta-(a)na-

s

-(i)ta-gar-(i)yagar-(i)masr m in g

St

em s

ドウゾオ先二為サイマセ

.

ド ウ カ 私 ニモ下 サ イ マ セ

.

話サセタガリマスマイ

食べヤガル 話シヤガル

4. Irregular Suffixation

第3 章 動詞と動詞接尾辞

.ve?t/ta “ a * id .v e \6 a / S u ^ ix e ^

4

4

不規則接尾

I r r e g u la r S u f f i x a t i o n

ih e aspect in which derivational and functional suffixes are appended to the stems o f actional verbs is extremely regular and the appearance or disappearance of union consonants and union vowels is solely mechanical. The only exceptions are the i r r e g u l a r v e r b s k u -r u [comes] and s u -ru [does]. Their stems are regarded as k o - and s e - f respec­ tively and, accordingly, they are classified as vowel-stem verbs. In these verbs, however, according to the suffixes appended to them, a change is seen in the stem-final vowels. I h e case where both stems respectively remain k o - and s e- occurs only when the negative-converb suffix - ( a ) z u n i and the causative and passive derivational suffixes - ( s ) a s e - and - (r )a r e are appended to them. Although it is colloquial, when the causative - ( s ) a s e - and the passive -(r )a r e are appended specifically to the latter, the stem s e- changes to s e - , alternating its vowel with the zero-form, to form s-a se - [cause to do] and s-are- [be done]. Moreover, when suffixes possessing the union vowel i, e.g. the perfective finite and participle - ( i ) t a , the perfective coil verb - ( i ) t e , and the polite - ( i) m a s - , and suffixes possessing the union vowel u , e.g. the negative prospective finite and participle - ( u ) m a i, are appended to the stems, both stems change their vowels to the zero-form realized as k 0- and so - respectively. In other words, the stems first become con­ sonant stems in order to form k -ita [came], k -im a s -u [comes], k -u m a i [may not come], etc., and s-ita [did], s -im a s-u [does], and s -u m a i [may not do]. When suffixes possessing the union consonant r, e.g. the nonperfective finite and participle - ( r ) u f the negative imperative - ( r ) u n a f the rejected conaitional - ( r ) u t o , and the non-perfective conditional - ( r ) e b a , are appended, both stems change their vowels to u forming k u -r u [comes], k u -r eb a [if comes], etc. and s u -ru [does], su -reb a [if does], etc. When the negative derivational suffix - ( a ) n a - is appended, the stem of the former is still k o - , but that of the latter changes to s i- . Similarly, the imperative form o f the former is k o - i [come!] accompanied by the im­ perative functional suffix - i without changing the vowel of the stem, whereas that o f the latter is si-r o [do!] formed by the addition of the imperative suffix -ro and the alternation o f the vowel of the stem to de-

来 為

ル ル

来夕，来

マス，来 マイ

シ タ ， シ マス，スマイ

来 来

ル レバ，スル，スレバ

来イ

シロ

67

68

ch. 3

Verbals and Verbal Suffixes

rive si- from se-. The polite derivational suffix -(i)mas- does not alternate its own vowel, but is irregularly followed by other verbal suffixes. These kinds of suffixes are labelled irregular verbal suffixes. While the secondary stems formed by the polite derivational suffix are consonant stems, the union consonant y of the prospective finite and participle suffix ~(y)〇 〇 is appended to those stems, as aforementioned, to form -(i)mas-yoo. Since they cannot be accompanied by the negative derivational suffix -(a)na-, in order to derive the negative form o f the perfective aspect, the nonperfective negative ending -en is followed by the perfective copula -desita as in -(i)mas-en desita. The principal aim in using the polite derivational suffix is to compose polite-style sentences by forming polite derivational stems of actional verbs situated at the end of a sentence and, therefore, the participles or converbs, which normally appear in the middle of sentences, are not used very often. Yet, especially in raising the level of politeness, the participle -(i)mas-u, or its special variant -(i)mas-uru, the perfective converb -(i)mas-ite, and the special form of the conditional converb -(i)mas-ureba are sometimes used. However, it never forms a converb accompanied by the copulative -(i), simultaneous -(i)nagara, purposive -(i)ni, or prospective concessive -(y)ooto. The desiderative derivational suffix -(i)tagar- is never coupled with the functional suffix -(i)ni which forms purposive converbs. Also, the potential derivational suffixes -(r)are- and -e- cannot be coupled with the suffix -ro which forms imperative verbs. When actional verbs that are honorific words showing the speaker^ respects to the agent as a referent, viz. nasar-u [(esteemed one) does], kudasar-u [(id.) gives to me], ossyar-u [(id.) says], and irassyar-u [(id.) goes, comes, exists] are followed by the polite suffix -(i)mas-, while still keeping the feature o f consonant stems (i.e., while having the union vowel i in -(i)mas- remain), they regularly delete their stem-final con­ sonant r to form nasao-imas-u [(esteemed one) does, sir], kudasao-imas-u [(id.) gives to me, sir], etc. These types of verbs are specifically labelled anom alous verbs. These verbs prefer to take the imperative suffix -i and at the same time also delete the stem-final r to form nasa0-i [(esteemed you,) please do], kudasa0 -i [(id.) please give to me], etc. Un­ like other actional verbs, they can be accompanied by -(i)mas-e to form the imperative verbs from their polite derivational stems. The anoma­ lous verbs cannot be coupled with the causative -(s)ase- or the passive and potential -(r)are-, but are sometimes coupled with the honorific der­ ivational suffix -(r)are-. Although it is a polite word and not an honorific word, gozar-u [exists] is also an anomalous verb. When it is accompanied with the po­ lite -(i)mas-, it similarly deletes its stem-final consonant r to form goza0imas-u [exists, sir]. Unlike honorific words, however, no functional suf­ fix may be appended directly to the primary stem gozar-, meaning that

