Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women: An Annotated Bibliogaphy & Research Guide (Handbook of Oriental Studies: Section 1; The Near and Middle East) [Annotated] 9004158499, 9789004158498

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Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women

Handbook of Oriental Studies Section 1, The Near and Middle East

Edited by

H. Altenmüller B. Hrouda B.A. Levine R.S. O’Fahey K.R. Veenhof C.H.M. Versteegh

VOLUME 91

Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women An Annotated Bibliography & Research Guide

by

Tahera Aftab

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2008

This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Aftab, Tahera. Inscribing South Asian Muslim women : an annotated bibliography & research guide / by Tahera Aftab. p. cm. — (Handbook of oriental studies. Section 1, The Near and Middle East ; v. 91) ISBN 978-90-04-15849-8 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Muslim women—South Asia— Bibliography. I. Title. II. Series. Z3185.A36 2007 [HQ1735.3] 016.30548'6970954—dc22 2007029418

ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN 978 90 04 15849 8 Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishers, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

With love and gratitude dedicated to the memory of my beloved parents Hajra Begam & Azmat Ullah Khan

CONTENTS

Abbreviations .............................................................................. xix List of transliterations ................................................................. xxi Acknowledgments ....................................................................... xxiii Introduction ................................................................................ xxv

SECTION ONE

SELECTED SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN A. South Asia an Introduction .................................................. I. Locating People and Spaces .......................................... (a) General Studies on South Asia ............................... (b) Selected Studies on Islam in South Asia ................ (c) Encyclopaedias of Islam .......................................... (d) Encyclopaedias of Muslim Women ......................... (e) Dictionaries of Islam ............................................... (f ) QurxÊn/Hadiº/ and Traditions of Prophet Muhammad ............................................................. II. Bibliographies and Research Guides for the Study of South Asian Muslim Women ........................................ III. Bibliographic Review Essays .......................................... IV. Catalogues of Library Holdings .................................... V. Biographical Compendiums of Prominent Muslim Women ........................................................................... VI. Invisibility of Muslim Women in Research Studies ...... B. Women’s Status in Religious Texts ....................................... I. Women’s Status in the QurxÊn ...................................... II. Rejecting Patriarchal Reading of the QurxÊn ............... III. Status of Women in the Æadiº .................................... IV. Role Models for Muslim Women: Prophet’s Wives and Daughters ................................................................

1 1 1 3 5 6 6 7 8 15 16 18 19 22 22 27 30 33

viii

contents SECTION TWO

MUSLIM WOMEN IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH ASIA A. Women in Medieval India .................................................... I. General Studies .............................................................. II. RaÓiyyÊh Sul¢Ên or Raziyat al-DunyÊ wal-DÒn (r. 1236–40) .................................................................... III. nÊnd BÒbÒ of the NiØÊm ·ÊhÒ Kingdom (b. 1547–1600) and Other Women in Power in the Deccan ........................................................................... B. Women in the Age of the Mughals (1526–1707) ................ I. General Studies .............................................................. II. Gulbadan BÊno Begam (1522/3–1603), Daughter of Babur, Emperor of Hindustan (1526–1530) ................. III. Nur Jahan Begam (d. 1645), wife of Emperor Jahangir (b. 1569–d. 1627) ............................................ IV. Mumtaz Ma˜al (1592–1631), Wife of Emperor ·ah Jahan (b. 1592–d. 1666) ....................................... V. JahÊn ArÊ Begam (b. 1614–d. 1681), Daughter of Emperor ·Êh JahÊn ..................................................... VI. Zeb-un NisÊx Begam (1638–1702) Daughter of Emperor Aurangzeb, (b. 1619–d. 1707) ........................ C. Mughal Women as Patrons of Art and Architecture .......... D. Muslim Women from the 18th to the Early 20th Century India ........................................................................ I. The Kingdom of Awadh (1722–1856) ......................... II. Muslim Women in the Kingdom of Bengal ................ III. A dynasty of women rulers: The Begams of Bhopal ... (a) General works .......................................................... (b) NawwÊb QudsiyÊh Begam (Period of Regency 1819–1837) ............................................................... (c) NawwÊb Sikandar Begam (Regency 1843–1868) ... (d) NawwÊb ·ahjahÊn Begam (b. 1838–d. 1901) ....... (e) Nawwab Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam (b. 1858–d. 1930) .... IV. Begam Samroo (also spelt as Sombre/Samru) (1753–1836) of Sardhana .............................................. V. Women in Hyderabad, Deccan ....................................

35 35 36

38 41 41 49 50 55 56 57 59 62 62 68 70 70 71 72 72 74 79 82

contents E. Muslim Women’s Encounter with the West ......................... I. Women and the First War of Independence, 1858 ..... II. Women under the British Colonial Regime ................. III. Muslim Women in the Narratives of the Christian Missions ..........................................................................

ix 85 85 86 91

SECTION THREE

ISLAMIC TRADITIONS, MUSLIM WOMEN AND THE REFORM MOVEMENT A. Women in the Discourse of the ÉufÒs and the maªÊxi¶ ....... I. Women ÉufÒs .................................................................... II. Women’s Image in Âu Literature ................................ III. Women in the Reformist (iÉlÊ˜Ò ) Traditions in the 18th and the19th Centuries ........................................... (a) Women, sharÒ{at and the bid{at Discourse ................. (b) Patriarchal Construction of Muslim Women .......... B. Modernist Reform Movements and Women’s Issues ........... I. Men in Support of Women’s Rights ............................. (a) Making Connections: Role Models from Other Muslim Societies ....................................................... (b) South Asian Muslim Women Compared With Women in Other Regions ........................................ II. Ideal Muslim Woman Dened ...................................... (a) Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s (1817–1898) ‘Model Muslim Woman’ .......................................... (b) Syed Ameer Ali (1849–1928) ................................... (c) Saiyyid Mumtaz Ali and ˜uqÖq un-niswʸ (1860–1935) .............................................................. (d) Rashidul ‡airÒ (1868–1936) ................................... III. Muslim Woman in the New Muslim Consciousness .... (a) The Bihishti Zewar of Ashraf {AlÒ ThÊnawÒ (1864–1943) .............................................................. (b) Abul KalÊm ¹zÊd’s Views on the Status of Women ..................................................................... (c) Dr. Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938) ........................ IV. Women Claiming their Rights .......................................

99 102 112 113 113 115 118 118 120 123 125 125 126 127 128 129 129 132 133 134

x

contents SECTION FOUR

PARDAH—MUSLIM WOMEN IN/OUT OF SECLUSION A. Discourse on the Interpretation of the QurxÊnic Verses on ˜ijab ........................................................................................ B. FatÊwÊ and Male Religious Opinions on Veiling/pardah ...... I. Male supporters of pardah .............................................. II. Men who opposed the pardah ........................................ C. Women Challenging pardah Restrictions ............................... I. Women in Support of pardah ....................................... D. Pardah’s Impact on Women’s Lives ....................................... E. BurqÊ{ ...................................................................................... F. Life Inside Pardah Households Observing ...........................

137 138 143 145 148 151 151 161 162

SECTION FIVE

RELIGIOUS PRACTICES A. FatÊwÊ: Male Authority and Women’s Status ................................ I. Resisting the Use of FatÊwÊ against Women ................. B. Prohibition on Women’s Presence in the Mosque and Shrines ................................................................................... C. Women’s Prayer (Éalat) .......................................................... I. Women and {Ád Prayers .................................................. II. Shrine Visitation and Women ....................................... D. Women and Religious Practices ............................................ I. MÒlÊd nÊmey/MÒlÊd Tracts for Women and by Women ........................................................................... II. MÒlÊd or MaulÖd ªarÒf: Celebrations of Prophet Muhammad’s Noble Birth ............................................. III. MÒlÊd as bid{at (Heresy) ................................................... E. Hajj and Women Pilgrims: Early Pilgrimage Accounts (Medieval India) .................................................................... I. Pilgrimage in the Nineteenth Century .......................... II. Pilgrimage in the Twentieth Century ............................ F. Women’s Travelogues: Women out of pardah .......................

166 169 171 172 174 175 177 181 182 184 184 185 187 187

contents

xi

SECTION SIX

IN SEARCH OF THEIR IDENTITY: MUSLIM WOMEN SETTING NEW GOALS A. Perspectives on Women’s Roles ............................................ I. The Status of Muslim Women Compared to that of Women of Other Faiths ............................................... II. Women and Activism: Movement for Social and Political Change ........................................................... (a) General Works ....................................................... (b) The Suffrage Movement ........................................ B. Muslim Women Making Connections .................................. I. In support of the Ladies Conference .......................... II. Against the Ladies Conference .................................... III. History of the All India Muslim Ladies’ Conference ... IV. The All India Ladies Association ................................ V. Women’s Associations in Hyderabad, Deccan ............ VI. The All India Women’s Conference ............................ VII. Muslim Women in the National Reformist Movement ..................................................................... (a) Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880–1932) ................ (b) Âura HumÊyÖn MirzÊ (1884–1958) .................. (c) Fyzee Sisters ........................................................... C. Women’s Role in the Pakistan Movement ............................ D. Freedom/Partition: Women’s Experiences ........................... I. Women Freedom Fighters ............................................ (a) AbÊdÒ Banu Begam (BÒ Ammʸ) (1852–1924) ..... (b) Begam Muhammad Ali (Amjadi Begam) .............. (c) Begam Hasrat MohanÒ (Niªatunnisa) (1885–1937) ............................................................ (d) Fatimah Jinnah (1893–1967) ................................. (e) Ruttie Jinnah (-d. 1929) .........................................

189 192 193 193 197 201 201 204 205 208 209 211 212 212 215 217 218 223 226 226 228 229 230 232

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contents SECTION SEVEN

WOMEN, NATIONALISM, AND RELIGION A. Muslim women in Pakistan: An Overview .......................... I. Punjabi Women ............................................................. II. Sindhi Women ............................................................... III. PaªtÖn Women ............................................................. IV. Baloch Women ............................................................... V. Women of Hunza/Gilgit/Chitral ................................. B. Women in Bangladesh: An Overview .................................. C. Muslim Women in India: An Overview .............................. D. Women, State and Religious Authority: Post-independence South Asia ............................................................................. I. The Case of Pakistan .................................................... II. The Case of Bangladesh ............................................... III. The Case of India ......................................................... E. Women and Political Representation ................................... I. Discourse on Women’s Political Leadership ................. (a) Benazir Bhutto ......................................................... F. The Martial Law (1977–88) in Pakistan: Islam Reinterpreted for Women ........................................... I. The Hudood (ÆudÖd) Ordinance .................................. II. Post-martial Law Gender-identity Construction ........... G. Religious Activism of Women Converts to Islam ................ I. Maryam Jameelah [Margaret Marcus] (1936–) ............

233 240 241 244 247 249 251 255 256 257 259 261 263 266 267 268 278 276 277 277

SECTION EIGHT

MUSLIM WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH ASIA A. B. C. D. E.

Women’s Movement in Pakistan .......................................... Women’s Movement in Bangladesh ..................................... Muslim Women’s Movement in India .................................. Muslim Women in Sri Lanka ............................................... Women’s Movement in The Maldives .................................

279 281 284 290 292

contents

xiii

SECTION NINE

THE LIFE CYCLE OF SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN A. Daughters Not Liked ............................................................ I. Son Preference ............................................................. II. Adolescent Girls ........................................................... (a) Menstruation .......................................................... (b) Clitorodectomy: Female Circumcision ................... B. Marriage and Family Life ..................................................... I. Child Marriages ........................................................... II. Age at Marriage ........................................................... III. Nikʘ: Marriage in Islam ............................................ IV. Selection of Spouses .................................................... V. Role of walÒ (Guardian) in a Marriage Contract ........ C. Wife-husband Relationship ................................................... I. Male-female Attitude Towards Family Life ................. II. Manuals for Household Management ......................... D. Marriage Patterns in South Asia .......................................... I. Arranged Marriages ..................................................... II. Consanguineous Marriages .......................................... III. Endogamous Marriages ............................................... IV. Matrilineal Customs ..................................................... V. Muslim Women Marrying Christian Men .................. VI. Polygamy ...................................................................... VII. Mutaxh: Temporary Marriages .................................... E. Wedding Ceremonies and Celebrations ............................... I. Dowry ........................................................................... F. Pregnancy and Childbirth .................................................... I. Motherhood/Childcare ................................................ II. Breastfeeding ................................................................ G. End of Marriage: Widowhood, Remarriage of Widows and Divorce ........................................................................... I. IddÊ—Waiting Period ................................................... II. Dissolution of Marriage: ¢alÊq (Divorce) ...................... III. Triple ¢alÊq .................................................................... IV. Talaq-i-tafwiÓ (delegation Power of Divorce) ................ V. Khul{ (¶ula) ................................................................... VI. Apostasy (irtidÊd) for Dissolution (tansÒ¶-i-nikʘ) of Marriage ..................................................................

293 294 297 305 308 309 309 310 312 313 313 315 316 317 318 320 321 322 324 324 325 328 329 332 334 336 337 339 339 341 344 345 346 348

xiv

contents

H. Mahr: Dower ........................................................................... I. Payment of mahr and Maintenance for Divorced Women ........................................................................... II. Legal Battles over Payment of Maintenance (nafaqah): The Shah Bano Case ....................................................

352 354 354

SECTION TEN

WOMEN’S RIGHTS TO INHERIT PROPERTY A. Inheritance Rights of Muslim Women Misappropriated .................................................................... I. Customary Law (rÒwÊj-i {Êm) and Women ..................... II. Legal Services for Women: Access to Lawyers and Courts of Law ............................................................... B. Muslim Family Law in South Asia ..................................... I. The Family Laws in Pakistan ........................................ II. Uniform Civil Code in India: A Panacea for Muslim Women’s Plight? ............................................................ III. Legal Reforms in Bangladesh ....................................... IV. Islamic Laws and Women in Sri Lanka .......................

358 361 364 367 368 374 379 380

SECTION ELEVEN

EDUCATION OF SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN A. General Works on the History of Women’s Education ...... B. Beginning of Women’s New System of Education: Local Enterprise and Colonial Efforts ................................. I. Promotional Tracts for Female Education ................... II. Tracts against Women’s Education ............................. C. Supporters of Women’s Education (˜ÊmÒ-yi tÊ{lÒm-i niswʸ) ... I. ‡awÊjÊh Al¢Êf Æusain ÆÊlÒ (1837–1914) .................. II. ·amsul {UlamÊ MaulawÒ Na£Òr (also spelt as Nazir) A˜mad, (1831–1912) ..................................................... D. Those Who Opposed School Education for Women .......... I. Sir Syed [also spelt as Saiyyid] Ahmed Khan ............. II. Other Prominent Opposition ........................................

382 383 383 387 388 388 389 390 390 394

contents E. Support for Women’s Education in the Early 20th Century I. Male Founders of Schools for Women ......................... (a) ·ai¶ {AbdullÊh (1874–1965) ................................ (b) MaulÊnÊ Karamat Æusain (1854–1917) ................ II. Female Founders of Schools for Women ..................... (a) Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880–1932) ................. (b) Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam ................................ F. Nineteenth Century Muslim Women Reading and Teaching ................................................................................ I. New School Education for Girls ................................... II. Western Women and Muslim Women’s Education ..... G. Women’s Education: in Post-1947 South Asia ................... I. Women’s Education in Pakistan .................................... II. Women’s Education in Bangladesh .............................. III. Women’s Education in India ........................................ H. Medical education for women ............................................. I. Beginning of Medical Education in the 19th Century II. Early Medical Texts and Literature for Women .......... III. Early Hospitals for Women ........................................... IV. Women and the Nursing Profession: the Current Scene ......................................................... V. Traditional Birth Attendants (dÊi’s) ...............................

xv 394 397 397 399 399 399 400 401 404 406 407 407 411 413 414 414 418 419 420 422

SECTION TWELVE

SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN’S HEALTH A. Women’s Physical Health Status .......................................... I. Women with Disabilities ............................................... II. Mental Health Status .................................................... III. Nutrition for Women .................................................... IV. Health Care for Women ............................................... V. Gender Bias in Female Healthcare ............................... VI. Maternal and Infant Health ......................................... B. Reproductive Health and Women’s Choices ....................... I. Birth Spacing ................................................................. II. Use of Contraceptives and Women’s Reproductive Health ............................................................................ III. Religious Opinion and Birth Control ...........................

425 426 427 429 429 431 433 434 436 437 443

xvi

contents IV. V.

Abortion ...................................................................... Women’s Fertility: Effects Caused by Education ........ (a) Fertility and Employment ..................................... (b) Fertility and Women’s Labour Force Participation (c) Female Fertility Trends in South Asia .................. (d) Socio-economic Determinants of Fertility ............ (e) Fertility and Family Planning Programmes .......... (f ) Attitudes towards Family Planning ....................... (g) Fertility Decline .....................................................

445 447 449 450 451 456 458 463 464

SECTION THIRTEEN

PERSPECTIVES ON SOUTH ASIAN WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT A. Women and Development in Pakistan ................................. I. Rural Women and Development in Pakistan ............. II. Urban Women in Pakistan ......................................... B. Women and Development in Bangladesh ............................ I. Rural Women and Development in Bangladesh ........ II. Urban Women in Bangladesh .................................... C. Economic Status of Women ................................................. I. Texts on Women and Works Written in the 19th Century ............................................................... II. Muslim Women and Poverty in South Asia ............... III. Women and Work in Bangladesh ............................... IV. Rural Credit Programmes/Grameen Bank in Bangladesh .................................................................. V. Women and Work in Pakistan .................................... VI. Women, and Banking in Pakistan .............................. VII. Muslim Women and Work in India ........................... VIII. Women’s Self Employment ........................................ XI. Women and Handicrafts .............................................

446 468 472 472 476 482 483 483 484 486 492 494 501 501 502 503

contents

xvii

SECTION FOURTEEN

THE ARTS AND DESIGN A. Women and literature ........................................................... I. Women’s Language ..................................................... II. Men Impersonating Women’s Voices: rekhti (rexti) ..... III. Urdu Periodicals for Women ...................................... IV. Women in the Folk Tales ............................................ V. Women’s Images in Literature: dÊstÊn ........................ VI. Women’s Portrayal in Contemporary South Asian Writings ....................................................................... VII. Novels and Short Stories of Muslim Women Writers VIII. Women Poets .............................................................. (a) MÊh LaqÊ BÊxÒ nandÊ (1798–1824) .................... (b) ZahidÊ ‡atÖn SharwÊnÒ (1894–?) ...................... (c) General Studies on Women Poets ........................ (d) Contemporary Poets ............................................. IX. Autobiographies by Women ....................................... X. Biased Images of Women in Textbooks .................... B. Women and Love in Urdu Literature .................................. I. Love and Pain ............................................................. II. Same-sex Relations: Reections from Urdu Writings C. Women and Arts and Design ............................................... I. Women Painters .......................................................... II. Women Calligraphists ................................................. D. Music/Dance ........................................................................ E. Women’s Textile and Jewellery ............................................. F. Film and Media ....................................................................

506 506 508 509 510 512 512 514 521 521 523 524 526 528 530 530 530 531 534 534 536 537 538 540

SECTION FIFTEEN

CHALLENGES, THREATS, AND THE RESPONSES OF WOMAN A. Violence against Women ...................................................... I. Rape Crimes ............................................................... II. Trafcking of Women ................................................ III. Karo-Kari: Murdering Women for ‘Honour’ ...............

544 550 554 555

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contents

B. Women, War and Conict .................................................... C. Prostitution ............................................................................ D. Crimes by Women ................................................................. I. Criminal Justice System and Women ............................... E. Women’s Responses: Non-government Organizations ......... I. All Pakistan Women’s Association ....................................

557 557 564 565 567 572

SECTION SIXTEEN

FEMINISM, NEW SCHOLARSHIP AND NEW TOOLS FOR DEVELOPMENT A. Early Voices of Feminism ..................................................... B. Feminism in the 20th Century .............................................. I. Taslima Nasrin—A Feminist? ........................................... C. Patriarchy Today ................................................................... D. New Scholarship for Women ................................................ E. Women Teaching/Learning Islam ........................................

575 576 579 581 582 584

Subject Index .............................................................................. Author Index ...............................................................................

589 599

ABBREVIATIONS

A APL B CEWS F KKK LML MHL NAI OIOC U UPRR UPSA S

Arabic language Amiruddaula Public Library, Lucknow Bengali language Centre of Excellence for Women’s Studies, University of Karachi Farsi language Kutb ‡Êna-yi ‡Ês, Karachi Lahore Museum Library, Lahore Mahmud Hussain Library, University of Karachi National Archives of India, Delhi Oriental and India Ofce Collections Urdu language Uttar Pradesh Record Room, Lucknow Uttar Pradesh Secretariat Archives, Lucknow Sindhi language

LIST OF TRANSLITERATIONS

Ǥ Ǭ Ǯ ǯ ǰ DZ Dz dz Ǵ ǵ Ƕ Ƿ Ǹ ǹ Ǻ ǻ Ǽ ǽ

’ b t º j ˜ ¶ d £ r z s ª É Ó ¢ Ø ‘

Ǿ Ȁ ȁ Ȃ ȃ Ȅ ȅ ̳ ȇ ȉ

 f q k l m n h w y

Urdu Vowels

ȷ ȿ Ȳ Ɂ Ɋ ɴ

p o ¨ ~ r ±

Key to pronounciation Symbol as in ¹ father Ç tool n China For diacritical marks and Romanized versions I have used the following dictionaries: 1-Ferozsons Urdu – English Dictionary 2-A Dictionary of UrdÖ Classical HindÒ and English by John Platts. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal (1993 edn.) A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary. F. Steigngass. Lahore: Sange-eMeel Publications (2000 edn.)

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to thank all those who helped me to identify and locate sources for this study. I am especially indebted to libraries and personal collections in India, London, Pakistan and the USA. I have beneted from the highly professional service of the Musselman Library, Gettysburg College, Gettysburg PA. Susan Roach, the Interlibrary Loan Specialist at the Musseleman Library, helped me search for books and documents. I acknowledge with tremendous gratitude the help I received from Janet Powers. She read the rst draft, made valuable comments and helped me in polishing the language. I am grateful to the editors of the Brill Publishers, particularly to Trudy Kamperveen for having faith in my commitment to complete this volume. I am grateful as well to the reviewer/reader of the manuscript for making excellent suggestions. Throughout the work for this project, my children Mona and Faris have watched me and encouraged me to get it nished. To my husband—here it is!

INTRODUCTION

My fascination with women’s history began in a non-academic environment. Growing up in a family with three generations of grandmothers watching over me, my childhood indeed witnessed history in its truest form. My great-grandmother’s ( parnÊni) house was almost like a library. Her husband, my great-grand father, (d. 1925), worked hard to collect rare books for the Rampur State Library (now known as the Raza Library) in India. In fact it was there, in her house, that as a child I read some of the Urdu classics. My maternal grandmother’s house was a repository for all sorts of Urdu periodicals. Ma¢bÊ{ yi Sa{ÒdÒ (Saidi Press) was right there in the compound as it was owned by the family. The vast dusty second oor of the huge house and the narrow cells on the ground oor were all stuffed with huge bundles of books and periodicals that had turned brown with age. It was here, in these piles of books, that I found periodicals such as al-NazÒr, YagÊna, Dilgudaz, and women’s periodicals, Ismat and Saheli, to name just a few. India’s independence and the struggle for Pakistan took a toll on such rare collections. My home town, Rampur, was not directly hit by the partition riots, yet we suffered tremendously. One immense loss was caused by the migration of the younger generation to Pakistan. Older people decided to remain there. The sprawling houses, with their aging inmates, soon turned into ruins, ‘khandar’, as we used to call them with a deep sense of agony. All that was there, including books, documents, furniture and clothes slowly vanished. Economic ruination of families in the aftermath of the partition of 1947 also forced people to sell books for food. My second source of learning about the stories of Urdu classics was my maternal grand-mother herself. An amazing storyteller, somewhat reminiscent of the traditional story tellers (qiÉÉa ¶wÊn) of the days gone, she knew how to keep her audience spellbound for hours. She would begin by asking her apt listeners, ‘What would you like to hear—a story of the world or a story about myself ? [kyÊ sunoge—jag bÒtÒ ya ÊpbÒtÒ? ]. My choice was always the rst. I am sure I did that for no other reason than because that is what others would say too. Now, of course, I regret the lost opportunity of choosing the latter. But I also knew this

xxvi

introduction

would have been an inappropriate [be adabÒ ] request, as the storyteller was my own grandmother. Winter days were short. Once the evening meal was over and the elders had said their last prayer of the day, it was time for us children to get into our beds and cover ourselves with our heavy quilts. Whenever my grandmother visited us, which she did quite often, the nights were special as we knew she would tell us stories. I can recall those stories even today, and I can still hear the crackling of the burning coal in the brazier which kept us warm; and I can almost see the heavy blue curtains, lled with cotton, in front of the arches leading to the veranda [dalÊn] to ward off the bone-piercing cold winds of North India. Little did I know at that time that the stories my grandmother was relating were no ordinary tales, but rather the classics from among other, the DÊstÊn-i AmÒr Æamza, Alf LailÊ, QiÉÉÊ oahÊr Derwesh, QiÉÉÊ ohabÒlÒ BhatyÊri, QiÉÉÊ Tota MaynÊ. The women in these tales were mostly cunning [{ayyarÊ] deceptive [totÊ paªm] women, often found out for their indelity [badpalani] and intrigues [kutnapÊ] or simply for mismanaging the household [ phuaspan], and were punished either by their husbands or fathers, or by their sons. In these stories all men were powerful; all women were powerless. If they, the women, came to hold power, it was through guile and trickiness [tiriya paritr]. Men were wise and knowledgeable; women were decient in wisdom [ fatir al{aql] or their intelligence was ‘in their ankles’ [{aql ¢a¶ne me¸]. Male treasure houses brimmed with wealth; women, even if they had wealth, were huge failures in managing money. Yet all these men, despite their inherent wisdom fell prey to the snares laid by crafty [makkara], wretched [badba¶t] women’s spells. The stories always ended with the moral ‘you reap what you sow’ [ jaisi karni vaisi bharni]. The male who meted out the punishment, was absolved of all acts of all wrongdoing or acts of violence; indeed to him belonged the undisputed power to condemn any action and then to prescribe the punishment; the woman, therefore, got what she deserved. No questions were asked. It was much later in my life that I read the classics and recognized the characters in these stories to be those I had heard about in my childhood. But what really dismayed and agonized me was the realization that these were not merely ctitious tales that I had heard, or later read in libraries around the world; these were the narratives still relevant to women who live today. I am amazed at how stereotypical images of women created hundreds of years ago and kept alive through oral traditions have ltered through to ll the imaginations of generations.

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The third source responsible for whetting my appetite for women’s ‘lived experiences’ was my mother. She yearned for school education. In fact people often commented, ‘Oh poor dear! If only her father were alive she would have been taught everything just like a boy.’ Her father, ustad of Farsi at Madrsa yi {¹liyah, Rampur had proudly announced that he and his wife were soon to be blessed with the birth of a girl and that he would educate his daughter. Everyone was shocked by this ‘impolite’ declaration. Sadly my grandfather died of the plague in 1918, six months before the birth of his daughter and my mother was deprived of an education. Indeed there was no school for girls at that time in Rampur. My mother told me how she would pray that a school would be established there. But, when a school was opened the men would not even entertain the idea of sending their daughters to the school for an education. Such a thought was almost sacrilegious. Mother, however, later learned to read and write. Indeed she sat as a private student for her high school examination of the Allahabad Board of Education as a private student, the year I sat for my Intermediate Examination. Nazir Ahmad’s Miart ul Urus (the Bride’s Mirror) and Ashraf Ali Thanawi’s Bihishti Zewar were her two favourite books. She told me that I should always wash my hands before touching Bihishti Zewar. I would hear her reciting Hali’s poem oup ki dÊd. It was my Mother who helped me decide to study history at Lucknow University. The reason for choosing history, she told me, was that the study of history would help me to nd out for her how women were treated in other societies. As I started rst to study and then to teach history, I discovered to my utter disbelief, the absence of women in historical accounts. Women, whenever they appeared, were portrayed as party to court factions or prime movers in games of power and intrigue. Often it was the presumed depravity, lack of morals and ethics that would bring about social chaos that would lead to political losses and military embarrassments. It was no surprise, therefore, that it became an uphill task to get my doctoral proposal approved by the Board of Advanced Studies at Karachi University. Finally, after more than four years of struggle and humiliation, my topic of research, ‘History and Development of Women’s Education in North India, 1858–1900’ was approved. The idea of preparing a bibliographical source guide was conceived in 1995, when the Centre of Excellence for Women’s Studies (CEWS) at Karachi University was getting ready to introduce the rst two years’ Masters degree course in Women’s Studies. Participants in three curricula development seminars organized by the Centre emphasised

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the need and urgency for preparing reading material for students in Women’s Studies and building a Women’s Studies library at the Centre. Soon we formed a small group to locate sources that might be useful for our project. The scarcity of work about women in otherwise well-lled libraries became our incentive. The more we searched, the deeper our sense of despair grew. Funds were almost elusive. We had a breakthrough when UNICEF Karachi approved my proposal for preparing a short bibliography on Muslim women. The twoyear project allowed me to recruit two research assistants and to make photocopies of relevant texts for our library. I was fortunate to have the help of Zareen Ilyas, who now works as the librarian at CEWS. Together, we started visiting libraries—small and large, museums, and private collections in Karachi. Soon our visits included other cities, Haidrabad, Lahore, and Islamabad. We made photocopies of rare books and journals. These photocopies are now in the holdings of the library of CEWS. While we were visiting local libraries, I succeeded in establishing a six-year link programme, sponsored by the British Council, with the University of East London. This link programme gave our team the opportunity to visit the United Kingdom on four different occasions. The three visits I made to the Oriental and India Ofce Collection and the British Museum were almost like treasure hunts. Earlier, before migrating to Pakistan, I had spent productive time at the National Archives of India, Delhi, and in the libraries of Lucknow, India. During my one-year long Fulbright fellowship, in-residence at Mt. Holyoke College MA, I visited several libraries to study missionary sources about South Asian Muslim women. The library of Mt. Holyoke College offered me access to its inter-library loan system. Teaching a variety of courses to the undergraduates at Gettysburg College, PA, on Islam, women in South Asia, Muslim women, and introduction to Women’s Studies gave me a new perspective and understanding of themes and issues. Topics that emerged during the class debates, the essays that the students wrote for my courses—all convinced me how scarce are sources about South Asian Muslim women. I am grateful to my students at Gettysburg College for raising some sharp academic questions. Inspiration for this work thus came from varied directions. The present work, therefore, is a result of collective effort. The nal selection of sources and all annotations and translations are mine. Now I move to address the signicance of creating an annotated bibliography from a wider perspective and not merely as a tool for catering either to the needs of a newly established women’s studies

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programme or for providing quick answers to the queries of students in the west. Indeed, I am raising a question which relates both to the nature of academic disciplines and to the pedagogy used for the research and teaching of this discipline. More importantly, I am also reecting, although I am neither the rst nor the only one to do so, upon the multidisciplinary and multidimensional aspects of research and teaching in all the elds of learning despite the fact that women’s studies may be the rst discipline that jumps the mind when one sees an academic title such as this book bears. This bibliography is a tool for developing a holistic image of South Asian Muslim women. I therefore proceed by raising a question rst and answering it later. The question is brief and apparently simple: why was there a need to document and collate sources for the study of Muslim women of South Asia? A simple answer would be that there are hundreds of such works on women in different regions and societies, and so there should be one on Muslim women of South Asia. At a deeper level, the answer is that today, more than at any other time, the need for a source-book on South Asian Muslim women is a must. The Muslim community nds itself at the centre-stage of the world today. Muslim women and gender issues in Muslim societies have once again, after hundreds of years of colonialChristian-missionary driven inquisitiveness, emerged as the focal point for the actions of western warlords and in the discourses of global power brokers. Myths and facts often mix and appear interchangeably to such an extent that at the end what one is left with is hardly credible. Women who appear in these exchanges are identied as ‘their women’ or as ‘our women’. This volume brings women to the centre of this dialogue. Here women are living persons claiming their voices as ‘we women.’ There is another reason also. Islam is understood and studied by the West mostly in the context of the Middle East. The Muslims of South Asia have had relatively less exposure, and hence little information is generated about them. That more Muslims live in South Asia than in Saudi Arabia, or in Egypt, is a reality that needs to be understood while attempting any generalizations about the homogeneity of Muslim societies. Historically, the South Asian Muslim community began shaping itself within the rst fty years following the foundation of Muslim community life in 622 AC in the city of Medina. Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women addresses the oft-repeated myth of the passive South Asian Muslim woman who is perceived to be subjected to the dual tyranny of her religion and of South Asian

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patriarchy imbedded in the Hindu model of traditional womanhood. Indeed, as annotations and excerpts included in this volume show, although South Asian Muslim women nd themselves unduly and unjustiably oppressed by misogynist traditions, they never remain as silent and voiceless as they are often erroneously portrayed to be; on the contrary they were engaged, both in public and private domains, in claiming their rights and performing their duties as full members of their communities. Furthermore, a large share of the interest South Asia generates in scholars, researchers, and authors, a larger share of it goes to Hindu India. Muslim women, being members of a religious minority in India, stand at the periphery and thus hardly emerge as a major factor in narratives. This bibliography rejects this peripheral positioning of Muslim women. Thus when Geraldine Forbes says, ‘we have made great strides since the 1970s in preserving sources indispensable for writing the history of Indian women,’1 she denitely means Hindu women. Indeed she admits that even her scholarly work Women in Modern India (1996) ‘does not do justice to the history of Muslim women,’2 or to women of other minorities in South Asia. Although some recent scholarly works on Muslim women have successfully shown how enriching Muslim women’s experiences have been, both historically and contemporaneously, Forbes says that ‘there is still much to be done.’3 Similarly, Mahua Sarkar, while studying Muslim women in the context of colonial Bengal attempts to ‘understand the ways in which gender and racially dened communal ideologies worked simultaneously to produce Muslim women in colonial Bengal as invisible within nationalist historiography.’4 Like Forbes, Sarkar also observes ‘an explosion of scholarship on women in India’ and similarly notices that ‘a survey of this body of literature quickly reveals, much of it is focussed on Hindu women.’5 Among some of the works that have studied Muslim women’s role and experiences are Gail Minault’s Secluded Scholars: Women’s Education and Muslim Social

1 Forbes, Geraldine. “Locating and Preserving Documents: The First Step in Writing Women’s History” Journal of Women’s History, Vol. 14, No. 4 (2003) p. 170. 2 Forbes, Geraldine. ‘Reections on South Asian Women’s/Gender History: Past and Future’ in Online Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History, 4:1, 2003. 3 Ibid. 4 Sarkar, Mahua “Muslim Women and the Politics of (In)visibility in Late Colonial Bengal” Journal of Historical Sociology, Vol. 14, No. 2 (2001) p. 226. 5 Ibid.

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Reform in Colonial India,6 and Azra Asghar Ali’s The Emergence of Feminism among Indian Muslim Women, 1920–1947.7 More hurtful to the development of fair scholarship is not the mere selective and limited Hindu-woman focus of the lives of South Asian women but the damage goes deeper. Not only are studies on Muslim women ‘scarce,’ but ‘when Muslim women do appear, they seem to be overwhelmingly portrayed as being “oppressed” and “backward.”8 Therefore, the exclusion of South Asian Muslim women from key texts on the subject erases the historic persona and agency of Muslim women, while the sparse and stereotypical representation of them is completely inadequate. Similar to Elazar Barkner’s observation in her paper, ‘Post-AntiColonial Histories: Representing the Other in Imperial Britain,’ that ‘absences at times become more telling than presence,’9 this non-presence of Muslim women led me to raise several question. Who were these women? Where were they? What were they doing? Were they forced to remain silent? Did they ever question their silence? My search did not yield answers to all of my questions. However, I never expected full and nal answers as research is not about seeking nal answers; the primary goal is raising questions. Here I nd support in Nancy Cott’s comments made in the context of the history of American women. Cott observed that, ‘the initial impulses and ambitions in the eld simply were to make women visible, to put women on the historical record, to enable women’s voices to be heard, to listen to their voices, and to show their points of view.’10 The sources included here offer evidence that women formed the nerve-centre of the Muslim community of South Asia. It is true that to some in the community, women appeared as a possible threat to its solidarity but for others, women were the positive energy for the rejuvenation of Muslim life, an elixir for the longevity of Muslim identity in a plural South Asian population. For the Muslim-modernist-loyalist

6

Minault, Gail. Secluded Scholars: Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India, Delhi: OUP, 1999. 7 Asghar Ali, Azra. The Emergence of Feminism among Indian Muslim Women, 1920 –1947. Karachi OUP, 2000. 8 Ibid. 9 Barkan, Elazar. ‘Post-Colonial Histories: Representing the Other in Imperial Britain’, in The Journal of British Studies, vol. 33, no. 2, 1994, 180–203. 10 Cott, Nancy, et al. ‘Considering the State of U.S. Women’s History’, Journal of Women’s History, vol. 15, no. 1, 2003, 145–63.

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reformer of the mid-nineteenth century, working in the backdrop of the trauma of 857, the ‘woman question’ was indeed an important one. To some, such as Syed Ahmed Khan and his associates, the status and position of women was an issue that the Muslim community had to be prepared to deal with. To them, ‘their women’ were the guardians for safeguarding their identity as Muslims, and they, therefore, were expected to live as traditions personied. Interestingly, for others the ‘woman question’ was the best ploy to win rewards from the colonial master. While this debate was going on and while the frenzied voices of the male debaters almost polarized the community on a theme that had no legitimate Islamic base, Muslim women stepped in. Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women introduces this appearance in public of Muslim women who were still wearing the burqa, and who still required the permission of their male family members to step out of their homes. Though their physical identity was covered by a length of fabric, their voices were not muted. On the contrary, their voices were strong and consistent; their arguments were valid and rooted in understanding the spirit of Islam. They were heard. They earned attention. As they emerged into leadership roles they enlisted followers, rst from among Muslim women and then later the community in general acknowledged their roles. They also earned money as some of them took on roles as publishing editors of women’s journals, and as teachers and healers. These debates by men on women’s issues from the mid-nineteenth century onward constitute a remarkable store-house of data for the analysis and understanding of some signicant issues that keep the Muslim community divided till today. The present work has included these debates as they occurred in the past and as they take place today. Greater in terms of content and meaning, as compared to this malecreated literature is the literature produced by women and published in magazines and periodicals for men and women and others exclusively for women. This bibliography includes both these sets of writings by presenting translated excerpts from Urdu. The marginalization of South Asian Muslim women is neither the result of sheer academic disinterest on the part of researchers and authors, nor is it reective of unwillingness of publishers to invest in such works. This marginalization of women is caused more by politics that control and shape the production and dissemination of desired information and not by academic factors. Among those who disseminate information and knowledge with whom the West is familiar due to the

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facility of language, the missionary-generated image of the Muslim woman of South Asia is the one that is hardest to replace. It is this image, curiously, that has gained more notoriety and hence more currency among writings produced under west-centric academic training. For the Christian missionary, Muslim woman provided an ideal and a convenient site for the contesting and, if possible, winning battles for their cause. The inside of the zenana, a popular descriptive phrase with a complex negative imagery, was again the most convenient canvas on which to delineate the greatest evils of the uncivilized women of the Muslim communities. Inscribing Women brings some of these images to its readers. This bibliography covers the history of South Asian Muslim women from the thirteenth century to the present day. Its geographical focus is Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh. A few entries about Sri Lanka are also included. Initially this bibliography included entries on diasporic life experiences also. Later, however, these were deleted for two main reasons: rst, because the theme of women’s experience in diaspora deserves to be treated separately as South Asian emigrants are now found almost everywhere. Also, in some locations, the South Asian diasporic community has evolved a history and distinct culture of its own. Secondly, the reviewer of this work, as well as my publisher, convinced me to limit the length of the present work. The sort of questions that this bibliography attempts to answer has made it interdisciplinary and trans-historical. I was cognizant of the fact that this methodology means a more cautious approach, particularly in reading and interpreting earlier texts, so that there is less potential for contestation. The avowed public expression, common among the majority of South Asian Muslims, that a return to the pristine days of early Islam and the message of the QurxÊn is the panacea of all that beleaguers Muslim society, promoted my decision to prex most of the entries with relevant verses from the QurxÊn. Thus, all those ideas and actions that negate, deviate, or suppress the spirit of the message of the QurxÊn need to be given due consideration. Among several such examples, one that amply illuminates my argument is the case of face-veiling and restrictions on the mobility of women. I was amazed at the extent of trans-historical debate on this issue. Male scholars, claiming the QurxÊn as their sole source of inspiration, admit in one breath that although these restrictions do not come from the QurxÊn, it is in these restrictions that the welfare of the community lies!

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Thus specic and relevant verses of the QurxÊn included in the text of this work assist the user of this bibliography in identifying factors responsible for the ‘invisibility’ of women In selecting these passages alone, the intention is not to show that only these selected passages are about and for women in the text of the QuxrÊn. The purpose is to illustrate how deviation has occurred, mostly in male understanding of the pristine and simple message of the QurxÊn. As several scholars have amply discussed, retrieving ‘female subjects, indeed subaltern subjects, from the archives of history is problematic.’11 I, too, encountered similar obstacles in rescuing Muslim women from obscurity. The written works of Muslim women, with translated excerpts cited and annotated in this volume, help to show that women who are usually viewed as being veiled and secluded were actually active and mobile and were prepared to struggle for their rights. Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women, thus gives credence to the voices of these women. In support of these arguments, therefore, the inclusion of primary sources, fundamental to understanding the reality of Muslim community life in South Asia in different eras, is signicant. The primary sources examined here tend to be written either in Farsi or in Urdu. These indigenous sources, mostly written in Urdu, often referred as a vernacular language (a term as derogatory as ‘native’ is in its colonial lexicon), are rich and valuable for writing the history of the lives of Muslim women. These sources are more important and signicant because they relate stories which draw a picture which is different, and often contradictory, from non-indigenous sources. Sadly, a majority of these sources now have a diasporic existence. Lodged in the holdings of prestigious collections, libraries and museums, both private and public, in the west, these sources are not easily accessed by indigenous scholars. Conversely, sources available locally are hard to access. Several factors make the task of identifying and then accessing these sources daunting and challenging. Despite scientic methods for retrieving data, sources for the reconstruction of women’s history, are hard to nd. A majority of original sources have yet to be computerised and therefore one

11 Spivak, Gayatri., “Can the subaltern Speak?” In Bill Ashcroft, Gareth Grifths, and Helen Tifn, eds., The Post-Colonial Studies Reader, pp. 24–28. London: Routledge, 1995.

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has to go through old catalogues. Often these catalogues are elusive and sometime they are misleading. The greatest challenge, however, is that these sources are fragmentary and scattered; preservation and conservation of these is poor. Incentives for research are absent. Access is difcult and often hazardous. Often locations remain unknown till one gets a lead. A fairly large number of primary sources are still lying hidden in private collections spread over the three major countries of the region. More shocking than the poor state of library management is the sudden disappearance of the sources themselves. They just vanish or perish, or perhaps are pilfered. Finding these sources is like uncovering a treasure-trove. One such example is the autobiography of Shah Bano Begam (1845–?), daughter of Nawwab Akbar Ali Khan of Pataudi. The Urdu manuscript was earlier discovered by Dr. Moinuddin Aqil who published it in 1995. Later, I secured a photo-copy of the original manuscript, courtesy of Dr. Aqil, and have recently completed an English translation. In addition, travelling in South Asia is not easy or comfortable. My personal experience convinces me it is much easier, but not from the standpoint of cost, to travel and study in the libraries of England than within South Asian countries. The experiences of a researcher coming from outside South Asia would denitely differ from what a South Asian encounters. One experiences travel hazards, heightened by visa restrictions, with guarded or no entries for persons coming from different countries within the region. Of course all research, especially if the subject is women, has its own difculties. More important, historical research has suffered from several lacunae that exist within local institutions of South Asia. The countries of Pakistan and Bangladesh, with their mismanaged states and profoundly growing misuse of public funds, have a miserable record of halting, instead of advancing, historical research, no doubt because it goes against the grain of dictatorship and the militarization of civil and academic institutions. Both countries have experienced long bouts of dictatorship and militarization with tragic damage to civil institutions. Scholars and researchers have not received the kind of attention and resources needed for basic research and writing. This situation grows worse when issues for research are connected with women. Since the women’s decade, celebrated under the aegis of the United Nations, much has been written and published about and for women, particularly concerning a new category, ‘third world women,’ into

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which the majority of women worldwide have been bracketed. Muslim women of South Asia have also had their share, as objects of study and research, in this newfound exuberance of exploring the lives of ‘other women.’ Much of this research, however, was conducted at the demand of donor agencies and, therefore, had a pre-set conditionality which ordinarily does not fall into the category of academic research. The other type of research is a result of anthropological surveybased studies. These studies, as we all know are about a specic site, identied by the anthropologist as the research eld. Serendipity often plays a major role in this selection. The mode of selection of the site is not a point of major concern. Subsequent application of ndings from this research category for a comprehensive understanding of the culture of a larger community has resulted in grievous misrepresentation of Muslim women. While identication of sources for this volume has not been an easy task, selecting passages from these texts and translating them into English emerged as a daunting challenge. In this regard my experience was no different from what other researchers have gone through. The biggest and the most gigantic setback, however, has been the trivialization of women within the South Asian context. Scholarship created for and about women, therefore, earns less recognition as ‘genuine research’ and instead is termed as ‘soft scholarship’. The late introduction of Women’s Studies as an academic discipline in Pakistan and Bangladesh, and its current status on South Asian campuses, further evidences this trend of thought. To investigate what caused this dichotomist perception of Muslim women’s agency, Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women explores wider-ranging sources, both in terms of chronology and contents. These include normative medieval Islamic legal sources, authored by men, writings penned by women living in the traditional ‘zenana’ quarters, often under pseudo-names. Also included are Su discourses held on the ‘sacred’ grounds of Khanqahs, pompous narratives of Christian missionaries, reports of the colonial government, and peep-hole versions of women’s lives seen through western lenses. As elsewhere, in South Asia too a woman’s life and actions are intensely connected to her socio-economic surroundings. Thus a careful selection has been made of sources on women’s education, work, and health. All these reect the various circumstances in which women impacted and are still impacting. Developing an annotated bibliography is a challenging task; one encounters huge setbacks and frustrations. For me, the experience was

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quite rewarding and enriching. It was similar to a quilt-making experience. To make a quilt one uses pieces of fabric created by others; patching these little pieces the quilter crafts a new image, unique in appearance, fascinating in its varied hues, and more important, transmitting a message that is singular in its meaning. Inscribing South Asian Muslim Women thus contributes to the emerging scholarship about and by women which studies them from within their society and from the perspective of their lives and experiences. Most researchers adopt non-conventional ways both for exploration and for analysis and diction when writing women’s history. This methodology can be described as non-hegemonic research methodology. Research that draws upon non-indigenous sources, or sources that were and are created under the spell of non-indigenous patronage, does not fall under the category of non-hegemonic methods of undertaking research. It is hoped that the identication of sources in the present work will contribute to the creation of a non-hegemonic knowledge base. What makes this work unique and more useful, compared to similar works, is the extent to which I have been able to identify hitherto unknown or lesser known sources for the construction of the images of South Asian Muslim women. The work, thus, is no longer just a bibliography; it moves far beyond what a bibliography is ordinarily conceived to be. The types of sources included in this work range widely from journal articles to published monographs and manuscripts. This bibliography is designed to provide a useful reference of available literature published in local languages, mostly in Urdu, and in English. It concentrates on academic studies and primary sources, both published and unpublished. Most of the entries are annotated. The intent is to introduce to the reader works written and produced in South Asia. I am fully conscious of the ever-present danger of either romanticizing the Muslim woman or demonizing her. My sense of balance is entrenched in me as a South Asian Muslim woman, who stands witness to the making and unmaking of the past fty years. In both the literal and gurative senses, I have lived with this work for the last several years of my life. Co-existing with it has not been easy for me. As a researcher, a mother and in recent years a grandmother, and of course as wife too, various pulls and pressures tested my resilience. Sending a manuscript to the publisher is like parting from your daughter when the time arrives for her to leave the maika (the mother’s house) for her susral (in-law’s house). When my daughter married, my

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friends counselled me, ‘You will always miss your daughter; you will always wish that she raises a family of her own and to live in peace with herself.’ Once she had left, I was both overjoyed and pensive. Today I have the same emotions. I am happy that it is complete, but I am worried that it may have glaring omissions. This work may not include every extant source, printed or unpublished, on the lives of South Asian Muslim women; such omissions are due more to the restraints of space than a lack of desire to include them. I hope that this volume will be followed by more works both similar to it and yet different. But whether different or similar, I am condent that they will continue to recognize more sources and will make women more visible. As said earlier, my objectives here are twofold: 1) to ‘retrieve’ the lives and experiences of South Asian Muslim women, and 2) to ensure the inclusion of these recovered voices in contemporary historical writing. This work, then, is an effort to retrieve hitherto lost, less used or forgotten sources. More signicantly, this work is compiled with the hope of including South Asian Muslim women in the historical canon and in feminist scholarship. The core aim of this work, however, goes further than an act of simple inclusion. It expects that the ‘normal’ history of South Asian Muslims in general, and of South Asian Muslim women in particular, will be recongured by documenting and interpreting these sources. This volume, therefore, is designed to provide a useful guide and resource for students and researchers.

Selection of sources The nal argument of this bibliography is that Muslim women of South Asia are not just objects of history; indeed proving that they are the subjects of history is a major aim of this work. In trying to attain this end, I made a number of decisions concerning material to be selected and annotated. Books, monographs, articles and passages selected from works in Urdu or Farsi, for the purpose of translation in English, were chosen on the basis of their substantial impact on the thoughts and behavioural patterns of the Muslim community. I also made a special effort to identify writings by Muslim women. This work, then, strives to underline how much prose and verse of high quality has been written by Muslim women, and how much of that has been totally neglected.

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Indeed throughout the nineteenth century South Asian Muslim women continued to emerge as prolic writers of ction, prose, and poetry. Not only have mainstream male historical studies been both extremely slow and negligent in incorporating women’s writings, but women researchers and writers too have been less explorative in their search for sources. This genre of women’s writings remains less examined and little used in the construction of women’s identity. Rather anti-women or less-women friendly male writings are referred to much more often by researchers locating Muslim women’s identity in the South Asian milieu. Some of the material contained in this bibliography is not easily available; I have added a section on catalogues hoping that these would assist in the search of those materials.

Organization The organisation of sources in this volume is thematic rather than historical or chronological in order to accentuate the different types of sources. All entries are numbered sequentially. Entries include both female and male-authored works. Each section is divided into sub-sections. Most entries are annotated. Titles of works other than the English language have been translated. For those translated from Farsi, Urdu or Bengali into English, I have retained the spellings used by a particular author in my annotations. Translated titles of the works written in non-western languages are placed within square brackets. Within annotations square brackets are also used to enclose phonetic transcriptions of quoted text. Individual entries consist of bibliographic information and annotations. Bibliographic information for books includes the following: Name(s) of authors. Title and subtitle; translated and original language. Place of publication, publisher, date, pagination. Bibliographic entries for journal articles offer similar information. Sources not examined by me are identied as unexamined. All translations from languages other than English are mine.

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The author index contains references to the bibliographic entry numbers. The name of the rst author of a work is listed here. The subject index provides another source of information and should be used as a quick way of identifying themes. A note of warning again: most of the entries are classied according to subject matter. However, it is signicant to note that these early works were not limited to or exclusive to one theme. Thus, for example a work on prohibiting women’s presence in mosques for the purpose of offering daily required prayers (salat) also reects on women’s segregated life and restrictions on women’s mobility.

SECTION ONE

SELECTED SOURCES FOR THE STUDY OF SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN

A. South Asia an Introduction I. Locating People and Spaces (a) General Studies on South Asia 1. ALAVI, HAMZA and JOHN HARRIS. (ed.) South Asia. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989. 324p. This work is one of a series on the sociology of ‘developing’ societies. The introduction explains that the term South Asia has gained currency in recent times and that it refers to the regions of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, the Maldive Islands, Nepal and Bhutan. Articles reect upon the current situation in the context of the region’s colonial past and help the reader to understand the various facets of social and economic class structure. 2. Al-FARUQI, ISMAIL R. and LOIS LAMYA Al-FARUQI. The Cultural Atlas of Islam. New York: Macmillan, 1986. 512p. This atlas with its maps, three hundred photographs and other illustrations provides a panoramic view of the growth of Islam as a divine faith and as a cultural phenomenon. It explains the central role of the QurxÊn in the development of Muslim life globally. 3. FARMER, B. H. An Introduction to South Asia. London: Routledge, 1993 (2nd ed.). 197p. This work presents the geographical and historical background and provides a comprehensive, interdisciplinary guide to the varying environment—natural, social, political and economic—that characterizes South Asia. 4. MATHENA, MADHAVI. ‘Women in South Asia: Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal’, in Nelly P. Stromquist (ed.). Women in the Third World, An Encyclopedia of Contemporary Issues. New York: Garland Publishing, 1998. pp. 583–92. Unexamined.

2

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5. NANJI, AZIM A. (ed.). The Muslim Almanac: A Reference Work on the History, Faith, Culture, and People of Islam. Detroit: Gale Research, 1996. Xxxv + 581p. Includes information about the beginning and foundations of Islam, Islamic institutions and traditions, and the spread of Islam in different parts of the globe. Islam in South Asia is separately discussed (pp. 55–72) and a special section (pp. 379–495) deals with women and their contributions. Includes photographs and bibliographical references, a general bibliography, glossary, and general index. 6. RAJU, SARASWATI and STUART CORBRIDGE. Atlas of Women and Men in India. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1999. 131p. The introduction states that ‘this Atlas is for the use of women and men working for a better India’. The atlas asks two major questions: First, ‘what is the condition of women?’ In other words, what is the standard of living of women and girls in different districts of India and to what extent can they meet their basic needs? Second, ‘what is the position of women and girls, relative to men and boys, in the different districts of India?’ This atlas does not focus exclusively on Muslim women, nor does it portray life in other regions of South Asia, but it offers information about the lives of Muslim women living in India. 7. ROBINSON, FRANCIS. Atlas of the Islamic World since 1500. New York, NY: Facts on File, 1982. 238p. The major purpose of this atlas is ‘to provide a framework within which the last 500 years of Muslim history can be understood’. The atlas, with its fty-three ne maps and more than three hundred illustrations, including 192 in colour, shows the way in which Muslim men and women live their lives. This atlas makes a good start for any one who wishes to discover more about the lives of Muslim women in South Asia. 8. UNICEF. Atlas of South Asian Children and Women. Kathmandu: UNICEF Regional Ofce for South Asia, 1996. 118p. This atlas provides good and reliable data on the lives of women and children of South Asia. Some of the issues covered in the atlas about women and children are life expectancy, nutrition, health and the health care system, household status, food security, water and sanitation, education, religion, and human resources. 9. WILBER, DONALD N. Pakistan: its People, its Society, its Cultures. New Haven: Human Relations Area File Press, 1964. 487p. This work gives a general but comprehensive account of all aspects of life in Pakistan. Two separate chapters (pp. 117–53) refer to the place

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3

of women in society and in the family structure. The issues of marriage and divorce are also examined. (b) Selected Studies on Islam in South Asia 10. AHMAD, AZIZ. An Intellectual History of Islam in India. Edinburgh: The University Press, 1969. 226p. In the foreword of this informative book, the general editor and noted scholar of Islamic studies, Montgomery Watt, reects on the important position that Islam enjoys in South Asia: ‘South Asia is not a mere frontier of Islam, but an integral part of the Islamic world, making a distinctive contribution to the life of the whole.’ Aziz Ahmad’s evaluation of the intellectual history of Islam in South Asia is spread over nine chapters surveying religious sects, belief patterns, su movements, education, literature, art and architecture. Aziz Ahmad perhaps found neither the place of woman, nor gender dynamics within the Muslim society signicant for devoted study and discussion. 11. ——. Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan, 1857–1964. New York: Oxford University Press, 1967. 294p. This work examines the long struggle between modernism and orthodoxy within the Muslim society of the subcontinent. It contains various references to reformist ideas regarding women’s position on issues such as pardah and polygamy, and includes a summary of Mumtaz Ali’s work ÆuqÖq-un niswʸ (Women’s Rights) published in 1898. 12. LELYVELD, DAVID. Aligarh’s First Generation: Muslim Solidarity in British India. Princeton University Press, 1978. 380p. This study of Aligarh College (later known as Aligarh Muslim University) during its rst twenty-ve years (1875–1900), while under the leadership of Sayyid Ahmad Khan, examines the status and role of Muslim women (chapter 2).There is a special focus on mothers of the rst generation of Muslims who stepped forward into a world of compromises and understanding. An interesting perspective of motherchild relationship is also presented. 13. MUJEEB, M. The Indian Muslims. London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1967. 590p. ‘This book is an attempt to portray the life of the Indian Muslims in all its aspects, beginning with the advent of Muslims in India.’ The book divides itself into three periods, early, middle, and modern. Each section examines the development of political, military, social, economic and religious institutions under Muslim rule and in Muslim society. The purpose of this well-written work is ‘to help in understanding

4

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15.

16.

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rather than to provide all the information available; only typical and signicant ideas and personalities have been discussed’. As a rst step to beginning research on Muslim women of South Asia, this book will acquaint a researcher with the major characteristics of South Asian Muslim society. SHARIF, JAFAR. Islam in India; or The QÊnÖn-i-IslÊm; the customs of the Musalmans of India; comprising a full and exact account of their various rites and ceremonies from the moment of birth to the hour of death. London: OUP, 1921. 374p. (1st printed in 1832). In explaining his reasons for writing, the author says that he was persuaded to write ‘a full account of all the necessary rites, customs, and usages observed by Musalmans’ for the Europeans who ‘would not only read it with pleasure, but would derive much useful knowledge from its perusal.’ The book describes various festivals, rituals, traditions and beliefs of Indian Muslims. SMITH, W. C. Modern Islam in India: A Social Analysis. Lahore, reprint, 1969. Vii+396p. This work is an interesting exposition and analysis of Islam in India by a western analyst. The writer is of the view that subjugation of Muslim women still occurs and refers to the views of Shibli and Iqbal on Muslim women’s status as representing the stand of Muslim reformists. TITUS, MURRAY T. Islam in India and Pakistan. A Religious History of Islam in India and Pakistan. Calcutta. YMCA Publishing House, 1959. 328p. This is a revised edition of the author’s earlier work ‘Islam in India’, published in 1929. In a section titled ‘the Muslim Woman and Modern Movements’, Titus comments that although women are far behind men, some signs of improvement are noticeable. He then describes briey what he considers as signs of this progress. One of these changes is the formation of the All Pakistan Women’s Association. Murray (1910–1964) was a missionary who for a long period lived and worked in Lucknow, India. UMAR, MUHAMMAD. Urban Culture in Northern India during the Eighteenth Century. Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 2001. 393p. This book draws heavily upon Farsi texts and manuscripts regarding the development of social, cultural, and literacy traditions during the eighteenth century in the major towns of India. These narratives reect upon gender relations and the status of women in society. ——. A¢¢harwi¸ ÉadÒ me¸ hindustÊnÒ mu{ʪarat. [ Indian Culture in the Eighteenth Century], Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1973. 749p. [U].

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An English translation under the title Muslim Society in Northern India during the Eighteenth Century was published in 1998 (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal) 695p. Drawing upon extensive use of contemporary sources, including court chronicles, literary compositions, travel accounts and ÉufÒ discourse, this volume presents a narrative of the life and challenges faced by the Muslims. With the weakening of political power at the Mughal court, Muslim society found itself in a vicious trap of intrigues. Contemporary histories record the rise of ‘bad’ inuence of women at the courts. Morals were low; restrictions were imposed on elite women while elite men patronized prostitutes and dancing girls. The status of women is not directly addressed in this work; the narrative, however, helps in understanding the factors that gradually came to marginalize them in South Asian society. (c) Encyclopaedias of Islam 19. ESPOSITO, JOHN L. Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. 4 Vols. This comprises scholarly articles from around the world on the social, religious and economic history of the Muslim world from the end of the eighteenth century to the present. 20. GIBB, H. A. R. Encyclopedia of Islam. Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1960– This is a comprehensive store of knowledge on almost all aspects of Islam. The rst three volumes provide lists of abbreviations and guides to transliterations. This is a good source for understanding the major themes of Islam. 21. GLASSE, CYRIL. The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1989. 472p. This encyclopaedia presents concise information about all aspects of Islam and Muslims. Topics and themes include beliefs and ritual practices. 22. McAULIFFE, JANE DAMMEN. Encyclopaedia of the Quran. 4 vols. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2001– This most recent academic work on the QurxÊn is a multi-purpose tool for conducting research about the QurxÊn and the people whose lives are shaped by its contents. Articles are presented alphabetically explaining the contents of the verses. It also serves as a dictionary of the terms, concepts, personalities, and place names that occur in the QurxÊn.

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23. ROBINSON, FRANCIS. The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, and the Maldives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. 502p. Maps included. This illustrated comprehensive work opens a window to the people of South Asia and offers a good understanding of the major historic and current cultural, political and religious trends in the seven countries of South Asia. Photographs of people, places, and maps provide a visual contact with the area. (d) Encyclopaedias of Muslim Women 24. CHATURVEDI, ARCHANA (ed.). Encyclopaedia of Muslim Women. New Delhi: Commonwealth, 2003. 5 Vols. Unexamined. The rst four volumes of this work are about women in India and Pakistan. The last volume looks at the issues from a global perspective. 25. JOSEPH, SUAD. Encylopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Vol. 1, Leiden: Brill, 2003. This work, interdisciplinary and transhistorical in its approach, is spread over six volumes. Volume one contains valuable information on women living in the Islamic world. (e) Dictionaries of Islam 26. ADAMEC, LUDWIG W. Historical Dictionary of Islam. Maryland: The Scarecrow Press, 2001. 417p. This reference work includes information on all aspects of Islam and the lives of Muslims. Entries describe prominent Muslim thinkers and philosophers, and also major sects of Muslims and their religious differences, including growth and development of various schools of jurisprudence. 27. ESPOSITO, JOHN L. The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. 448p. Addressing the needs of western students, this work focuses primarily on the 19th and 20th centuries in the history of Islam. 28. HUGHES, THOMAS PATRICK. A Dictionary of Islam: Being a Cyclopedia of the Doctrines, Rites, Ceremonies, and Customs, together with the Technical and Theological Terms of the Muhammadan Religion. First published in 1885. Reprint: Dubuque: Brown, 1967. 750p. Primarily drawing upon Sunni concepts and thoughts, this dictionary provides concise denitions of major doctrines, traditions and rites, rituals and ceremonies, customs and celebrations in the context of Islam and Muslim societies. References to sectarian differences are also included.

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29. KASSIS, HANNA E. A Concordance of the QurxÊn. ( With a foreword by Fazlur Rahman, a scholar from Pakistan) Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. 1444p. This is a good source for understanding the text, meaning and concepts of the QurxÊn. 30. NETTON, IAN RICHARD. A Popular Dictionary of Islam. New Jersey: Humanities Press International, 1992. 278p. This is a good beginning source book for understanding issues of Islamic theology, philosophy and law. Short biographical entries for major gures in Islamic history provide quick assistance to a researcher just entering the eld of Islam and Muslims. (f ) QurxÊn/Hadiº/ and Traditions of Prophet Muhammad 31. HAYKAL, MUHAMMAD HUSAYN. T he Life of Muhammad. (Translated from the original Arabic into English by Ismail R. al-Faruqi) Philadelphia: North American Trust Publications, 1976. 369p. This biography details the inception of Islam, and the Prophet’s personal life, including his marriages. For the study of the status of Muslim women, this book provides important information. The issue of Muhammad’s marriage with Ayesha is discussed and accounts xing her age at marriage at nine years are discredited. The author argues that Ayesha was much older at the time of her marriage. Also important is the inclusion of the last sermon of the Prophet. In his sermon, the Prophet reminded Muslim men to treat their women well and to be kind to them, ‘for they are your partners and committed helpers’. 32. NU{MANÁ, SHIBLÁ. Sirat-al-Nabi [Life of the Prophet], translated by Fazlur Rahman, Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1970–71 (2 vols.). (The original, in Urdu, was published in six volumes in 1962–68 in Azamgah by the Ma¢bax-yi ma{Êrif ). ·iblÒ Nu{mÊnÒ (1851–1914), a member of the Aligarh movement, started writing this comprehensive account of the life and times of the Prophet but did not complete it. Later on, his pupil, SuleymÊn NadawÒ, nished the work. The work is different from most others in the Urdu language because of ·iblÒ’s historical methodology used to investigate the topic. The work marks a signicant approach in the understanding of Islam and the Traditions of the Prophet by South Asian Muslims. 33. TAMANN¹ {IM¹DÁ, {ALL¹MAH. at-”alÊqu MarratÊn, Lahore: Dost Associates, 1996. 165p. [U] This book is based on the theme of divorce, and the author builds strong arguments by applying reasoning and rejecting blind following. The foreword best explains this approach and warns about the existence

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of fabricated and false a˜ÊdÒº. Using bold language, the author comments on some well-known haÓÒº collections. Thus, he writes that, ‘There are white lies [safaid jhÖt] even in Âa˜Ò˜ Bu¶Êri and Âahi˜ Muslim, (the two best known as good collections of the Prophet’s sayings). How many black lies [siyÊh jhÖt] will remain hidden in there? You can speculate yourself.’ He further adds that no single work on hadith is free of falsehood and lying [˜adÒº ki koxÒ kitÊb ki£b wo iftirÊx se pÊk nahi¸]. The best guidance, therefore, is in the QurxÊn only.’ 34. YUSUF ALI, ABDULLAH. An English Interpretation of The Holy QurxÊn with Full Arabic Text. Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1992 edition (1st published in 1934). In Inscribing Women, all references to the verses of the QurxÊn are from Yusuf Ali’s Interpretation of the Holy QurxÊn. II. Bibliographies and Research Guides for the Study of South Asian Muslim Women 35. ALAUDDIN, TALAT K. Status of Women and Socio-Economic Development: A Selected and Annotated Bibliography. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1977. 125p. This work documents 1169 sources found in the English language. Only the rst 200 entries relate to Pakistan; the remaining concern other countries. Some entries are annotated. 36. AYUB, NIGHAT. Women in Pakistan and Other Islamic Countries: A Selected Bibliography with Annotations. Karachi: Women’s Resource Centre/Shirkat Gah, 1978. 203p. This work is divided into sections covering academic, periodical and popular literature about women in Pakistan and other Muslim countries. Of the 900 citations, 478 pertain to Pakistan; the majority of the 900 citations are in English. The work does not provide a comprehensive bibliography on the role and historic status of Muslim women of South Asia. Its value, however, lies in coverage of theses, conference papers, and government documents about women’s issues in Pakistan. 37. BAILEY, SUSAN F. Women and the British Empire: An Annotated Guide to Sources. New York: Garland Publishing, 1983. 185p. This is a useful source listing printed works and guides to archival holdings for research on ‘both experiences of British women who went to the colonies and the impact of empire on native women.’ All entries are organized as groups of women: wives of British ofcials, settlers, missionaries and teachers, and native women. A substantial biblio-

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38.

39.

40.

41.

42.

43.

44.

9

graphic essay precedes each section. Primary and secondary sources are separated throughout the work. BALLOU, PATRICIA K. Women: A Bibliography of Bibliographies. Boston: G. K. Hall, 1986. 268p. This work includes bibliographies compiled and annotated from a feminist perspective. Each citation appears only once. It is a useful source for researchers. BARROW, MARGARET. Women 1870–1928: A Select Guide to Printed and Archival Sources in the United Kingdom. New York: Garland Publishing, 1981. 249p. Although this work is about women in Great Britain, it is a good reference tool for research on interaction of South Asian women with missionary women and British feminists. BHATIA, KANTA. Reference Sources on South Asia. Philadelphia: South Asia Regional Studies, University of Pennsylvania, 1978. 77p. This is a general reference source for the study of South Asia. Titles included are generally available in US libraries. BYRNE, PAMELA R. and SUZANNE R. ONTIVEROS (ed.). Women in the Third World, A Historical Bibliography. Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio, 1986. 152p. Only a few titles about the study of Muslim women of South Asia are cited in this study. DASGUPTA, KALPANA. Women on the Indian Scene: An Annotated Bibliography. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1976. 391p. Over 800 annotated citations of sources in the English language on Indian women are included in this work. Topics include research trends, general studies, social problems, economics, politics, legal studies, education, art, culture, and biographies. It is prefaced by an essay, ‘Research on Status of Women in India: a Trend Survey.’ FALK, NANCY A. Women and Religion in India: An Annotated Bibliography of Sources in English 1975–92. Kalamazoo: New Issues Press, 1994. 295p. This has a list of 1015 entries on topics that range from Hinduism to Islam and other religions practised in India. Entries on Muslim women are few. It is a useful source for the study of religion and religious traditions. FENTON, THOMAS P. and MARY J. HEFFRON. Women in the Third World: A Directory of Resources. New York: Orbis Books, 1987. 141p. This provides a good overview of resources and organizations specializing in women’s issues.

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45. GHORAYSHI, PARVIN. Women and Work in Developing Countries. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1994. 223p. This documents about seven hundred sources on women and work in developing countries, including the South Asian region. 46. HADDAD, YVONNE Y. et al. The Contemporary Islamic Revival: A Critical Survey and Bibliography. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991. 230p. This bibliography provides a useful reference of literature produced in the English language between 1970 and 1988 dealing with the Islamic revival of recent decades. Some, but not all, of the entries are annotated. Most of the entries are classied according to geographical areas. Out of 1225 entries, 65 are listed under the sub-heading ‘women’. Three essays outlining revivalist literature, heritage and Islamic resurgence precede citations. 47. HADDAD, YVONNE Y. et al. The Islamic Revival Since 1988: A Critical Survey and Bibliography (Bibliographies and Indexes in Religious Studies, No. 45). New York: Greenwood Press, 1997. 295p. This work is a continuation of the rst edition of this work in 1991. It annotates and lists sources published in the English language between 1989 and 1994. Compared to the author’s rst bibliography, this records a rise in scholarly writings on and about feminist concerns and issues relating to Muslim women. Of the 1246 total entries, 225 reect concerns felt by Muslim women and their societies and the growing interest of scholars in the experiences of Muslim women. 48. HANNAN, FERDOUSE H. and NAZRUL ISLAM. Women in Agriculture: An Annotated Bibliography. Comilla: Women’s Desk, Ministry of Agriculture: Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development, 1986. All entries are organized by subject and indexed by the author. Unexamined. 49. HARA, KIMI. ‘Research on the Status of Women, Development and Population Trends in Asia: An Annotated Bibliography’. In Bibliographic Guide to Studies on the Status of Women: Development and Population Trends by UNESCO Paris: Browker Publishing Company, 1983. pp. 83–111. This section has citations on all the countries of Asia. Entries cover areas of women and work, family and household, education, demographic features and government policies on women and development. 50. ISLAM, MAHMUDA. Bibliography on Bangladesh Women with Annotation. Dacca: Women for Women Research and Study Group, 1979. 63p. This bibliography lists and annotates 197 sources on women published in Bangladesh. All entries are organized under topics such as general studies, status of women, women and education, health, nutrition and fertility, women and work and women’s organizations.

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51. JACOBS, SUE-ELLEN. ‘Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Ceylon, India, and Nepal,’ in Women in Perspective: A Guide for Cross-cultural Studies. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1974. pp. 39–48. This source book represents research into several areas of women’s lives from a cross-cultural perspective. Entries are divided into two sections: part one lists sources under geographical topics and part two lists works under subject topics. Lists of references mostly deal with contemporary topics. Citations are not annotated. 52. JATOI, IQBAL ALI. Bibliography of Folk Literature. Islamabad: National Institute of Folk Heritage, 1980. 159p. This documents works related to folktales and folk songs of Pakistan in local dialects. It is an important source for the study of Pakistani folklore. 53. KELLY, DAVID H. and GAIL P. KELLY. Women’s Education in the Third World: An Annotated Bibliography. New York: Garland Publishing, 1989. 478p. This bibliography is focused on the evolution of women’s education in the developing world and is a guide to published works. Attempts have been made to include research studies and to exclude advocacy or polemical literature. The 1200 citations are organized topically with geographical divisions. 54. KHAN, ATIQUR RAHMAN. ‘Indigenous Birth Practices and the Role of Traditional Birth Attendants in Rural Bangladesh,’ in Traditional Birth Practices: An Annotated Bibliography, World Health Organization/MCH/85. 11, 1981. 77p. Unexamined. 55. KHANDWALA, VIDYUT K. (ed.) Education of Women in India, 1850– 1967: A Bibliography. Bombay: Shrimati Nathibai Damodar Thackersey Women’s University, 1968. 115p. Contains books, reports and articles with brief annotations. Entries on Muslim women’s education are very few. 56. KIMBALL, MICHELLE R. and BARBARA R. VON SCHLEGELL. Muslim Women throughout the World: A Bibliography. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1997. 307p. The focus of this bibliography is on scholarly works in the English language, written in the 20th century through 1995. It also includes ction, early travel accounts, popular publications, and works written by ‘practising Muslims’. Citations on South Asian Muslim women are also included. 57. KNOWLEDGE IS POWER. An Annotated Bibliography of Material Developed between 1975 and 1988 on Women in Pakistan. Lahore, ASR Group. 232p.

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58.

59.

60.

61.

62.

63.

64.

65.

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This bibliography includes only works produced between 1975 and 1988. Not all entries are annotated. Some important works are missing. LENT, JOHN A. Women and Mass Communications in the 1990s: An International Annotated Bibliography. Westport: Greenwood Press, 1999. 510p. The work is organised by continents and regions. Most entries are annotated. Information on South Asian Muslim women is far too scanty, with not more than ve titles included. LYTLE, ELIZABETH. Women in India: A Comprehensive Bibliography. Monticello: Vance Bibliographies, 1978. 29p. This work cites 386 references, the majority of which refer to events and personalities of the 19th and 20th centuries. There are no annotations. Very few references to Muslim women are included. MAHMUD, SHABANA. Urdu Language and Literature: A Bibliographic Source in European Languages. London: Mansell, 1992. 331p. This work lists a few articles and books on women’s issues. Entries are not annotated. MARTIN, L. An Annotated Bibliography on Breastfeeding Studies in Pakistan. Report submitted to UNICEF, Islamabad, Pakistan, 1989. Unexamined. MAYO, MOLLY. Women in Their Society: A Selected Bibliography of Pakistan and Other Islamic Countries. Islamabad: Ford Foundation, 1975. 32p. This is a brief bibliography with an introductory essay on the availability of sources of material for the study of women in Pakistan and in other Muslim societies. McCARTHY, FLORENCE E. et al. Bibliography and Selected References Regarding Rural Women in Bangladesh. Dacca: Women’s Section, Planning and Development Division, Ministry of Agriculture, 1978. 44p. This lists 207 references on women’s status and social condition in Bangladesh. Some of these are unpublished. NELSON, NICI. Why has Development Neglected Rural Women? A Review of the South Asian Literature. Oxford: Pergamon Press, Ltd., 1979. 108p. This book is a review of the literature available on the role of women in rural development in Asia. The writer states, ‘too little attention has been given by researchers, administrators, or planners to women and the roles they play in rural society in the process of change’. This bibliography lists 350 books, journal articles, conference papers, theses, government publications, and special issues of journals in the English language. PANDIT, HARSHIDA. Women in India: An Annotated Bibliography. New York: Garland Publishing, 1985. 278p.

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66.

67.

68.

69.

70.

71.

13

This work includes 1119 entries mostly found in libraries in Bombay. The focus is on women’s status in India with only a few sources on Muslim women in this work. PHILLIPS, BRENDA. Women, Islam, and Pakistan: A Selected Annotated Bibliography. Washington, DC: Centre for International Education, 1994. 16p. This small bibliography annotates books, book chapters, and research projects published between 1953 and 1994 on Muslim women in Pakistan. RUUD, INGER MARIE. Women’s Status in the Muslim World: A Bibliographical Survey. Cologne: Brill, 1981. 143p. Although this bibliography is about women in the Muslim world, the 1075 items listed include very few entries for women in South Asia. Entries are not annotated. SAKALA, CAROL. Women of South Asia: A Guide to Resources. New York: Kraus International Publications, 1980. 517p. This comprehensive, broad and extensive work covers major aspects of women’s lives. The largest part of the work is devoted to published resources, ‘over 4600 entries to western-language books, book segments, articles, serials, dissertations, lms and recordings.’ All entries are grouped in an elaborate classied arrangement based on chronological order and according to cultural regions. There are separate entries on Muslim women. The last part of the work consists of four valuable essays on libraries, archives, and other local resources in South Asia and the United Kingdom. A detailed author and subject index adds to the user efciency of the work. SATYAPRAKASH. Muslims in India: A Bibliography of their Religious SocioEconomic and Political Literature. Gurgaon: Indian Documentation Service, 1985. 279p. The bibliography lists over 3149 articles and books. Only 39 articles are on Muslim women. SHAHAB, M. H. Documentation of Educational Research in Pakistan—1947– 1995: An Annotated Bibliography. Islamabad: Academy of Educational Planning and Management, Ministry of Education. 501p. This work lists titles with brief annotations of research studies conducted by the Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan. A few entries refer to female education. SHAHEED, FARIDA. The Women of Pakistan: A Selected Bibliography with Annotations. Lahore: Shirkat Gah, 1992. 238p.

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72.

73.

74.

75.

76.

77.

78.

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This bibliography contains over 1000 titles including books, reports, articles, graduate dissertations and unpublished reports. Some entries are not annotated. SHAW, GRAHAM W. and SALIM QURAISHI. The Bibliography of South Asian Periodicals: A Union—List of Periodicals in South Asian Languages. Sussex: The Harvester Press, 1982. 135p. This is a list arranged primarily by language and within each language periodicals are entered alphabetically by title. The entries are not annotated. It is a good source for identifying journal holdings in British libraries. STOREY, C. A. Persian Literature: A Bio-Bibliographical Survey. London: Luzac & Co., 1927. 2 vols. This work is a storehouse of sources, published and unpublished, in medieval history, politics and culture. Sources are annotated and a brief description of the opening and last lines of the original text are given. TAYLOR, DAVID. Pakistan, Vol. 10 of World Bibliographical Series, California: Clio Press, 1990. Annotated entries deal with history, geography, culture and people of Pakistan. A few entries on women are included. TINKER, IRENE G., MICHELLE BO BRAMSEN and MAYRA BUVINIC. (ed.). Women and World Development: with an Annotated Bibliography. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1976. 382p. This work was prepared for a seminar on Women and Development held in Mexico City, 15–18 June 1975, in connection with the International Women’s Year World Conference. It includes proceedings of the seminar. A well-annotated bibliography arranged by development topics and geographical areas is also included. A few good titles on Muslim women of South Asia are mentioned. VYAS, ANJU, MEENA USMANI and NAHEED MOHSINI. Women, An Annotated Bibliography of Bibliographies: An Update. New Delhi: Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 1989. 27p. Unexamined. VYAS, ANJU and MADHU MUDGAL. The Girl-Child in India: A Bibliographic Compendium. New Delhi: Centre for Women’s Development Studies, 1992. 205p. This bibliography provides an overview of existing literature on the girl-child and helps in identifying research gaps. WANASUNDERA, LEELANGI. Women of Sri Lanka: An Annotated Bibliography, Supplement No. 1, Colombo: Centre for Women’s Research, 1990. 175p.

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This bibliography includes 295 entries. Citations about Muslim women are few. 79. YAQIN, ANWARUL and ANWAR BADAR. Protection of Women Under the Law: An Annotated Bibliography. New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1982. 200p. This covers general literature, court decisions, and government instructions and orders pertaining to women of all religions in India. Sources cover dates from 1950 to 1981 and include works published in periodicals, books, newspapers, and judicial court reports. 80. YOUNG, KATHERINE K. and ARVIND SHARMA. Images of the Feminine—Mythic, Philosophic and Human in the Buddhist, Hindu and Islamic Traditions: A Bibliography of Women in India. Chico: New Horizons Press, 1974. 36p. This includes more than 400 scholarly articles, books, conference papers, unpublished works, and government documents, the majority of which are in the English language. It covers the period from the 19th century to the early 1970s. Resources for the study on Muslim women are few and scanty. III. Bibliographic Review Essays 81. AGNEW, VIJAY. “A Review of the Literature on Women.” Journal of Indian History 55, nos. 1–2 (1977): 307–24. This bibliographic essay examines writings that have interpreted the roles of elite urban women in the 19th and early 20th centuries in India. A few unpublished sources are also included. 82. ANEES, MUNAWAR AHMAD. “Study of Muslim Woman and Family: A Bibliography.” Muslim World Book Review 8, no. 2 (1988): 59–67. This paper was also published under the title “Study of Muslim Woman and Family: A Bibliography.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 20, no. 2 (1989): 63–74. This paper presents a select bibliography with no annotations. The author criticizes ‘western feminist writers’ for exhorting ‘Muslim women to get rid of purdahx and to ‘opt for a sexually-liberated life-style and stand for their rights’. He observes that ‘there is little evidence that western feminism has taken roots in Muslim societies and that Muslim women are asserting to be biologically, morally and physically independent of men.’ 83. GUSTAFSON, W. ERIC. Pakistan and Bangladesh: Bibliographic Essays in Social Science. Islamabad: University of Islamabad Press, 1976. 364p.

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This work is a collection of essays on various aspects of research in the eld of sociology, anthropology, economics and politics. A chapter entitled ‘Demography, Family and the Status of Women and Family Law’ (108–90) gives useful references for the study of family and women’s status in the two countries. 84. MUMTAZ, KHAWAR. ‘Database for Women in Agriculture and Rural Development.’ Paper presented at Regional Expert Consultation on Database for Women in Agriculture and Rural development, FAO Regional Ofce for Asia and the Pacic, Bangkok, 6–10 August 1990. 14p. (A Xeroxed copy is at the library of Women’s Studies Centre, Karachi University, Pakistan.) This short paper examines data sources for women in the agriculture sector and in rural development. It recommends measures for developing data for analysis, strategies and advocacy for women rather than for technicians. 85. PAPANEK, HANNA. “Women in South and South-East Asia: Issues and Research.” Signs 1, no. 1 (1975): 193–214. This study analyses the direction of current research on women in Bangladesh, Pakistan, India and Indonesia. Written during a period when an increasing interest in non-western women’s experiences was catching the eye of western academics, this paper stresses that more research on women in South and South-East Asian countries is needed. It examines existing literature and research in spheres of population growth, law, women’s associations, and employment in the two regions. The author cites nearly 70 sources, arranged alphabetically; some are unpublished papers on le in the collections of libraries in the USA. IV. Catalogues of Library Holdings 86. AMROHWÁ, AFSAR ÂIDDÁQUI. Ma¶¢u¢Êt Anjuman Taraqqi-yi UrdÖ, KarÊpÒ. [ Manuscripts in the collection of Anjuman Taraqqi-yi UrdÖ, Karachi] Karachi: Anjuman Taraqq-yi UrdÖ, 1978. 7 Volumes. [ U ] This catalogue contains a few titles relating to women. There is a need to update the list. 87. BLUMHARDT, J. F. Catalogue of the Hindi, Punjabi and Hindustani Manuscripts in the Library of the British Museum, London. 1899. 88. ——. A Supplementary Catalogue of Hindustani Books in the Library of the British Museum Acquired during the Years 18—1909. London: British Museum. 1909.

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89. GHAUS MUÆAMMAD, and M. AFÃALUDDIN IQB¹L. AmÊnatÒ kutub¶ÊnÊ, ¶andÊn ªarful mulk ke urdÖ ma¶¢u¢Êt [A Descriptive Catalogue of the Sharful Mulk Family Entrustment Library], Hyderabad: dÊxirah ilectric pres, 1989. 160p. [U] This is a very helpful list of the holdings. Some of the catalogue numbers given in the book do not match actual titles of books. Some works included in the list are hard to nd in the library. 90. HAQ , MAHMUDUL. Handlist of Urdu and Punjabi Manuscripts Acquired by Oriental Collection since 1899, the British Library, 1993. 91. HASHMI, NAÂIRUDDÁN. Kutub¶ÊnÊ NawwÊb SalÊr Jang Mar˜Öm kÒ UrdÖ QalmÒ KitÊbo¸ ki WaÓʘatÒ Fihrist [A Descriptive Catalogue of the Urdu Manuscripts of the Library of (late) Nawab Salar Jung], Hyderabad, Ma¢bÊx-yi IbrÊhimÒ, 1957. [U] This one of the earliest sources on the holdings of this rich collection of manuscripts. More research is needed to update the annotations. 92. ÆUSAIN, MUÆAMMAD BASHÁR . Fihrist Ma¶¢u¢Êt-i ·erÊnÒ, DÊniªgÊh Punjab, Lahore [Catalogue of Sherani Manuscripts, Punjab University, Lahore], 3 Vols. Karachi: IdarÊh Ta˜qÒqÊt Pakistan. 1973. [U], Unexamined. 93. IQBAL, ZAFAR. Fihrist Ma¶¢u¢Êt-i UrdÖ, QaumÒ {AjÊxib Ghar, Pakistan, Karapi. [Catalogue of Manuscripts in the National Museum Pakistan, Karachi] Karachi: IdarÊh KitÊbiyÊt Pakistan, 1991. [ U ], Unexamined. 94. QURAISHI, SALIM al-DIN. Catalogue of the Urdu, Panjabi, Pashtu, and Kashmiri Manuscripts and Documents in the India Ofce Library and Records, London: The British Library, 1990. 180p. This catalogue is an addition to earlier catalogues of this collection. 95. ——. Catalogue of Urdu Books in the India Ofce Library, 1800–1920. Supplementary to J. F. Blumhardt’s Catalogue of 1900. London: The British Library, 1991, 2nd edn. (First published in 1982). 280p. The India Ofce Library holds more than 4000 volumes of Vernacular Tracts with 30,000 titles containing a wealth of information concerning the life and experiences of peoples of South Asia. This catalogue is a key to some of these tracts in the Urdu language. 96. RIZVI, ATHAR ABBAS and MUKHTAR - UD - DIN AHMAD. Catalogue of the Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Aliagrh: Aligarh Muslim University, 1969. Unexamined. 97. RIZWANA, RAFAT. A Descriptive Catalogue of Urdu Manuscripts, Poetry [Diwan, kulliyat], Vol. 1, Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Government Oriental Manuscripts Library and Research Institute, 1988. Unexamined.

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V. Biographical Compendiums of Prominent Muslim Women 98. AN¹RÁ, SA{ÁD. SayyÊr-us Âa˜ÊbiyÊt [Life of Early Women Companions of the Prophet], Azamgarh: DÊrul muÉannifÒn, 1924. 189p. [ U ] This book contains biographical accounts of 45 women selected from a longer list of women who supported the cause of Islam in the early stages of its growth. In the words of the author, this book is a cultural history of the time in which these women lived and worked. 99. ASLAM JAIR¹JPURI, MUÆAMMAD. ‡watÒn: jis me¸ 33 maªhÖr ¶wÊtÒn kÒ sawani˜ {umriyʸ hai¸ [ Women: Biographies of 33 famous women]. Aligash: Ma¢ba{ FaiÓ-i {Êm, 1914. 240p. [ U ] This book gives short biographical accounts of thirty-three famous Muslim women. The author (1882–1955) was a recognized Islamic scholar and educationist who worked with Dr. Zakir Husain, founder of Jamia Millia, Delhi, as a volunteer in the Anjuman-i TÊ{lÒm-i MillÒ, later known as Anjuman-i JÊ{miÊh MilliÊh IslÊmiyÊh. This book, written with the purpose of creating role models for Muslim women, has no references or bibliography. 100. HASAN, MASUDUL. Daughters of Islam: Being Short Biographical Sketches of 82 famous Muslim Women. Lahore: Hazrat Data Ganj Baksh Academy, 1976. 171p. This is a compilation of short biographical sketches of 82 famous Muslim women from the days of the Prophet to Fatima Jinnah of Pakistan. There are no references or bibliography. 101. KABIR, KAUSAR. Biographical Dictionary of Prominent Muslim Ladies. New Delhi: Light & Life Publishers, 1982. 526p. All entries are in alphabetical order and are brief in content. A few women from other Muslim countries are also included. There are no detailed references. 102. MIRZA, MUHAMMAD WAHID. ‘Great Muslim Women of India,’ in Great Women of India, (ed.) Swami Madhavnanda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, Almora: Advaita Ashrama, 1953. 378–94. This chapter presents brief life accounts of Muslim queens and princesses, religious women and heroic women. Raziyya Sultan, Gulbadan Begum, Nur Jahan, Jahan Ara and Zebun Nisa are included, as are short references to sufÒ women, Bibi Fatima Sam and Bibi Zulaikha. 103. MÇS¹ KH¹N, MUÆAMMAD. IslÊmÒ ‡ilÊfat kÊ KÊrnamÊh [Great Achievements of Islamic Caliphate] Aligash: Mu˜ammadÒ pres. Vol. 1 & 2, 1925, 204p. Vol. 2, 1930. 352p. [U] Two volumes drawing upon QurxÊnic verses and the sayings of the Prophet remind Muslims of the importance of women’s education.

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The book discusses the role of early Muslim women, such as ‡adÒjÊh, Fa¢imah and {¹yiªah, in the construction of the Muslim community and in the public lives of early believers. The author rejects the prevalent custom of Indian Muslim women of covering their faces with veils. Muslim women have a right to step out of their houses to conduct their business. 104. SHARAR, {ABDULÆALÁM. Mu¶addarÊt. [Chaste Women], Dehli: Ma˜bÖb al-ma¢Êbi{ pres, 1938. 190p. [U] This book contains short biographical accounts of 30 women, some pre-Islamic and some who rose into prominence after Islam. Women from India remain conspicuously absent in this account. 105. WASTI, SYED RAZA. Biographical Dictionary of South Asia. Lahore: Publishers United Limited, 1980. 511p. This is a highly disorganized work. Important women from Pakistan, such as Fatimah Jinnah, are missing. VI. Invisibility of Muslim Women in Research Studies 106. AHMAD, SHADBANO. ‘Methodological Problems in the Study of Muslim Women,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 24–28. Western sociologists have viewed Muslim society as the negative pole of Western culture. Indian researchers sometimes share this view as well. This paper emphasizes the need for objective studies based on empirical statistical data on Muslim women. 107. AKHTAR, JAHANZEB. ‘Muslim Women’s Education in India,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 75–78. Most studies on women in India have concentrated on Hindu women, resulting in a paucity of research material on Muslim women. The author, therefore, suggests that to ll this need, Muslim women should be given more access to education. 108. ALAUDDIN, TALAT and NASRA M. SHAH. ‘Role and Status of Women Research on Women’s Problems in Pakistan: A Bibliography’, Paper Presented at International Seminar on Women’s Participation in Development: Building Leadership from Grassroots, 10–15 November 1975, Islamabad. 6p. [Library Women Development Ministry, Government of Pakistan]. This brief paper is part of a comprehensive bibliography prepared at the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics. It covers data

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sources on the role and status of women and discusses problems that a researcher might encounter. 109. FORBES, GERALDINE. “Locating and Preserving Documents: The First Step in Writing Women’s History.” Journal of Women’s History 14, no. 4 (2003): 169–78. Although this paper documents problems encountered in writing the history of Indian women with an emphasis on the lives of Hindu women, the same points are applicable to the history of Muslim women. 110. ——. ‘Reections on South Asian Women’s/Gender History: Past and Future’ Online Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History 4, no. 1, 2003. This paper was presented at the rst conference on Women’s History, ‘Conference on Rhetoric and Reality: Gender and the Colonial Experience’ in Bangladesh on 17–18 December 2002. Forbes reects ‘on the connection between politics and South Asian women’s history’ and urges ‘feminist scholars in the West to pay attention to the histories being written and the politics that inform them’. This message is embedded in the author’s realization that ‘living in the West affords us protections that our colleagues in India, or Bangladesh, or Pakistan, or Sri Lanka do not have.’ After talking more about works for and by Indian (Hindu) women, Forbes refers to a few recent publications and ongoing research about Muslim women. These works are not enough and she rightly says that ‘there is still much to be done.’ 111. MERNISSI, FATIMA . ‘Women in Muslim History: Traditional Perspectives and New Strategies,’ in S. J. Kleinberg (ed.) Retrieving Women’s History: Changing Perceptions of the Role of Women in Politics and Society, Berg: Oxford University Press, 1988. pp. 338–55. This well researched paper begins by claiming that contrary to a generally held view that Muslim historians were guilty of suppressing women’s appearance in their work, this paper lists a fairly large number of texts, both religious and secular in ‘which women are acknowledged and their contribution generously praised as both disciples of the Prophet during his lifetime and as authors of hadith after his death.’ In the second part of the paper, the author observes that although historical representation of women exists in Islamic sources, it still needs to be disseminated. She, than, recommends several methods of historical research and its wider dissemination. The paper is written primarily in the context of the Arab world and lists sources in the Arabic language; it is useful for retrieving Muslim women’s history anywhere in the world.

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112. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Making Invisible Women Visible: Studying the History of Muslim Women in South Asia’. Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (1986): 1–13. The author points out that meagre research on Muslim women of South Asia has made them invisible. There is a great need to recognize Muslim women’s historic role in the making of history. She points out research gaps and suggests that the role of South Asian Muslim women from all backgrounds and geographic areas needs to be explored. 113. ROTHERMUND, DIETMAR (ed.). Islam in Southern Asia: A Survey of Current Research. Wiesbaden, Franz Steiner Verlac, 1975. pp. 20–21. At this Seminar, Cora Vreede-de-Stuers expressed her concern over lack of research interest in the lives of Muslim women of South Asia. She observed that ‘while quite a few studies have been published and much research has been undertaken on the family life and women’s position of the Hindus in India, very little has been produced so far on Muslim women’s life in South Asia. This lack of interest in the position of the Muslim women and their inuence on social, economic and political life is all the more striking, when we remember their part played in the several liberation movements of colonial people in which they took an active part and were accepted as equal partners by men in their struggle for political emancipation.’ Other participants analyzing the attitude of Muslim men towards Muslim women observed that Muslim women ‘had been a considerable source of anxiety to the Muslim revivalists who thought of them as a Trojan horse in the household, harbouring non-Muslim attitudes and practices.’ 114. SARKAR, MAHUA. “Muslim Women and the Politics of (In) visibility in Late Colonial Bengal.” Journal of Historical Sociology 14, no. 2 (2001): 226–250. This paper begins by putting forward a straight and simple fact regarding the politics of writing history. The author stresses ‘in recent decades there has been an explosion of scholarship on women in India. However, as a survey of this body of literature quickly reveals, much of it is focused on Hindu women. In contrast, studies of Muslim women are noticeably scarce.’ Worse still, ‘when Muslim women do appear, they seem to be overwhelmingly portrayed as “oppressed” and “backward”. This paper, therefore, ‘is an attempt to understand the ways in which gender and racially dened communal ideologies worked simultaneously to deny Muslim women even the limited visibility granted to Hindu women within the Hindu dominated hegemonic nationalist discourse.’

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115. SIDDIQUI, H. Y. ‘The Studies of Muslim Women in India: Approaches and Methodology,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 9–23. This paper argues that studies of Muslim women have not been undertaken from a variety of perspectives; there is a need for interdisciplinary studies on the status and role of Muslim women in India. The author concludes by suggesting that it may be worthwhile to study Muslim women from a historical perspective since there is no authentic historical study available. 116. VREEDE-DE STUERS, C. ‘The Position of Muslim Women,’ in Dietmar Rothermund (ed.) Islam in Southern Asia, A Survey of Current Research. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlac, 1975. pp. 20–21. Speaking at a conference on various aspects of the South Asian history, the author observed that in the papers presented, Muslim women’s role remained absent. Reecting on the sad neglect of Muslim women in historical writings and research, she observed, ‘while quite a few studies have been published and much research has been undertaken on the family life and women of the Hindus in India, very little has been produced so far on the Muslim woman’s life in South Asia.’

B. Women’s Status in Religious Texts I. Women’s Status in the QurxÊn O humankind! reverence Your Guardian-Lord, Who created you From a single Person, Created, of like nature, His mate, and from them twain Scattered (like seeds) Countless men and women;— Reverence Allah, through Whom Ye demand your natural (rights) And (reverence) the wombs (That bore you): for Allah Ever watches over you (S. IV: I, The Holy QurxÊn)

117. AHMAD, AZIZ and G. E. VONGRUNEBAUM (ed.). Muslim SelfStatement in India and Pakistan 1857–1968. Otto Harrassowitz-Wiesbaden, 1970. 238p.

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118.

119.

120.

121.

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In this well documented study, the authors briey refer (pp. 54–59) to the status of women in Islam. Quoting from the QurxÊn, the authors explain that compared with other religions, ‘Islam sanctioned for women a greater stride in civilisation and liberty than they had enjoyed prior to the mission of Muhammad.’ ANWAR UD-DIN, Mrs. “The Inuence of Islam on the Indian Women.” The Islamic Review 24, Nov.–Dec. (1936): 435–45. The author suggests that the greatest service that the QurxÊn rendered to women is that it emancipated them from social degradation and male subordination. With the advent of the Message of Islam, women’s status was immeasurably raised. Islam recognizes no distinction between men and women except the biological differences that allow them to perform their biological functions (such as motherhood). BAD¹YÇNÁ, {ABDULM¹JID. {Aurat aur QurxÊn [Woman and the QurxÊn] Badayun: {UºmÊnÒ pres. n.d. 109p. [U] [Microlm in the Library of Congress] In the preface to the book the author lamenting the plight of ‘ignorant Indian Muslim women’ who ‘have no knowledge of the QurxÊn, observes that ‘women due to their lack of awareness and ignorance have come to believe that the laws of Islam are not applicable to them. Therefore, women lack a commitment to the basic pillars of Islam.’ Interestingly in the very rst section of the book, under the heading {Aurat kÒ paidÊxÒªx [Creation of women] he quotes verse 4:12 and to its meanings adds the name of Adam and Eve and says that Eve was created out of the left rib of Adam. Later, the author quotes several anti-women traditions claiming to be true Sayings of the Prophet. BAVEJA, MALIK RAM. Women in Islam. Translated from Urdu by M. Abdul Ali. Hyderabad (Deccan): Institute of Indo-Middle East Cultural Studies, 1958. 138p. This book examines the position of women as daughters, wives and mothers in Muslim societies. The author refers extensively to the verses of the QurxÊn and the Traditions of the Prophet to support the idea that women are accorded a better status under the law of Islam. CHAUDHRY, MUHAMMAD SHARIF. Women’s Rights in Islam. Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1991, xiv+204p. Citing verses from the QurxÊn and quoting the Traditions of the Prophet, this paper states that women in Islam have a better position compared to women in non-Muslim societies. The QurxÊn, it explains, has accorded women dignity and status as human beings.

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122. ENGINEER, ASGHAR ALI. The QurxÊn, Women and Modern Society. New Delhi: Sterling Publications, 1999. 231p. This book discusses the theme of women’s status and rights as given in the QurxÊn and their current legal status and social positioning in Muslim societies. It includes bibliographical references and index. 123. ESPOSITO, JOHN L. “Women’s Rights in Islam.” Islamic Studies 14 (1975): 99–113. A search for the cause of women’s low status in Muslim societies shows that such a situation reects neither the original spirit nor content of the QurxÊn which enacted many reforms to improve the debased position of women in pre-Islamic society. Although the paper does not discuss the position of women in Pakistan, it is included in this bibliography as it was published in a journal from Pakistan and has a relevant message for the women’s rights debate in South Asia. 124. HAQUE, MOZAMMEL. ‘Status of Women in Islam,’ in his Islam, Socialism and Women. Dacca: Society for Pakistan Studies, 1970. pp. 22–33. This presents the traditional view that Islam has not discriminated against women on the basis of gender differences. In support of his arguments, the author quotes several QurxÊnic verses. 125. ÆUSAIN, SAIYYID W¹JID. {Aurat kÒ {AØmat: QurxÊn wo Sunnat kÒ RoªnÒ me¸ [ Dignity of Women in the Light of QurxÊn and Traditions]. Karachi: Anjuman UrdÖ MuÉannifÒn, 1990. 137p. [ U ] The author pays tribute to Islamic teachings as reected in the QurxÊn and Traditions of the Prophet. He states that women are accorded a high place in the QurxÊn and this status of women is reected in the Traditions of the Prophet. 126. IMRAN, MUHAMMAD. Ideal Woman in Islam. Lahore: Islamic Publications, 4th edition, 1989. 150p. With references to the Suras of the QurxÊn, this paper explains the duties and obligations of an ideal Muslim woman. The author’s readings of the Text are traditional. 127. KHAIRAB¹DI, M¹xIL. QurxÊn me¸ {Aurat kÒ Æaiºiyat (Women’s Status in the QurxÊn). Delhi: New Crescent Publishing House, 1997. 184p. [U] This book discusses the status of women in the light of the QurxÊn. The author’s perspective is a traditional one, and argues that Islam has already given a high status to women, and therefore to seek their rights and to understand their obligations women must return to the QurxÊn. Includes bibliographical references. 128. LIMO, {¹xISHAH and FATIMAH HAIRIN. IslÊm me¸ {Aurat kÊ MartabÊh: QurxÊn wo ÆadÒº kÊ PaiÊm MusalmÊn ¶wÊtÒn ke NÊm (Women’s

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Dignity: The Message of the QurxÊn and the Hadith to Muslim Women) Lahore: The Hijab Society of Pakistan, 2000. 88p. [ U ] The title page of the book describes it as ‘inspirational, lled with faith sermons, given by these two well known western women, newly converted to Islam [du mÊ{rÖf maribÒ nau muslim ¶wÊtÒn kÒ pur ÒmÊn aur ja£bÊh angez taqÊrÒr].’ The two authors, both recent converts, mentor Muslim women to understand the message of Islam which has accorded them a high status. The message of the book is that to seek their liberation from indignant treatment in society, instead of looking elsewhere for help, Muslim women should return to the true message of the QurxÊn as they (the authors) have done. 129. MAHMOOD, TAHIR. “The Grandeur of Womanhood in Islam.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 6 (1986): 1–26. Adapted from the author’s keynote address delivered at the seminar on ‘Rights of Muslim Women’ in December 1985 in Madras, this paper argues in the light of the QurxÊn and Hadith references that women in Islam are not subjected to any kind of gender bias. It states that on the contrary, women’s rights are protected and they have a place of responsibility and privilege within Islam. 130. McDONOUGH, SHEILA. “Yusuf Ali and Mawdudi on Gender in the QurxÊn.” Journal of Gender in World Religions 2 (1991): 15–36. This paper examines and compares the writings of the two widelyread male South Asian translators of the QurxÊn in the English and Urdu languages. Yusuf Ali, a liberalist and a modernist, translated the QurxÊn into English. Mawdudi’s Urdu translation, and later its English renderings by his followers, have gained huge attention in the Muslim world. On the issue of women’s status, their roles in the society, and their duties and obligations, the two scholars have adopted different approaches. 131. MEHR, MEHRUN NIS¹x BEGAM. “IslÊm me± {Aurat kÊ DarjÊh.” [ Women’s Status in Islam]. SanÊh-yi Niswʸ 1, nos. 5 & 6, July (1932): 76–77. [U], KKK. The women’s magazine SanÊh-yi Niswʸ aimed at inspiring Muslim women to come forward and stand up for the rights accorded to them by the QurxÊn. This brief article surveys the status of women before the advent of Islam. Although this article is not scholarly and the information given is general and scanty, such writing by women set a trend for women who are beginning to acquire condence and trust in their own voices.

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132. Q¹DIRÁ, MRS. IQTID¹R MAN¶ÇR M¹HIRUL. “IslÊm me¸ {Aurat kÊ DarjÊh.” [Women’s Status in Islam].’ SanÊh-yi Niswʸ 1, No. 5 & 6, July (1932): 85–86. [U], KKK. This article is short and brief but very signicant in terms of its content and message. A Muslim woman claiming that Islam has given a higher status to women than what in reality Muslim women were faced with in the 1930s in India was nothing short of a declaration of war for women’s rights. This article and similar others written by women and published in the 30s should be read in the context of women and apostasy, and the difculties Muslim women faced in seeking dissolution of violent marriages. Referring to the early days of Islam, the author cites the example of the Prophet’s wife {¹xiªÊh. She reminds her readers that in those early days Muslim men not only sought her advice frequently but the Prophet’s companions consulted her on important affairs. 133. SMITH, JANE I. and YVONNE Y. HADDAD. “Eve: Islamic Image of Woman.” Women’s Studies International Forum 5, no. 2 (1982): 135–44. The way in which Eve is portrayed and understood in the QurxÊn and in Islamic tradition has immediate and obvious ramications for the Muslim view of women in general. Scriptural references to Eve show her neither as inferior or secondary to Adam in creation, nor in any way culpable in tempting him to eat off the forbidden tree. In traditional narratives, this situation is generally reversed. 134. SORABJI, CORNELIA. Tea Time Talk: Women in Changing India. November 14, 1937. MSS. EUR. F 165/155, Sorabji Collection, OIOC. Sorabji, while addressing a gathering in London where she had gone for her studies, discussed the status of women in India. Regarding Muslim women and the real causes behind their slow progress, she said that ‘the QurxÊn is extremely enlightened about women in regard to inheritance and succession. But the custom of compulsory seclusion has always been a great handicap, cutting short the period of school education and restricting work in a world which contains both men and women.’ 135. WAÆÁUDDÁN KHAN, MAUL¹N¹. ‡watÒn-i IslÊm [Women of Islam] New Delhi: MaktabÊh al-risÊlÊh, 1987. 191p. [ U ] In this book the author presents compelling arguments that Islam recognizes women as equal but different from men. This difference, he explains, is not based on the commonly held erroneous concept of women being considered to be low and degraded in Islam. In support of his arguments, he makes references to both Islamic and

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non-Islamic sources. The nal word in the work’s conclusion is homage to the author’s mother, who, though not educated in the modern sense of education, became a self-employed woman following her early widowhood and taught her children the lessons that turned them into responsible human beings. 136. ZAIDI, SYED M. H. Position of Women under Islam. With a foreword by the Right Honorable Sir Sultan Mahomed Shah, the Aga Khan. Calcutta: Book Tower, 1935. 154p. This book analyses the various aspects of a Muslim woman’s life in the light of the QurxÊn and the Æadiº. A brief sketch of modern movements in different countries is also given. The Aga Khan was a great supporter of women’s education and thus his foreword to the book further strengthened its message. An interesting part of the book is its appendix, which contains short notes on notable Muslim women of the sub-continent and includes their photographs. II. Rejecting Patriarchal Reading of the QurxÊn 34. Men are the protectors And maintainers of women, Because Allah has given The one more (strength) Than the other, and because They support them From their means. . . . . (S. IV: 34, The Holy QurxÊn)

137. BARLAS, ASMA. ‘The QurxÊn, Sex/Gender, and Sexuality: Sameness, Difference, Equality,’ in her “Believing Women” in Islam, Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the QurxÊn, Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003. pp. 129–66. Barlas, after citing several verses of the QurxÊn, explains that in the QurxÊn ‘male and female are not only inseparable’ but they also ‘are ontologically the same, hence equal.’ In other words, ‘differences in the QurxÊn are not meant to establish hierarchies based in race, sex, nationality, or class.’ It is signicant to note that Barlas is a native of Pakistan. 138. BARTON, MUKTI. Liberation Spirituality as Signal of Transcendence: Christian and Muslim Women in Bangladesh. Oxford: Religious Experience Research Centre, 1998. 27p. The author examines women’s experiences of oppression in Bangladesh where challenging male domination is often seen as sacrilegious. A change, however, is gradually appearing and women are getting together

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140.

141.

142.

143.

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to oppose gender injustice in the name of religion. By reclaiming their religious traditions and rereading religious scriptures, women in Bangladesh are searching for their own feminism. HASSAN, RIFFAT. “Challenging the Stereotypes of Fundamentalism: An Islamic Feminist Perspective.” Muslim World 91, no. 1/2 (2001): 55–69. The author emphasizes that Western analysts of Islam and of Muslim societies ‘are still unable or unwilling to see Islam as a religion capable of being interpreted in a progressive way.’ ——. “Feminist Theology: The Challenge for Muslim Women.” Critique: Journal of Critical Studies of Iran and the Middle East, 9 (1996): 53–65. Tracing the development of her interest in Islamic scholarship, the author concludes by saying that ‘the importance of developing what the West calls “feminist theology” in the context of the Islamic tradition is paramount today not only to liberate Muslim women, but also Muslim men, from unjust social structures that make peer relationship between men and women impossible.’ ——. ‘Muslim Women and Post-Patriarchal Islam’ in Pamela M. Cooey et al. (ed.) After Patriarchy-Feminist Transformations of the World Religions, New York: Orbis books, 1991. pp. 39–64. This paper examines and evaluates interpretations of passages from the QurxÊn and traditions of the Prophet that have strong male bias. These patriarchal attitudes, the author argues, had negative implications for Muslim women. The paper’s nal argument says that post-patriarchal Islam is nothing other than QurxÊnic Islam, which is profoundly concerned with freeing human beings—women as well as men—from the bondage of all traditions. ——. ‘The Issue of Woman-Man Equality in the Islamic Tradition,’ in Leonard Grob et al. (ed.) Women’s and Men’s Liberation. New York: Greenwood Press, 1999. pp. 65–82. In this paper, the author rejects the common notion that women were created from Adam’s rib. ‘They were created simultaneously, of like substance, and in like manner.’ She concludes that belief that the rst woman was created from Adam ‘shows that, in practice, the Hadith literature has displaced the teachings of the QurxÊn at least insofar as the issue of women’s creation is concerned.’ {IRF¹N, MRS. Z. B. THURAIYY¹. IslÊm me¸ {Aurat kÊ DarjÊh [Women’s Status in Islam]. SafÒnÊh-yi Niswʸ, 1, nos. 5 & 6, July (1932): 881–84. [U], KKK. This paper describes the deplorable status of women in Arab society before the advent of Islam. The author’s focus is to show that the QurxÊn

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brought changes in the patriarchal social order and freed women from male subordination. The author’s female voice is a voice of protest against unfair treatment meted out to Muslim women by Muslim men, thus contradicting the original message of the QurxÊn. 144. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. NÊn-o nafaqÊh [ Maintenance Allowance]. In his A˜kÊm-i Niswʸ: {aurato¸ ke muta{alliq QurxÊn majÒd ke a˜kÊm ma{ tafsÒr [Injunctions for Women, Decrees of the Glorious QurxÊn along with Commentary regarding Women] Compiled by RÊziq ul ‡airi, Karachi: {Ismat Akedami, 1971, 52–54. (First edn. Delhi: {Ismat buk dipo, 1937.) [U] In his commentary (tafsÒr) on verse 4:34 of the QurxÊn, it is noted that ‡airÒ’s explanation of the verse’s meanings differ from those of earlier scholars. He reads it not as a discriminatory and patriarchal passage but as a libratory message for women. Placing this verse under the heading of ‘maintenance allowance’, he rst limits its applicability to only wife-husband relationships. He argues that twenty-ve to thirty years back from his time this verse meant to the Muslims that a husband is a wife’s ‡udÊ-yi majÊzÒ [mundane god], which also meant that man is the master, the woman is the subordinate, man is the ruler, woman is the slave. These, he argues, were not the correct meanings. ‡airÒ prefers to interpret this verse as giving a lead role to men in spousal relationships. This lead male role is no more than what one would nd in managerial roles at a workplace. 145. ——. {A˜kÊm-i Niswʸ [Injunctions for women],’ in his A˜kÊm-i Niswʸ: {Aurato¸ ke muta{alliq QurxÊn majÒd ke a˜kÊm ma{ tafsÒr [ Injunctions for Women, Decrees of the Glorious QurxÊn along with Commentary Regarding Women] Compiled by RÊziq ul ‡airi, Karachi: Ismat Akedami, 1971. First edn. Delhi: {Ismat buk dipo, 1937. 141p. [ U ] This is a compilation of some of the QurxÊnic injunctions regarding marriage, justice, woman’s rights to maintenance, divorce, and dower money, etc., explained in simple language so that girls with little education could comprehend these easily. The author’s interpretation of the QurxÊn is liberal and encourages women to acquire knowledge. These writings earlier appeared in BanÊt [daughters], a magazine for girls started in 1927 by the writer. 146. MILSTEAD, BETTY. “Feminist Theology and Women in the Muslim World: An interview with Riffat Hassan.” Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Dossier 4 (1988): 31–33. [1st published in Committee on South Asian Women’s Bulletin 4, no. 4, (1986): 16–20.] This work is based on an interview with Dr. Riffat Hassan, Pakistani scholar and professor in religious studies University of Louisville,

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Kentucky. The gist of this is that ‘underneath all the more obvious causes—sociological, historical, economical—for the inferior position of women, is a cause that has theological roots. The majority of Muslims, whether they are practicing Muslims or not, believe that God has given men superiority over women.’ Citing correct interpretations of Arabic words, she further says that most of the translators of the QurxÊn have been men; women translators suffer from an anti-feminist bias and just continue the tradition. 147. MURATA, SACHIKO. The Tao of Islam: A Sourcebook on Gender Relationships in Islamic Thought. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992. 397p. In her scholarly work, Murata focuses on the nature of human existence and what it means to be human. She explains that in Islamic thought, human beings are put at centre stage, not ‘objectively considered’ but rather ‘qualitatively recognized.’ Thus, human beings are distinguished as ‘those who meet the expectations of God and those who do not.’ Moving away from man-woman dichotomy, Murata explains that at the core of QurxÊn’s view of human beings is the distinction between ‘those who have faith and those who have not’: the “believers” and the “unbelievers”. In all the perspectives of Islamic life and thought, people are separated into groups according to the degree to which they full the purpose of life.’ The book is used as a reference source in several teaching programmes in Pakistan. 148. WADUD, AMINA. ‘The QurxÊnic View of Woman in this World’, in her QurxÊn and Woman, Reading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. pp. 29–43. In this chapter, Amina Wadud focuses on the very nature of the QurxÊn and the QurxÊn’s criteria of establishing distinctions between individuals. This distinction, she argues, rests not on gender and sex but is based on piety (taqwÊ). TaqwÊ, pious manner of behaviour, is an expression of one’s reverence towards God. III. Status of Women in the Æadiº 149. DHARMRAKHIA, MRS. M. A. S. BÊnÒ-yi IslÊm aur ˜uqÖq-i niswʸ [The Founder of Islam and Women’s Rights].’ BanÊt-i Delhi [ Daughters of Delhi], Delhi: RasÖl numbar, Aug.–Sept. (1929): 15–17. [ U ] The writer discusses the great mission of the Prophet of Islam to safeguard and enhance the status of women. Islam changed the status of women within the family.

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150. IMRAN, MUHAMMAD. Who are the Sinful Women According to the QurxÊn and Hadith. Lahore: M. Sirajuddin, 1990. 65p. This book in the light of several Traditions of the Prophet, reported mostly by Abu Huraira, lays down rules for deciding who is sinful and who is not, among Muslim women. On the testimony of these Traditions, the author claims that women who are obedient to their husbands are the most eligible for entering paradise. He states that one act that would make Muslim women good women is xing a low Mahr [dower money]. He says that Pardah must be observed in order ‘to nip the evil in the bud.’ The book presents a good example of some of the most recent attempts at interpreting religion and religious traditions to subjugate women and keep them under male subordination. 151. IÂL¹HÁ, MUÆAMMAD YÇSUF. ·amÊ{-yi ˜aram: ¶watÒn ke ¶uÉÖÉÒ masÊxil se mutÊxalliq Ummul MominÒn ÆaÓrat {¹xiªÊh ÂiddiqÊh ki riwÊyat kardÊh pÊlÒs mustanad hadÒºe¸ [ The Lamp for the Sacred Households: Forty Authenticated Traditions Narrated by the Noble {Aishah Siddiqah, the Mother of the Believers, Regarding Women’s Especial Questions]. Lahore: al-badr publikaªunz, 1983. 16p. [U]  {¹xiªÊh bint-i Abi Bakr, Prophet Muhammad’s favourite wife is the role model for Muslim women of the Sunni sect. ¹xªÊ, the Mother of the Believers, narrated a large number of authoritative a˜ÊdÒº (plural of ÆadÒº). This book selects forty a˜ÊdÒth which in the opinion of the author, are the sources of the Islamic way of life [ªarx ÒÊ] and have direct bearing upon women’s lives. 152. KHAIRÁ, BEGAM R¹ZIQUL. “RasÖl-i ‡udÊ Âal{am kÊ ¢arz-i zindagÒ.” [ The Lifestyle of the Prophet of God, Peace be upon him]. BanÊt-i Dehli, RasÖl numbar. August–September (1929): 9–15. [ U ], APL. The key point of this essay is to inform its readers that the Prophet of Islam took great care of women and always saw to their comfort. The monthly magazine BanÊt-e Dehli [Girls of Delhi] published a special issue on the life of the Prophet. 153. MUÆAMMAD {¹SHIQ IL¹HÁ BULANDSHEHRÁ, MAUL¹N¹. (Compiled) Tu˜fah-yi ‡wÊtÒn: ¶wÊtÒn-i islÊm se RasÖl AllÊh ÂallallÊhu {Alaihi wa Âal{am kÒ bÊtai¸[A Gift for Women: The Prophet’s (may the Blessings and Mercy of God be upon him) Sayings for Women of Islam), Lahore: IslÊmÒ kutub ¶anÊ, n.d. 774p. [ U ] In the preface to the book MaulÊnÊ TaqÒ {UsmÊnÒ, a Pakistani religious scholar of great stand, recalls the Tradition of the Prophet of having discussions with women in separate sessions in addition to regular mixed sessions. Scholars and pious persons, he observes, have continued this tradition of sharing knowledge with women. This book, therefore, is

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a continuation of this tradition. This voluminous work is a revised and improved version of articles serialized earlier under the same title ‡wÊtÒn-i IslÊm se RasÖl AllÊh ÂallallÊhu {Alaihi wa Âal{am kÒ bÊtai¸[and published in al-BalÊ, a monthly magazine of Darul{UlÖm, Karachi, under the editorship of TaqÒ {UsmÊnÒ. According to the author, these series were so popular that women used to wait eagerly for the magazine’s next issue. Some even read it in special assemblies held for the purpose of reading these articles. The book discusses 269 themes. Each theme starts with a title in Urdu followed by Hadiº relevant to the title, in Arabic with UrdÖ translation. A short essay explains the various aspects of the issue selected. The compiler, Maulana {¹ªiq IlÊhÒ, claims that after the BihiªtÒ Zewar of MaulÊnÊ Aªraf {AlÒ ThÊnawÒ, this is the rst book for women addressing their issues. He also hints at its suitability as a bridal gift. The purpose of the book is to make Muslim women aware and conscious of the great and noble message of Islam so that it can be shared with the younger generation which the author believes is interested in material acquisition rather than spiritual gains. 154. MUÆAYY al-DÁN. Majmuax al-a˜ÊdÒº wa al-QuxrÊn fÒ al-˜uqÖq al-niswʸ [Selections from the Hadiº and the QurxÊn about the Rights of Women]. Bangalore: Mu˜ayy al-DÒn, 1915. 47p. [A] OIOC. This small tract presents the Prophet’s sayings and Traditions that show his respect for women.The Prophet warned Muslims against neglecting women’s rights. Unexamined. 155. RAHMAN, AFZALUR. (ed.) Mu˜ammad ÂallallÊhu {Alaihi wa Âal{am [ Muhammad, may Peace be upon him]. (Encyclopedia of Seerah), Vol. V. London: Seerah Foundation, 1987. 862p. This volume examines various aspects of women’s lives in the light of the Traditions of the Prophet. Some of the themes discussed include the role of Muslim women in society, status of women before the advent of the Prophet Muhammad, sex and western concepts of morality, wisdom of sex differences, requirements of ˜ijÊb (veiling), status of women after the advent of the Prophet Muhammad, and women in the QurxÊn and the Sunnah, with brief reference to the Prophet’s women companions. 156. YASIN, MOHAMMAD. A Social History of Islamic India, 1605–1748. Lucknow: Upper India Publishing House, 1958. 234p. This book narrates some major aspects of the society and culture of India after the death of Emperor Akbar. In Section 4 (pp. 119–132) of this book the author discusses the status of women in the light of the QurxÊn and the sayings of the Prophet, tracing this throughout the

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course of history of South Asia. The author asserts that ‘the Prophet’s sayings are not always as favourable to women as his legislation.’ IV. Role Models for Muslim Women: Prophet’s Wives and Daughters 157. ¹GAH, MUÆAMMAD B¹QAR. Tu˜fat-un NisÊx (A Gift for Women). Urdu manuscript written in 1185 A.H./1771 A.D. and copied in 1277 AH/1860. Liaquat National Museum, Karachi. 56p. [ U ] The author states that this long poem (maºnawÒ) was especially composed for women, and it is imperative for all women to read it. Short histories of the lives of pious women, Mothers of the Believers and the daughters of the Prophet, followed by the tales of female saints and mystics are presented. Muslim women are exhorted by the author to follow the examples of these pious women. A note under ‘reason for writing this book’ [sabab-i tÊlÒf ] states that the absence of readable books for women led the author to compose this work. 158. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. al-ZuhrÊ, Delhi: darwesh pres, 1917. 100p. [ U ], APL. This is a brief biographical account of the life of Fatimah, the beloved daughter of the Prophet. Fatimah was the epitome of the virtues of chastity, humility, and submission to God. She was the favourite child of the Prophet and the mother of his grandsons. The author states that the simplicity of her life and the hard work that she did in her household should be the guiding principles for good Muslim women. 159. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. Ummat kÒ mÊye¸ [ Mothers of the Muslim Community], Dehli: koh nÖr pres, n.d. 124p. [ U ], APL. This book written mostly for female reader, presents in simple Urdu accounts of the lives of the wives of the Prophet. In each life-story there is a lesson to be learned and to be emulated. 160. MAÆWÁ ÂIDDIQÁ, MUÆAMMAD ÆUSAIN. IzdiwÊj al-a¸biyÊ. [Wives of the Prophets]. Bhopal, 1916. 194p. [U], MHL. This book narrates accounts of the lives of the virtuous wives of the Prophets. The author stresses that the wives of the Prophet are the Mothers of the Believers and are role models for every Muslim woman. Muslim women must also learn from the lives of wives of other prophets too. 161. MALIK, FIDA HUSSAIN. Wives of the Prophet. Lahore: Shaikh Mohammad Ashraf, 1978. xvi + 185p. [U] By narrating accounts of the lives of the Holy Prophet’s wives, this study presents role models for Muslim women of South Asia.

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162. NADAWÁ, MUÆAMMAD RAxÁS. Sirat-i Ummul MuminÒn ‡adijÊh al-kubrÊ RaÓi AllÊh {AnhÊ [Life of Khadija al-kubra, Mother of the Believers], Banaras: Jamixah salayÊh, 2001. 340p. [ U ] This biography of Khadija bint al-Khuwailid (d. 619), Prophet Muhammad’s rst wife and mother of his daughters, is presented to remind Muslims of the role of women in the construction of early Muslim society. A woman of great wealth and resources, Khadijah was a person whose piety and devotion led her to submit to Islam. She was the rst person to accept Muhammad as the true Prophet of Allah. 163. NAD¹WÁ, SAIYYID SULAIM¹N. Heroic Deeds of Muslim Women. Translated by S. Sabahuddin A. Rahman, Lahore: Shaikh M. Ashraf, 1979. viii+230p. The author is an accomplished scholar of the history of Islam. In this book he recounts heroic deeds performed by Muslim women. 164. ZAÆÇRUL ÆASAN, SAIYYID. IzdiwÊj un-nabi [Wives of the Prophet], Delhi: HilÊlÒ pres, 1915. 92p. [U] APL. This book provides a narrative of the lives of the Prophet’s wives. The author tells Muslim women to endeavour to follow the noble examples set for them by the Mothers of the Believers.

SECTION TWO

MUSLIM WOMEN IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH ASIA

A. Women in Medieval India I. General Studies 165. FASIHUDDIN, K. B. MAULAWI MUHAMMAD. The Sharqi Monuments of Jaunpur. Allahabad: Empire Press, 1922. 125p. In this study of the monuments built by the Sharqi dynasty of Jaunpur (15th c.) in North India, the author describes mosques, colleges and palaces built by Bibi Raji, queen of Muhammad Shah. She ‘was one of the most remarkable ladies of her age, highly intelligent, educated and practically carried the administration of the Sharqi Kingdom.’ She continued to yield power even after her husband’s death in 1459 when she enthroned her son Muhammad Shah. She died in 1477. 166. HABIB, MOHAMMAD. ‘Indian Culture and Social Life at the Time of the Turkish Invasions,’ in K. A. Nizami, (ed.). Politics and Society during the Early Medieval Period. Collected works of Professor Mohammad Habib, New Delhi: People’s Publishing House, 1974. pp. 152–228. In this work social life in North India in the 11th century is described with particular reference to the status of widows. 167. IBN BATUTA. The Rehla of Ibn Batuta. Translated by Mahdi Husain, Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1976. (1st edn. 1953). 300p. The travelogue of Ibn-i-Batuta, a native of Tangier, Africa (b.1304) throws a great deal of light on the social history of fourteenth century India. He writes about Mu¶dÖmah-yi Jahan [the Lady of the World], mother of Muhammad Bin Tughluq (1325–1351), the Sultan of Delhi, as ‘one of the most virtuous women.’ She built many hospices for the travellers. In Daulatabad, South India, he saw a market-place for male and female singers. He also travelled to the Maldives and described how Muslim women of the island left their upper body uncovered. The island’s ruler (sultana) was a woman named Khadija in whose name the Friday sermon was delivered in these words, ‘O my God! help Thy female slave whom Thou in Thy wisdom hast chosen from all creatures and made an instrument of Thy grace for all Muslims—verily, that

36

168.

169.

170.

171.

section two

is, Sultana Khadija, the daughter of Sultan Jalal-ud-din, bin Sultan Salah-ud-din.’ KAUSAR, ZINAT. Muslim Women in Medieval India. New Delhi: Janaki Prakashan, 1992. 340p. In this book different aspects of the life of Muslim women of medieval India are discussed. The book is well documented. MUJEEB, M. The Indian Muslims. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1967. 590p. This work contains separate studies of Muslim women who were either rulers or wielded political power as wives and daughters of the ruling kings. NAND, LOKESH CHANDRA. Women in Delhi Sultanate. Allahabad: Vohra Publishers, 1989. 252p. This work studies and examines Muslim women’s roles and status in medieval India. It discusses powerful women at the court, Su women and prostitutes, as well as the status of female slaves at the court of Delhi. SAHU, KISHORI PRASAD. Some Aspects of North Indian Social Life, 1000–1526 A.D.: with a Special Reference to Contemporary Literatures. Calcutta: Punthi Pustak, 1973. 306p. While discussing cultural interaction between Hindus and Muslims, the author refers to various aspects of lives of Muslim women. Other interspersed references are also found in the work. II. RaÓiyyÊh Sul¢Ên or Raziyat al-DunyÊ wal-DÒn (r. 1236–40)

172. AKRAM, SHAIKH MUÆAMMAD. “RaÓiyyÊ Sul¢anÊh.” Tamaddun 5, no. 3 (1913): 1–6. [U], MHL. The author argues that RaÓiyyÊ Sul¢anÊh deserved the throne as she had all the qualications of a good ruler and that she was a woman was no disqualication. This work refutes the baseless allegations against RaÓiyyÊ’s illicit relations with her slave. It is interesting to note that this paper was written at a time when the status of Muslim women, particularly restrictions of pardah, was hotly debated in the Muslim community of South Asia. 173. ASHRAF, KUNWAR MUHAMMAD. Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1970, 2nd edn. 312p. (1st edn. 1959. Earlier published in the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Letters 1, 1935, pp. 103–359 under the heading, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, 1200 –1500 AD: Mainly Based on Islamic Sources).

section two

174.

175.

176.

177.

178.

179.

37

This is a well-documented study of medieval India between 1200–1550. There are several references to the lives of Muslim women detailed under the headings such as ‘harem’, ‘domestic life’, female seclusion’, ‘marriage’, and ‘prostitution’. ATHAR ALI, M. ‘RaÓiyya’ in The Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition) ed. by C. E. Bosworth et al. Vol. V111, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1995. 371p. Raziyya was the only female ruler in medieval Islamic India and ‘her rule was a source of wonder to later Indo-Muslim historians. Despite traditionalist objections to a female ruler, she ruled with courage and wisdom. Eventually the Turkish court nobles rebelled against her, deposed and imprisoned her. She along with her husband was later killed by her adversary Bahram Shah in 1240 C.E. AZMAT, TAHERA. ‘Razia, The Queen of Delhi,’ in her Women Mentors of Men, Ujjain: Siddhartha Prakashan, 1970. pp. 7–27. This study assesses the role of Razia and those who opposed her because they were not willing to be ruled by a woman. Razia’s fall was ‘the victory of a traditional prejudice in a war of sexes.’ BRIJ BHUSHAN, JAMILA. Sultan Razia, her life and times: a reappraisal. New Delhi: Manohar, 1990. 165p. Sultan Razia, the only woman in India crowned as queen in her own right, had a brief but eventful reign. Her accession to the throne shattered the myth of the lowly position of women in medieval Muslim societies. DESAI, Z.A. “Fragmentary Inscriptions of Queen Radiyya from Uttar Pradesh.” Epigraphica Indica (Arab and Persian supplement), (1966): 1–3. These inscriptions are highly signicant historical evidence in understanding Razia’s status as an independent sovereign with the authority of minting coins in her name. ELLIOT, H. M. and JOHN DOWSON. ‘Sultan Raziya, Daughter of the Sultan,’ in The History of India as Told by its Own Historians, Vol. 2, edited by Elliot and Dowson, Allahabad: Kitab Mahal. n.d., pp. 332–37. This includes brief description of the events of Raziya’s life and rule based on translation of excerpts from a 13th century chronicle. HABIBULLAH, A. B. M. “Sultanah Raziah.” Indian Historical Quarterly 16, no. 4 (1940): 750–72. This paper examines, in the light of contemporary documents, Razia’s accession to the throne of Delhi and her strategies to hold power over the male nobility. One such strategy was discarding the veil.

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180. JACKSON, PETER. ‘Sultan Radiyya Bint Iltutmish,’ in Gavin R. G. Hambly (ed.) Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. pp. 181–97. Radiyya was brought to power by the male Turkish courtiers after her father’s death in 1236. She ruled with courage and political acumen, discarded her female attire, emerged from pardah, and allowed herself to be seen in public riding on an elephant. In 1240 Radiyya and her husband were killed. 181. MINH¹J-UD DÁN, ABU-{UMAR {UTHM¹N [MinhÊj SirÊj JuzjÊnÒ]. ‘Sul¢Ên RaÓiyyat-ud dunyÊ wa-dÒn: Daughter of Sultan Iltutimish,’ in ”abaqÊt-i nÊÉirÒ: A General History of the Muhammadan Dynasties of Asia, including Hindustan from A.H. 194 [810 A.D.] to A.H. 658 [1260 A.D.] and the eruption of the indel Mughals into Islam, VI.’ Translated from Persian by H. G. Raverty, New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, 1970. pp. 637–48. [Reprint of Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1881. (Bibliotheca Indica Series)]. This history, written in Farsi, gives details of RaÓiyyÊh’s family background, her personal qualities and a sketch of the 13th century political environment of India. The author details the role of male nobility against her. He observes, ‘she was just, and generous, a benefactor to her kingdom, a dispenser of justice, the protector of her subjects, and the leader of her armies. She was endowed with the qualities betting a king, but she was not born of the right sex, and so in the estimation of men all these virtues were worthless.’ 182. ZAKARIA, RAFIQ. Razia: Queen of India. Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1966. 159p. This is an interesting ctionalised biographical study of Razia who ruled over the Dehli Sultanate for four years from 1236 until her death in 1240. Raziya’s progressive policies as a ruler are discussed. III. oÊnd BÒbÒ of the NiØÊm ·ÊhÒ Kingdom ( b. 1547–1600) and other Women in Power in the Deccan 183. AZMAT, TAHERA. ‘Chand Sultana,’ in her Women Mentors of Men, Ujjain: Siddhartha Prakashan, 1970. pp. 29–41. Daughter of a king, Hussain Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, and married to another king, Ali Adil Shah of Bijapur, Chand Bibi emerged as the most formidable force resisting Mughal encroachment on the territories of the Deccani kingdoms. Not only was she excellent in the crafts of diplomacy, but she surpassed many a seasoned military leader

section two

184.

185.

186.

187.

188.

189. 

190.

39

in her skill at commanding her forces. In 1600 she was killed by her own men. GOETZ, H. “An Ivory Box of Chand Bibi, Queen Regent of Bijapur.” Bulletin, Baroda State Museum and Gallery 2, no. 2 (1945): 29–32. The author examines the gures decorating the lid of a small ivory box, presumably an engraving of Chand Bibi, now in the Baroda Museum, India. Chand Bibi, a woman of liberal views, never covered her face. These interesting historical records bring forward new understanding of pardah and veiling as it is practised in South Asian Muslim society. GRIBBLE, J. D. B. ‘The Story of Queen Chand and the Fall of Ahmadnagar,’ in his A History of the Deccan, London: Luzac and Company, 1896. pp. 211–41. This work is based on the description of Meadows Taylor, an earlier author. Gribble recounts Chand Bibi’s military and political exploits against Akbar, the Mughal ruler. ÆAFÁ¶, MUÆAMMAD. oÊnd BÒbÒ. Kanpur: ZamÊnah pres, 1941. 12p. [ U], OIOC. This Urdu booklet narrates for girls Chand Bibi’s achievements. The author aims to present nÊnd BÒbÒ as a role model for young girls. H¹SHIMI, NAÂÁRUDDÁN. MalikÊh ÆayÊt Ba¶shÒ Begam. Hyderabad Deccan: Sabras Kitab Ghar. 1954. 45p. [U] This biography of Sul¢an {Abdullah Qu¢ub ·ah’s (1526–1672) mother, MalikÊh ÆayÊt Ba¶shÒ Begam, narrates her political and military sagacity. As a widow, she administered the kingdom for her twelveyear-old son until he attained maturity. KULKARNI, V. B. ‘Chand Bibi,’ in his, Heroes Who Made History. Bombay: Bhartiya Vidya Bhavan, 1965. pp. 53–59. This is a brief biographical sketch of Chand Bibi’s political and military struggle, and of her accomplishments. LA”IF, {ABDUL. “oÊnd Sul¢anÊ.” ‹a¶irÊh 6, no. 1, January (1918): 1–13. [U], KKK. nÊnd BÒbÒ, the valiant queen of Bijapur, fought a erce battle against Akbar the Great leading her armies in the battleeld. Ultimately the Queen lost, not because she could not ght well, but because her own men conspired against her out of greed. She was murdered by her own disloyal soldiers. QADIRI, SAIYYID AHMADULLAH. Memoirs of Chand BÒbÒ: the Princess of Ahmadnagar. (Translated from UrdÖ by Muhammad Hayat Qureshi, Hyderabad Deccan: Tarikh Ofces, 1939. 128p.

40

191.

192.

193.

194.

195. 

196.

197.

section two

This is a political biography based on contemporary Persian sources with tables and plates of the paintings inscribed on Chand Bibi’s grave and includes dynastic genealogies. QADIRÁ, SAIYYID AÆMADULL¹H. oÊnd BÒbÒ, MalikÊh-yi A˜madnagar. Hyderabad Deccan: Kotlah Akbarjah, 1931. 80p. [ U ] This short biography of Chand Bibi describes her heroic deeds. A pen picture of her is included. SHERWANI, H. K. “Political and Military Aspects of the Reign of Muhammad-Quli Qutb Shah.” The Journal of Indian History 39, no. 3 (1961): 503–33. In this research study, Chand Bibi’s political and military policies and her relationship with the other three important Muslim states of the Deccan are examined. SHYAM, RADHEY. The Kingdom of Ahmadnagar. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1966. xvii + 435p. This is a comprehensive historical study dealing with the political administrative and cultural importance of the Nizam Shahi Kingdom (1490–1636). An important part of this history is the defence of Ahmadnagar by the intrepid lady, Chand Bibi. SIDDIQUI, ABDUL MAJID. History of Golcunda. Hyderabad Deccan: Literary Publications, 1956. v + 402p. This is a general history of the kingdom of Golcunda (also spelt as Golkonda), a state in South India which faced Mughal military power in 16th–17th centuries. The book contains references to women rulers, such as Chand Bibi and others. SIDDIQUI, ABDUL MAJID. “Makhduma-i-Jahan: A Great Ruler of the Deccan.” Islamic Culture 17, no. 3, (1943): 265–72. ¹Ê Nargis Banu, known by her title Makhduma-i-Jahan, was one of the greatest women of the Deccan. She ruled the Bahmani kingdom for twelve years, from 1461 to 1472 A.C. Though she never ascended the throne and never appeared in court, she ruled over her kingdom as regent of her minor sons. TAYLOR, MEADOWS. The Noble Queen: A Romance of Indian History. London: C. K. Paul and Company, 1878. 486p. (Another edition, London: Keagon Paul, Trench, Trubner and Company, 1892. 486p.). A historicised ction based on the historic role of Chand Sultana. ZOR, SAIYYID MUÆYÁUDDÁN Q¹DÁRÁ. “BhagmatÒ yÊ Æaidar Ma˜al.” Sabras, August (1939): 27–30. [U], MHL. A well researched article regarding the identication of BhÊgmatÒ or Æaidar Ma˜al, the beloved wife of Sultan Mo˜ammad QulÒ Qu¢b

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·Êh (1565–1612), ruler of the Qu¢bshÊhÒ Kingdom of South India. The article is based on poetic compositions of Qu¢b ·Êh in which he profusely praises the charms of his beloved.

B. Women in the Age of the Mughals (1526–1707) I. General Studies 198. ABUL FAÃL, IBN MUBARAK. Akbar NamÊ. Translated from the Farsi by H. Beveridge, Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1907: Vol. 1, 129–34. [Recent reprints are available also]. This work, Akbar NamÊ, written in highly ornate Farsi, provides a general understanding of the social and economic life of India in the sixteenth century during the Emperor Akbar’s reign (1556–1605). Glimpses into the lives of royal ladies, marriages in the royal household, birth of Akbar’s children, and more interestingly an account of his different wet-nurses are included. Among these wet-nurses, one Maham Anaga, being an ambitious woman, assumed powers of Prime Minister while Akbar was still a minor. 199. ABUL FAÃL, IBN MUBARAK. ¹xÒn-i AkbarÒ. Translated from the Farsi by H. Blochmann, Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1927. 741p. (Reprint Lahore: 1975.) This contemporary court history of Emperor Akbar, in addition to being an accurate account of the system of government, includes brief narratives of the lives of royal women in the Mughal harem. A list of the royal stipends given to women of the harem is also included. 200. AÆMAD, MAULAWÁ SAIYYID MAQBÇL. “MaqbarÊh ·Êh Begam.” [ The Mausoleum of Shah Begam]. MaxÊrif 23, No. 5 (1933): 355–67. [ U], APL. This paper describes the beauty of the mausoleum of Shah Begam, the Rajput wife of the Mughal Emperor Jahangir (17th century) built at Allahabad. 201. AHMAD, UL-{UMRI. The Lady of the Lotus: Rup Mati, Queen of Mandu; A Strange Tale of Faithfulness. Translated from the Farsi by L. M. Crump. London: Oxford University Press, 1926. 96p. Translation of a fascinating Farsi romance tale written in 1599 about Rup Mati [the lady of beauty], queen of Mandu, and her devotion to Baz Bahadur, the last king of that doomed city. Despite all trials and temptations, she lived and died faithful to her husband. The book

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202.

203.

204. 205.

206.

207.

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includes translations of 26 verses attributed to Rup Mati, and photographs of the Mandu fortress. Reproductions of eight contemporary miniature paintings depicting Rup Mati’s life are also included. AMEER ALI, SYED. “Islamic Culture under the Moguls.” Islamic Culture 1, No. 4 (1927): 499– 521. In this paper are interspersed descriptions of Nurjahan, Mumtaz Mahal, Zeb un-Nisa and the holding of MÒna BÊzÊrs by the Mughal Emperors. MÒna BÊzÊrs were markets where only women were the traders and buyers. ANSARI, M. A. Social Life of the Mughal Emperors. Allahabad: Shanti Prakashan, 1974. 230p. This general history of the social life of the Imperial Mughals in India provides information about the living conditions, dress and cosmetics, festivities and celebrations. As women participated in all these, the reader gets a good glimpse of their lives. ——.“The Harem of the Great Mughals.” Islamic Culture 34 (1966): 242–53. Unexamined. AZMAT, TAHERA. “MÒnÊ BazÊr.” NayÊ Daur 22, no. 6, September (1966): 37–41. [U] Drawing upon court chronicles, travelogues and other contemporary Farsi sources, this paper examines the nature and purpose of holding mÒnÊ bazÊrs [fancy bazÊrs], the women only bazars by the Mughal emperors. The paper argues that there is no evidence in support of the accusations by writers, such as Todd, that the Mughal emperors had immoral interests in holding these bazars. BALOCH, S. K. “The Tomb of Anarkali.” Perspective 3, No. 4 and 5, Oct.–Nov. (1969): 53–55. This paper describes the architectural details of a mausoleum built at Lahore and popularly believed to be that of Anarkali (16th C.), a court dancer. Myths relate that Akbar, the Mughal Emperor, entombed Anarkali into a wall as he suspected a liaison between Anarkali and his son Prince Salim, the future ruler of Mughal India, known by his royal title, Emperor Jahangir. BANERJI, S. K. “Some of the Women Relations of Babur.” Indian Culture 4, no. 1 (1937): 53–60. This paper presents brief biographical sketches of Babur’s chief queen, his sister, his daughter and other women relatives, as well as a woman who taught the women and children of the palace. Babur (d. 1530) was the founder of the Mughal dynasty in India.

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208. BERNIER, FRANCIS. Travels in the Mogul Empire, 1656–1668. A. Constable (ed.) Delhi: Low Price Publications(reprint) 1989. 497p. Bernier (1620–1688) in his travelogue (1656–1668) describes the holding of mÒnÊ bazÊr by Akbar. In these bazars, women were the shopkeepers and women were the buyers; the only male allowed was the Emperor. Bernier suspects that the reason for holding the bazars was the Emperor’s desire to ‘enjoy watching beautiful women’. The credibility of his theory is open to debate as most of these accounts were based on gossip. Bernier also refers to professional dancing girls known as kanchanÒs. 209. BEVERIDGE, ANNETTE, S. ‘Appendix A: Biographical Notices of the Women Mentioned by Babur.’ In Gulbadan Begam’s The History of Humayun (HumÊyÖn NÊmÊ) translated from the Persian with an introduction and notes by Annette S. Beveridge. London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1902, 203–97. [Reprint: Delhi: IdÊrah AdabiyÊt-i Dilli, 1972]. A partial list of women mentioned by three important Mughal chroniclers. A good source of information on Mughal social life. 210. BEVERIDGE, H. “The Mother of Jahangir.” The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 56, nos. 1 to 3 (1887): 164–67. This paper examines the mystery about the name of Jahangir’s mother. The woman was a Hindu princess who probably converted to Islam but retained her cultural practices. 211. BILGRAMI, RIFAT. “Women Grantees in the Mughal Empire.” Quarterly Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 34, July (1988): 207–14. A well-documented paper, based on contemporary Farsi sources and archival material, argues that women were not only granted land and employed by the Mughal rulers (16th–19th centuries) but were also given several concessions which were ‘quite contrary to Shariat.’ 212. CHANDRA, SATISH. ‘Cultural and Political Role of Delhi, 1675– 1725,’ in R. E. Frykenberg (ed.) Delhi Through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society, Delhi: OUP, 1986. pp. 205–17. Between 1679 and 1712, a period close to thirty-three years, the imperial city of Delhi remained without a king as Emperor Aurangzeb moved to the Deccan in pursuit of his enemies. It was during this period that Jahanara, the most accomplished of the children of the Mughal Emperor Shahjahan (d. 1666), resumed her position as the rst lady of the realm and remained an active patron of Sus and scholars until her death in 1681. Later, Aurangzeb’s daughter and Jahanara’s niece, Zeb un-Nisa, assumed the cultural leadership of Delhi and set up a bait ul-{ulÖm [academy for the training of artists].

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213. CHOPRA, PRAN NATH. Life and Letters under the Mughals. New Delhi: Ashajanak Publications, 1976. 439p. In a chapter entitled, ‘The Position of Women in Society,’ (pp. 108–30), this well-documented study of social life in North India during the Mughal period provides information on the status of women, their position in society, education, dress, and ornaments. 214. DAS, M. KAVIRAJA SHYAMAL. “The Mother of Jahangir.” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 57, no. 1 (1888): 71–75. Unexamined. 215. FINDLY, ELLISON BANKS. “The Capture of Maryam-uz ZamÊnÒ’s Ship: Mughal Women and European Traders.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 108, no. 2 (1988): 227–38. The paper examines the factors that led to the capture by the Portuguese of RahÒmÒ, a huge ship owned by Emperor Jahangir’s (1605–1627) mother, Maryam-uz Zamani. The study shows that most Mughal noble women were ‘unusually wealthy, and that a number of them were active in new and highly risky business, investment in foreign trade.’ 216. FOSTER, WILLIAM (ed.). Early Travels in India, 1583–1619. London: Humphrey Mildford, 1921. 351p. In this collection of the travel accounts by several 17th century European travellers who came to India while the Great Mughals were in power, there are several narratives of doubtful credibility regarding royal women. Of these one is the description of fancy bazars, (MÒnÊ bazÊrs) set up by women, where the Mughal Emperor was the only male present. The travelogues convey a sense as if these bazars were held by the emperors with an ulterior motive of getting acquainted with women of the nobility. 217. GOETZ, H. ‘The Rajput Empresses of Akbar and Jahangir: Maryam az-Zamani and Jagat-Gosaini,’ in H. R. Gupta (ed.) Jadunath Sarkar Commemoration Volumes, Vol. II, Essays Presented to Sir Jadunath Sarkar, 1958. Hoshiarpur: Punjab University. pp. 125–34. Writing from an ‘an imaginative angle’, the author narrates the part played by these two royal wives of the Mughal Emperors. Both were Hindu-Rajput princesses. The author concludes that they were instrumental in maintaining the Rajput or Hindu inuence upon the Mughal court. 218. HAMBLY, GAVIN R. G. ‘Armed Women Retainers in the Zenanas of Indo-Muslim Rulers: The Case of Bibi Fatima,’ in Gavin R. G. Hambly (ed.) Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. pp. 429–67.

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219. 220.

221.

222.

223.

224.

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This paper traces the life history of Fatima Bibi, a wet-nurse of Emperor Humayun, and shows that women inside the female quarters were not conned to leading an uneventful life, as is often assumed, but remained active in seeking outdoor pleasures. KHAN, AHMAD NABI. “The Tomb of Anar Kali at Lahore.” Journal of Central Asia 3, no. 1, July (1980): 151–65. Unexamined. KHAN, ANSAR ZAHID. “Mughal Marriages: A Politico-Religious and Legal Study.” Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 34, April (1986): 85–132. This paper is a study of the nature of matrimonial alliances of the Mughal rulers of South Asia (1526–1858), the status of women in marriage, and types of marriage contracts. The paper throws a great deal of light on the role played by Muslim jurists in interpreting the laws of Islam regarding marriages. KHOKAR, MASOODUL HASAN. “Tomb of Sharaf-un Nisa Begum known as Sarv vala Maqbara at Lahore.” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 3, no. 1, January–June (1982): 111–116. A brief study of the mausoleum and of the life of Sharfun Nisa, wife of an 18th century Mughal chieftain, Abdus Samad. KOZLOWSKI, GREGORY C. ‘Private Lives and Public Piety: Women and the Practice of Islam in Mughal India,’ in Gavin R. G. Hambly ed. Women in the Medieval World: Power, Patronage, and Piety. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 1998. pp. 469–88. This paper argues that the Mughal dynastic histories were relatively free of misogynist prejudice. Women’s role models came from the stock of pious gures of Muslim women, either mentioned in the QurxÊn or from the early history of Islam. Women contributed in several ways to the success of the Indian Timurids. LAL, K. S. The Mughal Harem. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 1988. 324p. This book, based on contemporary sources, is a study of queens, concubines, princesses, dancing girls and slave girls, belonging to the Mughal harem, (15th to 18th centuries). Political role of Nurjahan, Jahanara and Roshanara is also discussed at length. A study of cultural life of the harem is also given. Coloured reproductions of Mughal paintings are included. LAL, K. S. “The Mughal Harem.” Journal of Indian History 53, no. 3 (1975): 415–30. Based upon primary sources, this paper describes the Mughal harem and life in the women’s quarters.

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225. LAL, MUNI. ‘Bibi Mubarika,’ in Muni Lal (ed.) Mughal Glory, Lahore: Vanguard, Ltd., 1988. pp. 44–48. In this section the author relates the story of Bibi Mubarika, daughter of a Yusufzai chief, whom Babur, the founder of Mughal dynasty of Hindustan, married. An intelligent woman, Bibi Mubarika played an important role in the establishment of friendly relations between the Mughals and the Yusufzai Pashtun chiefs. 226. ——. ‘Aqa Aqiani,’ in Muni Lal (ed.) Mughal Glory, Lahore: Vanguard, Ltd., 1988. pp. 13–17. Life story of the devoted governess Aqa Aqiani who looked after Emperor Jahangir (17th century), the Mughal ruler of Hindustan, in his childhood. In his autobiography, Jahangir refers to a beautiful garden that was built by Aqa Aqiani. 227. MISRA, REKHA. Women in Mughal India, 1526–1748 A.D. Delhi: Munshi Ram Manoharlal, 1967. 177p. Out of eight chapters in this book, six are devoted to an account of royal ladies. Only one chapter discusses the position of middle and lower class women. Based mostly on translations and secondary sources, this book is predominantly narrative. Misra has neither carefully examined doubtful evidence, nor made an attempt to resolve controversies relating to her subject. The work is a Ph.D. thesis approved by the University of Allahabad. 228. MUKHERJEE, SOMA. Royal Mughal Ladies and Their Contributions. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2001. 286p. Unexamined. 229. MUKHERJI, ILA. Social Status of North Indian Women: 1526–1707 A.D. Agra: Shiva Lal Agarwala & Company, 1972. 172p. In this book, the life and conditions of both Muslim and Hindu women from the reign of Babar (16th Century) through the reign of Aurangzeb (18th Century) are examined. 230. NATH, RENUKA. Notable Mughal and Hindu Women in the 16th and 17th Centuries A.D. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1990. 264p. Originally presented in 1987 as the author’s Ph.D. thesis at the University of Ranchi, this book presents an overview of the role of medieval women. 231. OJHA, P. N. North Indian Social Life During Mughal Period. Delhi: Oriental Publishers and Distributors, 1975. 182p. A general survey of social conditions during the Mughal period. Scattered references to women are found. 232. PALIT, MRIDUCCHANDA. ‘Powers Behind the Throne: Women in Early Mughal Politics,’ in Mandakranta Bose (ed.) Faces of the Feminine

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233.

234.

235.

236.

237.

238.

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in Ancient, Medieval, and Modern India. New York: OUP., 2000. pp. 201–12. This paper, which is the only chapter on Muslim women of India in this work, covers eleven pages out of three hundred and forty-six. Drawing upon both original chronicles and modern sources, the author narrates the achievements of notable women at the Mughal court. RAÆÁM BAKHSH, MAULAWÁ . Ta£kirÊh ‡wÊtÒn-i TaimuriyÊh [Memoirs of the Timurid Women], Delhi: QaumÒ pres, 1904 (1321 A.H.), 176p. [U], OIOC. This is a general account of some notable Mughal women, mostly the royal women of the house of the Timurids, from the earliest days of the Mughals in India to the end of the empire. The historical signicance of the work has decreased as anecdotes are mixed with facts in the narration. RAHIM, M. A. “Maham Anaga: the Nurse-prime Minister of Akbar.” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh 19, no. 2 (1974): 37–51. This paper presents a biographical account of Maham Anaga, a powerful woman who tended to Akbar in his childhood. She became the rst woman Prime Minister in the reign of Akbar when the ruler was under age. The paper is based on primary sources. RAJPUT, A. B. “Is Anarkali a Fabrication?” Mag, January (1982): 21–27. The writer argues that there is no historical evidence to support the common tale of romance between a woman named Anarkali and the Mughal Prince, Salim. RAJPUT, A. B. “The Contribution of Mughal Princesses to Architecture.” Pakistan Quarterly 11, no. 3 (1963): 48–54. The author discusses the important role of Mughal royal women as patrons of, or inspiration for, several notable architectural works such as mosques, caravanserais, and gardens. SADIQ , SHAHEEN. ‘Sex Norms and Practices Among the Mughal Rulers of India,’ in Noor Muhammad (ed.) Indian Muslims: Precepts & Practices, Jaipur: Rawat, 1999. pp. 247–57. This paper reects upon the Mughal harems with wives, slave girls and concubines. Society under the Mughals was patriarchal, and despite teachings of the QurxÊn and the Prophet, sexual deviance was a normal phenomenon. The paper concludes that ‘in medieval times, women irrespective of their designation were always ‘used’.’ SAMDANI, MAQBOL AHMAD. RajpÖt aur mual zan wo ªÖ kÒ mu{Êsharat. [Rajput and Mughal wife-husband Culture], Allahabad: Allahabad Publishing House, 1947. iv + 412p. [ U ]

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239.

240.

241.

242.

243.

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A fairly good and well-documented study of the social history and status of women under the Mughals. The book examines the position held by Rajput wives of the great Mughals, the impact they had on court life, and the private lives of their husbands. SEN, SURENDRA NATH, JEANDE THEVENOT and GIOVANNI FRANCESCO GEMELLICARERI. Indian travels of Thevenot and Careri; being the third part of the travels of M. de Thevenot into the Levant and the third part of a voyage round the world by Dr. John Francis Gemelli Careri. New Delhi: The National Archives of India, 1949. 434p. These two European travellers who visited India in the late 17th century describe marriage customs, festivals, female dress, and the lives of elite women and female dancers along with their other experiences in India. SINGH, GANDA. Ahmed Shah Durrani. Quetta: GoªÊh- yi adab, 1977. 457p. A general history of the military exploits of Ahmad Shah Durrani, an Afghan adventurer who invaded Delhi in 1748 and brought parts of the Punjab under his control. The book also contains an account of MurÊd Begam, known in history as Mulani Begam, the wife of Mir Mannu, who was Governor of the Punjab between 1753 and 1798. After the death of her husband, she rose to power. The author comments, ‘. . . if she had only overcome the weaknesses of her sex, she would have given to the Punjab an energetic and capable woman-administrator.’ SMITH, V. A. “The Confusion between Hamida Bano Begam (MaryammakÊnÒ ), Akbar’s Mother, and Haji Begam or Bega Begum, the Senior Widow of Humayun: Humayun’s Tomb.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1917): 551–60. This paper presents a note of explanation regarding the confusion between Hamida Bano, mother of Emperor Akbar (1556–1605), and HÊji Begam, another widow of HumÊyÖn, Akbar’s father. The author argues that it was HÊjÒ Begam and not Hamida Bano, who was responsible for the construction of Humayun’s tomb at Delhi. SPEAR, PERCIVAL. Twilight of the Mughuls: Studies in Mughul India. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1973. xviii + 270, maps. Scattered references to life in the Zenana are found in this book. It also includes a short account of Zinat Mahal, wife of the last Mughal Emperor, Bahadur Shah Zafar, who was deposed in 1858 by the East India Company. SRIVASTAVA, A. L. “Amber’s Alliance with Akbar.” Journal of Indian History 46, no. 1, April (1968): 27–34.

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The author discusses certain controversies regarding Akbar’s matrimonial relations with the Kachhawaha Rajputs. 244. TIRMIZI, S. A. I. Ajmer Through Inscriptions (1532–1852 A.D.). New Delhi: Indian Institute of Islamic Studies, 1968. 87p. This paper contains interesting and rare information about the daughter of Mian Tansen, a renowned musician at Akbar’s court. The writer refers to the inscription on a mosque near the Dargah Bazar which records its construction in A.H. 1062 (1652 A.D.) by Bai Trilokdi (Trilokadevi), a female musician was said to be the daughter of MiÊn TÊnsen. This daughter of TÊnsen is not mentiond in any other source. 245. ¶AHÇRUL ÆASAN MÇSAWÁ. BegmÊt-i ¶ÊndÊn-i TimuriyÊh kÒ sawÊni˜ {umriʸ [Biographies of the women of the house of the Timurids] Delhi, 1934, 2 parts, Delhi: Hilali Press. 1934. 232p. [ U ], Unexamined. II. Gulbadan BÊno Begam (1522/3–1603), Daughter of Babur, Emperor of Hindustan (1526–1530) 246. BUZMEE ANSARI, A. S. ‘Gulbadan Begam,’ in B. Lewis et al. (ed.) The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol. 2, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965. pp. 134–5. This brief biographical note based on original court histories recounts the personal life of this remarkably talented Mughal princess. She left on a pilgrimage to Mecca, stayed in the Hijaz for three and a half years, and performed the Hajj four times. It was after her return from the pilgrimage in 1582 that she was asked by Emperor Akbar to write her personal memoirs, the HumÊyÖn NÊmÊ or A˜wÊl-i HumÊyÖn PÊdªÊh. She died in 1603 at the age of 82 lunar years. Akbar himself accompanied and helped carry her bier. 247. GODDEN, RUMER. Gulbadan: Portrait of a Rose Princess at the Mughal Court. New York: The Viking Press, 1981. 153p. colour illustrations and maps. Based on Gulbadan Begam’s (1524–1603) account of her father and brother’s lifetime, this narrative presents a glimpse into the lives of Mughal women in the early days. These women acquired education, developed ‘high taste’ and travelled long distances. 248. GULBADAN, BEGAM. Humayun-Nama [The History of Humayun]. Translated from the only Persian manuscript by Annete S. Beveridge with introduction, notes, illustrations, and biographical appendix. London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1902. Reprint, Delhi: Idarah adabiyat-i Dehli, 1972. 331p.

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249.

250.

251.

252.

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The author wrote this memoir when she was over the age of sixty at the request of her nephew, the Emperor of Hindustan, Akbar the Great. This memoir replaces several myths with facts regarding the lives of Muslim women. A highly signicant personal account of Gulbadan [the rose-bodied lady], daughter of Babar and sister of Humayun, this manuscript is the story of women by a woman. Glimpses of Mughal women, their habits, customs, traditions and way of life along with weddings and other celebrations are interwoven with information about the military conquests of the Mughals. In this beautifully written Farsi account, women emerge active, vibrant, and in control of their lives. The manuscript is incomplete as it ends in 1552. HOLMES, W. Crescent and Green: A Miscellany of Writings on Pakistan. London: Unifred Holmes, 1955. x + 170p. A short biographical sketch of Gulbadan Begum, Babur’s beautiful and talented daughter whose book Humayun Namah, written in a ne Farsi handwriting, is now in the British Museum. HOLMES, W. “The Ahwal-i Humayun by Gulabadan Begum.” The Islamic Quarterly 1 (1954): 159–66. This short paper, with no bibliography or footnotes, presents a life sketch of Gulabadan Begam and tells how the only copy of her manuscript found its way into the holdings of the British Museum. TEMURI, MUSARRAT JAHAN. “Gulbadan Begum.” Onward: the Magazine for Indian Women, November (1945): 46–47. The story of Gulbadan, (1523–1603), daughter of Babar, founder of the Mughal dynasty in India. THARU, SUSIE and K. LALITA (ed.). ‘Gul-Badan Begum,’ in Women Writing in India, 600 B.C. to the Present, Vol. 1: 600 to the Early Twentieth Century, New York: The Feminist Press, 1991. pp. 9–102. Includes an excerpt from the translation of Gul Badan Begam’s Humayun Namah with an introduction to Gul Badan’s writing. III. Nur Jahan Begam (d. 1645), wife of Emperor Jahangir (b. 1569–d. 1627)

253. AKBAR¹B¹DÁ, SÁM¹B. SawÊni˜ NÖr JahÊn Begam [ Biography of Nur Jahan Begam], Agra: Ilectric Abul {AlaÒx buk dipo, 1920. 80p. [ U ], LML. Written in highly ornate Urdu, this book pays tribute to the achievements of the beautiful talented Iranian queen of Jahangir. The author records that contrary to the assumption that only ShÒ{ahs would attend

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254.

255.

256.

257.

258.

259.

51

the funeral prayers of ShÒ{ah Nur Jahan, there were indeed more Sunnis than ShÒ{ahs in her funeral procession. The author laments the desolate state of her beautiful mausoleum in Lahore. ANAND, SUGAM. History of Begam Nurjahan. New Delhi: Radha Publications, 1992. vi + 187p. Life history of Nur Jahan, Empress, consort of Jahangir, Emperor of Hindustan. No new information about Nurjahan is given in this work. ASH{ARÁ, SAIYYID AMJAD {ALÁ. NÖr JahÊn BÊdªÊh Begam kÒ sawÊni˜ {umrÒ [Biography of Nur Jahan Begam] Agra: Ma¢ba{ ÊgrÊh a¶bÊr. 1903. 110p. [U], OIOC/LC. This is a short biography of Nur Jahan Begam. The author pays generous tributes to the intelligence and capabilities of this talented queen. AZMAT, TAHERA. ‘Nur Jahan, the Light of the World,’ in her Women Mentors of Men, Ujjain: Siddharatha Prakashan, 1970. pp. 53–66. This chapter examines Nur Jahan’s early life and her impact upon the court life during the time of her husband, Jahangir. CHATTOPADYAYA, APARNA. “Nurjahan—Some Analysis of Her Inuence on Jahangir.” The Journal of the Oriental Institute 43, no. 1 (1995): 27–35. Contrary to generally held views that Nur Jahan played an important role at the court of her royal husband, Emperor Jahangir, the author argues that this idea is not supported by historic sources. DAS, ASOK KUMAR. ‘The Problem of Authentic Portraits of Nur Jahan,’ in Ahsan Jan Qaisar and Som P. Verma (ed.) Art and Culture, Felicitation Volume in Honour of Professor Nurul Hasan, Jaipur: Publication Scheme, 1993. pp. 43–47. This brief paper raises two interesting questions. First, whether Nur Jahan’s portraits are genuine likenesses from life, and second, who painted them, a male or a female painter? The writer observes that in the presence of much evidence ‘the possibility of painting a portrait of Nur Jahan and other members of the harem by a female painter cannot be hastily ruled out’. DELLA VALE, PIETRO. The Travels of Pietro Della Valle in India. edited by Edward Grey, New York: Burt Franklin, 1967. 2 Vols. 454p. (Originally published by the Hakluyt Society in 1892 from the old English translation of 1664). Born in Rome in 1586, Della Vale arrived in India in 1623 during the period of Jahangir. Nur Jahan does not nd a favourable mention in

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261.

262.

263.

264.

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his travelogue. Accusing her of practising sorcery on Jahangir in order to control him, he writes, ‘And as such she commands and governs as this day in the king’s Haram with supreme authority; having cunningly removed out of the Haram, either by marriage, or other handsome wages, all the other women who might give her jealousies; and also in the Court made many alterations by deposing, and displacing almost all the old Captains and ofcers, . . . .’ FAROOQI, H. ABDULLAH. “Nur Jahan.” Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 12, no. 1 (1975): 21–39. This biographical sketch, drawing upon contemporary sources, focuses on Nur Jahan’s role in contemporary court politics, and her impact on literature. The author also describes the Queen’s tomb at Lahore, which she herself had constructed. It has been recently restored by the Department of Archaeology, Government of Pakistan. FAUQ , MUNSHÁ MUÆAMMAD DÁN. ÆayÊt-i-NÖr JahÊn Begam wa JahÊngÒr, [Life of Nur Jahan Begam and Jahangir] Lahore: ÆakÒm Ram Kiªan, 1914. 48p. [U], LML. This book describes the arrival of Nur Jahan’s parents from Iran, her birth on their way to India, and later, her marriage to Jahangir. Nur Jahan had great inuence on her husband. FINDLY, ELLISON BANKS. “Religious Resources for Secular Power: The Case of Nur Jahan.” Women and Religion, Colby Library Quarterly 25, no. 3, (1989): 129–48. The author argues that ‘overlying many of the channels of inuence used by Nur Jahan were religious structures and resources which she drew upon to provide legitimacy, whether it be acknowledged or submerged, to support or substantiate base of authority. While the potency behind these religious resources was spiritual in referent and transformative in value, the effect of their use was entirely secular.’ ——. “The Pleasure of Women: Nurjahan and Mughal Painting.” Asian Art, Winter, (1993): 67–85. Nur Jahan’s inuence radicalized the treatment of women during the middle part of Jahangir’s reign. The paper, which includes several contemporary paintings, says Nur Jahan was the main instigator for the revised view of women as reected in Jahangiri painting. ——. “Nurjahan’s Embroidery Trade and Flower of the Taj Mahal.” Asian Art & Culture. Arthur M. Sacker Gallery, Smithsonian Institution 9, no. 2, (1996): 7–25. Nurjahan’s patronage of ower motif design elements, illustrated not only by their use in her father’s tomb but also in her encouragement

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265.

266.

267.

268.

269.

270.

271.

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of their use in other Mughal art forms, was also inuenced by her extensive involvement in trade with the English. GANGOLY, O. C. “On the Authenticity of the Feminine Portraits of the Mughal School.” Rupam no. 33/34, January/April (1928): 5–11. The author suggests that due to strict rules of seclusion, portraits of Mughal women are not genuine. However, he also says that references to female artists and a miniature of a woman sketching other women suggest that genuine portraits were prepared. Thus, he states that Nurjahan’s portraits are authentic as they bear a common resemblance. As those of Zib-un Nisa differ, these he states are not authentic. Plates of eleven paintings and drawings are included. ——. “A Rare Moghul Portrait.” Roop Lekha 21, no. 2 (1950): 1–5. This paper argues that there were women painters working in the Mughal harems, who must have drawn authentic likenesses of the Mughal empresses and princesses. HABIB, IRFAN. “The Family of Nur Jahan during Jahangir’s Reign.” Medieval India: A Miscellany, Vol. 1, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, (1969): pp. 74–95. The paper, earlier presented at the Indian History Congress, Allahabad session, 1965, presents material relevant to the question of the rise and political position of Nur Jahan’s family. HASAN, S. NURUL. ‘The Theory of the Nur Jahan ‘Junta’: A Critical Evaluation.’ Proceedings of Indian History Congress 21, Proceedings no. 21 (1958): 325–35. With the help of Farsi sources, the author argues that Nur Jahan, contrary to the commonly held view, was not involved in a particular political faction at the court of Jahangir. HODIVALA, S. H. “The Coins Bearing the Name of Nur Jahan.” Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Numismatic Supplement 42 (1929): 59–68. Unexamined. HUNTER, W. W. The Indian Empire. London: Trunber & Co., 1882, 568p. This is a general history of India. There are a few references to the position of women in society. The author also writes about the inuence of Nur Jahan on Mughal court life. HUSAIN, SORRAYYA. “Myths Surrounding Noor Jahan’s Marriage.” Pakistan Review 3, no. I (1955): 39–46. The author narrates some known facts about the life of Nur Jahan Begam, chief and beloved queen of Emperor Jahangir, the 17th century Mughal ruler of South Asia.

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272. {IM¹D NAW¹Z JANG, NAWW¹B. ÆayÊt-i NÖr JahÊn (Life of Nur Jahan Begam) Lahore, 1892. 20p. [U], OIOC, LML. [A Xeroxed copy in the library of CEWS]. This is a small but informative tract on the life of Nur Jahan Begam. In the introduction the author writes ‘those who oppose women’s education or who want to make efforts to restrict women’s prociency to a few religious texts [ yÊ jo {aurato¸ ki liyÊqat ko Éirf pand ma£habÒ kitÊbo¸ me¸ ma˜dÖd karnai kÒ koshiª], or those groups who think that Nature, compared to men, has endowed women with incomplete faculties [ jis kÊ ¶yÊl hai kih qudrat nai {aurato¸ ko mardo¸ ke muqÊbilai me¸ air mukammal quwwatai¸ dÒ hai¸] all of them must reform their misunderstanding by the life-story of Nur Jahan [un sab ko Nur Jahan kÒ sawanҘ {umrÒ se’ apnÒ alat fehmÒ ki iÉla˜ karnÒ phahiye]. 273. JAHANGIR, NOORUDDIN. The Tuzk-i Jahangiri, or, Memoirs of Jahangir. (Translated by A. Rogers and H. Beveridge.) 2 volumes, 1909–1914. Jahangir’s autobiographical account provides a fascinating history of the life and time of the Emperor. Although Jahangir does not talk much about his marriage with Nurjahan, he acknowledges, in subtle ways, his love for Nur Jahan and his admiration for her sagacity and wisdom. 274. PANT, CHANDRA. Nur Jahan and Her Family. Allahabad: Dandewal Publishing House, 1978. 199p. This is a well-documented study of Nur Jahan’s political career. With the help of contemporary sources, the author argues that Nur Jahan did not inuence Jahangir and that power was never yielded by the latter. Accounts of other women of the family, and of Nur Jahan and her cultural contributions are also given. Appendices reproduce numerous Farsi documents along with translations in English. 275. PANT, D. The Commercial Policy of the Moguls. Delhi: Idarah-e adabiyat-e Delhi. 1978. 281p. In this detailed study of the trade and commercial policy of the Mughals, scattered references are found about Emperor Jahangir’s mother and of Nur Jahan’s trading enterprises. Contemporary accounts of European travellers describe the lucrative trade in indigo that was carried out by Jahangir’s mother. Similarly, Thomas Roe and William Foster write about Nur Jahan’s trade of indigo and embroidered cloth. 276. PRASAD, BENI. History of Jahangir, the Emperor of Hindustan. Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1922. 501p. This monograph, one of the earliest on the history of Jahangir drawing upon contemporary court chronicles, also discusses the inuence of

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277.

278.

279.

280.

281.

282.

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Nur Jahan on Jahangir’s court politics and her relations with Jahnagir’s son Shah Jahan and Shahryar who later became her son-in-law. SARKAR, ASHOK KUMAR. “Itimad-ud-daulah—A Sketch of his Life and Career.” In The Quarterly Review of Historical Studies 10, no. 3 (1970–71): 154–64. Unexamined. SHUJAUDDIN, MOHAMMAD and RAZIA SHUJAUDDIN. The Life and Times of Noor Jahan. Lahore: The Caravan Book House, 1967. 146p. This biographical account is based on primary sources, accounts of travellers and Urdu works. The authors examine and narrate Nur Jahan’s inuence on court politics and on her husband, Emperor Jahangir. SINGH, JOGENDRA. Nur Jahan: The Romance of an Indian Queen. London: James Nisbet, 1909. 260p. A ctionalised account of Nur Jahan’s life and the Mughal court. SOMPURA, KANTILAL F. “Did Nur Jahan Issue Coins in Her Own Name?” Journal of the Oriental Institute of Baroda 16 (1966–67): 360–63. This paper examines various contemporary Farsi and European accounts about Nur Jahan’s coins. More than two hundred coins bearing the name of the Queen are known. TEJRAM, LALA. NÖr JahÊn (Translated from the English work of Stanley Lane-Pool into Urdu) Lahore: MufÒd-i {Êm pres, 1907. 34p. [ U ], OIOC. A short biography of Nur Jahan with no bibliography. VAN DEN BROECKE, PETER. A Contemporary Dutch Chronicle of Mughal India. Translated and edited by Brij Narain and Sri Ram Sharma, Calcutta: Susil Gupta, 1957. 104p. This Dutch chronicle finished in 1627, at just about the time of Jahangir’s death, refers to the romance between Emperor Jahangir and Nurjahan before their marriage. Most of the account is based on gossip heard in the bazar. IV. Mumtaz Ma˜al (1592–1631), Wife of Emperor ·ah Jahan ( b. 1592–d. 1666)

283. ANON. A˜wÊl BÊno MumtÊz Ma˜al or «ulasÊh A˜wÊl-i BÊno Begam [Life of Bano Mumtaz Mahal or A Brief Account of the Life of Bano Begam], Manuscript in the Punjab University Library, Lahore. [ U ], Unexamined. 284. ANON. TÊrÒ¶-i TÊj Ganj or A˜wÊl-i MumtÊz Ma˜al, [History of the Taj Mausoleum or An Account of Mumtaz Mahal] written by an anonymous

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author in Farsi (nasta{lÒq script) vide A Descriptive Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts, Vol. 1, edited by Shaukat Ali Khan, Tonk (India): Arabic and Persian Research Institute, 1987. 275p. [ U ], Unexamined. This account of the life of Mumtaz Mahal includes verses engraved on her tomb and inscriptions on the tomb of her husband Shahjahan. According to one of the colophonic texts, the manuscript was prepared from the accounts and ledgers maintained by Isar Das, the Mughal muªrif (accountant). The manuscript in the Tonk collection was copied from the original. 285. BOGA, RUSSI. “The Beloved of the Palace.” Onlooker, Annual Number (1977): 60–5. After giving a brief biographical story of Mumtaz Mahal, Shahjahan’s beloved wife, this paper describes circumstances leading to the building of her mausoleum, the Taj Mahal at Agra, by Shahjahan. 286. CHOWDHURI, J. N. “Mumtaz Mahal.” Islamic Culture 11, no. 3 (1937): 373–81. Mumtaz Mahal, chief queen of Shah Jahan, died at the age of 38 years following the birth of her fourteenth child. As Queen, she generously helped the poor and the needy. V. JahÊn ArÊ Begam (b. 1614–d. 1681), Daughter of Emperor ShÊh JahÊn 287. AZMAT, TAHERA. ‘Jahan Ara,’ in Women Mentors of Men by Tahera Azmat, Ujjain: Siddharatha Prakashan, 1970. pp. 67–77. This chapter describes various stages of Jahan Ara’s tumultuous life. The Mughal princess was a keen patron of art, architecture, and literature. She compiled an account of the lives of great Su saints. 288. BARNÁ, ÃIY¹UDDÁN AÆMAD. JahanÊrÊ Begam. Delhi, 1921. 48p. [U], OIOC. This informative and interesting book on the life of Princess Janhan Ara, daughter of the 17th Century Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, describes her as an active supporter of her father and brother Dara Shikoh against her other brother, Aurangzeb. Jahan Ara was a patron of art, architecture and was herself a poet. 289. BUTENSCHÖN, ANDREA. The Lif of a Mogul Princess: JahÊnarÊ Begam, Daughter of ShÊhjahÊn. With an introduction by Laurence Binyon. London: George Routledge & Sons, 1931. 221p. This is the story of Jahan Ara Begam, related in the rst person. It narrates some of the events of the last days of life of Jahan Ara in

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290.

291.

292.

293.

294.

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imprisonment along with her father in the Agra Fort by Aurangzeb. The writings of this beautiful and well-educated Mughal princess refer to social customs and the political life of the period. IBR¹HÁM, MUÆAMMAD. “JahÊn ¹rÊ Begam kÒ ik air mÊxrÖf taÉnÒf: Âa˜ÊbiyyÊ.” [A little known literary composition of Jahan Ara Begam: Sahabiyya]. Oriental College Magazine, Ahmedabad (1937): 1–19. [ U ], Unexamined. JAHAN ARA BEGAM. Munis al-arwa˜. [Consoler of the Souls] Aligarh MS. F.A. 80 size 8 u 5, 6. 9 u 3.3 in Nasta{lÒq. Other copies are found in the British Museum, and in the Raza Library, Rampur. [F] The Aligarh manuscript was copied from a manuscript dated 1643/4 and contains a note on Jahan Ara’s stay in Ajmer in November 1643. KALÁM, MAÆBÇBUR RAÆM¹N. JahÊn ¹rÊ: ·ahjahÊn BÊdshÊh ki fÊÓil betÒ Jahan ¹rÊ Begam kÒ Sawani˜ {UmrÒ [ Jahan Ara: The life story of Emperor Shahjahan’s accomplished daughter, Jahan Ara Begum], Aligarh: Ma¢bÊ{ faiÓ-i {Êm, 1907. 71p. [U], APL. This short sketch of Jahan Ara relates the life of the princess. The author also examines some of the groundless slander on Jahan Ara’s character in the travelogues of some contemporary European travellers. QAMAR JAHAN BEGAM. Princess Jahan Ara Begam: Her Life and Works. Karachi: S. M. Hamid Ali, 1991. 102 + 133p. This work includes a biographical sketch of Jahan Ara Begam along with an edited text of MÖnis ul-arwÊh written by Jahan Ara herself. ROSE, H. A. “Persian Letters from Jahan Ara, Daughter of Shah Jahan, King of Delhi, to Raja Budh Parkash of Sirmur.” Journal & Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 8 (1911): 449–58. There are seven letters in original Farsi text, along with their English translations by the author. The letters are not analysed or examined in this paper. The contents of the letters, however, reect the inuential position that Jahan Ara enjoyed in the political circle of the Mughal court and note that grandees like Raja Budh Prakash sought her patronage. VI. Zeb-un NisÊx Begam (1638–1702) Daughter of Emperor Aurangzeb, ( b. 1619–d. 1707)

295. AKBAR¹B¹DÁ, SÁM¹B. ÂawÊni˜ ZebunnisÊx Begam [ Biography of Zebunnisa Begam] ¹grah: Ilectric abul {alaix buk dipo, 1920. 64p. [ U ], KKK.

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297.

298.

299.

300.

301.

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In this short biographical account of the Princess, Simab Akbarabadi describes her poetic talents and her relationship with her father. AZMAT, TAHERA. ‘Zeb-un-Nisa,’ in Women Mentors of Men by Tahera Azmat, Ujjain: Siddharatha Prakashan, 1970. pp. 79–87. Zeb un-Nisa was a well-read Mughal princess who had memorised the QurxÊn. A gifted calligraphist and a collector of manuscripts, she was a poet herself. Some of her verses are included in this chapter. BANERJI, REENA. “·ehzÊdÒ Zeb-un NisÊx Begam.” (Princess Zeb-un Nisa Begam) ¹jkal, March (1962): 5–11. [ U ] Based on contemporary Farsi chronicles, this paper outlines the life and activities of Zeb un-Nisa Begam, the eldest child of Aurangzeb Alamgir. Educated and well versed in Farsi and Arabic, the princess established a separate department for the writing and compilation of books. She also founded a library with a huge collection of rare books. FAROOQI, H. ABDULLAH. “Zebun Nisa and Her Tomb.” Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 12, no. 4 (1975): 25–50. Biographical sketch based on contemporary Farsi chronicles and secondary sources, with translations of some verses composed in Farsi by Zeb un-Nisa. The paper also examines her thwarted relationship with a poet and nobleman at her father’s court. It describes the architectural details of her tomb. ÆAIRAT DEHLAWÁ, MIRZ¹. SawÊni˜ ZebunnisÊx Begam [Biography of ZebunnisÊx Begam] Delhi: Mysore Press, 1898. 32p. [ U ], OIOC. Zeb un-Nisa was a poet of great beauty and a woman of piety and charm. The Mughal Emperors did not allow their daughters to marry and it was because of this court tradition that Zeb un-Nisa remained unmarried. KHAN, GHULAM MUSTAFA. ‘Some Unpublished Letters to Zebunnisa.” Sind University: Arts Research Journal 4 (1964–5): 22–29. This paper publishes four original letters in the Farsi language addressed to Zeb un-Nisa from two Su saints, ‡wÊjah Mu˜ammad MÊxÉÖm (d. 1668) and {Abdul Ahad (d. 1714). These letters show Zeb un-Nisa’s deep interest in Âu thought. MUHAMMED, SYED. “The Romance of Zaib-un-Nessa.” Rupam 25, No. 1 (1926): 18–22. Identies the subject of a miniature portrait painting as Zeb un-Nisa and discusses the legend of her life that is depicted. Translations of verses found on the painting are included. MUZAFFAR ÆUSSAIN, ÆAKÁM. SawÊni˜ {UmrÒ NawwÊb Zeb un-NisÊx Begam. [Biography of Nawwab Zebun-Nisa Begam]. Lahore: Istim pres, 1913. 102p. [U] KKK.

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303.

304.

305.

306.

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This work gives a detailed account of Zeb un-Nisa’s life. She generously patronized scholars. The author also says that she was the rst to design ma˜ram [bodice/brassiere] for women. NU{M¹NÁ, SHIBLÁ. ÂawÊni˜ Zeb un-NisÊx Begam. [ Life of Zeb un-Nisa Begam], Aurangabad: Anjuman Tarqqqi-ye Urdu pres, 1934. 14p. [ U ], KKK ·iblÒ, known for his magnum opus biographies of the Prophet and of Emperor Aurangzeb, wrote this small tract on the life and achievements of Zeb un-Nisa. The author recounts the literary and cultural contributions of Zeb un-Nisa. S¹LIK, MUÆAMMAD xILMUDDÁN. “ZebunnisÊx Begam JadÒd Te˜qÒq kÒ RoªnÒ me¸” [Zeb-un-Nisa Begam in the light of modern researches]. x¹lamgÒr 34, no. 4 (1941): 65–73. [U] Life sketch of the Mughal princess, Zebun-Nisa Begam. Zeb un-Nisa was a poet and patron of ne arts. ZIB UN-NISA. The Diwan of Zeb-un-Nissa: the First Fifty Ghazals. Translated from Farsi by Magan Lal and Jessie Duncan Westbrook, London: John Murray, 1913, 112p. (Wisdom of the East) [2nd edition, Lahore: Oriental, 1954. 100p.] This is a selection from Zeb un-Nisa’s posthumously compiled Su poetry under her poetical name Ma¶ [the hidden one]. The introduction by Westbrook gives biographical details of the princess in the context of the political and cultural climate of seventeenth century Mughal India. ZIB-UN-NISA. “Translations from the Diwan of Zib-un-nisa Begum, Poetically Styled Makhfi, Daughter of the Emperor, Aurangzib.” Translations from Persian by P. Whalley. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 45, No. 3 (1876): 308–11. NAI This paper gives translations and the original Farsi text of three poems. There are no interpretations.

C. Mughal Women as Patrons of Art and Architecture 307. BEGLEY, WAYNE E. “Four Mughal Caravanserais Built During the Reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan.” Muqarnas: An Annual on Islamic Art and Architecture 1 (1983): 167–79. The most magnicent serai in the 16th century was built by Nur Jahan at a place called Nur Mahal in the Punjab. The author, referring to the architectural grandeur of this building, observes that ‘this should

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309.

310.

311.

312.

313.

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be viewed as expressions of her imperial aspirations rather than her piety’. BLAKE, STEPHEN P. ‘Contributors to the Urban Landscape: Women Builders in Safavid Isfahan and Mughal Shahajahanabad,’ in Gavin R. G. Hambly (ed.) Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. pp. 407–28. This comparison of the building activities of elite women in 17th century Mughal Shahjahanabad and in Isfahan in Iran suggests that the seclusion and protection of women were more crucial to male honour and more deeply entrenched in Iran than in India. The paper based on contemporary court accounts and other chronicles, records the achievements of Muslim women who built palaces and buildings of public utility. CUNNINGHAM, ALEXANDER. Report of a Tour in the Punjab in 1878–79. Vol. xiv, (reprint), Varanasi: Indological Book House, 1970. pp. 64–65. Describes the construction of the caravanserai as the author saw it during his tour (large portions of the serai are now lost) and gives English translations of the Persian chronograms and other inscriptions found on the walls of serai Nur Mahal. FINDLY, ELLISON BANKS. ‘Women’s Wealth and Styles of Giving: Perspectives from Buddhist, Jain, and Mughal Sites’. D. Fairchild Ruggles (ed.) Women, Patronage, and Self-representation in Islamic Societies. Albany: SUNY Press, 2000. pp. 91–121. Briey describes caravanserais built by Nur Jahan. FINDLY, ELLISON BANKS. “Nur Jahan’s Embroidery Trade and Flowers of the Taj Mahal.” Asian Art and Culture, Indian Trade and Textiles. Issue, 9. 2 (1996): 7–25. This paper examines Nur Jahan’s patronage to needlework. Specimens of intricately embroidered pieces are included. FINDLY, ELLISON BANKS. “The Pleasures of Women: Nur Jahan and Mughal Painting.” Asian Art, ‘Patronage by Women in Islamic Art.’ Issue, 6. 2 (1993): 67–86. In this paper the author suggests that Nur Jahan is said to have ‘radicalized’ the treatment of women during her husband’s regime. The paper concludes by acknowledging Nur Jahan as a ‘main instigator for the revised view of women’ one nds in Jahangiri painting, ‘a view that allowed greater freedoms within given cultural norms.’ GOETZ, H . “The Qudsia Bagh at Delhi: Key to Late Moghul Architecture.” Islamic Culture 26, no. 1, part II (1952): 132–43.

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314.

315.

316.

317.

318.

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Qudsia Begum, originally a low class dancing girl by the name of Udham Bai, rose to the position of Queen of Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah (d. 1748), ruler of Delhi. She played a signicant role in the party politics of the 18th century Mughal Empire, especially during the time of her son, Ahmad Shah. She built a mosque at Delhi and a palace called the Qudsia Bagh which represented a decisive step towards the Hinduization of Mughal Art. KHAN, AHMAD NABI. “Restoration of the Fresco Decoration at the Mosque of Maryam Zamani at Lahore.” Pakistan Archaeology, no. 7. (1970–71): 123–34. Maryam Zamani Begum, Empress of the Mughal Emperor Akbar and mother of Jahangir, built at Lahore the Begum Shahi Mosque in 1614. It is the earliest dated mosque of the Mughal period in Lahore. The entire interior of its prayer chamber is decorated with colourful frescoes decorations. KOCH, EBBA. “The Zahara Bagh (Bagh-i-Jahanara) at Agra.” The City as a Garden. Environmental Design: Journal of the Islamic Environmental Design Research, 2 (1986): 30–37. Based on her eld work between 1978 and 1986 in the city of Agra, in this paper Koch argues that the Zahara Bagh is indeed the garden built by Princess Jahan Ara. The garden represents ‘important evidence for the architectural patronage of imperial ladies of the Mughal court.’ MISRA, REKHA. “Buildings and Gardens of the Royal Ladies during the Mughal Period.” The Quarterly Review of Historical Studies 6 (1966): 224–25. During the period of Mughal rule in India, women of the royal household took keen interest in the construction and supervision of buildings and gardens. The author, drawing upon contemporary Persian court histories and accounts of European travellers, identies several prominent royal women and the monuments built under their patronage. NARAIN, SHEO. “Serai Nur Mahal.” Journal of the Punjab Historical Society 11 (1931): 29–34. Based on the account of contemporary travellers, this paper describes the majesty of this beautiful serai, which could accommodate two thousand plus travellers and their mounts for a modest fee. PARIHAR, SUBHASH. “Sarai Nurmahal.” Oriental Art 33, no. 2 (1991): 81–93. Nurjahan built a magnicent caravanserai along with a mosque for the comfort of travellers near the city of Jalandhar in the Punjab in 1620.

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This serai stands above other Mughal serais because of the architectural decoration of one of its gateways. 319. SAEED, TAHIR. “Maryam Zamani Mosque—the earliest-dated Mughal period mosque at Lahore.” Journal of Central Asia 19, no. 2 (1996): 91–103. Maryam Zamani constructed several buildings, gardens, and Baolis (stepwells) and the Mosque at Lahore. The author describes the decorative motifs and the surface decoration of this beautiful mosque. Some illustrations are included.

D. Muslim Women from the 18th to the Early 20th Century India I. The Kingdom of Awadh (1722 –1856) 320. {ABD AL-AÆAD. TarÒ¶ BÊdªÊh Begam [History of Badshah Begam]: A Persian Manuscript on the History of Oudh. Translated from Farsi by Muhammad Taqi Ahmad, Allhabad: Indian Press, 1938. 98p. This is the biography of Badshah Begam, chief consort of Nawwab aziuddÒn Æaider, the ruler of Awadh (r. 1814–27) and the mother of NasiruddÒn Æaider (r. 1827–37). The Begam was the most important gure in Awadh during the second decade of the 19th century. The Begam, daughter of an astrologer (najÖmÒ ) from Delhi, was virtually the kingmaker, as it was due to her court intrigues that NaÉiruddÒn, her son, nally ascended the throne against the strong opposition of his father, aziuddÒn Æaider. The Begam once again attempted to play the same role but failed and landed in custody along with the infant candidate for kingship, where they both died. This biography documents political intrigues, manoeuvres of the British residents to control the local administration, and the role played by Muslim elite women to protect their interests. 321. ABDUL ALI, A. F. M. “The Last Will and Testament of Bahu Begam.” Indian Historical Records Commission, Proceedings no. 6. Calcutta: Central Publication Branch, Government of India, 1926. pp. 149–56. Bahu Begam was the wife of Shuja ud-Daulah, Nawwab of Awadh (1754–1775) and mother of Nawwab Asaf ud-Daulah (1795–97). In her eighty-eight years of life, she witnessed and participated in some of the most tumultuous political events of 18th century India. Bahu Begam’s treatment at the hands of Warren Hastings for the purpose

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322.

323.

324.

325.

326.

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of extracting money echoed in the British Parliament when he was impeached for his highhandedness in India. {¹BIDÁ, ÆUSAIN {ABB¹S. “Begam Æazrat Ma˜al.” Naya daur 22, no. 5, (1966): 45–48. [U] This paper describes the historic lead role of Hazrat Mahal in the First War of Independence fought against British colonial rule in 1858. ABÇ ”ALIB KH¹N, MIRZ¹. Tafzihul ÊlÒn [ The Disgrace of the Negligent], Translated from the original Farsi by William Hoey. History of Asafud Daulah Nawab Wazir of Oudh. Allahabad: Government Press, 1885. (Reprint, Lucknow: Pustak Kendra, 1971. 105p.). The author, eyewitness to the worsening political situation at the court of Awadh and the growing grip of the East India Company on Awadh’s fast dwindling nances, narrates the sad story of how Warren Hastings (East India Company’s Governor-General of its occupied Indian territories, 1774–1784), through his Resident, supported NawwÊb Wazir Asaf ud-Daulah’s seizure of a large amount of Bahu Begam’s treasures. Bahu Begam was the widow of Shuja ud-Daulah’s who had married her in 1743. The plundered money was used to pay off the Company’s ‘debt’. As a result, women in Bahu Begam’s establishment suffered beyond description. He writes about how hundreds of women of the royal household who, overpowered by hunger, would raid markets to plunder grain. AFSAR-UT TAW¹RÁKH. [ The Diadem of History] Letters written in Urdu by Jamªed Begam to her husband King Wajid Ali ·ah of Awadh. These letters were written after 1856 when Wajid Ali Shah was sent as a prisoner to live in exile in Calcutta after the annexation of his kingdom of Awadh by the East India Company. Aside from expressing deep distress at being left behind by her husband in Lucknow, these letters reect upon some of the socio-political conditions of Muslims in the second half of the 19th Century. This manuscript is in the private collection of Professor Masud Hasan Rizwi in Lucknow, India. AKHTAR, W¹JID {ALÁ SHAH. ParÒ ‡ÊnÊ. [The house of the Fairies], Rampur: Kitab Ghar Publikeªanz, 1965. 192p. These are autobiographical accounts of the love encounters of WÊjid {¹lÒ ·ah, the last ruler of the Kingdom of Awadh. They also describe women who staged dramas for the king. AZMAT, TAHERA. ‘Begam Hazrat Mahal,’ in Women Mentors of Men by Tahera Azmat, Ujjain, Siddharatha Prakashan, 1970. pp. 19–30.

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328.

329.

330.

331.

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Begam Hazrat Mahal, the Queen of the last King of Awadh, Shuja ud-Daulah, was one of the main leaders who led the rst War of Independence against British rule in 1857–58. Although the East India Company’s government earlier annexed the kingdom of Awadh, Begum Hazrat Mahal revived the kingdom by crowning her son as the new king. Finally, the First War of Independence against the British, was lost and the Begam took shelter in Nepal where she died in 1874. BARNETT, RICHARD B. ‘Embattled Begams: Women as Power Brokers in Early Modern India,’ in Gavin R. G. Hambly (ed.) Women in Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. pp. 521–36. This chapter states that some women in nineteenth century India wielded genuine political and social power. The Begams of Awadh are a case study of leadership roles. The Begams of Awadh during the period of this study (1764–1815) ‘did cross gender boundaries in the exercise of their power, they utilised their status as women as a powerful resource’. They remained in pardah, yet their presence was felt everywhere. ——. North India Between Two Empires: Awadh, the Mughals, and the British, 1720 –1801. University of California Press, Berkeley, 1980. xvii + 276p. This work is an in-depth study of the disintegration of Muslim political power in North India and of the mechanisms of the East India Company. The author also examines the role of the mother of Asaf ud-Daulah, the ruler of Awadh. The Begam with her political acumen and wealth almost formed a rival centre of authority. EDWARDES, MICHAEL. The Orchid House; Splendours and Miseries of the Kingdom of Oudh, 1827–1857. London: Casell, 1960. 216p. This work is a semi-historical account of the decadent days of the kingdom of Awadh. Interspersed are descriptions of women’s lives within the royal households, and their inuential roles in court politics. FISHER, MICHAEL H. “Political Marriage Alliances at the Shi’i Court of Awadh.” Comparative Study of Society and History 25 (1983): 593–615. This article examines the nature of Muslim political marriages, particularly as practised by the Shi’i dynasty of pre-British Awadh in North India. It traces the changing patterns of partner choice exhibited by this dynasty as its identity, place in the social hierarchy, and goals shifted over time. ——. ‘Women and the Feminine in the Court and High Culture of Awadh, 1772–1856,’ in Gavin R. G. Hambly (ed.) Women in the Medieval

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333.

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336.

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Islamic World: Power, Patronage, and Piety. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. pp. 488–519. The Awadh capital formed an arena in which women played powerful roles in different spheres. Women played particularly powerful roles in the development of the high culture of Awadh. ÆUSAIN, SHAIKH TAÂADDUQ. BegmÊt-i Awadh [Royal Women of Awadh], Lucknow: KitÊb Ghar, 1945. 287p. [U ], APL. This book gives short life-sketches of the chief consorts of the rulers of Awadh. xISHRAT, KHW¹J¹H {ABDUR RxÇF. “AfÓal un-nisÊx DhanyÊ MehrÒ.” ZamÊnÊh 46, no. 1, January (1925): 26–36. [U ], MHL. This paper describes the life story of DhanyÊ MehrÒ, later known as AfÓal un- NisÊx ‡anum. DhanyÊ MehrÒ belonged to a lower social order. She got entry into the royal household, quickly gained popularity within the royal circle, and played an important role in court intrigues. {ISHRAT, KHW¹JAH xABDUR RxÇF. “ParÒ ‡ÊnÊh-yi ·ÊhÒ (The Royal Fairy-House).” ZamanÊ 20, no. 121, January (1913). [Page numbers were not readable]. [U], APL. The last ruler of Awadh, NawwÊb Wajid Ali Shah drew to the court a large number of female singers and dancers, each of whom was given the title of a ‘Pari’ fairy. {ISHRAT, KHW¹J¹H xABDUR RxÇF. NawwÊb Âadr JahÊn Begam. ZamanÊ 56, no. 1, January (1931): 30–40. [U ], MHL. Biographical account of NawwÊb Âadr Jahan Begam, wife of Âadfar Jang (1739–1754), ruler of Awadh. She played a key role in the politics of the day during the rule of her son and grandson, NawwÊb ·ujÊ{ ud-Daulah and NawwÊb AÉaf ud-Daulah respectively in the 18th Century. JAIRAJPURÁ, {ABDUS SAL¹M. ParÒjamÊl BegmÊt-i ·ahhÊn-i Awadh [Fairy-like Beautiful Ladies of the Kings of Awadh], Delhi, 1935. 121p. [ U], APL. This book describes the charm, beauty and intelligence of the women of the royal household of Awadh. KHANJAR LAKHNAWÁ, MIRZ¹ FID¹ {¹LÁ. Ma˜al ‡ÊnÊ ·ÊhÒ [The Ladies of the Royal Household], Translated from Farsi into Urdu by Mirza Ali. Lucknow: Nawalkishore pres, 1914. 124p. [ U ], OIOC, APL. This book, written by Wajid Ali Shah, the last King of Awadh (1847–56), narrates his romances and love affairs with various women. Most of the

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women were originally hired by him to act on stage in which the he himself performed as an actor. Later, the King married some of them, though most of these marriages were temporary ones. The title of the original manuscript from which this Urdu translation was made was titled ParÒ ‡ÊnÊ [the fairy house] and was in the collection of Shaikh Muhammad Yusuf of Lucknow. 338. KNIGHTON, WILLIAM. The Private Life of an Eastern King Together with Elihu Jan’s Story or The Private Life an Eastern Queen. Edited with introduction and notes by S. B. Smith, London, New York, H. Milford, OUP, 1921. 345p. [Earlier a version of this book by William Knighton under the title Elihu Jan’s Story or the Private Life of an Eastern Queen was published in London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1865, 210p. Annotations here are from the 1921 text.] This book narrates the events surrounding the political drama and court intrigues at the court of Awadh with Badshah Begam (in some texts referred to as Padshah Begam) chief consort of Nawab Ghazi ud-Din Haider, the ruler of Awadh and the adoptive mother of Nasir udDin Haider. It was believed that Badshah Begam, poisoned Nasir ud-Din’s biological mother, shortly after his birth. Giving an eyewitness account, the author, an ofcer of the East India Company at the court of Awadh, describes in detail how the Begam helped Nasir ud-Din ascend the throne against his father’s strong opposition and later unsuccessfully presented armed resistance against Nasiruddin to place his son on the throne. King Nasir ud-Din disinherited this child protégé of the Begam by publicly declaring him illegitimate. In chapter 9 ‘The King’s Harem’ the author describes armed female sepoys (an Anglo-Indian word for sipahi, a soldier) at the court of Awadh ‘as one of the curiosities of the palace’ whose account will appear ‘strange to European ears’. At the rst glimpse, the author mistook ‘these men-like women’ in their ‘well-waded coats’ as ‘a diminutive race of soldiers’. Though intended ‘solely for duty in the palace as guardians of the harem,’ these women soldiers were armed and trained as any other soldier would be. 339. LETTERS BY W¹JID {ALÁ SH¹H. A collection of twenty letters dated 1276 A.H. (1859) written by Wajid Ali Shah to his favourite wife Zinat Begam, whom he left at Lucknow following his deposition and subsequent exile to Calcutta, in 1856. The letters, written in NastÊ{lÒq and richly ornamented, describe his intense sorrow at separation. The folio also has a portrait of the deposed King, seated on a royal masnad [a large cushion], attended by four women, presumably his wives. The letters were complied by one Akbar Ali Khan Tauqir and are in the OIOC, Or 5288 Foll. 79.

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340. MAKHZAN-I ASR¹R-I SUL”¹NÁ. [ Encyclopedia of Royal Secrets], Compiled in 1319 AH. Size: 5x 8, 183p. Manuscript at Kutub ¶ÊnÊ-yi ¹ÉayÊh, Hyderabad, Deccan. [U]. This is a collection of personal letters by Wajid Ali Shah, the last King of Awadh, addressed to his wives who were left behind at Lucknow following the annexation of the kingdom and his deposition as the ruler of Awadh. The letters talk of the pangs of separation from his beloved spouse when the English exiled him to Calcutta. 341. MARSHALL, P. J. The Impeachment of Warren Hastings. Oxford University Press, 1965. xix–217p. Warren Hastings, East India Company’s Governor of its Indian possessions, was impeached in the British Parliament for his treatment of the Begams of Awadh. In this book the plunder of the treasury of the Begams and Hastings’ intrigues in Bengal are discussed. 342. NAZR, NAUBAT R¹xE. Lakhknow ke purÊney sÒn. [ The Old Scenes of Lucknow] ZamÊnÊ 18, no. 3, March (1912): 153–61. [ U ], MHL. This paper describes some of the proles of women at the royal court of Shah Nasir ud-din, King of Awadh. It chiey mostly draws upon the descriptions by European women travellers. 343. PARKS, FANNY. Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque with Revelations of Life in the Zenana. 2 vols. London: Pelham Richardson, 1850. Reprint, Karachi: OUP, 1975. There are several references and descriptions of women in the royal household of the kingdom of Awadh. Parks visited the women’s quarters (the zenana) of Hakim Mehndi Ali and conversed with the women there. 344. PAXTON, NANCY L. Writing Under the Raj, Gender, Race, and Rape in the British Colonial Imagination, 1830–1947. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. 1999. (NetLibary Inc.) 338p. This is an exhaustive study on gender and race issues in colonial India. This well documented work begins by describing how the East India Company under Warren Hastings committed acts of sexual violence against women when ‘the Princesses of Oude in 1772–1773 were humiliated.’ 345. QIDWAI, IKRAMUDDIN. “The Begams of Awadh and their Establishment.” Quarterly Journal of Pakistan Historical Society 38, October, Part IV (1990): 309–28. The Begams of Awadh have left an abiding mark on the eighteenth century history of the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent. The article discusses the role of Bahu Begam (d. 1813) and Sadar un-Nisa Begam, wife of Nawab Safdar Jung (1739–1754).

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346. SANTHA, K. S. Begums of Awadh. Varnasi: Bharati Prakashan, 1980. 377p. This book analyses the historic role of royal women in the history of Awadh and their superb resistance to the growing power of the English East India Company under Warren Hastings in the 18th century. 347. ——. “The Exploitation of the Begums of Awadh by the East India Company: A Case Study of Malika-i Jahan, Secondary wife of Muhammad Ali Shah.” The Quarterly Review of Historical Studies 20, no. 2 (1980–1981): 319–25. The difculties encountered by Malika-yi Jahan demonstrate the abuse and manipulation experienced by the Begams of Awadh during the rule by the East India Company. Later, the British occupied her residence in 1865 while she was on the Haj pilgrimage. Broken-hearted, the Begam died in Bombay on July 19, 1881, the day of her embarkation for pilgrimage to Karbala in Iraq. 348. SHAHÁ, RATAN SINGH. “NawwÊb BahÖ Begam.” ¹j Kal 25, no. 9 (1967): 19–22. [U] This is an account of the early life and achievements of BahÖ Begam, wife of NawwÊb ShujÊ{ ud-Daulah of Awadh. 349. SHIH¹BÁ, INTIZ¹MULLAH. BegmÊt-i Awadh ke ¶u¢¢Ö¢ [Letters of the Royal Ladies of Awadh], Delhi: MaktabÊh- yi adab, 1948. 148p. [ U ] This is a collection of letters written by the chief consorts of the various rulers of Awadh to their husbands. 350. SINGH, SHILENDRA K. ‘Minto and the Begums of Oudh.’ Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 14 (1951): 295–301. This paper surveys the relations of Minto (Governor-General of India in early 19th century) with the widows of Nawwab Shuja ud-Daulah and Nawwab Asaf-ud-Daulah. Women of the Kingdom of Awadh, such as Bahu Begam and Bhabi Begam played highly signicant roles in contemporary politics. II. Muslim Women in the Kingdom of Bengal 351. ABDUL ALI, A. F. M. “Munny Begum: The ‘Mother of the Company.” Bengal: Past and Present 29, April/June (1925): 148–54. Munny Begum (d. 1813), wife of Nawwab Mir Jafar Ali Khan of Bengal, played a highly signicant role in the political life of the subcontinent. She conducted several meetings with the East India Company’s representatives in Calcutta.

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352. BANERJI, BRAJENDRA NATH. Begams of Bengal: Based Mainly on State Records. Calcutta: S. K. Mitra & Brothers, 1942. 64p. This paper presents short biographical accounts of six women of the 18th century. Nawwab of Murshidabad’s family based on Muslim court chronicles and the East India Company’s records. These women wielded extraordinary power and ‘virtually ruled the destiny of the people from behind purdah.’ 353. ——. “The Mother of the Company.” Bengal: Past and Present, July–Sept. and Oct.–Dec. (1926): 37–48, 136–140. Compiled from original sources, this paper narrates the life story of Munni Begam. 354. BHALLA, P. N. “The Mother of the Company.” Journal of Indian History 22, no. 2/3 (1943): 128–44. This is a study of the role of Munni Begum, the chief queen of Nawab Mir Jafar of Bengal. Based on original documents the paper focuses on the diplomacy of this remarkable woman who worked with great skill within her own household. She managed a political dialogue with the personnel of the East India Company who were bent upon dislodging the Nawab. 355. EDWARDES, MICHAEL. The Battle of Plassey and the Conquest of Bengal. New York: Macmillan, 1963. 167p. This work being an account of the Battle of Plassey fought between the forces of Nawab Siraj ud-Daulah, the ruler of Bengal (1756–1757), and those of the East India Company in 1757 in Bengal, tells the story of political mechanism, fraud and deception, which marked the beginning of colonialism and the ruination of indigenous power. Women also played an active role in trying to protect indigenous powers. The book refers to the political sagacity of Ghasiti Begam, eldest of the three daughters of Ali Vardi Khan, Nawab of Bengal (1740–56). She conspired against Nawab Siraj ud-Daulah and supported his enemies, especially Mir Jafar. 356. KHAN, ABDUL MAJED. The Transition in Bengal, 1756–1775: A Study of Seyid Muhammad Reza Khan. London: Cambridge University Press, 1969. xiv–376. In this book, the author examines the political changes that transformed the social and political structure of Bengal and later of the whole country. The author refers to the correspondence and negotiations between the women of the royal household of the Nawabs of Bengal and the East India Company.

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357. MAJUMDAR, N. “Munni Begum’s Will.” Bengal Past & Present 72 (1953): 43–48. This paper examines various historic events and evidence to explain whether the last will of Munni Begum was a forged one. The Begum had vast wealth at her command and was highly inuential in politics. 358. ZUNNURAIN, MAUL¹WÁ SAIYYID. Begmat-i Ba¸gÊl. Lucknow: Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, 1919. 56p. [ U ], APL. This paper gives life accounts of ZÒnat un NisÊx, the daughter of Murshid Quli Khan, Begam Ali Vardi Khan, mother of Siraj ud-Daulah Lu¢f-un NisÊx Begam, RabÒ{Ê Begam and Munni Begam. This brief study relates the important roles that these 18th century women played within their respective families and in the politics of Bengal. III. A dynasty of women rulers: The Begams of Bhopal (a) General works 359. ABIDA SULTAAN, PRINCESS. “The Begums of Bhopal.” History Today (1980) 30, 30–35. The author, the last descendant of the princely state of Bhopal, presents a short historical sketch of the dynasty, from its inception till the death of Nawab Sultan Jahan in 1926. Abida Sultaan is highly critical of Shahjahan Begam’s second marriage to Sayyed Siddique Hassan, ‘a man much below her station’ who ‘drove a wedge between her and her grandmother, Qudsia,’ and ‘caused so much friction between her and the British Government that it brought her disgrace.’ 360. ¹GH¹ MUÆAMMAD B¹QAR (ed.). MÊqÊlÊt MaulÊnÊ Mu˜ammad Æusain ¹zÊd, [Essays by Maulana Muhammad Husain Azad], Vol. 1, Lahore: Majlis-i taraqqi-yi adab. 1966. pp. 421–426. [ U ] This volume includes a brief account of the women rulers of Bhopal describing their administrative skills and political sagacity. 361. ALLEN, CHARLES. A Glimpse of the Burning Plain: Leaves from the Indian Journal of Charlotte Canning. London: Michael Joseph Ltd., 1986. 170p. This is an account of the life of Charlotte Canning in India as the wife of Lord Canning, the Viceroy of India. The author describes her visit to the Begam of Bhopal, Nawwab Sikander Jahan, and observes that the Begam, 44 years old, ‘shows her face without compunction, tho’ a Mussulman’ and was ‘a really clever upright character and looks into the affairs of her country herself and rules it admirably’. A photograph of the Begam is also included.

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362. AMÁN ZUBAIRÁ, MUÆAMMAD. TarÒ¶-i BegmÊt-i BhopÊl. Bhopal, 1918. 189p. [U], KKK. This work contains biographies of nine Begams of Bhopal state, from Fateh Bibi to Nawwab Shahjahan Begam. AmÒn ZubairÒ, an employee of the Bhopal government drew upon state records to write this history of the women rulers of Bhopal. 363. BUTLER, IRIS. The Viceroy’s Wife: Letters of Alice, Countess of Reading from India, 1921–25. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1969. 190p. This volume contains an account of the Countess’s ve-year residence in India with her husband, Lord Reading. In some of the letters, she describes meetings between herself and the Begam of Bhopal to discuss the political problems of the Begam and their mutual concern and interest in the welfare of women and children. 364. CHISHTI, WAHAJUDDÁN. BegmÊt-i BhopÊl. (Women rulers of Bhopal). Karachi: Maktabah- yi Qudsiyah, 1981. 112p. [ U ] In this work lives and achievements of women rulers of the state of Bhopal are briey narrated. 365. KHAN, SHAHRYAR M. The Begums of Bhopal: A Dynasty of Women Rulers in Raj India. London: I. B. Tauris, 2000. 276p. The author is the son of Abida Sultaan, a descendant of the Begams of Bhopal, who died recently in Karachi. The book is a chronological study of the history of the princely state of Bhopal. Each woman ruler is discussed separately. 366. PRECKEL, CLAUDIA. ‘The Roots of Anglo-Muslim Co-operation and Islamic Reformation in Bhopal,’ in Jamal Malik (ed.) Perspectives of Mutual Encounters in South Asian History 1760–1860, Brill: Leiden, 2000. pp. 65–78. This paper draws upon several sources of the history of Bhopal and examines the emergence of the Islamic reform movement under the patronage of Nawab Siddique Hasan Khan, husband of the Begam of Bhopal. 367. ——. Begums of Bhopal. New Delhi: Roli Books, 2000. 223p. The book presents short sketches of the history of Bhopal and the rule of successive female monarchs of this Muslim state. (b) NawwÊb QudsiyÊh Begam (Period of Regency 1819–1837) 368. SUL”¹N JAH¹N BEGAM, NAWW¹B. ÆayÊt-i QudsÒ. Bhopal: Ma¢bÊ{yi sul¢anÒ, 1917. 234p. This work was translated into English as Life of the Nawab Gauhar Begam alias the Nawab Begam Qudsia, of Bhopal. Translated

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from Urdu by W. S. Davis. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubener, 1918. 160p. Remarkable women ruled the State of Bhopal. Sultan Jahan Begam describes the life and times of her great grandmother, Qudsiyah Begam, who appeared in public with an unveiled face. The Begam initiated construction of buildings for public use. (c) NawwÊb Sikandar Begam (Regency 1843–1868) 369. MALLESON, G. B. “Famous Women of India.” Asiatic Quarterly Review 3, no. 5 (1887): 57–76. OIOC. This paper gives a brief biographical sketch of Sikandar Begam, ruler of Bhopal. The author considers in this essay three women to be ‘illustrative of the real women of India, i.e. Ahlyabai Holkar, Tulsi Bai Holkar and Nawab Sikandar Begum.’ 370. YADUVANSH, UMA. “Administrative System of Bhopal Under Nawab Sikandar Begum, 1844–1868.” Islamic Culture 41 (1967): 205–32. Nawab Sikandar Begam, the rst female ruler to govern the State of Bhopal, laid the foundation of a new and efcient system of administration. This paper draws on unpublished sources, in both Urdu and English. (d) NawwÊb ShahjahÊn Begam (b. 1838–d. 1901) [Accession 1847— Abdicated in favour of her mother in 1868, and after her mother’s death again became the ruler.] 371. AZIZ, TALAT. “Nawab Shah Jahan Begum of Bhopal: Spokeswoman of Muslim Women’s Education and Social Reformer.” Islam and Modern Age 29, no. 3 (1998): 257–64. This brief paper eulogizes the services rendered by the enlightened Shah Jahan Begam for the promotion of women’s education and for the protection of their rights. One such measure was to allow the daughters of prostitutes to marry, against the earlier restrictions for marriage imposed by the prostitute mothers themselves. 372. SHAHJAHAN BEGAM, NAWWAB. Letters of the Begum written in Urdu. Thompson Collection, MSS. EWR. F.137, OIOC. Unexamined. 373. ——. DiwÊn-i ·ÒrÒn, Calligraphy in 1300 A.H./1882. 173p. Nawwab Shahjahan Begam who composed verses under two nom de plume, Shirin and Tajwar, was an accomplished poet. This manuscript is in the holdings of Kutub KhÊnÊ, District Khairpur, Sindh. DiwÊn-i ShÒrÒn was published in Kanpur in 1872 and in Delhi by the Tahzib un-Niswan in 1899.

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374. ——. Taj-ul Ikbal Tari¶ Bhopal or The History of Bhopal [ The Crown of Prosperity or The History of Bhopal] (Translated by H. C. Barstow) Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1876. 240p. This book, in its three sections, provides an account of the early history of the State of Bhopal, including how its women rulers remained loyal to the English during the ‘mutiny’ of 1857 and were rewarded for their loyalty by the English in India. The author describes her own accession to the throne, her rst marriage, widowhood and her second marriage. The most signicant section of this work is about the Begam’s second marriage with Muhammad Siddiq Hasan Khan. Referring to the counsel of two British ofcers that she should marry again, the Begam writes, ‘I pondered over the advice of these gentlemen, and that advice was in accordance with the mandates of Almighty God, who very strongly in His Holy Scriptures enjoins the marriage of widows, and the practice of the marriage of widows also prevails throughout the Musulmani population of Arabia, Turkey, Persia, Turan and Central Asia. Therefore, considering that the advice and admonition of both God and man pointed the same way, I determined to marry some suitable person, agreeable and popular with high and low.’ The narrative is interspersed with other events, such as her mother’s Hajj pilgrimage and administrative matters of the Bhopal State. 375. ——. TahzÒb un-Niswʸ wa tarbiyat ul-insÊn [Renement of Women and Instructions for Human being], Delhi: Ma¢bÊ{-yi anÉarÒ, 1889. 492p. kkk (Reprint, Lahore: NuxmÊnÒ kutub ¶ÊnÊh, 1970.) 453p. [ U ] This is a guidebook for women on reproductive health, pregnancy and childbirth, relationship with their husbands and other household affairs. While it was unusual in the late nineteenth century for an elite woman to talk about sexual intercourse, the author explains these matters with dexterity and talks with ease about women’s right to seek pleasure in their marital relationships. Citing her marital relationship with her rst husband, ·ahjahÊn Begam admits how she felt deprived of pleasure. Being sixteen years younger than her husband, she felt distanced and overawed by his sense of authority. With her second husband, almost equal to her in age, things were different. ‘I have never enjoyed my life, not even when I was young, as I do now. My whole youth was wasted in suffering and sadness [ranj o am].’ The author strongly argues against under-age marriages. This book was later ‘approved’ by MawlanÊ Aªraf {AlÒ ThanawÒ as one of his seventy ‘worthwhile’ books for Muslim women readers.

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376. SUL”¹N JAH¹N BEGAM, NAWW¹B. Æayat-i ·ahjahÊnÒ: yÊ{nÒ sawÊni˜ {umrÒ, (Life of Shahjahan or Life Story), Agra: MufÒd-i {Êm pres, 1914. 254p. [U] English translation by B. Ghoshal: Life of Her Highness the Late Nawab Shahjehan Begum of Bhopal, Bombay: The Times Press,1926. 301p.]. 403p. Biography of the author’s mother, Nawwab Sikandar Jahan, who also ruled over Bhopal. The book documents the personal and political life of Nawwab Shah Jahan Begam, who travelled widely, introduced several administrative reforms in her state, and maintained diplomatic relations with the British Government in India. (e) Nawwab Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam (b.1858–d. 1930) Accession 1901–Abdication 1926. 377. {ABDUL GHAFF¹R, Q¹ZÁ. “{AliÊ ÆaÓrat Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam Âa˜ebÊ Mar˜umÊh MafÖrÊh.” [The Late Noble Her Highness Sultan Jehan]. Tahzib-i Niswʸ 33, no. 23 (1930): 534–41. [ U ], MHL. How correct was this writer when he wrote in this paper that ‘when the future historian of Hindustan will begin writing the history of the women’s movement, he will nd it embellished at every step by the golden marks of the noble efforts of the exalted ruler.’ [˜industÊn kÊ ÊyandÊh muxrri¶ jab is mulk me¸ ta˜rÒk-i niswʸ kÒ tÊrÒ¶ likhnai baithegÊ us waqt woh har qadam par is ta˜rÒk ko {aliyÊh ˜aÓrat kÒ masÊ{Ò jamÒlÊh ke zarri¸ naqÖª sai muzayyÊn pÊi{gÊ]. Paying tribute to the late Sultan Jahan this author says that she was ‘not only the head of a historic Muslim state; she indeed was the Queen of the hearts of the Indian, particularly of Muslim women [woh HindustÊn aur ¶uÉÖsan ¢abaqah-yi niswʸ kÒ malikah thi¸].’ She was convinced that Islam conferred on women rights, and there were no laws of Islam restricting their national and social progress. He recalls some of her public speeches in which she emphatically said that the type of freedom that women claim to have in the West is not what Muslim women desire to have. The author of this article was a well-known Urdu journalist. 378. {ABDULL¹H, SHAIKH MUÆAMMAD. “{¹liÊ Æazrat Har Ha{ines NawwÊb Sul¢an JahÊn Begam kÊ IntiqÊl PurmalÊl aur UnkÒ ·ÊndÊr ZindÊgi pur Mu¶taÉar ‡ayÊlÊt.” [The Death of Her Highness Nawab Sultan Jahan Begam and Brief Thoughts on Her Splendid Life]. Tahzib unNiswan 33, no. 23 (1930): 553–60. [U], MHL. The author, founder of Muslim Girls’ School at Aligarh, recounts the great patronage of the Begam of the education for Muslim girls. She not only encouraged the writer in his pioneering efforts for the foundation of the rst residential school for Muslim girls at Aligarh in 1904,

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380.

381.

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but also made valuable annual grants for its establishment. Paying tribute to the Begam’s political astuteness, he recalls what she told him once about Hindu-Muslim contentions: ‘Muslims have to live in this country alone, and therefore recognising India as their homeland they must develop brotherly relations with the Hindus [musalmÊno¸ ko isi mulk me¸ rahnÊ hai unko pÊhiye kih hindustÊn ko apnÊ wa¢an samajh kar hinduo¸ se baradrÊn-i wa¢an ke se ta{alluqÊt paidÊ karai±] However, she further added that the ‘Hindus will not let Muslims get close to them until a big change occurs in their thinking [ jab tak Hinduo¸ kÒ zehniyat me¸ ek basÊ inqilÊb paidÊ nÊ hogÊ woh MuslamÊno¸ ko apney qarÒb tak nÊ ane de¸ge].’ ANW¹RUL ÆAQQ , MUFTÁ MUÆAMMAD. “ÆuØÖr Sarkar-i {¹liyÊh NÖr AllÊh Marqadha” [The Exalted One, Her Majesty, May her grave be Blessed with the Light of Allah]. Tahzib-i Niswan 33, no. 23 (1930): 542–46.[U], MHL. Recalling his twenty-two years’ memories of working for the Begam, the author pays rich tributes to her humane nature. He states that the Begam believed that state power was a divine trust [amanat-i ilÊhÒ] vested in her. {ATTIY¹ BEGAM FYZEE. “SarkÊr-i{¹liyah” [Her Highness]. Tahzib un-Niswan 33, no. 23 (1930): 575–77. [U], MHL. Paying tribute to the late Begam, Attiya Fyzee recalls their intimate relationship. Nawwab Sultan Jahan told Attiya that it was after reading Attiya’s travelogue safar-i Uorup [Travel of Europe], published in the Tahzib un-Niswan that she developed an interest in Europe and wanted to visit it herself. ETHERINGTON, ELLEN. “A Visit to the Present Begum of Bhopal.” Heathen Women’s Friend, September (1878): 83–84. The writer, an Inspectress of Female Schools, North-Western Provinces of Agra and Oudh, India, describes the visit of Miss Mary Carpenter to the Begum of Bhopal. Miss Carpenter wanted the Begam listed as one of the Vice Presidents of the National Indian Association, founded by her in 1870 in India, for the promotion of female education. The Begum, herself an ardent supporter and promoter of women’s education not only welcomed her but also expressed her desire to help the cause of female education. FA”IMAH BEGAM MUNSHI F¹ÃIL. “{¹liah Æazrat Begam Âa˜ebÊ BhopÊl ¹¸jahÊnÒ [ The late Magnicent Ruler of Bhopal].” Tahzib unNiswan 33, No. 23 (1930): 582–87. [U], MHL. In this paper the author, editor of ·arif Bibi, a women’s journal from Lahore and inspector of Urdu schools in Madras and Bombay, pays tribute to this great benefactor of Muslim women. She also recalls the

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late Begam’s services to women’s education. She recalls a dialogue that the Begam had with some Muslim women in 1928 at the Delhi session of the All India Women’s Conference which she had presided over. Observing the progress of Hindu women, Muslim women complained that at the sessions they felt that their interests were not taken care of and that they could not follow the proceedings as all the speeches were made in the English language. The Begam responded by saying, ‘look you should also make progress. I am pained to see [mujhe basÊ ra±j hotÊ hai ] that among the women of my community not only traditional learning but modern education too is hard to nd, [merÒ qaum ki bÒbÒo¸ me¸ tÊ{lim-i qadÒm to ¶air ta{lÒm-i jadÒd bhi bilkul kamyÊb hai ]. The late Begam was a role model for all women, particularly for Muslim women. FYZEE, ZUHRA BEGAM. “Har highness NawwÊb Sul¢Ên Jahan Begam Âa˜ebÊ.” Tahzib un-Niswan 33, no. 23 (1930): 566–69. [ U ], MHL. Zuhra Begam Fyzee of Janjira, Bombay, a member of the Tyabji family was an educated person who had visited several countries. Like other women of the Tyabji family, she had given up wearing the burqa{. In this paper, she recalls her close relationship and frequent meetings with the Begam, and their mutual passion for women’s education. Paying rich tribute to the Begam she writes that ‘her era of rule was a source of blessings for the helpless class (women) [Êp kÊ daur-i ˜ukÖmat nachÊr rqeh ke was¢ai sar paªma-yi faiz ºÊ]. HEATHEN WOMEN’S FRIEND. September (1875): p. 6. An extract from ‘Indian Public Opinion,’ was published in this missionary journal about the qualities and abilities of the Begam of Bhopal. KNOWLES-FOSTER, FRANCES G. “One of India’s Most Interesting Queens and Authoresses, Her Highness the Begum of Bhopal: A Few Historical Notes upon Her State and Personality.” Asiatic Review 3, No. 6 (1914): 275–78. APL. This paper eulogizes the achievements of Sultan Jahan Begum. Sultan Jahan, while observing pardah, assumed the rule of Bhopal in 1901 and carried out her state responsibilities with a great sense of commitment. LAMBERT-HURLEY, SIOBHAN. “Princes, Paramountcy and the Politics of Muslim Identity: The Begum of Bhopal on the Indian National Stage, 1901–1926.” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 26, No. 2 (2003): 165–191. This paper examines Nawab Sultan Jahan Begum’s activities involving the national politics of India from her ascension in 1901 to her abdication in 1926. The Begum, last of the four generations of Muslim women to rule Bhopal, ‘recognised that an understanding of Islam could only be meaningful if the economic and political interests of the

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388.

389.

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community were served, most likely through collaboration with the British government.’ The Begum’s political approach ‘enabled her to gain the respect of the British, the Muslim community and her own subjects.’ The paper concludes that ‘while the Begam of Bhopal’s conduct as a Muslim queen within the system of paramountcy may not always strike the reader as entirely surprising, her example does act as reminder of the diversity within her community at a time when South Asia and the world continue to struggle with the politics of Muslim identity.’ ——. “Out of India: The Journeys of the Begum of Bhopal, 1901– 1930.” Women’s Studies International Forum 21, no. 3 (1998): 263–76. In the small central Indian state of Bhopal, four generations of Muslim queens ruled throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, distinguishing themselves as warriors, scholars, builders, and social reformers, and assured the independence and prestige of their state under British paramountcy. The last of these illustrious rulers, Nawab Sultan Jahan Begam Saheba, was a prominent example of female Indian activists of this era. She not only travelled within India but journeyed to lands outside her own country, such as to the Middle East and Hijaz (1903), Europe (1911) and England (1911 and 1925). MUÆAMMAD YAQÇB, MAUL¹WÁ. “Maut al-{Êlim-maut al-Êlam.” [ Death of a Scholar—Death of a World] Tahzib un-Niswan 33, No. 23 (1930): 531–33. [U], MHL. This paper pays tribute to Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam, the late ruler of Bhopal. Among her several characteristics that had special impact on women, the author selects the three most important: reverence and obedience to her husband [ªauhar kÒ i¢Ê{at aur farma¸ bardÊrÒ ], attention to proper upbringing of her children, and her passion for her faith. The author describes her as a specimen of Islamic culture and civilization [Islami mu{Êsharat aur islami tahzÒb kÊ muraqqÊx]. MUHAMMADI BEGAM, SARDAR. “Begam Âa˜ebÊ BhopÊl ‡uld ¹ªiyʸ” [The ruler of Bhopal, resting in heaven] Tahzib un-Niswan 33, No. 23 (1930): 528–531. [U], MHL. In this paper, the author pays tribute to Nawwab Sultan Jahan and states that the Begam never gave up pardah and always kept her face covered. She never considered pardah as a hindrance in the path of progress [ parde ko mÊni{taraqqÒ ]. SH¹H B¹NO. Saya˜at-i Sul¢anÒ (Royal Travels). Agra: MufÒd-i {¹m pres, n.d. 142p. [U], APL. An account of Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam’s travel of Europe written by her daughter-in-law, MaimÖnÊ Sultan Begam.

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391. SHAKIR MERATHI, PIYAREY L¹L. BarkÊt-i Sul¢anÒ, jisme¸ {¹liyÊ Æazrat JanÊb NawwÊb Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begum Âa˜ibÊ TÊjul Hind ke mu¶taÉr ˜ÊlÊt max ta£kirah-yi taÉanÒf darj hai¸. (Blessings of the Sovereign in which a brief life account of the Exalted Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begum along with a list of her written works are given) Lucknow: al-{AÉr pres, 1915. 72p. [U], OIOC. This short biography of Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam praises her as a benevolent ruler. Far more signicant than the short summary of the Begam’s accomplishments is the preface to this small book. The author recognizes that ‘to be fair one has to accept that the selshness of men has harmed women’s cultural and social rights.’ This selshness, he explains further, led the world, to erroneously assume women’s mental abilities to be weak and incomplete, on one hand and on the other, led women to believe that their contribution to civilization was minimal. Nawwab Sultan Jahan’s life proves both these assumptions about women to be incorrect. 392. SUL”AN JAHAN BEGAM, NAWW¹B. A¶tar-i IqbÊl, Agra: MufÒd-i {¹m pres, 1914. 254p. [U] The Begam wrote the history of the Bhopal State in which she gave biographical accounts of the previous female rulers of Bhopal and reected upon her system of governance. 393. ——. TaqrÒr {AliyÊ ÆaÓrat NawwÊb Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam, chansalar {AlÒgash Muslim Universiti bÊmauqa{ jalsah-yi taqsÒm-i asnÊd, 26 JanvarÒ 1925 [Speech of Her Highness Sultan Jahan Begam, Chancellor of Aligarh Muslim University, on the occasion of Convocation at Aligarh Muslim University, January 25 1925]. Badayun: MÖnis buk dipo, 1925,14p. [U], Unexamined. 394. ——. An Account of My Life, Gohur-i Ikbal, Translated from Urdu, by C. H. Payne (vol. 1 & 3) and Abdus Samad Khan (vol. 2). London: John Murray, (vol. 1) and Bombay: Times Press, (vol. 2–3), 1912. 383p. This royal autobiography is an account of the rule of Nawab Sultan Jahan in Bhopal from 1901 to 1926. The book is a detailed history of Bhopal’s former women rulers and describes women’s education in India and other social and political events in which Sultan Jahan participated. She writes about her education, which included subjects such as reading the QurxÊn, Farsi, English, Pashto, arithmetic, handwriting, and also riding and fencing. The Begam also describes her travels and the Hajj pilgrimage. Although in public the Begam always appeared in burqa{, numerous photographs of her and other royal pardah-observing ladies are included in this work.

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395. VADIVELU, A. ‘Her Highness the Nawab Sultan Jahan Begum, G.C.S.I., G.C.I.E., C.I., Begum of Bhopal,’ in The Ruling Chiefs, Nobles and Zamindars of India, Vol. vi, Madras: G. C. Loganadham Brothers, 1915. pp. 84–94. This paper gives a short biographical sketch of the Begum and a brief descriptive history of the Bhopal State. 396. ZUBAIRÁ, MUÆAMMAD AMÁN. ÆayÊt-i Sul¢ÊnÒ, ya{nÒ Swani˜ {UmrÒ rdaus-i ʪiyʸ{AlyÊ Æazrat NawwÊb Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam, TÊj-i Hind, farmÊn rawÊ-yi Bhopal [Sultan Jahan’s Life], Agra: {AzizÒ pres, 1939. 336p. [ U ], KKK. The author was an employee of the Bhopal State under Nawwab Sultan Jahan. This book pays great tribute to Sultan Jahan referring to her as an ideal Muslim ruler. Photographs of the Begams included. 397. ZWEMER, SAMUEL M. and MRS. Moslem Women. The Central Committee on the United Study of Foreign Missions, North Cambridge, MA, 1926. 272p. This book makes a brief reference to Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam’s address to the members of the Ladies’ Club, delivered on 29 January 912 in Bhopal, in which she favoured pardah observance by Muslim women in India. IV. Begam Samroo (also spelt as Sombre/Samru) (1753–1836) of Sardhana 398. BANERJI, BRAJENDRA NATH. “Some Original Sources for a Biography of Begum Sombre.” Indian Historical Records Commission, Proceedings no. 6. Calcutta: Central Publication Branch, Government of India, 1926. pp. 96–99. This work describes some important unpublished sources in English, Marathi and Farsi, on the life of Begam Samroo. A reproduction of a portrait of the Begam is also included. 399. ——. Begam Samru. Calcutta: M. C. Sarkar, 1925. 228p. Begam Samru played an important role in the late 18th century in North India. Based on original Farsi, Marathi and English sources, this book presents an account of her activities. The Begam built a Roman Catholic Chapel in Sardhana. 400. ——. “A Chapter of the East India Company’s Diplomacy: The Begam of Sardhana.” Modern Review 37, no. 5 (1925): 521–30. Begam Samroo’s relations with British ofcials are analyzed in the light of original unpublished records from 1790 to 1805.

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401. DYER, A. SAUNDERS. “The Begum of Sardhana.” Calcutta Review 98 (1894): 310–26. APL. This paper narrates the rule of Begum Samru (Samroo), a Muslim woman who converted to Christianity and married a French soldier. It also gives a description of her cathedral and palaces. 402. FANE, HENRY EDWARD. Five Years in India: Comprising a Narrative of Travels in the Residency of Bengal, a Visit to the Court of Runjeet Sing, Residence in the Himalayah Mountains, An account of the Late Expedition to Cabul and Afghanistan, Voyage down to the Indus, and Journey Overland to England. Vol. 1 & 2. London: Henry Colburn, 1842. 171p., 159p. [Reprint Patiala: languages department, Punjab, 1970.] In volume two of his travel account of India, Fane (1817–1868) writes briey about Begam Sombre, also known as Begam Samru. The narrative about Samroo reiterates some similar contemporary accounts about her. 403. FRANCKLIN, W. The History of the Reign of Shah Aulum, the present Emperor of Hindoustan. Lucknow: Pustak Kendra, 1974. (rst published in London: Cooper and Graham. 1798). 139p. The author, an eyewitness of the events of late 18th Century India, gives an account of Begam Samroo who ‘governed her territory with honor and advantage. Her troops represented her valor, and her ofcers yielded ready obedience to her authority.’ 404. HENNESSY, MAURICE. The Rajah from Tipperary. London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1971. 183p. An account of George Thomas, an Irishman who conquered large areas in the Punjab (late 18th century) and had romantic alliances with Begam Samroo. 405. HUDDLESTON, GEORGE. “A Calcutta Benefactress.” Bengal Past and Present 1, no. 2 (1907): 134–47. APL. Based on contemporary accounts, this paper relates Begam Samroo’s life and achievements. Her conversion to Christianity and marriage to a foreigner are described. 406. HUTCHINSON, LESTER. European Freebooters in Moghul India. Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1964. 192p. Life story of Begum Samru is described in two chapters of this book. A pen sketch of the Begam is also included. 407. KAYE, M. M. (ed.). The Golden Calm: An English Lady’s Life in Mogul Delhi, Reminiscences by Emily, Lady Clive Bayley, and Her Father, Sir Thomas Metcalfe, Resident at the Moghul Court. New York: The Viking Press, 1980. 217p.

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409.

410.

411.

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Lady Emily, a daughter of Sir Thomas Metcalfe, was born in Delhi in 1830 and spent several years in India. These memoirs of Lady Emily, completed in 1844, include a brief description of the life of Begam Samroo and two miniature paintings of the Begam’s palace drawn by the author. KEEGAN, W. Sardhana and its Begum. Agra: St. Francis’ Orphan Press, 1921. 64p. (1st edited in 1879.) The book’s rst title was ‘Sirdhana’. Later on, it was changed to ‘Funeral Oration on Her Highness the Begum Sombre of Sardhana, delivered on the 27th January 1839.’ The book ran into several editions with changed titles. The volume annotated here is a revised and enlarged edition by Rev. Fr. Christopher, O. C. and contains a few illustrations. The book recounts the life of Begum Samru, her conversion to Christianity and marriage to a foreigner. Her services to the Christian community are lauded. She constructed a Roman Catholic Church at Sardhana and left a large estate for the Church’s maintenance. MACMUNN, G. F. A Freelance in Kashmir; A Tale of the Great Anarchy. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1914. 344p. This is a historical ction based on the life of Begam Samru. Gives an account of the state of anarchy in the Begam’s army. SH¹KIR MERATHÁ, PIYAREY L¹L. “Samru Begam.” ZamÊnÊ 69, no. 6, December (1927): 333–43. [U], MHL. This paper narrates the achievements of Begam Samru, a skilful politician and a good administrator. SHREEVE, NICHOLAS. Dark Legacy. The Fortunes of Begam Samru. Calcutta: Rupa & Co., 1998. 297p. This is a general history of Begam Samru, relating her great achievements as an administrator and as a politician. Several photographs are included, one being of the Begam herself. SLEEMAN, SIR W. H. Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Ofcial. London: J. Hatchard And Co., 1844. 2 Vols. 667p. The author (1788–1856) wrote these recollections for his sister and other members of his family who lived in England and had never seen India. In Volume Two of this huge work, chapter 27 is devoted to an account of Begum Sumroo. In 1836, Sleeman visited the Church built by her, and narrates details of her life and struggles. Paying tribute to her wisdom and sagacity, Sleeman refers to her ‘masculine resolution’ and her dignity and command over others. At the end of the chapter, he includes a letter addressed by Lord William Bentinck in 1835 to the

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Begam as ‘My Esteemed Friend’. Bentinck, in this letter, acknowledged her benevolence and charities for the orphans and widows. 413. TawÊri¶ ·amrÖ ki Begam aur Sardhana ka Mu¶tasar ÆÊl (History of the wife of Samru and a brief narrative of Sardhana) Sardhana: Roman Catholic ohÊpʶÊnÊ, 1885. 20 p., [U], OIOC. This is the earliest written biographical account of Begam Samru. Born into a Muslim family and named ‘Zeb-unnisa’, Begam Samru or Shamru married Walter Reinhard, a native of Salzburg. Later after her husband’s death in 1781, a Roman Catholic priest in 1778 under the name of Joanna baptised the widowed Begam. 414. W¹HIDÁ, SAIYYID MUÆAMMAD IRTIZ¹. “SamrÖ kÒ Begam.” [Samru’s Wife].’ ZamÊnÊ 12, no. 5, May–June (1909): 297–304. [ U ], MHL. Being an Urdu translation of an earlier work in English, this short biographical sketch of Begam Samru details the skills and intelligence of this remarkable woman, who rose to great prominence in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century in India. In her State, Sardhana, Begam Samru introduced many administrative reforms and encouraged agriculture. She also took part in several small battles. 415. Zib-ut tÊwÊrÒ¶. Written in 1238 A.H. /1822 A.D. by Lalah Gukul Chand. A prose history of the Begum by Munshi Jai Singh Rai was lost, so Gokul Chand, private Secretary to Begam Samru, was commissioned to write one in verse. The manuscript is 27 u 19 cm, with 11 lines in the nasta{lÒq, and contains 77 miniature paintings of the Begam, her husband, Emperor Shah Alam, and other celebrities. This MS (catalogue no. 330) in the Arabic and Persian Research Institute, Tonk, India, is perhaps the original treatise; its only copy is in the British Museum. Unexamined. V. Women in Hyderabad, Deccan 416. BARR, PAT. The Dust in the Balance, British Women in India 1905–1945. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1989. 186p. The rst chapter of this well written book begins with the story of Miss Wyld, who was incharge of the Mahbubia Girls’ School (f. 1907), Hyderabad. At Mahbubia, Wyld ‘had to do battle against those Moslem ofcials who thought that girls’ education was not only waste of money but downright dangerous because it bred discontent and insubordination among them.’ The same chapter moves on to the story of Miss

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418.

419.

420.

421.

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Margaret Ussher, governess to the three sons of Begam Sahiba Waliud-Daula from 1936 to 1943. Pat Barr gives extracts from Ussher’s account of the Annual Conference of the Indian Women’s Association held in 1939 in Hyderabad. Describing the arrival of the Conference President, who was a close relative of the Nizam, Ussher wrote, ‘it was like a scene from the Middle Ages.’ FAUQ , MUNSHÁ MUÆAMMAD DÁN. Ta£kirÊ ‡watÒn-i Daccan [An Account of Women of the Deccan], Lahore: Gulzar-i Mu˜ammadi stÒm pres, 1920. 64p. [U], Unexamined. Account of prominent women from the Deccan. ÆASHIMÁ, NAÂÁRUDDÁN. ‡wÊtÒn-i{Ahd-i{UºmÊnÒ. [ Women of the Usmani Period], Hyderabad Deccan: {¹zam stÒm pres, 1936. 198p. [ U ], KKK. This book is an account of some of the famous women of the in this Deccan during the rule of the Nizams of Hyderabad. Included are women of the royal household, women poets, musicians and dancers. ——. ÆaiderÊbÊd kÒ NiswÊnÒ DuniyÊ, [Hyderabad’s Women’s World]. Hyderabad Deccan: {¹zam istÒm pres, 1944. 188p. [ U ], KKK. This work narrates life stories and literary achievements of thirty-three leading women of Hyderabad. HUDSON, LT. COL. ARTHUR JOHN MAITLAND. Memoirs of His Early Life & Writings on Hyderabad State. 1934. Also, colour slides of Hyderabad and elsewhere taken in 1979. MSS. EUR. D 1235, OIOC. Hudson, (born Mervyn Hudson in 1913)was a member of the Nizam’s Imperial Service in 1934. In his memoir, one chapter describes the secluded life of women inside the zenana. JOSEPH, HELEN. Tomorrow’s Sun: A Smuggled Journal from South Africa. New York: John Day, 1967. 319p. This memoir of Helen Joseph (1905–1992), English teacher at the Mahbubia School for Girls, Hyderabad, Deccan, between 1927 and 1930 deals with her life as a social worker in South Africa. The rst chapter offers a brief summary of her years spent in Hyderabad. The school was founded to provide an ‘English high-school education for Indian girls of high birth, brought up in the strictest pardah, not permitted to go beyond the connes of their family circle, and each destined to be the bride of a man unknown to her and chosen by her parents.’ Describing how the girls travelled to the school, the author writes, ‘they came to the school under the severest conditions of pardah, and in the

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oddest variety of carriages, from a bullock-cart shrouded with calico to exclude curious eyes, to a brocade-curtained Rolls-Royce which brought the daughters of the Prime Minister.’ Women’s seclusion was ‘far less harsh’ than what the author had imagined, for these women had social clubs and a large walled riding school. KHALIDI, OMAR. “Ottoman Royal Family in Hyderabad, Deccan, India.” Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 46, no. 3 (1998): 89–97. This paper chronicles the early life and marriage of two Ottoman princesses, Durru Shahwar and Nilufar, to the sons of the Nizam of Hyderabad in 1931. The people of Hyderabad not only welcomed them but the two women became their favourites. KH¹N, MIRZ¹ YÇSUF {ALÁ. “Deccan ke NiswÊnÒ IdÊre.” [ Women’s organisations in the Deccan]. Sabras, January (1939): 149–52. [ U ], MHL. The state of Hyderabad Deccan encouraged and patronized women’s education and development. The paper lists girl’s schools, ladies’ clubs, ladies’ associations and other similar institutions working for the uplift of girls and women in Hyderabad, Deccan. USSHER, MARJORIE. Notebook Containing Descriptions of Muslim Weddings, Festivals etc. c. 1934–40. MSS. EUR. D. 859/15, OIOC. Marjorie Ussher worked between 1936 and 1943 as governess to the three sons of Begam Sahiba Wali ud-Daula, member of the Paigah family, who were wards of the Nizam of Hyderabad. The Paigah family ranked immediately next to the ruling Nizams of the Deccan. In this notebook, the writer tells of Muslim wedding ceremonies, other festivities and lives of women as she saw them during her stay. WYLD MBE, FLORENCE MARYA. My India —The India of Sixty-Five Years Ago. MSS EUR. B 320, OIOC. The author (1878–1974), a British woman and thirty-one-year old daughter of a clergy-man, came to India in 1909 as Principal of Mahbubia School for Muslim Girls, Hyderabad, Deccan. The Mahbubia School, an English-medium pardah school was founded in 1907. In these papers, she describes Muslim households where education for girls was low priority. ‘Education for girls was not only entirely unnecessary in their sight, but it might also prove to be dangerous.’ The School’s mostly European women teachers taught students from the elite, wealthy families.

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E. Muslim Women’s Encounter with the West I. Women and the First War of Independence, 1858 426. BALA, USHA and ANSHU SHARMA (ed.). ‘Azizan.’ in Indian Women Freedom Fighters 1857–1947, Delhi: Manohar, 1986. pp. 35–36. Although little is known about the family background of Azizan, a Muslim woman from Kanpur, what is well known is her bravery and love for freedom. She not only fought against English forces during the ‘mutiny’ of 1857, but also ‘went from house to house and recruited women for the army. She taught them horse riding and the use of rearms and raised women’s Brigade.’ When brought as a prisoner before General Havelock she refused to beg for mercy and was immediately killed at his orders. 427. ——. ‘Hazrat Mahal.’ in Indian Women Freedom Fighters 1857–1947, Delhi: Manohar, 1986. pp. 43–47. This is a brief account of the extraordinary role played by Hazrat Mahal in leading the Indians in their ght against the British occupation of India. After the deposition of her husband, King Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh in 1856, she re-established the kingship by crowning her son as King of Awadh. She led an army against the British and for several months fought against the armies of the colonialists. She lost the battles but she never lost her love for freedom. Following her defeat, she went into exile in Nepal where she died in 1874. 428. HAQ , S. M. The Great Revolution of 1857. Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1968, Vol. 24, pp. 270–5. This book is one of the rst few works by Pakistani historians on the events of 1857. The narrative includes a brief account of the role played by Zeenat Mahal, wife of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar and Begum Hazrat Mahal of Awadh. These two women played leading roles in the Indian uprising against the British. 429. NI¶¹MÁ, KHW¹J¹ ÆASAN. DillÒ kÒ Ja¸kanÒ (Agonies of Delhi’s Death) New Delhi: ‡wÊjÊ AulÊd KitÊb Ghar, 1964 (4th edn. First Printed in 1922). 112p. [U]. This account based on recorded history and traditions, describes the horrors experienced by the women of Delhi when the city was in the midst of plunder and killings by the sepoys and English soldiers in 1857. Thousands of women preferred death by throwing themselves into wells to dishonour at the hands of the East India Company’s soldiers.

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Wells were lled with the bodies of these women. Some, who were at the top, were still alive when the sepoys pulled them out of the wells. Some fell unconscious and died of fear. Thousands of women, including those from royal and elite families who had never stepped out of their homes, were on the streets with no food, water or shelter. Sons and husbands were hanged or shot dead in front of their mothers and wives. Widowed Muslim women and women with no male members were at the mercy of the sepoys. Many women fell into the hands of British soldiers who abducted them, raped them or forced them into marriages; others were turned into prostitutes. A daughter of the last Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah, was forced by hunger to marry Delhi’s famous cook, Hussaini. Another daughter, Princess Fatima Sultan, started teaching at a Christian mission’s school for girls. Hundreds of women with shaven heads, who had no facility to wash or comb their hair, sold themselves for a stful of chick peas. 430. SHACKEL, C. “English Translation of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s ‘Sirat-e-Faridiya’.” Islamic Culture 46, no. 3 (1972): 307–36. This translation of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s memoirs of his family, written in 1896, describes one of the elite families of Delhi. Sir Sayyid himself was a Subordinate Judge under the East India Company. However, these connections could not protect his mother from the misery and misfortune that became the fate of women in the aftermath of the war of 1857. Sir Sayyid writes of his mother that, ‘she was perfectly convinced that the British would not cause anyone to suffer who had not been involved in the rebellion. . . . When Delhi was captured, the soldiers came forcing their way into the houses.’ He then describes how his old mother, along with her female servant, took refuge in a small cell and remained there for several days with no food and water. Although Sir Sayyid rescued her soon after, ‘her health was seriously undermined by this ordeal’ so that a few months later, suffering from jaundice, she died on 19 November 1857. II. Women under the British Colonial Regime 431. AMIN, SONIA NISHAT. The World of Muslim Women in Colonial Bengal, 1876–1939. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996. xxii + 313p. This is a well-researched account of the emergence of the Muslim ‘gentlewoman’ in colonial Bengal and its links with the broader reform movements of the time. Women of Muslim families too were no longer ‘voiceless’ dwellers in their houses. Education and training, reform

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in their legal status, and several other factors brought about a deeprooted change in their lives. The book contains photographs of some of these women and of their families. The appendix gives a select list of these ‘gentlewomen’ in chronological order, along with their ages at marriage. ——. ‘The Early Muslim Bhadramahila: The Growth of Learning and Creativity, 1876–1939,’ in Bharati Ray (ed.) The Seams of History, Essays on Indian Women, Delhi: OUP, 1995. pp. 107–48. In this paper, the author discusses the growth of education and creative literary activity, which helped middle-class Bengali Muslim women break social barriers, which resulted in a cultural restructuring of the Muslim community in Bengal. ——. ‘The Orthodox Discourse and the Emergence of the Muslim Bhadramohila in Early Twentieth Century Bengal,’ in Rajat Kanta Ray (ed.) Mind Body and Society, Life and Mentality in Colonial Bengal, Calcutta: OUP, 1995. pp. 391–422. At the beginning of the 20th Century, a handful of Muslim women in Bengal took part, along with Muslim men, in the long and arduous process of social transformation. This paper records their achievements as reected in their writings. BALLHATCHET, KENNETH. Race, Sex and Class under the Raj: Imperial Attitudes and Policies and Their Crisis, 1793–1905. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing, 1979. viii + 199p. This is a well-documented study of ofcial British attitudes towards women, shaped by the colonial concern regarding preservation of the structure of hegemony and protection of their vested interests in 19th Century India. Whereas British hegemonists agreed to provide Indian women as prostitutes for British soldiers, they discouraged British ofcials from having Indian wives or mistresses. BELL, Mrs. G. H. Indian Women and Englishwomen. London: Harrison & Sons, 1920. 28p. This small book was written with the purpose of providing information about Indian women to English women, who during 1920 felt ‘a special responsibility towards Indian women.’ The author cautions English women about ‘an educated Indian woman in society in England, emancipated and travelled’ because ‘she does not and cannot familiarise her English acquaintances with the illiterate, secluded, orthodox women of her own race in India, still less with those of different caste, creed and province.’ She comments that ‘the average Indian woman of every race and creed in India is at present illiterate, poor and exclusive, and does

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not travel widely. Further, the average Indian woman—representing the majority of Indian women in every Province, but a larger majority in some than in others—holds no intercourse, social, political or professional, with Englishwomen in India, with Indian women of the Intelligentsia, or with women of any district. Her representative is hard to nd in England. She is not an easy problem to study.’ She hopes that to bring any change in the lives of Indian women, the English women should rst collect information, and then approach the government to act in a suitable way to bring about the desired change. BILLINGTON, MARY FRANCES. Woman in India. London: Chapman & Hall, 1895. 269p. Written by a journalist who visited India in the 1890s, this work primarily focuses on the status of women’s health in India and their access to the healthcare system. Women’s healthcare was highly neglected. The prevalent healthcare system was an utter failure and was responsible for a high rate of maternal and infant mortality. Commenting on local midwives, the dhais, as she refers to them, she says were so ignorant that it seemed ‘as if they would be enough to kill every unfortunate victim upon whom they practised.’ CARPENTER, MARY. Six Months in India. London: Longmans, Green 1868, 2 vols. Mary Carpenter (1807–1877), a well-known English social worker, toured India for six months to promote the cause of Indian women’s education. These volumes present valuable information on the customs and manners of various Indian groups, on female education, reformatory schools in the Indian jails, female prisoners and on Normal Schools (schools for teachers’ training). For the introduction, growth and spread of western education in India, the book provides some interesting material. CATON, A. R. ‘Women in Public Life,’ in A. R. Caton (ed.) The Key of Progress: A Survey of the Status and Conditions of Women in India. London: OUP, 1930. pp. 80–100. This paper says that the women’s movement in India holds the key of progress. India cannot reach the position it aspires in the world until its women play their due part as educated citizens. ——. ‘Home and Marriage.’ In A. R. Caton, (ed.) The Key of Progress: A Survey of the Status and Conditions of Women in India, London: OUP, 1930. pp. 101–14. This paper includes a statement by Mrs. Razaullah in which referring to the status of Muslim women, she said ‘we are as much mistresses of our homes as we could have been if purdah was never introduced.

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Our control over the men folk, the children, and the servants is as complete as those of the women of any other country. The fact we observe purdah makes our men more considerate towards us.’ FORBES, GERALDINE. Women in Modern India, The New Cambridge History of India, Vol. IV. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. 290p. Photographs included. This work brings together women’s history from a variety of sources, mostly published ones. Major sections of the work contain dominant accounts of the life and work of Hindu women, but Muslim women’s history remains to be documented. Forbes, a scholar and researcher of superb training, comments on this missing aspect of her work: ‘My Women in Modern India, which drew on the published literature, does not do justice to the history of Muslim women, Christian women and women from other minority communities, nor to dalit or tribal women.’ GRAHAM, MARIA. Maria Graham’s Journal of a Residence in India. Edinburgh: A Constable & Co., 1813. xii + 215p. This is a travelogue of the author’s visit to India in the rst decade of the 19th century. It describes life in Muslim households, women’s dresses, ornaments and manners. The author observes that although Muslim women had no formal education they could read the text of the QurxÊn well. HUSAIN, SHAHANARA. “Glimpses of the Condition of Bengali Muslim Women During the Latter half of the Nineteenth Century. A study based on the Bambabodhini Patrika.” Journal Institute of Bangladesh Studies 3 (1978) 19–26. Unexamined. MAÆBÇB {¹LAM, MUNSHÁ. “Mumtaz {Aurate¸: Miss Mary Carpenter.” [Prominent Women: Miss Mary Carpenter], SharÒf BÒbiya¸, May (1895): 12–18. [U], LML. This paper gives a biographical sketch of Mary Carpenter and explains the aims and objectives of her four visits to India. The author acknowledges the efforts that Carpenter made for the promotion of women’s education in India, particularly for providing professional training and skill to women. [ It should be noted that Mahbub Alam wrote this paper with the purpose of encouraging Muslims to take advantage of the new system of education.] ——. “·arÒf BÒbiya¸- HindustÊn kÒ {Aurate¸” [ Noble women-Women in India], ·arÒf BÒbiya¸, September (1895): 1–3. [ U ], LML. This is a review of Billington’s work Women in India by the author, the founding editor of women’s journal ·arÒf BÒbiya¸. In this review, the author admires the book as it presents an authentic account of the lives

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of women in India. He also comments on Billington’s view regarding the question of reforms for the improvement of Indian women and states. He states that Billington is right in saying that a policy of caution is the best. PARKS, FANNY. Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque with Revelations of Life in the Zenana. 2 vols. London: Pelham Richardson, 1850. Reprint, Karachi: OUP, 1975. Also see Fanny Parkes: Begums, Thugs and White Mughals, edited by W. Dalrymple, London: Sickle Moon Books, 2002. Fanny Parks sailed for India with her husband in 1822, stayed there for twenty-four years and kept a diary throughout that period. Fanny travelled extensively, visiting the zenaans or inner households. She has written details of her meetings with women, both Hindu and Muslim. She describes the details of life in the inner households, marriage customs, dresses and ornaments worn by women and their manners and customs. SAIYID, DUSHKA. Muslim Women of the British Punjab: From Seclusion to Politics. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. xix + 145p. The book gives an overview of several historical developments affecting the lives of Muslim women from the codication of customary law in the Punjab to the beginning of 1947. The strength of the work lies in the identication of new sources for the study of Muslim women of South Asia. SORABJI, CORNELIA. Lecture at the Royal Empire Society in October1932, reported in The Times, 29 October 1932. MSS. EUR. F 165/155. OIOC. In this lecture, Sorabji, an Indian Parsi woman, classies the women of contemporary India into three sections: ‘First, the strictly orthodox, who in the middle class and well-to-do homes are very much the most numerous and who are little interested in modern movements. The second category is of women moving towards enlightenment, and the third is the fully emancipated. All these classes have their own difculties in the rapidly changing India of to-day, and in the families there are many clashes between those who represent the different phase.’ STEEL, FLORA ANNIE. The Garden of Fidelity: Being the Autobiography of Flora Anne Steel, 1847–1929. London: Macmillan & Company, 1929. 293p. Flora Steel lived in India for at least twenty-two years. As Inspector of girls’ schools in the Punjab, Steel made some acquaintance with Muslim women. To her ‘the Mahomedan women in pardah were inevitably over-

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obsessed with sex. It was not their fault; they were strangely unaffected by the fact; but they have nothing else to do about which to think.’ 448. YUSUF ALI, ABDULLAH. Life and Labour of the People of India. London, 1907. xii–360. MHL. This interesting study of women’s lives, manners, customs, marriage ceremonies, and pardah is a good source of information. The author was a person with western education, a British government employee, and more importantly, he translated the QurxÊn into the English language. III. Muslim Women in the Narratives of the Christian Missions 449. ARMSTRONG-HOPKINS, S. Within the Purdah. Also In the Zenana Homes of Indian Princes And Heroes and Heroines of Zion, Being the Personal Observations of a Medical Missionary in India. New York: Eaton & Mains, 1898. 248p. This is an account based on personal experiences of an American physician, S. Armstrong-Hopkins, who in 1893 was appointed in charge of the Woman’s Hospital in Hyderabad, Sindh. She narrates what she considers to be the most pathetic state of Indian women. One of her accounts concerns the only daughter of a Sindhi Muslim pir who suffered from no physical ailment but from the agonies of life within the zenana. There are details in the book of how the little girl pleaded with the author to take her away from the dark, lonely, and miserable world of her home to the world of light and freedom. Another account is the story of the wife of Nawab Khurshid Jah of Hyderabad, Deccan or the ‘Mad Begam’, as she was popularly known. The Begam too, despite the abundance of wealth and love of her husband, longed for the fresh air of a free world. As a prisoner, she languished within her conned world and suffered from the loneliness of walled zenana life. From the pages of this narrative emerges an Indian woman who is weak, ignorant, and a prisoner to the whims of the men in her life. 450. BARNES, IRENE H. Behind the Pardah: The Story of C.E.Z.M.S. Work in India. (Illustrated), New York: Thomas Y. Crowell and Company, 1897. xii + 264 p. The author, a missionary, describes the work of the Zenana Missionary Society of the Church of England in India from 1880 to 1897. Chapter XII under the title ‘The Daughters of Islam (211–32) gives details about the lives of Muslim women, as seen through the biased vision of a Christian missionary. (e.g. ‘Muhammadan women are compelled by their religion to read the Koran.’). Next, the chapter narrates the

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baptism of Muslim women in the cities of Calcutta and Madras. Also included are accounts of mission work, Bible women and their work in the Dispensaries, and details of girls’ schools in the villages. 451. ——. Between Life and Death. The Story of C. E. Z. M. S. Medical Missions in India, China, and Ceylon. London: Marshall Brothers, 1901. 302p. (with photographs). This book informs the reader how Christian Medical Missions combined medical mission with religious mission. A general perusal leaves one wondering how the absence of state-provided medical services and the disappearance of an indigenous healthcare system left women and children at the mercy of Mission hospitals, where the ills of physical ailments were often viewed through the lens of Christian superiority. One nds in this book ‘a thrilling description of a Mahomedan woman’s death-bed given by an eye-witness’ (28–33), ending with the following observation: ‘When all feel sure the patient is dead, they begin to wail most terribly. Who can comfort them when they do not know The Comforter? The thought that comes to one is, ‘Surely Mahommedanism is a device of the devil! These people have heard the Gospel over and over again, but the god of this world hath blinded their eyes.’ However, humanitarian services of the Medical Mission need to be acknowledged (e.g. the Punjab Mission reconstructed a new nose for a Muslim woman who had suffered its amputation due to the anger of her clan chief ). 452. BRUMBERG, JOAN JACOBS. ‘The Ethnological Mirror: American Evangelical Women and Their Heathen Sisters, 1789–110,’ in Barbara J. Harris and JoAnn K. McNamara (ed.) Women and the Structure of Society. Selected Research from the Fifth Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, Durham: Duke University Press, 1984. pp. 108–28. This article explains that ‘in the vast missionary literature of heathen female debasement, three general categories of reportage consistently emerge: intellectual deprivation, domestic practices, and sexual degradation.’ To the missionaries, pardah was a symbol of ‘mental torpor and physical lethargy’. The zenana was used ‘to rationalize the very creation of an autonomous women’s foreign mission crusade.’ 453. BURTON, ANTOINETTE. “Contesting the Zenana: The Mission to Make ‘Lady Doctors for India,’ 1847–1885.” Journal of British Studies 35 (1996) 368–97. This paper, drawing upon primary and secondary sources, narrates and examines the concern of missionaries for medical services for Indian women offered by trained medical Western women. The paper, commenting on the links between the medical women and zenana life, states, ‘the zenana functioned as one of the pretexts for women’s medical

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professionalism, for women doctors as for some newly professionalized Indian women practitioners as well.’ BUTLER, WILLIAM. From Boston to Bareilly and Back. New York: Phillips & Hunt, 1885. 512p. This work is devoted to the life and achievements of Dr. Clara Swain and the hospital she established for women at Bareilly. CAMPBELL, MARY J. Daughters of India. Illinois: Monmouth, 1908. 121p. Mary Campbell writes about her work with Indian men and women, particularly with Muslim women in the area of Pathankot in the northern parts of India. The book observes that the mission workers were ‘fast learning what power the women are in Indian life, and how if they were Christ’s, India would be practically won.’ Writing about girls and little children, the author observes ‘the children are so easily won for the Master.’ In support of this point there is a story of a six-year old Muslim girl, Hussan Bibi, who had a strong dislike for the Christians and who was gradually developed a strong liking for them. CHENEY, ELIZABETH. “Religions of India.” Woman’s Missionary Friend 28, (1896): 243–45. Commenting upon what she thought was the nature of Muslims in India, this missionary woman writes, ‘the average Moslem is proud, selfrighteous, outwardly pious, treacherous, sensual, unclean, and bitterly hostile to Christianity, being even more inaccessible to the Christian missionary than the Hindu.’ Later while describing the introduction of railway lines, hospitals, and public schools as ‘agencies’ that ‘God is using to pave the way for the triumph of Christianity,’ the author comments, ‘but it is in the education of women that we nd one of the most potent and hopeful departments of effort for the deliverance of India. As they rise into the light, and step forth into the liberty wherewith Christ has made them free, the whole nation will be quickened, puried and elevated.’ COLMCILLE, MOTHER MARY. First the Blade, History of the I.B.V.M. (Loreto) in India, 1841–1962. Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1968. viii + 333p. In 15 chapters, interesting details are given about the slow but steady work of the sisterhood (Loreto Sisters) which spread from Bengal to Asansol, Ranchi, Lucknow, Darjeeling, Simla, Shillong, Dacca, Chittagong, Vellore, Ooty, Saugor, and Chota Nagpur. A good source book on women’s education in the nineteenth century. COOPER, ELIZABETH. The Harim and the Purdah: Studies of Oriental Women. London: T. Fisher and Unwin, 1915. 312p. 31 plates.

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The author gives a sketch of inner life in Muslim households, the harem. She saw Muslim women as victims of superstition and tradition who needed to be freed from these sufferings. FORBES, GERALDINE. ‘In Search of the Pure Heathen: Missionary Women in 19th Century India.’ Economic and Political Weekly 21, no. 17 (1986): 2–8. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, British missionary women began to arrive in India with the express purpose of converting the ‘pure heathens’—Indian women. These missionary women were not only helpmates of the imperialists, but were themselves imperialists re-enacting the drama of the colonizer and the colonized within the connes of the houses. FULLER, MRS. MARCUS B. The Wrongs of Indian Womanhood. New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1900. 302p. Pandita Ramabai, an Indian convert to Christianity, explains in her introduction to Fuller’s book that this book was much needed ‘to enlighten’ the world of ‘what goes on behind the purdah.’ In chapter ve, Fuller accounts for certain wrongs within Muslim households. Quoting Sir William Muir that ‘the institution of the veil has nevertheless chilled and checked all civilizing inuences, and rendered rude and barbarous the Muslim world,’ the author sums up this chapter by saying that although women are contented in their seclusion, ‘so is the canary, that was born in the cage and never tested the sweets of the free air.’ Heathen Women’s Friend. “Japhri Begam’s Conversion.” March (1870) p. 19. In 1869, the wife and two married daughters of a Muslim gentleman of Lucknow were baptised in their home in the presence of their husbands and father. ‘These women were well educated in the Persian and Arabic.’ HOSKINS, MRS. ROBERT. Clara A. Swain, MD.: First Medical Missionary to the Women of the Orient. Boston: Women’s Foreign Missionary Society, Methodist Episcopal Church, 1912. 31p. This is the story of the life of Dr. Clara A. Swain (1834–1910), who spent twenty-ve years as a Methodist medical missionary in India. During her long stay, she trained women in medicine and opened the rst Women’s Hospital in the city of Bareilly. HUME, EDWARD H. Doctors Courageous. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1950. 297p.

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465.

466.

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This book gives brief sketches of the medical training and careers of Christian women physicians (medical missionary women and converts) in Africa, India, Pakistan, Middle East and China. JONES, V. R. and L. BEVAN JONES. Woman in Islam: A Manual with Special Reference to Conditions in India. Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1941. 455p. This ethnographic and textual compendium, including references to Islamic texts and contemporary publications, was prepared as a manual for women members of the Church of Christ in India. The authors hoped that the book ‘will quicken’ in its readers ‘an intelligent interest in, and genuine sympathy for, the Muslims of this country.’ The book gives a detailed survey of the lives of Muslim women and specially refers to their subordinate position, as the author understood it from her missionary perspective. Life and Light For Women. ‘India—“Help those Women.” 13, no. 5, May (1883): 161–64. This paper, while describing the poor status of Hindu women, states that ‘among the Mussulmans, especially in the early annals of India, women often rose to positions of great power and inuence. It is said that the enthusiasm of the Mussulman conquerors was roused to the highest pitch by their women.’ LUCE, ELLA. Glimpses of Christian India. London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, Ltd., 1933. 216p. The author (b. 1860), a missionary woman, arrived in India in 1888 in Faizabad and spent thirty-four years in Sultanpur in North India. In her narrative, she describes the work of the Church for the education of Indian children, women and girls. MARSTON, EMILY. “Women’s Medical Work in India,” Women’s Work for Women, April (1899): 97–98. Emily Marston was the medical doctor posted at the Delhi Gate Dispensary in Lahore. In her report for 1898, she writes that in the area ‘the people are mostly Mohammedans; a Hindu is rather a novelty.’ Describing a Muslim woman patient ‘who was burned back and neck all over about a month ago and has not been able to lie down since. Some woman has to sit behind her on the bed and support her all the time. Yet they have kept her somewhat clean. When one sees such suffering, and the devotion and care shown in some instances, one feels encouraged to know that there is humanity and love even in Mohammedans and heathen.’

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468. M’CLURE, MRS. ‘Social Hindrances,’ in Annie Van Sommer and Samuel M. Zwemer ed. Daylight in the Harem. A New Era for Moslem Women. Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier, 1911. pp. 91–101. This paper was presented at the General Conference of Missions to the Moslems, held at Lucknow in 1911. The writer worked at the Rawalpindi mission. She refers to ‘the great evils of Mohammedanism . . . They believe a lie to be the truth. They are unable to discern sin.’ The author describes Muslim women chained to customs. They sit at home doing nothing and are superstitious. Summing up, she laments, ‘this is what we have found in the inner life of most Mohammedans; a life failing to discern sin, a mind bound and imprisoned, without progress, without real fellowship, and permeated with superstition.’ 469. N. F. S. “India. Help Those Women.” Life and Light For Women 13, no. 5, (1883): 161–64. In this paper, the author, a missionary woman posted in India, writes about the inuence Muslim women have over men. She writes, ‘Among the Mussulmans, especially in the early annals of India, woman often rose to positions of great power and inuence. It is said that the enthusiasm of the Mussalman conquerors was roused to the highest pitch by their women.’ Concluding her paper, the author says, ‘To such women as these, in India, so capable of power and inuence, and yet so painfully degraded, we are called upon to send an uplifting, purifying, regenerating Christianity, that shall make them a power for eternity. Can we refuse to do it?’ 470. POLLOCK, J. C. Shadows Fall Apart: the Story of the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1958. 221p. Although the work does not directly provide information about Muslim women, it helps to understand the work undertaken by the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission women and their impact on Indian women in general. 471. SCOTT, REVD. T. J. “Women in India, Intellectual Conditions.” Heathen Women’s Friend, July (1869): 18–19. The author states that Muslim women suffer from ‘complete ignorance and want of education’. The reason, according to the author, is that ‘Mohammedans say that a woman must not learn to write, for she could then carry on all kinds of insubordination and intrigue.’ 472. SELINCOURT, MRS. A. D. ‘Signs of Progress in India’, in Annie Van Sommer and Samuel M. Zwemer (ed.) Daylight in the Harem. A New Era for Moslem Women. Edinburgh: Oliphant, Anderson & Ferrier, 1911. pp. 53–69.

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474.

475.

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The author reports the number of ‘Moslem’ women in 1911 in India to be 30,000,000. She states that although the majority of them remained poorly educated, there were some signs of ‘development.’ Muslim women she said, are moving ahead as pardah is weakening. She wrote that in Bombay, Muslim women attended women’s organizations and that there were several monthly magazines edited by women for women. In the estimation of the author, ‘the Mohammedan women are physically strong; their emotions and passions are also strong, and one of the chief traits of their moral nature is great tenacity of purpose and strength of determination . . . In any good society they appeal with their manners and good conversation to the hearts of their hearers. With all these advantages I think that Mahommedan ladies, given the proper training and opportunity, cannot fail to take a leading part in moulding the destiny of the Moslem people.’ The paper urges the mission to increase the number and efciency of ‘our schools for the Moslem girls.’ If this is not done, ‘the rising generation of Moslem women may be lost to the Church of the Christ.’ SMALL, A. H. Islam in India. Edinburgh: J. & R. Parlane, 1888. 32p. Although the author discusses Islam in India from a Christian Missionary’s biased perspective, her comments on the status of Muslim women reect the actual low status of Muslim women. SOMMER, ANNIE VAN and SAMUEL M. ZWEIMER. Our Muslim Sisters, A Cry of Need from Lands of Darkness Interpreted by Those Who Heard It. London: Fleming H. Revell, 1907. 299p. The book begins with strong accusations against Muslims and their traditions. Thus, it says, ‘Mohammedan law, custom, and the example of their founder place women on a level with beasts of burden and no nation rises above the level of its women.’ SWAIN, CLARA A. A Glimpse of India: Being a Collection of Extracts from the Letters of Dr. Clara A. Swain, First Medical Missionary to India of the Women’s Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church in America. New York: James Pott and Company, 1909. ix + 366p. A collection of letters of Clara Swain (1834–1910), mostly addressed to her sister, on her mission’s activities in India. Swain established a women’s hospital in Bareilly, in North India, and trained Indian women in medical skills and midwifery. During her stay, Swain visited some princely states and describes the life of palace women. THOBURN, ISABELLA. “Mahmuda’s Betrothal.” Heathen Women’s Friend (1871): 406–08.

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Isabella Thoburn (a Methodist missionary from America who arrived in 1870 in Lucknow and started a girls’ school for Indian Christian girls, now known as Isabella Thoburn College) gives an extract from Maulawi Nazir Ahmad’s tale for girls, ‘The Bride’s Mirror.’ Commenting upon the translator’s note that Asghari, the heroine, is a model woman, who taught at a school for the purpose of doing good for the idle young girls of her acquaintance, Miss Thoburn expresses her doubts and says, ‘I fear she only exists in ction—at least, I have not met such a person in Indian real life.’ THOBURN, ISABELLA. “Representative Indian Women.” Heathen Women’s Friend, November (1870): 52–3. This is a pen-sketch of Malika, an educated Muslim woman of Lucknow where Miss Thoburn was working under her Christian Mission. THOBURN, BISHOP J. M. India and Malaysia. Cincinnati: Cranston & Curts, 1892. 562p. Being a record of the activities of the Methodist Episcopal Church in India and Malaysia by the author who worked as the superintendent of the mission, this book gives a missionary’s analysis of India’s life. James Mill Thoburn, born of Irish Methodist immigrant parents in Ohio, USA, arrived in India in 1859 as missionary of the Methodist Church. Three chapters (xxvi, xxvii and xxix) describe the status of Indian women and their educational level. Written by Miss Isabella Thoburn, principal of the Women’s Christian College of Lucknow, India (now known as Isabella Thoburn College), these chapters present a highly biased view of Indian women and of Indian society in general. The book, however, contains some interesting and rare photographs of Muslim and Hindu women. WEITBRECHT, M. The Women of India and the Christian Work in the Zenana. London: Nisbet & Co., 1875. 232p. This book narrates the work of Bible women in India who visited the homes of pardah observing women. WOMEN’S WORK FOR WOMEN. “Inside the Homes of India.” April (1896): 95–96. The un-named missionary woman in this brief write-up talks about her visit to a Muslim household where she found non-pardah observing women who were also self-employed. ZWEMER, SAMUEL M. Moslem Women. North Cambridge, 1926. 272p. Written by an American missionary couple, this book describes the ‘oppression’ that is inicted on Muslim women, and the ‘power of the living Christ to redeem them and transgure lives.’

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ISLAMIC TRADITIONS, MUSLIM WOMEN AND THE REFORM MOVEMENT A. Women in the Discourse of the ÉufÒs and the maªÊxi¶ 482. ANÂARI, ¶. ‡usrau kÊ Zehni Safar [The Journey of Khusrau’s Intellect]. Delhi: Anjuman Tarqqi-yi UrdÖ, 1977. 143p. [U ] In this work, Ansari examines the nature and content of AmÒr ‡usrau’s (1253–1325) works in the Farsi language. Khusrau, a disciple of the Âu ·ai¶, NizÊmuddin AuliyÊ{, was also the court-poet of the Sultans of Delhi. Under a separate heading NiswÊni kirdÊro± kÒ ahmmiyat [Importance of Female Characters], Ansari examines the portrayal of women in ‡usrau’s works. Women in his maºnawÒs are depicted as victims and as oppressed ones. They are sincere, chaste, and devoted human beings. Unlike most of his contemporaries, ‡usrau depicts his women characters as being courageous in the face of adversity. Indeed his admiration for the of women courage and commitment goes so far that even in the cruel customs of sati and jauhar he sees that women wish to sacrice themselves for others. With few exceptions, ‡usrau’s compositions and writings display not just sympathy for women; he is denitely partial towards them. AnÉari views this admiration for women in Khusrau as of reective of a mother’s affection [mʱ ki mÊmta] for children. He feels it was further developed by the love and affection that ‡awaja Nizamuddin, his Âu mentor, had for him and who instructed him to not merely make mysticism [taÉawwuf ] an occupation, but to adopt it as a part of his very existence. It was this lesson of mysticism learnt at the ¶anqÊh of the ‡wÊjÊ that led ‡usrau to the erase all kinds of categories, including those of gender. 483. DIGBY, SIMON. ‘The TuhfÊ-i-nasÊxih of YÖsuf GadÊ: An Ethical Treatise in Verse from the Late-Fourteenth-Century Delhi Sultanate,’ in Barbara Daly Metcalf (ed.) Moral Conduct and Authority, The Place of ADAB in South Asian Islam. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. pp. 91–123. Yusuf Gada is a 14th century Su disciple of the famous Chishti Su, Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh-i Dihlawi. He wrote TuhfÊ-i-nasÊxih [A

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present of counsels] or ethical instructions for his young son in verse form and called this nasaxih or advice. The work shows ‘Yusuf Gada’s extremely unfavourable sentiments towards women.’ Among several pieces of advice is one on marriage, which ‘shows an ideal of almost total male dominance and female subservience, limited only by the Islamic prohibitions on extramarital sex. . . .’ He advises his son that if his wife is not obedient and patient, ‘divorce her quickly’. He then lists good qualities and bad characteristics that his son should look for in a wife. The next section of the work lays down rules for sexual intercourse. Interestingly these views of Yusuf Gada are quite the opposite of the views held by his Su guide Chira-i DihlawÒ. 484. FRIEDMAN, YOHANAN. Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: An Outline of His Thought and a Study of His Image in the Eyes of Posterity. Montreal: McGill University Institute of Islamic Studies. 1971. 130p. Shaikh Ahmad of Sirhind, a sixteenth century reformer-saint of India (1564–1624), is said to have brought about major changes in the development of Islam in the subcontinent. He wrote a series of letters, compiled later as Maktubat-i Rabbani, which are considered to be a landmark in the development of Indian Islam in India. Several translations of these letters, written originally in the Farsi language, include Letter No. 41, in volume 3 of the Maktubat, addressed to an anonymous woman Su. In this letter, Sirhindi expresses his conviction that women are more prone to blameworthy actions than men are. These sinful acts of women, the Shaykh felt, are in violation of the conditions upon which the Prophet accepted the ‘pledge of women’. 485. SAHU, KISHORI PRASAD. “Some Light on Amir Khusrau’s Observations on India and its Society and Culture.” The Journal of Historical Research 21, no. 2 (1979): 32–49. This paper reviews the contents of Amir ‡usrau’s Farsi maºnawi [longer poem] ‘Deval RÊnÒ-‡izr ‡Ên’ in which ‡usrau compares the beauty and charm of women of India with those of Turkistan, Turkey, and Egypt, and observes that the Indian women might not be fair and white but ‘they have a glare of elegance, warmth and charm’. Regarding the social status of women, ‡usrau approves of some of the practices of his day. For instance, in {IjÊz-i ‡usrawÒ, he says that the customs of pardah guard women’s chastity. Similarly in another work, Ma¢la{ ul-anwÊr (the beginning of the Light), he tells women that ‘it is better that for the sake of good name, fame, purity and chastity, you should tie your leg with the chain of your skirt (and do not go out)’. On the other hand, in Haªt Bihiªt (The Eighth Heaven), ‡usrau

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expresses tender emotions for a daughter and says that daughters are a God-given blessing. 486. SH¹H, KALÁMULL¹H. MaktÖbÊt-i KalÒmÒ (Letters of KalÒmÒ). Compiled by MaulawÒ Mu˜ammad KalÒmÒ, Delhi: Ma¢bÊ{-yi MujtabÊ{Ò 1883. 94p. Another edition published at Ma¢bÊx yi yÖsu, Delhi, 1883 has 108 pages [F]. ·ah KalÒmullÊh ·ahjahÊnÊbÊdÒ (1650–1729), a Âu of oiªti order, discouraged his ‡alifÊhs (spiritual descendants) from marrying and went to the extent of saying that women take away faith and one should not listen to their pleas. He said however, that women could be initiated with certain conditions. KalÒmullÊh’s attitude towards women was based on his own unhappy marriage. He is reported to have said, ‘Married life is a source of embarrassment.’ For the satisfaction of sexual needs, he even suggested some alternatives. 487. SIDDIQUI, IQTIDAR HUSAIN. ‘The Attitude of the Chishti Saints towards Women during the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,’ in Ahsan Jan Qaisar and Som P. Verma (ed.) Art and Culture: Felicitation Volume in Honour of Professor S. Nurul Hasan. Jaipur: Publication Scheme, 1993. pp. 91–94. This paper argues that although historic sources on the attitudes of male Éus towards women are meagre, the available references ‘tend to suggest that the Éus not only had sympathy with women but also admitted them in the circle of their murÒds (disciples) and provided them with religious guidance.’ 488. SULAIM¹N ASHRAF, MAULAN¹ SAIYYID. Haªt-Bihiªt [ The Eighth Heaven], {Aligash: Ma¢bÊ{ insitut gazet, 1918. 228p. This maºnawi, written in 1301 C.E. by ‡usrau, contains a section, NaÉÒhat ba du¶tar-i nek a¶tar [Counsel for the Virtuous Daughter]. ‡usrau adopts an interesting style in expressing his love and affection for a daughter. The beautiful face of his child, shining like a full moon [roªnÒ pÖ± mÊh pahÊrdah roz], instead of bringing joy to his heart, causes him grief. Realizing that it is a daughter, he wishes rst that she has not born, or if she had been conceived, she had been born in the eighth month (it was a belief that babies born in the eighth month of pregnancy did not survive). This part thus reects the commonly held attitude at the birth of a daughter. Next comes the real Éu ‡usrau, who says that children are gifts bestowed by Allah, and a human being should never feel displeasure at something given by God. To do so, indeed, would be a great mistake [¶a¢Ê ast]. Once he assures himself that a daughter is God’s gift, ‡usrau then expresses his gratitude [ªukr

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goyem] at having a daughter and his joy in her [ pasandÒdÊ ast]. Next, he says that birth without fathers is possible and is known (cites the case of the birth of Jesus- pÖ± masÒ˜Ê ze maryam mÊÉÖm [as the Messiah was born of Mary, the innocent]); birth without a mother, he says, is not possible. Thus, he argues about the importance of women’s existence for the continuity of human life. He had much advice for his daughter. She should guard her honour, he says and learn how best to manage her house and acquire virtues and good manners. All through the poem, ‡usrau displays deep love and affection for his daughter, which indeed is counsel for parents to love and protect their daughters. 489. WERBNER, PNINA. Pilgrims of Love. The Anthropology of a Global Su Cult. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003. 348p. This is a eld-based study of the shrine and Su order of Ghamkol Sharif in Kohat, Pakistan. Despite strict norms of female seclusion, women devotees arrive from all over Pakistan to visit the shrine and seek the blessings of the Saint. Once they are there, women participate in communal activities at the shrine. One such work that women do out of love for Allah is to prepare mud ovens for cooking and baking meals. Discarding the popular norm of veiling, women devotees expose their faces by drawing their veils above their heads. ‘The exposure underlines the belief that the saint transcends sexuality. His persona combines male and female qualities—the gentleness, love and tenderness of a woman, the power, authority and honour of a man.’ I. Women ÂufÒs 490. {ABDUL ÆAQQ MUÆADDITH DEHLAWÁ . A¶bÊr al-A¶yÊr [Narratives about the Chosen Ones]. Delhi, 1914. (Several editions, paginations differ in all). [F] This signicant primary source on ÉufÒ biographies written by Mu˜addiº DehlawÒ (1551–1642) before 996/1588, later revised in 999/1590–91, has a separate chapter on women saints. Some included in this work are BÒbÒ SarÊ (d. 638 A.H./1240 A.D.), BÒbÒ Fa¢imÊ (d. 643 A.H./1245 A.D.) and BÒbÒ AuliyÊx (d. 655 A.H./1257 A.D.). 491. AMÁR ÆASAN SIJZÁ., FawÊxid al-FuxÊd (The gains of the heart). Translated into English by Ziya ul-Hasan Faruqi as Spiritual and Literary Discourses of Shaikh NizÊmuddÒn AwliyÊ, with Introduction and Historical Annotation. Delhi: D. K. Printworld, 1995. 495p. Also see Bruce B. Lawrence’s translation, Nizam ad-din Awliya: Morals for the Heart: conversations of Shaykh Nizam ad-din Awliya recorded by Amir Hasan Sijzi. New York: Paulist Press, 1992. 404p.

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The work is primarily a discourse of ·ai¶ NizÊmuddÒn AwliyÊ, the great niªti ÉufÒ, containing several interspersed references to contemporary ÉufÒ women. One such reference, under the heading ‘Majlis 19’, describes the ‘discourse about the revelation of the miraculous deeds’ held on Sunday, the eleventh of Dhi’l Hijjah, 720 A.H./1320 A.D., when the ·ai¶, instead of talking about men, [as one would have assumed] related the story of BÒbÒ FÊ¢imah ÂÊm. He said ‘I have seen her. She was respected by all. She remembered a good number of verses which she could recite in accord with appropriate occasions and circumstances. . . .’ He then described how ‘a relationship of love and affection that is characteristic of love between brothers and sisters’ existed between her and ·ai¶ NajÒbuddÒn Mutawakkil, another pious man of Delhi. Tales of the spiritual charisma of BÒbÒ FÊ¢imah ÂÊm are narrated in the text. 492. ¹Z¹D BILGRAMÁ, GHUL¹M {ALÁ. ‘RauÓat al-AuliyÊx —al-maxrÖf bi nafhat al-aÉÒyia’ [The Garden of Saints also known as the Fragrance of the Sus] Original text written in Persian, Urdu translation by Muhammad {Abd al-Majid, Hyderabad: Ma¢ba{-yi KarÒmÒ, n.d., [1345/ 1926–27]. 116p. [ U ], MHL. In his book on niªti Éus in the Deccan, the author refers to some women Éus, among them ‡wÊn BÒbÒ, who excelled in religious learning and who experienced several visions. ¹zÊd also describes another mystic woman, SonÊ BÊxÒ, a Hindu converted to Islam who became a disciple of niªti Éu Zar-zarÒ Zar-Ba¶ª. In Khuldabad, Deccan (Indian) the tomb of SonÊ BÊxÒ is still visited by devotees. Azad also refers to a group of ve saintly women known as PÊnp bÒbiyʸ. 493. BABA, MEHER AVATAR and A. G. MUNSIF. Hazrat Babajan. (The Emperor of Spiritual Realm of Her Time). Poona: Meher Era Publications, 1981. 70p. Hazrat Babajan, a Pathan woman named Gul-rukh, left home at the age of eighteen to begin a journey of spirituality. For a while, she wondered around in male attire and nally settled down in Poona, near Bombay where she died in 1931 at the age of 125 years. This book is a short life-sketch of Babajan and of the miracles that she is said to have performed. 494. BiªÊrat-i MaØhariyÊ Dar FaÓÊxil-i ÆÊzirÊt-i ”arÒqah-yi Mujaddidyah [ The MaØhari Good News Regarding the Merits of Presence in the Mujaddidi Observances] of 1204 A.H./1789–90 C.E. A biography in Farsi of the Éu poet MirzÊ MaØhar Jan-i JÊnÊn of the Naqªbandi Éu order (1111 A.H./1701–) with accounts of his successors. No. 242, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. Unexamined.

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MirzÊ MaØhar permitted pious women to enroll disciples. He also permitted his wife to enroll disciples. The Âu poet who complains about his wife in his letters, however, enjoyed the company of other women. NÖr BÊi’, the famous dancing girl attached to the court of the emperor of Delhi Muhammad ·ah (1702–48), would visit him. BURTON, RICHARD F. Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the Valley of the Indus. Karachi: 1973. (1st. edn. London: Allen & Co., 1851) 427p. This work is one of the earliest descriptions of Sindh and its people from a western perspective. While giving a narrative of the people and their habits, Burton, who served under the East India Company in Sindh in the1840s, made some observations about the legend regarding female saints. He writes, ‘to the credit of the Sindhi it must be said that they do not refuse to admit the religious merits of the softer sex.’ Some of these women, he says, could rise to the high rank of spiritual preacher, murshid. Bibi Fatimah, buried in Makli Hills, was a ˜aØeh [literally the guardian, one who memorizes the QurxÊn] and had performed the Haj pilgrimage. Another Âu woman, Burton talks about was NÖr Bai. CARTER, G. E. L. “Religion in Sind.” Indian Antiquary: A Journal of Oriental Research 46 (1917): 205–08. This paper records the existence of a shrine dedicated to the memory of Mai Pir or Mai Sahib, a female virgin su, venerated and visited by women alone. The cult of Mai Pir was a vegetarian cult. Carter nds in this theme ‘a close association in several aspects with femininity.’ CROOKE, WILLIAM. “Notes on Some Muhammedan Saints and Shrines in the United Provinces.” Indian Antiquary, May (1924): 97–98. Crooke, who wrote extensively about Muslim traditions in India while writing about saints and shrines, relates in this paper a story about Bibi Gauhar Khanum, who was buried near the town of Rurki, in UP, India. The story is based on oral traditions. D¹R¹H SHIKUH, MUÆAMMAD. SakÒnat al-AwlÒyÊx (ed.) Muhammad Jalali Naini, Tehran: Muassasah-i MatbÖxÊt-i {IlmÒ, 1965. 280p. [ F ] Prince Dara Shikuh (1615–59), son of Shahjahan, Emperor of India, wrote an account of the life of his Éu teachers Mian Mir and Mian Jiv. In this account, one separate chapter entitled ‘An Auspicious Account of Life of the Most Respected Bibi Jamal Khatun’ [d. 1057 A.H./1647] recounts the spiritual life and some miracles attributed to [karÊmat] this illustrious woman. EATON, RICHARD MAXWELL. Sus of Bijapur, 1300 –1700: Social Roles of Sus in Medieval India. Princeton University Press, 1978. xxxii + 358p.

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This work is a well-documented study of the Sus of Bijapur Kingdom in South India who preached a folk-Islam, which as elsewhere seems to have been a female-oriented Islam. ‘What the mosque, the mulla, and the Koran were for men, the dargah, the pirzada, the chakki-nama, and the charkha-nama were for women.’ Su folk poetry appealed primarily to women who often sang as they did various household chores. It was through women that su folk-Islam entered rural households and gradually gained an established place in the eclectic religious life of the rural Deccan. Eaton in his study translates popular su songs sung by women. Thus while grinding grain at the chakki, or grindstone, the su song sung by women was The chakki’s handle resembles the letter alif, which means Allah And the axle is Muhammad, and is xed there. In this way the truth-seeker sees the relationship. Ya bism Allah, hu hu Allah.

Similarly, while spinning thread, the su song sung by women was As you take the cotton, you should do dhikr-e-jÊlÒ As you separate the cotton, you should do dhikr-e-qalbÒ As you spool the thread, you should do dhikr-e-aynÒ The threads of breath should be counted one by one, O sister.

500. ELIAS, JAMAL J. “Female and Feminine in Islamic Mysticism.” The Muslim World 87, Nos. 3 & 4, July–October (1988): 209–24. This article discusses the role of Muslim women as recipients of the revelation and as active participants in the tradition of Islam. Women have participated in sufÒ life as mystics from the earliest to the present times. The study refers to some important women mystics of medieval India, i.e., BÒbÒ SarÊ, FÊtima SÊm and Jahan ¹rÊ. 501. ERNST, CARL W. Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Su Center. Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 1992. 381p. In this study based on a rare Farsi manuscript on the mystical teachings of the Chishti Su order as taught by ·ai¶ BurhÊnuddin aib (d. 1337) and his disciples, the author refers to female su disciples, including BurhÊnuddin’s mother BÒbÒ HÊjirÊ and his ve sisters who were locally known as the Five Ladies ( panp bÒbÒʱ), and were known for saintliness. The most striking woman in the hagiography of Khuldabad is a Hindu princess, Sara BÒbÒ. She converted to Islam and became a disciple of the Chishti su, Zar Zari Zar-Bakhsh. A well built by her still forms part of the itinerary of the festival procession of Zar Zari Zar Bakhsh.

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502. ——. ‘Lives of Su Saints,’ in Donald S. Lopez, Jr. (ed.) Religions of India: In Practice. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994. pp. 495–512. Among the prominent su saints of Muslim India, BÒbÒ JamÊl ‡ÊtÖn (d. 1647), also known as BÒbÒ JÒv, is held in great respect. She is an example of a woman who independently pursued a spiritual path that went beyond her role in the family life. Her widowed mother BÒbÒ FÊtimÊ trained BÒbÒ JamÊl and her ve brothers and sister. 503. FAUQ , MUNSHÁ MUÆAMMAD DÁN. LallÊ {¹rifÊh. Lahore: Darul IshÊ{at, 1929. 56p. [U], KKK. This book narrates the life and deeds of LallÊ {¹rifÊh of Kashmir, a woman of great spiritual powers. Though her real name is not known, LallÊ is loved and respected equally by Muslims and Hindus for her piety and faith. The author narrates several oral myths about her mystic powers. 504. GABORIEAU, MARC. ‘Muslim Saints, Faquirs and Pilgrims in 1831 according to Garcin De Tassy,’ in Jamal Malik (ed.) Perspectives of Mutual Encounters in South Asian History, 1760–1860, Leiden: Brill, 2000. pp. 128–156. This paper aims at dening and explaining the perception of South Asian Islam from the point of view of Garcin de Tassy (1794–1878) (a French man interested in South Asian studies, especially Indian Islam). In his book Mémoire sur quelques particularités de la religion musulmane en Inde d’aprés les ouvrages hindoustanis (Memoir on Some Peculiarities of the Muslim Religion of India according to the Hindustani Books) published in 1831, de Tassy describes Muslim saints and cults. Among several other references and descriptions of saints and their devotees, one is about the festival of Êzi MiyÊn in Bahraich. After describing some of the cultic practices, mainly the mock marriage of the saint, de Tassy observes, ‘we can safely say that, in the festival of Êzi Miyʸ, the emphasis is laid on fecundity.’ 505. GHUL¹M {ALÁ, SH¹H. MaqÊmÊt-i MaØharÒ: A˜wÊl wa MalfÖØÊt o MaktubÊt-i Æazrat MirzÊ MaØhar JÊn-i Janʸ ·ÊhÒd [A Biography of Mazhar: Narratives, Sayings, and Letters of the Noble Mirza Mazhar the Beloved of the Beloveds, the Martyr], (First published in Delhi, 1892) Lahore: Urdu Science Board, 1983. 792p. [ U ] ulÊm {Ali ·Êh (1745–1824) was a disciple and follower MirzÊ MaØhar JÊn-i Janʸ (1699–1781), a reputed poet of Urdu as well as a su of the silsila naqshbandiyÊh. In this biography, brief references are made to Jan-i Janʸ’s willingness to allow women to be enrolled as disciples. Mazhar later came to be known as shÊhÒd [martyr], as it

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is commonly believed that he was murdered by a shi’ah over doctrinal controversies. 506. GHUL¹M SARWAR LAHORÁ, MUFTÁ. ÆadÒqat-ul AuliyÊx: PunjÊb ke AkÊbÒr ÂufÒiyÊ kÊ Mustanad Ta£kirÊh [ The Walled Garden of The Saints: An Authenticated Biographical Memoir of the Great Sus of The Punjab]. Lahore: Islamic Book Foundation, 1976. (First edition, Lucknow: Nawalkishore pres, 1906). 328p. [U], MHL. This valuable work, written in 1875 by MuftÒ ulÊm Sarwar (d.1307 AH/1890), is a great reference source for an introduction to the reader to Éu saints of the Punjab, some of whom are now little known to a modern day scholar. Under the heading ʨhwʸ paman [the Seventh Flower-bed] this book describes the life and deeds of fteen {AurÊt Éali˜Êt ke zikr me¸ jo punjÊb me¸ guzar pukÒ hai¸ [In praise of Righteous Women who lived in the Punjab]. While some of the stories are based on oral traditions and legends, particularly one about the ve sisters ( panp bibiʸ) claiming to be the grand-daughters of {AlÒ, the fourth Caliph of Islam and the son-in-law of the Prophet, the other accounts are of historic gures, about whom supportive evidence is available elsewhere. Among these su women, separate sections narrate events in the lives of BÒbÒ SÊrah, BÒbÒ FÊtimÊh SÊm, BÒbÒ QarsÖm ‡ÊtÖn, BÒbÒ Zulai¶Ê, BÒbÒ AuliyÊx, BÒbÒ Lallah, BÒbÒ FÊ¢imÊh SayyadÊh, BÒbÒ JamÊl ‡atÖn, and MÊ{i BhÊgÒ. The author narrating the piety and righteousness of BÒbÒ FÊ¢imÊh ÂÊm quotes ‡wajah Farid Ganj-i Shakr, a Éu saint highly revered in South Asia, as saying, {BÒbÒ FÊ¢imÊh ÂÊm outwardly a woman and inwardly is a man’ [baØÊhir {aurat aur bÊ¢Òn me¸ mard hai]. 507. ƹMID QALANDAR. ‡air-ul MajÊlÒs [The Assembly for Happiness], Delhi: Pervaiz buk dipo, 1959. 336p. [F]. Also see Khaliq Ahmad Nizami (ed.) ‡air-ul MajÊlis: Malfuzat-i ÆaØrat Shyakh Nasir-al-Din Mahmud Charagh-i Dihli [Conversations of ·ai¶ NÊsir ud-dÒn Chara of Delhi compiled by Hamid Qalandar]. Aligarh: The Department of History, Muslim University. Introduction 67p.+ the original Persian Text, 307p. This book contains discourses by the famous Éu, ·ai¶ NÊsir uddÒn ChirÊ-i Delhi (d. 1356). Brief accounts of female Éus are also given. The author quotes Shai¶ NÊsir-ud dÒn who once said that BibÒ Fa¢imah was a real Éu who understood the value of human life through a constant awareness of its transience. 508. MALIK, JAMAL. ‘The Literary Critique of Islamic Popular religion in the Guise of Traditional Mysticism, or the Abused Woman,’ in Pnina Werbner and Helene Basu (ed.) Embodying Charisma, Modernity, Locality

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and the Performance of Emotion in Su Cults. London: Routledge, 1998. pp. 187–208. Also published in Die Welt des Islams 35, no. 1 (1995): 70–94. This well-researched paper discusses a story written in Urdu by Ahmed Nadim Qasimi about how the veneration of holy men led to the abuse of an innocent girl. The story draws ‘a picture of the complex hierarchical world of shrines and their milieu as well as of the social stratication and stigmatization of female children and their exploitation and evident rape by male authorities, even in a surrounding which is more or less a female domain, the shrine’. Cult mysticism, according to Qasimi, should be abolished as it results in the abuse of women. MUÆAMMAD NAIxMULL¹H BAHRAIxnÁ. Ma{mulÊt-i MaØharÒ [The Mazhari Practices], Kanpur, 1858–59. [ U ], APL. This work is an account of the MaØhari sect of the Éus with special reference to the life and sayings of its founder, Mirza MaØhar. It is an important reference source for the understanding of the low status of women and their ignorance and general attitude towards life. The author refers to various festive celebrations which Muslim women had adopted from the Hindus; even female infanticide was practised, he states which Islam had totally forbidden. The Éu poet condemns these practices. N¹MÁ, PÁR GHUL¹M DASTAGÁR. BÒbia¸ PÊkdÊman [ The Chaste Women]. Lahore: MaktabÊ al-FarÖq, 1935. 16p. [ U ] MHL. In this small tract, the author rejects the popular oral tradition about ve saintly virgin sisters, venerated as the Five Virgin Ladies and assumed to be the legendary grand-daughters of {AlÒ, the fourth Caliph and the son-in-law of Prophet Muhammad. He says that these chaste and virtuous women were the daughters of Saiyyid A˜mad Ta¶tÊ Tirmi£Ò, an acknowledged ÉufÒ master (qu¢b) and a saintly gure of the early 13th century Lahore, and that the miraculous death of the sisters occurred while the soldiers of the invading army of Chingiz ‡Ên were at their doorstep. They prayed that the earth ‘swallow’ them and protect and guard them against delement by the invading soldiers. NANAVUTTY, PILOO. ‘The Influence of Religion,’ in Tara Ali Beg (ed.) Women of India. Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1958. 131–52. This paper gives a brief overview of the status of women in the major religious traditions of South Asia. A few references to Islamic Éu traditions are included. NIZAMI, KHALIQ AHMAD. The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizam ud-din Auliya. Delhi: Idarah Adbiyat-yi Dehli, 1991. 223p.

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Nizamuddin Auliya (13th Century) one of the most respected Éu masters of the sub-continent, was much inuenced by his mother Bibi Zulai¶a, a woman who had deep piety and strong faith in God. The Shai¶ is believed to have said that women are equally endowed as men with spiritual power and talent. ——. The Life and Times of Shaikh Farid-ud-Din Ganj-i Shakar. Lahore: Universal Books, 1976. 144p. Shaikh Farid-ud Din, popularly known as Ganj-i Shakar (1175–1265), was a su saint of the subcontinent. In this biography, some references to the inuence of pious women on the upbringing of children are given. The book narrates a few anecdotes about QarsÖm BÒbÒ, the ·ai¶s’s mother, who was known for her piety and saintliness. He had three daughters, BÒbÒ Mas¢urÊh, BÒbÒ ·arÒfÊh, and BÒbÒ Fa¢imah, the middle daughter was intensely devoted to Éu traditions. The ·ai¶ is quoted to as saying, ‘had it been permitted to give the ¶ilafat namÊh [authorisation for succession] of the Shaikh and his sajjÊdah [a prayer carpet, here it means the saint’s seat] to a woman, I would have given it to BÒbÒ Sharifah’. Indeed the Shaikh was so impressed by the qualities of BÒbÒ Sharifah that he said, ‘if other women had been like her, women would have taken precedence over men.’ NOUVRIE, NETTY. ‘Female Su Saints on the Indian Subcontinent,’ in R. Kloppenborg and W. J. Hanegraaff (ed.) Female Stereotypes in Religious Traditions. Leiden: Brill, 1995. pp. 109–122. The author begins by observing that ‘there is hardly any study about female su saints’ of the Indian subcontinent. The brief life accounts of ve women sus given in this paper have one common theme- they were all virgins. This ‘consistent theme of their purity and unmarried state is quite striking,’ concludes the author. This concept should be further explored in the context of Indian culture. PEMBERTON, KELLY. “Muslim Women Mystics and Female Spiritual Authority in South Asian Susm.” Journal of Ritual Studies 18, no. 2 (2004): 1–23. This study shows how women can function as spiritual guides even though they did not have sanction for this by Muslim su orders. Interviews with several women spiritual guides are included in this paper. QUDDÇSÁ, {IJ¹ZULÆAQQ. Ta£®irÊh-yi ÂuyÊ-yi Sindh [ Memoirs of the Sus of Sindh], Karachi: UrdÖ Markaz. (1st ed. 1959) 2nd ed. 1975. 336p. [U] Towards the end of the book a divider page with a single word, ¶wÊtÒnx [Ladies], leads the reader to eight pages set aside for women mystics.

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BÒbÒ TarÒ of the Soomra family from Thattah was a pious woman; most of her days were spent fasting and offering prayers. She is buried at Mukli, Thattah. BÒbÒ JamÊl ‡atÖn, popularly known as RabiÊ{ BaÉarÒ, of her days, performed several miracles. Dara Shikoh, the Mughal Prince, records some of her miracles in his book Sanat al-AuliyÊx. BÒbÒ RÊnÒ of Thattah was another woman known for her mystical powers to cure ailments. BÒbÒ Fa¢imah alias BÒbÒ ÆajyÊnÒ was a frequent ˜ajj pilgrim, hence her name ÆajyÊnÒ. It is said that her miraculous powers once saved a pilgrim ship caught in a typhoon. BÒbÒ NÖr BharÒ was so overpowered by the Divine Presence that much of the time she remained in mystical trance. QURAISHÁ, MUÆAMMAD {ABDULL¹H. “LallÊ {¹rifah.” Tahzib un-Niswan 45, no. 18 (1942): 273–78; no. 19, 291–96, no. 20, 309–12, and no. 21, 322–26. [U]. LallÊ {Arifah, born sometime in the fourteenth century, was a woman of great spirituality and is venerated by Hindus and Muslims, who both claim her as a member of their community. She wandered along the valley of Kashmir singing songs that she composed herself. In this long article, published in four parts, the author recalls several anecdotes about her life. The article draws upon contemporary Éu writings. RIZVI, ATHAR ABBAS. A History of Susm in India. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, Vol. 1, 1975. 467p. This book discusses very briey, the role of some exemplary female personages both as sus and as mothers of leading sus. Observing that for women it was not easy to follow the path of their choice, the author comments that ‘Muslim women who became deeply committed to mysticism and a life of asceticism did so in spite of a lack of encouragement and assistance from their male counterparts and from Islam in general.’ ——. A History of Susm in India. Vol. 2, New Delhi: Munshi Ram Manoharlal, (rpt). 1992. 535p. Although life histories of female sus could have been constructed in depth, this scholar has included the female sus in Appendix B (pp. 480–81) in his study on Susm in India. In one and a half pages, he identies the roles of the mothers of three male sus and two female sus, namely Bibi Jamal and Jahan Ara Begum. The latter was the daughter of the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan, patron of the Taj Mahal. SCHIMMEL, ANNE MARIE. My Soul is a Woman: the Feminine in Islam. New York: Continuum, 1997. 192p.

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Schimmel’s major argument in this paper is that women have a high status in the QurxÊn and the Traditions of the Prophet. She explains that su women from the days of RabÒa{ to the present hold a particular signicance for Muslim women. In the last four chapters, the author narrates the folk tales of Punjab and Sindh i.e., of Sassi-Punhun, Sohni-Mehanwal, Nuri-Jam Tamachi, and Omar-Marvi. ——. “Pious and Learned Women in Islam.” Pakistan Quarterly 2, no. 2 (1951): 23–24. This paper argues that Muslim women have no religious restrictions in pursuing their spiritual path, as the Holy QurxÊn speaks of ‘pious and God-fearing men and women’ and the Prophet bade women and men to full their religious duties. The author refers to pious women and saints, such as Aisha, the Prophet’s wife, and Karima of Merv, who lived in the tenth century at Mecca and lectured on Hadith. ——. “Women in Mystical Islam.” Women’s Studies International Forum 5, no. 2 (1982): 145–51. Schimmel states that women played a positive role in susm and even though the early ascetics were rather negative in their statements about women, it was a woman who introduced the concept of pure love into Islamic mysticism. South Asia has produced a number of su women, mostly married ones, and ‘it was thanks to them that their children grew up in the atmosphere of perfect trust in God and piety as we can still observe in the villages of Anatolia and Pakistan.’ ——. ‘The Feminine Element in Susm.’ In her Mystical Dimensions of Islam, Chapel Hill: North Carolina Press, 1975. pp. 426–35. The author points out that ‘names of women saints are found throughout the world of Islam, though only few of them have been entered into the ofcial annals’. Schimmel refers to several women saints found throughout the Muslim world but observes that ‘the area in which women saints ourished most is probably Muslim India.’ SCHWERIN, KERRIN GRAEFIN V. ‘Saint Worship in Indian Islam: The Legend of the Martyr Salar Masud Ghazi,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Ritual and Religion among Muslims in India. Delhi: Manohar, 1984. 143–61. The cult of devotees, which has grown around the legendary celibate Salar Masud of the 11th century, known popularly as Ghazi Mian, assemble to celebrate the {urs [a su saint’s birth/death anniversary]at Bahraich in North India. Along with the legendary grave is the tomb of Zohra Bibi, an unmarried girl who was blind and who it is said to

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have visited Ghazi Miyan’s shrine to seek vision and was cured. Today devotees celebrate the betrothal of Zohra Bibi and Ghazi Miyan. 525. SHEPHERD, KEVIN R. D. A Su Matriarch: Hazrat Babajan. Cambridge: Anthropographia Publications, 1985. 78p. This biography documents the life of a Pathan woman named Gulrukh at birth, who later came to be known as Babajan. She was persecuted by orthodox religionists but gained an inter-religious following. Viewed as a su, Babajan was a learned woman regarded as one of the great qalandars (mystics and ascetics who travelled from place to place in search of the Divine) of the age. 526. SUBHAN, JOHN A. Susm: Its Saints and Shrines with Special Reference to India. Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1938. 412p. Revised edition with new title, Susm, its Saints and Shrines: An Introduction to the Study of Susm with Special Reference to India and Pakistan. Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1960. 423p. This book also includes a brief description of Muslim women sus, such as Bibian Pakdaman of Lahore, the six chaste women and Zohra Bibi who, as tradition says, lies buried near the tomb of the celebrated Ghazi Miyan in UP. Today both the Hindus and Muslims celebrate Ghazi Miyan’s ‘marriage’ with Zohra Bibi. II. Women’s Image in Âu Literature 527. ASANI, ALI S. ‘The Bridegroom Prophet in Medieval Sindhi Poetry,’ in Studies in South Asian Devotional Literature: Research Papers, 1988–1991. Presented at the Fifth Conference on Devotional Literature on New Indo-Aryan Languages, held at Paris, pp. 213–25. In this paper, the author says that Abdul Latif Bhitai (1689–1752), a su poet from Sindh, composed poems in honour of the Prophet of Islam from a feminine point of view. This voice of the woman is usually that of a bride or a bride-to-be, who is tormented by the absence of her husband. These poems are recited throughout the villages and towns of Sindh at religious assemblies, during weddings, and at times of mourning. 528. HAK^RO, SHAH JAHAN. {Aurat ShÊh {Abdul La¢Òf kÒ naØar me¸ [ Woman in the Estimation of Shah Abdul Latif ]. In RoznÊmah Jang, February 20, 1991. [U] This paper briey examines the women characters as presented by classical Sindhi poet {Aurat ShÊh {Abdul LatÒf in his Shah Jo RisÊlo written in the Sindhi language.

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529. ÆUSSAIN, FEHMÁD¹H. ShÊh La¢Òf jÒ ·axÒrÒ me¸ {Aurat jo RÖp. [ Images of Women in Shah Latif ’s Poetry]. Hyderabad: ·Êh {Abdul La¢if ‚aqÊfatÒ Markaz, 1993, 527p. (Urdu version published in 1996). [S] Originally presented as the author’s Ph.D. dissertation, this work is a critical appreciation of the su poetry of Shah Abdul Latif with special reference to the images of women in his works. The female characters of Shah’s poetry are now symbols of womanhood in Sindh. 530. LAWRENCE, BRUCE B. “Honoring Women Through Sexual Abstinence: Lessons form the Spiritual Practice of a Pre-Modern South Asian Su Master, Shaykh Nizam ad-din Awliya.” Journal of Turkish Studies 18 (1994): 149–61. This paper explores the attitude of South Asian su saints towards women and sexuality as reected in the discourse of Shaykh Nizamad-din Awliya. In this discourse, both negative and positive images of women emerge. Lawrence comments ‘there is at once delight in woman’s beauty and fear of her power, yet there is no sense of enjoyment in the physical dalliance or consummation of the love relationship.’ 531. SCHIMMEL, ANNE MARIE. ‘Shah Abdul Latif ’s Life and Teaching’ in her Pain and Grace. A Study of Two Mystical Writers of Eighteenth Century Muslim India. Leiden: E. J. Brill. 1976. pp. 152–89. In this chapter, Schimmel, a great modern day scholar of su poetry and of Shah Abdul Latif, discusses the female characters in Latif ’s poetical compositions. Shah Latif, in his mystical verses, describes everyday scenarios and presents a vivid picture of the conditions of the Sindh countryside during the early 18th century. He also describes several female characters. III. Women in the Reformist (iÉlʘÒ) Traditions in the 18th and the19th Centuries (a) Women, sharÒ{at and the bid{at Discourse 532. {¹ZAMÁ, {ABDUL MU”AF¹. JannatÒ Zewar [ Heavenly Ornament]. Lahore: Ãiaxul Qurxan Publikeshanz, 1979. 536p. [ U ] Written more than seventy years after the publication of BihishtÒ Zewar [Heavenly Ornaments] in 1905, this book addresses similar issues of customs and other practices taking precedence over an Islamic way of life. Thus, the book’s major purpose is to replace ‘debased Islam’ with ‘true Islam’ by calling upon Muslim men and women to move away from the path of bid{at [heresy] to the path of righteousness [shari{Ê].

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A few sections, however, address women’s issues specically as Muslim women remain, in the estimation of some reformist-men, more prone to adopt a deviant behaviour. 533. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. Zewar-i Islam [Ornaments of Islam]. Delhi: {Ismat buk dipo, 1937. 128p. [U] This is a collection of Rashidul ‡airÒ’s articles published in {Ismat between 1909 and 1935, which Æaziqul ‡airÒ, his son, later compiled in book form. All these articles have one common theme: Islam is a straightforward religion which takes into consideration human nature. Women must act and believe by applying their intellect, and should not be blind followers of others. 534. KHAW¹J¹ RAÆMAT ULLAH. Ta¸bÒh-un Niswʸ (Warning to Women) Urdu Manuscript 6 u 8 55p. written in 1195 A.H./1780 C.E., Vide NaÉiruddÒn HaªÒmÒ (ed.) Kutub ¶ÊnÊ Nawwab SalÊr Jang Mar˜Öm ki UrdÖ wo Qalami KitÊbo¸ ki WaÓa˜ati Fihrist, Hyderabad, Deccan: Ma¢bÊ{ yi IbrÊhÒmÒ. 1957. [U], Unexamined. This maºnawi (longer poem) makes fun of traditions and celebrations observed by women due to their ignorance of Islam. The author exhorts women to abstain from these extra-Islamic practices (bid{at). Several copies of this work are in the collection. The manuscript carries another title also, RisÊlah Bid{at ·ikan [Tract for Breaking Religious Innovations]. 535. SH¹H MUÆAMMAD ISM¹{ÁL SH¹HÁD. TaqwÒyat-ul ÁmÊn. Translated from the original Urdu text by Mir Shahamat Ali under the title ‘Support of the Faith’, revised, and edited by M. Ashraf Darr. Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1969. 88p. ShÊh IsmÊ{Òl ShÊhÒd (1781–1831) continued the tradition of combating religious innovations (bÒdÊ{t) in favour of Islamic laws (ªÊrÒ{at) as done earlier by his grandfather, ·Êh WalÒullÊh (c. 1702–1763) and uncle, ShÊh {Abdul {AzÒz (1746–1824). Among several books, pamphlets and tracts (risÊlÊh), Taqwiyat-ul ÁmÊn was rst published in 1826, but since then, more than six million copies have been printed. In this tract, its main themes being the eradication of the evils of ªirk (associating God with others) and the support (taqwiyat) of faith (ÒmÊn), the author identies customs that were opposed to shari’ah but followed by Indian Muslims. He quotes a hadiº of the Prophet, narrated by AbÖ ÆurairÊh: ‘There is no such thing as hamÊh, and no one catches a disease of another, nor is there any inuence from bad omens; but if there be any, it is conned to three things, namely to a horse, a house, and a woman.’ ·ah IsmÊxÒl, instead of protecting women from unjust treatment,

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seems to promote the ill treatment of women. He writes, ‘It appears that these things sometimes turn out inauspicious, but no rule has been laid down whereby to know of their evils. The people say that a horse, having a tiger-like mouth (ªer-dahan), or having a white star-like spot in the forehead (sitÊrÊh-peªÊnÒ) as well as a bold woman, are unfortunate.’ Warning that Muslims should not cherish these, ·Êh IsmÊxÒl at the same time preaches that when Muslims ‘purchase a house, a horse, or a slave girl, or marry a woman, they ought to supplicate Allah alone for their goodness, and to Him alone they should apply to be sheltered from their evil inuences.’ Interestingly, one key emphasis in his social reform movement was a strong plea for widow remarriage. ShÊh IsmÊxÒl ShÊhÒd was martyred in 1831. (b) Patriarchal Construction of Muslim Women 536. {ABDUL ÆAIY. QirÊn-al-SÊ{dain fÒ ÆuqÖq-al ZaujÊin [Conjunction of Two Planets (Venus & Mercury) and the Duties of Spouses] Madras: Ma¢ba{ NÊmÒ, 1917. 32p. [U], OIOC. This tract in verse describes the duties of women as laid down in the QurxÊn and the Sunnah of the Prophet. The author concludes that a good woman is one who obeys the commands of her husband. 537. {ABDUL KARÁM. SadÊ SuhÊgan [The Woman whose husband is always alive], Moradabad: Islamiyah pres, 1910. [U], OIOC. The author reminds his women readers of their duties as laid down in Islam. He states that a woman whose husband is alive is very lucky, and therefore a good woman should make every effort to keep her husband happy and healthy. 538. {ABDURRAÆM¹N. ¹dÊb-un NisÊx [Women’s Etiquette] MS. in Kutub ‡ÊnÊh-yi ‡Ês, Karachi, size, 8 ½ u 5 ½ 118p. No. 3/738. n.d. [U] The author, in addressing women, explains to them the teachings of Islam. He sets down for them a code of conduct: what they should do and should not do as good Muslim women. 539. AÆAD-UD DÁN AÆMAD SHEFT¹H. Tahzib-un Niswʸ [Women’s Good Manners] Lucknow, 1873. 60p. A second edition of the book published in 1877 with 62 pages. Both are in the holdings of OIOC. [ U ] This book draws close boundaries around women’s lives. Those who remain within the borders are thought to be good; those who breach them are considered bad. ‘Husbands have countless obligations upon women [{aurato¸ par unke shauharo¸ ke ˜uqÖq beªumÊr hai¸]. They (women) are under them like their bondmaids [voh unki miºl-i laundÒ ke ta{bidÊr hai¸] and therefore it is in their own interest to serve them willingly

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541.

542.

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and heartily, because the husband is metaphorically their lord [kiyo¸kih ¶Êwand majÊzi ¶udÊwandgÊr hai].’ After setting these rules of conduct for a ‘chaste’ woman of honour, the author warns the wife of the ill consequences of disobeying her husband: ‘Husband’s disobedience is a wife’s misfortune’ [¶Êwand kÒ narmanÒ {aurat ke ˜aqq me¸ burÒ balÊ hai]. He further adds that ‘Satan is the guide of a disobedient woman [narmÊn {aurat kÊ ªaitÊn peªwÊ hai].’ A good wife he states, is one who never steps out without her husband’s permission [bÊhir qadam na dharey], never demands anything from him. A woman who ts into this frame lives a ‘blissful life’. The author also warns against the ills of laughing and merrymaking, sleeping excessively and of faultnding. {ALÁ MUÆAMMAD IBNE MUHAMMAD MU{ÁN. HidÊyat un-Niswʸ, [Guidance for Women] (Translated from {AlÒ MuttaqÒ’s Persian work entitled {UnwÊn  sulÖk al- niswʸ [A Preface to the Conduct of Women] Lucknow: Fa¶rul ma¢abÒ{, (2nd. edn) 1872. 32p. [ U] OIOC. A third edition of this work, revised after the death of the author’s death by his son, Maulawi Muhammad Ibrahim, was published in 1886 by the Nawalkishore pres, Lucknow. KKK. This tract advises women to obey their husbands. A virtuous woman never says no to her husband. The author further warns that a woman who feels hurt when her husband remarries is not a good Muslim. She should remain patient [Éabr kare] because God has made it permissible for men to have four wedded wives and bondmaids as many as he can have under legal limits [Æaqq ta{alÊ ne mard ke liye par mank֘Êh aur launÓi ªara{Ò jis qadr ho¸ halÊl durust kÒ hai¸]. ANWAR {ALÁ, ÆAFI¶. {Tu˜fat-ul MuminÊt: ÆikÊyat-us Âali˜Êt [Gift for Believing Women: Narratives of Righteous Women]. Kanpur: Nizami pres, n.d. 46p. [U], OIOC. Several accounts of pious Muslim women are presented here. They are portrayed as role models for an ideal Muslim woman. A good woman the author states, must be God-fearing and should always remain dutiful and obedient. H¹TIF, MUNSHÁ {ABDUR RxÇF. ·arÒf BÒbÒyʸ [Noble Women] Agra: {AzÒzÒ pres, 1909. 78p. [U], OIOC. This book extols virtuous women who always guard their honour and chastity and follow the social code set for the women of elite and noble households. IMD¹D {ALÁ. NaÉi˜at al-Niswʸ [Advice to Women], Kanpur: Ma¢bÊ{ yi NÖr, 1870. 28p. [U], OIOC.

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A short tract calling upon women to remain obedient as obedient women are virtuous women. 544. MAKHDÇM. QissÊ Mard-o{Aurat [A Tale of a Man and a Woman], Manuscript Deccani Urdu, 5 u 8, 16p. Written circa 1150 A.H./1737 A.D., Cat. No. 37, in NaÉÒruddÒn HashimÒ (ed.) Kutub ¶ana NawwÊb SÊlÊr Jang Mar˜Öm ki UrdÖ wo QalamÒ KitÊbo¸ ki WaÓa˜ati Fihrist. Hyderabad Deccan: MatbÊ{-i IbrahimÒ, 1957. [U] Unexamined. Nothing is known about the author. The story describes a woman of ill repute who cheats on her husband and seeks pleasure with another man. Another book, written by the same author, Na rmÊn {aurat (Disobedient Woman), is in the OIOC. This book relates how a disobedient woman gets caught in a sinful and miserable life. 545. NAIM, C. M. ‘Prize-Winning Adab: A Study of Five Urdu Books written in Response to the Allahabad Government Gazette Notication,’ in Barbara Daly Metcalf (ed.) Moral Conduct and Authority, The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam. Berkeley: University of California, 1984. pp. 290–314. This paper examines Urdu promotional texts of the nineteenth century regarding female education. The author refers to two popular classics which continued to have tremendous inuence on South Asian readers, almost all of whom were males. These two are the Qabus namah (11th century) of Kaikaus ibn Iskandar and the A¶laq-i NaÉiri (13th century) of Nasir uddin Muhammad Tusi. Naim observes that in both, the ‘underlying attitude is somewhat misogynic.’ The Qabus namah warns that women ‘can be the worst of enemies.’ Tusi believes ‘women cannot be trusted, so one should not share one’s secrets with them, nor should one consult them in every matter’. On the question of daughters and their education, the two authors again had very harsh views. 546. NIZ¹M AL-MULK. The SiyÊsat-nÊmÊh or SiyÊr al-mulÖk (The Book of Government or Rules for Kings). Translated from Persian by Hubert Drake London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960. 259p. Nizam al-Mulk (1017–1092), the famous Wazir (prime minister) of the Seljuqs, is most known for his Madrsah-yi Nizamiyah. Generation after generation of South Asian Muslims completed their education under this system. In chapter forty-two, ‘On the subject of those who wear the veil, and keeping underlings in their place’ the author says women ‘have not complete intelligence’ as ‘they are the wearers of the veil.’ Their purpose is the continuation of the race. When women are in control he states mischief ensues. In all ages, nothing but disgrace,

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infamy, discord and corruption have resulted when kings have been dominated by their wives. He blames Eve for Adam’s fall from the Heaven. Quoting a Hadith of the Prophet, ‘Consult women, but whatever they say, do the opposite, and that will be right,’ he argues that women should not be consulted. In his understanding of the life of the Prophet, he believes that in spite of all the nobility, learning, devotion and piety of Ayesha, the Prophet did the opposite of what she wanted. ‘If women had been able to control themselves, He would not have set men over their heads.’ Finally, the author quotes a saying of ‘Umar ibn al-KhittÊb: ‘the words of people of the veil are, like their person, indecent. Just as it is wrong to display their persons in public, so also it is unseemly to repeat their words.’ SiyÊsat nÊmah remained one of the most widely read books in the Muslim community of South Asia. 547. R¹JÇ, SHAH. Suhagan NÊmah, (Book for the Married Woman) Manuscript Deccani Urdu, 6 u 9, 9p. written 1050 A.H./1640 C.E. Cat. No. 314 Vide, Kutub ‡ÊnÊ NawwÊb SalÊr Jang Mar˜Öm ki UrdÖ wo QalamÒ KitÊbo¸ ki WaÓa˜ati Fihrist, Hyderabad, Deccan: MatbÊ{-yi IbrÊhimÒ. [ U ], Unexamined. RÊjÖ ShÊh QattÊl or Saiyyid Shah Yusuf was a saintly person known and respected for his piety. Sul¢an Abul Æasan TÊnÊ Shah (1672–1699), the last king of Golkonda, was his disciple. This small tract, written for the benet of women, advises married women [suhagan] to live respectably with their husbands and behave toward them in a courteous way. 548. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWI. A¶lÊq-un NisÊx. Delhi: 1891. 100p. [U], OIOC. Saiyyid A˜mad wrote several valuable books for women. In this book, he describes moral values and ethics (ÊdÊb) and appropriate behaviour for elite (sharÒf ) Muslim women.

B. Modernist Reform Movements and Women’s Issues I. Men in Support of Women’s Rights 549. AHMAD, AZIZ and G. E. VONGRUNEBAUM, Muslim Self-Statement in India and Pakistan 1857–1965. Otto Harrassowitz, 1970. 235p. This is a detailed study of the Muslim response to the challenge of the West based on excerpts from Muslim thinkers and reformers of South Asia of the 19th and 20th centuries. South Asia. Includes passages from the works of Chiragh Ali, a close associate of Syed Ahmed Khan, who argued that Islam gives a high place to women.

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550. AÆMAD, IQB¹L UDDÁN. “PiyÊrÒ Bahno¸” [Dear sisters]. Sabras, October, (1939): 45–9. [U] MHL ‡alidÊh AdÒb (also spelled as Halidé Edib) ‡anum, an educated woman from Turkey, visited India in 1935 and delivered several lectures on the status of Turkey and of Muslim women living there. These lectures inspired many Muslim thinkers to initiate reform for the emancipation of Muslim women in India. This article was also inspired by ‡alidÊh ‡anum’s address, in which she observed that women of Turkey generously worked for the consolidation of their country. The author invites Muslim women to stand up courageously for their rights. 551. AKHTAR, MUÆAMMAD. “{Aurat ke DimÊ ki SÊxintic Ta˜qÒqÊt” [Scientic Investigation of Woman’s Brain] in Aligash munthly 3, no. 4, May (1905): 632–45. [U], KKK. The author argues that at the dawn of human life, men and women were equal in status. Later, however, due to the development of aristocracy, the status of women was lowered to a subordinate position. The writer concludes by saying that whereas men have more logic, women possess vision and intuition. 552. ANON. “ShuzzrÊt [Random thoughts].” Ma{Êrif 2, no. 5, May, (1923): 323–28. [U] Ma{Êrif, a popular UrdÖ monthly magazine, published an article on the women’s conference held in 1923 in Rome, Italy. The author refers to certain ‘privileges’ accorded to Muslim women by Islam and quoted the Prophet’s last sermon in which he stressed careful treatment of women. 553. DEVJI, FAISAL FATEHALI. “Gender and the Politics of Space: The Movement For Women’s Reform in Muslim India, 1857–1900.” South Asia 14, no. 1 (1991): 141–53. Also published in Zoya Hasan ed. Forging Identities: Gender, Communities and the State. Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 22–37. In this paper, the author focuses on Indian Muslim women as symbols of male concern in the late nineteenth century reform discourse. The author examines the status of women as reected in three major discourses, the legal discourse, the mystic discourse, and the orthodox discourse. In all three discourses, the argument is mainly built around the necessity to seclude women because they are considered sources of tnÊ [chaos]. 554. METCALF, BARBARA D. ‘Reading and Writing about Muslim Women in British India’, in Zoya Hasan (ed.) Forging Identities: Gender, Communities and the State. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 1–21.

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This paper examines nineteenth century Muslim male reformists’ attitudes towards Muslim women’s status and roles. Male arguments primarily upheld the position that women should play a primary or exclusive domestic role. Despite a traditional outlook, Thanavi (1864–1943) believed that ‘women were in the end essentially like men . . . with the same moral and mental make-up and the same intellectual potential.’ 555. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Sayyid Ahmed Dehlavi and the Delhi Renaissance,’ in R. E. Frykenburg (ed.) Delhi Through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society. Delhi: OUP, 1986. pp. 287–98. The Delhi Renaissance shared certain characteristics with its Bengal counterpart. Among these were social reforms and concern for the status and dignity of women. Hali and Nazir Ahmad both contributed tremendously toward women’s education. Saiyyid Ahmed Dehlavi (1846–1918) wrote textbooks for Muslim women, but his major contribution was his guide to letter writing for women. He also tried publishing a bi-weekly journal specically for women; however, because of the hostile reaction to it, he gave it up. A year before his death, Saiyyid Ahmed published a dictionary, Lughat un-Nissa, a work on the language of elite women. 556. RAÆM¹NÁ {ISHRAT. ÆindustÊn aur IÉlah-i Niswʸ [Hindustan and Reforms for Women]. Ismat 2, October (1929): 35–37. [ U ], MHL. This paper presents a brief general observation regarding Muslim women’s position. A woman is the mother of a nation, and therefore every effort should be made to improve her status. Education can play an important role in this regard. (a) Making Connections: Role Models from Other Muslim Societies 557. AKBAR¹B¹DÁ, S¹xÁD AÆMAD. al-NisÊx al-MuslimÒn [ The Muslim Women]. Urdu Translation of Fa¢imah {¹liye ‡Ênam’s Arabic work under the same title. (original published in Cairo: Ma¢bÖÊ{t jami{at alfunÖn, 1891) Aligash: Ma¢ba{ yi A˜madÒ, n.d., 96p. [ U ] LOC This book written by FÊ¢imah {¹liye (1862–1936), a Turkish woman, is in the form of a dialogue between a Turkish woman of an elite family and a French woman traveller. The themes of the conversation range from issues of religion to household management and the rights and dress of Muslim women. More signicant and interesting is the preface to the book, in which the author expresses her views on research methodologies for writing a book, mostly a travelogue about the ‘other’ cultures. She says travelogues are not scientically researched books; but are mostly fanciful tales composed in the manner of romance fables. Evidently, knowledge about the life and characteristics of other people

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cannot be acquired by merely roaming around bazars and watching special events; living within that group for some time is essential. She states that Turkish women who are not uent in the French language face a communication barrier; those who are uent desire to emulate the French and have thus lost contact with their culture and the noble heritage of Islam. These Turkish women, more than any one else, let outsiders criticize Islam by giving them misleading information about Muslim women. Muslim men too are responsible, she feels, as they wrongfully keep women segregated, depriving them from learning. These ignorant men she states do not know that the noble wives and daughters of the Prophet were learned persons. The purpose of translating this book into UrdÖ was none other than to familiarize the concept of women’s education and emancipation to Indian Muslims. [ The translator of this work was a critical thinker and approved of the need for ijtihad. This book is now used as a course text for feminism and women’s studies in Turkey.] 558. ANÂARÁ, RASHÁD AÆMAD. KitÊb Ta˜rÒr al-Marxah. An UrdÖ translation of QÊsim AmÒn’s Ta˜rÒr al-Marxah [The Liberation of Women] written in the Arabic language. Agra: MufÒd-i {¹m pres, 1903. 172p. [U], LML. QÊsÒm AmÒn (1863–1908), like his teacher Muhammad {Abduh (d. 1905), the Egyptian theologist and jurist, was a rm believer in reason as the best guide for understanding the QurxÊn. Therefore, in his rationalistic approach, blind following of traditions had no place. Among several traditions critical of such blind following, one dealt with the question of women in Islam. QÊsÒm AmÒn upheld the cause of reform in Islam, and stressed the need for education for women; an end to veiling, seclusion, polygamy; and argued for reform in marriage and divorce laws. His book Ta˜rÒr al-Marxah which set new direction at the dawn of the nineteenth century by advocating a rational approach towards social issues, also opened erce debate regarding the role of women in Muslim society. The translation of this ground-breaking book into UrdÖ only a few years after its publication is signicant in the development of reform movements in South Asia. The Urdu translation was rst published in series in the Aligarh Institute Gazette. 559. AN¹RÁ, MU{INUDDÁN. Ma˜kÖmiyat-i Niswʸ. UrdÖ translation of John Stuart Mill’s Subjection of Women. Lahore: Maktaba Punjab, 1939. 140p. [U] The translator dedicated this work to Khalida Adeeb Khnaum of Turkey who visited India in 1935.

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560. ¹Z¹D, ABUL KAL¹M. NisÊx QiwÊmÊt {AlÊ al-RijÊl [ Women in essence rank higher than men] in al-HilÊl, ek HaftÊhwÊr MuÉawwir RisÊlÊh [ The Crescent, An Illustrated Weekly Paper], Calcutta: 3, no. 6, August 6, (1913): 129–30. [U], MHL. This article, presumably written by Abul Kalam Azad (1888–1958) as his editorial, reports the progress and activism of Muslim women in Egypt and Turkey. He states that Muslim women in those two countries formed associations for promoting awareness among women. The author particularly refers to the commendable work of women in Turkey who generated their own funds for promoting education and employment for women. The article includes an illustration showing an assembly of Turkish Muslim women with their faces unveiled. A few unveiled women are shown addressing the assembly. The caption reads, ‘Four thousand Muslim women of Constantinople are attending a scholarly lecture at Turkey University.’ The brief but very thoughtprovoking article concludes with a message for Indian Muslim men: ‘If the virtuous veiled women of India have no proper practical opportunity to learn from these occurrences, one could only wish that men would feel ashamed and learn something from these events [kÊsh mardo¸ hÒ ko airat ÊtÒ aur in ˜awÊdiº sai kutch sabaq letai] however what can one expect from a nation lost in slumber till the Day of Resurrection. Ending with a plaintive note, ¹zÊd asks, ‘why one should yearn for progress in view of such insensitivity?’ 561. ÆASAN, M. MAHDI. Turko¸ kÒ Mu{ʪarat [Social Life of the Turks] in Aligash Munthly 3, no. 12, (1905): 499–80. [ U ], MHL. This paper, a critique of the UrdÖ translation of Halil Halid’s (a member of Young Turk Party) book ‘Diary of a Turk’, argues in favour of liberal reforms for the uplift of women, including the removal of women’s veiling. The author concludes by saying that to ensure progress of the nation, women must be allowed access to education. Æasan is a recognized authority on medieval Muslim history of South Asia. 561a. KHALÁLUR RAÆMAN, MUNSHI MUÆAMMAD. al-Æijab wa Tarbiyat al-Muslimat. Urdu translation of Mu˜ammad ”alat Æarb MiÉri’s Arabic work al- al-Marxah wal Æijab by. Lahore: Rifah-i ¹m pres. n.d. 56p. [U], KKK. Talat Harb (1867–1941) gives his opposing argument to the views of QÊsim AmÒn that he explained in his work Ta˜rÒr al-marxah. Talat Harb states that veiling for women is in accordance with the laws of Islam. 562. TAUÆÁDÁ, RAMOZÁ. ZanÊn-i MiÉr, HudÊ ·arÊwÒ ‡anam [ Women of Egypt: HudÊ ShÊrÊvÒ]. In NigÊr January, (1925): 48–54. [ U ], KKK.

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This article narrates the great services rendered by HudÊ ·ÊrÊwÒ (1879–1924) to the cause of the awakening of women, and their struggle against patriarchal traditions in Egypt. HudÊ has emerged as a symbol of courage for the liberation and development of Egyptian women. HudÊ ·ÊrÊwÒ symbolized the growth of a movement for liberation of Muslim women in Egypt and throughout the Middle East. She became president of the Wafdist Women’s Central Committee and renounced her face veil in 1923. It was due to her constant activism that the legal age for marriage was raised in Egypt. This article, a tribute to HudÊ, was meant to be a message for South Asian Muslim women. 563. ——. ZanÊn-i MiÉr: Âayah Zalol ‡anam [ Women of Egypt: Saa Zaghlol ‡anum], In Nigar, November, (1924): 28–34. [ U ], KKK. This article examines the great services of Âayah Zalol ‡anam (1878–1946) to women’s causes in Egypt. Affectionately called ‘the Mother of the Egyptians’, she was the wife of Saxad Zalol PʪÊ, founder of the Wafd party. Along with her husband, she actively worked for the freedom of her country from British colonialism. She remained at the forefront of the women’s movement in Egypt and led several marches against repressive British policies in Egypt. This article, recounting her services to the cause of women, was a message for South Asian Muslim women to learn from other Muslim women who had also lived under colonialism and patriarchy. (b) South Asian Muslim Women Compared With Women in Other Regions 564. ABU TALIB KHAN, MIRZA. Travels of Mirza Abu Taleb Khan in Asia, Africa, and Europe during the Years 1799 to 1803. Translated from the Persian by Charles Stewart, (originally published in 1814), reprint, Delhi: Sona Publications, 1972. 351p. During his residence in England (1799–1802), Mirza Abu Taleb Khan, who later came to be known as Mirza Abu Taleb Lundani, became a popular gure in London high society. In his travelogue Mu{ÊÉir-i-¢alibÒ  bilÊd-i afrÊnji, Abu Taleb describes the condition of English women. He also met with some Muslim women who had accompanied their husbands to London ‘out of affection of their children’ and not out of desire for their European husbands. One such woman was Nur Begam (1770–1853), who married General De Boigne and changed her name to Helene Bennett. He found her completely anglicised in ‘clothing, manners, and language’. 565. ——. “Vindication of the Liberties of Asiatic Women.” Asiatic Annual Register, Miscellaneous Tracts, (1801) 100–07. (Translated by Captain David Richardson for the Asiatic Annual Register). APL.

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During his visit to England, MÒrzÊ AbÖ TÊleb ‡Ên frequently confronted ill-informed British prejudices concerning the inferior status of Asiatic (Muslim) women. At the request of Lady Lavinia Spencer, AbÖ TÊleb wrote a tract on Asiatic women describing the status of Muslim women in India. He strongly argued that ‘male and female Britons faulted both Asian men for their grievous oppression of Asian women, and also Asian women for submitting to such “oppression”.’ In a very interesting manner, AbÖ TÊleb rst describes six disadvantages of Asian women compared to European women, then points out eight advantages of Asian women over Europeans. 566. FISHER, MICHAEL H. “Representing ‘his’ Women: MÒrzÊ AbÖ ”Êlib KhÊn’s 1801. ‘Vindication of the liberties of Asiatic Women.” The Indian Economic and Social History Review 37, no. 2, (2000): 215–237. This article examines the rhetorical and historical context of MÒrzÊ AbÖ ”Êlib ‡Ên’s Vindication of the Liberties of Asiatic Women. In this work AbÖ ”Êlib argued about the superiority of elite Muslim women from India over British womanhood by explaining that Muslim women ‘received equity from their society, not mere equality with men’. 567. LUTFULLAH. Autobiography of Lutfullah, A Mohamedan Gentleman; and His Transactions with His Fellow Creatures: Intercepted with Remarks on the Habits, Customs, and Character of the People with Whom He had to Deal. Edited by Edward B. Eastwick. London: Smith, Elder, & Co., 1857. 435p. Lutfullah (b. 1802–?), belonged to a respectable family. He learned Persian, Arabic and later English. He served under local Indian chieftains and nally under the English. He began writing his autobiography during his visit to England in 1844, and completed it upon his arrival in India. Lutfullah’s observations about western women and their modesty and seclusion are worthy of notice. Watching women performers in an Italian opera in London he writes, ‘Whilst the females whirled round in their dancing, their short gowns ew up to the forbidden height. Tantalizing the assembly it appears was their principal aim by such violation of decorum.’ Earlier he met and dined in Shikarpur, Sindh, with the wife of Amir Abdur Rahman Khan. The lady who ‘in her beauty and charm, excelled the fair sex of Shikarpur, and in wit, talent, and ability, surpassed her simple-hearted husband, whom she seemed to lead by the nose’ was allowed by her husband ‘to see his friends unveiled’. Comparing views held by the English and the Muslims, Lutfullah writes, ‘Seclusion of women from the society of men is considered a fault by the English, but a virtue by us, the true

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believers. The English leave their women to remain uncontrolled in life, and permit them to enjoy the society of men in both public and private. Poor creatures! Naturally weak, how many of them fall victims to the brutal intrigues of men! How many families of high name have been ruined by this unreasonable license! In London alone, eighty thousand females are said to be registered in the black records. . . . I do not say that all Mohamedan ladies are virtuous. Virtue and vice are two sisters, the former fair and the latter black; and no nation has ever been and shall ever be uninuenced by the two ladies. But limits and restraints prescribed by the Mahomedan law and usage in domestic affairs, I am bound to say, at all events prevent increase in vice and decrease in virtue.’ II. Ideal Muslim Woman Dened (a) Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s (1817–1898) ‘Model Muslim Woman’ 568. SHACKEL, C. “English Translation of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s ‘Sirat-e-Faridiya’.” Islamic Culture 46, no. 3 (1972): 307–36. This is an English translation of Sir Sayyid’s memoir of his maternal grandfather, Khwaja Fariduddin (d.1828) and of his family, including an account of his own mother, Azizunnisa Begum (d.1858). The memoir was rst published in 1896. In his brief account of his mother, one can discern what Sir Sayyid believed to be the ideal learned woman of a Muslim household. Recounting his mother’s qualities with great pride, Sir Sayyid writes that she ‘was a lady of great ability and intelligence, of a naturally elevated cast of mind. She had read only the Holy QurxÊn and, at some period, some elementary Persian books. I myself had some lessons on the Gulistan from her, and recited my lessons on many of the elementary Persian books to her. . . . Her instruction and counsels were of great wisdom and profound inuence.’ She was always helping others nancially and through counseling. Unlike most Muslims of her day, his mother ‘never made any vow, offering or supplication for anything, and had absolutely no faith in charms and amulets, or in the suspiciousness or inauspiciousness of particular dates or days.’ 569. SYED AÆMED KH¹N, SIR. MaqÊlÊt-i Sar Sayyad, murattabah Mu˜ammad IsmÊ{Òl PÊnÒpatÒ, [Articles of Sir Syed. Edited by Muhammad IsmÊil PÊnÒpatÒ], Lahore: Majlis Taraqqi- yi Adab, 1984. vols. 6. In Volume 5 Sir Syed’s article entitled HindustÊn kÒ {aurat#on kÒ ˜alatx [Condition of India’s Women] is included, which explains his rm stand

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that women must remain conned to the four walls of their homes, not because they are not skilled and procient in handling the world outside the home, but because they are rationally decient. (b) Syed Ameer Ali (1849–1928) 570. AMEER ALI, SYED. “The Inuence of Women in Islam.” Nineteenth Century 45, no. 267 (1899): 755–74. [Reprint in Syed Razi Wasti, (ed.) Syed Amir Ali on Islamic History and Culture. Lahore: Peoples Publishing House, 1968. pp. 50–73]. Justice Ameer Ali (1849–1928), a social reformist and a strong supporter of secular education for women, emphasized in his writings the splendid contribution of Islam towards the building of a humane society. In this paper, he provides biographical details of some inuential Muslim women throughout Islamic history. His purpose was to make both Western and Muslim readers understand that it was not Islam that had lowered the status of Muslim women; the causes of their degradation in South Asia he said were to be found in the decadent social order of the region. He concluded that improvement of the status of Muslim women must come from within Islamic society. 571. ——. “The Real Status of Women in Islam.” Nineteenth Century 30, no. 175, 387–99. [Reprint in Razi Wasti, (ed.) Syed Amir Ali on Islamic History and Culture. Lahore: People Publishing House, 1968. pp. 1–15]. In response to a Western Christian woman’s criticism of the low position of Muslim women, Ameer Ali, an active supporter of Muslim women’s education and a member of the Governor-General’s Legislative Council, argued that the prevalent low status of Muslim women was caused by factors other than the law of the QurxÊn, which accorded a high position to women. In this paper, Syed Ameer Ali argued that women were recognized as full human beings in the QurxÊn and in the traditions of the Prophet. In marriage and divorce, women in Islam had more freedom than in other religions. Similarly, women had the right to inherit and hold property in their name. 572. ——. ‘The Status of Women in Islam’, in his The History of Islam. A History of the Evolution and Ideals of Islam with a Life of the Prophet. New York: Humanities Press, 1974 (First edn. 1922). 222–57. The author examines the status of Muslim women from the time of the Prophet to the present. The author concludes by observing, ‘All the privileges which belong to her as a woman and as a wife are secured to her, not by the courtesies which “come and go,” but by the actual text in the Book of Law.’ A Muslim woman, he argues, in many respects

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occupies a decidedly better position than many European women. Her comparatively backward condition is the result of a want of culture among the community generally, rather than of any special feature in the laws of the fathers.’ (c) Saiyyid Mumtaz Ali and ÆuqÖq un-Niswʸ (1860 –1935) 573. ABUL ATHR, ÆAFÁ¶ JALANDHARÁ. “Maulawi Saiyyid MumtÊz {AlÒ.” Tahzib-i Niswʸ, no. 38, (1935): 607–17. The author described how Sir Syed Ahmed Khan became enraged as he read the rst few pages of Mumtaz Ali’s ÆuqÖq un-Niswʸ, tore it into pieces, and threw it away in the presence of its author. Mumtaz Ali waited until after Sir Syed’s death in 1898 to publish this book. 574. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘A Guide to Women’s Rights in Islam: Sayyid Mumtaz Ali’s Huquq un-Niswan’, in her Secluded Scholars. Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. pp. 72–95. Under a sub-section, ‘A Guide to Women’s rights in Islam: Sayyid Mumtaz Ali’s ÆuqÖq un-Niswʸ, Minault introduces the life of Mumtaz Ali and the efforts he and his wife, Muhammadi Begum, made toward achieving equity for Muslim women. The author examines Mumtaz Ali’s reformist views on Muslim women’s religious and social rights. Sadly, Mumatz Ali’s ÆuqÖq un-Niswʸ could not win popularity and ‘its initial printing of 1000 copies by Mumtaz Ali’s own publishing rm was never repeated.’ 575. ——. “Sayyid Mumtaz Ali and Huquq-ul-Niswan: An Advocate of Women’s Rights in the late 19th c.” Islamic Culture 59, no. 4, (1985): 295–322. Also published in Modern Asian Studies 24, no. 1, (1990): 147–72. Sayyid Mumtaz Ali played a pioneering role in Urdu journalism for women. His work, Huquq-ul-Niswan, published in 1898, argues that women are granted rights in Islam; however these are denied them in practice by the society. Mumtaz Ali ‘sought to equip Muslim women with a reafrmation of their equality with men as human souls and with a reformulation of the fundamentals of their rights in Islam’. 576. ——. {Sayyad Mumtaz {Ali and TahzÒb un-NiswÊn: Women’s Rights in Islam and Women’s Journalism in Urdu’ in Kenneth W. Jones (ed.) Religious Controversy in British India, Dialogues in South Asian Languages. New York: SUNY, 1992. pp. 178–199. Sayyid Mumtaz Ali and his wife Muhammadi Begam founded the weekly newspaper, Tahzib un-Niswan (Women’s Reformer) in 1898 in

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Lahore. The newspaper introduced new ideas about women’s education, household management, women’s rights and their equality. Muslim women wrote for this newspaper, thus creating both readership and authorship among pardah-observing women. 577. MUMT¹Z {ALÁ, SAIYYID. ÆuqÖq un-Niswʸ [Rights of Women]. Lahore: DÊrul IªÊ{at-i PunjÊb. 1898. 188p. [ U ], KKK. This work is interspersed with QurxÊnic verses on the status of women. The author presumed that once Muslim men learned the ‘truth’ about the status of women and their rights, things would move in the right direction. The book is divided into ve sections: (1) the reasons why men are considered superior to women in human culture, (2) importance of women’s education, (3) pardah, (4) marriage customs, (5) and spousal relationship. The major argument of the author is that women are equal to men as both were created from a single cell and that both have the same intelligence level. Like most other male reformists, Mumtaz Ali was not quite clear in his interpretations of Verse: 4:34 of the QurxÊn, which is pivotal in the understanding of gender relations in all Muslim societies. (d) Rashidul ‡airÒ (1868–1936) 578. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. {¹lam-i Niswʸ [Women’s Condition or Women’s World]. Delhi: {Ismat buk dipo, 1945. 56p. [ U ] This is a collection of ten articles on the theme of women’s emancipation and liberation. Some of the articles address the issues of progress of Muslim women, religious decrees of heresy against women, participation of Indian women in the 1928 Women’s Conference, and the Muslim Ladies’ Conference. 579. ——. MusalmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq [ Rights of Muslim Woman]. Delhi: {Ismat buk dipo, 1938. 128p. [U] This is a collection of twenty-nine essays on women’s share in family property, violence against girls, dissolution of marriage, women’s right to divorce (¶ulÊx), widow remarriage, and dower. These articles were earlier published in {Ismat, a journal for women edited and published by the author from Delhi. ‡airÒ was a prolic writer and women’s issues were very close to his heart. These articles passionately express his deep concern against the misappropriation of women’s rights by Muslim men. ‡airÒ laments the fact that this deprivation of women’s rights has not only brought misery to the lives of girls and women but has led to the misfortune of the Indian Muslim community. 580. ——. “Markaz-i ÆuqÖq-i Niswʸ.” (Centre for Women’s Rights) Tamaddun 5, no. 4 (1913): 48–50. [U], MHL.