デシタ

為サル 下サル，仰ル， イラッシャル

為 サイマス，下サイマス

為サイ 下サイ

御座ル

御座イマス

4. Irregular Suffixation | 69

the formation o f the polite derivational stem is always required. Accord­ ingly, such forms as gozar-u [exists] and gozar-oo [may exist] are not used in Modern Japanese.

御 座 ル ， 御座ラウ

Japanese Grammar, a new approach

V

a r ie t ie s

o f

V

e r b s

72 I ch. 4 Varieties of Verbs

第

c /ia ftle i v a te e lte ^

veti>^

4

章

動詞の種々性

1 動作動詞の自他

T r a n s i t iv i ty o f A c tio n a l V e rb s

The receiver or goal o f the action of an actional verb is the object. Among objects, the person or thing directly affected by the action ex­ pressed in a sentence is the direct object, which is a noun-substantive in the accusative case. There are two types of actional verbs, one which can take a direct object and one which cannot. Hari ga magarn. [A pin bends.] Kami ga moeru. [Paper burns.] As in the verbs magar-u [bends] and moe-ru [burns] in the above exam­ ples, verbs expressing the actions or states which do not go beyond the agents are classified as i n t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s . On the other hand, such verbs as mage-ru [bends] and moyas-u [burns] express actions which do not end with or are not confined to the agents and are capable of gov­ erning the accusative nouns as direct objects as seen in the following ex­ amples: Dare ka ga hari o mageru. [Somebody bends a pin.] Dare ka ga kami o moyasu. [Someone burns paper.]

針ガ曲ル

.

紙ガ燃エル

.

曲ル， 燃エル

曲ゲル，燃ヤス

誰カガ針ヲ曲ゲル

.

誰カガ紙ヲ燃ヤス

.

These types of verbs are all classified as t r a n s i t i v e v e r b s . The distinc­ tion between transitive and intransitive verbs is extremely significant in grammar, especially in syntax.1 With the exception of one group of words, Japanese verbs cannot have both transitive and intransitive uses. This is very clear, but what is confusing is the lack o f definite rules in the derivation of transitive verbs from intransitive ones and vice versa. Thus, amongst the many different derivational techniques, alternation of the endings of verbal stems o f verbs seen in the cognates are simply* Nevertneless, a common view regaras the classmcation of transitive verbs and intransitive verbs to be difficult and needless: e.gw Yoshio /amada, Nihon bunpogaku gairon, Tokyo 1936, pp. 229-245; Oki Hayashi, ^Jidoshi/* Kokugo Gakkai ed., Kokugogaku jiten, Tokyo 1955, pp. 504-506; Hayashi, “Tad6shi,” /MJ., p. 624.

r

山田孝雄， 日本文法學概論』； 林大， 「自動詞」，国語学会，

r国語学辞典』；林， 「他動詞」

1 . Transitivity o f Actional Verbs

classified into several categories and shown below. First, by adding the ending -as to their stems, some consonant-stem intransitive verbs derive the transitive verbs: Intransitive Verbs ugok- [move] wak- [boil] kawak- [dry] mayow- [get lost] sum- [become clear] ter- [shine on] nar- [ring]

〜 〜 〜

— 〜 〜 〜

T ransitive V erbs ugokai- [move] wakas- [boil] kawaka_s- [dry off] mayow«5- [mislead] sumfl5- [make clear] teras- [shine] ndiTas- [ring]

動

ク

~

沸

ク

〜

沸カス

乾

ク

〜

乾カス

迷

フ

~

迷 ハス

澄

ム

〜

澄マス

照

ル

〜

照ラス

鳴

ル

〜

鳴ラス

動カス

Next, there are some consonant-stem intransitive verbs which derive the transitive verbs by adaing -e to the stems: ak- [open] tuk- [stick] todok- [arrive] tuzuku- [last] narab- [form a line] tat- [stand] sizum- [sink] yam- [stop]

ake- [open] tuke- [attach] todoke- [deliver] tuzuke- [continue] narabe- [line up] tat卜 [make stand] sizume- [sink] yame- [stop]

In addition to the example, mo(y)e-ru [biurns (v.i)] ~ moyas-u [burns (v.t.)] aforementioned, there are some other cases in which intransitive verbs derive the transitive verbs by alternating the stem-ending -e with -as: kure- [draw to a close] hare- [clear up] more- [leak] bake- [turn into] toke- [melt] make- [be defeated] huke- [grow late] same- [awake] koge- [be scorched] hae-(くh a y e-) [spring up]

〜 〜 〜 〜 〜 〜 〜 〜

~ 〜

kunw- [live a life] hanw- [clear] moras- [let leak] bakas- [bewitch] tokas- [melt] mak^5- [defeat] huk«5- [stay up late] S2 m a s - [awake] kogas- [scorch] hay仍 - [let grow]