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Tamaddun, an UrdÖ journal, was started by ‡airÒ in 1911 but was soon closed down in 1915. In this issue’s editorial column, ‡airÒ observes that the reason behind the introduction of Tamaddun was to start a dialogue between men and women on women’s issues. Although commendable results were not forthcoming, the editor proposed the establishment of a centre [markaz] for the promotion of women’s rights. The centre would work for the empowerment of women and provide income-generating activities for poor women. 581. ——. “Dewar bhÊwajo¸ kÒ ¶a¢¢-o kitÊbat ” [Correspondence Between Sister-in-law and Brother-in-law]. Ma¶zan 18, no. 4, February, (1910): 13–23. [U], MHL. Through this imaginary correspondence, ‡airÒ focuses on the dichotomy that existed on the issue of women’s status, observance of pardah and female education in the later part of the nineteenth century and early part of the twentieth century. In this narrative a sister-in-law tries to convince her brother-in-law to give more freedom to his wife so that she could live a comfortable life. 582. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Ismat of Delhi: Rashidul Khairi Literary Journal for Women, and his Novels of Respectability’, in her Secluded Scholars. Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. pp. 129–48. This section of the book narrates and examines the services rendered by ‡airÒ through his active journalism and prolic writings for the cause of women’s progress in India, or as he said in the rst issue of his journal for women, Ismat, ‘to bring progress to the world of women.’ Minault explains how ‡airÒ launched and sustained a movement for the progress of women. His journals emerged as a platform where women and men could talk, discuss, and argue on issues crucial for Muslim women of South Asia. III. Muslim Woman in the New Muslim Consciousness (a) The Bihishti Zewar of Ashraf {AlÒ ThÊnawÒ (1864–1943) 583. ALI, MUBARAK. “Bahishti Zewar and the Image of Muslim Women.” South Asia Bulletin 8, (1988): 59–63. The author explains that Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanawi wrote ‘Bihishti Zewar’ (ornament for gaining Paradise) for Muslim women of South Asia so that they might easily accept the superiority of men. The author argues that the purpose of this book was to cause women not only to remain content with their slavery-like status under male control, but

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585.

586.

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also to consider this slavery a matter of pride. The author believes that the purpose of the book clearly was to reinforce patriarchy in South Asia. HASAN, PERWEEN. ‘Her Heavenly Ornaments of Wisdom and Good Deeds: A Critique of Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanavi’s Beheshti Zewar,’ in Firdous Azim and Niaz Zaman (ed.) Innite Variety, Women in Society and Literature. Dhaka: University Press, 1994. pp. 102–10. This paper critically examines Section One of Bihishti Zewar, which offers guidance to Muslim girls for acquiring education and learning. The book’s popularity was so widespread that Maulana Shamsul Huq translated it into Bengali (the author refers to the 10th edn. of this translation which appeared in 1990). Hasan raises a question as to what kind of a Muslim woman Thanawi wished to see in Muslim society. She believes that he wished to see a woman who would remain under total male control. Hasan concludes by saying that the Bengali female social reformer and activist, Rokeya Sakhawat Husain, challenged this image and role of a Muslim woman in order to create a woman who was self-controlled and no longer under male control. HASHMI, RAHM ALI. Bahishti Zewar (The Requisite of Islam). Delhi: Dini Book Depot, 1975. 578p. Written at the end of the 19th century and published at the beginning of the new century, this major vehicle for reform is a standard guide to religious practices for women in many Muslim households even today. The book has several sections on the Muslim way of life, including cleanliness, pollution, prayer, fasting, charity, conjugal relations, household management, health and hygiene, and education for women. IDRÁS, MUÆAMMAD. IØhÊr-i ˜aqq [Testimony to the Truth]. Jaunpur: Published by the author, 1917. 8p. This is a short but important tract written in defence of religious interpretations offered in the BihishtÒ Zewar. METCALF, BARBARA D. ‘Maulana Ashraf Ali ThÊnawÒ and Urdu Literature.’ In Christopher Shackle (ed.) Urdu and Muslim South Asia Studies in Honour of Ralph Russell. SOAS, University of London, 1989. pp. 93–100. This is a commentary on MaulÊnÊ Ashraf {AlÒ ThÊnawÒ’s (1864–1943) work, the Bihishti Zewar, a treatise for Muslim women. Thanawi, a great social reformer, emphasized that ‘knowledge was the key to selfimprovement, perhaps the more so for women and girls. Girls ought to pursue religious knowledge with the same range and goals as boys.’

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588. ——. ‘Islamic Reform and Islamic Women: Maulana Thanawi’s Jewelry of Paradise.’ In Metcalf (ed.) Moral Conduct and Authority: The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. pp. 184–95. This article examines the revolutionary contributions made by the Bihishti Zewar to the status of Muslim women and their self-perception of their self-worth. In this book ‘woman, then, is taken to have the same potential for rational discrimination as do men.’ The greatest contribution of this reformist text is that it ‘insisted on the necessity of women’s knowing the religious law themselves for the sake of their own well-being and for the interests of the family as a whole.’ 589. ——. ‘The Making of a Muslim Lady: MaulÊnÊ ThÊnawÒ’s BihishtÒ Zewar,’ in M. Israel and N. K. Wagle (ed.) Islamic Society and Culture: Essays in Honour of Professor Aziz Ahmad. Delhi, Manohar, 1983. pp. 17–38. In this article, Metcalf argues that Thanawi ‘meant this book to be nothing less than the complete education of a respectable Muslim woman.’ 590. ——. “Islam and Custom in Nineteenth-Century India.” Contribution to Asian Studies 17, (1982): 62–78. The paper draws upon MaulÊnÊ Ashraf {AlÒ ThÊnawÒ’s Bihishti Zewar and says that at the ‘center of the reformist vision of the proper Muslim life are implicit theories of self-control and of discipline.’ Women are not excluded from this. A positive view of women is reected in the biographies of ‘good women’ in the Bihishti Zewar. 591. ——. Perfecting Women: MaulÊnÊ Ashraf {AlÒ ThanawÒ’s Bihishti Zewar: A partial translation with commentary. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1990. 436p. This text includes a translation of the voluminous work, Bihshti Zewar, and a well-written introduction to it by Metcalf. The rst sentence of this introduction informs the reader of the signicance of the work. It says the Bihishti Zewar ‘has been one of the most inuential texts of the scripturalist reform movements’ characteristics of Muslim societies in the past centuries.’ In her conclusion, the author reecting on the utility of the English translation of this most popular text of the subcontinent, says, ‘it is a document for Muslim migrants to the West and for their children who no longer know Muslim languages.’ 592. TH¹NAWÁ, MAUL¹N¹ ASHRAF {ALÁ. BihishtÒ Zewar [The Heavenly Ornament]. Lahore: Shaikh Ghulam Ali and Sons, 1905. [Several editions available with various paging.] [U]

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In Book Ten of the BihishtÒ Zewar, ThÊnawÒ addressing little girls writes, ‘In a short time, God willing, you will . . . become a maulawi—that is, a scholar of Arabic . . . You will achieve the rank of a learned person, and you will be able to give judicial opinions, as learned men do. You will begin to teach Arabic to girls, just as learned men do . . . You will be granted the reward equal to that bestowed on each person to whom you have given audience with your preaching and opinions, teaching and books.’ (Extract from Barbara Daly Metcalf ’s translation). (b) Abul KalÊm ¹zÊd’s Views on the Status of Women 593. ¹Z¹D, ABUL KAL¹M. {Aurato¸ ki ÊzÊdÒ aur fara{iÓ [ Women’s Emancipation and their Responsibilities]. Lahore: Shai¶ Academy, 1977. 111p. [U] The essence of the book is the writer’s theory that nature has created women for the purpose of procreation and adding to the population, as well as for the purpose of taking care of peoples. Therefore, according to the author, nature has endowed women with bodily features that were required for the fullment of this role. Citing several views in support of his theory, ¹zÊd argues that men have more intellect than women do, and the difference between the two genders must be protected for the well being of civilized societies. 594. BEGAM, ÆE ALIF. “”arÒq tazkirah-o-tasmiyÊh yi ¶wÊtÒn.” [The Tradition and manner of pronouncing the name of women]. al-HilÊl, December 3 (1918): 13–15. [U], MHL. This is a letter by a woman from Hyderabad, Deccan, addressed to Abul KalÊm ¹zÊd, editor of al-HilÊl weekly (founded by Abul Kalam in 1912), and followed by his reply to it. The woman enquires as to how Muslim women should write their names. Should they prex it, she asks, as is done in the western system by using Miss or Mrs., or as some Indian Muslim do by adding the word Begam before their own names? As per prevalent practice, making women’s names visible was considered improper among Muslims in India. She wanted to know the reason behind this concealment of women’s given names—was it a mere tradition or was there a religious law [sharÊxÒ ˜ukm] approving the invisibility of a woman’s name. In his long answer, Abul KalÊm traces the deep social and religious biases against women in the West, and laments the aping of those traditions by his countrymen. He regrets that in the West, a woman had no self-identity. ‘Women’s existence, similar to that of a man, is not accepted. Thus in the presence of a man she is nothing and is a non-entity [pas woh mard ki maujÖdgÒ

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me¸ ¶ud lashaxi aur kal adam hai].’ Arguing further, he says all Muslims identify the noble wives of the Prophet by their personal names, and therefore why no one would shy away from identifying his wife or his daughter by their names. Summing up, he quotes Verse 2:228 of the QurxÊn, which declares that men and women have similar rights over each other; and men are a degree above them. Azad says this ‘a degree above them’ is caused by men’s natural superiority [tabaxÒ fauqqiat]. 595. BREDI, DANIELA. “L’atteggiamento Di Abu’l Kalam Azad, Pensatore Tradiziona-lista e Politico Nazionalista, Nei Confronti Della Questione Femiminile.” Studi in onore di Francesco Gabrieli nel suo ottantestimo di studi compleanno, (1984): 129–37. [Italian], Unexamined. (c) Dr. Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938) 596. BREDI, DANIELA. “Muhammad Iqbal sulla questione femminile.” Rivista degli studi orientalin 73, No. 1–4, (2000): 53–68. [ Italian] In this paper, the author examines the poetic work of Iqbal entitled Zarb-i kalÒm and devotes a section, consisting of nine poems, to the status of Muslim women in the subcontinent of India. Bredi, in her Italian translations, examines Iqbal’s position on the question of women, especially in the context of present-day Pakistan. She nds that ‘his conservative and traditional attitude on the feminine question is hardly justiable even in the socio-political circumstances of his age, and appears in contrast with his innovative philosophical speculation and political theory.’ This study further points to what appears to the author to be a dichotomy in Iqbal. ‘On one hand, as the theoretician of Muslim nationalism in India, he is the point of arrival of Sayyid Ahmad Khan’s modernism. On the other hand, his ideas on the status of women point directly to subsequent fundamentalist theory of state.’ 597. IQBAL, SIR MUHAMMAD. The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam. Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1962. 205p. Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938), a great poet and philosopher of Islam, was the rst thinker and reformist in South Asia to urge Muslim scholars to reform Æana law in order to rescue Muslim women from abusive marriages and to halt the device that suffering women had adopted, i.e. by renouncing Islam and adopting other faiths so that their abusive marriages could become null and void. He wrote, ‘In the Punjab, as everybody knows, there have been cases in which Muslim women wishing to get rid of undesirable husbands have been driven to apostasy. Nothing could be more distant from the aims of a missionary religion.’

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Calling the attention of the ulama he further added, ‘The law of Islam, says the great Spanish Jurist Imam Shatibi in his al-Muwaqat, aims at protecting ve things-Din, Nafs, Aql, Mal, and Nasl. Applying to this test I venture to ask: ‘Does the working of the rule relating to apostasy, as laid down in the Hedaya, tend to protect the interests of the Faith in this country?’ 598. SULTANA, FARRUKH. “Status of Women in Iqbal’s Thought.” Pakistan Review 16, no. 5, 1968, 36–45. Also in Islamic Literature 17, no. 1, (1971): 49–54. This paper reviews Dr. Muhammad Iqbal’s thought regarding the status and honour accorded to women by Islam. To Iqbal, the poet philosopher of Islam, the best place for a woman is within her home and not in the society outside. The paper also refers to Iqbal’s negative views on western womanhood. IV. Women Claiming their Rights 599. FAWAZ, ZAINAB. “{Aurat kÒ ZindagÒ kÊ IjmÊlÒ NaqªÊ.” [A Brief Description of Woman’s Life]. NigÊr, May, (1924): 54–7. [ U ] The author discusses the burdens that women bear throughout their lives. Addressing men, the writer warns that it is because of their assumed physical power that they have enslaved women. Women, on the other hand, perform the greatest task, i.e. creation of life. 600. HAMSHÁR¹H S. M. Y¹SÁN. ÆuqÖq-i Niswʸ [Women’s Rights]. ·arÒf BÒbÒ, no. 10, (1910): 28–30. [U], LML. The author does not write under her own name and identies herself as sister [hamshÒrÊh] of one S. M. YasÒn. Contrary to her decision to remain invisible, her language is bold, argumentative and persuasive. She deplores the fact that contrary to the message of the QurxÊn declaring that all human beings were created in the best form, men claim that only men were created in the best form. Men, disregarding this equality, continue to degrade women as worthless and good for nothing. Arguing strongly against the derogatory terms used for women in dayto-day language, insinuating thereby that women have a lower intellect, she reminds men that the QurxÊn does not say so. She quotes several passages from the QurxÊn to substantiate her argument that men have twisted the meaning of the verses to serve their patriarchal agenda. 601. HUSSAIN, IQBALUNNISA. Changing India; A Muslim Woman Speaks. Bangalore: Hosali Press, 1940. 236p.

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An educated and professional woman who combined motherhood and domestic life with activism, Iqbalunnisa Hussain stands out in the midtwentieth century as a woman of remarkable qualities. In this book, she writes about highly important issues that plagued Muslims of South Asia. In Chapter four titled ‘The causes that led to the degeneration of the Muslims’, she asserts boldly that ‘the disparity between the real Islamic theory about womanhood, and the actual practice has been one of the causes that led to the degeneration of the Muslims.’ 602. IKR¹M-UN NIS¹x. “{Aurat kÒ PahlÒ ¹zÊdÒ ” [ The rst liberation of women]. Sabras, November (1939): 8. [U], MHL. This one-page article written by a young female student of Nampalli Zenana High School (Hyderabad Deccan) makes a comparative study of women’s status in Islam and in other religions. She concludes that Islam accords a high status to women. [The Nampalli School, founded in 1890 later became the Women’s College of Osmania University in the 1920s. The school provided facilities for pardah observance for its students.] 603. MIR AMIRUDDIN, BEGAM. “Women and Social Reform.” Indian Social Reformer 52, no. 17, (1941): 198–99. In this paper, the author suggests measures for improving the status of Muslim women by providing them the opportunities of education and by relaxation of pardah restrictions. [Begam Amiruddin was a prominent educated Muslim woman from Madras who participated in the women’s movement. Along with two other Muslim women, Begum Sharifah Hamid Ali and Mrs. Zarina E. Currimbhoy, she was appointed to the National Planning Committee of the All India Women’s Conference, established in 1939. The Committee was to work for the improvement of women’s social, economic, and legal status.] 604. NAZR SAJJ¹D HYDER. “Æurriyat-i Niswʸ” [Emancipation of Women]. Tahzib-i Niswʸ 40, 13 February (1937): 153–56. [U], MHL. In this paper, the author (1894–1967), one of the early Muslim women writers of the last century recounts her struggle for the freedom and emancipation of women. Education alone, she argues, will not alter social life as some educated women continue to live under male control. To change women’s lives what is needed is emancipation from this male control. She writes that the current practice of pardah has crippled [apahaj] women to such an extent that their feeling of worthlessness has become a dangerous problem for men [unkÊ apahj pan mardo¸ ke li’ye ek ¶atarnÊk masaxlah ban gayÊ hai].

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605. ——. “Æurriyat-i Niswʸ. [ Women’s Emancipation]. Tahzib un-Niswa¸ 40, 20 February (1937): 173– 75. [U], MHL. The author boldly and strongly argues that Muslim men continue to keep women under oppressive control of pardah because ‘as they not only take ill advantages but improper advantages, and they are afraid that if women are liberated their ways of life might become like ours. Therefore it is better to keep them conned [pÖnkih apnÒ ÊzÊdÒ sai ¶ud nÊmunÊsib faxidah uthÊ tai hai¸, balkih nÊjÊixz bhi likhun tu bejÊ nÊ hogÊ. isliye ÓartÒ hu¸ kih agar {aurato¸ ko ÊzÊd kiyÊ gayÊ to unke rang Óhang bhi kahi¸ ham jaisai nÊ ho jÊix¸ punaphe unhai¸ ma˜bÖs hÒ rakhnÊ munÊsib hai].’ 606. ——. “Æurriyat-i Niswʸ.” [Women’s Emancipation]. Tahzib un-Niswa¸ 40, 6 March (1937): 217–19. [U] The heading of this paper alone is a call for change: the article sends a message that women are enslaved, and therefore must be liberated. In this article, the author rst recounts how women of the elite families had moved ahead. Young girls she states, were sent to schools and colleges, and some even were sent to residential schools. All this became possible as wise and able men of the family realized the needs of the day and decided in favour of women’s emancipation and freedom. Experience has shown that once women were allowed freedom, they gained self-condence.

SECTION FOUR

PARDAH—MUSLIM WOMEN IN/OUT OF SECLUSION A. Discourse on the Interpretation of the QurxÊnic Verses on ˜ijÊb 31. Say to the believing men That they should lower Their gaze and guard Their modesty: that will make For greater purity for them:— 31. And say to the believing women That they should lower Their gaze and guard Their modesty; that they Should not display their Beauty and ornaments except What( must ordinarily) appear Thereof; that they should Draw their over Their bosoms and not display Their beauty except to . . . (S: 24: 30–31, The Holy QurxÊn)

607. BARLAS, ASMA. “Believing Women” in Islam, Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qu’ran. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002. 254p. In Chapter two ‘Texts and Textualities, the QuxrÊn, TafsÒr, and AhÊdithx, the author of this excellent work examines conservative theories of understanding the QurxÊn and the traditions of the Prophet. She argues that both of these passages are addressed to the Prophet and therefore ‘is not a universal mandate for all Muslim men to force women to comply with them’. She further adds that ‘the QurxÊn uses the words cloak and shawl, both of which, in ordinary usage, cover the bosom and neck, not the face, head, hands, or feet’. 608. ROALD, ANNE SOFIE. Women in Islam. The Western Experience. London: Routledge, 2001. 339p. The author, as she describes herself in the preface, is a recent convert to Islam. Chapter 12 examines in great detail the discourse on female dress and veiling in the light of early and contemporary commentaries

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on the QurxÊn and the Hadith literature. In her view, the analysis of veiling by social researchers must be understood in the context of recent social research, which abandons religion as an instrument of analysis. She concludes by observing in the light of conicting terminology used for veiling that confusion over the issue will probably persist. 609. STOWASSER, BARBARA FREYER. Women in the QurxÊn, Traditions, and Interpretation. New York: OUP, 1994. 206p. In Chapter 8 of this book under the title ‘The Beginning of Seclusion’ the author examines how these verses, since the time of the Prophet, were understood, explained and implemented by the Muslims. She sums up the debate on veiling by observing that ‘at present we know very little about the precise stages of the process by which the hijÊb in its multiple meanings was made obligatory for Muslim women at large, except to say that these occurred during the rst centuries after the expansion of Islam.’ The four schools of Sunni Muslim jurisprudence have different stands on the female face veil. Among these four, the Hanates (majority of South Asians follow this School) believe that the faces and hands of women should not be covered. 610. WADUD, AMINA. QurxÊn and Woman, Reading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. 118p. The work basically looks at ‘how the perception of woman inuences interpretations of the QurxÊn’s position on women.’ On the issue of veiling and segregation of women, the author notes that the QurxÊn acknowledges the virtues of modesty, but not veiling and seclusion, which are culturally and economically determined demonstrations of modesty.

B. FatÊwÊ and Male Religious Opinions on Veiling/pardah 611. ABDULAZIZ Al-MUSNAD, MUHAMMAD BIN. [Compiled] Islamic FatÊwÊ Regarding Women [Shari{Êh Rulings by the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia] Translated by Jamaal Al-Din M. Zarabozo, Riyadh: Darussalam Publishers, 1996. 391p. Although these rulings were pronounced in Saudi Arabia, these FatÊwÊ are followed all over the Islamic world. Local editions of the work in English and Urdu translations of the work are easily attainable in Pakistan. Further, most of the FatawÊ literature found in South Asia carries similar rulings. Section 19 of this collection deals with questions related to ÆijÊb, dress and adornment for women. It declares that a

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woman’s face and the rest of her body must remain completely covered in the presence of male strangers. Similarly, there are rulings about women’s tomb and shrine visitation. These visitations are considered prohibited. However, one ruling encourages women to go out of the house for saying annual prayers on the occasion of {Ád al-Fitra. Another ruling prohibits wives from acting as prayer leaders (ImÊm) for their husbands, even if the wives happen to be more educated than their husbands. 612. AÆMAD RAù KH¹N FAÃIL BARELWÁ. Jumal al-nÖr  Nahi alNisax min Ziyarat al-qubÖr: al-ma{rÖf, MazarÊt par {AurtÔ¸ kÒ ÆaÓirÒ [Women’s visitation of the shrines] Lahore: Shabbir Brothers, n.d. 48p. [ U ] Although this small book contains A˜mad RazÊ ‡Ên FaÓil BarelwÒ’s religious decrees against women visiting mosques and shrines, most of these rulings reect upon the institution of pardah and mobility of women outside the four walls of their homes. One section of this book discusses this concept under the heading ‘husband should permit his wife to visit only a few places’ [ªauhar Éirf pand maqÊmÊt par jÊne ke liye {aurat ko ijazat de ]. In support of his ruling, BarelwÒ quotes several fatÊwÊ, pronounced earlier, prohibiting the movement of women. He lists seven exceptional occasions on which a husband could let his ‘woman’ go out. If the husband lets his ‘woman’ attend a wedding feast (walimÊ) or to visit strangers (ajnabÒ), even if they were sick, both of them, the man and the woman will be held guilty of committing a sin. The editor and translator of this book, MunÒr RaÓÊ Qadiri, in a footnote adds that a system of education for girls should be created with strict enforcement of pardah and religious rules. 613. KIF¹YATULLAH, MUFTÁ. The Prohibition of Women Attending Gatherings and Public Lectures. Benoni: Young Men’s Muslim Association, 1998. 27p. After narrating several HadÒº and earlier rulings of religious scholars, MuftÒ KifÊyatullah explains and lays down rules for the correct way of covering the body (˜ijÊb) of a Muslim woman. The correct ˜ijÊb for a woman is ‘to wear a long “cloak” which covers her from head to toe, leaving only one eye slightly exposed, in an obscure manner, allowing her barely to see her way around, and not so that others can even make out that her eye is uncovered. It should be kept in mind that a woman who emerges, does so purely out of necessity, hence, she should execute her need as soon as possible and return home.’ 614. MAUDÇDÁ, {ABUL {¹L¹. Pardah: ·arax Ò aur ijtimÊxi nuqtÊh yi nigÊh sai [ Pardah: From the Religious and Social Perspective] Pathankot: MaktabÊh JamÊ{{at IslÊmÒ. Also Pardah and the Status of Women in Islam.

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Translated and edited by al-AshxarÒ. Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1972. 231p. [U] The author is the founder of the political-religious party, the JamÊaxt-i IslÊmÒ, with its headquarters in Pakistan and local chapters in India, Bangladesh, and England. The present book is an anthology of the author’s articles written in Urdu and published earlier as a series in the TarjumÊn al-QuxrÊn, which he edited in 1939. The author, while supporting a full veil for Muslim women, a face veil and gloves, also contradicts himself by writing, ‘Though the veil has not been specied in the QuxrÊn, it is QurxÊnic in spirit.’ The translator’s comment in his preface is worth noticing in view of the growing popularity of MaudÖdÒ-recommended veiling among Muslim women in South Asia. He says, ‘This book, more than any other has in recent years helped people to understand clearly the nature of the correct relationship between man and woman in the social life, and appreciate the great design that Nature wills to full through them on the earth.’ 615. MEMON, MUÆAMMAD ISM¹xÁL. ÆijÊb: Pardeh ke ·ara{Ò A˜kÊm, [Islam’s Laws About Pardah] Deoband: Wajidi Publishers. 1997. 150p. [ U ] The author of this small book is a well-known scholar of the Deobandi School of scholarship of South Asian Muslims. In this work, he strongly advocates traditional observation of pardah for Muslim women. According to him, women must cover their faces and should not step out of their homes without the prior permission of their husbands and fathers. 616. MUÆAMMAD ISM¹{ÁL ”ÇR, MAUL¹N¹ MUFTÁ. al-HudÊ Internashnul kiyÊ Hai? [What is al-Huda International?] Karachi: al-Maktaba al-Binnoriyah, 1422AH [2001], 119p. [U ] The author is a well-respected scholar of the BinnorÒ madrassah in Karachi, which teaches a traditional understanding of Islam. In this small book, he lays down strict rules for women’s pardah, strongly propagating the view that Islamic pardah is concealment of the whole body, particularly the face. He is, therefore, highly critical of women who cover themselves in black sheets (pÊdar) as it attracts the male gaze. (A good number of women in South Asia wrap around their head and upper body a sheet of thick fabric, pÊdar). The Mufti recommends that the body be covered in such a way that the shape of the body, he uses the terms ups and downs [badan mai¸ kisi hiÉÉay ke utÊr pashao kÊ patÊ nÊ palai], are not discernable. Addressing Muslim men, the author exhorts, ‘Make your women observe the pardah [apnÒ mastÖrÊt ko pardÊh karÊo] so that women’s beauty is protected [ jis se {aurat ke ˜usn kÒ ˜ifaØat ho] and

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despite the observance of pardah, mischief is not caused for people [logo¸ ke lixye bÊwajÖd pardeh ke tnai kÊ sabab na banai]. His nal argument in favour of the face-veiling is that ‘the real beauty is in the face [asl ˜usn to phehrÊ hai]’. Thus in his view, women in Pakistan who cover themselves in black or brown cÊdar, are indeed guilty of accentuating their charms, and therefore are committing obscenity in the name of pardah [ pardeh ke nÊm par fu˜aªi ho rahi hÊi ]. 617. RASHÁD AÆMAD, MUFTÁ. Shara{Ò Pardeh par QurxÊnÒ A˜kÊm ki Mudallal aur Sair ÆÊÉil TafÉÒl [Well-reasoned discussion of QurxÊnic injunctions on the legal status of Islamic veiling] Karachi: al-RaªÒd, 2000. 75p. [ U ] This is a lecture delivered in Karachi. The author strongly argues for complete segregation of women, as he feels that this would create a virtuous Islamic society. He states that Muslim women must observe pardah in front of all those male family members with whom matrimony is permissible according to the SharÒ{Êt. The author mandates that ‘the sin of unveiling is much greater than any other sins [bepardagi kÊ gunÊh dusre gunÊho¸ sai bahut ziadÊh hai ].’ As this is a declared sin [ixlÊniyÊh gunÊh] therefore ‘it is an open revolt [ y{ÊnÒ khulÒ baÊwat hai]’. Quoting a Hadis narrated in Âahi˜ Bu¶arÒ, ‘my whole community is worthy of being pardoned; however those who commit sin openly are not worthy of pardon,’ the author argues that even governments do not pardon rebels. He then raises a question: ‘and then what is the punishment for rebellion?’ ‘Death’ he declares. The sin of being unveiled does not remain limited to the unveiled woman; the whole nation falls under its bad inuence due to the immodesty and immorality that it creates. Unveiled women cause a variety of social chaos and could even end in murder. 618. R¹SHIDÁ, MUFTÁ MUÆAMMAD KAM¹LUDDÁN. {Aurat ke LibÊs aur Pardeh ke SharÊ{Ò A˜kÊm [Religious Injunctions Regarding Woman’s Dress and Veiling]. Karachi: Maria ikademi, 2001. 125p. [ U ] This book begins by categorizing different types of fabrics and dresses that Muslim women must not wear. A pious woman must keep her head covered within the privacy of her house as angels abhor the homes where women do not cover their heads [ jis ghar me¸ {aurat na¸ge sar bethÒ ho fariªtai us sai nafrat kartai hai¸] The author then proceeds to describe various forms of pardah and the categories of men whose company is unlawful for women. Describing the correct rules for pardah observance [ pardeh kÊ ¢arÒqÊh], he states that a woman is required to cover her whole body, including face, feet, and palms under a large and thick fabric which should be loose enough not to display her body

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contours. He argues that care should be taken so that the dress worn inside remains hidden. Just one eye, he said, should remain uncovered so that vision is not obstructed [rÊstÊ dekhnai ke lÒxye Éirf ek ʸkh khulÒ rakhnÒ pÊhiye]; however if need be, both eyes can remain uncovered. The author teaches at JamixÊ dÊrul {ulÖm, Karachi. At the end of the book a list of forthcoming titles by this author includes one under the heading ”alibÊn ka IslÊmÒ InqilÊb [The Islamic Revolution by the Taliban] in which eye-witness events from Kabul to Qandahar, the background of the ‘revolution’, its aims and objectives are explained in detail. The brief note also claims that the forthcoming book has ‘even more that is required to make a youth a mujahid and a revolutionary’ [aur bahut kutph jo ek naujawÊn ko mujÊhid aur inqilÊbÒ banane ke lix ye ÓarÖrÒ hai]. [ This book was not available]. 619. SAIYYID MUÆAMMAD QURAISHÁ, MAUL¹N¹ and MUFTÁ MUÆAMMAD YAHY¹. {Aurto¸ kÒ NamÊz, ÃarÖrÒ A˜kÊm wo MaºÊx Òl [Women’s Prayers, Indispensable Decrees and Questions]. New Delhi: Hazrat NizÊmuddin: IdarÊ ishÊ{at-i diniyÊt, n.d. 48p. [ U ] In a section entitled ‘the rule of pardah’, the authors strongly argue in favour of complete pardah, including full veiling of the face. The authors warn Muslim women that by following corrupt practices, such as showing their faces, walking through the streets, and displaying their charms, they are indeed abandoning the path of ‘true Islam’. The book states that women, who do not follow the rules of veiling, are indeed like women of the jahiliyÊ (pre Islamic) days. 620. TH¹NAWÁ, MAUL¹N¹ ASHRAF {ALÁ. FatÊwÊ AªrayÊh (KamÒl). Karachi: Sa{id kumpani, 1977. 160p. [U ] In response to a query regarding rulings on the pardah of free and believing Muslim women [azÊd aur mominÊh {aurat kÊ pardah], ThÊnavÒ explains that the original decrees [ fatÊwÊh] establish complete covering of women’s bodies; however, remaining unveiled is permitted [kashf jÊxiz hai] in case of intense need or when due to old age the absolute fear of temptation and longing no longer remains [ jaha¸ ÓarÖrat shadÒdÊh ho yÊ basabab kibar sinn ke ma¢¢alax i˜timÊl tnah wo ishtihÊ ka baqÒ nahi¸.] Thus, in accordance with the QurxÊn, the ˜adiº and the qh, it is unlawful for a woman to appear unveiled before a male stranger; if needed she must come out clad in a burqa{. Whoever forces women to stay inside the houses and not let them step out of the four walls without the burqa{, he is fully following the QurxÊn, HadÒs and the qh. He therefore will be greatly awarded for averting evil and chaos [ajr-i {aÓÒm milegÊ]. 621. ——. IÉlʘ-i RasÖm [Reform of the Customs]. Lahore: {AÓÒm and sans, (reprint) 2000. 160p. [U]

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In chapter 6, under the title ÆijÊb ke masÊ{il [Questions of Hijab], ThÊnawÒ lays down strict rules for the segregation of women. It is not permissible for women to travel alone. They must be accompanied on all travels, including Hajj, by a ma˜ram [a male with whom marriage is prohibited]. Women should be careful in covering their hair from male gaze. A waft of perfume coming from a woman’s body or the tinkling of ornaments reaching the ears of a na ma˜ram [male with whom marriage is possible] amounts to being unveiled. 622. W¹JDI, FARÁD. al-Mar{rh al-MuslimÊh [The Muslim Woman], Translated from Arabic into UrdÖ under the title MusalmÊn {Aurat by Abul KalÊm ¹zÊd, Amritsar: Roz BazÊr pres (Vakil Seies No. 9), 1908, 176p. OIOC. [Also at MHL and KKK] Reprint, Lahore: M. ‚anaullah ‡Ên, 1956. [U] Farid Wajdi (1875–1954), convinced that Islam is the perfect model of civilization, argues in this book that pardah for Muslim women is important, as it keeps them virtuous. ¹zÊd (d. 1958; was a member of the Indian National Congress and at the time of his death India’s Minister for education) selected this book for translation, indeed thus representing his own views on the continuation of pardah observance by Muslim women in India. I. Male supporters of pardah 623. AHMAD, YASMÁN. TÊ{lÒm, {Aurat aur Pardah: Akbar AllahabadÒ kÒ NaØar Me¸ [ Women’s Education and Pardah: The Viewpoint of Akbar Allahabadi] Madras: Roznamah ‘Muslaman’ pres, 1988. 102 p. [ U ] This works presents a critique of Akbar Allahabadi’s (1846–1921) poetic works. Through his satirical poems, Akbar Allahabadi made fun of women’s education and their quest for autonomy. He was an avid supporter of pardah. Some of his couplets on the theme of educated, non-pardah observing women earned great popularity and remain popular even today. 624. Anon. TriyÊ paritr [Woman’s Wiles], Undated Ms. in the Collection of Anjuman Tarqqi-yi UrdÖ, Karachi. [U] This manuscript consists of tales of the artfulness of women, written to warn male readers of their wiles. The last section of the manuscript, titled AfsÊnÊ-yi {ibrat [A Tale for Admonition] relates the harm caused by women being immodest and unveiled. The author states that women who show their faces and reveal their beauty are dangerous. 625. {ABDURRAÆM¹N, ÆAFI¶. RisÊlah-yi GoshÊh [A tract on pardah], Translated from the Farsi work entitled Kashf al-˜ijÊb {an maºÊxÒl al-satr

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wa al-˜ijÊb [The Veil Unveiled: the Questions of Covering and Veiling], Madras: Matba{ NiØÊm al-MatÊbi{, 1872. 24p. [ U ], OIOC. The tract lays down strict rules for the seclusion and segregation of women. The author strongly argues that virtuous women are those who remain hidden away from public view. ADÁB, MA¶HAR {ALÁ. ‡atÖn-i ¶ÊnÊh [ Lady of the House]. Lahore: Maktabah as-SafÒr, 1982, 3rd edn. 127p. [ U ] This book presents the most conservative views on the unveiling of women in Pakistan today. The preface is authored by Dr. Israr Ahmed, who during the Zia regime propagated through television sermons a highly patriarchal view that women should not work in places where men are present. The book’s conclusion is that women must keep their faces, particularly their eyes covered, as eyes are the cause of all the tnÊh (chaos). {¹¶AMI, {ABDUL MU”AF¹. JannatÒ zewar [Heavenly Ornament]. Lahore: Ãiya {ul-QurxÊn Publications, 1979. [ U ] This book strongly argues that all customs and traditions which the ·ari{Ê has forbidden should be given up, though the Muslims have adopted them. Among several such innovations and anti-Islamic practices is the unveiled woman. The author deplores the participation of unveiled women in social celebrations. JAUHAR, SAIYYID MUJ¹HID ÆUSAIN. MaºnawÒ MewÊh-yi ·irÒn. [A Longer Poem on Sweet Fruits] Amroha: Jauhar Press, 191–?. 69p. [U], OIOC. This is collection of long poems in UrdÖ in favour of pardah among Muslim women. The main argument in support of pardah is that it keeps women chaste and pure. Thus it claims, pardah is the sweetest fruit. NAQQ¹SH. “Pardeh kÊ JanÊzah.” [ The Funeral of Pardah] Deccan Review 1, no. 1, November (1936) 46–57. [ U ], MHL. The writer mourns the fact that women in Hyderabad have given up pardah and move in mixed society with their faces uncovered. NAZÁR AÆMAD, MAULAWÁ. Mau{iza-ye ÆasÊnÊ [A Good Counsel]. Edited by Ifti¶Êr Ahmad Siddiqi. Lahore: Majlis-i TaraqqÒ-yi Adab, 1963. 210–28. [U] Nazir Ahmad in this work addresses letters to his son and in letter number 106 expresses his opinion on issues of cultural differences between the English and the Muslims in India. One such issue concerns the status of women and their segregation within Muslim households. He argues that pardah creates and upholds the moral structure of Indian Muslim society. Any attempt at removing or weakening pardah-observance would result in shaking the very foundations of Muslim society.

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631. QASIM QALANDARABADI, SAIYYID. RisÊlah-yi GoªÊ [A Tract on Pardah], n.p. Matba{-yi Musalmani Abdullah Mushtaq, 1863. 16p. [OIOC has a 1868 edition (U744) published at Meruth: Matba{-yi Qadiri, 20p. The author’s name is missing] [U]. This tract supports pardah to the extent of prohibiting women from looking at male strangers through peepholes [tÊk jha±k kar dekhna]. The author quotes a Hadith saying that a woman who gazes at an unrelated man [nÊma˜ram] commits adultery through eyes [a¸kho¸ kÊ zinÊ]. [The inclusion of the Farsi word ‘goshÊh’ in the title of the tract reects a particularly harsh view of pardah. The word goshÊ means a closet, a corner, and a place for retirement and privacy. The type of seclusion and immobility for women preached in this tract presents a sharp conict with the spirit of Islam.] 632. QURAISHÁ, MUÆAMMAD NAÂÁRUL ÆAQQ. “Pardah.” Tamaddun 6, no. 4, (1913): 20–24. [U], MHL. Although the writer favours the introduction of reforms for improving the status of women, he advocates the continuity of pardah for Muslim women, as it is an old tradition. He suggests that education and training must be provided to women within their homes. 633. ”ARZ, MIRZ¹ MUÆAMMAD ÆASAN LAKHNAWÁ. ÆijÊb-i {Ismat [Pardah for Chastity]. Lucknow: Nawalkishore Pres, 1901. 38p. [ U ], APL. This small treatise, written at the beginning of the twentieth century when Muslim women were slowly entering schools for secular education, argues in favour of veiling. Drawing upon the ˜adÒº literature, the author concludes that ‘veiling is a test [kasautÒ] to distinguish between elite [ªarÒf ] and the mean [razÒlo¸] people. Women, upon whom God has bestowed modesty [ªarm] and who by nature are noble, will never unveil themselves. They will never step outside their homes until death approaches them and it is time to dig their graves.’ II. Men Who Opposed the pardah 634. {ABDULL¹H, SHAIKH MUÆAMMAD. “Pardah.” Tahzib un-Niswan 32, no. 1, (1929): 320–21; 32, no. 2, 37–40. [ U ], KKK. The writer, a great promoter of the education for Muslim girls and the founder of the rst boarding school for girls at Aligarh in 1905, argues that {pardah is a mere social tradition and as such has nothing to do with religion [ pardah Éirf ek rasm hai, aur mazhab sai isko kutch wastÊ nahin hai ].’ Segregation of women, he says, is more prevalent among the elite classes and is far less practiced by working class women. Finally,

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he says that pardah is a hindrance to the growth of the community. He ends his article on a positive note and says that pardah would not last long, as men themselves were taking women out of pardah. He makes another interesting observation, stating that some women do not want to come out of pardah as they have been so accustomed to it that life within the constraints of pardah seems more peaceful. ANWAR ALI, MUHAMMAD. “The Indian Pardah Custom.” The Indian Magazine and Review, (1903): 127–132. MSS. EUR. F. 165/120 Sorabji Collection, OIOC. This paper, written at the beginning of the last century, examines the prevalence of female segregation and its wrongful patronization in the name of Islam. The author argues that seclusion of women and the practice of pardah has no Islamic roots, and therefore the Muslim community of India must give it up. nUGHT¹xÁ, MIRZ¹ {A¶ÁM BEG. QurxÊn aur pardah. (QurxÊn and pardah) Badayun: Nizami pres, Aligash, 1928. 125p. [ U ] The author wrote this book while he was a nal year student of law at Aligarh Muslim University and a member of Anjuman islah-i pardah [Society for the Reform of Pardah], Aligarh. nughtai later emerged as a well-known short story writers in Urdu. His sister, Ismat nughtai, is an acclaimed Urdu short story writer. In this book, {AØÒm Beg strongly argues that the seclusion of women has added tremendously to the current poverty aficting the Indian Muslims. The restrictions of pardah, he says, have hit the women of the middle class. He further argues that pseudo-Muslim scholars have kept Muslim masses ignorant of the real message of the QurxÊn by discouraging its translation into the local languages. Pardah as practiced in India is not in accordance with the teachings of the QurxÊn. RAHMAN, FAZLUR. ‘The Status of Women in Islam: A Modernist Interpretation.’ In Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault (ed.) Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. pp. 285–310. The author, a renowned scholar of Islam, left Pakistan and moved to the USA following serious disagreements with authorities in Pakistan. Using a modernist approach, he observes that Muslim law, practiced in most Muslim societies, is more custom-based than rooted in teachings of the QurxÊn. He concludes that ‘the QurxÊn advocates neither veil nor segregation of sexes, but insists on sexual modesty.’ SHAMSUDDÁN. IslÊmÒ pardÊh. Aligarh: ·erwanÒ printing pres, 1939. 138p. [U]

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The title page of the book explains that this book is written to prove that the veiling of the face and covering of hands of women is not an Islamic requirement. The author announces, ‘Whoever in response to my objections proves that the QurxÊn and ÆadÒth approve of the pardah of the face and hands would receive a cash award of Rupees one hundred.’ ·amsuddÒn, whose name on the title page carries an additional title: mujÊhid-i-IslÊm, ˜Êmi-yi niswʸ [warrior of Islam, supporter of women], strongly argues that the root cause of the downfall of Muslims is the ill treatment of women by keeping them in pardah, which is an innovation (bida{at) and practice not approved by Islam. In one of his arguments against the nature of pardah, he observes that the present system of pardah allows women to watch men while men cannot see them. This practice, he says, hurts men’s rights and further is against equality. On a serious note, he blames the mullahs for the face veiling as nowhere, neither in the QurxÊn nor in the ÆadÒth, is there any provision for it. Veiling of the face ‘is a deceit of the mullahs based totally on ignorance [mullÊo¸ ka dho¸g hai jo sarasar jihÊlat par mabnÒ hai].’ The book ends with an interesting dialogue between a Muslim woman and a male preacher (maulawÒ ), in which the writer argues that the QurxÊn instructs both believing women and believing men to guard their honour and chastity. 639. TYABJI, HUSAIN B. Badruddin Tyabji; A Biography. Bombay: Thacker & Co. 1952. 410p. This biography of Badruddin Tyabji (1844–1906) by his son records several signicant events involving this great social reformer and political leader. Chapter 23 describes in detail Tyabji’s views on pardah and the education of Muslim women. Addressing the mammoth assembly of Muslim elite coming from every part of India to attend the 17th session of the Mahomedan Educational Conference held in Bombay in 1903, Tyabji declared that ‘Mussalmans had lagged behind because of the restrictions of the pardah which had been extended beyond the demands of the shariat.’ His words that ‘there was nothing in the Koran justifying the severe restrictions of the pardah as were then in vogue’ caused such great commotion in the assembly hall that Ghulam us-Saqalain, a progressive Aligarian, feared that if the discussion was not severely restricted ‘such a storm would arise that it would be more terrible than the ood of a river, and with a single wave would carry off the whole conference.’ Tyabji stood by his words, and women members of his family discarded pardah and appeared in the public without covering their faces. Indeed the author of this biography claims that as women

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of the Tyabji family had discarded pardah in 1870s, ‘the distinction of being the rst to discard the pardah’ goes to them. Egyptian women did so only in 1919 and thus were the second group of Muslim women to discard pardah. 640. ——. ‘Presidential Address to the Seventeenth Session of the All India Muslim Educational Conference, held in 1903 at Bombay’, Vide, Agha Hussain Hamadani ed. Dastavizat all India Muslim edukaeshnal kanfrans, sadarati khuttbat, 1886–1906, Part 1 [ Documents All India Muslim Educational Conference, Presidential Addresses], Islamabad: Qaumi Idarah Barai Tahqiq Tarikh wo Saqaft [National Institute for Historical research and Culture], 1986. pp. 292–309. Badruddin Tyabji, a leading judge of the Bombay High Court, in his Presidential Address in 1903 stated that ‘women’s education, in the true and real sense, does not exist among Indian Muslim.’ He felt that pardah, as practised by Indian Muslims, was the main hindrance in the path of their education. He clearly stated that one could nd no evidence in any single passage of the QurxÊn in support of prevalent pardah practices. Pardah is more of a cultural tradition and far less a religious obligation, he said. He further argued that it causes physical illness among girls. He concluded by declaring that ‘until we decide to lighten the hardships of pardah we as a nation will remain half-educated, powerless, and weak.’ 641. ——. “Social Life in 1804 and 1929 among Muslims in Bombay.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay Branch 6 (1930): 286–300. OIOC. In this article, Tyabji reects upon social changes in the Khoja community of Bombay, of which Tyabji was a member. The Khojas broke away from restrictive social traditions. Women’s seclusion and pardah were no longer observed in this community.

C. Women Challenging Pardah Restrictions 642. HABIBULLAH, ATTIA. ‘Seclusion of Women,’ in Shyam Kumari Nehru (ed.) Our Cause: A Symposium by Indian Women. Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1935. pp. 205–11. This paper is a critical study of the double standards of men towards women, when wives and daughters are kept under severe seclusion, while men themselves might be clients of courtesans and prostitutes. The author argues, ‘it is in this false system of morality, conveniently upheld by men that pardah nds its greatest support and herein lies its

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weakness.’ Pardah, a hindrance in the path of women’s progress in the world today, is medieval and cannot be accommodated in a modern democracy. The writer, a novelist, is popularly known by her married name, Attia Hossain. HUSSAIN, IQBALUNNISA. ‘Purdah and Progress,’ in her Changing India: A Muslim Woman Speaks. Bangalore: Hosali Press, 1940. pp. 45–49. In this chapter, the author begins by analysing the advantages and disadvantages of pardah in India. The restrictions placed on a Muslim woman she says, have turned her into a puppet in the hands of her husband. Pardah she felt has further made rich women ‘parasites’ and poor women an ‘economic burden’. She suggests that pardah should be done away with gradually, and not through drastic measures. Education and vocational training would gradually free women from the restrictions of pardah. KHATÇN-I HYDERAB¹D DECCAN. “Rasm-i Goªa ke Muta{lliq PÊnp A˜am SawÊl wa Unke PÊnp MunÊsib JawabÊt.” (Five Questions on the Custom of Pardah and Five Appropriate Answers) in Mu{allim-i Niswa¸ 11, no. 3, (1897): 53–56. [U], APL. This article, written by an anonymous woman who chose to identify herself as a lady from Hyderabad Deccan, strongly attacks the custom of pardah. She argues that pardah is enforced by Muslim men on women in the subcontinent and concludes by stating that keeping women in complete segregation is against the spirit of Islam. MARYAM BEGAM S¹ÆIB¹H, MAULAWÁ. “Pardah.” [Veiling] Mu{allim-i Niswa¸ 11, no. 3, (1897): 54–59. [U ], APL. The title MaulawÒ (scholar) was, and continues to be, exclusively a male prerogative in almost all Muslim societies. The dictionary meaning, however, has no gender. This woman writer not only understood well the dictionary meaning of the term, but was also conscious of its socially constructed meaning. By adding this word to her name, she made a bold statement at the end of the 19th century and boldly challenged the power of language used to subordinate women. Through her name and her writing she resisted male power for laying down rules for pardah. The Muaxllim-i Niswa¸, founded by a reformist man, Mu˜ibb {AlÒ, in 1887, published women’s writings on issues such as pardah and female segregation. NAZR SAJJAD HYDER. “Pardah.” Tahzib un-Niswan, 40, no. 6, (1937): 193–194. [U], MHL. The writer briey describes how some daring women got together to work for the removal of pardah in Aligarh and succeeded in doing so. Referring to Turkey and Iran, she said that due to the efforts of their

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rulers, pardah was almost ending there, and more women were acquiring education. In India, the situation was different as the ruler belonged to a different religion and could not persuade people to change especially as they were afraid of social change. RIZWIYAH KHATÇN. “Ah! {¹liyÊh ÆaÓrat Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam Âa˜ebÊh Mar˜umÊh wa Mafurah.” [Oh, The Exalted Late Sultan Jahan Begam, may she be pardoned (by Allah) Tahzib un-Niswan, 33, no. 23, (1930): 561–65. [ U], MHL. The author recalls her several meetings with the Begam. In one such meeting, the late Sultan Jahan Begam, in regard to the strict enforcement of pardah, said that it is found nowhere in the QurxÊn. She also said that this strict pardah would go away soon because the world was now becoming a free world. A day would come she said, when there would be neither religious pardah nor a customary one. She also said that her own son (Nawwab Hamidullah Khan) said that she should give up pardah [pardah u¢hÊ do]. She then added that in India the proper time for giving up pardah had not yet come. On being asked to cite the obstacles in giving up pardah, the Begam said, ‘men in India do not respect women fully. Therefore it is hazardous for women to step out [hindustÊn ke mard {aurato¸ kÊ pÖrÊ i˜tirÊm nahi¸ kartai, isliye unke liye bahar nikalnÊ ¶atanÊk hai].’ SUGHR¹ ÆUMAYÇN MIRZ¹. “Pardeh par MerÊ ‡ayÊl.” [ My Views on Pardah] {Ismat salgirah numbar. (1930): 27–29. [ U ], MHL. The author, who herself was seen without a face veil, argues that Pardah must be discarded, as it is a sign of the inferiority of women and a hindrance to their progress. UMM-I YUSUF. “Pardah-ye Niswʸ”[Women’s Pardah] Tamaddun 1, no. 6, (1916): 40–43. [U], MHL. The author, who writes under the pseudonym, ‘Mother of Yusuf ’, argues against the strict enforcement of pardah. It is interesting to note that while she rejects a rigorous tradition of women’s invisibility, she chooses to remain invisible by not disclosing her own name. WAÂÁ, MRS. S. M. “Pardey kÒ IbtidÊx.” [ The Origin of Pardah]. Ismat 41, no. 3, September (1928): 266–67. [ U ], MHL. Contrary to the misconception that pardah was introduced by Islam, the tradition of women’s segregation existed thousands of years before Islam and therefore in its present form of female seclusion, pardah is not an Islamic tradition.

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I. Women in Support of Pardah 651. IMTI¹Z {ALÁ, THURRAY¹. “Un-Islamic School Uniform for Girl Students.” Islamic Literature 17, no. 3, March (1971): 185–88. This paper argues that a well-covered head is a symbol of modesty—the greatest feminine virtue. The author urges school administrators in Pakistan to instruct girl students to cover their heads with a dupatta or a large scarf. 652. SUL”¹N, JAHAN BEGAM, NAWW¹B. {Iffat al-MuslimÊt [Modesty for the Muslim Women]. Agra: Mud-i ¹m pres, 1918. 206p. [U], [OIOC]. Also see Iffat al-MuslimÊt, translated as al Hijab: or Why Purdah is Necessary.’ Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Company, 1922. 212p. In support of her arguments for pardah Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam, ruler of Bhopal State, draws excerpts from the works of notable Muslim male theologians and scholars, such as ·ah Wali Ullah (1703–1762), MaulanÊ ·iblÒ NuxmÊnÒ (1857–1914) and Maulawi NazÒr Ahmad (1831–1912), and argues that pardah protects women’s honour and chastity. The pardah-observing ruler of Bhopal insists that pardah gives women privacy and security, and creates no hindrance in achieving progress. Sultan Jahan Begam was not only a supporter of pardah; she conducted all state business by wearing a burqÊ{. The Begam was not only critical of those who opposed pardah, but she said that non-observance of pardah was a blot on Western civilisation. [Note: The Begam later in a public statement while presiding over the second annual meeting of the All India Women’s Conference in Delhi in 1928, said that she had come to believe that pardah as practised in India was harmful to the cause of women’s education. She also observed that pardah was far too strictly observed in India].

D. Pardah’s Impact on Women’s Lives 653. AHMAD, SHADBANO. “Education and Purdah Nuances: A Note on Muslim Women in Aligarh.” Social Action 27, no. 1, (1977): 45–52. This paper draws upon the ndings of a recent study of the existing pattern of pardah among middle-class Muslim women in Aligarh, a city which symbolized the beginning of Muslim modernism in South Asia. The author argues that despite completing secondary education, over one-fourth of young girls continued to observe pardah to some extent. Marriage still was the major goal in the life of a Muslim woman, and

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secular education is regarded as an additional qualication for the enhancement of girls’ chances in the marriage market. AHMED, SHAHEEN. “Purdah: An Analysis of Ideal vs. Contextual Reality.” The Journal of Social Studies 60, (1993): 45–58. Pardah, sanctioned by Islam, is practiced in Bangladesh to protect women from men outside the family and to keep them in their own separate feminine world. Veiling and seclusion, this paper concludes, are behavioural norms which a Bengali Muslim girl is introduced to when she approaches puberty; pardah continues throughout her life. ALAM, SHAISTA AZIZ. “Purdah and the QurxÊn.” Hamdard Islamicus 13, no. 4, (1990): 77–90. Based on the injunctions of the QurxÊn and the Hadith, this paper states that the QurxÊn attaches great importance to privacy of homes and of individuals living therein. In any case, one should not miss the point that there is obvious emphasis on protection and preservation of the privacy of human dwellings, rather than on the shutting up of women in the zenana. AMIN, SAJEDA. “The Poverty-Purdah Trap in Rural Bangladesh: Implications for Women’s Roles in the Family.” Development and Change 28, (1997): 213–33. This paper examines how poverty gets further entrenched in the rural areas of Bangladesh by increasing restrictions on women’s mobility. Pardah restrictions have created barriers for women in their efforts to seek work outside their homes. ANJUM, MOHINI. ‘Behind Burqa,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India. Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 112–18. This paper examines the changing patterns of pardah observance among Muslim women in India. BELL, Mrs. G. H. Indian Women and English Women. London: Harrison & Sons, 1920. 28p. (see also entry # 435). The author briey examines, among several other issues, pardah and the role it plays in the lives of women. She states that a pardah-observing woman remains a secret. ‘By the custom of the purdah she has placed a barrier between herself and the outside world. To bluntly disregard this and try by assault to break it down is about as safe as attempting to break through the barrage of an intensive bombardment.’ The author further warns that any attempt to ‘break the purdah of a woman is a most dire insult.’ She concludes by stating that ‘the kingdom of the purdah is essentially exclusive and its power to isolate is emphasised and completed if the purdah woman is illiterate and speaks no other language than that of her own.’

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658. CHOWDHURY, TASNEEM A. Segregation of Women in Islamic Societies of South Asia and its Reection in Rural Housing: Case Study in Bangladesh. M. Arch. Thesis, McGill University, Canada. 1992. Gender segregation in South Asian societies ‘has given rise to separate domains for males and females, both in the home and the neighbourhood.’ Based on a eld study in rural Bangladesh, this work looks at a variety of house settings to accommodate religious and social norms. 659. DE SOUZA, EUNICE. (ed.) Purdah, an Anthology. New Delhi: OUP, 2004. 552p. This book presents writings on the theme of pardah with a focus on women’s experience within the seclusion. These women are both Muslim and Hindu. Selections include texts written in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries by women who observed pardah, such as Bibi Ashraf and the Begams of Bhopal and by women who studied pardah through their western eyes, such as Mreer Hasan Ali or Fanny Parks. 660. FELDMAN, SHELLEY and FLORENCE E. MCCARTHY. “Purdah and Changing Patterns of Social Control Among Rural Women in Bangladesh.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 45, no. 4, (1983): 949–59. The paper shows how changes in work related activities of women and how the demand for female wage labour have affected the practice of purdah among Bangladeshi villages. Contrary to the common belief that the burkha [burqÊ{ ] epitomizes the social exclusion and subordination of rural women, this paper argues that it increases the mobility of Muslim women, thereby ‘enhancing their social participation and visibility and maintaining rather than diminishing women’s status’. 661. HAUSWIRTH, FRIEDA. [Frieda Mathilda (Hauswirth) Das]. Purdah: The Status of Indian Women from Ancient to the Twentieth Century. New York: The Vanguard Press, 1932. 289p. Reprint Columbia University Press, 2006. Swiss by birth and married to an Indian Hindu, the author’s account is based on personal observations on her eight year’s residence in India. The book describes purdah as observed by the Hindus and should not be confused with that of Muslim women. The book also looks at the various social reform movements undertaken in India for the eradication of women’s seclusion. 662. HUSSAIN, TAREK MAHMUD and JOHN F. SMITH. “Women’s Physical Mobility in Rural Bangladesh: The Role of Socio-Economic and Community Factors.” Contemporary South Asia 8, no. 2 (1999): 177–86. This paper studies the mobility of women in rural Bangladesh using the Demographic and Health Survey (1994) data. It states that traditionally women experienced huge restrictions on their free movement and

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that things were changing as many women believed that they should be allowed to travel outside villages on their own. The paper ends by drawing the conclusion that ‘Bangladeshi society needs to incorporate women’s emancipation as an integral part of the movement for gender justice and social equality.’ IYENGAR, VISHWAPRIYA. ‘The Nemesis of Visual Space: Burqa and Identity,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 126–28. This paper relates a story describing how a woman’s identity gets lost when she wears a burqa. JACOBSON, DORANNE. Hidden Faces: Hindu and Muslim Purdah in a Central Indian Village. Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Columbia University, 1970. 554p. [University Microlms, Ann Arbor, MI, 73–16–209]. Unexamined. This research thesis discusses Hindu and Muslim women’s pardah observance in Nimkhera village, Raisen District, India. Photographs are included. ——. ‘The Veil of Virtue: Purdah and the Muslim Family in the Bhopal Region of Central India, in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family, Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India. New Delhi, Manohar, 1976. pp. 169– 216. This examines patterns of female seclusion traditions among the Pathan and non-Pathan Muslims of Bhopal. As the old social circles of high-status Muslims of the Bhopal region alter and expand to include pan-Indian contact, seclusion and the wearing of the Burqa become less desirable. ——. “Purdah in India: Life behind the Veil.” National Geographic Magazine 152, no. 2, (1977): 270–86. With the help of photographs the author studies the changing patterns of purdah in Nimkhera Village, District Raisen. JAFRI, S. N. A. “Purdah in India.” Asiatic Review, no. 33, July (1937): 533–8. This paper presents a historical survey of purdah in South Asia, from the epic age to the present. JEFFERY, PATRICIA. “Indian Women in Purdah.” Current Anthropology 23, no. 2, (1982): 195–96. In this paper, purdah is discussed in the context of Muslim women of a particular locality of Delhi. Their observance of purdah is related to a number of complex issues, particularly their economic dependence on men of the family. The paper states that women themselves believe that purdah protects their honour and modesty.

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669. KHAN, MAZHARUL HAQ. Social Pathology of the Muslim Society. Delhi: Amar Prakashan, 1978. 196p. [Also Purdah and Polygamy: a study in the social pathology of the Muslim society.’ Peshawar: Nashriat ilm-o-taraqqiat, 1972. 232p.] The work states that purdah and polygamy have caused the social downfall of Muslims. Not only do the women who are kept in strict purdah suffer from its harmful effects on their mental and physical health, but also their children and society in general suffer from the ill consequences of this tradition. 670. KHATUN, SYEDA MONOWARA. {Smritir Pata (Leaves of Memory).’ Sharadiya Issue, 1396 B.S. [B], Unexamined. In this paper, the author writes about pardah as observed in the aristocratic Muslim families of Bengal. She also describes polygamy and the lives of co-wives. 671. KHAWAJA, B. A. “Attitude towards Purdah among Muslim Girl Students of Kanpur.” Man 45, no. 3, (1965): 223–27. Muslim girls’ attitudes towards pardah observance are noticeably changing. The author expects that with the spread of education, seclusion and pardah gradually will cease to exist. 672. KIDWAI, MUSHIR HOSAIN. ‘Harem, Purdah or Seclusion.’ Lahore: Muslim Book Society, 1920. 29p. Unexamined. 673. MANDELBAUM, D. G. Women’s Seclusion and Men’s Honour: Sex roles in North India, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 1990. Unexamined. 674. MARTELLI, E. ‘Purdah’, in A. R. Caton (ed.) The Key of Progress: A Survey of the Status and Conditions of Women in India. London, OUP, 1930. pp. 115–23. This paper examines various adverse aspects of purdah observance on women and proposes some solutions. The author quotes Mrs. Razaullah (a Muslim woman) saying, ‘we are as much mistresses of our homes as we could have been if pardah was never introduced.’ 675. MASOUD, SAMAR FATIMA and MASOUD ASLAM MIAN. “Segregation and Socio-economic Status of Women in Pakistan.” Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 27, no. 3, (1990): 17–29. Seclusion of women is largely prevalent all over Pakistan and interrelates with the economic status of women. Women in urban areas are trying to cast off these restrictions but still live in a man’s world. 676. MATHEWS, G. A. Diary of an Indian Tour. Edinburgh: Morrison & Gibb, 1906. ix–230p. This diary offers a few glimpses into the social life of pardah-observing women as seen by a westerner.

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677. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Purdah’s Progress: The Beginnings of School Education for Indian Muslim Women’, in Jagdish P. Sharma (ed.) Individuals and Ideas in Modern India. Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyaya. 1982. pp. 76–97. This paper describes the early efforts for the promotion of education among purdah-observing Muslim women. 678. MIRZA, JASMIN. “Accommodating Purdah to the Workplace: Gender Relations in the Ofce Sector in Pakistan.” The Pakistan Development Review 38, no. 2, (1999): 187–206. Based on a qualitative survey of women ofce workers conducted in the city of Lahore in 1996–97, this study shows that female ofce workers use several strategies to manoeuvre themselves in the ofce sector, to appropriate public space, and to accommodate the purdah system to the ofce environment. 679. MONDAL, SHIEKH RAHIM. “Purda Among Muslim Women: a study in West Bengal village.” Man, no. 59, (1979): 342–43. Unexamined. 680. MUSI RAZA, S. “Changing Purdah System in Muslim Society: A Survey Study in Patna.” Islam and the Modern Age 6, no. 4, (1975): 40–56 and 7, no. 1, (1976): 57–78. This paper published in two parts, surveys the Muslim tradition of observing purdah observance in the city of Patna. The second part of the essay observes that the earlier tradition of purdah is weakening under changing social norms. 681. NIAZ HUSAIN, MISS R. “The Purdah (Veil) System amongst the Muslims of India.” Islamic Review 17, No. 9, (1929): 331–340. The author denounces purdah saying that it harms the lives of women and girls. 682. NI¶AMÁ, KHWAJ¹ ÆASAN. “‘Aurat ke NÊm ka PardÊh, ¹wÊz kÊ PardÊh” [ Parda of women’s name and voice]. TablÒ-i Niswʸ April (1926): 41–47. The author and his wife Khawaja Bano started this new journal for the propagation of new ideas among their women readers. In this article, he argues that parda as observed in India causes great agony in the lives of women. Parda restrictions often results in physical injuries to women. 683. PAPANEK, HANNA and GAIL MINAULT. Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. 317p. This book contains eleven well-written essays on different aspects of observing purdah in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and India.

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684. ——. “False Specialization and the Purdah of Scholarship: a review of articles.” Journal of Asian Studies 44, no. 1, November, (1984): 127–48. Since research on women has tended to be segregated from other areas of scholarship even in those societies not highly segregated by sex, such research deserves the attention of those interested in intellectual history and the development of science. 685. ——. “Purdah in Pakistan: Seclusion and Modern Occupations for Women.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 33, no. 3, (1971): 517–30. Also published in Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault (ed.) Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. pp. 190–216. ‘Purdah,’ the writer observes, is ‘as central to the entire social structure as all systems of sex role allocation are.’ She briey reviews past literature on the subject, then focuses on women’s worlds and the issue of change resulting from education and modern occupations. The paper discusses purdah as related to status, the division of labour, impersonal dependency, and the maintenance of moral standards. The study places special emphasis on the inuence of purdah observance and values on the participation of women in modern occupations. It was found that medicine and teaching were the most important high-prestige occupations for educated women because of the special needs of a female clientele in a sex-segregated system. 686. ——. “Purdah: Separate Worlds and Symbolic Shelter.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 15, no. 3, (1973): 289–325. Also in Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault (ed.) Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. pp. 3–53. The author argues that in the broader context, ‘the purdah system is related to status, the division of labour, interpersonal dependency, social distance, and the maintenance of moral standards as specied by the society.’ Explaining how pardah is observed, the paper identies two ways: the physical segregation of space, and the covering of the female face and body. The author draws attention to the status of prostitutes, particularly in the context of a purdah-observing society. Toward the end of her well-researched paper, the author adds another signicant issue, i.e. abduction and rape of women during riots and wars. The two instances referred to here are the 1947 partition riots and the 1971 atrocities and rapes by Pakistani soldiers in the former East Pakistan. 687. ——. “The Women Field Worker in a Purdah Society.” Human Organization 23, no. 2, (1964): 160–63.

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In this paper, advantages of being foreign family eld workers in Pakistan are discussed. The writer says, ‘the specic advantages of a woman eld worker in a purdah society suggest that her role in this situation may be dened with greater exibility than that of a male eld worker, and that her entry into local society can be more extensive than his.’ PASTNER, CARROLL McCURE. “A Social Structural and Historical Analysis of Honor, Shame and Purdah.” Anthropological Quarterly 45, no. 4, (1972): 248–61. The concept and practice of purdah is discussed in the context of the specic code of honour and shame practiced by the tribal male-dominated Balochi society. The author observes that social organizations of kinship and stratication, along with the ideology of a code of honour, are responsible for the segregation of women. Data for this study was collected from Panjgur, Makran District. ——. “Accommodations to Purdah: The Female Perspective.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 36, no. 2, (1974): 408–14. Using an example from Panjgur in the Makran district of Balochistan, this paper looks at female role-functioning in the context of a whole social system and its ideological substructure. It is suggested that such a contextual approach could further the possibility of studying crosscultural parallels and differences in female role-functioning in both pardah and non-purdah societies. The indigenous concept of honor (izzat) and shame (luj ) in Panjgur are seen by men to relate especially to the conduct of their women. Through various means of seclusion the honour of men is protected and the susceptibility of women’s shame is checked. ——. ‘Gradations of Purdah and the Creation of Social Boundaries on a Baluchistan Oasis’. In Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault (ed.) Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. pp. 64–89. Argues that pardah is both the product of social traditions and of government policies. The writer observes that government restrictions impose certain constraints upon female behaviour. Among the Zikri Baluch communities of Pakistan, pardah is observed to isolate women from non-Zikri Baluch. ——. ‘A Social Structural and Historical Analysis of Honour, Shame and Purdah in Baluchistan’, in Akbar S. Ahmed (ed.) Pakistan: The Social Sciences Perspective, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1990. pp. 46–59. This paper deals with the ideological basis of sexual roles and norms of male and female conduct in the tradition-bound society of Panjgur. Pardah is a recent tradition in Baluchistan.

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692. PHILLIPS, MARTHA ABECK. “Purdah and Human Rights.”Dialogue and Universalism, no. 3, (1995): 38–52. This paper strongly argues that the sexual segregation of women violates human rights. The writer suggests that the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights serves as the standard according to which purdah can be evaluated as it, in the author’s opinion, violates the ideals set forth in the Declaration. 693. RAÆM¹N, FAZLUR. Pardah. Hyderabad, Deccan: MaktabÊ-yi IbrahÊmiyah, 1931, 84p. [U], MHL. In this Urdu drama on the theme of pardah, a young girl is shown discarding her pardah at the advice of her ancée. This creates an uproar in the town. By the time this drama was written, giving up pardah was no longer such a serious issue. 694. RALLIA RAM, MAYAVANTHI. “Purdah and Social Stratication of Muslim Society.” Mainstream 14, no. 19, 10 January (1976): 21–22. This paper narrates patterns of burqa{ clad women and their social status in North India. 695. SHAHEED, FARIDA. ‘Purdah and Poverty in Pakistan,’ in Haleh Afshar and Bina Agarwal (ed.) Women, Poverty and Ideology in Asia: Contradictory Pressures, Uneasy Resolutions. London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1989. pp. 17–42. This paper examines purdah as an institution that controls and governs the lives of women in Pakistan. It also explores the impact of purdah on their access to economic resources and employment opportunities. 696. VATUK, SYLVIA. ‘Purdah Revisited: A Comparison of Hindu and Muslim Interpretations of the Cultural Meaning of Purdah in South Asia,’ in Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia, (ed.) Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault, Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. pp. 54–78. This paper examines the observance of purdah among Muslims and Hindus and suggests that in both communities, devices such as veiling, seclusion, and general codes of modesty seem to be directed toward handling the dual problem of sheltering women physically or symbolically from male outsiders and of controlling women. 697. VEER, PETER VAN DER. Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India. Berkley: University of California Press, 1994. 247p. The work studies the historical construction of Hindu and Muslim identities in India and, specically, the transformation of these identities in the colonial and postcolonial periods in the context of the rise of nationalism. The author argues that after independence, one of the key images of the nation-state in Pakistan became that of patriarchal

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power exercised over the female body; ‘religious nationalists tried to use purdah as a discursive tool to dene the Islamic nature of Pakistan.’ VREEDE DE STUERS, C. Parda: A Study of Muslim Women’s Life in Northern India. Assen: Van Gorcum, 1968. 128p. (Samen levingen Buiten Europa/Non European Societies, 8.) This paper discusses kinship and pardah as observed by Muslim in North India. Photographs included. WILKINSON-WEBER, CLARE M. Embroidering Lives, Women’s Work and Skill in the Lucknow Embroidery Industry. New York: State University of New York Press, 1999. 239p. In her study of self-employed Muslim women doing embroidery work, the author observes that pardah restricts women’s relationship in the marketplace and thus hinders their economic gains. Seclusion prevents women from learning or improving their skills. Describing a variety of burqa{s worn by women, the author notes that the burqa{ has given freedom to some women while others are restricted by it. WOODSMALL, RUTH FRANCES. Moslem Women Enter a New World. New York: Round Table, 1936. 432p. Woodsmall, an American who has travelled extensively and lived in the Muslim societies of Turkey and Syria, gives her reections on the conditions of Muslim women of South Asia. She says ‘purdah in India involves a rigidity and complexity of seclusion unlike any other country and beyond any Islamic injunctions. In its strictest application, it demands seclusion from men servants and from the sight of any other than non-marriageable relatives . . . It forbids a woman of the higher class from appearing on the street, or in any public place, even though veiled (hence covered conveyances, etc.). In its most rigid form purdah prohibits a woman’s voice from being heard by a man outside her own circle of relatives; in short, it keeps a woman closely conned within the walls of her own zenana.’ Muslim women themselves, however, felt comfortable with this arrangement. Woodsmall believed that purdah gave them a sense of prestige and protection. ZAMAN, HABIBA. Patriarchy and Purdah. Structural and Systemic Violence against Women in Bangladesh. Uppsala: Life & Peace Institute, 1998. 44p. This report examines the impact of purdah on the lives of Bangladeshi women, who suffer from exploitation and discrimination rooted in the politics and ideology of Bangladeshi society.

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E. BurqÊ{ 702. BARNES, IRENE H. Behind the Pardah: The Story of C.E.Z.M.S. Work in India. (Illustrated), New York: Thomas Y. Crowell and Company, 1897. XII + 264p. Barnes, a missionary, gives a vivid description of the burqÊ{, a cloak-like garment worn over women’s clothing. She writes: ‘The Mohammadan purdah lady’s out-door costume, the white linen burqa—is a voluminous, surplice-like garment without sleeves, enveloping her from head to foot, the only aperture for light and air being a small piece of silk netting . . . over the eyes . . .’. 703. CHANDRA, RAMESH. “Story of the ‘Burqa’.” Journal of Indian History 40, (1962): 259–67. This paper is mainly based on several accounts of European travellers and some Persian court chronicles. The author has not been able to distinguish between the institution of pardah and the concept of privacy of an individual and of the family. The author further fails to distinguish between verses of the QurxÊn and the Prophet’s sayings and refers to the verses as the sayings of Prophet Muhammad. 704. KEMPSON, M. Report on Popular Education, North-Western Provinces, 1864– 65. From Director of Public Instruction, North-Western Provinces, to Secretary to Government, North-Western Provinces, (NO.5. A) dated Bareilly the 6th Ma, 1865. UPRR. In this annual report on the status of education, a summary of the report of Babu Shiva Prasad, Joint Inspector, Third Circle of NWP (which include cities of Allahabad, Benares, Azamgarh, Ghazipur and Fatehpur) is also included. Narrating the problem of the inspection of girls’ schools either by male inspectors of Schools or by European women inspectors due to pardah norms, Shiva Prasad reports how he introduced the Turkish veil, under which girls could appear before anybody. This is perhaps the rst reference to the use of a Muslim veil for the purpose of facilitating mobility and not for creating hindrance. 705. MACKENZIE, MRS. COLIN. Life in the Mission, the Camp, and the Zenanas or Six Years in India. 2 Vols. New York: Redeld. 1853. During her six-year stay in India, beginning in 1846, Mrs. Mackenzie travelled throughout India and met with the ofcers of the East India Company, visited Christian mission stations, and conversed with Indian women inside their homes, the zenanas. In Bombay, she saw Muslim women walking through the streets ‘with linen boots tied at the knees,

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and the rest of the person enveloped in a sheet, with a thick veil over the face, and a piece of gauze opposite the eyes to enable them to see a little.’ 706. MUNDY, PETER. The Travels of Peter Mundy, in Europe and Asia, 1608– 1667. Vol. 2, Travels in ASIA, 1628–1634, London: The Hakluyt Society, 1914. Peter Mundy visited the court of the Mughal rulers in the 17th century. In his travelogue, he describes and illustrates a procession in the city of Agra. Depicting a burqa-clad woman riding a horse, he writes, ‘A woman of the better fashion on Horse back astride, quite covered over from head to foote with linnen; before her Eyes a Nettinge worke or Grateing to see through.’ 707. PARKS, FANNY. Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque with Revelations of Life in the Zenana. 2 vols. London: Pelham Richardson, 1850. Reprint, Karachi: OUP, 1975. In her diary for the year 1835, Parks gives an account of a ‘person in burka walking in the street.’ She writes, ‘it was impossible to tell whether the gure was male or female; the long swaggering strut made me suppose the former. A pointed crown was on the top of the head, from which ample folds of white linen fell to the feet, entirely concealing the person. Before the eyes were two holes, into which white net was inserted; therefore the person within could see distinctly, while even the colour of the eyes was not discernible from without.’ 707a. ROZARIO, SANTI. “The New Burqa in Bangladesh: Empowerment or Violation of Women’s Rights?” Women’s Studies International Forum 29 (2006): 368–380. This paper examines the recent development of the widespread use of burqa by women whose mothers and grandmothers had not used it. The paper also discusses ‘the implications of Islamist movements and their activities’ for the rights of women.

F. Life Inside Pardah-observing Households 708. EDIB, HALIDÉ. Inside India. New Delhi, OUP, 2002. 272p. (1st published in 1937). Halidé Edib (known as Khalide Adib in India), a Turkish woman who earlier in 1931–32 was a visiting Professor at Columbia University, came to India in 1935 for a brief visit. During her short stay she spent time in Muslim households and describes the accomplishments of pardah-

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observing mothers and their non-pardah observing daughters. She visited and addressed women at Pardah Clubs in Delhi and Lahore, and was challenged during her public lectures by traditional young men on the rules of strict observance of pardah in India. She notices the process of change taking place and pardah norms becoming more relaxed. IKRAMULLAH, SHAISTA SUHARAWARDY. From Purdah to Parliament. London: Cresset Press, 1963. 168p. This is an autobiographical account of Shaista Ikramullah, born in an elite political family of Calcutta in 1915. She acquired modern education and went to England for higher education where she wrote a Ph.D. dissertation. Later she entered politics and became an active member of Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly in 1948. This signicant study portrays the struggle of women in South Asia. Mainly an account of her own life, the book documents the social life of Muslim middleclass women within the household. ——. Behind the Veil. Karachi: Pakistan Publications, n.d., 2nd edition, Karachi: OUP, 1992. 220p. Originally written as ‘guide’ to Pakistani culture for the benet of western visitors, the book in its present form narrates the culture and life of the so-called elite women of yesteryear. The inner apartments of women were completely separate from those of men. The author makes no attempt to describe the lives and experiences of ‘old maid servants’ who were virtually slave girls of the households. KHURSHEED BAI. “The Purdahnashin Question.” The Indian Review, April 1903, 217–18, MSS. EUR, F. 165/119, OIOC. The author, attacking stereotypical images of pardah-observing women, observes ‘zenana in these days is not after all a museum of antiquities.’ Contrary to a mythical belief that women inside the zenana are submissive and voiceless persons, this paper argues that in a zenana ‘you sometimes meet a Begum in whose presence you not only feel as before a personality but before a power.’ MEER HASSAN ALI, MRS. Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, Descriptive of their Manners, Customs, Habits, and Religious Opinions made during a Twelve-Year Residence in their Immediate Society. London: Milford, 1917. 442p. [1st edn. London: Parbury, Allen, 1832]. The author Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, an English woman married to an educated Muslim man of a respectable [aªrÊf ] family from Lucknow, spent twelve years, from 1816 to 1828, inside a Muslim household. As a member of an elite Muslim family, Mrs. Hassan Ali had an exceptional experience of visiting and conversing with Muslim women, some

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being close family members of her husband. As a westerner, Mrs. Hassan Ali was naturally curious about the mysterious life of Muslim women. The conversations she had with women about pardah and seclusion reveal that to women ‘accustomed from infancy to connement’ pardah is not only ‘by no means irksome’ but also they ‘would deem it disgraceful in the highest degree to mix indiscriminately with men who are no relations.’ Explaining that norms of pardah were norms of the elite she writes, ‘those females who rank above peasants or inferior servants, are disposed to keep themselves strictly from observation; all who have any regard for the character or the honour of their house, seclude themselves from the eye of strangers, carefully instructing their young daughters to a rigid observance of their own prudent example. Little girls, when four years old, are kept strictly behind purdah, and when they move abroad it is always in covered conveyances.’ 713. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ. RasÖm-i Dehli [Customs of Delhi]. Rampur: KitÊb ghar (reprint), 1965. (First published in 1910). 208p. [U] This book documents celebrations, festivities, and traditions related to all aspects of life of Muslim women within their households. It mirrors the way women dressed, applied cosmetics, and decorated themselves with ornaments and beautiful dresses. It gives a glimpse of the cuisine and the way it was served and enjoyed. However, it is about the most intimate experiences of women, such as pregnancy and childbirth, that the book proves to be a treasure house of information. Some of these cultural traditions were already condemned as heresy by reformists. The book indeed is an index to the life that can best be summed up as an outcome of Urdu cultural milieu. Saiyyid Ahmad (1846–1918) tells us how the whole project of writing this book began. H. A. Rose, Divisional Judge Sialkot and Superintendent of Ethnographic Survey of India appointed Saiyyid Ahmad in 1901 to document the traditions and customs of Muslim households of Delhi as part of the British government’s large programme for a similar survey. The author also says that RasÖm-i Dehli was translated into English as well. 714. SORABJEE, CORNELIA. The Position of Women in India, 1–11, MSS. EUR. F. 165/155, OIOC. Describing the practice of pardah as observed by Muslim women in India, Cornelia Sorabjee writes, ‘seclusion toll less hardly on Muslims than on Hindus. There is seldom lack of female companionship in a Muslim zenana.’

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715. TELTSCHER, KATE. India Inscribed, European and British Writing on India, 1600–1800. Delhi: OUP, 1995. 280p. In Chapter 2 entitled ‘Indian Women-the Seventeenth Century European Fantasy’, the author describes images of Indian women, including Muslim women, as seen by European travellers. The author argues that as the seclusion of Muslim women deprives the travel writer of his essential role as observer, and also denies him his customary masculine prerogative of visual (and implied) sexual possession of women, he creates a space for speculation and fantasy in his writings.

SECTION FIVE

RELIGIOUS PRACTICES

A. Fatawa: Male Authority and Women’s Status 716. {ABDULL¹H, MUFTÁ. MajmÖa{ FatÊwÊ ÂÊbiriyah [Compendium of the Most Enduring Religious Decrees]. Lahore: Matba{-yi FaiÓi, 1907, 100p. [U/A] OIOC. Although this collection of the fatawa does not directly offer religious decrees on or about women’s issues, there are several questions that reect upon gender relations, matrimony, divorce and family life. 717. ABDULAZIZ AL-MUSNAD, MUHAMMAD BIN. (Translated by Jamaal al-Din M. Zarabozo) Islamic FatÊwÊ Regarding Women. Riyadh: Darussalam Publishers, 1996. 391p. This work contains 366 religious rulings ( fatÊwÊ) on women in response to questions asked mostly by Muslim women on issues related to faith, such as physical purication, menstruation, prayers, marriage and divorce, relations between spouse, breast feeding, dress and adornment, etc. This collection of fatÊwÊ is endorsed by religious scholars in South Asia as well. A low cost English and UrdÖ translation of this work is available in Pakistan. 718. al-FatÊwÊ al-{¹lamgÒryah al-FatÊwÊ al-HindiyÊ  Ma£ab al ImÊm Abi ÆanifÊh [The Fatawa of Alamgir/The Fatawa of Hindustan according to the Hana Doctrines], 6 Vols. Quetta: MaktabÊh RaªidiyÊh, 1983. Compiled in Arabic by a board of eminent jurists under the supervision of Shaikh Nizam Burhanpuri (d. 1679 A.D.) during the years 1664 to 72 under the patronage of the Mughal Emperor, Aurangzeb. Its six volumes were rst printed in Calcutta in 1828. 719. ANSARI, A. S. BAZMEE. ‘al-FatÊwÊ-al {¹lamgÒriya,’ in The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965. 720. GANGOHÁ, MAWL¹N¹ RASHÁD AÆMAD. FatÊwÊ-i-RaªidiyÊh (KamÒl) Fiqh ÆanafÒ kÊ Anmol ‡azÒnÊh [Fatawas of Rashid (Complete): A Precious Treasure House of Hana Jurisprudence]. Karachi: Mu˜ammad {AlÒ kar¶ana IslÊmÒ Kutub, n. d. 608p. [U ] This collection has a large number of religious decrees, a total of 1173 fatawa, issued from time to time during 1880–1905 by MawlÊnÊ RaªÒd

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A˜mad GangohÒ (d. 1909) in response to questions asked by Muslims in India. Although there are few questions that relate to women (the book does not recognize the gender of the person seeking the fatwa, but it is assumed that all were males) even those suggest a traditional approach. For example, one fatwa declares that women seeking bai’at by touching the hand of the spiritual guide [ pÒr] is ˜arÊm [unlawful]. Visitation of graves by women is declared an unlawful activity. The fatwa declares the imposition of ˜ijÊb-i sharÊ{Ò [ pardah in accordance with Islamic law] on women. Indeed it says that as India is dÊr-ul ˜arb [land of the non-Muslim enemy], Muslim women should appear covered [badan mastÖr] in the presence of non believing women [kafÒrÊt-i ˜arbiyÊh]. It also elaborates that Muslim women must keep their faces covered in the presence of their male cousins, male in-laws and other male relatives. 721. KHAN, MUFTÁ {ABDULGHAFF¹R. (ed.) FatÊwÊ IrªadiyÊh, Rampur: ‡anqÊh {InÊyatiyÊ MujaddidyÊh, 1st edition, 1928), 3rd ed. 1997, 291p. Among the fatÊwÊ that deal with women, a strong patriarchal understanding of Islamic law is expressed in this volume. The emphasis in these decrees is on the obedience and subordination of women to their husband’s authority and to restrictions on their mobility. Thus it decrees that a married woman must obey her husband. Even if her parents are dying [wÊlidain mar hÒ kyÖ¸ na jÊeye¸], a wife cannot visit them without her husband’s permission. Similarly a woman’s parents cannot meet her without her husband’s permission. 722. MASUD, MUHAMMAD KHALID. et al. ‘Muftis, Fatwas, and Islamic Legal Interpretation,’ in Muhammad Khalid Masud et al. (ed.). Islamic Legal Interpretation, Muftis and their Fatwas, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1996. pp. 3–32. This chapter traces the history of fatÊwÊh and their religious signicance, and looks at the interpretive relation between the jurisconsult (muftÒ) and questioner (mustaftÒ ). For an understanding of some of the issues and themes included in this Bibliography, this work is an important source. 723. RUKNUDDÁN, MUFTÁ MUÆAMMAD. FatÊwÊ yi NiØÊmiyÊh. Hyderabad: Majlis Iªa{at al-{UlÖm, Jamiyah NizÊimyÊh, 1998 (2nd ed.) 573p. [U] The author is the Head Mufti of the darul IftÊ{ of JamixÊ NizÊmiyÊh, Hyderabad, India. The fatÊwÊ on women’s issues declare that a husband must provide maintenance for a wife. In case of failure to do so the wife has a legal right to go to her parents. The work states that wife

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who is provided for by her husband should not leave the house without her husband’s approval and a woman, young in age, should not visit her parents too often as this may cause chaos ( tnÊ). He states that woman who visits her parents without her husband’s approval is guilty of disobedience (niªÖz). [That a wife guilty of niªÖz can be physically corrected by ‘beating’ is a general understanding among Muslim men. For more on niªÖz see Amina Wadud: QurxÊn and Woman. Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman’s Perspective, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999. pp. 74–78] 724. TH¹NAWÁ, MAUL¹N¹ ASHRAF {ALÁ. FatÊwÊ AªrayÊh (KÊamÒl), Karachi: Saeed Company, 1977. 160p. [ U ] This is a revised edition, combining three earlier volumes of the FatÊwÊh by the author. Among hundreds of religious decrees some are specic about women’s issues. The author (1863/4–1943) upholds pardah in the strictest form as a means of protecting the community from chaos. He says that men who force their women into pardah will receive the highest reward in the life hereafter. In response to a query asking if there were any specic actions, in accordance with the sunna, obligatory on a husband at the time of bringing the bride to his house and at the time of cohabitation and privacy [Éu˜bat wa ¶alwat], ThÊnawÒ decrees, ‘The Tradition (sunnat) is that rst by holding hair on her forehead [mÖey peªÊnÒ pakas kar] the husband should invoke blessings [barkat] and when (he) intends to have intercourse he should seek refuge from Satan. The blessings of the rst is that wife will always remain obedient [zaujah hameªa tÊbi{ rahegÒ ] and the second supplication would ensure the birth of righteous children who will not be harmed by Satan.’ 725. ——. ImdÊd al-FatÊwÊh [Assisting The FatawÊh], 1965. Karachi: Ashraf al-{UlÖm. 6 volumes. [U] These are collections of fatÊwÊh written by Ashraf {AlÒ ThanawÒ between 1887 and 1943 and published earlier in the monthly journal al-NÖr, appearing from Thana Bhawan. Volume 2 includes his fatÊwÊh issued in 1913 on the annulment of marriage due to a wife’s apostasy. In 1913, in response to a Muslim husband’s query about the status of his marriage, as his in-laws claimed that the wife had apostatized, ThanawÒ ruled that due to apostasy the marriage was annulled. This fatwÊh marks an important stage in the later development of protection of married Muslim women’s rights. In Volume 5 Thanawi gave another fatwÊh, which allowed the possibility for a woman to become a head of state.

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726. ——. al-ÆÒlat al-NÊjizah li’l- ÆalÒlat al-{¹jizÊ [A Successful Legal Device for the Helpless Wife], 1931, Deoband: DÊr al-IshÊ{at. Also see the new edition of this work, ed. by Taqi Usmani: {Aurato¸ kÊ Æaqq-i TansÒ¶-i Nikʘ (Karachi: Darul Isha{iÊt, 1987). 37p. [U ] Finding no other way to get out of cruel and abusive marriages, Muslim women could resort only to renunciation of Islam in order to have their marriages annulled. The growing number of such incidents alarmed the Muslims in the early decades of the past century. Ashraf {AlÒ ThanawÒ held several deliberations with a number of religious scholars ({ulamÊ) in India and in Arabia to seek a practical solution. Subsequently, in 1931, ThanawÒ issued a second ruling ( fatwÊh) replacing his 1913 ruling and declaring that apostasy did not annul a Muslim marriage. More importantly, a distressed and abused wife might obtain a judicial divorce as permitted by the MÊlikÒ school of Islamic jurisprudence. This new fatwÊh also allowed women to seek divorce based on the ‘option of puberty’ by obtaining release from a marriage contracted for her by elders before her puberty, on condition that the marriage had not been consummated. I. Resisting the Use of FatÊwÊ Against Women 727. {¹BID ÆUSSAIN, ÂALÁƹH. “{Auratai¸ aur Mu¢Êla{Ê-yi QurxÊn.” (Women and the Study of the QurxÊn). {Ismat 73, no. 4 (1944): 209–12. [ U ] The author, a well-known short story writer and grand-daughter of ÆÊlÒ, argues that the study of QurxÊn is not only important for a good understanding of the message of Islam but also would help women to protect themselves from the fatawa of the maulawis. 728. HASHMI, TAJ I. ‘Women as Victims of the Salish: Fatwas, Mullas and the Village Community,’ in his Women and Islam in Bangladesh. Beyond Subjection and Tyranny. New York: St Martin’s Press, 2000. 96–133. Since 1994, there has been a sudden rise in fatwa by mullas in rural courts (salish) against women, which led to several deaths by murder and suicide. Women led NGOs and clinics too have been attacked. 729. HELIE-LUCAS, MARIE-AIMEE and HARSH KAPOOR. (ed.) Fatwas against Women in Bangladesh. Montpellier: Women Living Under Muslim Laws, 1996. 148p. Most of the material used in this book was produced earlier by Aino-Salish Kendra in Bangladesh. This volume documents the cases of Fatwas issued against women, showing the link between self-appointed village courts of male elders and fundamentalist parties or organizations.

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The only aim of these fatwas is to control women and keep them under male subordination. KAMAL, SULTANA. “Move Towards State Sponsored Islamization in Bangladesh,” in Women Living Under Muslim Laws: Special Bulletin on Fundamentalism and Secularism in South Asia. Lahore: Shirkat Gah (1992): 31–34. In June 1988, Bangladesh’s Parliament passed the Bill declaring Islam as the state religion of the country. Women’s groups organized protest processions against the Bill and wrote articles in newspapers and journals. KHAIRÁ, RASHIDUL. ‘Kufr ke Fatwey aur {¹lam-i Niswʸ’ [ Decrees of Heresy and the Condition of Women], in his {¹lam-i niswʸ. Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1945. pp. 7–12. [U] In this article, written in 1934 and presented before an audience in Delhi, Khairi critiques the frequency of fatawÊh issued by religious authorities in India, particularly against women’s participation in sports and against music. He says, ‘The truth of the matter is that a straightforward faith which took well into consideration human nature, has now become a mass of all kinds of hardships after having fallen into the clutches of the Muslims.’ SHEHABUDDIN, ELORA. ‘Gender and the Politics of Fatwas in Bangladesh,’ in Susan Perry & Celeste Schenck (ed.) Eye to Eye, Women Practising Development across Cultures, London: Zed Books, 2001. pp. 50–70. This paper, a revised version of the author’s earlier paper published in Signs 24, no. 4, 1999, explores attempts by rural women in Bangladesh to negotiate between competing visions of development for the purpose of improving their lives, and how Islamists saw these activities as a serious threat to indigenous culture and to Islam. The author describes the anti-NGO rally of 1995 led by Islamists who urged the imams of 250,000 mosques in the country to inform the public about the inappropriate activities of the NGOs. ——. “Contesting the Illicit: Gender and the Politics of Fatwas in Bangladesh.” Signs 24, no. 4 (1999): 1011–1044. This article investigates ‘the polarization in the national and almost wholly urban-based debates about fatwa incidents and also examines the concerns and interests of those at the lowest levels of all social, political, and economic hierarchies-impoverished women.’ SHOURIE, ARUN. The World of Fatwas or the Shariah in Action. New Delhi: ASA Publications, 1995. 685p.

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This exhaustive collection of translated fatwas is arranged under twelve sub-sections.

B. Prohibition on Women’s Presence in the Mosque and Shrines 735. AÆMAD RAù KH¹N F¹ZÃIL BARELWÁ. Jumal al-NÖr  Nahi alNisax min Ziyarat al-QubÖr: al-MarÖf, MazarÊt par {AurtÔn kÒ ÆaÓirÒ [ Women visiting shrines] Lahore: Shabbir Brothers, n.d. 48p. [ U ] The author (1856–1921) is the founding leader of the Barelwi School of Muslim qh in South Asia, and his teachings and discourses continue to hold and control the minds of the majority of Muslims of the region. In this tract he discusses the question of the presence of women in mosques for the purpose of offering the required ve daily prayers. He holds the view that the Æana qh imposes a complete prohibition on the presence of women in mosques, particularly young women, as this may cause social chaos [ tnah]. He states that there is no harm if older women offer their early morning, evening and late evening prayers [ fajr, marÒb, and {iªÊx ] in the mosques as they no longer pose a danger [ tnah] and (men) have less strong desire [rabat] for them. He quotes the fatwa of another jurist listing seven reasons for a husband to allow his wife to leave the house. A woman should never step out of the house without her husband’s permission. Explaining further the reasons for restricting women’s mobility (for visiting mosques/shrines/graves), the author adds that although a woman might be righteous and virtuous, temptation [ tnah] is not always caused in a woman’s heart; thinking about women by men is tnah also and perhaps a stronger one. Therefore he says, it is better not to let women go out. (This book is available at an affordable price at most of the religious bookstores in Pakistan.) 736. D’SOUZA, DIANE. ‘Women’s Presence in the Mosque: A View Point,’ in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Islam, Women and Gender Justice, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2001. pp. 193–217. In this paper, the author reviews and examines the arguments of both those who would allow the presence of women in mosques and those who oppose it. She also considers how ordinary Indian Muslim women regard this issue. The larger issue in this debate, the author argues, is not whether women join men in mosques but the general control of women’s religious expression. 737. ÆAQQ¹NÁ, MUÆAMMAD PALAN. ·ariat yÊ JihÊlat [ Islam’s Rules or Ignorance], Karachi: QadÒmÒ Kutub ‡anÊh, 1998, 267–269. [ U ]

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The author begins by saying that religious scholars have varied opinions on the issue of women visiting graves. Although this might have been permissible for women under some special circumstances, today in India it is not. Women, who in large groups visit shrines and attend saints’ anniversaries, do nothing except commit blasphemy and indelity [Kufr wa ªirk]. He says that they do not even know how to say their prayers. Therefore ‘it is obligatory for each and every Muslim brother to stop women of his household from shrine visitation and from committing idolatry and indelity. The Prophet, Peace be upon him, has reproached such women with his blessed tongue.’ In the endnotes the author identies AbÖ HurairÊh and Ibn-i {AbbÊs as the narrators of these traditions of the Prophet. 738. MAUDÇDÁ, ABUL AL¹x. ‘Divine Laws for the Movements of Women,’ in his Purdah and the Status of Woman in Islam, (translated and edited by al-Ash{arÒ), Delhi: Markazi Maktaba Islami Publishers, 1996. 259–71. [U ] In this chapter MaudÖdÒ discusses his views on the presence of women in the mosque. Building his argument around his well-propagated view that the real place for the woman is in the house, MaudÖdÒ says that the ‘prayer offered in seclusion’ is of greater value for women. This prayer is worth more than ‘the greatest blessing for a Muslim, that is, a prayer offered in congregation in the Mosque of the Prophet under the leadership of Muhammad himself.’ 739. MAZUMDAR, SHAMPA and SNJOY MAZUMDAR. “In Mosques and Shrines: Women’s Agency in Public Sacred Space.” Journal of Ritual Studies 16, no. 2 (2002): 165–79. This paper ‘challenges the essentialist construction of the passive Muslim woman, as a victim of patriarchal religious discourse. Instead, it outlines an alternative discourse, one in which women are provocative agents actively engaged in negotiating, redening, and transforming their roles in public sacred space.’

C. Women’s Prayer (Éalat) 740. {ABDULGHAFÇR SI¹LKOTÁ, ABU RAYƹN. Mard aur {Aurat kÒ NamÊz me¸ Farq: A˜ÊdÒº kÒ RouªnÒ me¸ [ Difference between the prayers of man and woman in the light of Hadith]. Islamabad: MaktabÊ jamiaxh faridiyah, 2001. 43p. [U]

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This instructional manual discusses the differences between women and men in the offering of prayers. Each entry is followed by references to ‘authentic’ sources of jurisprudence. Men and women offer prayers in different physical postures. The author says that women ‘have no right to read the verses of the QurxÊn loudly as some jurists consider a woman’s voice as satr (that which needs to remain veiled). Further {Òd prayers are obligatory [wÊjib] for men but not for women. 741. AÆMAD, GHUL¹M. A˜kÊm un-NisÊ{ (‡ulaÉÊh-yi Sul¢Êni ) [ Instructions for Women or Extracts of the Royal (Edicts) 6 u 8 52p. Vide A Descriptive Catalogue of State Central Library, Kutub ‡ana ¹Éayah, compiled by NaÉÒruddin Hashimi, 1961. (Deccani-UrdÖ Manuscript). One copy of the manuscript is also in the holdings of OIOC. The author, a scholar of Farsi and Arabic languages, was a QÊÓÒi ( judge) during the time of TipÖ Sul¢an (1750–1799) in Mysore and wrote this work sometime before 1785. The book is in two sections. The rst section deals with faith and beliefs, and the second explains issues of jurisprudence ( qh) concerning women’s issues, such as prayers and fasting during menstruation and post-partum bleeding. The author declares that a woman who does not know about religious rules concerning menstruation or post-partum periods will never say her prayers correctly. Two copies of the manuscript in the India Ofce Library are catalogued under both of these titles. 742. KIF¹YATULLAH, MUFTÁ. The Prohibition of Women Attending Gatherings and Public Lectures. Benoni: Young Men’s Muslim Association, 1988. 27p. This small book has inuenced Muslims in almost all Islamic lands as is evident from its English translation. Originally written in Urdu, it was translated in South Africa. This discusses religious decrees that were sought for three questions. One question dealt with women attending public lectures and gatherings, including prayer offerings in mosques. The answer is that there is complete prohibition on women attending lectures or going to a mosque to offer daily prayers or {Ád prayers. The Mufti quotes several fatÊwÊ declaring their presence in mosques to be unlawful (˜arÊm). He then proceeds to give three ‘serious reasons’ for this prohibition: (a.) ‘a woman will emerge from the home with the excuse of going for salaat or a lecture and because of some evil inuence, she goes to some other place, whilst the husband, father etc., is under the impression that she is gone for salaat or a lecture’, (b.) ‘when a woman goes for salaat or to a lecture gathering, the gazes of strange

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men will fall on her, and there is fear that an illicit relationship may develop’, (c.) ‘the gaze of the woman may fall upon strange men and there is a possibility that she may become emotionally affected and the evil consequences can be disastrous.’ I. Women and {Ád Prayers 743. ABDULAZIZ AL-MASNAD, MUHAMMAD BIN. (Translated by JamÊl al-Din M. Zarabozo) Islamic Fatawa Regarding Women. Riyadh: Darussalam Publishers, 1996. 391p. This work offers fatwÊh regarding the presence of women at {Òdx congregational prayers. It says that it is permissible for women to go out of their houses for {Òd congregational prayers and that they should be duly instructed to do this. Citing a Hadiº narrated by Umm-i-{A¢¢iyÊh, the fatwÊh refers to the Prophet’s tradition of allowing unmarried young women and menstruating women to go out of their houses on the occasion of {Òd. The Prophet ordered young and old women to go for {Òd prayers, even while menstruating (they can go, not to enter a place of prayer or to perform prayers but to witness goodness and take part in supplication). 744. {ABDULGHAFÇR ÆUSSAINÁ. Mu¶taÉar ÆussainÒ (Husaini’s Compendium) 1092 A.H./1681 A.D. [MS. No. 727, Idarah UrdÖ Adbiyat, Hyderabad, Deccan, 48p. Examined a photocopy of the MS.] [ U ] The author, a follower of the Sha{Ò qh, admonishing Muslim men, writes that it is their responsibility to provide knowledge of SharixÊ to their women. In case a man fails to fulll this pious responsibility, it becomes obligatory [wÊjib] for his woman to go out without permission from men [apne mard ke baair riØÊ bahir jÊwey], and seek religious knowledge [sharÒxat kÊ {ilm sÒkhe]. If she will not acquire this knowledge [agar na sÒkhÒ] she will be committing a sin [ gunÊhgÊr ho jayegÒ ]. To stress the importance of learning for women, he says, ‘it is in the Hadiº that for one (illiterate) woman ve men, father, brother, son, husband and father-in-law, will be held for punishment [ griftar-i {azÊb]. Therefore it is obligatory [for these men] to learn themselves and teach women too. In another section of the manuscript, the author writes that women have rights over men and men have rights over women. 745. AÆMAD SA{ÁD, MAULAWÁ. Ta˜qÒqÊt al Sa{Òd fÒ Manaxal-nisÊ an al-{Ád. [Auspicious Enquiry on Forbidding {Ád Prayers for Women]. Delhi: Dilli printing wurks, 1916. 16p. [U], OIOC. This small tract discusses the question of whether women are permitted to offer {Òd prayers in congregation. The author upholds the traditional

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prohibition of females from taking part in {Òd congregational prayers with men. II. Shrine Visitation and Women 746. CHAUDHRY, HAFEEZ-UR-REHMAN. “Pirs, Shrines and Women, Traditional Religious-Psychological Healing Methods.” al-Mushir 37, no. 3 (1995): 49–61. Women who are possessed by spirits are generally from a low socioeconomic level of society. Instead of seeking medical assistance some of these women visit ‘healers’ for a spiritual cure. 747. D’SOUZA ANDREAS. “Thursday at the Tomb, Hindu Inuence on Muslim Saint Veneration.” The Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 10 (1991): 39–46. This paper is a study of practices of the devotees at Yusufayn dargah [shrine] in Hyderabad, India. The author argues that the dargah transcends all boundaries of community and caste and acts as a powerful force in joining people of different faiths. In the end notes the author adds another point and says that the dargah also functions as a meeting place for women in the Muslim community. ‘At the shrine women are able to temporarily leave behind many of the rigid customs of purdah (although generally retaining modest dress) and mix in a wider community. They even join in public prayer, something they could never do in most mosques.’ 748. FLUECKIGER, JOYCE BURKHALTER. In Amma’s Healing Room. Gender and Vernacular Islam in South Asia. Indiana: Indian University Press. 2006. 248p. Unexamined. This is an ethnographic study of the life and thought of a female spiritual healer, “Amma” who live and practices in the city of Hyderabad in South India. 749. ——. “Storytelling in the Rhetoric of a Muslim Female Healer in South India.” Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 13 (1994): 54–73. This paper looks at the role of storytelling in the healing practice of a Muslim female healer in the city of Hyderabad. The female healer and her husband, a religious teacher, are both master storytellers and together negotiate a ‘shared performance oor’ of healing and teaching. The paper records some of the testimonies given by women devotees regarding the powers of the female healer. 750. ——. “Narrative Voices and Repertoire at a Healing Crossroads in South India.” Journal of American Folklore, 116 (2003): 249–272.

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752.

753.

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This article is another version of the author’s earlier study, annotated above. Photographs of the woman healer interviewed are also given. Some of the stories told by her and her sufÒ husband are also included here. GEIJBELS, MATHEW. “Aspects of the Veneration of Saints in Islam, with Special Reference to Pakistan.” The Muslim World: A Quarterly Review of History, Culture, Religions & the Christian Mission in Islamdom 68 (1978): 176–86. This paper looks at the large number of shrines spread all over Pakistan. In most of these shrines, women sit separately. Women visitors seek the blessings of the saints for a safe pregnancy or a safe delivery. One woman told the author, ‘I am an ordinary woman. I approach Allah through the saint, whenever there are difculties in my life.’ MUJADDID ALF-I TH¹NÁ. MaktÖbÊt-i ImÊm RabbanÒ [Letters of Imam Rabbani] (Edited by Nur Ahmad Amritsari), Vol. 3, Lahore: NÖr kumpany. 1964. This 16th century Muslim reformist thinker, also known as ·ai¶ A˜mad Sarhindi (1564–1624), in a letter addressed to a ÉufÒ woman, gave a long list of non-Islamic traditions followed by Indian Muslim women. These traditions included visiting tombs and shrines and making vows there. O’BRIEN, AUBREY. “The Mohammedan Saints of the Western Punjab.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 41 (1911): 509–520. The author, while serving as Deputy Commissioner of Punjab, toured the area to collect information about shrines and the religious practices of the people in his jurisdiction. He describes several shrines; some are extinct now, while others still attract devotees. Among the latter category are the shrines of Sa¶i Sarwar in the Western Punjab (now in Pakistan) and Lal Isan at Karor. Here came barren women bearing toy cradles and seeking the Saint’s blessings for the birth of a child. Mothers bring gifts after the birth of a male child. Written at the beginning of the 20th century, this account stands true even today. PFLEIDERER, BEATRIX. ‘Mira Datar Dargah: the Psychiatry of a Muslim Shrine,’ in Imtaiz Ahmad (ed.) Ritual and Religion among Muslims in India. Delhi: Manohar, 1984. pp. 195–233. This shrine, dedicated to the memory of Mira Datar, a legendary martyred soldier of 15th century is situated in the neighbourhood of Ahmedabad in Gujrat, India. Devotees, including women, visit the shrine to seek blessings and a cure for their illness. He is believed to have special healing powers for those aficted with ‘madness’.

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755. ——. “The Semiotics of Rural Healing in a North Indian Muslim Shrine.” Social Science Medicine 27, no. 5 (1988): 417–24. This paper reports phenomenological and semiotic research on therapeutic rituals held in a Muslim shrine. It concentrates on three case studies. Women who were interviewed by the researcher describe their experiences while being possessed by evil spirits and while undergoing ritual healing in the shrine. The semiotic structuring of their experiences and perceptions are analyzed in a culturally coded system of exorcism.

D. Women and Religious Practices 756. BURNEY SHEMEEM ABBAS. ‘Sakineh, The Narrator of Karbala. An Ethnographic Description of a Women’s Majles Ritual in Pakistan,’ in Kamran S. Aghaie (ed.) The Women of Karbala. Ritual Performance and Symbolic Discourses in Modern Shi{i Islam. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005. 141–60. This paper details mourning assemblies held in Pakistan in which mourning songs are chanted by women and girls. Girls are trained to re-enact the stories of Sakineh, Imam Hussain’s daughter, who survived the tragedy of Karbala and later related the events of the tragedy to others. 757. COCKBURN, W. “Nazar: Women Not Subjects.” Panjab Notes and Queries 1, no. 5 (1884): p. 51. This paper writes about a superstition, mostly held by women, that they are not subject to effects of the evil eye (called Nazar) after puberty; however, their own Nazar becomes powerful. 758. COLE, JUAN R. I. ‘Shi’ite Noblewomen and Religious Innovations in Awadh,’ in Violette Graff (ed.) Lucknow, Memoirs of a City. Delhi: OUP, 1997. pp. 83–90. This paper examines the role that women of the Shi’ite ruling house of the kingdom of Awadh played in the evolution of religious traditions and practices. In particular, the author discusses the role of BÊdªÊh Begam, ÊziuddÒn Hyder’s wife, who created some unique religious traditions. 759. EICKMEIER, JANICE LOUISE. The Women of Iqbal Street: Popular Models of Health and Illness. Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University, 1989. This study explores the perspectives of sixteen urban, middle-class Pakistani women in Lahore. The concept of cultural models is used

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762.

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to describe and analyze women’s beliefs. The focus of the study is on preventive behaviour and common illnesses, and provides an interesting study of traditions and experiences of women. FRUZZETTI, LINA M. ‘Ritual Status of Muslim Women in Rural India,’ in G. Smith (ed.) Women in Contemporary Muslim Society. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1980. pp. 186–208. This essay studies some aspects of rituals of Muslim Bengali women living as minorities in India. The ritual domain of women spreads from pir (saint) worship to rituals related to different life-cycle rites. The paper examines the ranks of women as created through the performance of certain rituals. It also attempts to answer how mobility can be achieved within the system. GHADIALLY, REHANA. ‘Gender and Moharram Rituals in an Isma‘ili Sect of South Asian Muslims,’ in Kamran S. Aghaie (ed.) The Women of Karbala. Ritual Performance and Symbolic Discourses in Modern Shi{i Islam. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005. pp. 183–98. This paper argues that the exclusive gatherings of women to observe Moharram rituals ‘allow women to afrm their place in Shi‘i piety and acknowledges their decisive role in Islam’s history.’ ——. “Women’s Observances in the Calendrical Rites of the Daudi Bohra IsamilÒ Sect of South Asian Muslims.” The Islamic Culture 77, no. 3 (2003): 1–20. The author rightly points out that ‘research on South Asian Muslim women’s participation in annual rites of their sects is hard to come by.’ The author has done a good job of documenting and narrating rituals celebrated by Bohra women, which start with the mourning ritual of the month of Muharram. Most of these events are in-house events and serve a dual purpose as the author explains ‘simultaneously blurring and reinforcing ethnic/sectarian boundaries.’ ——. “A Hajari (Meal Tray) for Abbas Alam Dar: Women’s Household Ritual in a South Asian Muslim Sect.” Muslim World 93, no. 2 (2003): 309–21. This study examines religious rituals in the lives of Bohra women. These ‘gatherings establish the importance of women’s religious role and satisfy their need for some semblance of spiritual equality with men.’ ——. “Women’s Religious Gatherings in a South Asian Muslim Sect.” Thamyris 6, no. 1 (1999): 43–63. The paper describes the religious gatherings of women in the Bohra community, a Shia sect. ‘In the ofcial religious establishment, women have little or no place and this is compensated for by their dominance

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766.

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in popular Islam, which has resulted in a separate world of feminine religiosity with its own norms and standards.’ ——. “Women’s Vows, Roles and Household Rituals in a South Asian Muslim Sect.” Asian Journal of Women’s Studies 4, no. 2 (1998): 27–52. This paper analytically describes religious rituals performed by the Bohra Shi’a women. These gatherings of women serve not only a religious but also an important social function for women. For the women, demonstrating piety, eating and socializing remain at the heart of religious activities. HEGLAND, MARY ELIANE. ‘A Mixed Blessing: The Majales —Shi’a Women’s Rituals of Mourning in Northwest Pakistan,’ in Judy Brink and Joan Mencher (ed.) Mixed Blessings, Gender and Religious Fundamentalism Cross Culturally. New York: Routledge, 1997. pp. 179–96. The work states that the mourning assemblies of Shi’a women allow women to travel far aeld, cultivate wide social networks, and learn through sermons delivered at these assemblies about their innate deciencies and services and obedience due to males. ——. “Shi’a Woman’s Rituals in Northwest Pakistan: The Shortcomings and Signicance of Resistance.” Anthropological Quarterly 76, no. 3 (2003): 411–42. Writing in 2003, twelve years after the study was conducted in Peshawar, Pakistan, the author wonders what must have happened to the Shi’a women’s resistance through Majles performance? ——. “The Power Paradox in Muslim Women’s Majles: North-West Pakistani Mourning Rituals as Sites of Contestation over Religious Politics, Ethnicity, and Gender.” Signs 23, no. 2, (1998): 391–428. The writer analyses the situation where women in Peshawar, Pakistan, as part of a religious/political movement, were passionately loyal to their threatened religious group. She points out that despite their commitment to their religion and to their embattled religious movement, they were able to use their experiences to reect on and transform their self-image and worldviews. The writer says that the women did so in a manner that did not threaten their central Shia values or gender expectations. At the same time they were able to further their own mobility, freedom of action and personal development. ——. “Flagellation and Fundamentalism: (Trans) Forming Meaning, Identity, and Gender through Pakistani Women’s Rituals of Mourning.” American Ethnologist 2, (1998): 240–66. This paper studies the changing attitudes and activities of Shia Muslim women in Peshawar. ‘Faced with Peshawar’s restrictive gender boundaries,

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Shia women found in their Muharram rituals a means for self-expression, self-denition, and personal empowerment, and for implicitly questioning gender ideology.’ ——. “Popular Piety during Muharram: ShÒ {ah Muslim Women and Life Cycle Identity in Peshawar, Pakistan.” The Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 17 (1998): 76–88. This paper explains some of the mourning ceremonies performed according to the age group of women mourners during the Muharram gatherings in the city of Peshawar. There are separate roles for married, unmarried, pregnant women, and for those who are past childbearing age. KARIM, ANWARUL. “Shamanism in Bangladesh.” Asian Folklore Studies 47, no. 2 (1988): 277–309. This study shows that Shamanism is practiced and accepted in Bangladesh as an alternative healthcare system. Women shamans, both Muslim and Hindu, are popular in the rural areas. Often saying that a woman is possessed serves as a cover for not acknowledging her poor health. Rape and murder of girls are often dismissed as acts committed by an evil spirit. KHAN, NIGHAT SAID. Voices within Dialogues with Women on Islam. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1992. 202p. Based on a dialogue with twelve mature educated Pakistani Muslim women, the book brings out the inner voices of women which have been suppressed, especially in religious discourse and debate. In this volume, women express their diverse and divergent views on what Islam means to them and the place that it should have in society. NANJI, AZIM A. ‘Shariat and Haqiqat: Continuity and Synthesis in the Nizari Ismaili Muslim Tradition,’ in Katherine P. Ewing (ed.) Shariat and Ambiguity in South Asian Islam. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988. pp. 63–76. Under the leadership of Aga Khan III (d. 1957), the Ismaili community underwent a programme of reorganization and modernization. Women were encouraged to participate actively in the public performance of prayers. NASIR, MUMTAZ. “Baithak: Exorcism in Peshawar (Pakistan).” Asian Folklore Studies 46, no. 2 (1987): 159–78. Baithak, which in local languages mean, sitting; place to sit, is also ‘a particular kind of gathering of women for exorcism of evil spirits.’ Although the custom of holding Baithaks is dying out, the practice still survives in some quarters. It has two functions, a healing function for

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treating psychosomatic illnesses, and a social function of providing an opportunity for women who observe pardah. The author describes the pre-ritual preparations, the music played during the session and the status of the women who became possessed. The appendix lists folk songs sung during baithaks. 775. SCHUBEL, VERNON JAMES. Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam, Shi{i Devotional Rituals in South Asia. Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1993. 198p. In this book the author provides a view of the mourning assemblies held in Karachi by the Shi‘i Muslims where women take an active part in the performance of religious rituals. He describes the reading stories of miracles (mu{jizat kahÊnÒ) in gatherings of women and also examines the importance of these stories in the religious lives of women. These stories allow women to identify themselves with pious characters in the story. Women who listen to these stories ‘come away from this story realizing that, far from being outsiders living on the fringes of Islam, women have been at the center of the faith.’ I. MÒlÊd or MaulÖd ·arÒf: Celebrations of Prophet Muhammad’s Noble Birth 776. HERMANSEN, MARCIA. ‘Women’s Celebration of Muhammad’s Birth,’ in Donald S. Lopez Jr. (ed.) Religions of India in Practice. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995. 367–372 The essay incorporates translations from a manual written by Khwaja Muhammad Akbar Warithi in UrdÖ, ‘MÒlÊd-i Akbar’, in honour of the Prophet Muhammad’s birth. This manual is used primarily by women in celebration of the Prophet’s ‘noble birth’ (milÊd ªarÒf ). These ceremonies of celebration provide the major context for women who participate in communal religious rituals. 777. NARASAMAMBA, K. V. S. L. “Muslim Women’s Songs in Andhra Pradesh.” The Bulletin of the Henry Martyn Institute of Islamic Studies 13, no. 1/2 (1994): 46–53. This paper focuses on musical traditions in the lives of women at both religious and secular levels. Songs are sung on the occasion of the Prophet’s birthday and at other religious gatherings. Women themselves compose some of these songs. The paper also refers to secular songs sung at weddings. 778. QURESHI, REGULA BURCKHARDT. ‘Transcending Space: Recitation and Community among South Asian Muslims in Canada’, in Barbara Daly Metcalf (ed.) Making Muslim Space in North America and Europe. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996. pp. 46–64.

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This paper examines religious gatherings and practices of Muslims of South Asian origin who are settled in Canada. A separate section on MÒlÊd describes these assemblies in which a small group of women recited hymns (nÊxat) in praise of the Prophet, alternating with brief talks (riwÊyat, bayÊn). All this is interspersed with praise litanies (darÖd) in Arabic. MÒlÊds are predominantly a women’s tradition, and even in South Asia, they take place mainly in homes, with women participating. A photograph of milad is included. 779. SHAHID, GHUL¹M IM¹M. MaulÖd ·arÒf [ The Blessed Birth]. Kanpur, Ma¢bax-yi Mu˜ammadÒ, 1850, 68p. [ U ], OIOC. This book is one of the earliest works on the Prophet’s birthday. One can assume that the contents were read out by women reciters and readers in milÊd assemblies held for women. II. MÒlÊd nÊmey/MÒlÊd Tracts for Women and by Women 780. ANÁS FA”IM¹H. MaulÖd NÖrÊnÒ [The Luminous Celebration of the Prophet’s Birth]. Lucknow: MaktabÊh nÖrÊnÒ, 1947. 70p. [ U ] This work draws upon authentic writings about the life of the Prophet and describes the events of his birth, the advent of the QurxÊn and the spread of the Message in a language simple easy enough for oral presentation at women’s gatherings. 781. BILGR¹MÁ, S. F¹”IMAH ZEHRAH. MÒlÊd-i Zehrah. Multan: Saiyyid Alai A˜mad BilgrÊmÒ, 1982. 68p. [U] In her preface, the author explains that this book, through its simple language and easy diction, aims at providing necessary information about the Prophet’s life and role. This mÒlÊd is one of the popular ‘readings’ at women’s mÒlÊd celebrations. 782. ÆASHIMÁ, S¹JIDULL¹H. Ma˜l-i MÒlÊd, ¶wÊtÒn ke liye [Celebration of Prophet Muhammad’s birth for women]. Burnley: Ahle-sunnah Publications, 2002. 208p. [U] This is a guide book for celebration of the Prophet’s birth by women. Includes the birth narratives of the Prophet. 783. {IB¹DURRAÆM¹N, SHAMSÁ. MÒlÊd-i ·amsÒ [Shamsi’s MilÊd]. Lucknow: Ram Kumar Press, 1950. 128p. [ U ] Drawing upon well-known works on the life of the Prophet such as Sirat un-nabÒ of ShiblÒ NumÊ{nÒ, this work selects events and themes most suitable for readings and recitals in women’s gatherings for the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday.

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784. MAIMUN¹H GORAKHPURÁ. Tu˜fah-yi ‡watÒn fÒ MÒlÊd ‡atm-ul MursalÒn [A Gift for Women for the milad of the Last of the Prophets], Gorakhpur: MaulawÒ Hidayatullah kutub faroª, 1910 (?), 48p. [ U ] Most of the narratives in this treatise on the birth and life of the Prophet are based on mythical and devotional accounts. The language of the work is poetic. 785. RAÃIYAH KHATÇN. MÒlÊd Ra˜mat-i {¹lam Âallallahu {Alaihi wa Âala{m, Karachi: Sultan Husain & Sons, 1962. 96p. [ U ] This mÒlÊd follows the traditional pattern and begins with ˜amd, nÊ{at and a narration of the Prophet’s birth and the major events of his life. Interspersed with this the author describes miracles performed by the Prophet. Interestingly this mÒlÊd namÊh deviates from the traditional mÒlÊds by including a brief narrative of the Hajj journey of Maulana Hasrat MohÊnÒ, whose wife accompanied him on the pilgrimage and wrote a Hajj travelogue. She, however, is not mentioned in this work. Written by a woman for women, this book includes brief information about the role of Islam in upgrading the lives of women. One paragraph on the Prophet’s marriage with ‡adijah ends by stating that ‘she considered serving the Prophet as the greatest duty in her life.’ There is no recognition of ‡adijah as the rst person who accepted Islam and who rendered great assistance to Muslims who were under great stress in the early Meccan days. 786. SIDDIQUÁ, MUÆAMMAD MUZAFFAR {¹LAM J¹VID. ‡wÊtÒn ke MÒlÊd NÊmey’ [Women’s MilÊd Treatises] in his UrdÖ mai¸ mÒlÊd-un nabÒ, ta˜qÒq, tanqÒd, tÊrÒ¶ [Prophet’s Birthday in UrdÖ, Research, Review, History]. Lahore: Fiction House, 1998. pp. 783–93. [ U ] In this section of his well-researched work on the history of mÒlÊd writings in the UrdÖ language, the author lists several works on the stories of the birth of the Prophet written by women with great devotion and love. Some of these works were published in the early twentieth century and ran into several prints. 787. UMM-I ZUBAIR. MÒlÊd un-NabÒ [Prophet’s Birth]. Lahore: Idarah BatÖl, 1978. 192p. [U] Similar to other treatises by women authors on the Prophet’s birth, this work too is written in simple and easy-to-understand language.

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III. MÒlÊd as Bid{at (Heresy) 788. THANAWÁ, MAUL¹N¹ ASHRAF {ALÁ. FatÊwÊh MÒlÊd ·arÒf Waairah [Decrees on Noble MÒlÊd etc.] With additions by Maulana A˜mad {¹lÒ and Maulana Rashid A˜mad Gangoh with ”arÒqÊh-yi MaulÒd ·arÒf [The Method (proper) of Noble Nativity] by Lahore: Idarah Islamiyat, 1976. 64p. [U] This book contains religious decrees ( fatÊwÊh) of three prominent Muslim scholars ({ulamÊ) prohibiting the celebration of the Prophet’s birthday and declaring it an act of ªirk. Although the Prophet’s birthday celebrations are not gender-specic, women are most often associated with this. The three scholars are unanimous in declaring that such celebrations not only fall into the category of bidÊ{at but they also cause several social evils.

E. Hajj and Women Pilgrims: Early Pilgrimage Accounts (Medieval India) 789. GULBADAN BEGAM. The History of Humayun (HumÊyÖn nÊma). Translated by A. Beveridge. Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delhi, 1972. 330p. Gulbadan Begam in her memoirs describes the adventurous journey of her Hajj pilgrimage, which lasted for seven years, from 1576 to 1582. She returned home to the city of Agra with precious gifts. She also brought with her some Arab servants. 790. MANUCCÌ, NICCOLAO. Storia do Mogor, or Mogul India 1655–1708. Translated with introduction by William Irvine. London: John Murray, 1905–7. 4 vols. In Vol. 2, Manuccì, the Italian traveller, makes a brief note about the four pilgrimages that the Dowager Queen of Bijapur undertook in the late seventeenth century. Manucci records an interesting episode: ‘When she arrived the rst time at Mecca and requested to be admitted, they refused permission as she was a widow; for no one may enter who is not married. In order that those not married may, there stand at the gates, old men and old women, boys and girls, ready to marry the unmarried. But the queen declined to marry in this way, there being no one there of her rank. After a good deal of talk to the holy men, they invented a remedy by making a ridiculous marriage, taking a nice little sum as bribe for doing it. They married her (who will believe it?) to a cock, which she carried in her arms to the tomb of Muhammad.’ In another instance, Manuccì informs us (vol. 2) that a pilgrim ship

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returning from Mecca was seized near Surat by the Dutch pirates who ‘not only took its valuable cargo, but dishonoured the ladies aboard of it.’ 791. PEARSON, M. N. ‘The Mughals and the Hajj,’ in The Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia, nos. 18–19 (1987): 164–79. In this study on the Hajj pilgrimage under the Mughal Emperors, whose rule was founded in early 16th century India, the author also describes adventurous Hajj pilgrimages undertaken by royal women. One such pilgrimage of the royal women lasted seven years, from 1576 to 1582. Another group of women, from Bijapur and Golkonda, in South India, travelled on a Dutch vessel in 1661, and enroute also visited other holy shrines in Iran. 792. ——. Pilgrimage to Mecca. The Indian Experience, 1500 –1800. Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1995. 272p. Pilgrimage to Mecca is one of the main requirements of Islam and therefore central for Muslims. During the Mughal rule in India, ‘a surprisingly large number of élite Muslim women made the pilgrimage from India. . . . and in all cases they were copiously supported and helped by their male relatives.’ Not only Mughal royal women but also women from the Kingdoms of the Deccan went on pilgrimage. 793. SEN, SURENDRANATH (ed.). Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri. Being the Third Part of the Travels of M. De Thevenot into the Levant and the Third Part of a Voyage Round the World by Dr. John Francis Gemelli Careri. New Delhi: National Archives of India, 1949. 434p. Thevenot (1636–1667), a French traveller, reached Surat, India in 1666. In his travelogue, he narrates his observations of life and events in 17th century India. He describes the Hajj journey of the Dowager Queen, known as Bari Sa˜ibÊ, from the kingdom of Bijapur. Widow of Muhammad Ali Shah and regent during the reign of Ali Adil Shah, she commenced her Hajj pilgrimage in February 1661 and ‘carried with her a great deal of Money, Jewels and rich Stuffs to make Presents at Mecha, Medina, Grand Cheik, and other places, resolving to be very magnicent.’ Lambert Hugo, a Dutch pirate, seized the Queen’s ship and plundered all her wealth. I. Pilgrimage in the Nineteenth Century 794. SHAHJAHAN BEGAM, NAWWAB OF BHOPAL. Taj-ul Ikbal Tarikh Bhopal or the history of Bhopal [ The Crown of Prosperity or The History of Bhopal] (Translated by H. C. Barstow) Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co. 1876. pp. 100–13.

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In this history of the State of Bhopal, Nawab Shah Jahan Begam describes the Hajj pilgrimage undertaken by her mother, Nawab Sikandar Jahan, along with her mother, Nawab Kudsia Begam, and other members of the princely family. Shah Jahan Begum rightfully claims that no ‘Emperor of Hindustan, or Muhammadan Chief, has ever before performed the Hajj; now, any Chief who may do so, will only follow in the Sikandar Begam’s lead.’ The journey began in November 1863 and the pilgrims returned home in June 1864. Sikandar Begam kept a journal of this pilgrimage, of which this narrative is a summary. 795. SIKANDAR BEGAM OF BHOPAL, NAWWAB. A Pilgrimage to Mecca, by the Nawab Sikandar Begum of Bhopal. Translated from the original Urdu, and edited by Mrs. Willoughby-Osborne, followed by a Historical Sketch of the Reigning Family of Bhopal, by Lt. Col. J. W. Willoughby Osborne, C. B., Political Agent in Bhopal, and Appendix translated by the Reverend William Wilkinson. London: Wm. H. Allen Co., 1870. 240p. The Begam wrote the account of her pilgrimage to Mecca in compliance with a request from Lady Durand, whose husband, Sir H. M. Durand, had formerly been political Agent at the Begam’s court. The Begam arrived at Jeddah in January 1864 from Bombay for her sacred journey to Mecca. The travelogue, which is more than just an account of holy sites and rituals, presents glimpses into the social and cultural life of Arabia, particularly into the lives of women. About the songs and dances of Arab women, the Begam observes, ‘on the occasion of weddings, ladies sing comic songs and dance, but they do both so badly, that one has not the slightest pleasure in hearing or seeing them, but is rather disgusted than otherwise.’ Regarding the right of women to marry and remarry, the Begum’s account comes closer to an anthropologist’s version. She writes, ‘women frequently contract as many as ten marriages, and those who have only been married twice are few in number. If a woman sees her husband growing old, or if she happens to admire anyone else, she goes to the Sherif, and after having settled the matter with him, she puts away her husband, and takes to herself another, who is perhaps young, good looking, and rich. In this way a marriage seldom lasts more than a year or two.’

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II. Pilgrimage in the Twentieth Century 796. METCALF, BARBARA D. ‘The Pilgrimage Remembered: South Asian Accounts of the Hajj,’ in Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori (ed.) Muslim Travelers, Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. pp. 85–107. This work carries brief references to hajj accounts written by women. 797. MU”AF¹, ÂAB¹. Pahaso¸ ke daman me¸ SafarnamÊh- yi arÓ-i Muqaddas, [At the feet of the Mountains: Travel Account of the Holy Land]. Bangalore: elaktrik quami pres. 1979. Unexamined. 798. ”¹HIR¹H, QURRATUL {AIN. Dastaras me¸ ¹smÊn: TÊaºurÊt-i Æajj [Skies within reach: Impressions of Hajj] Islamabad: National Book Foundation, 2002. 168p. (Photographs included). [ U ] The author narrates in detail the pilgrimage to KÊxabÊ that she made along with her husband. She also describes meetings with other Pakistani pilgrims. 799. ZAINAB KHATÇN KAK¹KHAIL. JalwÊhgÊh-i Tau˜Òd ke RÖbÊrÖ: Safar-i Æajj aur ¹stÊnÊ-yi Nabuwwat par ÆaÓirÒ ki RÖdÊd [ In the Presence of Manifestation of God: A Narrative of Hajj Travel and Presence at the Threshhold of Prophethood]. Lahore: Himayat al-Islam Press, 1976. [U], Unexamined.

F. Women’s Travelogues: Women out of Pardah 800. MAIMOONA SULTAN, SHAH BANO BEGAM. A Trip to Europe. Translated by Mrs. G. Baksh. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1914. 149p. This work is an almost literal translation of a travelogue written in Urdu by Maimoona Sultan, aged fourteen, the youngest daughter-in-law (wife of Hamidullah Khan who would be the future ruler of Bhopal) of Her Highness the Nawab Begam of Bhopal. The little princess, along with twenty-ve other companions, including the Begam of Bhopal, and several male and female relatives and servants, left Bombay on a steamship for a six-month trip to Europe and England. At the suggestion of the Begam of Bhopal, Maimoona Sultan kept a diary of her rst travel across the seas to totally different lands. The travellers returned home on 23 October 1911. On their way, they visited several European countries, such as Italy, Germany, and France, and also Muslim countries such as Turkey. Of great interest are the brief observations of the traveller

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about photographers of Paris. She writes, ‘We could not see much of Paris owing to the objectionable custom of photographing people of rank for cinematograph shows and illustrated newspapers.’ All through the travels, women remained clad in burqa{. 801. N¹ZLÁ RAFÁ{¹H SUL”¹N, NAWW¹B BEGAM. Sair-i-Uorap: yÊxnÒ, Har Highness NÊzlÒ Raf{iÊh Sul¢an NawwÊb Begam SʘibÊ, RiyÊsat JazÒrÊ kÊ safar-i Uorap kÊ RoznÊmpÊh, compiled by ZahrÊ Fayzee. Lahore: Unian IstÒm Pres, n.d. 308p. Photographs included. [ U ] In her introduction to this book, the author observes that the condition of Asian countries would improve provided these countries are mindful of education for women. Nawwab Begam’s travels began in April 1908 and ended in October 1908. This work illustrates that the author closely observed the traditions and customs of the people of Europe, particularly the condition of women. She was convinced that lack of education was the major reason why women of India were backward. 802. SUGHR¹ HUM¹YÇN MIRZ¹. Safarnama PÖnÊ wa MadrÊs Waairah [ Travelogue of Poona and Madras etc.]. Hyderabad Daccan, 1918. 53p. [U], KKK. This travelogue narrates the author’s visit to towns and cities in India. The author describes social gatherings where she met with elite Hindu, Muslim, Christian and Parsi women. 803. ZUBAIRÁ, MUÆAMMAD AMÁN. ÆayÊt-i Sul¢ÊnÒ, ya{nÒ Swani˜ {UmrÒ Firdaus-i ¹ªiyʸ {AlyÊ ÆaÓrat NawwÊb Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam, TÊj-i Hind, FarmʸrawÊye Bhopal [Sultan Jahan’s Life]. Agra: {AzizÒ pres, 1939. 336p. [U], KKK. Among several other events of her life, Amin Zubairi in this biography of Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam, describes her second visit to Europe which began in September 1925. She returned in June 26 1926. The Begam attended several meetings. She bought books on domestic science. These were later translated into Urdu for the use in schools for girls.

SECTION SIX

IN SEARCH OF THEIR IDENTITY: MUSLIM WOMEN SETTING NEW GOALS

A. Perspectives on Women’s Roles 804. {ABDULL¹H, MUÆAMMAD. DunyÊ kÒ TarÒ¶ me¸ {Aurat kÊ ÆiÉÉÊh. [Women’s Role in World History]. Mandi Bahauddin: ÂufÒ printing pres, 108p. n.d. [U] This book pays rich tribute to the positive role played by women throughout human history. The book was written with the purpose of refuting prevalent patriarchal concepts regarding the low status of Muslim women in South Asia. It is difcult to monitor what inuence books of this type had or have on readers who presumably are mostly men. 805. {¹BID, MUSSARAT. “‡ÊwatÒn kÊ KirdÊr: Muslim Mu{asharay aur TahzÒb kÒ RouªnÒ me¸” [Women’s Role: In the Light of Muslim Society and Culture], al-Ma{Êrif. Lahore, May (1982): 41–54. [ U] This paper argues that Islam has recognized the signicance of the status of women in the formation and growth of a fair and balanced society. The author feels that the male dominant society has usurped these rights which must be restored. The author teaches at a university in Pakistan. 806. {ADÁMÁ, KHAWAJ¹ SHAMSUDDÁN. {Aurat-ik Ru¶ [Woman-One Viewpoint]’ Ismat, May (1987): 46–48. [U] The author, a traditional religious scholar, argues that the proper place for women is in their homes. Quoting several verses from the Qurxan in support of his arguments, this author constructs an image of Muslim women that moves more towards a dependent lifestyle and less toward making them independent and condent citizens. 807. ANSARI, GHAUS. Women in the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1991. 488–90. This entry presents a short narrative on women and their status in the region.

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808. {¹RIFÁ, MUÆAMMAD {ABDULL¹H . ‡wÊtÒn ke Shara{Ò A˜kÊm [Religious Injunctions for Women]. New Delhi: al-Ula Publikeªanz, 1990. 623p. [U] This book is a collection of articles by the author on the Islamic way of life recommended for women, based on a conservative traditional interpretation of the QurxÊn and Islamic traditions as these grew and developed in the Indian environment. 809. ENGINEER, ASGHAR ALI. (ed.) Status of Women in Islam. Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1987. 128p. This book sheds light on the status of women from theological, political, and sociological perspectives. The articles in this book make a plausible case for equal status for women in Muslim societies, and deal with the dynamics of change. 810. FATIMA, SAMAR. “Nature and Effects of the Islamic Attitude to Women.” In Annual Publication of the Durban University Islamic Society, 1977. 30–43. Also published in Islamic Studies 21, no. 1, 1982: 105–21. This paper argues that the laws of Islam brought about a marked improvement in the position of women. Women were given an equal position with men except in some general affairs regarding family matters and management. 811. MALIK, FIDA HUSSAIN. “Woman in Islam.” Muslim Digest, 21, no. 10, May (1971): 20–23. This essay examines various rights accorded by Islam to women. The author, however, takes a traditional view and argues that women are to be protected and guided by men. On the other hand he argues that Muslim women are free to seek divorce and own property. 812. MEANS, GORDON. “Women’s Rights and Public Policy in Islam: Report of a Conference.” Asian Survey 27, no. 3 (1987): 340–54. This report is based on the proceedings of the Pan-Islamic Conference on Muslim Women in Development held in Malaysia in 1982. The consensus was that Muslim women should play a positive role to increase the status of Ummah (the Muslim community). Also it was discussed that the ideals of Islam are not being achieved in practice, particularly in regard to the status of women. The Conference was attended and addressed by women from Pakistan. 813. NAD¹WÁ, SAIYYID ABUL ÆASAN {ALÁ. “‡wÊtÒn kÒ ZimmedÊria¸ (Responsibilities of Women)” al-Æaqq, July (1992): 516–22. Nadawi, one of the greatest male scholars of Islam from South Asia in the last century, called upon women to learn and acquire knowledge

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815.

816.

817.

818.

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in this paper, read on 16 April 1992 at the women’s Islamic Institute, Lucknow, India. The author, popularly known as {¹li Mia¸, argues that Muslim women have the responsibility of creating a better society by caring for the family. NAD¹WÁ, SAIYYID SULAIM¹N. ‡waÒtn-i IslÊm kÒ BahÊdurÒ. [Bravery of Women of Islam]. Hyderabad: Mui{n-i Daccan pres. 48p. n.d. [ U], Unexamined. PATEL, RASHIDA. Woman versus Man: Socio-Legal Gender Inequality in Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2003. 249p. This book focuses on legal confrontations between the sexes such as gender disputes, economic disparities, and legal and social iniquities. Case studies have been discussed as examples of the culture of violence against women. ——. “Women in Islamic Social Structures.” Voice of Islam 24, no. 3 (1975): 110–23. This paper argues that a Muslim woman can own property, and buy and sell it. She can conduct business and enter into any profession and be gainfully employed in her own right as an individual. However, in Pakistan, in practice she is being subjugated. The author is a Pakistani legal activist. SIDDIQI, MUHAMMAD MAZHARUDDIN. Women in Islam. Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1952. 182p. The author rst argues that Muslim women have been granted rights denied to women of other cultures. However, the same Muslim women suffer tremendous restrictions due to cultural traditions. The author suggests that Islamic laws are laws of nature. All the laws of Islam are for the betterment of human beings. He argues that Islamic laws and regulations about sex and family can be adapted to modern conditions without departing from the principles of Islam. SIDDIQI, MUHAMMAD SAEED. The Modest Status of Women in Islam. Lahore: Kazi Publications, 1991. 251p. Throughout this work the author consistently presents a traditional point of view regarding women’s status under Islam. The key focus of the book is that Muslim women must live a life of ‘modesty’ and must submit to the will of God. SIDDIQUI, MUZAMMIL. ‘Impact of Islam on the Status of Women from the Socio-Cultural Point of View,’ in Religions and the Status of Women, edited by Jyotsana Chatterji, New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990. pp. 42–46.

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The author argues that an increasing number of educated women will ultimately create a wider and deeper awareness of the rights of women. I. The Status of Muslim Women Compared to that of Women of Other Faiths 820. AKHTAR, MUÆAMMAD. IslÊm me¸ {Aurato¸ kÊ MartabÊ bÊ MuqabalÊh AqwÊm-i air (Dignity of Women in Islam as compared with other Nations).’ Deccan Review 1, No. 11, September (1907): 13–50. [ U], KKK. This paper is a critical study of the status of women from the ancient times to the present day. The author opines that women were treated well in societies before the advent of Islam and although Islam improved the status of women, they continue to face bad treatment. Now women, he feels, are struggling for their rights. The author briey examines the growth of the women’s movement in America and other countries, and strongly pleads that women be treated equally with men. He concludes by observing, “we [men] are not wise enough to recognize this reality [that women are equal], that women are also human beings as men are and that we have deprived them of their human and public rights.” It is signicant to note that the editor of the Deccan Review at this time was none other than Maulana Zafar Ali Khan (1873–1956), a journalist of great courage who later, with his editorship of the daily Zemindar of Lahore, set new trends for the Urdu language. 821. CHAUDHRY, RAHMAT ALI. Women’s Plight. Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1987. 304p. This book argues that the rights of women are more protected under the laws of Islam as compared to those of other religions. Islam, the author argues, lifted the status of women and recognized their important role in society. 822. DERRETT, J., DUNCAN M. Religion, Law and the State of India. London: Faber and Faber, 1968. 615p. This work consists of the analyses and interplay of religions of Hinduism and Islam, and the state with respect to law. References to several articles and contemporary cases involving women are given. 823. KIDWAI, MUSHIR HOSAIN. Woman Under Different Social and Religious Laws (Buddhism, Judaism, Christianity, Islam). (First published in 1920) Delhi: Seema Publications, 1976 (rst Indian edition), 168p. The status of Women since the early Roman days is traced in this book. The author states that under Muslim law women enjoy equality, dignity

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and an honoured status, and explains that Islam did not recognize the role played by woman in the expulsion of Adam. He further argues that in Islam ‘not only was the theory of her criminality demolished, but the whole story was put for her in a better light. Neither Adam nor Eve became the cause of any perpetual and ineradicable sin in their children. . . . The merciful God. . . . made them master and mistress of the whole world. . . . He promised to both, equally, a great reward afterwards if they both discharged well the duties assigned to them.’ 824. WAHEED, K. ABDUL. Women’s Place in National Life: In the Light of the Holy QurxÊn. Karachi: Islamic Research Institute, 1964. 32p. In this small tract, the author quotes several verses from the QurxÊn to show that women have a better status in Islam. He concludes, ‘We have the teachings of Islam following which women can fulll their destiny in the best sense of the word. And on the other hand is the example of the West following which the women of this country can lose all their distinctive characteristics which they are endowed with by Nature.’ 825. ZAFRULLA KHAN, MUHAMMAD. A Clarication of the Myth in the West about the Status of a Woman in Islam. London: London Mosque, 1981. 24p. Unexamined. 826. ZAMAN, MUHAMMAD MASIHUZ. “Modern Women in Crisis.” The Voice of Islam 24, no. 3 (1975): 125–35. The author argues that western inuences in Islamic societies may lead to an end of family life. Women in the west are the worst sufferers in the western society. The women of the east, he says, particularly the Muslim women, therefore, should not imitate western women. II. Women and Activism: Movement for Social and Political Change (a) General Works 827. AGNEW, VIJAY. Elite Women in Indian Politics. New Delhi: Vikas, 1979. x + 163p. This book gives a historical background on the status of Indian women, an assessment of M. K. Gandhi’s contribution to the progress of women, the impact of the west, and the role of women in extremist politics and in the Indian National Congress. A good appraisal of women’s organizations and the suffrage movement is also made as well as scattered references to Muslim women’s role in the freedom struggle.

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828. ASTHANA, PRATIMA. Women’s Movement in India. Delhi: Vikas, 1974. 175p. This concise survey of different aspects of the women’s movement in the 19th and 20th centuries, including the western impact and work of male reformers, is based on a study of primary sources. Although the roles of Muslim women are not studied in detail, the study reects the major issues confronting women in South Asia. 828a. BASU, APARNA and ANUP TANEJA, (ed.) Breaking Invisibility: Women in Indian History. New Delhi: Northern Book Centre, 2002. 343p. Unexamined. This work, among several other articles, includes a paper by Karin Deutsch on ‘Muslim Women and Social Reform in India, c. 1914– 38’. 829. CATON, A. R. and A. YUSUF ALI. ‘Women in Public Life,’ in A. R. Caton (ed.) The Key of Progress: A Survey of the Status and Condition of Women in India. London: OUP, 1930. pp. 80–100. This paper surveys the development and growth of the women’s movement in India under two broad categories: an early and pre-war period and the era following the war. The rst period saw the efforts of individual pioneers and organizations towards social reform and the advancement of women’s education, followed by the more consolidated and denitely feminist movement. The paper also discusses the issue of women under Muslim Personal Law. 830. COUSINS, MARGARET E. Indian Womanhood Today. Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1941. 205p. In her preface to this book, Margaret Cousins says, ‘Being Irish in India neither as a Christian missionary, nor as a British Government servant, nor for any political propaganda, and having already studied and gained much from Indian philosophies—Vedic, Buddhist, and Islamic—it was easy for me to evaluate strong and weak points in present-day contemporary Indian civilisation.’ She further says that ‘if the problems of womanhood could be solved, it would most fundamentally and successfully be done in accord with the millennia-old spiritual attitude of the Indian Race—soul towards Womanhood and all it implies, inuences, and controls.’ Next she examines the growth of the women’s movement in India and its interrelationship with the nationalist movement. 831. GRACEY, MRS. J. T. “Reforms in India.” Women’s Missionary Friend 28, no. 1 (1896): 8–9.

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832.

833.

834.

835.

836.

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This paper, a report on missionary activity and the progress that the missions achieved in their work in India, says that ‘various associations are being formed by the women who have been brought out into the Christian faith. A society has been recently organised in North India, called “Association of the Daughters of India”. Its members are all Christians, and their project is to aid in every way their Indian sisters.’ HUME, ELIZABETH C. “Women’s Part in Modern Movements in India.” Moslem World 22, no. 4 (1932): 361–73. In this brief study, the author surveys the changing conditions under which Indian women function. The author also focuses on the role of Muslim women in bringing about these changes. KAUR, MANMOHAN. Women in India’s Freedom Struggle. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers (3rd Edn.), 1992. 302p. This is an account of women’s role in the freedom movement of the Indian sub-continent. It has a detailed account of the historic role of Begum Hazrat Mahal (pp. 36–40) in the mid-nineteenth century, the freedom struggle and of Bi Amman (wrongly mentioned as Bai Amman) (pp. 145–148) in the Khilafat movement of the early decades of the twentieth century. It gives a glimpse into the roles of Muslim women. The book in general deals with Hindu women. KUMAR, RADHA. The History of Doing, An Illustrated Account of Movements for Women’s Rights and Feminism in India, 1800–1990. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1993. 203p. This is an account of the history of the women’s movement in India both before and after independence. It includes a good number of photographs. Accounts of Muslim women appear sparsely. MENON, LAKSHMI N. “HindustÊn me¸ {Aurato¸ kÒ Ta˜rÒk.” (Women’s Movement in India). JÊmi{Êh 41, no. 4 (1946): 27–33. [ U] The author traces social reform movements of the early nineteenth century, which later brought forward eminent women leaders who participated in the freedom struggle. This activism resulted in the establishment of the rst women’s organization, the Women’s Indian Association in 1917 and later in 1926, the All India Women’s Conference. MIR AMIRUDDIN, BEGAM. “The Women Movement in India.” Indian Social Reformer 52, no. 16, (1941): 186–87. Explaining the aims and ideals of the women’s movement in India, the author points out that following a western model would not be a suitable strategy for gaining success. Emphasising that as men and women

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839.

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are different, the author says that the women’s movement must have an agenda suited to the needs of women. MUDIRAJ, K. KRISHNASWAMY. Pictorial Hyderabad. (Vol. 11) Hyderabad: The Chandrakanth Press, 1934. pp. 378–380. In the large list of prominent personalities of Hyderabad, all males, two women Tyeba Begam Sahiba Bilgrami (1873–1926) and Sooghra [elsewhere spelt as Sughra] Humayun Mirza (b.1882) are included. The brief biographical notes show how actively involved these two Muslim women were in the betterment of their society by improving the status of women. SAMÁUDDÁN, {¹BID¹H. HindustÊn ki Jang-i ¹zÊdÒ me¸ Muslim ‡watÒn kÊ ÆiÉÉah [Role of Muslim women in the Freedom Struggle], Patnah: Maktabah-yi Jami{Êh, 1990. 291p. Hindi translation of the book is published under the title {Bharat ke swatantarta sangram me¸ Muslim mahilÊo¸ ka yogdÊn, New Delhi: Institute of Objective Studies, 1997. 332p. [ U] Muslim women’s contribution to the freedom movement from 1857 to 1947 is described. Brief biographical sketches of 37 prominent women who actively struggled for freedom are included. SHAH NAWAZ, BEGAM [ Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz]. Women’s Movement in India. Indian Paper No. 5. Eighth Conference of the Institute of Pacic Relations Mont Tremblant, Quebec, Canada, December 1942. New York: International Secretariat, Institute of Pacic Relations, n.d. 12p. This paper, earlier presented as a lecture, surveys the history of the lives of Indian, and their issues and strategies they adopted to address these challenges. While generously identifying westerners, particularly the British, as the promoters of women’s associations, Shah Nawaz also mentions how Indian women, including Muslim women, were coming forward boldly to participate in public life. The paper ends by contemplating a larger role for Indian women in the future. She writes, ‘the world today needs a new spiritual force. Has not the East always supplied it? And who knows whether not only the solution of India’s problems but the salvation of humanity as a whole will not come through the women of the world. With all the dark clouds hanging over our national horizon, this silver lining of a united Indian womanhood is the dawn of a new era of a united Indian nation.’ ——. “The Status of Women in India.” Onward: The Magazine for Indian Women, November (1945): 7–8.

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The author demands that women should be given more rights, and presents a Charter of Women’s Rights providing complete legal guarantees for the protection of their rights. 841. VISRAM, ROZINA . Women in India and Pakistan: The Struggle for Independence from British Rule. Cambridge University Press, 1992. 64p. This small book examines the role of women in the struggle for independence from the British as well as in their ght for equal rights and for the right to vote. Brief references to some prominent Muslim women are also found. 842. ZAIDI, M. H. The Muslim Womanhood in Revolution: being an exhaustive survey of modern movements among the Muslim women all over the world with special reference to their social, educational, and political awakening. Calcutta: the author, 1937. 140p. This book presents a survey of modern movements in the early twentieth century, among the Muslim women all over the world, including India. Each study includes photographs of Muslim women. (b) The Suffrage Movement 843. ALI, AZRA ASGHAR. “Indian Muslim Women’s Suffrage Campaign: Personal Dilemma and Communal Identity 1919–47.” Journal of Pakistan Historical Society, 47, no. 2 (1999): 33–46. The paper briey examines the roles of Muslim women in the suffrage campaign. The Women’s Indian Association raised the question of Indian women’s suffrage in 1917. Mrs. Shahnawaz and some other Muslim women actively participated in this struggle. 844. ASAF ALI, ARUNA. ‘Women’s Suffrage in India,’ in Shyam Kumari Nehru (ed.) Our Cause: A Symposium by Indian Women. Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1938. pp. 345–65. This paper discusses the history of the women’s suffrage movement in India and England and observes that ‘the gaining of vote will prove meaningless if it does not open up to women new opportunities of services and of self and national development.’ 845. AZIZ, K. K. (ed.). ‘The All India Muslim Conference and All India Muslim League Evidence before the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reform, London, 1 August 1933,’ in The All India Muslim Conference, 1928–1935: A Documentary Record. Karachi: National Publishing House Ltd. 1972. pp. 137–281. This is a report of evidence presented by Muslim members before the Joint Committee on Indian Constitutional Reform. Begum Jahan Ara

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849.

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Shahnawaz was also present at this meeting. Among several constitutional matters, the members at these sessions discussed in detail the voting qualications for Muslim women. A majority of members (mostly male) argued in favour of equal qualications for Muslim women. Muslim members rejected a joint electorate, as it did not protect the rights of the Muslim minority in India. ——. ‘Appendix II: Summary of the Report of the Indian Statutory Commission, 1930 in reference to women,’ in A. R. Caton (ed.) The Key of Progress: A Survey of the Status and Conditions of Women in India. London, OUP, 1930. pp. 218–26. This section summarizes the main ndings of the Commission regarding the need for advancement of Indian women in the areas of enfranchisement and political participation, along with education, health and social development. COUSINS, MARGARET E. “When Will Bengal Give Woman Suffrage?” Modern Review 30, no. 3 (1921): 328–30. The author argues that Bengal should follow the example of the Bombay and Madras Legislative councils in granting women the right to vote. FORBES, GERALDINE H. ‘Votes for Women: The Demand for Women’s Franchise in India, 1917–1937,’ in Vina Mazumdar (ed.) Symbols of Power: Studies on the Political Status of Women in India. Bombay: Allied Publishers, 1979. pp. 3–23. In this article, the author reviews the history of the franchise movement from the rst franchise delegation in 1917 until the rst elections held in 1937. Rejecting the notion that the struggle for enfranchisement was easy, the author argues that the impetus for the movement came from British activist women and the Indian nationalist movement. GRAY, R. M. ‘Women in Indian Politics,’ in John Cumming (ed.) Political India, 1832–1932. London: OUP, 1932. 156–65. This article examines the movement for women’s franchise from the Montague-Chelmsford Reforms of 1921, which allowed provincial legislative councils the prerogative to enfranchise women, according to the Indian Franchise Committee’s recommendations of 1932. GREAT BRITAIN. Indian Franchise Committee Report, Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1932. 5 vols. The Franchise Committee prepared ve volumes containing written and oral evidence on the issue of enfranchisement of the Indians. Information on women’s rights is interspersed throughout.

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851. KHERA, P. N. ‘History of Female Franchise in India,’ in Indian History Congress Proceedings, No. 5, 1941. Hyderabad: Osmania University Press, 1943. pp. 543–5. This article briey traces women’s political participation in nationalist and wartime activities and describes briey women’s demands for voting rights from 1917 to the Government of India Act of 1935. 852. MACDONALD, JAMES RAMSAY. Proceedings of The Indian Round Table Conference, First Session, 12th November 1930 to 19th January 1931, London: His Majesty’s Stationery Ofce, 1931. Begam Shah Nawaz, an ardent supporter of women’s suffrage rights, strongly advocated women’s rights to vote, as she stated that women’s political participation would lead to greater success in the country’s social reform movement. 853. PEARSON, GAIL. ‘Reserved Seats-Women and the Vote in Bombay,’ in J. Krishnamurty (ed.) Women in Colonial India, Essays on Survival, Work and the State. Delhi: OUP, 1989. pp. 199–217. This paper examines major political events in India and England following the Gandhi-Irwin Pact of 1931 and the emergence of the participation elite women in Indian politics in the decades to follow. The paper briey looks at the role of Begam Shah Nawaz, who represented India at the First Round Table Conference held in London in 1930. Although Indian women began to ally themselves with political parties, their understanding of women’s roles within the family and society remained traditional. Shah Nawaz declared that she was not a feminist and professed that women could deal with the vote and affairs of the nation because of administrative skills they had learned in the home. 854. SHAH NAWAZ, BEGAM. Memorandum, File heading Marriage Question, MSS. EUR. D. 903/1 OIOC. This le contains a critique by one W. Calvent on Begam Shah Nawaz’s Memorandum, which she wrote while attending the First Round Table Conference in London in 1931. This critique appears to be more a personal attack on Begam Shah Nawaz and her family, and less concerned with contents of her Memorandum. It begins by asserting that ‘the charming lady who styles herself “Begum Shah Nawaz (she is not entitled to the Begum) is by tribe a market gardener’s daughter. . . . As the Shalimar garden is one of the beauty spots near Lahore, the family became well known to several generations of ofcials and received valuable assistance from us. . . . They are of much lower status than the ordinary cultivator who grows wheat; their women folk sell their

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products in the streets which a good cultivator would never do. . . . The lady’s father was a distinguished barrister who rose high on his merits; her husband is a second rate barrister of Lahore who has few merits to rise on. Socially the family is regarded as that of market gardeners, and although the father and the lady herself have achieved considerable fame, the world regards them as socially below the status of ordinary cultivators. Begum Shah Nawaz has had a remarkably successful career in England and is probably better known in London than in Lahore. Ladies of higher social status dislike the idea of one of so humble a family being placed on so prominent a position. . . .’ After several more such disparaging paragraphs, the writer turns to the Memorandum: ‘her memorandum displays all the usual ridiculous hyperbole which has been customary during the discussions of this Indian question and the best we can say for her is that she has done her best “to keep her end up” and has done it very nicely. The exaggeration is so extreme that the whole memorandum is merely untruthful. Such phrases as “the Indian woman”, “the majority of Indian women” and so on are phrases only and have no relation to the facts. I doubt if there are 5,000 Indian women who know anything about the White Paper, and there are not 500 who could give an intelligent account of it, and these would be found exclusively in the chief towns. It is interesting to note that Begum Shah Nawaz comes of family intimately connected with the soil she is so urbanised that she would give all the votes to urban women.’ The concluding line observes, ‘The Memorandum seems to have been written for publicity, chiey in England; I do not think the Begum would have dared to show it to me in India or to read it before a mixed audience in Lahore. It is a pure make-believe.’ 855. ——. “Indian Women and the New Constitution.” Asiatic Review, No. 29 (1933): 433–45. This contains a text of a speech at a meeting of the East India Association presenting a critique of the proposal of the (British) Indian Franchise Committee and the White Paper in regard to the size of the female electorate. Begam Shah Nawaz advocated for maximum enfranchisement. 856. SOUTHARD, BARBARA. “Colonial Politics and Women’s Rights: Women Suffrage Campaigns in Bengal, British India in the 1920s.” Modern Asian Studies 27, no. 2 (1993): 397–439. The campaign for women’s suffrage in Bengal emerged in response to a discussion of this issue on the All-India level in conjunction with the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms. This paper examines the social and

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political dynamics of the suffrage movement in India in the context of the province of Bengal where approximately 50 per cent of the total population were Muslims. Educated Muslim women struggled for their voting rights along with Hindu women; however, they faced strong disapproval from Muslim legislators who remained afraid that female political participation would result in neglect of home and family. The other core point of their opposition was rooted in the political environment of Bengal. Legislators were concerned that less electoral participation of Muslim women could undermine the future voting strength of the Muslim community. 857. SUBBARAYAN MRS. and BEGUM SHAH NAWAZ. Memorandum (printed) Circulated to the Franchise Sub-Committee. Condential Round Table Conference held at London in 1930 (F. M) 1 Sub-Committee, No. 111 (Minorities) Q/RTC/24. OIOC. The Memorandum strongly urges the Round Table Conference to consider seriously the rights of Indian women to vote and the question of seats for women in the Legislature. Finally, the Memorandum states that ‘we wish to urge that no question of franchise for any legislature, may be settled unless the views of women on the matter have been consulted. We would also wish to suggest that the principle that sex should be no disqualication for serving our country should be embodied in the Constitution’.

B. Muslim Women Making Connections I. In support of the Ladies Conference 858. AKBAR¹B¹DÁ, SAIYYID DILGÁR. “LedÒz Kanfrans.” [Ladies Conference]. al-NÊØir, 1st June, no. 12 (1910): 51–52. [ U], MHL. The suggestion that an organization for and by Muslim women should be formed created a great debate within the Muslim community. The UrdÖ language journals played a signicant role in creating a platform for this discussion by publishing articles for and against this proposal. Emphasizing the need for a Ladies Conference, the author says, ‘the voice for holding the Conference is the voice of the time and no one can stop the voice of the time.’ He also agrees with the earlier suggestion of Bint-e Nazrul Baqar (Nazr Sajjad Hyder), that the session of the Conference should coincide with that of the women’s Annual Arts and Crafts Exhibition at Aligarh. Shaikh Abdullah of Aligarh, in the

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opinion of the writer, is the most suitable person to lay the foundation of the Conference. 859. FYZEE, ZUHRAH BEGAM. “LedÒz Kanfrans.” [Ladies Conference]. al-NÊØir, 1st May, no. 11 (1910): 41–42. [ U], MHL. Zuhrah Begam, an educated Muslim woman who had gone to London for her education, in this article supports the founding of a Ladies Conference. She calls on Muslim men to support the cause of holding such a Conference. The Ladies Conference was the result of the efforts of ·ai¶ {AbdullÊh, Secretary of the Women’s Section of the All India Muhammedan Educational Conference. The Conference would provide a great opportunity for women to meet with each other and share their thoughts. She was convinced that without the assistance of men this would not be possible as women ‘are still under their control.’ Expressing her strong views against men’s undue control over women, Zuhrah Begam said that quite often ‘enlightened and civilised men’, who in their public speech approve giving women their rights and show support for women’s movements, do just the opposite within their homes. Surprisingly in a strong voice she added, ‘I apologise but I cannot refrain from saying that adversity has caused large part of men’s intellect to scamper off [idbÊr ke bÊ{ith mardo¸ ki {aql ka basÊ ˜iÉÉah kafÖr ho gyÊ hai ]. But yes the only sense left in them is to subordinate women [ma˜kÖm banÊye¸] by sending them to the nether regions [tÊhtas-sarÊ], to make the life of the miserable ones [women] painful by ruling over them and by down pouring accusations and slanders on their heads [tuhmato¸ kÒ bÊriª unke saro¸ par barsÊte rahe¸]. 860. KHEDIVE JANG, MRS. “LedÒz Kanfrans.” [Ladies Conference]. al-NÊØir, 1st November, no. 17 (1910): 58–64. [U], MHL. The author, whose full name is ”ayyibÊh Begam (1873–1921), is introduced at the start of this article by Æaider ”aba¢abaxi ‘NaØm’, a renowned Urdu poet, as a woman for whose scholarship women of Islam should be proud. Mrs. Khedive Jang, expressing her concerns at the proposal for founding a Conference for Indian Muslim Women, said, ‘Undoubtedly your proposal for setting up a Conference (women’s) is highly praiseworthy. Therein are several advantages. If one can say it is a kind of Æajj.’ Elucidating further what she meant by referring to the foundation of the Conference as ‘setting up a little Hajj’ [phota sa Æajj ] and ‘social Æajj’ [tamaddunÒ Æajj], she says that this annual gathering and meeting of women would be a great stimulant for women’s progress. Later in her article, she emphasizes protection of Islamic values and

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avoiding attempts at emulating traditions other than those of Islamic heritage. 861. MUSLIM LEDÁZ KANFRANS KI EK MIMBAR [A Member of the Muslim Ladies Conference] al-NÊØir ki pÊlisÒ [Policy of al-NÊØir], in alNÊØir, 1st August 1915, 31–36. [U], MHL. This article consists of two parts: rst, a letter addressed to the editor of al-NÊØir by an anonymous woman member of the Muslim Ladies Conference, and second, the editor’s response to it. The member began by appreciating al-NÊØir’s earlier support for the cause of women. However, she noted sadly that al-NÊØir no longer published any information about the Conference. It did not even care to publish anything about the proceedings of (its) two powerful sessions [zabardast jalso¸]. Not a single lady from Luckow participated in the meetings [al-NÊØir was published from Lucknow], which she felt was caused by al-NÊØir’s extreme negligence [intihÊxÒ aat kÊ natÒjÊ hai]. She ended her complaint with a note of hope, saying that in future the editor will show more interest in the success of the Muslim Ladies Conference by publicizing its aims as a Conference supporter [mu{yyid-i kanfrans]. The reply of al-NÊØir’s editor was even more signicant than the above note of complaint as it referred, albeit briey, to the emergent Luckow politics of the day. He reminded the anonymous letter-writer that al-NÊØir, in its very rst issue in 1909, earnestly took up the cause of women’s education and emphatically propagated its immediate need. Six years later, things were no longer the same. He regretted that al-NÊØir’s efforts were not supported in the city of Lucknow, either through subscriptions or through readership. Strongly critiquing some women of Lucknow, he said, ‘Consider the interest and inclination of women who endure all sorts of pecuniary sacrices just to get recognition by shaking hands with the wives of the English ofcers [lÊt sahab ki memo¸ se hÊth milÊne ki {izzat], copying the life style [waØÊ qa¢Êx kÊ parbÊ utÊrne] of European [ fara±gi ] women, and bringing up their children by European ways, however they could not willingly pay the cost of al-NÊØir.’ Later a campaign to defame al-NÊØir was launched by some women and their supporters, causing considerable loss to the magazine. The Begam of Bhopal too stopped its delivery. Consequently al-NÊØir was constrained to change its policy. The editor reiterated that this change did not mean that alNÊØir no longer supported the Conference. ‘It does and will continue doing so in the future too.’

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862. RIÃWÁ, SAIYYID AMÁNUL ÆASAN. “LedÒz Kanfrans ki ÓarÖrat.” [Need for Ladies Conference]. al-NÊØir, 1st March, no. 9 (1910): 41–44. [ U], MHL. [In a note of introduction to this article, the editors of al-NÊØir, WaÉiul Æasan {AlawÒ and ¶afarul Mulk {AlawÒ, invite the readers of al-NÊØir to express their views and comments on the proposal of founding the Ladies Conference.] The author proposes setting up ¹l India Zenanah Edukeshnal wa soªal kanfrans [All India Ladies Educational and Social Conference]. He suggests that educated and capable women should meet every year in different cities to hold this conference. In support of his proposal he argues that although journals such as Tahzib-ul A¶laq and others were full of pompous and splendid essays [kalle ¨halle ke maÓÊmÒn], no improvement [iÉlʘ] could be achieved until men confronted each other face-to-face [dÖ badÖ kÒ naubat] (at the Mohammedan Educational Conference). Thus, said, there was a need for women to follow the same example. 863. ——. “LedÒz Kanfrans.” [Ladies Conference]. al-NÊØir, 1st June, no. 12 (1910): 47–49. [U], MHL. In this paper, RiÓwÒ responds to several articles written by women and published in al-NÊØir regarding his earlier proposal for founding an annual Conference for Muslim women. Commenting upon apprehensions expressed by some of these women that this Conference would call upon women to travel to the meeting place, and therefore might cause ‘pardah darÒ ’ [rending of the pardah], he points out that women do travel for other purposes. He further says that appropriate measures would be taken to protect and honour the segregation of women. He ends by reiterating his proposal for this conference as ‘there is an intense need in India for ladies [bibiʸ] to meet with each other and share their gains with their illiterate sisters.’ He fully endorses Zuhra Fyzee’s comment that men should not indulge in rhetoric alone; instead they should generously support women, not only in this matter (Conference) but also in the promotion of their education.

II. Against the Ladies Conference 864. IMTI¹Z ALI T¹J, SAIYYID. “¹l India Muslim LedÒs Kanfrans.” TahzÒb un-NiswÊn, 32, no. 12 (1929): 269–72; 32, no. 13 (1929): 289–94. [ U], MHL.

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In this serial article, Saiyyid ImtiÊz Ali Taj, editor of TahzÒb un-NiswÊn, criticising the Presidential address delivered by Lady ¹smÊn JÊh at the Eleventh Annual Conference held in 1929 at Hyderabad, says that ‘if one could delete words such as “ladies” and “sisters in Islam” the rhetoric of the address is no different from any other address delivered by men on similar occasions.’ In his view, this address reects neither the needs of Muslim women nor the challenges that confront them. More importantly, neither the address, nor the resolutions adopted, could set an agenda for proper action to be taken in future by Muslim women. 865. ZAL ALIF HEY, BINTE MAULAWÁ WASÁMUDDIN. ¹l India Muslim LedÒz edukaªnul kanfrans, in al-NÊØir, 1st May, no. 11 (1910): 42–45. [U], MHL. This article rejects the need for a Conference for Muslim women. In the writer’s understanding, Muslim women do not need the sort of education promoted through the women’s section of the All India Mohammedan Educational Conference. She argues that Sir Syed established it for men and not for women. She questions what women would do with M.A. and LLB degrees? She argued that attendance at such Conferences would not protect pardah; and without pardah women’s modesty [˜ayÊ] cannot be protected. Finally, she wonders that ‘as for a while the so-called “nation’s well-wishers” have been persecuting the pardah’ and therefore would this Conference too be a preamble to a pardah breaking movement [ pardah ªikanÒ kÊ muqaddamÊh]. III. History of the All India Muslim Ladies’ Conference 866. {ABDULL¹H, SHAIKH MUÆAMMAD, (ed.) RÒport IjlÊs ¹l India Muslim LedÒz Kanfrans awwal muna{qidah bamaqÊm Aligash bamÊh Marp 1914. [Report of the First Session of the All India Muslim Ladies Conference held at Aligarh in March, 1914]. Aligarh: Institute Press. 59p. [ U], OIOC. Unexamined. 867. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Sisterhood or separation? The All India Muslim Ladies’ Conference and the Nationalist Movement,’ in Gail Minault (ed.) The Extended Family. Columbia: South Asia Books, 1981. pp. 83–108. The All India Muslim Ladies’ Conference was founded on 1 March 1914 as part of the inaugurating ceremony of a new hall for the Aligarh Girls’ School. A large number of Muslim women arrived at Aligarh from distant parts of the country. During its early years, the Conference ‘contributed to a sense of solidarity and community among Muslim

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869.

870.

871.