開

ク

〜

開ケル

付

ク

〜

付ケル

届

ク

~

届ケル

続

ク

〜

続ケル

並

ブ

〜

並べル

立

ツ

〜

立テル

沈

ム

~

沈メル

止

ム

〜

止メル

燃 エ ル -'■•燃ヤス

暮レル

暮フス

晴レル

晴ラス

漏レル 化ケル

漏ラス

~

溶ケル 負ケル

溶カス

~

負カス 更カス

更ケル 覚メル

化ヵス

~

焦ゲル

覚マス 焦ガス

生エル

~

生ヤス

起キル

~

起 ス

Some vowel-stem intransitive verbs dierive the transitive verbs by altei nating the stem-ending -i with -os, -us, or -as. oki- [get up] hi- [get dry] or/- [get down] ho rob/- [die out 丨 sugi- [pass by] tuk/- [be exhausted] kor/- [learn a lesson]

〜 〜 — 〜

〜 〜 〜

okas- [wake upl hos- [dry] oros- [put down] horoboj- [ruin] sugoj- [pass] tukwi- [exhaust] konw- [chastise]

干 ル

干 ス

下リル

下ロス

滅ビル

—

過ギル 尽キル 懲リル

滅ボス 過 ス

~

尽 ス 懲ラス

73

74

ch. 4

Varieties of Verbs

lki- [be alive] nobi- [lengthen] mitt- [be filled]

〜 〜

\kas- [keep alive] nobd5- [lengthen] [fill up]

生キル

〜

生カス

伸ビル

〜

伸バス

満チル

〜

満タス

流レル

~

流

While being the same vowel-stem intransitive verbs, those in which the stems have the ending -re derive the transitive verbs by means of adding the consonant s in place of the -re in some cases: nagare- [stream] hanare- [separate] kakure- [hide oneself] hazure- [come off] koware- [be broken] araware- [appear] taore- [fall down]

〜 〜 〜 〜 〜 〜

naga5- [let flow] hanaj- [separate] kakos- [hide] hazu^- [take off] kowas- [break] arawajf- [express] ta〇5- [throw down]

離レル

離

隠レル

隠

外レル

外

壊レル

~

壊

現レル

現

倒レル

倒

残 ル

残

廻 ル

廻

通 ル

通

成 ル

成

宿 ル

宿

ス ス ス ス ス ハス ス

From the examples cited above, it is at least obvious that the consonant r must be an element indicating intransitivity and 5 an element indicating transitivity. In fact, the alternation o f the stem-ending -r and -s, respec­ tively, form the stems of intransitive verbs and those of transitive verbs in some cases: nokor- [remain] mawar- [turn around] toor- [pass] nar- [become] yador- [lodge] utur- [remove] okor- [happen] naor- [be mended] kaer- [come back]

〜 〜 〜

〜 〜 〜 〜

~

nok〇5- [leave] mawas- [turn] toexs-卩et pass] nzs- [make] yad〇5- [conceive] utu^- [remove] okos- [cause]

ス

n a 〇5- [m e n d ]

直 ル

直

kae^- [let go back]

帰 ル

帰

ス ス ス ス ス ス ス ス

焼ケル

焼

ク

裂ケル

裂

ク

抜ケル

抜

ク

移 ル

移

起 ル

起

Between the cognates, there are some intransitive verbs which are obviously derived from the transitive verbs, that is, the stems of intran­ sitive verbs are derived from the consonant stem o f transitive verbs by adding the stem-ending -e: yake- [be burnt] sake- [tear] nuke- [come out] toke- [be solved] nuge- [slip off] ware- [be cracked] tore- [come apart] ore- [snap] kire- [cut]

〜 〜

— 〜 〜 〜 〜 〜 〜

yak-[burn] sak- [tear] nuk- [draw out] tok- [solve] nug- [take off] war- [crack] tor- [take off] or- [snap] kir- [cut]

Also, like magar-u [bends (v.i.j] ~ m叹 e-rw [bends (v.t.)l aforementioned. there are many intransitive verbs which are derived from transititve verbs by means o f changing the vowel-stem ending -e to -ar.

解ケル

~

脱ゲル 割レル 取レル 折レル 切レル 曲ル ， 曲ゲル

~ ~

解

ク

脱

グ

割

ル

取

ル

折

ル

切

ル

1 . Transitivity o f Actional Verbs | 75

kak^r- [hang on] at^r- [hit against] k i m a r - [be decided] atumflr- [gather] s i m a r - [be shut] tizim^r- [shrink] hazinw- [begin] awastir- [be jointed] maza卜 [be mixed] kasarw- [be piled up] agar- [go up] sagar- [go down] k a w a r - [change] 〇 -w a r - [end up]

〜

〜

〜

〜

〜

〜 〜

kake- [hang] ate- [hit] kime- [decide] atume- [gather] sime- [shut] tizime- [shorten] hazime- [begin] awase- [put together] maze- [mix] kasane- [pile up] age- [lift up] sage- [bring down] kae-(、 kawe-) [change] oe-(^owe-) [finish]