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women from different regions of India.’ ‘The Anjuman claimed to speak for all women in India;’ however it did not accomplish much, and after the 1932 session held at Madras, nothing else was heard about it. MIRZA, SARFARAZ HUSSAIN. Bibliographical Index of the Daily Tribune Lahore (1931–1941). Lahore: Pak Book Corporation, 1978. 220p. On page 217, this index provides information about the reports of the sessions of Women’s Conferences, including those of the All India Muslim Ladies Conferences and sessions held in the Punjab. NAFÁS DULHAN. RÒport Muta{Êlliq IjlÊs Dowum [Report of the Second Session]. Aligarh: Institute Press, 1915. [ U], OIOC. This is the report of the Second Session of the AIMLC held at Aligarh on 3–4 April 1915. ——. (ed.) Riport IjlÊs Haªtum ¹l India Muslim LedÒz Kanfrans (muna{qidah) BamaqÊm {Aligash Disambar 1923. Hyderabad: ·ams ul-Islam pres. 113p. [U], MHL. In her introduction, NafÒs Dulhan observes that the holding of the session in 1923 at Aligarh proved convenient, as a Conference for men was also held there at the same time. A fairly good number of educated women from Bombay, Hyderabad, Agra, Meruth, Badayun, Bulandshahr, Dehli and Firozpur came to attend the sessions. The Begam of Bhopal could not preside over the Conference, as she had to preside over the Convocation of the Aligarh Muslim University, and therefore Begam Nawwab Mumtaz Uddaulah was selected instead. Miss Amna Pope, Principal of zananah madrasah, Nampalli, organized a handicraft exhibition. The Report contains several papers read at the various sessions of the Conference. Speakers at the Conference exhorted the participants to challenge the societal norms degrading Muslim women and to stand together and ght for regaining what Islam has given them, that is equality and justice. At the end of the Report, a translated copy of a letter of Ms Rustomjee Faridonjee, inviting the All India Muslim Ladies Conference to join the International Women’s Association, was included. ——. “RÖxedÊd IjlÊs ¹l India Muslim LedÒz Kanfrans {Aligash Muna{qidÊah Dakkan.” [Proceedings of the Meeting of All India Muslim Ladies’ Conference held in Deccan]. Tahzib un-NiswÊn 32, no. 11 (1929): 249–53. [U], MHL. In this report, NafÒs Dulhan, Honorary Secretary of the AIMLC, gives a list of sixteen resolutions passed at the Conference. Among these, some stressed the need of greater efforts for the promotion of women’s education, for establishing more schools for pardah-observing

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girls, reform in the family courts dealing with divorce (¶ul{) and marital disagreement cases, and for the protection of Muslim women’s right to inherit property. The Conference categorically declared in a resolution that ‘pardah is extremely indispensable (nihÊyat ÓarÖri) and the basis for honour (ba{ith-i {izzat) for every Muslim noble (ªarÒf ) woman.’ That disagreements between NafÒs Dulhan and Sura Humayun MirzÊ were emerging was reected during the sessions. NafÒs Dulhan reports with displeasure that at the end, Mrs. MirzÊ spoke harshly on the issue of the negligence of Muslims towards education and said, ‘if the Muslims do not acquire education, God willing, they should be perished, obliterated, be ruined and destroyed [agar musalmÊn tÊ{lÒm haÉil nÊ kare¸ tu ¶udÊ kare fana¸ ho jayai¸, mi¢ jayai¸, tabah wa Êrat ho jayai¸].’ NafÒs Dulhan commenting upon these words observed it would have been better if the Begam Sa˜ebah had guided the Muslims and prayed for them and sought from God help and Blessings because ‘the community’s destruction is indeed your own destruction [qaum kÒi tabÊhÒ ˜aqiqatan apnÒ tabahÒ hai].’ 872. REPORT OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE ¹L INDIA MUSLIM LEDÁZ KANFRANS. [U], OIOC. Unexamined. This is the report of the rst session held at Aligarh in March, 1914. 873. WAÆÁD UN-NIS¹x. “RÖdÊd JalsÊh ¹l India Muslim LedÒz Kanfrans.” [Proceedings of the Meeting of All India Muslim Ladies’ Conference]. Tahzib un-Niswan 32, no. 9 (1929): 225–26. [U], MHL. This is a report of the 11th Session of the All India Muslim Ladies’ Conference held at Hyderabad on 5–7 February 1929 after a gap of ve years. The session was held under the presidentship of Lady ¹smÊn JÊh and was attended by a few delegates from outside Hyderabad. Mrs. Hakam, who came from Calcutta, spoke in favour of pardah. The members did not approve of her speech and spoke strongly against pardah as it was practised in the country. They all spoke in favour of Islamic pardah. An important event of the session was Nas Dulhan’s offer to resign from her position as secretary of the Association. ¹brÖ Begam, from Bhopal, tried to dissuade NafÒs Dulhan from her decision; however another member, Mrs. HumayÖn MirzÊ felt that NafÒs Dulhan could continue to work, but ‘the conference should not just exist in name; it should be for work [kanfrans kÊ wajÖd Éirf nÊm kÊ nÊ ho, balkih kÊm ke liy ho].’ She was a bit critical of the past working of the Conference. Another resolution conferred upon Saiyyid MumtÊz {AlÒ the title of Rahbar-i Niswʸ Guide of Women].

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874. WALTER, MARGUERITE B. “The All-India Moslem Ladies Conference.” The Moslem World 9, no. 2 (1919): 169–72. This paper gives an eyewitness account of the fth annual session of the All India Muslim Ladies Conference held in Lahore from 3–5 March 1918. About four hundred women arrived from all over India to attend the session, which was held under the guidance of women of the Sha and Shah Din families of Lahore. At the beginning of each session, the writer says ‘an enormous Koran was carried in. Often the ladies who handled it kissed it, before it was laid on the table, when its wrappings were removed.’ ¹brÖ Begam of Bhopal in her presidential address talked about the need of education for Muslim women and ‘drew a rather dismal picture of Western education and its results.’ Concluding her speech ¹brÖ Begam further claried her stance regarding education and said, ‘As far as I interpret the meaning of education, every Moslem woman should perceive her domestic duties, and should possess the qualities of natural loyalty and religious enthusiasm . . . To achieve this kind of education it is necessary for us to have our own system.’ An interesting proposal made at the sessions was the need for a Muslim women’s university to be established at Aligarh. To this author’s eye, the ‘unwearied patience’ with which ‘the members sat through the long four hour sessions’ depicted ‘the lack of concentration common to most oriental women.’ IV. The All India Ladies’ Association 875. LAMBERT-HURLEY, SIOBHAN. “Fostering Sisterhood, Muslim Women and the All-India Ladies’ Association.” Journal of Women’s History 16, no. 2 (2004): 40–65. This article focuses on the activities of the All India Ladies’ Association, which was founded by a group of elite Muslim women in the princely state of Bhopal. Under the patronage of the Begam of Bhopal, this Association represented ‘one of the earliest efforts to introduce ideas of women’s autonomy across geographic or sectarian boundaries to the movement for women’s rights in India’. The paper refers to several resolutions passed at this session attended by a large number of women from different regions of India. Due to unforeseen circumstances, the Association could not convene its sessions further. 876. SAKÁN¹H BEGAM. ‘TaqrÒr’ [Speech], in RasÊxil-i ”aiyyibÊh. Hyderabad Deccan: Idarah AdbiyÊt-yi UrdÖ, 1940. pp. 107–37. [ U]

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SakÒnÊh Begam has compiled the speeches and writings of her illustrious mother, ”aiyyibÊh Begam (1873–1921), also known as Begam ‡ediv Jang. ”aiyyibÊh was the only daughter of NawwÊb {Imad ul-mulk Saiyyid Æusain BilgramÒ (1842–1926). SakinÊh here has reproduced her mother’s speech that she delivered on 26 March at the rst Session of the All-India Ladies Conference at Bhopal. She said that while the Prophet says that it is the duty of every Muslim to seek knowledge, society has deprived women of that learning. Again, if women’s mobility and travel were bad, Allah would not have commanded Hajj as a religious duty. In her long speech she referred to several important issues and emphasized the need for Muslim women to meet with each other at sessions of similar associations. 877. SUL”¹N JAHAN BEGAM, NAWW¹B. “Presidential Address to The First Session All-India Ladies Association, held at Bhopal on March 26, 1918.” Islamic Review and Muslim India (Woking) 6, Oct–Nov (1918): 363–66. The presidential address to this association was unique in the sense that women from all parts of India representing different religions and cultures attended. The Begam, referring to the presence of women’s associations in India, such as the Muslim Ladies Conference, the Bengal Conference, the IstrÒ MahÊmandal, and the SevÊ Sadan of Bombay, said, ‘these bodies through years of valuable work have shown to the whole country what a powerful ally for social regeneration India possesses in her women. But these organizations are conned to a particular place, and are controlled by a special community. The All India Ladies Conference on the other hand, aims to be a central body of the women of India, of all ranks of society, of all religions, and of all parts. The organizers of this movement want it to transcend all limits of class or creed, and to give to the millions of the daughters of India the benet of their corporate and united efforts.’ V. Women’s Associations in Hyderabad, Deccan 878. DURRU SHEHW¹R, PRINCESS OF BERAR, Resolution XII of the Hyderabad State Women’s Conference (11th Session, Women’s Conference, 1937) MSS. EUR. D798/39. Princess Durru ·ehwÊr, an Ottoman Princess and the daughter of Sul¢an {Abdul Majeed, the ex-ruler of Turkey, married to the Nizam of Hyderabad’s heir apparent Prince Azam Jah in 1931, was a talented person with tremendous qualities of leadership. This le contains an

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address which she delivered at the Town Hall to all female audience. In this address she exhorted her audience to rise up to create their own destiny as women all over the world were awakening to a new sense of empowerment. She invoked Indian ideals of loyalty, devotion, and graciousness possessed by women and made use of in their struggle. She also talked about the benets of education and said that it should become available to all. Muslim women from elite families were present in large numbers at this gathering. 879. SAKIN¹H, BEGAM. Madrasatul {UlÖm Aligash kÒ ImdÊd [Support for Aligarh School], in RasÊxil-i ”aiyyibÊh, Hyderabad, Deccan, Idarah AdbiyÊt-yi UrdÖ, 1940. pp. 17–25. [U] On August 1903. ”aiyyibah Begam held a women’s meeting at her home, ‘the Bilgrami House’ to raise funds for the Aligarh school, though this meeting became historic for another reason. It was at this meeting that ”aiyyibÊh Begam proposed the foundation of the Hyderabad Ladies Association for the promotion of women’s education. ”aiyyibÊh’s speech, however, eloquently declared that the proposed Association would do more than enable women to read and write; its aim was also to encourage women to work for their betterment as men were doing for themselves. The Association, she said, ‘should meet annually, like the men’s Educational Conference [har sÊl ek jalsÊ mithl mardanÊ ejukeshnal kanfrans ke mun{aqid kare¸] and should endeavour for the promotion of education, improvement of society and, customs [aur taraqqÒ-yi tÊ{lÒm wo islʘ ¢arz-e mu{ʪrat wo rusÖm ki koªiª karai¸]. Another purpose of the Association was to use it as a ‘club’ for ‘social intercourse and to have an opportunity to meet with each other and with English women and women of other nationalities who are ahead of us in education and training [Êpas me¸ aur nÒz Íngrez wo dÒgar aqwÊm kÒ bÒbio¸ se jo tÊ{lÒm wo tarbiyat me¸ ham se sabqat rakhtÒ hai¸].’ 880. ——. “ÆaiderabÊd ki {ilm dost ¶awatÒn kÊ pahlÊ ijtimÊ{.” [First Meeting of Knowledge-friendly women of Hyderabad]. Sabras, March (1929): 26–35. [U], MHL. This paper reports the proceedings the First Session of the (Anjumani-¶awatÒn-i Dakkan) Hyderabad Deccan Ladies Association, which was formed on 4 November 1928. The report includes the Presidential address delivered by Lady Hydari (at the rst session held in Hyderabad, Deccan. 881. ——. “Da{wat-i Anjuman-i ‡watÒn-i IslÊm.” [invitation to join Muslim Women’s Association] in RasÊxil-i ”aiyyibÊh. Hyderabad Deccan: Idarah AdbiyÊt-yi UrdÖ, 1940. 37–41. [U]

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After founding the Hyderabad Ladies’ Association in 1903 ”aiyyibÊh Begam invited her women friends to her house on the day of {Ád to explain the aims and objectives of another women’s association. This gathering became an exclusive association for Muslim women, Anjuman-i ‡watÒn-i Islam, formally founded in 1913. In her inaugural address ”aiyyibÊh Begam called upon members to work for the amelioration of the Muslim community which was suffering from illiteracy and poverty. Citing the example of European women who help the poor and needy, she asked Muslim women to follow their good example. She appealed to them to raise funds for the promotion of education among Muslims. The association, she said, would meet twice a month and its membership would be open to all Muslims, irrespective of their nationality. Interestingly in her speech, ”aiyyibÊh talked about another signicant issue, pan-Islamism. She said, ‘a Muslim has no homeland. All are one [musalmÊn ka koxÒ wa¢an nahi¸ sab ek hai¸].’ VI. The All India Women’s Conference 882. ANON. “¹l India ‡awatÒn Kanfrans”. ZamÊna, 56, no. 2, February (1931): 149–50. [U], MHL. This paper presents a brief report on the proceedings of the All India Women’s Conference held at Lahore in January 1931. Mrs. Ra{ was the Secretary of this Conference. The Conference recommended compulsory primary education for every boy and girl, equal divorce rights for women, xating of the age of marriage at 18 years and privileges to working women. 883. ALL INDIA WOMEN’S CONFERENCE. Eighth Session, Calcutta, 1934. 273p. This holds scattered references to the status of Muslim women. Also includes the Presidential address of Lady Abdul Qadir. 884. FORBES, GERALDINE. ‘From Purdah to Politics: The Social Feminism of the All-India Women’s Organizations’ in Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault (ed.) Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia, Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. pp. 219–44. This article describes the dominant role of ‘middle class’ educated women in political and social work between 1917 to 1947 under three organizations, the All India Women’s Conference, the National Council of Women in India, and the Women’s Indian Association. Sparse references to Muslim women are given.

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885. PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS OF BEGAM HAMID ALI, in Bulletin of Indian Women’s Movement, no. 23, March 1940, I–VII, MSS. EUR. F. 165/172, OIOC. The annual session of the All India Women’s Conference, held in January 1940, was presided over by Begam Shareefa Hamid Ali. Begam Shareefa Hamid Ali (1883–?), daughter of Abbas Tyabji, was an educated woman. She was elected President of the All India Women’s Association, for 1939–40. 886. PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS OF BEGAM SAHEB OF BHOPAL, in a Letter from Eleanor Rathbone to Sir John Simon, dated 24th March 1930, MSS. EUR. F. 77/66 OIOC. In this letter, Rathbone argued that the opinions of the All India Women’s Educational and Social Conference deserved attention because this body of women ‘represents increasingly the advance guard of Indian women.’ Rathbone then produces excerpts from the presidential address of Begam Bhopal delivered by her at the second annual meeting of the Conference held in 1928. The Begam said, ‘The need for women’s education has not been even so much properly felt by our countrymen. Their lack of interest, and sometimes their opposition, has prevented the Government from paying due attention to the education of women in India. That accounts for the backwardness of girls in education in comparison with boys and for the fact that the ratio of education between women and men is hardly 5:100.’ For the delegates, the Begam had a note of warning when she further observed that ‘political efforts are essential to the achievement of our object. Most of the meetings and conferences in India do not go beyond the mere expression of pious hopes. They are the scenes of some very interesting discussions and of the passing of some very ne resolutions, but the whole thing comes to an end. That, in fact, is one of the reasons that in spite of the efforts of the last fty years, women’s education in India is still in its preliminary stages.’ VII. Muslim Women in the National Reformist Movement (a) Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880–1932) 887. ALAM, TAHMINA. Begama Rokeya Sakhaoyata Hosena: Chinta-Chetanar Dharm-o-Samaj Karma, [Begam Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain: Thoughts and Social Activities]. Dhaka: Bangla Ekademi. 1992. 197p. [B], Unexamined.

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888.

889.

890.

891.

892.

893.

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Originally presented as the author’s thesis for M. Phil at Rajshahi University in 1990, the work discusses the philosophy and social activities of Begam Rokeya for the women’s cause. AMIN, SONIA NISHAT. “Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain and the Legacy of the Bengal Renaissance.” Journal of Asiatic Society of Bangladesh 34, no. 2 (1989): 185–92. Rokeya was a pioneer of Muslim women’s education and a social reformer. The paper suggests the need of more research on the contributions of this remarkable woman. FORBES, GERALDINE. The New Cambridge History of India. Women in Modern India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. pp. 55–57. Forbes has devoted about two pages to the story of this remarkable Muslim woman, Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain. Despite her great contributions to the cause of education and emancipation of Muslim women by ghting against rigorous pardah restrictions, Rokeya earned much unpopularity. ‘Accused of being both Christian and a Europhile, Rokeya attracted more hostility when she endorsed Katherine Mayo’s Mother India. Forbes concludes by observing that ‘apparently her central argument, that neglect of female education would ultimately threaten Islamic culture, struck a responsive chord.’ GHULAM MURSHID. Rasasundari theke Rokeya, nari pragitra eka so bachara. Dhaka: Bimla Ekademi, 1993. 175p. [B], Unexamined. This work examines the services rendered by Rokeya Skhawat Hossain and other women to the cause of women’s progress and improvement in nineteenth and early twentieth- century Bengal. HUSAIN, SHAHANARA. ‘Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain: Pioneer Muslim Feminist of Bengal,’ in John P. Thorp (ed.) Women, Development, Devotionalism, Nationalism: Bengal Studies 1985. Michigan: Michigan State University, 1986. pp. 3–12. Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain started a movement for the emancipation of Bengali Muslim women; and work towards this continues to date. Excerpts from Rokeya’s writings are included. ISLAM, SHAMIM. Begum Rokeya, Arjanera Itihasa. Dhaka: Narigrantha Prabartana, 1991. 185p. [B], Unexamined. This examines the life and works of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain. JAHAN, ROUSHAN. ‘Men in Seclusion, Women in Public: Rokeya’s Dream and Women’s Struggles in Bangladesh,’ in Amrita Basu (ed.) The Challenge of Local Feminisms: Women’s Movements in Global Perspectives. Boulder: Westview Press, 1995. pp. 87–109.

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895.

896.

897.

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This paper, after briey examining the history of the women’s movement in Bangladesh, concludes that this movement ‘has come a long way since 1905, when Rokeya Hossain dreamed of empowering women in her feminist utopian short story by a simple reversal of gender roles, putting men in seclusion and letting women take charge of the public sphere.’ Although the women’s movement is made up of urban educated women, it is exposed to social realities through contacts with rural and urban poor women. ——. Inside Seclusion: The Avarodhbasini of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1981. 81p. The Avarodhbasini is unique as it offers an insider view of pardah as practised in late nineteenth and early twentieth century Bengal. Seclusion or pardah, Rokeya said, “is not a gaping wound, hurting people. It is rather a silent killer like carbon monoxide gas.’’ This work was rst serialized in 1929 in a Bengali periodical, the Monthly Mohammadi. Later it was published in 1931 in book form. This is an English translation with a detailed preface. —— (ed.) Sultana’s Dream and Selections from the Secluded Ones by Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain. New York: Feminist Press, 1988. xii + 89p. This is an English translation of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s pioneering work written in 1905 in the Bengali language about the seclusion and lack of education of Muslim women. In the story there is a reversal of roles where men were kept in seclusion and women performed the jobs that had been hitherto men’s jobs. Hossain later founded several schools for girls. This work, according to Hanna Papanek in her preface, is to introduce ‘Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain to a much wider readership—not only because her ideas are important but also because her short story “Sultana’s Dream” is a feminist utopia that antedates by a decade the much better known feminist utopian novel Herland by Charlotte Perkins Gilman.’ MUHAMMAD SHAMSULALAM. Rokeya Sakhawat Hussein: Jiban-oSahitya Karma. [Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain: Life and Literary Works]. Dhaka: Bangla Academy. 1989. [B], Unexamined. RAY, BHARATI. ‘A Voice of Protest: The Writings of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880–1932),’ in Bharati Ray (ed.) Women of India: Colonial and Post-Colonial Periods. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2005. pp. 427–453. This paper ‘explores the social, political, and cultural compulsions that shaped Rokeya’s ideology.’ The paper also examines Rokeya’s views on the progress of Bengali Muslim women.

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898. ——. Early Feminists of Colonial India, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani, Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain. New Delhi: OUP, 2002. 173p. This well-researched study explores the differences and similarities in the lives and perceptions of two women, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani (1855–1932) and Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880–1932), and concludes by observing that ‘Sarala Devi, once an inspiration to many is a page of history; Begum Rokeya is a revived source of inspiration.’ 899. ROKEYA SAKHAWAT HOSSAIN. ‘Sultana’s Dream,’ in her Rokeya Rapnabali. Dacca: Bangla Academy, 1973. pp. 573–88. (Reprint in Hanna Papanek, (ed.) Purdah in South Asia: the Segregation of Women. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press). This is a short story by Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, a late nineteenth century Muslim feminist from South Asia, in which she describes a utopian land where men are in a reversal of roles. Women rule peacefully and intelligently while men within the household display their shortcomings. 900. SARKER, SONITA. “Larger than Bengal: Feminism in Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain’s Sultana’s Dream and Global Modernities.” Archiv Orientalni, Quarterly Journal of Asian and African Studies (2000): 241–55. This well-written paper argues that ‘placing Hossain in Bengal and in contexts larger than Bengal is of tremendous importance in the discussion about the relationship between globalisation and the academic canon.’ Sarker persuasively argues that ‘in and beyond Bengal, Hossain is part of our global intellectual capital, involved as she is in the production and dissemination of ideas. 901. SUPHI, MOTAHARA HOSENA. Begam Rokeya: Jiban- o-Sahitya [Begam Rokeya: Life and Writings]. Dhaka, 1986. 348p. [B], Unexamined. Life and works of Begam Rokeya Sokhawat are discussed. 902. THARU, SUSIE and K. LALITA. (ed.) ‘Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain,’ in Women Writing in India, 600 B.C. to the Present. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991. pp. 340–52. This gives a short biographical sketch of Rokeya’s translation along with her Sultana’s Dream. 903. ZAHRA, ARIFA SAYYEDA. Ruqayya Sakhawat Hussain: Sultana ka ¶Êb, Translated in UrdÖ, Lahore: Mashal, 1999. 104p. [ U], Unexamined. (b) Âura HumÊyÖn MirzÊ (1884–1958) 904. KHAIRÁ, R¹ZIQUL. “Mo˜tarmÊ ÂurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ burqe me¸” (The Venerable SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ in the Burqa) {Ismat, (Salgirah Nambar) (1929) p. 37. [U], MHL.

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In this brief editorial, ‡airÒ, the founding editor of {Ismat [Chastity], a magazine for women, reports that ÂurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ, a wellknown contributor to the columns of {Ismat, is driven in an open motorcar through the city of Hyderabad, Deccan, wearing a burqa{ (Wearing a burqa{ by an elite woman was a sign of social change as it was usually worn by ‘low class’ women). A transparent veil covered her face though quite often she kept her face uncovered. She has also addressed male gatherings within India and outside as well (in England and Europe) with her face unveiled. The editor, a social reformer, admires the courage of ÂurÊ HumÊyÖn. 905. MINAULT, GAIL. Secluded Scholars. Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. pp. 151–52. SurÊ HumÊyÖn published a woman’s journal titled an-Nisa from Hyderabad between 1919–27. Later when she moved to Lahore SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ edited another journal for women, Zebunnisa, from 1934–40. Zebunnisa published articles about women’s education, their meetings and also tips on good housekeeping and health. 906. MUDIRAJ, K. KRISHNASWAMY. Soogra Humayun,’ in Pictorial Hyderabad. (Vol. 2) Hyderabad: The Chandrakanth Press, 1934. pp. 400–402. The author presents a brief account of the achievements of SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ (her name here is spelled differently as Soogra). She established schools for girls and later along with Mrs. Khedive Jang founded an association for Muslim women. In 1918, after she moved to Delhi, SurÊ MirzÊ founded an association for women there as well. In her writings and public lectures, SurÊ HumÊyÖn stressed the need for Hindu-Muslim unity and the emancipation of women. 907. SARFRAZ ALI, MIRZA. YÊd-i SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ [ In Memory of SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ]. Hyderabad: Shalimar Publications. n.d. 72p. A special service in the memory of SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ was held on 23 October 1976 in Hyderabad, India. This small book contains several brief articles that were read on this occasion. The writers describe the lead role that SurÊ HumÊyÖn played in the struggle for the empowerment of women, especially Muslim women. The volume contains several photographs of SurÊ HumÊyÖn with other celebrities of India, including Jawaharlal Nehru, Rajendra Prasad, Sarojini Naidu and Rabindranath Tagore.

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908. SUGHRA HUM¹YÇN MIRZ¹. Safar NamÊh-yi Uorup [ Travelogue of Europe]. 2 pts. Hyderabad: {AzÒm IstÒm Pres. 1926. [ U], Unexamined. 908a. ——. Safarnamah Iraq. Hyderabad: Ma¢ba{ Nizam Deccan, 1918. 114p. [ U] In the preface of this travelogue, the author writes about her family history. Women in her family, including her grand mother, were well educated. Her mother used to write articles for women’s magazines. 909. ——. Ta˜rir-un NisÊ{ [Women’s Writing]. Hyderabad Daccan: Ma¢ba{-yi ·amsÒ. 163p. [U], KKK. This is a manual for women to write letters to friends and relatives. The text of the letter refers to a variety of issues related to the lives of women. 910. THARU, SUSIE and K. LALITA (ed.) {SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ (1884–1954),’ in Women Writing in India 600 B.C. to the Present, Vol. 1: 600 B.C. to the Early Twentieth Century. New York: The Feminist Press, 1991. pp. 378–80. SurÊ HumÊyÖn MirzÊ was a prolic writer of UrdÖ and her works include several travelogues, novels, short stories, poetry and reformist writing. She wrote for several women’s magazines which she edited. In 1913, she became the secretary of Anjuman-i ‡awatÒn-i Islam (Association for Muslim Women). In 1919 she became the president of another women’s organization, Anjuman ‡awatÒn-i Islam, Dakkan. (c) Fyzee Sisters 911. ANÂARÁ, M. A. (ed.) ·iblÒ, MakÊtÒb kÒ RoªnÒ Me¸ [Shibli in the Light of his Letters], Karachi: Academy Sindh, 1967. 327p. [ U] These letters, among various other issues, reect upon Shibli’s relations with the Fyzee sisters. The author, in this work, examines Shibli’s thoughts about women’s status, education and emancipation (pp. 260–319). 912. FYZEE, ATTIYA BEGAM. Iqbal. Lahore: ¹{ÒnÊh adab, 1975. 142p. [ U] These are personal letters written by Muhammad Iqbal, the renowned poet of South Asia, to Attiya Begam between 1907 and 1910. Attiya and Iqbal were students in England and Germany respectively at this time. During her stay in London Attiya had become Iqbal’s close friend. The intimate language of the letters and their subtext indirectly reect upon the life of Attiya who could travel abroad, study there and mix in the company of men freely. Attiya came from the Fyzee family of

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Bombay that was the rst to send their daughters for education to England. 913. MAHESH PRASHAD. MaªÊhÒr-i UrdÖ ke ¶a¢¢Ö¢ [ Letters of Famous UrdÖ Authors]. Allahabad: Raix ·ahab Ram Dayal Agarwala, 1953. 79–81. [U] In this anthology of letters written by and addressed to some of the famous writers and authors of the Urdu language are two important letters addressed by ·iblÒ Nu{mÊnÒ (1857–1914) to {AttiyÊ Begam Fyzee and ZuhrÊ Begam Fyzee. The brief note of introduction preceding the entry of these letters says that Attiya Fyzee and her sister Zuhra Begam Fyzee along with Nawab Shah Jahan Begam, ruler of Bhopal State were the only women decorated by the title of Nishan-i-·afqat by Sultan {Abdul HamÒd Khan of Turkey. The letter addressed to Atiya Fyzee, in this anthology, is a sort of note to her to write better UrdÖ. The second one, addressed to Zuhra Fyzee, recommends a list of books for her to read.

C. Women’s Role in the Pakistan Movement 914. {AIZ¹Z RASÇL, BEGAM. MusalmÊn ¶wÊtÒn kÒ IqtiÉÊdÒ, T{ÊlÒmÒ Ma{ʪratÒ, aur SiyÊsÒ BehtarÒ ke liye ek tÊ{mÒrÒ program [A Development Programme for the Economic, Educational, Social, and Political Improvement of Muslim Women]. Lucknow: Nawalkishore pres, 1944. 24. [ U] Muslim League Archives, MHL. Begam Qudsia {AizÊz RasÖl (1909–2001), as Secretary Women’s Subcommittee of the All India Muslim League, planned a programme for the development of Muslim women. This small booklet explains the aims and objectives of the programme, and includes a detailed questionnaire for members of the Muslim League’s Women’s Committee to collect information about the current (1944) status of Muslim women. [I could nd only a single copy of the work in the Muslim League Archives at Karachi University. I was particularly keen to look for the data that might have been collected for this well-developed questionnaire, but despite my best efforts I could not nd any further information. After India’s independence Begam Qudsia {AizÊz RasÖl joined the Indian National Congress and held several positions as elected member of the UP Legislative Assembly]. 915. ALLANA, G. Pakistan Movement: Historic Documents. Karachi: Paradise Subscription Agency, 1967. 16 + 467p.

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916.

917.

918.

919.

920.

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The author has included here in this study, documents on the Muslim League’s All India Women’s Sub-committee and refers to the services of Attiya Begam and Begam Muhammad Ali. BAKHSH, SULTANA. ‘Pakistan Movement and Women,’ in Kaniz Yusuf et al. (ed.) Pakistan Resolution Revisited, Islamabad: National Institute of Historical & Cultural Research, 1990. pp. 477–513. This paper studies the role of women and their active participation in the political struggle for Pakistan under the leadership of Quaid-e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The author describes the formation of the Women’s Muslim League and focuses on the role of some of its prominent members, including Begam Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar. Some of the Muslim women who fought for the cause of Pakistan were pardah-observing women. ÆUSAIN, SALM¹ TAÂADDUQ. “Quaid-e-Azam Encouraged Women’s Progress.” Civil and Military Gazette, Lahore, September 11 (1953). Unexamined. ——. “Ta˜rÒk-i PakistÊn me¸ {Aurto¸ kÊ ÆiÉÉÊh.” [Role of Women in Pakistan Movement] In Mah-i nau, Karachi, September (1969): 66– 70. The writer, herself one of the front-line activists of the All India Muslim League, recounts the courageous role Muslim women played in the struggle for Pakistan and freedom for the country. Some of these were pardah-observing women. ——. ‘Saviour of Muslim Women,’ in Quaid-i Azam and Muslim Women. National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebrations of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Islamabad, 1976. pp. 20–33. In this paper, the author who worked closely with Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, recalls her contribution towards enhancing the role of women in the political movement for the creation of Pakistan. The paper also records the names of women members of the Muslim League. ——. ¹zadÒ kÊ Safar Te˜rÒk-i Pakistan aur Muslim ¶wÊtÒn [ Journey to Freedom: The Pakistan Movement and Muslim Women] Lahore: Pakistan Study Centre, University of the Punjab, 1987. 174p. [ U] This is an autobiographical account of a front-line woman freedom ghter from the Punjab. SalmÊ ”asadduq Æussain played a lead role and inspired several other women to follow her in the freedom struggle against the British colonialists. Some rare photographs of women freedom ghters are included.

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921. IKRAMULLAH, BEGUM SHAISTA. ‘Women and Politics,’ in Quaidi-Azam and Muslim Women. National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebrations of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Islamabad, 1976. pp. 34–43. This paper recounts that despite great hurdles and personal risks, Muslim women made great efforts to enlist mass support for the cause of Pakistan. 922. J¹{FRÁ, NAJMUDDÁN AÆMAD. “{Aurat” [The Woman] Sabras 2, no. 6 (1939): 19–21. [U], MHL. While women in Hinduism and Buddhism have low status, Islam has given them high status. A Muslim woman has a right over her own earned income. A widow’s remarriage is encouraged. There was hope that Muslim women would step forward in the political eld as well. The work refers to the efforts of Begam HabÒbullÊh and Begam WasÒm in establishing the women’s wing of the All India Muslim League in UP. 923. JALANDHARÁ, SHAMÁM. Ta˜rÒk-i Pakistan me¸ ‡watÒn kÊ KirdÊr, 1947: ¹g aur ¶Ön me¸ !~ubÒ ˜ÖxÒ ek ˜aqÒqat [Women’s Role in the Pakistan Movement, 1947: A Reality Immersed in Fire and Blood], Lahore: IªÊ{at-i- Adab, 1981. 352p. [U] This book gives a detailed account of Muslim women who participated and struggled for the creation of Pakistan. The author was an eyewitness to some of these events. 924. MIRZA, SARFARAZ HUSSAIN. Muslim Women’s Role in the Pakistan Movement. Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, Punjab University, 1969. 166p. The rst part of this work gives an account of the role of women from the sixteenth century to the 1930s. The second part looks at the struggle of Muslim women against colonialism and the dominance of the Hindu majority during the period from 1937 to 1947. Biographical sketches of prominent women are included in the Appendix. 925. NÇRUN NIS¹{ BEGAM. “SiyÊsÒ ZindagÒ me¸ {Aurat kÊ ÆiÉÉÊh.” [Women’s Role in Political Life]. Tahzib un-Niswan 45, no. 45 (1942): 812–14. [U] This paper makes a strong appeal to women to claim their political rights. The author begins by asserting that ‘women are not sent to this world for performing domestic jobs only; they have many responsibilities. Women can do whatever men have done.’ Men have gained ‘unlawful mastery (bejÊ albÊ) over women (due to customs and traditions) and have turned women into an exercise of tyranny (maªq-i sitam). Day by

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927.

928.

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day excesses and cruelties are rising. She has no right to express her opinion.’ Citing the progress of the women’s movement in Turkey, the author exhorts Muslim women of India to ‘stand on their own feet’ and march ahead, and convince men to recognize the rights of women. NÇRUS SAB¹H BEGAM. “Jang-i ¹zÊdi me¸ ‡wÊtÒn kÊ KirdÊr.” [Women’s Role in the Freedom Movement] Mah-i Nau 22, no. 8, August (1969): 44–48. [U] Despite the restrictions of pardah, Muslim women in large numbers joined the Muslim League’s Women Sub-Committee, which was formed in 1938 by Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The author, an active member of the Muslim League, describes the enthusiastic work of women under the leadership of Jinnah. Photographs are included. PIRZADA, SYED SHARIFUDDIN. Foundation of Pakistan, All India Muslim League Documents, 1906–1947. Karachi: National Publishing House, 1970. 636p. The documents in this volume include the proceedings of the All India Muslim League’s 26th Session held at Patna in December 1938. Begum Habibullah, a Muslim League member form UP, moved the historic resolution for the foundation of an All India Muslim Women’s Sub-Committee, and recommended the names of prominent Muslim women for members of this Committee. QUAID-I-AZAM AND MUSLIM WOMEN. Islamabad: National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebrations of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, 1976. 73p. This volume contains articles by women who had known the Quaidi-Azam and had worked with him for the creation of Pakistan. These include ‘The Quaid as I Know Him’ by Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz, ‘Saviour of Muslim Women’ by Salma Tasadduq Husain, ‘Women and Politics’ by Shaista Ikramullah, ‘Emancipation of Women’ by Khudeja G. A. Khan, ‘Women and Independence’ by Khurshid Ara Begum and ‘Muslim Women’s Liberation Movement’ by Parveen Shaukat Ali. SA{ÁD, AÆMAD. GuftÊr-i QuÊxid-i {¹zam [Speeches of Quaid-i-Azam] Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1976. 328p. [U] This volume documents public addresses delivered by the Quaid on various occasions. His acknowledgement of the equal status of women and his expectations of the role of the new country are important reminders for Pakistani society, as it has almost forgotten these messages. Addressing women students of a college, the Quaid-i-Azam said,

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933.

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‘women have power, come forward and work with men.’ The same was also reported in the Daily Inqilab, 28 March 1940, p. 5. SAIYID, DUSHKA. “Punjabi Muslim Women’s Role in the Movement for Pakistan.” South Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (1994): 35–54. In the Punjab, the liberation of Muslim women from pardah came to be very closely linked with the struggle for Pakistan. The paper examines the role of prominent Muslim women who participated and encouraged other women to join the movement. SHAH NAWAZ, BEGUM. ‘The Quaid as I Knew Him,’ in Quaidi-Azam and Muslim Women. National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebrations of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Islamabad, 1976. pp. 1–19. The author recalls her personal memories of Jinnah and his thoughts and ideas regarding the role of women in Muslim politics. Although Jinnah was not in favour of a separate women’s organization within the Muslim League, as he believed that men and women should work together, he nally agreed to Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz’s suggestion to form a separate women’s group. Thus a Central Women’s Committee with Miss Jinnah as President was formed. SHAH, SAYED WIQAR ALI. “Women and Politics in the North-West Frontier Province (1930–1947).” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 19, no. 1 (1998): 67–80. This paper brings some less known historical information about Pashtoon women’s roles in the freedom struggle. Despite the traditional norms of the Pathan society where women’s movement is ercely guarded, these brave women, clad in their burqas, marched along with men on the streets to protest against British rule. WILLMER, DAVID. “Women as Participants in the Pakistan Movement: Modernization and the Promise of a Moral State.” Modern Asian Studies 30, July (1996): 573–90. The paper raises an interesting question, that is, why were Muslim women more anxious than men for the creation of Pakistan? He concludes that the social and political concerns of an educated elite among Muslim women were incorporated into the nationalist agenda of the Pakistan movement, reducing the potential that these concerns had to generate an independent modernizing feminist movement among Muslim women in India. ZAMAN, UMM-I SALM¹. Muslim ‡wÊtÒn aur Jiddo Jahd-i ¹zÊdÒ [Muslim Women and Struggle for Independence] Karachi: Kifayat Academy, 1997. 64p. [U]

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This book records the extraordinary courage and determination of Muslim women from all over South Asia who participated in the freedom struggle. The author recounts the achievements of women like Bi Amman who addressed meetings while still clad in a burqÊ{. Similarly Hajiani Ghulam Fatima from rural Sindh led large delegations of women to the sessions of the All India Muslim League. 935. ZEBUNNISA HAMIDULLAH. ‘The: Through a Woman’s Eyes.’ Karachi: Dawn, 11 September 1951. Drawing upon her personal recollections of her meeting with the founder of Pakistan, this paper presents a glimpse of the founder of Pakistan. The most important thing to be remembered about the Quaid is that he rmly believed in the equal status of women.

D. Freedom/Partition: Women’s Experiences 936. AZIZ, K. K. Muslims under Congress Rule: A Documentary Report, 1937–1939. Vol. 1, Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1978. 567p. This report includes the Sharif Report prepared by the Bihar Provincial Muslim League on some grievances of the local Muslims in 1938–39 and deals with atrocities committed against the Muslims, including physical harassment of women and their abduction by Hindu fundamentalists and the state police force. 937. BUTALIA, URVASHI. The Other Side of the Silence. Voices from the Partition of India. Durham: Duke University Press. 2000. 308p. This book is a collective memoir of ordinary men and women who were victims of the subcontinent’s Partition riots and who at times acted as perpetrators of violence against others. Although the main narrators of the stories are not Muslims, and as such represent one side of the story, this work helps the reader to understand how the humane side of the Partition and its aftermath was never seriously examined. The stories reect brutal disregard of women’s concerns. It is here that the narratives dene women’s images in South Asian traditions. 938. FELDMAN, SHELLEY. “Feminist Interruptions. The Silence of East Bengal in the Story of Partition.” Interventions 22, no. 2 (1999): 167–82. This paper examines exclusion of the East Bengal/East Pakistan experience in contemporary narratives of the partition of the subcontinent in 1947. The paper concludes by pointing out that there is a need for

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such studies. The author wonders if such studies would lead to several other questions, particularly the genesis of Partition itself. MAJOR, ANDREW J. “The Chief Sufferers: Abduction of Women during the Partition of the Punjab.” South Asia 18, Special Issue (1995): 57–72. This paper looks at the abduction of women in the Punjab in 1947 and efforts made by the Indian and Pakistani governments, during and after the division, to recover and rehabilitate them. Several eyewitness accounts of rape, abduction and killing of Muslim women and Hindu women are given. MENON, RITU. ‘Reproducing the Legitimate Community, Secularity, Sexuality, and the State in Postpartition India’. In Patricia Jeffery and Amrita Basu (ed.) ‘Appropriating Gender, Women’s Activism and Politicized Religion in South Asia’. New York: Routledge, 1998. 14–32. This paper examines the issue of repatriation and rehabilitation of women abducted and kidnapped during the riots and violence. The violence that broke out following the decision of freedom and partition of India into two different countries, India and Pakistan, is also discussed. Although this paper’s focus is more on the situation of Hindu women, it helps in understanding how the women were used and abused in political vendettas and historic religious rivalry between the Muslims and the Hindus. ——. No Woman’s Land: Women from Pakistan, India & Bangladesh Write on the Partition of India. New Delhi: Women Unlimited, 2004. VI + 202p. Unexamined. —— and KAMLA BHASIN. Borders and Boundaries: Women in India’s Partition. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. 1998. 274p. In their introduction to the ghastly story of India’s independence and partition, a comment by the authors relates the essence of the experience of women. It was stated that ‘the story of 1947, while being one of the successful attainment of independence, is also a gendered narrative of displacement and dispossession, of large-scale and widespread communal violence, and of the realignment of family, community and national identities as a people were forced to accommodate the dramatically altered reality that now prevailed.’ Giving more details of acts of rape and abduction of women committed by Hindu, Muslim and Sikh men, on a scale which is hard to account for, the authors further say, ‘the preoccupation with women’s sexuality formed part of the contract between the three communities.’ Regarding statistics of those who went through this horrid experience of abduction, the authors estimate the

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numbers to be 50,000 Muslim women and children in India and 33,000 Hindu and Sikh women in Pakistan. 943. PANDEY, GYANENDRA. Remembering Partition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. 218p. In a well-written account, that occurred during and around 1947, the unforgettable year of Independence and Partition in South Asia, are remembered, related, and retold in ways that are often not easy to interpret and weigh as historical evidence. Perspectives may differ but all through this work one nds evidence to understand how 1947 emerged as a catastrophic event in the lives of women. Numerous references to the abduction, rape and killing of women are included. 944. QIDW¹xÁ, ANÁS. ¹zÊdÒ kÒ ohÊo¸ me¸ [Under the shade of freedom] New Delhi: Qaumi ekta trust, 1974. 375p. (Hindi translation from UrdÖ by NÖr Nabi {AbbasÒ, New Delhi. 1990. Some passages of Qidwai’s work, narrating the agonies suffered by girls, were translated by Ralph Russell under the title ‘Children’, Annual of Urdu Studies 17 (2002), 84–94).). [U] The author, who was a social worker in the Delhi refugee camps at the time of the violence and killings, recalls witnessing scenes of the brutality. She writes how the large-scale abduction and sale of girls was used as a systematic process of ‘ethnic cleansing’ of the communities. 945. SHAMÁM JALANDHARÁ. Ta˜rÒk-i PÊkistÊn me¸ ‡wÊtÒn kÊ KirdÊr, 1947: ¹g aur ¶Ön me¸ ÓÖbÒ huxi ek ˜aqÒqat [Women’s Role in the Pakistan Movement, 1947: A Reality Immersed in Fire and Blood], Lahore: IªÊ{at-i Adab, 1981. 352p. [ U] This book presents a woman participant’s perspective of the Freedom Movement and threats that the ensuing violence posed to people, particularly women. The author’s role in the Pakistan Movement began at age ten when she attended a political meeting in 1922 and heard Bi Ammʸ and other women speak at a Conference in Jalandhar. In this book, she records her rare experiences of the freedom struggle and of the communal violence that she witnessed in the Punjab. The book has some rare photographs of these scenes. Bad printing has blurred these photographs.

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I. Women Freedom Fighters (a) AbÊdÒ Banu Begam BÒ Ammʸ (1852–1924) 946. AFZAL IQBAL. (ed.) My Life, a Fragment: An Autobiographical Sketch of Maulana Mohamed Ali. Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1942. xii + 252p. Muhammad Ali Jauhar (1878–1931) (the book spells the name as Mohamed Ali) with his brother, Shaukat Ali, led the Khilafat Movement in the 1920s against the British colonialists in India. His mother AbÊdi Begam, popularly known as BÒ Amma¸, and his wife, were among the rst group of Muslim women in South Asia to undertake lead roles in the male dominated freedom struggle. BÒ Ammʸ, a native of Rampur (State), became a widow at the age of twenty-seven. Exhibiting the undaunted spirit of a born ghter, she refused to remarry and under heavy odds brought up her two little sons who later emerged as ery freedom ghters. Self-educated, BÒ Ammʸ, with her face uncovered, addressed mammoth crowds of men. BÒ Ammʸ travelled alone with her daughter-in-law while her son was put behind bars incarcerated by the colonial hegemonists. 947. BARELWÁ, SHAFÁQ. “Bi Amma¸” ‡atÖn-i Pakistan, Oct.–Nov. (1966): 27–29. [U] This paper gives a brief life history of BÒ AmmÊn (b. 1844, a different date is given by this author), mother of the Ali Brothers. Widowed at an early age, BÒ AmmÊn not only managed to provide education to her sons, but also later participated in the political struggle of undivided India. She became a role model for many Muslim women of early 20th century India. 948. HASAN, MUSHIRUL (ed.) Mohammed Ali in Indian Politics: Select Writings, 3 vols. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers and Distributors. 1983. In these volumes are several references to the outstanding, groundbreaking role played by the women of Muhammad Ali Jauhar’s family. In a letter addressed to Subramania Ayer, BÒ AmmÊn refers to her unusual role when she writes, ‘I fear this letter will surprise you a good deal not only because it comes from a total stranger, but also because the writer is a Muslim woman brought up in the old orthodox ways according to which women are seldom supposed to address any communication to strangers, and never to a man. . . . But these are extraordinary times, and things are changing so fast that no one should feel astonished if an old woman like myself addressed, at the sacrice of a little orthodoxy, a letter to one so universally respected and reverenced as yourself on

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a subject which lls at present the minds of all.’ Referring to the early active role of women in the nascent days of Islam, she further said, ‘we the women of Islam also used to shoulder our share of the burden and march along with our men, even to the Holy Wars . . . I do not think that we women are at all inclined to shirk today such duties as the changing times may once more require us to perform.’ {ISHRAT REÆM¹NÁ. ÆayÊt-i Jauhar ya{nÒ MaulÊnÊ Mu˜ammad Ali Jauhar kÒ Mukammal Sawni˜ ÆyÊt ma{ ‡ud Nawiªt ÆalÊt [Life of Jauhar, namely a Complete Biography of Maulana Muhammd Ali Jauhar with some Autobiographical Notes]. Dehli: Ma˜bÖb al-ma¢aba{ barqÒ pres, 1931. 159p. [U] Narrating the early childhood of Jauhar, this work also accounts for the life of his illustrious mother, AbÊdÒ Banu Begam, popularly known as BÒ Ammʸ, who at age twenty-seven became a widow (1879). The book briey recounts the great courage, heroic deeds, and determination of this woman, who addressed huge public assemblies later on in old age. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Political Change: Muslim Women in Conict with Parda: Their Role in the Indian Nationalist Movement,’ in Sylvia A. Chipp and Justin J. Green (ed.) Asian Women in Transition, University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1980. pp. 194–203. Muslim women in the early 20th century, such as BÒ Ammʸ and her daughter-in-law, Begam Mu˜ammad {AlÒ, though remaining within traditionally sanctioned limits, and thus gaining social acceptance, opened the way for their daughters and grand-daughters to begin challenging pardah. ——. ‘Purdah Politics: The Role of Muslim Women in Indian Nationalism 1911–1924,’ in Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault (ed.) Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia, Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. 245–61. Pardah-observing women took a bold step and came out of their seclusion to actively participate in politics. The author describes these events with reference to the case study of Abadi Banu Begam (BÒ Ammʸ) who, along with her sons, participated in the ‡ilafat agitation. She addressed a mammoth gathering of women at the Ahmedabad session of the All India Ladies Conference urging them to march ahead and win the battle against the colonial regime. THE AWADHBASI (Lucknow) of the 15th January, 1918, in Selections from Indian Owned Newspapers, Published in the United Provinces. Received up to 19th January 1918, (Condential), p. 47, UPRR.

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The Awadhbasi reports that ‘this year the session of the Muslim League was as remarkable as that of the Congress. Abadi Bano, who refused to supplicate heartless alien ofcials and enjoined her sons to remain rm to their religion despite all troubles, was present at the Session and furnished a noble ideal for her sisters.’ 953. THE DAILY TRIBUNE (Lahore) of 2nd January, 1918, in Selections from the Indian Newspapers, published in the Punjab, Vol. 34, No. 1, January 5 (1918): p. 8, L/R/5/200. OIOC. The Daily Tribune, a Hindi language newspaper from Lahore, reporting BÒ AmmÊn’s Calcutta visit and the address she delivered to a mammoth crowd, stated, ‘If the reports published in the Press are substantially correct, the reception which Calcutta has accorded to the mother of Mr. Muhammad Ali is one which royalty might envy. . . .’ 954. THE OUDH AKHBAR (Lucknow) of the 6th January 1918, in Selections from Indian Owned Newspapers, Published in the United Provinces. Received up to January 5, 1918, (Condential), p. 24, UPRR. The Oudh Akhbar of January 6 1918 wrote that ‘the country which produced great women like Padmini, Ahlya Bai, Razya Sultana and Chand Bibi, and which has such enlightened ladies as the Begum Sahiba of Bhopal, Mrs. Naidu and the Mother of Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali cannot remain dependent upon others for ever. The part played by the Indian ladies in the Congress and the Muslim League is most hopeful.’ 955. THE PAISA AKHBAR (Lahore) of 13th January 1918, in Selections from the Indian Newspapers, published in the Punjab, Vol. 31, No. 3, January 19 1918, p. 43, L/R/5/200. OIOC. The Paisa Akhbar was not very happy that a Muslim woman was at the forefront of political agitation against the British Government. It was regretted that ‘a purdah-nashin lady has been used to increase the noise about swaraj and the agitation against Government, an act opposed to the principles of Islam. What is still more regrettable is that the Bombay Chronicle has reproduced her photo with her face unveiled.’ (b) Begam Muhammad Ali (Amjadi Begam) 956. EDIB, HALIDÉ. Inside India. New Delhi, OUP. 2002. 272p. [1st published in 1937]. During her visit to India, Halidé Edib, the Turkish woman, met with several Indian women. Her impressions of Begam Muhammad Ali were very signicant. By the time she arrived in India, Begam Muhammad Ali was a widow and the Khilafat movement had paled into history.

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As there are few historic narratives about this remarkable pardahobserving woman, Begam Muhammad Ali, it is interesting to see her through Turkish eyes. Edib writes, ‘The intermediary between me and the Purdah club was Begum Muhammad Ali, the widow of the great Muslim political leader and reformer. She has remained true to her husband’s teachings, and is as denite a character as one may meet anywhere. To me she was the type of those Turkish women of twentyeight years ago who threw themselves into the service of their country, especially on the social side. She will not be hustled. She wants change, but in her own good time. If Muslim women are to do things, they must do it without leaving the Purdah. She herself mixed with men, though she keeps her veil, which is that of a Turkish woman of 1908 of middle-class. In the lecture hall of the Jamia, there were two kinds of women’s audiences: those who sat on the same benches with men, and those who sat behind a lattice or a thick curtain stretched at the side of the platform. She sat with neither. She sat alone on the platform in the background. She is neither with those who have surmounted the barriers, nor with those who have remained where they are. I believe her seat at these lectures was symptomatic of her whole attitude and of her place in Modern India.’ (c) Begam Hasrat MohanÒ (Niªatunnisa) (1885–1937) 957. SIDDIQ , MUHAMMAD. “Hasrat Mohani.” Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 32, no. 1, January (1984): 31–70. This paper examines the signicant role played by Hasrat Mohani’s (1878–1951) wife, Nishatunnisa Begam, in the political struggle of the Muslims of South Asia. She surprised many male politicians and had proved to be a source of inspiration to the Muslim women who subsequently started taking part in politics. One of the rst pioneering women who participated in the freedom struggle, she died in 1937. 958. SIDDÁQUÁ, {¹TÁQ (ed). Begam Æasrat MohÊnÒ aur unke ¶a¢¢u¢ [Mrs. Hasrat Mohani and her letters]. New Delhi: Maktabah jami{ah, 1981. 144p. [U] This book is a collection of letters written between 1918 and 1924, by and addressed to Mrs. Hasrat Mohani, one of the pioneers in the struggle for India’s freedom from British rule. Mrs. Mohani rst appeared in her public role in 1908 and continued till her death in 1937. Most of these letters were written while her husband was in jail for his political activism and she continued her work despite great nancial hardships. The last part of this small book contains an account of her

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Æajj pilgrimage. This proved to be her last specimen of writing as she died during this journey. (d) Fatimah Jinnah (1893–1967) 959. AHMAD, RIZWAN. QuÊxid-i-¹zam ne MÊdar-i Millat ke bÊre me¸ kahÊ [So Said the Qaid-i-Azam about the Mother of the Nation]. Daily Jang, Rawalpindi, July 9, 1971. [U] The author, who worked as personal secretary to the Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, recalls the Quaid’s conversations about his sister Fatimah Jinnah. Fatimah is lovingly addressed by the Pakistanis as MÊdar-i Millat, the Mother of the nation. This paper is based on the personal memories of the author. 960. AHMED, AKBAR S. Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity. The Search for Saladin. London: Routledge, (Reprint) 2002. 274p. In this biography of Jinnah, the author includes a short life sketch of Jinnah’s sister, Fatimah. He observes that the ‘relationship between Jinnah and his sister Fatima is important in helping us to understand Jinnah, the Muslim movement leading to Pakistan and Pakistan history.’ Summing up, the author comments that ‘Fatima was bitter about the way Pakistan had treated her and dishonoured the memory of her brother by the use of martial law, and by corruption and mismanagement.’ 961. HAMD¹NÁ, AGH¹ ÆUSAIN. FÊ¢imah JinnÊh ÆayÊt aur ‡idmÊt [Fatima Jinnah, Life and Services], Islamabad: National Commission for Research, History and Culture. 1978. 192p. [ U] This is the rst full biography of Fatimah Jinnah and as such is a valuable addition to the scant studies done so far on the role of women in Pakistan’s history. The book discusses the life of Fatimah Jinnah and her lifelong service and devotion to her illustrious brother, the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It also describes her struggle for the restoration of democracy by standing for elections in 1964 as a joint candidate of the opposition parties against Field Marshal Ayub Khan. She lost the elections, a great loss to the process of democratizing Pakistan. 962. KAMR¹NÁ, NA¶R. Agar Fa¢imah Jinnah nÊ hotÒ¸ to mÊi¸ Pakistan ki jang itni ÊsÊni se na jÒt saktÊ [If there was no Fatimah Jinnah (then) I would have never won the struggle for Pakistan so easily] Æurriyat, 9 July 1986. [U]

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This article, written on the death anniversary of Fatimah Jinnah, pays rich tribute to her. She provided great strength to the struggle for Pakistan by being a constant companion to her brother. The author also points to the lack of historical research regarding Fatimah’s remarkable role in the freedom struggle. KHAN, SALAHUDDIN. (ed.) Fatima Jinnah, Speeches, Messages and Statements of Madar-i-Millat Muhtarma Fatima Jinnah, 1948–1967. Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, 1976. 505p. This is a collection of speeches and other public statements of Fatimah Jinnah delivered at various occasions. After her brother’s death, Fatimah addressed the nation on a variety of occasions, such as on the Independence Day and Áxd celebrations. KHURSHÁD, SURAYY¹ K. H. Fa¢imah Jinnah ke ªab-o roz: Flaig StÊf Æaus ki Yade¸ [Life and Times of Fatimah Jinnah: Memories of Flag Staff House], Lahore: Azad Enterprises, 1998. 255p. [ U] The author’s husband worked as Quaid-e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s personal secretary for the years 1944–47. This book is based on a diary that the author maintained about Fatimah Jinnah’s daily life. She notes that not only was Fatimah Jinnah considerate in personal relationships, she also took care of her domestic employees and was meticulous in her daily work. NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF PAKISTAN. Accession List of Muhtarma Fatimah Jinnah Papers. Islamabad: Department of Archives, Ministry of Culture and Tourism, Government of Pakistan, 1987. vii+ 91p. These papers, in all 64,000 pages, are now available for research scholars. The accession list is divided into 3 parts. SUFI, M. A. Madar-i Millat Mu˜tarmÊ Fa¢imÊh JinnÊh, ÆayÊt-o AfkÊr [Mother of the Nation Fatimah Jinnah, Life and Works], Lahore: {Ilmo{Irfan Publishers, 2003. 360p. [U], Unexamined. YAHYA, D. MÊdar-i Millat Te˜rÒk-i PÊkistÊn me¸ [ The Mother of the Nation in the Struggle for Pakistan]. In The Daily Jang, 9 July 1986. p. 3. [U] This article pays homage to the great contributions of Fatimah Jinnah to the struggle for Pakistan and also to her efforts to restore a democratic system of government; her brother’s dream for Pakistan. ZIA, REHM¹N. QÊxid-i ¹zam ke sath Mu˜tarmÊ Fa¢imah JinnÊh. [The Hon’ble Fatima Jinnah with the Quaid-i-Azam]. The Daily Jang, July 9, 1986, 2–3. [U] This article, which appeared on the occasion of the death anniversary of Fatimah Jinnah, recalls the time she spent with her brother.

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969. ZIRING, LAWRENCE. “Political Connections: Fatima Jinnah and Benazir Bhutto.” Asian Affairs: An American Review 21, no. 2 (1994): 67–79. This study based on secondary sources attempts to make comparisons between two prominent women who were destined to move into party politics in Pakistan. (e) Ruttie Jinnah (-d. 1929) 970. AHMED, AKBAR S. Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity. The Search for Saladin. London: Routledge, (Reprint) 2002. 274p In this political biography of Muhammed Ali Jinnah, the author gives a two-page (pp. 14–15) account of Rattanbai Petit Dinshaw, popularly known as Ruttie Jinnah. Rattanbai was the daughter of educated and wealthy Parsi parents from the city of Bombay. Jinnah and Ruttie married after some opposition from Ruttie’s parents. They had been married for eleven years when she died suddenly. Their daughter, Dina, later recalled how Ruttie’s death ‘devastated’ her father, Jinnah. 971. BAQAI, FARAH GUL. “Ruttie Jinnah.” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 17 (1996): 63–76. This paper recalls the early life of Ruttie Dinshaw, beautiful daughter of an inuential Parsi millionaire from Bombay, who married Jinnah against the wishes of her father. The Jinnahs had a Muslim wedding and Ruttie became a Muslim at that time. Later some misunderstandings developed between the couple, although this did not change their love for each other. 972. DWARKADAS, KANJI. Ruttie Jinnah: The Story of a Great Friendship. Bombay: Kanji Dwarkadas, 1962. 63p. This book is a biography of Ruttie Jinnah, wife of M. A. Jinnah, founder of Pakistan, written by K. Dwarkadas, who knew both of them and enjoyed their friendship and condence. ‘Ruttie Jinnah,’ the book begins by saying, ‘was the gentlest, noblest and kindest of mankind,’ and ends by paying the greatest homage to her and her husband, Jinnah. ‘Ruttie kept herself away from participating in active politics, but was helpful to Jinnah, and Jinnah, inuenced by her, kept non-communal.’ 973. HAIDER, KHWAJA RAZI. Ruttie Jinnah: The Story, Told and Untold. Karachi: Pakistan Study Centre, University of Karachi, 2004. 194p. This biography of Ruttie Jinnah is based on primary sources that so far remained undiscovered. The author describes Jinnnah’s marriage with Ruttie (copy of the nikahnama [marriage certicate] is included in the appendix).

SECTION SEVEN

WOMEN, NATIONALISM, AND RELIGION

A. Muslim women in Pakistan: An Overview 974. AHMED, BEGUM G. “Status of Women in Pakistan.” Ummah 1, no. 5 (1964): 25–7. This paper argues that reformation of the status of women in Pakistan is a responsibility that must be shared no less by men than by women themselves. However, women need to work along with men in their struggle for the restoration of their rights. The author, one of the pioneering women of Pakistan who fought for women’s rights, argues that a feminist movement that fails to enlist the condence and sympathy of fathers, husbands and sons cannot succeed. 975. ALLANA, MARIAM. (ed.) Muslim Women and Islamic Tradition. New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers. 2000. 270p. Although the title says it is an edited volume, it appears that the editor wrote the seven chapters herself. The book examines ‘vital’ issues that affect Muslim women, such as divorce, property and inheritance, child custody, inequality in legislation, and problems faced by women in rural areas. At least one chapter exclusively deals with Muslim women in the Indian subcontinent. Incomplete endnotes with no explanation for abbreviations, for references used, and the absence of bibliography, leave one wondering whether it is an oversight on the part of the author or a printing error. The text also needs better proofreading. 976. AMJAD ALI, ZAHIDA. “The Status of Women in Pakistan.” Pakistan Quarterly 6, no. 4 (1956): 46–53. This paper presents a brief review of the socio-political participation of women, their organizations, committees and conferences, employment, and political rights. Amjad Ali discusses the recommendations of the commission on Marriage and Family Laws established in 1955 in response to public controversy about women’s rights. The author was closely associated with women’s educational progress in the early days of Pakistan and worked for the foundation of the Women’s College of Home Economics in Karachi.

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977. ASHRAF, ASIA. “Women of East Pakistan since Independence.” Pakistan Quarterly 15, no. 3 (1967): 55–8. This paper provides statistics of male and female participation rates at various levels in East Pakistan for the years 1947–48 and 1965–66. 978. AZAM, IKRAM. “Woman and Home.” Pakistan Review 17, no. 12 (1969): 13–4, 32. This paper presents strong male prejudices that exist against women at all levels, making the life of a career woman more difcult as men look at her as a ‘constant rival’. The woman who fails in her essential function as wife, mother and sister, is considered a mist. The author warns women: “stay home—where you can . . . rule subtly by your heart, affection, and tact (and not) with your tongue and temper!” 979. BURNEY, NAUSHABA. “The New Woman of Pakistan.” Perspective 1, no. 12 (1968): 49–56. With the help of photographs, this study reects upon the new activities of women in Pakistan, showing that women are free in their choices. The writer is one of the well-established women journalists of Pakistan. 980. DUGUID, J. “Lifting of the Veil.” Pakistan Quarterly II, no. 4 1(952): 45–48. Contrary to a common image of Pakistani women as living a life in complete seclusion, the writer, a Westerner visiting Pakistan, found them working as daily wage earners, labourers, and also studying in medical colleges and doing voluntary social work. 981. HAKIM, ABDUL and AZRA AZIZ. “Socio-cultural, Religious, and Political Aspects of the Status of Women in Pakistan.” The Pakistan Development Review 37, no. 4 (1998): 727–46. This paper gives a general overview of the status of women and examines this utilizing data from the Pakistan Fertility Planning Survey 1996–97. The blend of Hindu customs and Islamic values has affected the position of women in the Pakistani family and society. The paper concludes by observing that well-organized efforts are required to remove entrenched obstacles in the path of women and development. 982. HANLEY, MARY LYNN. “The State of Womankind in 1975.” Pakistan Economist, May 3 (1975): 14–24. This paper reviews and examines the special report issued on the status of women in Pakistan on the occasion of the International Women’s Year, 1975. Includes tables. 983. HAROON, ANIS. ‘Social Attitudes and Women,’ in Haroon Ahmed (ed.) Contemporary Conicts, Karachi: Pakistan Psychiatric Society, Sindh Chapter, 1991. 160p.

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The author states that Pakistan’s patriarchal society denies woman her identity. The author, human rights activist and the founding member of Shirkat Gah, a women’s collective, argues that if there is to be any improvement in the status of women their full integration in the development process is essential. HARRISON, FRANCES. “The Position of Women in Pakistan.” Contemporary Review 28 (1989): 12–17. This examines the martial law regulations, including the Hudood Ordinance of 1979, and their negative impact on the position of women in Pakistan. Contrary to expectations, Benazir Bhutto had not publicly raised women’s issues in her campaign. The paper concludes by saying that in Pakistan ‘sexual equality is little valued as an idea even by women, still less by men. Until this attitude changes, there is little hope the reality will ever change.’ HASSAN, IFTIKHAR N. The Education Status of Women. Pakistan Report, Report I, Reta: 5513 Education of Women in Asia Project, Asian Development Bank/Federal Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, 1994. Prepared for the Asian Development Bank, this Report describes the status of female education in Pakistan. It identies several impediments that exist in the promotion of women’s education and literacy, and suggests proposals for making improvements. —— . “Role and Status of Women in Pakistan: An Empirical Research Review.” Pakistan Journal of Psychology 13, no. 13–14, December (1980): 39–56. The author is a psychologist who has conducted several studies on women and their role in Pakistan. In this paper, she argues that the status of women in Pakistan is low, and women themselves have accepted and internalized this. HELBOCK, LUCY. The Changing Status of Women in Islamic Pakistan. Islamabad: U.S. Agency for International Development, 1975. 56p. Mimeographed. Written in the Women’s International Year 1975, this paper observes that nearly half of the nation’s human resources are wasted because women have not been integrated into the labour force. It claims however that some change is becoming noticeable, and women in the rural areas are becoming increasingly aware of their rights and self-dignity. HONIGMANN, JOHN J. ‘Women in West Pakistan.’ In Stanley Maron (ed.) Pakistan Society and Culture, New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area File, 1957. 154–76.

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In this paper, the author examines diverse aspects of the lives of women in Pakistan. IBRAZ, TASSAWAR SAEED and ANJUM FATIMA. “Uneducated and Unhealthy: the Plight of Women in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 32, no. 4, Part, 2 (1993): 905–13. This paper discusses under-investment in female education and health, and highlights some of the dominant cultural notions hindering women’s access to education and other structures of power. It states that cultural restrictions prevent better knowledge about proper hygiene and sanitation and that home remedies and local perceptions of illness can cause harm. JAHANGIR, ASMA. “Equality Now: Achieving Gender Equality in Modern Pakistan.” Harvard Asia Pacic Review 3, no. 1 (1999): 76–79. This paper focuses on the status of women and the issue of gender rights in Pakistan. The author has had a long struggle against patriarchal and fundamentalist forces in Pakistan. KAMAL, MEHR. “Women of Pakistan.” Perspective 3, no. 12, June (1970): 17–24. This paper examines Quaid-i Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s views on Muslim women of South Asia. He helped to break down prejudices against women’s participation in public life and encouraged them to move forward and participate in nation building activities. The modern Pakistani woman is not only conscious of her political rights but she is also equally conscious of her legal rights and social position. With the help of photographs, the upward change in the status of women is explained. KENNEDY, MARY JEAN. ‘Punjabi Urban Society,’ in Stanley Maron (ed.) Pakistan: Society and Culture. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files, 1957. 81–104. This anthropological study depicting sex roles, marriage customs, divorce, pardah, education in urban Punjab makes a few references to the status of women in Punjabi feudal society. MUMTAZ, KHAWAR and FARIDA SHAHEED. Women of Pakistan: Two Steps Forward, One Step Back? Lahore: Vanguard Books, 1987. 196p. This book presents an overview of the history of Muslim women in South Asia. The major part of the study narrates the struggles of Pakistani women for their rights, particularly during the period of Zia’s government, and also briey describes the growth of women’s organisations.

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994. NAIMAT, al-SAYYADAH. MusalmÊn {aurat kahʸ jÊ rahÒ hai [ Where is the Muslim Woman heading to] Translated from the Arabic by Yahya Nadvi and with a preface by Maulana Mahir ul Qadiri, Karachi: Pak Academy, n.d. 48p. [U] The introductory page states that the author, al-Sayyadah Naimat is from Cairo and is the wife of Dr. Muhammad Raza. This essay was rst published in the Arabic language journal, al-Huda al-NabwÊ (Cairo, n.d.), and then in another Arabic language journal, Jam{iyat al-Hidayat al-Islamiyah (Baghdad). The essay protests against ‘westernization’. Mahir ul-Qadiri (1907–78), who wrote the preface, looked upon religion as a panacea for all ills, and warns that tnÊ (chaos) is the mischief of westernization that has ruined Cairo’s culture. The same tnÊ is now getting ready to work in Pakistan too.’ He hopes that the message of al-Sayyadah Naimat reaches the elite women of APWA who act against Islamic traditions. The text of the essay warns Muslim women of the evils of Tabbaruj (wanton display). (For Tabbaruj see QurxÊn: 33:33 and 24:60). 995. NÇRUS SAB¹H BEGAM. “‡watÒn aur QaumÒ ZindagÒ.” [Women and the national life]. MÊh-e Nau, May (1968): 61–65. [U] The author, one of the early freedom ghters of Pakistan, argues that the participation of women in different activities is an index to their changing role in society. More and more educated women are taking paid jobs. The article focuses on the rst decades of the creation of Pakistan. 996. REPORT OF THE COMMISSION OF INQUIRY FOR WOMEN. Islamabad: Government of Pakistan, 1997. In 1994, when Pakistan was preparing its National Report for the forthcoming Beijing Conference, the Senate decided to establish a high-powered commission to review the country’s laws to discover ‘a step toward ending the grosser iniquities against women.’ The report forms an important document, as it reects upon the struggle over the last fty years for the rights and privileges of women. The preface, in clear words, admits that equality for women of Pakistan ‘remains an illusory goal.’ The rest of the volume contains information on political participation of women, their status within the family and marriage systems, and laws that control their labour, bodies, and work. The volume ends with a few recommendations. 997. REPORT OF THE PAKISTAN WOMEN’S RIGHTS COMMISSION, 1976, Government of Pakistan, Ministry of Law and Parliamentary Affairs, Law Division, Islamabad, 1976.

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A Pakistan Women’s Rights Committee was set up in 1976 with thirteen members (including nine women). The committee was expected to consider and formulate projects for law reforms with a view to improving the social, legal and economic conditions of the women of Pakistan, and for providing for speedier legal remedies to obtain relief in matters such as maintenance and child custody. A brief account is offered of various legal and social reforms taken for the betterment of women in Pakistan up to 1976. The preface acknowledges that constraints on women in Pakistan are due to deep-rooted customs. A list of recommendations is added at the end of the Report. SADIK, NAFIS. “Muslim Women Today.” Populi 12 (1985): 36–51. The author states that Islam dened the position of women largely in relation to men___daughter, wife, and mother___rather than as individuals in their own right. This perspective she writes, helps to explain many of the practices that took root over the years—veiling, seclusion, and segregation. However today, vast changes are taking place at an unprecedented rate. Women she claims, are getting back their lost voices. Therefore, it is likely that the forces of development will accelerate changes in the roles of women and promote their status. SALAMAT, ZARINA. “The Status of Muslim Women with Particular Reference to Pakistan.” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 1, no. 2 (1980): 111–16. This paper argues that whereas Islam recognizes the equal status of women, in Pakistan they have been ‘domesticated, less educated and psychologically dependent in a male dominated society.’ The Khilafat movement brought a change in the early 20th century, and women started participating in political programmes of the Muslim League. The government of Pakistan has seriously taken up the cause of women by establishing the Women’s Division. SHAH, NASRA M. “Changes in Female Roles in Pakistan: Are the Volume and Pace Adequate?” Pakistan Development Review 25, no. 3 (1986): 340–69. This article is a critical evaluation of changes in the roles of women in Pakistan, based on data obtained for the years 1951 and 1981. Classied tables provide valuable information on the roles of women in rural and urban areas. ——. (ed.) Pakistani Women. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1986. 412p. The book provides comprehensive data on the current roles and status of Pakistani women and discusses problems inherent in redening the

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present situation. Demographic status, marriage, fertility, mortality and migration are discussed, along with socio-economic status in terms of health and education. The author also offers guidelines that may be helpful in formulating effective programmes for improving the status of women. ——. ‘Female Status in Pakistan: Where Are We Now?’ in Women and Population Dynamics, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1989. pp. 150–66. Examining the status of women in Pakistan who are still far behind in terms of access to education, health and income generation activities, this paper calls upon a better understanding of their needs. The author argues that a clear concept about the appropriate roles of women in society is still lacking. SHAHEED, FAREEDA. Pakistan’s Women: An Analytical Description. Lahore: Shirkat Gah, 1990. 77p. This small publication gives a brief overview of diverse cultural, social, and economic conditions of women’s lives in Pakistan and suggests strategies for improving the quality of life. ——. ‘Women, Religion and Social Change in Pakistan: A Proposed Framework for Research-Draft,’ in Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Dossier No. 5/6, 1989. pp. 41–44. This draft proposal argues for an urgent need to study the dynamics between religious continuity and social change. SMITH, JANE I. ‘Women in Islam: Equity, Equality, and the Search for the Natural Order.’ Journal of American Academic Religion. 47 (1979): 517–37. This paper, originally delivered in a series entitled Women in Patriarchal Religions at the University of Wisconsin, 25 October 1978, emphasizes that few Muslim women, even those who may be critical of the restrictions imposed by Islam, are sympathetic to much of what they see as characteristic of Western feminism. She writes that equality will carry an Islamic, not a Western denition, and in the Muslim mind the role of women must evolve in a pattern consistent with God’s ordered plan for humankind. THE WORLD BANK. Women in Pakistan, an Economic and Social Strategy: A World Bank Country Study. The World Bank, Washington DC, 1989. 192p. The work states that the government of Pakistan is increasingly concerned that the disadvantaged status of Pakistani women is not only inequitable, but also constrains achievement of the country’s development potential. Improving the status of women in Pakistan will not be

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an easy task, but it is imperative for future development of the country that it be tackled as a matter of urgency. 1007. WOMEN, WORK AND DEMOGRAPHIC ISSUES. ILO, Geneva, 1994. 159p. Proceedings of a seminar hosted by ILO/UNITAR in Tashkent in October 1993. It includes abstracts of papers presented. Information can be found about women’s work in Bangladesh and Pakistan. 1008. WOODSMALL, RUTH FRANCES. ‘Women in Pakistan,’ in her Women and the New East. Washington, DC: Middle East Institute, 1960. pp. 99–148. This paper examines the process of change in the lives of women since 1947 and offers information on diverse aspects of their lives, particularly of their organizations and their access to education and employment. The appendix includes a list of women’s organizations and key information about them. Tables of educational and employment statistics are also included. 1009. ZEBUNNISA HAMIDULLAH “The Progressive Role of Women in Pakistan.” NIPA Public Administration Review, April, June (1964): 12–22. This paper emphasizes the traditional and biological role of women as homemakers and bearers. It stresses that success at home must come before a woman works at success outside the home. The author is a well-known woman writer of Pakistan and was the founding editor of a magazine ‘The Mirror’. I. Punjabi Women 1010. EGLAR, ZEKIYE. A Punjabi Village in Pakistan. New York: Columbia University Press, 1960. 240p. When the author rst arrived in Pakistan in 1949, the country was still going through the aftermath of Partition. This work, based on her ve years of anthropological research in a Punjabi village, discusses systems of exchange marriages, dowry, the role of daughter, and other family traditions. 1011. IBRAZ, TASSAWAR SAEED. “The Cultural Context of Women’s Productive Invisibility: A Case of a Pakistani Village.” Pakistan Development Review 32, no. 1 (1993): 101–25. This paper, based on extensive anthropological research in a Punjabi village, rst examines the nature of productive work performed by women within the household and on the farm. Secondly, it delineates some of the cultural notions regarding women, which, despite their

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active participation in productive activities crucial for the sustenance of the family, make women and their work appear less onerous than men’s and project them largely as being dependent on men. 1012. KLEIN, HEINZGUNTHER and RENATE NESTROGEL. Women in Pakistan: General Conditions, Approaches and Project Proposals for the Development and Vocational Qualication of Women in the Province of Punjab. Eschborn, 1986. 424p. This study presents an overall view of women in Pakistan based on selected data, and examines strategies and measures for the development and vocational qualication of women in the Punjab. The report is the result of a project identication study initiated by the Federal Ministry for Economic Corporation, Bonn, and commissioned by the German Agency for Technical Cooperation (GTZ). 1013. MASKIELL, M. “Social Change and Social Control: College-Educated Punjabi Women, 1913 to 1960.” Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (1985): 55–83. This paper presents a study of the role of Kinnaird College in providing education to women in the Punjab. Established by the Christian Missions in 1913 in Lahore, Kinnaird continues to offer higher education to women in independent Pakistan to prepare them for their public roles. Students, however, are never urged to go beyond whatever behavioural limits are set by their families. II. Sindhi Women 1014. ABBASI, M. B. Socio Economic Characteristics of Women in Sindh: Issues Affecting Women’s Status. Karachi: Women’s Division, Research Series, Government of Pakistan, 1980. 126p. This report discusses the issue of whether the status of women relative to men has improved in Pakistan. The focus study was on women in the province of Sindh. The female labour force in Sindh, however, remains low, as does their educational level. Together with this and missed opportunities, social attitudes also prevent women from contributing fully to the country’s economic and social development. 1015. BRENTON-CAREY, B. “Moslem Women in Sindh.” Moslem World 6 (1916): 175–78. Written by a Christian missionary, this paper relates accounts of the hard work done by Sindhi Muslim women in their villages. Living in strict seclusion, these women, addressed as Bibi Lok [respected womenfolk], are Syeds and are treated with the greatest reverence by the rest

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of the community. They can read the QurxÊn and the Nurnama, a book in Sindhi about the Prophet and some sus. ‘Writing was considered a dangerous accomplishment for women.’ The author concludes by observing that ‘there is certainly no want of intelligence among the Sindhi Moslem women, and most missionaries agree in saying that it is a real pleasure to work among them.’ BURTON, RICHARD F. ‘The Sindi Woman: Especially Her Person and Dress.’ In his Sind Revisited: with Notices of the Anglo-Indian Army; Railroads; Past, Present and Future, etc., London: Richard Bentley and Son, 1817. pp. 317–43. While posted in Sindh, Burton saw the lifestyle of Sindhi families. He was convinced that Sindhi Muslim women lead a life of subordination under the control of men in their families. ——. Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the Valley of the Indus. Karachi: 1973 (First published by London: Allen & Co., 1851). 427p. Burton, while working in the Survey Department of the East India Company in 1844, collected information about social customs and traditions of the ‘natives’ of Sindh. Without acknowledging his sources of information, Burton claims to know a lot about the private lives of Sindhi and Baluchi families. Thus, he says that the Baluchi wife is ‘usually equal in rank to her husband, and claims the greatest respect: in fact, as much as would be found among any nation of Europeans.’ On the other hand, Sindhi women ‘are quite bad and cunning enough . . . are most indecent in their language, especially in abuse; they have very few expressions peculiar to their sex.’ DAWOOD, {ATTIYA. SindhÒ {Aurat ki KahÊnÒ [Sindhi Woman’s Story], Karachi: S. 1999. 108 p. [U] This work describes the lives of Sindhi women mostly of the rural areas. These women, it states, are victims of deep-rooted patriarchal traditions and have no voice. HUSSAIN, RASHIDA. “Women of Sindh and Sindh Tomorrow.” Sind Quarterly 16, no. 1 (1988): 34–36. The author states that in Sindh, rural women suffer huge injustices. Health and education remains neglected. The paper emphasizes the need for taking remedial measures so that women have a fair share in the country’s development. KOLACHI, AISHA. “Women of Sindh.” Sind Quarterly 19, no. 2 (1991): 36–39. This paper is an abridged report of the writer on the status of Sindhi women, which the writer presented earlier at a conference in Sindh.

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In this paper, she writes that women are moving towards a process of change. Government and non-governmental agencies, she says, should help women in this effort. 1021. SHAH, NAFISA. ‘The Circles of Freedom of Women: A Case Study of Sindh’s Rural and Urban Society,’ in Nighat Said Khan et al. (ed.) Locating the Self: Perspectives on Women and Multiple Identities, Lahore: ASR Publications, 1994. pp. 191–97. This paper argues that the backbone of the Sindhi rural feudal workforce is the woman. However, women’s lives are controlled by traditions rooted in patriarchal feudal social structure. 1022. WESTERN, RUTH HELEN. Some Women of Sindh: In Home and Hospital. London: Church of England Zenana Missionary Society, 1930. 155p. This book describes the lives of Sindhi women in and around two missionary hospitals functioning at Sukkur and Larkana. Both these hospitals were for women and children, and were entirely staffed by women. The book’s value lies not only in presenting glimpses into the lives and experiences of Muslim Sindhi women (few stories are of Hindu women too), but comments on their status in Sindh is also included at the end of the narrative. These observations, leaving aside the missionary bias, are applicable even at the beginning of the 21st Century. The author decries, ‘the belief that women (on whom the early training and foundation of character of the next generation depends) are in spiritual matters so immensely inferior to men that they must not have even the opportunity that men have of rising above superstitions, petty thoughts, and unworthy interests.’ 1023. WRIGHT, THEODORE P. JR. ‘Muslim Kinship and Modernization: the Tyabji Clan of Bombay,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India, New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. pp. 217–38. Among other themes, this paper, discusses the role of women of the Tyabji clan, a family of westernized merchants of Bombay, in accelerating the process of change and modernization. The Tyabji family played a signicant role in the emancipation of women and in creating social change in the Muslim community in the second half of the 19th Century.

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III. PaªtÖn Women 1024. AHMED, AKBAR S. and Z. AHMED. ‘ “Mor” and “Tor”: Binary and Opposing Models of Pukhtun Womanhood,’ in T. S. Epstein and Rosemary A. Watts (ed.) The Endless Day: Some Case Material on Asian Rural Women. Oxford: Pergmanon Press. 1981. pp. 31–46. The article briey outlines the position of women in Pukhtun tribal society. Data for this work is derived from eldwork in the North West Frontier Provinces of Pakistan among the Mohmand tribe of the Mohmand Agency, and in Peshawar District in 1975–76. 1025. BARTH, FREDERIK. Political Leadership Among Swat Pathans. New York: Humanities Press. 1970. 143p. This book draws upon the author’s anthropological study conducted in Swat in 1954. The work states that social life is controlled by a deeprooted patriarchal system. Kinship plays a strong role in relationships. The author describes some of the marriage patterns and traditions of the Swatis that are not Islamic but reect the tribal nature of the social system. 1026. BOESEN, I. W. “Women, Honour, and Love: Some Aspects of the Pashtun Woman’s Life in Eastern Afghanistan.” Afgahnistan Journal 7, no. 2 (1980): 50–59 The author states that although Pashtun women and men live a highly segregated life in Afghanistan, they interact in many respects. Women, however, are regarded as the personal property of the men, and their chastity and good behaviour constitutes a vital element in a man’s honour and his image as a ‘true Pushtun’. The author concludes by saying that ‘the Pushtun women do not question male honour/male control of women, and in doing so they are able to turn the code of honour back upon the individual men themselves.’ [This paper is about women in Afghanistan, however as the same social codes are prevalent among the Pashtuns living in Pakistan, and hence it is here]. 1027. ——. ‘Conicts of Solidarity in Pakhtun Women’s Lives,’ in Bo Utas (ed.) Women in Islamic Societies: Social Attitudes and Historical Perspectives, Copenhagen: Scandinavian Institute for Asian Studies, 1983. pp. 104–27. Among the topics discussed are male honour and male control, the patrilineal family household, the Kar or house, the daily life of a Pakhtun woman, the gor or grave, and goder or the meeting place. Although Pakhtun men control Pakhtun women’s lives in ‘two decisive respects: the control of property and subsistence, and the control of marriage’

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however, the Pakhtun women freely express their emotions in Landays, their songs. —— and A. CHRISTENSEN. “Agnates, Afnities and Allies: Patterns of Marriage Among Pakhtun in Kunar, North-East Afghanistan.” Folk 24 (1982): 29–63. Based on eldwork carried out in 1977–78 among Pakhtuns in Kunar, this paper contains a discussion of marriage including its drawbacks among sedentary Pakhtun agriculturists. ‘In the eyes of Pakhtun society it is not enough that the individual is a Pakhtun merely through descent, but he has to do Pakhto in order to preserve his status and honor as a real Pakhtun tribesman.’ This involves the ability to protect and control women, the house, and the land. GRIMA, BENEDICTE. The Performance of Emotion Among Paxtun Women. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1993. 241p. The book examines the code of paxto from a feminine perspective, using folklore methods and women’s own narratives as data. It also examines behaviour that validates Paxtun feminine identity, and attempts to illustrate Paxtun women’s performance and public discourse of honour, proposing that this performance is found in emotions of sadness, grief, and suffering. ——. ‘The Role of Suffering in Women’s Performance of Paxto,’ in A. Appadurai et al. (ed.) Gender, Genre and Power in South Asian Expressive Traditions. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991. pp. 78–101. This essay, built upon Pashtun women’s narratives of personal loss and suffering, emphasizes that women’s culture deserves separate attention and ‘cannot be subsumed under the dominant male models.’ ——. ‘Translating Pukhtun Romance: Sher Alam and Memuney,’ in Elena Bashir, et al. (ed.) Select papers from SALA-7: South Asian Languages Analysis Roundtable Conference, Bloomington: Indiana University Linguistic Club, 1987. pp. 141–62. The author translates a Pakhto romance that ends in the murder of a beloved wife by her husband, as her reputation had been tarnished by rumours. ——. “Suffering as Esthetic and Ethic Among Pashtun Women.” Women’s Studies International Forum 9, no. 3 (1986): 235–42. Along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan, in the Pashtun society, pain and suffering are a criterion of honour among women. This is especially expressed by women when their husbands or sons die, get ill or are the victims of accidents. On these occasions, women, both

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relatives and others, are under obligation to visit the wife/mother to offer sympathy or deliver condolences. The bereaved entertains her female guests with a detailed account of the event, in which she portrays herself as the divested woman. HEGLAND, MARY ELAINE . “The Power Paradox in Muslim Women’s Majales: North-West Pakistani Mourning Rituals as Sites of Contestation over Religious Politics, Ethnicity, and Gender.” Signs, Journal of Women in Culture and Society 23, no. 2 (1998): 391–428. Based on summer research in 1991, the author in this paper describes how Shia women, while remaining passionately loyal to their religious rituals, also furthered their own mobility, freedom of action, and personal development LINDHOLM, CHARLES. Generosity and Jealousy. The Swat Pukhtun of Northern Pakistan. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982. 321p. This book examines from an anthropologist’s perspective the life of a Yusufzai Pukhtun village of Swat in the 1970s. The Swati culture is a highly patriarchal one, in which women remain under male control, marriages are arranged by elders, and women face tremendous restrictions in their lives. Islamic laws are overruled by tribal customs and traditions. However the author notices one ambiguity in the status of women, as he nds Pukhtun women powerful within their homes. LINDHOLM, CHERRY. ‘The Swat Pukhtun Family as a Political Training Ground,’ in S. Pastner and L. Flam (ed.) Anthropology in Pakistan: Recent Socio-Cultural and Archaeological Perspectives. No. 8, South Asia Program Occasional Papers and Theses, Ithaca: Cornell University, 1982. 51–60. This paper is based on the author’s close observation of nine months of a local family in the Swat Valley. He states that women treat their children harshly, and this cruelty is reected later as children grow up and live their adult lives. MAHDI, NILOUFER QASIM. “Pukhtunwali: Ostracism and Honor Among the Pathan Hill Tribes.” Ethnology and Sociobiology 7 (1986): 295–304. The work explains that Pukhtunwali consists of rules of conduct. To act against this code of conduct is to be dishonourable. Women in the Pukhtun culture personify the honour of the tribe. The worst crime a woman can commit is to indulge in an illicit sexual relationship, punishment of which is death for her and for her partner as well. TAPPER, N. “Pashtun Nomad Women in Afghanistan.” Asian Affairs 64, no. 2 (1977): 163–70.

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Although the study was conducted in Afghanistan, Pashtuns, as the author notes, form part of an ethnic group which also lives in Pakistan. Pashtun women live with unveiled faces and give an impression of freedom and self-assurance lacking in women of the town and villages. IV. Baloch Women 1038. ABBASI, SHEHLA. Prole of Women of Balochistan. Prepared for Government of Balochistan and UNICEF, June, 1990. 26p. Balochistan, the south-western province of Pakistan, with the largest area of all provinces, has the smallest population. Education of women portrays a depressing picture. This study compiles available data to facilitate comprehensive and systematic planning in improving the situation of women there. Photographs are included. 1039. AHMED, AKBAR S. ‘Women and the Household in Baluchistan and Frontier Society,’ in Hastings Donnan and Frits Selier (ed.) Family and Gender in Pakistan: Domestic Organization in a Muslim Society. New Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Corporation, 1997. pp. 64–87. This paper focuses on Pukhtun and Baluch households and argues that in the changing society of Pakistan, women remain under patriarchal and tribal customs. In the patriarchal tribal system, women’s rights are usurped long before they are born into this world. There are, however, exceptions. Women are often close and valued companions and can directly affect the lives of their men. 1040. HERBERT, LISA MARGUERITE. ‘A Look at the Status of Women in Pakistan: Conict over the Islamic Path’. M. J. Dissertation, Carleton University, Canada, 1998. This research rst explores the status of women in a pardah-observing rural Baluchistan family and moves on to assess the role of political parties, religious leaders and feminist activists. 1041. MATHESON, SYLVIA A. The Tigers of Baluchistan. London: Arthur Barker Ltd. 1967. 213p. This book is based on personal experience when the writer, an Englishwoman, lived for ve years among the Bugti tribe of Baluchistan. Although some industrialization followed the discovery of the Sui natural gas elds, life in general, particularly the lives of women, continues to be governed by primitive tribal traditions of female subjugation. 1042. PASTNER, CARROLL McCURE. ‘A Case of Honor Among the Oasis Baluch of Makran: Controversy and accommodation,’ in K. Ewing

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(ed.) Shariat and Ambiguity in South Asian Islam, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. pp. 248–58. Kinship, social hierarchy, sex roles and religion are the basic themes of Baluch culture. Baluch males are responsible for and remain dependent upon the correct conduct of Baluch women. Strict physical segregation of women minimizes men’s ability to supervise women and maximizes women’s potentiality to behave independently. Women often adapt powerful tactics such as ‘going on strike’ and refusing to participate in sexual relations. This study is based on eldwork undertaken by the author and her husband in Makran District in 1968–69 and again in 1976–77. ——. ‘Cousin Marriage Among the Zikri Baluch of Coastal Pakistan.’ Ethnology 18, no. 1 (1979): 31–47. The author writes that the Zikri Baluch shing communities of coastal Pakistan exhibit a strong preference for rst-cousin marriage. The Zikri Baluch stress emphatically a linkage between the sexual honour of women and their retention within consanguineal units. ‘It is shameful to give your women to strangers or outsiders.’ ——. “Rethinking the Role of the Woman Field Worker in Purdah Societies.” Human Organization 41, no. 3 (1982): 262–64. Here personal eldwork experiences of the author and her husband in Pakistani Baloch culture are described to illustrate problems faced by researchers working in the eld. PEHRSON, ROBERT N. The Social Organization of the Marri Baluch. Compiled and analyzed from his notes by Fredrik Barth. New York: WennerGern Foundation for Anthropological Research, 1966. 127p. Women here are described as having a subordinate position in the Baluch social structure. However, they defend their interest by three main tactics: playing men off against each other, seeking alliances and support from other women, and minimizing contact with their husbands. POTTINGER, HENRY. Travels in Beloochistan and Sinde; Accompanied by A Geographical and Historical Account of Those Countries with a Map. [1st published: London, 1816]. Karachi: Indus publications, 1976. (reprint), 423p. The travel, which began in 1810, provides a Western perception of tribal customs and traditions, some of these having a direct reection of the status of women. Marriage, dowry, the concept of honour, female dress, women’s handicrafts, and similar issues are interwoven into the

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text. The author observes that marriage laws of the Balochis ‘seem to be exclusively derived from the law of Moses.’ V. Women of Hunza/Gilgit/Chitral 1047. AZAM ALI, AMENAH. ‘Women in Northern Pakistan,’ in her Women and the Environment. London: Zed Books, 1991. The author writes that women are illiterate, poorly nourished and have a heavy workload in the remote valleys of Northern Pakistan. With the Aga Khan Rural Support Programme, women have moved ahead and look toward a better future. 1048. AZHAR-HEWITT, FARIDA. “Women’s Work, Women’s Place: The Gendered Life-World of a High Mountain Community in Northern Pakistan.” Mountain Research and Development 9, no. 4 (1989): 335–52. This paper focuses on the lives of women who live in Hopar, Karakoram (Himalaya) in the Northern Areas of Pakistan in Gilgit. Here gendered principles are central to the organization of community life. Women are responsible for all cultivation in gardens adjacent to their homes. Almost all food processing is women’s work. Men and women differ in the way they speak and what they talk about. In conclusion, the paper says that ‘women are not ignored by their men at the local level or household level. But the women of Hopar are ignored by outside ofcials. . . .’ 1049. ——. “All Paths Lead to the Hot Spring: Conviviality, the Code of Honor, and Capitalism in a Karakorum Village, Pakistan.” Mountain Research and Development 18, no. 3 (1998): 265–72. In Chutrum village where women are usually isolated and do not have the opportunity of meeting with each other at formal meeting places, the hot spring provides a place for daily meetings. The author examines women’s connectivity with the hot spring to full ve major purposes: spirituality, cleanliness, medicine, recreation, and conversation. Emphasis on ‘code of honour’ for women has led to a division of hot stream use between men and women. 1050. ——. “Women of the High Pastures and the Global Economy: Reections on the Impacts of Modernization in the Hushe Valley of the Karakorum, Northern Pakistan.” Mountain Research and Development 19, no. 2 (1999): 141–51. Unexamined. 1051. FELMY, SABINE. ‘Division of Labour and Women’s Work in a Mountain Society: Hunza Valley in Pakistan,’ in Saraswati Raju and

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Deipica Bagchi (ed.) Women and Work in South Asia: Regional Patterns and Perspectives, London: Routledge, 1993. pp. 196–08. In this case study of the Hunza valley in Pakistan, women’s participation and their growing responsibility in the domestic sector are analyzed with emphasis on their changing position in Hunza society. Women here have extended their sphere of responsibility beyond the household and have entered new elds of responsibility. 1052. HALVORSON, SARAH J. ‘Growing up in Gilgit: Exploring the Nature of Girlhood in Northern Pakistan,’ in Ghazi-Walid Falah and Caroline Nagel (ed.) Geographies of Muslim Women, Gender, Religion, and Space. New York: The Guilford Press, 2005. 19–43. This study of the Gilgit community ‘uncovers the different life options made available to boys and girls as households face more intensive marketization.’ Although girls are increasingly becoming important to household and farm management as ‘families become more dependent on local and external cash economies and markets. But the increasing value placed on girls’ labor does not necessarily translate into expanded opportunities for them.’ 1053. ——. “Environmental Health Risks and Gender in the KarakoramHimalaya, Northern Pakistan.” The Geographical Review 92, no. 2 (2002): 257–81. This paper recognizes that the critical role of women as managers of water and environmental health, especially in the Karakoram region, has been neglected, and explores women’s response to environmental health risks that threaten their children. The thirty women who participated in this study, had no knowledge either about their family’s income or about land holdings. They had an acute sense of their limited capacities and resources for addressing their children’s basic needs. The author is critical of international admiration for Northern Pakistan’s development programme as environmental risks continue to pose severe threats to women and children. 1054. MILLS, MARGARET A. ‘Winds of Change: Women’s Traditional Work and Educational Development in Pakora, Inkoman Tehsil,’ in Elena Bashir (ed.) Proceedings of the Second International Hindukush Cultural Conference, Karachi: OUP, 1996. pp. 417–26. This paper presents preliminary ndings on a work in progress in Pakora, a small area in Gizar. The ndings of this work, conducted in eight households in one extended family of Ismaili Sayyids, show that women are not a homogeneous group but undertake work of diverse

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nature. Most women are still fully employed in agricultural production. Some are already attending schools, providing that change has set in. 1055. ——. ‘The Esthetic of Exchange: Embroidery Designs and Women’s Work in the Karakorum’. In Gott ist schön und Er liebt die Schönheit, 1994. pp. 331–347. In the high mountainous region of the Karakorum, women take much of the work responsibility at home and outside the home. This work combines child and household care, sewing, knitting, all stages of food processing, animal care, kitchen gardening and eldwork. This paper studies women’s embroidery with its rich traditional patterns and colours. 1056. MUMTAZ, S. and A. HUSSAIN. “The Cultural Conception and Structural Perpetuation of Female Subordination: An Examination of Gender Relations among Populations of the Chalt-Chaprote Community in the Nagar Valley of Northern Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 4 (1992): 621–632. [Comments on this paper by Eshya Mujahid-Mukhtar, pp. 633–35]. This paper examines subordination of women to men in the northern areas of Pakistan. Women have no position of authority and their mobility remains restricted. Public space remains the exclusive domain of men and thus women do not benet from development programmes. The paper suggests some measures that can be taken by the NGOs to ease the situation for women. 1057. YORK, SUSAN. ‘Beyond the Household: An Exploration of Private and Public Spheres in the Yasin Valley,’ in Hastings Donnan and Frits Selier (ed.) Family and Gender in Pakistan: Domestic Organization in a Muslim Society. New Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Corporation, 1997. pp. 208–33. In an area where the local population mostly consists of the Ismaili community, space is marked out between men and women. Female spheres of activity are more restricted as compared to those of males. Females must defer to males in all their daily contacts.

B. Women in Bangladesh: An Overview 1058. AHMED, SHAMEEM. Day In and Day Out: Women’s Experience in the Family and the Reconstruction of their Secondary Status. MA Thesis, McGill University, 1991. 169p.

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This thesis examines how the secondary status of Bangladeshi women is reinforced through household labour and also examines the degree of women’s participation in housework and family decisions. The work also explores whether the autonomy of women coming from traditional Bangladeshi families has increased because of immigration to Canada and exposure to Canadian family values. ALAM, SULTANA and NILUFAR MATIN. “Limiting the Women’s Issue in Bangladesh: the Western and Bangladesh legacy.” South Asia Bulletin no. 2 (1984): 1–10. The dominant attitude emerging in Bangladesh is that women are handicapped and require social work intervention from above. The authors observe that research writings have failed to project women in their full individuality as possessors of strength, intelligence, rationality, skills and competence. The paper explores dominant themes in the literature on women of Bangladesh. ALAMGIR, SUSAN FULLER. Prole of Bangladeshi Women: Selected Aspects of Women’s Status in Bangladesh. USAID Mission to Bangladesh, Dhaka, 1977. 82p. This study examines the legal and social status of women in Bangladesh and their impact on the rights of women to hold property, to contract marriage and enforce divorce. The author refers to Hindu, Christian, and women from rural areas as well. AZIZ, K. M. A. and CLARENCE MALHONEY. Life Stages, Gender and Fertility in Bangladesh. Dhaka: International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, 1985. 231p. This well-researched book divided into eleven chapters, narrates and examines life stages in rural Bangladesh. Themes include male-female fertility, marriage, sexual awareness and relationships. CHAUDHURY, RAFIQUL HUDA and NILUFER R. AHMED. Female Status in Bangladesh. Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, Dhaka, 1980. 176p. Women compared with men have a lower status in Bangladesh. The literacy level for women is very low and employment opportunities are few. The paper reviews in detail female literacy, adult education, school attendance, and higher education and expenditure for education. It states that more schools are urgently required to impart better education for girls. CHOUDHURY, DILARA. “Women and Democracy: A Bangladesh Perspective.” The Round Table, no. 357 (2000): 563–576.

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As integration of women into the mainstream democratic order in Bangladesh has been slow, this article focuses on their concerns and the democratization process. The author analyses various strategies such as the feminist movement, the roles of NGOs and the State, and concludes that Bangladeshi women ‘being poor and disadvantaged, remain at the periphery of the system. Thus, women do not participate in the democratic system as equal citizens. DIL, SHAHEEN, F. “Women in Bangladesh: Changing Roles and Sociopolitical Realities.” Women and Politics 5, no. 1 (1985): 51–67. The author discusses the socio-political and legal position of women in Bangladesh and states that though women’s lives are controlled in multiple ways, change is taking place. GERAD, RENEE. et al. Training for Women in Bangladesh: an Inventory and Sample Survey of Training Programme. Dhaka: Women Development Programme, UNICEF, 1977. 100p. This is a study of 196 governmental and non-governmental, formal and informal training programmes for poor women in Bangladesh. The report evaluates the goals and achievements of programmes offered by these organizations. HUQ , JAHANARA. (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: Some Socio-Economic Issues. Proceedings of a seminar organized by Women for Women at Dhaka. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. 92p. This is a collection of eight papers from a seminar on women and development in Bangladesh. Some of the papers are ‘Women’s Employment and Agriculture: Extracts from a case study’ by Saleha Begum and Martin Greeley; ‘Rural Pauperization: Its impact on the economic role and status of rural women in Bangladesh’ by Kristen Westergaard; ‘Women’s Income Earning Activities and Family Welfare in Bangladesh’ by Sayeda Rowshan Qadir; ‘Impact of Male Migration on Rural Housewives’ by Mahmuda Islam; ‘Population Planning and Rural Women’s Cooperatives in IRDP Women’s Programme: Some critical issues’ by Shelley Feldman, Farida Akhtar and Fazila Banu; ‘Life Cycle, Food Behaviour and Nutrition of Women in Bangladesh’ by Najma Rizvi; ‘Some Aspects of Mental Health of Women in Bangladesh’ by Sue Tuckwell; and ‘Energy Needs of Poor Households: An Abstract’ by Irene Tucker. HUSAIN, M. SHAHADAT. Women and Men in Bangladesh: Facts and Figures. Dhaka: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 1993. 37p.

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This study is based on data collected under the Bangladesh Household Survey, a capability programme started in 1987 and the decennial census. JABBRA, NANCY WALSTORM. ‘Women’s Education and Emancipation in a Purdah Society: the co-eds of the 50s,’ in Women for Women: Women and Education, edited by Women for Women Research and Study Group, Dhaka, 1978. pp. 1–22. This paper highlights the benets of education for women in the maledominant society of Bangladesh. KABEER, NAILA. ‘Minus Lives.’ Women of Bangladesh. London: Change International Reports, Vol. 10, 1985. 16p. The work states that the status of women at all levels remains subordinate to and controlled by men. Patriarchal forces are dominant in society. It is women themselves, who through a network, are working to create a change. NAZMUL KARIM, A. K. ‘Changing Patterns of an East Pakistan Family’, in Barbara E. Ward (ed.) Women in the New Asia: the changing social roles of men and women in South and Southeast Asia, Paris: UNESCO, 1963. pp. 296–322. The author discusses changing trends in the family life patterns in Bangladesh and gives examples from his own family, including interesting references to highly educated women of the elite Bengali class. SHAHEED, FARIDA. “Women in Bangladesh: Changing Roles and Socio-political Realities.” Women and Politics 5, no. 1 (1985): 51–67. Unexamined. SMOCK, AUDREY CHAMPAN. ‘Bangladesh: A Struggle with Tradition and Poverty,’ in Janet Zollinger Giele and Audrey C. Smock (ed.) Women: Roles and Status in Eight Countries, London: John Wiley & Sons, 1977. 81–126. This well-compiled work summarizes the historical background of Bangladesh. It comprises research up to 1976 on women, and related themes such as education, fertility, health and family planning. An extensive bibliography is included. THE WORLD BANK. Bangladesh—Strategies for Enhancing the Role of Women. Dhaka: The World Bank Publications Department, 1990. This strategy paper is intended to serve as the basis of International Donor Agencies’ support to the Government of Bangladesh for implementing its policies to enhance women’s participation in the country’s development.

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1074. ZEIDENSTEIN, SONDRA and LAURA ZEIDENSTEIN. “Observations on the Status of Women in Bangladesh.” World Education Issues 2 (1974) 24p. This paper gives an early account of Bangladeshi women following the establishment of the country as an independent nation. It includes general observations on the problems and challenges faced by women.

C. Muslim Women in India: An Overview 1075. CHANANA, KARUNA. ‘Social Change or Social Reform: Women, Education, and Family in Pre-Independence India,’ in Carol Chapnick Mukhopadhyay and Susan Seymour (ed.) Women, Education and Family Structure in India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1994. pp. 37–57. This paper, discussing various factors assisting the spread of school education among the Hindu and Muslim women in the pre-independence era. It briey refers to the Muslim leaders’ response to the demand for education for Muslim girls. Even women who were in pardah propagated the cause of women’s education. 1076. HUSSAIN, IQBALUNNISA. Changing India: A Muslim Woman Speaks. Bangalore: Hosali Press, 1940. 236p. The book seeks reassertion of Islamic status of womanhood and the desire that men should work for women’s liberation and emancipation through education. In thirty-four different essays, the writer, who started her education after marriage and went to England in 1933 with her son, writes about women’s education, pardah, polygamy and the position of women in Islam. 1077. KHAN, MUNIZA RAFIQ. Socio-Legal Status of Muslim Women. London: Sangam Books, 1993. 136p. This study investigates the position of women under Islam with particular reference to the situation in India. It explains that while the QurxÊn gives women considerable status, in practice women are deprived of their rights because of patriarchal customs, ignorance and cultural attitudes. The study concludes that personal law and customary practices have failed to protect Muslim women, and it is recommended that those aspects of Muslim law which directly affect women’s private lives, be revised and strengthened. 1078. SAIYED, A. R. ‘Muslim Women in India: An Overview,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 1–8.

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Presenting relevant demographic facts, the author shows that there still exist forces among Indian Muslims who are not quite willing to grant women the equality that they deserve. 1079. WAZIR HASAN, SAKINATUL FATIMA. ‘Indian Muslim Women: A Perspective,’ in Shyam Kumari Nehru (ed.) Our Cause: A Symposium by Indian Women, Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1938. pp. 22–26. In this essay, the author who belonged to an elite, educated Muslim family of UP, examines the causes responsible for the slow progress of women in general and Muslim women in particular. Her answer is that the minds of Indian men are still in the grip of worn-out ideas, and therefore they resist change. She states that women need to take lead roles and ght for change.

D. Women, State and Religious Authority: Post-independence South Asia 1080. CHHACHHI, AMRITA. ‘Identity Politics, Secularism and Women: A South Asian Perspective,’ in Zoya Hasan (ed.) Forging Identities: Gender, Communities and the State. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 74–95. This paper examines theoretical issues involved in analyzing the relationship between the state, identity politics, and women in South Asia. The last section examines ‘the dynamics of identity politics in the women’s movement, the contradictions in notions of secularism and its implications for women’s rights.’ The author hopes that women’s alliances across South Asian countries will pave the way for better conditions for women. 1081. ROUSE, SHAHNAZ. ‘Gender(ed) Struggles, the State Religion and Society.’ In Kamla Bhasin, et al. (ed.) Against All Odds: Essays on Women, Religion and Development from India and Pakistan. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 16–33. This paper examines the nature of alliances formed between state power and religious groups with the purpose of subordinating civil society. The author states that women suffer huge losses under such circumstances and that their plight under such alliances in Muslim societies are a dreadful reality in their lives. The author suggests that women’s movement have to emerge strongly to address the issue of their rights. 1082. SHIRKAT GAH. JanÖbÒ EshiyÊ me¸ bunyÊd parastÒ aur air mazhabÒ nizÊm par ¶uÉÖÉi ªumarÊh [Special Issue on Religious Fundamentalism

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and Non-Religious System in South Asia], Lahore: Shirkat gah, 1992. 86p. [U] This small volume carries information on the unprecedented rise of religious fundamentalism in South Asia, which has spread hatred among neighbours. The authors argue that in South Asia, where there is great religious, cultural, linguistic and ethnic diversity, a system based on a non-religious form of power (secular) would be more suitable than a system based on religious fundamentalism. I. The Case of Pakistan 1083. JALAL, AYESHA. ‘The Convenience of Subservience; Women and the State of Pakistan,’ in Deniz Kandiyoti (ed.) Women, Islam and the State. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991. pp. 7–114. Providing a historical overview of interplay in the relationship between the state of Pakistan and women, this essay argues that social and economic injustices remain continuous challenges for the majority of women in Pakistan. Educated urban, middle and upper class women talk about women’s emancipation, but carefully resist ‘challenging their prescribed roles in society.’ This contradiction acts as a hindrance in the women’s movement. 1084. JILANI, HINA. Human Rights and Democratic Development in Pakistan. Lahore: Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 1998. 169p. The author, a human rights activist in Pakistan, explains that due to the absence or weaknesses of democratic institutions, human rights have suffered in Pakistan. Women are disempowered, not only by inequalities but also because of a prevailing patriarchal system. The author faces continuous threats to herself and her family for exposing the precarious state of human rights in Pakistan. 1085. ——. Whose Laws? Human Rights and Violence Against Women in Pakistan.’ in Maragret A. Schuler (ed.) Freedom from Violence: Women’s Strategies from Around the World. New York: UNIFEM, 1992. pp. 63–74. This paper examines the effects of the derogatory and biased laws on the status of women in Pakistan. The law itself in Pakistan has exposed women to exploitation and more violence. 1086. MUMTAZ, KHAWAR. ‘Identity Politics and Women: “Fundamentalism” and Women in Pakistan,’ in Valentine M. Moghadam (ed.) Identity Politics and Women: Cultural Reassertions and Feminisms in International Perspective. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993. pp. 228–42.

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This chapter examines the recent phenomenon of the rise of the ‘religious right’ in Pakistan as a political force. The article further examines its impact on women’s lives, particularly as reected in the rise of ‘fundamentalist women’ in Pakistan. ROUSE, SHAHNAZ. ‘The Outsider(s) Within, Sovereignty and Citizenship in Pakistan,’ in Patricia Jeffery and Amrita Basu (ed.) Appropriating Gender, Women’s Activism and Politicized Religion in South Asia. New York: Routledge, 1998. pp. 53–70. This paper examines the emergence of factors that have a determining impact upon the status of women in Pakistan. The author argues that ‘middle-class women demanded and attained gains in the public domain, yet the gains did not radically alter the discursive construction of gender.’ Referring to efforts made by women’s groups for the betterment of their lives, the author observes that their ‘theorization remains inadequate’. ——. ‘Gender, Nationalism(s) and Cultural Identity: Discursive Strategies and Exclusivities,’ in Kumari Jayawardena and Malathi de Alwis (ed.) Embodied Violence: Communalising Women’s Sexuality in South Asia, London: Zed Books, 1996. pp. 42–70. Tracing the development of Pakistani nationalism and debates about gender and the status of women, this paper refers to the diversity of women’s experiences under patriarchy, and to their unacknowledged contribution to the economy of Pakistan. In the end, the writer notes that the absence of women’s voices from the written historical record has also resulted in denial of authenticity of Pakistani women as feminists. ——. ‘Discourse on Gender in Pakistan: Convergence and Contradiction,’ in Douglas Allen (ed.) Religion and Political Conict in South Asia. Delhi: OUP, 1993. pp. 87–112. This paper focuses on the policies of Pakistan’s military dictator, Zia ul Huq, and his programme of ‘Islamization’. These policies imposed severe constraints on women, subordinating their status. ——. “Women, Religion and the State.” South Asia Bulletin 8 (1988): 54–58. The paper analyses the relationship between the state and religious forces, and the impact of this particular relationship on women in Pakistani society. The questions raised are not limited to the Pakistani experience, and can be extended to an examination of women’s issues in other countries in the Islamic world.

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1091. SHAHEED, FAREEDA and KHAWAR MUMTAZ. “The Rise of Religious Rights and its Impact on Women.” South Asia Bulletin 10, no. 2 (1990): 9–17. This paper examines the rise of obscurantist forces in Pakistan represented by the Jamaxat-i Islami and their impact on women. The paper also looks at the Hudood Ordinances, 1979, and the reaction to them both by liberal and “fundamentalist” women. 1092. WEISS, ANITA M. ‘The Consequences of State Policy for Women in Pakistan,’ in Myron Weiner and Ali Banuazizi (ed.) The Politics of Social Transformation in Afghanistan, Iran and Pakistan. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1994. pp. 412–444. This paper argues that ‘government policy regarding women appears to be more concerned with economic exigencies than with gender or identity issues.’ The women’s movement has shifted its focus to make women more visible through political representation in the parliament and by taking steps to counter suppression by taking a stand against it. II. The Case of Bangladesh 1093. BEGAM, SORUYA. “Bangladeshe Moulobad Abong Nari.” Samaj Narikhhon 54 (1994): 63–72. [B] This paper examines the anti-women work of the JamÊ{at-i IslÊmÒ in Bangladesh. Audio-cassettes of speeches condemning working women and their freedom of movement are widely available in rural areas. These public pronouncements cause violence against women, such as acid throwing. 1094. FELDMAN, SHELLEY. ‘(Re)presenting Islam, Manipulating Gender, Shifting State Practices, and Class frustrations in Bangladesh,’ in Patricia Jeffery and Amrita Basu (ed.) Appropriating Gender, Women’s Activism and Politicized Religion in South Asia.1998, New York: Routledge. Pp. 33–52. [A reconceptualized version of this paper under the title ‘Metaphor and Myth: Gender and Islam in Bangladesh’ is published in Rauddin Ahmed (ed.) Essays on the Muslims of Bengal. New Delhi: OUP, 2000. pp. 208–35]. This paper examines the rise of the religious right and their conicts with liberals, particularly concerning women’s rights. The focus of the argument is that religious resurgence and the rise of Islam as a political formula for redressing social and economic issues has adversely hit women’s lives.

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1095. GARDNER, KATY. ‘Women and Islamic Revivalism in a Bangladeshi Community,’ in Patricia Jeffery and Anita Basu (ed.) Appropriating Gender: Women’s Activism and Politicized Religion in South Asia, New York: Routledge. 1998. pp. 203–20. This chapter draws upon the author’s eldwork conducted in 1987 in a rural area in northeast Bangladesh. As many of the people in this area have relatives in cities of the United Kingdom, the village is called Londoni-gram (London’s village). The author suggests that perhaps partly because of this, a movement for ‘pure’ Islam has gained ground in here. This new movement has brought restrictions upon the dress of Muslim women and on their behaviour. Not all women here follow these restrictions; some resistance is also noticeable. 1096. HASHMI, TAJ I. Women and Islam in Bangladesh: Beyond Subjection and Tyranny. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000. 254p. This book has attempted to understand the dynamics of Bangladesh’s agrarian society in relation to the position of women in different spheres of life. 1097. KABEER, NAILA. “The Quest for National Identity: Women, Islam and the State in Bangladesh.” Feminist Review 37 (1991): 38–58. Also published in Deniz Kandiyoti ed. Women, Islam and the State. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 1991. pp. 115–43. Since its early history, Bangladesh has faced great contradictions. These are most apparent in the sphere of women’s rights, ‘since state policy has, on the one hand, championed women development values and the emancipation of women, and on the other, set in motion a ‘creeping’ Islamization process. . . .’ The emergence of independent Bangladesh in 1971 required rehabilitation of destitute or raped women. At this stage, marriage was adopted as the only means of social acceptance of these women, as this would mean returning to a life of ‘purity’. The author also compares this Islamization process in Bangladesh to that in Iran and Pakistan to illustrate her point that the most striking difference is in the sphere of women’s rights. 1098. KHAN, ISMET ZERIN. Ananya: Aspects of Women’s Leadership. Dhaka: Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs, 1987. 63p. This report examines the personal and professional lives of eight outstanding women in Bangladesh. 1099. SHEHABUDDIN, ERLORA. “Beware the Bed of Fire: Gender, Democracy, and the Jamaxat-i Islami in Bangladesh.” Journal of Women’s History 10, no. 4 (1999): 148–71.

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This paper examines the inuence of the Jamaxat-i Islami, a religiopolitical group which was founded in 1941 in India, and now has a strong, predominantly male backing in Bangladesh. Examining its strategic support for reaching out to poor rural women, the author shows that most of these women feel threatened by the Jamaxat’s programme, as it limits their employment and educational opportunities. 1100. SOBHAN, SALMA. ‘National Identity, Fundamentalism and the Women’s Movement in Bangladesh,’ in Valentine M. Mughadam (ed.) Gender and National Identity, Women and Politics in Muslim Societies. London: Zed Books, 1994. pp. 63–80. The paper focuses on religious fundamentalism and its effect on the women’s movement in Bangladesh. Since 1975, religion emerged as a great force in the country and women’s groups appear ‘to be up against hydra-headed obscurantism.’ III. The Case of India 1101. ANJUM, MOHINI. Muslim Women in India. London: Sangam Books, 1992. (also Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992) 141p. This book, a collection of 15 essays presented at a workshop in New Delhi, seeks to illuminate the ‘deplorable condition of Muslim women’, who as members of a religious minority, are under-privileged in terms of income, education and occupation. It also includes several case studies. 1101a. BACCHETTA, PAOLA. Gender in the Hindu Nation: RSS Women as Ideologues. New Delhi: Women Unlimited, 2004. 144p. Unexamined. 1102. ——. ‘Communal Property, Sexual Property: On Representations of Muslim Women in a Hindu Nationalist Discourse,’ in Zoya Hasan (ed.) Forging Identities: Gender, Communities and the State, New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 188–225. This paper examines representation of Muslim women in the discourse of the Hindu nationalist party, the RSS (often called a ‘Hindu fascist organization), since the formation of this party in 1925. Muslim women are depicted in an RSS pamphlet, dangerous beings who transform and convert the Hindu male, victimized Muslim Hindu converts, and also as women who are essentially Muslim males in disguise. Finally, the objective of the RSS, the paper says, ‘is to eliminate Muslim women altogether.’ 1103. CHHACHHI, AMRITA. ‘Forced Identities: The State, Communalism, Fundamentalism and Women in India,’ in Deniz Kandiyoti (ed.) Women,

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Islam and the State, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1991. pp. 144–175. Formation of community identity under State power and its effect on Muslim women in India are the two major themes of this paper. This process, the author argues, cannot be understood on its own merit but must be placed within the wider context of communalism, fundamentalism, and the interplay of forces of post-colonial realities, capitalism, and patriarchy. HANIFF, NIESHA Z. ‘Muslim Women and the Minority Mentality,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Modernization and Social Change among Muslims in India, Delhi: Manohar, 1983. pp. 185–206. Fewer studies are conducted on Muslim women in India; those available ‘only mirror the monolithic Hindu approach of the Indian social scientists and the male orientation of those who write about Muslims in India.’ Stereotypes about Muslim women must be challenged. JAVED, ARIFA. ‘Oil Bloom: A Curse for Lower Class Muslim Women of Hyderabad,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women of India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 93–98. This paper is based on data collected through oral histories of Muslim women who are victims of state neglect. The aftermath of the Police Action in 1948 in Hyderabad reduced Muslim women to a minority with second-class citizenship. Some of the former elite took to begging, while large numbers of Muslim women were forced into prostitution. Some married visiting Arab shaikhs who soon deserted them. KAZI, SEEMA. Muslim Women in India. London: Minority Rights Group International, 1999. This report, also available on the internet, presents an overview of the growth of the Muslim community in South Asia. It discusses the minority status of the Muslims in India and also that of Muslim women. One signicant recommendation is the need for Muslim women to acquire religious knowledge so that they can regain their lost rights. The well-researched report also examines the current controversy about the Uniform Civil Code in India and the fears Muslims have for it in an environment highly charged with rising Hindu communalism. LATEEF, SHAHIDA. ‘Muslim Women in India: A Minority within a Minority,’ in Herbert L. Bodman and Nayereh Tohidi (ed.) Women in Muslim Societies: Diversity within Unity. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998. pp. 251–73. Examining the position of Muslim women within the scenario of escalating religious violence between the Muslim minority and Hindu majority

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of contemporary India, this paper studies the legal and constitutional dichotomy in which Muslim women are caught. Muslim women are struggling to seek their rights to post divorce-privileges that have been granted to them under the constitution of India. To the Muslims, mainly male scholars, any interference in Muslim Personal Law by a non-religious body poses a threat to the identity of the community. 1108. MANN, ELIZABETH A. ‘Education, Money, and the Role of Women in Maintaining Minority Identity,’ in Zoya Hasan (ed.) Forging Identies, Gender, Communities and the State, New Delhi: Kali for Women. 1994. pp. 130–68. Drawing upon eldwork conducted in 1984 in a small community of locksmiths and other blue collar workers in the city of Aligarh, this paper examines basic questions related to the identity of women in the Muslim society of India. The author begins by arguing that Muslim women in India have become increasingly important to the Muslim community ‘as a whole in symbolising the internal values of that community, and in relating those values to the outside world.’ Women’s role is viewed as being benecent and formative if properly channelled, but dangerous and threatening if their behaviour steps outside locally accepted norms. 1109. MATHUR, P. K. ‘Inequality in the Status of Women and Minority Identity in India,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 67–74. The author states that the minority position of Muslims in India accounts for some disadvantages for Muslim women because it leads to an emphasis on religious identity. The author argues that creating a sense of security and condence among Indian Muslims would help them move away from focusing on non-issues, like the reform of the Muslim Personal Law, to real issues, such as universalization of primary education, equal pay for equal work, and the right to work for all.

E. Women and Political Representation 1110. AFZAL, NABILA. Women and Parliament in Pakistan, 1947–1977. Lahore: Pakistan Study Centre, University of the Punjab. 1999. 128p. This study shows that women have a very small representation in Pakistan’s Parliament despite the fact that they constitute half the population of Pakistan.

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1111. AKHTER, SALMA. “Status of Women’s Leadership in Bangladesh: Problems and Prospects—A Study of Elected Woman Members of Union Parishad.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 9, no. 2 (2002): 1–29. This paper focuses on prospects and problems of women who have been newly elected to the Union Parishad (lowest administrative tier of local government). The study identies the base of women’s power and constraints faced by elected women. Findings show that in spite of constraints at this stage, participation in the election itself is a strategic gain for women, which is believed to have an impact on upgrading their status and empowering them in the political arena. 1112. CHOWDHURY, NAJMA. ‘The Politics of Implementing Women’s Rights in Bangladesh,’ in Jane H. Bayes and Nayereh Tohidi (ed.) Globalization, gender, and religion, the politics of women’s rights in Catholic and Muslim contexts, New York: Palgrave, 2001. pp. 203–30. This chapter studies the United Nations Fourth World Conference and its interaction with and inuence on the political environment in Bangladesh with regard to the implementation of women’s rights. The major focus of the paper is to examine and study the position of the government and the local women’s organizations on two major issues: violence against women and inheritance. The chapter ends by making a realistic observation of the status of women in Bangladesh at the end of the twentieth century, stating that ‘political rhetoric and political realities in Bangladesh have a tradition of being at variance on issues of equality between men and women.’ 1113. ——. ‘Women in Politics: Impacts of Religion on Women’s Participation—The Case of Bangladesh,’ in Hemlata Swarup and Sarojini Bisaria (ed.) Women Politics and Religion. Etawah: A. C. Brothers, 1991. pp. 25–44. This paper argues that whereas the QurxÊn and the Traditions of the Prophet have recognized and upheld equal rights for women, Islamic law has through the centuries suffered many distortions. In Bangladesh, religious conservatism restricts the scope of women for participation in politics. Education can play a signicant role in creating a more tolerant attitude towards women. 1114. ——. ‘Bangladesh: Gender Issues and Politics in a Patriarchy.’ In Barbara J. Nelson and Najma Chowdhury (ed.) Women and Politics Worldwide, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994. pp. 92–113. The author argues that illiterate women with low self-esteem have limited scope for participation in electoral politics. Kinship links best

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1117.

1118.

1119.

1120.

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explain the emergence of two women political leaders in Bangladesh’s patriarchal culture. HAQUE, TATJANA. Voices of Women: A New Era of Political Leadership in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Asia Foundation, 2002. 76p. Unexamined. IKRAMULLA, BEGAM SHAISTA. “Muslim {auratai¸ aur SiyÊsat.” [Muslim Women and Politics] Ismat 55. no. 3 (1935): 233–44. [U], MHL. Written at a time when Muslim women were entering into politics, this paper presents a woman’s perspective of growing separate nationalism among Hindu and Muslim communities in the nineteen thirties. She writes that some of her Hindu friends gradually moved away from her, and that tensions and strained relationships emerged, even among the women. JALAL, KHURSHID. ‘Women in Politics,’ in Women for Women: Bangladesh 1975. Dacca: University Press Limited, 1975. pp. 204–14. This study reports interviews with women who entered politics in East Pakistan in the 1950s and remained active in this eld in the newly formed Bangladesh in the 1970s. The paper argues that women of Bangladesh seem to have political and legal rights comparable to any developed country, but in reality, they are not “political” but “basically housewives, with better education and free time at their disposal, pursuing a career that fed their ego and vanity.” JANE, S. SUZAN. Women Leaders in South Asia: A Study of Afliations with Males in Women’s Rise to Power. MA Thesis, 1991, United States International University, 1991. The author states that the social culture of South Asia makes it difcult for women to participate in main stream politics as their social status continues to remain low. No matter what her merits, South Asian woman is not seen as a valuable political candidate. Women who have acquired political power successfully have done so through afliation with men. KHANAM, JOHORA. et al. Women and Politics in Bangladesh. Chittagong: Kazi Anwar Hossain, 1996. xi+116p. Women and politics in Bangladesh are discussed very briey in this book. Half of the work describes feminist movements around the globe. TAMBIAH, YASMIN. ‘Bangladesh: Ain-o-Salish Kendra,’ in her Women and Governance in South Asia: Re-imagining the State. Colombo: International Centre for Ethnic Studies, 2002. pp. 103–176. Funded by the Ford Foundation, this research explores women’s engagement with the state and democratic processes in South Asia. In each

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country data was collected by closely working with a local NGO. This paper reports the ndings of a survey conducted in Bangladesh in partnership with a local NGO, Ain-o-Salish Kendra. The respondents, both rural and urban women, expressed their concerns about the existence of gender discrimination in society. While some viewed the state as providing services, others looked at it as a means of oppressing women. The book has no bibliography or index. 1121. ——. ‘Pakistan: Shirkat Gah,’ In her Women and Governance in South Asia: Re-imagining the State, Colombo: International Centre for Ethnic Studies, 2002. pp. 177–275. This section of the book presents a study of women in Pakistan ‘who have always had to operate within fairly rigid structures of patriarchal control.’ In partnership with a women’s collective, Shirkat Gah, this research explores two major issues concerning women in Pakistan, i.e. their decision-making power and their freedom of movement. Interviewees claimed they do not trust the state which they said was not neutral with respect to different provinces and ethnic groups. In general, women recognized that there were several obstacles in their way to politics. I. Discourse on Women’s Political Leadership 1122. CHOUDHRY, MUHAMMAD SHARIF. Women’s Rights in Islam. Lahore: Shaikh Muhammad Ashraf Publishers, 1991. 204p. (2nd edn. published by Adam Publishers & Distributors, Delhi, 1997). The author discusses women’s status within the framework of the laws of Islam. At this time Pakistan was caught in the midst of a highly emotionally charged debate on the question of whether it is permissible for a Muslim woman to hold the highest public ofce as the head of state. The author clearly sees no reason why a woman could not as there are no restrictions in Islam on a woman becoming head of state. 1123. KORVIN, GABOR. “Women’s Leadership Through the History of Islam.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 6, nos. 1&2 (1999): 1–46. In this long article, based on original and current sources, the author debates the issue whether it is ‘permissible’ under Islamic law for women to be heads of state. His opinion leans towards the view that it is not the best choice.

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1124. MUSHÁRUL HAQQ. {Aurat ki ˜ukmrÊnÒ (ek IslÊmi nuq¢Êh-yi naØar) [ Woman’s Rule: An Islamic Point of View] Rawalpindi: Standard Publications, 1989. 14p. [U] The author, Vice Chancellor of Kashmir University, Srinagar, argues that Islam has not denied a woman the right to be an elected head of a state. In support of his argument, he refers to the rulings of several scholars of Islam, including Ashraf {AlÒ ThÊnawÒ. 1125. SHAH¹B, RAFÁ{ULLAH. ManÉab-i ˜ukÖmat aur MusalmÊn {aurat (Headship of a State and Muslim Women). Lahore: Sang-e Meel Publications, 1989. 264p. [U] The writer examines and discusses major events in the history of Pakistan and devotes one chapter on the ‘Muslim woman as a ruler’. In the light of QurxÊnic verses and Traditions of the Prophet the author strongly argues that a Muslim woman can be recognized as head of a government. 1126. SHAHAB, RAFIULLAH. Muslim Women in Political Power. Lahore: Maqbool Academy, 1993. 425p. This work examines and discusses the question of Muslim woman as a ruler in the light of QurxÊnic injunctions and the Prophet’s sayings. The author projects the view that a Muslim woman can be recognized as head of a Muslim state. (a) Benazir Bhutto 1127. BHUTTO, BENAZIR. Daughter of the East. London: Hamish Hamilton, 1988. 333p. This is a political autobiography of Bhutto, in which a detailed account of her father’s trial and execution and her own detention at the hands of Pakistan’s military regime is given. 1128. ——. “The Fight for the Liberation of Women’ excerpts, remarks, September 4, 1995, World Conference on Women).” Women’s Studies Quarterly 24 (1996): 91–7. As Prime Minister of Pakistan Bhutto spoke of her responsibilities as a Muslim woman to counter the argument that Islam gives women second-class status. She emphasized that Muslim women have a special responsibility to recognize the difference between religious and social traditions. 1129. MAYER, ANN ELIZABETH. “Benazir Bhutto and Islamic Law: Patriarchal regimes, not the Muslim religion, have subjugated the women of Islam.” Christian Science Monitor, 6 February 18 (1989). Unexamined.

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1130. WALSH, MARY WILLIAMS. “At the Mercy of Men: Pakistani Women Look to Bhutto.” Wall Street Journal 213, 3 May 1989. Women in Pakistan were brought under great pressure by discriminatory laws introduced by Ziaul Haq, the martial law administrator. With Benazir coming into power as prime minister, women hoped that those laws would be repealed. 1131. WEISS, ANITA M. “Benazir Bhutto and the Future of Women in Pakistan.” Asian Survey 30, no. 5 (1990): 433–45. This paper examines the policies of Benazir Bhutto, who assumed power in 1988 following the death of Zia in a plane crash. She declared several changes for women in her political manifesto. After assuming ofce, however, she found it difcult to full these promises. 1132. ZAKARIA, RAFIQ. The Trial of Benazir: an insight into the status of women in Islam. London: Sangam Books, 1989. 156p. With reference to Benazir Bhutto’s emergence as Prime Minister of Pakistan, this paper reects on the status of women in Islam. The author presents an imaginary trial in which the case of Bhutto and the larger issue of the modern women’s status in Islam are argued by leading theologians, scholars and politicians from the eighth century to the present day. 1133. ZHOU, QINGCHANG. “Pakistani Prime Minister Speaks on Women’s Role.” Beijing Review 38, Sept. 25 (1995): 20–1. Benazir Bhutto in her interview talks about the advantages and disadvantages that she faces as a woman head of state. She expresses hope for strong cooperation between women of Pakistan and China. 1134. ZIRING, LAWRENCE. “Benazir Bhutto: A Political Portrait.” Asian Affairs: An American Review 18, no. 3 (1991): 178–89. This is a critique of Benazir Bhutto’s strengths and weaknesses as a political leader of Pakistan, which the author cynically describes as a country that ‘has refused governance.’ In the writer’s estimation, Benazir could not succeed, as she was ‘neither a true visionary nor a magician.’

F. The Martial Law (1977–88) in Pakistan: Islam Reinterpreted for Women 1135. CARROLL, L. “Nizam-i-Islam: Process and Conicts in Pakistan’s Programme of Islamization: With Special Reference to the Position of Women.” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 20, no. 1 (1982): 57–95.

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1136.

1137.

1138.

1139.

1140.

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This paper discusses conicting and variant views on the status and rights of women, particularly those arising subsequent to the promulgation of Islamization laws in 1977. In 1979, the Shariat Benches of the High Courts challenged the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 on the issue of succession. The Council of Islamic Ideology formed by the government of Pakistan consists of 8 to 10 members, of which only one is a woman. The rulings, the author argues, are not always to the advantage of women. ESPOSITO, JOHN L. “Islamization: Religion and Politics in Pakistan.” The Muslim World 72 (1982): 197–223. The author argues that the process of Islamization in Pakistan is closely related to recent political issues in the country. The programme of Islamization and the legislation that it introduced in the country have caused increased apprehension among professional women who fear that government policies and the protestations of religious leaders will mean further restrictions for them. GOODWIN, JAN. Price of Honor: Muslim Women Lift the Veil of Silence on the Islamic World. Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1994. 363p. The author, a journalist by training and profession, describes the status of Muslim women in various societies, including that of Pakistan. The account is based on her travels to Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and several other Arab countries. Details of anti-women legislation under martial law administration and the horrors women suffer are narrated. HAQ , FARHAT. “Women, Islam and the State in Pakistan.” Muslim World 86 (1996): 159–75. This paper traces four phases of the Muslim women’s movement in the subcontinent: a) the quest towards improvement of women’s education and status as part of overall social reform; b) an alliance between women’s organizations and the modernist movement of Ayub Khan (1958–68); c) the attempt at Islamization by Ziaul Haq’s government (1977–88); and d) the response of urban professional women to these changes in government orientation. ISLAM, S. “Veiled Threat: Pakistani Women Worry about Islamic Laws.” Far Eastern Economic Review 5, no. 49 (1998): 22–3. The writer discusses the apprehensions and fears of women by the introduction of a new bill by the government of Pakistan in September 1998. Women feared that the bill would enhance the role of religious law and lead the country toward some form of religious fundamentalism. KENNEDY, CHARLES H. “Islamic Legal Reform and the Status of Women in Pakistan.” Journal of Islamic Studies 2, no. 1 (1991) 45–55.

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1143.

1144.

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This paper examines the relationship between women’s rights and Ziaul Huq’s Islamization programme. The author says that this programme had no adverse impact on the rights of women. ‘Many of the charges levelled at the Islamization programmes have either misrepresented the relevant laws or exaggerated the scope and pace of their implementations.’ However, these laws have exacerbated existing social inequalities in the country. KHAN, NIGHAT SAID. Up against the state: Military rule and women’s resistance. Lahore: ASR, 2004. Unexamined. KORSON, J. HENRY. “Islamization and Social Policy in Pakistan.” Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 6 (1982): 71–90. General Muhammad Ziaul Haq, military ruler of Pakistan since 1977, has started his Islamization programme, which includes the teaching of Islamiyat in all educational institutions, the initiation of QurxÊnic taxes and an effort to revise the entire legal system, including the constitution, to conform with Islamic law. —— and MICHELLE M. “Islamization and Social Policy in Pakistan: The Constitutional Crisis and the Status of Women.” Asian Survey 25, No. 6, (1985): 589–612. The authors, while commenting on General Muhammad Ziaul Haq’s efforts to introduce a process of democratization, argue that reinterpretations of QurxÊnic Law are creating changes in the status of women in Pakistan. In January 1984, the government announced that women would be appointed as Qazis ( judges) to newly established women’s courts, where women litigants could choose women lawyers to serve them. MASKIELL, M. The Impact of Islamization Policies on Pakistani Women’s Lives. Working Paper No. 69. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 1984. 23p. The Islamization programme of the military regime has ‘directly affected only a minority of women, largely articulate urban women.’ The paper reviews the responses of these women to government activities through the Women’s Division and women’s voluntary organizations. In conclusion, the paper says that ‘government policies have indirectly affected all women through the minimal nancial resources committed to women’s potential role in economic development.’ MAZARI, SHIREEN. “Islamization and the Status of Women in Pakistan.” South Asia Bulletin 3, no. 1, Spring (1983): 79–82. The paper examines the process of ‘Islamization’ in Pakistan and writes that General Ziaul-Haq has successfully pushed the Law of Evidence

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1147.

1148.

1149.

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Ordinance 1983 through his Majlis-i Shoora (an Islamic consultative Assembly). This action has effectively reduced the legal status of women to ‘half adult human beings.’ The paper asserts that political parties should take up the issue of women’s rights. MEHDI, RUBYA. The Islamization of the Law in Pakistan. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press, 1994. 329p. This well-researched book gives a detailed, critical study of the reforms which have been made in the recent years in Pakistan, with the avowed purpose of making them Islamic in nature. The author also examines the issue of women and Islamization and describes how it has affected more urban educated women and fewer rural women. PAL, IZZUD-DIN. “Women and Islam in Pakistan.” Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 4 (1990): 449–64. The paper discusses the impact of the Islamization laws of Ziaul Huq on women in Pakistan. The author argues that QurxÊnic laws must be interpreted from a socio-historical perspective. PATEL, RASHIDA. Islamization of Laws in Pakistan. Karachi: Faiza Publishers, 1986. 238p. The book focuses on the process of the ‘Islamization of laws’ in Pakistan and includes a study of those laws, which directly affect women, such as the Hudood laws and law of evidence. PETHERBRIDGE, SALLY. ‘This is Not the Dawn: Women and Islamization in Pakistan,’ in Christine Jennett and Randa G. Stewart (ed.) Politics of the Future: The Role of Social Movements. Melbourne: Macmillan, 1989. pp. 355–377. Through an examination of the Women’s Action Forum (WAF), an activist group of Pakistani women, this article studies the impact of ‘Islamization’ on the status of women in Pakistan. The paper states that WAF has created awareness about the atrocities committed under the new laws against women. SAIGOL, RUBINA. ‘The Shariat Bill and Its Impact on Education and Women,’ in Kamla Bhasin, et al. (ed.) Against All Odds: Essays on Women,Religion and Development from India and Pakistan. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 82–94. This paper presents the historical background of the ‘Islamization’ process in Pakistan, with primary focus on the martial law regime of Ziaul Haq. It examines the impact of the Shariat Bill of 1991 on women and education. The author expresses great concern about the rise of religious fundamentalism and its effect on women’s issues.

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1151. SHAHEED, FARIDA and KHAWAR MUMTAZ. ‘Islamization and Women: the Experience of Pakistan.’ Special Bulletin on Fundamentalism and Secularism in South Asia, Lahore: Shirkat Gah, 1992. pp. 54–64. This paper discusses the impact of General Ziaul Haq’s policies on women’s studies. The rise of small groups of women fundamentalists is also analyzed. 1152. WEISS, ANITA M. ‘Implications of the Islamization Program for Women,’ in Anita Weiss (ed.) Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1986. pp. 97–194. Unexamined 1153. ——. Women in Pakistan: Implications of the Current Program of Islamization. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, Working paper no. 78, 1985. 23p. The author examines the position of women in Pakistan during the period of the military dictatorship of Ziaul Huq. Under the new programme of the military regime, the programme of nizam-i Islam, women were gradually excluded from the mainstream. The new Islamic laws of the military regime, however, contradict QurxÊnic laws. 1154. ——. “Women’s Position in Pakistan: Sociocultural effects of Islamization.” Asian Survey 25, no. 8 (1985): 863–80. In this study, the author again analyzes the effect of new Islamic laws for women in Pakistani society. 1155. ——. ‘The Slow yet Steady Path to Women’ Empowerment in Pakistan,’ in Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito (ed.) Islam Gender & Social Change, New York: Oxford University Press, 1998. pp. 124–43. Using the walled city of Lahore as an example, this paper examines how state policy has affected gender relations and the expansion of the women’s movement in Pakistan. 1156. ZENO. “Dr. Israr and the Ladies.” MAG, 3–9 June (1982): 17–8. This article reviews the reactions of women to Dr. Israr Ahmed’s TV lectures regarding their status. Dr. Israr, a traditionalist, frequently argued that for women the perfect place was inside the home. He was also vehemently against women participating in the workforce. Women in Karachi demonstrated in front of the TV station against the offending programme and demanded the immediate cancellation of Dr. Israr’s programme al-Huda (The guidance). 1157. ZIA, SHAHLA. ‘Women, Islamisation and Justice,’ in Kamla Bhasin (ed.) Against All Odds: Essays on Women, Religion and Development from India and Pakistan. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 70–81. This paper examines detrimental implications of the rise of religious fundamentalism under state patronage on the lives of women in

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Pakistan. Recent legislation made in the name of Islam, such as the Hudood Ordinance, Qisas and Diyat law and the Shariat Bill, instead of providing justice to women have become instruments for perpetuating cruelty and violence against women. The paper suggests that to address these threats, the women’s movement must build alliances to voice their concerns. I. The Hudood (ÆudÖd) Ordinance 1158. AHMAD, ANIS. ‘The family Laws Ordinance and the Hudud Ordinance: Some Implications,’ in his Women and Social Justice: Some Legal and Social Issues in Contemporary Muslim Society. Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies, 1991. pp. 31–62. This paper’s central theme is that while making legal reforms for women’s rights in an Islamic society, the rst requirement is ‘to reform the society and to bring it in line with the guidelines of the QurxÊn and the Sunnah.’ In the author’s opinion its antagonists have misrepresented the Hudud Ordinance of Pakistan. However, he recognizes that certain clauses of the Ordinance were misapplied by the district courts. 1159. AHMED, NAUSHEEN. ‘Inequality Before the Law,’ in Tackling New Challenges, Women in Action, Asian and Pacic Experiences. Bangkok: ACFOD, 1991. pp. 80–3. This work prepared for Asian Cultural Forum on Development, discusses the 1984 Qanun-e-Shahadat Order (Law of Evidence) promulgated by the martial law Government in Pakistan which has rendered women’s positions those of second-class citizens. 1160. JAHANGIR, ASMA and HINA JILANI. The Hudood Ordinances: A divine sanction? a research study of the Hudood ordinances and their effect on the disadvantaged sections of Pakistani society. Lahore: Rhotas Books, 1990. 420p. The authors argue that penal laws prior to the Hudood Ordinance provided a protected but secondary status for women; the new Hudood Ordinances have taken away protection without altering the secondary status of women. The authors have been at the forefront of the struggle for human rights in Pakistan. This book is an exhaustive collection of case laws led under the Hudood Ordinance in courts in Pakistan. 1161. JONES PAULY, CHRIS. “Use of the QurxÊn in key Pakistani court decisions on ZinÊx and Qadf x.” Arabica 47, no. 3–4 (2000): 539–53. This paper analyzes ve criminal law cases in which the courts have used the verses of the QurxÊn to support their decisions, and have sometimes reached contradictory conclusions.

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1162. KENNEDY, CHARLES H. “Islamization in Pakistan: Implementation of the Hudood Ordinances.” Asian Survey, 28, no. 3 (1988): 307–16. This article presents preliminary ndings pertaining to the implementation of the Hudood Ordinances promulgated by Ziaul Huq on 10 February 1979. The author concludes that ‘nine years after the promulgation of Hudood ordinances, one main conclusion emerges: the implementation of the Hudood Ordinances has had only a marginal impact on Pakistan’s criminal law system.’ Similarly, this author states that ‘the implementation of the Hudood Ordinances has not had a signicantly adverse impact on the status of women in Pakistan . . .’ 1163. KHAN, SHAHNAZ. “Locating the Feminist Voice: The Debate on the Zina Ordinance.” Feminist Studies 30, no. 3 (2004): 660–685. Drawing on interviews with thirteen women who were conned either in prisons or were living in shelter’s for women and were charged under the Zina Ordinance for illicit sex, the author examines the social and political milieu within which zina laws were enacted. 1164. ——. “Zina and the Moral Regulation of Pakistani Women.” Feminist Review, no. 75 (2003): 75–100. The author examines the moral regulation of women by their families, a process in which she argues that the state is complicit. The study examines the interconnection of morality with legal/judicial structures, the relationship between the state and patriarchy within families, and the plight of impoverished women in Pakistan. 1165. ——. Gender, Religion, Sexuality and the State: Mediating the Hadood Laws in Pakistan, Ontario: Centre for Research on Violence against Women and Children, 2001. 14p. This paper explores the experiences of women about being charged and incarcerated under the Hudood Ordinance of 1979. The author draws information from interviews that she conducted with 14 women prisoners in 1998. These discussions with women prisoners focus on the interconnection of religion, sexuality and state-sanctioned violence against women through the Hudood laws. 1166. PEARL, DAVID STEPHEN. ‘ÆudÖd’. The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World, edited by John L. Esposito, Vol. 2, New York: OUP, 1995. pp. 137–8. Islamic law divides the punishment for crimes into categories: ˜udÖd (singular ˜add (limit or prohibitions) are mandatory punishments imposed for crimes against God, and ta{zÒr (deterrence) are punishments imposed at the discretion of the qÊdi (judge). Pakistan imposed ˜udÖd penalties in 1979. As a justication for these punishments it is

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1168.

1169.

1170.

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said that ‘the sentences are retributive and even reformatory: society demands that those who transgress should be punished, and it is better to be punished harshly in this world and repent than go to the next world unpunished and unrepentant. The danger, however, is that ˜udÖd methods of punishments might be used by some for political purposes as a force of oppression.’ PETERS, R. ‘Zina.’ The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. IV, Leiden: Brill, 1978. 509–10. Zina is unlawful sexual intercourse between an unmarried man and woman and is declared by the QurxÊn as a sin to be punished in the Hereafter. The QurxÊn does not mention the punishment of stoning for zina. The enforcement of this punishment is based on Traditions of the Prophet. The author describes various forms of punishment according to the nature of the crime committed and according to different schools of Islamic jurisprudence. POLAK, MICHAEL F. “Women Persecuted under Islamic Law: the Zina Ordinance of Pakistan as a Basis for Asylum Claims in the United States.” George Town Immigration Law Journal 12 (1998): 379–93. This paper argues that Pakistani women can have a valid claim for asylum in the United States because of the Zina Ordinance (Hudood Ordinance) and persecution due to religion. However, Pakistani women will need to prove they have been victims of persecution or that they have fear of persecution because of religion. SAEED, HILDA and AYESHA KHAN. ‘Legalised Cruelty, Anti-Women Laws in Pakistan’, in Judith Mirsky and Marty Radlett (ed.) No Paradise Yet: The World’s Women Face the New Century, London: PANOS/Zed, 2000. pp. 19–36. This paper sums up the struggle of women in Pakistan against the military regimes that impose laws on women in particular and society in general. The paper is a study of the havoc created by the Hudood laws imposed by military rule in Pakistan under Ziaul Haq. The paper says ‘law making, particularly in the name of Islam, has become a standard political tool.’ SUMAR, SABIHA and KHALID NADVI . ‘Zina, The Hudood Ordinance and Its Implications for Women,’ in Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Dossier 3, 1988, 1–8. This paper cites several cases illustrating victimization of innocent citizens under the badly-worded Hudood ordinance introduced by the military dictator, Ziaul Haq in Pakistan. This Ordinance ‘has without

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doubt weakened the position of women in Pakistani society.’ Sumar is a female human rights activist in Pakistan. II. Post-martial Law Gender-identity Construction 1171. McDONOUGH, SHEILA. “Tahirah ke Nam: Religion, Ideology and Women in Pakistan.” Studies in Religion 17, no. 1 (1988): 83–96. This paper surveys the status of women in Pakistan since 1947 with an initial observation that the position of women has worsened, particularly in the decade following the military regime beginning in 1977. However, the paper ends on an optimistic note in which the writer claims that Pakistani educated women ‘have the potential to achieve whatever goals seem appropriate to them.’ 1172. SHAHEED, FARIDA. ‘The Other Side of the Discourse. Women’s Experiences of Identity, Religion, and Activism in Pakistan,’ in Patricia Jeffery and Amrita Basu (ed.) Appropriating Gender: Women’s Activism and Politicized Religion in South Asia. New York: Routledge, 1998. pp. 143–64. This chapter examines ‘the increasing religious idiom of political expression in Pakistan’ and women’s experiences during the intensive state-led Islamization campaign of 1977–88. Women themselves have to redene markers of their identity. For each woman these markers will be different. No outside agency, not even feminists and women activists, should put these labels on other women. In conclusion, the author comments that feminist groups in Pakistan ‘need to promote autonomous choices for women and to respect the differences that arise.’ 1173. WEISS, ANITA M. “Interpreting Islam and Women’s Rights, Implementing CEDAW in Pakistan.” Journal of International Sociology 18, no. 3 (2003): 581–601. Pakistan is a signatory to the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). Women in Pakistan, despite this state afrmation of CEDAW, continue to suffer from discrimination. This paper investigates hurdles in the implementation of CEDAW in Pakistan and focuses on the debate to dene what constitutes discrimination against women, and how the state in Pakistan might act to eliminate this.

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G. Religious Activism of Women Converts to Islam 1. Maryam Jameelah [Margaret Marcus] (1936–) 1174. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN MAULANA MAUDOODI AND MARYAM JAMEELAH. Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan, 1969. 88p. [also Riyadh: Presidency of Islamic Research, Ifta and Propagation, 1982, 88p.] This is the correspondence, beginning in 1960, between the former Margaret Marcus and Maulana Abul Ala Maududi, the founder of Jamat-i Islami, a right wing party of Pakistan. Margaret Marcus’s (an American woman of Jewish faith) interest in Islam led her to convert and take the name Maryam Jameelah. She discusses women’s issues in the larger perspective of women in the East and West. An immigrant to Pakistan, Jameelah has authored more than 15 books/tracts on Islamic themes. 1175. ESPOSITO, JOHN L. and JOHN O. VOLL. ‘Maryam Jameelah, A Voice of Conservative Islam,’ in Esposito and Voll (ed.) Makers of Contemporary Islam. Oxford: OUP, 2001. 54–67. Maryam Jameelah, a New York born (1934) American Jewish woman, converted to Islam in 1961, moved to Pakistan in 1962 and entered into a polygamous marriage with a Pakistani man. She has ‘played a pioneering role as an activist Muslim intellectual which makes her truly one of the makers of contemporary Islam.’ She believes and advocates through her writings that in Islam ‘he role of a woman is not the ballot box but maintenance of home and family . . . While men are the actors on the stage of history, the function of the women is to be their helpers concealed from public gaze behind the scenes.’ 1176. JAMEELAH, MARYAM PAPERS, 1945–2000, Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library, New York. These papers include the correspondence, ction, and academic writings of Maryam Jameelah, an American Jew, who after her conversion to Islam, immigrated to Pakistan and resided there with her Pakistani husband and their two children. All of the documents are contained in seven boxes, and include photographs of her children’s visit to their grandparents in New York. 1177. JAMEELAH, MARYAM. At home in Pakistan (1962–1989): the tale of an American expatriate in her adopted country. Lahore: Muhammad Yunus Khan & Sons, 1990. 209p.

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In this book, Maryam Jameelah talks about her experience of coming to Pakistan, marrying a Muslim Pakistani and living a life devoted to the cause of Islam. 1178. ——. Islam and the Muslim Woman Today. Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan, 1976. 51p. The writer compares the status of women in Islam with that of women in other religions, and concludes by enlisting the values of Islam. 1179. KHAN, MUHAMMAD YUSUF. Quest for truth: memoirs of childhood and youth in America, 1945–1962: the story of one Western convert’s. Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan, Lahore: Muhammad Yusuf Khan & Sons, 1989. 223p. The author, Maryam Jameelah’s husband, presents this book in the words of Jameelah herself. The book relates the early life of Jameelah in the city of New York in her former Jewish environment, her days at NY University, and how she came to Pakistan nally. 1180. SKRAMSTAD, SIRI HELENE. ‘The West as the Enemy. Images of the enemy in Maryam Jameelah’s literary work.’ M.A. Thesis, University of Oslo, 2003. (Annotation e-mailed by the author). Maryam Jameelah, former Margaret Marcus, converted to Islam and moved to Pakistan from the United States in 1962. She is associated with the Islamist movement, Jamaxat-i-Islami, and has written several works about Islam, the Muslim way of life and the relationship between the Islamic world and the West. Jameelah’s works are strongly polemical. They focus on western liberalism, relativism and imperialism, which according to Jameelah are ideologies based on the west’s lack of morals and dignity.

SECTION EIGHT

MUSLIM WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH ASIA

A. Women’s Movement in Pakistan 1181. AHMED, SHEREEN AZIZ. ‘Pakistan,’ in Raphael Patai (ed.) Women in the Modern World. New York: Free Press, 1967. pp. 42–58. Summarizing the political history of South Asian Muslims and the impact of independence and Partition of India (1947) on Muslim women, the author, herself a public gure, discusses various factors responsible for limiting the options of women in Pakistan. 1182. ALAVI, HAMZA. ‘Pakistan: Women in a Changing Society,’ in Women Living Under Muslim Law, Dossier no. 7/8, 1990. pp. 46–9. This work presents a brief account of the women’s movement during the 1980s. The movement, which gained momentum, still needs to go beyond the connes of the salaried urban middle-class and lower middle-class women, and mobilize women in wider sections of society. 1183. FARIDI, BEGUM TAZEEN. ‘Pakistan,’ in International Institute of Differing Civilizations: Women’s role in the development of tropical and sub-tropical countries. Report of the XXXIth [sic] meeting, held in Brussels on September 17–20, 1958. pp. 55–77. This paper examines the role of women in Pakistan. The author’s main emphasis is on the role of the All Pakistan Women’s Association. 1184. GARDEZI, FAUZIA. ‘Nationalism and state formation: women’s struggle and Islamization in Pakistan,’ in N. Hussain et al. (ed.) Engendering the Nation-State, Lahore: Simorgh Women’s Resource Centre, 1997. pp. 79–110. Unexamined. 1185. ——. “Islam, Feminism, and the Women’s Movement in Pakistan: 1981–1991.” South Asia Bulletin 10, no. 2 (1990): 18–24. This paper summarizes the factors that brought about the formation of women’s organizations in Pakistan. While the women’s movement has presented strong resistance to state tactics aimed at removing women from the public sphere, the movement also has some weaknesses. The author concludes by saying that ‘a transformation of the women’s movement in Pakistan to a radical, secular, feministic movement faces many difculties.’

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1186. KHAN, NIGHAT, SAID. ‘The Women’s Movement Revisited,’ in Suki Ali et al. (ed.) Global Feminist Identitities in a Changing World. London: Routledge, 2000. pp. 4–10. The author believes that the women’s movement in Pakistan has ‘lost its political sharpness and its energy.’ The paper has no bibliography in support of its comments. 1187. ——. et al. Locating the Self: Perspectives on Women and Multiple Identities. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1994. 214p. Pakistani women are located in a host of multiple, contradictory and overlapping discourses which construct their identities in contradictory ways. For the women’s movement, it is vital that women think about and negotiate their sense of self among and with one other. 1188. LIAQUAT ALI KHAN, BEGAM. “The Women of Pakistan.” Asiatic Review 45, no. 163 (1949): 726–28. This article is a brief review of the problems of Partition, the Pakistan Women’s National Guard and the Women’s Muslim League. It was presented in an address to the Advising Council of Women in Indian and Pakistan Affairs, London. It is one of the earliest papers on women’s activism in Pakistan, a country just two-years old at the time of this address. 1189. MASKIELL, MICHELLE. Women between cultures: the lives of Kinnaird College alumnae in British India. Syracuse, NY: Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Foreign and Comparative Studies, Syracuse University, 1984. 202p. Unexamined. 1190. RAMAZANI, NESTA. “Islamization and the Women’s Movement in Pakistan.” Journal of South Asia and Middle Eastern Studies 8, Spring (1985): 53–64. The writer voices the resentment of Pakistani women activists against the state-controlled process of ‘Islamization’ which particularly victimized women. Women’s groups have condence in their assertion that Islam is not an anti-feminist religion, and they feel certain that, in the end, social reform and modern attitudes will prevail. 1191. ROUSE, SHAHNAZ. ‘Women’s Movement in Pakistan: State, Class, Gender,’ in Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Dossier no. 3, 1988, 9–16. [First published in South Asia Bulletin 6, no. 1, Spring, 1986. 30–37.] This article examines the nature of the Pakistani state, its links with religious fundamentalists, and policies against women promulgated by Ziaul Haq’s military regime. Tracing the history of the women’s movement in Pakistan, the writer presents a critique, and at the end considers future courses of action.

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1192. YUSUF, ZOHRA. “The Long Struggle of Pakistani Women.” Freedom Review 26, no. 5 (1995): 27–29. The women’s movement in Pakistan became a force to be reckoned with in the early 1980s when the introduction of Islamic laws seriously challenged the status of women. The battle for the rights and status of is one that they will have to ght themselves. The author, a human rights activist, concludes by saying that, ‘no woman prime minister is likely to be a reliable ally’ of women in the region.

B. Women’s Movement in Bangladesh 1193. AHMED, RAHNUMA. “Women’s Movement in Bangladesh and the Left’s Understanding of the Woman Question.” Journal of Social Studies: Dhaka 30 (1985): 40–56. This paper briey describes the historical growth of the women’s movement since 1947. The author observes that the present position of the left on women’s issues does not offer much hope. 1194. ——. ‘Religious Ideology and the Women’s Movement in Bangladesh,’ in Hemlata Swarup and Sarojini Bisaria (ed.) Women Politics and Religion, Etawah: A. C. Brothers, 1991. pp. 319–29. The paper critically explores whether Islam has really liberated women as is repeatedly claimed by the defenders of Islam. In Bangladesh, Islamic ideology largely seems to be anti-women and a primary tool of their subordination. Conservatives in Bangladesh resist legal and social change that would bring relief to women. The Muslim feminist movement will have to eventually face this question of Islam and women’s real status. 1195. AKHTER, FARIDA. ‘Family Law and the Women’s Movement: Perspectives from Bangladesh,’ in Claudia von Braunmühl (ed.) International Conference, towards progress in women’s rights and social status in developing countries. Report and Papers of International Conference 25–30 July 1988. Berlin: German Foundation for International Development (DSE), 1989. pp. 44–55. Unexamined. 1196. AZIM, FIRDOUS. “Women’s Movement in Bangladesh.” Feminist Review, no. 64 (2000): 119–121. The author, a member of Naripakkho, a women’s organization in Bangladesh, reviewing the women’s movement at the end of the millennium, writes about women in the sex trade.

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1197. DIL, SHAHEEN F. “Women in Bangladesh: Changing roles and sociopolitical realities.” Women and Politics 5, no. 1 (1985): 51–67. This paper examines the lives of women in Bangladesh who are governed by a combination of religious, customary and secular law, as well as social class. The government of Bangladesh has recognized the need for active participation of women in national development. A separate ministry to look after women’s needs was established in 1978. Although changes in the role of women are noticeable, women are still controlled by religious laws. The author concludes by suggesting that Islamic law needs to be examined within the context of the twentieth century. 1198. DUZA, ASFIA. ‘Bangladesh Women in Transition: Dynamics and Issues,’ in K. Mahadevan (ed.) Women and Population Dynamics, Perspectives from Asian Mountries. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1989. pp. 124–49. Despite several government declarations, the country has not been able to develop a clear philosophy for the development of women. Further, in the transition of their status what specic role changes do women in Bangladesh desire? To understand and guide the emancipation of women, one must reect on the role and status of men as well. 1199. DUZA, ASFIA and HAMIDA A. BEGUM. Emerging new Accents: A Perspective of Gender and Development in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1993. 92p. This study aims at identifying the developmental needs of women in Bangladesh, as they perceive them. It also identies and analyzes the existing gaps between needs as seen by women, men, and policy makers, and to suggest changes in policies. 1200. HASNA BEGUM. Women in the Developing World: Thoughts and Ideals. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers Pvt., Ltd., 1990. 101p. Eight articles in this book focus on the need and justication for equal rights for women in the patriarchal society Bangladesh. 1201. JAHAN ROUNAQ. ‘Women in Bangladesh,’ in Ruby Rohrlich-Leavitt (ed.) Women Cross-culturally: Change and Challenge. The Hague: Mouton, 1975. pp. 5–30. [Also in Women for Women: Bangladesh 1975. Dacca: University Press Limited, 1975. pp. 1–30.] This paper reviews the legal, economic, political and social status of women in Bangladesh and presents a brief survey of women’s organizations and movements. The author focuses on advantages men have over women and that of the elite and rich women over disadvantaged women. Bangladeshi women, both rural and urban, traditional and modern, live in a social system which sancties an unequal and inferior status. Elite women have a preferential status and hence there is no

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dissatised elite group to lead a women’s movement. In the absence of a movement, consciousness about women’s oppression is low. The movement for women’s emancipation is going on as part of the process of social change and not as a revolutionary movement. ——. ‘Women in Politics: A Case Study of Bangladesh’ in Sylvia A. Chipp and Justin J. Green (ed.) Asian Women in Transition. The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1980. pp. 227–250. This paper was also published under the title, ‘Purdah and Participation: Women in the Politics of Bangladesh’ in Hanna Papanek and Gail Minault (ed.) Separate Worlds: Studies of Purdah in South Asia. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1982. pp. 262–82. This paper examines the limited participation of women in politics in Bangladesh. Contrary to the author’s concluding observation that ‘the prospect of equal political participation for women in Bangladesh is very bleak,’ the country has elected women to the highest political ofce of prime minister. JAHAN, ROUSHAN. ‘Men in Seclusion, Women in Public: Rokeya’s Dream and Women’s Struggles in Bangladesh,’ in Amrita Basu and C. Elizabeth McGrory (ed.) The Challenge of Local Feminisms: Women’s Movements in Global Perspectives. Boulder: Westview Press: 1995. pp. 87–109. This paper, after briey examining the history of the women’s movement in Bangladesh, concludes that this movement, ‘has come a long way since 1905, when Rokeya Hossain dreamed of empowering women in her feminist utopian short story by a simple reversal of gender roles, putting men in seclusion and letting women take charge of the public sphere.’ Although the women’s movement is made up of urban educated women, it is exposed to social realities through contacts with poor rural and urban women. LINDENBAUM, S. The Social and Economic Status of Women in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Ford Foundation, 1974. 32p. This surveys women’s welfare organizations, which emerged to assist women affected by the events of 1971 which lead to the separation of East Pakistan and the founding of Bangladesh. Based on experiences gained from eld trips to a village in the Comilla District, the paper also makes recommendations for future activities of the welfare organizations. ——. “Women and the Left Hand: Social status and Symbolism in East Pakistan.” Mankind 6, no. 11 (1968): 537–44.

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This paper argues that left is associated with a negative, lower position and impurity. This concept of the left, the author states, is also associated with women who have a low position in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). MALEKA, BEGUM. Banglar Nari Andolan (Bengalai Women’s Revolution). Dhaka: University Press, 1989. [B], Unexamined. QADIR, SAYEDA ROWSHAN. ‘Participation of Women in Local Bodies,’ in Kamal Siddiqui (ed.) Local Government in Bangladesh. Dhaka: National Institute of Local Government, 1984. Unexamined. —— and MAHMUDA ISLAM. Women Representative at the Union Level as Change Agent of Development. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1987. 86p. This study enquires about women members and how they should shoulder their responsibilities in the Union Councils as agents of change to promote the welfare of women in society. RIZVI, NAJMA. “Life Cycle of Bangladeshi Muslim Women and Their Role in the Economy.” South Asia Bulletin 1 (1981): 10–16. This essay narrates the discriminatory practices of the Bangladeshi society towards women and girls throughout their lives. With the introduction of technology in rural areas, women lose their low-paid but labour-intensive jobs to men who control technology. This economic deprivation reduces women’s ability to provide for the needs of their families. SAPHI, MUSHTARI. Muktiyuddhe Chattaagrmera Nari, Dhaka: 1992, 136p. [B], Unexamined. This collection of biographies of women revolutionaries from the Chattagram District, Bangladesh, explores their role in the 1971 war.

C. Muslim Women’s Movement in India 1211. ANSARI, SHEELA. “The Changing Status of Muslim Women in India.” Indian Journal of Social Research 22, no. 3 (1981): 275–78. Unexamined. 1212. ASHRAFI, TALAT ARA. Muslim Women in Changing Perspective. New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers, 1992. 283p. This study was conducted in Patna, where there was a large Muslim population. Religion is of relatively greater importance among Muslims than among other communities of India. The study examines the impact of religion, traditions and norms on the lives of contemporary Indian Muslim women.

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1213. BAXAMUSA, RAMALA. Muslim Women of Bombay. Bombay: Research Unit of Women’s Studies, SNDT Women’s University, 1984. 12p. This is a brief study of Muslim women in India. It has no references or bibliography. 1214. BEEVI, M. FATHIMA. ‘Muslim Women-Problems and Prospects,’ in Zakia A. Siddiqi and Anwar Jahan Zuberi (ed.) Muslim Women: Problems and Prospects. Delhi: MD Publications, 1993. 7–10. Unexamined. 1215. BHATTY, ZARINA. ‘Muslim Women in Uttar Pradesh: Social Mobility and Directions of Change,’ in Alfred de Souza (ed.) Women in Contemporary India: Traditional Images and Changing Roles. Delhi: Menorah Book Service, 1975. pp. 25–36 [Earlier printed in Social Action 25, no. 4 (1975): 365–74.] This is a sociological study of Muslim women of different classes living near Lucknow, the capital of UP, India. The ndings show that while upper-class women are seeking jobs, lower-class women are adopting the traditions of upper classes, and have started observing pardah. Thus pardah is viewed by the lower classes (non-Ashraf ) as a symbol of upward social mobility. 1216. ——. ‘Status of Muslim Women and Social Change,’ in B. R. Nanda (ed.) Indian Women: From Purdah to Modernity. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1976. pp. 99–112. This chapter asserts that Muslims are distinct from other groups living in India. The author refers to the works of some modernist Muslims (male) of India who attempted to reduce the rigidity of Muslim women observing pardah. Change, however, is slow and will be possible only by educating women. 1217. BLANK, JONAH. Mullahs on the Mainframe. Islam and the Modernity among the Daudi Bohras. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001. 408p. This book is a general study of the Bohras, a branch of Shii Islam. The author observes that the status of women within the community has risen markedly over the past half-century. The author abserves that education has improved the Bohra women’s status. In support of his statement, the author cites two case studies of Bohra women who live empowered lives in the city of Mumbai. 1218. CHATTERJI, JYOTSNA. Religions and the Status of Women. New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990. 127p. This general study on the status of women in India, includes several references to Muslim women in the context of the contemporary situation in India.

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1219. CONKLIN, GEORGE H. ‘Muslim Family Life and Secularization in Dharwar, Karnataka.’ In Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family, Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. pp. 127–40. This chapter presents a brief comparative study of urban-rural Muslims and non-Muslims in Dharwar. Education and urbanization, the study concludes, have had a great inuence upon the community, especially on women of the region. 1220. ENGINEER, ASGHAR ALI. ‘Women Under the Authority of Islam,’ in Jyotsna Chatterji (ed.) Religions and the Status of Women, New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990. pp. 24–41. The author argues that the QurxÊn takes a sociological view of religion and rituals, and comes close to the modern scientic approach. The QurxÊn has hinted at slight male superiority, but it has certainly not advocated the concept of male domination. 1221. EVERETT, HANA MATSON. Women and Social Change in India. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1979. 233p. Based on research for a Ph.D. dissertation, this book summarizes women’s movements in India. It also looks briey at similar developments in the United States and England. The work primarily discusses issues faced by Hindu women. There are, however, references to the political and social movements of Muslim women. In the appendix, biographical notes on prominent Muslim women are also included. 1222. HASAN, ZOYA and RITU MENON. Unequal Citizens. A Study of Muslim Women in India. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004. 271p. This empirical study rst describes the status of Muslim women in India from a gender and social equity perspective, and then portrays diversity in the social status of women by situating them in a class, community, and regional context. Finally, it analyses the causes of social inequality faced by Muslim women and suggests some directions for their empowerment. 1223. HASHIA, HASEENA. Muslim Women in India Since Independence: Feminine Perspectives. New Delhi: Institute of Objective Studies, 1998. 201p. The book is a collection of 15 articles that examines the experiences of Muslim women and their roles in different situations, such as family life, marriage, education, employment and life in the community. In her foreword to this slim volume, Najma Hepatulla, Deputy Chairman, Rajya Sabha (Indian Parliament) and a Muslim woman, says, ‘women across all the socio-economic and political groups face discrimination and injustice.’

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1224. HENSMAN, ROHINI. ‘Oppression Within Oppression: The Dilemma of Muslim Women in India,’ in Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Occasional Paper series, No. 1, November, 1987, International Solidarity Network—3 4980 Combaillaux, Mont Pellier, France. Unexamined. 1225. HUSSAIN, SABIHA. “Breaking Stereotypes: Two generations of Muslim Women.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 7, no. 1 (2000): 35–53. Also published by Centre for Women’s Development Studies, New Delhi, 1999. 18p. This paper seeks to examine the popular stereotype of Muslim women in India through empirical data drawn from a study of inter-generational mobility of social change among women of the Dharbanga town of Bihar. The ndings show a positive trend of mobility and change in different aspects of their lives that were not present in the previous generation. 1226. HUSSAIN, SABIHA. The Changing Half: A Study of Indian Muslim Woman, New Delhi: Classical Publishing Co. 1998. 165p. Unexamined. 1227. HYDER, QURRATULAIN. ‘Muslim Women in India,’ in Devaki Jain (ed.) Indian Women. New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1975. pp. 187–202. The author states that Islam has accorded a position of privilege to Muslim women. She stated that in the past Muslim women played important roles; however, in the present day backwardness and poverty of the Indian masses has pushed Muslim women back. The author is a well-known novelist in Urdu. 1228. JAHANGIR, K. N. Muslim Women in West Bengal, Socio-Economic and Political Studies. Calcutta: Minerva, 1991. 160p. This book examines the low status of Muslim women in West Bengal. Their position in the post-1947 era continues to be unsatisfactory. Illiteracy, low economic status and seclusion have kept women dependent upon men. The author also examines Muslim women’s status in a cross-cultural perspective. To improve the situation, the author argues that lack of education and general poverty among Muslims must be improved to make changes in women’s lives. 1229. JEFFERY, PATRICIA. ‘Women’s Private Work: the Social Organization of Childbearing in a Muslim Village in Delhi,’ in Kenneth Ballhatchet and David Taylor (ed.) Changing South India: European Conference on Modern South Asian Studies. Hongkong: Published for the Centre of South Asian Studies in the School of Oriental & African Studies, University of London by Asian Research Service, 1984. 11–20.

288

1230.

1231.

1232.

1233.

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In this paper, the author concentrates ‘on the signicance of Muslim women’s role as mothers in reproducing gender differentiation and sowing the seeds of inequality of opportunity through taken-for-granted ways of rearing children.’ In these families, women’s sexuality and fertility are subject to very stringent controls, both before and after marriage. Although family lineage is traced from the father’s side, a mother’s place remains well respected within the family, and her role in the upbringing of children remains of utmost importance. ——. Frogs in a Well: Indian Women in Purdah. London: Zed Press, 1979. 187p. This is an anthropological study of Pirzada women of Delhi. Pirzadas are the custodians of a Muslim shrine in Delhi. The study focuses on man/woman relationship in the Pirzada clan and women’s own responses to the traditional form of life. The title of the book is rather derogatory considering that the women under study live their lives according to their own norms. JUNG, ANEES. Night of the New Moon: Encounters with Muslim women in India. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1993. 127p. This work presents pen portraits of more than thirty Muslim women of India today. The author, a journalist by profession, discovered that the ‘Muslim woman was not an insubstantial gure, disappearing behind a veil, but a person more substantial than the look.’ The book presents the faith, conviction and will of Indian Muslim women. LATEEF, SHAHIDA. ‘Modernization in India and the Status of Muslim Women,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Modernization and Social Change among Muslims in India. Delhi: Manohar, 1983. pp. 153–83. This paper examines the historical factors of the modernization process and its impact on Muslim women in India. It also analyzes a survey that the author conducted on Muslim women for the Committee on the Status of Muslim women in India in 1974. The author’s ndings show that although Muslim women in India ‘today are potential catalysts’ and the community seems responsive to the need for change, ‘neither seem anxious to formalise these changes.’ ——. Muslim Women in India, Political and Private Realities: 1890s –1980s. Kali for Women: New Delhi, 1990. 238p. Based on a survey conducted in nine major cities, this book explores the status and role of Muslim women in Indian society, investigating women’s progress with respect to education, social legislation and economic participation. Muslim women, earlier, exercised considerable independence in respect to marriage and divorce, compared with women

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1234.

1235.

1236.

1237.

1238. 1239.

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of other religions in India. The central point of her research is based on her argument that religious orientation should not be the primary criterion in evaluating Muslim women. Today, a profound change is noticeable among Muslim women in India. Polygamy is becoming rarer and women are making shared decisions in their families. Lateef concludes her well-researched work by recognizing the potential that Muslim women have to shape their own destiny without any outside intervention. LIDDLE, JOANNE and RAMA JOSHI. Daughters of Independence, Gender, Caste and Class in India. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1986. 264p. This book examines the relationship between the subordination of women and their position in the social hierarchy, and looks at the impact of the west as a major force in freeing women. Interspersed references to Muslim women are found. MENON, M. INDU. Status of Muslim Women in India: A Case Study of Kerala. New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1981. xii+161p. A modied version of the author’s doctoral dissertation, this book studies the socio-cultural aspects of the status of Muslim women with special reference to the Kerala situation. The study conducted in four districts of Kerala, found that, in spite of their traditionally subordinate position, education has contributed signicantly to raising the social status of Muslim women. RALLIA RAM, MAYAVANTHI. “Modernization and Muslim Women.” Mainstream 14, No. 48, July 31 (1976): 22–23. This paper reports ndings of a survey in which 785 urban Muslim women from UP, Delhi and Srinagar were interviewed concerning their views on education, social freedom and sex education. The paper sums up by saying that ‘it was the women in the professional eld who struck a balance between the orthodoxy of the housewife and the liberalism of the student.’ ROY, SHIBANI. Status of Muslim Women in North India. Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1979. xiii+241p. Originally written for a doctoral thesis, this empirical work mainly studies the status of Muslim women in Delhi and Lucknow, with special reference to Pardah. The work betrays a lack of understanding and research on the part of the author. SIDDIQI, H. Y. Muslim Women in Transition: A Social Prole. New Delhi: Harnam Publications, 1987. 246p. Unexamined. VATUK, SYLVIA. ‘Schooling for What? The Cultural and Social context of Women’s Education in a South Indian Muslim Family,’

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in Carol Chapnick Mukhopadhyay and Susan Seymour (ed.) Women, Education, and Family Structure in India, Boulder: Westview Press, 1994. pp. 135–64. Using evidence from written family materials, oral accounts, and biographical data on the women of an extended Muslim family in Hyderabad and Madras (India) during the closing years of the nineteenth and the rst half of the twentieth centuries, this paper investigates and reconstructs family attitudes and actions concerning women’s education. It also records women’s (particularly young girls) own views about their future, including education, marriage and their roles in the changing society. The paper develops an interesting research methodology for documenting the growth of education by recording their experiences. 1240. ——. ‘Household Form and Formation: Variability and Social Change among South Indian Muslims.’ in John N. Gray and David J. Mearns (ed.) Society From the Inside Out: Anthropological Perspectives on the South Asian Household, New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1989. pp. 107–38. This paper presents an anthropological study of Urdu-speaking Muslims residing in the South Indian cities of Madras and Hyderabad. Data on household composition and formation patterns are examined and factors inuencing them are explored. 1241. WOMEN’S RESEARCH and ACTION GROUP. Aspects of Culture & Society: Muslim Women in India. Wrag Report, Mumbai: 1997. This research group (WRAG) was established in India in 1993 to initiate research for the purpose of improving the status of Muslim women. This is the rst research undertaken by the group in different states of India to collect information regarding women’s legal rights.

D. Muslim Women in Sri Lanka 1242. ‘CHALLENGE FOR CHANGE: A PROFILE OF A COMMUNITY ’ Colombo, Sri Lanka: Muslim Women’s Research and Action Front, 1990. 213p. This study contains several papers on issues affecting Muslims in Sri Lanka, with particular reference to Muslim women. 1243. DE SILVA, W. INDRALAL. “Do Fertility Intentions and Behaviour Inuence Sterilization in Sri Lanka.” Asia Pacic Population Journal 7, no. 4, December (1992): 41–60.

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1244.

1245.

1246.

1247.

1248.

1249.

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Contraceptive choice is affected by various factors in Sri Lanka. This study analyzes the attitudes of different religious groups regarding use of contraceptives and family planning. In comparison to other ethno-religious groups in Sri Lanka, Muslim women commonly resist contraception, especially sterilization. This may be related to religious reasons or to their traditional outlook. ISMAIL, JEZIMA. “Can Women be Leaders of a Nation, A Muslim Perspective.” Nivedini: A Sri Lankan Feminist Journal 1, No. 2 (1994): 209–218. In this paper, the case for women’s leadership is argued, based on the writing of Muslim male scholars. ——. ‘Legal Status of the Muslim Women in Sri Lanka.’ Paper presented at the First National Convention on Women’s Studies, 1–3 March 1989, Colombo, Centre for Women’s Research, Sri Lanka. (Photocopy CEWS.) This paper examines the existing gap between the message of the QurxÊn and its current implementation in society. Customary laws contradict the QurxÊn and the teachings of the Prophet. ——. “Sri Lankan Women: Proles.” Marga, Quarterly Journal, Special Issue 10, no. 2 (1989): 30–42. The author explains that like other women, Sri Lankan Muslim women do not form one single group. There are working women, farm women, urban-poor and wealthy women. Thus their issues and challenges also differ. ISMAIL, MUNIRA FATHIMA. A Multi-Ethnic Analysis of Gendered Space amongst Rural Women in Sri Lanka. (Ph.D. Thesis) University of California, Davis, 1999. Unexamined. KIRIBAMUNE, SIRIMA and VIDYAMALI SAMARA SINGHE. Women at the Crossroads: A Sri Lankan perspective. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. 1990. 248p. The status of Sri Lankan Muslim women and Muslim family law is discussed briey in this book (pp. 153–181). The duty of a husband to provide accommodation for his wife and children is now recognized by statute. MAHROOF, M. M. M. “The Muslim Women in Sri Lanka: A Historical Over-view.” Islam and the Modern Age 19 (1988): 43–64. This paper presents a brief survey of the development and growth of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka. It then narrates some of the changes that have occurred in the area of education and health of Muslim women. The work claims that the number of school and college

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students is gradually rising; however, more needs to be done both for the development of the role of women in the Muslim community and for documenting the history of Muslims in Sri Lanka. 1250. McGILVRAY, DENNIS B. ‘Sexual Power and Fertility in Sri Lanka: Batticaloa Tamils and Moors,’ in Carol P. MacComack (ed.) Ethnography of Fertility and Birth. Prospect: Waveland Press, 1994. pp. 15–63. This paper presents information about the human reproductive process within the matrilineal Hindu and Muslim region of Sri Lanka. Special ceremonies are held at the onset of menstruation and ritual baths are conducted for removing pollution from the body after menstruation has stopped. 1251. NILAM, A. R. M. Education—The Birthright of Every Muslim Girl. Lahore: Muhammad Ashraf, 1946. 157p. This small book rst summarizes the history of the arrival of the rst Muslims in Sri Lanka, the issues and challenges that currently confront the community, and nally it the need for education for girls. Suggestions for an improved curriculum for girls’ education are also included. 1252. ZACKARIYA, FAIZUN. ‘The Situations of Muslim Women in Sri Lanka,’ in Women Living Under Muslim Laws, 1986. Unexamined.

E. Women’s Movement in The Maldives 1253. FAIZAL, FARAH. ‘Societal Insecurities: A Maldivian Study,’ in Farah Faizal and Swarna Rajagoplan (ed.) Women, Security, South Asia: A Clearing in the Thicket. New Delhi: Sage, 2005. pp. 89–111. The author states that Maldivian Muslim women face no constraints either in seeking divorce or in getting re-married. This, however, the author says, does not eliminate the presence of hidden threats that women confront in their lives. The author is the rst woman from the Maldives to receive a Ph.D. 1254. FORBES, ANDREW D. W. “Studies in Indian Ocean Islam: Caste and Matriliny in the Laccadive Islands.” Religion, 8 (1978): 15–39. Hindu immigrants from coastal India, who brought with them their caste system, earlier settled in the Laccadive Archipelago. Today the islanders are predominantly Muslims. This paper studies how the Muslim community of the Laccadives still retains the matrilineal caste structure of its pre-Islamic days.

SECTION NINE

THE LIFE CYCLE OF SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN

A. Daughters Not Liked 58. When the news is brought To one of them, of (the birth Of ) a female (child), his face Darkens, and he is lled With inward grief ! 59. With shame does he hide Himself from his people, Because of the bad news He has had! Shall he retain it On (sufferance and) contempt, Or bury it in the dust? Ah! What an evil (choice) They decide on! (S. XVI: 58–59, The Holy QurxÊn)

1255. ANEES, MUNAWAR AHMAD. “Fetal Rights? The Technological Predicament.” Inquiry 4, No. 7 (1987): 40–44. Unexamined. 1256. HISSAM, ZINAT. “Female Infanticide—or Unconscious Neglect?” National Health, January (1990): 33–37. This paper examines the social factors that cause severe neglect of girls’ health issues. As girls have a lower status in society, parents give them less attention and care. 1257. MEER HASSAN ALI, MRS. Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, Descriptive of their Manners, Customs, Habits, and Religious Opinions Made During a Twelve-Year Residence in their Immediate Society. W. Crooke (ed.), London: Milford, 1917. 442p. [1st edn. London: Parbury, Allen, 1832]. Reprint, OUP: Karachi, 1973. 442p. The author details the attitude of Muslims towards their daughters. The birth of a girl is looked down on in the family. 1258. MILLER, BARBARA D. “Daughter Neglect, Women’s Work and Marriage: Pakistan and Bangladesh compared.” Medical Anthropology 8, no. 2 (1984): 10 9–26.

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This article explains the unequal sex ratio in Bangladesh and Pakistan with reference to a male bias in healthcare allocation. 1259. NAG, MONI. Sex Preference in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan, and its Effect on Fertility. New York: Population Council, No. 27, 1991. 43p. This article examines quantitative ndings regarding attitudinal and behavioural evidence of sex preference from surveys conducted in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan, and assesses its impact on contraceptive use and fertility. Girls are often discriminated against in favour of boys in households regarding food allocation and healthcare. 1260. SHARIF, JA{FAR. Islam in India, or the Qanun-i Islam: the Customs of the Mussalmans of India, Comprising a Full and Exact Account of their Various Rites and Ceremonies from the Moment of Birth to the Hour of Death. Translated from the Urdu by G. A. Herklots and edited by William Crooke. New Delhi: Oriental Books reprint, 1972. 374p. Although this work describes social and cultural traditions in general as practised by Muslims in the early 19th century in Thanjavur District, South India, some of which are still being practised by Muslims all over South Asia. This work also provides relevant material on pregnancy, birth, birth rites, girls’ puberty celebrations, marriage, magic, festivities, dress and ornaments. 1261. WINKVIST, ANNA and HUMAIRA Z. AKHTAR. “God should give Daughters to Rich Families only: Attitudes towards Childbearing among Low-income women in Punjab, Pakistan.” Social Science & Medicine 51, no. 1 (2000): 73–81. This paper is based on in-depth interviews and focused group discussions with 42 women in urban and rural areas, including women medical practitioners in the Punjab to evaluate women’s perceptions and experiences of bearing sons and daughters. In general, these women felt that they had limited control over their lives. They expressed strong preference for sons, mostly for economic reasons. I. Son Preference 49. ‘To Allah belongs the dominion Of the heavens and the earth. He creates what He wills (And plans). He bestows (Children) male or female According to His Will (and Plan). (S. 42: 49, The Holy Qurxan)

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1262. ABEKOON, A. P. L. “Sex Preference in South Asia: Sri Lanka an Outlier.” Asia-Pacic Journal 10, no. 3, (1995): 5–16. In South Asia, sex preference causes excessive mortality of female children. This study shows that the widespread son preference in the region is manifested in the form of post-natal discrimination against the girl child. In Sri Lanka this is not so. 1263. AHMED, NILUFER R. “Family Size and Sex Preferences among Women in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 12, no. 3 (1981): 100–109. The data reported here comes from a cross-sectional two-stage sample of households located in Matlab Thana, Comilla, and a rural area in Central Bangladesh. Most women prefer large families. Almost 93% have a son preference. The author concludes by saying that the results of research obtained in Matlab may be generalized to most of rural Bangladesh where son preference results in having large families. 1264. ALI, SYED MUBASHIR. “Does Son Preference Matter.” Journal of Biosocial Science 21, no. 4 (1989): 399–408. Based on a cross-sectional data of Pakistan National Survey of 1979– 80, this study suggests that son preference inuences the demand for additional children. Unless the socio-economic pattern of the society changes, son preference is likely to remain strong in Pakistan. 1265. AMIN, RUHUL and A. G. MARIAM. “Son Preference in Banghladesh: An Emerging Barrier to Fertility Regulation.” Journal of Biosocial Science 19, no. 2 (1987): 280–88. Unexamined. 1266. BAIRAGI, RADHEYSHYAM. “Sex Preference for Children and its Implications for Fertility in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 17, no. 6 (1986): 302–07. This study investigates the pattern of sex preference for children, its effects on fertility behaviour and its implications for women. For this study, 860 married women were interviewed from December 1976 to December 1979. The study’s ndings conrm a strong preference for male children. 1267. CHOWDHURY, A. K. M and R. BAIRAGI. “Son Preference and Fertility in Bangladesh.” Population and Development Review 16, no. 4 (1990): 479–757. Son preference has a direct link to the use of contraceptives. The higher the number of sons, the lower is the desire to have more children. 1268. HOSSAIN, M. et al. “Parental Son Preference in Seeking Medical Care for Children Less than Five Years of Age in a Rural Community

296

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1270.

1271.

1272.

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in Bangladesh.” American Journal of Public Health 78, no. 10 (1988): 1349–50. The paper reports that research ndings conrm deeply-rooted discrimination against female children in rural Bangladesh. Improvements in the social and economic status of women are expected to reduce parental neglect for female children. HUSSAIN, R. et al. “The Role of Son Preference in Reproductive Behaviour in Pakistan.” Bulletin of the World Health Organization, no. 3 (2000): 379–88. A survey conducted in 1990–91 and then later in 1995 shows that pregnancies become increasingly unwanted as the number of surviving sons increases. The sex of surviving children is strongly correlated with subsequent fertility and contraceptive behaviour. An interesting conclusion of this research is that ‘it would be simplistic to assume that that the deeply entrenched cultural notion of sons being “superior” to daughters is limited to women with little or no formal education.’ The ndings, on the contrary, show that there ‘has been an intensication of gender discrimination against the girl child by women with lower fertility and relatively better education.’ KHAN, M. ALI and ISMAIL SIRAGELDIN. “Son Preference and the Demand for Additional Children in Pakistan.” Demography 14, no. 4 (1977): 481–95. This paper states that women who have given birth to girls are often expected to produce more children in the hope of getting a son. RUKNUDDIN, ABDUL RAZZAQUE. “Infant: Child Mortality and Son Preferences as Factors Inuencing Fertility in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 21, no. 4 (1982): 297–328. Based on data from the Pakistan National Impact Survey (1868–69), this study explains how the sex composition of live births and surviving children, and sex differentials in infants and child mortality up to specic parity, affect the subsequent fertility behaviour of couples. Findings show a preference for male children, further strengthening the argument that high infant mortality leads to increased fertility, and therefore maternal and child health services should be given due importance, along with population welfare programmes. SATHAR, ZEBA A. “Sex Differentials in Mortality: A Corollary of Son Preference.” Pakistan Development Review 26, no. 4 (1987): 555–68. The author argues that sex differentials in childhood mortality in Pakistan are a likely outcome of son preference behaviour by parents. Data are from the 1981 Pakistan census and other ofcial surveys.

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II. Adolescent Girls 1273. AFTAB, TAHERA. ‘A Tryst Missed: Girlhood in Pakistan,’ in Sherrie A. Inness (ed.) Girls, Cultural Identity, and Stories of Survival: Running for Their Lives. New York: Rowman & Littleeld, 2000. 151–61. Girlhood, for most girls in Pakistan, is a period of shame and fear. Girls are perceived as a burden to themselves and to the society. Life for most girls remains full of threats and dangers. However, little girls learn how to survive and ght for their lives. Photographs of girls from Pakistan included in the paper. 1274. ALI, SHAHEEN SARDAR and BAELA JAMIL. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Islamic Law and Pakistan Legislation: A Comparative Study. Peshawar: Educational Computing Services & Publishers, 1994. 215p. This book, as the title shows, attempts a comparative study of Pakistani law and the principles of Islamic law, along with substantive provisions in the Convention on the Rights of Children. A separate chapter on the girl child in Pakistan shows how social and legal discrimination continues to make life difcult for a female child. 1275. AMIN, SONIA NISHAT. ‘Childhood and Role Models in the Andar mahal, Muslim Women in the Private Sphere in Colonial Bengal,’ in Kumari Jayawardena and Malathi De Alwis (ed.) Embodied Violence, Communalizing Women’s Sexuality in South Asia, London: Zed Books. 1996. pp. 71–88. This paper examines the role played by the women’s quarters within households regarding the training of young girls for their future roles as wives and mothers. 1276. ASK, KARIN. ‘Ishq aur Mohabbat: Ideas about Love and Friendship in a Northern Pakistani Community’, in Broch-Due et al. (ed.) Carved Flesh/ Cast Selves, Gendered Symbols and Social Practices. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1993. pp. 207–223. This paper draws upon the author’s eldwork in 1978–80 for her thesis, ‘Family Life, Socialisation and Growing up as a Girl in Hazara, North Eastern Pakistan. The focus of this paper is on different experienceinduced meanings for women and girls of texts and contexts when love and affection are culturally presented as appropriate/inappropriate emotions. The paper also analyses socialization of boys and girls in a culture controlled by a rigid hegemonic gender model.

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1277. BHATTY, ZARINA. ‘Socializing of the Female Muslim Child in Uttar Pradesh,’ in Karuna Chanana (ed.) Socialization, Education and Women. Delhi: Orient Longman, 1988. pp. 231–239. The paper does not justify its title. Most of the information contained here is based on Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali’s nineteenth century work, Observations on the Mussulmans of India. 1278. BLANCHET, THERESE. Lost Innocence, Stolen Childhoods. Dhaka: The University Press Limited, 1996. 261p. This work studies the situation of young children employed as workers in bidi factories or as domestic workers. Girls are not treated well and cruel employers often exploit them. The study cites a few cases, one being the suspicious death of an eleven-year old girl in the house of her employer. 1279. CASH, KATHLEEN. et al. “Without Sex Education: Exploring the Social and Sexual Vulnerabilities of Rural Bangladeshi Girls and Boys.” Sex Education 1, Issue 3 (2001): 219–33. This paper argues in favour of well-planned sex education for young girls and boys as a preventive measure of HIV/AIDS. This would also instruct them about risks of unsafe sex. 1280. CROLL, ELISABETH. Endangered Daughters: Discrimination and Development in Asia. London: Routledge, 2000. 207p. This book shows that in South and South East Asian societies distinctive patterns of discrimination against girls are responsible for prevalent high male population rates. Trends in each country show overall greater female mortality before birth, at birth, and in infancy and childhood. The author concludes that the lives of girls remain at high risk, and daughter discrimination has not declined in spite of development. 1281. DURRANT, V. Adolescent Girls and Boys in Pakistan: Opportunities and Constraints in the Transition to Adulthood. Islamabad: Population Council, 2001. (Research Report No. 12). Unexamined. 1282. EBRAHIM, ZOFEEN T. “Incest: The Family Secret.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 6, nos. 1 & 2 (1999): 103–10. This paper describes how incest violated innocence making the child confuse love, exploitation and sexuality. It reports sixty cases of incest documented by a woman physician in Karachi often at the risk of her own life. Little girls often do not know what sex and incest are. The paper also examines the efforts of some NGOs to help incest victims and survivors to recover.

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1283. HABIB, NAJMA and REBECCA SULTANA. ‘Aa’s Story, A guide to Survival,’ in Sherrie A. Inness (ed.) Girls, Cultural Identity, and Stories of Survival: Running for Their Lives. New York: Rowman & Littleeld, 2000. pp. 133–50. Women and girls face great hardships in their lives in Bangladesh. Aa’s story is the story of her struggle for survival. 1284. HAFEEZ, SABEEHA. ‘The Girl Child in Pakistan.’ Priority Concerns, Islamabad: UNICEF. 1990. 62p. This paper looks at how girls are neglected in Pakistan’s patriarchal culture. The author analyses lullabies for gender images. These lullabies show how discrimination against girls begins while they are still babies. Photographs and charts are included. The paper was previously presented at the UNICEF Strategy Meeting at the SAARC Year of the Girl Child at Islamabad in 1990. 1285. HAINS, BELINDA. The girl child of South Asia: An analysis of why and how girl children of South Asia are neglected, the problems they encounter as a result of this neglect and an exploration of the potential of education as a means of assisting them overcoming some of their problems: research paper. World Vision Australia: Development Projects Unit, 1992. 11p. The paper begins by saying that ‘for many girls in South Asia, birth is the only equal opportunity they will ever experience in life. As they grow they will be neglected by their parents in favour of their brothers, and they will have little or no opportunity to experience a fullling life with personal choices.’ The paper concludes on a more positive note by acknowledging that ‘the girl-child of South Asia has wonderful potential—potential which needs to be nurtured and developed instead of wasted.’ 1286. HAQUE, MINHAJUL and AZEEMA FAIZUNNISA. ‘Communication between Adolescents and Adults about Sexual and Reproductive Health,’ in Sarah Bott et al. (ed.) Towards Adulthood: Exploring the Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents in South Asia. Geneva: WHO, Department of Reproductive Health and Research, 2003. pp. 153–55. Pakistan has an adolescent population of nearly 30 million; however very little has been researched about them. This paper presents ndings of a focus group discussion (FGDs) with adolescents and parents on issues such as education, employment, skill building, autonomy, marriage and health. Girls were also included in the FGDs. Findings show that girls have better information networks, but they have less access to health services and face greater social constraints.

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1287. HIDAYAT ULLAH, MOEENA. “Brief History of the Sind Girl Guides Association.” Sind Quarterly 8, no. 1 (1980): 48–51. The Sind Provincial Council of the Girl Guide Association was inaugurated on August 25, 1937. Lady Graham, wife of the Governor, became its rst President. After independence, Miss Fatima Jinnah, Mr. Jinnah’s sister, was nominated its Patron. The paper briey traces the history of the Sind Girl Guide Association till 1980. 1288. HOSSAIN, SHAHADAT. Status of Adolescent Girls of Bangladesh, 1995. Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, Bureau of Statistics, 1996. 35p. The estimated adolescent population of Bangladesh constituted 22.6 per cent of a total population of 27 million in 1995. Of these, girls make up 13 million and boys 14 million. Although there has been a signicant improvement in the status of girls, they are lacking in information regarding violence, crime, and health services. 1289. ISLAM, MAHMUDA. The Girl Child in Bangladesh: A Situation Analysis Report. Dacca: UNICEF, 1990. 58p. This report examines girls’ lives from a variety of perspectives and shows that girls continue to remain victims of social traditions and cultural myths that devalue and degrade females in general. Despite several development programmes, women and girls continue to be inferior and remain subject to discrimination. The workload for a girlchild remains heavy. A girl’s mobility remains restricted and hence this hinders her access to education. Physical violence, sexual exploitation and molestation are on the rise. 1290. KAUSAR, REEMA. “Access and Adolescence: Challenges in Education for Females.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 6, nos. 1 & 2 (1999): 47–59. This paper addresses culturally inuenced barriers in female access to education, which is evident in the transition from childhood and primary schooling to adolescence and secondary schooling. The barriers faced by females, particularly adolescent girls, are rooted in economic, cultural and socially dened gender ideologies. 1291. KAUSHIK, SUSHILA. Family and Rights of Girls. New Delhi: HarAnand. 1993. 285p. This book examines the root causes of neglect of girls in all aspects of their development. The author suggests a long-term and immediate plan of action for improving the situation of girls in India. 1292. KHAIRÁ, RASHIDUL. Laskio¸ par Øulm [Oppression of Girls]. In his MusalmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq, Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1938. 16–17. (1st published in {Ismat in 1918). [U]

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The author argues that although fathers are accused of son preference in most middle-class families, mothers often make their daughters do more work and neglect their education. While mothers are busy in their household chores, little girls ‘mother’ their younger siblings. ——. Bulbul-i bimÊr: yÊxnÒ Laskio¸ kÒ tÊxlÒm, tarbiyat aur pardey par Æazrat {AllamÊh Raªidul ‡ÊirÒ ke beª bahÊ ¶yalÊt [ The Sick Nightingale: Allamah Rashidul Khairi’s Precious Views on Girls’ Education, Training and Pardah]. Dehli: Ismat buk Agensy, 1945. 66p. [U] The author was a passionate supporter of better education and training for little girls. In this tract, he pleads with parents and guardians saying that girls have a right to learn and receive education. MALIK, IJAZ ILAHI. “Our Marriage Problems.” Pakistan Review 17, no. 10 (1969): 21–26. This paper analyzes socio-cultural aspects of arranged marriages and their impact on girls in Pakistan. Girls should not be humiliated, as is the usual practice when they are ‘examined’ for a marriage. The paper also looks at abduction of girls for prostitution on the promise of marriage. MANKEKAR, PURNIMA . “To Whom Does Ameena Belong?’ Towards a Feminist Analysis of Childhood and Nationhood in Contemporary India.” Feminist Review, no. 56 (1997): 26–60. This paper discusses the controversy emerging from the custody battle for a young Indian Muslim girl, Ameena, who was ‘rescued’ from a marriage with an elderly Arab. The incident resulted in great controversy and media attention on the issue of community identity. The writer here considers the implications of this case for feminist praxis and epistemology. McCANDLESS, BOYD R. and FAHMIDA ALI. “Relations among Physical Skills and Personal Social Variables in Three Cultures of Adolescent Girls.” Journal of Educational Psychology 57, no. 6 (1966): 366–72. This is a study of physical skills evaluated differently by girls in coeducational and sex-segregated schools. It compares data from an American co-educational school, an American Catholic private girls’ school and a Pakistani girls’ school. NIAZ, UNAIZA and VAHESHTA SETHNA. “Psychological Stress in the Adolescent Girl.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 6, nos. 1 & 2 (1999): 61–76. This paper reports ndings of a pilot study conducted in Karachi on psychological stress in a group of adolescent school girls from a

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middle-class background. Although the sample was small and restricted to one socio-economic class, most of the stress factors were similar to those found in girls following a western culture. Certain responses were culture-bound and restricted to eastern values, societal norms and expectations. 1298. OMER, SALMA and SHAHIDA ABDULLAH. “Girls in Adolescence: Perspectives and Prognosis, A Case Study.” In Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 6, nos. & 2 (1999): 113–19. This paper reports work conducted by an NGO run by the authors in Karachi’s rural areas. Girls are not given priority in rural families. Those who have acquired some education have no access to jobs or to income-generating opportunities. This NGO successfully attempted to encourage young girls to play leadership roles. 1299. QAZI, YASMEEN SABEEH. ‘Adolescent Reproductive Health in Pakistan,’ in Sarah Bott et al. (ed.) Towards Adulthood: Exploring the Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents in South Asia. Geneva: WHO, Department of Reproductive Health and Research, 2003. pp. 78–80. This paper presents research ndings of a pilot survey using face-toface interviews of 310 unmarried young persons aged 13 to 21 years. Respondents included 177 girls. In Pakistan, boys gain autonomy and power (including power over sexual and reproductive lives of girls), while girls are systematically deprived of freedom and independent action. Findings suggest that both male and female adolescents in Pakistan often lack knowledge about sexuality, reproduction, and emotional changes in their lives. The paper recommends counselling to parents and other responsible persons to prepare them for effective communication with young persons. 1300. RAFIQ , NASREEN. “Female Child Mortality in Bangladesh: the discrimination against women at the root.” Oriental Geographer 35, No. 1 (1991): 21–31. This article examines the mortality pattern of female children aged 1–4 years in Bangladesh and investigates the inuence of socio-economic and environmental differentials. 1301. RAGSDALE, SHANNON S. and VENESSA D. CAMPBELL. “Protection of the Female Child: The Mothers of our Future—Case Studies of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.” Tulsa Journal of Comparative & International Law 7, no. 1 (1999): 177–98. This paper examines factors that are responsible for the inferior status of females in the countries identied in its title. Among the most

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signicant of these are poverty, cultural prejudices, neglect of the girl child and lack of proper education. Women and girls continue to live in a life of subordination and exploitation. RANJHA, SHAHID MAQSOOD and ANUSHEH HUSSAIN. ‘Sexual Health Services for Adolescents at Sex Clinics in Rawalpindi in Pakistan’, in Sarah Bott et al. (ed.) Towards Adulthood: Exploring the Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents in South Asia. Geneva: WHO, Department of Reproductive Health and Research, 2003. pp. 148–50. This paper reports on a study conducted by an NGO to nd out about the knowledge and attitudes of local medical male practitioners (hakims) and their clients towards sexual health. Findings suggest that both hakims and their clients reported misconceptions about sexual and reproductive health. ‘Many of the hakims used sexually harrassing language and touch.’ RASHID, SABINA FAIZ. ‘Communicating with Rural Adolescents about Sex Education: Experiences from BRAC.’ In Sarah Bott et al. (ed.) Towards Adulthood: Exploring the Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents in South Asia. Geneva: WHO, Department of Reproductive Health and Research, 2003. pp. 168–73. This paper reports that despite conservative values condemning sexual activity outside of marriage, half of all young men in rural Bangladesh have had premarital sex. The Adolescent Reproductive Health Education programme set up in 1995 provides education to males as well as to females. More girls are now benetting from this education, which includes information about menstruation, personal hygiene, and reproductive activity. ——. “Providing Sex Education to Adolescents in Rural Bangladesh: Experiences from BRAC.” Gender & Development 8, no. 2 (2000): 28–37. This paper examines the contribution of the Adolescent Reproductive Health Education (ARHE) programme set up in 1995 by BRAC for rural youths. The ARHE has succeeded in establishing a dialogue among parents, teachers and the youths on issues that previously were considered to be ‘shameful topics’. —— and STEPHANIE MICHAUD. “Female Adolescents and Their Sexuality: Notions of Honour, Shame, Purity and Pollution.” Disasters 24, Issue 1 (2000): 54–70. This paper explores the experiences of adolescent girls during the 1998 oods in Bangladesh, focusing on the implications of sociocultural norms related to notions of honour, shame, and pollution.

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The importance society places on virginity restricts young unmarried girls’ mobility. While in ood shelters, these girls, surrounded by male strangers and with very few places which afforded privacy, experienced great mental and physical anguish. In an emergency, their attitude towards purity and pollution related to menstruation, further added to their miseries. REHMAN, SHAKILA A. “Management of Menstruation by Adolescent Girls in the Slums of Karachi.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alame-Niswan 6, nos. 1 & 2 (1999): 83–93. Unmarried menstruating girls in Pakistani slums have very little information about menstruation. The paper presents research ndings of a pilot study conducted in 1998 to establish a dialogue with adolescent girls about their body and its functions. As talking about the ‘body’, particularly a girl’s body, is taboo theme in most Pakistani families, it was a challenging task to establish any meaningful conversation with girls. Gradually an understanding was developed between researchers and respondents. SAMIUDDIN, ABIDA. ‘The Child Bride—Ameena,’ in Asghar Ali (ed.) Problems of Muslim Women in India, Bombay: Orient Longman, 1995. pp. 131–39. In August 1991 news about a child bride, Ameena, generated great controversy in India. On the one hand it was considered disrespectful to Islam in general, it also called for reform of Muslim Personal Law and the introduction of a Uniform Civil Code in India. This article gives details of the case along with provisions given in the Sharia. SEN, ANIMA and SALMA SETH. “Gender Identity of the Girl-Child in South Asia.” Canadian Woman Studies 15, nos. 2–3 (1995): 58–63. This paper reports that empirical evidence conducted about girls in South Asia suggests that the girl-child in the SAARC countries continues to suffer from deprivation. SHAH, NASREEN ASLAM. “Home-Based Working Girls.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 6, nos. 1 & 2 (1999): 95–102. This paper, drawing upon an earlier study conducted in Karachi, explores the income- earning activities of pardah-observing adolescent girls who attempt to help their families by this means. SHERWANI, AZIM. The Girl Child in Crisis. New Delhi: Indian Institute of Social Sciences, 1998. 134p. This book highlights the fact that though girls face a grim situation, legislation fails to offer them protection. The last chapter presents

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twenty-nine recommendations for improving the life and status of the girl-child in India. 1311. SIDDIQUI, NOORJAHAN. ‘Social Proles of Muslim Adolescent Girls in the Orphanages of Delhi,’ in Haseena Hashia (ed.) Muslim Women in India since Independence: Feminine Perspectives. New Delhi: Institute of Objective Studies, 1998. pp. 170–78. This paper draws upon a recent study conducted in an orphanage in the city of Delhi where young Muslim girls were housed. Case studies included in this paper show that these girls were not, technically speaking, orphans. Poverty, the widowed status of their mothers, and a discriminatory attitude towards the girls brought them into this orphanage. 1312. STEWART, SUNITA MAHTANI. et al. “Gender, Parenting, and Adolescent Functioning in Bangladesh.” Merrill-Palmer Quarterly 46, no. 3 (2000): 540–63. This study examines the association between perceived parenting styles and practices and academic achievements in Bangladesh. Parental supervision is associated with a warm parenting style for girls, and l dominating control for boys. Findings show that girls are ‘closely supervised from early adolescence until they marry, and they are expected not to form relationships with non-family members of the opposite sex.’ 1313. ÂUFÁ, MRS. “¹j kal kÒ laskiya¸.” [Girls of Today]. Sabras 2, no. 12, December (1939): 46–48. [U], MHL In this paper, earlier relayed from the Hyderabad (Deccan) radio station, the author discussed a growing western impact on modern educated young girls. She appealed to the educated, talented women of India who had the power to mould society to take up this task. (a) Menstruation 2. ‘They ask thee Concerning women’s courses, Say: They are A hurt and pollution: So keep away from women In their courses, and do not Approach them until They are clean. . . .’ (2:222, The Holy Qurxan)

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1314. AHMED, SHAHNAZ, et al. Investigation into the Sanitary Protection Needs of Poor Women in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Intermediate Technology, Bangladesh, 1992. This study examines the sanitary protection used by 80 poor women in urban, peri-urban and rural areas of Dhaka. Only a few girls used sanitary napkins and most girls used rags. This practice caused reproductive tract infections. Education regarding protection is recommended. 1315. BARLAS, ASMA. ‘The QurxÊn, Sex/Gender, and Sexuality. Sameness, Difference, Equality’ in her “Believing Women” in Islam. Unreading Patriarchal Interpretation of the Quxran. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2003. pp. 129–66. In this chapter, the author refers to the QurxÊnic verse 2:222 and argues that this reference to menstruation does not mean that women themselves are unclean. She further says that ‘in the QurxÊn the menstrual taboo only extends to intercourse; it does not extend to sexual intimacy, nor does it call for social ostracization or connement.’ 1316. BOUSQUET, G. H. ‘ÆayÓ’, in The Encyclopaedia of Islam (New Edition) edited by B. Lewis et al. Vol. 3, 1971. Leiden: E. J. Brill. 315. The laws concerning HayÓ or menstruation are less severe in Islam than in Judaism and stricter than in Christianity. Contact with a menstruating woman does not result in impurity. The QurxÊn forbids marital sexual relations during menstruation; however, there is no penalty. According to Islamic law, menstruation causes major impurity. To re-establish the state of purity, complete washing of the body with water is required. In the state of impurity, women should not recite the QurxÊn or enter the mosque. 1317. FAROOQI, YASMIN. “Relationship between Pre-Menstrual Syndrome and Life Stresses.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 6, nos. 1 & 2 (1999): 77–81. This paper reports ndings of research conducted to investigate the relationship between pre-menstrual syndrome and stress. The sample consisted of 120 unmarried Master’s level students living on campus in Lahore. Pakistani unmarried females are too shy to talk about their experiences related to menstruation, as there are many misconceptions and taboo associated with menstruation. Findings were consistent with empirical data and research ndings drawn from western societies. 1318. NAJI, GHULAMALI ISMAIL. Guidance for Women. (Translated from UrdÖ and Gujarati), Karachi: Peer Muhammad Ebrahim Trust, 1973. 260p.

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The author wrote a series of ‘guide books’ in Gujerati language for the benet of IsmÊ{ÒlÒ khoja women. This book has appendixes on menstruation and leucorrhoea. 1319. SHARIF, JA{FAR. ‘The Coming of Age of a Girl and a Boy,’ in his Islam in India or The QÊnÖn-i-IslÊm, The Customs of the Musalmans of India Comprising a full and Exact Account of their Various Rites and Ceremonies from the Moment of Birth to the Hour of Death. London: OUP, 1921 (1st published in 1832). 53–55. The author introduces several terms used by the Muslims in India for the onset of menstruation. ‘When a girl menstruates for the rst time she is said to be ‘grown up’ (bÊli honÊ), ‘to have her head dirty for the rst time’ ( pahle sir mailÊ honÊ), owing to the prohibition against bathing during this period, or ‘to mix with those who are grown up (baso¸ me¸ milnÊ).’ These terms show how female sexuality was kept invisible. These terms are still used in certain communities today. The author further writes that, ‘the age of puberty is from ten to fourteen years though, generally about twelve years, and menstruation continues until the fortieth, or in some cases the forty-fth year. Baloch mothers press their daughters’ breasts and rub them with ash and salt to prevent them from swelling. In the Deccan, women celebrate in secrecy, a girl’s rst menstruation by garlanding her with owers and anointing her with fragrant oil. Menstruation is considered body polluting.’ 1320. SIBGHAT ULL¹H, MUÆAMMAD, alias QAÃI BADR al-DAULAH. RiÊÓ un-Niswʸ [Garden for Women], Dated 1224 AH/1809 C.E., 9 u 15, 101p. Cited in A Descriptive Catalogue of State Central Library, Kutub ‡ÊnhÊ-yi ¹ÉafiyÊh, compiled by NaÉÒruddin Haªï imÒ, 1961, Hyderabad, Deccan. [U] This manuscript is a manual on religious duties and obligations and explains Islamic rules about purity and cleanliness, menstruation and post-partum bleeding. The book was later printed and ran into several editions. 1321. SNOWDEN, ROBERT and BARBARA CHRISTIAN. Patterns and Perceptions of Menstruation. London: Croom Helm, 1983. 339p. This cross-cultural social science investigative study was undertaken by WHO to determine the degree of awareness of women of their menstrual pattern. Egypt, India, Indonesia, Jamaica, Mexico, Philippines, Republic of Korea, UK, Yugoslavia, and Pakistan were included in this study.

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(b) Clitorodectomy: Female Circumcision 1322. GHADIALLY, REHANA. “All for Izzat. The Practice of Female Circumcision among Bohra Muslims in India.” Women Living Under Muslim Law, Dossier no. 16 (1991): 13–17. [Earlier published in Manushi, A Journal about Women and Society, no. 66 (1991): 17–20. This article records personal experiences of Bohra women, including the author, of undergoing circumcision. The author states that justication for circumcision is mainly to curb female sexuality and that she must safeguard the izzat (honour) of the family. The origin of this practice is traced to Africa where the Ismailis movement started from and came to Gujrat in India. 1323. SHARIF, JA{FAR. ‘The Coming of Age of a Girl and a Boy,’ in his Islam in India or The QÊnÖn-i-IslÊm, The Customs of the Musalmans of India Comprising a full and Exact Account of their Various Rites and Ceremonies from the Moment of Birth to the Hour of Death. London: OUP, 1921 (1st published in 1832). Very little is known about the frequency of female circumcision in South Asia, and it is held that this is not a South Asian practice; however, Ja{far Sharif refers to its presence at two places in his book. First, while describing traditional and mythical beliefs for removing evil spirits so that a pregnancy can occur he mentions that the BrÊhÖÒ people (an ethnic/linguistic group in BalÖchistÊn, now in Pakistan) ‘circumcise the woman’ (p. 18). On page 50, the author gives more information that is precise: ‘Female circumcision, or clitorodectomy, prevails among some tribes in the Punjab and in the North-West Frontier and is probably more widespread, but it is difcult to procure evidence. Some Musalman Jats remove the tip of the clitoris, not with the idea of promoting chastity, but as a religious act. The BrÊhÖÒ circumcise a woman to remove the curse of barrenness, and the custom prevails in BahÊwalpur State and among the MarÒ of BalÖchistÊn. The authenticity of the tradition allowing it has been disputed. The custom seems to have spread eastwards from Egypt and the Sudan.’

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B. Marriage and Family Life I. Child Marriages 1324. {ALÁ, MUNSHÁ ÆASAN. ·adÒ ¶ÊnÊ ÊbÊdÒ [Marriage for Prosperity], Arrah, 1873. 28p. [U], OIOC. This small tract examines the evils of child marriage and other customs related to early marriages. Although Islam discourages child-marriages, some Muslim communities in India followed this tradition. The tract was written in support of the socio-reform movement that emerged in the second half of the nineteenth century in North India. 1325. DEUTSCH, KARIN A. ‘Marriage in Islam by Begum Habibullah (1883–1975).’ Indian Journal of Gender Studies 4, no. 2 (1997): 269–273. This paper reprints a speech delivered by Begum Habibullah in support of the Sarda Act (to reform marriage laws among the Hindus) in December 1929 at the annual meeting of the Oudh Women’s Social and Educational Conference, held at Lucknow. The author says that this speech is a ‘key example of the fact that during this period of time, Muslim women were primarily concerned with issues related to the welfare of women and girls rather than with incursions into their personal law.’ Begum Habibullah argued that the Bill was not against the spirit of Islamic law. 1326. MEMORANDUM ON THE PROBLEMS OF CHILD MARRIAGE AND MATERNAL MORTALITY IN INDIA. [Evidence of Orthodox Muslim Witnesses, 1929–30], MSS. EUR. F.77/86 OIOC. In his evidence, Qazi Zahirul Huq of Dacca said that girls were married at all ages, even at 2 and 3, among the lower class of Muslims in Bengal. Khan Bahadur Maulvi Enamul Huq, MLC, opposed any legislation against child-marriage as this would be considered an interference with local traditions. 1327. NAZÁR AÆMAD, MAULAWÁ. “Kam {UmrÒ kÒ ªÊdÒ ” [Marriage in Young Age]. {AÉr-i JadÒd I, no. 10, October (1903): 350–53. [U], MHL. The writer who wrote several ctional tales to promote female education strongly condemns early marriages in this tract. In support of his argument, he says that as the Prophet of Islam does not recommend early marriage, Muslims should stop practising this tradition. Besides being non-Islamic, early marriages ruin peoples’ lives. While emphasising the negative side of early marriages, the author, however, makes a conservative remark: ‘woman (wife) is created to entertain and lessen the burden of a man.’

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1328. SHERW¹NÁ, TAÂADDUQ AÆMAD KH¹N. Âiar sinÒ kÒ ªadÒ aur musalman [marriage of minors and the Muslims] Allahabad: ma¢bÊ{ ˜aidarÒ. n.d. 24p. [U], APL. The author, a Muslim member of the Legislative Assembly, UP, India, strongly argues in favour of the Sarda Bill. Quoting several verses of the Qurxan and instances from the life of Prophet Muhammad, he concludes that a child marriage is totally against Islam. 1329. {UMAR, BEGAM AÆMAD. {Bappan kÒ ªadiyʸ [Childhood Marriages]. Ismat (1930): 46–48. [U], MHL This author discusses the harm that early marriages can cause to young couples and particularly the damage it can do to p girls. Referring to the Sarda Bill, which was passed in October 1929, she observes that this Bill prohibits early marriages for Hindus alone. As early marriages were solemnised by lower class Muslims as well, there is a need to introduce required changes among the Muslims too. [It is interesting to note that a majority of Muslim leaders at this time opposed the Sarda Act.] II. Age at Marriage 1330. AFZAL, MUHAMMAD, et al. “Age at Marriage, Fertility and Infant Child Mortality in a Lahore Suburb.” Pakistan Development Review 15, no. 1 (1976): 90–109. The study throws light on some of the major determinants of fertility and family size. It is based on data from 700 ever-married females collected through a retrospective sample survey carried out in a suburb of Lahore City in 1973. 1331. AHMED, FEROZ. “Age at Marriage in Pakistan.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 31, no. 4 (1969): 799–807. This article provides statistics about age at marriage and analyzes inter-regional and rural/urban differences regarding this. Charts are included. 1332. ALAM, IQBAL. “Age at Marriage in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 8, no. 3 (1968): 489–98. This paper reviews the mean age at marriage, by sex, for East and West Pakistan with reference to the cities of Dhaka, Karachi and Lahore during the period, 1962–65. 1333. CHOWDHURY, FAKHRUL I. and FRANK TROVATO. “The Role and Status of Women and the Timing of Marriage in Five Asian

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1335.

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countries. (Bangladesh, Pakistan, Nepal. Sri Lanka, Malaysia).” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 25 (1994): 143–57. This study examines the relationship between women’s roles and their societal status and their marriage timing. Findings indicate that education and occupation have a positive effect on marriage age. DANDEKAR, KUMUDINI. “Age at Marriage of Women.” Economic and Political Weekly 9, no. 22, June (1974): 867–74. This article reviews changing marriage-age patterns in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka and analyzes reasons for failing to raise the actual age at marriage for women. KARIM, MEHTAB S. ‘Differentials in Age at First Marriage,’ in Iqbal Alam and Betzy Dineson Voorburg (ed.) Fertility in Pakistan, Netherlands, 1984. 51–62. Findings of this research suggest a general trend towards later marriages and show that urban living, primary education and work before marriage cause delays in marriage age. Socio-economic changes might lead to a further increase in female age at marriage, and may serve as an important factor in reducing fertility in the future. MUNCK, VICTOR DE. “The Economics of Love: An examination of Sri Lanka Muslim Marriage Practices in South Asia.” Journal of South Asian Studies 11, no. 1, June (1988): 25–38. Unexamined. SADIQ , NASIM MAHMOOD. The Economic Effects of Postponement of Marriage for Pakistan. Ph.D. dissertation, American University, 1964. 204p. [University Microlms, 64–6769.] With a focus on women, this dissertation examines the expected rise in marriage age as well as its demographic and economic consequences. SATHAR, ZEBA A. and FRAMURZ K. KIANI. “Delayed Marriages in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 25, no. 4 (1986): 535–50. This paper explores the impact of factors, i.e. education, employment, urbanization and migration, on never-married males and females in various age groups in Pakistan, based primarily on the PLM Survey of 1979 and Pakistan’s population censuses of 1961, 1972 and 1981. The study suggests that women’s education and employment enhances their status, helps to increase the age at marriage and encourages birth control. WILLE, G. A. “Marriage and Majority of Mohamedan Women.” Ceylon Law Review 7, Oct. (1910): 223–8. Unexamined.

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III. Nikʘ: Marriage in Islam 21. And among His Signs Is this, that He created For you mates from among Yourselves, that ye may Dwell in tranquillity with them, And He has put love And mercy between your (hearts): Verily in that are Signs For those who reect. (S.30:21, The Holy QurxÊn)

1340. ABDUL KHALIQ. “Marriage in Islam.” Pakistan Philosophy Journal 4 (1963): 51–64. This article stresses the fact that Islam has laid great importance on love and understanding between husband and wife. Man, as the maintainer and provider of women’s needs, has a more active and responsible role to play. 1341. FYZEE, ASAF A. A. ‘Marriage,’ in his Outlines of Muhammadan Law, Delhi: Oxford University Press, (First published in 1949), 1974. 88–131. The author rst explains that although juristically marriage (nikʘ) in Islam is a contract and not a sacrament, there is more in the QurxÊn that says that marriage partakes of the nature of both {ibÊda (worship) and mu{Êmla (worldly affairs). Secondly, he describes the form and nature of marriage and explains the difference between valid, void, and irregular marriages. 1342. ANSARI, GHAUS. ‘Nikʘ: In Muslim India after 1930’, in C. E. Bosworth et al., (ed.) The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Leiden: Brill, Vol. V111, 32p. Marriage in Islam is a contract between husband and wife and in Indian Islam is termed as {a—d-e-nikʘ (marriage contract). This entry describes social customs as well as the performance of the marriage ceremony by a religious scholar. 1343. NAD¹WI, SHAƹB UDDÁN. ‘Nikʘ ke liye mard aur {aurat kÊ inti¶Êb’ (selection of man and woman for marriage). al-Æuqq 27, no. 10 (1992): 523–528. This article begins by referring to ve benets or purposes of marriage in Islam as identied by ImÊm al-GhazÊlÒ (d. 505 A.H./1111 A.D.) in his IhyÊ ulÖm al-dÒn [The revivication of the sciences of the religion]. The real purpose of marriage he stats is to get offspring, protect oneself from Satan and to end lust, to bring respite to oneself, acquire skills

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at house management and to earn for the family. Next, the author discusses the importance of marriage in the light of the teachings of the Prophet. Here the major consideration is the moral and ethical character of the man and the woman, and not their wealth and social status. IV. Selection of Spouses 1344. KHAIRÁ, RASHIDUL. LaskÒ kÒ raÓÊ mandi-yi nika˜ [Girl’s Consent for Marriage], in his A˜kÊm-i-Niswʸ: aurato¸ ke Muta{alliq QurxÊn MajÒd ke A˜kÊm max TafsÒr [Injunctions for Women, Decrees of the Glorious Qur{Ên along with Commentary regarding Women]. Complied by RÊziq ul-‡airÒ, Karachi: Ismat Academy, 1971. 124–25. (This article was earlier published in February 1935 in BanÊt, a journal for girls edited and published by ‡airÒ form Delhi (First edn. Delhi: Ismat buk Dipo, 1937). [U] This paper argues that Islam allows men and women to see each other before entering into a marriage contract. It is evident that no Islamic marriage can occur without a woman’s approval. He concludes by saying that the practice of arranging marriages without the consent of the woman and man has nothing to do with Islam, and Muslim themselves are responsible for this objectionable act. 1345. KORSON, J. HENRY. “Student Attitudes toward Mate Selection in a Muslim Society: Pakistan.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 31, no. 1, February (1969): 153–65. This study, based on samples taken from graduate students of the universities of Karachi and the Punjab, show how students, as potential initiators of social change, respond to traditional norms of a spousal selection in their society. A signicant number of students support the traditional system of selecting a spouse, while the rest seem to be ready to challenge traditional norms. 1346. ZERRUQE, AL-ALIM A. R. M. “The Validity of Muslim Marriage.” The Muslim Digest 23, no. 5, December (1972): 13–15. In this paper, marriage rules (arkÊn) are listed. Also included is a list with whom marriage is Muslim is prohibited. V. Role of walÒ (Guardian) in a Marriage Contract 1347. ALI, SHAHEEN SARADAR. “Is An Adult Muslim Woman Sui Juris? Some Reections on the Concept of “Consent in Marriage” without

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a Wali (with Particular Reference to the Saima Waheed Case).” Year Book of Islamic and Middle Eastern Law, Kluwer Law International 3 (1997) 156–74. This paper examines three important aspects of marriage in Islam: whether parents have a right to be obeyed and whether this right of obedience is judicially enforceable; whether marriage in Islam is a civil contract or not; and whether permission of the wali (male guardian) is or is not one of the main conditions of a valid nikah. It also discusses legal denitions of adulthood in Islam. The author concludes by observing that in Pakistan, as proved by the Saima Waheed case, ‘the concept of a male guardian being required to be present at the contracting of marriage is a result of the socially constructed gender roles’ and therefore the law simply stating that ‘an adult Muslim woman is sui juris, has to be interpreted differently.’ 1348. BELLEFONDS, Y. LINANT DE. KafÊxa in The Encyclopaedia of Islam (New edition), Edited by Donzel et al. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979, Vol. 1V, p. 404. The concept of Kafaxa has roots in the pre-Islamic social system where it was ‘obligatory that the married couple be well matched on a racial and tribal level, as well as in social status.’ Schools of Islamic jurisprudence interpret this pre-Islamic custom in different ways. 1349. CARROLL, LUCY. “Marriage-Guardianship and Minor’s Marriage in Islamic Law.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 7 (1988): 279–300. This paper examines various interpretations given by the schools of Islamic shariah ‘on the question of the capacity of a girl, chronologically a major, to consent to her own marriage.’ This difference, according to Carroll is ‘a fact which underscores the absence of a denitive QurxÊnic mandate.’ She further points that the lawmakers have ‘failed to appreciate the richness of the Islamic legal tradition—a richness that can prove extremely helpful in applying to present-day contexts, which are far from the desert communities of 7th century Arabia.’ The paper discusses major case studies from Muslim countries, including those from South Asia, regarding marriage law and the approximate age at rst marriage. 1350. SIDDIQUI, MONA. ‘Law and the Desire for Social Control: An Insight into the Hana Concept of Kafaxa with Reference to the Fatawa Alamgiri (1664–1672)’, in Mai Yamani (ed.) Feminism and Islam, Legal and Literary Perspectives, New York: New York: University Press. 1996, 49–68. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Conference (1994) of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies, 12–14 July

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1994. See its Proceedings: Culture: Unity and Diversity: Proceedings of the Annual Conference, 510–23. Kafaxa with a root meaning of equality, suitability, and capability in Islamic legal terminology means that a Muslim husband must be equal to or superior to his wife. This often leads to patriarchal control of the woman in the selection of a spouse. This study based on an analysis of Islamic jurisprudence concludes that ‘it is not that women oppose a desired social order as implied through the Kafaxa; the problem is that too often safeguarding male authority is achieved only at the expense of a woman’s emotional needs as well as her legal rights.’ This paper examines the concept of Kafaxa marriages as given in the Fatawa of Alamgiri.

C. Wife-husband Relationship 187. . . . . They are your garments And ye are their garments. (S. 2:187, The Holy Qurxan)

1351. CARLAW, R. W. et al. “Underlying Sources of Agreement and Communication between Husbands and Wives in Dacca, East Pakistan.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 33, no. 3 (1971): 571–83. This study is a secondary analysis of data collected in Dacca from a low-income area. Results indicate that factors other than age, duration of marriage, and education are signicant in inter-spouse communication, and that more socio-psychological study is needed in this area. 1352. MAUDUDI, SYED ABUL ALA. ÆuqÖq-al Zaujayn: Jis me¸ IslÊmi QÊnÖnizdwÊj ke MaqÊsid, Nikʘ wo ”alÊq ke MasÊxil par Bahaº ki gaxÒ hai [Rights of Spouses: With Discussion on the Aims of Islamic Laws of Matrimony and Issues of Marriage and Divorce.]. Lahore: Daftar Tarjuman al-QurxÊn, 1954. 192p. [U] This work examines and interprets Islamic laws within the perspective of the growth of Islamic jurisprudence. The author has a restrictive view on women’s status in Islam. 1353. RUKNUDDÁN, MUFTÁ MUÆAMMAD. FatÊwÊ-yi NizÊmiyÊh. Hyderabad: Majlis ishÊxat al- ulÖm jamiyÊh nizÊimyÊh, 1998. (2nd edn.) 573p. [U] Mufti Rukunuddin, Head Mufti of Darul Ifta, Jamia Nizamia, Hyderabad Deccan, drew upon earlier decrees to respond to this query, is

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it obligatory on a husband to provide meals and clothes to his wife, particularly when the wife has left his house to live with her own parents? He gave the following ruling ( fatwÊ): ‘It is obligatory for a husband to maintain for his wife a house separate from that of his and her parents. If a separate house is not maintained and because of this, the wife goes to her parents, she then according to the ªara{ is not a disobedient one [nafarmÊn]; she has followed the right path [˜aqq]. Therefore, the husband is bound [lÊzim] to provide meals at that place. He further adds that the husband must also visit her to spend nights with her. Explaining further, he says ‘it is obligatory for a husband to have intercourse (sexual) [muqÊrabat] with his wife after every four days. If needed this (time duration) can either be reduced or increased.’ 1354. SULTAN, JAHAN BEGAM, NAWAB. Muslim Home: A Present to the Married Couple: part I. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co. 1916. 74p. This work describes the relative positions of men and woman according to the basic belief of Islam and also discusses polygamy, divorce and nuptial rights. The author maintains that women have been given rights in Islam. I. Male-female Attitude Towards Family Life 1355. KHAN, ÆAMÁD AÆMAD. “UmrÊo Begam.” Aligash MagzÒn, Êlib Nambar 24, no. 2 (1948–49): 78–86. [U] The author narrates the life story of UmrÊo Begam, who at the age of eleven was married to thirteen-year old Mirza Asad Ullah Beg (later known as Mirza Ghalib, the best-known UrdÖ-Persian poet of the subcontinent). Umrao died childless at the age of seventy-one in 1870, a year after her husband’s death. The couple’s life mirrors the life of a 19th Century Muslim elite family of North India. 1356. KHAN, M. E. et al. Behind Closed Doors: “A Qualitative Study of Sexual Behaviour of Married Women in Bangladesh.” Culture, Health & Sexuality 4, no. 2 (2002): 237–56. Based on an interview of 54 urban and rural Bangladeshi women, this paper analyzes the sexual behaviour of married women. The study shows that at the time of marriage girls have very limited knowledge about sex and married life; however, many women nd ways of communicating about sex and sexuality with their husbands, and most enjoy their sexual lives. Many women endured painful experiences at their rst intercourse, with the degree of trauma dependent on the woman’s age

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at marriage. The study also identies forced sex as a relatively common phenomenon within married life. 1357. SHAH, KHALIDA. “Attitudes of Pakistani Students toward Family Life.” Marriage and Family Life 22, no. 2 (1960): 156–61. Shah examines differences in attitude of male and female college students in Lahore towards family life. Women were found to be more traditional and wanted more education. Male students considered themselves to be more intelligent. 1358. UMM-I FARUR, SAYYEDAH. Islam aur{¹xilÒ ‚aqÊfat. [Family Culture and Islam]. Lahore: al-Faisal, 1988. 192p. [U] This volume contains several papers highlighting the role of the family and its importance vis-à-vis the community life of the Muslims. While these articles lay emphasis on the teachings of Islam regarding family life, they also bring out themes of women’s rights and duties. II. Manuals for Household Management 1359. SUL”¹N, JAH¹N BEGAM, NAWW¹B. HidÊyat al-Zaujain, ‡ÊnÊdÊrÒ kÊ pahlÊ ˜iÉÉÊh (Guidance for the Spouses: Part One of House keeping) Bhopal: Ma¢bÊ{-yi Sul¢ÊnÒ, 1915. 81p. [U], OIOC. A woman of royal lineage and a sovereign ruler of a state, Sultan Jahan Begam, in this small tract written in lucid and easy to understand language, addresses ordinary Muslim women, instructing them on the theme of housekeeping. 1360. ——. ÆifØ-i Éehat, ¶ÊnÊdÊrÒ kÊ dÖsrÊ ˜iÉÉÊh [Healthcare: Part Two of Housekeeping], Ma¢ba-yi sul¢ÊnÒ, 1916, 139 p. [U], OIOC. This is a manual and guidebook for personal hygiene and rst aid. Household prescriptions for common ailments are also included. 1361. ——. MÊxaªiyÊt, ‡ÊnÊdÊrÒ kÊ tÒsrÊ ˜iÉÉÊh [Economy, Part Three of Housekeeping], Bhopal: Ma¢ba{- yi sul¢anÒ, 1916, 456p. [U], OIOC. The author, a remarkably benevolent ruler, was deeply interested in the improvement of the lives of women through social and economic readjustment of the family structure. She understood well that diminishing economic resources were a major contributing factor to the ills of the Muslim community. This work, a detailed guide on home economics, addresses Muslim women on how to manage their family’s resources carefully. The author emphasizes that good housekeeping is a skill that women need to develop and practice for the betterment of their children and community.

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1362. ZAFAR MAHDÁ, SAIYYID. Motiyo¸ kÊ hÊr [A String of Pearls]. Lucknow: Ma¢ba{-i-iºnÊ {asharÒ, 1905, 56 p. [U], OIOC. A small tract on housekeeping and ethics for Shii Muslim women. 1363. ZAK¹ ULLAH, MUÆAMMAD. TÊ{lÒm-al-intiØÊm. [Instructions on Management], Delhi, 1892. 112p. [U], OIOC. This treatise on domestic economy, housekeeping and household management emphasizes that education for women results in a better family life.

D. Marriage Patterns in South Asia 1364. AFZAL, MUHAMMAD and NAUSHIN IFTIKHAR. “Marriage Patterns in Pakistan Through Net Nuptiality Tables—1968 and 1971.” The Pakistan Development Review 16, no. 2 (1975): 207–32. This study establishes that the female General Marriage Rate is more than fty percent higher than the corresponding rate for males. This is primarily because the population of unmarried males of age 10 and over is nearly fty percent more than the population of unmarried females. 1365. ——. et al. “Marriage Patterns in a Rural Agglomeration.” Pakistan Development Review 12, no. 3 (1973): 273–82. This is a study of marriages registered under the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 of Pakistan in a group of villages in Sheikhupura District between 1964 and 1969. It examines age distribution and average age of males and females, relationship of dower and rst marriage, and other related topics. 1366. AHMAD, ZEYAUDDIN. ‘Marriage Patterns and family among the Muslims of Bihar,’ in George Kurian (ed.) The Family in India: A Regional View, The Hague: Mouton, 1974. pp. 317–33. This article examines marriage traditions and customs of Muslims in Bihar and reports these to be ‘a curious blend of Hindu traditions and Islamic laws.’ The author observes that Muslim women are also coming under the impact of westernization. 1367. ALAM, IQBAL and MEHTAB S. KARIM. ‘Marriage Patterns, Marital Dissolution, and Marriage,’ in Nasra M. Shah (ed.) Pakistani Women. Islamabad, 1986. pp. 86–106. This paper discusses the levels, trends, and differentials in nuptiality in Pakistani women based on the decennial censuses of Pakistan and the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey. Findings suggest that urban living and

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1369.

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school attendance above the primary level, and employment prior to marriage particularly for cash income, are important factors for delayed marriages. ANSARI, GHAUS. “Muslim Marriage in India.” Wiener Völkerkunliche Mitteilungen 3, no. 2 (1955): 191–206. Ansari examines rituals, customs and traditions of Muslim marriages in U. P., India, especially in the region of Awadh. DONNAN, H. Marriage among Muslims: Preference and Choice in Northern Pakistan. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1988. 231p. This is an anthropological study of the social life of people of the Murree Hills, where the Dhund woman’s status, roles and relationships with man changes as she grows. Men of the family control a woman’s sexuality in this society. IFTIKHAR, NAUSHIN and MUHAMMAD AFZAL. “Marriage Patterns in Pakistan through Net Nuptiality Tables, 1968 & 1971.” Pakistan Development Review 14, no. 2 (1975): 207–32. This study describes marriage patterns in Pakistan by constructing a new set of net nuptiality tables from the Population Growth Survey data for 1968 and 1971 and then estimating various other demographic measures relating to incidence of marriage in Pakistan. Tables are included. ISLAM, M. et al. “Marriage patterns and Some Issues Related to Adolescent Marriages in Bangladesh.” Asia-Pacic Population Journal 11 (1996): 27–42. This study examines factors associated with marriage patterns of adolescents and draws out important policy implications, ranging from designing the education system and its curricula, to measures creating more employment opportunities for young women. JACOBY, HANNAN G. and GHAZALA MANSURI. ‘Watta Satta: exchange and women’s welfare in rural Pakistan.’ Policy, Research Working Paper, no. 4126, The World Bank, 2005. 24p. This working paper examines the pervasive marriage customs of watta satta in rural Pakistan. Watta Satta is a bride exchange between families to settle disputes among males. LAMBAT, ISMAIL A. ‘Marriage among the Sunni Surati Vohras of South Gujarat,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family Kinship and Marriage Among Muslim in India, New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. 49–82. This is a eldwork-based study describing marriage patterns of the Muslim Vohras, known as Sunni Surati, in the villages of Bulsar and Surat Districts. Widow re-marriages are quite common.

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1374. QAMAR UDDIN. “Marriage Customs among Muslims of Western U.P. Villages.” Indian Journal of Social Work 33, no. 3 (1972): 205–16. This paper studies marriage customs and other cultural practices of Muslims in rural areas of Western Uttar Pradesh, India. These traditions and practices are inuenced more by local Hindu norms and less by Islamic beliefs. I. Arranged Marriages 1375. CARROLL, L. “Muslim Family Law in South Asia: The Right to Avoid an Arranged Marriage Contracted During Minority.” Journal of the Indian Law Institute 23 (1981): 149–80. This paper examines in detail the conferring of authority, by all schools of Muslim law, on the father or paternal grandfather when they function as marriage guardians of the minor. Legislative changes that have been introduced in the interpretation and application of this law are also examined here. 1376. NADAWÁ, SAIYYID SULAIM¹N. “Masxalah ˜uqÖq-i niswa¸” [The issue of Women’s Rights]. Ma{Êrif, January (1928): 5–19. [U], MHL. Nadawi, a renowned Muslim scholar, argues that in the light of statements by Muslim jurists based on the sayings of the Prophet, women are free to contract their marriages. The paper argues that a woman has a right to enter into a marriage contract, and if a marriage contract is made on behalf of a minor, she can end it when she reaches adulthood. 1377. NAHEED, AMTUL. “No, I Don’t: Arranged Marriages in Pakistan.” Women in Action 97, no. 2 (1997): 24–26. The practice of arranged marriages, in which the partners have no say in who they are about to marry, is prevalent throughout South Asia. These marriages contradict fundamental rights granted to women by the constitutions of their countries. In Pakistan, arranged marriages take a variety of forms and involve a range of abuses of women’s human rights. Arranged marriages are taking place in violation of the country’s law, which under Pakistan’s Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 requires free consent as an essential requisite of marriage.

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II. Consanguineous Marriages 1378. BASU, SALIL KUMAR and SHIBANI ROY. “Change in Frequency of Consanguineous Marriage among the Delhi Muslims after Partition.” Eastern Anthropologist, Vol. 25, (1972): 21–28. Based on selective data collected in 1969, the authors argue that Muslim families prefer marriages within the family. These cousin marriages strengthen social solidarity, which the Muslim community was in great need of, after the partition of India. 1379. HUSSAIN, R. “Community Perceptions of Reason for Preference for Consanguineous marriages in Pakistan.” Journal of Biosocial Science 31, no. 4 (1999): 449–61. This paper shows that in Pakistan, consanguineous marriages are preferred across all ethnic and religious groups to a varying degree, and that parents continue to be the prime decision-makers for marriages of both sons and daughters. Findings show that despite the reported socio-cultural advantages of consanguineous marriages, such unions are perceived to be exploitative as they perpetuate the existing power hierarchies within families. 1380. BITTLES A. H. and R. HUSSAIN. “An Analysis of Consanguineous Marriage in the Muslim Population of India at Regional and Stat Levels.” Annals of Human Biology 27, no. 2 (2000): 163–171. This study seeks to determine the prevalence and patterns of consanguineous marriages in the Muslim population during the last two generations. The study found no signicant changes in the prevalence of consanguineous marriages. 1381. HUSSAIN, R and A. H. BITTLES. “Consanguineous Marriage and Differentials in Age at Marriage, Contraceptive use and Fertility in Pakistan.” Journal of Biosocial Science 31, no. 1 (1999): 121–38. Marriages between close biological relatives continue to be the norm in Pakistan. This study compares the behaviour among women in consanguineous and non-consanguineous marriages. 1382. RIZVI, S. H. M. ‘Consanguineous Marriage—A Case Study of Asna Ashariya of Uttar Pradesh,’ in B. B. Goswami et al. (ed.) Marriage in India (Tribes, Muslims and Anglo-Indians), Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, Government of India, 1988. pp. 84–89. This paper presents a study based on data analysis of 280 Asna Ashariya genealogies collected from several areas of Uttar Pradesh in North India to examine the prevalence of consanguineous marriage patterns.

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The ndings show a high percentage (66.32%) of such marriages, with a high frequency of rst cousin marriages. A major reason for such marriages is economic. The father of the bride spends less on dowry and the bridegroom offers less for dower in these alliances. 1383. SHAH, GULZAR HUSSAIN. Social Background, Consanguineous Marriages, and their Effect on Offspring Mortality and reproductive Behavior of Women in Pakistan, 1990–1991. Ph.D. Dissertation, 1991. Utah State University. This research reports that 60 percent of marriages in Pakistan are contracted between blood relatives, and of these, 80 percent are between rst cousins. These marriages pose a signicantly higher risk of death at neonatal, infant, and childhood stages, in comparison to progeny of non-consanguineous unions. III. Endogamous Marriages 1384. AGARWAL, PARTAP C. ‘Kinship and Marriage among the Meos of Rajasthan,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family, Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. pp. 265–96. (1st published as ‘The Meos of Rajasthan and Haryana,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Caste and Social Stratication among the Muslims. Delhi: Manohar, 1973. pp. 21–44.) Meos, a community of local Indian Muslims living in western Uttar Pradesh, accepted Islam perhaps in the early 13th century. The Meos continue to have a dominant Hindu cultural inuence. Kinship remains a basis for marriage customs and matrimonial alliances. 1385. AHMAD, IMTIAZ. (ed.) Family, Kinship and Marriage among the Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. xxxiv + 367p. This is a collection of twelve research papers which discuss in detail issues faced by the Muslim community in India. These include Muslim Personal Law, women’s segregation and pardah, and the kinship system as practised by Muslims in India. 1386. D’SOUZA, VICTOR S. ‘Kinship Organization and Marriage Customs among the Moplahs on the southwest coast of India,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family, Kinship and Marriage Among Muslims in India, New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. pp. 141–68. [Reprint from Anthropos 54 (1959): 487–516.] The Moplahs, descendants of early Arab settlers on the southwest coast of India, follow a mixed kinship pattern, which includes Arab traditions and local matrilineal and patrilineal elements.

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1387. DAS, VEENA. “The Structure of Marriage Preferences: An Account from Pakistani Fiction.” Man 8, no. 1 (1973): 30–45. This paper describes from an anthropological perspective, preferred marriage patterns in the light of Urdu ction published between 1947 and 1969. It shows how marriages between cousins are arranged in Pakistan and what the structural consequences of cross-cousin marriages are. The writer concludes that even though preference for marriage with a patrilateral cousin is associated with the Islamic east, ‘it operates along with a number of other rules which may either support or contradict it.’ 1388. HUQ , F. ‘Marriage and its Impact on Demography among Two Endogamous Muslim Groups of West Bengal,’ in B. B. Goswami (ed.) Marriages in India (Tribes, Muslims and Anglo-Indians). Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India, Government of India, 1988. pp. 91–98. Based on data collected in 1974 and 1976 from the district of 24Pargansa, West Bengal, of two endogamous Bengali Muslim groups, this study’s ndings show that the issue of family property is the major factor behind the prevalence of endogamous marriages. The author suggests that another reason might be to avoid of paying the bride price ‘which is gradually being introduced in the Muslim society due to the local Hindu inuence.’ 1389. IRSHAD ALI, A. N. M. ‘Kinship and Marriage among the Assamese Muslims,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family, Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. pp. 1–25. Based on eld research in Singimari Village, Darrang District, Gauhati City, and Uttar Jalukbari, and a community near Gauhati, this study describes the kinship system of the Assamese Muslims. A brief overview of the introduction of Islam in Assam is also given. 1390. KHATANA, R. P. ‘Marriage and Kinship among the Gujar Bakarwals of Jammu and Kashmir,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Family, Kinship and Marriage among Muslims in India. New Delhi: Manohar, 1976. pp. 3–127. This paper presents a study of community life of Muslim pastoral nomads of Jammu and Kashmir, with some details on marriage traditions and women’s position in this system. 1391. PASTNER, CARROLL McCURE. “The Negotiation of Bilateral Endogamy in the Middle East: the Zikri Baluch Example.” Journal of Anthropological Research 37, no. 4 (1981): 305–18. The data for this study was obtained in 1967–77 in a Zikri Baluch shing community on the Arabian Sea, west of Karachi. First, cousin

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marriages among the community are examined in terms of marital strategies pursued by networks of siblings and their spouses. IV. Matrilineal Customs 1392. D’SOUZA, VICTOR S. “Mother-right in Transition.” Sociological Bulletin 2, no. 2 (1953): 135–42. This paper examines the prevalence of a ‘mother-right’ tradition among some Muslim groups living along the western coast of India. 1393. DUBE, LEELA. Matriliny in Islam: Religion and Society in the Laccadives. New Delhi: National Publishing House, 1969. 125p. This study examines the interrelationship of society and religion on the small Laccadives Islands in the Indian Ocean (the present Lakshadweep Union Territory of India). Early Arab Muslims transported matrilineal structures of family life from Kerala in South India to this island. 1394. McGILVRAY, DENNIS B. ‘Households in Akkaraipattu: Dowry and Domestic Organization Among the Matrilineal Tamils and Moors of Sri Lanka,’ in John N. Gray and David J. Mearns (ed.) Society From the Inside Out: Anthropological Perspectives on the South Asian Household, New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1989. pp. 192–235. This paper describes and analyzes the pattern of descent, marriage and household organisation shared today by both Hindus and Muslims in the town of Akkaraipattu in the matrilineal belt of Sri Lanka. Women have a relatively greater level of female autonomy and inuence in comparison with more widespread patrilineal/patrilocal household patterns in other parts of South Asia. 1395. McCARTHY, SALEH SABBAH and ROSHAN AKHTER. Tamils and Moors: Caste and Matrilian structure in Eastern Sri Lanka. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Chicago, 1974. Unexamined. V. Muslim Women Marrying Christian Men 1396. PARKS, FANNY. Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque. 2 vols. London: Pelham Richardson, 1850. Reprint, Karachi: OUP, 1975. In vol. 1, Parks describes the wedding of Colonel William Gardner with Nawab Matmunzel-ool-nissa Begam Delme. Their sons, Allan Gardner and James Gardner also married Muslim women. All these women were from royal families. These marriages were performed in the traditional manner.

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1397. STRACHEY, EDWARD. “The Romantic Marriage of James Achilles Kirkpatrick, Some time British Resident at the Court of Hyderabad”. Blackwood’s Magazine, July (1893): 18–29. OIOC. The author starts by saying in the first paragraph that ‘if only I had the storytelling powers of Scheherezade, I believe the romantic loves of Hushmat Jung and Khair un Nissa would rival many of the Arabian Night’s Entertainments.’ The story is that of Khair un Nissa, a Hyderabadi elite woman of Persian origin and of James Kirkpatrick (1764–1805), the British Resident at the court of the Nizam of Hyderabad. The marriage was celebrated according to Muslim traditions and Kirkpatrick is believed to have converted to Islam. VI. Polygamy 3. ‘If ye fear that ye shall not Be able to deal justly With the orphans, Marry women of your choice, Two, or three, or four; But if ye fear that ye shall not Be able to deal justly (with them), Then only one, or (a captive) That your right hands possess, That will not be more suitable, To prevent you From doing injustice’. (S.4: 3, The Holy Qurxan)

1398. {ABDUL ÆAKÁM, KHALÁF¹H. Ta{addud-i IzdiwÊj in Muhammad JÊ{far ShÊh PhulwÊrwÒ (ed.) MasaxlÊh-yi Ta{addud-i-IzdiwÊj [ The Question of Plurality of Marriages] Lahore: IdÊrah- yi ‚aqÊfat-i IslÊmiyah, 1959. pp. 72–101. [U] The author argues that the few verses that are interpreted as permitting polygamy are restrictive in nature. The author states that polygamy is against the QurxÊnic belief of justice and mercy [{adl wo ra˜m] and therefore polygamous marriages must not be practised as a norm. 1399. {ABUR RASHID, JUSTICE. Ta{addudi-i IzdiwÊj aur QurxÊn in Muhammad JÊ{far Shah Phulwarwi (ed.) MasaxlÊ-i Ta{addud-i IzdiwÊj [ The Question of Plurality of Marriages] Lahore: IdÊra ‚aqÊfat-i IslÊmiyah, 1959. 102–08. [U] This paper strongly proposes legislative changes to place restrictions on polygamy in Pakistan. He further argues that family courts should

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1401.

1402.

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protect the interests of women and children who suffer because of the second marriages of their husbands and fathers. BALOCH. A. H. “Polygamy.” The Pakistan Review 3, no. 8 (1955): 33–35. Presenting arguments for both polygamy and monogamy, the writer observes that emancipation of women is a process and that diffusion of literacy begins this process; economic independence completes it. CHIRAGH ALI, MOUALVI. Proposed Political, Legal, and Social Reforms in the Ottoman Empire and Other Muhammadan States. Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1883. pp. 118–29. Chiragh Ali (1844–95), an important Indian Muslim reformist thinker, strongly argued through his writings that the only source for the development of Islamic jurisprudence is the QurxÊn. Thus, he openly rejected all classical sources of Islamic jurisprudence, which in his view instead of helping the Muslim community added, more confusion. Discussing the status of women and the issue of four wives, he argues on the basis of several QurxÊnic verses and Traditions of the Prophet that Islam has ‘virtually abolished polygamy.’ He says, ‘those writers are greatly mistaken who think that Muhammad sanctioned the marriage of four wives, or that in curtailing the unrestricted licentiousness that had prevailed in Arabia before him, he partially controlled, but rmly established the practice of polygamy, as if while lightening he riveted the fetter; and that in alleviating the evils of plurality of marriage he adopted it himself on the grounds that he had received a divine privilege to do so.’ EFFENDI, J. “Polygamy.” Aligash Munthly 3, no. 41 (1905): 153–69. [U], APL. This article, reprinted from al-Manar, argues with references to verses from the QurxÊn that all men are not permitted to marry more than one wife. For a good peaceful life, the author argues, that monogamy is best. FIRDOUS, REHANA. “Polygamy in Islam (A Modernist Approach).” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 5, nos. 1 & 2 (1998): 1–16. In the light of several verses of the QurxÊn, the author concludes that in traditional Islam, polygamy is considered a permissible act, neither forbidden nor obligatory. The author concludes by observing that the practice created outrageous and extensive lawlessness in family life, and a woman became a slave of her husband, deprived of all her rights.

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1404. GALLICHAN, WALTER M. ‘Mohammedan Women in India,’ in Women Under Polygamy, New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1915. pp. 115–20. The author argues that Islam does not encourage polygamy. Plurality of wives is permissible under certain clearly dened and stringent regulations. Regarding the missionary portrayal of Islam and its followers in their reports, the author is of the view that this is ‘grotesque and grossly unfair’ and that these testimonies must be set by the side of the statements of crusaders, pledged to undermine the beliefs of a nation by all the methods within their power.’ 1405. ÆASAN KAKORWÁ, ÃIY¹UL “MasaxlÊh-yi IzdiwÊj.” (The issue of several wives). {AÉr-i JadÒd 4 no. 6, June (1906): 251–54. [U], MHL. This paper disfavours the prevalence of polygamy among Indian Muslims. The author argues that plurality of wives ruins family life. He strongly urges restrictions on polygamy. 1406. HINCHLIFFE, DOREEN. “Polygamy in Traditional and Contemporary Islamic Law.” Islam in the Modern Age 1, no. 3 (1970): 13–38. The author presents a survey of the contemporary law of polygamy to show that the incidence of polygamous marriage is decreasing. However in order to safeguard the interests of Muslim women a restriction on polygamy is recommended. 1407. HUNTER, W. W. Statistical Accounts of Bengal. Vol. VI, London: Trübner & Co. 1877. Unexamined. In this volume, Hunter makes note of the prevalence of polygamous marriages among Bengali Muslims. 1408. HUSSAIN, IQBALUNNISA. ‘There is no Polygamy in Islam,’ in her Changing India; A Muslim Woman Speaks. Bangalore: Hosali Press, 1940. pp. 25–31. The title of this chapter is a bold statement challenging the conservatives’ stand on marriage and women’s rights in Islam. Hussain, an educated Muslim woman, argues that according to the QurxÊn monogamy, and not polygamy, is the right course of marriage. She observes, ‘it is high time for Muslims to realise the correct meaning of the text’ and to recognize the harmful consequences resulting from the plurality of wives. 1409. PHULW¹RWÁ, MUÆAMMAD J¹{FAR SH¹H (ed.) MasaxlÊ-yita{addud-i IzdizwÊj [The Question of Plurality of Marriages] Lahore: IdÊra-i ‚aqÊfat-i IslÊmiyah, 1959. 181p. [U] The core argument in this edited volume revolves round the nature of the QurxÊn and the spirit of its Message. PhulwÊrwÒ, a scholar

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recognized for his rationalistic views, argues that permission for polygamy was not for all nor for all times. An Islamic government can put restrictions on the practice of polygamy. 1410. REHMAN, TANZILUR. Majmua{-yi QwanÒn-i Islam: QanÖn-i IzdiwÊj [A Compendium of Laws of Islam: Laws of Couples] Vol. I, 1965. 340p [U] This is a highly informative work. Justice Rehman presents in this volume details of Islamic law regarding plurality of marriages, as it developed through centuries. 1411. SHEIKH, JAMIRUDDIN. “Muslim Samaje Stree Jatir Prati Bhishan Atjachar.” [Oppression toward the Female Community of the Muslims]. Islam Pracharok 5, no. 7/8, Shraban-Bhadra, 1310 BS/ (1903). [B] This article criticizes polygamy prevalent among Bengali Muslims and states that this practice led to the tyranny of co-wives and resulted in suicide by some women. He pleaded ‘true, Islam sanctions polygamy, but have we forgotten the conditions and circumstances under which it is possible?’ 1412. WAHEED, SAIDA. “Polygamy and Islam.” The Pakistan Review 3, no. 9 (1955): 38–39. The writer strongly declares, “polygamy is unsound morally, socially and economically and is causing such a disturbance in our society that without its abolition there can be little intellectual or social progress.” These words by a woman in Pakistan as early as 1955, just eight years after the birth of the nation, are very signicant. VII. Mutaxh: Temporary Marriages 1413. MAHDI QULÁ KHAN. Risalah ‚ubÖt-i Mutxah [A tract in evidence of Mutaxh], Lucknow, 1881. 26p, 14104.e. 26 (2). [F/U] OIOC. With quotations from some Arabic texts, the author argues in favour of Mutaxh (temporary) marriages. [Temporary marriages were practiced on a limited scale by the ShÒ{ah community in Lucknow]. 1414. MUSLEHUDDIN, M. Mutaxh, Temporary Marriage. Lahore: Islamic Publications, Ltd., 1974. 69p. The author states that Mutaxh, a marriage contracted for a xed period of time, was in vogue in pre-Islamic days in Arabia. It was prohibited by the Prophet and is unlawful for Muslims.

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E. Wedding Ceremonies and Celebrations 1415. ABRAR HUSAIN, SHEIKH. Marriage Customs among Muslims in India: A Sociological Study of the Shia Marriage Customs. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1976. 226p. Marriages, widowhood, and the legal framework as practiced by Shias in India are surveyed in this work. The book reports a survey of 450 males and 25 female Shia Muslims from several cities of Uttar Pradesh, India. It narrates some of the traditions and ceremonies of Shia marriages in North India. 1416. BALOCH, S. K. “Marriage Customs: Old and New.” Pakistan Review 15, no. 2 (1967): 18–20. Marriage ceremonies have become ceremonies for money transactions, due to the growing demand for dowry from the bride’s family. This article shows that women in Pakistan’s Muslim society are in a disadvantageous position. 1417. BAWA, AHMADU. “The Marriage Customs of the Moors of Ceylon.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch 10, no. 36 (1888): 219–33. This paper describes only one marriage ceremony, which cannot be considered representative of marriage customs of all Muslims in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka). The writer concludes that ‘matrimony among the Moors of Ceylon is merely a “matter of money” and love plays no part in its solemnization.’ 1418. CROOKE, W. Native Races of Northern India. London: Constable, 1906. 270p. Photographs included. This work provides a general description of races, culture and life of India from the perspective of a colonialist. Describing Muslim wedding ceremonies, the author observes that they have adopted many Hindu superstitions. 1419. GAEFFKE, PETER. ‘Muslim Marriage Rites in the 17th and in the 19th Century,’ in Diana L. Eck and Françoise Mallison (ed.) Devotion Divine, Bhakti Traditions from the Regions of India, Studies in Honour of Charlotte Vaudeville. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1991. pp. 113–28. This article describes marriage rites and ceremonies as recorded by Nusrati (1620–1686), a Deccani poet, in his Persian work Gulªan-i {Iªq [Rose Garden of Love]. Some of these rites are still observed by Muslims in South Asia.

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1420. HABIB, HINA. “Marriage Customs in Pakistan.” Pakistan Council Review 11, no. 7, June (1969): 555–63. This paper describes marriage traditions and celebrations in Pakistan. English translations of wedding songs and photographs are included. 1421. HUSAIN, YUSUF JAMAL. “The Story of a Wedding in Pakistan.” Asian Folklore Studies 26, no. 1 (1967): 119–27. This article narrates essential customs and ceremonies of a Muslim wedding in South Asia. 1422. IKRAMULLAH, SHAISTA SUHARAWARDY. “Wedding.” Pakistan Quarterly 1, no. 5 (1951): 55–57. Details of a traditional Muslim wedding in Pakistan are described in this paper. Most of the ceremonies and cultural traditions observed on such occasions are reminiscent of the earlier days. 1423. MANSOORUDDIN, M. “Some Muslim Marriage Folksongs of East Bengal.” Proceedings of the Pakistan History Conference 4 (1954): 179–82. The author gives English translations of some songs that were sung by girls and women to celebrate wedding. The paper gives no other information about the songs or the areas where they are popular. 1424. McNAIR, JOHN FREDERICK and THOMAS LAMBERT BARLOW. “Customs and Ceremonies Observed at a Betrothal and at a Wedding by Mohammedans of the Farmer Class in the District Near Ghazi in the Punjab.” Folklore, Vol. 9 (1898): 136–56. This paper describes dresses of the bride and groom, the marriage feast, the wedding celebrations, music, etc. 1425. MINHAJ UL-HASAN, SYED. “Marriage Customs of the Pukhtoons: A Case Study of Hangu (NWFP), Pakistan.” Pakistan Journal of History & Culture 19, no. 2 (1998): 85–97. This paper depicts some wedding celebrations among the Pakhtoons. The author conducted a few interviews to collect the information for this study. 1426. NARANG, GOPI CHUND. ‘ShÊdÒ biyÊh ki muªtarakÊ rasme¸ urdÖ ªa{irÒ ke Êxiney me¸’ [Shared wedding rites in the mirror of UrdÖ Poetry] Ajkul, November (1957): 34–42. [U] The author, a renowned poet of UrdÖ, recounts wedding ceremonies and songs popular with both Muslims and Hindus, and symbolic of India’s cultural fusion. Some of these women’s songs, the author notes sadly, are almost lost to the new generation. 1427. NIK¹Æ-I QIL{AH-YE MU{ALL¹ [Nuptials at the Exalted Fort], [1857. ff. 167 v–173, [F], OIOC.

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1428.

1429.

1430.

1431.

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This UrdÖ manuscript describes details of the royal marriages (Nikʘ) performed within the fort of Delhi during the period 1268 A. H (1851) and 1273 A. H (1857). The last entry is dated 14 £il hijjah 1273 (16th August 1857), a few weeks before the capture of Delhi by the English and the deposition and imprisonment of BahÊdur ·ah Zafar, the last Mughal Emperor of Hindustan. The marriages described are those of sons and daughters of the last Mughal Emperor. It is interesting to note that some of these ceremonies continue to be part of wedding celebrations even today. ROSE, H. A. “Mohammadan Betrothal Observances in the Punjab.” Man 17, no. 45 (1917): 58–62. This paper describes wedding traditions of Indian Muslims which differ from region to region. The author observes that ‘in theory the Muhammadan law attaches great importance to mutual consent in marriage, but in India the practice is very often opposed to allowing even grown-up girls to express any opinion on a proposed betrothal.’ The author also mentions the prevalence of pre-natal betrothal custom among Delhi Muslims, called ¨hÒkrÒ kÒ mʸg [literal meaning: potsherd begging]. If a girl was born as anticipated, the boy’s mother would make a deal by either taking a token gift of cash or a pinch of sugar to ratify the betrothal contract. ——. “Mohammadan Betrothal Observances in the Punjab.” Man 17, no. 66 (1917): 91–97. This article describes the religious ceremonies at a Muslim wedding and other pre-wedding social customs in the Punjab and the NorthWestern Provinces of India. S. BEGAM DEHLAWI. RusÖm-i DilhlÒ: ya{nÒ biyÊh ªÊdÒ waairÊh taqrÒbÊt ka bayÊn [Customs of Delhi: Being an account of weddings and other celebrations]. Lahore: YÖniÊn istÒm pres, 1916. 44p. [U] LML The author gives an eyewitness description of marriage celebrations among Muslims in early 20th century Delhi. For most women, wedding ceremonies added an element of happiness. To women who otherwise led a secluded life, these were the moments of utmost freedom. They had the opportunity of meeting and talking with their women relatives and friends whom they might not have met for a considerable period. Wedding celebrations, which lasted for several days, and often for weeks, were thus days of camaraderie. The book is in the form of conversations and dialogues among women in a family. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ. RusÖm-i-Delhi. Delhi: Urdu Academy, 1986. (originally published in 1905, Delhi) [U]

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1433.

1434.

1435.

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This book is a treasure house of traditions and celebrations observed by Muslim women. The author lists these in great details. SHAHAR BANO BEGAM. BÒtÒ KahÊnÒ [ The story of the self ], Manuscript copy in the collection of Ayub Qadiri, Karachi. 89 p. 8/23 u 18 size. [U] Shahar Bano describes her marriage ceremonies, from betrothal to the wedding celebrations conducted in the State of Jhajjar in Northern India. The manuscript ends in 1885. UMAR, MUHAMMAD. Islam in Northern India during the Eighteenth Century. Delhi Munshiram Manoharlal, 1993. 579p. Chapter ve of this well documented book describes festivals and marriage ceremonies. Women actively participated in the performance of these festivities, including singing and dancing. VREEDE-DE STUERS, CORA. “Le mariage chez les Musulmans de condition “Ashraf ” dans I’lnde du Nord: costumes et ceremonies.” [Marriage of “Ashraf ” Muslims in North India: clothing and ceremonies]. Orient 7, no. 1 (1963): 35–71. Unexamined. This examines marriage ceremonies of the Muslims of North India and nds similarities with Hindu customs. ——. “Chansons de mariage chez les Musulmans de l’Inde du Nord.” [Marriage songs of Muslims in North India]. Orient, Vol. 7, No. 4 (1963): 125–39. Unexamined. Describes marriage songs in the context of social interaction and ceremonies. I. Dowry

1436. AMIN, SAJEDA and MEAD CAIN. ‘The Rise of Dowry in Bangladesh,’ in G. W. Jones et al. (ed.) The Continuing Demographic Transition. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997. pp. 290–306. The paper examines the emergence of dowry and other changes in marriage practices since the 1960s in Bangladesh, and concludes that the increase in dowry has had growing negative consequences on young women in Bangladesh. 1437. ANSARI, A. S. BAZMEE. “Is Dowry Obligatory?” Hamdard Islamicus 1, no. 2 (1978): 78–84. This paper examines the tradition of dowry given to brides and its implications for the girl’s family and for the girl herself. The author states that Muslims have moved away from the Traditions of the Prophet and have adopted customs that create major problems in their lives.

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1438. BLEIE, TONE. ‘Dowry and Bride Wealth Presentation in Rural Bangladesh: Commodities, Gifts or Hybrid Forms?’ Working Paper D 1990: 10 DERAP, Chr. Michelson Institute. 165p. Unexamined. 1439. JAIN, K. B. “The Dowry Prohibition (Amendment) Act, 1984: A brief Historical and Comparative Study.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 6 (1986): 181–90. Muslim and Christian communities of India have adopted the custom of dowry. The paper briey looks at factors that encourage dowrygiving. After independence, anti-dowry legislation was introduced by the Government of India. This paper examines some of the provisions included in the 1984 bill against dowry, which was later amended and passed in 1986. 1440. ——. “Notes on Legislation Dowry and Prohibition (Amendment) Act, 1986.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 6 (1986): 262–70. An important clause added to the Dowry Prohibition (Amendment) Act 1986 of India calls for suspicion about the cause of death when it is noted that before her demise, a woman was subjected to cruelty or harassment for dowry. 1441. JANJUA, ZIAUL ISLAM. Muslim Family Laws. Lahore: Nadeem Law Book House, 1993. 315p. This work is a compilation of laws covering marriage and divorce, child marriage, family courts, and dowry and bridal gifts. 1442. LINDENBAUM, S. “Implications for Women of Changing Marriage Transactions in Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 12, no. 11 (1981): 394–401. Based on eld data gathered in 1963–64, 1965–66 and 1974, this paper examines recent changes in the transfer of wealth at marriage. Cash and gifts paid to the groom by the bride’s family have further lowered the status of women. Lindenbaum analyzes this in rural societies, the effects of wealth transfer changes on women, and the implications on female fertility and mortality. 1443. SURAN, LUCIANA. ‘Does Dowry Improve Life for Brides? A Test of the Bequest Theory of Dowry in Rural Bangladesh.’ New York: Population Council: Policy Research Division, Paper no. 195, 2004, 26p. This paper reports increase in dowry payments and dowry demands. The authors examine the connection between the prevalence of domestic abuse and dowry.

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section nine F. Pregnancy and Childbirth

1444. BLANCHET, THERESE. Meanings and Rituals of Birth in Rural Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press Limited, 1987. 163p. Based on anthropological eldwork carried out from 1979 to 1981 in rural Bangladesh, this book records women’s experiences and beliefs about menstruation, childbirth and pollution. The majority of women interviewed for this study were victims of ignorance and myths. The study brings out the factor that women’s health under such circumstances face serious dangers. 1445. KHALID, R. ‘Pregnancy and Psycho-social Reactions,’ in I. N. Hasan (ed.) Psychology of Women, Islamabad: Allama Iqbal Open University, 1996. 121–24. Unexamined. 1446. RAZA, HASAN. “Customs at and Before Birth, at Circumcision and at Betrothal: Mahomedans, Upper Ganges, Jamnah Duabah.” North Indian Notes and Queries 3, no. 11 (1894): 186–93. This paper describes the rites and customs of pregnancy, birth and breast-feeding among Muslims of North India. It also includes translations of ten Hindustani songs sung in celebrations of pregnancy, particularly the rst pregnancy, of a newly married girl. Three lullabies are also included. [Some of these ceremonies, including songs and lullabies are celebrated even today]. 1447. REHMAN, SHAKILA A. “Women in Pregnancy: Study of Selected Neglected Risk Factors.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 5, no. 1 & 2 (1998): 73–85. This paper examines socio-economic factors which have an impact on pregnancy, the growth of the foetus and the mother’s health in general. The study is based on eld research involving one hundred women respondents. Their most common experience was mistreatment by their husband and in-laws, lack of medical and healthcare facilities. Physical violence was also reported. 1448. ROSE, H. A. “Muhammadan Birth Observances in the Punjab.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 37 (1907): 237–60. This interesting study gives details of various ceremonies and traditions observed within Muslim households during childbirth. Translations of lullabies are also given. [Some of these customs continue to be observed.] 1449. ——. “Muhammadan Pregnancy Observances in the Punjab.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 35 (1905): 279–82.

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1450.

1451.

1452.

1453.

1454.

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Pregnancy was an occasion for women to celebrate. This study provides a picturesque account of festivities and celebrations spread over the nine months of pregnancy, as well as traditions for determining the sex of the foetus. SHAHID, AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ. ZppÊgÒriʸ [Songs sung at childbirth]. Delhi kalij magzÒn, ispeªal numbar ‘Dilli,’ (1959): 219–23. [U] Previously women delivered their babies at home and this was an occasion to celebrate. Sweets and gifts were distributed and professional women singers rendered special song, some of which are reproduced here. ——. ZppÊgÒriʸ [Songs sung at childbirth]. Nairang ainwal numbar (1953): 14–17. [U] The author reproduces nearly forgotten traditional songs rendered to celebrate the birth of a child. Most of these songs reect the elite (ªarÒf ) culture of Delhi. Such songs usually represent the voice of the new mother. SHAMSUDEEN, A. T. “Ceremonies Relating to Childbirth Observed by the Moors of Ceylon.” Orientalist 3 (1888–89): 17–20. This paper describes ceremonies and celebrations pertaining to pregnancy, childbirth and early infancy observed by Muslims of Sri Lanka. Following childbirth, special diets were given to mother and baby. SHARIF, JA{FAR. ‘Birth,’ in his Islam in India or The QÊnuÖn-i-IslÊm, The Customs of the Musalmans of India Comprising a full and Exact Account of their Various Rites and Ceremonies from the Moment of Birth to the Hour of Death. London: OUP, 1921 (1st published in 1832), pp. 17–42. In this chapter, the author narrates beliefs and practices related to pregnancy and childbirth among Muslims, some of which are still practiced by the Muslim communities of South Asia. ——. ‘Rites after Birth’, in Islam in India or The QÊnuÖn-i-IslÊm, The Customs of the Musalmans of India Comprising a full and Exact Account of their Various Rites and Ceremonies from the Moment of Birth to the Hour of Death. London: OUP, 1921 (1st published, 1832), pp. 35–47. This section of the book informs the reader about several ceremonies observed after childbirth. A woman is considered to be polluted for forty days afterward. During this period, she is not allowed to touch the QurxÊn, offer prayers, or enter a mosque.

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I. Motherhood/Childcare 1455. MUÆAMMAD {ABDUL {AZÁZ, W¹LID¹H [The mother of Muhammad Abdul Aziz]. Mu{Êwin-i MastÖrÊt, (Veiled Women’s Helper), Hardoi: Ma¢bÊ{ yi muraqqÊ-yi {Êlam, 1905. 164p. OIOC. This is a manual and guidebook for good housekeeping written by a woman who conceals her identity writing under the name of her son. This was a common practice in the early 20th century writings by South Asian Muslim women. The author describes in detail good practical ways of household management, child care and child training. 1456. SHAH, SYED SIKANDER. “Surrogate Parenting: it’s Legal and Moral Implications in the Islamic Law.” Hamdard Islamicus 18, no. 2 (1995): 109–20. Shah explains that in the light of QurxÊnic verses, surrogate parenting is un-Islamic. In addition, it involves the ugliest form of exploitation where the surrogate is not compensated for psychological and emotional agony. 1457. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ. Bappo¸ kÊ rakh rakhÊxo [Care-taking of Children)], Dehli: Akmal al-ma¢Êba{, 1891. 38p. [U], OIOC. This small treatise gives advice to Muslim mothers to take good care of their children and lays emphasis on children’s physical health and upbringing. 1458. SHAMZÁ, MUFTÁ NI¶¹MUDDÁN. MiºÊlÒ Mʸ [An ideal mother], Karachi: Bait-ul {ilm trust, 1998. 326p. [U] This book, addressed to Muslim mothers, discusses a range of issues including pregnancy, childbirth, breast-feeding, child care, education, and training of children. Mothers are urged to become good Muslim role models before expecting their children to follow suit. Children need a mother’s undivided attention, and therefore it is a mother’s supreme responsibility to take care of them. Girls must be taught to be obedient, to excel in household chores and be prepared for their ultimate role as pleasing wives and obedient daughters-in-law. Let no mother forget, the author states, that man’s and woman’s jobs are different, and it is impossible for a woman to attempt what men do and for men to perform women’s jobs. 1459. ZAK¹ ULLAH, MAULAWÁ. “Laskio¸ ka BÊ [A garden for girls].” ·arif Bibi, July (1909): 27–30. This article addresses the mothers on the issue of childcare, particularly that of their daughters. He states a mother is the rst teacher of the

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child. [This paper of Zaka Ullah (1832–1911) reects his own life. His mother had a great respect for learning.] II. Breastfeeding 233. The mothers shall give suck To their offspring For two whole years, If the father desires, To complete the term. But he shall bear the cost Of their food and clothing On equitable terms. ............ No mother shall be Treated unfairly On account of her child, Nor father On account of his child. ............. (S. 2: 233, The Holy Qurxan)

1460. AHAMED, MOHIUDDIN M. “Breast-Feeding in Bangladesh.” Journal of Biosocial Science 18, no. 4 (1986): 425–34. Drawing upon the ndings of the Bangladesh Fertility Survey, this paper shows that female children were breast-fed for periods about ve months shorter than for male children. Educated mothers breast-fed their babies for a shorter time than the uneducated ones. However, rural and urban mothers who breast-fed their babies got old prematurely. The paper suggests better education for mothers on their health needs and those of their children. 1461. GHAFFAR, SAYEDA. Studies on Attitude towards Breast-feeding among the Women of Urban Areas in Bangladesh (Dacca city). Dacca: Institute of Nutrition and Food Sciences: University of Dacca, 1977. 40p. This paper reports a study conducted to determine the correlation of socio-economic features with attitudes toward and practices of breastfeeding. For this study 200 mothers were interviewed, most of whom favoured breastfeeding. 1462. KHAN, ZUBEDA. “Are Breastfeeding Patterns in Pakistan Changing?” Pakistan Development Review 30, no. 3 (1991): 297–311. This paper examines the role of breastfeeding in Pakistan where the use of contraception continues to be low. The paper’s central argument is

338

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1464.

1465.

1466.

1467.

1468.

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that prolonged breastfeeding, apart from being benecial to the health of the child, makes an important contribution to maintaining lower fertility rates. The study concludes by suggesting that breastfeeding may be promoted among Pakistani mothers to reduce the birth rate. ——. Breastfeeding in Pakistan. Islamabad: PIDE, 1985. 27p. Breastfeeding has recently emerged as an important factor in the study of fertility reduction and regulation. Research based on various studies reveals that fecundity of a woman increases or decreases with the duration of breastfeeding. Tables are included. MAJUMDER, ABUL KASHEM. “Breastfeeding, Birth Interval and Child Mortality in Bangladesh.” Journal of Biosocial Science 23 (1991): 297–312. The 1975–76 Bangladesh Fertility survey data shows little evidence that breastfeeding is the intermediate factor through which birth intervals inuence child survival in Bangladesh. MUSHT¹Q , SAYYID AÆMAD. A˜kÊm al-raÓÊ{at [Injunctions on breastfeeding an adopted child], Madras: Ma¢ba{ al-Ma¢Êbi{, 1872. 24p. [U] OIOC. [This book was missing]. Unexamined. SALWAY, SARAH, et al. “Levels and Trends in Postpartum, Amenorrhea, Breastfeeding and Birth Intervals in Matlab, Bangladesh 1978– 1989.” Asia-Pacic Population Journal 8, no. 2, (1993): 3–22. Data from the Matlab Family Planning Health Services Project, Bangladesh, were used to explore changes in durations of postpartum amenorrhea, breastfeeding and birth intervals over the period of 1978–89. The duration of postpartum amenorrhea was found to have declined sharply. An increase in the percentage of women adopting contraception during the postpartum amenorrhea period was noticed. SHAHIDULLAH, M. “Breast Feeding and Child Survival Matlab, Bangladesh.” Journal of Biosocial Science 26, no. 2 (1994): 143–54. Investigates the effect of both total and unsupplemented breastfeeding in conjunction with birth intervals on early childhood mortality. Longitudinal data from Matlab, Bangladesh is applied for this work. WEISS, P. “The Contraceptive Potential of Breastfeeding in Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 24, no. 2 (1993): 100–08. A consensus statement issued by the WHO and UNICEF at the Bellagio Conference in 1988 recommended that women begin practising contraception six months after childbirth or when their menstrual cycle resumed, whichever occurred rst. The results of this study give evidence that the Bellagio recommendation can be best applied with country-specic adjustments. Bangladesh, for example, could safely adopt a strategy with a twelve-month cut-off point.

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G. End of Marriage: Widowhood, Remarriage of Widows and Divorce I. {iddÊ—Waiting Period (1) 228. Divorced women Shall wait concerning themselves For three months periods. Nor is it lawful for them To hide what Allah Has created in their wombs, If they have faith In Allah and the Last Day. (S. II: 228, The Holy Qurxan) (2) 234. If any one of you die And leave widows behind, They shall wait concerning themselves Four months and ten days: When they have fullled Their term, there is no blame On you if they dispose Of themselves in a just And reasonable manner. And Allah is well acquainted Wit what ye do.’ (S. II: 234, The Holy Qurxan)

1469. {ABDUR RAÆÁM DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ SHAH. Ra¸do¸ ki ·ÊdÒ. [Marriage of the Widows] Kanpur: 1873. 36p. [U], OIOC. This is an important reformative text in favour of widow marriage by a respected religious scholar. The author, while on Hajj pilgrimage in 1871, sought the fatÊwÊ of religious scholars in Mecca and Medinah in favour of widow marriage. On his return to Delhi, in 1873, he wrote this book emphasizing that Islam does not prohibit the right of the widows to remarriage; however, Indian Muslims trapped by local traditions frowned upon this. The book exhorts Muslims to abandon borrowed Hindu opposition to widow re-marriage [kamar himmat ki ba¸dho aur kufr kÒ rasm tos kar ra¸Óo¸ kÊ nika˜ kardo]. To propagate his views and launch a wider movement for the rights of Muslim widows, ·ah {Abdur Ra˜Òm appealed to the prayer imÊms of the mosques to include the fatwas in favour of widow remarriage in their sermons. OIOC has three other editions of the tract, one published in 1874 (Cat. No. 895) with 28 pages, and two published in 1875 (Cat. Nos. 637, 761) with 36

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1471.

1472.

1473.

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and 28 pages respectively. The Tract was also printed in 1901 at the GulzÊr-i IbrÊhÒmiyah press in Delhi. ·ah {Abdur Ra˜Òm was the founder of Madrassah-yi Ra˜imiyah in Delhi. ANON. TarwÒj ºanÒ an-nika˜ [Advocacy for Second Marriage] Kanpur: Ma¢ba{-yi NiØami, 1290 A.H./1873 C.E., 64 p. [U], OIOC. This tract argues against restrictions placed on the remarriage of widows. Islam encourages both men and women to marry. To force women not to marry is un-Islamic. BEGUM, KAMRUNNESSA and SHARIFA KHATUN. ‘Life of Urban Middle Class Widows,’ in Women for Women, Bangladesh, 1975. Dacca: Published for the Women for Women, Research and Study Group by University Press, 1975. pp. 179–203. A survey was conducted to nd out the issues and problems faced by widows of the urban middle and upper-middle class in the city of Dacca. Information was collected from fty widows regarding their socio-economic status and their attitudes towards their new life after widowhood. The ndings show that a number of middle-class women are breaking old traditions and entering into the world of careers by taking up jobs outside the home. DE BELLEFONDS, Y. LINANT. ‘Idda’ in Bosworth, C. E. et al. (ed.) The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Leiden: E. J. Brill, vol. 111. 1010–13. This note on the waiting period or {idda for widowed women or divorced women, examines various interpretations of QurxÊnic law on this issue and it explains women’s rights and status during that period of {idda. The paper also states that a marriage contracted during the period of {idda is absolutely void. ÆALÁ, AL”AF ÆUSSAIN. Ek BewÊh kÒ MunÊjÊt [Supplication of a Widow]. In Ifti¶ar Ahmad Siddiqui (ed.) KulliyÊt NaØm-i ÆÊlÒ. [Collection of Hali’s poetry]. Vol. 2, Lahore: Majlis Tarqqqi-yi Adab, 1970. 5–44. [U] This edited volume of Hali’s verses, under section eight, named hamdardÒ-yi niswʸ [sympathy for women], includes his famous longer poem entitled munÊjÊt-i bewÊh [supplication of a widow]. In this poem, composed either in 1886 or 1887, Hali rendered the soul-burning yearning of a young widow seeking public support for her plight. Indian Muslims, following the example of their Hindu countrymen, placed a social taboo on widow’s remarriage. Widows were social outcasts. Hali’s poem touched the hearts of all who read it. This work is an excellent example of how the genre of literature was effectively used for raising consciousness against social evils.

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1474. ISƹQ , MUÆAMMAD. NiÉÊb al-kamÒl ya sadÊ suhÊgan [Perfect Principles or Always Married], Lucknow: Ma¢ba{ Nur-i Mu˜ammadÒ, 1894. 164p. [U], OIOC. This treatise in support of widow remarriage addresses Muslim men who blindly follow of traditions (taqlÒd) and norms borrowed from other religions, thus committing the sin of bidÊ{t. The author strongly pleads for widow remarriage, a tradition fully approved of by Islam. 1475. PRECKEL, CLAUDIA. “Interpretations of Widow Remarriage and Divorce: ShÊh JahÊn Begum’s (d. 1901) TahdÒb an-NiswÊn and the Ahl-e-hadÒº Movement in 19th Century Bhopal’. Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 11, no. 1 (2004): 41–51. This paper examines inuences that caused Shah Jahan Begam’s decision to remarry after her widowhood. Despite the erce opposition of her grandmother, Qudsiya Begam, Shah Jahan Begam not only went ahead with her decision to remarry but also in 1885 passed a Widow Remarriage Act by which every woman in Bhopal, Hindu or Muslim—was allowed to marry again. Later in her writings, the Begam legitimised her marriage as it was in accordance with the Qurxan and the sunna of the Prophet. The paper also focuses on the interpretation given by Bhopali Muslim scholars on the issue of widow remarriage and divorce. 1476. RAHMAN, OMAR. et al. “Older Widow Mortality in Rural Bangladesh.” Social Science Medicine 34, no. 1 (1992): 89–96. Using demographic surveillance data from rural Bangladesh, this study explores the adverse impact of widowhood on old age female mortality and nds that widows aged 45+ have signicantly higher mortality than their married counterparts. 1477. SHAMIM, ISHRAT and KHALEDA SALAHUDDIN. Widows in Rural Bangladesh: Issues and Concerns. Dhaka: Centre for Women and Children Studies, 1995. 75p. This book presents a baseline study of widows and children in four villages where widowhood is ‘a state of social death’. Widows often lack access to adequate food, shelter, clothing, and basic social services. II. Dissolution of Marriage: ¢alÊq (Divorce) ‘If ye fear a breach Bewteen them-twain, Appoint (two) arbiters, One from his family, And the other from hers;

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1478. AHMED, K. The Muslim Law of Divorce. Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1972. 1107p. Discusses in detail the Hana religious law of divorce and refers to similar laws of other Muslim sects and the Anglo-Muslim law on Islamic divorce. It is a well-researched collection of sources. 1479. ALAM, NURUL. et al. “The Effect of Divorce on Infant Mortality in a Remote Area of Bangladesh.” Journal of Biosocial Science 33, no. 2 (2001): 271–78. This paper examines the process of divorce, which is usually lengthy and arduous, and can start quarrels that can lead to the abuse of women and their children. It examines the effects of divorce on neo-natal and post-neonatal mortality of babies born before and after divorce in a remote rural area of Bangladesh. The study concludes by observing that divorce and abuse of women are difcult and intractable social and health problems that must be addressed. 1480. BHUIYA, ABBAS and MUSHTAQUE CHOWDHURY. “The Effect of Divorce on Child Survival in a Rural Area of Bangladesh.” Population Studies 51, no. 1 (1997): 57–61. The study shows that the net odds of death in infancy and childhood among children of divorced mothers is 3.2 and 1.4 times respectively higher than that of children whose mothers were married. Possible mechanisms linking divorce and child survival are also discussed in this paper. 1481. HINCHCLIFFE, DOREEN. “Divorce in Pakistan: Judicial Reform.” Journal of Islamic and Comparative Law 2 (1968): 13–25. Discusses various legislative acts to improve Muslim laws of divorce in Pakistan. The paper concludes by observing that the law of Pakistan still favours husbands. Further legislation is therefore needed before one can say that in Pakistan ‘women have rights similar to those which men have over them’ with regard to divorce. 1482. HUSSAIN, S. JAFFER. Marriage Breakdown and Divorce Law Reform in Contemporary Society. A Contemporary Study of US, UK and India. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Co., 1983. 240p.

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This well-researched comparative study provides insight into the Muslim law of divorce and its various forms, and the dissolution of the Muslim Marriages Acts of 1939. The author compares the implementation of divorce among Muslims living in the three countries. 1483. KAFI, A. SHARIF et al. Divorce in Bangladesh: Practice and its Implications. Dhaka: Bangladesh Development Partnership Centre. 1995. 47p. Drawing upon two led-based studies conducted in 1992 and 1993 regarding women and divorce, this study provides statistics and analysis of the implications and impact of divorce on women in Bangladesh, a predominantly Muslim country. 1484. RAÆM¹NÁ, MAUL¹N¹ KHALID ÂAIFULLAH. ”alÊq-oTafrÒq [Divorce and Separation], Lahore: MaktabÊh- yi ¶alÒl, n.d., 117p. [U] This book discusses methods of divorce (pronounced by the husband and sought by the wife), the post-divorce waiting period for the woman, and several other issues relevant to divorce. 1485. SHEIKH, SHEHNAAZ. “Divorce Under Muslim Law: since the advent of Islam, numerous modes of divorce under Muslim Law have evolved.” In Women Living Under Muslim Laws, dossier no. 7/8 (1990): 42–45. (First published in the Lawyers 2, no. 7/8, July–August (1987): 54–57. The Muslim Law of divorce, as it is interpreted and implemented in India is heavily biased in favour of the man. If women are to get a better deal the author says, the horrendous form of unilateral ¢alÊq will have to be reformed. 1486. TAMANN¹ IM¹DÁ, {ALL¹M¹H. At-TalÊqu MarratÊn, Lahore: Dost Associates, 1996, 165p. [U] This book explains various aspects of divorce in the light of the QurxÊn and the Hadith. The title of the book is derived from the opening words of SÖra 2 Verse 229 which ordains: A divorce is only Permissible twice: after that, The parties should either hold Together on equitable terms Or separate with kindness.

The author strongly rejects the tradition of triple divorce and pleads that it is against the injunctions of the QurxÊn and the sunna of the Prophet. He totally disapproves the tradition of ˜alÊlah which he says is an innovation and which completely goes against the QurxÊn. [A ˜alÊlah is one of the notorious ways in which a divorced woman is subjected to

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further humiliation and torture when she marries again, consummates her marriage with the second husband, seeks a second divorce from the second husband, and after completing a waiting period, remarries the rst husband]. III. Triple ¢alÊq 1487. AHMED, IMTIAZ. ‘Should the Muslim Practice of Triple Divorce be banned: Pros and Cons,’ in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Islam, Women and Gender Justice. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House. 2001. pp. 43–61. This paper discusses practical issues related to triple divorce as practiced in India. The author argues that simply banning the practice does not hold much promise for bettering the lives of Muslim women, particularly those in disadvantageous economic situations. The solution suggested by the author is ‘to go beyond the triple divorce procedure to demand enactment of a Muslim Matrimonial Causes act that simultaneously seeks to arrest the problems of rising incidence of divorce and growing pauperization of an increasing number of women and children among Muslims.’ 1488. ALI, FIRASAT and FURQAN AHMAD. Divorce in Mohammedan Law, the Law of Triple Divorce. New Delhi, Deep and Deep Publications, 1988. 324p. Divorce is permissible in Islam only in cases of extreme emergency when all efforts at reconciliation have failed. The book discusses all aspects of divorce, including payment of maintenance, mehr, child custody, and dissolution of marriage sought by wives. 1489. BAXAMULA, RAMALA. ‘Need for Change in the Muslim Personal Law Relating to Divorce in India,’ in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Problems of Muslim Women in India. Bombay: Orient Longman. 1995 . pp. 18–29. Describes categories of divorce permissible under Muslim Law in India and pleads for change to protect women from exploitation in marriage. 1490. ——. ‘Muslim Women and Divorce,’ in Jyotsna Chatterji (ed.) Religions and the Status of Women. New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990. pp. 53–62. The aim of this paper is to show how the QurxÊn looks at an important aspect of post-marriage life, i.e., divorce, and to show how progressive it really was in this respect before conicting schools of thought reduced it to a male-oriented set of laws.

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1491. BHATNAGAR, J. P. Commentaries on the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce Act, 986). Allahabad: Ashoka Law House, 1992. 375p. Unexamined. 1492. ZAIDI, ASKARI. ‘Resistance from within: Muslims against the Practice of Triple Divorce’. Manushi, No. 77 (1993): 6–8. The paper reports the outcome of a Muslim convention held in the city of Delhi where the issue of divorce was discussed. The convention adopted a resolution that the ‘pronouncement of triple divorce in one sitting was violative of QurxÊnic instructions’ and that it has ‘allowed a casual attitude towards women’. IV. Talaq-i-tafwiÓ (delegation Power of Divorce) 28. O Prophet! Say To thy Consorts: “If it be that ye desire The life of this world, And its glitter___then come! I will provide for your Enjoyment and set you free In a handsome manner. 29. But if ye seek Allah And His Apostle, and The Home of the Hereafter, Verily Allah has prepared For the well-doers amongst you A great reward. (S.33: 28–29, The Holy Qurxan)

1493. AHMED, K. N. The Muslim Law of Divorce. Islamabad: Islamic Research Institute, 1972, 184–85. The author explains that ‘the doctrine of the delegation of the power to divorce is based on an incident mentioned in the Qurxan wherein the Prophet (Peace be Upon Him) told his wives that they were at liberty to live with him or to get separated from him as they choose.’ 1494. CARROLL, L. and HARSH KAPOOR. Talaq-i-Tafwid: The Muslim Woman’s Contractual Access to Divorce: An Information Kit. WLUML, 1996. 204p. This work provides detailed information on the nature of Talaq-i-Tafwid. References from scholars’ works are cited and case studies are included. A well researched work.

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1495. ——. “Talaq-i-tafwid and Stipulations in a Muslim Marriage Contract: Important Means of Protecting the Position of the South Asian Muslim’s Wife.” Modern Asian Studies 16 (1982): 277–309. This work examines various Islamic laws, primarily from the Hana School’s point of view, on the protection of women. The author stresses the need for further research on this theme. 1496. FIRDOUS, REHANA. “A Permissible Step for Restraining Man’s Unilateral Right of Divorce: Talaq-i TafwiÓ (Delegation Power of Divorce).” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 10, no. 1 (2003): 73–79. ‘Classical’ Islamic law maintained that a husband can delegate his power of divorce to his wife or any other person, if he desires so. But the question then arises: why is it only the husband who can delegate this power when in the contract both parties are equal? According to the four Sunni schools of qh, it is so because inherently, the right of divorce is vested in the husband only, and therefore he is the only one who can delegate the power of divorce to anybody. This paper examines these questions in the light of traditional and modern sources. V. ‡ul{ (¶ula) A divorce is only Permissible twice: after that, The parties should either hold Together on equitable terms Or separate with kindness. It is not lawful for you, (Men), to take back Any of your gifts ( from your wives), Except when both parties Fear that they would be Unable to keep the limits Ordained by Allah. If ye ( judges) do indeed Fear that they would be Unable to keep the limits Ordained by Allah, There is no blame on either Of them if she give Something for her freedom. These are the limits Ordained by Allah; So do not transgress them.

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If any do transgress The limits ordained by Allah, Such persons wrong (Themselves as well as others). Al-Baqara: 229

1497. CARROLL, L. ‘QurxÊn 2: 29: “A Charter Granted to the Wife”? Judicial Khul in Pakistan.” Islamic Law and Society 3 (1996): 91–126. This paper rst examines the nature of Khul{ in Islamic law. Next it studies the historic understanding and implementation of Khul{ by jurists and lawmakers in South Asia. 1498. ——. “A Note on the Muslim Wife’s Right to Divorce in Pakistan and Bangladesh.” New Community, Vol. 13, No. 1 (1986): 94–98. The Pakistani/Bangladeshi Muslim wife has a comprehensive right to seek judicial divorce. The grounds on which a Muslim woman (or a non-Muslim woman validly married to a Muslim man) may petition a court for divorce are set in the Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act 1939. This paper was mainly written in response to a view in circulation in UK that a Muslim woman has no right to divorce without her husband’s consent. 1499. FIRDOUS, REHANA. “Woman’s Right of Separation (Khul{ )—Can She Claim it as a Matter of Law?” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 7, no. 1 (2000): 1–20. This paper examines the institution of Khul{ by raising several signicant questions: Does it actually give the wife some initiative in the matter of divorce, or does real power lie with the husband? If real power remains with the husband, why should the distinction between talaq and khul{ exist? Why is this imbalance of rights created between husband and wife? This article examines how the problem of khul{ has been discussed in traditional law and what attempts have been made by modern scholars to effect change in Islamic law. 1500. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. ‡ul{ ki ÃarÖrat [Need for Khul’]. In his MusalmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq [Muslim Women’s Rights], Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1938. 31–38. By narrating case studies of two young Muslim women who suffered because their husbands abandoned them and refused to divorce them, the author stresses the urgent need to restore to Muslim women, their religious right of seeking ‡ul{. He calls upon Begam Muhammad Sha, an enlightened Muslim woman from the Punjab, to work for the restoration of the rights of Muslim women to ‡ul{ through legislation under the British administration.

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VI. Apostasy (irtidÊd) for Dissolution (tansÒ¶-i-nikʘ) of Marriage 1501. ABDUL HAQ , SHAIKH. Apostasy and Muslim Marriage. Lahore: Darul-Kutub Islamia, N.D. 98p. The author, a member of the Punjab Civil Service in the 1930s, wrote this book in reaction to legislation passed by the Central Assembly regarding dissolution of Muslim marriages in cases of the wife’s apostasy. Subsequent to this legislation, as the Foreword to the book says, apostasy, whether genuine or faked, was adjudged as valid ground for the dissolution of marriage. If a Muslim woman wanted to get rid of her husband, she could just go to a Christian missionary, take a certicate of baptism and ipso facto, the marriage was dissolved. The author argues that this situation arose due to the ignorance of Muslims themselves as they twisted Islamic law and made divorce almost impossible for women. The book cites several lawsuits and court decisions in which Muslim women who were converted to Christianity got their marriages dissolved. This outcome was against the QurxÊnic law which recognizes marriage between a Muslim man and a Christian woman as legal. The author, explaining the real problem in this misinterpretation of the Islamic law and later misapplication, says, ‘It is unfortunate that in none of the rulings on the subject that I have been able to nd out did the judges nd it necessary or advisable to refer to the QurxÊnic text and it appears that in no case any such reference was made to the bar. The majority of the judges being non-Muslims and non-Arabic knowing could hardly refer to the QurxÊnic text without guidance from the bar, and the latter appear to have hopelessly failed in this particular respect. Instead of trying to deduce the law by a reference to the QurxÊn, the bench and the bar relied on the views of the jurists and imposed a law on Islam which was never laid down by its expounder. . . . In doing so they were led astray.’ In conclusion, he argues that ‘in order to restore the law to its original position and to allow females the rights secured to them under Islam we must in all marriages, to be performed hereafter, insist that the right of proclaiming a divorce be delegated to the prospective wife under the well-known principle of Tafwiz.’ 1502. FORBES, JEHANGIR CURSETJI. The Muslim Divorce Law: Being a Commentary on the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act. (V111 of 1939). Bombay: New Book Company, 1939. 53p. This volume reproduces the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, 1939 passed on 17th March 1939 by the Central Legislature of British India. The main purpose of the Act was ‘to consolidate and clarify the

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provisions of Muslim law relating to suits for dissolution of marriage by women married under Muslim law and to remove doubts as to the effect of the renunciation of Islam by a married Muslim woman on her marriage life.’ Appendix A at the end of the volume is a note of Hossain Imam titled ‘Statement of Objects and Reasons’ earlier published in Gazette of India, 1938, Part V, p. 36. The last paragraph of this note reects upon the need for the Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act. Hossain Imam writes, ‘the courts in British India have held in a number of cases that the apostasy of a married Muslim woman ipso facto dissolves her marriage. This view was repeatedly challenged at the bar, but the Courts stuck to precedents created by rulings based in an erroneous view of the Muslim law. The Ulama have issued fatwas supporting non-dissolution of marriage by reason of the wife’s apostasy. The Muslim community has again given expression to its supreme dissatisfaction with the view held by the Courts. Any number of articles has been appearing in the press, demanding legislation to rectify the mistake committed by the Courts. Hence this Bill.’ 1503. FYZEE, A. A. “The Muslim Wife’s Right of Dissolving Her Marriage.” Bombay Law Reporter, Journal, No. 38 (1936): 113–23. Islam has accorded a high position to women. A woman has a right to seek dissolution of marriage. The author however sums up the tragic status of women during the colonial period and says ‘the unfortunate position of the [Muslim] women of India is due to the fact women, being illiterate, are ignorant of their rights; and men, being callous, choose to remain ignorant.’ 1504. GHOSH, S. K. Indian Women Through the Ages. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1989. 344p. This book discusses different forms of Muslim marriages and divorces. References are made to the Muslim Marriage Act of 1939, which enabled Indian Muslim women to seek dissolution of marriage if their husband do not provide maintenance and neglect them for a period of two years. Maintenance of a divorced wife is now regulated under the Muslim Women (Indian) Protection of Rights on Divorce Act of 1986. 1505. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. ‘‡ul{ aur IrtidÊd’ [Divorce and Apostasy], in his MusalmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq [Rights of Muslim Women]. Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1938. pp. 26–30. [U] This article was written in 1924, a time when Muslim women increasingly used apostasy as a way out of abusive marriages. Khairi draws the attention of Muslims to the need to restore the Islamic right of

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women to seek divorce. He laments the tragedy that had befallen the Muslim community as they neglect the commands of Allah particularly in areas concerning women’s rights. 1506. ——. InsidÊd-i IrtidÊd [Prevention of Apostasy]. In his MuslanmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq [Rights of the Muslim Women]. Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1938. 39–43 (rst published in InqilÊb, Lahore, 1934). [U] This paper was written when the Muslim community of South Asia was going through a critical time. As patriarchy and male domination almost overruled Muslim women the rights of divorce and inheritance, they adopted resistance to seek their freedom. One such way was by forsaking Islam and converting either to Christianity or Hinduism. The writer exhorts Muslim men that the best way to deal with this crisis would be to look for causes rst and not for solutions. He reminds Muslim men that the Muslim women of today, i.e. the 1930s, were more knowledgeable than the women of the 1850s. The author concludes by observing that women on the path of resistance as a result of what men had done to them. To prevent apostasy the author recommended that the rst thing would be to restore to women their rights that had been usurped by Muslim men. 1507. ——. TansÒ¶-i Nikʘ [Abrogation of Marriage], in his MusÊlmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq [Rights of Muslim Women]. Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1938, 47–49. [U] This article was rst published in Ismat in 1934 at a time when South Asian Muslim women often struggled to escape from violent marriages. Neither jurists nor their own immediate families were prepared to bail them out of these abusive marriages. Muslim women were thus forced to adopt a different strategy, that is to give up Islam and convert to a different religion. Conversion would result in automatic abrogation of Islamic marriage. The author here pleads that Muslims should look at the causes that led women to adopt such extreme measures and not legislate against abrogation of marriages of an apostate woman. 1508. LAM, MITHAN TATA. ‘Divorce in India,’ in Shyam Kumari Nehru (ed.) Our Cause: A Symposium by Indian Women, Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1935. pp. 287–305. This paper discusses the provision of divorce among three major communities living in India i.e., Hindus, Muslims and Christians. The author notes that although socially a Muslim husband has absolute powers, ‘the Prophet has provided ample safeguards for the wife, which, if properly availed of would make the Musalman woman nearly as free as the husband in matters of divorce.’ But many Muslim women

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did not avail themselves of this advantage. Mithan Tata Lam and her mother Mrs. Herabai Tata were active members of the Indian women’s suffrage movement. 1509. MADHAVA, ANANDA and MIRZA KARIM HUSAIN. Marriage and the Dissolution of Marriage in Muslim Law: with a Commentary on the Dissolution of Muslim Marriage. Lucknow: Eastern Book Company, 1950. 127p. The text of the Dissolution of Marriage Act of 1939 is reproduced in this book. Various aspects of Islamic laws pertaining to marriage and divorce are also discussed. 1510. MASUD, MUHAMMAD KHALID. ‘Apostasy and Judicial Separation in British India,’ in Muhammad Khalid Masud et al. (ed.) Islamic Legal Interpretation, Muftis and Their Fatwas, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996. pp. 193–357. This scholarly paper shows how Mawlana Ashraf {Ali Thanawi, in consultation with other religious scholars, prepared the ground for Islamic legal reforms. Repudiating his own earlier fatwÊ of 1913 ruling that because of apostasy a marriage could be annulled, Thanawi in his second fatwÊ issued in 1931 argued that apostasy did not annul the marriage contract. However he recognized the suffering of Muslim women due to the unavailability of legal relief against abusive husbands and the absence of Muslim judges. ‘Because Hana doctrine did not provide any solution, Mawlana Thanawi recommended the adoption of Maliki grounds for judicial separation.’ The study of his two fatwÊs suggests that ‘legal reform is acceptable in Islamic law—even if is legislated by a non-Muslim government—if semblance of continuity with the past is maintained and if it is initiated through the institution of ifta{.’ 1511. TH¹NAWÁ, MAUL¹N¹ ASHRAF {ALÁ. ÆÒlat un-NÊjizÊ, ya{nÒ {aurato¸ kʘaqq-i-tansÒ¶-i nikʘ [Women’s Right to Annulment of Marriage]. Karachi: DÊr al-ishÊ{at, 1987. 248p. [U] After several years of extensive trans-national consultation with religious scholars, Aªraf AlÒ ThÊnawÒ revised his earlier fatwÊ issued in 1913 regarding the annulment of marriage of an apostate wife. The new fatwÊ, running to 201 pages, argues that apostasy did not annul the marriage contract. Persuasively urging Indian Muslims, both laypersons and scholars, this reformer-scholar sought opinion in favour of reforms in contemporary laws inuencing the personal status of Muslim wives. Among the three major aspects of reform as outlined in this groundbreaking fatwÊ, one was about the suffering of Muslim women due to the unavailability of legal relief against abusive husbands. This fatwÊ

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set the ground for a nation-wide discourse on Islamic legal reforms and resulted in the historic Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act of 1939. ThÊnawÒ, despite his vast scholarship and his avowed concern for the plight of Muslim women, under a subheading ‘necessary advice [ÓarÖrÒ maªwarah]’ writes, ‘divorce cannot be left totally in the hands of a woman since a woman is decient in intellect [pÖnkeh {aurat nÊqisuxl-{aql hai].’ This edition is complied by Mu˜ammad TaqÒ {UsmÊnÒ. 1512. VERMA, B. R. Muslim Marriage and Dissolution. Allahabad: Law Book Company, 2nd. edn. (1st. edn. 1971) 1988. 358p. This work provides information on all aspects of Muslim marriage and divorce from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence and on the changes enacted through legislative efforts in the 19th and 20th centuries.

H. Mahr: Dower 1513. AFZAL, MUHAMMAD, LEE L. BEAN and IMTIAZUDDIN HUSSAIN. “Muslim Marriages: Age, Mehr and Social Status.” Pakistan Development Review 12, no. 1 (1973): 48–61. Based upon marriage registration dates in Karachi in 1962 and 1965 under the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961, this paper examines rates of marriage, age at rst marriage and relationship with the dower, mahr. Findings show that as the marriage age of males and females rise, the amount of mahr also increases. 1514. FYZEE, ASAF A. A. ‘Mahr,’ in his Outlines of Muhammadan Law, Delhi: Oxford University Press, (First published in 1949), 1974. 132–45. The author denes and explains the nature of dower and its payment in Muslim marriages. Mahr is not analogous to sale-price; it is a marriage settlement in favour of the wife. 1515. D’SOUZA, VICTOR S. “A Unique Custom Regarding Mahr (Dowry) Observed by Certain Indian Muslims of South India.” Islamic Culture, October (1955): 28–29. One of the most important conditions of the marriage of the Muslims is the payment of Mahr or dower, which a Muslim husband is required to pay to his wife. The Muslims of South India, mostly of the ·Êfai{i jurisprudence, pay a traditionally xed amount of Mahr which is of low value. The author nds an interesting connection between small amounts of Mahr and the custom of temporary marriages.

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1516. HINCHCLIFFE, DOREEN. “The Widow’s Dower Debt in India.” Islam and the Modern Age 4, no. 3 (1973): 5–22. Dower is an essential element in the Muslim marriage contract. The paper discusses several judicial verdicts related to disputes over the payments of dower to women. 1517. KORSON, J. HENRY. “The Role of Dower and Dowry as Indicators of Social Change in Pakistan.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 30, no. 4, November (1968): 696–707. The study attempts to determine the degree of social change might in the attitudes of middle and upper-class male and female graduate students at two universities in Pakistan in 1965, towards dower and dowry, when compared to actual practices as shown by data for the period 1961–64 collected in middle and upper-class areas of Karachi. The author nds attitudes reecting ‘modernity’ emerging in a traditional society. 1518. ——. “Dower and Social Class in an Urban Muslim Community.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 29, no. 3, August (1967): 527–33. This paper examines the role of money a groom pays to a bride in Pakistan. The author observes that women generally have a low social status. He concludes by commenting that the dower provides a temporary nancial buffer for the wife if the couple were to seek a divorce. The paper is based on a study sample from Karachi. 1519. SIDDIQUI, MONA. Mahr: “Legal Obligation or Rightful Demand?” Journal of Islamic Studies 6, no. 1 (1995): 14–24. This scholarly article denes the nature of Mahr and its form of payment by the husband to his wife. Mahr ‘is not a voluntary gift but rather a nancial obligation imposed by the Islamic law on husband toward his wife.’ 1520. WANI, M. AFZAL. “Enforcement of Mahr by Muslim Women: A Case for Reconsideration.” The Indian Journal of Social Work 57, no. 2 (1996): 295–307. This article reviews the concept of mahr in the light of Islamic jurisprudence. It then examines the position of mahr in India. The author concludes by saying that for the institution of mahr to have a more effective function women will need be better educated.

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I. Payment of mahr and Maintenance for Divorced Women 241. For divorced women Maintenance (should be provided) On a reasonable (scale). This is a duty On the righteous. (S.2: 241, The Holy Qurxan)

1521. CARROLL, L. “Muslim Family Law in South Asia: Important Decisions Regarding Maintenance for Wives and Ex-wives.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 1 (1981): 95–113. This is a detailed study reviewing Muslim divorce cases in the context of economic remuneration for divorced women. It also reviews other possibilities and means of support for divorcees. 1522. ISLAM, BADRUL. ‘The Supreme Court Judgment on Divorced Muslim Women,’ in Janak Raj Jai (ed.) Shah Bano, Lahore: Chaudhary Academy, 1986. pp. 55–59. This paper discusses whether a divorced Muslim woman is entitled to maintenance only during the period of iddat or until her remarriage, if she marries at all. It also discusses the question of Muslim personal law and whether the Supreme Court of India has the right to interpret the QurxÊn. 1523. SAXENA, JUSTICE SAOJINI. ‘Legal Rights of Maintenance and Guardianship of Muslim Woman,’ in Asghar Ali (ed.) Islam, Women and Gender Justice, New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2001. pp. 99–116 This paper begins by observing that women’s rights of inheritance, polygamy, triple talÊq, divorce, maintenance, and ban on entry into mosques, has enraged women activists in India as well as in Muslim countries. Muslim men usually resist reform movements. However, change is becoming noticeable as women are becoming aware of their legal rights. II. Legal Battles over Payment of Maintenance (nafaqah): The Shah Bano Case 1524. AGARWAL, B. R. (ed.) Plight of a Muslim Woman: The Shah Bano Case. New Delhi: Arnold-Heinemann, 1986. 163p. This book presents the views of new reformist groups of India on a controversial case of divorce of a middle-aged Muslim woman, Shah Bano, who led her case for the grant of maintenance from her former

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1525.

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1528.

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husband in 1978. Includes a text of the judgment and a compilation of articles and interviews about this issue. BAIG, TARA ALI. “A Divorcee’s Right to Maintenance.” Mainstream, May 18 (1985): 15–16. In this paper, Baig opens the debate on a Muslim divorcee’s rightful claim to maintenance. The paper was written in the wake of the controversy over the Shah Bano case. CARROLL, L. ‘Financial Liability of Muslim Husbands: Two Dramatic Court Decisions from India.” Women Living Under Muslim Law, Dossier no. 4 (1988): 11–14. The Indian Muslim community’s resistance to reform of Muslim personal law and the case of Shah Bano are discussed in this paper. DIWAN, PARAS. Dowry and Protection to Married Women. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 2nd edition, 1990. 372p. This book describes the Hindu and Muslim Dowry Acts of India. The concept of mahr and dower under Muslim Law is examined. The Muslim Women Protection of Rights and Divorce Act, 1986 is also examined. EMBREE, AINSLEE T. Utopias in Conict: Religion and Nationalism in Modern India. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1990. 144p. This work examines the Shah Bano case in the context of the status of Muslims as a minority in India under the growing threat of Hindu fundamentalism. The author explains how the controversy over the Shah Bano case was viewed by one section of Muslims as an indication that a supreme court made up of Hindus and a government dominated by Hindus could use their power to further weaken the Muslim community. JANAK, RAJ JAI (ed.) Shah Bano. Lahore: Chaudhry Academy, 1986. 202p. The book is a collection of various documents, some of which include the judgment of the Supreme Court of India on the Shah Bano case, articles and editorials published in various newspapers and journals, and views of some distinguished persons from different walks of life. One section covers the proposed Bill on Muslim Women. KHORY, KAVITA R. ‘The Shah Bano Case: Some Political Implications,’ in Robert D. Baird (ed.) Religion and Law in Independent India, Delhi: Manohar, 1993. pp. 120–137. This paper examines the links between religion and politics in India as exemplied by the Shah Bano case. The author presents a brief

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summary of the case and then looks at diverse responses to the judgement from within and outside of Muslim community. KISHWAR, MADHU. “Pro-Women or Anti-Muslim? The Shah Bano Controversy.” Manushi 32 (1986): 4–13. [Also published in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Shah Bano Controversy, Bombay: Orient Longman. 1987.] Discussing the case of Shah Bano, Madhu Kishwar, an activist and editor of Manushi, a women’s journal, maintains that casting aspersions on Muslim Personal Law does nothing to remedy the overall problem of gender injustice in India. Women suffer equally whether controlled by Muslim Personal Law or Hindu law. KOZLOWSKI, GREGORY C. ‘Shah Banu’s Case, Britain’s Legal Legacy and Muslim Politics in Modern India,’ in Yogendra Malik and Dipendra Vajpay (ed.) Law, Politics and Society in India, New Delhi: Chanakya, 1989. pp. 88–111. The author argues that Shah Banu’s case enabled critics of Muslim Personal Law ‘to excoriate Islam for its mistreatment of women.’ The case also gave defenders the chance to defend Islam as a faith that protects women’s rights. ——. ‘Muslim Personal Law and Political Identity in Independent India,’ in Robert D. Baird (ed.) Religions and Law in Independent India, Delhi: Manohar, 1993. pp. 75–92. The author traces the historical background of Muslim family laws in India through periods of Muslim rule to the present time. The work then looks at the Shah Bano case and examines the attitude of Muslim men towards women’s right to inherit property, and the rise of religious fundamentalism in Indian political life. MINAULT, GAIL. “Legal and Scholarly Activism: Recent Women’s Studies on India—A Review Article.” Journal of Asian Studies 47, no. 4 (1988): 814–20. In April 1985, the Supreme Court of India issued a controversial judgement in the case of Shah Bano’s divorce. Muslims of India agitated against it as to them it was an attempt to interfere with Muslim Personal Law. The case produced prolic writings by both scholars and journalists. This paper reviews some of the articles and books published on the Shah Bano case. The author argues that issues of divorce, polygamy, and xating and payment of dower needs urgent review. MODY, NAWAZ B. “The Press in India: the Shah Bano Judgement and its Aftermath.” Asian Survey 27, no. 8 (1987): 935–53.

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1536.

1537.

1538.

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This paper examines the controversial legislation of 1986 following the Shah Bano divorce case. Political involvement in the process of legislation by Rajiv Gandhi led to the belief that the Congress government aimed at capturing ‘the heart of the Muslim masses’ and had nothing to do with providing justice to Muslim women. NADAWÁ, MUÆAMMAD A. ÂIDDÁQ. Mu¢allaqÊh {aurat kÊ nÊn nafaqÊh aur suprÒm kort kÊ faiÉlÊh. [Divorced Woman’s Maintenance and the Supreme Court’s Verdict] {Azamgarh: Dar al-muÉannifÒn, ·ibli Akedami, 1988. 92p. This paper discusses the rights of Muslim women’s right to maintenance and the Islamic Personal Law in India, in the light of a judgement by the Supreme Court of India on criminal appeal in favour of the respondent, Shah Bano Begam, a seventy-ve year old Muslim woman. NASEEM, MUHAMMAD FAROGH. “Maintenance of Divorced Wife: Indian Supreme Court vs. Shari{at.” Islamic Studies 27, no. 3 (1988): 231–50. The author begins by observing that the decision of the Indian Supreme Court regarding the Shah Bano case has evoked worldwide criticism among followers of Islamic Personal Law. Next, he discusses various aspects of marriage, divorce, dower, and maintenance as explained in Islamic law, the ªarÒ{Êh. He concludes by observing that the judgement of the Supreme Court in the Shah Bano case has ‘to be rejected as bad law.’ PATHAK, ZAKIA and RAJESHWARI SUNDER RAJAN. “Shah Bano.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14 (1989): 558–82. This paper studies the controversy over Muslim Personal Law reforms in India that emerged in the wake of the Shah Bano case in India. The authors suggest internal reforms within the Muslim community rather than an immediate Uniform Civil Code for all Indian communities. WANI, M. AFZAL. Maintenance Rights of Muslim Women: Principles, Precedents and Trends. New Delhi: Genuine Publications 1987. 100p. The book examines various aspects of maintenance rights for Muslim women as granted under the laws of Islam. Referring to the Shah Bano judgement the author cites from the QurxÊn to show how the Supreme Court of India’s views are in conict with Islamic law.

SECTION TEN

WOMEN’S RIGHTS TO INHERIT PROPERTY

A. Inheritance Rights of Muslim Women Misappropriated 1540. AHANGAR, M. ALTAF HUSSAIN. “Inheritance Rights of Muslim Women under Kashmir Customary Law.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 7, no. 3 (1987): 217–39. This paper draws attention to the misappropriation of the rights of Muslim women to inherit property and particularly land under cultivation. This unjust and unfair treatment is against Islamic practices and makes women poorer. 1541. ——. Customary Succession among Muslims. (A Critical Appraisal of Judicial Interpretation in Kashmir). Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1986. 259p. In this work the author explains the socio-economic factors behind the prevalence of Customary Law in Kashmir. Kashmir is predominantly Muslim, and therefore substantive law applicable to the succession of estate of deceased Muslim purports primarily to be Muslim Law. The author discusses how women’s rights of inheritance are linked with issues of agricultural land, which remains under virtual control of men. The State of Kashmir has failed to promulgate a law securing women’s rights of full equality in all social, educational, political and legal matters. To conclude, the author strongly recommends replacing the Customary Law of Kashmir with Muslim Personal Law as ‘comparatively, the Muslim Law of inheritance does substantial justice to females.’ 1542. BILGRAMI, RAFAT. ‘Property Rights of Muslim Women in Mughal India.’ Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. Goa University, 1988. pp. 261–70. Drawing upon Farsi court records and chronicles, this paper examines the rights of middle class women to land under the Mughals. Research ndings show that women in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries did acquire some land through inheritance. They only rarely purchased land. 1543. BANU, ZENAB. ‘Sharia Law and its Practice among the Dawoodi Bohras of Udaipur, Rajasthan. Muslim Women’s Right to Inheritance,’

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1545.

1546.

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in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Problems of Muslim Women in India. Bombay: Orient Longmans, 1995. pp. 34–39. The Dawoodi Bohras perform their Islamic duties and obligations with great care; however, they do not show the same concern and care in their treatment of women in their community. Women are not given a share in the family property. By withholding the share of women, the community fails to uphold Islamic laws. CHOWDHURY, A. B. M. SULTAN. “The Problem of Representation in the Muslim Law of Inheritance.” Islamic Studies 3 (1964): 375–391. Explaining the laws of Islam, this paper states that according to the directives of the QurxÊn, every man and woman is the sole owner of his/her property, inherited or acquired, during one’s lifetime. GABORIEAU, MARC. “Islamic Law, Hindu Law and Caste Customs: A Daughter’s Share of Inheritance in the Subcontinent.” Annales Islamologiques 27 (1993): 157–68. This paper investigates social practices motivating the usage of Customary Law among Muslims and Hindus in South Asia. The force of tradition is so strong that women themselves prefer not to demand their share of inheritance. JUNG, al-HAJ MAHOMED ULLAH. The Muslim Law of Inheritance, Compiled from Original Arabic Authorities with Arabic Text of Sirajiyyiah, QurxÊnic Verses & Hadiº and their English Translation. New Delhi: Kitab Bhavan, 1986 (reprint). (1st published in 1934). 238p. This is an exhaustive study of the Muslim Law of Inheritance (ilm-ulFarÊiz), comprising mainly the Sunni Hana Law, based on the original Arabic authorities. The book contains the text and translation of the Sirajiyyah, which was rst translated in 1792 by Sir William Jones. The present text has translations and commentaries by the author. Although women’s right to inherit is discussed throughout this excellent study, the author has dealt with this theme exclusively in chapter two, entitled ‘On Women’. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. ‘Laskio¸ kÊ tarkÊh,’ [Girl’s Inheritance] in his MusalmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq [Muslim Women’s Rights]. Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1938. pp. 14–15 (1st published in Ismat, 1924). [ U ] This paper draws attention to the great injustice done to Muslim girls in India in general, and in particular in the Punjab, by depriving them of their right to inherit property under the pretext of custom (riwÊj). This usurpation of women’s rights not only takes place in ordinary households alone; but also takes place in rich and elite families, and in

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families where men hold high positions. The writer calls upon Muslims to ght against this non-Islamic tradition and for restoration of Islamic laws. KOZLOWSKI, GREGORY C. ‘Muslim Women and the Control of Property in North India,’ in J. Krishnamurty (ed.) Women in Colonial India: Essays on Survival, Work and the State. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989. pp. 114–32. This essay describes aspects of the processes by which Muslim women in North India succeeded or failed to obtain material goods. The author also examines the inuences of women during the era of Mughal ascendancy, lasting until the 18th Century. Later, during the period of British hegemony, Muslim scholars showed a comparative lack of involvement in issues dealing with women’s property rights. ——. “Muslim Women and the Control of Property in North India.” The Economic and Social History Review 24, no. 2 (1987): 163–81. This paper shows that historically, South Asian Muslims have tended to restrict the opportunities women had to exercise their QurxÊnic prerogatives, especially regarding claiming ownership of real estate. PASTNER, CARROLL Mc CURE. ‘Access to Property and the Status of Women in Islam,’ in J. J. Smith (ed.) Women in Contemporary Muslim Societies. Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1980. pp. 146–85. Muslim women are explicitly accorded rights to property gained through both marriage and inheritance. ‘While it is true that female inheritance rights are not mathematically equal to those of men and that the acting out of the letter of the law must be documented rather than assumed, it is nonetheless a fact that such rights are granted in de jure fashion to women under the terms of religious authority.’ ——. ‘The Status of Women and Property on a Baluchistan Oasis in Pakistan,’ in L. Beck and N. Keddie (ed.) Women in the Muslim World. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978. pp. 434–50. Muslim women, unlike non-Muslim women, have always had specic legal rights to property. The author who has done eld work among Baloch tribes, argues that ‘while legally recognized as “economic” persons to whom property is transmitted, Muslim women are constrained from acting out economic roles because of other legal, as well as ideological, components of Muslim female status.’ Women in this Baluchi area are ‘protected persons’ and have access to several kinds of property, including items such as jewellery and cash, and immoveable wealth such as land and trees.

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1552. PATEL, RASHIDA. “Women in Islamic Social Structures.” Voice of Islam 24, no. 3 (1975): 110–23. The author states that it is all true that a Muslim woman can own property, buy and sell, conduct business, enter into any profession and be gainfully employed in her own right as an individual. The practice, however, she states is just the opposite: Muslim women are being subjugated and rarely ever enjoy these rights. 1553. SOBHAN, SALMA. Legal Status of Women in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs, 1978. pp. 19–32. This paper examines the legal status of women under the sharia, or Muslim Personal Laws of the country. Women’s right to inherit property is hardly given to them. I. Customary Law (rÒwÊj-i {Êm) and Women 1554. {ABDULL¹H, SHAIKH MUÆAMMAD. WirÊsat-i niswʸ kÊ Êm rÒwÊj ÉÖbÊh yi-PunjÊb me¸ [The Customary Law of Women’s right to Inheritance in the Punjab Province]. TahzÒb un-NiswÊn 32, no. 23 (1929): 537–40. [U] In this paper, the author, founder of the rst boarding school for Muslim girls at Aligarh in 1904, exhorts educated men and women in the Punjab to pay attention to the serious disregard of women’s Islamic rights to inherit family property. He observes that Islam alone, among the religions of the world, has conferred upon women the right to share property with men. However, ‘the afuent people of the Punjab will not happily approve that any part of their property goes out of the possession of their male progeny to their daughters who often wed into unrelated families.’ The author also laments that some Muslim women earlier opposed a resolution presented against Customary Law at the Lahore Session of the Ladies Conference. 1555. ALI, SHAHEEN SARDAR. “Are Women also Human? Women’s Rights and Human Rights in Tribal Areas: A Case Study of the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 1, no. 1 (1994): 21–26. This paper discusses women’s rights as human rights in the Provincially Administered Tribal Areas (PATA) in North Western Pakistan. It begins by giving a brief overview of Riwaj (customary law) relating to various aspects of the life of a Pukhtun tribal woman, thus putting into perspective the title. The second part of the paper examines Special Laws promulgated for governing the Federally Administered Tribal Area, and

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the PATA. In section three, consequences of PATA regulations carrying adverse implications for women are highlighted. GILMARTIN, DAVID. ‘Customary Law and Shariat in British Punjab,’ in Katherine P. Ewing (ed.) Shariat and Ambiguity in South Asian Islam, Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1988. pp. 43–62. This paper traces the conict between Shariat and Customary Law in the Punjab as it was shaped by the development of law within the colonial order of India. The colonial government sought to systematize customs by collecting and compiling district records of ‘tribal’ customs. This Customary Law eventually came to rest on the fundamental assumption that ‘as a rule’ daughters and their sons, as well as sisters and their sons, are excluded by near male collateral. ——. ‘Kinship, Women, and Politics in Twentieth Century Punjab,’ in Gail Minault (ed.) The Extended Family. Women and Political Participation in India and Pakistan. Columbia: South Asia Books, 1981. pp. 151–73. This paper examines how British colonial administration in the Punjab replaced the laws of Hinduism and Islam with those of tribal customs. This change adversely affected women’s right to inherit property. With the emergence of Pakistan, women saw some possibilities regarding inheritance of land. KHAIRÁ, R¹SHIDUL. ‘RiwÊj.’ [Custom]. In his MusalmÊn {Aurat ke ÆuqÖq. Delhi: Ismat buk dipo, 1938. pp. 12–13. (First published in Ismat in 1913). [U] In this short essay, ‡airÒ punches hard at Muslim men’s usurpation of Muslim women’s right to inherit property. Referring to the deprivation of Muslim women’s right of inheritance in the Punjab under the pretext of ‘custom,’ the author strongly argues that men continue to have polygamous marriages under the pretence of following the Prophet’s Traditions [sunnat-e nabawÒ ki Ês me¸]. On the other hand, in fullling the Divine Command [ farÓ ke adÊ karne me¸] they do nothing at all. He concludes by observing, ‘What else could be a greater fallacy [alatÒ] than this that while Islam respects [waqa{t] women more than any other religion the Muslims do little than the others.’ KHAN, SARDAR. Customary Law of the Attock District. Lahore: Printed by the Superintendent Government Printing, Punjab, 1931. 217p. This government publication records cases led in Courts of Law under British jurisdiction in India. Readers today would understand how the compilation of Riwaj-i-Am (Customary Law) during the colonial period legitimized the existence of extra-Islamic laws mainly dealing with women’s status and their property rights in tribal societies. This work

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1560. 1561.

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recorded the tribal custom of rejecting the right of a Musalla-naªÒn (literal meaning: one who sits on the prayer carpet; social meanings: one vowed to celibacy. Almost all these women were forced to adopt this life and were not allowed by their male relatives to marry) daughter/sister to inherit ancestral property. KITCHIN, A. J. W. Customary Law of the Attock District. Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1911. Unexamined. NOON, MUHAMMAD HAYAT KHAN. Customary Law of the Pakpattan and Dipalpur Tahsils of the Montgomery District. Lahore: Printed by the Superintendent, Government Printing Ofce, 1925. 195p. Unexamined. RIZVI, SAIYID ATHAR ABBAS. Shah Abdul Aziz, Puritanism, Sectarian Polemics and Jihad. Canberra: Marifat Publishing House, 1982. 609p. In this well documented biographical study of Shah Abdul Aziz (1746–1824), the renowned Muslim reformer of Delhi, the author refers to his views on Customary Law (Ada, {urf or riwÊj ) as practiced by Muslims of his age. The Shah argued that divorce must be avoided, widow remarriage should not be discouraged, women should be given the right to inherit property and all extra-Islamic customs should be discouraged. ROY, SRIPATI. Customs and Customary Law in British India. (Tagore Law Lectures, 1908). Calcutta: Hare Press, 1911. 621p. This scholarly book in its thirteen well-written chapters examines the growth of laws built upon customs in India’s religio-legal system. Under Muslim law, dower is considered a debt, which can be claimed by the widow before a deceased husband’s inheritance is divided. A widow is allowed to hold the property of her husband if the dower has not been paid. T¹J BEGAM. ‘ÉÖbÊh-yi PunjÊb me¸ wirÊsat-i niswʸ kÊ {Êm rÒwÊj ’ [ The Customary Law of Women’s Right to Inheritance in the Punjab Province]. TahzÒb un-niswÊn 32, no. 23 (1929): 444–46. [U], MHL. This paper reports the resolutions passed at two separate meetings held by Muslim women of the Punjab to protest the provincial imposition of Customary Law, which was totally against Islamic law [sarÊsar ªarÊ{ yi mu˜ammadÒ ke ¶ilÊf ]. The rst protest meeting was held on 17 January 1929 at Delhi under the presidentship of {Iffat ‡anam. The second was held under the presidentship of Begam Mu˜ammad {AlÒ, wife of MawlÊnÊ Mu˜ammad {¹lÒ ‘Jauhar’. The resolutions emphatically put forward vigorous and emphatic demand of the Muslim women for the restoration of their usurped rights. The second meeting called upon all Muslim women as part of their national duty to hold such protest

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meetings in their towns and cities, and to put their demands unitarily before the Government for the removal of this discriminatory practice. This article is the rst of its kind in which a woman raises a strong voice to protest violence against women. She writes: ‘In the District of Multan, in the Punjab, far too excessive cruelties and injustices are practised, especially against women First they are kept totally ignorant so that by becoming aware of their rights, they dare not demand their rights from men. Life of women of this area is worse than that of a prisoner. 1565. TALBOT, W. S. General Code of Tribal Custom in the Jhelum District of the Punjab. Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1901. Unexamined. 1566. TUPPER, C. L. Punjab Customary Law. Calcutta: Government of India Printing Press, 1881, 3 volumes. In these three volumes, one can see how the colonial government sacriced the interests of women in their attempt to strengthen the roots of colonial power. Tupper writes that under the Punjab Act of 1872, women could not inherit landed property, and indeed would always remain ‘under the guardianship either of their husbands or failing these, of the nearest agnates by blood or marriage.’ II. Legal Services for Women: Access to Lawyers and Courts of Law 1567. BLAIR, A. J. Letter form A. J. Blair dated Allahbad, 29.5.02 to Miss Sorabji’. MSS. EUR. F. 165/119 Sorabji Collection, OIOC. In his letter to Cornelia Sorabji, Blair writes how pleased he was at her success. ‘Nobody would be more delighted than myself to hear that you had attained your position which would enable you to give much needed help to those poor helpless creatures who have so thoroughly awakened your sympathies.’ He then recalls his own experience with parda, observing women’s hardships, and says, ‘during my ten years judicial experience I am continuously dealing with cases in which it is manifest that women have much or less robbed of their rights by their male relations; yet the number of cases which are instituted by them to obtain redress is quite innitesimal. There seems to exist between them and the fountain of justice an almost inseparable bar.’ 1568. COLDSTREAM, JOHN P. ‘Women and Law in India’ in The Juridical Review, June, 1903, 185–187. MSS. EUR. F. 165/119 Sorabji Collection, OIOC. The writer appreciates the efforts made by Cornelia Sorabji for making available legal assistance to parda-observing women in India. The

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subject of providing legal assistance to parda women by ‘permitting competent women to qualify as their legal advisers’ was raised in the House of Commons on 10th November 1902. The Secretary of State for India, George Hamilton, avoided answering the question by saying, ‘I have not had the matter ofcially before me; the disabilities which the custom of the country imposes upon ladies in the great part of India in the management of their affairs are, however, well known.’ 1569. RALEIGH, T. Letter to Cornelia Sorabji, 21.3.01, F.165/119 MSS. Sorabji Collection, OIOC. In response to Sorabji’s efforts to provide legal assistance to parda women in India, opinions in the British administrative circle differed widely. Some believed such a step would result in strong male disapproval in India. Indian males would not even approve of a woman legal assistant. Raleigh said that ‘we respect all native customs, and the seclusion of women is recognised as an institution of the country. If we send a woman behind the parda to make inquiries, the wealthier men who have zenana will say that we are trying to break down the institution. And the deliberate judgement of most high ofcials is, ‘better run the risk of injustice than interference between men of standing and inuence and the women of their families.’ 1570. SHAH DIN, JUSTICE. “Miss Cornelia Sorabji’s Scheme of Legal Relief for Pardanashins in India.” The Journal of the Punjab Law Society, Lahore (1903): 61–77. MSS. EUR. F. 165/120 Sorabji Collection. OIOC. The author, himself a Justice of the Punjab court, explains that Cornelia Sorabji’s scheme of lady lawyers for parda-observing women will not be a success and the government would face a ‘good deal of criticism’ on account of this scheme. 1571. SMITH, MAJOR DUNLOP. Letter to Lady Galloway, May 1903, MSS. EUR. F. 165/119 Sorabji Collection. OIOC. Referring to Cornelia Sorabji’s proposed scheme to provide legal services to parda-observing women of India, Dunlop Smith raises a question: ‘Is it in the interest of the country in its present condition, and is it in the interest of these very pardanashin women to raise up the amount of distrust and opposition, such an appointment would make among men of the country? There are things the Indian will not stand-interference with his women, his religion, or his dead.’ He further wrote that Indians, Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs, ‘recognize the absolute justice of the proposal but they will not have it at any price because it might mean

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the entry of independent thought into their zenana, and a lessening over their own power in their own home’. SORABJI, CORNELIA. ‘The Law of Women’s Property in India in Relation to Her Social Position.’ Lecture by Cornelia Sorabji read at Queen’s House, Chelsea, by Invitation of the Rev. R. Haweis, March 19th, 1893. MSS. EUR. F. 165/119 Sorabji Collection, OIOC. Tracing the right to hold property by women in India, Sorabji said, ‘A Mahomedan woman is independent as soon as she is of age. She cannot be married without her own consent. Her antenuptial settlement is her absolute property—and indeed no marriage is valid without a settlement. When married, she retains her identity. Marriage is no converter. She continues to share in her father’s inheritance, has extensive powers—A Mahomedan woman is a person in the eye of the law, not a thing—and marriage makes no difference to this independence—she has much too much powers.’ Summing up her lecture, Sorabji said, ‘Indian women whether Hindu or Mohammedan have large property rights—that custom and oppression debar them from enjoying these’. To address the needs of these women, Sorabji suggested, ‘we need not supplant men, there is enough to do if we will supplement them.’ ——. “The Legal Status of Women in India.” Nineteenth Century 44, no. 261 (1898): 854–66. OIOC. In this paper, Sorabji argues for providing adequate legal assistance to Indian women for managing their property and other affairs. She proposes a specic programme of legal assistance for Indian women, including appointment of female legal personnel. ——. ‘Draft of a letter to Mr T. Raleigh, dated February 4, 1902.’ MSS. EUR. F. 165/119. Sorabji Collection. OIOC. In this letter, Sorabji draws attention to the great difculties faced by Indian women in seeking legal services. She writes, ‘I have long felt that the difculties consequent upon the seclusion of women of India and the purdanashin system—especially in those cases where the guardianship of minors, or the ownership of property—compels dealings with the outer world—are so great, that it behoves us to consider seriously whether a way not be found of meeting them, without doing violence to custom or tradition, or personal feeling.’ ——. “The Pardanishin Question.” The Indian Review, July (1903): 401–402. MSS. EUR. F. 165/119 Sorabji Collection. OIOC. Sorabji in this article pleads for ‘a trained intelligent, legalized body of women law-practitioners’ for parda-observing women of India.

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She argues that even when Indian women are literate ‘it would be of inestimable benet to them to have an intermediary of their own sex’ to deal with their lawsuits. 1576. ——. “Safeguards for Purdanashins.” Asiatic Quarterly 15, no. 29 (1903): 69–78. OIOC. The author describes problems faced by parda-observing women in seeking legal aid for the protection of their rights. To improve the situation and bring relief to women, Sorabji suggests urgent measures to safeguard their rights.

B. Muslim Family Law in South Asia 1577. HOSSAIN, SARA. ‘Equality in the House: Women’s Rights and Personal laws in South Asia,’ in Rebecca J. Cook (ed.) Human Rights of Women: National and International Perspective. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994. pp. 465–94. The basic argument of this paper is that the norm of equality and nondiscrimination between men and women as dened by international human rights instruments is not present in South Asia. Male authorities in communities have wrongly denounced women who challenged this discrimination within their communities. 1578. MAHMOOD, TAHIR. South and Southeast Asia. Family Law Reform in the Muslim World. Bombay: N. M. Tripathi, 1972. pp. 167–262. This work presents a ‘survey of the various substantive and regulatory reforms introduced into the Muslim family laws’ in societies that have reshaped Islamic family law. Chapters on India, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan include texts of legislation in appendices. 1579. PHULW¹RWÁ, MUÆAMMAD JA{AFAR SH¹H. oand IzdvÊji MasÊxil [Some Issues of Marriage], Lahore: Idarah-yi ºaqafat-i Islamiah, 1972. 99p. [U] Drawing upon QurxÊn and the canon of Islamic theology, the author rationally examines issues regarding marriage and divorce. The author argues that marriages of minors must be stopped and a wife should have every right for the dissolution of marriage. The tradition of triple divorce must be revoked. Divorce pronounced under the inuence of intoxication should be considered invalid. The author is well respected for his scholarship in Pakistan, and yet his rational approach perhaps has not won great support.

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1580. RAHMAN, FAZLUR. “A Survey of Modernization of Muslim Family Law.” International Journal of Middle East Studies 11 (1990): 451–65. The paper discusses various issues such as polygamy, laws of marriage and divorce, inheritance and education for women from a modernist point of view. The author says that whereas some strides have been taken to improve the status of women, the weight of conservatism is still very strong. 1581. SINGH, ALKA. Women in Muslim Personal Law. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 1992. 186p. This book discusses the status of Muslim women and the need for a change in Muslim personal law. The study is with special reference to Muslim women living in the cities of Delhi and Lucknow that were once centres of Muslim ‘elite’ culture. 1582. SYED AHMAD KHAN. ‘The Rights of Women,’ in MawlanÊ Mu˜ammad IsmÊ{Òl PanÒpatÒ (ed.) MaqÊlat-i Sir Sayyad, Lahore: Majlis Traqqi-yi Adab, 1962. pp. 201–5. Also see for translation, Mansoor Moaddel and Kamran Talattof (ed.) Contemporary Debates in Islam; An Anthology of Modernist and Fundamentalist Thought. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999. pp. 159–61. Syed Ahmad Khan, pioneer of Muslim modernism in South Asia, worked for a secular western system of education for boys of his community but refused to do the same for girls. In this essay analyzing the causes of the low status of Muslim women in his contemporary society, he says, ‘Despite the fact that the laws of the developed nations regarding women were extremely defective and miserable, these nations have elevated the position of their women to an extremely high level.’ Muslims, on the contrary, he says ‘on account of being uncivilised have treated women so badly that all the nations laugh at the condition of Muslim women.’ I. The Family Laws in Pakistan 1583. ABBOTT, FREELAND. “Pakistan’s New Marriage Law: A reection of QurxÊnic Interpretation.” Asian Survey 1, no. 11 (1962): 26–32. This paper examines the tradionalists’ and modernists’ views of the introduction of the 1961 Muslim Family Laws Ordinance which put restrictions on polygamy. 1584. ABIDA SULTAN, PRINCESS. “A Critical Analysis of the Marriage Commission Report.” The Voice of Islam 26, no. 3 (1975): 136–153.

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Contrary to the demands of educated women of Pakistan, particularly those belonging to the APWA, the writer, a public gure, argues that traditional Islamic law, favouring polygamy, should not be changed. On the occasion of Government of Pakistan’s introduction of Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961 she rejected the state’s intervention introducing reforms in the Muslim Personal Law in Pakistan. Abida Sultan was a grand-daughter of the Begam of Bhopal. 1585. AHMAD, ANIS. Women and Social Justice: Some Legal and Social Issues in Contemporary Muslim Society. Islamabad: Institute of Policy Studies, 1991. 128p. This book presents a strong critique of the women’s movement in Pakistan. It states, ‘the more vocal advocates of the women’s liberation, somehow, happen to be the women and men from a privileged class. Trained and educated in the colonialist’s tradition, these crypto-colonialists represent fully in their thought and lifestyle, attitudes of the outgoing colonialist masters. Consciously or unconsciously, feel more comfortable with the alien tradition brought to their homeland by the colonialists.’ 1586. AHMAD, BASHIR. ‘Status of Women and Settlement of Family Disputes under Islamic Law,’ in Tahir Mahmood (ed.) Islamic Law in Modern India, Bombay: N. M. Tripathi Private Ltd., 1972. pp. 186–91. This paper begins by analyzing the nature of legal institutions in Islamic societies affecting the status and rights of Muslim women. The author suggests a modication in existing law so that more protection becomes available to women. A draft of the proposed Muslim Family Disputes Settlement Act is given. 1587. AHMAD, BEGUM ANWAR G. New Family Laws in Pakistan. Karachi: International Press, 1961? 14p. In this small pamphlet, the author observes that the abuse of QurxÊnic injunctions over the centuries in respect of Family Laws led to many corrupting inuences disrupting the very security of the home. As an enthusiastic supporter of the Family Laws Ordinance, she concludes by saying that ‘the reformation of the status of women is a responsibility which must be shared no less by men than by women themselves.’ The writer, one of the founder members of the All Pakistan Women’s Association, was the rst Asian woman to be elected Chairman of the UN Commission on the Status of Women in 1958. She also served as a member of the Family Laws Commission appointed by the Government of Pakistan in 1955.

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1588. AHMAD, FURQAN. “The Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application (Amendment) Bill, 1986.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 6 (1986): 271–73. A bill titled Muslim Personal Law (Shariat Bill) Application (amendment) 1986 was moved in the Indian Parliament in March 1986 to amend the Muslim Personal Law enacted by the British in 1937. Members of the Parliament who moved the Bill were convinced that Section 2 of the 1937 law was meant to deprive Muslim women of their share of landed family property. The Bill failed to gain majority support. 1589. AHMAD, KHURSHID. (ed.). Marriage Commission Report X-rayed: A Study of the Family Law of Islam and a Critical Appraisal of the Modernist Attempts to Reform it. Karachi: Chiragh-i Rah Publishers, 1959. 315p. The work represents the views of Pakistan’s politico-religious party, JamÊ{at-i islami, and of its chief exponent, Abul {Ala Maududi, on the seven-member Marriage Commission established in 1955 by the Government of Pakistan to consider whether the existing laws that governed marriage and divorce required modication. Articles in this book argue that permission for polygamy exists in the QurxÊn and that polygamy is in itself a preventive measure against social and moral ills. The Marriage Commission’s questionnaire and its nal report are also included in the work. 1590. ALI, SHAHEEN SARDAR. Gender and Human Rights in Islam and International Law: Equal Before Allah, Unequal before Man. The Hague: Kulwer Law Institute, 2000. 358p. This book focuses on how the text of the QurxÊn is being selectively used in Islamic legal systems in order to create and sustain gender disparities. This misapplication of Islamic texts has rendered a disservice to Muslim women. 1591. ANWARI, KHWAJA ARSHAD MUBEEN. The Manual of Family Laws. Lahore: Khyber Law Publishers, (1st ed. 1976, 416p.) Revised edition, 1989. 684p. This voluminous work presents a series of texts and interpretations of civil family laws pertaining to Pakistan, with reference to Muslims, Hindus, Christians and other sects, as well as texts of laws introduced under British rule in undivided India. 1592. ASHRAF, MOHAMMAD. Family Laws in Pakistan: as amended up-to-date with exhaustive commentary. Lahore: Premier Book House, 1969. 246p. This work includes text and commentary on 19 pieces of legislation concerning Family laws in Pakistan dating from the colonial enactments of 1875 to post independence laws up to 1969.

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1593. BALCHIN, CASSANDRA. A Handbook of Family Law in Pakistan. Lahore: Shirkat Gah. 1994. 379p. In four parts, this work presents a comprehensive description of laws related to marriage, dower, divorce, custody and guardianship, succession, and inheritance in Pakistan. 1594. CARROL, L. “The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961: Provisions and Procedures—A Reference Paper for Current Research.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 13, no. 1 (1979): 117–43. Promulgated by the martial law administration of Pakistan in 1961, this Ordinance represents the only post-1947 statutory reform in Muslim family law in the Indian sub-continent and is today applicable only in the states of Pakistan and Bangladesh. This paper presents an in-depth study of marriage and its related aspects with reference to Islamic schools of jurisprudence and post-1961 judicial interpretations of the Ordinance in Pakistan. The author concludes this study by observing that in a country such as Pakistan ‘judicial innovation and reinterpretation are the only practical and possible modes of introducing reform.’ 1595. CHAUDHARY, MUHAMMAD ANWAR . Muslim Family Laws: Containing Muslim Laws, Ordinances and Rules; with Child Marriage Restraint Act, Dowry (Prohibition of Display Act), Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, Family Courts Act and rules; and thirty years’ digest of Muslim Family Law Cases reported during 1941–1971. Lahore: Lahore Law Times Publications, 1971. 159p. This volume is a compilation of texts and rules of various laws with interpretative comments and a chronological summary of the interpretations by the courts of these laws. This is a good source book. 1596. CHIPP-KRAUSHAAR, SYLVIA. ‘The All Pakistan Women’s Association and the 1961 Muslim Family Laws Ordinance,’ in Gail Minault (ed.) The Extended Family. Women and Political Participation in India and Pakistan, Columbia: South Asia Books, 1981. pp. 262–85. This paper examines the political role of the All Pakistan Women’s Association, a women’s NGO founded in 1949, which called for reforms in the family laws of Islam, particularly those dealing with polygamy. APWA’s agitation nally resulted in the Family Law Ordinance. 1597. COULSON, N. J. ‘Islamic Family Law: Progress in Pakistan,’ in J. N. D. Anderson (ed.) Changing Law in Developing Countries. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963. pp. 240–56. This paper argues that the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 is a compromise between the stand of the traditionalists and the modernists and their understanding of the Islamic law.