掛 ル

~

当 ル

〜

当テル

決マル

~

決メル

集マル

〜

集メル

締 ル

〜

締メル

縮マル

〜

縮メル

始 ル

~

始メル

合サル

〜

合セル

混ザル

~

混ゼル

重ナル

〜

重ネル

上 ル

〜

上ゲル

下ガル

~ ~

下ゲル

変 ル 終 ル

〜

終へル

掛ケル

変へル

In addition to these, by changing the vowel-stem ending - e to - a r e or by aaaing - o r or - a r to the consonant stems, some intransitive verbs are derived from transitive verbs: W 3 .k a r e - [branch off] tumor- [be accumulated] husagar- [be clogged] tunagar- [be linked]

wake- [divide] turn- [heap up] husag- [block up] tunag- [link up]

分レル

〜

分ケル

積モル

~

積 ム

塞ガル

〜

塞 グ

繫ガル

〜

繫ゲル

似 ル

〜

似セル

Besides, there are some vowel-stem intransitive verbs wnich derive the transitive verbs by adding the ending -s e to the vowel stem: ni-[look like]

〜

n is e -

[imitate]

By the same process, some transitive verbs denoting causative actions are derived from ordinary transitive verbs, e.g. m i - r u [sees] ~ m is e - r u [showsl and k i - r u [wears] 〜 k i s e - r u [dresses]. Since the verb n e - r u [sleeps] is grammatically also a transitive v e ro / n e - r u [sleeps] ~ n e s e - r u [let sleep] is also counted here. Further, some transitive verbs are aerived from intransitive verbs by changing the stem-ending - r to -s e . nor- [step onto] yor- [come near]

nose- [load] yo^e- [let come near]

By the same method, there are such examples of transitive verbs as da­ tive verbs that are derived from ordinary transitive verbs as in kabur-u [puts o n ] 〜 kabuse-ru [covers with]. Thus, in reality there are various aspects of derivation. There are exceptional cases where an actional verb has both transi­ tive and intransitive uses, which are determined depending on the con­ text. Here are motional verbs that express the spatial shift: oozora o yuku kari [wild geese flying across the sky]2 2Vid. Chap. 4: 3, p. 92, infra; cf. 4tto sleep a sleep*5as its English equinvalent.

見ル〜見セル 着 ル 〜 着 セ ル ，寝ル 寝ル〜寝セル

乗 ル 寄 ル

被ル〜被セル

大空ヲ行ク雁

~ ~

乗セル 寄セル

76 | ch. 4 Varieties of Verbs

In the above clause, yuk-u [goes] is a transitive verb.

行ク

Sapporo tti yuku zyookyaku [passengers going to Sapporo] On the other hand, yuk-u in the above clause is an intransitive verb. This problem will be dealt with in detail from a syntactical viewpoint later.3

札幌二行ク乗客

3Chap. 4:3, pp. 89-91, infra.

行ク

2. Voice

第 4章

c /ia h ^ m na ^ee/ie^

動詞の種々性

v>e^t6a

2

2

Voice

相

/ The grammatical category that mdicates the relationsh^ of the subject to the action denoted by the verb is labelled voice. The word “sub­ ject” used here includes the subject which is thematized. Oya ga ko o sikaru. [The parents scold their child.] Musume ga sin u . [A daughter dies.] When a predicate verb expresses the action of the agent, like s ik a r -u [scolds] and s in -u [dies], the voice of the verb is defined as a c t i v e v o i c e , regardless o f whether it is transitive or intransitive. The first sentence above is in the active voice possessing the transitive verb s ik a r -u as its predicate and with the object of the action k o [child] in the accusative case. When the accusative noun is changed to a nominative noun but still expresses the same content, the following sentence is obtained: Ko ga oya ni sikarareru. [The child is scolded by his parents.] Here, the agent o y a [parent] is indicated by the agentive case. Thus, the voice of a verb which takes a thing or a person that is the object of the action for the subject is labelled p a s s i v e v o i c e , which is indicated by a verb containing the suffix ^(r)are- to derive a passsive secondary stem, like s ik a r-a re-ru [is scolded]. This kind of sentence, when the direct ob­ ject k o [child] o f the transitive verb s ik a r -u [scolds] stands as the subject, is labelled as a d i r e c t p a s s i v e sentence. In contrast to that, the second example sentence is one in which the active voice has the intransitive s in -u [dies] as its predicate. When this verb is changed to the passivevoice verb s in -a re -ru [^ is died] having the agent m u su m e [daughter] in the agentive case and adding tentatively oy a [parent] which did not exist in the active voice sentence, the following sentence may be obtained: Oya ga musume ni sinareru. [The parents had their daughter die on them.] In the above sentence, the subject o y a is not a direct object o f the adaughter (m u s u m e Y s dying (s in -u ),11 but an object affected indirectly by the action. Therefore, a sentence possessing the passive voice of an in-

親ガ子ヲ叱ル.

娘ガ死ヌ.

叱ル 死ヌ

叱ル

子ガ親二叱ラレル.

親

叱

ラレル

子，叱

ル

死ヌ 死ナレル，娘 親

親ガ娘二死ナレル.