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1598. ——. “Reforms of Family Laws in Pakistan.” Studia Islamica 7 (1957): 135–55. This critical analysis of recommendations of the 1955 Commission on Family Law reforms compares and contrasts the reforms in Pakistan with those in other Muslim countries. 1599. ESPOSITO, JOHN L. Women in Muslim Family Law. New York: Syracuse University Press, 1982. 155p. The author explains that QurxÊnic reforms corrected many injustices in pre-Islamic society by granting women rights. Profound social forces in modern times have affected the status and role of women and the family in Muslim society. This process has been accompanied by reforms in Muslim Family Law, which have sought to respond to as well as to foster social change. Later, the author examines in detail various historical stages of Muslim Family Law in South Asia since 1857, and identies a lack of consistency in methodology of family law reforms. 1600. ——. “Muslim Family Law Reform in Pakistan.” Jernal Undang-Undang 4 (1977): 293–310. Unexamined. This article discusses the history of the Muslim Family Law reform in Pakistan and analyzes the methodologies adopted for bringing in changes. 1601. FARANI, M. Family Laws Manual. Lahore: Lahore Law Times Publications, 1977. 354p. Texts of commentary on legislation relating to marriage and divorce among various sects of Muslims in Pakistan are compiled in this work. These laws deal with issues of adultery, inheritance, dower, maintenance, restitution of conjugal rights, custody of children and guardianship. It lists cases and court rulings from 1975 to 1977. 1602. FARUKI, KAMAL A. “Islamic Family Law in Pakistan.” Ummah 1, no. 10, February (1965): 22–27 and 1, no. 11, March (1965): 37–44. The author stresses the need for a rationalistic approach to the understanding of laws of Islam. Change in family law, as in all efforts to Islamize the society and its laws, is always liable to further development and improvement. 1603. HODKINSON, KEITH. Muslim Family Law: A Source Book. London: Croom Helm, 1984. 401p. This is an important source book on Muslim family law of the subcontinent, particularly as practised in Pakistan. The institution of marriage, husband/wife relationships, and parent/child relationships are discussed in the light of important judicial verdicts and cases.

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1604. MAHMOOD, SHAUKAT. Muslim Family Laws. Lahore: Legal Research Centre, 1982. 170p. Texts of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961, Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1921, Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act (1939), West Pakistan Family Courts Act, 1964, and Dowry and Bridal Gifts Act (1976), are given in detail. 1605. MAHMOOD, TAHIR. “Pakistan: Family Law and the Protection of Women.” Journal of Family Law 28, no. 3 (1987): 578–80. A brief summary of major trends in Pakistan Family Law since 1961 is offered in this paper. All provisions of the Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 as amended to date remain in force. The Family Law Ordinance of 1961 of Pakistan raised the minimum age of girls at marriage to 16, controlled bigamy, and gave women an easier opportunity to obtain support from their husbands. The Dowry and Bridal Gifts Act of 1976 abolished dowry. 1606. MAUDUDI, SYED ABUL {AL¹. “Islamic and Western Laws on Divorce—A Comparative Historical Perspective.” Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 1 (1981): 17–23. This paper is extracted from the author’s book in UrdÖ, ÆuqÖq al-Zawjain [Rights of spouses], and translated into English. The central point of his argument is that what the western law-givers are doing now, Islam did centuries ago. In other words, Muslim women are well protected under the laws of Islam. 1607. MEHDI, RUBYA. Women’s Law in Legal Education and Practice in Pakistan: North South Co-operation. Copenhagen: New Social Science Monograph, 1997. 303p. Unexamined. 1608. PATEL, RASHIDA. Socio-Economic Political Status and Women and Law in Pakistan. Karachi: Faiza Publishers, 1991. 270p. Patel, a legal activist as well as a member of the All Pakistan Women’s Association, in this book presents a socio-economic prole of women in Pakistan. She examines the process and results of legal reforms and analyses the sorry effect of Islamization of laws on women. 1609. ——. Women and the Law in Pakistan. Karachi: Faiza Publishers. 1979. 194p. This examines existing laws for women in Pakistan and says that these should be reformed in view of changing circumstances. The author, a prominent lawyer and legal activist draws upon various sources of Islamic law to discuss women’s legal issues. 1610. PEARL, DAVID. ‘Executive and Legislative Amendments to Islamic Family Law in India and Pakistan,’ in Nicholas Heer (ed.) Islamic Law

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and Jurisprudence, 199–220. Seattle: University of Washington Press. 1990. pp. 199–220. This paper examines the signicant impact of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 on the social and political life of Pakistan and also assesses the impact of this legislation on Muslim Family law in India. ——. ‘Three Decades of Executive and Judicial Amendments to Islamic Family Law in Pakistan,’ in Chibli Mallat and Jane Conners (ed.) Islamic Family Law. London: Graham & Trotman, 1990. pp. 321–338. The paper examines the reasons behind the various amendments to Islamic Family Law Ordinance 1961 of Pakistan in the past three decades. ——. “The Impact of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance 1961 in Quetta Baluchistan.” Journal of the India Law Institute 13, no. 4 (1971): 561–69. The paper examines various provisions of the Muslim Family Laws Ordinance passed in 1961 in Pakistan and illustrates that in the country’s male-dominated culture this Ordinance has had a minimal effect on marriage age, polygamy, divorce and maintenance. RAHMAN, FAZLUR. “A Survey of Modernization of Muslim Family Law.” International Journal of Middle East Studies II (1980): 451–65. Although some efforts have been made to improve the status of women in Islam, the weight of conservatism is still very strong. The author discusses prevalent issues of polygamy, law of marriage, divorce, inheritance, and family planning. To improve society, he suggests a rationalistic interpretation of Islam. ——. “Islam and Status of Women.” Ummah 1, no. 5, September (1964): 11–12. Writing in defence of the Family Laws Ordinance of 1961 of Pakistan, the author feels that as the Ordinance ‘did not really break from the tradition on any important issues, it was denounced by the conservatives of almost all shades.’ II. Uniform Civil Code in India: A Panacea for Muslim Women’s Plight?

1615. AGNES, FLAVIA. Law and Gender Inequality —The Politics of Women’s Rights in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999. 250p. Drawing upon secondary sources, this book includes several references to Islamic law and Muslim women’s rights in India. A separate chapter examines the Shah Bano divorce case.

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1616. ANSARI, IQBAL A. “Muslim Personal Law in India.” Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs 2 (1979): 86–96. This paper rst looks at the history of the development of Muslim Personal law in India. The work states that to make their case strong and convincing, Muslims themselves have to see that ‘the various provisions and practices under Muslim Personal Law meet the demands of the norms of Islamic social justice as understood and applied today.’ 1617. BHATTY, ZARINA. ‘Islamic Fundamentalism and Muslim Women in India,’ in Hem Lata Swarup and Sarojini Bisaria (ed.) Women Politics and Religion, Etawah, A. C. Brothers, 1991. pp. 145–151. This paper argues that relevant changes in Muslim personal law in India are required to protect Muslim women. The author is an active member of the Indian Association for Women’s Studies. 1618. BRIJ BHUSHAN, JAMILA. Muslim Women in Purdah and Out of It. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1981. 133p. This is general study on the various aspects of the lives of Muslim women. The author concludes by saying that rights that are so patently theirs and are blatantly being denied to Muslim women. The writer recommends changes in Muslim laws of marriage and divorce. 1619. CHAKRAVARTY, RENU. ‘The Law as It Affects Women,’ in Tara Ali Beg (ed.) Women of India. Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1958. pp. 72–89. While describing the development and major features of various laws in India, the author also studies Muslim law as it affects women. 1620. ENGINEER, ASGHAR ALI. ‘Shariat Not a Closed System,’ in Janak Raj Jai (ed.) Shah Bano. Lahore: Chaudhary Academy, 1986. pp. 61–66. The author argues that Islamic philosophy of law is deeply imbued with the spirit of justice and progressive assimilation of new situations. The state can also play a creative role, provided it does not politicize the issue. Muslim conservatism is not religious only; it is social as well. 1621. ——. The Rights of Women in Islam. New York: St. Martins Press. 1992. Vi+188 p. The author states that Qur’Ên awards equal status to both sexes. Social norms of patriarchy, however, have reduced women to the status of male-owned property. The author reassesses women’s rights pertaining to marriage, divorce, property and the custody of children. He argues that the shari{Ê evolved and was situational, relying more on the sunnÊ than on the QurxÊn and that the jurists now should take into

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1624.

1625.

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consideration the social context in which various passages were revealed, as well as their occasional linguistic ambiguity. ——. Problems of Muslim Women in India. Bombay: Orient Longman. 1995. xx+198p. This work is a collection of papers on various aspects of Muslim women’s lives and their experiences in India. Major issues dealt with are women’s right to inherit property, and laws related to marriage and divorce. The introduction and the editor’s paper on the status of women in Islam reiterate his progressive reading of the QurxÊn to establish religious grounds for women’s equality. GANDHI, AMBALAL BHIKHA BHAI. The Law of Maintenance of Wives, Children, and Parents in India. Bombay: Milan Law Publishers, 1975. 135p. With reference to recent cases led in courts of law in India, this book discusses legislation relating to Hindus, Muslims and Parsis. The author also examines women’s traditional productive and social roles as well as class variations. GHADIALLY, REHANA. “Women and Personal Law in an IsmÊxÒlÒ ShÒ{ah (DÊÖdÒ) Bohra Sect of Indian Muslims.” Islamic Culture XLL no. 1 (1996): 27–51. In this well-researched paper the author rst gives a brief history of the development of the Fatimid or IsmÊxÒlÒ law, on which literature is extremely meagre. The paper then explains forms of marriages, women’s rights of inheritance and divorce in the Fatimid law. The author stresses the need for reforms in some of the sharÒ{ah laws and for education and awareness among women about their rights in Islam. HASAN, ZOYA. ‘Muslim Women and the Debate on Legal Reforms,’ in Bharati Ray and Aparna Basu (ed.) From Independence towards Freedom: Indian Women since 1947. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1999. pp. 120–134. This paper explores the ofcial discourse of the Indian State on the issue of introducing legal reforms of personal laws of different communities living in India. The author examines the aim and purpose behind these attempts. The paper also examines the relationship between the state and religious communities in India with reference to Muslims. ——. ‘Gender Politics, Legal reform, and the Muslim community in India.’ in Patricia Jeffery and Amrita Basu (ed.) Appropriating Gender, Women’s Activism and Politicised religion in South Asia. New York: Routledge, 1998. pp. 71–88.

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1629.

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This paper examines recent events in India and the various ways in which the rights of Muslim women have been discussed and debated in the context of India’s secularism, community rights, and gender issues. The Shah Bano case has moved far ahead of being merely a case of a divorcee’s claim to maintenance. In the debate over the Shah Bano divorce case nally moving into a demand for a uniform civil code for all the communities of India, Muslim women ‘became trapped in a contestation over the larger issue of the relationship between community rights and the state.’ LATEEF, SHAHIDA. ‘Dening Women through Legislation.’ in Zoya Hasan (ed.) Forging Identities: Gender, Communities and the State, New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994. pp. 38–58. This paper narrates how ‘the Indian women’s movement has sought to develop a broad political, social and economic agenda in which legislative changes have been the cutting edge of induced social change.’ Narrating early twentieth-century successful efforts for legislative change, the author’s nal observation is that today, the Indian woman is no longer capable of attaining her set goals due to several political, sectarian and economic strains. MAHMOOD, TAHIR. ‘Islamic Family Law: Latest Developments in India,’ in Chibli Mallat and Jane Conners (ed.) Islamic Family Law, London: Graham & Trotman, 1990. pp. 295–320. The author examines repercussions of enacting the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights of Divorce) Act in India in 1986. —— and KIRAN B. JAIN. “Muslim Law in the Indian Courts.” In Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 7, no. 1 (1987): 67–82. This paper offers a brief analysis and comments in detail on eighteen judicial cases reported in the leading Indian law reports of 1986. These cases, among others, include maintenance claim of a divorced wife, child custody, validity of the Holy QurxÊn under Indian criminal law, and divorce laws in the shÒah qh. MENSKI, WERNER F. ‘The Reform of Islamic Family Law and a Uniform Civil Code for India,’ in Chibli Mallat and Jane Conners (ed.) Islamic Family Law London: Graham & Trotman. 1990. pp. 253–294. This paper explores the degree to which Islamic Family Laws were changed in India and assesses the need for a uniform civil code for Muslims. THE MUSLIM WOMEN (PROTECTION OF RIGHTS ON DIVORCE) ACT, 1986, Islamic and Comparative Law Quarterly 6 (1986): 96–100.

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This is the actual text of the Act 10-C of 1986 passed by the Government of India on 19 May 1986. NARAIN, VRINDA. Gender and Community, Muslim Women’s Rights in India. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001. 202p. This book provides an analysis of the historical development and contemporary issues of Muslim personal law with respect to the rights of Muslim women. Summing up the contemporary debate on this issue, the author as a note of advice to the Indian state comments, ‘if the state claims to accommodate difference and to protect diversity, then it has to prove to Muslim women that it has formulated its policies, its laws, and its institutions in dialogue with all members of the community.’ QURESHI, M. A. Marriage and Matrimonial Remedies: A Uniform Civil Code for India. Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1978. 484 p. This book presents comprehensive details of existing marriage laws in all the major communities of India. He argues that these laws are diverse and consequently women in certain communities do not get the benet of progressive laws that exist in India. The author therefore feels that there exists a need for a uniform code that can apply to all religious groups. RAJAN, RAJESHWARI SUNDER. “Women between Community and State: Some Implications of the Uniform Civil Code Debates in India.” Social Text 18, no. 4 (2000): 55–82. This paper discusses the question of the position of women in India in relation to state and religious communities, and argues that the personal laws of all the communities discriminate against women. It further looks at the contemporary debate arising out of the Shah Bano case around the issue of a uniform civil code for all Indians. SIGANPORIA, MUNIRA. “Indian Muslim Women: Post Divorce Problems and Social Support.” Indian Journal of Social Work 44, no. 3 (1993): 355–63. A revised version ‘Post-Divorce Problems and Social Support: A Study of Muslim Divorced Women of Maharashtra,’ published in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Islam, Women and Gender Justice. Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2001. pp. 117–28. The work notes that the divorce rate in India is rising. For this study, one hundred divorced Muslim women from Bombay and Pune were interviewed. Although women are now considering divorce as relief from a life of abuse and torture, a divorced woman faces a difcult life. The paper suggests that besides changes in the present legal structure, more and better information should be available for these women. Social workers can provide consultation and education to Muslim clergy and

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women’s organizations about domestic violence and the personal and nancial problems of divorced women and their families. 1636. SINGH, INDU PRAKASH. ‘Indian Muslim Women: Prisoners of the Capitalist Patriarchate,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 34–66. This work states that the adoption of a uniform civil code would be in tune with principles of democracy as understood in India. III. Legal Reforms in Bangladesh 1637. ALI, SALMA. Study on the Possible Reforms in the Existing Muslim Family Law Procedure. Dhaka: Bangladesh National Women Lawyer’s Association, 1997. 50p. This paper narrates how the Bangladesh Women Lawyers Association, formed in 1979 not only provides legal assistance to women but also advocates legal reforms. This study discusses how laws have been changed thereby allowing some women to exercise their rights. This study makes recommendations for possible changes in the existing Family Law of the country. 1638. FIRDOUSI, SULTANA BEGUM. “Legal Status of Women in Bangladesh and its Linkage to Demographic Behavior.” LILA: Asia Pacic Women’s Studies Journal, No. 2 (1992): 1–13. This paper examines women’s status in Bangladesh where men have all the control. The study nds that inconsistency of constitutional provisions concerning personal law is a feature of the legal system, which constantly discriminates against women. 1639. HASNA BEGUM. “Rights of Women in Bangladesh.” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, June (1990): 21–36. This paper examines women’s legal rights in Bangladesh in the light of the Constitution of 1972. The author concludes by saying that family laws are not egalitarian, and hinder progress towards the development of women as emancipated persons. 1640. HOSSAIN, KAMRUL. “In Search of Equality: Marriage Related laws for Muslim Women in Bangladesh.” Journal of International Women’s Studies 15, no. 1 (2003): 96–113. This paper makes a clear opening statement that the problem of inequality of women in Bangladesh is more social than legal. Next the author presents a brief sketch of the emergence of Bangladesh as a politically independent state retaining a complex legal structure that is of both colonial and Pakistani origin. Major legal aspects governing and

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controlling marriage, its dissolution, divorce, maintenance and rights of the divorced woman are all part of this heritage. Some changes are now being considered following certain judicial rulings in Bangladesh’s courts of law. Non-governmental organizations too are endeavouring to introduce judicial reforms safeguarding women’s interests. The paper ends by making a plea for a Uniform Civil Code for Bangladeshis. 1641. HOSSAIN, LAMIS. ‘No Paradise Yet, Women and Child Laws in Bangladesh’, in Judith Mirsky and Marty Radlett (ed.), No Paradise Yet: The World’s Women Face the New Century, London: PANOS/Zed, 2000. pp. 61–80. This paper focuses on gender inequality that persistently exists in Bangladesh, creating a deep sense of insecurity both in individual women and in collective groups. The paper argues that Muslim Personal Law in Bangladesh, instead of protecting women and safeguarding their interests poses a continuous threat to them, the foremost being fear of their children being snatched away in case of a divorce or a failed marriage. Women’s groups are continuously engaged in strong activism aiming at changing these laws. 1642. MONSOOR, TASLIMA. From Patriarchy to Gender Equality: Family Law and its Impact on Women in Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press, 1999. 400p. This writer’s main argument is that gender equity, rather than fulledged equality, is a desirable and realistic aim for the development of Bangladeshi family law. The work assesses the effects of recent family law reforms on women in Bangladesh. Women continue to face restrictions and the society remains male-dominated. IV. Islamic Laws and Women in Sri Lanka 1643. JAMEEL, M. ‘Muslim Family Law in Sri Lanka,’ in Challenge for Change: Prole of a Community, Colombo: Muslim Women’s Research and Action Forum, 1990. pp. 149–62. Polygamy always was and is permissible to Muslim males of Sri Lanka. Women enjoy property rights accorded to them by Islam. Sri Lankan Muslims are conscious of their religious, social, political, and legal position and are working towards a more egalitarian and just situation. 1644. KODIKARA, CHULANI. Muslim Family Law in Sri Lanka. Theory, Practice and Issues of Concern to Women. Colombo: Muslim Women’s Research and Action Forum, 1999. 136p. [with an appendix of Government

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of Ceylon Legislative Enactments Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act, (1956 Revision.] This book begins with an outline of the history of Muslim Law in Sri Lanka and then presents a survey of various Muslim laws on marriage, dowry, divorce, divorce settlements, and custody of children. MAHROOF, M. M. M. “The Enactment of Muslim Marriage and Divorce Legislation in Sri Lanka: The Law in Context.” Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs 8, no. 1 (1987): 161–75. This paper traces the history of the laws governing the Muslim community of Sri Lanka in matters of marriage and divorce. The author describes the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act of 1951 of Sri Lanka as ‘an essay in the art of the practicable.’ MARKHANI, M. (ed.), The Muslim Marriage and Divorce Law Reports. Colombo: Government Publications Bureau, 1962. 65p. Prepared by the Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) Board of Qazis, this book contains cases decided by this Board, the Supreme Court of Ceylon, and Her Majesty the Queen in Her Privy Council on appeal from the Supreme Court of Ceylon. Published papers and articles on marriage and divorce are also included in this volume. MUSLIM WOMEN’S RESEARCH AND ACTION FRONT. “Memorandum Submitted to the Committee on Proposed Reforms to Muslim Personal Law in Sri Lanka.” Women Living Under Muslim Laws, Dossier, 3, 1988. pp. 5–8. MWARF suggests a basis for reforms should be not only the letter of the law but also the spirit of the law—in other words the essence of the QurxÊn in its totality. MUTTETWEGAMA, RAMANI. Parallel Systems of Personal Laws in Sri Lanka. Colombo: Muslim Women’s Research and Action Forum, 1997. 40p. This brief study observes that though in some cases, women living under Muslim law in Sri Lanka are in a better position than others, areas within Islamic law in which Muslim women face discrimination, should be examined with the purpose of amending them.

SECTION ELEVEN

EDUCATION OF SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN

A. General Works on the History of Women’s Education 1649. LAW, NARENDRA NATH. ‘Female Education,’ in his Promotion of Learning in India during Muhammadan Rule by Muhammadans. London: Longmans and Green, 1916. pp. 200–5. This chapter examines the provision of education for Muslim women of the elite classes in North India during the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal periods. Scanty historical evidence exists to show that education was available for ordinary women. 1650. Q¹DIRI, MUÆAMMAD AYYÇB. (ed.) WaqÊxi{ {Abdul QÊdir ‡ÊnÒ. Translated from the Farsi into Urdu by Mu{inuddÒn AfÓalgarhÒ. Karachi: Akedemi af Edukeshnal Risarp, 1960. 398p. [U] In his autobiography, MaulawÒ {Abdul QÊdir ‡Ên (1780–1849), a resident of Rampur State who served in various positions in the East India Company and in the princely states, narrates that his learning and education began under the supervision of his maternal and paternal grandmothers. His grandmother taught him to read the Qurxan. His paternal grandmother taught him the PandnÊmah of SÊ{adi and Mantuqixt-tair of ‡waja FariduddÒn {A¢¢Êr. Both are Farsi classics. 1651. SIDDIQUI, IQTIDAR HUSSAIN. “Islamic Learning and Intellectual Thought in the Sultanate of Delhi during the Lodi Period.” Hamdard Islamicus 10, no. 3 (1987): 58–83. That women’s education remained a low priority is evident from this paper, which has only one brief paragraph on the education of girls. Evidence, though brief and laconic, shows that in noble families, girls, like boys, were educated. 1652. ZUBAIRÁ, MUÆAMMAD AMÁN. Muslim ¶watÒn kÒ t{ÊlÒm [Muslim Women’s Education]. Karachi: akedemi af edukeshnal risarp, (1st edn. 1956) 2nd edn. 1997. 272p. This small-sized book offers signicant information on the historic development of Muslim women’s education. Describing the Silver Jubilee session of the All India Muslim Educational Conference for the year 1925, Amin records that women’s entry was barred, as they

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demanded seats in the gallery with arrangements for pardah. Attiya Begam not only broke these restrictions but she addressed the male audience from behind the pardah condemning ‘the narrow-minded policy of Muslims towards women, and demanded a separate university for Muslim women.’ The rst edition of the work had only seven chapters; the new edition has added four new chapters on the status of women’s education in Pakistan and India.

B. Beginning of Women’s New System of Education: Local Enterprise and Colonial Efforts I. Promotional Tracts for Female Education 1653. {ABDUL ÆAMÁD, MUÆAMMAD. MufÒd-un nisÊx [For the Benets of Women]. Meerut, 1872. 85p. [U], OIOC. This didactic tale in favour of female education, was awarded a cash prize by the Director of Public Instruction, North-Western Provinces of Agra and Oudh. 1654. {ABDULLAH KH¹N. InªÊx-yi mufÒd-un nisÊx. [Benecial Compositions for Women] Lucknow: Nawalkishore pres, 1872. 117p. [U] OIOC/ KKK. This book, in the form of letters exchanged between a female student and her woman teacher, discusses household responsibilities and duties. Some felt that once girls learn to read and write they would start communicating with men and bring shame to their family’s name. This book, on the contrary, openly instructs girls on how to write letters. The title page of the book quotes the prophet’s saying that seeking education is the duty of every Muslim man and woman. The book was written at the orders [˜asb-ul ˜ukm] of Mr. Kempson, Director Public Instruction, North-Western Provinces and Oudh for girls’ school. 1655. AÆMAD {ALÁ KH¹N, MUNSHÁ. AtÊlÒq-i niswʸ (Women’s Preceptor) Lahore: Nawalkishore pres, 1904. 156p. [U], OIOC. This is a manual for household work and general education for women. Included are several recipes for cooking and home remedies for ailments. The author believed that women’s education should include what he wrote in his book. 1656. BILGRAMÁ, ¶AHÁR. FawÊxid-un nisÊx (Gains for Women). Lucknow: Nawalkishore pres, 1873. 188p. [U], OIOC.

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In the introduction, the author explains that misinterpretation of QurxÊnic verses and Traditions of the Prophet have resulted in the subordination of women in society. This book encourages women to acquire education and read texts that were studied at religious schools (madarÒs) by male students. It also urged women to develop practical skills for domestic economy. The author’s main concern was to make women, particularly widows, able to take care of themselves. 1657. ÆUSSAIN, {IN¹YAT. MufÒd-i ¶alaÒxq [Benecial for the People]. Allahabad: Nawalkishore pres, 1869. 71p. [U], OIOC. The author discusses advantages of education for Muslim and Hindu girls and lists several benets that would accrue from it. Educated women would provide the best company to their husbands; educated mothers would take good care of their children. He warns that women must be kept away from romantic tales as they have a ruinous effect on women’s morals. Special care must be taken for the preparation of curricula and the textbooks for girls’ schools. For better promotion of female education, the author suggests formation of committees by local elite to supervise government schools and look after privately-run schools. 1658. KH¹N, {ABDUL RAÆÁM. oaªmÊh-yi ¶irad [The Fountain of Wisdom] Agra: Ma¢ba{ abul {alaÒx, 1874. 74p. [U] OIOC (The OIOC has a second text of the work published in 1875 with 52 pages). This prize-winning reformist book narrates several anecdotes to encourage parents to educate their daughters. The author, through dialogues between a female student and her female teacher, argues that women should learn to read and write, as this skill would help them manage their households well and would promote better relationships with their husbands and in-laws. The mu{allimÊh (female teacher), ÆÊji ‡anam, addressing her student, says, ‘Hey look sister [dekho buÊ] if you have acquired learning then your husband, he might be a maulawÒ [a Muslim religious scholar] or a munªi [a British Government’s ofce clerk], pandit [a high caste Hindu scholar] or a jotªi [an astrologer], day and night he would revere you day and night [rÊt din pÊo¸ dho dho kar piyÊ kare¸gÒ].’ Counting the economic gains that would accrue from education, she said, ‘Look at me. See how my status is rising up due to my education. I also receive sufcient salary from the ruler [˜akim ke ghar se tan¶wÊh ¶atir ¶wÊh miltÒ hai].’ He gives examples of English women who are educated and cites role models from India, such as the Begam of Bhopal. The author, however, could not suppress his

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1659.

1660.

1661.

1662.

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patriarchal norms and expects that ªarÒf (noble) women always respect their in-laws, never complain against them, and remain submissive to their husbands. The book was adopted as textbook for government schools for girls in North India. MUNÁR, SAIYYID alias SAIYYID MUÆAMMAD ISM¹xÁL. Laskio¸ ki tÊ{lÒm [Education for Girls], Allahabad: Nawalkishore pres, 1869. 56p. (The book ran into several editions with different pages). [U], OIOC. This book presents a series of dialogues between a young daughter and her mother in favour of education offered in schools established under British rule in India. The author attempts to convince his readers, through a dialogue with the mother, that this education would help girls to earn their livelihood. Economic gains will result in enhancing their social status, he says. The book was awarded a prize by the Department of Public Instruction, North-Western Provinces, India. Also see General Department B. Proceedings, No. 150–151/20, February 1870, NWP. UP Record Room, Lucknow. MUÂLIÆUDDÁN MANÂÇR, ƹFI¶ SHAIKH. Ku˜l-ul JawÊhir (Collyrium prepared with pearls). Agra: MufÒd-i {Êm pres, 1873. 60p. [U], OIOC. With this book, apparently written for the benet of women and little girls, the author was aware that his message would lter into households and would reach women through men who would read it rst. The story is in the form of a dialogue, in easy-to-understand language. The central character, LiyÊqat un-NisÊx [woman’s ability], is a woman of great accomplishments. Her message is that women, once they have knowledge and information, can be in charge of their own lives. They would run their houses in a much better way. Education, she warned, does not mean disobedience of husbands. The book was adopted as a textbook for girls’ schools in the North-Western Provinces. NAÂÁRUDDÁN. SadÊ SuhÊg [always married], in a Report From the Director of Public Instruction to Secretary to Government, North Western Provinces (Docket NO. 77A) dated the 20th June, 1870, vide Report of the Director of Public Instruction, NWP for July 1870. UPRR. This 60-page book was intended to further the cause of women’s education. The author was given a ¶ilxat (robe of honour) and a prize of Rs. 150. 500 copies of the book were purchased by the Education Department for distribution as prizes in girls’ schools. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ. InªÊx-yi HÊdÒ-un NisÊx max Ta˜rÒr un-NisÊx [Writing Style-Guide for Women with Women’s Writings]

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(rst published in 1875) 6th edn. Delhi: Daftar Farhang-i ÊÉayÊh, 1910. OIOC [Reprint, Lahore: Majlis tarqqi-yi adab, 1973]. [U] This book, though a manual for women for writing letters to their relatives, husbands, and female friends, also provides insight into the culture of elite Muslim households of Delhi and North India. The style and diction, particularly the colloquial language, is that of Delhi’s highclass women [BegamÊtÒ zabÊn]. The opening lines of a letter from a wife to her husband mirror the gender dynamism in the family structure. The book was well-received as is evident by the reviews included by the author in his preface to his other magnum opus, the LuÊt-un NisÊx. It was adopted as a school textbook in the Punjab. 1663. SAIYYID IFTIKH¹R {¹LAM. WakÒl-i Niswʸ [ Women’s advocate], Lahore: Rifah-i {Êm pres, 1903. 70p. [U], OIOC. This tract pleads for the need to educate girls. The author states that like boys, girls too have a right to seek education. 1664. WAZÁR {ALÁ KHAN, ÆAKÁM MUÆAMMAD. SirÊj al-hidÊyat, [ The Beacon of Guidance] Lucknow: Ma¢bÊx-yi sul¢ÊnÒ. 1868, 296p. OIOC has two more editions of the work, published in Lahore and Gujranwala. [U], OIOC. This work, presented as a dialogue is a moral guide for Muslim men. A male character in the work repents that when he was young, and ignorant, he wrongly assumed that women by nature had bad qualities [{aurato¸ kÒ zÊt nihÊyat badÉifÊt hotÒ hai] and, thought it imperative to avoid their company as far as possible [ jahʸ tak hosake unki Éu˜bat se parhaiz karnÊ lÊzim hai ]. ‘When I grew up and acted upon this advice I was greatly perplexed as I found that men have to remain all through their life in women’s company.’ He nally realized that the lack of intellect and wisdom in women is caused by lack of education [{aurato¸ kÒ {aql wa dÊniª me¸ naqÉ wa ziyʸ ÊjÊne kÊ sabab unkÒ jihÊlat hai]. The main message of the book is promotion of education for women. 1665. ¶AHÁRUDDÁN, MUÆAMMAD. TÊ{lÒm-i Niswʸ (Female Education). Lucknow: Nawalkishore pres, 1870. 162 p. [U], OIOC. Explaining that the QurxÊnic term zauj [couple] means pair [ josÊ], the author declares that men and women are equal. A pair is possible only when both sides are equal [dono¸ jÊnib barÊbar ho¸]. Thus, men and women have to be equal [{aurat aur mard dono¸ kÊ barabar honÊ lazim ¢hairÊ]. Women are not decient in intellect. Expressing a revolutionary thought about women’s capabilities, at least for his time, the author says, ‘if all the realms and kingdoms that are on the surface of the world fall

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into their hands then they can manage, organize and administer these (countries) so well that a man could ever do so [agar mulk aur sul¢anat tamÊm rÖe zamÒn ke unke hÊth ÊjÊye¸ aisÊ intiØÊm aur bandobast aur naØm wo nasq kare¸ kih kab koxÒ mard kar saktÊ hai] that and they would conduct all business far better than how men do.’ Summing up, the author cites examples of the royal women of Awadh, particularly BahÖ Begam, as role models for Muslim women. The book ends on a note of warning: education is good for women; disobedience of the husband is not! II. Tracts against Women’s Education 1666. ANON. MinhÊj al-tÊ{lÒm [The Highway to Education] Bareilly: Literary Society, 1870. 106p. [U], OIOC. The author agrees in principle to education for women, on the condition that it should be only religious in nature and should be controlled by local men and not by the English government of India. He warns that ‘once educated, women will no longer remain under the control of men; (they) will become very cunning and wicked-eyed. They will write and send letters, family’s honour will be at stake, and chaos of myriad kinds will spread around [{aurate¸ jab pash li¶ jaye¸gi tu mardo¸ ke qÊbÖ me¸ nÊ rahe¸gi, basÒ pÊlÊk, ¶ÒrÊh paªm hu jaye¸gi, ¶a¢¢ li¶ kar bhejÊ kare¸gi, na¸g o nÊmÖs me¸ farq ÊyegÊ, hazaro¸ ¢ar˜a ka futÖr òphail jÊyegÊ]. 1667. MUÆAMMAD AÆSAN, MAULAWÁ. ZÊd al-mu¶addarÊt [Provisions for Chaste Women’s Journey] Bareilly: Ma¢bax-yi ÉiddiqÒ, 1871. 284p. [U], OIOC. The author, a head teacher of Arabic in Bareilly, strongly argues against education for women. Education for women is ill omen he says [ta{lÒm man˜Ös hoti hai]. He opines that an educated woman is either childless or becomes a widow [aulÊd nahÒ¸ hoti ya bewÊh hojÊti hai¸]; they do not respect their husbands [ªauharo¸ kÊ adab nahi¸ karti¸] and they become shameless [ªarm ¨Ö¨ jatÒ hai] as they appear before the school inspectors and white women [inspacter aur memo¸ ke samnai janai sai]. Further, they will convert to Christianity [kristÊn ho jaye¸gi]. They also start reading amorous tales [{iªqyiÊh kitabai¸ pahne lagti hai¸]. He favoured religious education at home, as this would prepare a Muslim girl for her moral and social responsibilities. At the end of the book is a reading list of books for girls recommended by the author.

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section eleven C. Supporters of Women’s Education (˜ÊmÒ-yi tÊ{lÒm-i niswʸ)

I. ‡awÊjÊh Al¢Êf Æusain ÆÊlÒ (1837–1914) 1668. H¹LÁ, öKöHW¹J¹H AL”¹F ÆUSAIN. oup ki DÊd [Appeal of the Silent Ones], in ‡atÖn 2, no. 12 (1905): 551–60. Also see G. Minault, “Homage to the Silent: A Translation of ÆÊlÒ’s oup kÒ DÊd.” Annual of Urdu Studies 1 (1981): 46–56. This poem, composed at the request of ·ai¶ {Abdullah, the founder of the girls’ school at Aligarh and the founding editor of ‡atÖn, passionately advocates women’s right to education. The language of the poem, though simple, has a piercing effect on the reader even today. 1669. ______. MajÊlis-un NisÊx [Women’s Assembly]. (1st edn. 1874. Lahore: Ma¢bÊ{-yi Mu˜ammadÒ ), Panipat: Hali Press, 1924. 152p. (A recent edition in 1971 New Delhi: Maktabah-ye jami{ah). This didactic work for the promotion of female education among Muslim elite families was rst published in 1874. Since then several editions have appeared. The book consists of supposed conversations between women in urban elite households of North India in Delhi. These conversations bring to the reader’s eye, an image of women, who though they were pardah-observing, were cognizant of the need to acquire education for their self-development. This book, primarily intended to encourage social reform among Muslims, also projects the image of an ideal Muslim woman. One female character in the story ¹uji comments that women in India should be educated just as they are in Europe, where everyone, irrespective of gender, could seek education. [The book was awarded a prize by the Director of Public Instruction of the Punjab and was selected as a textbook in girls’ schools in the Punjab and the United Provinces.] 1670. MINAULT. GAIL, Voices of Silence: English Translation of Khwaja Altaf Hussain Hali’s Majalis un-nissa and Chup ki dad. Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1986. 179p. This is a translation of Hali’s Majalis un-Nisa and Chup ki Dad. In these works, Hali pays homage to women’s contribution in upholding the values of their culture. In the story, Hali argues that women’s education is ‘vital for the regeneration of the Muslim community.’ 1671. ______. ‘Hali’s “Majalis-un-Nissa”: Purdah and Woman Power in Nineteenth Century India,’ in M. Israel and M. K. Wagle (ed.) Islamic Society and Culture: Essays in Honour of Professor Aziz Ahmad, Delhi: Manohar, 1983. pp. 39–49.

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This paper reviews Altaf Hussian Hali’s poem Majalis un-Nisa (Assemblies of Women), published in 1874. The poem, in the form of conversations between upper-class and middle-class women of Delhi, was written to raise consciousness about the plight of Muslim women living in strict seclusion. II. ·amsul {UlamÊ MaulawÒ Na£Òr (also spelt as Nazir) A˜mad, (1831–1912) 1672. NAIM, C. M. ‘Prize-Winning Adab: A Study of Five Urdu Books written in Response to the Allahabad Government Gazette Notication,’ in Barbara Daly Metcalf (ed.) Moral Conduct and Authority, The Place of Adab in South Asian Islam. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. pp. 290–314. This paper examines, among works of other authors, books written for Muslim girls by Na£ir Ahmad. The author compares Na£ir Ahmad’s works with other contemporary readings available for Muslims and observes that Na£ir Ahmad ‘sees women as victims of their own lack of initiative as well as of the unmitigated authority of men, and champions their cause.’ 1673. NAZIR AHMAD. MirxÊt ul {Arus, Translated from the Urdu by G. E. Ward as The Bride’s Mirror, Mirat ul-Arus, A Tale of Life in Delhi a Hundred Years Ago. (1st published in 1903) with an afterword by Frances W. Pritchett. New Delhi: Permanent Black, 2001. 223p. The Bride’s Mirror (MÒrxÊt-ul{ArÖs) was rst published in 1869. It was written for the instruction of the author’s daughters, and now has been translated into several South Asian languages. Pritchett says the tale was written to teach household arts to young girls. The two female characters of this didactic tale, Akbari and Asghari, represent the good and the dexterous [salÒqahmand] and ill-tempered [badmizÊj] and slovenly [phÖhas] young girls. Also, see Docket no. 425 vide General Department, North Western Provinces, 1869, UP Record room, Lucknow. Interestingly Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanawi considered this book to be harmful for women Muslim readers, and therefore he included it in his list of disapproved books listed in Bihishti Zewar. 1674. REPORT ON THE PROGRESS OF EDUCATION. Northwest Provinces for the Year 1869, UP Records Room, Lucknow. This Report contains a Memorandum on books submitted by ‘Mahomed Nuzeer Ahmud, Settlement Ofcer, Jalon, from M. Kempson, Director Public Instruction, Northwest Provinces (1862–78) to the Government of

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NWP (Docket No. 425), July 22, 1869. In this Memorandum, Kempson, Director of Public Instruction, recognizing the merits of NazÒr Ahmad’s MirxÊt ul {ArÖs wrote, ‘The ways of the Zenana are, as it were, exposed; and for the rst time an European reader is allowed some insight into the domestic realities of everyday life among the women of the country. . . . the book will be read with interest by hundreds, as soon as it becomes known, and cannot but do good to the cause of female education.’ The Lieutenant Governor of NWP in his letter No. 1236A of August 20, 1869 while sanctioning a ‘full prize of one thousand rupees’ to the author observed that the book ‘brings to light the vast inuence exercised by the women of India, and the manner in which that inuence may be crowned with the highest results when education is added to intelligence and virtue.’ He also felt that no ‘native gentleman will rise from its perusal without a strong persuasion of the inestimable benets to be derived from female education. The book, moreover, possesses the singular virtue of being admirably adapted for the perusal of the females of India. It cannot fail to interest their imagination as well as to instruct their minds.’ 1675. ÂIDDIQUÁ, IFTIöKH ò ¹R AÆMAD. MaulawÒ NazÒr A˜mad De˜lawÒ: AhwÊl wo AºÊr [Maulawi Nazir Ahmad of Delhi: Life and Times] Lahore: Majlis taraqqÒ-ye adab, 1971. pp. 312–70. Commenting upon the works of Nazir Ahmad, the author rst argues that Nazir Ahmad’s tales for women set the pace for change in Muslim households. He then studies the two female characters of Nazir Ahmad’s story, Akbari and Asghari.

D. Those Who Opposed School Education for Women I. Sir Syed [also spelt as Saiyyid] Ahmed Khan 1676. AFTAB, TAHERA. “Negotiating with Patriarchy: South Asian Muslim women and the appeal to Sir Syed Ahmed Khan.” Women’s History Review 14, no. 1 (2005): 75–97. This article explores the tensions within the nineteenth-century discourse of reform and change among Muslims of South Asia in the context of women’s education. The article presents an English translation of the appeal of Muslim women in 1884 to Sir Saiyyid for their education and Sir Syed’s reply to their appeal. Sir Saiyyid opposed school education for Muslim women. The best system of education, he argued, was the

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traditional home-based education under the supervision of mothers and grandmothers. 1677. BILGRAMI, FATIMA Z. “Sir Syed’s Views on Female Education.” Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 44, 3 (1996): 243–57. This article examines the views of Sir Saiyyid concerning education of Muslim women. Sir Syed was against the western system of secular education for Muslim women and argued that traditional education was better suited for women. 1678. ETHERINGTON, ELLEN. Evidence of Mrs. Etherington, late Inspectress of Government Schools, NWP, in the Report of the Indian Education Commission: The North-Western Provinces and Oudh Provincial Committee, with Evidence taken before the Committee and Memorandum Addressed to the Education Commission, Calcutta: the Supt. of Government, 1884. pp. 189–209. In response to several questions regarding the status of female education, Mrs. Etherington said, ‘as a rule, the Muhammedans stand aloof from it, from the same cause that inuences them in holding aloof from general progress, viz. strong religious and political prejudice.’ However, in response to another question, she said that to a certain extent a few respectable Muslim families were now allowing the lady teachers of the Zenana Mission Society to teach their women. 1679. HUNTER, W. W. ‘Cross-Examination of the Hon’ble Sayyed Ahmed Khan, C. S. I. by Mr. Sayed Mahmud’. In the Report of the Indian Education Commission: The North-Western Provinces and Oudh Provincial Committee, with Evidence taken before the Committee and Memorandum Addressed to the Education Commission, Calcutta: the Supt. of Government, 1884. pp. 299–300. Sir Saiyyid began his testimony by saying, ‘before proceeding to answer the question, I beg leave to say that the general idea that Muhammadan ladies of respected families are quite ignorant, is an entire mistake.’ He then explained why respectable Muslims had no trust in the government schools for girls. Finally, he explained his views on the need to educate men before educating women. ‘Those who hold that women should be educated and civilised prior to men are greatly mistaken. The fact is that no satisfactory education can be provided for Muhammadan females until a large number of Muhammadan males receive a sound education.’ He nished on a note of warning, ‘Any endeavours on the part of Government to introduce female education among Muhammadans will, under the present social circumstances, prove a complete failure, so far as respectable families are concerned, and in my humble opinion,

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[this] will probably produce mischievous results, and be a waste of money and energy.’ 1680. ISM¹{ÁL P¹NIPATÁ, S ô H ô AIöKH ô MUÆAMMAD. (ed.) Saiyyid A˜mad ‡an ka Safarnamah-yi Punjab, Lahore: Majlis taraqqi-yi adab, 1973. 399p. Sir Syed along with his friends visited the Punjab on four different occasions between 1873 and 1894. During his 1884 tour, in response to an address presented to him by the women of the Punjab from behind the pardah, Sir Saiyyid once again publicly expressed his complete disapproval of the new system of education and spoke in favour of the old home-based learning system. Addressing the female audience, who were hidden from the view, Sir Saiyyid said, ‘I do not wish that instead of the sacred texts [muqaddas kitÊbo¸ ke badle me¸] that your grandmothers read you should now start reading the inauspicious useless books that are in vogue and are becoming popular [is zamaneh kÒ murawwajÊh nÊmubarak kitÊbo¸ kÊ pashnÊ i¶tiyÊr karo]. 1681. ______. (ed.) MaktÖbÊt-i Sir Syed. [{ilmÒ wo adabÒ, siyÊsÒ wo ma£habÒ Farsi wo UrdÖ ke ¶a¢¢u¢ jamax kiye gaye hai¸] 1849–1898. [Letters of Sir Saiyyid. A Collection of his Literary and Scientic, Political and Religious, Farsi and Urdu Letters from 1849 to 1898]. Lahore: Majlis taraqqi-yi adab, 1959. pp. 380–81. In a letter addressed to Maulawi Mumtaz Ali, Sir Saiyyid explains why he has not been an active advocate of education for Muslim women. Elucidating the dilemma he was struggling with on this issue, Sir Saiyyid shares his concerns with Mumtaz Ali. Perhaps he could see in him a person who was well prepared to take up the cause of women’s education. He wrote, ‘My very heartfelt desire is that to women too an extremely excellent (nihÊyat{umdÊh) education be accorded. Under the present conditions, however, to educate unmarried girls is to commit a great injustice against them and to entangle them in a life-long anguish and misery. Unmarried girls, in view of the circumstances of the country, can neither remain unmarried for their whole life and nor can they spend their life (by remaining unmarried). Therefore, they have to be married off. The destitute and depraved condition (abtar wo ¶arÊb ˜alat) of boys of our community and their bad habits, wicked deeds, and their coarse and ill treatment of their wives is absolutely well known. Presently in all the elite families (aªrÊf ¶ÊndÊn) there is not one virtuous, morally good, cultured and educated boy who would consider his wife a companion and an intimate friend. They consider their wives worse than a bondmaid (lau¸di) and treat them badly.’ Sir Syed argues that an uneducated woman perhaps could live with this bad

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treatment of meted out by an uneducated husband, but an educated woman’s life would become hell. Therefore, let men be educated rst, he said. Educated men will, in turn, educate their women. 1682. S¹LIK, MAWL¹N¹ {ABDUL MAJÁD. “LisÊn-ul-{Asr.” [ The Voice of the times] SaqÒ, Karachi, August (1954): [U], Unexamined. This paper favourably examines Sir Saiyyid’s attitude towards issues relating to women’s status and women’s education. Salik was a journalist of great repute and recognition, and his writings were well received and had a large readership in Pakistan. 1683. SYED AÆMED K ö H ô ¹N. AsbÊb-i BaÊwat-i Hind [Causes of the Indian Rebellion] 1857. Lahore: MustafaÒx pres, (n.d.) 60p. [U] The book, as the title aptly shows, was written with the purpose of dening the nature and then the causes that led to the events of 1857 in territories held by the British in India. Among several other causes, he lists the introduction of schools by the British government for Indian girls. Indian public opinion was totally against these schools, as it was felt that these would end pardah. 1684. ______. Mukammal majmuÊ{-i lackchurz wa ispichez, 1863–1898, murattabÊh, Mu˜ammad ImÊmuddÒn, [Complete Collection of Letters and Speeches, Compiled by Mua˜ammad Imamuddin] Lahore: Nawalkishore pres, 1900. 496p. [U] [Also see Aligarh Institute Gazette 29, no. 39, 15 May 1894 for Sir Syed’s public lecture against women’s education.] At the third session of the Muhammedan Educational Conference (established in 1886 by Saiyyid Ahmad Khan), held at Lahore in 1889, the issue of Muslim women’s education created a great difference of opinion among the Muslim men who were there. A resolution was tabled arguing that the Muslims should found maktabs [primary schools] for girls in accordance with the law of Islam and the traditions of the Muslim nobility. Sir Saiyyid (this was his last appearance at this Conference as he died soon afterwards) vehemently opposed school education for women. He declared his total disapproval of the new system of education sponsored by the British government in India. He recommended home-based education for girls where by their elders could coach little girls in good manners, household management, home-crafts, etiquette and Islamic conduct. He concluded by wondering what gains would accrue by teaching the girls ‘the geography of Africa and America, the rules of algebra and trigonometry and by teaching the tales of battles of Ahmad Shah, Muhammad Shah, Marathas and Dehlawis.’

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II. Other Prominent Oppositionists 1685. FRAZER, H. ‘Report of the Bijnor District Board.’ In letter No. 303/ xviii, 204, Bijnor, 3rd February 1896, From H. Frazer, Chairman, District Board, Bijnor to Commissioner, Rohilkhand Division, Vide Proceedings of the Education Department, North-Western Provinces and Oudh, 1896. UPSA. Following the suggestion of the Second Quinqennial Review of Education in India, 1893, that girls and boys should be encouraged to attend mixed primary schools, discussions were held at the district level to seek the approval of local members. Frazer reports that in Bijnor, a stronghold of Muslim tradionalists, all the non-ofcial members, particularly the Muslims, were against the proposal. He wrote, ‘the Muhammadans said it would be against their religious law (shara), and even the best educated of the Hindus . . . thought it would be contra bonos mores.’ He further observed, ‘In my opinion, the objection to the proposal arises chiey from its not having been the custom, and the custom might be gradually introduced like patent leather shoes have been.’ 1686. THE KARNAMAH OF LUCKNOW, 17th March 1895, In Selections from the Weekly Vernacular Press Reports of Upper India. UPSA. The Karnamah reports opposition by Muslim and Hindu men to the work of the Association of High Education of Native Women formed in 1894 under the patronage of Sir Charles Crosthwaite, the Lieutenant Governor of North-West Provinces of Agra and Oudh. Although it had respected Muslims including Nawab Lutf Ali Khan Bahadur and Justice Sayyad Karamat Husain, as its members, and was supported by the Rajas of Nanpara and Jahangirabad, opposition to its mandate grew stronger. The paper reports how Raja Sir Amir Hasan Khan of Mahmudabad boldly protested against Crosthwaite’s scheme of establishing a school for the education of girls of the higher classes at Lucknow and vehemently declared that the scheme was calculated to do more harm than good to the Indian people.

E. Support for Women’s Education in the Early 20th Century 1687. ¹BRÇ BEGAM. Rahbar-i A¶lÊq, (A Guide to Good Morals) Bhopal: Ma¢bax-yi Sul¢anÒ, 1922. 40p. [U], OIOC. This is a collection of several articles and lectures delivered earlier by the author and other prominent women who worked under the

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1688.

1689.

1690.

1691.

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patronage of the Begam of Bhopal for the education and health-care needs of women. The author, ¹brÖ Begam, was Maulana Abul Kalam Azad’s sister and lived in Bhopal where she was a close associate of the Begam of Bhopal. She was one of the elite women who, along with the Begam of Bhopal, came to Aligarh for the inaugural ceremony of the new building for the Girls’ School. AHMAD, BASHIR. Justice Shah Din: His Life and Writings. Lahore: Ferozsons. 1962. xiv+449p. The author presents a biographical study of the contribution of his father, Shah Din, a highly educated Muslim who supported women’s education. He founded home-schools for pardah-observing women and introduced a practical curriculum to suit their requirements. AÆMAD, SAIYYID NAQÁ. “Ta{lÒm-i niswʸ wa iÉla˜-i tamaddun.” (Female Education and Social Reform).’ {AÉr-i jadÒd 1, no. 7, July (1903): 258–62. [U], MHL. The writer, an enthusiastic young supporter of female education, while recognizing the meritorious services of Sir Saiyyid Ahmad Khan introducing a modern system of education for Muslim men, blames him for neglecting female education. He warns that if women’s education is not carefully taken up, Muslim women themselves will move towards modernism, and subsequently, men will be responsible for the results. AMEER ALI, SYED. ‘The Thirteenth Presidential Address to the All India Muslim Educational Conference, held in 1899 at Calcutta, in Agha Hussain Hamadani (ed.) DastavizÊt all India Muslim edukaeshnal kanfrans sadaratÒ khutbat, 1886–1906, Part 1 [Documents All India Muslim Educational Conference, Presidential Addresses], Islamabad: QaumÒ idarÊh barÊx yi ta˜qÒq tarÒ¶ wo ºaqafat [National Institute for Historical Research and Culture], 1986. pp. 204–226. Syed Ameer Ali, an ardent supporter of women’s education, in this historic address delivered at the 13th session of the All India Muslim Educational Conference, a year after Sir Syed’s death, spoke in strong words promoting education for women. Demanding that rights must be restored to Muslim women, Ameer Ali declared that ‘girls’ education must run parallel to that of the boys.’ He warned his audience of the dangerous consequences of keeping one section [women] illiterate while educating the other [men]. KHALIFA SAYYAD MUHAMMAD HUSSAIN. ‘Presidential Address to the Nineteenth Session of the All India Muslim Educational Conference, held in 1905 at Aligarh,’ in Agha Hussain Hamadani (ed.) DastavizÊt all india muslim edukaeshnal kanfrans, sadaratÒ khutbat, 1886–

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1906, Part 1 [Documents All India Muslim Educational Conference, Presidential Addresses], Islamabad: QaumÒ idarÊh baraix tahqÒq tarÒkh vo ºaqaft [National Institute for Historical Research and Culture], 1986. pp. 232–351. In the last segment of his presidential address, Khalifa Muhammad Hussain drew the attention of his audience to ‘the important but sensitive issue’ of female education. Khalifa was the rst to present a well-thought out plan to establish a residential school for elite girls. He talked in detail about the logistics of providing education to Muslim girls, including a plan for the layout of buildings, a security system to protect the girls, and a curriculum. This plan seems to be the rst public pronouncement of a residential school for girls from the platform of the All Indian Muslim Educational Conference. 1692. KHAN, ZAFAR ALI. “MadrassÊh tÊ{lÒm-ul mu{allimÊt, Aligash.” [Female Normal School, Aligarh]. Deccan Review 2, no. 2, December (1907): 21–29. [U], MHL. This report is based on a speech delivered by Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan in support of the Female Normal School, Aligarh on 12 November 1907. His speech was delivered at the conclusion of a stage show arranged by Royal Biscope Company, Bombay, to raise funds for the school. 1693. MALIK, {ABDUR RAôSH ô ÁD. “TÊ{lÒm-i niswʸ aur daur-i jadÒd.” [Women’s Education and the Modern Age] Tahzib un-Niswan, 22 January (1927): 61–66. [U] This paper argues that the old dichotomy regarding education for women no longer exists and that the need for women’s education is now an accepted fact. However, what needs to be discussed are curricula appropriate for Muslim women. He invites readers of his paper to come forward with suggestions regarding the development of a course of studies suitable for women. While Malik, in reference to verse 4:34 of the QurxÊn, argues that centuries back the QurxÊn ordained the status of women and men and therefore women must accept they are not equal to men, Mumtaz Ali, in his editorial footnote, reminds the readers of other translations of this verse. Mawlana ·ah RafÒuddÒn translated it as ‘men are women’s agents (kÊrguzÊr)’ and Mawlana Shah {Abdul QÊdir translated it as ‘men are women’s workers (kamerey).’ 1694. SAQALAIN, K ö H ö WAJA GHULAMUS. “Ta{lÒm-i niswʸ aur iÉlÊh-i tamaddun.” (Female Education and Social Reform). {AÉr-i jadÒd I, no. 5 May (1903): 172–76. [U], MHL.

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The author (1870–1915), a graduate of Mohammedan Anglo Oriental College (now the Aligarh Muslim University, India) and editor of {AÉr-i jadÒd, was also a member of the sub-committee on IÉlÊh-i tamaddun (Social Reform Committee). As a young student at Aligarh, he was known for his reformist ideas. In 1989 he founded I¶wÊn us-ÉafÊ, an association for reforms among Muslims and emerged as an important leading supporter of Muslim women’s education, a task that he further promoted through his Urdu journal, {AÉr-i jadÒd, that he founded in 1903. Here he discusses problems of providing education for women. A major problem he says, is the absence of trained female teachers. He recommends that girls should be taught the same syllabus and should read the same books that are available for boys. 1695. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ. “Ta{lÒm me¸ mardo¸ aur{ aurato¸ ka ˜aqq barÊbar hai.” [Men and Women have equal rights to education], ‡atÖn 1, no. 6 (1904): 25–9. [U] AMPL The author is a well known scholar from Delhi who had published several works about women. He was also editor of the rst tri-monthly Urdu language periodical for women, A¶bÊr un-nisÊ{ [Women’s News], advocating women’s education. In this paper, written at the request of Shaikh Abdullah, Saiyyid Ahmad argues for women’s education. He emphasizes that Islam encourages both men and women to seek knowledge. I. Male Founders of Schools for Women (a) ·ai¶ {AbdullÊh (1874–1965) 1696. BASHIRUDDIN, S. “Life and Work of Begam Abdulla née WahÒd Jahan Begam (1886–1939).” Aligadh Muslim University Women’s College Magazine, Centenary Number, Aligarh, 1975. Unexamined. 1697. MINAULT, GAIL. Secluded Scholars. Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. pp. 228–49. Drawing upon primary sources, this section of Minault’s book examines Shaikh Abdullah and his wife’s pioneering role in the foundation of a girls’ boarding school at Aligarh. The Begam of Bhopal and other elite Muslim women generously supported the work of the Abdullahs. Photographs of Shaikh Abdullah and his wife, Wahid Jahan Begam, along with their illustrious daughters and their families, are also included.

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. “Women’s Education and Social Change among Indian Muslims.” Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs 6, no. 1, January (1985): 88–97. This article examines early efforts leading to the foundation of Aligarh Girls’ School in 1904 by Shaikh Abdullah and his wife Wahid Jahan Begam. Efforts involved in establishing this school emerged as a focal point in the Muslim women’s movement. Later, several Urdu language journals for Muslim women encouraged social change among the Muslims. ______ . ‘Shaikh Abdullah, Begam Abdullah and Sharif Education for 1699. Girls at Aligarh,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Modernization and Social Change among Muslims in India, Delhi: Manohar, 1983. pp. 207–36. This paper narrates the life and achievements of Shaikh Abdullah and his wife Wahid Jahan Begam towards the cause of Muslim women’s education. At Aligarh, they laid the foundation of a school for girls. The foundation of the school and the interest that it generated in the Muslim community for social change was of historic signicance. 1700. {ABDULLAH, ö SöHAIö KöH MUÆAMMAD. MuªÊhidÊt wa taxassurÊt [Observations and Impressions]. Aligarh: Female Education Association, 1969. 526p. Photographs included. Shaikh Abdullah in this book relates the efforts he made for the promotion of girls’ education, beginning in 1902 when at his own initiative he was appointed Secretary of the Women’s Education Section of the Mohammedan Educational Conference. A separate women’s section was created in 1896 to address the needs of education for women. In 1906, with the help of his wife, he founded the Aligarh school for Muslim girls. This work is based on the author’s memoirs and provides rich details about the development of Muslim women’s movement. 1701. ______. Sawani˜ {umrÒ Begam ‘Abdullah.’ [Life History of Begam Abdullah] KohinÖr pres, Delhi, 1954. 1st edition, 164p. [U] Shaikh Abdullah describes his marriage with Wahid Jahan Begam (1886–1939), that was attended by well-known Muslims of the day. Wahid Jahan had reasonable level of education that was available to girls of elite families at that time. Later, however she added more to her learning and became a partner to her husband in every sense of the word. Convinced of the utility of education for girls she encouraged and helped her husband in laying the foundation of a girls’ school at Aligarh. Later she spent much of her time with the girl students when the rst boarding house was built for them there. 1698.

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399

______

. ‘An Appeal to Members of the Court of the Muslim University, Aligarh for Financial Help to Muslim Girls’ College.’ Aligarh Muslim University Press, 1938. Unexamined.

(b) MaulÊnÊ Karamat Æusain (1854–1917) 1703. K ö H ö ¹N, ÆAMID {ALÁ. ÆayÊt-i MaulÊnÊ Karamat Æusain [Life of Maulana Karamat Husain], Lucknow: Ma¢ba{-yi al-naØir, 1918. 314p. Photographs included. [U] Chapter ve of this biography of Karamat Husain, Barrister at Law, describes his efforts for the promotion of education among Muslim females. He not only laid the foundation of a female school in Lucknow in 1912 (now known as the Karamat Husain Girls’ Degree College), but he founded a trust with his own money for the future development of women’s education in India. At the suggestion of Miss Atiya Fyzee, he invited Miss Amina Pope, a Canadian convert to Islam who had been educated in London, and appointed her as principal of the school. Karamat Husain was one of the founder members of the Association for the High Education of Native Women which was formed in 1894 under the patronage of Sir Charles Crosthwaite, Lieutenant Governor of North-western Provinces and Oudh (1895–1905). [Earlier Karamat Husain also helped in laying the foundation of Crosthwaite Girls’ School at Lucknow which shifted to Allahabad within a few years. For details see also Education Department: MS. File No. 332 A 1901, File Heading: Crosthwaite Girls’ High School, Allahabad, (UP Record Room, Lucknow, India)]. 1704. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Sayyid Karamat Husain and Education for Women,’ in Violette Graff ed. Lucknow: Memoirs of a City. Delhi: OUP, 1997. pp. 155–64. Sayyid Karamat Husain was an early champion of Muslim women’s education in North India. In 1912 he established the Karamat Husain Girls’ College in Lucknow with a boarding house for girls in pardah. II. Female Founders of Schools for Women (a) Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880–1932) 1705. BARTON, MUKTI. ‘Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain and the Bengali Muslim Women’s Movement.’ Dialogue & Alliance 12, no. 1 (1986): 105–116.

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This paper, recounting the services rendered by Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain for the emancipation of Muslim women of Bengal, in its conclusion says that ‘many of the questions that Rokeya raised are still to be answered’ in a society which continues to subjugate its women in the name of religion. 1706. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Purdah’s Progress: The Beginnings of School Education for Indian Muslim Women,’ in J. P. Sharma (ed.) Individuals in Modern India, Calcutta: Firma K. Mukhopadhyaya, 1982. pp. 76–87. In this paper, Rokeya’s efforts for the promotion of education among Bengali Muslim girls is examined. In 1905, Rokeya’s pioneering work for women’s education began when she founded a school in Bhagalpur, Bihar. Later in 1911, she founded another school, Sakhawat Memorial Girls’ School, in the city of Calcutta. The school adopted the curriculum of other girls’ schools in the Punjab and United Provinces. 1707. SOUTHARD, BARBARA. “Bengal Women’s Education League: Pressure Group and Professional Association.” Modern Asian Studies 18, no. 1 (1984): 55–88. This paper examines work undertaken by the Bengal Women’s Education League formed in 1927 to promote education among women. A few Muslim women who were members of BWEL ‘were well aware that Hindu girls were gaining access to education more rapidly. One such woman was Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain who placed ‘the blame for the backwardness of female education in her community squarely on Muslim Indian men.’ (b) Nawwab Sultan Jahan Begam 1708. SULTAN JAHAN BEGAM, NAWWAB. ‘On Mahomedan Education’ in Speeches of Indian Princes on Politics, Allahabad: Price and Press, 1919. pp. 41–49. Unexamined. 1709. ______. “PayÊm banÊm mimbarÊn ¹l India Muslim Ejukeshnal Kanferans mun{aqidÊh Dehli.” [Message to the Members of All India Muslim Educational Conference, held at Delhi]. Tahzib un-Niswan, January (1927): 81–83. [U] Sir Abdur Rahim, President of the Conference, read out this important message of the Begam of Bhopal on her behalf at the session: ‘It is a universally accepted fact that unless the system of women’s education is not put in order, success in men’s education is impossible [ yeh amr musallamah hai kih jab tak {aurato¸ ki tÊ{lÒm kÊ niØÊm durust nÊ hogÊ mardo¸ ki tÊ{lÒm me¸ kamyÊbÒ namumkin hai]’. Without identifying Sir Syed who had

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opposed women’s education, the Begam boldly declared, ‘The major reason for the failure of the educational efforts of Muslims in the last fty years was that they neglected female education [zanÊnÊ tÊ{lÒm se aat barti ].’ She drew the members’ attention to the development of a curriculum suited to the needs of the Muslim community and declared her compete approval of women acquiring secondary and higher education as well. It must be noted that while favouring women’s education she stressed the need for religious education for Muslim women and lamented that ‘once Muslim women used to teach QurxÊn and Æadiº to men [ek zmanah ºÊ jab ¶wÊtÒn-i Islam mardo¸ ko QurxÊn wa ˜adiº aur qh kÊ dars deti ºÒ¸] and now even just a few women for religious instruction at ordinary level are not available.’ Describing the absence of proper religious education for Muslim women as ‘criminal negligence [mujrimÊnÊ aat],’ she observed, ‘Today no woman scholar exists in the vast land of Hind and within the abundant Muslim population, as if our scholars decreed that religion and learning are for men alone [koÒx {ÊlÒm ¶ÊtÖn is wasÒx ¶i¢¢Ê yi hind me¸ maujÖd nahi¸ hai, goyÊ hamare {ulamÊ ne {ilm wo ma£ab ko Éirf mardo¸ hÒ kÊ qarÊr dediyÊ ºÊ].’

F. Nineteenth Century Muslim Women Reading and Teaching 1710. THE ALLYGURH INSTITUTE GAZETTE, 25th February, 1870 in Selections of the Vernacular Newspapers. P. 95. UPRR. The paper reports a public lecture of Syed Ahmad Khan in which he talked about the condition of Muslim women’s education and said, ‘I do not know the condition of Hindoo women, but I know that with the Mahomedans female education is daily on the decline. In the days of my youth, I remember that no house was without its governess, who taught girls: now it is the exception and not the rule.’ 1711. BILGR¹MÁ, IFTIöKöHAR {¹LAM. ÆayÊt un-NazÒr [ Life of Nazir], Delhi: Shamsi pres, 1912. 17–19. [U] In this book on the life and times of Maulawi NazÒr A˜mad, reference is made to women members of his family. NazÒr A˜mad’s sister-in-law [wife’s sister] was ÆÊØ-i QurxÊn [one who memorizes the QurxÊn], QÊrÒ [one who recites the QurxÊn], and ÆÊjÒ [one who has performed Æajj pilgrimage]. She also offered lessons in the QurxÊn and delivered sermons on Fridays at women’s assemblies. 1712. HUNTER, W. W. ‘Cross-Examination of the Hon’ble Sayed Ahmed Khan, C. S. I. by Mr. Sayed Mahmud’. In the Report of the Indian

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Education Commission: The North-Western Provinces and Oudh Provincial Committee, with Evidence taken before the Committee and Memorandum Addressed to the Education Commission. Calcutta: the Superintendent of Government, 1884. pp. 299–300. Arguing that the general perception of Muslim women being ignorant is a mistaken idea, Syed Ahmad Khan in his testimony asserted, ‘A sort of indigenous education of a moderate degree prevails among them, and they study religious and moral books in Urdu and Persian, and in some instances in Arabic. Among my own relations, there are ladies who can speak and understand Arabic very fairly, can read and teach Persian books on morality, and can write letters in Persian, and compose verses in their own languages. But this is not a new or rare thing. I myself read elementary Persian books with my mother, and received from her other moral and instructive lessons in my early youth. . . . In families of the better classes there have been ladies in comparatively recent times who possessed high degree of ability. I remember a lady who belonged to the family of the famous Shah Abdul Aziz of Delhi and who possessed considerable amount of learning in Arabic books of religion, and used to preach religious and moral doctrines among her sex like a qualied and competent preacher.’ 1713. ______. ‘Evidence of Sayyid Ikbal Ali, Ofciating Subordinate Judge of Gonda, Oudh,’ in the Report of the Indian Education Commission: The NorthWestern Provinces and Oudh Provincial Committee, with Evidence taken before the Committee and Memorandum Addressed to the Education Commission, Calcutta: the Superintendent of Government, 1884. pp. 22–230. This evidence further conrmed Muslim women’s educational and literacy level. Ikbal Ali told the Commission that ‘among the respectable classes old maulvis teach them, and when they become pardanashins they receive instruction from their relatives, male or female. In my own family, the girls have been taught in the same way. . . . After teaching the alphabet, they introduce the Kuran, and then make their pupils commence some religious Urdu or Persian books.’ 1714. MA¶HARUL AöKôHB¹R (Madras) May 11, 1862/ 1278 A.H. p. 8. [U], MHL. This issue reports that Muslim elite in the city of Madras opened schools where at least fty Muslim girls of various ages were enrolled. 1715. MUHAÆMMADI BEGAM. ÆayÊt-i Aªraf [ Life of Ashraf ], Lahore: Rifah-i-{¹m Pres, 1904. 57p. [U], OIOC. This is a life account of a young Muslim woman Aªrafun NisÊx (1840– 1903) also known as Bibi Ashraf who became a young widow. Instead

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of living a life of misery and depression, she decided to do something very unusual, that is, to make use of her reading and writing skills. This was no easy decision. The book relates her difcult journey towards her employment when she became a teacher in Victoria Girls’ School, Lahore. Mu˜ammadÒ Begam, who earlier interviewed Aªrafun NisÊx Begam, tells the story in rst person. 1716. NAIM, C. M. “How Bibi Ashraf Learned to Read and Write.” Annual of Urdu Studies. 6 (1987): 99–115. Reprinted in Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 1, no. 2 (1994): 1–11. In this paper, the rst written after the publication of the life story of Bibi Ashraf (1840–1903) written by Muhammadi Begam, Naim presents excerpts translated in English from the original Urdu. This story is not just the story of a young widow’s determination to live and be successful against heavy odds, but it also reects the social status of women at the end of the 19th century. More importantly, it is the story of Muslim women’s education and learning. 1717. REID, HENRY STUART. Report on Indigenous Education and Vernacular Schools in Agra, Aligarh, Bareli, Etawah, Farrukhabad, Mainpuri, Mathura, Shahjahanpur, for 1850–51. UPRR. Reid, Visitor General of Schools in North-Western Provinces, while criticizing the Indians for clinging to their traditions and viewing ‘with alarm our efforts for the education of their children,’ noted the tradition of reading the QurxÊn among Muslim women. He wrote ‘Musalman women frequently read the KurÊn (but by rote only) being instructed either by their own relatives or old Musalmanis, paid female teachers (who are termed “mullani”).’ The Report provides a breakdown of gures for women who could read the QurxÊn in various districts within his jurisdiction. 1718. ______. Report on Indigenous Education and Vernacular Schools in Agra, Aligarh, Bareli, Etawah, Farrukhabad, Mainpuri, Mathura, Shahjahanpur, for 1853–54. UPRR. After giving a few statistics regarding women who could read Arabic, Persian and Urdu, the Report says, ‘The young Musalman’s education often commences with the Kuran. The mother, who possesses the ability to read it, may teach her own son at home up to a certain point, and enable him, on his being placed at school, to make more rapid progress. The maternal inuence over the child, up to the age of ve, is great, even in this country, where women occupy so low a position.’

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1719. ROBERTS, A. Report on Vernacular Schools in Delhi in Report on of the General Committee on Public Instruction, Northwest Provinces, for 1846–47, App. F, xlvii–xlix. UPRR. Roberts, the Collector of Delhi, while checking the census of the city in 1846, noted the presence of six schools conducted by Punjabi Muslim women for girls of wealthy Muslim merchant families. Students were instructed in reading and memorising the QurxÊn. Women teachers, called ustanÒs, were paid by the families of the students. 1719a. SAKINAH BEGAM. “ViktoriÊ garl iskÖl” [ The Victoria Girls’ School]. ·arÒf BÒbÒ, September (1910): 3–8. The writer of this article, a student of the Victoria Girls’ School, identies herself as ‘student English class’. She refers to the early history of the school (a sketch of the school’s building is also included here) and states that scholarship of Rs. two was paid to all those girls who learned to read and write Urdu alphabets on the wooden board (ta¶tÒ). Parents, however, were afraid of sending their daughters to school and thought there was some secret motive in giving these stipends [is waØÒfe me¸ bhÒ ko{Ò bhed samajhte ºe]. The author pays tribute to the memory of late Aªraf-un Nisa Begam who, she writes, followed pardah rules and took care that the pardah norms for the girls were meticulously followed. I. New School Education for Girls 1720. AFTAB, TAHERA. “Development of Education in the North-Western Provinces of Awadh up to 1858.” Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 8, no. 2, July–December (1987): 27–38. Based on primary sources, this paper traces the beginning of a new system of education throughout government schools in North India. An alternative system of education, home-schools, existed for Muslim girls. Muslim females of respectable families were employed as teachers by several households to teach women and girls to read the QurxÊn. 1721. ______. “Reform Societies and Women’s Education in Northern India in the later 19th Century.” Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, 35 (11), April (1987): 121–35. Women’s education in its early stages was not the work of British rulers alone; contradictory to local customs and traditions, it was sustained and supported by the people. Local associations and societies took up the task of improving the status of women through education, by establishing schools and by writing promotional texts for female education.

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1722. ALI, AZRA ASGHAR. “Educational Development of Muslim Women in Colonial India.” Journal of Research Society of Pakistan 36, no. 1 (1999): 41–65. This paper examines the growth of Muslim women’s education in the rst half of the 20th century under three agencies: the government, Christian missionaries and Indian social reformers. 1723. CHANANA, KARUNA. ‘Social Change or Social Reform: Women, Education, and Family in Pre-Independence India,’ in Carol Chapnick Mukhopadhyay and Susan Seymour (ed.) Women, Education, and Family Structure in India. Boulder: Westview Press, 1994. pp. 37–57. This work discusses various factors assisting the spread of school education among Hindu and Muslim women in the pre-independence era. It refers briey to the response of Muslim leaders regarding the education of Muslim girls. Muslim women observing pardah took up the cause of education. 1724. HUNTER, W. W. Report of the Indian Education Commission, Calcutta: Printed by the Supt. of Government, 1883. This report traces the history of indigenous systems of education prevalent in India prior to the establishment of British rule. A separate chapter on female education examines the status of Muslim women’s education in India. 1725. KHAN, ABDUL RASHID. ‘Uplift of Women’s Education (1898–1920)’, in his The All India Muslim Educational Conference, Its Contribution to the Cultural Development of Indian Muslims 1886–1947. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001. 116–50. Based on published and archival sources, this chapter presents a welldocumented picture of various aspects of Muslim women’s education during 1898–1920. Besides liberal-minded Muslim men working to promote female education, Muslim women themselves came forward to voice their deep concern for education and betterment of their lives. The Muslim Educational Conference provided one great platform for men and women to share thoughts and concerns. Among those less satised with the work regarding female education was the Begam of Bhopal. 1726. MATHUR, Y. B. Women’s Education in India, 1813–1966. Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1973. 208p. This work is a survey of the development of women’s education in India with more details on general education for women and references to the education of Muslim girls. Government documents relating to education are reproduced in appendices.

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1727. MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Purdah’s Progress: the Beginnings of School Education for Indian Muslim Women,’ in Jagdish P. Sharma (ed.) Individuals and Ideas in Modern India: Nine Interpretative Studies, Calcutta, 1982. pp. 76–97. This paper discusses early efforts to promote women’s education among Indian Muslims and also examines the question of how Muslim women’s education was justied by those who espoused the cause. Considerable dedication to the cause of women’s education existed among members of the western-educated professional groups in the Muslim community. 1728. ______. Secluded Scholars: women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. Delhi: OUP. 1998. xiv+359p. This well-researched work presents a comprehensive picture of the gradual progress of Muslim women in the elds of education, development and political consciousness. Drawing upon less known or sofar unused historical records, this book constructs a new image of the lives Muslim women. 1729. ROSENTHAL, ETHEL. “Some Aspects of Women’s Education in Hyderabad.” Asiatic Review 32 (1936): 763–68. This paper describes the Nizam of Hyderabad’s contributions to women’s education in his territories and reviews the establishment and programmes of various institutions, including the Osmania College for Women. II. Western Women and Muslim Women’s Education 1730. AFTAB, TAHERA. “Women’s Education: Zanana Instruction and the American Missions in Northern India, later 19th C.” Pakistan Journal of American Studies 5, no. 1 (1987): 104–30. The later half of the 19th century was a period of great inux of American Missions in North India. The missionary women contributed towards the introduction and growth of women’s education. The rst Indian woman to pass her Arts Examination in 1870 was a student of the Dehra Dun School founded by the American Presbyterian Mission; the rst woman to get the BA Degree in 1901–02 came from an American Methodist institution, the Isabella Thoburn College, Lucknow (founded in 1870 under the name of the Lal Bagh School, later changed in 1903 to Isabella Thoburn College in memory of its founder).

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1731. CARPENTER, MARY. ‘On Female Education in India,’ in Edgar L. Erickson (ed.) Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. British Sessional Papers, Vol. 63, 1877. New York: Readex Microprint Corporation. pp. 436–46. This is a report by Miss Carpenter (1807–77) to the Marquis of Salisbury (Secretary for India, 1866–67 and again in 1874–76) on her tour of India and her inspection of teachers’ training schools. It includes her recommendations for the improvement of education for women in India. 1732. COWAN, MINNA G. The Education of the Women of India. Edinburgh: Oliphnat, Anderson & Ferrier, 1912. 256p. (Under the same title, the work was published from New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1912, with photographs and statistical tables.) The disparate emphasis on educating Indian men heightened the author’s concern for women’s schooling whether by the government, Christian missionaries, or through Indian efforts. In this survey of women’s education from the 5th century B.C. to the present, South India and Madras are conspicuously omitted. The author discusses various problems in the introduction of female education at various levels in India and stresses the importance of Christianity in women’s education in India.

G. Women’s Education: in Post-1947 South Asia I. Women’s Education in Pakistan 1733. {ABDULLAH, SAIYYID. Ta{lÒmÒ ¶a¢¢ÊbÊt aur dÖsre maÓÊmÒn. Lahore: MaktabÊ ¶yabÊn-i adab, 1966. 643p. [U] Among several other essays on the theme of education, the author has also written on the importance of education for girls, including higher education in Pakistan. 1734. ADULT EDUCATION DEVELOPMENT BOARD. Adult Education Workshop. Lahore: Adult Education Development Board, 1973. 97p. This is a report on papers presented and discussions held on the challenging issue of adult education in Pakistan. Female illiteracy is a major challenge for women and development. It was agreed that for the promotion of adult education among women themes such as child care, maternal health, and nutrition should be prioritized.

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1735. AFTAB, TAHERA (ed.). Challenge for Change: Literacy for the Girl of Today, the Woman of Tomorrow. Karachi: Centre of Excellence for Women’s Studies, University of Karachi, 1995. 241p. This volume consists of papers presented at a regional seminar on female literacy in South Asia reecting upon the status of female literacy in Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. 1736. ______. “Fighting for Illiteracy: What Works and What Doesn’t: A Case Study of Female Literacy in Pakistan.” Convergence 27, no. 4 (1994): 25–34. This paper, earlier presented at the Fifth World Assembly of the International Council of Adult Education in Cairo in September 1994, examines the causes of low female literacy in Pakistan. The study draws upon the ndings of eld research conducted by the author in the slums of Karachi in 1991. Findings show that the majority of girls who have no access to school or education have a strong desire to seek education. 1737. AHMAD, ANIS and MUSLIM SAJJAD. Muslim Women and Higher Education: A Case for Separate Institutions and a Work Plan for Women’s University. Islamabad: Islamic Policy Studies, 1982. 107p. The rst part of the book discusses various aspects of the status of women and education in USA, Israel and China. The authors suggest that if the experiment of establishing ‘sex-equality’ in job roles has not produced satisfactory and results in these countries, it becomes necessary to adhere to the conceptual framework within which a Muslim women’s functions are dened for her by the QurxÊn and the Holy Prophet. The book also examines the case of higher education for Muslim women in the context of their status and role in a Muslim society. 1738. AKHTAR, SAJJAD. “Do Girls have a Higher School Drop-out Rate than Boys? A Hazard Rate Analysis of Evidence from a Third World City.” Urban Studies 33, no. 1 (1996): 49–62. This paper examines gender-specic conditional probabilities of drop out from schools in Karachi and shows that ‘the probability of dropout of females is lower than boys at institutionally established ‘exit’ points in the schooling system of Karachi.’ The analysis is based on socio-economic and demographic data of family members collected in 1987–88. 1739. ALDERMAN, HAROLD. et al. “Decomposing the Gender Gap in Cognitive Skills in a Poor Rural Economy.” The Journal of Human Resources 31 (1996): 229–54.

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1740.

1741.

1742.

1743.

1744.

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This study uses indicators of the output of the education process, and cognitive skills to characterize and investigate determinants of a large gender gap in rural education in Pakistan. AMJAD ALI, ZAHIDA. “Education for Better Homes.” Pakistan Quarterly 11, no. 3 (1963): 28–37. The paper discusses the prospects of teaching home economics in Pakistan. The author pleads that this discipline should be developed on more scientic lines for the betterment of all. CHISHTI, KHAWAR KHAN. An Evaluation of the Educational Experience at the College of Home Economics, Lahore, Pakistan, Based on the Opinions of the Graduates, their Parents and Advisory Council on Islamic Ideology for Revisions in the Structure and Curriculum of the College. Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University: 1974. 391p. Data presented in this work conrm the hypothesis that women graduates of the College of the Home Economics, Lahore, fall into two groups: modernists, who viewed their educational experience positively; and traditionalists, who viewed it negatively. Modernists agreed with traditionalists that the curriculum ignored Islamic ideals and values related to home and family life. DURRANI, F. K. KHAN. ‘Female Education,’ in his, A Plan of Muslim Educational Reform. Lahore: Sheikh Ghulam Ali. 194–?. 132–41. The author suggests a new educational curriculum for Muslim women which should suit their needs and prepare them for higher purposes. HABIB, NASIRA. “Training the Trainers.” Adult Education and Development no. 40 (1993): 311–22. This is a brief report of a workshop in which 18 women discussed new ways to improve adult education, paying particular attention to the problems of women both as educators and trainers. HEWARD, CHRISTINE. ‘Closing the Gender Gap? The Informal Sector in Pakistan,’ in Christine Heward and Sheila Bunwaree (ed.) Gender, Education & Development, Beyond Access to Empowerment. London: Zed Books. 1999. 203–17. Pakistan’s miserable record in narrowing the so-called ‘gender gap in education’ is a stark feature of a very poor effort to invest in human development in South Asia. Among several factors causing lower female literacy, lack of female teachers is a ‘critical barrier’ to the expansion of girls’ schools. IBRAZ, TASSAWAR, SAEED and ANJUM FATIMA. “Uneducated and Unhealthy: the Plight of Women in Pakistan.” The Pakistan Development Review 32, no. 4, Part, ii (1993): 905–15.

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This paper discusses under-investment in female education and health and also highlights dominant cultural notions that hinder women’s access to education and other structures of power. JATOI, HAROONA. First Evaluation Report of Adult Female Literacy Centres. Islamabad: Project Wing, Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan, 1981. 54p. This paper is the rst report on the effectiveness of 20 Adult Female Literacy centres established by the Ministry of Education, Government of Pakistan in collaboration with UNESCO, where women were taught different income-generating skills. ______ . ‘Gender of Teachers and Teaching Practices in Pakistani Schools,’ in Female Access to Primary Schooling, British Council Seminar, Islamabad, 1993. pp. 133–70. This paper places emphasis on the training of female teachers so as to upgrade teaching in girls’ schools. Detailed tables and a bibliography are added. JILANI, GHULAM. ‘Pakistan,’ in Susan Burke (ed.) Responsible Parenthood and Sex Education: Proceedings of a working group held in Tunisia, November, 1969. London: International Planned Parenthood Federation, 1970. pp. 126–31. This paper outlines a series of objectives for a sex education programme, discusses the place of sex education in Islamic thought and includes proposals for new sex-education curricula. KAUSER, SHABANA. “A Comparison of Study Habits of Low and High Achiever Female College Students.” Pakistan Education Journal 1 & 2 (1991): 89–100. This paper examines the difference of both high and low achievers and in the study habits and attitudes of female college students. KHAWAJA, SARFRAZ. Basic Education for Females: Situation Analysis. Islamabad: UNICEF, 1989. 32p. This work notes that access to education for females, particularly in rural areas, is very limited. It identies constraints to basic female literacy in Pakistan. Some pragmatic strategies for action are also suggested for both primary education and literacy. KURESHI, M. “Women’s Education.” Pakistan Quarterly 7, no. 3 (1957): 18–21. The author reviews the slow progress of women’s education in Pakistan since 1947. Pardah, early marriage and other social traditions hinder the progress of education and keep women away from jobs.

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1752. PANHWAR, FARZANA. “Women and Distance Education in Sindh (Pakistan).” Adult Education and Development, no. 51 (1998): 189–96. The paper explains how women in rural Pakistan suffer from a number of disadvantages reected in their obvious educational deciency, in comparison with the male population. 1753. PARDHAN, A. SADRUDDIN. Women, Schooling and Work in Booni Valley, Pakistan: Chitrali Muslim Women’s Perceptions. M. Ed. Thesis, Canada: University of Alberta. 1995. In the Chitral District, a mountainous region of Northern Pakistan, local women play an important role in agricultural production. Since the 1980s, development initiatives by non-governmental organization, like the Aga Khan Development Network, combined with an inux of modern sector activities, have resulted in a growing need for women’s participation in formal education, rural development and health care. This study takes an ethnographic perspective and suggests that understanding women’s schooling and work requires a detailed account of women’s actual experiences in a specic cultural setting. 1754. QURESHI, GULSHAN BANO. ‘Cultural and Social Barriers to Girl’s Participation in Primary Education in the Various Regions of Pakistan,’ in Female Access to Primary Schooling, British Council Seminar Proceedings, Islamabad, 1993. pp. 98–106. This paper examines the factors responsible for low-level participation of girls in education. To improve this the involvement of the community and parents and better training for female teachers is suggested. 1755. SHAH, NASRA M. ‘Education Level: Enrollment, Facilities and Attitudes,’ in her Pakistani Women, Islamabad, Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1986. pp. 206–63. Shah reports that female education continues to be a low priority in Pakistan. The number of educational institutions has increased however, but the demand for education has remained modest. II. Women’s Education in Bangladesh 1756. BEGUM, KAMRUNNESSA. ‘Universal Primary Education and Women’s Expectations and Constraints,’ in Asifa Duza, et al. (ed.) Education and Gender Equity. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1992. pp. 9–25. Despite constitutional safeguards, women in Bangladesh stand far behind their male counterparts. Female participation in schools is much lower than that of males. Without a strong national commitment to

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the advancement of women’s status, there is little hope for women’s education. FYZENNESSA, NOORUNNAHAR. ‘Universal Primary Education and Women,’ in Asifa Duza, (ed.) Education and Gender Equity, Bangladesh, Dhaka: Women for Women, 1992. pp. 26–37. This paper draws attention to the real picture of women’s education in Bangladesh. The number of girls in schools has increased to some extent, but many constraints still prevent them from attending schools. HUQ , JAHANARA. ‘Women in Secondary and Higher Education: Myth and Reality,’ in Asifa Duza (ed.) Education and Gender Equality, Dhaka: Women for women, 1992. pp. 41–53. The author argues that in a poor country like Bangladesh where basic needs remain unfullled, putting too much emphasis on higher education for girls may seem to be an extremely wishful and luxurious dream. ISLAM, SHAMIMA. ‘Women Drop-outs in Non-Formal Education: A case study,’ in Women for Women: Bangladesh 1975. Dacca: University Press, 1975. pp. 154–79. This study examines cases of frequent early drop-outs in girls’ schools. ______ . ‘Women’s Education in Bangladesh: Realities and Challenges in Women and National Planning in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1990. 25–30. Literacy among Bangladeshi women is not only an indicator of development but indirectly speaks of women’s suppression, oppression and deprivation in society. Non-formal education is stressed as a strategy for eradicating illiteracy. KABIR, M. and RUHUL AMIN. “Factors Inuencing Child Mortality in Bangladesh and their Implications for the National Health Programme.” Asia-Pacic Population Journal 8, no. 3 (1993): 31–45. This paper argues that education for girls would help to strengthen women’s ability to care for their families. KHAN, SALMA. ‘Education, Policy Programme and Women: A Road to Gender Equity,’ in Asifa Duza (ed.) Education and Gender Equity, Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women 1992. pp. 89–97. The author examines factors responsible for a low level of female participation in education and recommends changes in the existing curriculum so that it will be free from ‘gender bias.’

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1763. KHATUN, SHARIFA. ‘Women in Secondary and Higher Education: Myth and Reality,’ in Asifa Duza (ed.) Education and Gender Equity: Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1992. pp. 54–71. This paper examines the need for women’s higher education and recommends solutions to address the dismal situation of women’s higher education in Bangladesh. III. Women’s Education in India 1764. GHADIALLY, REHANA. “Daudi Bohra Muslim Women and Modern Education: A Beginning.” Indian Journal of Gender Studies 1, no. 2 (1994): 195–213. The paper addresses several historically important questions, such as who led the movement for Bohra women’s education and for what reasons, what were the responses of the community, and what were the obstacles faced by the reformers? Research was completed by using several methodologies, which include eldwork, data collection and documentation of published sources. 1765. HUSSAIN, SYED MEHDI. ‘Muslim Women and Higher Education: A Case Study of Hyderabad,’ in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Problems of Muslim Women in India. Bombay: Orient Longman. 1995. pp. 72–88. This study states that higher education among Muslim women is conned in this traditional Muslim community mainly to upper and middle-income groups. Prejudice against girls is prevalent. 1766. MENON, M. INDU. “Education of Muslim women: Tradition Versus Modernity.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 10, no. 1 (1979): 81–89. See also, ‘Education of Muslim Women: Tradition vs. Modernity’ by M. Indu Menon,’ in George Kurian and Ratna Ghosh (ed.) Women in the Family & the Economy: An International Comparative Survey, Westport: Greenwood Press, 1981. pp. 107–15. Despite the Government of India’s programmes for women’s education, the educational status of Muslim women in South Asia remains much weaker. The author identies four factors hindering Muslim women’s education: insistence on religious education, early marriage, seclusion, and indifference to paid work. 1767. MISTRY, MALIKA B. “All India Muslim Women’s Education Conference, 1996—A Report.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 18, no. 2 (1998): 365–68. This is a report of the conference held in 1996 in Madras. Attended by a large number of Muslim women and men from across India, Sri

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Lanka and Malaysia, this conference recognized the need for education for Muslim women. 1768. RAHMAN, SYEDA AFZALUNNISA. Education of Women for Modern Indian Society: A Historical Study with a Critique of Educational Thought. Ph.D. Dissertation, Ohio State University, 1963. 222p. This dissertation studies development of women’s education through different periods of history. With the independence of South Asia, universal free and compulsory education for boys and girls became a constitutional right though women’s education continues to lag far behind. The study emphasizes support for every woman to become a good homemaker, citizen, and efcient worker.

H. Medical education for women I. Beginning of Medical Education in the 19th Century 1769. THE ATALIK-I-HIND. Urdu Weekly from Lahore, 24th April, 1875, in Selections from the Vernacular Newspapers published in the Punjab, North-Western Provinces, Oudh and the Central Provinces. UPRR. This newspaper points out the need for establishing medical schools with European lady doctors as instructors for training Indian women in the practice of medicine in each province of the country. 1770. BALFOUR, MARGARET IDA and RUTH YOUNG. The Work of Medical Women in India. London: Oxford University Press, 1929. 201p. In this in-depth study of efforts of British and American women missionaries to providing health-care facilities to Indian women in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the authors discuss the need for expanding medical help to pardah-observing women through the zenana missionary worker. Women in India, under the restrictions of segregation and pardah, could not be examined and treated by a male physician, particularly in cases of childbirth or ‘women’s diseases’. The book also relates the efforts made by the Countess of Dufferin (wife of Lord Dufferin, Viceroy of British India, 1884–88) when she established in 1885 the Countess of Dufferin Fund for the training of Indian midwives. Clara Swain, Fanny Butler and several other physicians worked in India and opened hospitals and dispensaries. Photographs of some of the early hospitals are included. 1771. DENGAL, ANNA. “The Work of Medical Women in India.” Medical Women’s Journal 37, no. 5 (1930): 132–5.

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1773.

1774.

1775.

1776.

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This paper points out that women living in seclusion need medical help from women doctors. The paper discusses that local midwives are ill equipped to take care of women’s health issues, and reviews the services of missionary women physicians and their contribution to the health of Indian women. DUFFERIN FUND COMMITTEE, NWFP. 1892, Correspondence from J. C. Neseld to the Honorary Secretary Dufferin Fund Committee, Nainital/File no. 470, Educational Department, (unpublished), UPRR. The Dufferin Fund Association announced several scholarships of Rs. 10 a month to female students studying at the female branch of the Agra Medical School, in addition to gratis instruction and free board and lodging. As no girls turned up for these, the government was frustrated at this ‘entirely fruitless’ effort caused by ‘the constitutional timidity of the girls in this country, and especially in this part of India, to take what is to them a step in the dark.’ DUFFERIN, HARRIOT. “The National Association for Supplying Female Medical Aid to the Women of India.” Asiatic Review 1, no. 2 (1886): 257–74. Lady Dufferin reports in this paper the formation, nancial support, aims and policies of the National Association for medical aid to Indian women. The Association was established by Lady Dufferin herself. DUFFERIN, HARRIOT. A Record of Three Years’ Work of the National Association for Supplying Female Medical Aid to the Women of India, August, 1885, to August, 1888. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink, and Company, 1888, 102p. Unexamined. HOGGAN, FRANCES ELIZABETH. “Medical Women for India.” Contemporary Review, No. 42 (1882): 267–75. Argues and pleads for the presence of more local women in the medical profession and services. Urges separate medical facilities for women by women, as this effort alone would help Indian women get better health; they remain ‘the weakest, the poorest, the least self-reliant members of the community.’ HUMPHERY, REVD. DR. J. L. Correspondence of Revd. Dr. J. L. Humphery in General Department October 1869, North-Western Provinces, UPRR. This Report contains several letters and reports written by Dr. J. L. Humphery, an American Methodist Episcopalian missionary stationed at Nainital. At the suggestion of an Indian Deputy Collector of the Kumaon Division, Humphery rst started training classes for midwives, the local dais. Later in 1869, he started a medical class for nine Indian girls, mostly Indian Christians.

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1777. HUNTER, W. W. “A female medical profession for India.” Contemporary Review, No. 56 (1889): 207–15. Traces the history of Lady Dufferin’s efforts for medical assistance to Indian women. 1778. LAL, MANEESHA. “The Politics of Gender and Medicine in Colonial India: The Countess of Dufferin’s fund, 1885–1888.” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 68, no. 1 (1994): 29–66. The Countess of Dufferin Fund established in 1885 was the ‘rst systematic attempt to extend Western medicine to Indian women.’ This paper, drawing upon contemporary sources, presents ‘an analysis of the attitudes and ideologies that informed the design and structure of the fund and the relation of these to the entry of women into the medical profession in India and in Great Britain. . . .’ 1779. MAÆBÇB {¹LAM, MUNöSH ô Á. “HindustÊn me¸ tÊ{lÒm-i niswʸ” [Education of Women in India]. ·arÒf BÒbiyʸ [Good Women], September (1895): 3–9. [U], LML. Commenting on the scheme of Lady Dufferin for establishing hospitals for women in India, the author writes that, ‘in all fairness, the practice of medicine suits women well [¢ababat kÊ kÊm {aurato¸ ke lÒye nihayat mauzÖ¸ hai].’ He further calls upon the local elite to come forward and work for the promotion of medical education for girls. 1780. METCALF, BARBARA D. ‘Hakim Ajmal Khan: Rais of Delhi and Muslim Leader.’ In R. E. Frykenburg ed. Delhi Through the Ages: Essays in Urban History, Culture and Society, Delhi: OHP, 1986. pp. 299–315. Hakim Ajmal Khan (1863–1927), known for his efforts to professionalize Islamic medicine and his political work, was the rst to open, in 1908, a regular department for women students at his madrasah (school established in 1889 at Delhi) for Islamic medicine. It was never well attended, but it set the precedent that continues educating women in medicine. 1781. THE MUSHIR-I QAISAR of Lucknow, 27th February, 1883, in Selections from the Vernacular Newspapers published in the Punjab, North-Western Provinces, Oudh and the Central Provinces. UPRR. This newspaper approved of the scheme set forth in Bombay to bring in female doctors from England; however, the paper also observed that ‘although medical women are a great want in this country, but the importation of a few female doctors will not meet the requirements of the country. The Government should make arrangements for the instruction of native girls in medicine.’

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1782. THE NASIM-I AGRA, 30th September, 1892, in Selections from the Vernacular Newspapers published in the Punjab, North-Western Provinces, Oudh and the Central Provinces. UPRR. This newspaper expresses some concerns regarding local Indian customs of caste and religious differences that would hinder the progress of medical education at the Agra medical school for women. The news report rst appreciated the efforts of the Lady Dufferin Fund in establishing the medical school for women at Agra in 1884. Next it observes that ‘it is necessary to train Hindu, Muhammedan and Christian girls according to the requirements of the three communities, in as much as Hindu women, among whom religious and caste prejudices are still very strong, will not so easily place themselves under the treatment of Mohammedan or Christian female doctors as under that of Hindu female doctors. The Hindus and Musalmans being the prevailing elements of the Indian population, a large proportion of the female students at the Agra Medical School should belong to those communities.’ Quoting enrollment gures for the past several years, it concludes that ‘evidently the progress of the female medical school is very unsatisfactory, as far as the Hindu and Muhammedan pupils are concerned. Again the female dispensary, too, does not appear to be so popular as it should be.’ One possible reason for this unpopularity, was that several female students examined patients. ‘If so, such frequent examinations, which must involve much trouble and inconvenience to the patients, may be one of the causes of the unpopularity of the female hospital.’ 1783. THE OUDH AKHBAR (Lucknow), 5th September, 1883, in Selections from the Vernacular Newspapers published in the Punjab, North-Western Provinces, Oudh and the Central Provinces. UPRR. This paper presents some practical suggestions for improving the health care needs of Indian women. Instead of relying upon the government, local efforts should be encouraged. ‘The talukadars of Oudh should establish medical school and engage the services of one or two able lady doctors, such as Mrs. Fuller, to act as teachers there. There could be no difculty in inducing poor girls belonging to the respectable classes of the community to join the school for instruction. Professional native midwives, who are as a rule quite ignorant, should be taught midwifery at the school. The funds necessary for carrying out the scheme could be easily raised by the nobility and gentry of the province.’ 1784. THOMSON, BERTHA M. “Opportunities for Medical Women in India.” Medical Women’s Journal 39, no. 10 (1932): 251–4.

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This paper argues that upper-class secluded Hindu and Muslim women require medical help, which should be provided for by training more local women as physicians. II. Early Medical Texts and Literature for Women 1785. ¹BRÇ BEGAM. Rahbar-i Ée˜at [Health Guide], Bhopal: Hamidia Art Press, 1922. [U], OIOC. This is a collection of several articles written by women who served in the health department of Bhopal, where several efforts were made under its women rulers to provide healthcare to women. 1786. {A¶IMULLAH, MUÆAMMAD Q¹ÃÁ, ÆAKÁM. Fimel Farmokopia, almÊxruf ba ¢ÊbÒb al-nisÊ{. [Female Pharmacology or Woman’s Physician] Lahore: Hygia Health Home, 1934, 727p. [U], OIOC. This is a book of medicine for women. Unexamined. 1787. BAnnÇ öKöH¹N. “Dar bÊb-i fann-i ~ak¢arÒ.” [On the subject of the medical (doctor’s) skills] MufÒd ul-MadÊris, Agra: Ma¢ba{ElÊhÒ 1, no. 1, September (1872): 21–22. [U], OIOC. This article identies signs of false labour pains and real labour pains. It also instructs native birth attendants (dÊÒ’s) on what to do and what to avoid while helping mothers during childbirth. 1788. BAnnÇ K ö H ô ¹N. “Dar bÊb-i-fann-i-~ak¢arÒ.” [On the subject of the medical (doctor’s) skills] MufÒd ul-madÊris, Agra: ma¢ba{ elÊhÒ 1, No. 2, October (1872): 21–22. [U], OIOC. This second article of the series discusses childbirth. 1789. BAnnÇ öKôH¹N. “Dar bÊb-i-fann-i-dak¢arÒ: zappÊh ki sarbrÊhi kÊ bayÊn.” [On the subject of the medical (doctor’s) skills: An account of managing the woman who has just given birth] MufÒd ul-MadÊris, Agra: Ma¢ba{ ElÊhÒ 1, No. 3, November (1872): 21–22. [U], OIOC. This series of articles instructs women how to take care of themselves at the time of birth and immediately after that. The articles warn that myths and old beliefs cause great harm to the health of a woman and her newborn baby and even cause death. 1790. BAnnÇ öKôH¹N. “Dar bÊb-i-fann-i-~ak¢arÒ.” [On the subject of the medical (doctor’s) skills] in MufÒd ul-MadÊris, Agra: Ma¢ba{ ElÊhÒ 2, no. 2 (1872): 21–22. [U], OIOC. This article instructs the birth attendant about the quick action that is needed for tying and cutting off the umbilical cord and for the expulsion of the placenta.

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1791. S ö H ô AHJAHAN BEGAM, NAWW¹B. TahzÒb-un niswʸ wa tarbiyat ul-insÊn [Renement of women and Instructions for Human beings], Delhi: Ma¢bax yi anÉari, 1889. 492p. (Reprint, Lahore: Nu{manÒ kutub ¶ana, 1970.) 453p. [U], KKK. In this work Shahjahan Begam describes several ailments from which women suffer during pregnancy and childbirth. She provides details regarding the onset of menstruation and post-partum care of mothers, and also gives instructions for prevention and cure of female ailments. 1792. VANZAN, ANNA. “Medical Education of Muslim Women in Turnof-Century India: The 9th Chapter of the Bihishti Zewar.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 7, no. 1 (2000): 55–64. This paper examines chapter nine of MÊulanÊ Ashraf {AlÒ ThÊnawÒ’s Bihishti Zewar which is devoted entirely to the subject of medicine for women. The main sections of this chapter lists how prevent clean air, food and drink, physical movements and repose can prevent disease. Included also is a glossary of terms frequently used in unani medicine; a list of most common maladies and remedies; a short treatise on pregnancy, miscarriage, post-partum care, and on the care and handling of infants. This chapter aims ‘to provide Muslim women with a sort of rst aid kit so that they would be able to face problems related to health.’ He strongly recommends that women should call a physician in case of emergency. However, he also recommends the sufÒ ritual of giving amulets for a cure. III. Early Hospitals for Women 1793. FRENCH, FRANCESCA. Miss Brown’s Hospital: The Story of the Ludhiana Medical College and Dame Edith Brown, D.B.E., its Founder. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1954. 120p. After medical studies at Edinburgh and Brussels Doctor Edith Brown started and looked after the Punjab medical school for women in India. The instruction provided healthcare facilities to pardah-observing women. 1794. HAMID ALI. Mrs. ‘Maternity and Welfare Work in India,’ in Evelyn C. Gedge and Mithan Choksi (ed.) Women in Modern India, Bombay: D. B. Taraporewala Sons and Company, 1929. 138–43. Unexamined. 1795. WHITE, DORA. “A Sketch of Zenana Medical Work in Hyderabad.” The Indian Magazine, no. 14 (1887): 66–71. The author, a European female doctor invited in 1880 by Sir Salar Jung of Hyderabad, describes the construction of a separate women’s

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wing within the Afzul Jung Hospital for parda-observing women. By 1881, forty to fty women out-patients were visiting the facility daily. IV. Women and the Nursing Profession: the Current Scene 1796. AKHTER, RAHIMA JAMAL. et al. ‘Reporting from Bangladesh,’ in Nancy H. Bryant (ed.) Women in Nursing in Islamic Societies, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2003. 232–54. This paper reports the pattern of growth and development of the nursing profession among women in Bangladesh. Since the inception of the Strengthening Nursing Education Services programme in 1993, some progress has been achieved. 1797. ALAM, BILQUIS A. ‘Women in Nursing: A Study of the Nurses of Dacca Medical College Hospital,’ in Women for Women: Bangladesh, 1975. Dacca: University Press. 1975. pp. 121–53. This paper draws upon an earlier sample study of sixty-three nurses to nd out the socio-economic background and other factors which inuence their choice of occupation. 1798. AMRASI, YASMIN. ‘Nursing Health Human Resources in Pakistan,’ in Nancy H. Bryant (ed.) Women in Nursing in Islamic Societies, Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2003. pp. 188–231. This paper begins by introducing demographic and political patterns of Pakistan, then examines in detail the management of resources for the development of nursing programmes in Pakistan. It concludes by observing that the quality of education and training of nurses is unsatisfactory and is further deteriorating. Among other factors contributing to this are socio-cultural norms, the economy, and the basic literacy level of the people. To improve this she suggests employing better strategies and resources. 1799. BOKHARI, A. ‘Nursing Grievances.’ The Herald, February 1990. pp. 60–63. In this article the author draws attention to the grievances nurses face everyday in their work life and how these in turn cause losses to the country’s healthcare system. ‘The most important strategy to recruit and retain a sufcient number of nurses in Pakistan is to check the sexual exploitation of nurses. Society must start viewing nurses as professionals and not as objects of desire who can be harassed through brute force.’ 1800. BRYANT, NANCY H. Women in Nursing in Islamic Societies. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2003. 374p.

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1802.

1803.

1804.

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This book, drawing upon the author’s scholarship and long experience of working with nursing programmes in various countries, covers a wide range of subjects related to women and nursing in Muslim societies. The author worked for several years with the Nursing programme at the Aga Khan University in Karachi. She examines the reasons why young Muslim women are reluctant to join this profession. These include poor remuneration, traditional social constraints on women’s paid work and a low image of working women, particularly of nurses. CARBONU, DORA MARIA and JACQUELINE MARIA SOARES. “Forensic Nursing in Pakistan, Bridging the Gap between Victimized Women and health Care Delivery Systems.” Journal of Psychosocial Nursing 35, no. 6 (1997): 19–27. Pakistani women are victimized in various ways. Forensic nursing can show concern, support, understanding, and timely intervention regarding reporting and treatment of various forms of violence, including sexual harassment and other abusive incidents. FRENCH, SUSAN E. and P. HERBERG. “Capacity Building: The Challenge of Strengthening the Nursing System in Pakistan.” Journal of Canada-Pakistan Cooperation 9 (1995): 1–4. Pakistan’s alarming maternal mortality rate requires medical intervention, but there is an urgent need for strengthening the nursing system too. This paper discusses some major characteristics of the new programme introduced at the Aga Khan University School of Nursing. The paper ends on an optimistic note stating that this programme of nursing will contribute to the empowerment and development of women throughout Pakistan. ______ . et al. “Nursing as a Career Choice for Women in Pakistan.” Journal of Advanced Nursing 19 (1994): 140–51. This article, the rst on nursing in Pakistan, includes interviews with 114 Pakistani nurses from the Aga Khan University Medical Centre. Respondents describe a lack of respect for nurses and a few applicants for nursing programme. HEMANI, HAFIZA. The History of Nursing in Pakistan: A Struggle for Professional Recognition. Dissertation, University of Alberta, 1996. Although Muslim women in Pakistan have moved ahead in the nursing profession, further development is needed if nursing is to meet international standards. HEZEKIAH, JOCELYN. “The Pioneers of Rural Pakistan: The Lady Health Visitors.” Health Care for Women International, V. 14, No. 6 (1993): 493–502.

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A remarkable group of young Muslim women, the Lady Health Visitors of the Aga Khan Health Services, deliver primary healthcare services to women and children in the northern mountainous areas and villages of Pakistan. These Health Visitors are the rst contact that these underprivileged women have with the health care. 1806. NORTON, MARY EILEEN. Educational and Social Innovations in an Islamic Republic: The Development of A School of Nursing (Pakistan). ED.D. Dissertation, Columbia University Teachers College, 1985. Unexamined. V. Traditional Birth Attendants (dÊi’s) 1807. AMIN, RUHUL and A. H. KHAN. “Characteristics of Traditional Midwives and Their Beliefs and Practices in Rural Bangladesh.” International Journal of Gynecology and Obstetrics 28 (1989): 119–25. This study analyzes characteristics, beliefs, and practices of midwives in rural Bangladesh. Most midwives acquire their learning from informal sources such as female relatives or neighbours. The paper suggests the need for a programme for training of midwives. This b benecial for both the mother and the child. 1808. BHATIA, SHUSHUM. “Traditional Childbirth Practices: Implications for a Rural MCH Program.” Studies in Family Planning 12, no. 2 (1981): 66–74. This paper describes how traditional childbirth practices can be upgraded with the help of local women. The paper includes a few case studies in which the local dai (traditional birth attendant) assisted the birthing process. Condition of pregnant women, new mothers, and infants remains poor. The author suggests ways to improve conditions through training programmes for healthcare workers. 1809. CROLEY, H. T. et al. “Characteristics and Utilization of Midwives in a Selected Rural Area of East Pakistan.” Demography 3, no. 2 (1966): 578–80. This paper, reporting interviews with 632 married women and 21 midwives of two villages near Dhaka, describes age, marital status, training and competence of rural midwives. Attitudes of women from both these groups are strongly inuenced by traditions. Lack of knowledge and information about the reproduction process was common to both. 1810. FELDMAN, SHELLEY. “The Use of Private Health Care Providers in Rural Bangladesh.” Social Science and Medicine 17, no. 23 (1983): 1887–1896.

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Utilization of healthcare services in Bangladesh involves a complex process of negotiation between structural and contextual constraints to access on one hand, and perception of illness and possible treatment on the other. The need for female, low-cost practitioners appears to be the greatest requirement for improved healthcare access for rural women. FORBES, GERALDINE. ‘Managing Midwifery in India,’ in Dagmer Engels and Shula Marks (ed.) Contesting Colonial Hegemony-Society in Africa and India. London: British Academic Press, 1994. pp. 152–72. This paper examines the issue of untrained Indian midwives, known as dais. By the 1930s, the emerging educated Indian women recognized the benets of western-style birthing practices. Medical missionary women who worked within Indian households earlier introduced these concepts. Forbes looks at this process of change as a colonial mechanism for further hegemonizing India. This mechanism, she says at the end of the chapter, ‘served to undermine the legitimacy of the only care-givers to whom the larger population had access.’ GARDEZI, HASSAN NAWAZ. ‘Midwife as a Local Functionary and Her Role in Family Planning: Some Research Findings,’ in Haider Ali Chaudhri, et al. (ed.) Pakistan Sociological Perspectives: Collected Papers of the Pakistan Sociological Associations II, III and IV Conferences, Lahore: University of the Punjab, 1968. This paper examines attitudes of Lahore midwives toward their participation in structured training programmes introduced by the government and NGOs. Most of the midwives, the research ndings showed, were willing to work with new ideas. However, they needed incentives to implement the new skills they had acquired through training. —— and ATTIYA INAYATULLAH . ‘The Dai Study: The DaiMidwife—A Local Functionary and Her role in Family Planning.’ Lahore: West Pakistan Family Planning Association, 1969. 106p. This study that included 72 midwives from Lahore was designed to research the skill and knowledge of local dais (midwives) concerning the family planning programme in Pakistan. were selected for interviews. Research ndings later helped policy-planners to identify areas where intervention was needed. JAFAREY, S. A. et al. “Use of Medical Paramedical Personnel and Traditional Midwives in the Pakistan Family Planning Program.” Demography 5, no. 2 (1968): 666–78. This paper examines the utilisation of medical and paramedical personnel and local midwives (dais) in the national programme in order

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to make a professional assessment of their effectiveness in the family planning programme. Midwives can play a very important role at the grass-roots level in bringing about acceptance of family planning. Women will more readily accept family planning if local birth attendants explain contraceptive methods to them. 1815. JEFFERY, PATRICIA. et al. ‘Contaminating States: Midwifery, Childbearing and the State in Rural North India,’ in Haleh Afshar (ed.) Women, State, and Ideology, Studies from Africa and Asia, New York: SUNY Press, 1987. pp. 152–169. In this paper the authors consider the role of the dai in rural North India, and state-sponsored attempts to raise the standard of their work through training schemes. Based on interviews with dais, pregnant women, and new mothers, this study shows how the process of childbirth is viewed as an act that brings about impurity and thus dais are relegated to a low status. Summing up, the authors, suggest that for the improvement of midwifery and health services to pregnant rural women, traditional birth attendants are important agents.

SECTION TWELVE

SOUTH ASIAN MUSLIM WOMEN’S HEALTH

A. Women’s Physical Health Status 1816. AHMED, ASHRAF UDDIN and MOHAMMED ABDUL MABUD. ‘Population, Health, Education and Women’s Status in Bangladesh,’ in Frameworks for Population and Development Integration vol. 2, ESCAP, Bangkok, 1989. pp. 57–152. The lack of education of mothers is the strongest factor responsible for infant and child mortality. Skill training programmes and other activities outside the home are found to have a great impact in reducing female fertility. This sector-wise detailed report on the status of women in Bangladesh examines strategies and the programmes adopted for development and studies their results. 1817. HAQUE, HUMA. Ideology of Women’s Diseases in Rural Pakistani Punjab. Ph.D. Dissertation, 1995. University of Washington. This thesis addresses political dimensions of women’s health. It aims at analyzing women’s perceptions about their health which keep women subservient to men, perpetuates their low social status, and makes them participate in the process of their own exploitation. 1818. MUBARAK, K. et al. “Health, Attitudes and Beliefs of Working Women.” Social Science and Medicine. 31, no. 9 (1990): 1029–33. A cross-sectional case control study was conducted comparing working women employed at the Women’s Work Centres of the Orangi Pilot Project, Karachi, with non-working matched controls. Results of the study are discussed in this work. 1819. SOYSA, PRIYANI . ‘Nutrition and Health Care among Muslim Women,’ in Challenge for Change: Prole of a Community. Colombo: Muslim Women’s Research and Action Front, 1990. pp. 132–48. The aim of the article is to increase awareness among Muslim women about the priority issues in women’s health. In national statistics, tables of morbidity and mortality are not classied by sex. It is found that Muslim women are comparatively amongst the least educated. 1820. TINKER, ANNE G. Improving Women’s Health in Pakistan, Human Development Network Health, Nutrition, and Population Series. Washington, D.C. World Bank, 1998. 34p.

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This report provides information on health problems of Pakistani women and identies steps to address them. 1821. WINKVIST, ANNA and HUMAIRA Z. AKHTAR. “Images of Health Care Options among Low Income Women in Punjab, Pakistan.” Social Science & Medicine 45, no. 10 (1997): 1483–1491. This paper studies women’s beliefs and health in an urban slum and in one rural settlement in the Punjab. Health has a very low priority in their lives. Health problems reported by women were seen as a necessary part of womanhood; if treatment was sought, it was often from a traditional healer. Findings showed that ‘women’s health was not a high priority in these women’s or their families’ lives.’ I. Women with Disabilities 1822. BHALERAO, USHA. ‘Fatima Shah,’ in Usha Bhalerao (ed.) Eminent Blind Women of the World, New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1988. pp. 22–28. This book includes a biographical sketch of Fatima Shah, a medical doctor who lost her eyesight in 1957. From 1947 Dr. Shah worked for the rehabilitation of refugee women who migrated to Pakistan from India following Independence in 1947. Later she established the Pakistan Association for the Blind in 1960 and received several international awards for services rendered to the cause of the blind in Pakistan. 1823. ——. ‘Salma Maqbool,’ in Usha Bhalerao (ed.) Eminent Blind Women of the World. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1988. pp. 92–97. This is the story of Salma Maqbool, an army medical doctor who later gave up her job due to blindness. It describes her pioneering services to the cause of women with disabilities. Today she is deeply involved in the welfare work of blind persons both on the national and international level. 1824. HASAN, RAIHANA A. (Translated and edited) Sunshine & Shadows: The Autobiography of Dr. Fatima Shah. Karachi, Ferozsons, 1999. 343p. This unique book is a mother-daughter creation. Raihana Hasan has edited and translated into English, the autobiography of her mother Dr. Fatima Shah, describing her early life, marriage, and birth of her children, education, travels, and many more events in the life of this courageous woman. Valuable information is included about the All Pakistan Women’s Association of which Shah was an active member since its inception. The book includes several photographs of Fatima Shah and of her parents, husband, children, and friends.

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1825. SHAH, FATIMA and SALMA MAQBOOL. ‘Integration of Disabled Women in the Mainstream.’ Paper presented at the National Seminar on Women in Mainstream Development, New Directions for Policy, Islamabad, 10–12 April, 1990. [CEWS] This paper discusses problems faced by women with disabilities. The authors are women who in spite of their disabilities have moved ahead and taken up leadership roles for women faced with similar challenges. II. Mental Health Status 1826. DUKE, U. and KATHERINE P. EWING. “Can Psychoanalytic Theories Explain the Pakistani Woman? Intrapsychic Autonomy and Interpersonal Engagement in the Extended Family.” Ethos 19, no. 2 (1991): 131–60. This paper argues that interpersonal autonomy must be distinguished from intrapsychic autonomy, a distinction evident in the situation of Pakistani women, for whom interpersonal dependencies are typical. Cases of two Pakistani women who developed severe depression after marriage are discussed to show how their depression indicates a relative lack of intrapsychic autonomy resulting from incomplete internalisation of maternal representations in early childhood. 1827. FAROOQI, YASMIN NILOFER. ‘Male-Female Differences in Anxiety.’ Pakistan Journal of Psychology 12, December (1981): 37–42. This study based on IPAT Anxiety Scale administered to a random sample of fty male and fty female post-graduate students to determine sex differences in anxiety show that females suffer more from anxiety than males. 1828. FAROOQI, YASMIN NILOFER. “Pre-Post Evaluation of Depression and Anxiety in Patients Undergoing Hysterectomy.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 10, no. 1 (2003): 81–90. This paper draws upon current research undertaken by the authors in Lahore to investigate depression and anxiety as experienced by women undergoing hysterectomy during their pre-surgical and post-surgical phases. All fty patients who participated in this research seemed to experience more depression during their post-surgical phase as compared to their pre-surgical phase, probably due to psychological and cultural misconceptions and biased attitudes attached to ‘loss of uterus’ in Pakistani society, where a woman’s status and role primarily revolves around her reproductive capacity.

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1829. HAQUE-KHAN, ASRA. Muslim Women’s Voices: Generation, Acculturation, and Faith in the Perceptions of Mental Health and Psychological Help. Ph.D. Dissertation, Texas Women’s University, 1997. Unexamined. 1830. MUMFORD, DAVID B. et al. Stress and Psychiatric Disorder in Rural Punjab. British Journal of Psychiatry 170 (1997): 473–78. This paper, based on a study conducted in a village in the Punjab, Pakistan, reports high levels of emotional distress and psychiatric morbidity among women. Women living in unitary households reported more distress than those living in extended or joint families. Social disadvantage was also associated with more emotional distress. 1831. ——. et al. “Stress and Psychiatric Disorder in the Hindu Kush: A Community of Mountain Villages in Chitral, Pakistan.” British Journal of Psychiatry 168 (1996): 299–307. The authors begin by saying that this study does not support the belief that people who live in remote areas of the world lead comparatively stress-free lives. In Chitral, Pakistan, this study shows that women here may suffer more anxiety and depressive disorders than in Western societies. 1832. NIAZ-ANWAR, UNAIZA. “Women and Mental Health-Understanding Women in Distress.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 3, no. 1 (1996): 87–91. In Pakistan, the special features of women’s distress are feminine identity and the mothering urge. The author discusses some mental health issues faced by women in Pakistan. 1833. TUCKWELL, SUE. ‘Some Aspects of Mental Health of Women in Bangladesh,’ in Jahanara Huq (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: Some Socio-economic Issues, Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. pp. 80–88. This paper argues that to promote women’s mental health, wide-reaching social change is needed. Because women’s mental health is generally neglected in Bangladesh, women social workers are urged to take up this issue for the special focus. 1834. ZAMAN, RIFFAT M. and AMBREEN AHMED. ‘Stress and Women,’ in Syed Haroon Ahmed (ed.) Contemporary Conicts, Karachi: Pakistan Psychiatric Society, Sindh Chapter, 1991. In a social and political system where men control and have power over women, innumerable stress-ridden events and interactions prevail. It is not uncommon to see stress-related psychological, as well as physiological disturbances in women who have faced abuse of one kind or another.

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III. Nutrition for Women 1835. AHSAN, ROSIE MAJID and NASREEN AHMAD. “Women, Nutrition and Health: Managing the Household in Slum Environment in Dhaka City.” Oriental Geographer 35, no. 1/2 (1991): 5–20. The paper argues that insights into women’s role and position in the slum household environment can be gained by examining systems of household income, nutrition, and hygiene. The study also gives evidence of high female infant death and maternal death rates due to poor nutrition. 1836. RIZVI, NAJMA. ‘Life Cycle, Food Behaviour and Nutrition of Women in Bangladesh,’ in Jahanara Huq (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: Some Socioeconomic Issues, Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. pp. 70 –79. This paper shows the necessity of studying women’s eating patterns and nutrition in the context of different stages of a woman’s life. Women, under the burden of social traditions, deprive themselves of nutritious food. 1837. WINKVIST, ANNA. et al. “Maternal Energy Depletion is Buffered among Malnourished Women in Punjab, Pakistan.” Journal of Nutrition, Vol. 124, No. 12 (1994): 2376–2385. For this research paper, data is drawn from a community-based cohort study of infants conducted from 1984 in Lahore by the authors. Because the sample size was small, results cannot be regarded as conclusive. The authors raise important questions, among which are those related to the mother’s health. More research is needed to get better answers for these questions. IV. Health Care for Women 1838. AWAN, ASGHARI K. ‘Health Services, Health Status, and Nutrition,’ in Nasra M. Shah (ed.) Pakistani Women: A Socioeconomic and Demographic Prole, Islamabad: PIDE and Honolulu: East-West Center, 1986. pp. 175–205. This paper examines factors that are responsible for low life expectancy for females compared to that of males in Pakistan. One major causative factor is limited healthcare facilities: only one MCH Centre for every 88,000 women. 1839. BHATTI, LUBNA ISHAQ and FARIYAL F. FIKREE. “Health-Seeking Behavior of Karachi Women with Reproductive Tract Infections”. Social Science and Medicine 54, no. 1 (2002): 105–17.

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This study reports research including in-depth interviews with nine infected women in the city of Karachi. It shows the impact of traditions on women’s health on the one hand and on the other, a need to upgrade the healthcare system by training healthcare providers. DIXON-MUELLER, RUTH. “Innovations in Reproductive Health Care: Menstrual Regulation Policies and Programs in Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 19, no. 3 (1988): 129–40. Although abortion is legally restricted in Bangladesh, early menstrual regulation (MR) as a means of reducing female morbidity and mortality associated with indigenous abortion has been part of the government’s efforts towards improving family health since 1975. This paper assesses MR training and service programmes and their capability of providing high-quality reproductive healthcare for poor women who are seeking family planning. HUNTE, PAMELA A. and FARHAT SULTANA. “Health-Seeking Behavior and the Meaning of Medications in Balochistan, Pakistan.” Social Science Medicine 34, no. 12 (1992): 1385–97. This paper examines home-based, indigenous healthcare options available for women in Balochistan where local medical treatment is not directly available for them. A brief reference to an interview with two local women is interesting as it represents the process of change taking place there. KHAN, AYESHA. “Mobility of Women and Access to Health and Family Planning Services in Pakistan.” Reproductive Health Matters 7, no. 14 (1999): 39–48. Based on the ndings of a qualitative study in three Punjabi villages which explored restrictions on female mobility and other social barriers in accessing health and family planning services, this study shows that whereas women’s access to health services, including family planning, were positive, unmarried girls, however, experienced restrictions. Women of all age groups faced greater difculty in accessing health services outside their village. LEE, MARILYN BELL. “Power, Self-Care and Health in Women Living in Urban Squatter Settlements in Karachi, Pakistan: A Test of Orem’s Theory.” Journal of Advanced Nursing 30, no. 1 (1999): 248–59. Although the live birth sex ratio is 95 males to 100 females, Pakistan has one of the lowest adult female to male ratios (91:100) in the developing world. These indices mirror gender-related discriminatory health practices. This study, conducted in Karachi’s squatter slums, shows that women who had greater perceptions of power have better enabling

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1845.

1846.

1847.

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capabilities. Findings indicate gender-related discriminatory health practices that have resulted in the poor health status of Pakistani women. SAEED, HILDA. “Safe Motherhood: Still a Distant Dream for Women in Pakistan?” Women’s global Network on Reproductive Rights no. 53 (1996): 34–36. This paper draws attention to the reality that women in Pakistan continue to face health risks due to obstetrical complications and lack of maternal health services. The paper, which includes photographs and statistics, urges better healthcare for women. SCHMIDT, R. L. “Women and Health Care in Rural Pakistan.” Social Science & Medicine 17, no. 7 (1983): 419–20. This research was planned so as to assist the Government Development and Basic Health Programme to train auxiliary health workers and to establish a network of rural health facilities in the country. UNNITHAN-KUMAR, MAYA. “Households, Kinship and Access to Reproductive Health Care among Rural Muslim Women in Jaipur.” Economic and Political Weekly, March 6–13 (1999): 621–30. The paper observes that although reproductive health practices among Muslim women of India have been little researched, perhaps because of the prevalent notion that Muslims do not favour contraceptives, the present study shows that it is not always true. Women in the area under study were found seeking health services for sterilization and for termination of pregnancies, which suggests that the government should consider the needs of the people. ZAHID, GHULAM M. “Mother’s Health-seeking Behaviour and Childhood Mortality in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 35, no. 4, pt. 2 (1996): 719–31. This paper is based on the 1990–91 Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey. It states that educated mothers seek timely healthcare services. The study shows that the level of education of the mother has a signicant effect on neonatal, infant and child survival. V. Gender Bias in Female Healthcare

1848. AHMAD, ASIF and JONATHAN MORDUCH. Identifying Sex Bias in the Allocation of Household Resources: Evidence from Linked Household from Bangladesh. Development Discussion Paper No. 463, 1993, Harvard Institute for International Development, Harvard University. 35p. This paper, using household survey data from Bangladesh, shows that there is little evidence for sex bias in expenditures. The ndings, however

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show that there is substantial evidence for excess female mortality, and mixed evidence of sex bias in child health outcomes. Higher levels of mortality and morbidity for girls suggest pro-son bias in allocations. AHMED, AMBREEN. et al. Gender Differentials in Access to Health Care for Pakistani Children. Islamabad: UNICEF, 1990. 23p. This study was undertaken to document gender differentials if any, in access to healthcare in NWFP, Pakistan. The main conclusion is that access of the female child to urban based health facilities is about half that of the male child. In villages that have health centres with adequate and supervised staff the proportion of the female child’s access to healthcare is much higher. In fact it is closer to the proportion of girls and boys in the general population. BAIRAGI, RADHEYSHYAM. “Food Crisis, Nutrition, and Female Children in Rural Bangladesh.” Population and Development Review 12, no. 2, June (1986): 307–15. This is a study of the severity, nature, and recovery process of child malnutrition caused by the 1974–75 Bangladesh famines. In Bangladesh, a male child is considered to be an economic asset whereas a female child is considered an economic liability. This attitude is reected in the nutritional status of girls, which in turn becomes a major cause of health problems for women. CHEN, C. L. et al. ‘Sex Bias in the Family Allocation of Food and Health Care in Rural Bangladesh.’ Population and Development Review 7, no. 1, March (1981): 55–70. This paper examines the validity of the hypothesis that sex-biased health and nutrition behaviour discriminates against female children, thereby causing aberrant female predominance in the childhood mortality rate. ELAHI, K. M. ‘Gender Relations in Rural Bangladesh: Aspects of Differential Norms about Fertility, Mortality and Health Practices,’ in Janet Henshall Momsen and Vivian Kinnaird (ed.) Different Places, Different Voices. Gender and Development in Africa, Asia and Latin America. London: Routledge, 1993. 80–92. Drawing upon a eld survey conducted in rural Bangladesh, this study aims at determining individual and community differences in norms about fertility, mortality, and health issues. Perceptions of gender differences in child mortality reected social concern for the survival of male children and constraints on delivery of health care to daughters.

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VI. Maternal and Infant Health 1853. ALAUDDIN, MUHAMMAD. “Maternal Mortality in Rural Bangladesh: The Tangail District.” Studies in Family Planning 17, no. 1 (1986): 13–21. Pregnancy-related mortality data is scarce for all of Bangladesh, but it is scarcer still for its rural areas. This study, conducted from September 1982 to August 1983 in the Tangail district estimates the maternal mortality rate and identies its causes and correlates. 1854. CHOWDHURY, A. K. M. et al. “The Effect of Child Mortality Experience on Subsequent Fertility: In Pakistan and Bangladesh.” Population Studies, Vol. 30, No. 2 (1976): 249–61. Data for this study was compiled from retrospective pregnancy surveys of currently married women in Pakistan, 1968–69, and from longitudinal vital registration data about women in a rural area of Bangladesh, 1966–70. Findings show the effect of child mortality on subsequent fertility. 1855. FAUVEAU, VINCENT. et al. “Causes of Maternal Mortality in Rural Bangladesh, 1976–1985.” Bulletin of the World Health Organization 66, no. 5 (1988): 643–51. This study shows that of 1037 women of reproductive age who died during the period of 1976–85 in one study area in Bangladesh, 387 were maternal deaths caused by postpartum haemorrhage, complications of abortion, eclampsia, violence and injuries, postpartum sepsis, and obstructed labour. These ndings support the need to develop a service strategy to address risks of childbearing and childbirth. Strategies suggested in this paper include, home deliveries to be supervised by trained professional midwives, backed by an effective chain of referral. 1856. KHAN, ATIQUR RAHMAN. et al. “Maternal Mortality in Rural Bangladesh: The Jamalpur District.” Studies in Family Planning 17, no. 1 (1986): 7–12. Both the level and pattern of maternal mortality are important indicators of the status of maternal health. This study provides much needed information on the level and pattern of maternal mortality in rural Bangladesh. 1857. KOENIG, MICHAEL A. et al. “Birth Intervals and Childhood Mortality in Rural Bangladesh.” Demography, Vol. 27, No. 2 (1990): 251–65. This study investigates the relationship between birth intervals and childhood mortality. Results show signicant but distinctive effects of previous and subsequent birth intervals on mortality.

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1858. RAO, K. V. “Effects of Infant Mortality on Subsequent Fertility in Pakistan and Sri Lanka.” Journal of Biosocial Science 18 (1985): 297–303. Based on data of fertility surveys in Pakistan and Sri Lanka in 1975, this study found that when there are few surviving male children parents opt for more pregnancies. 1859. SOOMRO, GHULAM YASIN. Indirect Estimates of Infant and Child Mortality in Pakistan Based on Pakistan Fertility Survey, 1975, PIDE, Research Report No. 124, 1981. 28p. Infant and child mortality levels are high in Pakistan. Females appear to be at a disadvantage against males, with virtually no change in the attitude of people toward treating sons and daughters equally. Sex selective treatment in rearing children still seems to prevail in Pakistan regardless of the place of residence. 1860. STOECKEL, JOHN. “Infant Mortality Trends in Rural East Pakistan.” Demography 7, no. 2 (1970): 235–40. This study reports a portion of research results on infant mortality conducted in 1968 in a small area in East Pakistan. Findings indicate that the decline in infant mortality of over twenty percent between 1958 and 1967 was possibly the result of programmes of women’s education and family planning that had been started in 1961.

B. Reproductive Health and Women’s Choices 1861. BALCHIN, CASSANDRA. et al. “The Woman Not the Womb, Population Control vs. Women’s Reproductive Rights.” Special Bulletin, March 1994 (Women Living Under Muslim Laws), 30p. This paper traces the genesis of ofcial policy regarding population control, and highlights conceptual problems and shortcomings in the policies adopted. It reviews the status of women in Pakistan and their reproductive health rights, and concludes with identication of health rights of women and with recommendations for addressing them. 1862. DIXON, RUTH B. ‘The Role of Rural women: Female Seclusion, Economic Production, and Reproductive Choice,’ in Ronald G. Ridker (ed.) Population and Development: the search for Selective Interventions. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976. pp. 290–321. This paper argues that female seclusion causes women’s dependency on male family members and proposes a programme of small-scale, labour-intensive light industry co-operatives for females. Economic activity would allow women to have a strong voice in making choices regarding their reproductive health and behaviour.

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1863. DURR-E-NAYAB. Fertility Preferences and Behaviour: A Case Study of Two Villages in the Punjab. PIDE Research Report, No. 173, Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1999. 28p. This study shows that the actual number of children a woman had was not a product of her personal choice and decision, but an outcome of interaction with a complex set of factors, including social, cultural, economic, religious and demographic. Education for women is suggested as a means to lower existing high birth rate. 1864. HASSAN, LUBNA and RUKHSANA IQBAL. “The Status of Women and its Repercussion on Reproductive Health—A view from Pakistan.” Journal of Rural Development & Administration 27, no. 2 (1995): 130–47. Pakistani women, especially those of childbearing age, are known to have higher mortality rates than men. Childbirth in most parts of Pakistan is seen as a natural phenomenon which carries with it risks to which women should be resigned. To address this attitude and to help women, better awareness through the media is urgently needed. Several statistical charts on women and their reproductive health are included. 1865. HUSSAIN, R. et al. ‘Unwanted Pregnancy, Son Preference and Contraceptive Use in Urban Slums of Karachi, Pakistan.’ International Population Conference: 11–17 October 1997, Beijing, China. Belgium: International Union for the Study of Population, vol. 3, 1997. pp. 1045–60. This study conducted in the urban slums in Karachi shows that pregnancies become increasingly unwanted as the number of surviving sons increases. However, some couples strive to have one or more sons and at least one surviving daughter. 1866. IRFAN, MUHAMMAD and G. M. FAROOQ. An Investigation of Household Reproductive Behaviour in Pakistan. Islamabad: PIDE, 1984. 55p. This is a report of data collected from a survey in which direct responses of about 9,000 eligible women were obtained on a fertility questionnaire. Questions included those on the social and economic background of the respondents, their marriage and maternity history, ideal family size, contraceptive knowledge and use, work history and the background of the husband. 1867. KAZI, SHAHNAZ and ZEBA A. SATHAR. “Productive and Reproductive Choices: Report of a Pilot Survey of Urban Working Women in Karachi.” Pakistan Development Review 25, no. 4 (1986): 596–608. This paper draws upon a sample survey of 110 working women in Karachi engaged in a variety of occupations. The results show that for the majority of women, a choice between a career and household responsibilities is the outcome of economic need.

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1868. —— and ZEBA A. SATHAR. ‘Women’s Roles: Health and Reproductive Behavior,’ in South Asia Study of Population Policy and Programmes: Pakistan, Islamabad: UNFPA, 1989. pp. 32–44. This paper argues that women’s education has a strong and direct impact on reproductive behaviour. Education inuences family size norms and also knowledge and use of contraception. 1869. MUMTAZ, KHAWAR and FAUZIA RAUF. “Reproductive Health and Rights in the Baja Lines Neighbourhood.” Development 42 (1999): 54–58. This study conducted in an economically deprived neighbourhood of Lahore is based on extensive interviews and research on women in their homes. The study identies three areas of need: relevant information, women-friendly sensitive services and condence building, self-esteem enhancing measures. 1870. SAJAN, FATIMA and FARIYAL F. FIKREE. “Does Early Marriage Inuence Gynaecological Morbidities Among Pakistani Women?” Journal of Biosocial Science 34, no. 3 (2002): 407–17. This paper examines the prevalence of gynaecological morbidity in Pakistani women who marry early. Young girls report reproductive ill health, which includes uterine prolapsed and pelvic inammatory diseases. 1871. RAHMAN, ANIKA. “A View towards Women’s Reproductive Rights Perspective on Selected Laws and Policies in Pakistan.” Whittier Law Review 15, no. 4 (1994): 981–1001. Unexamined. 1872. SYED, SABIHA H. “Communication Channels and Family Planning in Pakistan.” Studies in Family Planning 10, no. 2 (1979): 53–60. This paper studies the inuence of a communication programme in Pakistan on women’s choices of contraceptives. I. Birth Spacing 1873. CLELAND, J. G. and ZEBA A. SATHAR. “The Effect of Birth Spacing on Childhood Mortality in Pakistan.” Population Studies 38, no. 3 (1984): 401–18. Utilizing retrospective data collected in 1975 from ever-married women, the paper examines the effects of birth spacing on infant and child mortality and throws light on the status of women. 1874. FORD, KATHLEEN. et al. “Birth-Interval Dynamics in Rural Bangladesh and Maternal Weight.” Demography 26, no. 3 (1989): 425–37.

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Inuence of natural weight on various aspects of birth intervals, including gestation and intrauterine mortality, duration of postpartum amenorrhea, and duration of waiting time to conception, are examined here. The paper shows that when biological factors and behavioural variables, including religion, education, and occupation, were controlled, maternal weight was found to be related to the risk of intrauterine mortality and to the probability of menstruation resuming in the postpartum period. 1875. RAAJPOOT, UZZER A. “Correlates of Birth Intervals: Fresh evidence from WFS data.” International Journal of Contemporary Sociology 32, no. 1 (1995): 81–96. This paper analyzes birth histories of 4,952 ever-married Pakistani women, with attention to expansion and contraction in the size of birth intervals. Findings suggest a median delay of seven months for the rst ten births. Education affects fertility only when the couples have attained twelve years of formal education and have at least ve children. 1876. ——. “An Investigation into the Spacing of Births among a Sample of Ever-married Women.” The Social Science Journal 33, no. 1 (1996): 69–82. There is no substantial evidence of decline in fertility with an increase in the education level of spouses. Results of this research indicate that the second birth is delayed by about a month but only when the women are at least 35 years of age. The urban woman delays the birth of a second child by about 4 months more than the rural woman. 1877. RUKNUDDIN, ABDUL RAZZAQUE. ‘A Study of the Sex Ratio in Pakistan,’ in Warren C. Robinson (ed.) Studies in the Demography of Pakistan, Karachi: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1967. pp. 139–225. A male to female ratio in Pakistan is explained. Some of causes of this are a disproportionate ratio of the sexes at birth, greater female mortality, wrong or misleading census indicators and female mortality. II. Use of Contraceptives and Women’s Reproductive Health 1878. AHMED, BASHIR. “Determinants of Contraceptive Use in Rural Bangladesh: The Demand for Children, Supply of Children, and Costs of Fertility Regulation.” Demography 24, no. 3 (1987): 361–73. Using World Fertility Survey data, this study examines how the demand for children, supply of children, and costs of fertility regulation inuence

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the likelihood of contraceptive use in rural Bangladesh. The study concludes by stating that with higher fertility and widespread poverty, women’s health continues to suffer. AKHTER, HALIDA H. et al. Menstrual Regulation versus Contraception’s in Bangladesh: Characteristics of the Acceptors.” Studies in Family Planning 14, no. 12 (1983): 318–23. This study states that the total fertility rate of Bangladeshi women, which is about six, one of the highest fertility rates among developing countries, can be explained by the limited contraceptive methods practiced among married women. To help women, Menstrual Regulation was introduced in Bangladesh in 1974 through model clinics. This study identies characteristics of the women undergoing MR compared with those of women accepting contraceptives from the clinic. Menstrual regulation is ‘a method of early abortion in which the uterine contents are evacuated within six weeks of the last menstrual period.’ BHATIA, SHUSHUM. et al. “Contraceptive Users in Rural Bangladesh: A Time Trend Analysis.” Studies in Family Planning 14, no. 1 (1983): 20–28. This paper examines trends in the users’ and acceptors’ characteristics during the rst eighteen months of the Matlab family planning programme. Response from younger, low-parity women gradually increased, and nally the programme created awareness of the use of contraception for spacing, thus meeting women’s needs as well. The study is a good reection of the changing status of women in rural Bangladesh. ——. et al. “Effect on Fecundity of Pill Acceptance During Postpartum Amenorrhea in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 13, no. 6/7 (1982): 200–207. The length of the interval from the last live birth to the next pregnancy was studied for 121 contraceptive pill acceptors who were in postpartum amenorrhea at the time of acceptance, and 121 matched non-acceptors in Matlab, Bangladesh. Findings show that women are more inclined toward limiting their families in the early postpartum period than at a later time. ——. et al. “Peer Pressures and the Use of Contraceptive Sterilization in Rural Bangladesh.” International Family Planning Perspectives 6, no. 3 (1980): 107–09. This study looks at the dilemma of those women who want permanent protection from childbearing but ‘fear the adverse reactions of their families and neighbours’ and were concerned about censure by their husbands who were motivated by religious considerations.

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1883. CHAUDHURY, RAFIQUL HUDA. “Socio-Cultural Factors Affecting Practice of Contraception in a Metropolitan Urban Area of Bangladesh.” Demography 8, no. 1/2 (1979): 127–53. The use of contraception is not likely to make strong headway unless the status of women is sufciently improved, strong preference for sons is dissipated, religious fervour is minimized and people are exposed to wider mass media communication to accept birth spacing. 1884. FIKREE, FARIYAL F. et al. “What Inuences Contraceptive Use among Young Women in Urban Squatter Settlements of Karachi, Pakistan?” International Family Planning Perspectives 27, no. 3 (2001): 130–36. This study based on interviews conducted with 30 year old Muslim women, their husbands and their mothers-in-law, explores factors that inuence the contraceptive use of couples. Findings indicate that women who reported using modern contraceptive methods were signicantly more likely to be literate and exposed to an urban environment. 1885. HASHMI, SULTAN S. and TAUSEEF AHMED. “Shy/Silent Contraceptive Users: Further Evidence.” Pakistan Population Review 3, no. 1 (1992): 19–40. This paper examines the data of the 1990–91 Pakistan Demographic & Health Survey to analyze the use of contraceptives by women in the 15–49 age group. 1886. HUBER, DOUGLAS. et al. “Contraceptive Distribution in Bangladesh Villages: The Initial Impact.” Studies in Family Planning 10, no. 8/9 (1979): 246–53. The 1968–69 Pakistan Impact Survey reported that while 55% of rural and 61% of urban women did not want more children, only 1.9% of rural, and 3.7% of urban women were actually using a modern method of contraception. This study was undertaken to examine the impact of delivering oral contraceptives and condoms from house to house. The use of condoms and its house-to-house distribution indirectly made an impact on the empowerment of women. 1887. KABIR, M. et al. “Husband/Wife Communication and Status of Women as a Determinant of Contraceptive Use in Rural Bangladesh.” Bangladesh Development Studies, March 14, no. 1 (1988): 858–97. The status of women in the family and society is important in any consideration of relative power in the family. This study suggests that the women who work outside their homes are independent and have a higher status in the community. The study suggests that husband/wife communication is an important factor in the process of decision making with regard to family size and adoption of family planning practices.

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1888. ——. et al. “Characteristics of Users of Traditional Contraceptive Methods in Bangladesh.” Journal of Biosocial Science 18 (1986): 23–33. This paper presents detailed information on knowledge and use patterns of traditional methods of contraception and compares these with the modern methods of contraception in terms of selected social characteristics. Over 96 per cent of the women interviewed reported that they knew at least one traditional method of contraception, but the level of knowledge decreased between the 1975 and 1979 surveys. 1889. KAZI, AFROZ. “Norplant: The Pakistan Experience.” National Health, July –September (1993): 62–63. While 85 per cent of the ve hundred women who participated in the rst trial in Pakistan were still using Norplant after one year, about 10 per cent had problems with irregular bleeding. If the scheme gets good public response, it will be expanded. Male attitudes need to change if contraception is to succeed. 1890. MITA, REZINA and RUTH SIMMONS. “Diffusion of the Culture of Contraception: Program Effects on Young Women in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 26, no. 1 (1995): 1–13. The study indicates that women in rural Bangladesh learn about family planning from community-based family planning workers, female relatives, peers, and the media. Findings suggest that greater attention should be paid to the contraceptive needs of young women and that research should be continued in rural areas. 1891. NOSAKA, AKIKO. “Effects of Child Gender Preference on Contraceptive us in Rural Bangladesh.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 31, no. 4 (2000): 485–501. This study conrms that son preference continues to have a great effect on a woman’s desire to use modern contraceptives. 1892. PHILLIPS, JAMES F. et al. “Worker-Client Exchanges and Contraceptive Use in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 24, no. 6 (1993): 329–42. In this article longitudinal data from rural Bangladesh are used to assess the impact of household visits by family planning workers on contraceptive use. Results suggest that female worker outreach generates new demand by fostering change. 1893. RAHMAN, MIZANUR. et al. “Contraceptive Use in Matlab, Bangladesh: the role of gender preference.” Studies in Family Planning 23, no. 4 (1992): 229–42. This paper examines the effect of sex composition of surviving children on the acceptance and continuation of contraception in a sample of 3,145 women who were observed for 60 months. Highly signicant

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effects of gender preference on contraceptive use were observed, suggesting that gender preference, particularly a preference for sons, represent a signicant barrier to fertility regulation in rural Bangladesh. SCHULER, SIDNEY RUTH and ZAKIR HOSSAIN. “Family Planning Clinics Through Women’s Eyes and Voices: A Case Study from Rural Bangladesh.” International Family Planning Perspectives 24, no. 4 (1998): 170–175, 205. This study shows how hierarchical modes of interaction and poor communication between women clients at family planning clinics and service providers affected the results of the family planning programme. Most clients expressed a willingness to overlook rude treatment, long waits and unhygienic conditions, saying that because they were poor, they could not expect better care and had no alternatives. SHAH, NASRA M. ‘Contraceptive Knowledge Attitudes and Practice,’ in Nasra Shah (ed.) Pakistani Women, Islamabad, 1986. pp. 302–32. This paper explains that knowledge of family planning methods is widespread in Pakistan. Almost half of currently married women do not want another child but they cannot determine their family size as they have no decision-making powers. ——. ‘Past and Current Contraceptive Use in Pakistan.’ Studies in Family Planning 10, no. 5 (1979): 164–73; 217–27. This article analyzes the pattern of ‘transition’ from non-contraception to contraception among Pakistani couples of reproductive age, based on contraceptive use levels and contraceptor characteristics, since the national programme began in 1965. The analysis outlines a behavioural transition, from 1968–69 and then during the rst ten years of operation of the national programme. —— and JAMES A. PALMORE. “Desired Family Size and Contraceptive Use in Pakistan.” International Family Planning Perspectives 5, no. 4 (1979): 143–50. This paper assesses the correlation between fertility and contraceptive use, and determines the degree to which these correlations persist when statistical controls are introduced for socio-economic and demographic background variables. —— and S. F. A. KAZI. “Attitudes, Contraceptive Practice and Children Ever Born Among Currently Married Women Exposed to Different Types of Communication Media.” Pakistan Development Review 16 (1977): 405–22. This study based on data from the National Impact Survey (in Pakistan) of 1968–69 shows the fertility responses of women exposed to different types and varying numbers of communication media. The study nds

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a critical variable associated with the number of living children and the use of contraceptives. SHAHIDULLAH M. and NITAI CHAKRABORTY. “Factors Affecting the Use of Contraception in Bangladesh: A multi-variate Analysis.” Asia-Pacic Population Journal 8, no. 3 (1993): 19–30. This paper argues that improvement of women’s status and enhancement of contraceptive supply through eld-worker visits would make family planning programmes more effective and successful. The study examines the use of contraception among currently married women of reproductive age in Bangladesh, with particular focus on the extent to which socio-economic and demographic factors exert independent inuence on contraceptive use. ZAKI, KHALIDA P. The Rural-Urban Differences in Contraceptive Use in Pakistan: The Effects of Women’s Literacy and Desired Fertility. Ph.D. Dissertation, 1991. Michigan State University. The 1984–85 Pakistan Contraceptive Prevalence Survey was used for this study. Study ndings suggest that women of all literacy levels whose number of living children had reached or surpassed what they said was appropriate were more apt to contracept currently. Further, literacy rates were higher among urbanites, but even illiterate urbanites were more likely to use contraceptives than their rural counterparts, literate or not. —— and N. JOHNSON. “Does Women’s Literacy Affect Desired Fertility and Contraceptive Use in Rural-Urban Pakistan.” Journal of Biosocial Science 25, no. 4 (1993): 445–454. This study explores the relationship of the rural-urban gap in female literacy to differences in contraceptive use. Raising the literacy rate in rural Pakistan would not narrow the rural-urban gap in contraception to cease child bearing, but would narrow the rural-urban gap in contraception used to space wanted births. Recommendations for government policy are made. ZURAYK, HUDA C. “On the Prediction of Family Planning Practices in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 16, no. 1 (1977): 58–88. With the help of charts, tables and census reports, the study assesses motivational forces operating at the family level to create a demand for contraception in Pakistan. Variables suggested as determinants of demand are education of the wife, education of the husband, level of urbanization, the number of living sons, number of child deaths, the age of the wife and cost of contraceptives.

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III. Religious Opinion and Birth Control 1903. AHMADULLAH, A. K. “Family Planning in an Islamic Polity.” Ummah 1, no. 4, August (1964): 22–4. The concept of family planning is not alien to Islam but is acceptable when economic conditions justify its adoption in the larger interest of humanity. 1904. AMIN, SAJEDA. et al. Contraception and Religious Practice in Bangladesh. New York: Population Council Research Division Working Paper, no. 83, 1996. 35p. This study explores the nature of religious inuences on contraceptive behaviour of the population in Bangladesh. 1905. ANEES, MUNAWAR AHMAD. “Birth Control: The Islamic Juridical View.” Islamic & Comparative Law Quarterly 8, no. 3 (1988): 233–43. This paper discusses the practice of azl or the withdrawal method as a birth control method practised by Muslim men. One Muslim jurist, AlJahiz of the 9th century discerned the fundamental difference between humans and animals: conscious control over matters of procreation. The paper, however, offers neither explicit prohibition of, nor does it recommend this method. 1906. BERNHART MICHAEL H. and M. MOSLEH UDDIN. “Islam and Family Planning Acceptance in Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 21, no. 5 (1990): 287–92. For this study one hundred and six men who had been identied by their wives as religiously opposed to family planning, were interviewed. Data showed that perceptions of widespread Islamic-based resistance to contraception in Bangladesh were not supported by religious doctrines. 1907. Islam and Family Planning. Dacca: Directorate of Population Control and Family Planning, Government of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, 1977. 43p. To support the view that family planning is compatible with Islam, religious decrees ( fatawa) and opinions of Muslim jurists and religious thinkers are published in this work. 1908. JAMEELAH, MARYAM. “Birth-Control and Family Planning in the Light of Islam.” The Muslim Digest 13, no. 2, December (1962): 2–24. The writer, a woman of Jewish background and a convert to Islam, after reviewing religious traditions, concludes that the family planning programme is a scientic measurement for the health and happiness of the family. She states that it is not un-Islamic, provided that birth

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control is used to promote health and not just to control over-population and inadequacy of food. MAHMOOD, TAHIR. Family Planning: The Muslim Viewpoint on Family Planning. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1977. 152p. In this brief comparative study of attitudes toward family planning among Muslims in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the author argues that the QurxÊn allows family planning. MAUDUDI, ABUL {¹L¹. Birth Control, its Social, Political, Economic, Moral and Religious Aspects. Translated and edited by Khurshid Ahmed and Misbahul Islam Faruqi. Lahore: Islamic Publications, 14th edition, 1980, 186p. (First publication, 1943.) 182p. The author’s views are best summed up in this comment: ‘How a social-political power —Islam—which cares for the safety and security of the ummah could tolerate a movement that may result in further reducing the number of Muslims—already too little—specially when surrounded by hostile forces all around?’ His argument against birth control is based on his assumption that birth control is incompatible with the teachings of the QurxÊn and Traditions of the Prophet. RAFIULLAH, MAULANA. “Birth Control in Light of Islamic Jurisprudence.” Ummah 1, no. 10, February (1965): 47–50. Islamic traditions of practising coitus interruptus for birth control are discussed in light of the Prophet’s traditions. RAMUSACK, BARBARA N. “Embattled Advocates: The Debate Over Birth Control in India, 1920 –40.” Journal of Women’s History 1, no. 2 (1989): 34–64. The paper analyzes gender as a key factor in the effort to promote contraception in India from 1920 to 1940. Opponents included one single Muslim woman, Khadija Begam Ferozuddin, professor at Government College for Women in Lahore. The few Muslim women who spoke publicly on this issue viewed contraception to be prohibited by Islam. SCHULER, SYDNEY RUTH and S. M. HASHEMI. ‘Islamic Ideology, Contraception and the Emergence of Women in Bangladesh.’ JSI Working Paper No. 2, Arlington, VA: John Snow Research and Training, 1992. Unexamined. SHABBIR, S. The Muslims and Family Planning. Nagpur: Dattsons, 1991, 228p. This book examines the views of Indian Muslims on family planning and birth control, with particular reference to the impact of their minority status on fertility. Data for this study were collected from 341 male and female respondents from the Vidarbha region of Maharashtra.

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1915. SHAFÁ{, MUFTÁ M. Ãabt-i wilÊdat: {aqlÒ aur ªara{Ò hayºiyat (Birth Control: Rational and Religious Position).’ Karachi, 1964. [ U ], Unexamined. Mufti Muhammad Sha was a highly respected religious scholar in undivided Pakistan and the government often sought his opinion. In this work he presents the view that modern birth control is not an Islamic practice. IV. Abortion 1916. AMIN, RUHUL. et al. “Regulation Training and Service Programs in Bangladesh: Results from a Survey.” Studies in Family Planning 20, no. 2 (1989): 102–06. Based on a sample survey collected in 1986, this study evaluates training and service programmes for menstrual regulation. The number of women accepting menstrual regulation, since its introduction in the mid-1970s, has been increasing steadily in Bangladesh. 1917. CALDWELL, BRUCE. et al. “Pregnancy Termination in a Rural Subdistrict of Bangladesh: A Microstudy.” International Family Planning Perspectives 25, no. 1 (1999): 34–37. This paper is based on information collected from forty-one married women in rural Bangladesh who sought termination of their pregnancy between 1950 and 1990. The paper concludes by recommending better education about and management of contraceptives and warns of the health hazards of relying on untrained providers for termination of pregnancy. 1918. FAUVEAU, VINCENT and T. BLANCHET. “Deaths From Injuries and Induced Abortion Among Rural Bangladeshi Women.” Social Science and Medicine 29, no. 9 (1989): 1121–27. This paper aims at providing an estimate of the magnitude of the problem of injuries and violence causing death among pregnant women, married and unmarried, in Bangladesh. It concludes by observing that it is more difcult (than collecting data on fatal incidents) to propose effective measures to prevent violence against women. Long-term strategies, such as education for women and better law enforcement, are also suggested. More important, the authors say, is ‘that violence against women is exposed and its present tacit acceptance is challenged.’ 1919. ISLAM, SHAMIMA. “Case Studies of Indigenous Abortion Practitioners in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 13, no. 3, March (1982): 86–93.

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The study points to the need for reappraisal of abortion services as part of health and family planning policies affecting rural Bangladesh, where women are born in poverty, brought up in poverty and die in poverty. ——. Indigenous Abortion Practitioners in Rural Bangladesh. Dacca: Women for Women, University Press, 1981. 86p. Since the liberalization of abortion laws in Bangladesh, abortion is permissible if certain socio-economic and medical criteria are met. Although limited abortion services are available at selected clinics, rural women also resort to traditional medicine for terminating pregnancy. The study, although limited, provides descriptive information about relatively little known indigenous abortion practitioners and raises questions requiring further research. KHAN, ATIQUR RAHMAN. et al. “Induced Abortion in Rural Area of Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 17, no. 2 (1986): 95–99. Existing law in Bangladesh, which originated from the Indian Penal Code of 1860, prohibits the termination of pregnancy except to save the life of the mother. This paper studies cases of maternal mortality caused by induced abortions conducted by indigenous health practitioners. The conclusion is that improved distribution of safe/acceptable means of fertility regulation may save lives. REHAN, N. et al. “Characteristics of Pakistani Women Seeking Abortion and a Prole of Abortion Clinics.” Journal of Women’s Health & Gender-Based Medicine 10, no. 8 (2001): 805–810. Although the Penal Code of Pakistan makes provision for abortion if the life of the mother is threatened, the fact that no data are available concerning legally induced therapeutic abortion indicates that there is a restrictive interpretation of the law by the medical profession. The present study shows that induced abortion is common among married women of high parity, advanced age, and low education. The authors suggest that in view of the large number of terminations, new medical and surgical techniques of pregnancy termination should be introduced. TAVERNIER, JEAN-BAPTISTE. Travels in India, 1640 –67. Edited and translated by V. Ball, London: Macmillan, 1889. In his travelogue, Tavernier records that Shaista Khan, the governor of Bengal and maternal uncle of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb (1658–1707), had ‘one half-caste Portuguese, the mesticos, in his service who induced miscarriages in eight women of his harem in a single month at the instance of his wife who did not permit any children but her own to survive.’

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V. Women’s Fertility: Effects Caused by Education 1924. AMIN, SAJEDA. ‘Female Education and Fertility in Bangladesh: The Inuence of Marriage and Family,’ in Roger Jeffery and Alaka M. Basu (ed.) Girls’ Schooling, Women’s Autonomy and Fertility Change in South Asia, New Delhi: Sage Publications. 1996. 184–204. The paper, drawing upon evidence from long-term, intensive village studies on family structure and change in rural society, examines how familial and contextual factors affect women’s lives. 1925. BHUIYA, ABBAS and KIM STEATFIELD. “Mother’s Education and Survival of Female Children in a Rural Area of Bangladesh.” Population Studies 45, no. 2 (1991): 253–64. This paper explores whether the positive effect of the mother’s education on the survival of children is similar for boys and girls. Findings indicate that gender-specic risk of death is lower for girls during the rst ve months of life, but the pattern reverses after that age, and differences increase with age. Child survival depends on the level of mother’s education. 1926. CHOWDHURY, MIRDUL K. “Mother’s Education and Effect of Son Preference on Fertility in Matlab, Bangladesh.” Population Research and Policy Review 13, no. 3 (1994): 257–73. This study draws upon earlier research hypothesizing and substantiating that in a society with a strong son preference, the use of contraception and fertility control would remain conditional. 1927. HOSSAIN, SYEDA Z. “Effects of Female Education on the Proximate Determinants of Fertility in Bangladesh.” Rural Demography 16, no. 1–2 (1989): 31–41. This study examines the effect of female education on fertility in Bangladesh through three proximate determinants of fertility: marriage, postpartum non-susceptibility to conception, and contraception. The study found that the less the education the greater the fertility. Further, ‘the effect of education on proximate determinants shows that it is positive for postpartum non-susceptibility to conception, while in contrast it is negative for marriage and contraception. Therefore, the contribution of the duration of postpartum non-susceptibility is stronger for less educated women, while marriage and contraception have important effects when education is high at the individual level.’ 1928. JAIN, ANURUDH K. “The Effect of Female Education on Fertility: A simple Explanation.” Demography 18, no. 4 (1981): 577–95. This paper investigates the relationship structure between female education and fertility in eleven countries including Pakistan and Sri Lanka.

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1929. MAHMOOD, NAUSHIN and ZUBEDA KHAN. “Literacy Transition and Female Nuptiality: Implication for Fertility in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 24, nos. 3–4 (1985): 589–603. The article examines the impact of literacy transition and female nuptiality on fertility decline in Pakistan. Data used in this paper are drawn from the 1981 census and the PLM Survey (Pakistan Labour Force Migration Survey) of 1979–80. 1930. SATHAR, ZEBA A. ‘Women’s Schooling and Autonomy as Factors in Fertility Change in Pakistan: Some Empirical Evidence,’ in Roger Jeffery and Alaka Basu (ed.) Girls’ Schooling, Women’s Autonomy and Fertility Change in South Asia. Sage: 1996. pp. 133–49. This paper argues that research studies have found that the schooling for girls is largely conned to urban areas of Pakistan. Rural areas offer fewer educational opportunities and fewer avenues through which education might inuence fertility. More research is needed in this eld. 1931. ——. “Does Female Education Affect Fertility Behaviour in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 23, no. 4 (1984): 573–90. This study explores the relationship between female education and fertility in Pakistan and is based on data from the Pakistan Fertility Survey 1975. Only slight differentials were identied between women with no education and those who had primary or less schooling. Women with more than primary education had notably lower fertility. 1932. —— and KAREN OPPENHEIM MASON. “How Female Education Affects Reproductive Behavior in Urban Pakistan.” Asian and Pacic Population Forum 6, no. 4 (1993): 93–103. This article explores routes through which female education affects fertility in urban Pakistan. The study nds that a combination of supply, demand, and fertility regulation factors explains the negative relationship between education and fertility. It implies that increased investment in education for females could result in signicant decline in fertility in urban Pakistan. 1933. ZAKI, KHALIDA and N. JOHNSON. “Does Women’s Literacy Affect Desired Fertility and Contraceptive Use in Rural-Urban Pakistan?” Journal of Bio-Social Science 25 (1993): 445–54. The article offers recommendations for government policy and observes that raising the literacy rate in rural Pakistan may not narrow the ruralurban gap in the use of contraception to prevent further births, but may increase its use for birth spacing.

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1935.

1936.

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1938.

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(a) Fertility and Employment AMIN, RUHUL. et al. “Poor Women’s Participation in Income-generating Projects and Their Fertility Regulation in Rural Bangladesh: Evidence from a Recent Survey.” World Development 22, no. 4 (1994): 555–65. This paper shows that income-generating activities lead to an increased use of family planning methods and thus lower population statistics. HAIDER, RUKHSANA. “Working Women, Maternity Entitlements, and Breastfeeding: A Report from Bangladesh.” Journal of Human Lactation 11, no. 4 (1955): 273–77. This report states that working women should be informed through health personnel and communication media, about the benets of breastfeeding and about maternity entitlements. The author states that provision of facilities to support breastfeeding at the workplace must also be encouraged so that maternal employment does not hamper breastfeeding. HOQUE, MUHAMMAD NAZRUL and STEVE H. MURDOCK. “Socioeconomic Development, Status of Women. Family Planning, and Fertility in Bangladesh: A District Level Analysis.” Social Biology 44, no. 3/4 (1997): 179–97. The paper demonstrates that socio-economic development and the status of women signicantly affect the use of contraceptive methods in Bangladesh. Research results show that better-educated, employed women are more likely to use contraception than those who have little or no formal education and who are not employed. MAHMUD, SIMEEN. “The Role of Women’s Employment Programmes in Inuencing Fertility Regulations in Rural Bangladesh.” Bangladesh Development Studies 22, no. 2/3 (1994): 93–119. This paper nds that changes in women’s work, higher remuneration, better access to extra-family support and greater mobility outside the home, are directly linked to the increased use of modern contraceptives. SATHAR, ZEBA A. and SHAHNAZ KAZI. “Female Employment and Fertility: Further Investigation of an Ambivalent Association.” Pakistan Development Review 28, no. 3 (1989): 175–93. This study is based on a survey of 1,000 ever-married women in Karachi. The ndings show a distinct pattern of differentials in actual performance and in desired fertility across working and non-working women. Working women in higher-status occupations marry much later and have complete family size than those women working in lower-status

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jobs. Similarly, women working in higher-status occupations also have better chances of their children surviving, whereas women in lower status occupations suffer a greater toll of child mortality. 1939. SHAFI, M. West Pakistan Maternity Benet Ordinance, 1958: With Commentary. Karachi: Bureau of Labour Publications, 1967. 14p. This is a text of the West Pakistan Maternity Benet Ordinance 1958, and West Pakistan Maternity Benet Rules 1961. It lists legislation providing maternity benets to employed women. (b) Fertility and Women’s Labour Force Participation 1940. CHAUDHURY, RAFIQUL HUDA. “Female Labour Force Status and Fertility Behaviour: Some Theoretical, Methodological and Policy Issues.” Pakistan Development Review 18, no. 4 (1979): 341–57 Female labour force participation does not determine fertility behaviour. The paper examines the dynamics of the relationship between female labour force status and fertility behaviour. This relationship is highly complex and therefore further research is needed. 1941. ——. “Female Labour Force Status and Fertility Behaviour in Bangladesh: Search for Policy Interventions.” Bangladesh Development Studies 11, no. 3 (1983): 59–102. Female labour force participation and fertility are related to several antecedent variables such as age, education, and duration of marriage, husband-wife relationship, fecundity, and availability of contraceptives. 1942. ——. “The Inuence of Female Education, Labour Force Participation, and Age at Marriage on Fertility Behaviour in Bangladesh.” Social Biology 31, no. 1/2 (1984): 59–74. Based on data from the 1975 Bangladesh Fertility Survey, education was found to be the variable most strongly correlated with the use of contraception and was one of the most signicant variables explaining fertility behaviour. Furthermore, higher age at marriage was the most important factor in fertility behaviour. The author recommends that education and raising the age at marriage will help spread the use of contraceptive methods and thus lower fertility levels. 1943. ——. “Labour Force Status and Fertility.” Bangladesh Development Studies 2, no. 3 (1974): 819–38. Data used in this study show an inverse relationship between female labour force participation in agricultural activities and fertility. In nonagricultural activities there was a positive but insignicant relationship. In the traditional sector of the economy, agricultural work may also lead to lower fertility.

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1944. MIAH, M. MIZANUR RAHMAN and AINON NAHAR MIZAN. “Labor Force Participation and Fertility: A Study of Married Women in Bangladesh.” International Journal of Sociology of the Family 22, no. 2 (1991): 69–82. Modern and traditional employment, as well as higher and secondary education, is closely associated with lower fertility of women. The paper is based upon the ndings of the Bangladesh Fertility Survey of 1975–76. 1945. SHAH, N. M. “Female Labour Force Participation and Fertility Desire in Pakistan: An Empirical Investigation.” Pakistan Development Review 14, no. 2 (1975): 185–206. This paper examines data from the National Impact Survey 1968–69, regarding married women in Pakistan. (c) Female Fertility Trends in South Asia 1946. AFZAL, MUHAMMAD. ‘The Fertility of East Pakistan Married Women,’ in Warren C. Robinson (ed.) Studies in the Demography of Pakistan. Karachi: PIDE, 1967. pp. 51–91. With the help of tables, this article explains fertility rates of urban and rural women of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). Information is based on Pakistan’s 1961 census. 1947. ——. et al. “Estimation of Net Currently Married Life within the Reproductive Period for Females in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 14, no 1 (1975): 85–99. In this paper, an attempt is made to estimate the average expected net years of actively married life until the end of the reproductive period. 1948. AHMAD, ALIA. Women and Fertility in Bangladesh. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1991. 184p. This is a work on the relationship between women’s status and fertility, based on available literature on the subject as well as on empirical ndings from a small group of women in two villages and in Dhaka City in Bangladesh. Findings show that socio-cultural institutions discriminate against women and provide them limited opportunity. The study concludes that a stagnant economy reinforces social institutions which discriminate against women. If women had a stable income and a greater role in shaping their lives, family size would be reduced. 1949. ALAM, IQBAL. ‘Fertility Levels and Trends,’ in Iqbal Alam and Betzy Dinesen (ed.) Fertility in Pakistan, Voorburg: Netherlands International Statistical Institute, 1984. pp. 65–80.

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The paper concludes that fertility continues to be high and an average married Pakistani woman still bears more than seven children even though the government has followed a national population-planning programme since 1965. ‘If this trend continues, the population of Pakistan will continue to double every 23 years, with very serious consequences for the economic and social development of a nation with limited resources.’ BASU, M. N. et al. “Relation of Family Type to Fertility of Muslim Women.” Society and Culture 2, no. 2 (1971): 141–44. Field data from Padmerat Bangla, Twenty-four Pargana District in Bangladesh, shows that fertility levels of rural Muslim women belonging to extended families are higher than in those in nuclear families. Factors inuencing this pattern are not discussed in detail. BECKER, STAN. et al. “Seasonal patterns of Reproduction in Matlab, Bangladesh.” Population Studies 40, no. 3 (1986): 457–72. This paper explores seasonal variations in reproductive risks and their associated sub-intervals—fecundability. In Bangladesh, the seasonal pattern of births is very marked, with twice as many births during the winter as during the summer. BHOWMIK, K. L. Fertility of Muslim Women in Lower Bengal. Calcutta: Publication Division, Institute of Social Studies, 1974. 175p. The study, carried out in six villages of Lower Bengal in India among Muslim agriculturists, reveals that the Muslim married woman has a total fertility rate of 5 gross plus a reproduction rate of 2.5 and net reproduction of 1.3. The study also shows that women with less education had higher fertility. CHAUDHURY, RAFIQUL HUDA. “Differential Fertility by Religious Group in East Pakistan.” Social Biology 18, no. 2 (1971): 188–91. This paper compares fertility levels of Muslims, caste Hindus and lowcaste Hindus in East Pakistan. Based on the date of 1961, this paper shows that Muslims have the highest fertility rate due to long married lives, high infant mortality, and dislike for family planning. ——. “Female Status and Fertility Behaviour in a Metropolitan Urban Area of Bangladesh.” Population Studies 32, no. 2 (1977): 261–73. This paper studies the relationship between some aspects of female status and the use of contraception and fertility. The study points to the need to improve women’s status, particularly concerning education and their involvement in family decision-making. This, the author feels, would lead to a successful reduction in fertility. The work suggests that conjugal role relationships may be achieved through providing education and employment opportunities to women.

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1955. DUZA, MOHAMMED BADRUD. ‘Differential Fertility in Pakistan,’ in Warren C. Robinson (ed.) Studies in the Demography of Pakistan. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1967. pp. 93–137. Drawing upon data from the 1961 census, this paper considers differential fertility rates in Pakistan by religion, urban/rural backgrounds, city size, marital behaviour and other parameters. 1956. ELAHI, K. M. ‘Gender Relations in Rural Bangladesh: Aspects of Differential Norms about Fertility, Mortality and Health Practices,’ in Janet Henshall Momsen and Vivian Kinnaird (ed.) Different Places, Different Voices, Gender and Development in Africa, Asia and Latin America. London: Routledge, 1993. pp. 80–92. This paper reports survey research undertaken during 1983–4 on rural fertility and female economic activity in two rural areas of Bangladesh. Traditionalism affecting the status of women and recognition of their activities, both within the family and at the community level, is deep rooted and inuences socio-economic norms and value systems of men. 1957. ——. “Farm Size, Women and Fertility Differential in Rural Bangladesh.” Oriental Geographer 35, no. 1 & 2 (1991): 32–42. Based on a survey conducted in 1983–84 in two rural area of Bangladesh, this paper examines the levels and differentials of fertility according to land holding categories. 1958. HAGEN, CATHERINE. et al. “Fertility and Family Planning Trends in Karachi, Pakistan.” International Family Planning Perspectives 25, no. 1 (1999): 38–43. This study shows that in Pakistan, total fertility rates are high, contraceptive prevalence is low, and there is widespread disagreement over whether fertility has begun to decline. Results indicate that among a relatively well-educated, middle-class population in urban Karachi, there is a strong trend toward declining fertility and increasing use of contraceptives. 1959. KABIR, M. et al. Impact of Women in Development Projects on Women’s Status and Fertility in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Development Researchers & Associates, 1993. 154p. The study identies the development interventions more likely to have a major direct and/or indirect effect on demographic behaviour. This would determine the success or failure of projects, and the mechanisms through which various socio-economic characteristics and women-indevelopment policies affect the status of women. 1960. KHAN, M. ALI and ISMAIL SIRAGELDIN. “Education, Income and Fertility in Pakistan.” Economic Development and Cultural Change 27, no. 3 (1979): 519–47.