親 (娘 )， （ 死ヌ）

78

ch. 4 Varieties of Verbs

transitive verb is labelled an i n d i r e c t - p a s s i v e sentence. Indirect-passive sentences are used only when the subjects suffer disadvantage by the ac­ tions of predicate verbs. This is the reason why it is commonly called the “victimizing passive.” These types of passive-voice sentences formed by intransitive verbs is a trait seen only in Japanese and does not exist even in Korean which is often thought to be grammatically parallel to Japanese. In relation to this, the literal translation o f the above sentence into English, “ *the parents are died by their daughter,” is totally ungrammatical. Kyaku ni tooka mo irarete heikoo-sita. [I was annoyed by a guest's staying as long as ten days.] Ano hito ni katyoo ni nararete wa kanawanai. [I cannot stand it if that guy becomes the chief.] Soko ni tatareru to, nani mo mienai. [We cannot see anything if you stand there.] As shown above, all sentences formed by the passive voice of intransi­ tive verbs are indirect-passive sentences, which neither have the corre­ sponding active-voice sentences nor may be literally translated into English. On the other hand, it does not mean that all the passive-voice sen­ tences formed from transitive verbs are direct-passive sentences. For ex­ ample, the following is an active-voice sentence with the verb koros-u [kills]: Neko ga kotori o korosita. [A cat killed the bird.] When the above sentence is transformed into a passive-voice sentence using koros-are-ru [is killed], the following sentence is obtained: Kotori ga neko ni korosareta. [The bird was killed by a cat.] This is a direct-passive sentence. However, if the nominative kotori [bird] is returned to the accusative case and another word is tentatively added, imooto [sister], as the subject here, the following sentence will re­ sult: Imooto ga kotori o neko ni korosareta. [My sister had her bird killed on her by a cat.] That which is ^killed {koros-are-td)v is the kotori, and not the subject im­ ooto in the above sentence. Because imooto is the one who suffered the damage indirectly by the kotori being ^killed (koros-are-ta) t h i s sentence is unquestionably an indirect-passive sentence. The literal translation into English, u*my sister was killed the bird by a cat/* is ungrammati­ cal and does not make sense. N ot only sentences possessing predicate in­ transitive verbs o f the passive voice but also sentences possessing predic­ ate transitive verbs of the passive voice accompanied by an accusative noun are indirect-passive sentences, which do not have an equivalent

「迷 惑 受 身 」

客二十日モ居ラレテ閉ロシタ

アノ人二

.

i l l 二成ラレテハ叶ハナイ.

ソコニ立 タ レ ル ト ， 何 モ 見 ェ ナ イ .

殺ス

猫ガ小鳥ヲ殺シタ

.

殺サレル 小鳥ガ猫二殺サレタ

.

小鳥

妹

妹ガ小鳥ヲ猫二殺サレタ

(殺 サ レ タ ）， 小 鳥 ， 妹 妹 小鳥， （ 殺サレタ）

.

2. Voice

active-voice sentence:4* Sonna mondai o dasarete mo komaru. [We have trouble also when such a problem is presented.] Aranu uwasa o taterarete wa mina ga meiwaku-suru. [Everybody would be annoyed if a false rumor spreads.] Kodomo ni tokei o kowasarete daisongai da. [I am suffering serious damage having my watch broken by the kid.]

79

ソンナ問題ヲ出サレテモ困ル.

アラヌ噂ヲ立テラレテハ 皆ガ迷惑スル. 子供二時計ヲ壊サレテ大損害ダ.

All of these examples are indirect-passive sentences and cannot be literal­ ly translated into English. / Even so, however, a transitive verb of the passive voice accompa­ nied by an accusative noun does not always form an indirect-passive sentence, because in Japanese the existence of the d a t i v e v e r b is recog­ nized, as in English. Dative verbs are those which can take both a direct object and an indirect object at the same time: Oya ga ko ni kane o okuru. [The parents send their child money.]

親ガ子二金ヲ送ル.

In this sentence, the accusative case kane [money] is the direct object and the dative case ko [child] is the indirect object, and the predicate verb okur-u is recognized as a dative verb. Now, when this sentence is trans­ ferred to a direct passive by making the direct object kane the subject and changing the agent oya [parent] to an agentive-case noun, the following sentence is formed: Kane ga oya ni (yotte) ko ni okurareru. [Money is sent to the child by his parents.]

金

Here, ko ni [to the child] is a dative-case noun and so ko is still the in­ direct object. Further, when this sentence is transformed into another passive-voice sentence by keeping the agentive case oya ni as it is and making the indirect object ko the subject, the following sentence is formed:

子 二，子

Ko ga oya ni kane o okurareru. [The child is sent money by his parents.] While the passive-voice verb okur-are-ru [is sent] is accompanied by the accusative-case noun kane o [money], the subject ko [child] does not suf­ fer any disadvantage by the action of “sending (okur-u) . I n other words, while being accompanied by the accusative-case noun, it is still a direct-passive sentence. A literal English translation of this sentence, “the child is sent money by his parents” is perfectly grammatical. Simi­ larly: Kootyoo ga yuutoosei ni syoozyoo o ataeta. [The principal gave the honor student a diploma of honor.] 4Tms tvoe of victimizing passive*7is also seen in the Mongolian oi the secret History of the Mongols C1240). Vid. Nicholas Poppe, t4The Passive Construc­ tions in the Language ot the Secret History,Ural-Altaische Jahrbucner 3o, 1965, pp. 366-377.

L 金 親

金 ガ 親 二 （ヨ ッ テ ）子 二 送 ラ レ ル .

親二 子

子ガ親二金ヲ送ラレル.

送ラレル 金ヲ，子 (送 ル ）

校長ガ優等生二賞状ヲ与へ夕.

80 | ch. 4 Varieties of Verbs

From this active sentence a pair of passive sentences may be derived: Syoozyoo ga kootyoo ni (yotte) yuutoosei ni ataerareta. [A diploma of honor was given to the honor student by the princi­ pal-] Yuutoosei ga kootyoo ni syoozyoo o ataerareta. [The honor student was given a diploma of honor by the principal.] Both of the above passive-voice sentences have corresponding activevoice sentences and are regarded as direct-passive sentences. Here are more examples: Zen-kamoku risyuusya dake ga menzyoo o sazukerareru. [Only those who complete all the courses will be granted licenses.] Kyoo yatto minoo no daikin o tewatasareta. [Finally today the money for the debts were handed over.] Musuko ga sityoo ni zenkoo o homerareta. [My son was praised for a good deed by the mayor.] All the predicate verbs above are dative verbs. An indirect-passive sen­ tence cannot be formed by a dative verb.5 The medio-passive verbs such as mie-ru [is visible] and kikoe-ru [is audible] and the existential verb ar-u [exists] are intransitive verbs, and the passive derivational suffix -(r)are- cannot be appended to the stems of those verbs, which would be mie-, kikoe- and ar-. Accordingly, passive-voice sentences cannot be formed by those actional verbs. It goes without saying that qualitative verbs are used only in the active voice, and never in the passive voice. The most common view claims that the subject of a passive-voice verb is limited primarily to only animate noun-substantives and that in Japanese inanimate noun-substantives originally could not be the subject in a passive-voice sentence.6 However, this view is incorrect. The sub­ ject of a direct-passsive sentence can be either animate or inanimate. Active-voice sentences of which the subject is the agent o f the action is merely more common than direct-passive sentences of which the subject is an inanimate thing. Hasi ga atarasiku kakekaerareta. [The bridge was newly rebuilt.] Hata ga to-goto ni laterarete iru. [There is a flag hung out at the door of every house.]

賞 状 ガ 校 長 二 （ヨ ッ テ ） 優等生二与へラレタ

優等生ガ校長二賞状ヲ与へラレタ

.

全課目履習者ダケガ 免状ヲ授ケラレル 今日ヤット

^ ^ ノ代金ヲ手 M

息子ガ市長二善行ヲ誉メラレタ

見エル，聞コエル 在

ル

橋ガ新シク架ケ替ヘラレタ

.

旗ガ戸毎二立テラレテヰル

.

,PI代日本語の表現と語法J; r ; 松村明， 『 現 代 の 国 語 一 江戸から現代へ j

佐久間鼎

湯沢幸吉郎， 口語法精説j

. .

レタ

As seen above, when the agent is not defined, it is more common to ex­ press it in a passive-voice sentence. It seems that the subject of an Thereiore, Anthony Alronso is incorrect m rejecting the notion ot a ^victimlzing passive5* without noticing tne existence ot dative verbs. Cf. Anthony AKonso, Japanese Language Patterns, vol.2, Tokvo 1966, pp. 942-946. E.g., Kanae Sakuma, Sendai Nihongo no hy〇Qen to ^ond, Tokyo 1966, pp. 208-211; Kokichiro Yuzawa, Kogoho seisetsu, Tokyo 1977, p .132; Akira Matsumura, Kindai no kokugo: Edo kara Qendai e, Tokyo 1977, pp. 142, 177178, 206.

.

.

2. Voice

81

indirect-passive sentence is usually an animate noun, but it is rather a matter of semantics, and not a matter of grammar. he voice expressing a thing or person as the subject (or the themaubject) causing or having another agent perform an action is label­ led the c a u s a t i v e v o i c e . A secondary stem denoting the causative voice is formed by the addition o f the derivational suffix -(s)ase- to the verbal stem. In addition, there is another way of forming the causative voice which is shown below: Itizu no doryoku ga kare o konniti arasimeta. [His earnest efforts have made him what he is today.] Iinkai o site kiyaku o ssLikentoo-sesimeyoo. [Let’s make the committe reexamine the statutes.] The suffix -(a)sime- as in ar-asime-ta [made one be] and se-sime-yoo [let^ make one do] seen above is also a causitive derivational suffix, but it is used in a more classical style. Normally this suffix is not discussed in the grammar of the modern language. Causative-voice verbs derived from the primary stems o f intransi­ tive verbs possess the transitive nature and, like transitive verbs, can be accompanied by an accusative-case noun. When they both take an accusative animate noun as the object, there exists this kind o f common feature between them in the case of cognates. Both are also similar in meaning. For example, the following is a sentence having a predicate intransitive verb: Kodomo ga ie ni nokoru. [The children stay home.] When the intransitive verb nokor-u [remains] above is replaced by the causative nokor-ase-ru [has one remain] and a word, oya [parent], is added as the subject, the following sentence is formed: Oya ga kodomo o ie ni nokoraseru. [The parents have their children remain home.] When the cognate transitive verb nokos-u [leaves] is used instead of the causative verb above, the following sentence is obtained: Oya ga kodomo o ie ni nokosu. [The parents leave their children at home.] There is not a wide difference in the contents o f these two sentences, but the view that regards both the verbs as transitive verbs7 is incorrect. The reason nokor-ase-ru is recognized as the causative-voice verb o f the intransitive verb nokor-u [remains] is because it contains a sense o f en­ forcement by “the parents (oya)” about the action to “remain ( ⑽ toward the “children (kodomo).^ In fact, it is possible to replace the accusative-case noun kodomo-o with the agentive-case noun: Oya ga kodomo ni ie ni nokoraseru. [The parents have their children remain at home.] E .g., Motoki Tokieda,

Nihon bunpd: Kogo hen, Tokyo 1950, p p .124-125.