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This study, based on data from a cross-sectional survey of Pakistan in 1968–69, involving 2,910 married women under the age of 50, assesses the quantitative impact of some socio-economic variables on fertility, and family size. KHAN, MASIHUR RAHMAN and LEE L. BEAN. “Interrelationships of Some Fertility Measures in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 7, no. 4 (1967): 504–18. This paper is based on data collected in the early 1960s. Examining the growth rate of the population and its impact on women, the author observes, ‘High fertility also reduces the number of women available for both household work and gainful employment.’ MAHMOOD, NAUSHIN and RINGHEIM, KARIN. “Knowledge, Approval, and Communication about Family Planning as Correlates of Desired Family among Spouses in Pakistan.” International Family Planning Perspectives 23, no. 3 (1997): 122–29. This study shows that urban men and women are equally likely to approve of family planning and family size, whereas in rural areas, men are signicantly more likely to determine this than women. The study concludes that concerted efforts to educate men about reproductive and child health and to facilitate communication between husbands and wives would assist couples in agreeing upon and meeting their reproductive goals. QURESHI, RASHIDA and DONALD J. ADAMCHAK. “Determinants of Marital Fertility in Pakistan: The Impact of Education, Work and Family Planning.” Sociological Focus 29, no. 2 (1996): 167–78. Using data from the 1990–91 Pakistan Demographic and Health Survey of 5713 married women of ages between 15–49, this study assesses the relative impact of direct and indirect determinants of marital fertility in Pakistan, where the vast majority of women do not use any method of fertility regulation. The present paper suggests that there is a threshold or minimum number of children that a woman must produce before determinants such as current use of family planning, education, and employment, impact fertility. SATHAR, ZEBA A. “Rural Urban Fertility Differentials, 1975.” Pakistan Development Review 18, no. 3 (1979): 231–51. This paper, based on the Pakistan Fertility Survey data, deals with identifying differentials in levels and patterns of urban and rural fertility in Pakistan. Findings show that there are marginal differences in the two areas. Younger urban women have more children than their rural counterparts; older urban women use relatively more contraceptive methods and have lower fertility than older rural women.

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1965. ——. Women’s Status and Fertility Change in Pakistan, Population and Development Review 14, no. 3 (1988): 415–432. Research studies show that female education, work force participation, and age at marriage are signicant determinants of female fertility in Pakistan. 1966. ——. Women, Work and Reproduction in Karachi. International Family Planning Perspectives 16, no. 2, (1990): 66–80. This paper reports the ndings of a survey of 1,000 women conducted in Karachi to measure the effects of both education and employment on women’s fertility and status. Findings show that women’s status improves with 10 or more years of education and employment in professional or other salaried work outside the home. 1967. —— and MUHAMMAD IRFAN. “Reproductive Behaviour in Pakistan: Insights From the Population, Labour Force, and Migration Survey, 1979–80.” Pakistan Development Review 23, Spring (1984): 207–18. Findings of data collected for Studies in Population, Labour Force and Migration (PLM), in 1979, show that overall, homogenous reproductive behaviour seems to prevail across Pakistan. Reproductive behaviour differentials appear to affect only elite members of the population. Thus, women educated beyond primary school, households with high incomes and landed rural aristocracy have lower fertility. 1968. —— and SHAHNAZ KAZI. Women’s Autonomy, Livelihood and Fertility. Islamabad: PIDE, 1997, 100p. This study aimed to empirically assess various dimensions of women’s autonomy in a diversity of settings in rural Punjab. A signicant proportion of rural women are unable to engage in income-generating activities due to the demands of domestic and household duties. 1969. ——. et al. “Women’s Status and Fertility Change in Pakistan.” Population and Development Review 14, no. 3 (1988): 415–32. In Pakistan, women are viewed mainly as wives and mothers. Whereas economic provision for women is the responsibility of men, women must marry and reproduce to earn status. The study is based on data from the Population Labour Force, and Migration Survey of 1979–80. 1970. SHAH, IQBAL H. et al. “Fertility in Pakistan During the 1970s.” Journal of Biosocial Science 18 (1986): 215–29. The paper analyzes evidence of trends in fertility and related variables in Pakistan during the 1970s using data from two comparable surveys, the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey and the 1979–80 Population, Labour Force and Migration Survey. There were essentially no changes in fertility during the decade.

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1971. SHAH, NASRA M. and PETER C. SMITH. Non-Familial Roles of Women and Fertility: Pakistan and the Philippines Compared. Papers of the East-West Population Institute, No. 73, Honolulu: East-West Center, 1981. 47p. A comparison of fertility behaviour of working and non-working women in Pakistan and the Philippines, based on data from the 1973 national Demographic Survey of the Philippines and the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey, shows very different patterns in the two countries. 1972. STOECKEL, JOHN. et al. “The Effect of Fecundity on Fertility in Rural East Pakistan.” Social Biology 19, no. 2 (1972): 193–201. Data on fecundity were collected by interviewing all 30, 155 evermarried women in 132 villages of Matlab Thana in 1968. The study concludes that if current fertility and mortality conditions persisted, completed family sizes would be six surviving children per surviving woman. 1973. SYED, SABIHA H. “Female Status and Fertility in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 17, no. 4 (1978): 408–30. Based on data from the 1975 Pakistan Fertility Survey, the paper analyzes the relationship of education and employment to reproductive lives of women. It notes the relevance of this to population policy of the Government of Pakistan. (d) Socio-economic Determinants of Fertility 1974. AMIN, RUHUL and YIPING LI. “Women’s Credit Programs and Family Planning in Rural Bangladesh.” International Family Planning Perspectives 22, no. 4 (1996): 158–162. This paper reports the ndings of a 1995 household survey conducted in one rural area of Bangladesh that offers credit programmes to women. Findings showed that women who participated were more likely to use contraceptives, to want no further children and to desire smaller families than women who did not participate or who lived outside the credit of programme areas. 1975. AZIZ, AZRA. “Proximate Determinants of Fertility in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 4 (1994): 727–42. This paper provides an overview of the changes occurring in the determinants of fertility in Pakistan over a period of fteen years. Marriage remains one of the principal proximate determinants of fertility. The use of contraceptives has increased and so induced abortion has also shown a slight increase.

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1976. CLELAND, J. G. The Determinants of Reproductive Change in Bangladesh: Success in a Challenging Environment. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank, 1994. xii+187p. The author reports a dramatic decline in fertility in post-independence Bangladesh. This work explores the role of family planning programs and explains the phenomenon termed ‘latent demand’. 1977. INAYATULLAH, ATTIYA. ‘Impact of Culture on Fertility in Pakistan,’ in Changing Patterns in Fertility: Proceedings (of the) Seventh Conference of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, February 10–16, 1963, Singapore. New York: Excerpta Medica Foundation, 1964. pp. 111–15. This is one of the earliest studies by the author who later became associated with Pakistan’s population planning programmes. In this paper, she reviews traditional social norms and practices that encourage high fertility in Pakistan. 1978. ISLAM, M. NURUL and MAZHAR U. ISLAM. “Biological and Behavioural Determinants of Fertility in Bangladesh, 1975–1989.” Asia Pacic Population Journal 8, no. 1 (1993): 3–18. This paper argues that women will readily accept contraception if services are made available in a culturally appropriate manner. 1979. KARIM, MEHTAB S. ‘Proximate Determinants of Fertility in Pakistan: Policy Recommendations,’ in South Asia Study of Population Policy and Programmes: Pakistan. Islamabad: UNFPA, 1990. pp. 12–22. This paper explores determinants of reproduction less visible than contraception, such as delayed marriages, lactation and induced abortion, and suggests changes in abortion law in accordance with Islamic jurisprudence. 1980. KARIM, MEHTAB S. and IQBAL ALAM. “Age Reporting in Pakistan and its Implications for Fertility Analysis.” Pakistan Development Review, Vol. 14, No. 1 (1975): 100–19. This paper compares the age reporting patterns of the female population, as given in the Population Growth and Estimation Projects of 1963–65 and the Population Growth Surveys of 1968, 1969, and 1971, and assesses their possible effect on estimates of total fertility rates. The paper also reviews previous studies of age misrepresentation in Pakistani population surveys. 1981. KHAN, H. T. ABDULLAH and ROBERT RAESIDE. “Factors Affecting the Most Recent Fertility Rates in Urban Rural Bangladesh.” Social Science and Medicine 44, no. 3 (1997): 279–89. This paper examines recent research ndings that indicate that mother’s age, contraception use, death of a child, employment history, religion,

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region of residence, and independence of women are the most important co-variables for explaining recent fertility rise. MAHMUD, SIMEEN. “Exploring the Relationship between Women’s Work and Fertility: The Bangladesh Context.” Bangladesh Development Studies 16, no. 4 (1988): 99–113. The dependence of women on men appears to be a signicant element in determining high fertility in Bangladesh. The paper also attempts to trace paths through which women’s employment could lead to changes in desired family size through impact on their status, economic dependence on men, and the value women place on children. OSBORN, RICHARD WARREN. “Demographic and Socio-Economic Variations in Health and Family Planning Behavior in Urban Pakistan.” Social Science and Medicine 9, no. 11/12 (1975): 659–63. Interviews with women in Lahore, Pakistan, showed that maternal and child health and family planning have signicant correlations with socioeconomic status. While a considerable number of women intended to use modern obstetrical methods for delivery, the majority intended to continue using traditional midwifery. SHAH, NASRA M. and ELIZABETH Q. BULATAO. “Purdah and Family Planning in Pakistan.” International Family Planning Perspectives 7, no. 1 (1981): 32–37. In Pakistan, purdah observance does not impede family planning acceptance. In urban areas, more observers of pardah (19 percent) than nonobservers (15 percent) have ever used a contraceptive method. In rural areas, levels of use are the same for the two groups (9 percent). ZAFAR, M. I., N. FORD and A. ANKOMAH. “Signicance of Beliefs and Values in Predicting Fertility and Contraceptive Behavior in Pakistan.” Journal of Biosocial Science 27 (1993): 301–18. This paper reports a study conducted in Lahore and Faisalabad in 1991. Women’s education was found to be a correlate of contraceptive use and fertility.

(e) Fertility and Family Planning Programmes 1986. ADIL, ENVER. ‘The Use of Statistical Guides and Measures of Effectiveness in Determining Government Policy for Inuencing Fertility: Pakistan,’ in World Population Conference, 1965, Belgrade, Proceeding, and Vol. 2: Selected Papers and Summaries: Fertility, Family Planning, and Mortality. New York: Department of Economics and Social Affairs, United Nations, 1967. pp. 63–7.

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1987.

1988.

1989.

1990.

1991.

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This is the earliest report from Pakistan that examines and discusses various guides and indices for establishing goals of and approaches to Pakistan’s family planning programme. ——. et al. “Pakistan: The Family-Planning Programme, 1965–1967.” Studies in Family Planning 1, no. 26 (1968): 4–11. This paper reviews the achievements of the rst two years’ of Pakistan’s Family Planning Programme, which was started on 1 July 1965. The author, who was closely associated with the programme, discusses some of the administrative and operational arrangements made to suit the local conditions. ——. “Measurement of Family Planning Progress in Pakistan.” Demography 5, no. 2 (1968): 659–65. This paper explains that the 1961 Census of Pakistan was subject to a considerable under-enumeration, particularly in the age group 0–3 years and in the case of females. It was estimated that the annual increment in the cadre of childbearing women would rise from 1 million in 1960 to an estimated 1.7 million in 1971 and 2.1 million in 1976. The Government of Pakistan recognized the need for family planning programmes only in the second ve-year plan (1960–65). The paper reviews some of the strategies adopted in Pakistan since this period. ALAM, IQBAL and BETZY DINESEN. Fertility in Pakistan: A Review of Findings. The Pakistan Fertility Survey. Voorburg, The Netherlands: International Statistical Institute, 1984. 259p. This work presents the results of extensive analysis carried out using data from the Pakistan Fertility Survey, 1975. It contains ten research reports on fertility and fertility-related issues written by various researchers, that were earlier presented at a conference. AYUB, TAHMINA AZIZ and FAROOQ-I-AZAM. Community Participation in Family Planning: A Case Study of the Family Welfare Centre Project. Islamabad: Population Research Associates, 1988. 67p. This is a report of a research project undertaken by the Family Planning Association of Pakistan for building local interest and expertise in community participation in family planning. It also gives a brief history of FPAP. BEAN, LEE L. and A. D. BHATTI. ‘Pakistan’s Population in the 1970’s: Problems and Prospects,’ in Henry J. Korson (ed.) Contemporary Problems of Pakistan. Leiden: Brill, 1974. pp. 99–118. (International Studies in Sociology and Social Anthropology, No. 15.) This chapter evaluates Pakistan’s family planning programme since its inception and examines reasons for its success and failure.

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1992. ——. “Three Years of Pakistan’s New National Family Planning Programme.” Pakistan Development Review, Vol. 9, No. 1 (1969): 35–57. This is an evaluative study of the early phase of Family Planning in Pakistan during 1965–68. The government-administered programme was successful according to the estimates of the authors but they suggest that more studies are required to evaluate its impact on fertility pattern. 1993. FELDMAN, SHELLEY. ‘Population Planning and Rural Women’s Co-Operatives in IRDP Women’s Programme: Some Critical Issues,’ in Jahanara Huq (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: Some Socio-Economic Issues, Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. pp. 54–69. Based on IRDP evaluation study, this paper traces the nature and dimensions of the problems and potentials of population planning vis-à-vis Rural Women’s Cooperatives under the IRDP Women’s Programme. 1994. HAKIM, ABDUL. et al. Pakistan Fertility and Family Planning Survey 1996–97: Preliminary Report. Islamabad: National Institute of Population Studies [ NIPS] January 1998. x1 + 51p. This report presents information regarding households, environment, marriage patterns, fertility, family-planning awareness, contraception, infant mortality, attitudes towards family planning, and women’s decision-making and their mobility. 1995. HARDEE, J. GILBERT and MUHAMMAD AZHAR. “Change and Differentials in Women’s Knowledge of, Attitude Towards and Practice of Family Planning in Pakistan during the 1960s.” Pakistan Development Review 14, no. 3 (1975): 334–63. This paper makes a detailed analysis of Pakistan’s family planning programme during the 1960s, with suggestions for further research. 1996. HELBIG, DONALD W. et al. “IUD Retention in West Pakistan and Methodology of Assessment.” Demography 7, no. 4 (1970): 467–82. This paper presents a report of 1967 sample survey of women who had IUD insertions in West Pakistan during the rst eighteen months of the Pakistan National Family Planning Programme which began in July 1965. 1997. OSBORN, RICHARD WARREN. “The Sialkot Experience.” Studies in Family Planning 5, no. 4, April (1974): 123–29. The paper analyzes operations of the family planning programme introduced between December 1969 and October 1971. Five hundred eld workers, doctors, administrators, and other programme personnel worked on this project and 12,000 women completed one year without having a child during this time.

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1998. ROBERTS, BERYL J. et al. “Family Planning Survey in Dacca, East Pakistan.” Demography 2 (1965): 74–96. This paper reports ndings of the rst family planning survey conducted in the city of Dacca. 1999. ROBINSON, WARREN C. “Family Planning in Pakistan, 1955–1977: A Review.” Pakistan Development Review 17, no. 2 (1978): 233–47. The article reviews Pakistan’s family planning programme to see what can be of value for future planning. The focus is on the main assumptions, strategies and organisational changes through which the programme has passed. 2000. —— and N. Shah and M. Shah. “The Family Planning Program in Pakistan: What Went Wrong?” International Family Planning Perspectives 7, no. 3 (1981): 85–92. This article reviews Pakistan’s family planning effort and discusses what can be learned from this experience. It concludes by observing that factors that partially hindered success were over-ambition and unrealistic targets, ill-dened communications strategy, poor organizational structure, lack of commitment and motivation, and lack of appropriate research and evaluation. 2001. ROUTH, SUBARTA. et al. “Consequences of the Shift from Domiciliary Distribution to Site-Based Family Planning Services in Bangladesh.” International Family Planning Perspectives 27, no. 2 (2001): 82–89. The change from conventional door-to-door distribution of reproductive health services to xed site-based service delivery coincided with greater use of injectable contraceptives and a decreased reliance on traditional methods among rural contraceptive users. Changes in service and delivery appear to have resulted in a slight increase in contraceptive prevalence in urban area. 2002. SADIK, NAFIS. “Women, Population and Sustainable Development in South Asia.” Journal of International Affairs 51, no. 1 (1997): 147–68. Beginning with a note of warning that on the eve of the 21st century the countries of South Asia face challenges in the area of population and sustainable development, the author concludes by observing that women will suffer most as they remain ‘impoverished both materially and spiritually because they cannot exercise their reproductive rights.’ 2003. SCHULER, SIDNEY RUTH. et al. “The Advent of Family Planning as a Social Norm in Bangladesh: Women’s Experiences.” Reproductive Health Matters, No. 7 (1996): 66–78. Based on ndings from ethnographic research in six villages, this paper describes how family planning came to be dened as a domain in

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which women are encouraged to take the initiative, in contrast to other spheres of life. It traces women’s experiences and perceptions of family planning in the context of fertility transition, and examines some of the effects of family planning on women’s lives. Results suggest that by bringing contraceptives to women in their homes, the family planning programme has empowered women within the reproductive sphere but at the same time has reinforced the patriarchal system that keeps women isolated and dependent. ——. et al. “Bangladesh’s Family Planning Success Story: A Gender Perspective.” International Family Planning Perspectives 21, no. 4 (1995): 132–37. In-depth interviews conducted in 1990–94 in rural Bangladesh suggest that the use of village-based female workers delivering contraceptive information and supplies to women in their homes often fail to provide adequate information and may actually reinforce isolation and powerlessness of women by accommodating existing gender norms. SIMMONS, R. et al. “Employment in Family Planning and Women’s Status in Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 23, no. 2 (1992): 97–109. This study conducted in 1987–88 investigates how employment in family planning programmes affects the status of female community workers. Results show that although community workers initially faced intense hostility in the community, they were nally accorded prestige that was traditionally given to women in a conservative rural society. Not only did these women establish themselves as valued health and family planning professionals in a social context, but the professional and social leadership roles that they assumed implied a degree of status that seemed inconceivable a decade ago. ——. et al. “Maternal-Child Health and Family Planning: User Perspectives and Service Constraints in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 21, no. 4 (1990): 187–96. This article presents a micro-analysis of interactions between female eld workers and women in rural Bangladesh, and a discussion of the broader organizational constraints that hamper service delivery. Focus is on female eld workers in the government MCH and family planning programme since in this setting they constitute the key link to rural women. SULTAN, MEHBOOB. “Assessment of a New Approach to Family Planning Services in Rural Pakistan.” American Journal of Public Health 92, no. 7 (2002): 1169–72.

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This paper shows that expansion of schools in rural Pakistan is likely to have a profound effect on reproductive behaviour. (f ) Attitudes Towards Family Planning 2008. AITKIN, ANNIE and JOHN STOECKEL. “Muslim Hindu Differentials in Family Planning Knowledge and Attitude in Rural East Pakistan.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 2, no. 1 (1971): 75–87. This paper is based on eld survey research conducted in 1968 in Comilla, East Pakistan. 1,600 currently married women, both Hindu and Muslim, were interviewed. Research showed that a signicantly greater percentage of Hindus approved of family planning. Differences are explained by constraints of the pardah system among Muslims. 2009. MAHMOOD, NAUSHIN. “Reproductive Goals and family Planning Attitudes in Pakistan: A Couple-level Analysis.” The Pakistan Development Review 37, no. 1 (1998): 19–34. Based on responses of 1260 married couples in the 1990–91 Demographic and Health Survey, this study shows that joint approval and discussion of family planning have the strongest effects on promoting contraceptive use. Interestingly, results show that it is most likely women, not men, who want fewer children, but they are also most likely to disapprove of family planning. The study’s nal suggestion is that ‘in a strong patriarchal society like of Pakistan, where a small proportion of women are literate, ignoring the inuence of husbands in family decision-making may seriously limit the success of the programme.’ 2010. —— and KARIN RINGHAM. “Knowledge, Approval, and Communication about Family Planning as Correlates of Desired Fertility among Spouses in Pakistan.” International Family Planning Perspectives 23 (1997): 122–29. Pakistan is a traditional patriarchal society in which most females of childbearing age have little or no education. Urban men and women equally approve of family planning, while in rural settings, men were more likely to approve than women. Overall, the desire to limit family size was stronger among women than men. 2011. MOSENA, P. W. and J. STOECKEL. “Impact of Desired Family Size upon Family Planning Practices in Rural East Pakistan.” Journal of Marriage and the Family 33, no. 3 (1971): 567–83. A study of 1,600 currently married women from a rural area of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) shows that women whose desired family size is equal to or less than their actual family size have practise family

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planning to signicantly greater degree than women whose desired size exceeds their actual size. 2012. PHILLIPS, JAMES F. et al. “The Demographic Impact of the Family Planning-Health Services Project in Matlab, Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 13, no. 5 (1982): 131–40. Demographic research has shown that fertility has declined in a variety of settings where there has been concomitant proliferation of contraceptive use. The study shows that in the absence of socio-economic changes intensive family planning efforts can affect fertility. 2013. SHAH, NASRA M. “The Role of Interspousal Communication in Adoption of Family Planning Methods: A Couple Approach.” Pakistan Development Review 13, no. 4 (1974): 452–69. Based on data on relationships of inter-spousal communication and fertility attitudes in Pakistan, National Impact Survey of 1968–69, this paper urges a couple-oriented family planning policy. (g) Fertility Decline 2014. BAIRAGI, RADHEYSHYAM. “Effects of Sex Preference on Contraceptive Use, Abortion and Fertility in Matlab, Bangladesh.” International Family Planning Perspectives 27, no. 3 (2001): 137–43. This study indicates that between the early 1980s and the middle 1990s, contraceptive use and recourse to abortion increased in Matlab, while fertility declined. Sex preference does not have a strong effect on contraceptive use in the area under study. The effect of sex preference on childbearing is becoming stronger as fertility declines because couples aim to have their desired number of sons with a smaller number of children. 2015. BHATTI, LUBNA ISHAQ. “The Quest of Infertile Women in Squatter Settlements of Karachi, Pakistan: A Qualitative Study.” Social Science & Medicine 49 (1999): 637–49. In-depth interviews with 17 infertile urban women in Pakistan found that most sought treatment early, within two years of marriage, and from then on visited various types of providers unceasingly. Social pressures led to stress, depression, and self-imposed social isolation. 2016. SATHAR, ZEBA and JOHN B. CASTERLINE. ‘The Onset of Fertility Transition in Pakistan.’ Population Council Policy Research Division Working Paper, No. 112, New York, NY: Population Council Division, 1998. 39p. (Also published in Population and Development Review, December (1998): 773–96.

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This paper presents empirical evidence from studies carried out in the past eight years demonstrating that decline of marital fertility made possible with increased use of modern contraception, has nally begun in Pakistan. 2017. SIMMONS, R. “Women’s Lives in Transition: A Qualitative Analysis of the Fertility Decline in Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 27, no. 5 (1996): 251–68. The paper examines women’s attitude towards family planning and studies how it has added positively to the fertility decline that began in Bangladesh in the late 1980s and which continues to date.

SECTION THIRTEEN

PERSPECTIVES ON SOUTH ASIAN WOMEN’S DEVELOPMENT

A. Women and Development in Pakistan 2018. AFTAB, TAHERA . ‘Development and Women in Pakistan,’ in M. Porter and E. Judd (ed.) Feminists Doing Development: A Practical Critique. London: Zed Books, 2000. pp. 29–41. This paper examines the process of gender development in Pakistan and argues that development will remain ineffective and remote as long as women’s needs are not reected in the development agenda. Developing women’s needs could be achieved by establishing an ongoing dialogue among women at all levels, and so far, little has been achieved in this regard. 2019. AHMED, FIROZA. et al. Report of Country Review and Analysis of the Role and Contribution of Women in Social Welfare, Community Development, Rural Development and Agriculture. Islamabad: Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, 1980. 89p. This report reviews the current situation of rural women of Pakistan in social welfare, community and rural development. It aims to determine the extent to which plans, policies and programmes within the country are meeting their social and economic needs, and to accelerate the process of women’s participation in all phases and levels of national development. 2020. ANSARI, KHURSHEED A. SALAM. “Women and National Reconstruction.” Pakistan Review 2, no. 3 (1963): 21–23, 41. This paper presents a brief appraisal of women’s roles in various spheres of national development and reconstruction, along with a summary of work done by various women’s organizations in the country. 2021. CHAUDHARY, A. R. “The Role of Women in Economic Development: A Case Study of Pakistan.” Economic Journal, Lahore 8, no. 2, (1975): 107–23. This article compares opportunities for employment available to Pakistani women to those available to women in other parts of the world. Recommendations for improvement in this area are included.

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2022. HUSSAIN, FREDA. ‘The Struggle of Women in the National Development of Pakistan,’ in her (ed.) Muslim Women. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1884. pp. 198–220. This paper examines women’s role in the feudal setup of Pakistani society where the state structures remain colonial. The state has created dichotomies in society by imposing Islamization. In this environment of contradictory policies, women ‘will have to fend for themselves,’ which they can do ‘only through collective measures.’ 2022a. JUNAID, SHAHWAR. The Role of women in Development: A Perspective. Rawalpindi: Publishing Consultants, 1991. 106p. A cursory glance at ‘women’s activism’ in the past, this book moves forward to discuss their role in different areas of Pakistan. 2023. KAMAL, SIMI. ‘Women and (Un) Equal Partnership in Development: The Health and Education Sectors in Pakistan.’ Paper presented at South Asia Regional Conference on Policies and Strategies for Sustainable Development in South Asia National and Regional Perspectives, Dhaka, November 1990. pp. 26–28, Mimeograph. This paper states that the issue of sustainable development implies power, and women in Pakistan are essentially powerless. Many prevalent beliefs about why girls and women do not involve themselves in particular development activities, or why they drop out of facilities, or do not remain in careers, have not stood the test of investigation. Solutions based on these assumptions have, therefore, not succeeded, leaving Pakistan far behind its neighbours in many vital areas. 2024. KAZI, SHAHNAZ. ‘Gender Inequalities and Development in Pakistan,’ in Shahrukh Ra Khan (ed.) Fifty Years of Pakistan’s Economy: Traditional topics and Contemporary Concerns. Karachi, OUP, 1999. pp. 376–414. Assessing the last fty years’ progress in gender and development issues, this paper states that male-female inequalities in access to development resources are usually attributed to social and cultural constraints on women’s mobility. The author concludes by observing that in the absence of political support, all development plans ‘will not lead to a redistribution of the resources necessary to ensure effective action.’ 2025. —— and BILQUEES RAZA. “Women, Development Planning and Government Policies.” Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 4, Part 2 (1992): 609–20. This paper attempts an assessment of the government’s policies during 1975 and 1979 when policy statements indicated a major shift in perspective towards women’s development in Pakistan. The article critiques the Women’s Division, set up in 1979, and various ve-year plans as they pertain to women.

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2026. KHAN, NIGHAT SAID. (ed.) Aspects of Women and Development. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1995. 136p. This collection of articles examines various aspects of the lives of women in Pakistan, such as skill development, psychological well-being and exposure to economic opportunities. 2027. KHATTAK, SABA GUL. “The Repercussions of Nuclearization on Pakistani Women.” Development 42, no. 2 (1999): 71–73. As the worsening economy results in a shrinking space for women, their ideas and their rights, this paper questions how nuclearization might affect women as a group. The author points out that given the present system in which women are comparatively more disadvantaged than men, increasing inequalities will push them back in their struggle as well as erect new barriers against them. 2028. QURESHI, M. L. Development Planning and Women. Islamabad: Women’s Division, Cabinet Secretariat, Government of Pakistan, 1983. 137p. This study attempts to determine the impact of the Fifth Five-Year Plan on women and indicate an approach for the Sixth Five-Year Plan to maximize the benets of development for women. 2029. SAEED, AMERA. Structural Issues in Women’s Development in Pakistan. Islamabad: UNICEF, 1990. 111p. The status of Pakistani women and the development of their potential remains a paradox. Despite the rise in conservatism, there has also been an increase in the number of women participating in the various work sectors of national development. I. Rural Women and Development in Pakistan 2030. AHMAD, NIGAR and SHAHNAZ AHMAD. ‘A Day in the Life of “Masi Jheelo”,’ in Leela Dube and Rajni Palriwala (ed.) Structures and Strategies, Women, Work and Family. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990. pp. 221–42. Also in Fareeha Zafar (ed.) Finding our Way: Readings on Women in Pakistan. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1991. pp. 206–26. This paper is an authentic record of an actual day in the life of a woman in rural Punjab whose husband and sons have emigrated. Although women in general have a low social status, this woman is now the virtual household head and has the responsibility of looking out for the family’s well being. 2031. ANWAR, SEEMIN and FAIZ BILQUEES. ‘The Attitudes, Environment and Activities of Rural Women: A Case Study of Jhok Sayal.’ Pakistan Institute of Development Economic. Islamabad, 1976. 70p. (Research Report Series, 98.)

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2032.

2033.

2034.

2035.

2036.

2037.

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Based on a study of women of Jhok Sayal, a village in Faisalabad District, the study attempts to outline different dimensions of economic activity of rural women and to describe attitudinal and environmental factors which inuence the participation of village women in the rural economy. CHAUDHARY, M. GHAFFAR and ZUBEDA KHAN. “Female Labour Force Participation Rates in Rural Pakistan: Some Fundamental Explanations and Policy Implications.” Pakistan Development Review 26, no. 4 (1987): 667–707. This paper analyzes the labour force participation rate of rural females in Pakistan which is low and falling with the passage of time. The paper suggests a few remedies to improve the situation. HASHMI, SALIMA. Education of Rural Women in West Pakistan. Lyallpur: West Pakistan Agricultural University Press, 1968. 142p. This work briey traces women’s education in the 19th and 20th centuries in India and Pakistan and argues for widespread education for rural women, as well as education for different groups of people. HASSAN, IFTIKHAR N. The Attitude of Rural Population Towards Female Education. Islamabad: Institute of Psychology, 1978. 203p. This study was carried out by selecting ve hundred family units as a stratied random sample from villages. Intensive interviews were conducted and local traditions regarding women’s education were analyzed. ——. Psychological Prole of Rural Women. Islamabad: Ministry of Women Development, Government of Pakistan, 1982. 184p. This study, being an intensive survey, points out unexplained phenomena prevalent among females, such as apathy, fatalism and lack of enthusiasm. HODGES, EMILY. The Role of Village Women in Village Level and Family Level Decision-Making in Agriculture: A Pakistani Punjab Case Study. Report prepared for the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Islamabad, June, 1977. 67p. This report examines the role of rural women in village-level decision making and money matters, including investment and participation in agricultural work. HONIGMANN, JOHN J. Three Pakistan Villages. Chapel Hill, North Carolina: Institute for Research in Social Sciences, University of North Carolina, 1958. 95p. This study is based on an ethnographic survey of three villages, one each in Sindh, NWFP, and the Punjab. In all these areas women work

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2039.

2040.

2041.

2042.

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hard both in homes on and the elds but their status remains low and they suffer constraints of seclusion. IBRAZ, TASSAWAR SAEED. “Cultural Perceptions and the Productive Roles of Rural Pakistani Women.” Pakistan Development Review 31, no. 4 (1993): 1293–1307. Women’s agricultural work is not recognized. A myth exists that women are unproductive and economically dependent on men. Policy planners, decision-makers and intellectuals have persisted in sustaining an image of a woman ‘with time on her hands’ whose mind is lled with ‘sundry matters of scant importance’. ——. ‘Myths and Realities: Religious, Cultural Perceptions and Roles of Rural Pakistani Women.’ Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, 1991. Based on eld research, this study shows that Pakistani women, besides performing their traditional roles of wives and mothers, are involved in a number of activities that are vital to the economic survival of the family. Society, however, tries to control women’s mobility and their access to public space. KHAN, SEEMIN ANWAR and FAIZ BILQUEES. “The Environment, Attitudes and Activities of Rural Women: A Case Study of a Village in Punjab.” Pakistan Development Review 15, no. 3 (1976): 237–71. Different dimensions of rural women’s economic activities are analyzed in this paper, along with an analysis of the environment and living conditions of rural women and their attitudes towards education, marriage, and family planning. McCARTHY, FLORENCE E. “Bengali Village Women as Mediators of Social Change.” Human Organization 36, no. 4 (1977): 363–70. This paper examines results of a training programme at the Pakistan Academy for Rural Development, Comilla, to teach practical skills and impart knowledge to women of 57 villages. The author observed that deep made supremacy makes the task of creating social change through women very difcult. ——. “The Women’s Programme at Comilla, Pakistan.” Women Today 6, no. 2 (1964): 25–28. This paper examines women’s education and the home development programme of the Pakistan Academy of Rural Development in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). This programme included literacy and family planning schemes, and training in spinning, and gardening. It gave small loans for paddy cultivation.

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2043. NAVEED-I-RAHAT. ‘The Role of Women in Reciprocal Relationships in a Punjab Village,’ in T. Scarlett Epstein and Rosemary A. Watts (ed.). The Endless Day: Some Case Studies on Asian Rural Women. Oxford: Pergamon, 1981. pp. 47–81. This work is based on six months of eldwork in a Punjab village. The author argues that society has two factors: male domination and female manipulation. Women manipulate by exploiting their biological weakness and their natural monopoly as child-bearers, caregivers and providers of emotional satisfaction. Thus, male society owes a lot to women who manipulate from behind the social scene. 2044. ——. Male Outmigration and Maki-Weighted Households: A Case Study of a Punjabi Village in Pakistan. Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Corporation, 1990. 123p. Based on eldwork in 1978–82 for a doctoral thesis, this study suggests that male outmigration has brought about radical changes in the area of Meharabad. This is reected in the hanging roles of women, an increasing number of whom are turning to intra-village pardah. 2045. RAPER, ARTHUR F. Rural Development in Action: The Comprehensive Experiment at Comilla, East Pakistan. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1970. 351p. Chapter six of this work deals with the Women’s Programme at the Comilla Academy, East Pakistan. The condition of women in general, in the words of the Academy’s Director, is ‘like frogs down a deep well’. The chapter talks about gender bias in rural areas, and how this was addressed with the help of local religious leaders. 2046. RAUF, ABDUR. “Rural Women and the Family: A Study of a Punjabi Village in Pakistan.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 18, no. 3 (1987): 403–15. This paper discusses some structural constraints affecting the status of women in Pakistan. While some changes are evident, current attitudes are such that they have perpetuated the image of women as dependent persons. 2047. SAEED, KISHWAR. Rural Women’s Participation in Farm Operations. Lyallpur: West Pakistan Agricultural University Press, 1966. 75p. This work examines the correlation between female labour force participation and patterns of community, caste, education, land holdings and tenancy status, based on information from four villages in Lyallpur District, Punjab. 2048. WHYTE, ROBERT ORR and PAULINE WHYTE. The Women of Rural Asia. Colorado: Westview Press, 1982. 262p.

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This is a study of the role of rural women of South Asia and Southeast Asia in historical perspective. The book refers to women of Pakistan and Bangladesh and reviews activities of national and international agencies in relation to women’s status. It outlines major needs of the day, and points to current indicators of change. II. Urban Women in Pakistan 2049. BILQUEES, FAIZ and SHAHNAZ HAMID. “Lack of Education and Employment Patterns of Poor Urban Women in Rawalpindi City.” The Pakistan Development Review 28, no. 4, part II (1989): 791–801. This paper is based on data collected in Rawalpindi City for the project, ‘A Socio-economic Prole of Poor Women in Katchi Abadis during December 1987–January 1988,’ to construct a socio-economic prole of poor urban women. Lack of education and consequent lack of awareness adversely affect female labour force participation. Easy and cheap access to at least primary education for girls is strongly recommended by this study. 2050. HAFEEZ, SABEEHA. The Metropolitan Women in Pakistan: Studies. Karachi: Royal Book Company, 1981. 406p. This work looks into major issues confronting women in Karachi, the largest urban centre of Pakistan. Surveys were conducted on six independent samples of women administrators, factory workers, housewives, university women, high school girls and their parents to explore how work affects family and marital relations. 2051. LEE, MARILYN BELL. Power, Self-Care, and Health in Women Living in Urban Squatter Settlements in Karachi, Pakistan: A Test of OREM’s Theory. Ph.D. Dissertation, 1996. Wayne State University. This study explores factors controlling women’s health. Subjects for this study were 162 married Muslim women randomly selected from rosters of women visiting health centres.

B. Women and Development in Bangladesh 2052. AHMAD, Q. K. ‘Women and National Development Planning in Bangladesh: The Donor perspectives,’ in Women for Women, (ed.) Women and National Planning in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1990. pp. 95–103.

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2053.

2054.

2055.

2056.

2057.

2058.

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The paper briey describes the nature of development paradigms in Bangladesh. It argues that the true beneciaries do not and cannot benet much from aid under the prevailing power congurations and the aid-related dynamics of the donors and recipients. The country it states, has been getting into deepening aid traps. BEGUM, HAMIDA A. et al. Women and National Planning in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women For Women, 1990. vii + 133p. This work presents proceedings and papers of a national convention held in October 1989 that was organised by Women for Women, a women’s group for research and activism in Bangladesh. HAMID, SHAMIM. Why Women Count: Essays on Women in Development in Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press, 1996. viii + 183p. The author states that women’s issues and their empowerment should be addressed through strategic or practical methods. The book studies some of these strategies that have been implemented through different development agencies. Some case studies show how women have moved ahead through activism. HENA, HASNA. ‘Women’s Development and Some Related Issues.’ ADAB News 10, no. 4 (1983): 12–15. This paper presents an analysis derived from interviewing 40 village women representatives from 40 co-operative societies under the Women’s Education and Home Development Project of Bangladesh Academy for Rural development (BARD). HOSSAIN, HAMEEDA. ‘Is There Convene of Interest between WID Strategies, State Policy and Women’s Concerns in Bangladesh?,’ in Structural Issues in Women’s Development in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1990. pp. 107–14. This paper, while discussing major issues faced by the state in Bangladesh, argues that the State as a recipient may concede to donor pressures for the integration of women. Discretion in implementing such strategies and the convenience of resorting to cultural excuses provide an escape clause. HUDA, SIGMA. “Bangladeshi Women and Development.” Human Rights Quarterly 3, no. 3 (1981): 76–82. Women remain second-class citizens in Bangladesh due to a variety of constraints. This paper examines some of these constraints that continue to operate in areas of family, marriage, and work. HUQ , JAHANARA and MAHMUDA ISLAM. Women, Development and Technology. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1988. 50p.

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The authors state that women in subordinate positions in Bangladesh are less exposed to market mechanisms. This study undertakes an inquiry of whether and how technology affects women in the formal sector of employment as well as in the domestic sector. ISLAM, MEHERUNNESA. ‘Women and National Planning in Bangladesh: A Review of Past Experiences,’ in Women and National Planning in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1990. pp. 11–22. Women’s development planning remains grossly neglected. The paper presents eight proposals emphasizing that women as a group should be included in the Social Accounting Matrix and Development Matrix, and a high-powered National Council for Women should be set up. JAHAN, NILUFAR and MOHAMMAD ALAUDDIN. “Have Women lost out in the Development Process? Some Evidence from Rural Bangladesh.” International Journal of Social Economics 23, no. 4/5/6 (1996): 370–90. This paper investigates the impact of agrarian change on women in Bangladesh and explains women’s position in terms of access to, and control over, the means and rewards of productive activity. Wage discrimination renders female agricultural labourers’ daily earnings less than those of males. The burden of poverty is seen to fall disproportionately on females. The study concludes by observing that despite signicant changes, women may have lost out in the development process. JAHAN, ROUNAQ. The Elusive Agenda. London: Zed Books, 1995. 144p. This book studies ‘the policies and measures undertaken over the last two decades in different development contexts to promote gender equality and women’s advancement,’ particularly in developing nations. This study raises a signicant question: ‘what lessons can be drawn from the experience of the last two decades?’ —— and HANNA PAPANEK, (ed.) Women and Development: Perspectives from South and South-East Asia. Dacca: Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs, 1979. 439p. This book is the outcome of a regional seminar held in Dacca in 1977 on the theme of integration of women in development as equal partners of men. JITKA, KOTALOVA. Belonging to Others: Cultural Construction of Womanhood among Muslims in a Village in Bangladesh. FIL. DR Sweden: Uppsala University, 1993. 252p.

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2064.

2065.

2066.

2067.

475

Based on the author’s led study, this work examines the cultural construction of womanhood in rural Bangladesh. A woman is detachable in two ways: ‘from her birth group, and from one husband to another. Marriage thus means spatial and social continuity for a man, but transformation for a woman.’ KHONDKER, HABIBUL HAQUE. “Women and Floods in Bangladesh.” International Journal of Mass Emergencies and Disasters 14, no. 3 (1996): 281–92. The study draws attention to the needs of ood-stricken women in rural Bangladesh. The author argues that ood relief activities and planning need to take gender into account in order to address women’s suffering. QADIR, SAYEDA ROWSHAN. ‘Women’s Income Earning Activities and Family Welfare in Bangladesh,’ in Jahanara Huq (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: some socio-economic issues. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. pp. 36–45. This study was undertaken to enable the government and the UNICEF to learn the effect of the income earned by women, especially mothers, on the welfare of their families and children. Several recommendations are included. ROZARIO, SANTI. Purity and Communal Boundaries: Women and Social Change in a Bangladeshi Village. London: Zed Books, Ltd., 1992. 200p. This book examines the position of women of different classes and religious backgrounds in the context of changing political and economic circumstances in Bangladesh. By combining gender, and communal and class domination, this book raises questions regarding the position of women in Bangladesh as well as in other countries. It concludes by suggesting that in the Bangladeshi village of Doria, which consists of a Muslim, Hindu and Christian population, notions of honour, purity and shame are central to the maintenance of sexual domination, class distinction, group delineation and the distribution of power. ——. Sexual Purity and Communal Boundaries: Domination and Social Change in a Bangladesh Village. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of New South Wales (Australia), 1989. This study examines the dynamics of religiously dened communal and gender domination under conditions of rapid socio-economic change. These changes have profoundly affected class, intercommunal, and gender relations. Female sexual purity has acquired a new signicance, not only to control women but also to sustain other forms and relations of domination and subordination such as both intercommunal and intracommunal class.

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2068. SOBHAN, REHMAN. ‘Integration of Women’s Concerns into Development Planning: Government Allocation of Resources,’ in Integration of Women’s Concerns into Development Planning in Asia and the Pacic by ESCAP. New York: UN, 1992. pp. 205–96. Referring to Bangladesh and Pakistan, the writer states that planned initiatives remain at low levels. In Pakistan, there is no scheme for enhancing employment opportunities for women in the context of poverty alleviation programmes. I. Rural Women and Development in Bangladesh 2069. ABDULLAH, TAHRUNNESSA. Village Women as I Saw Them. Dacca: Ford Foundation, 1974. 32p. Unexamined. The writer presents a study of life cycle, customs, and culture of Bengali Muslim rural women. This was based on dialogues with women in twenty villages in the Comilla District and with the staff of the Women’s Education and Home Development Programme of the Bangladesh Academy for Rural Development. 2070. —— and SONDRA ZEIDENSTEIN. Village Women of Bangladesh: Prospects for Change. Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1982, xx + 246p. This book evaluates attempts in Bangladesh to increase rural household income by establishing self-governed credit co-operatives for rural women. It explains how women in rural areas determine their priorities and analyze some pivotal issues limiting their options. Bangladesh’s programme for integration of rural women in the development process is also discussed. 2071. ——. “Women’s Reality: Critical Issues for Program Design.” Studies in Family Planning 1, no. 11/12 (1979): 344–52. This paper examines social controls on the behaviour of rural women in Bangladesh that need to be considered in project designs if women are to be able to respond to development programmes. 2072. ——. “Project-Oriented Research on Aspects of Women’s Knowledge and Experience.” Studies in Family Planning 10, no. 11/12 (1979): 398–400. This paper describes various challenges faced by researchers during their work in rural Bangladesh. Sets of questions were prepared to discern the level of knowledge of women and their basic practice in regard to post-harvest rice production, which are their responsibilities within the sexual division of labour in Bangladesh. In addition, an attempt was made to study their knowledge concerning health, hygiene and marriage laws.

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2073. ——. Finding Ways to Learn about Rural Women: Experiences from a Pilot Project in Bangladesh. Dacca: Ford Foundation, (Report 44), 1976. 32p. (Report 44). The authors discuss a women’s programme established in 1974 to encourage women of rural areas to work for the development of Bangladesh. This work faced serious challenges due to the lack of information about rural women and the difculties in collecting data about their work. 2074. AHMED, KHONDKER ARIF. Women in Transition: A Study in Social Change. Ph.D. Dissertation, York University, 1987. This study examines the impact of socio-economic and political development on rural women of Bangladesh. Although rural women still retain the basic value orientation of their ancestors, they were also found to be pragmatic, and capable of using available opportunities to improve their conditions of life. 2075. AMIN, SAJEDA. The Poverty-purdah Trap in Rural Bangladesh: Implications for Women’s Roles in the Family. New York: Population Council, 1995, 26p. Also published in Development and Change 28 (1997): 213–33. This paper examines women’s work patterns in two rural areas in Northern Bangladesh. The study shows that women in rural Bangladesh remain victims within a segregated society. Despite high contraceptive use rates, women’s labour force participation remains low. Women are still poor, as there exists a gender-biased division of labour. 2076. ARENS, J. and J. V. BEURDEN. Jhagrapur: Peasants and Women in Rural Bangladesh. Delhi: Orient Longman, 1980. 207p. This study states that contrary to generally held views—women in rural Bangladesh do fairly strenuous work. However, their status remains far below that of men in their society. Some women show resentment towards this exploitative treatment. 2077. AZIZ, K. M. A. ‘Daughters and Sons in Rural Bangladesh: Gender Creation from Birth to Adolescence,’ in M. Krishnaraj (ed.) Women and the Household in Asia. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1989. pp. 55–73. This paper examines the role of gender discrimination in both access to and sharing of resources in rural areas of Bangladesh. 2078. BALK, DEBORAH. “Defying Gender Norms in Rural Bangladesh: A Social Demographic Analysis.” Population Studies 51, no. 2. (1997): 153–72. This study explores the social and demographic determinants of a woman’s decision-making authority within the home and mobility outside of the home in patriarchal rural Bangladesh. The author explains how some women defy existing gender norms.

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2079. BEGUM, SALEHA and MARTIN GREELEY. ‘Women’s Employment and Agriculture: Extracts from A Case Study,’ in Jahanara Huq (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: Some Socio-Economic Issues. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. pp. 1–16. The paper attempts to analyze some implications of technical change in Bangladesh’s agriculture for rural women in general, and wage labour in particular. It suggests building opportunities to benet the poorest by operating programmes exclusively for poor women. 2080. CAIN, MEAD, S. ROKEYA KHANAM and SHAMSUN NAHAR MAHMUD. ‘Class, Patriarchy, and the Structure of Women’s Work in Rural Bangladesh.’ Centre for Policy Studies Working Papers, No. 43, New York: Population Council, 1979. Also published in Population and Development Review 5, no. 3 (1979): 405–38. This paper is based on detailed information collected between 1976 and 1978 in the Mymensingh District of Bangladesh and is an analysis of women’s roles in a rural economy. Women’s work is viewed in the context of, and as a consequence of, a powerful system of male dominance. The systematic nature of patriarchy suggests that solutions to the problem of women’s vulnerability and lack of income-earning opportunities will not be easily attained. 2081. DIXON, RUTH B. “Mobilizing Women for rural Employment in South Asia; Issues of Class, Caste, and Patronage.” Economic Development and cultural Change 30, no. 2 (1982): 373–90. This paper provides a guide to policy-makers in promoting incomegenerating activities for women for the purpose of creating solidarity among agrarian communities in South Asia. 2082. EPSTEIN, T. SCARLETT and ROSEMARY A. WATTS. The Endless Day: Some Case Material on Asian Rural Women. Oxford: Pergamon, 1981. 179p. The book comprises essays written by some of the students of the University of Sussex as part of their pre-eldwork training, and represents an interdisciplinary approach to the life of urban women in Asia. 2083. FRUZZETTI, LINA M. ‘Muslim Rituals: Household Rites vs. Public Festivals in Rural India,’ in Imtiaz Ahmad (ed.) Ritual and Religion Among Muslims in India, Delhi: Manohar, 1984. pp. 91–112. Fieldwork for this study was conducted in a district of West Bengal, India. Women believe that the main aim of marriage is procreation, preferably of male children. Various rituals and ceremonies related to birth and its celebration are described.

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2084. HARDER, G. M. “How & What Rural Women Know: Experiences in Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 10 (1979): 406–08. This paper discusses basic issues faced by a researcher in Bangladesh where women have little up-to-date knowledge. 2085. HASAN, MOHAMMAD NAZMUL. Spare Time of Rural Women. Dacca: Dacca Institute of Nutrition and Food Science, University of Dacca, 1978. 45p. This work presents case studies of 508 women of ve selected villages of Baidyer Bazar, Bangladesh. The ndings show that the status of women’s health remains poor. 2086. ISLAM, M. AMINUL and SHAMSUN N. AHMED. “Women’s Contribution in Rural Household Economy and Environmental Protection.” Oriental Geographer 35, no. 1 & 2 (1991): 95–102. This paper argues that although most rural women are ofcially dened as unemployed housewives, in reality they are actively contributing to the family and protecting the environment. 2087. ISLAM, MAHMUDA. Women Heads of Household in Rural Bangladesh: Strategies for Survival. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1991. 82p. The study covers 62 rural households in which women have authority and control over resources, income and decision-making and are recognized as household heads. Yet this has not changed their social status and they are still considered to be inferior to and subordinate to men. 2088. ——. ‘Impact of Male Migration on Rural Housewives,’ in Jahanara Huq (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: Some Socio-Economic Issues, Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. pp. 46–53. This paper argues that rural women gain only marginally from male out-migration. When immediate male family members are absent, women come under the domination of other male members of the extended family. 2089. KABEER, NAILA. “Gender Dimensions of Rural Poverty: Analysis from Bangladesh.” Journal of Peasant Studies 18, no. 2 (1991): 241–62. This article focuses on gender differentials in the distribution of poverty, using a conceptual framework of basic needs and resource entitlements to distinguish between the state and process of poverty. Empirical material from rural Bangladesh offers strong evidence that women experience the state of poverty differently to and often more acutely than men, and become impoverished through different processes. 2090. KABIR, KHUSHI. et al. Rural Women in Bangladesh: Exploding Some Myths. Dacca: Ford Foundation, May 1976. (Report No. 42), 17–23.

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This paper presents the experiences of the authors, who are staff members of the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee, and discusses nine myths about rural women, their live and development. MAHMUD, SIMEEN. ‘The Policy Implications of Women’s Role in Agriculture,’ in Hamida Begum (ed.) Women and National Planning in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1990. pp. 37–44. Bangladeshi women are important actors in the agricultural production system, and many production responsibilities are gender-specic. This presents a note of caution: since the process of integration of women in agricultural programmes may initially de-emphasize women’s special needs and constraints, it may be necessary to build into mainstream programmes special safeguards to ensure the involvement of women without the domination of men. McCARTHY, FLORENCE and SHELLEY FELDMAN. “Rural Women Discovered: New Sources of Capital and Labor in Bangladesh.” Development and Change 14 (1983): 211–36. This paper, drawing upon recent eldwork in rural Bangladesh, observes that for more than 60 per cent of all families in the country the observance of pardah has now become almost a luxury. Regardless of marital status, rural women join the work force because of the worsening socioeconomic conditions in the country. This, the authors conclude, ‘has the potential for providing cheap sources of labour in the rural areas with the additional potential of lowering wage rates and enhancing the competition among rural labourers.’ McCARTHY, FLORENCE, SALEH SABBAH and ROUSHAN AKHTER. A Working Paper on Rural Women Workers in Bangladesh: Problems and Prospects. Dacca: Women’s Section, Planning and Development Division, Ministry of Agriculture, 1978. 57p. This paper argues that while much research is being done, a need for further research still exists and empirical data on specic issues has yet to be gathered. The paper also summarizes six sets of data on rural women, which reect their heterogeneous conditions as well as the challenges and problems they face. MOMTAZ, SALIM and BORHAN UDDIN. “Status of Rural Women in Bangladesh: a Case Study.” Oriental Geographer 35, no. 1 & 2 (1991): 5–84. The authors argue that, despite the implementation of several development programmes, post-1975 Bangladesh has witnessed slow change in women’s status.

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2095. NATH, JHARNA. ‘Beliefs and Customs Observed by Muslim Rural Women During their Life Cycle,’ in T. S. Epstein and R. A. Watts (ed.) The Endless Day: Some Case Material on Asian Rural Women. Oxford: Pergamon, 1981. pp. 3–28. Bangladeshi rural society is highly patriarchal. Boys always get better treatment than girls, who are less valued. Thus, sex-based discrimination continues for women in this society. 2096. O’KELLY, ELIZABETH. ‘Simple Technologies for Rural Women in Bangladesh.’ Dacca: Women’s Development Programme, UNICEF, 1978. 70p. This report discusses the need to introduce time and energy-saving technologies for rural women. Photographs and diagrams of proposed technologies, with addresses of suppliers are included. 2097. RAHMAN, RASHIDAN ISLAM. “Seasonality of Workload of Women in Rural Areas of Bangladesh: Some Male-female Comparison.” Bangladesh Development Studies 14, no. 4 (1986): 123–30. This paper discusses the never-ending work cycle of rural women in Bangladesh. Women are engaged in domestic work and also work as farm labourers. 2098. SATTAR, ELLEN. Women in Bangladesh: A Village Study. Dacca: The Ford Foundation, 1974. 70p. Interviews conducted with Muslim and Hindu women in a village in the Comilla District reect upon women’s experiences within the family, marriage patterns and other social institutions. 2099. SCOTT, GLORIA and MARILYN CARR. The Impact of Technology Choice on Rural Women in Bangladesh: Problems and Opportunities. Washington, DC: World Bank Staff Working Paper, no. 731, 1985. 107p. This study provides the background information on the social, cultural and economic issues relevant to increasing opportunities of women for employment and income-generation in rural Bangladesh. New approaches are suggested for increasing income-earning opportunities. 2100. SULTANA, MONAWAR. Participation, Empowerment and Variation in Development Projects for Rural Bangladeshi Women. Ph.D. Dissertation, Northeastern University, 1988. This study explores how gender, class, and productive activities structure the nature of rural women’s participation in projects, and evaluates the impact of programme intervention on their lives in selected NGO development programmes. 2101. WALLACE, BEN J. The Invisible Resource: Women and Work in Rural Bangladesh. Boulder: Westview Press, 1987. 161p.

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This study demonstrates that rural women make signicant contributions to the economy: ‘The rural women of Bangladesh are not invisible to those who choose to open their eyes and see the future.’ 2102. WESTERGAARD, KRISTEN. ‘Rural Pamperization: its impact on the economic role and status of rural women in Bangladesh,’ in Jahanara Huq (ed.) Women in Bangladesh: Some Socio-Economic Issues. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1983. pp. 17–35. Findings from two villages of Comilla show that for the landless women’s agricultural productive activities within the homestead did not provide them with sufcient work to keep them fully engaged or to supplement family income. II. Urban Women in Bangladesh 2103. AFSAR, RITA. “Women’s Roles: The Achievement Versus Ascription Dialectic.” The Bangladesh Development Studies 15, no. 2 (1987): 65–85. This is a report of research conducted during 1981–83 with 36 urban poor women in two slum areas of Dhaka. The study aims at assessing change in gender roles. The study nds that income-generating activities cannot make much headway in liberating women if it undermines the role of community mobilization and the need for reformulation of family ideology and gender roles. 2104. CHAUDHURY, RAFIQUL HUDA. Married Women in Urban Occupations in Bangladesh: Some Problems and Issues. Dacca: Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, 1976. 92p. (A revised version of this study entitled “Marriage, Urban Women, and the Labour Force: The Bangladesh Case.” was published in Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 5, no. 1 (1979): 154–63. This is a report of a survey conducted in Dacca to consider socioeconomic backgrounds of employed women and their motivations for seeking employment. The study also notes contributions these women make to their husband’s incomes. 2105. KHATUN, HABIBA and HAFIZA KHATUN. “Livelihood of Women Living in Slums of Dhaka: A Case Study.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 3, no. 1, (1996): 43–53. More than thirty per cent of the population of Dhaka, Bangladesh, live in more than one thousand slums with little or no basic infrastructure or services. Women constitute about fty percent of this population and in most families they play a vital role in income generation. A majority of women carry a double work load but have fewer decision-making powers than men.

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C. Economic Status of Women 31. And in no wise covet Those things in which Allah Hath bestowed His gifts More freely on some of you Than on others: to men Is allotted what they earn, And to women what they earn: But ask Allah of His bounty: For Allah hath full knowledge Of all things. (S. IV: 31, The Holy Qur’an)

I. Texts on Women and Works Written in the 19th Century 2106. {ABDUL ÆALÁM, SHAIKH MUÆAMMAD. Quwwat-i-inteØÊmiyÊh (Power of Organization). Lucknow, 1889. 60p. [ U ], OIOC. This is an unusual tract written by a man at a time when Muslim women faced several constraints in their lives. The author emphasizes useful self-employment for women and girls to add to their self-condence. Addressing educated women, he encourages them to form women’s associations and give lectures in meetings so that women can learn the art of speaking and develop courage and self condence [¶wÊndÊh {aurÊto¸ ko pÊhiye kih anjuman-i niswʸ qÊxim karai¸ usmai¸ ispÒch diyÊ karai¸ tÊkih ‘aurÊto¸ ko quwwat-e taqrÒr wa buland hauÉlÊgi paidÊ ho]. He suggests that women should also instruct other women on how to develop crafts and skills for self employment. 2107. {ALÁ, ÆIJ¹B IMTIY¹Z and BASHÁR AHMAD H¹SHMÁ. ‘{Aurat ko iqtisÊdÒ azÊdÒ milni pÊhiye [ Woman should get economic freedom]’ Tehzibun Niswan 41, no. 16, (1938): 370–76. [ U ], MHL. This is a radio talk broadcasted from the Lahore radio station. Mrs. Hijab Imtiyaz Ali argued for more opportunities for women to earn money while Mr. Hashmi argued that women’s prime responsibility is to take care of the house and the children. 2108. ÆAY¹, MUSAMMAT. TarÒb-i rozgÊr [ Encouragement for Earnings], Allahabad, 1875. 253p. [ U ], OIOC. With the help of tales and poems, this work, written by a woman, provides encouragement for other women to undertake some work at home in order to earn a little bit income.

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II. Muslim Women and Poverty in South Asia 2109. ALAM, SULTANA. “Women and Poverty in Bangladesh.” Women’s Studies International Forum 8, no. 4 (1985): 361–71. The article is based on eldwork in ve villages in Bangladesh undertaken for an ILO study. It treats the emergence of female-headed households not as a sign of increasing female liberation, but as social abandonment of women by their husbands, and by other men who are expected to support their families. Thus, women have taken up responsibilities of caring for their families, as men are either unable or unwilling to provide for them. 2110. CHEN, MARTY. ‘Poverty, Gender and Work in Bangladesh,’ in Leela Dube and Rajni Palriwala (ed.) Structures and Strategies: Women, Work and Family. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990. pp. 202–19. The author examines constraints that Bangladeshi women face regarding wage earning and employment in various areas of work. 2111. ——. “Poverty, Gender and Work in Bangladesh.” Economic and Political Weekly 21, no. 5 (1986): 217–22. Bangladesh is one of the most densely populated and poorest countries of the world. The plight of women is harder. The paper argues that there are distinct limitations to discussing production and kinship systems in terms only of pardah and patriarchy without introducing the variable of class. ‘Women of the poorest class face special, often devastating risks associated with particular consequences of patriarchy, the highly segregated labour and product market.’ 2112. MOHIUDDIN, YASMIN. “Female-Headed Households and Urban Poverty in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 28, no. 4 (1989): 759–75. (Paper presented at 13th Annual Meeting of Eastern Economic Association, Washington, USA, 1987). This paper identies and enumerates (de facto) female-headed households on the basis of survey data, to show differences in socio-economic and demographic characteristics between them and non-female headed households to show the extent of poverty. 2113. SHAH, NASRA M. and MUHAMMAD ANWAR. Basic Needs Women and Development: A Survey of Squatters in Lahore, Pakistan. Honolulu: EastWest Population Institute, East West Centre, 1986. 163p. This study attempts to establish what poor people in Pakistan perceive as their basic needs and explores the link between those needs. For instance, female education appears to be a highly signicant variable, especially in its inuence on children’s immunization, level of education

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desired for daughters, and contraceptive use. The work is essentially the report of a survey carried out to investigate basic needs of squatter settlements in Lahore. SIDDIQUE, M. A. B. “Gender Issues in Poverty Alleviation: A Case Study of Bangladesh.” International Journal of Social Economics 25, no. 6/7/8 (1998): 1095–1111. Statistical evidence suggests that women in Bangladesh generally receive fewer household resources for food, health, and clothing than men. This condition exists in spite of various attempts to reduce poverty among women by governmental, non-governmental and international agencies over the past twenty-ve years. WIGNARAJA, POONA. Women, Poverty and Resources. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1990. 24p. The women’s movement in South Asia saw social change not as a cataclysmic event but as a slow and sure process. Both women activists and national policy-makers in South Asia and elsewhere have begun to realize the crucial link between gender and equity in poverty alleviation and sustainable development. Innovative efforts for poverty alleviation for women in Bangladesh and Pakistan are examined. Roles of the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh and of BUSTI Home Schools of Karachi are also evaluated. WRIGHT, DENIS. “Industrialisation and the Changing Role of Women in Bangladesh.” Asian Studies Review 24, no. 2 (2000): 231–242. In this general study of the socio-economic pressures in Bangladesh, the author examines various economic activities undertaken by women to ght poverty. The author concludes by saying that in spite of poverty and population pressure, women have eagerly taken up opportunities whenever available to them and have begun the process of overcoming entrenched traditional resistance to their nancial and personal independence. YASMIN, TAHERA. ‘Saptagram Women’s Self-reliance Movement,’ in Partners in Rural Poverty Alleviation: NGO Cooperation by UN Interagency Committee on Integrated Rural development for Asia and Pacic. New York: UN, 1992. pp. 70–83. This work reviews the Saptagram women’s self-reliance movement in Bangladesh. It discusses the background of the programme, its goals, identication of the target group, methodology of group formation, the organization of women through mobility, training, the functional adult literacy programme, credit, employment and income-generating activities.

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III. Women and Work in Bangladesh 2118. ADNAN, S. Birds in a Cage: Institutional Change, the Women’s Position in Bangladesh, in Nora Federici et al. (ed.) Women’s Position and Demographical Change. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993. pp. 285–318. This paper gives an assessment of trends in the participation of women in production and market-based activities. It also evaluates the consequential impact of these changes on women’s position in the familial, social and political arenas, as well on related trends in their socio-demographic attributes. 2119. AFSAR, RITA. Employment and Occupational, Diversication of Women in Bangladesh. New Delhi: ILO-ARTRP, 1990. 62p. This study reviews the existing labour market situation and assesses several innovative schemes aimed at promoting employment and occupational diversication of women. Education, together with technical training and legal backing, is needed not only to ensure high productivity and employment for women, but also to place them on equal footing with their male colleagues. 2120. AHMAD, ALIA. “Limited Participation of Bangladeshi Women in Market Activities: A Social or Economic Problem?” South Asian Journal, No. 2 (1988): 149–65. In the patriarchal family structure of Bangladesh, man is the head of the household. In his role as breadwinner, the system results in men having control over women’s economic activities. Another adverse result of this control is limited educational opportunities for girls. Patriarchy reinforced by religious behaviour further diminish the status of women in society, although a slow change is becoming visible. A major reason for slow development is the absence of strong will on the part of the government for implementing changes in present structures. 2121. AHMED, FAUZIA ERFAN. “The Rise of the Bangladeshi Garment Industry: Globalization, Women Workers, and Voice.” NWSA Journal 16, no. 2 (2004): 34–45. This article explores social, political, and economic contexts of Bangladesh’s garment industry and explains how the earnings of women employees in this sector affect household gender dynamics. Drawing upon interviews with women workers, this study concludes that while the garment industry has created rich garment-industry owners and created new employment opportunities for women, it can still be argued that women’s exploitation continues and women need a voice and security.

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2122. ANDALEEB, SYED S. and GRETCHEN V. WOLFORD. “Participation in the Workplace: Gender Perspectives from Bangladesh.” Women in Management Review 19, no. 1 (2004): 52–64. Based on a survey of government and private-sector employees in Dhaka, this study explores the extent to which women have been integrated into the workforce in Bangladesh. Study results show that while no major barriers were visible for women workers, women continue to struggle against the traditional male-dominated organizational setting of the workplace. 2123. BEGUM, KOHINOOR. “Participation of Rural Women in IncomeEarning Activities: A Case Study of a Bangladesh Village.” Women’s Studies International Forum 12, no. 5 (1989): 519–28. This case study demonstrates the multiple roles of women in rural households and in the economy at large. Despite women’s central place in the economy and in the household, development projects are inuenced by norms and values which subtly deny their full participation. Moreover, in this process, women’s status suffers further and women are even more marginalized. 2124. CHAUDHURY, RAFIQUL HUDA. “The Effect of Mother’s Work on Child Care, Dietary Intake, and Dietary Adequacy of Pre-School Children.” The Bangladesh Development Studies 10, no. 3 (1982): 33–61. This paper argues that female participation in productive activities is not only an important ingredient for the overall economic development of a society but it also helps in improving the standard of living of a family and provides opportunities to harness talents. This research points out a conict between a mother’s childcare role and her role as a worker outside the home, and discusses adverse effect of this on the dietary intake and nutritional status of children. 2125. CHEN, MARTY. Developing Non-craft Employment for Women in Bangladesh. New York: SEEDS, 1989. Unexamined. 2126. DANNECKER, PETRA. “Collective Action, Organisation Building, and Leadership.” Gender and Development 8, no. 3 (2000): 31–39. Based on research conducted in Dhaka during 1996, this paper draws upon 80 narrative interviews with women workers, union and NGO representatives, factory owners, and government ofcers. The research showed that ‘women workers were not passive, ignorant, or unaware of their exploitation.’ One step ahead, they are now forming their collective groups, opening the way for women workers to take leading positions.

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2127. FELDMAN, SHELLEY. ‘Crisis, Islam, and Gender in Bangladesh: The Social Construction of a Female Labor Force,’ in Lourdes Beneria and Shelley Feldman (ed.) Unequal Burden, Economic Crises, Persistent Poverty, and Women’s Work. Boulder. Westview Press, 1992. pp. 105–30. This paper asserts that although the participation of Bangladeshi women is marked in export production, employment in this sector remains quite low relative to total employment. Women’s employment opportunities have emerged as a process of negotiation between changing expressions of appropriate behaviour under Islam and the demand for female workers by a small but growing number of export-processing rms. 2128. HOSSAIN, HAMEEDA. et al. ‘Industralization and Women workers in Bangladesh: From Home-Based Work to the Factories,’ in Noeleen Heyzer (ed.) Daughters in Industry: work, skills, and consciousness of women workers in Asia. Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacic Development Center, 1988. 107–35. Unexamined. 2129. ISLAM, MAHMUDA. ‘Women at Work in Bangladesh: A Sample Survey of Working Women,’ In Women for Women: Bangladesh, Dacca: University Press, 1975. pp. 93–120. This paper presents a study of 200 women in Bangladesh working in paying jobs outside the home in the city of Dacca. Most of them were below 30 years of age and were highly educated. The paper describes occupation distribution, socio-economic background, husbands’ occupation, and motivation to work, attitudes toward work and the effects of work on home life. 2130. ISLAM, NAZRUL and SYEDA OBAIDA HAQUE. “Residential Circumstances of Low Income Single Working Women in Dhaka City.” Oriental Geographer 1 & 2, no. 35 (1991): 48–63. This study based on a survey of 200 working women, examines the problems of housing. Extremely inadequate housing facilities create severe strain for these women. 2131. JAHAN, ROUSHAN. ‘Women’s Stories,’ in My Rights, Who Control?: A Report of the Regional Consultation, Asia Pacic Women’s Issues, Law and the Development Process, August 26–30, 1989. Delhi. pp. 18–24. This paper examines how apparently ‘pertinent’ and ‘gender neutral’ policies, plans, and programmes affect women adversely when due to deeply embedded gender inequality these are not accompanied by conscious attempts to change social structure. This suggests that a broad legal literacy programme, initiating a dialogue of legal practitioners and interpreters of law, development planners, the grass-roots community, especially women, would be useful.

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2132. KABEER, NAILA. “Cultural Dopes or Rational Dopes? Women and Labour Supply in the Bangladesh Garment Industry.” European Journal of Development Research 3, no. 4 (1991): 133–60. This study based on interviews conducted with women in 1987–88 in Dhaka examines some processes underlying a relatively recent change in women’s attitude towards work and employment. These processes have a close interaction between economic incentives and cultural norms. Findings show women workers ‘abandoning the old perceptions of women as passive occupants of predestined roles and increasingly behaving as active agents who sought to anticipate the new insecurities and to exploit the new opportunities.’ 2133. ——. “Women, Wages and Intra-household Power Relations in Urban Bangladesh.” Development and Change 28, no. 2 (1997): 261–302. This article examines the implications of women’s access to incomeearning opportunities for their positions in intra-household relationships. Based on interviews of women workers in export-oriented garment factories in Bangladesh, the paper assesses ‘everyday lived realities’ described by the women workers. Wage employment has transformed the lives of women in a number of important ways. 2134. ——. Islam and Economics in the Labour Market: Women Workers in the Bangladesh Garment Industry. Working paper presented at the European Association of Development Research and Training Institute (EADI), Oslo, June, 1990. Unexamined. 2135. KHATUN, SALEHA. et al. Bari-Based Post Harvest Operations and Live Stock Care: Some Observations and Case Studies. Dacca: Ford Foundation, 1977. Report No. 48, 24p. This is a brief study of women’s household activities related to postharvest work requirements. Detailed case studies of a single day’s activities of two women during the rice processing period are also included. 2136. KIBRIA, NAZLI. “Culture, Social Class, and Income Control in the Lives of Women Garment Workers.” Gender and Society 9, no. 3 (1995): 289–309. Also published in Maxine Baca Zinn et al. (ed.) Gender through the Prism of Difference. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1998. pp. 331–45. This paper examines the income-related experiences of women workers in Bangladesh in the export garment industry. The writer argues that ‘women’s access to wage income has the potential to generate egalitarian shifts in gender relations at the household level by providing women the bargaining chips with which to assert power in household decision making processes; however, this potential for positive change is not always realized.’ The study is based on interviews of 34 female workers, some

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of whom had substantial control over their earnings and fair relationships with males of their households. LILY, FAZILA BANU. ‘The Role of Rural Bangladeshi Women in Livestock Rearing,’ in Andrea Menefee Singh and Anita Kelles-Viitanan (ed.) Invisible Hands, Women in Home-Based Production. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1987. pp. 93–108. This article examines the role of rural women in livestock rearing. In the absence of capital to invest in livestock, women keep livestock through the share system, and when possible, they supplement family ownership of higher-value livestock like cattle with lower-valued livestock, like poultry and goats. MAHMUD, SIMEEN. “Women’s Work in Urban Bangladesh: Is there an Economic Rationale?” Development and Change 28 (1997): 235–60. This article, using data from a 1992 survey of 1923 households in Dhaka, examines women’s work in urban areas from a female labour supply-and-demand perspective that is rooted in the institutional socioeconomic context. The study suggests that women’s market participation is not dictated by patriarchal beliefs or by pardah norms alone, but arise from an economic rationale that determines household strategies of labour and resource use. NAYYAR, ROHINI and SUNANDA SEN. ‘The Employment of Women in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan,’ in Women’s Economic Participation in Asia and the Pacic. Bangkok: ESCAP, 1987. 130p. Unexamined. While socio-cultural restrictions inhibit women from accepting formal contractual work, female employment in these countries in still substantial, particularly in rural areas. The under-estimation of female participation in productive work appears to be greater in Bangladesh and Pakistan than in India. PAUL, BIMAL KANTI. “Female Activity Space in Rural Bangladesh.” Geographical Review 82, no. 1 (1992): 1–13. Although women’s mobility and employment opportunities are traditionally restricted in rural Bangladesh, poverty forces women to seek work to support families. The paper urges concerned organizations to create additional employment opportunities for rural women, and thus to expand their activity space. SALAHUDDIN, KHALEDA and ISHRAT SHAMIM. Women in Urban Informal Sector: Employment Pattern Activity Types and Problems. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1992. 196p. This study reviews the existing situation of working women in the urban informal sector. Most women remain involved in such activities and provide various household services and small manufactured products.

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2142. SALEHEEN, MESBAH and MIA JAHAN. “Women Workers in Export-Oriented Garment Industries of Dhaka.” Oriental Geographer 35, nos. 1 & 2 (1991): 85–93. This paper examines the growing rate of labour force participation of women. A recent survey of 1985 reveals that most women garment workers are rural migrants and have joined the ranks of the urban poor. 2143. SATTAR, ELLEN. ‘Village Women’s Work,’ in Women for Women: Bangladesh, 1975. Dhaka: University Press Limited, 1975. pp. 33–65. This study is about married women of a small village in Bangladesh. Contrary to other rural areas, this village in Comilla district had a literacy rate superior to the national average. The women were ambitious for their daughters and some wanted their daughters to get educated and get jobs. 2144. ZAFRULLAH, HABIB. “Through the Brick Wall, and the Glass Ceiling: Women in Civil Service in Bangladesh.” Gender, Work and Organization 7, no. 3 (2000): 197–209. In Bangladesh, systematic and subjective discrimination against women in the civil service remains a critical issue. Few women are employed and they too face roadblocks in their career. Thus, there exists persistent discrimination against women in job recruitment, placement, advancement, mobility and training. 2145. ZAMAN, HABIBA. ‘Labour Rights, Networking and Employment: Mobilizing Garment Workers in Bangladesh,’ in M. Porter and E. Judd (ed.) Feminists Doing Development: A Practical Critique. London: Zed Books, 2000. pp. 158–71. The growth of the garment industry in Bangladesh has resulted from global relocation of capital as well as availability of a cheap labour force, particularly female labour. This paper shows that ‘the socio-economic gains achieved by women through employment are overshadowed by exploitative practices such as lower wages, gender discrimination, harassment, job insecurity and hazardous work environments.’ 2146. ——. “Paid Work and Socio-Political Consciousness of Garment Workers in Bangladesh.” Journal of Contemporary Asia 31, no. 2 (2001): 145–60. This paper retakes the experiences of garment workers to assess the implications of the world market on women workers, their wages, work conditions, skill development, organizational links, and empowerment. The paper also looks at how interactions of women with their families and the workplace create a double consciousness which in turn generate multiple forms of resistance.

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IV. Rural Credit Programmes/Grameen Bank in Bangladesh 2147. AFSAR, RITA. “Micro Finance and Women’s Empowerment: Insights from a Micro-level Sociological Study.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 10, no. 2 (2003): 129–52. This paper studies the impact of micro-credit programmes on women’s lives. Findings show that women’s access to micro-credit programmes widened the livelihood strategies of their families but failed to generate greater options for their direct empowerment. 2148. AMIN, RUHUL. et al. “NGO-Promoted Microcredit Programs and Women’s Empowerment in Rural Bangladesh: Quantitative and Qualitative Evidence.” The Journal of Developing Areas 32, no. 2 (1998): 221–36. This paper accounts for the work of a growing number of NGOs in rural Bangladesh that are helping a vast multitude of poor women with collateral-free credit programmes either by integrating them with their pre-existing social welfare programs or by adding welfare programs to credit programmes. These services also include consciousness-raising and other development-oriented activities, such as functional literacy. The authors conclude by saying that these programmes are ‘likely to bring about not only a rapid economic improvement in the situation of women, but also faster than normal empowerment.’ 2149. BORNSTEIN, DAVID. The Price of a Dream: the Story of the Grameen Bank and the Idea that is Helping the Poor to Change their Lives. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. 370p. This book recounts the story of the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh founded by Muhammad Yunus in 1976. It also includes stories of women who, with the help of small loans from the Grameen Bank, were able to improve their economic status. 2150. CHEN, MARTHA ALTER. A Quiet Revolution: Women in Transition in Rural Bangladesh. Cambridge, MA: Schenkman Publishing Co. 1983. 275p. The book describes and evaluates work done by the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC) founded in 1972. BRAC’s story is the story of the grassroots activism of women. 2151. CHOWDHURY, ELORA. “Research, Representation and Responsibility: Unraveling the Sixteen Decisions Perspective on Impoverished Bangladeshi Women.” International Feminist Journal of Politics 4, no. 3 (2002): 408–14. One aspect of this paper is that it reviews Sixteen Decisions, a 58-minute, full colour documentary lm portraying the achievements of the Grameen

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2153.

2154.

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Bank of Bangladesh and its 2.3 million members, of which 94 per cent are women. The other and the most signicant part of this paper emerges when the lm introduces Grameen Bank’s ‘impoverished women borrowers’. Chowdhury observes that the lm-maker ‘succeeds in rmly relegating “impoverished Bangladeshi women” to the already existing and deeply entrenched colonial tropes that typify Third World Women, but does little to enhance or explain the multiple and complex relations of power in which she, herself, and the enduring women are imbricated.’ The problems identied in this paper continue to (mis)represent women. FERNANDO, JUDE L. “Nongovernmental Organizations, Microcredit, and Empowerment of Women.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 554 (1997): 150–77. The writer, drawing upon eld research in Bangladesh, examines the role of NGOs in empowering women through micro-credit based incomegeneration programmes. NGO programmes benet those women who already have greater access to resources in relative terms as a result of their relations with powerful members of society. GOETZ, ANNE MARIE. Women Development: Implementing Rural Credit Programmes in Bangladesh. California: Thousand Oaks, 2001. 443p. This book investigates two well-known rural credit and development programmes in Bangladesh, the Rural Development Programme of an NGO called BRAC (Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee) and the Rural Poor Programme of the Bangladesh Government’s Rural Development Programme (RD-12). The seven chapters of this book evaluate the effectiveness of these programmes in reaching women. Statistical details given in gures and tables focus on the effectiveness of the programme. KABEER, NAILA. “Conicts over Credit: Re-Evaluating the Empowerment Potential of Loans to Women in Rural Bangladesh.” World Development 29 (2001): 63–84. This paper examines recent conicting evaluations of the empowerment potential of credit programmes for rural women in Bangladesh and argues that for an evaluatory study of women’s credit programmes, an understanding of intra-household power dynamism is essential. For an outsider, often this understanding is not easy. The author concludes by observing that women borrowers themselves are best able to evaluate the impact of credit loans. RAHMAN, RASHIDAN ISLAM. Impact on Grameen Bank on the Situation of Poor Rural Women. Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, Agriculture

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and Rural Development Division, Grameen Bank Evaluation Project. Dhaka, Working Paper No. 1, 1986. Unexamined. 2156. RAO, ARUNA and DAVID KELLEHER. “Gender Lost and Gender Found: BRAC’s Gender Quality Action-Learning Programme.” Development in Practice 8, no. 2 (1998): 173–85. The study looks at the low prole of women in management of the BRAC programme. The dialogue that the research team began was not concerned with empowering women; it tried to alter the relationship between men and women so that it was characterized by more equity and an ability to negotiate and agree on the needs of both. 2157. SCHULER, SIDNEY RUTH and S. M. HASHEMI. “Credit Programs, Women’s Empowerment, and Contraceptive Use in Rural Bangladesh.” Studies in Family Planning 25, no. 2 (1994): 65–76. This study presents ndings of research addressing the question of how women’s status affects fertility. Effects of contraceptive use on women’s participation in rural credit programmes and on their status and level of empowerment are examined. Participation in both credit programmes studied (Grameen Bank and BRAC) is positively associated with their level of empowerment. 2158. YUNUS, MUHAMMAD. “A Bank for the Poor.” UNESCO Courier 50, Issue, 1 (1997): 20–23. The founder of Grameen Bank, which lends money to poor women in Bangladesh, is interviewed in this article. He describes the genesis of this pioneering institution that has encouraged social and political emancipation of poor women in the country. V. Women and Work in Pakistan 2159. AFZAL, MUHAMMAD. et al. “Is Female Labour Force Participation Really Low and Declining in Pakistan?: A look at Alternative Data Sources.” The Pakistan Development Review 26, no. 4 (1987): 699–707. The declining trend of female labour-force participation rate, based on census surveys of 1973 and 1981 is analyzed. This paper attempts to provide a more realistic view of the situation by scanning available evidence from alternative data sources. Thus, the work states that enquiry in respect of female labour should be conducted particularly through sample surveys with better-educated and trained female interviewers. 2160. AKRAM-LODHI and A. HAROON. “You are Not Excused from Cooking: Peasants and Gender Division of Labor in Pakistan.” Feminist Economics 2, no. 2 (1996): 87–105.

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2161.

2162.

2163.

2164.

2165.

495

This paper examines evidence of gender division of labour within the households of rural Pakistan. This division results in a disproportionate share of total household work being performed by women. ALAUDDIN, TALAT. Contribution of Housewives to GNP: A Case Study of Pakistan. M.S. Thesis, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tennessee, 1980. 46p. This thesis examines data from a random sample of 259 urban households in the city of Lahore during 1975–76. The study evaluates the non-monetary work of homemakers to determine factors that inuence time spent at home. ALI, KHADIJA. “Balancing Budgets on Women’s Backs: A Case Study of Pakistani Urban Working Women.” Pakistan Economic and Social Review 38, no. 1 (2000): 87–127. This well-documented article presents a case study to identify the impact of Structural Adjustment Policy on the welfare of urban working women and their households in Pakistan. Research ndings highlight ‘women’s attempts to invest their time and labour to ensure the survival of their households at the cost of their mental and physical health.’ ASCHENBRENNER, JOYCE. ‘Women and Families: Economic Organization in a Punjabi Village, Pakistan,’ in Saraswati Raju and Deipica Bagchi (ed.) Women and Work in South Asia; Regional Patterns and Perspectives, London: Routledge, 1993. pp. 224–236. Drawing upon her eld survey, undertaken twenty-ve years ago in a rural area of the West Punjab [Endogamy and Social Status in a West Punjab Village, 1967], the author in this paper revisits her study from a feminist perspective. She nds that village women had more power than the existing ofcial system recognized. She suggests that future studies should recognise women’s strengths. BEAN, LEE L. “Utilization of Human Resources: The Case of Women in Pakistan.” International Labour Review 97, no. 4 (1968): 391–410. In 1968 about 15 per cent of all Pakistani women over 15 years of age were in the labour force—one of the smallest proportions of paid labour in the world. This paper evaluates changes affecting the female labour force in Pakistan as well as analyzes societal attitudes and the role of religion and traditions. Based on census gures, the paper includes charts. ——. Women at Work: A Study of Values and Attitudes of Ofcials about Employment of Women in West Pakistan. Lahore: The National Institute of Public Administration, 1964. 52p.

496

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2167.

2168.

2169.

2170.

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This report surveyed 181 Pakistani government ofcials (mostly men) to learn about their attitude towards female employment. GANI, AMNA. ‘Combining Marriage and Career in Karachi,’ in Barbara E. Ward, (ed.) Women in the New Asia: The Changing Social Roles of Men and Women in South and South-east Asia. Paris: UNESCO, 1963. pp. 323–39. This is autobiographical account of educated Muslim women of the Memon community who, after marrying into traditional families were later able to move out of seclusion and take up social work as a career by joining the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Government of Pakistan. GOHEER, NABEEL A. Women Entrepreneurs in Pakistan. How to Improve their Bargaining Power. Islamabad: International Labour Organization, 2003. 104p. This research study, initiated by the ILO with the aim of better understanding Pakistani women entrepreneurs and their problems, surveys 150 women entrepreneurs to nd out their problems. The study shows how a complex interplay of diverse factors has resulted in the disadvantaged status of women by restricting their mobility, economic participation and business activity. HUSSAIN, SALEEMA. “‡wÊtÒn ke liye rozgÊr.” [employment for women] Mah-i nau 3, no. 3 (1950): 24–26. [ U ] The author opines that women can undertake paid jobs. In 1950, some women were already doing excellent work in a variety of professions. KAZI, SHAHNAZ and ZEBA A. SATHAR. “Informalisation of Women’s Work: Consequences for Fertility and Child Schooling in Urban Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 32, no. 4 (1993): 887–93. This study investigates issues related to women’s productive activities and explores differentials in outcomes such as fertility, contraceptive knowledge, adoption and schooling. —— and BILQEES RAZA. “The Duality of Female Employment in Pakistan.” Pakistan Development Review 30, no. 4 (1991): 733–43. [Another version of this paper was published in South Asia Bulletin, No. 10 (1990): 1–8.] The paper highlights a trend towards duality of female employment as reected in increased participation in the labour market of women at the top and bottom end of the socio-economic strata. The disadvantaged position of these women in the labour market is attributed to supplyside factors such as cultural restrictions, household responsibilities and low levels of education and skill.

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2171. ——. “Households Headed by Women: Income Employment and Household Organization.” Pakistan Development Review 27, no. 4 (1988): 781–87. A survey of 1000 women conducted in Karachi in 1987 made it possible for the rst time to investigate characteristics of female-headed households in Pakistan. This paper, based on this sample, describes social and economic conditions of such households. Findings indicated a growth in female-headed households. 2172. KHALID, HUMALA. Female Labour Force and Employment Situation in Pakistan. Paper presented at the Eighth International Conference of Pakistan Psychological Association, Islamabad, 8–10 October 1991. (Xeroxed copy in the Library of Ministry for Women & Development Ministry, Islamabad). Women’s unequal access to available resources and their subordinate status have a negative impact on overall national development. Present working conditions and laws, made by male executives, do not address problems of female workers who have domestic, child-rearing, and childbearing responsibilities. 2173. KHAN, NIGHAT SAID. et al. “Income Generation for Women: Lessons from the Field in Punjab Province, Pakistan.” South Asia Bulletin 9, No. 1 (1989): 26–46. This paper discusses the ILO/DANIDA income-generating projects for rural women in Pakistan. These included date-leaf basketry and also marketing of these products in urban areas. 2174. KORSON, J. HENRY. “Career Constraints among Women Graduate Students in a Developing Society: West Pakistan. A Study in the Changing Status of Women.” Journal of Comparative Family Studies 1, no. 1 (1970): 82–100. This study examines interviews of women graduates from Karachi and Lahore. The study presents proles of the women interviewed and attitudes of their families towards the employment of their daughters. Those who voluntarily choose not to enter the labour force, due to preference or social restraints, represent a loss to the economy and the welfare of the nation. The author concludes that the greater the degree of the participation of women in the labour force as wage earners, the greater the degree of economic and social independence the female graduates would achieve. 2175. MITHA, YAMEEMA. et al. Building Your Dreams: Women in the Construction Industry. Lahore: ASR, 1989. 107p. The major aim of the study was to obtain a clearer picture of conditions prevalent in the working environment of women in mining

498

2176.

2177.

2178.

2179.

2180.

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and construction industries, and also to investigate the general socioeconomic background of such female labourers. Women’s work in these industries is neither noticed nor acknowledged. MOHIUDDIN, YASMIN. “Female Handicraft Workers: the invisible hand.” Pakistan and Gulf Economic 4, 20 July (1985): 44–47. This paper investigates the economic role and status of women who remain invisible producers in the all-female handicraft production in Sindh. NAZEER, MIAN M. et al. Participation of Women in Cottage and Small Scale Industries in the NWFP. Peshawar: University of Peshawar, Centre for Applied Economic Studies, 1983. 130p. Based on surveys of 100 sample units of three small-scale industries employing female workers, this report presents a comprehensive and representative prole of women workers and explores the level of their participation in cottage and small-scale industries in the NWFP. QADRI, S. M. A. and AKBAR JAHAN. Women in Agriculture in Sind. Islamabad: Women’s Division, Government of Pakistan, n.d., (Xeroxed copy in the Library of CEWS), 102p. This study, based on a stratied random sample survey, examines the socio-economic status of women related to agricultural work on the hypothesis that women in rural areas play a crucial role and are active participants. The study recommends ways and means of further strengthening women’s role. SATHAR, ZEBA and S. DESAI. Work Patterns in Rural Pakistan: Intersections between Gender, Family, and Class. Research Division Working Paper —Population Council (New York), No. 90, 1996. 53p. This paper argues that a variety of institutional forces inuence women’s access to labour markets. Social inequality affects women more directly than men, as they are more exclusively dependent on landownership as a means of livelihood, whereas men can more easily extend their search to non-agricultural wage work. This article is a revised version of a paper originally presented at the 1994 Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America. SHAH, NASRA M. ‘Female Employment: Trends, Structure, Utilization, and Constraints,’ in her Pakistani Women: A Socio Economic & Demographic Prole. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1986. pp. 264–301. Female work is not a highly valued activity in Pakistan. For an average Pakistani woman, work participation is a status-reducing rather than a status-enhancing activity, and women who can afford to stay out of the

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2181.

2182.

2183.

2184.

2185.

2186.

499

labour force, do so. Educated professional women are an exception to this general pattern, although signs of change are noticeable. ——. “Female Labour Force Participation and Fertility Desires in Pakistan: An Empirical Investigation.” Pakistan Development Review 14, no. 2 (1975): 185–206. This reviews relevant literature and examines data from the National Impact Survey 1968–69, regarding married women whose family size exceeded the average family size of Pakistan. The author then examines the relationship between the employment of women and their family size. ——. “Work Participation of Currently Married Women in Pakistan: Inuence of Socio-economic and Demographic Factors.” Pakistan Development Review 14, no. 4 (1975): 469–92. This examines the inuence of demographic factors (age, number of living children), socio-economic factors (education, family structure, observance of pardah) and aspects of modernization on female labour force participation in rural and urban areas. ——. et al. “Interdistrict and Interprovincial Differentials in Correlates of Female Labour Force Participation, 1961.” Pakistan Development Review 15, no. 4 (1976): 424–45. Describes female labour force participation and its various socioeconomic and demographic correlates in Pakistan, both in rural and urban areas. SHAHEED, FARIDA. Diversication of Women’s Training and Employment in Pakistan. A report prepared for ILO/APSDEP, Islamabad, February 1987. 140p. This report documents some of those development policies and programmes that specically include skill development and training projects for women. The work states that training programmes should be tailored to meet the needs of women of varied backgrounds. —— and KHAWAR MUMTAZ. Women’s Economic Participation in Pakistan: A Status Report. Lahore: Shirkatgah, 1990. 76p. Recognizing the disadvantaged position of women in Pakistan, the work states that their urgent need for developing strategies to remove pervasive social, economic and structural impediments to economic productivity of women. —— and KHAWAR MUMTAZ. Invisible Workers: Piecework Labour among Women in Lahore. Islamabad Women’s Division, Government of Pakistan, n.d., 127p.

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2188.

2189.

2190.

2191.

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This work states that women between the ages of 12 to 76 years were found working under very difcult circumstances. Their wages so low that it was apparent that they were being exploited. Several suggestions for improving the condition of these women workers are given. WEISS, ANITA M. “The Gendered Division of Space and Access in Working Class Areas of Lahore.” Contemporary South Asia 7, no. 1 (1998): 71–89. The old walled city of Lahore traditionally had a gendered division of space which, while limiting women’s physical mobility, allowed them interaction within women’s groups. These traditional kinship relationships are at the point of breakdown due to physical changes in the locality. The paper seeks to understand the gendered division of space and looks at ways in which the allocation and use of physical space translates into differential gendered access in newer working-class neighbourhoods of Lahore. ——. Walls within Walls: Life Histories of Working Women in the Old City of Lahore. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992. 201p. Based on the life histories from a sample of working women in Lahore in 1987, this book recounts their experiences while working against societal pressures. Case studies reect upon the ordeal these women go through. The author suggests various strategies for rectifying the situation. ——. ‘Working Women in the Old City of Lahore, Opportunities, Ideals, and Social Constraints,’ in Sally J. M. Sutherland (ed.) Bridging Worlds: Studies on Women in South Asia. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1991. pp. 245–64. Based on the author’s larger study ‘Walls within Walls,’ this paper studies the segregated life of women in Lahore’s inner areas and records their stories about their work, future plans and social change. ——. “Tradition and Modernity at the Workplace: A eld study of women in the pharmaceutical industry of Lahore.” Women’s Studies International Forum 7, no. 9 (1984): 259–64. This paper provides an inside view of changes in some women’s lives as a result of new work experiences. It examines how women in the city of Lahore, working in industry for the rst time, are trying to reconcile their old roles in a new economic context. ZAFAR, FAREEHA. ‘Towards a Comprehensive and Effectively Coordinated Programme for Women’s Employment: A Working Paper,’ in Report of the National Symposium on Women and Employment Concerns by Pakistan. Islamabad: Ministry of Women’s Development, 1992. pp. 23–46.

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This study highlights major issues of women’s employment and sets out a possible action plan for promoting this further in both the public and private sectors. 2192. ZEBUNNISA HAMIDULLAH. “The Progressive Role of Women in Pakistan.” In Public Administration Review, April (1964): 12–22. This the text of an address delivered at the National Institute of Public Administration emphasizing the role of a woman as a wife and mother. The writer is a renowned Pakistani writer and poet. VI. Women, and Banking in Pakistan 2193. BILQUEES, FAIZ. “The First Women Bank: Why and for Whom?” Pakistan Development Review 30, no. 4, part II (1991): 745–53. This paper surveys the growth of the First Women’s Bank that was established in December 1989 in Pakistan. 2194. KHATOON, AKRAM. “Employment & training needs for women workers in Pakistan.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 10, no. 1 (2003): 91–95. The author who had recently retired from her position as the rst president of First Women’s Bank, Pakistan, states that the bank was set up mainly to help women achieve economic progress. The bank started with a staff strength of 15 ofcers and had grown to a total staff strength of more than 500. 2195. RENKEN, LYNN. ‘Micronance in Pakistan: Perpetuation of Power or a Viable Avenue for Empowerment?,’ in Anita Weis et al. (ed.) Power and Civil Society in Pakistan. Oxford: OUP, 2001. pp. 248–74. This study examines the effects of microlending institutions and microcredit delivery systems on the nancial and socio-economic empowerment of women in Pakistan. The paper also assesses how women utilise the banking system and what their attitude is towards the structure of the system. The study concludes that micronance services have played a signicant role in the socio-economic empowerment of women in Pakistan. VII. Muslim Women and Work in India 2196. CHATTOPADHYAY, MANJU. “Begum Sakina & the Calcutta Scavengers Strike (1940).” Proceedings Indian History Congress 55 (1995): 562–66. This paper remembers the contributions of Sakina Begum, whose father had to ee from Persia for his revolutionary work. Sakina in

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1939–40 was the most acclaimed and popular activists for the rights of scavengers in the city of Calcutta. An active member of CPI, she was also elected President of the United Calcutta Corporation Workers Union. Earlier in 1937, Sakina was elected Councillor to Calcutta Corporation and was at one time jailed. Gradually this ‘mother’ of the workers and ‘disappeared like a meteor.’ 2197. DABLA, BASHEER. ‘Muslim Working Women in Kashmir,’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India, Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 84–92. This paper attempts to analyze major problems faced by Muslim women in Indian-held Kashmir based on a small eld study conducted in 1986. Women here are less exposed to the outside world and thus have little awareness of their status. 2198. NABI, MUHAMMAD SISH. ‘Muslim Women of Sujapur (Malda District),’ in Mohini Anjum (ed.) Muslim Women in India. Delhi: Radiant Publishers, 1992. pp. 79–83. This paper examines the economic role of Muslim women as employees of the silk industry in a village in West Bengal. Women workers are in a disadvantaged position due to restrictions that are imposed upon them. VIII. Women’s Self Employment 2199. ABIDI, NIGAR FATIMA. ‘Home-based Production: A Case Study of Women Weavers in a Village of Eastern Uttar Pradesh, India,’ in Amit Gupta (ed.) Women and Society: The Development Perspective. New Delhi: Criterion, 1986. pp. 324–55. Unexamined. 2200. AYUB, NASREEN. The Self Employed Women in Pakistan: A Case Study of the Self-Employed Women of Urban Informal Sector in Karachi. Karachi: Pakistan Association for Women’s Studies, 1994. 184p. This study, conducted in the squatter settlements of Karachi, presents information about women’s work and their experiences. Although mostly poor, these women prefer to work rather than accept charity. Work for them is an honourable way of living. 2201. KAZI, SHAHNAZ. “Women in the Informal Sector: Home-based Workers in Karachi.” Pakistan Development Review 28, no. 4 (1989): 777–88. This study of home-based female workers is based on the ndings of a survey of one thousand married women that was undertaken in Karachi in 1987. The writer recommends further in-depth investigation into

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the working conditions and remuneration of these women in order to identify specic measures for improving their economic status. 2202. NAHEED, KISHWAR. Hunarmand ¶wÊtÒn [Skilled Women]. Lahore: Sang-e Meel Publishers, 1993. 125p. [ U ] This well-produced book holds real life stories of fty self-employed women. It includes colour photographs of the women and of their products. IX. Women and Handicrafts 2203. ABBASI, SHAMS. ‘Popular Types of Sindhi Embroidery,’ in N. A. Baloch (ed.) The Traditional Arts & Crafts of Hyderabad Region. Hyderabad: Mehran Arts Council. 1966. pp. 37–39. This paper identies the various embroidery stitches used by women in Sindh. The author suggests that this art should be revived. She would like it preserved and protected. 2204. HOSSAIN, HAMEEDA. ‘Capitalist Penetration into Handicrafts Manufacture: A Historical Review of Women’s Work for the Market in Bangladesh,’ in Andrea Menefee Singh and Anita Kelles-Viitanen (ed.) Invisible Hands, Women in Home-based Production. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1987. pp. 165–74. Women have always participated in production for domestic consumption. This paper suggests that mercantile control imposed by export markets today has adversely affected women’s work. 2205. JATOI, A. H. ‘Rallee-making. A Cultural Activity of Sindhi Womenfolk,’ in N. A. Baloch (ed.) The Traditional Arts & Crafts of the Hyderabad Region. Hyderabad: Mehran Arts Council, 1966. pp. 26–27. The art of ‘rallee’ which is similar to quilt-making, is practiced by women all over Pakistan. Rallees are not made for sale; they are a necessary utility for the household. A photo of a beautiful ‘rallee’ is included. 2206. KHAN, NIGHAT SAID. Spinning a Yarn: Women and Handicrafts: Development or Marginalization. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1989. 47p. This discusses various handicrafts handled solely by women. ‘If projects and programmes are set up to encourage the development of Pakistan, every effort must be made to involve women in all such activities, and not conne them to marginal activities in which women can only be further exploited.’ 2207. MASKIELL, M. “Embroidering the Past: Phulkari Textiles and Gendered Work as “Tradition” and “Heritage.” Journal of Asian Studies 58, no. 2 (1999): 361–88.

504

2208.

2209.

2210.

2211.

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This essay describes women’s embroidery in the Punjab and ‘analyzes the historical relationships among production, exchange, and consumption’ of this work locally and in the global economy. Partition of the Punjab halted production as the area fell into disorder, causing colossal loss of life and property. With the establishment of the Institute of Folk Heritage in Pakistan in 1974, special efforts began for preservation of handicrafts and folk cultures. However, ‘women’s material culture in Pakistan continues to be represented as saturated with no market value.’ MIRZA, SHIREEN NANA. Sindhi Embroideries and Blocks. Karachi: Department of Culture & Tourism, Govt. of Sindh, 1990. 57p. This book presents a brief introduction to the crafts of Sindh. Handicrafts by women and photographs of sample work are also included. PAINE, SHEILA. Embroidery from India and Pakistan. London: British Museum Press, 2001. 87p. Focusing on over twenty textiles from the British Museum’s collection, this book explores the wonderful folk embroidery of India and Pakistan—in particular the work done by women for their own dowries or for their families. This book, with its illustrations, focuses on richly decorated articles, both costumes and household items. WESTON, ANN. ‘Women and Handicraft Production in North India,’ in Haleh Afshar (ed.) Women, State, and Ideology, Studies from Africa and Asia. New York: SUNY Press, 1987. pp. 173–185. This chapter briey describes women’s role in handicraft production in North India. This work, which consists mostly of embroidery (chikan) and carpet weaving, is done by Muslim pardah-observing women who face considerable difculties combining work outside the home with domestic and other responsibilities. WILKINSON-WEBER, CLARE M. “Gender, Handicrafts, and Development in Pakistan: A Critical Review.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 8, nos. 1 & 2 (2001): 91–103. This paper observes that although handicrafts produced by women in Pakistan are rich and diverse, the available literature hardly covers this at all. In the accounts that do exist, women’s labour tends to be discussed and is described as either leisure-time work, or a form of assisting the chief male worker in the household. For several reasons, the paper argues, the prospects of handicrafts as forms of income generation and economic development for women need to be viewed circumspectly. The paper emphasizes a need for more research on the economic and social aspects of women’s handicraft production.

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2212. ——. “Skill, Dependency, and Differentiation: Artisans and Agents in the Lucknow Embroidery Industry.” Ethnology 36 (1997): 46–65. The author discusses challenges faced by Muslim women artisans in the embroidery industry in the northern city of Lucknow, India. These pardah-observing women are home-based workers whose employment opportunities and wages are affected by pardah restrictions and a widespread belief that women’s work has low value. 2213. ——. Women’s Work and Skill in the Lucknow Embroidery Industry. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999. 239p. Based on a year-long research in the city of Lucknow, this wellresearched study presents an in-depth assessment of women’s seclusion and work. The study is an important addition to literature on the family life and work of Muslim women. 2214. ZAMAN, NIAZ. The Art of Kantha Embroidery. Dhaka: The University Press, 2004. 176p. This book presents a brief history of Kantha embroidery. Kantha stitches, motifs, patterns, and colours, provide a glimpse into the lives of women of rural Bangladesh. 2215. ——. The Art of Kantha Embroidery. Dacca: Bangladesh Shilpkala Academy, 1981. 115p. Kantha or quilt-making is the work of several women and represents women’s expressions and everyday life experiences. The book includes reproductions of Kantha embroidery and illustrations of Kantha stitches.

SECTION FOURTEEN

THE ARTS AND DESIGN

A. Women and literature I. Women’s Language 2216. ASH{ARÁ, SAIYYID AMJAD {ALÁ. UrdÖ bol pÊl (zenÊnh) Luat al¶watÒn, UrdÖ zabÊn ke woh tamÊm mu˜awarÊt jo {auratai¸ gharo¸ mai¸ bolti hai¸ [Urdu Dialect (of women). Women’s Lexicon, all the colloquial of Urdu that women speak within homes], Lahore: ‡adim ut ta{ lÒm pres, 1925. (3rd edn.). 293p. [ U ] KKK. The preface of this book argues that with the spread of education and the availability of books in print one has to be careful about language, that is acceptable for women. Certain words and idioms, although acceptable for male readership and male audience, are not suited for women. Therefore, a need was felt for the compilation of a dictionary with words suitable for women. This book fulls this requirement. 2217. BREDI, DANIELA. “Of Women, Language and Literature: Begamati Zaban.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 11, no. 1 (2004): 21–39. This paper traces the development of women’s idiom in the Urdu language. Gradually the feminine voice disappeared altogether. It was through re¶tÒ, which made use of the specic female idiom of Urdu, that the female voice was preserved. 2218. ÆAQQ , MAULAWÁ {ABDUL. “DehlawÒ ¶watÒn ki zabÊn.” (The language of women of Delhi) Dilli numbar of Delhi MÊlij magzÒn (1959): 365–67. [ U ] The author writes that Urdu-speaking women have developed a special language of their own. Segregation, controlled mobility, and an absence of formal education are some reasons for this development. However, peculiar ‘feminine phrases’ and ‘feminine words’ have enriched the Urdu language and have given it spontaneity of expression and diction. 2219. HASSAN, IFTIKHAR N. Voiceless Melodies: Folk Songs Representing the Feelings of Women at Grass Roots. Islamabad: Allama Iqbal Open University, 1995. 91p. 

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2220.

2221.

2222.

2223.

2224.

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This book documents popular Punjabi folk songs with their English translations. Sung by women on different occasions, these songs construct and reect rural Punjabi women’s identity. INSH¹ULLAH KH¹N, INSH¹. DÊryÊ-yi La¢afat. Lucknow: al-NÊØir pres, 1916 (Silsilah Anjuman Taraqqi-yi Urdu no. 14) [ F ] In this work InªÊullah ‡Ên (1756–1817), a re¶tÒ poet, describes the language of Delhi women. He states that it is more polished and eloquent [ faÉi˜] than the language of men and of other Indian women. InªÊ argues that irrespective of the origin of a word, if it gains currency in the language of women, it becomes an Urdu word. He lists a number of words and idioms used by women under the heading Durdanah-ye phaharum and Durdanah-ye panjum. [ The work was rst published in 1802. A second edition was published in 1848. The work annotated here is edited by MaulawÒ {Abul Æaqq.] MINAULT, GAIL. ‘Other Voices, Other Rooms: The View from the Zenana,’ in Nita Kumar (ed.) Women as Subjects, South Asian Histories, Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1994. pp. 108–124. Drawing upon her earlier published research, the author argues that women in Muslim households maintained strong networks with other women. With the help of translated excerpts from works in the Urdu language, this paper gives a glimpse of the Begmati (elite women) language in and around the city of Delhi. The paper argues that Muslim reform movements in India involved the assertion of male authority and judgment over those aspects of the lives of women that earlier had been largely autonomous. ——. “Begmati Zaban: Women’s Language and Culture in Nineteenth Century Delhi.” India International Centre Quarterly 9, no. 2 (1984): 55–70. Muslim women living a life in pardah developed their own idioms and expressions in the Urdu language. With social changes, especially access to new education, this language almost disappeared. However, it tells us a great deal about ‘the way Muslim women lived, thought and felt’ half a century ago. MUNÁR LAKHNAWI, M. Mu˜Êwarat-i Niswa¸ wa ‡ÊÉ Begamat ki ZabÊn [ Women’s Idioms and the Special language of the Ladies] Kanpur: ma¢bÊ{-yi majÒdÒ, 1930. [ U ], Unexamined. NASÁM, WAÆID¹H. “UrdÖ zabÊn aur {aurat.” [Urdu Language and the Woman]. Inti¶Êb-i nau (1968): 107–10. [ U ] This paper discusses the nature of women’s language and conversations in the Pardah-observing households. Women developed their own

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idioms and metaphors reecting socio-cultural values of the Muslim milieu, which governed and controlled their lives. 2225. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ. LuÊt un-nisÊ{ [A Dictionary of women’s language: comprising expressions used by Delhi ladies, by princesses of the Delhi palace], Delhi: Daftar farhang-i ÊÉayah, 1917. 297p. [ U ] KKK. In the preface of this Urdu lexicon, the author writes, ‘Whatever we have written in this dictionary we have either heard it with our own ears from the speech of Mughal ladies [begmÊto¸], elite women [ªarÒfzadio¸], also often from learned ladies or from women of advanced years [{umar rasÒdÊh] or taken from credible compositions [taÉnifÊt-i mu{tabar].’ Emphasizing the importance of the dictionary Saiyyid Ahmad further says, ‘Undoubtedly this women’s lexicon is elite [ªarifÊnÊ], free from vulgar terms [{ÊmiyÊnah alfÊØ se mubarrÊ], undeled by uncivilized discourse [ jahilÊna guftgÖ se pÊk] and furthermore it is a truth-proving [mu˜aqqiqÊnah] lexicon by identifying superstitions.’ Muslim women living in separate spaces developed a special spoken language, which was used only by women. This lexicon, more than a mere dictionary, mirrors the culture of women, their visions and lifestyle, and is a source book for women’s history. Introducing the preface [dÒbÊpÊh], Sayyid Ahmad quoted the Prophet’s well known saying in Arabic that seeking education is the duty for every Muslim man and woman. II. Men Impersonating Women’s Voices: rekhti (rexti) 2226. NAIM, C. M. “Transvestic Words? The Rekhti in Urdu.” The Annual of Urdu Studies 16 (2001): 3–26. A few nineteenth-century Urdu male poets in India composed verses in a female narrative voice using speech and idioms that were peculiar to women. These poetic compositions describe intimacies either between women or between a man and a woman. The author observes that this genre of verse was ‘aimed to entertain its male audience by making gross fun of females.’ 2227. PETIEVICH, CARLA. ‘Feminine Authorship and Urdu Potic Tradition: Baharistan-i Naz vs. Tazkira-i rekhti,’ in Kathryn Hansen, David Lelyveld and C. M. Naim (ed.) A Wilderness of Possibilities: Urdu Studies in Transnational Perspective, New Delhi: OUP, 2005. Unexamined. 2228. ——. “Gender politics and the Urdu ghazal: Exploratory observations on Rekhta versus Rekhti.” Indian Economic Social History Review 8 (2001): 223–248. Unexamined.

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2229. ——. “The Feminine and Cultural Syncretism in Early Dakhani Poetry.” The Annual of Urdu (1993): 119–130. The author states that there exists a large body of poetry from the sixteenth and seventeenth century Deccan, that is narrated in the feminine voice. The tone of this work is much different from standard North Indian Lakhnawi rexti. 2230. ——. “The Feminine Voice in the Urdu Ghazal.” The Indian Horizon 39, nos. 1–2 (1990): 25–41. This paper explains that RekhtÒ is a sub-genre of Urdu poetry written in ghazal form in which the narrator is a woman, and where the narrative idiom, too, is that of women. 2231. ÂIDDIQUÁ, KHALÁL AÆMAD. RekhtÒ kÊ TanqÒdÒ MutÊla{Êh [A Critical Study of Rekhti] Lucknow: NasÒm buk dipo, 1974. 703p. [ U ] This monograph presents a critical study of the development of Urdu verses composed by male poets in the rekhtÒ form, mostly from the North Indian state of Awadh. The author concludes that these compositions are lewd, lascivious, and indecent, both in the selection of words and expression of sentiments regarding women. III. Urdu Periodicals for Women 2232. BULAND AKHTAR BEGAM. “Hamare risÊlo¸ me¸ kaise maÓamÒn darj ho¸.” [ What sort of articles should be published in our journal.] ·arÒf BibÒ, August (1909): 56–60. [ U ], LML. This author strongly recommends that women’s journals should publish only those articles that represent the realities of lives of women in the country and not of those who are few and have adopted western way of living. She further argues that as the purpose of women’s journals is to bring improvement in the lives of women and therefore the articles published should not promote a life style which is impossible for the majority of women who are poor. 2233. KEEBLE, U. “Magazines for Women.” Pakistan Review 1, June (1953): 33–37. Unexamined. 2234. MINAULT, GAIL. “Women’s Magazines in Urdu as Sources for Muslim social History.” Indian Journal of Gender Studies 5, no. 2 (1998): 201–14. This paper examines the role of the major Urdu journals for Muslim women which appeared in the rst half of the 20th century. 2235. ——. ‘Ismat: Rashid ul-Khairi’s Novels and Urdu Literary Journalism for Women,’ in Christopher Shackle (ed.) Urdu and Muslim South Asia: Studies in Honour of Ralph Russell, SOAS, University of London, 1989. pp. 129–38.

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{Ismat, an Urdu magazine for women founded in 1908, soon emerged as an important tool for creating consciousness about the subordination of women in Muslim households. Rashid ul-Khairi, the editor of the magazine, like most other men of the century, remained convinced that the ‘liberators of women would have to be men, their change of heart should lead toward a more Islamic model of society, not away from it.’ 2236. ——. “Urdu Women’s Magazines in the Twentieth Century.” Manushi 48 (1988): 2–9. This paper narrates and examines the development and growth of Urdu language journals and periodicals published for women. Women edited some of these journals. 2237. ——. “UrdÖ Niswʸ Pres: Samaji TarÒ¶ ka Ma¶az.” Translated into Urdu by S. Shahabuddin Desnavi, Jamia Monthly 81, no. 5, May (1984): 7–16. [ U], Unexamined. 2238. TH¹NAWÁ, MAUL¹N¹ ASHRAF {ALÁ IÉlʘ-un NisÊ{ [ Women’s Reformation], Maktabat ul-{ilm, n.d., [another edition Deoband: Maktaba yi faiÓ], 1992. pp. 49–55. In this collection of ve public lectures of Aªraf {Ali ThÊnawÒ, the rst lecture includes a section under the sub-heading ‘Learned Women of the Past were Cultured’, in which the author disparages the writings of educated contemporary women whose writings have been published in journals by saying, ‘I have seen their articles in papers and journals. May God protect us! They [women writers] are so shameless, out of control, ill-mannered and bold that no one could say by looking at the article that it was written by a pardah-observing, modest woman.’ ThÊnawÒ further criticizes women who write under their names and give their residential addresses. ThÊnawÒ reproaches men for letting their women act shamelessly by revealing their names and identities. His nal argument against women writing in journals is: ‘These articles are deadly poisons; wicked; causing all kinds of evils [ yeh maÓÊmÒn zahr-e-qÊil hai¸, Êfat hai¸, ¢ar˜ ¢ar˜ ke mafÊsid is par murattab hote hai¸].’ IV. Women in the Folk Tales 2239. ABBAS, ZAINAB GHULAM. Folk Tales of Pakistan. Karachi: Pakistan Publication. (1st Published in 1957), 3rd impression, 1964. 136p. This small book of popular folk tales of Pakistan (including East Pakistan) relates the legendary love stories of Sassi and Pannu, Momal and Rano, and Sohni and Mahiwal. These folk stories are still recited at village festivals and are the themes of classic works in the Sindhi and Punjabi languages.

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2240. AÆMAR, YÇNUS. “Bangla lok adab.” (ManØÖm KahÊniyʸ) [ Bengali folk literature (Versied tales)], Mah-i nau 22, no. 11 (1949): 18–24. [ U ] Poetical works of Bengali folk literature depict a variety of female characters, some lamenting lost lovers and others singing songs in memory of loved ones. Some poems are composed to describe the charm and beauty of seemingly innocent girls. 2241. BALOCH, N. A. “Folk Literature of West Pakistan.” Perspective I, no. 5 (1967): 49–56. This paper presents a brief study of the inuence of Islam on the folk traditions of women in East and West Pakistan. A list of folk traditions is included. 2242. JALIL, ALAMGIR. “Women in Folklore of East Pakistan.” Folklore (Calcutta, India) 9, no. 10 (1968): 390–400. Women of East Pakistan are depicted in folklore rhymes, folk tales, ballads, folk songs, folk beliefs, proverbs and riddles. Women’s songs in Bangla are included in this work along with translations in English. 2243. KANI, ALI SHER. Tuhfat-al-Kiram, Extracts in The History of India As Told by its Historians, edited by Elliot & Dowson. Vol. 1, Reprint, Lahore: Islamic Book Service, 1976. 541p. This work, originally written in Persian, was completed in 1767–68. It includes three folk stories of Sassi and Pannun, Chanesar and Laila, and Mumal and Mendra. These stories remain the most popular folk tales in Pakistan. 2244. PUNJABI, IRSHAD AHMAD. PunjÊb kÒ {Aurat [ Woman of Punjab]. Lahore: Idarah-yi ta˜qÒqÊt-i Pakistan, 1976. 644p. [ U ] This book includes several folk songs sung by women to celebrate marriage and other festive occasions. 2245. RAxÁS, QAMAR. (ed.), UrdÖ me¸ Lok Adab [ Folk Literature in Urdu]. New Delhi: Seemant Prakashan. 1990. 298p. [ U ] This is a collection of articles rich with information on folk songs, especially women’s songs, sung on occasions of birth, wedding and mourning. 2246. SAEED, FOUZIA and ADAM NAYYAR. Women in Folk Theatre. Islamabad: Lok Virsa, 1991. 155p. This book is an account of the evolution, rise and decline of folk theatre in Pakistan, and of how women were manipulated by men of the theatre. It is an interesting study of women who through folk theatre preserved folk tales in Pakistan. 2247. SHPOON, SADUDDIN. “Paxto Folklore and the Landey.” Afghanistan Journal 20:4 (1976): 40–50.

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This paper describes popular folklore in the Pashto language in which Mimoona is killed by her husband who suspects that she has been unfaithful to him. This folklore upholds violence against women. V. Women’s Images in Literature: dÊstÊn 2248. AZÁM, VAQAR. HamarÒ DÊstane¸ [Our Tales]. Karachi: Urdu Academy, 1956, 452p. [ U ] The book discusses longer tales written in the Urdu language. One such popular story named BÊ-o BahÊr (Garden and Spring) written in 1801, presents interesting female characters: a sister, a beloved and a cunning woman. The author examines these female characters in a separate chapter. 2249. PRITCHETT, FRANCES W. ‘Women, Death, and Fate, Sexual Politics in the Dastan-e-Amir Hamzah,’ in Sally J. M. Sutherland (ed.) Bridging Worlds, Studies on Women in South Asia. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992. pp. 71–95. This paper narrates how one man, Hamzah, engages himself with several women. Some women are powerful, others are cunning and jealous, but all have a burning desire for him. Pritchett says the narrator of this romance has ‘conveyed to us the idea that Hamzah’s own treacherous, sexually-motivated breaking of his vows to a woman is linked to a situation in which another woman, also sexually motivated, treacherously breaks her vows to him. . . .’ 2250. ——. The Romance Tradition in Urdu-Adventures from the Dastan of Amir Hamzah. Translated, edited, and with introduction, New York: Columbia University Press, 1991. 272p. This is a book of Indo-Persian oral tales that ran into several editions and several forms (45 volumes in Urdu with 500 pages in each were commissioned and published by the Navalkishore Press of Lucknow in the late 19th century). ‘As dastans were seductive; everybody knew it. Virtuous women were strictly enjoined not to read them. The female characters present a collage; loyal and cunning wives, women passionately in love and women ready to kill and murder.’ [ Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanawi considered this book harmful for Muslim women readers.] VI. Women’s Portrayal in Contemporary South Asian Writings 2251. {¹ZMI, KHALÁL-UR-RAÆMAN. “Majaz ki ªÊ{irÒ me¸ {aurat kÊ taÉawwur.” (Women’s Image in the Poetry of Majaz). {Aligash kÊlij magzÒn (1955–56): 57–73. [ U ]

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2252.

2253.

2254.

2255.

2256.

513

Asrarul Haq Majaz (1909–1955), an Urdu poet best known for his romantic lyrical poetry, describes the physical beauty, charm, intelligence, and boldness of the women, who are assumed to be his beloved(s). Also, Majaz was greatly impressed by the courage of Khaleda AdÒb ‡anam, the powerful Turkish woman, who during her tour of India in 1933 visited Aligarh while Majaz was a student there. The image of an educated and liberated woman is reected in his poems. FAÃL, SÁMIN SAMAR. HindustÊnÒ Muslim ¶wÊtÒn ki jadÒd t{alÒmÒ taraqqÒ me¸ ibtida’i urdÖ nÊvelo¸ kÊ ˜iÉÉÊh. [ The Role of Early Urdu Novels in the Development of Modern Education among Indian Muslim Women], Patna: MaktabÊh yi ÊzÊd, 1991. 367p. [ U ] The author traces the growth of women’s education in the second half of the nineteenth century when under the incentive of the newly established Department of Public Instruction, small tracts, books, and novels were written for the promotion of education for women. Novels written in the Urdu language also reect the process of social change which made a great impact on social attitudes towards the status of women. Excerpts from Urdu didactic literature are included. IKRAMULLAH, SHAISTA SUHARAWARDY. “The Role of Women in the Life and Literature of Pakistan.” Asian Review 55, no. 201 (1959): 14–26. [Also in Islamic Review 47, no. 4 (1959): 15–19, 22.] Based on a lecture delivered in England, this paper argues that pardah is not bondage but a mark of social distinction. Pakistani women have always held a position of privilege and honour. Women were free to write and to express their creativity through their texts, but the number of women writers is decreasing, she concedes. MAZHAR, SA{ÁDAH. “JadÒd UrdÖ me¸{Aurat ki Æaiºiyat. [ Woman’s Status in Modern Urdu].” MaªrÖb, Tari¶-i UrdÖ Nambar [ History of Urdu Number] 5–6 (1956): 731–741. Fiction writers now focus more on the status of women than they did in the past. Socio-political changes affect the style of writing, and therefore Urdu literature too reects these changing roles of women. Some writers almost sanctify women while others depict them as prostitutes. SCHIMMEL, ANNE MARIE. “Ein Frauenbildungs Roman auf Sindhi: Mirza Qalich Beg’s Zinat.” Der Islam 39, February (1964): 210–25. [G] The author states that women were historically important in the mystical traditions of Sindh. In folk ballads women are always the heroines, while men play less signicant roles. ——. ‘Mirza Qalich Beg and His Novel Zinat.’ In her Pearls from the Indus: Studies in Sindhi Culture, Jamshoro: Sindhi Adabi Board, 1986. 175–205.

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Discusses the works of Sindhi writer Mirza Qalich Beg and his contribution to improve the status Sindhi women. His novel Zinat is devoted to the cause of women’s education. 2257. ZAM¹NI BEGAM, M¹H NÇR. NiswÊnÒ KirdÊr [ Female Characters], Delhi: Maktbah-yi jami{ah, 1987. 118p. [ U ] This work surveys women’s rights, movements, and education, and presents an analysis of women characters in Urdu literature. VII. Novels and Short Stories of Muslim Women Writers 2258. AGARWAL, CHANDRA P. “Dreams, Schemes and Rebellion in the Fiction of Begum Tabassum.” Journal of South Asian Literature 12, No. 3/4 (1977): 45–54. A study of female characters in the Urdu short stories of Wajeda Tabassum who writes of the exploitation of women by the feudal system in India. 2259. AHMAD, JALALUDDIN. “oand AfsÊnÊh NigÊr ‡watÒn.” Mah-i Nau 3, no. 2 (1969): 57–60. [ U ] This is a brief study of the contributions of women short story writers (Urdu language) including Mrs. {Abdul QÊdir, Nazr SajjÊd Æaidar, RaªÒd Jahan, A. R. ‡ÊtÖn, {¹bidÊ Æussain and {Ismat ChutÊxi. 2260. AKHTAR, SAEED¹. Bangal ki UrdÖ Parast ‡watÒn [Urdu-favouring women of Bengal]. MuªrÖb no. 5–6 (1956): 720–30. [ U ] Women actively participated in the growth of Urdu literature in Bengal from the earliest days when it was rst introduced in the area. Briey narrates the contributions of at least eighteen women poets and prose writers starting from the beginning of the nineteenth century. 2261. AZIM, FIRDOUS and NIAZ ZAMAN. Different Perspectives, Women Writing in Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press Limited, 1998. 93p. This collection of women’s short stories and poems written in Bangla and translated into English presents women’s perspectives on social issues. 2262. AZÁM, VAQAR. “IÉla˜un-NisÊx-1881 kÊ ek Navel.” (Women’s Reformation-A Novel of 1881) Âa˜ÒfÊh, no. 43, April (1968): 29–57. [ U ] This paper reviews and comments on IÉla˜un-NisÊ{, which was the rst novel written in the Urdu language by a Muslim woman of the subcontinent, Raªidut un-Nisa. The novel, published in 1894, does not carry the author’s name but mirrors the life in Muslim households, their traditions, customs, songs, and ceremonies celebrated by women.

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2263. BAKHSH, SULTANA. (ed.), ‘Ismat ChughtÊÒx: ·a¶siyat aur Fann’ [ Ismat Chughtai, life and works]. Islamabad: Vard Vishan Publisharz, 1992. 654p. [ U ] This is a collection of articles by various noted writers from South Asia on the life and diction of Ismat Chughtai (1915–1992). 2264. COPPOLA, CARLO. “The Angare Group: The Enfants Terribles of Urdu Literature.” Annual of Urdu Studies 1 (1981): 57–68. This paper reviews stories published in the short story collection Angare, including ten stories by three progressive Urdu writers. Among these were three males, Sajjad Zaheer, Ahmed Ali and Mahmuduzzafar, and one woman, Rashid Jahan (1905–1952), daughter of Shaikh Abdullah, founder of Aligarh Girls’ School. Rashid Jahan contributed two stories, which address issues such as repeated pregnancies, patriarchy and poor treatment of wives by their husbands. Rashid Jahan was a physician by profession. 2265. FARZANAH, NÁLAM. Urdu Adab kÒ Aham ‡watÒn Navel NigÊr (Important Women Novelists of Urdu Literature) {AlÒgash: Ejucashnal buk haus. 1992. 352p. [ U ] This examines novels written by more than eleven famous women who through their writings attempted to create a consciousness of women’s status and their rights. 2266. FLEMMING, LESLIE A. “Out of the Zenana: New Translations of Ismat Chughtai’s Works, A Review Article.” The Annual of Urdu Studies 10 (1995): 200–207. This article reviews three translations by Tahira Naqvi of Ismat Chughtai’s works. These translations enable the western reader to ‘encounter an authentic voice, who wrote out of her own lived experience, who provided a strong and compelling portrayal of that experience, who spoke for a segment of society not previously represented in Urdu letters, and who paved the way for a succeeding generation of women writers in Urdu in both India and Pakistan.’ 2267. ——. “Two Pakistani women Writers View the City: The Short Stories of Bano Qudsiyah and Farkhandah Lodhi.” Journal of South Asian Literature 25, no. 1 (1990): 1–15. Unexamined. 2268. HABIBULLAH, ATTIA. ‘The Parrot in a Cage,’ in Mulk Raj Anand and Iqbal Singh, (ed.) Indian Short Stories. London: New India Publishing Company, 1946. 133–7. This short story reects the life of a Muslim girl within the bonds of pardah who yearned for her own freedom but failed to achieve it: she then sets free the ‘caged parrot.’ The writer, Attia Hosain (née Habibullah)

516

2269.

2270.

2271.

2272.

2273.

2274.

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(1913–1997), belonged to an educated feudal Muslim family of North India. HAMEED, SYEDA S. and SUGHRA MEHDI. Parwaz: A Flight of Words, Urdu Short Stories by Women, Delhi: Kali for Women, 1996. 134p. This is a selection of eleven short stories in Urdu by women writers and translated by two women. Firstly, the selection was made on the basis of the experiments of writers with various literary trends, and secondly, on women-centred stories. HAMEED, YASMIN. et al. (ed.) So That You Can Know: An Anthology of Pakistani Women Writers. New Delhi: Harper Collins, 1997. 168p. This anthology consists of short stories translated from Urdu, Punjabi, Sindhi, Seraiki and Pushto into English. The book is an abridged and revised edition of a version originally published by Pakistan Academy of Letters in 1994. HASHIMÁ, NAÂÁRUDDÁN. “‡awÊtÒn-i Dakkan kÒ UrdÖ ‡idmÊt.” (Contributions to the Urdu language by the Women of Hyderabad Deccan). Sabras 1, no. 1 (1939): 120–24. [ U ], MHL. Women have helped in the growth of Urdu literature by patronizing writers and poets, and by writing both prose and poetry themselves. This paper refers to three women poets, Chanda Bai, Sharfun Nisa and Fatima, all belonging to the 13th century A.D. ——. ‡awÊtÒn-i Dakkan kÒ Urdu ‡idmÊt. (Contributions the Urdu language by the Women of Hyderabad Deccan). Hyderabad Dakkan: Saiyyid {Abdurrazzaq tajir kutub, 1940. 292p. [ U ] The author includes biographies of about 150 female prose-writers and poets in Urdu in Hyderabad and Madras between 1880 and 1940. The work also includes journalistic writings by women and a brief introduction to women’s associations. Besides being an account of the contributions of women to Urdu literature, this work yields information about women’s education, Hyderabad’s social life, and the slowly emerging change among Muslim elite towards women. The author refers to the lives of the women of Saiyyid ÆuÉÉain BilgrÊmÒ’s family, particularly to the contributions made by his daughter ”aiyyibÊh Begam (1873–1921). HASHMI, NASEERUDDIN. “Muslim Women Story Writers of India and Pakistan.” Islamic Review 39, no. 1 (1951): 32–36. This paper surveys the work of Muslim women short story writers from India and Pakistan. HOSAIN, ATTIA [nee HABIBULLAH]. Sunlight on A Broken Column. London: Chatto and Windus, 1961. 318p.

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2275.

2276.

2277.

2278.

2279.

2280.

517

The writer, from the elite Muslim class in UP, depicts the life of a Muslim girl of an inuential North Indian family during the freedom movement (1930–1940). The story offers glimpses into the social and cultural life of that time. HUSAIN, SALIHA ABID. “Women Writers and Urdu Literature.” Indian Horizons 23, no. 2/3 (1974): 5–14. In this brief survey of Muslim women’s writings, the author argues that these writers had sympathy for women and understood their frustrations. HUSSAIN, IQBALUNNISA. Purdah and Polygamy: Life in an Indian Muslim Household. Bangalore: Hosali Press, 1944. 310p. The author, one of the earliest Muslim women writers of South Asia, was educated, entered into professional life, and authored several books projecting women’s plight in India. In 1933 she travelled to England with her son. In this story, she illustrates the trials and tribulations caused by the seclusion of women and polygamy. Hussain was convinced that neither seclusion nor polygamy as practiced in India were Qur xÊn-approved traditions. HUSSEIN, AAMER. (ed.), Hoops of Fire: Fifty Years of Fiction by Pakistani Women. London: Saqi Books. 1999. 175p. This anthology presents works by Pakistani women authors whose works reect how the political history of the country has affected women’s lives. Among works collected are those of Hijab Imtiaz Ali, Khadija Mastoor, Jamila Hashmi, Farkhanda Lodhi, Fahmida Riaz, and Azra Abbas. Brief biographical notes about each author are included. IKRAMULLAH, SHAISTA AKHTAR BANU. ‘Women Short-Story Writers,’ in her A Critical Survey of the Development of the Urdu Novel and Short Story. London: Longmans, Green and Company, 1945. pp. 233–41. Brief critical review of the works, themes and characters of major women writers. ——. ‘Women Novelists,’ in her A Critical Survey of the development of the Urdu Novel and Short Story. London: Longmans, Green and Company, 1945. pp. 123–65. In this survey of novels by women writers of the period 1901–1925, the author argues that the literary style of women writers is more polished than that of their male contemporaries. KHADIJA MASTUR. Inner Courtyard (Aangan). Translated from Urdu by Neelam Hussain, with an introduction by Samina Chunara. Lahore: Simorgh Women’s Resource Centre and Publications Centre, 2000. 274p. Also Delhi: Kali for Women, 2001. 274p.

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2282.

2283.

2284.

2285.

2286.

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Set in the private spaces of a Muslim household, this novel recounts the experiences of a young woman during the tense period of the freedom struggle. ——. Cool, Sweet Water: Selected Stories. Translated by Tahira Naqvi. Series Editor, Muhammad Umar Memon. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999. 187p. The book includes 12 short stories and 3 excerpts from Mastur’s novels, Angan and Zamin, all translated by Naqvi. The stories span a period of about 20 years, beginning with partition of the subcontinent in 1947. KHAN, IDRIS AHMAD. Daktar RaªÒd Jaha¸: ˜ayÊt wa ¶idmÊt [ Doctor Rashid Jahan: Life and Achievements]. New Delhi: Modern Publishing House, 1996. 126p. [ U ] Drawing upon published works, this volume presents a biographical account of the life of the noted author, Raªid Jahan. MAHMUD, SAIYYID FAYYAZ. ‘Aurato¸ kÊ adab’, [ Women’s Literature] in TarÒ¶ AdbiyÊt MuslamnÊn-i Pakistan wa Hind [ History of literature of the Muslims of Pakistan and India] 10, 1914–1972. Lahore: Punjab University, pp. 661–70. [ U ] This section includes a brief introduction to works of women writers of Pakistan. MAHMUD, SHABANA. “AngÊre and the Founding of the Progressive Writers’ Association.” Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 2 (1996): 447–67. This paper gives an overview of the Progressive Writers’ Association formed in 1936 by the Angare group of writers of which Rashid Jahan was an active member. In 1932, the group published a collection of short stories written in Urdu. Muslim religious leaders issued fatwas for death, by stoning the authors. The book was nally banned by order of the Indian Government. Although this paper is not an exclusive study of Rashid Jahan’s two stories published in the collection, it does explain how her stories exposed the enclosed and oppressive world of Muslim women and how the conservative press expressed anger against the writers. MEMON, MUHAMMAD UMAR. Fear and Desire: An Anthology of Urdu Stories. New Delhi: OUP, 1994. 264p. A collection of translated Urdu stories including works by Qurratulain Hyder and Khalida Hussain. MINAULT, GAIL. Secluded Scholars. Women’s Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998. pp. 111–22.

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2287.

2288.

2289.

2290.

2291.

2292.

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In her book, Minault presents a well-researched biographical note on Muhammadi Begam (1878?–1908) along with an assessment of her contribution. This section draws upon primary sources, including an unpublished biography by her sister. Muhammadi Begam and her husband Saiyyid Mumtaz Ali founded and published a women’s journal, Tahzibun un-Niswan in 1898 which emerged as a fountainhead of women’s awakening in the Muslim society of South Asia. Women wrote for it on subjects that were considered to be taboo and gradually inuenced their readers who began to adopt new ideas. MUHAMMADI BEGAM. Adab-i mulÊqÊt (Etiquette for Women’s Social Meetings). Lahore: Darul IshÊat Punjab, 1935. 88p. [ U ], KKK. This book explains social etiquettes for women. The author encourages women to visit each other and develop sisterly relations. NAQVI, S. A. H. “An Elderly Woman Novelist of Urdu.” Perspective 3, No. 12 (1970): 59–60. This article surveys Muhammadi Begam’s career as a woman journalist. She was also a novelist and ction writer who expressed her concerns for women’s issues in her works. NAQVI, TAHIRA. The Crooked Line [ Translated for Ismat Chughtai’s Urdu text §eshÒ LakÒr]. Oxford: OUP, 1995. 335p. This well-known novel, rst published in Urdu in 1944, was, as Tahira Naqvi says, ‘a vehicle whereby Ismat Chughtai exposes the socialcultural conicts of the psycho-social determinants that govern the development of female consciousness.’ The story is woven around the experiences of Shamshad, a middle class Muslim woman. ——. “Ismat Chughtai—A Tribute.” Annuals of Urdu (1993): 43–48. Paying rich tributes to Ismat, the author says ‘she developed the makings of a feminist in the early forties when the concept of feminism was in its nascent stage, even in the West.’ ——. The Heart Breaks Free & The Wild One. New Delhi: Kali or Women, 1993. 156p. This book is a translation of Ismat Chughtai’s two short novels, Dil kÒ DuniyÊ, rst published in Urdu in 1966, and Ziddi, published in 1941. The central female character in both stories struggles against family pressures. —— and SYEDA SAIYIDAIN HAMEED. The Quilt and Other Stories. Delhi: Kali for Women, 1990. 224p. This is a collection of fteen of Ismat Chughtai’s nest and best-known Urdu short stories, nine translated by Tahira Naqvi and six by Syeda S. Hameed, some of which are translated for the rst time. Adding to

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2294.

2295.

2296.

2297.

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the signicance of this volume is Anita Desai’s preface. This provides insightful comments on Ismat, a liberated soul who creates stories with the dual experiences of an insider and the view of a critic from outside traditional culture. Tahira Naqvi’s introduction, besides giving a short biographical sketch of Ismat, also briey reects upon the development of Urdu short story writing between the 1930s and 1950’s, the period in which most of these stories appeared. PATEL, GEETA. “An Uncivil Woman: Ismat Chughtai (A Review and an Essay).” Annual of Urdu Studies 16 (2001): 1345–55. This paper, being a review of Ismat: Her Life, Her Times, edited By Sukrita Paul Kumar and Sadique (2000), examines selections of Ismat’s writings. PERNAU, MARGRIT. “Female Voices: Women Writers in Hyderabad at the Beginning of the Twentieth Century.” Annual of Urdu Studies 17 (2002): 36–54. This paper begins by narrating how under patronage of the Nizams of Hyderabad, who took the lead in promoting and opening schools for Muslim girls there was a marked growth in the eld of education for women and girls. It then documents the movement of female writers in Urdu, both of poetry and prose, which ‘started from the 1880s and reached a pinnacle at the beginning of the twentieth century.’ The author focuses on the work of two important women, Taiyyiba Begam and Sughra Humayun Mirza. POULOS, STEVEN MARK. “Rashid Jahan of Angare: Her life and Work.” Indian literature 30, no. 4 (1987): 108–18. This paper, based on personal interviews with members of Rashid Jahan’s family conducted in 1973, discusses signicant events in her life. She ‘began to write at a time when the short story in Urdu had not yet come into its own as a vehicle of literary expression.’ RASHEED JAHAN. ‘Woh’ (That One), Translated by M. T. Khan in Susie Tharu and K. Lalita ed. Women Writing in India, 600 B.C. to the Present, Vol. 2, New York: The Feminist Press, 1993. pp. 119–22. This biographical note accompanying the translated story, offers a brief introduction to Rasheed Jahan’s work: ‘though Rasheed Jahan is better known as a writer of short ction, she herself considered drama a more forceful medium and was among those who laid the foundations of the progressive theatre movement.’ REHMAN, SAMINA. In Her Own Write: Short stories by Women Writers in Pakistan. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1994. 137p.

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2298.

2299.

2300.

2301.

2302.

521

This anthology of short stories by six Pakistani women, all translations from Urdu, presents different themes, related to the lives of women. SHIRIN, MUMTAZ. “The Atonement.” Perspective 1, no. 4 (1967): 17–24. This woeful tale is told by the woman herself about her tragic life that was beset with miseries of child bearing and the loss of her child. ——. ‘Passing Clouds.’ Translated from Urdu by Shahnaz Hashmi. Pakistan Quarterly 11, no. 2 (1962): 54–59. This is a very subtle analysis of a woman who grows vindictive as her husband becomes engrossed in his law career and begins to neglect her. ——. ‘Awakening.’ Translated from Urdu in Nasir Admad Farooki (ed.) A Selection of Contemporary Pakistani Short Stories, Lahore: Feroz Sons, 1955. 167–87. (Also in Pakistan Quarterly 1, no. 5 (1951): 29–31. This is a story of a woman who reminisces about her intense love for her woman professor in her college days, although later she leads a happy married life. The story alludes to the existence of lesbianism in society. VARADY, EVELYN. D. “Bazm-e-Urdu, Lucknow: A Women’s Response to the Decline of Urdu.” The Annual of Urdu Studies 1 (1981): 89–97. Bazm-e-Urdu (Association of Urdu) founded in 1973 by a small group of women Muslim activists in Lucknow, was a literary organization promoting the Urdu language. Women from a cross-section of Muslim society, some wearing burqa{, attended these meetings. The author describes meetings of Bazm-e-Urdu that took place in 1977. ZEBUNNISSA HAMIDULLAH. The Young Wife and Other Stories. 2nd edition, Karachi: Mirror Press, 1958. 114p. A collection of fourteen stories reecting the lives of women and depicting the change that had gradually come about in the relationship between men and women in Pakistan, where emotions are still frequently a primitive stage and where romantic love is seldom known. VIII. Women Poets

(a) MÊh LaqÊ BÊxÒ oandÊ (1798–1824) 2303. {¹ZMÁ, RAÆAT. MÊh LaqÊ: ÆÊlÊt- i Zindagi ma{ DÒwÊn [ Mah Laqa: Account of Her Life with Poetical Compositions] Hyderabad Deccan: Bazm-i GulistÊn-i Urdu, 1998. 233p. [ U ] In this biography, MÊh LaqÊ is presented as a woman belonging to an elite Muslim family who was later forced to enter the profession of

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2305. 2306.

2307.

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singing and dancing. A woman of extreme beauty and intelligence, MÊh LaqÊ had varied interests and generously patronized art and architecture. The author observes that the life history of MÊh LaqÊ is indeed the history of the kingdom of Hyderabad as she witnessed the life of six royal courts and left a deep mark on contemporary events. The biography also lists MÊh LaqÊ’s students of poetry. A selection of her poetry is included at the end of the volume. GHUL¹M SAMDANÁ, MAULAWÁ. ÆayÊt-i MÊh LaqÊ [ Life of Mah Laqa]. Hyderabad: MatbÊ{ NiØÊm, 1906. 78p. [ U ], Unexamined. This is a biography of the poet. It also includes selections from her compositions. ——. Gulzar-i Mah Laqa [ The garden of Mah Laqa]. Hyderabad: MatbÊ{ NiØÊm, 1906. [ U ], Unexamined. M¹H LAQ¹ B¹xÁ nAND¹. DiwÊn-i oandÊ [ Poetry Collection of Chanda]. The Diwan has a preface dated 1798 in Farsi. Text in Urdu NastÊ{lÒq. Size 9 ½ u 5 ¼ OIOC MS. 2768. Another MS., No. 428, 29p. 12 u 23, copied from some earlier text in 1811 is in the archives of Andhra Pradesh Government Oriental Research Institute. Vide, A Descriptive Catalogue of Urdu Manuscripts, Poetry (Dewan, Kuliyat) Vol. 1, Compiled by Rafat Rizwana, Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Government Oriental Manuscripts Library & Research Institute, 1988. Another Ms. is in the Collection of National Museum Pakistan, Karachi. This Ms. has 46 pages. MÊh LaqÊ BÊxÒ nandÊ, one of the famous poets of Hyderabad Deccan, was born in A.H. 1181. Nizam Ali Khan Asaf Jah, ruler of Hyderabad, gave her the title of MÊh LaqÊ BÊxÒ. A woman of wealth, she was patron of scholars, poets, religious scholars. Her Diwan of 125 azals [odes] was compiled in 1798 (1213 A.H.). She died at the age of 60 in 1824 (1240 A.H.) and was buried in a mausoleum she had built herself. The yleaf of the Diwan in the OIOC MS. has this note: ‘The Diwan of Chundah, the celebrated Malika of Hyderabad. This book was presented as a Nazir from this extraordinary woman to Capt. (Sir John) Malcolm in the midst of a dance in which she was the chief performer on the 8th of October 1799 at the house of Meer Allum Bahadur.’ I have examined the OIOC MS. Q¹SIM, QUDRATULLAH. MajmÖ{ah yi Naghz [An Excellent collection]. Patna: {AØÒmushshÊn buk dipo. 1972. pp. 48–49. [ U ] In this work on poets and their compositions is included a brief sketch of the life of nandÊ, ‘a rarity of the age’. Besides her poetic skills,

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she also excelled in horse riding and employed soldiers numbering almost 500. 2308. SH¹HÁD DEHLAWÁ, MÁR AÆMAD {ALÁ KH¹N. KulliyÊt-i ·ahÒd DehlawÒ (Complete Works of ShahÒd DehlawÒ). Vide Saiyyid Moheyuddin Qadiri Zor (ed.) A Descriptive Catalogue of Kutub ‡ÊnÊ IdarÊ AdbiyÊt-i Urdu, Hyderabad Deccan, 1958. MS. No. 721. [ U ], Unexamined. This work shows that among the unpublished verses of Shahid Dehlawi two are in praise of the works of Æasan LaqÊ BÊxÒ, herself a poet and successor to MÊh LaqÊ BÊxÒ. 2309. THARU, SUSIE and K. LALITA. ‘Mahlaqa Bai Chanda (1767–1824),’ in Susie Tharu and K. Lalita (ed.) Women Writing in India 600 B.C. to the Present. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991. pp. 120–22. Mahlaqa, a poet and a singer, was also a patron of the arts. Considered to be the rst woman to compose poetry in Urdu, her poems were compiled and published after her death as Gulzar-e-Mahlaqa (Mahlaqa’s Garden of Flowers). (b) ZahidÊ KhatÖn SharwÊnÒ (1894 –?) 2310. ANISA ÆARÇN BEGAM SHARW¹NI¹H. Æayat ze-¶-ªÒn, Hyderabad Deccan: MatbÖ{Êt sÊ{Òd manzil, 1940. 226p. [ U ], KKK. This is a life account of ZahidÊ ‡atÖn, daughter of Nawwab Muzammil Ullah Khan, an elite of Aligarh. 2311. ZAHÁDA KH¹TÇN SHARW¹NÁ. ¹ixnÊh-yi Æaram [ The Mirror of the Sacred]. Lahore: DÊrul IshÊ{at PunjÊb, 1927. 36p. [ U ] Library of Congress, Microlm. ZahidÊ ‡atÖn was an early Muslim women activist who participated in the All India Muslim Ladies Conference. This poetry collection consists of ten poems, the rst two in praise of Allah and an eulogy of the Prophet; the other eight directly address issues of contemporary women. In her poem {¹lam-i niswʸ me¸ inqilÊb [ Revolution in the World of Women], composed in 1915, she reminds men of the last sermon of the Prophet in which he instructed Muslims to be vigilant in their treatment of women: Ae ˜aqÒqat jÖ! zara pash ¶utbÊ yi ˜ajj-i widÊ{ {aurato¸ par mar˜amat kÊ usko kitnÊ dhiyÊn ºÊ [O’ seeker of Truth! Just read the Sermon of the Last Hajj How much compassion he had for women]

Similarly in another couplet referring to verse (4:34) of the QurxÊn ZahidÊ SharwÊnÒ pleads to men, ‘Do not please translate qawwÊmÖn as

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“master”, my lord.’ In 1915, she wrote a poem TaÉÊdum-i riwÊj wa sharÊ{ [Clash of Customs and Religious Laws] expressing her disapproval of the prevalent custom in the Punjab of disinheriting Muslim women from their right to hold property. The same year on the occasion of the annual session of the Ladies Conference she composed a poem, ‘An Address to the Civilized Sisters’ [muhadhdhab bahno¸ se khi¢Êb], reminding the members of the Ladies Conference of their obligation as Muslims to pray, to read the Qur xÊn and to save money for Hajj. They may, she said go out wearing a burqa{ but only when there is a need (todo so). Further, she warned, they should be careful to keep the veil in place and ensure it is not removed from the face. Another poem that she composed was read on 1 March 1914, at the inauguration ceremony of the Sultania Boarding House for Girls, Aligarh. One line of a couplet in this poem, qismat-i khwÊbÒdÊh Êkhir ho gaÒ{ bedÊr Êj [eventually the sleeping destiny is awakened today] reects the past and future of education for Muslim women in India. (c) General Studies on Women Poets 2312. {¹ÂÁ, {ABDUL B¹RÁ. Ta£kirat al-¶watÒn, yÊ{nÒ HindustÊn aur FÊrs kÒ behtar aur maªhÖr ªÊ{irah {aurato¸ kÊ £ikr ma{ namÖnÊh kalÊm [ Biographical Memoirs of Women, Namely an Account of the Famous and Noted Women Poets of Hindustan and Persia with Samples of their Compositions]. Lucknow: Ma¢ba{ Nawalkishore, 1927. 288p. [ U ], KKK. In his preface to the biographical sketches of women poets who wrote in Urdu and Farsi, the author observes that all biographies written were about men which he said is an act of ‘apparent injustice’. Giving a list of what makes a poetic composition fascinating, the author argues that all these qualities are superbly present in the writings of women, and there is no reason why their compositions [kalÊm] should not be collected. Despite his willingness to undo this ‘injustice’, the author is careful to distinguish between ‘a woman of noble birth [ÊlÊ ¶ÊndÊn], elite [ªarÒf ], veiled [mastÖrÊh], and chaste [{iffat naªÒn]’, and ‘a comely street-harlot [˜asÒn bazÊrÒ]. When he mentioned the latter the author added the Urdu ¢Ôxe, the rst alphabet of the word ¢awÊx if [prostitute], in parenthesis. The book provides valuable information about women who could read, write, and compose poetry. The sample couplets included here give an insight into the works women. 2313. nHADAMI L¹L QAMAR. MuraqqÊ{-yi {¹lam. [A Portfolio of the World] Farrukhabad: by the Author, 1909, 64p. [ U ], OIOC.

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2314.

2315.

2316.

2317.

2318.

2319.

525

This consists of biographies in verse form of famous women of India, both Hindu and Muslim. FARRUKHI, ASIF and FRANCES W. PRITCHETT. (Translated) An Evening of Caged Beasts: Seven Postmodernist Urdu Poets. OUP. 1999. 264p. This is an interesting selection from the works of poets who characterize the beginning of a new mood in contemporary Urdu poetry. Among the seven, a few are women poets. Situated at an oblique angle to the mainstream, they mark a break with the classic tradition in form, language and choice of subject matter. IQB¹L BEGAM TURK. KulliyÊt-i IqbÊl Begam Turk, 181. 48ff. Urdu MS. No. 181, [ U ], OIOC. This is a collection of poems by IqbÊl Begam Turk. She married Ghulam Qadir Girami, poet laureate at the Asayah Court of Hyderabad Deccan who died in 1927. The manuscript is in the hand of the poet herself and bears her signature both in English and Urdu. N¹DIR DEHLAWÁ, DURG¹PRASAD KHATRÁ. Gulªan-i NÊz [ The Garden of Elegance] Delhi: 1876. 22p. [ U/F ], OIOC. Brief sketches of at least 45 Farsi and Urdu women poets and includes some of their work. QIZILB¹SH, MALK¹ BEGAM. DehlawÒ ·Ê{irÊt [ Women Poets of Delhi] In DillÒ numbar of Delhi College magzin (1959): 271–83. [ U ] This paper briey describes the poetic compositions of at least 55 women poets of Delhi who wrote in Urdu and Farsi. The list includes Mughal princesses as well as modern educated women. RANJ, FAÂIÆUDDÁN alias ”ABÁB MERATHÁ BahÊristÊn-i NÊz: TadhkirÊh-yi ShÊ{irÊt [A Bloom of Gracefulness: Compendium of Women Poets], Ma¢ba-yi {UthmanÒ, Meruth, 3rd edn. 1882. 114p. (First published in 1861). Reprint, Lahore: Majlis-i TaraqqÒ-yi Adab, 1965, 240p. [ U ] This is one of the earliest listing of women poets, a biographical dictionary which lists 174 women poets in alphabetical order and their compositions. The author writes unfavourably about these poets: women who compose poetry were not socially acceptable as ‘virtuous women.’ Before 1864, no separate collection of the works of women poets was ever compiled. SHAFÁQ BARELWÁ. Ta£kira ShÊ{irÊt-i Pakistan. [An Account of Women Poets from Pakistan.] Karachi: Maktaba-yi ¶atÖn, 1961. 240p. [ U ] Brief bibliographical sketches of 48 Urdu women poets of Pakistan with a selection of their poetry.

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2320. SHARM, SHAMSUN NIS¹{ BEGAM. Diwan-i ·arm, Ms. No. 1364, 115 p. 13 u 20, completed in 1874. Vide A Descriptive Catalogue of Urdu Manuscripts, Poetry (Dewan Kuliyat) vol. 1, Compiled by Rafat Rizwana, Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Government Oriental Manuscripts Library & Research Institute, 1988. [ U ], Unexamined. This contains several ghazals and one QaÉÒdÊ (eulogy) in honor of Governor Toss. Shamsun Nisa was a daughter of ÆakÒm Fa¶ruddin and a student of KhwajÊ WazÒr. 2321. ÂIDDIQI, IDRÁS. ·Ê{irÊt-i UrdÖ. [ Women Poets of Urdu]. Urdu Digest 28, no. 10, October (1988): 123–30. [ U ] This paper gives a historical overview of women poets who began composing under the Mughals and have continued to do so through the nineteenth century. A good number of educated women published their poetry in journals and magazines. 2322. ZAHIDÁ, MUSHT¹Q ÆUSAIN. oand ªÊ{irÊh {aurate¸ [Some Women Poets]. Ma¶zan 17, No. 2, May (1909): pp. 45–50. [ U ], MHL. This paper describes talents of medieval princesses and their female servants for composing extempore verses. Mughal women were not only educated but had a high and rened taste for literature and the ne arts. It is worth mentioning that Ma¶zan, a monthly Urdu magazine founded by Sir Abdul Qadir Shaikh in 1901 in Lahore, was aimed for a mostly Muslim male readership. Educated Muslim women at the time of the publication of this article were few. Thus, one can assume that the purpose of this article was not merely to create awareness in male minds about education that Muslim women had in the past but the author aimed to work towards a positive attitude towards the need for education for Muslim women. 2323. ZAKHMÁ LAKHNAWÁ. PehlÊ ZanÊnh MushÊ{irÊh, 1857 ke bÊ{d [ First Assembly of Women Poets after 1857], Lahore: ·Òª ma˜al kitÊb ar, 1968. 64p. [ U ] The author recalls and records the assembly of women poets held in the city of Lucknow in 1889. The meeting was held at the request of an English woman, Miss Edward Luther who taught at the La Martinier School and was an Urdu poet who composed verses under her nom de plume ‘Maryam’ [ Mary]. The assembly was held at the house of Surrayya Jahan Begam, a member of an old Nawwabi family of Awadh. (d) Contemporary Poets 2324. AMRITA PRITAM. Life and Poetry of Sara Shagufta. Translated from the Hindi by Gurdev G. Chauhan. Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corp., 1994. 113p.

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2325.

2326.

2327.

2328.

2329.

2330.

2331.

527

This work on the life of Sara Shagufta, 20th century Urdu poet from Pakistan, includes letters to the author and other friends. ATTIYA DAWOOD. Raging to be Free. (Translated by Asif Aslam). Karachi: Maktabah- yi Daniyal, 1995. 73p. A collection of poems by Attiya Dawood (1958–), composed originally in Sindhi, depicts women who are struggling to break free from a maledominated society. AZRA ABBAS. Voyages of Sleep. Translated from Urdu into English by Yasmeen Hameed. Karachi: Pakistan Association for Women’s Studies, 1998. 41p. Yasmeen Hameed’s wonderful translation has kept the rhythm, charm and thought of Azra Abbas’s poetry. In her introduction, Abbas tells us about her mystical encounter with writing poetry. FAHMIDA RIAZ. Reections in a Cracked Mirror. Translated from Urdu by Aquila Ismail. Karachi: City Press. 2001. 113p. The original work, long prose poem, was published in a special issue of an Urdu quarterly ¹j in 1996. The work explores the ‘theme of political violence along linguistic, ethnic, communal and caste lines in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.’ HISSAM, ZINAT. Fahmida Riyaz, A Voice to Reckon With. In Dawn, 3 March 2002. Paying tribute to the works of this poet from Pakistan, the author says she has celebrated life, woman, and life-sustaining feminine values through her poetic expression. IMAM, HINA FAISAL. ‘Women Poets: The Image and Reality in Pakistan,’ in Fareeha Zafar (ed.) Finding our Way: Readings on Women in Pakistan, Lahore: ASR Publications, 1991. pp. 177–86. The author states that women are writing about their experiences in a male-dominated society. Women poets such as Ada Jafery, Zehra Nigah, Fahmida Riaz, Kishwar Naheed, Fatima Hassan, and Parveen Shakir are questioning the rights and privileges of men who have misappropriated women’s rights. MINAULT, GAIL and B. KOMAL. ‘Feminine Voice in Urdu Poetries, Fictions and Journals,’ in Abida Samiuddin (ed.) Muslim feminism and Feminist Movements: South Asia, Vol. 1, Delhi: Global Vision Publishing House, 2002, 165–208. Unexamined. MUSTAFA, ZUBEIDA. ‘Raging to be Free’. Dawn, 3 March 2002. In this, the author declares that Attiya Dawood’s voice represents the struggle of Sindhi women. She refuses to be held back by orthodoxy, retrogressive traditions and patriarchal norms. Several collections of her poetry have been published in Pakistan.

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2332. YAQIN, AMINA. “Badan Darida (The Torn Body): Gender and Sexuality in Pakistani Women’s Poetry”. Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 13, no. 1 (2006): 45–65. ‘This paper deploys the theoretical premise of intertexuality to investigate the theme of gender in Urdu poetry.’ IX. Autobiographies by Women 2333. AZRA ABBAS, MerÊ Bappan [ My Childhood], Karachi: JadÒd klasik pablisharz, 1994. 80p. Translated by Samina Rehman under the title, Kicking up Dust, Lahore: ASR Publications, 1996, 93p. Also see Azra Abbas, Mera Bcahpan, a book review by Christina Oesterheld in Annual of Urdu 18 (2003): 593–600. In extraordinarily simple language, the author (b. 1950), a feminist poet, describes early childhood tensions of growing up in a middle class family. Even as a child, the author was bold enough to challenge gender discrimination. 2334. CHAUDHURANI, FAIZUNNESSA. ‘RÖp JalÊl.’ Dhaka: 1876. Reprint edited by Muhammad Abdul Quddus, Dhaka: Bangla Academy, 1984. [ B] Faizunnessa (1834–1903), a pioneer of women’s education in Bengal, wrote an account of her own life. In this book, published in 1866 Faizunnessa describes her troubled marriage and reects upon the conditions of women in the nineteenth century. She was educated at home and was procient in Bengali, Urdu, and Farsi. After separation from her husband, this gifted woman took over the management of estates inherited from her father and established primary schools for Muslim girls in 1873 and a dispensary for women in 1893. 2335. FAIZ, ALYS. Over My Shoulder. Lahore: Frontier Post Publications, 1993. 448p. Unexamined. Autobiography of the wife of Faiz Ahmad Faiz, a noted Pakistani poet. 2336. HAERI, SHAHLA. No Shame for the Sun: Lives of Professional Pakistani Women. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2002. xxxiv + 454p. This book narrates, in the rst person, the stories of six professional Pakistani women. Although the book does not fall under the category of autobiography, the rst-person narrative brings it close to that genre. All the characters experience gender-based discrimination and violence, yet all emerge as powerful women, gaining public recognition for their potential and talents.

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2337. HAMIDA AKHTAR HUSSAIN RAIPURI. My Fellow Traveller. Translated from her Urdu work, Humsafar by Amina Azfar. Karachi: OUP, 2006. 384p. First work by the author at the age of 72, this autobiography focuses on her life with her husband, Akhtar Hussain Raipuri, a noted Urdu writer and a diplomat. In a simple language, Hamida talks about her meetings with Gandhi, Sarojini Naidu, and Maulawi Abdul Haqq. 2338. HASSAN, RIFFAT. ‘JihÊd Fi Sabil Allahx A Muslim Woman’s Faith Journey from Struggle to Struggle to Struggle,’ in Leonard Grob et al. (ed.) Women’s and Men’s Liberation:Testimonies of Spirit, New York: Greenwood Press. 1991. pp. 11–30. In this article, the author relates her life story beginning from Lahore in Pakistan where she was born, and leading to the USA where she went to teach and research. 2339. SHAH NAWAZ, BEGAM ( Jahan Ara). Father and Daughter: A Political Autobiography. Lahore: Nigarishat, 1971. 304p. The life story of Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz (1896–1979), as told by her, emerges as a fascinating story of a generation of men and women caught at the crossroads of tradition and change in the rst half of the 20th century. She was the rst woman to attack polygamy when she presented a Resolution, at the 1918 Lahore session of the All India Muslim Ladies Conference, describing polygamy as an institution against the true spirit of the Qur’an and a hurdle to the progress of Muslim women. It was four years later at the 1921 Session held in Agra that this resolution was passed. Girls of her traditional Punjabi Muslim family background were taught to trust their potential. Her father trained her for her future role in the politics of India and later she became an active member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. Her daughter was Mumtaz Shah Nawaz. 2340. SHAH NAWAZ, MUMTAZ. The Heart Divided. Lahore: Mumtaz Publications, 1957. 507p. This autobiographical novel written between 1943 and 1948 (although not published posthumously until 1957) describes the experiences of Muslim Punjabi women in the 1930s. The setting is in undivided India and its freedom struggle against British imperialism. The novel also ‘speaks of social tensions and contradictions within the narrative of the Pakistan movement.’ 2341. SHAHAR BANO BEGAM. BÒtÒ KahÊnÒ [ The Story of the Self ], Manuscript copy in the collection of Ayub Qadiri, Karachi. The manuscript

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(89 p. 8/23 u 18 size) ends in 1885. [ English translation by Tahera Aftab is forthcoming]. [ U ] This is the rst known autobiography written in Urdu by a Muslim, the daughter of Nawwab Akbar Ali Khan (1813–1862) of Pataudi, India. ·ahar Bano wrote her story for her friend Miss Fletcher, a missionary of the Baptist Zenana mission working in the Punjab. At the time of writing, the author was caught up in the whirlpool of traumatic events in post-1857 India. The story, thus, is the story of the author and the story of India during this critical period of its history. 2342. SULERI, SARA. Meatless Days. London: Collins, 1990. 186p. This is an autobiographical memoir by a Pakistani Professor of English in the US, the daughter of a Welsh mother and a Pakistani political journalist. The author reects on Pakistan’s history and her family life. X. Biased Images of Women in Textbooks 2343. ANWAR, M. Images of Male and Female in School and College Textbooks. Islamabad: Women’s Division, Government of Pakistan, 1982. 117p. This study looked at the status and roles assigned to male and female characters in textbooks for students up to grade twelve. Not only was the proportion of female characters small, but the representation of adult female characters was minimal. 2344. ZEENATUNNISA. Sex Discrimination in Education: Content Analysis of Pakistan School Textbooks. Working paper No. 62, Institute of Social Studies, The Netherlands, 1989. 61p. This study investigates sex-based discrimination against women in contemporary Pakistani society in the area of education, based on content analysis of Urdu and English language textbooks used at the secondary level in Sindh, Pakistan. Findings show discrimination against women by reinforcing sexual division of labour.

B. Women and Love in Urdu Literature I. Love and Pain 2345. AFÃAL GOP¹L, MUÆAMMAD. Bika¨ KahÊnÒ (A Perilous Tale). [ U ], OIOC. The author (d. 1625 A.D.) in this barÊhmasÊh poem (Hindi verse of twelve stanzas describing the pain of separation from the lover, with

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the characteristic changes of the season throughout the period of twelve months) describes the grief of a woman separated from her lover. Another bÊrÊhmÊsÊh poem, consisting of 258 verses composed in 1743/44 A.D. by Qasim is found in OIOC (ff. 38r –45 v). Another manuscript (5 u 9, 26p.) of Bika¨ KahÊnÒ, consisting of verses in Farsi and Urdu, copied before 1000 A.H. is in the Kutub ‡ÊnÊ Nawwab SalÊr Jang, Hyderabad, Deccan. A copy of this manuscript is in the Library of the Anjuman Taraqqi-yi Urdu, Karachi. This was copied in 1197 A.H./1782 C.E. [Also see Bika¨ KahÊnÒ: BÊrah MÊsah edited by Nurul Hasan Hashimi and Masud Husain Khan, Lucknow: Uttar Pradesh Urdu Academy. 1979. Unexamined. II. Same-sex Relations: Reections from Urdu Writings 2346. ALÁ MUÆAMMAD, IBNE MUHAMMAD MU{ÁN. HidÊyat-un Niswʸ [Guidance for women]. Lucknow: Matba{ Munshi Nawalkishore, 1886. 32p. [ U ], KKK [See entry No. 540 for more citation]. In this small tract, the author after quoting several Hadith explains that paptÒ lasnÊ [sex between two women is zinÊ [fornication]. He further states that an adulteress [zaniÊh] is a woman who copulates with a woman [ juft ho {aurat {aurat ke sÊth] or satises the other woman’s sexual desire by using a tool [dÖsri {aurat ke sÊh miºl mard ke Êleh se ªawat dafÊ{ kartÒi hai ]. A woman who uses a tool, without the help from other woman, to gratify her sexual desire [kisi Êleh se bidun i{Ênat dÖsre ki ap apnÒ dafÊ khwÊhish] is a zaniah (adulteress) too. 2347. {¹ÂÁ, {ABDUL B¹RÁ. Ta£kirat al-¶wÊtÒn, yÊ{nÒ HindustÊn aur FÊrs kÒ behtar aur maªhÖr shÊ{irah {aurato¸ kÊ £ikr ma{ namÖnÊh kalÊm [ Biographical Memoirs of Women, Namely an Account of the Famous and Noted Women Poets of Hindustan and Persia with Samples of their Compositions]. Lucknow: Ma¢ba{ Nawalkishore, 1927. 288p. [ U ] In his biographical memoir of women poets, {¹ÉÒ narrates the life of Begam, an excellent Punjabi dancer. After her temporary [muta{h] marriage with Wajid Ali Shah, the last ruler of Awadh, she became his favourite companion and was titled Raªk Ma˜al. A sample of Begam’s verses in the re¶tÒ style expresses same sex relationship. She writes: Hai manØÖr bÊjÒ satÊnÊ tumhÊrÊ Gilah kartÒ hai jo dugÊnÊ tumhÊrÊ Na bhejÖ¸gÒ susrÊl mai¸ tumko ¶Ênam nahÒ¸ mujhko dÖbhar hai khÊnÊ tumhÊrÊ [Accepted is your teasing my elder sister

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section fourteen your [female] lover prostrates before you [about it] I will not send you, My Lady, to the house of the in-laws Your meals are not a burden to me].

2348. BULKHI, FASIHUDDIN. Ta£kirah niswÊn-i Hind [ Memoirs of women of India]. Patna: ·amsi pres, 1956. 84p. [ U ] This author also refers to the poetic works of Begam [see # 2357] in which she includes words and phrases used to refer same-sex relations. 2349. KIDWAI, SALEEM and RUTH VANITA. ‘Rekhti Poetry: Love between Women (Urdu)’ in Ruth Vanita and Salim Kidwai (ed.) SameSex Love in India. Readings from Literature and History. New York: Palgrave, 2000. pp. 220–228. The authors present translations from 18th century Urdu poetical works (re¶ti ) to show that sexual liaisons between women existed. Included in this section are translations of poet Jurxat’s (1748–1810) oaptinamÊh, a verse describing sexual relations between two women, and verses by RangÒn (1755–1835) and InªÊ{ (1756–1817) narrating similar loverelationships. 2350. MUNÁR LAKHNAWÁ, M. MirÊt-i munÒr yÊ{nÒ MunÒr al-luÊt [ Munir’s mirror i.e. Munir’ dictionary]. Kanpur: ma¢bÊ{-i majÒdÒ, 1930. 256p. [ U ] In this lexicon of Urdu words of popular usage in north India, Munir has included certain words and phrases indicating the prevalence of lesbian sexual relationships. Thus, the word papatÒ is explained to mean ‘the engagement of women of the rubbing class to rub each other’s vulva. [zanÊn-i musʘiqat peªÊ kÊ maªalÊ baham farj par farj malne kÊ].’ [Also see John T. Platts’ A Dictionary of UrdÖ, Clasical Hindi and English (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1997 (1st print 1884), p. 421. Platts explains it as ‘femina libidini sapphicæ indulgens.’]. 2351. PENROSE, WALTER. ‘Hidden in History: Female Homoeroticism and Women of a “Third Nature” in the South Asian Past.’ Journal of History of Sexuality 10, no. 1 (2001): 1–38. The larger part of this paper refers to existing homosexuality and to hermaphrodites in ancient Indian texts. It then briey accounts for homoeroticism in Mughal harems. As evidence, the author refers to a Mughal illustration of the twelfth century A.D. Koka Shastra which shows two women having sex with a dildo. A copy of the illustration (kept in the Biblothèque Nationale de France) is also included. 2352. PETIEVICH, CARLA. ‘Doganas and Zanakhis. The Invention and Subsequent Erasure of Urdu Poetry’s “Lesbian” Voice,’ in Ruth Vanita (ed.) Queering India. Same Sex Love and Eroticism in Indian Culture and Society. New York: Routledge, 2002. pp. 41–60.

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This paper examines rekhti verses in the Urdu language and explores their meaning and the purpose for which they were created by male poets. She concludes that ‘while rekhti may have been undertaken in some sympathy for charting the particularities of female experience, it remains a medium of expression in which humans gendered male purport to represent the experience of humans gendered female, and their insight is limited to what they know about without having lived as woman.’ Petievich also notes that ‘there is little doubt that rekhti’s suppression resulted from anxieties about the feminine in general as much as from a prudish aversion to lesbian expression.’ 2353. RANGÁN, SA{¹DAT Y¹R KH¹N. Diwan-i Ange¶tah. Microlm HMs. B183, Library of Congress. [ U ] Sa{Êdat YÊr ‡Ên ‘RangÒn’ (d. 1835) in the preface of his collection of rekhti verses annotates several words and phrases used by women when referring to their female friends. RangÒn refers to these women as ¶ÊngÒ, a term commonly used for harlots. Among these are the words: ilÊpÒ, duganÊ, zanakhi, sihganÊ and guyia¸. These terms referred to lesbian partners. Few of these lesbian partners even got into marriage with each others [apne mail ke logo¸ me¸ phup kar ªÊdÒ kartÒ hai¸ aur baham ilÊpi kahlÊtÒ hai¸, goyÊ apni waÓa{ par nikʘ kar liyÊ]. The Diwan contains verses describing sexual intimacy between these women. It was completed in 1249 A.H. (1833 A.D.). 2354. SAIYYID AÆMAD DEHLAWÁ, MAULAWÁ. LuÊt un-NisÊx [A Dictionary of women’s Speech: comprising expressions used by Delhi ladies, by princesses of the Delhi palace], Delhi: Daftar Farhang-i ÊÉayah, 1917. 297p. [ U ] There are no direct references to same-sex female relationships in this work which is a lexicon of the language of women. On page 49, two Urdu words, ilÊ{ipÒ [cardamom] and ilÊ{ipÒ bahan [cardamom sister] or ilÊ{ipÒ dÊnÊ [cardamom seed coated with sugar], and on page 192 another word, dugÊnÊ, are socially interpreted as referring to intimate female bonds or even to lesbian relationships. The author says that whenever women of the royal household of Delhi desired to have bahnÊpÊ [sisterly affection] with some other woman they would eat cardamom together. He adds further, ‘thus it is well known that from among the ladies of the royal fort [begamat-i qil{ah], the mother of MirzÊ Fa¶rÖ, the Heir Apparent, made a daughter of a NawwÊb [NawwÊbzÊdi ], SakinÊ Begam, wife of NawwÊb Mu˜ammad {AlÒ ‡Ên (late) her cardamom sister. To celebrate this occasion she conferred upon her a village which till to this day is known as Ilaichipur.’ The word ‘dugÊnÊ’ is explained to mean

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‘a relationship between two women of the same age established by eating paired kernel of almond’. On page 98 an entry under the word zanʶ tosnÊ and zana¶Ò describes how by breaking the breastbone of a cooked chicken or pigeon, women of the royal fort used to establish friendships with each other. Women who formed such strong loverelationships addressed each other by several intimate terms such as life of ‘my heart [dil jÊn]’, ‘my life [ jÊn-i man]’, ‘enemy [duªman]’. [ In Persian-Urdu literary traditions, duªman is a term of endearment]. 2355. VANITA, RUTH. “Married Among Their Companions” Female Homoerotic Relations in Nineteenth-Century Urdu Rekhti Poetry in India.” Journal of Women’s History 16, no. 1 (2004): 12–52. This paper examines the representation of female-female romantic and sexual relations in early nineteenth century Urdu Rekhti poetry in Northern India.