一途ノ努カガ彼ヲ今日アラシメタ.

委員会ヲシテ規約ヲ 再検討セシメヨウ. アラシメタ， セシメヨウ

子供ガ家二残ル.

残ル 残ラセル，親

親ガ子供ヲ家二残ラセル.

残ス

親ガ子供ヲ家二残ス.

残ラセル 残ル (親 )， （ 残ル） (子 供 ） 子供ヲ 親ガ子供二家二残ラセル.

時枝誠記， r 日 本 文 法 •口 語 篇 』

82 | ch. 4

Varieties of Verbs

It is because the uchildren (kodom〇Y ， is considered to be the agent of the action to ^remain (nokor-u).^ In the active-voice sentence, it is ungram­ matical to replace the accusative-case noun by the agentive-case noun: *Oya ga kodomo ni ie ni nokosu. ([The parents leave their children at home.])

(子 供) (残 ル)

親ガ子供二家二残ス.

Further, when the verb takes an inanimate noun as the object, the differ­ ences between them may be clearly observed. Ryoori ga syokutaku ni nokoru.

料理ガ食卓二残ル.

[Food remains on the table.]

If the above sentence is transformed to a causative-voice sentence adding tentatively kodomo [child] as the subject, the sentence does not make sense and becomes ungrammatical: * Kodomo ga ryoori o syokutaku ni nokoraseru. [*Children have the food remain on the table.] When the transitive verb nokos-u [leaves] is used instead, the sentence is perfectly acceptable: Kodomo ga ryoori o syokutaku ni nokosu. [The children leave the food on the table.]

子供

子供ガ料理ヲ食卓二残ラセル.

残ス

子供ガ料理ヲ食卓二残ス.

Another similar example is shown in the next sentences: Sensei ga syosei o ie ni agaraseru. [The teacher lets a student enter his house.] Sensei ga syosei o ic ni ageru. [The teacher admitted a student into his house.] The above two sentences are similar in meaning; agar-ase-ru [has one go up] is the causative-voice verb derived from the intransitive verb agar-u [goes up], and age-ru [lifts up] is a transitive verb. When the animate syosei [student] in the two sentences above is replaced by the inanimate [book], they are transformed to the sentences below: * Sensei ga syomotu o tana ni agaraseru. [*The teacher has the books go up on a shelf.] Sensei ga syomotu o tana ni ageru. [The teacher puts books on a shelf.]

先生ガ書生ヲ家二上ラセル.

先生ガ書生ヲ家二上ゲル.

上ラセル 上ル 上ゲル 書生 書物 先生ガ書物ヲ棚二上ラセル.

先生ガ書物ヲ棚二上ゲル.

As seen above, the causative-voice sentence derived from an intransitive verb does not make sense, but there are no problems with the sentence formed with the cognate transitive verb. What is more, in causativevoice sentences, as aforementioned, the animate noun can be changed from the accusative case to the agentive: Sensei ga syosei ni ie ni agaraseru. [The teacher lets a student enter his house.] Besides, a causative-voice sentence also has the use as a p e r m i s s i v e c a u s a t i v e in which the subject permits the action of an animate object: Kaeritai mono dake kaeraseru. [We allow only those who want to go home to do so.] On the other hand, a causative-verb sentence derived from a transi-

先生ガ書生二家二上ラセル.

帰リタイ者ダケ帰ラセル.

2. Voice

tive verb poses no problems. When the causative-voice verb nokos-ase-ru [has one leave] is derived from the transitive verb nokos-u [leaves], it is interpreted as causing another agent, kodomo [children], not the subject oya [parent], to ^leave (nokos-uy9 the inanimate ^food (ryoori)19: Oya ga kodomo ni ryoori o syokutaku ni nokosaseru. [The parents have their children leave the food on the table.] This sentence is also semantically acceptable. The case of the causativevoice verb age-sase-ru [has one lift up] derived from the transitive verb age-ru [lifts up] is also the same: Sesnei ga syosei ni syomotu o tana ni agesaseru. [The teacher has a student put books on a shelf.]

83

残 サ セ ル ， 残ス 子供 親， （ 残 ス ）， （ 料理） 親ガ子供二料理ヲ食卓二残サセル.

上ゲサセル 上ゲル 先生ガ書生二書物ヲ棚二上ゲサセル.

In short, causative-voice verbs derived from the stems of transitive verbs can always form causative-voice sentences irrespective of whether the object is animate or not. In this case, the agent is always in the agentive case. / ’ Examples o f the causative-voice verbs derived from intransitive verbs, as compared to their cognate transitive verbs are shown below. Intransitive Verbs

ne[lie down] nige[escape] oki[raise] ori[descend] iki[be alive] tomar[stop] kaer[go back] sum[dwell]

C ausative-V oice V erbs

ne-sasefhave one lie down] niQe-sase[have one escape] oki-sase[have one up] ori-sase[have one down] iki-sase[have one alive] tomar-ase[have one stop] kaer-ase[have one return] sum-ase[have one dwell]

T ransitive Verbs

~

nese[lay down] nigas卩et go] okos[raise ud] oros[take down] ikas[keep alive] tome[stop] kaes[send back] sumas[let dwell]

寝

ル

ー

>

寝 サ セ ル 〜 寝 セ ル

逃ゲルー—

逃ゲサセル 〜 逃 ガ ス

起 ル - ^ 起 キ サ セ ル 〜 起 ス 降 リ ル -^

降リサセル

生キルー>

生キサセル

~ 降

ス

~ 生 カ ス 止 マ ル ー ^•止 マ ラ セ ル 〜 止 メ ル 帰 ル

ー ^ 帰 ラ セ ル 〜 帰 ス

住 ム ー >

住 マ セ ル 〜 住

マス

However, some are missing the causative-voice verbs derived from in­ transitive verbs like the examples shown below. Rather than saying they are missing, one should say that they are not actually used even though the causative forms can be theoretically formed: ake[dawn] ware[be smashed] nie[boil] koge[get scorched]

* ake-sase[* have it dawn] * ware-sase[*have it smash] * nie-sase[* have it boil] * koge-sase[* have it scorch]

akas[stay up all night] war[smash] ni[boil] kogas[scorch]

明 ケ ル ー ^ *明ケサセル 〜 明 カ ス 割レル^

*割 レ サ セ ル

煮 エ ル -^

*煮エサセル

〜 割

〜 煮

ル

ル

焦 ゲ ル ー > *焦ゲサセル 〜 焦 ガ ス

84

ch. 4

Varieties of Verbs

^

sugi-

[elapse] tat-

| be built j

*su g i-sa se[*

_

^

have it elapse]

*ta t-a se[*

have it get built]

sugos-

過 ギ ル ー—

*過ギサセル

建 ッ ー

*建 タ セ ル

[spend] tate-

〜 過 ゴ ス

[build]

Among the examples cited above, the last tat-u [is built] is the same word as tat-u [stands].8 However, when the verb tat-u [is built] is used, because it requires an inaminate object, the causative-voice sentence is ungrammatical: Ie ga tatu. [A house is built.] *Ie o tataseru. [*One has a house get built.] Ie o tateru. [One builds a house.] When the verb tat-u that means t4stands,5 is used, however, it is possible for the causative-voice sentence to be formed since it can take an ani­ mate object: Taityoo ga heisi o tataseru. [A captain has the soldiers stand.] O f course, this is grammatical. On the contrary, however, when the transitive verb tate-ru [stands] is used, the grammaticality is lost. The following sentence is ungrammatical as the object /^/幻. [soldier] is animate: * Taityoo ga heisi o tateru. [*A captain stands the soldiers.] Nonetheless, if the subject is an inanimate noun such as kokki [national flag], the sentence becomes quite grammatical: Taityoo ga kokki o tateru. [A captain erects a national flag.]

〜 建 テ ル 建ッ 立 ッ ， 建ッ

家ガ建ッ•

家ヲ建タセル.

家ヲ建テル.

立ツ

隊長ガ兵士ヲ立タセル.

立テル

兵士 隊長ガ兵士ヲ立テル.

国旗

隊長ガ国旗ヲ立テル.

The above sentence is just the same in structure as the following sen­ tence. 1 aityoo ga ie o tateru. [A captain builds a house] In summary, this is not a matter of grammar, but it is simply because the word tate-ru [stands/builds| is a verb possessing an implication which requires only an inanimate thing for its object. As can be seen from this example, the reason why the aforementioned series of causative-voice verbs such as * ake-sase-ru [has it dawn] and the following are not actually used is because a series of intransitive verbs such as ake-ru [dawns] and the following possess the implication of not taking an animate subject, and so their causative forms (which cannot take an inanimate thine for Althougn the same word etymologically, tat-u [is built] and tat-u [stands] are written using different Chinese characters in Japanese orthography as if they were different words.

隊長ガ家ヲ建テル.

タテル

明ケサセル 明ケル

建ッ，立ッ

2. Voice

its object) are not used. In other words, the day 4tdawns (ake-ruy, and it is impossible for human beings to have the day udawned [ake-sase-ru)^ In passing, the causative-voice form of the transitive verb ake-ru [opens], (to 6) ake-sase-ru [has one open (the door)] is acceptable.9 This problem is for the category of semantics and not for grammar. That which is called an “animate thing” here is not necessarily limited to biological animals. Since it is known from the grammatical fact that the actional verb i-ru [exists], which always requires only an animate noun-substantive for its subject, can have takusii [taxi cab], sensuikan [submarine], and the like as its subject to denote their existence, the animate category must therefore include all things possessing the ability to move or change by themselves. For example, since katamar-u [becomes solid] is an intransitive verb, its causative-voice form katamarase-ru [has ones crowd] can, o f course, take the animate heisi [soldiers], for example, as its object as seen in the following: Heisi o ik-kasyo ni katamaraseru. [One has soldiers go to a spot.]

(明 ケ ル ） (明 ケ サ セ ル ） 開ケル (戸 ヲ ）開 ケ サ セ ル

居ル タクシー， 潜水鑑

固マル 固 マラセ ル ， 兵 士

兵士

ヲー個 所 二 固 マラセル.

Nonetheless, it can also take a word like sekkoo [plaster] as its object: sekkoo 〇 kata m katamaraseru. [One has plaster set in a mold.]

石膏

fhe causative katamar-ase-ru [has it soliaified] here is used almost with the same in meaning as the transitive verb katame-ru [solidifies]. Because