C. Women and Arts and Design I. Women Painters 2356. AHMED, ANNA MOLKA. “The Coming Women Artists of Pakistan.” Pakistan Quarterly 3, no. 3 (1953): 36–41. This paper, written in the rst decade of Pakistan’s emergence as a free nation, gives a brief overview of the work of several emerging women painters who acquired their training at the Department of Fine Arts of the University of the Punjab, Lahore. The writer herself was a renowned painter and Head of the Department of Fine Arts at the University of the Punjab. Photographs of some of these pioneering women painters are included. 2357. ALI, S. AMJAD. “Women Artists of Pakistan.” Pakistan Quarterly 10, no. 1 (1960): 49–56. This article presents short biographical sketches of women painters, including Anna Molka Ahmad, Zakia Mallick, Anwar Afzal, Razia Feroz, Zubeida Agha, Naz Ikramulla, Abbasi Akhtar, Begam Noon and Atiya Hasan. 2358. DAS, ASOK KUMAR. Mughal Painting during Jahangir’s Time. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1978. 278p + plates. The author provides valuable information about royal patronage to painters and the art of painting under the Mughal Emperor Jahangir. Although the work is not about women painters, it contains interesting

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2359.

2360.

2361.

2362.

2363.

2364.

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references to women painters such as Nadira Banu, daughter of Mir Taqi and Nini. DESAI, VISHAKA N. Life at Court: Art for India’s Rulers, 16th –19th Centuries. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. n.d. 162p. This book holds images of several paintings. Also included is an unusual drawing of a female painter in the harem, which creates an intriguing question of whether women painters were trained to paint women of the royal households. This painting is in the estate of the Bharat Kala Bhavan, Varnasi. FARRUKH, NILOFUR. Pioneering Perspectives. Rawalpindi: Ferozsons, 1998. 94p. This beautifully presented volume introduces the work of three women artists from Pakistan: Meher Afroz, a printmaker; Nahid, a feminist painter; and Sheherezade, a potter. The narration includes biographical references and specimens of the women’s art. HASHMI, SALIMA. Unveiling the Visible, Lives and Works of Women Artists of Pakistan. Islamabad: Action Aid, 2002. 212p. This beautifully presented book surveys the last fty years of work by 38 women visual artists in Pakistan. In her introduction, the author, herself a painter of note, observes that ‘the evolution and the development of the visual vocabulary has matured radically in the nineties and beyond, and has widened the context of how art is to be comprehended and enjoyed.’ ——. ‘An Intelligent Rebellion: Women Artists of Pakistan,’ in Geeti Sen (ed.) Crossing Boundaries, New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1997. pp. 229–38. The author, herself a noted painter, in this paper describes how nondemocratic governments and military regimes in Pakistan have dominated all areas of creative and cultural expression. Women painters, however, continued to struggle with their creativity. The paper acknowledges the contributions of women painters who it says are pioneers of the women’s art movement. HUSSAIN, MARJORIE. “Pulpitations.” The Herald, June (1985): 80–82. This is based on an interview with Zarina Hashmi, a print-maker and paper sculptor, and above all a feminist, who believes that the feminist movement creates a situation whereby women can support each other. Zarina teaches at the New York Feminist Institute. IKRAM AZAM, R. M. “Zubaida Agha.” Pakistan Review 11, no. 4 (1963): 24–27.

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This paper discusses and examines the life and work of Zubaida [also spelt as Zubeida] Agha, a prominent Pakistani female painter. Reproduces four of her works. 2365. MINISSALE, GREGORY. “My Country Has Forsaken Me.” Herald, July (1990): 165–69. This is an interview of Anna Molka Ahmed, who after fty years of teaching, and painting and after having founded the Fine Arts Department at the Punjab University, has earned her place in history. 2366. NAQVI, AKBAR. “Transfers of Power and Perception: Four Pakistani Artists.” Arts & the Islamic World, no. 32 (1997): 9–15. This paper traces briey the nature of Zubeida Agha’s work who ‘disdains to call herself a Feminist, but her art is saturated with feminine rectitude, which is aesthetic in terms of modern art and ethical in terms of her cultural properties.’ 2367. TASEER, CHRISTABLE. “Zubeida Agha.” Pakistan Quarterly 2, no. 2 (1952): 56–59, 61. This is a short biographical account of the life and work of the painter and sculptor, Zubeida Agha. Photographs of her work are included. II. Women Calligraphists 2368. ASR¹R ÆUSAIN KH¹N, SAIYYID. QadÒm hunar wa hunar mandÊn-i Awadh [ The Early Crafts and Craft Persons of Awadh], Lucknow: NaØir buk agensy, 1936. 224p. [ U ] Drawing upon a large number of primary sources, some of which are now extinct, this work describes calligraphy as mastered by NawwÊb MalikÊ Jahan, chief Queen of Mu˜ammad {AlÒ ·ah, the ruler of Awadh. She copied the QurxÊn and a biography of the Prophet in the Nas¶ style which she learned from another woman, JÒnÊ Begam. 2369. SHAY¹N LUCKNAWI, ”O”¹ R¹M. MaºnawÒ parkÊlÊ-yi {Êtiª [A Spark of Fire: A Longer Poem]. 27p. written in 1287 A.H. (1870 C.E.), copied in 1289 A.H. (1872). MS in Liaquat National Museum, Karachi. [ U ] This long poem relates the story of a young Hindu widow who immolated herself on the pyre of her husband. This manuscript is included here because it was copied in beautiful NastÊ{lÒq by a Muslim woman, Nathu BÒ in 1289 A.H.

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D. Music/Dance 2370. ASMI, SALEEM. “Memoirs of a Dancing Queen.” The Herald 9, no. 7 (1978): 37–41. Life story of a Pakistani dancer, Madam Azurie, and is based on her interview. Her father was a German Catholic and her mother a South Indian Brahman. Azurie married a Muslim Pakistani. In spite of social disapproval of dance, Azurie describes her determination to promote dancing in Pakistan. She comments negatively on the poor state of as depicted in Pakistani lms. Photographs are included. 2371. ——. “Roshan Ara Begam Talks of Her Visit to India.” The Herald 9, no. 5 (1978): 39–42. This is an interview-based study of a classical singer, Roshan Ara Begam and includes details of her life and work. Photographs are included. 2372. BISMILLAH NIAZ AHMAD, BEGAM. UrdÖ GÒt [Urdu Songs], Karachi: Maktaba Naya Daur, 1986. 784p. [ U ] This book, based on extensive research, documents a variety of folk songs sung by both elite and professional women singers (~omni ). For every occasion, including birth and weddings, special songs were sung, allowing pardah-observing women opportunities to enjoy each other’s company and to air their inner thoughts. 2373. BURNEY, SHEMEEM ABBAS. The Female Voice in Su Ritual: Devotional Practices of Pakistan and India. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002. 209p. The book, which documents the place of women in Su practices through their devotional song, is based on interviews with women musicians and performers at several shrines in Pakistan. 2374. MALHOTRA, L. K. “Begum Akhtar. Random Thoughts and Personal Reminiscences.” Sangeet Natak 37, July (1975): 16–20. This paper gives an account of home and family life of Begum Akhtar, a famous singer. 2375. SHAHID, S. M. (ed.), Melody Queen: Tributes to Pakistan’s Superstar Noor Jehan. Karachi: n.d. 94p. This volume consists of several articles written as a tribute to the memory of Noor Jehan (1926–2000), the legendary singer and lm actress of South Asia. Her rst lm was made in 1935. 2376. SHARMA, URSULA. “Women’s Songs in Rural Punjab.” Cahiers de Literature Orale 6 (1981): 41–70. This paper describes a folk tradition in the Punjab when men and women sing to celebrate different occasions. Thus, a married woman

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sings to remember her brother whom she has left behind at the time of her marriage. Her songs reect her new status as a married woman who yearns to return to her parents’ house. 2377. SIDDIQUI, WAHAB. “Hai-o-Rabba.” MAG, January 13–19 (1983): 31–33. This paper relates the discovery of Reshma, a Pakistani folk singer of gypsy origin. She has become the most popular folk voice in South Asia. 2378. SURYA, REKHA. “The Living Legend Becomes a Legend: a Tribute.” Sangeet Natak 37, July (1975): 21–24. This narrates the style, technique and repertoire of Begum Akhtar, the famous singer of ghazals in India.

E. Women’s Textile and Jewellery 2379. ANIS MIRZA. “Pakistan Jewellery: Yesterday and Today.” Pakistan Quarterly II, no. 1 (1962–63): 18–21. This work describes various types of jewellery worn by women in Pakistan. 2380. ASKARI, NASREEN and ROSEMARY CRILL. Colours of the Indus: Costume and Textiles of Pakistan. London: Merrell Holbertson in association with the Victoria and Albert Museum, 1997. Unexamined. 2381. BRIJ BHUSHAN, JAMILA. Indian Jewellery, Ornaments and Decorative Designs. 2nd edition, Bombay: D. B. Taraporevala Sons and Company 1964. 189p. With the help of drawings and photographs, this work presents a wideranging survey of various types of ornaments and jewellery of South Asia, including those worn by Muslims. 2382. ——. The Costumes and Textiles of India. Bombay: D. B. Taraporevala Sons and Company, 1958. 87p. 144 plates. This beautifully organized book traces the historical development of male and female clothing, garments, and presents various aspects of textiles, embroidery, printing and dyeing. 2383. BURNEY, NAUSHABA. “Women’s Costumes.” Pakistan Quarterly 13, no. 2–3 (1965): 71–81. With the help of photographs and drawings, this article describes women’s clothing and apparel in Muslim areas of South Asia, and particularly in Pakistan, including East Pakistan.

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2384. DAR, S. N. Costumes of India and Pakistan: A Historical and Cultural Study. Bombay: D. B. Taraporevala Sons, 1969. 244p. The author reviews the luxuriance of female fashion inuenced by Hellenistic ideas and refers to the pardah system. A survey of garment and dresses worn by women throughout various periods of history is given. 2385. FAROOKI, NAZRATUN NAEEM. “At the Altar of Beauty.” Pakistan Quarterly 2, no. 1 (1952): 53–57 & 68. With the help of photographs, this article describes the use of cosmetics and ornaments in different regions of Pakistan. 2386. NAZRUL BAQAR, BINTE. “HamÊrÊ libÊs kaisÊ honÊ pahiye [ What kind of clothes should we have].” SharÒf BibÒ, March no. 9 (1910): 7–11. [ U ], LML. The author argues for making changes in the clothes worn by Muslim women. She points out that as more women are travelling and attending sessions of women’s organizations, they need to wear a comfortable dress. 2387. RASHID AHMAD, ZINAT. “Women’s Costumes in Pakistan.” Pakistan Quarterly 1, no. 1 (1949): 14–18. An interesting study of Pakistani dress immediately after the creation of the country. Included are several photographs of Pakistani women of this period. 2388. SHAMSUDEEN, A. T. “Ornaments Worn by the Moorish Women of Ceylon.” Orientalist 2 (1885–86): 152–55. Describes different ornaments worn by Muslim women in Sri Lanka. 2389. SHARAR, ABDUL HALIM. Lucknow the Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. Translated and edited by E. S. Harcourt & Fakhir Hussain. London: Paul Elek, 1975. 295p. This general survey of the history of Awadh describes women’s apparel and fashions at the court. Awadh created exquisite delicate jewellery for women. 2390. WOMAN’S MISSIONARY FRIEND. “Why Indian Women are Early Old.” 28, no. 2 (1896): 43–44. This paper states that Indian women age early because they have early marriages. Also the work states that heavy jewellery worn by girl-brides also causes ill-health. ‘She is hung with many costly and heavy ornaments. Her tiny ears are doubled under the weight of often fourteen gold or silver rings of more than an inch in diameter in each ear. Her nose is usually bored in the right nostril and sometimes both nostrils and the

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middle diaphragm. The nose ring in the North-West is often more than six inches in diameter, so that a woman eats and drinks through it while it hangs like a big pendant. It is often so heavy that it is held and prevented from splitting the nostril by a chain or thread tacked to a braid of a hair. At Shikarpur and Karachi, women wear very heavy and clumsy nose rings held fast by a strong silk thread fastened to the hair. It completely hides the nose. A stranger will imagine, on looking from a distance, that a woman equipped with this weapon of Indian beauty has no nose at all. Tight bracelets, often more than two dozen on each wrist and other metallic ligaments on the arms and the anklets, greatly mar the natural symmetry of Indian women’s limbs. These weights if placed upon a soldier, would make him smart under them in march. . . . Add to the above the effects of early marriage, with its unremitting duties, in the Indian hot climate, and you have very nearly all the causes of the early old age of Indian women.’ 2391. ZEBUNNISSA HAMIDULLA. “Pakistani Ornaments and Jewellery.” Pakistan Quarterly 1, no. 2 (1949): 41–46. With photographic illustrations describes contemporary female jewellery and dress designs.

F. Film and Media 2392. GORFAIN, PHYLLIS. et al. “Inscribed Surfaces: On Bodies on Film.” Journal of American Folklore 109, no. 431 (1996): 79–92. The paper reviews a video on ‘henna’ application and wedding songs among Pakistani women living in New York City. The video documents how traditional practices become hybrid art forms when enacted in new cultural contexts. 2393. HAFEEZ, SABEEHA. ‘Use of Media in Portrayal of Women: An Outline.’ Report of the Seminar on Women and Media, sponsored by Women’s Division, government of Pakistan, October 1984, 43–47. (Mimeograph APWA Library.) This paper discusses the role of media in Pakistan in introducing women and gender issues for general awareness and information, and for making women aware of their role in development. The author states that portrayal of women in the media should not be in isolation; it should be related to problems and issues. 2394. HAKIM, REHANA. “Interview of Feryal Gauhar.” Newsline, May, 1995. 117–23.

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2395.

2396.

2397.

2398.

541

Feryal Gauhar, a TV actress and lm-maker talks about her lm Peswaan, about the hazards of womanhood and about the feminist movement in Pakistan. Feminism in Pakistan she feels, ‘is basically an elitist movement.’ HANSEN, KATHRYN. “Making Women Visible: Gender and race Cross-Dressing in the Parsi Theatre.” Theatre Journal 51, no. 2 (1999): 127–47. The Parsi stage in the late 19th Century, through the institution of female impersonation, created a publicly visible, responsible image of woman and dened the external equivalents of the new gendered code of conduct for women. Soon women appeared in the theatre. These early performers, most of them bearing Muslim names, were from the ‘courtesan culture’. HUSSAIN, NEELAM and NASRENE SHAH. ‘Women, Media and the Production of Meaning,’ in Fareeha Zafar (ed.) Finding Our Way: Readings on Women in Pakistan. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1991. pp. 159–76. The paper draws information from a survey conducted in 1985–86 on representation of women in Pakistani media. Women’s images in Pakistan, in mass media as well as in school textbooks remain traditionally stereotypical of a patriarchal understanding of their status and role. Information is always selective so as to suit the preconceived patriarchal norms of the society. JAHAN, ROUSHAN. ‘Exploring the Outreach: The Video Project of Women for Women,’ in Kamla Bhasin (ed.) Women and Media: Analysis, Alternatives and Action, ISIS International, 1984. pp. 92–93. In this paper the author discusses the aims and objectives of Women for Women, a research and study group formed in 1974 by Bangladeshi women activists. The main aim of this group is to undertake research and document women’s life and work. This group produced two video lms on the role of the midwife. KHAN, FAWZIA AFZAL. “Exposed by Pakistani Street Theatre: The Unholy Alliance of Post-modern Capitalism, Patriarchy and Fundamentalism.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 8, nos. 1 & 2 (2001): 57–76. The main question addressed in this paper is of the connections between capitalist post-modern consumerism, and the return to conservative, traditionalist attitudes toward life. These the author feels, converge to keep women oppressed in the Third World countries like Pakistan, which has witnessed the rise of Islamic “fundamentalism” in the last three decades of the 20th century.

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2399. ——. “Street Theatre in Pakistani Punjab: The Case of Ajoka, Lok Rehas, and the Women Question.” In The Drama Review 4, no. 3 (1997) 39–62. Also published in Fawzia Afzal Khan and Kalpana SeshadriCrooks (ed.) The Pre-occupation of Postcolonial Studies, Durham: Duke University Press, 2000. The parallel theatre movement or street theatre in Pakistan emerged during the repressive martial law regime of 1979–89. This form of theatre raises several questions about the nature of the relationship between the Pakistani ‘Islamic’ state and society, most pertinently the state’s coercive relationship with its female citizenry. The paper expresses a hope that grassroots, self-help organizations may be able to explore ways in which techniques of street theatre may be put to effective use in the third world. 2400. PASHA, SHIREEN. ‘A Historical Overview of Television in Pakistan: Perspectives of Control, Manipulation, Commercialization and Gender.’ Paper presented at The News South Asian Media Conference, Islamabad, 1–2 July 2000. Unexamined. 2401. PERVAIZ, SEEMA. Analysis of Mass Media Appealing to Women. Islamabad: Women’s Division Government of Pakistan, n.d., 217p. This study looks into the images of women as portrayed through the media in Pakistan. Women in this patriarchal society have accepted their subordinate roles. Mass media further strengthens this image. 2402. ——. ‘Images of women in Media,’ in Report of the Seminar on ‘Women and Media’ sponsored by Women’s Division, Government of Pakistan, October 1984, (Mimeograph the Library of Women’s Division, Government of Pakistan), pp. 94–107. This paper examines media representation of women, which is not liked or approved of by the middle-class women in Pakistan. 2403. ROY, PARAMA. Indian Trafc, Identities in Question in Colonial and Postcolonial India. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998. 236p. In chapter six, the author discusses the case of lm actress Nargis, who emerged as a national icon signifying Indian womanhood with her performance in ‘Mother India’ that was released in 1957. Born in a Muslim family of courtesans she later married a Hindu and hardly ever played a role depicting a Muslim woman, and yet her ‘Muslimness’, the author says, ‘becomes most visible in what persists as an afterlife and what refuses to stay behind.’ 2404. SHAHEED, FARIDA. ‘Creating One’s Own Media,’ in Women and Media: Analysis, Alternatives and Action, ISIS International, 1984. pp. 82–84.

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This describes the progress of the women’s movement during martial law rule by the holding of women’s meetings and the presentation of skits highlighting women’s issues. 2405. SULEMAN, SALEHA. Representations of Gender in Prime-time television: A Textual Analysis of Drama Series of Pakistan. Ph.D. Dissertation, the University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1990. This research, from a feminist perspective, shows some signicant oppressive gender and class ideologies in representations of urban and rural women in prime-time television in the late 1980s in Pakistan. 2406. ——. Representations of Gender in Prime-Time Television: A Textual Analysis of Drama Series of Pakistan Television. Ph.D. Dissertation, 1990. The University of Wisconsin-Madison. Unexamined.

SECTION FIFTEEN

CHALLENGES, THREATS, AND THE RESPONSES OF WOMAN

A. Violence against Women 2407. AHMED, FAUZIA ERFAN. ‘Female Jurors Change an All-Male Village Court: Autonomous Law-Making and Domestic Violence in Bangladesh’. Working Paper Series, Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies, Harvard School for Public Health 14, no. 12, 2004. pp. 1–21. This article presents a eld-based study of the less explored role of shalish (village courts) in the lives of rural Bangladeshi women. The study found that a detailed investigation of a shalish on domestic violence in which women jurors were present, made a difference and showed ‘how the legal prescriptions contested traditional gender norms.’ The author recommends further investigations to see how this process of autonomous law-making can be used as a tool for social change to challenge existing gender norms in male dominant societies. 2408. AKANDA, LATIFA and ISHRAT SHAMIM. Women and Violence: A Comparative Study of Rural and Urban Violence Against Women in Bangladesh. Women for Women, Dhaka, 1985. xv+36p. This study examines the causes, motives and nature of violence against women. Findings show a lack of information; therefore it is not easy to determine and examine violence. Dowry is a major cause of violence against women. 2409. {ALÁ MUÆAMMAD IBNE MUHAMMAD MU{ÁN. HidÊyat-un Niswʸ [Guidance for women]. Lucknow: matba{ munshi nawalkishore, 1886. 32p. [ U ], KKK [See entry No. 540 for more citation]. In this small tract the author argues that women lack intellect. On page 29 the author states that one ÊdÊb [etiquette] for men is that when any one beats his wife, the other should not question him [ek ÊdÊb mardo¸ se yih hai kih agar koxÒ ªa¶s apnÒ {aurat ko mÊre, dÖsra nÊ pÖphe] because there are ceratin things that cannot be told to others. He further warns the husbands that they while beating their wives they must follow the rules of the ªara{ and strike them in such a way that neither she

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2411.

2412.

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bleeds nor her bones are broken [is ¢arha mÊre kih ¶Ön nÊ nikle aur haddi nÊ ¨Ö¨e]. However, if the husband beats her too much, people then should save her. CHOWDHURY, ELORA HALIM. “Victim, survivor, agent: unraveling popular representations of survivors of acid violence.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 11, no. 1 (2004): 83–96. This paper draws upon the stories narrated by the victims and survivors of acid throwing. COOMARASWAMY, RADHIKA. Integration of the Human Rights of Women and the Gender Perspective: Violence against Women. A report submitted by in accordance with the Commission on Human Rights resolution 1997/44: addendum: mission to Pakistan and Afghanistan (1–13 September 1999). Unexamined. DE MEL, NELOUFER. “Fractured Narratives: Notes on Women in Conict in Sri Lanka and Pakistan.” Development 45, no. 1 (2002): 99–104. In this paper the author makes a comparative study by drawing on oral testimonies of survivors of violence in Karachi and on research in Sri Lanka to examine the impact of militarization and patriarchy on feminist resistance. FAROOQI, YASMIN N. “Endurance of Spousal Aggression: Helplessness or Fear of Social Condemnation.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 5, no. 1 & 2 (1998): 27–43. This paper reports recent research investigating the endurance of Pakistani women to spousal aggression. For this study, a sample of 60 educated, working and unemployed women was taken. Results indicate that non-working women endure spousal aggression, both physical and psychological, more frequently than working women. In addition, nonworking women showed more feelings of helplessness, fear of social condemnation and symptomatic anxiety, probably due to repeated exposure to domestic violence. FIKREE, F. F. and L. I. BHATTI. “Domestic Violence and Health of Pakistani Women.” International Journal of Gynecology and Obstetrics 65, no. 2 (1999): 195–201. With the help of condential interviews conducted with 150 women randomly selected from health facilities in Karachi, this paper seeks to assess the prevalence and health consequences of domestic violence among women in Karachi. The study’s concluding observation is that ‘the magnitude, physical and mental health consequences of domestic violence represents a serious reproductive health concern in Pakistan.’

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2415. FINNEY HAYWARD, RUTH. Breaking the Earthenware Jar: Lessons from South Asia to End Violence against Women and Girls. Kathmandu: UNICEF Regional Ofce, 2000. 424p. This book brings to the reader details and facts regarding the prevalence of violence against women and girls. Of all forms of violence against females, the most difcult to eliminate is violence in the family, where it has long been denied or trivialized. The rst part of this book covers problems and prospects, and explores the views of South Asians’ about gender-based violence. Next the book discusses how violence affects the lives of women and girls, particularly in the home. It nally raises the question of whether violence can be stopped and explores ways of creating change. Case studies are included. 2416. HAQUE, Y. A. “The Woman Friendly Hospital Initiative in Bangladesh: A Strategy Addressing Violence Against Women.” Development 44, no. 3 (2001): 79–81. A group of delegates at a conference discussed the concept of a womanfriendly hospital to prevent violence against women and to treat women with respect and dignity. 2417. HASSAN, YASMEEN. The Haven Becomes Hell: A Study of Domestic Violence in Pakistan. Lahore: Shirkat Gah, WLUML Coordination Ofce, Asia, 1995. 72p. This book reports on various forms of domestic violence perpetuated against women in Pakistani homes. The concept of men being the guardians of women’s chastity is so deeply ingrained in the social fabric of the country, that it is difcult for society to condemn anyone who is seen as acting for his honour. Added to this is the horror brought into the lives of women by the interpretation of Islam by pseudo-religious scholars’. Ziaul Haq’s military regime further added to miserable treatment of women. 2418. HUDA, SHAHNAZ. “Sexual Harassment and Professional Women in Bangladesh.” Asia-Pacic Journal on Human Rights and the Law 2 (2003): 52–69. This paper explains that ‘the reality of patriarchal domination and female subordination exacerbates the situation to such an extent that for women it is difcult to acknowledge that they are victims of sexual harassment.’ This harassment takes several forms, from actual sexual advances to the spreading of sexual rumours. Although there are constitutional protections for women against sexual harassment, in practice it is very different. The paper also includes excerpts from women who were interviewed and who related their stories of harassment to the author.

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2419. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH. Crime or Custom? Violence against Women in Pakistan. Karachi: OUP, 2001. 126p. This report, prepared for Human Rights Watch on the rise of violence against women in Pakistan, is based on interviews conducted with human rights lawyers and activists, police ofcials, medico legal doctors, forensic laboratory staff, prosecutors, and female victims of violence. 2420. IQBAL, JUSTICE JAVID. “Crimes Against Women in Pakistan.” Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 13, no. 3 (1990): 37–48. This paper examines ways in which women in Pakistan are being oppressed. Control over women is viewed as a matter of honour and prestige. 2421. ISLAM, MAHMUDA. ‘Subregional Overview,’ in Roushan Jahan and Mahmuda Islam (ed.) Violence against Women in Bangladesh: Analysis and Action. Dhaka, Women for Women, 1997. pp. 1–16. This paper reports an increase in violence against women as a grave social problem in South Asia. The problem has had little social recognition and legal redress because patriarchal values, traditions, and even laws discriminate against women and condone male violence. 2422. ISLAM, SHAMIMA and JAKIA BEGUM. Women: Victims of Violence, 1975–1984. Dhaka: Center for Women and Development, Bangladesh, 1985. 58p. As one of the rst studies on violence against women in Bangladesh, the primary purpose of this work is to start a systematic inquiry into this issue. Based on secondary sources, the study presents case studies of violence occurring during the women’s decade of 1975–84, which has showed a massive increase in reported cases of violence. 2423. JAHAN, ROUSHAN. ‘Violence against Women in Bangladesh,’ in Roushan Jahan and Mahmuda Islam (ed.) Violence against Women in Bangladesh: Analysis and Action. Dhaka, Women for Women, 1997. pp. 17–26. This paper argues that during the last two decades, violence against women has emerged as one of the most visible and articulated social issues in Bangladesh. This the work states, is due to two factors: the focus on women’s issues and the publicity given to it by newspapers and NGOs. The paper also acknowledges that violence against women is increasing in the country. 2424. ——. ‘Hidden Wounds, Visible Scars: Violence against Women in Bangladesh,’ in Bina Agarwal (ed.) Structures of Patriarchy-State, Community and Household in Modernizing Asia. London: Zed Books, 1990. pp. 199–227. Violence against women has increased greatly in Bangladesh. This paper examines the causes of violence, proles victims, and stresses

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2428.

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that there is an urgent need for action by both the government and the public to reduce violence. Social change, that would eliminate gender inequalities, is crucial. ——. ‘Family Violence and Bangladeshi Women: Some Observations,’ in Roushan Jahan and Latifa Akanda (ed.) Collected Articles, Dhaka: Women for Women Research & Study Group. 1983. pp. 13–22. Gender inequality operating as a norm of social relationships in Bangladesh often results in violence against women. This paper examines women’s rights and laws relating to violence against women. KABEER, NAILA. “Subordination and Struggle: Women in Bangladesh.” New Left Review, 168, March–April (1988): 114–15. Examining violence against women that erupted during the Liberation Movement of the 1970s in Bangladesh, the author says that this violence continued even after independence of the country. Girls are still not valued and women are expected to remain subservient. This continuum of violence, the author argues, reveals a common thread of oppression uniting all women, both rich and poor. An ongoing tug of war continues simultaneously between development initiatives and religious extremism. KOENIG, MICHAEL A. et al. “Women’s Status and Domestic Violence in Rural Bangladesh: Individual- and Community-Level Effects.” Demography 40, no. 22 (003): 269–88. This paper explores the determinants of domestic violence in two rural areas of Bangladesh. Findings of this study, conducted in 1993, reveal that active violence against women, which is highly context-specic, continues despite the development programmes and NGO-sponsored activities of the last several decades. Education, higher socio-economic status, and being non-Muslims in an extended family are associated with lower risks of violence. Surprisingly higher levels of autonomy of women and their short-term membership in savings and credit groups were found to be risk factors for causing violence. MARCUS, RACHEL. Violence Against Women in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Egypt, Sudan. Senegal and Yemen: Report Prepared for Special Programme WID, Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, 1993. 17p. Unexamined. RIAZ, MAH NAZIR and AMNA NAZ, “Self-Perception of Victims of Domestic Violence.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 8, nos. 1 & 2 (2001): 1–13. This study examined differences between self-perception of victims of domestic violence and non-abused women. The sample of sixty women

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included thirty abused women from shelter homes in Pakistan. Findings show that compared to non-abused women, victims of domestic violence have low self-image. SCHULER, SYDNEY. et al. “Men’s Violence Against Women in Rural Bangladesh: Undermined or Exacerbated by Microcredit Programmes?” Development in Practice 8, no. 2 (1998) 148–57. Using data from an ethnographic study in rural Bangladesh, this paper explores relationships between men’s violence against women in the home, women’s economic and social dependence on men, and credit programmes, and nds that women’s economic roles can reduce their vulnerability to men’s violence against them. ——. et al. “Credit Programs, Patriarchy and Men’s violence Against Women in rural Bangladesh.” Social Science & Medicine 43, no. 12 (1996): 1792–42. Based on ethnographic and structured survey data this paper explores the relationship between domestic violence against women and their economic and social dependence in Bangladesh’s rural set up. Research ndings suggest that although violence against women is deep-rooted, group-based credit programmes for women can reduce the violence by making the roles of women more public. SHAH, NAFISA. Blood, Tears and Lives to Live: Women in the Cross-re: A Study for Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. Lahore: Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 1998. 44p. This study examines and narrates the sufferings of women resulting from a variety of conicts in the province of Sindh. The methodology adopted here was to listen to their testimonies, and what they were saying about the conicts and how they took place. In the 90s Sindh experienced violent violations of human rights, in which women suffered the most. SHAIKH, MASOOD ALI. “Domestic Violence against Women-Perspective from Pakistan.” The Journal of the Pakistan Medical Association. 50, no. 9 (2000): 312–14. This paper draws upon a study conducted in a public-sector hospital, of men who accompanied female patients. The study was on the issue of domestic violence perpetrated by men on their wives. All respondents admitted to shouting at their wives, even during their pregnancy. More studies are required to assess the types, frequency, risk factors and sequel to wife abuse, to establish guidelines for medical practitioners. SHAMIM, ISHRAT. “Domestic Violence and Legal System: Critique of State Discrimination and Role of Feminist Groups.” In Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 1, no. 1 (1994): 5–11.

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This paper studies family abuse in Bangladesh’s patriarchal society. Violence against women is inherent in the family structure, which institutionalizes power and gender inequality. Organized women’s groups have played a leading role as support and pressure groups by developing resistance to various forms of oppression and injustice against women. Much can be achieved, the paper concludes, through solidarity and the women’s movement. SIDDIQUI, SALMA. ‘The Subtle Shades of Violence.’ Violence Redened From a Feminist Perspective.’ Paper presented at the Eighth International Conference, Pakistan Psychological Association, Islamabad, 8–10 October 1991. CEWS In this work case studies of physical violence against women and girls in Pakistan are discussed. WILSON-MOORE, MAROT. “Servants and Daughters: Out of Wedlock Pregnancy and Abandonment of Women in Bangladesh.” Human Organization 55, no. 2 (1996): 170–77. Based on data obtained via admissions records and interviews with 48 abandoned women in a shelter in Dhaka, this study shows that social problems are deeply embedded in the religious, cultural and economic structure of Bangladesh. ZAIDI, FARAHNAZ. “Sexual Harassment: the Working Woman’s Dilemma.” Newsline, January (1994): 28–45. While increasing global awareness about the phenomenon of sexual harassment has resulted in its recognition by the judiciaries of many countries, in Pakistan the issue has yet to be acknowledged. An overwhelming number of Pakistani women are sexually harassed. ZAMAN, HABIBA. “Violence against Women in Bangladesh: Issues and Responses.” Women’s Studies International Forum 22, no. 1 (1999): 37–48. The author begins this paper with an understanding that violence is an every day experience of Bangladeshi women. Applying a socialist feminist approach, the author examines the common roots of this violence in the socio-political and ideological framework of the society. Findings show that violence against women in Bangladesh has both structural and systemic dimensions that reect on the status of women. I. Rape Crimes

2439. AHMAD, K. “Public Protests after Rape in Pakistani Hospital.” Lancet 354, 1979, p. 659.

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2441.

2442.

2443.

2444. 2445.

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This paper reports the unusual circumstances of the rape of a sixteen-year-old girl in a district of the North-west Frontier Province of Pakistan. The girl was admitted to the hospital for renal colic. While under anaesthesia for surgery, she was raped by hospital staff members. This led to public protests, during which the hospital was pelted with stones. Hospitals are often sites for rape of women. BAKHTIAR, IDREES. “The Politics of Rape.” The Herald Annual, January (1992): 37–42. This examines two cases of rape which involved women in politics. These women refused to keep their ordeals to themselves and decided, against taboos of Pakistani society, to go public with their cases. HAERI, SHAHLA. ‘The Politics of Dishonor: Rape and Power in Pakistan,’ in Mahnaz Afkhami (ed.) Faith and Freedom, Women’s Human Rights in the Muslim World, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1995. pp. 161–174. This paper studies some of the reported cases of rape and exploitation of women related to political games in Pakistan in the last several decades. Women now have the courage to come out openly to challenge their aggressors; women, despite discrimination, are ‘determined to speak out, realizing that remaining silent for any longer is a crime.’ ——. ‘Women’s Body, Nation’s Honor: Rape in Pakistan,’ in Asma Afsaruddin (ed.) Hermeneutics and Honor: Negotiating Female Public Space in Islamic/ate Societies, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard Center for Middle Eastern Studies, 1999. pp. 55–69. This is a slightly modied version of the article described above. HUSSEIN, SHAZREH. Rape in Pakistan. Lahore: Simorgh Women’s Resource and Publication Centre, 1990. 90p. This report lists several press reports about rape cases in Pakistan. The aim of this report, according to the compilers, ‘is to enable us to devise effective means of checking sexual violence against women’ and to create awareness about this crime. JAHANGIR, ASMA. “Many Faces of Rape in Pakistan.” Canadian Women’s Studies 13, no. 1 (1992): 33–35. Unexamined. MEHDI, RUBYA. “The Offence of Rape in the Islamic Law of Pakistan.” International Journal of the Sociology of Law 18 (1990): 19–29. This paper argues that under the Offence of Zina Ordinance, VII of 1979 ‘fornication and adultery have been made crimes similar to the crime of rape in the zina ordinance and subsequently emphasis on the crime of rape has been reduced.’ In conclusion, the author observes

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that there are two trend developing in the Pakistani feminist movement in reaction to these laws. One is that the Shariat laws are ‘outdated and they should be replaced by another kind of law altogether.’ The other recognizes the need for a re-interpretation of these laws. The latter opinion is more acceptable to women as it is better suited to the Islamic framework of society. NADEEM, SHAHID. “Rape a Nation Shamed.” Newsline: Special, September (1989): 59–62. This is a grisly tale of the rape of innocent poor women by police ofcers and men of power. The so-called process of ‘Islamization’ ignores the trauma of rape. QURAISHI, ASIFA. “Her Honor: An Islamic Critique of the Rape Laws of Pakistan From a Woman-Sensitive Perspective.” Michigan Journal of International Law 18: 287 (1997): 287–320. The author, an attorney of Pakistani origin in America, presents indepth information on legal aspects of rape in Pakistan. Whereas Islamic jurisprudence includes laws for rape, Pakistan’s criminal laws do not do the same. Unfortunately, drafters of Pakistan’s Hudood Ordinance and the Shariah court, which implemented it, took no notice of this precedence in creating Pakistan’s zina law. The result has been injustice to women of Pakistan and a disservice to Islamic law. The author concludes by observing that ‘ongoing effort must be undertaken simultaneously with any ofcial legislative changes, in order to give real effect to such legislation, and to give life to the Qur’Ênic verses honoring women.’ REHMAN, I. A. “Of Female Bondage.” Newsline Special, September (1989): 66–68. The paper seeks to answer two major questions. First, what has contributed to the increase in incidents of gang rape in recent years? Second, why is this new wave of insanity largely conned to the Punjab? Most rape cases stem from the survival of feudal traditions in rural areas and the rise of mobstersism in urban settlements. Attacks on women reect their status. In society, women are regarded as male possessions and treated accordingly. ROZARIO, SANTI. “Claiming the Campus for Female Students in Bangladesh.” Women’s Studies International Forum 24, no. 2 (2001): 157–66. This paper discusses increasing politicization of Bangladesh universities in recent years. As a result of this campuses are being dominated by male students who act as extended arms of political parties. At one

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campus, several incidents of took place. The rapists and their gangs also harassed and threatened female faculty members and male students who sided with the victims. YUSUF, ZOHRA. ‘A Rising Graph.’ Herald, January (1992): 47–8. The author notes that rape of Pakistani women is a form of ‘feudal vendetta’. The paper discusses the case of Nawabpur, Sindh, where the son of a local landlord forced three women to parade naked in the street. ZAMAN, RIFFAT MOAZZAM. ‘Women and Violence, War Against Rape: the experience of an activist group in Karachi.’ Paper presented at the Eighth International Conference of Pakistan Psychological Association, Islamabad, 8–10 October 1991. This paper reviews conceptual issues surrounding women and violence. It reports on the experience of an activist group (WAR) that was formed in 1989 in Karachi to raise awareness about sexual crimes against women and to provide support and help for the victims. The experiences of the group are illustrated through case studies. ZIA, AFIYA S. Sex Crime in the Islamic Context: Rape, Class and Gender in Pakistan. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1994. 80p. Discussing sex crimes in the context of Islam, this study examines General Ziaul Haq’s Zina Ordinance of 1979. The underlying concern of this study is to discuss how gender-biased cultural attitudes by the manipulation of religion are translated into state legislation. The Hudood laws, by subsuming rape as a subcategory of adultery and fornication, prevent women from testifying. ‘This has the effect of shifting the focus of all subsequent prosecutions from the aggressor to the victim.’ Women in Pakistan, the author argues, remain ‘properties’ of their male relatives and thus ‘representative of the latter’s hearths and honour.’ ——. ‘Rape in Pakistan,’ in Pinar Ilkkaracan (ed.) Woman and Sexuality in Muslim Societies, Istanbul: Women for Women’s Human Rights, 2000. pp. 327–39. This paper examines the impact of Pakistan’s Hudood laws on rape crimes. As a result of these laws promulgated by a military regime, rape in Pakistan is subsumed as a sub-category of zina (sexual intercourse with other than a legitimate partner).

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II. Trafcking of Women 2454. GAUHAR, KHADIJA. ‘Some Forms of Trafcking in Women—the Results of a Survey,’ in Let Our Silenced Voices be Heard: The Trafc in Asian Women. Manila: ISIS International, 1993. pp. 3–5. Unexamined. 2455. HUSSAIN, NEELAM. ‘The Flesh Trade in Pakistan,’ in Let Our Silenced Voices be Heard: The Trafc in Asian Women. Manila: ISIS International, 1993. pp. 37–42. Unexamined. 2456. KARKARIA, BACHI J. “Raped Women of Bangladesh,” in Illustrated Weekly of India 93, no. 25 (1972): 14–17. This paper relates the horric stories of rape and victimization of women during the ‘freedom struggle’ of Bangladesh in 1971. Stories of victims and photographs of attacks on Dacca University women’s dormitory are included. 2457. LAWYERS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AID. The Flesh Trade: The Trafcking of Women and Children in Pakistan—the 1993 Report. Karachi: LHRLA, 1993. 57p. This report narrates the trafcking of women and children including Bangladeshi women and children in Pakistan. The Supreme Court of Pakistan initiated Public Interest Litigation and converted this report into a constitution petition. 2458. PAUL, BIMAL KANTI and SYED ABU HASNATH. “Trafcking in Bangladeshi Women and Girls.” The Geographical Review 90, no. 2 (2000): 268–76. Despite some encouraging indicators of improvement, women and girls in Bangladesh remain subordinate and are also victims of trafcking as well. As the government of the country does not publish statistics on the incidence of trafcking, this paper draws upon a variety of sources, from personal interviews to newspaper articles and reports from across Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. The paper concludes on a dismal note, as the government remains silent and takes no action to contain these acts of violence against women. 2459. REHMATULLAH, SHIREEN. Immoral Trafc in Women. Islamabad: The National Council of Social Welfare, n.d., 55p. The practice of the sale of girls exists in various forms such as through marriage customs, and traditions, and through prostitution. There are however, no statistics the subject to support. At the end of the study, some recommendations for eradication of this system are offered. 2460. SHAMIM, ISHRAT. “Trafcking in Women: Bangladesh Perspective.” Nivedini, A Sri Lankan Feminist Journal 1, no. 2 (1994): 95–117.

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The problem of poverty has led to the huge problem of trafcking of women. There are networks of trafckers and brokers, mostly Pakistani and Indians with links that extend from Bangladesh, through India into Pakistan where the practice of slave trade goes unchecked. 2461. SHERALAM, NADIRA. “Trafcking in Shame.” Newsline, December (1990): 94–96. Economic exploitation of the working class by feudal landlords, industrialists and multinational corporations, has caused a degeneration of human values. Women with no education and no skills fall prey to trafckers. 2462. TRAFFICKING AND PROSTITUTION OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN IN PAKISTAN, Report of a Seminar held by Shirkat Gah in Karachi in November, 1990, Shirkat Gah: Karachi. At this seminar, reports from at least nine participating countries were presented. Each report expressed great concern over increased trafcking in women and children within the country and across the region. One common factor in all these reports was apathy of state authorities and lack of a proper justice system to contain and control this regional violence against women. III. Karo Kari: Murdering Women for ‘Honour’ 2463. AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL. Pakistan Violence Against Women in the Name of Honor. New York: Amnesty International USA. 1999. 57p. This report states that ‘every year in Pakistan hundreds of women, of all ages and in all parts of the country, are reported killed in the name of honor.’ The worst thing is that the number of such killings appears to be steadily rising. The frequency and randomness of these ‘honor killings contribute to an atmosphere of fear’ among young women in Pakistan. 2464. ATTIYA DAWOOD. “Karo-Kari: A Question of Honour, but whose Honour?” Feminista, Online Journal of Feminist Construction 2, no. ¾, 1999. In this article Dawood voices the feelings of a young adolescent Sindhi girl who is harassed by the watchful eyes of her family lest she break the family honour. The girl’s misery is reected when she says, ‘we stand accused and condemned to be declared kari and murdered.’ 2465. BURTON, RICHARD F. Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the valley of the Indus. Karachi: OUP. 1973 (London: Allen & Co., 1851), 427p. In Burton’s account of Sindh in 1840s, a brief reference is made to what one can recognize as crimes of honour. He writes, ‘throughout

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the Moslem world, the two great points of honour are bravery and chastity of women. Judged by this test the Sindhis occupy a low place in the scale of Oriental nations.’ Describing a few instances he writes, ‘One of the reigning clan, Fatteh Khan Talpur, was slain by a Langho, or common musician, who detected him in intrigue with his wife. A Shikari (sweeper) one of the vilest of classes in Sindh, ripped up with a sickle the belly of Ahmed Kahn Numdani, one of the chief Sardars, for the same reason.’ Burton also says that ‘there are two causes in the province why the punishment for adultery was made so severe; in the rst place the inadequacy of the Koranic law; secondly, the physical peculiarities of the people. As is often the case in warm and damp countries, lying close to mountains, the amativeness of the female here appears to be stronger than that of the male.’ 2466. JAFRI, AMIR HAMID. Karo Kari (Honor Killing) in Pakistan: A Hermeneutic Study of Various Discourses. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Oklahoma, 2003. 189p. In this dissertation the researcher looks at karo kari, one form of extreme violence perpetrated on women by men ‘as a message, a vivid rhetorical move, in several contexts of Pakistani national life, and analyzes how these messages are communicated, and toward what rhetorical ends.’ 2467. RUANE, RACHEL A. “Murder in the Name of Honor: Violence Against Women in Jordan and Pakistan.” Emory International Law Review 14, no. 3 (2001): 1532–80. This paper compares the traditional laws and social status of women in Pakistan and Jordan where honour killings continue to this day. For her study, the author mostly draws upon reports of Amnesty International. The paper concludes that both the societies under study ‘will never be modernized as long as they continue to engage in prehistoric, primitive social practices such as honor crimes.’ 2468. SHAH, NAFISA. A Story in Black: Karo-Kari Killings in Upper Sindh. Reuter Foundation Paper 100, Oxford, 1998. Citing several cases of women being murdered under the pretext of protecting the family’s honour and shame, the author examines the nature of this heinous crime that has been committed against women and men in Sindh for centuries. The crime has also taken another form, ‘Honour killing was punishment for violating the honour codes but the tribes have subverted the custom of killing not for honour but to obtain the compensation that the tribal settlement awards to the aggrieved person.’

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B. Women, War and Conict 2469. CHABBRA, MEENAKSHI and ANILA ASGHAR. “In a Different Voice: Young Women Speak on the India-Pakistan Conict.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 12, no. 1 (2005): 37–49. This paper examines the collaboration of Indian and Pakistani youth in a peace building programme. Among the interviewees were 8 girls. 2470. HAMDANI, NASEEM. ‘Sea, Maidens: Pakistan Women’s Naval Reserve.’ in Pakistan Quarterly 2, no. 4 (1952): 26–29. This paper focuses on the work and lifestyle of members of the Pakistan Women’s Naval Reserve with reference to one case study. Photographs are included. 2471. KHATTAK, S. G. ‘The Repercussions of Nuclearization of Pakistani Women.’ Razvoj 42, no. 2 (1999): 71–73. The author examines the impact of Pakistan’s nuclear industry on women at the economic and nonmaterial/ideational levels. The nuclearization of South Asia will perpetuate gender inequalities at all levels. 2472. NAZIR AHMAD, RAZIA. ‘Pakistan Women’s National Guard,’ in Pakistan Quarterly 1, no. 6 (1951): 35–39. A photo-essay on activities of the Pakistan Women’s National Guard, a ‘symbol of the increasing awareness of the women of Pakistan of their duties to the State.’ 2473. WAHEED, BUSHRA. ‘Role of Women During September War.’ Perspective 3, no. 4/5 (1969): 47–51. This paper gives an account of the role played by Pakistani women in the 1965 war with India. Referring to the inspiring work of women both at the individual and collective level, the author proudly comments that ‘this moment of crisis brought out some dormant qualities, latent strengths in us, women.’ Photographs are included.

C. Prostitution 2474. AHSAN, ROSIE MAJID. et al. “Prostitutes and their Environment in Narayanganj, Bangladesh.” Asia Pacic Viewpoint 40, no. 1 (1999): 33–44. This paper is based on a case study of a brothel, ‘Anandbazar’ (Market of Happiness) in Dhaka. The area has a history of about 200 years in prostitution. Women who work here are subjected to physical torture

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2480.

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and exploitation. Researchers recommend measures for the healthcare of prostitutes who do not have these facilities and are exposed to health risks. AL-BADAONI, ABDUL QADIR. Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh [Selections form the Histories], Vol. 2, Translated from the original Persian by W. H. Lowe. Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1884. This work is a 16th century contemporary court chronicle of the Mughal Emperor Akbar written by Badaoni. Among other administrative measures of the Emperor the author refers to regulation controlling prostitutes ‘who had gathered together in the Capital in such swarms as to defy counting or numbering.’ ANON. QÊnÖn un-nisÊ{. [ Women’s Laws], Delhi: Urdu Department, Delhi University, 1972. 64p. [ U ] This early 19th Century tract written on the traditions and manners [adÊb] of prostitutes [ran~ . iyo¸] is divided into fteen sections. Each section instructs its women readers to adopt the ‘proper way’ for prostitution. ASADUDDIN, M. “First Urdu Novel: Contesting Claims and Disclaimers.” The Annual of Urdu Studies 16 (2001): 76–97. This paper in an attempt to discover the rst novel written in Urdu, looks analytically at the story of Umrao Jan Ada written by Ruswa. Umrao Jan, a character claimed by the author to be real, represents the realities of the time for courtesans. ASR¹R ÆUSAIN KH¹N, SAIYYID. QadÒm hunar wa hunar mandÊn-i Awadh [ The Early Crafts and Craft Persons of Awadh], Lucknow: Nazir buk agensy, 1936. 224p. [ U ] Among crafts the author includes singing, dancing and prostitution. Noted prostitutes of Awadh included Hussaini, {Aªuran, BuggÊ, PyÊzo, ´ amrÒ, some of whom were publicly recognized for their UjÊgur, and D singing and dancing and were persons of great wealth. BREDI, DANIELA. “Fallen women: A Comparison of Rusva and Manto.” The Annual of Urdu Studies 16 (2001): 109–127. This paper studies the representation of ‘fallen’ women, courtesans and common whores, in the works of two Urdu male ction writers, Hadi Ruswa and Manto. Umrao Jan, the courtesan of Lucknow and the main character in Ruswa’s story, ‘has the role of witness to her age.’ The author argues that courtesans constituted an inuential group in society. BROWN, T. LOUISE. “Social Status, Risk and HIV: An Ethnographic Interpretation of Health and Well-being of Traditional Brothel Quarter

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of Lahore, Pakistan.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 13, 2 (2006): 95–118. This article emphasizes the importance of analyzing the sociological and cultural context of prostitution when assessing health and attitudes towards risk in a brothel community. ‘Using ethnographic research in Heera Mandi, the traditional brothel quarter of Lahore, Pakistan, the article examines key health-related issues such as sexually transmitted diseases, emotional health and drug use’. 2480a. ——. The Dancing Girls of Lahore: Selling Love and Hoarding Dreams in Pakistan’s Ancient Pleasure District. New York: Fourth Estate, 2005. Unexamined. 2481. DARG¹H QULÁ KHAN, NAWW¹B ZULQADR. Muraqqa{- yi DehlÒ [ Portfolio of Delhi], with introduction and Persian text by Hakim Saiyyed Muzaffar Husain. Hyderabad Deccan: Taj pres, Persian Text 38p.+Introduction, 66p. Also see Muraqqa{- yi Dehli edited and translated by Nurul Hasan Ansari, Delhi: Delhi University, 1982, 210p. English translation Muraqqa{-yi Dehli. The Mughal Capital in Muhammad Shah’s Time, by Chander Shekhar and Shama Mitra Chenoy. Delhi: Deputy Publications, 1989. DargÊh QulÒ ‡an (1710–1798) a bureaucrat of NizÊm ul-Mulk Asaf Jah of the Deccan, visited and stayed in Delhi between 1739–41, shortly after Nadir Shah’s invasion. In his travel diary, DargÊh QulÒ gives a unique description of Delhi, a city that appears to be a sprawling camp of dancing girls, homosexual men, and frivolous youth. Kasal Singh, a resident of Delhi, founded KasalpurÊ, a place where prostitutes [¢ÊwÊxif ], harlots and lewd women [ fawa˜iª] and vulgar [bazarÒ] women lived and worked through their pimps [bey wasa¢at miyʸjÒ]. In this area, he writes, ‘the air was mixed with lust [ªahwat] and the atmosphere was lascivious [bÊh angez]. Without any obstruction or inconvenience, the debauchees [arbÊb-i sq] visited these women.’ NÊgal was an enormous brothel near a saint’s tomb. On the seventh of every lunar month, decked in their nery, women came out to meet and entertain men on the pretext of visiting this tomb. None returned disappointed. Most of the prostitutes and courtesans residing here had inuential liaisons with the imperial court and the city’s elite. One such prostitute was NÖr BÊxÒ who lived in princely style and rode out on elephants with liveried servants walking before and behind her. Another, namanÒ, had a melodious voice. However, it was Ad Begam, a prostitute of great ingenuity, who attracted large crowds of curious onlookers. Notorious in the city because she did not wear trousers [pÊ{i jÊmÊ nami poªand ], she painted her bare legs in coloured owered patterns.

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2482. FREDERICK, JOHN (ed.). Fallen Angels: The Sex Workers of South Asia. New Delhi: Roli Books Pvt. 2000. 168p. This book presents the inside story of brothels and describes the lives of those who live there, including the children who were born and brought up in the brothels. Photographs illustrate the true stories. In the preface, the editor states that one cannot reliably estimate the number of prostitutes in South Asia who may number two million or even four million. The preface concludes by saying that ‘this book may rufe the feathers of a few people in the “politics of prostitution”. 2483. HYDER, QURRATULAIN. “‡anum JÊn kÊ safar: afsÊna yi rangin se ~ansing garl tak.” [ Khanum Jan’s Journey: From A Tale of Pleasure to A Dancing Girl], JÊmixÊ 91 (1994): 455–63. [ U ], Unexamined. 2484. ——. (Trans). The Nautch Girl: A Novel. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1992. 104p. The author has translated an autobiographical novel written in Farsi in 1790 by Hasan Shah. The original story known was titled QiÉÉÊh- yi rangÒn [A Romance of Pleasure] or AfsÊnah- yi rangÒn [A Tale of Pleasure]. The writer tells the story of his love for a young woman, Khanum Jan, who sang and danced for English ofcers of the East India Company stationed at cantonments in North India. The story shows how the English and the ‘natives’ came closer to each other in different situations. In 1894, the story was translated into Urdu under the title of Nishtar [ The Lancet] by SajjÊd Æusain KasmanÓwi. Hyder claims that this was the rst novel written in any Indian language. 2485. IBN BATUTA. The Rehla of Ibn Batuta. Translated and edited by Mahdi Husain, Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1976. 300p. In his travelogue of India, which he visited in the 14th century, Batutah (1304–1377) describes an interesting scene of a ‘market-place for male and female singers’ known as an abode of pleasure, in the South Indian city of Daulatabad. 2486. JORDAN, JANE and INGRID SHARP (ed.). Josephine Butler and the Prostitution Campaigns, Diseases of the Body Politic, Vol V. The Queens Daughters in India. London: Routledge, 2003. 603p. This volume has letters of Josephine Butler about the status of prostitution under British administration in India. It includes a map of India showing towns where the British Indian Empire established state-licensed harlotry. 2487. KUMAR, SUKRITA. “Surfacing from Within: Fallen Women in Manto’s Fiction.” The Annual of Urdu Studies 11 (1996): 155–62. This paper presents a feminist reading of Hatak, Mahmuda, and Babu

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2488.

2489.

2490.

2491.

2492.

561

Gopinath, Manto’s (1912–1955) Urdu short stories. All three stories offer a glimpse into the life of the ‘invisible and silent woman, the woman fallen from the mainstream society of honourable ladies and gentlemen.’ These stories, the author says, ‘betray the strain of that social morality which founds its whole system of good and evil on the sexual propriety of women.’ LEVINE, PHILIPPA. “Venereal Disease, Prostitution, and the Politics of Empire: The case of British India.” Journal of the History of Sexuality 4, no. 4 (1994): 579–602. This paper examines colonial venereal disease legislation in India. Colonial enactments were introduced in the mid-1860s aimed at controlling female prostitution and curbing venereal disease, especially among the British military. MANUEL, PETER. “Courtesans and Hindustani Music.” Asian Review, Spring (1987): 12–17. The author briey describes the role courtesans played in enriching Indian musical traditions by the development of thumri and ghazal, semiclassical genres of singing. Courtesans were making a bid to preserve traditional music by adapting it to suit the taste of their new patrons who emerged powerful after the English annexed the Kingdom of Awadh in 1856. MUKHERJI, SANTOSH KUMAR. Prostitution in India. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. 1986. 528p. (1st edition, Calcutta: Das Gupta and Company, 1934.) This work examines in detail all aspects of prostitution in India starting from the pre-historic period. Muslim rulers of the sixteenth century also patronized prostitution. NAIM, C. M. “The Earliest Extant Review of Umrao Jan Ada.” The Annual of Urdu Studies 15 (2000): 287–292. This paper reprinted one of the earliest known reviews of Umrao Jan Ada’s story that appeared in an Urdu journal, Meyar, in 1899. OLDENBURG, VEENA TALWAR. “Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow.” Violette Graff (ed.) Lucknow, Memoirs of a City. Delhi: OUP, 1997. pp. 136–154. This is a slightly revised version of the author’s article published in 1991 [see below] with one difference: footnotes are not added. The author observes that the novel Umrao Jan Ada is ‘the single most important source of information on the courtesans of Lucknow, and by extension, the entire profession as it was practiced in the nineteenth century, in northern India.’

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2493. ——. ‘Lifestyle as Resistance: The Case of the Courtesans of Lucknow,’ in Douglas Haynes and Gyan Prakash (ed.) Contesting Power: Resistance and Everyday Social Relations in South Asia. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. pp. 23–61. This paper gives life stories of courtesans of Lucknow, most of them professing to be Muslims. One of these women refers to her courtesan house as ‘a sanctuary for both men and women; men escaped the boredom of their domestic lives and women found in it a greater peace and freedom than in the normal world.’ The author argues that feminist historians need to research and write more about women’s resistance to patriarchy. 2494. ——. The Making of Colonial Lucknow: 1856–1877. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. 287p. Along with other issues this book discusses how courtesans of Lucknow were affected by the imposition of new rules by the colonial government to check the spread of venereal diseases. 2495. RANGA RAO M. and RANGHAVENDRA RAO. The Prostitutes of Hyderabad (A Study of the Socio-cultural Conditions of the Prostitutes of Hyderabad). Hyderabad: Association for Moral & Social Hygiene in India, 1970?. 79 + xvip. This book draws upon a eld-based study of 100 respondents, which included professional singing and dancing girls and prostitutes working in Hyderabad. It includes case studies of the respondents, some of whom were Muslims. 2496. RAZVI, N. A. “Extent and Avenues of Prostitution.” Pakistan Review 13 (1965): 6–7. Unexamined. 2497. ROY, SRIPATI. ‘Mahomedan Customs’ in his Customs and Customary Law in British India. Calcutta: Hare Press, 1911. In this chapter while discussing customary law, the author discusses how the business of brothel-keeping was carried out by professed Muslim families in the city of Delhi. Roy cites an observation of the Privy Council, made in 1893, about brothels: ‘It appears that each family or community live cænobilical, quasi-corporate, life in family brothels. All the members, including males, are entitled to food and raiment from the business, the males living a life of idleness at the expense of the females. There is no such thing as separate or individual succession upon death. All the members succeed jointly. No division or partition is allowed, for that would break up the establishments, and the witness

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say that the lamp should be kept burning in the house. A member of a family brothel who leaves it does so with only her clothes on her back and nothing more. The body is recruited by adoption. A girl is brought in as the adopted daughter of a female member of the institution, and the girl thus adopted is regarded as having ceased to belong to her own family.’ 2498. RUSWA, MIRZA MUHAMMAD HADI. Umrao Jan Ada, English Translation, The Courtesan of Lucknow by Khushwant Singh, Delhi: Hind Pocket Books, 1970. 239p. Another recent translation by David Mathews (Calcutta: Rupa & Co., 1996). Ruswa (1858–1931) in this ction (1899) relates the story of Amiran, a young girl kidnapped in early childhood sold to become a courtesan, and renamed Umrao Jan by Khanum Jan, the brothel-keeper. The novel, set in mid-nineteenth century North India (Awadh), is written as rst person-narrative of an artful courtesan who is also an accomplished poet. The novel paints a realistically vibrant world of Lucknow’s decadent culture where both high and low-class males wind their way to the courtesan’s kotha [the rst oor residences of prostitutes]. The novel also describes the private space of ‘virtuous’ women within households and the public space where ‘whores’ ‘sin’ to entertain men. Toward the end, Umrao makes a realistic confession: ‘It is true that I still live like a whore, and whether I live or die, I could not let myself be suffocated by observing purdah.’ 2499. SAEED, FOUZIA. Taboo! The Hidden Culture of a Red Light Area. Karachi: OUP, 2000. 324p. This book based on the author’s ethnographic research in the red-light area of Lahore, presents inter-generational interviews of women and men working as pimps for sex-workers. 2500. ——. “Women Working as Traditional Prostitutes in Pakistan.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 8, nos. 1 & 2 (2002): 115–25. (This article was earlier published in The Review of Women’s Studies 10, nos. 1 & 2, 2000). This ethnographic study of women working as prostitutes in a traditional set-up in Shahi Mohallah, the most famous prostitute district in Lahore, records the everyday experiences of women and men in the locality. No scientic studies are available on these women but this study, based on the author’s research, provides basic information on their workplace, training, work-related issues, their self-image, aspirations, and plans for old age.

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2501. SHARAR, {ABDUL ÆALÁM. GuzaªtÊ Lakhnau: HindustÊn me¸ maªriqÒ tamaddun kÊ a¶rÒ namÖnÊh, Lucknow: NasÒm buk dipo, 1965. [ U ]. Translated and edited by E.S. Harcourt and Fakhir Hussain Lucknow the Last Phase of an Oriental Culture. London: Paul Elek, 1975. 295p [excerpts here are from the English translation]. Sharar, describing the cultural debasement of Lucknow in the second half of the 18th century and the rst half of the 19th century, refers to the presence of prostitutes. He writes, ‘there was such an abundance of courtesans and dancing-girls that no street was free of them. On account of the ruler’s generosity, courtesans rolled in wealth and lived in sumptuous shamyanas, guarded by royal soldiery, whenever the Nawwab went out touring. The nobles imitated the ruler, and whenever they went they were accompanied by dancing girls.’ 2502. TAVERNIER, JEAN-BAPTISTE. Travels in India, 1640–67. Edited and translated by V. Ball, London: Macmillan, 1889. 2 vols. When visiting the Qutb Shahi kingdom in the Deccan, Tavernier describes the prostitutes there, ‘more than 20,000 public women’ who were not allowed ‘to ply this trade’ without registration. Describing how they operated their trade, Tavernier writes, ‘in the cool of the evening you see them before the doors of their houses, which are for the most part small huts, and when night comes, they place at the doors a candle or a lighted lamp for a signal.’ Tavernier describes intriguing performance by these prostitutes, ‘these women have so much suppleness and are so agile that when the king who reigns at present wished to visit Masulipatam, nine of them very cleverly represented the form of an elephant, four making the four feet, four others the body, and one the trunk; the king mounted above on a kind of throne, in that way made his entry into the town.’

D. Crimes by Women 2503. GRAYBOW, CHARLES. “Sexual Exploitation in Bangladesh.” Freedom Review, 26, no. 5 (1995): 24–27. The author writes that young girls from rural areas are frequently tricked into coming to cities with false promises of jobs and marriages. Once there, they are sold to agents and brothel madams. The problem of Bangladeshi girls’ sexual exploitation transcends national borders.

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2504. KHAN, S. Aurato¸ me¸ jarÊxim ke asbÊb [Causes of Crimes Among Women]. Unpublished Master’s thesis, Department of Sociology, University of Karachi, 1969. [ U ], Unexamined. 2505. TARIQ , PERVAIZ. ‘Women Convicts: Offenders or Victims?,’ in Fareeda Shaheed (ed.) Women’s Law in legal education and practice in Pakistan: north south cooperation. Copenhagen: New Social Science Monograph, 1997. pp. 224–232. Unexamined. 2506. ——. A Study of Female Crime in Rural and urban Areas of Pakistan. Women’s Division, Islamabad, 1981. 180p. Data for this study were collected through interviews of 70 women convicts, law enforcing personnel and lawyers in Pakistan’s four provinces. Factors responsible for crimes are discussed and case studies are included. 2507. _____ and A. ANILA. ‘Marital Maladjustment and Crime of Murder among Pakistani Female Criminals.’ Paper presented at the Eighth International Conference of Pakistan Psychological Association, Islamabad, 8–10 October 1991. A Revised Version is published in International Journal of Psychology 28, no. 6 (1993): 809–819. The study explores marital maladjustment and states that it is concomitantly related to crimes such as murder that have been committed by women. Based on interviews of 70 female convicts, the paper suggests that women be treated with kindness.

I. Criminal Justice System and Women 2508. AHMED, EMAN M. Violence Against Women: The Legal System and Institutional Responses. Lahore: AGHS Legal Aid Cell, 1998. Unexamined. 2509. AHMED, NAUSHEEN. ‘The Position of Women with Reference to the Pakistani Criminal Justice System’. Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 1, no. 1 (1994): 57–63. This paper examines the jail manual implemented in women’s jails in Pakistan. A legacy of the British regime, the manual needs to be changed to suit the needs of Pakistan. Women are treated roughly and the legal system, instead of bringing relief, causes them more hardship. This study shows that whereas women in Pakistan face general discrimination, it is in the eld of law and justice and later in jails where they face serious difculties. Women ‘entrapped’ by criminal law are

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2511.

2512.

2513.

2514.

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invariably poor and often without external support. Almost half the women in Karachi Central Jail, at the time this study was conducted in 1987–88, had their children living with them in prison. ——. ‘Criminal Abuse of Women by Law Enforcing Agencies,’ in Criminal Abuse of Women and Children, Karachi: Pakistan Association for Mental Health, 1992. pp. 4–16. This paper examines cases of several women who were tortured, illtreated and raped in police custody, as well as cases of women political prisoners. Finally, the paper argues that Pakistan’s law enforcement and justice system is gender-biased. ANDERSON, FARHAT TAJ. “Policing in Purdah.” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 12, no. 1 (2005): 51–74. This paper states that women police stations staffed by women police ofcers were established in Pakistan during 1993–1996. This was to cater to women victims of violence who were reluctant to approach the male dominated police stations with their complaints. Also, these police stations were intended to handle the accused females according to the law. However, in the male dominated police system of Pakistan, these women police stations were not allowed to function. JAHANGIR, ASMA. ‘Crimes against Women by Law Enforcing Agencies,’ in Fouzia Saeed (ed.) Proceedings of workshop on Violence Against Women, Islamabad, Women Action Forum, 1989, pp. 17–24. With reference to several cases in which police were involved, this study states that the legislature, judiciary and law-enforcing agencies all tend to have a soft attitude towards rape offenders. The author, a lawyer and human right activist, urges the implementation of strong and urgent steps to be taken against these crimes. JAYAWARDENA, KUMARI and MALATHI DE ALWIS (ed.). Embodied Violence, Communalizing Women’s Sexuality in South Asia. New Delhi: Kali, 1996. 299p. South Asia in the last several decades has experienced a surge of violence within its communities. The intertwining of fundamentalism with state structures, especially in evoking patriarchy to set constraints on women’s agency, is the specic subject of papers in this volume. THOMAS, DOROTHY Q. and PATRICIA GOSSMAN. Double Jeopardy: Police Abuse of Women in Pakistan. New York: Human Rights Watch, 1992. 153p. The book contains comprehensive documentation of abuses committed against Pakistani women by agencies of the state during martial law rule of Ziaul Haq.

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2515. ZIA, SHAHLA. Violence Against Women and Their Quest for Justice. Lahore: Simorgh Women’s Resource & Publication Centre, 2002. 99p. Written by a woman activist from Pakistan, this small volume records the violence inicted on women, the circumstances that lead them to court, the humiliation and embarrassment they face within the court because of the societal attitudes of people, including lawyers and even judges. The book has several case studies and gives a voice to women victims.

E. Women’s Responses: Non-government Organizations 2516. BALCHIN, CASSANDRA. Women, Law, and Society: an Action Manual for NGOs. Lahore: Shirkat Gah, 1996. 159p. The manual’s primary aim is to increase women’s options by providing information regarding customs and the law, and highlighting ways in which both can be used to the advantage of women. 2517. BANO, S. ‘Women, Class, and Islam in Karachi,’ in Donnan Hastings and Frits Selier (ed.) Family and Gender in Pakistan: domestic Organizations in a Muslim Society, New Delhi: Hindustan Publishing Corporation, 1997. pp. 189–207. This paper examines the effects of the Islamization programme of the 1980s on women in the city of Karachi, and describes how women resisted it. Feminists groups tried to make people aware of the inequalities and tried to redene women’s roles. 2518. BHASIN, KAMLA (ed.). Towards Empowerment: Report of an FAOFFHC/ AD South Asian Training For Women Development Workers. October –December, 1983. New Delhi: Freedom from Hunger Campaign/Action for Development, Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations, 1985. 237p. Reports on the workings of six women non-governmental organizations in Bangladesh and India. 2519. FELDMAN, SHELLEY. “Paradoxes of Institutionalisation: the Depolicisation of Bangladeshi NGOs.” Development in Practice 13, no. 1 (2003): 5–26. This paper broadly examines the growth of the NGO movement in Bangladesh, ‘a country that had been described as the world’s NGO and aid capital.’ The author examines two important tendencies in the NGO movement: ‘the growing partnership between NGOs, the state, and donor agencies; and the discursive shift from social welfare and

568

2520.

2521.

2522.

2523.

2524.

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redistribution to individualism, entrepreneurship, and self-reliance.’ The paper concludes by observing that ‘gender inequality and other structural conditions that reinforce poverty are left unchallenged by most NGOs.’ HASAN, RAFIA. “The Role of Women as Agents of Change and Development in Pakistan.” Human Rights Quarterly 3, no. 3 (1981): 68–75. Discusses the human rights of women according to Islam in Pakistan with special reference to government programmes of voluntary organizations that are concerned with women’s status. HASHMI, MONEEZA. “Fighting the Population Pandemonium: Behbud, Association of Pakistan.” Women’s Own, May (1994): 49–51. The Behbud Association is recognized as one of the leading technical resources available in Pakistan for voluntary surgical contraception. This article gives an account of its work. HASHMI, TAJ I. ‘NGOs and Empowerment of Women: Some Problematic Prognoses,’ in his Women and Islam in Bangladesh: Beyond Subjection and Tyranny, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000. pp. 134–79. Proliferation of NGOs in the region took place following the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971. However, these organizations often benet elites instead of those for whom they are set up. This chapter presents a critique of various NGOs working in Bangladesh. IÂL¹ÆÁ, MAUL¹N¹ AMÁN AÆSAN. Pakistani {aurat dorahe par [ Pakistani Woman on the Crossroads], Lahore: MaktabÊ markazi anjuman khuddÊm ul-QurxÊn, 1950. 174p. [ U ] Written originally in 1948 while the author was in jail under the Punjab Safety Act, this book strongly opposes women’s development work declaring it to be anti-Islam. Women’s groups, particularly those in the non-government organization sector, the author argues, are leading women to a path that goes against Islam. KABEER, NAILA. “Resources, Agency, Achievements: Reections on the Measurement of Women’s Empowerment.” Development & Change 30, no. 3 (1999): 435–464. The article argues that the three dimensions of empowerment identied in its title are indivisible in determining the meaning of an indicator of empowerment and hence its validity as a measure of empowerment. These three dimensions ‘represent an attempt to incorporate the structural parameters of individual choice in the analysis of women’s empowerment.’

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2525. KABIT, AKBAR. ‘Governmental and Quasi-Governmental Women’s Programmes in the Socio Economic Field,’ in Begum Liaquat Ali Khan (ed.) The Role of Women in Development Economy of Pakistan, Karachi: APWA Triennial Conference, 1961. 55–60. Unexamined. 2526. KEY, JEFFEREY EVAN. Nongovernmental Organizations as Strategic Organizations: The Politics of Voluntarism in Pakistan. Ph.D. Dissertation 1990. The University of Texas at Austin. Based on interviews, this study gives an ‘inside’ story of some NGOs working in Pakistan. Research also shows that political conditions have created hurdles in the working of organized voluntary activities and have produced a voluntary sector, which is small and dominated by ‘insider’ NGOs, whose leaders have strong, close and personal ties with political and administrative elite and limit their activities to social welfare. NGOs have not played a signicant role in the country’s development. 2527. KHAN, NIGHAT SAID. Women in Pakistan: A New Era? London: Change International Reports, 1985. 16p. A critical survey of work for women under General Ziaul Haq’s government and voices raised against the regime’s process of Islamization. The author limelights the role of Women’s Action Forum (WAF), a group of women (the author is a member) protesting discrimination against women. For women in Pakistan, ‘the scope of an era of conict remains wide.’ 2528. —— and AFIYA SHEHRBANO ZIA (ed.). Unveiling the Issues: Pakistani Women’s Perspectives on Social, Political and Ideological Issues. Lahore: ASR Publications, 1995. 194p. Most of the articles in this volume are transcriptions of papers presented at the National Conference of Development Activities held in Lahore in 1995 to prepare a common position of Pakistani NGOs at the Beijing Conference. 2529. KHAN, SALMA. et al. Inventory for Women’s Organizations in Bangladesh. Dhaka, 1981, 96p. Provides information on development programmes undertaken by registered women’s development agencies oriented towards women, with special focus on income earning activities. 2530. LAUMANN, LISA CAROL. Teaching Gender: Pakistani Nongovernmental Organizations and their Gender Pedagogies. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California. 2000. Focusing on Pakistani NGOs working with women and girls, this research shows that NGO gender pedagogies emerge as products of practice, personal commitments, values, and location within a broader context.

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2531. MAHBUB, GULE AFROZ and JOWSHAN A. RAHMAN. Inventory of Women’s Organizations in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women’s Affairs Dept., Govt. of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh, 1986. Unexamined. A thorough listing of the NGO’s in Bangladesh. It is organized by districts, and not by the type of programme. 2532. PASTAKI, FAUZIA. “A Question of Rights.” Herald Annual, January (1991): 198–200. This paper describes work done by the Women Workers’ Centre, Karachi, which provides legal advice and assistance to women in order to solve work-related problems and to facilitate their participation in collective bargaining. 2533. RASHIDUZZAMAN, M. “The Dichotomy of Islam and Development: NGOs, Women’s development and fatawa in Bangladesh.” Contemporary South Asia 6, no. 3 (1997): 239–46. This article examines the current dichotomy between development plans and Islam as a confrontation between the Muslim ulama and non-governmental agencies (NGOs) in Bangladesh as intermediaries of Western funding agencies. Although NGOs in Bangladesh have been successful in improving women’s status, their activities are attacked by the ulama who use fatawa to hamper their work. 2534. ROSENBLOOM, RACHEL. ‘Islam, Feminism and the Law in Pakistan under Zia,’ in Muhammad Aslam Syed (ed.) Islam and Democracy in Pakistan, Islamabad: National Institute of Historical & Cultural Research, 1995. pp. 243–86. This paper examines the efforts of the Women’s Action Forum as it dealt with threats posed by policies of Islamization under the martial regime of Ziaul Huq in Pakistan. Although WAF has functioned as a pressure group with a small membership, it sees itself ‘as a force not only to protect the rights of educated women but to ght for the rights of all women.’ 2535. SAEED, HILDA. “Towards Women’s Economic Uplift.” Dawn, Tuesday Review, June 2–8 (1992): 25–26. This is a brief introduction to the work of an NGO, the Network for Enterprising Women (NEW), which was formed in September 1989 to help women become nancially independent. 2536. SALAHUDDIN, KHALEDA and ISHRAT SHAMIM (ed.). Towards Beijing and Beyond: Women Shaping Policies in Areas of Concern. Dhaka: Centre for Women and Children Studies in collaboration with PACT Bangladesh, 1995. 109p. This book is the outcome of a two-day round-table discussion by several NGOs in preparation of the Beijing Women’s Conference.

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2537. SHAHEED, FARIDA. “Constructing Identities: Culture, Women’s Agency and the Muslim World.” International Social Science Journal 51, no. 159 (1999): 61–73. This paper rst addresses the issue of constructing the identity of Muslim women, which is varied, and therefore complex. The second part of the paper introduces a network known as Women Living Under Muslim Laws (WLUML) the aim of which ‘is to provide a vehicle for mutual support between women struggling to expand their space and redene their lives, while simultaneously recognizing the diverse circumstances that women confront and which inuence their personal and political strategies for change.’ 2538. ——. Controlled or Autonomous: Identity and the Experience of the Network, Women Living Under Muslim Laws.” Signs 19 (1994): 997–1019. The international network, Women Living under Muslim Laws (WLUML), was formed in 1884 to break women’s isolation and to provide support to all women whose lives were affected by Muslim laws. The organization links research groups, media groups, training organizations, grassroots organizations, academics, scholars, and legal aid centres. 2539. ——. ‘Networking for Change: The role of Women’s Groups in Initiating Dialogue on Women’s Issues,’ in Mahnaz Afkhami (ed.) Faith and Freedom, women’s Human Rights in the Muslim World. New York: Syracuse University Press, 1995. pp. 78–103. With reference to women’s movements in Pakistan, this paper brings up the importance of advocacy initiatives and networking for transforming the struggle women for survival into ‘workable strategies for bringing about a gender-equitable society.’ 2540. SHEFALI, MASHUDA KHATUN. “Women’s Housing Conditions in Bangladesh.” Women & Environments 15, no. 3 (1996): 25–27. The author, who is also a founder of the Bangladesh Women and Shelter Network, writes about the poor housing conditions of rural women who migrate to urban areas in search of work. Women’s needs are overlooked by town planners and builders. Further, traditional social norms prevent most landlords from renting to women who are living without their families and who are unmarried. 2541. WEISS, ANITA M. “Women, Civil Society and Politics in Pakistan.” Citizenship Studies 3, no. 1 (1999): 141–50. This paper argues that in Pakistan’s history whenever women have organized themselves into groups with a political purpose, signicant advancement in the construction of civil society has occurred.

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2542. WOODSMALL, RUTH FRANCES. ‘Women’s Organizations in Pakistan,’ in her Women and the New East, Washington, DC: Middle East Institute, 1960. pp. 141–44. This gives a list and a brief history of about twenty women’s associations in Pakistan since their establishment. Briey narrates their aims and objectives. 2543. YASMIN, TAHERA. ‘What is Different about Women’s Organizations,’ in Anne Marie Goetz (ed.) Getting Institutions Right for Women in Development. London: Zed Books, 1997. pp. 199–211. The majority of NGOs in Bangladesh suffer from the ‘charismatic leadership syndrome.’ Women’s organizations like any other organization, have problems handling leadership and the power that comes with it. The writer concludes by saying it is not possible to work for ‘holistic development without involving women at every level of decision-making and leadership, without looking into women’s practical and strategic needs and without believing in women.’ 2544. ZAFRULLAH, HABIB and MOHAMMAD HABIBUR RAHMAN. “Human Rights, Civil Society and Nongovernmental Organizations: The Nexus in Bangladesh.” Human Rights Quarterly 24 (2002): 1011–34. In this study on the development of NGO work in Bangladesh, the authors observe that ‘NGOs have put forth their greatest effort in organizing women and raising their awareness about their role and status in the society.’

I. All Pakistan Women’s Association 2545. AHMED, FIROZA. “Report of APWA’s Activities in the Field of Adult Literacy and Community Development in Rural and Fringe Areas.” APWA Newsletter, Karachi, May December, 1974. Unexamined. 2546. AHMED, ZEENAT RASHID. “APWA.” Pakistan Quarterly 2, no. 2 (1952): 39–43. Early history of the All Pakistan Women’s Association is narrated. Also includes a description of a conference held at Lahore which was attended by women from throughout the Muslim world. Photographs included. 2547. ——. “Kul Pakistan ¶watÒn kanfrans.” (All Pakistan Women’s Conference) in Mah-e nau, December (1949): 58–9. [ U ] The All Pakistan Women’s Conference held on 22 February 1949 was attended by a cross-section of women representing both wings of the

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2549.

2550.

2551.

2552.

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newly established country. The most signicant outcome of this meeting was the founding of the All Pakistan Women’s Association. Ms Fatima Jinnah was appointed its patron and Begam Liaquat Ali Khan was elected its rst President. ALL PAKISTAN WOMEN’S ASSOCIATION . In cooperation with UNESCO. Seminar on “The Role of Women in the Preservation and Development of Cultures in the Community.” Karachi: Iqbal Printing Press, Ltd., 1958. 189p. Proceedings of a seminar held in 1958 in Karachi which was attended by delegates from other South Asian countries and Iran. ALL PAKISTAN WOMEN’S ASSOCIATION. “Muslim Womanhood on the March: the Annual Conference of the All-Pakistan Women’s Association held at Lahore, 29th March–2nd April 1952.” Islamic Review 40, no. 6 (1952): 20–9. This was the rst session of APWA attended by women delegates from other Islamic countries. In his address Ghulam Muhammad, the Governor-General of Pakistan, lamented the backwardness of Muslim women and dened it as being ‘un-Islamic’. AZHAR, MIRZA ALI. “Status of Women in Islam.” The Pakistan Review 3, no. 11 (1955): 30–32. Traces the growth of the women’s movement in Pakistan and describes the establishment of the All Pakistan Women’s Association. Concludes by observing that the founding of Pakistan has sparked dormant talents in Muslim women. CHIPP, SYLVIA A. ‘The Modern Pakistani Woman in a Muslim Society,’ in S.A. Chipp and Justin. J. Green (ed.) Asian Women in Transition, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1980. pp. 204–26. The paper briey traces the pioneering work of Begum Raana Liaquat Ali Khan, who founded the All Pakistan Women’s Association (APWA) in 1949. The author describes the APWA members in terms of age and family background, marital status, education, travel, employment and work with other voluntary organizations. She concludes that APWA women are not revolutionary in practice and work within the traditions of Islam. ——. The Role of Women Elites in a Modernizing Country: The All Pakistan Women’s Association. Syracuse University, Ph. D. Dissertation 1970, 430p. Though highly educated and well travelled, members of the All Pakistan Women’s Association saw themselves as ‘liberals’ within their traditional roles in Islamic society rather than as activists seeking overt, radical change. They sought gradual national improvement within the framework of their Islamic culture.

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2553. ——. “Tradition vs. Change: The All Pakistan Women’s Association.” Islam and the Modern Age 1, no. 3 (1970): 69–90. Narrates the history, goals and activities of the All Pakistan Women’s Association as a pioneering progressive organization of women. 2554. FARIDI, BEGUM TAZEEN. “When Women Take Over.” Women’s World 8, no. 8, August (1965): 26–28. Faridi refers to APWA’s foundational role in community development. The paper emphasizes the need for well-coordinated programmes conducted by trained persons. 2555. ——. The Changing Role of Women in Pakistan. Karachi: Department of Advertising, Films and Publication, Government of Pakistan, 1960. 30p. Written by a prominent early woman social worker and founding member of APWA, this small study looks at socio-cultural changes taking place in Pakistani society within the rst twelve years of the country’s existence. 2556. LIAQUAT ALI KHAN, RA{ANA. Role of Women in the Developing Economy of Pakistan, All-Pakistan Women’s Association. Karachi, 1961. 8p. In this small tract, the author who was the founder of APWA, explains the aims, objectives and goals of the All Pakistan Women’s Association. 2557. MILES, KAY. The Dynamo in Silk: A Brief Biographical Sketch of Begum Ra{ana Liaquat Ali Khan. 2nd edition. Karachi: Educational Press, 1974, 29p. [1st ed. Rome, 1963]. The author, who was close to the Begum and worked as her Secretary, describes the services of Ra’ana Liaquat Ali Khan who founded APWA in 1949 and offers a brief biographical sketch of the woman who brought forward the concept of NGO work to Muslim women in Pakistan. 2558. WADDY, CHARIS. Women in Muslim History. London: Longman, 1980. xi–223. In this account of Muslim women through the centuries, Chapter 15 is on women in Pakistan, which includes a study of the role of APWA.

SECTION SIXTEEN

FEMINISM, NEW SCHOLARSHIP AND NEW TOOLS FOR DEVELOPMENT

A. Early Voices of Feminism 2559. ANON. “Æurriyat-i niswʸ” [ Women’s Emancipation]. Ma¶zan 18, no. 6, March (1910) 6–10. [ U ], MHL. In this work an unknown woman writer addresses men and draws their attention to the low status of women who are treated as sub-humans. The author states that women sacrice everything for happy married lives and it is the duty of men to look after their needs; women, she states, must be freed. 2560. DOBSON, A. MARY R. ‘Mrs. Ali Akbar’s Speech at the Stree Bodhi Jubilee, Bombay, 1908,’ in her National Young Women’s Christian Association of India, Burmah and Ceylon, Bombay, 1910, 35p. MSS. EUR.F.186/324 (ii) OIOC. This book carries an excerpt from the public speech of Mrs. Ali Akbar in which she said, ‘Let it be understood that we can no longer afford to keep our womenfolk in the back-ground; they must be made to take part in all things natural to their instincts, and above all, they must be prepared to stand on an equal intellectual footing with their European sisters.’ 2561. DURRU SHEHWAR, PRINCESS. ‘The Hyderabad State Women’s Conference, (11th Session), Resolution X11., MSS. EUR. D. 798/ 39–Tusker Papers, OIOC. The front page of the le bearing the inscription, ‘To Lady Tusker in appreciation of her work,’ contains a few pages about women’s work in Hyderabad. Princess Durru Shahwar writes, ‘it has always been my earnest prayer, that no woman should bend her head for the sake of a little support for herself and her children, and that she should be able to maintain the pride and dignity of her womanhood.’ 2562. SHARIFAH HAMID ALI, BEGUM. ‘Presidential Address to the Annual Session of the All India Women’s Conference, Allahabad, January 1940,’ in the Bulletin of Indian Women’s Movement, No. 23, March, 1940, 1–V11, MSS EUR F.165/172, OIOC.

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The Bulletin published the Presidential Address of Begum Hamid Ali at an annual session of the All India Women’s Conference, held at Allahabad in January 1940. She said, ‘we must strengthen the feeling of friendship and the bonds of sympathy which know no boundaries of countries or continents but are based simply on humanity, with all the people of the world. . . . We must cement our bonds of womanhood and sisterhood so that women of all countries work together for a common aim.’ She noted that the advent of women to Parliament . had a quickening inuence, and the women’s point of view was not as completely ignored as it used to be. However, in spite of these efforts, she felt that ‘the rights of womanhood were still a minus quantity. The status of woman can be considered adequate only when she is looked upon as a free and equal partner.’ Addressing the men of India who have ‘closed their eyes to all the wrongs women suffer,’ she warned them, ‘I would remind our brothers that they cannot and will not gain swaraj [self rule] until they have set their house in order and given over half of the population its due share of rights and privileges.’

B. Feminism in the 20th Century 2563. AHMAD, RUKHSANA. We Sinful Women: Contemporary Urdu Feminist Poetry Including the Original Urdu. Delhi: Rupa & Co. 1994. 193p. This is a translation of the poems of seven Urdu women poets. In her introduction, the editor, who is also the translator, observes that the poets she has selected represent the strength of feminist thinking and conviction. Paying a huge tribute to women poets from Pakistan, Ahmad observes, ‘I believe that the most innovative, the most radical and the most interesting poetry of our times is being produced by women and not by male poets.’ The author decided to translate these poets because she ‘wanted to chart and project the role of these poets in the women’s movement that was gathering momentum in the country, so as to dispel the assumptions that women in the developing world are passive, voiceless and hopelessly conformist.’ 2564. ALI, AZRA ASGHAR. “The Emergence of Reformist Literature about Indian Muslim Women in Urdu Language (1857–1910).” Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 5, no. 1 & 2 (1998): 45–59. [Also in Pakistan Journal of History and Culture 19, 2 (1998): 27–41]. This paper looks at structural and cultural features of Indian societal transformation with reference to the status of Muslim women during

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2566.

2567.

2568.

2569.

2570.

2571.

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and after the second decade of the 19th and early 20th century. It explores reformist literature in Urdu, which helped promote the cause of the Muslim women’s rights and education. ——. “Recovery of Female Voice Through Women’s Journals in Urdu in British India 1898–1947.” South Asia 21, no. 2 (1998): 61–86. Unexamined. ——. The Emergence of Feminism Among Indian Muslim Women, 1920–1947. Karachi: OUP, 2000. 291p. The book traces the Muslim women’s movement in India, a subject that suffers from lack of historical research. This work investigates and examines the nature and efforts of Muslim women towards their emancipation. The work lls an important gap. ALI, PARVEEN SHAUKAT. Status of Women in the Muslim World: A Study in the Feminist Movements in Turkey, Egypt, Iran, and Pakistan. Lahore: Aziz Publishers, 1975. 248p. The status of women with respect to education, family, social life, legal status and political rights in the four countries listed is discussed. Separate chapters broadly examine women’s position in Islamic thought and the growth of women’s movements in various countries. GARDEZI, FAUZIA. “Islam, Feminism, and the Women’s Movement in Pakistan: 1981–1991.” South Asia Bulletin. 10, no. 2 (1990): 18–24. Unexamined. HABIB, MARIUM. ‘A Fractured Prole,’ in Robin Morgan (ed.) Sisterhood is Global, The International Women’s Movement Anthology, NY: Anchor Press Double Day, 1984. pp. 533–38. Describes the social, cultural, and economic constraints facing women and traces the main aspects of women’s struggle in Pakistan. HAERI, SHAHLA. “Of Feminism and Fundamentalism in Iran and Pakistan.” Contention: Debates in Society, Culture, and Science 4, no. 3 (1995): 129–49. The basic premise of this paper, well argued and supported by good research, is that while writing about Muslim women has been ‘long overlooked’, ‘the agency of Muslim women must be gured into social analyses.’ Ending on a positive note, the author observes, ‘slowly but surely, Iranian and Pakistani women seem to be determined to “remake” the course of their own action, and in this process to help transfer the course of their destiny and that of their collective history.’ ——. ‘Obedience Versus Autonomy: Women and Fundamentalism in Iran and Pakistan.’ Martin E. Marty. et al. (ed.) Fundamentalisms and Society: Reclaiming the Sciences, the Family, and Education. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991. pp. 181–213.

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2573.

2574.

2575.

2576.

2577.

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This article examines the interaction between Islamic activists who, according to the author, advocate formalized gender relations and urban middle class Iranian and Pakistani women who are voicing their own interpretations of laws. HAROON, ANIS. “Time for Reassessment.” Dawn, 3 March (2002): 1, 3. Briey tracing the history of the women’s movement in Pakistan, the author, herself an activist, concludes by observing that the women’s movement in Pakistan has to address ‘class’ issues. ‘We need to be inclusive in order to expand our base.’ JAMAL, AMINA. “Transnational Feminism as Critical Practice. A Reading of Feminist Discourses in Pakistan.” Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 5, no. 2 (2005): 57–82. This paper looks at conceptual strategies that could enhance one’s understanding of feminist politics and rhetorical practices in Pakistan. The author suggests that more attention be given to local, national, and global contexts of feminist activism in Pakistan for developing an understanding of Pakistani feminist discourses. ——. “Feminist ‘selves’ and feminism’s ‘others’: feminist representations of Jamaat-e-Islami women in Pakistan.” Feminist Review 81 (2005): 52–73. This paper examines how ‘the so-called Islamist fundamentalist movements’ in Pakistan are becoming a site for women’s activism to promote agendas that seem to undermine their autonomy. JAYAWARDENA, KUMARI. “Some Comments on Feminism and the Left in South Asia.” South Asia Bulletin 8 (1988): 88–91. This essay is a response to Marxist views on feminism in South Asia. The author raises the question of whether attacks on feminism reect ‘the reluctance of men to lose their power and control over women and their refusal to let go of all the privileges of patriarchal society.’ KYLE-BOTEJUE, A. M. CHRISTINE. Islam, Feminism, Ethnicity: The Shaping of Identity. Sri Lankan Muslim Women at the Cross-roads of Change. M.A. Dissertation 1995. University of Toronto. Using an ethno-social feminist framework of analysis, this study examines major aspects of change taking place within the Muslim community of Sri Lanka. Muslim women of Sri Lanka have been mobilized as active participants in their own development as a result of the recent ethnic strife in country and the global religious revival of Islam. MUNCK, VICTOR C. DE. “The Fallacy of the Misplaced Self: Gender Relations and the Construction of Multiple Selves among Sri Lankan Muslims.” Ethos 20, no. 2 (1992): 167–90.

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2579. 2580.

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This paper explores the relation of culture and self through an analysis of Sri Lankan Muslim folk narratives. Research ndings reveal ‘women are conceived in terms of two contrasting images: one is obedient, docile, sexually tamed wife; the other is of the witty ingenue, sexually active and, hence, disobedient and wilful.’ NAHEED, KISHWAR. ¹ jÊo AfrÒqa (Come to Africa), Lahore: Sang-eMeel Publications, 1987. 275p. [ U ] This is a detailed account of the UN women’s conference held in Nairobi in 1985. This work includes brief accounts of workshops held on women’s issues during this global conference and includes interviews with women leaders. RASHID TAHMINA. Contested Representation: Punjabi Women in Feminist Debate in Pakistan. Karachi: OUP, 2006. Unexamined. SAMIUDDIN, ABIDA and R. KHANAM. (ed.), Muslim Feminism and Feminist Movement South Asia. Delhi: Global Vision Publishing House. 2002. The sole objective of this three-volume book is to provide a comprehensive understanding of the nature and motivation of feminism and the feminist movement from an Islamic perspective in South Asia. Volume 1 discusses Muslim feminism in India while, volumes 2 and 3 respectively deal with Pakistan and Bangladesh. All three volumes have appendices, bibliographies and indexes. This is a useful work for researchers. SILVA, NELUKA. “Shameless Women, Repression and Resistance in We Sinful Women: Contemporary Urdu Feminist Poetry.” Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 3, no. 2 (2003): 28–51. This paper explores ways in which women’s poetry represents voices of resistance against dominance by men. The paper is based on an in-depth study of an anthology of women poets from Pakistan entitled We Sinful Women. I. Taslima Nasrin-A Feminist?

2582. AHAMED, MESABAHUDDIN. Tasalima Nasarinera Pakshe-bipakshe. Dhaka: Ankura Prakasani, 1993. 164p. [ B] Compilation of public responses both in favour of and against Taslima Nasreen, a Bangladeshi woman author, with special reference to other criticism of Islamic ‘fundamentalism’ and advocacy of feminism in Bangladesh. The work is in Bengali.

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2583. ALAM, SHAMSUL. “Women in the Era of Modernity and Islamic Fundamentalism: The case of Taslima Nasrin of Bangladesh.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 23, no. 2 (1998): 429–461. In this long article, the author brings together various factors that continue to devalue women in Bangladesh. Looking at the case of Taslima Nasrin in the broader historical and political context, the author nds that it reveals the continuity of patriarchal relations in the context of both traditional and modernist discourse. The paper explores the relationship between Nasrin’s writings and the fundamentalist response ‘as contested rather than given’. 2584. ALI, RIAZ. “Taslima Nasrin: Breaking the Structural Silence.” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 27, no. 1 (1995): 21–27. The author suggests that a further reading of Nasrin’s writings is needed, as ‘it will provide opportunities to probe the structured silences prevalent in Bangladesh society.’ The author argues that Nasrin, by transgressing the socially constructed silence ‘has threatened the centrality of knowing and the social order itself.’ 2585. GHOSH, BISHNUPRIYA. ‘An Affair to Remember: Scripted Performances in the “Nasreen Affair”,’ in Amal Amireh and Suhair Majaj (ed.) Going Global: the Transnational Reception of Third World Women Writers. New York: Garland, 2000. pp. 39–83. This paper looks at the Taslima Nasrin affair by ‘focusing on three different geopolitical reception contexts, Bangladesh, India, and Europe, and by analyzing the “scripted” responses to Nasrin in those contexts.’ In the end, the author applauds Nasrin’s feminism. 2586. HASHMI, TAJ I. ‘Militant Feminism, Islam and Patriarchy: Taslima Nasreen, Ulama and the Polity,’ in his Women and Islam in Bangladesh, Beyond Subjection and Tyranny, New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2000. pp. 180–204. In the rst part of this chapter, the author examines the rise of ‘militant’ Jammat-i-Islami, a religio-political party in Bangladesh, which led to greater and harsher enforcement of restrictions on women and their mobility in the public space. On the other hand, liberals continue to protect the country from conservative religious forces. The writer refers to a religious frenzy against Taslima Nasreen, whose works (besides their vulgar, pornographic connotations) ‘are indicative of her lack of knowledge and ideas about her subject matter, especially Islam and the rights of women in Islamic texts, and the society and people she was dealing with in Bangladesh.’

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2587. LE CORRE, PHILIPPE. “Unrepentant Exile (Bangladeshi Feminist Speaks Out for Muslim Women).” Far Eastern Review 157 (1994): p. 32. An interview with Taslima Nasrin while living in exile in Sweden. Nasrin is reported to have said that women in Bangladesh are persecuted in the name of religion. She also appeals to progressive women worldwide to network against religious dogmatism. 2588. NASRIN, TASLIMA. Chota chota dukh katha. Dhaka: Kakali Prakashana, 1994. 99p. [ B], Unexamined. This collection of the author’s articles centres on the social condition of women in Bangladesh with selections from various newspapers. 2589. SIDDIQI, DINA M. ‘Taslima Nasreen and Others: the Contest over Gender in Bangladesh,’ in Herbert L. Bodman, Nayereh Tohidi (ed.) Women in Muslim Societies, Diversities within Unity. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998. pp. 205–27. This chapter examines the relation of gender discourse to national identity in the backdrop of emerging religious power of fatwas in Bangladesh. The author ends by studying fatwas against Taslima Nasreen and observing that state power in the country, by maintaining silence on religious violence against women, has implicitly endorsed such actions.

C. Patriarchy Today 2590. FELDMAN, SHELLEY. “Exploring Theories of Patriarchy: A Perspective from Contemporary Bangladesh.” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 26. no. 41 (2001): 1097–1127. This article seeks ‘to explain the rise of women’s export enclave employment that neither assumes a naturalized role of women as mothers and caretakers nor posits that family relations constitute and justify gender inequalities in the workplace.’ The author concludes by suggesting that women’s emerging employment pattern ‘requires a rethinking of the determinacy of patriarchal interpretations.’ 2591. JEJEEBHOY, SHIREEN J. and ZEBA A. SATHAR. “Women’s Autonomy in India and Pakistan: The Inuence of Religion and Region.” Population and Development Review 27, no. 4 (2001): 687–712. This article compares the lives of women and explores dimensions of their autonomy in different regions of South Asia. Women from northern parts of the subcontinent were found to be more under the

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control of men than women from the southern parts. Findings lend little support to the suggestion that women in Pakistan have less autonomy or control over their lives than Indian women. Nor do Muslim women—be they Indian or Pakistani—exercise less authority in their own lives than Hindu women. 2592. KIRKPATRICK, JOANNA. ‘Themes of Consciousness among Some Educated Working Women of Bangladesh,’ in Richard L. Patrick (ed.) Patterns of Change in Modern Bengal. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University, 1979. pp. 126–47. Based on research conducted in 1975–76, mainly through interviews and conversations with educated women faculty and administrators at Rajshahi University, this paper documents women’s understanding of socio-political changes in Bangladesh. The author states that whereas women were ‘not seeking to become dominators themselves’, they were ‘disgusted with male domination.’ 2593. MOGHADAM, VALENTINE M. “Patriarchy and Politics of Gender in Modernizing Societies: Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan.” South Asia Bulletin 13, nos. 1 and 2 (1993): 122–32. Earlier version in International Sociology 7, no. 1 (1992): 35–54. Whereas politicization of gender and restrictive laws regarding women in Muslim countries have often been explained in terms of Islam’s ubiquity in politics and culture, this paper offers an alternative explanation, focused on dynamics of patriarchy and the contradictions of development and social change. In Pakistan during the 1980s, the state fostered patriarchal ideology and practices.

D. New Scholarship for Women 2594. AFTAB, TAHERA. et al. “Triangular Linkages between Women’s Studies Centers.” Gender, Technology and Development 7, no. 2 (2003): 279–304. This paper draws together the ‘voices’ of three women, located in different academic, geographic, cultural, and political contexts, who have been working (together and with others) in ‘linkages’ in Women’s Studies programmes over the last decade. Aftab notes her experiences from 1990 since the founding of the Women’s Studies programme in Pakistan. 2595. BADRUDDIN, SALMA HALAI. et al. Proceedings National Conference on New Directions in Research for Women. May 30 –31, 1997. The Aga Khan University and the Asia Foundation, 1999. 149p. Unexamined.

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2596. GUHATHAKURATA, MEGHANA. Contemporary Feminist Perspectives. Dhaka: University Press, 1997. 64p. Unexamined. 2597. HAFEEZ, SABEEHA. ‘Towards Developing a Women’s Studies Perspective in Pakistan: Some Parameters.’ Pakistan Journal of Women’s Studies: Alam-e-Niswan 2, no. 2 (1995): 75–97. The paper argues that the discipline of Women’s Studies, though new, has the potential to grow and address some of the challenges women face in Pakistani society. 2598. ISLAM, MAHMUDA. Whither Women Studies in Bangladesh. Dhaka: Women for Women, 1994. 123p. This study presents an overview of research undertaken on women’s issues in Bangladesh since the mid 70s. A bibliography is included. 2599. KHAN, MUMTAZ ALI. ‘Impact of Islamic Scriptures on the Status of Women,’ in Jyotsna Chatterji (ed.) Religions and the Status of Women, New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1990. pp. 47–52. The work states that an urgent need exists to improve the socio-legal status of Muslim women, which is far below the standard prescribed in Islam. The wide gap between what Islamic scriptures stand for and what Muslim society is today needs to be bridged. 2600. NAQVI, SYED NAWAB HAIDER. Fraility! Is Thy Name Woman. Miscellaneous Essays in development Economics. Islamabad: Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, 1986. 48p. Documenting centuries-old gross gender injustices in Pakistan, this little volume raises a key point: ‘as a matter of their fundamental human rights, and not as an act of charity on the part of some male philanthropist, the Pakistani women should get literally everything that distinguishes human beings from animals.’ 2601. SHAHEED, FARIDA. “The Cultural Articulation of Patriarchy: Legal systems, Islam and Women.” South Asia Bulletin 6, no. 1, Spring (1986): 38–44. In Pakistan, the structure of patriarchy has been justied by invoking Islamic doctrines. The paper highlights mechanisms by which structures of patriarchy have been justied and perpetuated. 2602. ——. “On Laws, Customs and Stereotyping.” Women Living Under Muslim Laws. Dossier No. 11/12/13, May (1993): 4–5. Discusses attempts of obscurantists to disallow women ‘to dream of a different existence, to deny the ability to imagine an alternative reality.’

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2603. ALI, JAN. “Islamic Revivalism: The Case of the TablÒÒ Jama{Êt.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 23, no. 1 (2003): 173–81. Dening Islamic revivalism as a social phenomenon in Muslim societies, this paper tries to shed light on ‘how through tablÒ (preaching) work, new relationships and moral bonds are forged between TablÒÒ (preachers) in an attempt to achieve new Muslim identity and solidarity.’ Drawing on Barbara Metcalf ’s writings on Muslim women and tablÒÒ work, this author also says that tablÒ work is not restricted to men; women also participate, the only difference being that women work only with women. 2604. FAUST, ELKE. ‘Close Ties and New Boundaries: Tablighi Jama‘Êt in Britain and Germany,’ in Muhammad Masud Khalid (ed.) Travellers of Faith: Studies in the Tablighi Jama{Êt as a Transnational Islamic Movement for Faith Renewal. Leiden: Brill, 2000. pp. 138–60. This paper describes the role of the Tablighi Jama‘Êt in a European setting —in England and Germany—and concludes with a two-page review of activities of women tablighis in Germany in their homes. These reading sessions, where women sit together and read selected religious texts, conclude by a male sermon (on a topic such as the virtues of the Hajj pilgrimage) which lays emphasis on inculcating Islamic values. Women are reminded that ‘if they live according to Islamic rules, and if they take care of their husbands and children, God will grant them a good life in this world by sending His angles and His Charity upon them.’ 2605. FÁROZPURÁ, MUÆAMMAD {IS¹ MIY¹NJÁ. TablÒÒ ta˜rÒk kÒ ibtidÊx aur is ke bunyÊdÒ uÉÖl [ The Origin of the TablÒÒ (Preaching of Islam) Movement and its Foundational Doctrines]. Delhi: RabbÊni buk dipo. n.d. 122p. [ U ] In this work examining the basic principles of the TablÒÒ jamaxÊt, the author, a follower of the movement and a well-respected leader, explains in a separate section the rules for women who are engaged in tablÒÒ work. Women members, dressed simply, must always be accompanied by a ma˜ram (with whom marriage is prohibited by the Qur’Ên). They should hold sessions for only women participants. All through their travels, women must remain under male supervision. Women are not allowed to deliver speeches and sermons as ‘a woman’s voice is also ‘awra’ (one that needs to be concealed like her body).

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2606. ÆAQQANÁ, SHAUKAT {ALÁ. TablÒÒ mastÖrÊt se izÊlah-yi ªubhÊt: jami{Êh-yi ÆaqqÊni kÊ fatwÊh, ummulmadÊrÒs dÊrul ulÖm Deoband kÊ fatwa [ Removal of uncertainties from TablÒÒ women: Jamiah Haaqqani’s Fatwah] Akorah ‡attak: DÊrul UlÖm Æaqqaniah, 2002. 179p. [ U ], Unexamined. 2607. JEFFERY, PATRICIA. et al. “Islamization, Gentrication and Domestication: ‘A Girls’ Islamic Course’ and Rural Muslims in Western Uttar Pradesh.” Modern Asian Studies, 38 (2004): 1–53. In this article the authors examine Islamic curricula for girls written in Urdu and widely used in madrasahs in rural western Uttar Pradesh, India. The paper argues that this course sustains and transforms older themes found in nineteenth and early twentieth-century textbooks and advice manuals. 2608. MASUD, MUHAMMAD KHALID. ‘Ideology and Legitimacy,’ in Muhammad Masud Khalid (ed.) Travellers of Faith: Studies in the TablÒghÒ JamÊ{at as a Transnational Islamic Movement for Faith Renewal, Leiden: Brill, 2000. pp. 78–118. Under a sub-heading ‘Women,’ this well-researched article explains the conservative attitude of the TablÒÒ JamÊ{at towards women’s participation in its activities. Women’s roles are understood to be within their homes. Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas (1885–1944), founder of the movement, explains: ‘I say to women to support their menfolk in the work of religion. Let the men go out for the work of religion in peace. Share some of men’s household responsibilities so that they can attend to the work of religion with a free mind. If women do not follow this advice they will become hibÊlatuª-ªaytan [conduits for Satan].’ 2609. METCALF, BARBARA D. ‘TablÒghÒ JamÊ{at and Women.’ in Muhammad Masud Khalid (ed.) Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi JamÊ{at as a Transnational Islamic Movement for Faith Renewal, Leiden: Brill, 2000. pp. 44–58. In the TablÒghÒ JamÊ{Êt as conceived by Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas, women are included in a common model of personal style as well as in shared commitment to tabligh. They are encouraged to go out and engage in tabligh, so long as they do not mix with unrelated men. 2610. ——. ‘Women and Men in a Contemporary Pietist Movement, The Case of the TablÒghÒ JamÊ{Êt,’ in Patricia Jeffery and Amrita Basu (ed.) Appropriating Gender, Women’s Activism and Politicized Religion in South Asia. New York: Routledge, 1998. pp. 107–21. Women actively participate in this religious activity by not being visible in public; they participate by rendering valuable service for men

586

2611.

2612.

2613.

2614.

section sixteen

within their households. The founder of the movement had a generous vision for women’s participation in his movement, which has offered opportunities to congregate and share views with other women. In the movement, women along with men nd ‘ample space for meaningful action, comradeship, leadership, new skills, and even travel.’ ——. “Islam and Women, the Case of the TablÒghÒ JamÊ{Êt.” Stanford Electronic Humanities Review 5, no. 1, (1996). This paper examines gender relations in the contemporary Tablighi Jamaat in Pakistan. Unlike most political Islamic movements which emphasize women’s domestic roles, the tablighi movement places men and women on the same ground. Metcalf observes that ‘women, like other socially humble communities, may nd in Tabligh a less hierarchical familial structure and means of resisting conventional social hierarchies.’ ——. “Living HadÒth in the TablÒghÒ Jama{Êt.” The Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (1993): 584–608. This paper examines the contents of tracts (risÊla), written between 1928 and 1940 for the TablÒghÒ by MaulÊnÊ Muhammad ZakariyyÊ KÊndhalawÒ (1898–1982) and known as the TablÒÒ niÉÊb (The TablÒgh Curriculum or the Fazxil-i-{amÊl (The Merits/Rewards of Accounts). In these tracts, separate chapters focus on stories of women. As the author of this article observes, the goal of assimilating women into Islamic normative traditions by TablÒÒ scholars was to provide an Islamic environment for children at home. MUÆAMMAD ISM¹xÁL ”ÇR, MAWL¹N¹ MUFTÁ. Al-HudÊ internashnul kiyÊ Hai? [ What is al-Huda International?] Karachi: al-muktaba al-binnoriyah, 1422 AH [2001], 119p. [ U ] This book, part of the literature produced to criticize the scholarship of Farhat Naseem Hashmi, accuses the religious schools established by Hashmi under the aegis of her organization, al-Huda International for Muslim Women, of spreading westernization. Throughout the book, the author uses harsh terms to condemn Hashmi and dismisses her credentials as a scholar of Islam. MU”I{UR REÆMAN, MAWLAN¹ MUFTÁ. Hidayat ya gumrÊhÒ? al-hudÊ internashnul QurxÊn wo Æadiº kÒ roªnÒ me¸ [Guidance or Misguidance: alHuda International in the Light of the QurxÊn and Hadiº] Karachi: al-maktaba al-binnoriÊ, 2002, 128p. [ U ] The preface of this book accuses Dr. Farhat Naseem Hashmi of tnÊ (cause of chaos) and her al-HudÊ institution as an instrument for misguiding women. The author concludes by saying that if Naseem Hashmi

section sixteen

587

learns from ‘those who are experts of religion’ and then spreads her message ‘no one will oppose her.’ Experts here are none other than male scholars who are now waging a war against her. Naseem Hashmi, a scholar, studied in Scotland and later taught at Islamic International University, Islamabad. In 1994, she started the al-Huda International Institute of Islamic Education for Women, which now offers a nationwide teaching course in Pakistan for learning the Qu’rÊn. She addresses huge all-women gatherings in which she addresses issues of Islam and women’s rights. 2615. NI¶AMÁ, KHWAJ¹ ÆASAN. “Editorial.” TablÒ-i Niswʸx 1 (1927): 6–16. TablÒ-i Niswa¸ an Urdu monthly founded in 1926 in Delhi by Khwaja Hasan Nizami (1878–1955) with his wife, Khawaja Banu, as editor. This was a journal with the purpose of inviting Muslim women to work for dissemination of the Message of Islam. It also invited women to remould their lives on an Islamic pattern. This editorial reminds its Muslim women readers of the unique honour that women share with Khadija al-Kubra, the Prophet’s rst wife who was the rst person to accept the Message. Therefore, all Muslim women are now called upon to undertake the responsibility of spreading true Islam and become practical Muslims. He writes that women can do all from within their homes. ‘They should present in a soft and civil way the message of reform and education to women who come to their homes, such as the sweeper women, cobbler women, and the women of washer men and barbers. [unke gharo¸ me¸ ˜alÊl¶oriya¸ Êti hai¸, pamariya¸ Êti hai¸, dhobio¸ aur hajjÊmo¸ ki {auratai¸ Êti hai¸, lÊzim hai kih woh narmi aur milansÊrÒ sai in {aurato¸ ke samne iÉla˜ aur tÊ{lÒm ki ¶Öbiya¸ samjhÊxi¸].’ [ Note that the TablÒÒ JamÊ{at was conceived by Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas, a Deobandi educated scholar, and established in 1927 in Delhi]. 2616. ——. “TablÒ kÒ madadgÊr {auratai¸ [women who assist the tablighi work].”TablÒ-i Niswʸ, April (1926): 83–85. Hasan Nizami, the editor calls upon Muslim women, such as Begam Nawwab Muhammad Ismail Khan, Begam Haroon Khan Sherwani, Begam Shaikh Abdul Qadir, Begam Muhammad Ali, Begam Dr. Ansari, Begam Mian Bashir Ahmad, Begam Mian Shah Nawaz, to come forward and help in halting the Arya Samaj’s attacks on Islam and the Muslim community. 2617. RASHID TAHMINA. “Radical Islamic Movements: Gender Construction in Jamaat-i-Islami and Tabligh-i-Jamaat in Pakistan.” Strategic Analysis, Apr –Jun (2006): 354–76.

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This paper examines ‘radical Islamic movements’ as ‘militarized masculinities, oppressing women as well as terrorizing the non-Muslims’. The study concludes that male dominated religious movements support extreme patriarchal notions of male superiority. 2618. SIKAND, YOGINDER S. “Women and the TablÒÒ jamÊ{at.” Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 10, no. 1 (1999): 41–52. (Also published in Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.) Islam, Women and Gender Justice. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2001, 219–38). This paper begins with a brief background of the Islamic reformist movement in South Asia from the 19th century onwards ‘that see Muslim women as playing an important role in the ‘protection’ and ‘preservation’ of Islam in the wake of Muslim political decline in the region.’ The founder of the TablÒÒ movement, Maulana Ilyas, at the very beginning realized that ‘his mission would remain incomplete if he did not bring women into active involvement in it.’ Today the TablÒÒ jamÊ{at ‘provides women with new sources of mobility and a signicant instrumentality within the family and the neighbourhood as active agents in the Islamization process. Furthermore, within the sternly patriarchal discourse of the TablÒÒ jamÊ{at, one can discern a faint critique of certain traditional strictures of male supremacy.’ 2619. TH¹NAWÁ, MAUL¹N¹ ASHRAF {ALÁ. IÉlʘ-un-nisÊx [ Women’s reformation], Maktabat ul-‘Ilm, n.d., 304p. [another edition Deoband: Maktabah- yi FaiÓ], 1992, 335p.] [ U ] This book contains ve lectures delivered between 1918 and 1932 to a gathering of Muslim men and women who sat behind a curtain. All ve lectures were addressed to women. ThÊnawÒ told them that they must reform themselves by acquiring knowledge. These lectures, held in different cities: Delhi, Panipat, Ghazipur and Gorkahpur, mark the rst known public event when a religious scholar directly addressed women. Although none of the lectures invited women to public roles, indirectly these talks led to the identication of a need to share knowledge with women, which ThÊnawÒ explained is their right, just as it is the right of men. 2620. WINKELMANN, MAREIKE JULE. “Informal Links—A Girls’ Madrasa and Tablighi Jamaat.” ISIM Review 17 (2006): 46–47. This paper is based on the author’s eldwork in a girls’ madrasa in New Delhi. Her ndings suggest that a ‘larger network connects the madrasa to the Tablighi Jamaat’.

SUBJECT INDEX

[Note: Numbers designate bibliographic entries.] Abdul Haqq, Maulawi, 2337 Abdul Latif Bhitai, 527–29, 531 {Abdul QÊdir, Mrs., 2259 {Abdul QÊdir ‡Ên, MaulawÒ, 1650 Abdul Qadir Shaikh, Sir, 2322 Abdullah, Shaikh, 858, 1668, 1695, 1697–1701, 2264 {Abdur Ra˜Òm, ·ah, 1469 {¹bidÊ Æussain, 2259 Abida Sultaan, Princess, 359, 1584 Abru Begam, 873–74, 1687 Abu Huraira, 150 Adam’s rib, 142 Afghanistan, 1026, 1032, 1037, 1137 Afroz, Meher, 2360 Afzal, Anwar, 2357 The Aga Khan, 136 The Aga Khan Rural Support Programme, 1047 The Aga Khan University School of Nursing, 1800, 1802–3 ¹Ê Nargis Banu, 195 Agha, Zubeida, 2357, 2366–67 Ahmad, Anna Molka, 2357 Ahmad, Begum Anwar G., 1587 Ahmadnagar, 183, 193 Ain-o-Salish Kendra, 1120 {¹xiªÊ, 132, 151, 521 ¹in-i AkbarÒ, 199 Ajmal Khan, Hakim, 1780 Akbar, Emperor, 156, 185, 189, 198–99, 206, 208, 234, 241, 243–44, 246, 248, 314, 2475 Akbar Nama, 198 Akhlaq-i Nasiri, 545 Akhtar, Abbasi, 2357 Ali Adil Shah, 183, 793 Ali Akbar, Mrs., 2560 Ali, Shaukat, 946, 954 Aligarh, 291, 646, 653, 858, 869, 872, 874, 1108, 2251, 2311 Aligarh College, 12 Amir Hasan Khan, Raja Sir, 1686 The Amnesty International, 2463, 2467 Anarkali, 206, 219, 235 Anatolia, 522 Aqa Aqiani, 226

Armstrong-Hopkins, S., 449 Art & architecture, 307–19 Arts & design, 2356–67 lm and media, 2392–406 music and dance, 244, 334, 418, 731, 774, 777, 795, 1424, 2306, 2347, 2370–78, 2484, 2489 Parsi theatre, 2395 street theatre, 2398–99 textile and jewelry, 311, 2379–91 women calligraphists, 2368–69 Asaf Jah, Nizam ul-Mulk, 2306, 2481 Asaf ud-Daulah, Nawwab, 321, 323, 328, 335, 350 Aªrafun NisÊ{, 1715 1719a The Asian Development Bank, 985 The {AÉr-i jadÒd, 1694 {A¢¢Êr, ‡waja, FariduddÒn, 1650 Attia Hosain (née Habibullah), 642, 2268, 2274 Attiya Dawood, 2325, 2331 Aurangzeb, Emperor, 212, 229, 288–89, 297, 1923 Autobiographical narratives, 1432, 1824, 2333–42 The Awadhbasi, 952 Ayub Khan, Field Marshal, 961, 1138 ¹zÊd, Abul Kalam 560, 593–95, 522, 1687 Azizan, 426 Azra Abbas, 2277, 2326, 2333 Azurie, Madam, 2370 Babur (also spelt as Babar), Emperor, 207, 209, 229, 248–49, 251 Badshah Begam, 320, 338 BÊ-o BahÊr, 2248 Bahu Begam, 321, 323, 345, 348, 350, 1665 Baloch (also spelt as Baluch) women, 1038–46, 1319, 1551 banks and credit programmes, 2147–58, 2193–95 Ba®i Sa˜ibÊ, 793 Battle of Plassey, 355 Baz Bahadur, 201 Beg, Mirza Qalich, 2255

590

subject index

Begam Akhtar, 2374, 2378 Begam Amiruddin, 603 Begam Raana Liaquat Ali Khan, 2547, 2551, 2557 Begam Sahiba Waliud-Daula, 416, 424 Begam Samroo, 398–415 The Begams of Awadh, 320–50 The Begams of Bengal, 351–58 The Begams of Bhopal, 359–397, 659, 794–95, 800, 803, 861, 870, 874, 886, 913, 954, 1359, 1475, 1584, 1658, 1687, 1697, 1709, 1725 Begum Shraifa Hamid Ali, 603, 885, 2562 Begum Shahi Mosque, 314 The Beijing Conference, 996, 2528, 2536 Bhagmati, 197 Bharat Kala Bhawan, 2359 Bhutto, Benazir, 969, 984, 1127–34 Bi AmmÊn (AbÊdi Begam), 945, 946–55 Bibi Auliya, 506 Bibi Fatima, 513, 516 Bibi Fatima Sam, 491, 506 Bibi Gauhar Khanum, 497 Bibi Hajira, 501 Bibi Jamal Khatun, 498, 502, 506, 516, 517 Bibi Jiv, 502 Bibi Mubarika, 225 Bibi Raji, 165 Bibi ·arifah, 513 Bibi Tari, 516 Bibi Zulai¶a, 512 BÒbia¸ PÊkdÊman, 510, 526 Bibliographies for the study of women, 35–80, 2580 bibliographic essays, 81–85 bid{at heresy, 532, 534–35, 578, 638, 713, 731, 788 Bihiªti Zewar, 153, 532, 583–92, 1673, 1792 Bijapur, 183–84, 189, 499, 790–91, 793 Bilgrami, Tyeba (also spelt as ”aiyyibah) Begam, 837, 860, 876, 879, 2273, 2294 Billington, Mary Francis, 436, 443 Bohras, 762–65, 1217, 1543, 1764 Brahui, 1323 Brown, Edith, 1793 The Bugti tribe, 1041 Butler, Fanny, 1770 Butler, Josephine, 2486 nÊnd (Chand) BÒbÒ, 183–97, 194, 954 Canning, Charlotte, 361

oaptinamÊh, 2349 Carpenter, Mary, 381, 437, 443, 1731 Catalogues, 86–97 The Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) Board of Qazis, 1646 Chaudhurani, Sarala Devi, 898 Chiragh Ali, 549, 1401 The Christian Missions, 705, 831, 1013, 1015, 1501, 1667, 1722, 1730, 1732 Bible women, 450, 470, 479 conversion to Christianity, 401, 405, 408, 455, 456, 46, 481 education for Indian girls, 457, 466, 478, 1722 healthcare by the Missions, 436, 449, 451, 453, 463, 467, 1770 hospitals for women, 1793–95 narratives about Indian Muslim women, 435, 449–81 views about Islam/Muslims, 468, 471, 474 The Zenana Missions, 450, 1022, 1678, 1730, 1770, 1795, 2341 Chup ki Dad, 1670 Colonial perspective, 1418 colonial, post, 1103 colonial South Asia—women’s status, 1, 431–48, 1275, 1503, 1548, 1556, 1566, 1640 gender, race, sex and class issues, 344, 434 The commission on Marriage and Family Laws, 976 The Committee on the Status of Muslim women in India, 1974, 1232 The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, 2339 The Convention on the Rights of Children, 1274 The Council of Islamic Ideology, 1135 The Countess of Dufferin Fund, 1778, 1782 Cousins, Margaret, 830 Crosthwaite, Sir Charles, 1686, 1703 The Daily Tribune, 953 Dara Shikuh, Prince, 498 Dargah (shrine) visitation, 489, 496–7, 499, 508, 524, 526, 611–12, 735, 737, 746–55, 791, 2373 Dargah Quli Khan, 2481 Darul Ifta, 1353 Dastan-e-Amir Hamzah, 2249–50 development in Bangladesh, 732, 1062, 1065–66, 1073, 1197–99, 1208, 1289, 1639, 1760, 1816, 1852, 1936, 1959, 2052–68, 2156 rural women, 2069–2102 urban women, 2103–05

subject index development in India, 1225, 1291, 1221 development in Pakistan, 35, 84, 914, 981, 983, 985, 987, 998, 1001, 1006, 1012, 1014, 1051, 1053, 1054, 1056, 1084, 1144, 1150, 1744–45, 1753, 1820, 1825, 1949, 2002, 2018–29 rural women, 2030–48 urban women, 2049–51 Dhaka (Dacca), 457, 1326, 1314, 1332, 1351, 1471, 1948, 1998, 2062, 2103, 2105, 2122, 2126, 2129, 2132, 2138, 2456, 2474 DhaniyÊ MehrÒ, 333 Dufferin, Countess of, 1770, 1777–79, 1782 Durru Shahwar, Princess, 421, 878, 2561 Dwarkadas, K., 972 East India Company, 323, 341, 345–46, 351, 355, 429, 1650 economic status of women, 675, 1001, 1204, 1228, 1268, 1471, 1983, 2106–08 handicrafts, 2203–15, 1046 labour force participation, 987, 1014, 1940–45, 2032, 2047, 2049, 2075, 2104, 2127, 2142, 2145, 2159, 2164, 2172, 2181, 2183 self employed women, 2106, 2199–2202 women and poverty, 636, 656, 695, 881, 1227, 1878, 1919, 2075, 2089, 2109–17 women and work in Bangladesh, 2118–46 women and work in India, 2196–98 women and work in Pakistan, 2159–92 women’s inheritance rights, 134, 975, 1112, 1506, 1523, 1558, 1564, 1572, 1580, 1593, 1601, 1540–53 Education—general works, 1649–52, 1723a–29 The All India Muslim Educational Conference, 1652 The Association of High Education of Native Women, 1686, 1703 The Bengal Women’s Education League, 1707 curricula, 1251, 1657, 1693, 1742, 2607 Education during the colonial era, 432, 1653–1704 Education in Bangladesh, 1756–65 Education in India, 1764–68 The Female Normal School, Aligarh, 1692 Islamic medicine, 1780, 1792 Karamat Husain Girls’ Degree College, Lucknow, 1703–04

591

Mahbubia Girls’ School, Hyderabad, 416, 421, 425 medical education, 1769–85, 1793–95 medical texts, 1785–92 midwives (dÊi’s), 1783, 1787, 1790, 1807–15 Muslim Girls’ School, Aligarh, 378, 1699–1701 nursing education, 1796–1806 Sakhawat Memorial Girls’ School, 1706 Schools for girls, 437, 447,450, 472, 606, 704, 871, 895, 906, 1062, 1657, 1659, 1679, 1753, 2334 The Second Quinqennial Review of Education in India, 1893, 1685 Sex education for girls, 1303–04, 1748 Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and girls’ education, 1676–86, 1689, 1709–10, 1712 teachers’ training, 437, 1743, 1747, 1759 tracts promoting girls’ education, 1653–66 tracts rejecting girls’ education, 1666–67 Edward Luther, Miss, 2323 elite women, 18, 239, 308, 320, 555, 710, 827, 853, 994, 1201, 1658, 1687, 2221, 2225 Enamul Huq, Khan Bahadur Maulvi, 1326 Etherington, Ellen, 1678 Faiz Ahmad Faiz, 2335 Faizunnessa Chudhurani, 2334 Family life, 1355–58 household management, 1359–63 Kinship, 688, 698, 1025, 1042, 1114, 1384, 1386, 1389–90, 1557, 1846, 2111, 2187 matrilineal customs, 1250, 1254, 1386, 1392–95 patrilineal customs, 1027, 1386, 1394 Fateh Bibi, 362 Fatima Sultan, Princess, 429 FÊ¢imah {¹liye, 557 The Fatimid law, 1624 Female healers, 748–50, 771 Feminism, 2559–81 Feminism in Bengal, 891, 893, 898–900 Islamic feminist perspectives, 139, 140, 141 western feminism, 1005 The First Round Table Conference, 854 Feroz, Razia, 2357 Ferozuddin, Khadija Begam, 1912 Fletcher, Miss, 2341 folk songs, 2219, 2240, 2242, 2244–45, 2372, 2376–79

592

subject index

folk tales, 520, 2239–50, 2252 folk theatre, 2246 The Ford Foundation, 1120 Fyzee, Attiya Begam, 912–13, 915, 1652, 1703 Fyzee, Zuhra Begam, 383, 859, 913 Gandhi, M. K., 827, 853, 2337 Gardner, Allan, 1396 Gardner, James, 1396 Gardner, Col. William, 1396 Gauhar, Faryal, 2394 General De Boigne, 564 Ghalib, Mirza, 1355 Ghasiti Begam, 355 aziuddin Æaider, Nawwab, 320, 338 Ghulam Fatima, Hajiani, 935 Ghulam us-Saqalain, 639 Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, 895 The Girl child, 1274, 1284–5, 1289, 1301, 1310 adolescent girls, 1052, 1273–1313, 1281, 2333 discrimination against girls, 1255–62, 1269, 1280, 1284–85, 1289 The Girl Guide Association, 1287 incest, 1282 son preference, 1262–72 Gulbadan Begam, 102, 209, 246–52, 789 HabÒbullÊh, Begam, 922, 927, 1325 Æaidar (Hyder), Nazr SajjÊd, 858, 604, 2259 Haji Begum, 241 Hajj, 246, 347, 374, 394, 621, 785, 789–99, 876, 1469, 2311, 2604 ÆÊlÒ, ‡awÊjÊh Al¢Êf Æusain, 555, 1473, 1668–71 Halil Halid, 561 Hamida Banu Begum, 241 Hamilton, George, 1568 Harem, life in the Mughal harem, 223, 224, 237 life in the zenana, 198, 343, 420, 441, 444, 459, 708–15, 1275, 1674, 2221, 2224 Hasan, Atiya, 2357 Hashmi, Farhat Naseem, 2613–14 Hashmi, Zarina, 2363 Hasrat MohanÒ, Begam (Niªatunnisa), 957–58 Hassan, Riffat, 146, 2338 Havelock, General, 426 Hazrat Babajan, 493, 525 Hazrat Mahal, 322, 326, 427–28, 833

Health, 989, 1816–21, 1838–47 disabilities, 1822–25 gender bias in healthcare, 1848–52 mental health, 1826–37 maternal and infant health, 1853–60 nutrition, 1835–37 Reproductive health, 1861–72 abortion, 1916–23 birth spacing, 1873–77 fertility decline, 2014–17 fertility determinants, 1974–85 fertility and education, 1924–39 fertility and employment, 1934–45 The Bangladesh Fertility Survey, 1975–76 The Pakistan Fertility Survey, 981, 1367, 1975 fertility trends, 1946–73 Islamic view of birth control, 1903–15 Menstrual regulation, 1840, 1879 use of contraceptives, 1878–1902 Herland, 895 Hijaz, 387 al-HilÊl, 594 al-Huda International, 616, 2613–14 al-Huda al-NabwÊ, 994 HudÊ ·ÊrÊwÒ, 562 ÆuqÖq un-NiswÊn, 573–75 Human Rights Watch, 2419 Humayun Mirza, Sughra, 837, 904–910, 2294 Ibn-i-Batuta, 167, 2485 Ijtihad, 557 I¶wÊn us-ÉafÊ, 1694 Ikramulla, Naz, 2357 Imam Hussain, 756 ÁmÊn, 535 The Indian National Congress, 622, 827, 914, 936, 952, 954, 1535 InªÊ{, 2349 International Council of Adult Education, 1736 Iqbal, Dr. Muhammad, 15, 596–98, 912 InªÊullah ‡Ên, 2220 IqbÊl Begam Turk, 2315 The IÉlÊh-i tamaddun, 1694 Islam-general information, 26–30 beliefs & rituals, 14, 21, 741, 756–76, 795, 1033, 1323, 1368, 1374, 1444, 1453–54, 1807, 2083 Islam in South Asia, 5, 10–18, 23, 117 Islamic modernism, 11, 15, 130, 596, 637, 653, 1216, 1403, 1580, 1582–83, 1589, 1597, 1689, 2583 Isabella Thoburn, 476–78

subject index The Isabella Thoburn College, 746, 748, 1730 {Ismat ChutÊxi, 2259, 2263, 2266, 2289–93 IstrÒ MahÊmandal, 877 JahÊn ArÊ Begam, 102, 212, 287–94, 315, 500, 519 Jahangir, Emperor, 200, 206, 2358 al-Jahiz, 1905 Jagat Gosain, 217 Jamaxat-i Islami, 1091, 1093, 1099, 1174, 1589, 2586 Jameelah, Maryam (Margaret Marcus), 1174–1180 Jam{iyat al-Hidayat al-Islamiyah, 994 Jammu and Kashmir, 503, 517, 1124, 1390, 1540–41, 2197 Jauhar, Muhammad Ali, 946, 948–49 Jhajjar, 1432 JÒnÊ Begam, 2368 Jinnah, Miss Fatima, 931, 959–69, 1287, 2547 Jinnah, Ruttie (Rattanbai Petit Dinshaw), 970–73 Jinnah, Quaid-e Azam Muhammad Ali, 916, 919, 926, 928, 931, 959–61, 964, 968, 970–72, 991 Jurxat, 2349 Karachi, 365, 616–18, 1156, 1282, 1297–98, 1309, 1332, 1345, 1391, 1513, 1517–18, 1736, 1738, 1800, 1839, 1843, 1865, 1867, 1938, 1958, 1966, 2050, 2115, 2171, 2174, 2200–01, 2390, 2412, 2414, 2451, 2509, 2517, 2548 Karakoram, 1048, 1053, 1055 Karamat Husain, Justice Sayyad, 1686, 1703–04 Karbala, 347, 756 Kempson, M., 1654, 1674 Khadija, the ruler of Maldives, 167 Khair un Nissa, 1397 Khairi, Rashidul, 149, 582, 731, 2235 ‡alidÊh AdÒb (also spelled as Halidé Edib) ‡anum, 550, 708, 2251 The Khilafat Movement, 946, 956, 999 Khwan Bibi, 492 Kinnaird College, 1013, 1189 Kirkpatrick, James (Hushmat Jung), 1397 Kishwar Naheed, 2329 Koka Shastra, 2352

593

Laccadives, 1254 Lahore, 206, 253, 260–61, 2338, 2356, 2480, 2499, 2500, 2528, 2546, 314, 319, 382, 467, 510, 526, 576, 678, 708, 759, 820, 854, 874, 882, 905, 953, 1155, 1317, 1330, 1357, 1554, 1684, 1715, 1741, 1812–13, 1828, 1837, 1869, 1883, 2107, 2113, 2161, 2174, 2187, 2188–90, 2322, 2338–39, 2356, 2480, 2499–500, 2528, 2546, 2549 Lalla Arifah, 503, 517 Law and women customary law under the colonial government, 1556, 1557, 1559, 1547, 1554–66 customary law in Kashmir, 154–42 customary laws in Sri Lanka, 1245 the Dissolution of Muslim Marriage Act 1939, 1498, 1501–02, 1509, 1511, 1595, 1604 Islamic laws in Sri Lanka, 1643–48 The Law of Evidence Ordinance 1983, 1145 The Muslim Family Law, general issues, 1577–82 The Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act of 1951 of Sri Lanka, 1645 The Muslim Family Laws Ordinance, 1961, 1135, 1365, 1513, 1584, 1594, 1597, 1604, 1611 The Family Laws in Pakistan, 1583–1614 Muslim Personal Law, 829, 1107, 1109, 1307, 1385, 1489, 1522, 1526, 1531–34, 1538, 1541, 1581 Muslim Personal Law in Bangladesh, 1553, 1637–42 the Shariat Bill, 1150, 1157, 1588 Uniform Civil Code in India, 1615–36 language and literature, 2216–2225 women’s images in literature, 2248–57 ction by women, 2258–2302 Re¶tÒ (rexti ), 2220, 2226–31, 2349, 2352, 2353, 2355 Urdu periodicals for women, 858, 2232–38, 2565 A¶bÊr un-nisÊ{, 1695 BanÊt, 145 {Ismat, 533, 579, 582, 904, 2235 ‡atÖn, 1668 SanÊh-yi Niswʸ, 131 ·arif Bibi, 382 Tahzib un-Niswan, 576, 2286 Zebunnisa, 905

594

subject index

women poets-general studies, 2312–2323 Fahmida Riaz, 2327–29 MÊh LaqÊ BÊxÒ nandÊ, 2303–09 ZahidÊ ‡atÖn SharwÊnÒ, 2310–11 Liberation movement in Bangladesh, 2426, 2456 Lutf Ali Khan Bahadur, Nawab, 1686 Maham Anaga, 234 Mai Pir, 496 Majalis un-Nisa, 1670–71 Majaz, Asrarul Haq, 2251 Majles rituals, 756, 758, 761–70, 775 Ma¶dumÊh-yi Jahan, 167 Ma¶zan, 2322 MalikÊ Jahan, NawwÊb, 2368 Malika-i-Jahan, 347 MalikÊh Æayat Ba¶shÒ Begam, 187 Mallick, Zakia, 2357 Manto, 2487 Margaret (Marjorie) Ussher, 416, 424 Marriage, 9, 13, 132, 145, 174, 198, 220, 239, 330, 444, 571, 621, 653, 795, 1097, 1229, 1260, 1294 age at marriage, 562, 882, 1330–39 arranged marriages, 1375–77 consanguineous/kin marriages, 1378–91 dissolution of marriages, 597, 579, 726, 1501–12, 1604 exchange marriages (Watta Satta), 1010, 1372 fatÊwÊ on marriage, 717, 725, 1353 forced marriages, 1295 marriage ceremonies, 448, 577, 1415–35 marriage patterns, 1025, 1028, 1034, 1043, 1364–74 married life, 486, 1356, 1947 marrying Christians, 564, 1396–97 Nikʘ, 1340–43, 1427 polygamy, 1176, 1354, 1398–1412, 2339 under-age marriages, 375, 1307, 1324–29 spouse selection, 483, 1344–47, 1350 spousal relations, 144, 145, 540–41, 1351–54 temporary (Mutax h) marriages, 337, 1413–14, 2347 widow marriage, 359, 374, 535, 922, 1469–77 Divorce (¶ulÊx ), 579, 1497–1500 ¢alÊq, 1478–86 Talaq-i-tafwiÓ, 1493–96 Tripl ¢alÊq, 1487–92 waiting period for a divorced woman (‘Idda’), 1472, 1484, 1486

Dower (Mahr), 1513–20, 1527, 1537, 1563, 1593, 1601 payment of mahr and maintenance, 1521–23, 1524–39 Dowry, 1436–43, 2408 The Dowry Prohibition (Amendment) Act 1986 of India, 1439–40 Maqbool, Salma, 1823 The Martial Law in Pakistan (1961), 960, 984, 1130, 1135–1170, 1594, 2399, 2404, 2514 Maryam-uz Zamani, 215, 217 Maryam Zamani Begum, 314, 319 Matlab Thana, 1263, 1466–67, 1880–81 Mayo, Katherine, 889 The Meos, 1384 Mecca, 1469 Medinah, 793, 1469 Menstruation, 717, 1314–23, 1444, 1791, 1874 concept of impurity, 485, 514, 1250, 1097, 1205, 1305, 1316, 1320, 1815, 2066–67 management of menstruation by girls, 741, 1303, 1305–06, 1314 Mervyn Hudson, 420 Mir Jafar Ali Khan of Bengal, 351 Mirza Abu Taleb Khan, 564–65 566 MirzÊ Fa¶rÖ, 2347 The Moplahs, 1386 Mu{ÊÉir-i-¢alibÒ  bilÊd-i afrÊnji, 564 Muhammad Ali, Begam (Amjadi), 915–16, 956 Muhammadi Begam, 576 Mughlani Begam, 240 Mumtaz Mahal, 202, 283–86 Munny Begam, 351, 353–54, 357–58 Mantuqixt-tair, 1650 Maimuna Sultan Begam, 390, 800 Mawdudi (also spelt as Maudoodi/ Mawdudi), Abul Ala, 130, 1174, 1589 MÒnÊ Bazars, 202, 205, 208, 216 MÒrxÊt-ul{ArÖs (The Bride’s Mirror), 476, 1673–74 Mirza Mazhar Jan-i Janan, 494, 505, 509 The Mohmand Agency, 1024 The Montague-Chelmsford Reforms, 849, 856 The Monthly Mohammadi, 894 Mosques-women’s presence, 735–42 {Ád prayers of women, 743–45 Mother India, 889 Motherhood, 1455–59 breastfeeding, 1460–68

subject index pregnancy and childbirth celebrations, 1444–1454 Muhammad {Abduh, 558 Muhammad Bin Tughlaq, 167 Muhammad Hussain, Khalifa, 1691 Muhammad Ilyas, Maulana, 2608–09, 2618 Muhammad Shah, Emperor, 313 Muhammad ZakariyyÊ KÊndhalawÒ, Maulana, 2612 Muhammadi Begam, 1715–16, 2286, 2288 Muharram, 762, 769–70 Muslim Women in India, 1075–79 Muslim women in Pakistan, 974–1009 Muslim Women in Sri Lanka, 1242–52 NadawÒ, SuleymÊn, 32 Na£Òr (also spelt as Nazir) A˜mad, MaulawÒ, 476, 555, 1672–75 Nadir Shah, 2481 Nadira Banu, 2358 Nas Dulhan, 870–73 Naidu, Sarojini, 907, 954, 2337 Naimat, al-Sayyadah, 994 The Nairobi Women’s Conference, 2578 Nampalli Zenana High School, Hyderabad Deccan, 602 Nargis, 2403 Nasir ud-Din Haider, Nawwab, 338, 342 Nathu BÒ, 2369 National Indian Association, 381 Nawabpur case, 2450 Nehru, Jawaharlal, 907 New York City, 2392 Nilofar, Princess, 421 an-Nisa, 905 Nizami, Khwaja Hasan, 2615–16 Noor Jehan, 2375 North West Frontier Provinces of Pakistan, 1024 Nu{mÊnÒ, ·iblÒ, 15, 32, 911, 913 Nur Jahan Begam, 253–82, 307–12 Nurnama, 1015 Nusrati (1620–1686), 1419 Obedient wives, 388, 539–40, 536, 542, 544, 721, 723, 1347, 1660, 1665 virtuous women, 150, 167, 510, 537, 542–43, 548, 590, 625, 2250, 2318 The Orangi Pilot Project, Karachi, 1818 The Ottoman family, 421, 878 The Oudh Akhbar, 954

595

Pakhto, 1028, 1031 Pakistan Women’s National Guard, 2471 Pakistan Women’s Naval Reserve, 2470 The Paisa Akhbar, 955 The Pakistan Association for the Blind, 1822 Pakistan Women’s Rights Committee, 997 Panp bibian, 501, 506 PandnÊmah, 1650 Pardah (modesty, veiling & seclusion), 389, 421, 439, 447, 452, 460, 581, 1984, 607–701 burqa{, 383, 394, 702–707a, 904 covered conveyance, 421 impact of pardah, 653–701 male supporters of pardah, 623–33 men who opposed the pardah, 634–41 The Purdah club, 956 religious opinion ( fatÊwÊ) in support of pardah, 611–22 women against the pardah, 642–52, 889, 894 ParÒ ‡ÊnÊ, 338 The Partition of India (1947), 1181 Partition riots, 936–45 PaªtÖn Women, 1024–1037 Pataudi, 2341 Paxto, 1029 The Penal Code of Pakistan, 1922 The Pirzada women, 1230 Pope, Miss Amina, 1703 Population (Family) Planning Programmes, 1986–2007 Attitudes towards Family Planning, 2008–13 Population Studies, 49, 85, 1861, 1370 The Population Growth and Estimation Projects of 1963–65, 1980 Prophet Muhammad, 31, 32, 609, 703 milÊd nÊmey by women, 780–88 mÒlÉd or maulÖd ªarÒf, 776–86 Traditions (Æadiº) of the Prophet, 33, 120, 121, 128, 150, 151, 152, 153, 535, 607, 737, 743, 1113, 1125–26, 1327–28, 1401 Prophet’s wives and daughters, 157–64, 222, 1493 status of women in the Æadiº, 111, 128–29, 142, 149–56, 521, 546, 608, 1486 Prostitution, 170, 371, 429, 434, 642, 686, 2477–502 The Punjab Safety Act, 2523 Punjabi Village, 1010–11 Punjabi women, 1010–13, 2340

596

subject index

Qabus namah, 545 Qarsum Bibi, 513 QÊsÒm AmÒn, 558 Qudsia {AizÊz RasÖl, Begam, 914 Qudsia Bagh, 313 Qudsia Begam, 313 Qudsiyah Begam, Nawwab, 368 The QurxÊn, 34 duties of women, 126, 130, 521, 536–38, 823 sex/gender, and gender relations, 137, 141–48, 577, 600 women’s status in the QurxÊn, 117–36, 148 Qurratulain Hyder, 2285 RabiÊ{ BaÉarÒ, 516 RabÒ{Ê Begam, 358 RaÓiyyÊh Sul¢an, 172–82 Ra{, Mrs., 882 Raipuri, Akhtar Hussain, 2337 Rajputs, 200, 217, 238, 243 RangÒn, Sa{Êdat YÊr ‡Ên, 2349, 2353 Reading, Countess of, 363 Research problems, 106, 108 invisibility of Muslim women in Research Studies, 106–116 writing women’s history, 109, 111 RaªÒd Jahan, 2259, 2264, 2282, 2296 Raªidut un-Nisa, 2262 Rathbone, Eleanor, 886 Razaullah, Mrs., 439 Reform movements, 549–63, 568–62, 593–98 Reid, Henry Stuart, 1717 Religious authority and women, 716–26, 1080–1109, 1550 religious fundamentalism, 936, 2574, 2582–83 women resisting the use of fatÊwÊ, 727–34 religious discrimination, 141, 539, 138, 1506, 1621, 1648 Roman Catholic Chapel, 399 Roshan Ara Begam, 2371 Rukunuddin, Mufti, 1353 Rup Mati, 201 Ruswa, Hadi, 2477, 2479, 2498 RSS (Hindu fascist organization), 1102 Saxad Zalol PʪÊ, 563 SÊ{adi, 1650 Sadar un-Nisa Begam, 345 SaÓr Jahan Begam, 335 Safdar Jang, 335, 345

Âayah Zalol ‡anam, 563 Sakhawat Husain, Rokeya 584, 888–903, 1203, 1705–07 Sakina Begum, 2196 Sakineh, 756 Salish (rural courts), 728, 2407 Salzburg, 413 same-sex female relations, 2346–55 Saqalain, ‡waja Ghulamus, 1695 Sara Shagufta, 2324 The Sarda Act, 1325, 1328–2 Sayyid (also spelt as Syed) Ahmad Khan, Sir, 12, 549, 1676–84 mother of Sir Sayyid, 430, 568 Sayyed Siddique Hassan Khan, 359, 366, 374 Sayyid Ahmed Dehlawi, 548, 555, 713, 1431, 1695, 2225 Sayyid Mumtaz Ali, 11, 573–78, 1681, 1693, 2286, 1693 sepoys, 338, 429 Serai, 307, 317–18 SevÊ Sadan, 877 Sha, Mufti Muhammad, 1915 ·ah {Abdul QÊdir, Mawlana, 1693 Shah Bano, 1524–39 Shah Begam, 200 ·ah RafÒuddÒn, Mawlana, 1693 Shahjahn Begam, Nawwab, 362, 371–76, 794, 1475 Shahjahan, Emperor, 212 Shahjahanabad, 308 Shah Din, Justice, 1688 Shah, Fatima, 1822, 1824 Shah Nawaz, Begam Jahanara, 839, 845, 853, 931, 2339 Shahar Bano Begam, 1432, 2341 Shaista Khan, 1923 Shareefa Hamid Ali, Begam, 603, 886 Sharfun Nisa Begum, 221 shari{Ê, 532, 627, 639, 737, 773, 1349, 1543, 1556, 1620 The Sharif Report, 936 ·arm, ·amsun NisÊ{ Begam, 2320 Sharqi dynasty, 165 Shi’a (also spelt as Shia/Shii) women, 758, 761–70, 1033 Shirk, 535 Shirkat Gah, 983, 1121 Shuja ud-Daulah, Nawwab, 321, 335 Sikander Jahan, Nawwab, 361, 369–70, 376, 794–95 Sindhi Women, 1014–23 Smith, Dunlop, 1571

subject index Sorabji, Cornelia, 134, 446, 714, 1567–75 Sri Lanka, 1417, 2412 Subjection of Women, 559 Sul¢an Abul Æasan TÊnÊ Shah, 547 Sultan Jahan Begam, Nawwab, 359, 368, 377–97, 803, 1708–09, 1359, 1709 Sultana’s Dream, 895 Sus, 518–19, 522, 526 Amir Khusrau, 482, 485, 488 nishti Sus, 483, 501 Ghazi Mian, 504, 524 MirzÊ MaØhar JÊn-i JanÊn, 505, 509 Raju Shah, 547 ·ai¶ Ahmad Sirhindi, 484, 752 Shaikh Nizam ud-din Auliya, 491, 512, 530 Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh-i-Delhi ·ah KalÒmullÊh, 486 sus of Bijapur, 494 women at the Su shrines, 489, 746–55 women in the Su discourse, 482–89, 527–31 women Sus, 490–526 Yusuf Gada, 483 Shiva Prasad, Babu Sunni Surati, 1373 Syed Ameer Ali, 570–72, 1690 Swain, Clara, 454, 462, 475, 1770 Tabbaruj, 994 TablÒ, 2603–12 TablÒÒ Jama{Êt, 2604, 2605, 2608–1, 2618, 2620 TablÒ-i Niswa¸, 2615 Tagore, Rabindranath, 907 Talat Harb, 561a Ta˜rÒr al-Marxah, 558, 561a Tamils, 1250, 1394–95 ”asadduq Æussain, SalmÊ, 917–20 Taslima Nasrin, 2582–89 Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste, 1923, 2502 ”ayyibÊh Begam, 837, 860, 876, 881, 837 Thanawi, Mawlana Ashraf Ali, 153, 375, 554, 1124, 2238 Thomas Roe, 275 Travelogues, 800–03 Tyabji, 383, 639 Turkey, 557, 560 Tusker, Lady, 2561

597

Udham Bai, 313 {Umar ibn al-KhittÊb, 546 UmrÊo Begam, 1355 Umrao Jan Ada, 2477, 2479, 2492, 2498 The Union Parishad, 1111 The University of the Punjab, Lahore, 2356 Urdu poetry, 2332, 2345 violence against women, 2407–38, 2512–15 female circumcision, 1322–23 karo kari (honour killing), 2463–68 prostitution, 2474–502 brothels, 2474, 2480–82, 2486, 2497, 2498–501, 2503 venereal diseases, 2488 rape crimes, 2439–53, 2510 trafcking of women, 2454–62, 2503 violence by women, 2506–07 jails for women, 2509 women police, 2511 Wafdist Women’s Central Committee, 562 Wahid Jahan Begam, 1697, 1701 Wajeda Tabassum, 2258 Wajid Ali Shah, Nawwab, 324, 325, 337, 339, 340 Walter Reinhard, 413 Warren Hastings, 321, 322, 341, 344, 346 WasÒm, Begam, 922 William Bentinck, 412 William Foster, 275 The Women’s Sub-committee of the All India Muslim League, 914, 916, 927 Women’s College of Home Economics, Karachi, 976 The Women’s International Year 1975, 987 Women’s roles-general statements, 804–819 Women and the First War of Independence, 322, 426–30 Women’s role in the Pakistan movement, 914–35 political participation, 846, 851, 856–7, 914–5, 926–27, 976, 996, 1202, 1728 political representation, 1110–23 political Leadership, 1122–26 suffrage movement, 843–57 The Franchise Committee, 850, 855

598

subject index

Women’s Movement, 438, 827–42 Women’s movement in Bangladesh, 1193–1210 Women’s Movement in India, 1211–41, 2566 Women’s Movement in the Maldives, 1253–54 Women’s movement in Pakistan, 974–1009, 1181–92, 2569–70 Women’s movement in Sri Lanka, 2576–77 Women’s Non-Government Organizations, 423, 729, 1185, 2516–44 The All India Ladies’ Association, 875–77 The All India Muslim Ladies Conference, 858–874, 877, 2339 The All India Women’s Conference, 382, 603, 882–86, 2562 The All India Women’s Educational and Social Conference, 886 The All Pakistan Women’s Association, 16, 994, 1183, 1587, 1596, 1608, 2545–58 The Anjuman-i ‡watÒn-i Islam, 881, 910 The Bangladesh Women and Shelter Network, 2540 The Behbud Association, 2521 The Hyderabad Ladies Association (Anjuman ‡awatÒn-i Islam, Dakkan), 879–81, 910 The Indian Women’s Association, 416, 843 The Ladies’ Club, Bhopal, 397 The National Council of Women in India, 884 The Network for Enterprising Women (NEW ), 2535 The Oudh Women’s Social and Educational Conference, 1325

The Women’s Action Forum (WAF ), 1149, 2527, 2534 Women Living under Muslim Laws (WLUML), 2537–38 The Women’s Research and Action Group (WRAG), 1241 Women’s Studies, 2594, 2597 Women armed guards, 218 Women in Bangladesh, 1058–1074 Women of Hunza/Gilgit/Chitral, 1047–57 Women, State and Religious Authority, 1080–1109, 1550 The Women Workers’ Centre, Karachi, 2532 Wyld, Miss, 416 Yusuf Ali, 130 Yusufzai, 225 Zafar Ali Khan, Maulana, 820, 1692 Zafar, Emperor BahÊdur ·ah, 242, 428–29, 1427 Zahara Bagh (Bagh-i-Jahanara), 315 Zahirul Huq, Qazi, 1326 Zarina E. Currimbhoy, 603 Zeb un-Nisa, 202, 212, 295–306 Zia ul Huq, 1089, 1130, 1138, 1140, 1142–43, 1145, 1147, 1150–51, 1153, 1162, 1191, 2417, 2452, 2527, 2534 The Zikri Baloch, 691, 1043, 1391 Zina, 1167 Zina Ordinance (The Hudood Ordinance), 984, 1157–73, 2445, 2452–53 Zinat Begam, 339 Zinat (also spelt Zeenat) Mahal, 242, 428 Zinat un Nisa, 358 Zohra Bibi, 524

AUTHOR INDEX

Abbas, Zainab Ghulam, 2239 Abbasi, M. B., 1014 Abbasi, Shams, 2203 Abbasi, Shehla, 1038 Abbott, Freeland, 1583 {Abd al-A˜ad, 320 Abdul Ali, A. F. M., 321, 351 {Abdul affÊr, QÊzÒ, 377 Abdul Haq, Shaikh, 1501 {Abdul Æaiy, 536 {Abdul ÆamÒd, Mu˜ammad, 1653 {Abdul Æaqq Mu˜addiº DehlawÒ, 490 {Abdul ÆakÒm, ‡alÒfÊh, 1398 {Abdul ÆalÒm, ·ai¶ Mu˜ammad, 2106 {Abdul KarÒm, 537 Abdul Khaliq, 1340 Abdulaziz al-Musnad, Muhammad Bin, 611, 717, 743 {AbdulafÖr ÆussainÒ, 744 {AbdulafÖr SiÊlkotÒ, Abu Ray˜Ên, 740 {Abdullah ‡Ên, 1654 {AbdullÊh, MuftÒ, 716 {AbdullÊh, Mu˜ammad, 804 {Abdullah, Saiyyid, 1733 {AbdullÊh, Shai¶ Mu˜ammad, 378, 634, 866, 1554, 1700–2 Abdullah, Tahrunnessa, 2069–73 {Abdur Ra˜im DehlawÒ, MaulawÒ ·ah, 1469 {Abdurra˜mÊn, 538 {Abdurra˜mÊn, ÆaØ, 625 Abekoon, A. P. L., 1262 {¹bid Æussain, SalҘÊh, 727 {¹bid, Mussarat, 805 Abida Sultaan, Princess, 359, 1584 {¹bidÒ, Æusain {AbbÊs, 322 Abidi, Nigar Fatima, 2199 Abrar Husain, Sheikh, 1415 ¹brÖ Begam, 1687, 1785 AbÖ ”alib ‡Ên, MirzÊ, 323, 564–5 Abul Aºr, ÆafÒØ JalandharÒ, 573 Abul FaÓl, Ibn Mubarak, 198–99 {Abur Raªid, Justice, 1399 Adamec, Ludwig W., 26 AdÒb, MaØhar {AlÒ, 626

Adil, Enver, 1986–88 {AdÒmÒ, ‡awajÊ ·amsuddÒn, 806 Adnan, S., 2118 Adult Education Development Board, 1734 AfÓal GopÊl, Mu˜ammad, 2345 Afsar, Rita, 2103, 2119, 2147 Afsar-ut tawÊrÒ¶, 324 Aftab, Tahera, 1273, 1676, 1720–21, 1730, 1735–36, 2018, 2594 Afzal Iqbal, 946 Afzal, Muhammad, 1330, 1364–65, 1513, 1946–47, 2159 Afzal, Nabila, 1110 ¹gah, Mu˜ammad BÊqar, 157 Agarwal, B. R., 1524 Agarwal, Chandra P., 2258 Agarwal, Partap C., 1384 ¹Ê Mo˜ammad BÊqar, 360 Agnes, Flavia, 1615 Agnew, Vijay, 81, 827 Ahamed, Mesabahuddin, 2582 Ahamed, Mohiuddin M. 1460 Ahangar, M. Altaf Hussain, 1540–1 Ahmad, Alia, 1948, 2120 Ahmad, Anis, 1158, 1585, 1737 Ahmad, Asif, 1848 Ahmad, Aziz, 10–11, 117, 549 Ahmad, Bashir, 1586, 1688 Ahmad, Begum Anwar G., 1587 Ahmad, Furqan, 1588 Ahmad, Imtiaz, 1385 Ahmad, Jalaluddin, 2259 Ahmad, K., 2439 Ahmad, Khurshid, 1589 A˜mad, MaulawÒ Saiyyid MaqbÖl, 200 Ahmad, Nigar, 2030 Ahmad, Q. K., 2052 Ahmad, Rizwan, 959 Ahmad, Rukhsana, 2563 Ahmad, Shadbano, 106, 653 Ahmad, ul-{Umri, 201 Ahmad, YasmÒn, 623 Ahmad, Zeyauddin, 1366 Ahmadullah, A. K., 1903 Ahmed, Akbar S., 960, 970, 1024, 1039 Ahmed, Ambreen, 1849 Ahmed, Anna Molka, 2356

600

author index

Ahmed, Ashraf Uddin, 1816 Ahmed, Bashir, 1878 Ahmed, Begum G., 974 Ahmed, Eman M., 2508 Ahmed, Fauzia Erfan, 2121, 2407 Ahmed, Feroz, 1331 Ahmed, Firoza, 2019, 2545 Ahmed, Imtiaz, 1487 Ahmed, K. N., 1493 Ahmed, K., 1478 Ahmed, Khondker Arif, 2074 Ahmed, Nausheen, 1159, 2509–10 Ahmed, Nilufer R., 1062, 1263, Ahmed, Rahnuma, 1193–94 Ahmed, Shaheen, 654 Ahmed, Shahnaz, 1314 Ahmed, Shameem, 1058 Ahmed, Shereen Aziz, 1181 Ahmed, Zeenat Rashid, 2546–47 Ahsan, Rosie Majid, 1835, 2474 A˜ad-ud DÒn A˜mad ·eftÊh, 539 A˜mad {AlÒ ‡Ên, MunªÒ, 1655 A˜mad RaÓÊ ‡Ên FÊÓil BarelwÒ, 612, 735 A˜mad Sa{Òd, MaulawÒ, 745 A˜mad, ulÊm, 741 A˜mad, Iq×Êl UddÒn, 550 A˜mad, Saiyyid NaqÒ, 1689 A˜mar, YÖnus, 2240 Aitkin, Annie, 2008 {AizÊz RasÖl, Begam, 914 Akanda, Latifa, 2408 AkbarÊbÊdÒ, SÊxÒd A˜mad, 557 AkbarÊbÊdÒ, Saiyyid DilgÒr, 858 AkbarÊbÊdÒ, SÒmÊb, 253, 295 Akhtar, Jahanzeb, 107 A¶tar, Mu˜ammad, 551, 820 A¶tar, SaeedÊ, 2260 Akhtar, Sajjad, 1738 A¶tar, WÊjid {AlÒ ·ah, 325 Akhter, Farida, 1195 Akhter, Halida H., 1879 Akhter, Rahima Jamal, 1796 Akhter, Salma, 1111 Akram, ·ai¶ Mu˜ammad, 172 Akram-Lodhi, 2160 ¹l India KhawatÒn Kanfrans, 882 Alam, Bilquis A., 1797 Alam, Iqbal, 1332, 1367, 1949, 1989 Alam, Nurul, 1479 Alam, Shaista Aziz, 655 Alam, Shamsul, 2583 Alam, Sultana, 1059, 2109 Alam, Tahmina, 887

Alamgir, Susan Fuller, 1060 Alauddin, Muhammad, 1853 Alauddin, Talat K., 35, 108, 2161 Alavi, Hamza, 1, 1182 al-Badaoni, Abdul Qadir, 2475 Alderman, Harold, 1739 al-Faruqi, Ismail R., 2 al-FatÊwÊ al-{¹lamgÒryah, 718 {AlÒ Mu˜ammad Ibne Mu˜ammad Mu{Òn, 540, 2346, 2409 Ali, Azra Asghar, 843, 1722, 2564–66 Ali, Firasat, 1488 {AlÒ, ÆijÊb ImtiyÊz, 2107 Ali, Jan, 2603 Ali, Khadija, 2162 Ali, Mubarak., 583 {AlÒ, MunªÒ Æasan, 1324 Ali, Parveen Shaukat, 2567 Ali, Riaz, 2584 Ali, S. Amjad, 2357 Ali, Salma, 1637 Ali, Shaheen Sardar, 1274, 1347, 1555, 1590 Ali, Syed Mubashir, 1264 All India Women’s Conference, 883 All Pakistan Women’s Association, 2548–49 Allana, G., 915 Allana, Mariam, 975 Allen, Charles, 361 Ameer Ali, Syed, 202, 570–72, 1690 AmÒn ZubairÒ, Mu˜ammad, 362 Amin, Ruhul, 1265, 1807, 1916, 1934, 1974, 2148 Amin, Sajeda, 656, 1436, 1904, 1924, 2075 Amin, Sonia Nishat, 431–33, 888, 1275 Amir Æasan Sijzi., 491 Amjad Ali, Zahida, 976, 1740 Amnesty International, 2463 Amrasi, Yasmin, 1798, 1800 Amrita Pritam, 2324 AmrohwÒ, Afsar SiddÒqui, 86 Anand, Sugam, 254 Andaleeb, Syed S., 2122 Anderson, Farhat Taj, 2511 Anees, Munawar Ahmad, 82, 1255, 1905 AnÒs Fa¢imÊh, 780 Anis Mirza, 2379 Anisa ÆarÖn Begam ·arwÊniÊh, 2310 Anjum, Mohini, 657, 1101 Anon, 283–84, 552, 624, 1470, 1666, 2476, 2559 Ansari, A. S. Bazmee, 719, 1437

author index Ansari, Ghaus, 807, 1342, 1368. Ansari, Iqbal A., 1616 Ansari, Khursheed A. Salam, 2020 Ansari, M. A., 203–4, 911 Ansari, Sheela, 1211 AnÉari, ¶., 482 AnÉÊrÒ, Sa{Òd., 98 AnÉÊrÒ, Mu{inuddÒn, 559 AnÉarÒ, RashÒd A˜mad, 558 Anwar {AlÒ, ÆaØ, 541 Anwar Ali, Muhammad, 635 Anwar, M., 2343 Anwar, Seemin, 2031 Anwari, Khwaja Arshad Mubeen, 1591 Anwarud-Din, Mrs., 118 AnwÊrul Æaqq, MuftÒ Mu˜ammad, 379 Arens, J., 2076 {¹rifÒ, Mu˜ammad {AbdullÊh, 808 Armstrong-Hopkins, S., 449 Asaduddin, M., 2477 Asaf Ali, Aruna, 844 Asani, Ali S., 527 Aschenbrenner, Joyce, 2163 Aª{arÒ, Saiyyid Amjad {AlÒ, 255, 2216 Ashraf, Asia, 977 Ashraf, Kunwar Mohammad, 173 Ashraf, Mohammad, 1592 Ashra, Talat Ara, 1212 Ask, Karin, 1276 Askari, Nasreen, 2380 Aslam JairÊjpuri, Mu˜ammad, 99 Asmi, Saleem, 2370–71 AsrÊr Æusain ‡Ên, Saiyyid, 2368, 2478 Asthana, Pratima, 828 {¹ÉÒ, {Abdul BÊrÒ, 2312, 2347 Athar Ali, M., 174 {AttiyÊ Begam Fyzee, 380 Attiya Dawood, 2325, 2464 Awan, Asghari K., 1838 Ayub, Nasreen, 2200 Ayub, Nighat, 36 Ayub, Tahmina Aziz, 1990 ¹zÊd BilgramÒ, ulÊm {AlÒ, 492 ¹zÊd, Abul KalÊm, 560, 593 Azam Ali, Amenah, 1047 Azam, Ikram, 978 {¹zamÒ, {Abdul MuÉ¢afÊ, 532, 627 Azhar, Mirza Ali, 2550 Azhar-Hewitt, Farida, 1048–50 Azim, Firdous, 1196, 2261 AzÒm, Vaqar, 2248, 2262 Aziz, Azra, 1975 Aziz, K. K., 845–46, 936

601

Aziz, K. M. A., 1061, 2077 Aziz, Talat, 371 Azmat, Tahera, 175, 183, 205, 256, 287, 296, 326 {¹zmÒ, ‡alÒlur Ra˜mÊn, 2251 {¹zmÒ, Ra˜at, 2303 Azra Abbas, 2326, 2333 {AØimullah, Mu˜ammad QÊÓÒ, ÆakÒm, 1786 Baba, Meher Avatar, 493 Bacchetta, Paola, 1101a, 1102 BaooÖ ‡Ên, 1787–90 BadÊyÖnÒ, {AbdulmÊjid, 119 Badruddin, Salma Halai, 2595 Badruddin, Salma Halai, 2595 Baig, Tara Ali, 1525 Bailey, Susan F., 37 Bairagi, Radheyshyam, 1266, 1850, 2014 Bakhsh, Sultana, 916, 2263 Bakhtiar, Idrees, 2440 Bala, Usha, 426–27 Balchin, Cassandra, 1593, 1861, 2516 Balfour, Margaret Ida, 1770 Balk, Deborah, 2078 Ballhatchet, Kenneth, 434 Ballou, Patricia K., 38 Baloch, N. A., 2241 Baloch, S. K., 206, 1416 Baloch. A. H., 1400 Banerji, Brajendra Nath, 352–53, 398–400 Banerji, Reena, 297 Banerji, S. K., 207 Bano, S., 2517 Banu, Zenab, 1543 Baqai, Farah Gul, 971 BarelwÒ, ·afÒq, 947 Barlas, Asma, 137, 607, 1315 Barnes, Irene H., 450–51, 702 Barnett, Richard B., 327–28 BarnÒ, ÃiÊuddÒn A˜mad, 288 Barr, Pat, 416 Barrow, Margaret, 39 Barth, Frederik, 1025 Barton, Mukti, 138, 1705 Bashiruddin, S., 1696 Basu, Aparna, 828a Basu, M. N., 1950 Basu, Salil Kumar, 1378 Baveja, Malik Ram, 120 Bawa, Ahmadu, 1417 Baxamusa, Ramala, 1213, 1489–90

602

author index

Bean, Lee L., 1991–92, 2164–65 Becker, Stan, 1951 Beevi, M. Fathima, 1214 Begam, Æe Alif, 594 Begam, Soruya, 1093 Begley, Wayne E., 307 Begum, Hamida A., 2053 Begum, Kamrunnessa, 1471, 1756 Begum, Kohinoor, 2123 Begum, Saleha, 2079 Bell, Mrs. G. H., 435, 657a Bellefonds, Y. Linant De., 1348 Bernhart Michael H., 1906 Bernier, Francis, 208 Beveridge, Annette, S., 209 Beveridge, H., 210 Bhalerao, Usha, 1822–23 Bhalla, P. N., 354 Bhasin, Kamla, 2518 Bhatia, Kanta, 40 Bhatia, Shushum, 1808, 1880–82 Bhatnagar, J. P., 1491 Bhatti, Lubna Ishaq, 1839, 2015 Bhatty, Zarina, 1215–16, 1277, 1617 Bhowmik, K. L., 1952 Bhuiya, Abbas, 1480, 1925 Bhutto, Benazir, 1127–28 BilgrÊmÒ, Ifti¶ar {¹lam, 1711 Bilgrami, Rifat, 211, 1542 BilgrÊmÒ, S. FÊ¢mah Zehrah, 781, 1677 BilgramÒ, ¶ahÒr, 1656 Billington, Mary Frances, 436 Bilquees, Faiz, 2049, 2193 BiªÊrat-i maØhariyÊ dar fazÊ’il-i ˜ÊzirÊt-i ¢arÒqah- yi mujaddidyah, 494 Bismillah Niaz Ahmad, Begam, 2372 Bittles A. H., 1380 Blair, A. J., 1567 Blake, Stephen P., 308 Blanchet, Therese, 1278, 1444 Blank, Jonah, 1217 Bleie, Tone, 1438 Blumhardt, J. F., 87–88 Boesen, I. W., 1026–28 Boga, Russi, 285 Bokhari, A., 1799 Bornstein, David, 2149 Bousquet, G. H., 1316 Bredi, Daniela, 595–96, 2217, 2479 Brenton-Carey, B., 1015 Brij Bhushan, Jamila, 176, 1618, 2381–82 Brown, T. Louise, 2480–80a Brumberg, Joan Jacobs, 452

Bryant, Nancy H., 1800 Buland Akhtar Begam, 2232 Bulkhi, Fasihuddin, 2348 Burney Shemeem Abbas, 756 Burney, Naushaba, 2383 Burney, Naushaba, 979 Burney, Shemeem Abbas, 2373 Burton, Antoinette, 453 Burton, Richard F., 495, 1016–17, 2465 Butalia, Urvashi, 937 Butenschön, Andrea, 289 Butler, Iris, 363 Butler, William, 454 Buzmee Ansari, A. S., 246 Byrne, Pamela R., 41 Cain, Mead, 2080 Caldwell, Bruce, 1917 Campbell, Mary J., 455 Carbonu, Dora Maria, 1801 Carlaw, R. W., 1351 Carpenter, Mary, 437, 1731 Carroll, L., 1135, 1349, 1375, 1494–95, 1497–98, 1521, 1526, 1594 Carter, G. E. L., 496 Cash, Kathleen, 1279 Caton, A. R., 438–39, 829, 845–46 Chabbra, Meenakshi, 2469 nhadami LÊl Qamar, 2313 Chakravarty, Renu, 1619 Challenge for Change: A Prole of A Community, 1242 Chanana, Karuna, 1075, 1723 Chandra, Ramesh, 703 Chandra, Satish, 212 Chatterji, Jyotsna, 1218 Chattopadhyay, Manju, 2196 Chattopadyaya, Aparna, 257 Chaturvedi, Archana, 24 Chaudhary, A. R., 2021 Chaudhary, M. Ghaffar, 2032 Chaudhary, Muhammad Anwar, 1595 Chaudhry, Hafeez-ur-Rehman, 746 Chaudhry, Muhammad Sharif, 121, 1122 Chaudhry, Rahmat Ali, 821 Chaudhurani, Faizunnessa, 2334 Chaudhury, Raqul Huda, 1062, 1883, 1940–43, 1953–54, 2104, 2124 Chen, C. L., 1851 Chen, Martha Alter, 2150 Chen, Marty, 2110–11, 2125 Cheney, Elizabeth, 456 Chhachhi, Amrita, 1080, 1103

author index Chipp-Kraushaar, Sylvia, 1596, 2551–53 Chiragh Ali, Moualvi, 1401 Chishti, Khawar Khan, 1741 Chiªti, WahajuddÒn, 364 Chopra, Pran Nath, 213 Choudhury, Dilara, 1063 Chowdhuri, J. N., 286 Chowdhury, A. B. M. Sultan, 1544 Chowdhury, A. K. M., 1267, 1854 Chowdhury, Elora, 2151, 2410 Chowdhury, Fakhrul I., 1333 Chowdhury, Mirdul K., 1926 Chowdhury, Najma, 1112–14 Chowdhury, Tasneem A., 658 Christensen, A., 1028 Cleland, J. G., 1873, 1976 Cockburn, W., 757 Coldstream, John P., 1568 Cole, Juan R. I., 758 Colmcille, Mother Mary, 457 Conklin, George H., 1219 Coomaraswamy, Radhika, 2411 Cooper, Elizabeth, 458 Coppola, Carlo, 2264 Correspondence between Maulana Maudoodi &Maryam Jameelah, 1174 Coulson, N. J. 1597–8 Cousins, Margaret E., 830, 847 Cowan, Minna G., 1732 Croley, H. T., 1809 Croll, Elisabeth, 1280 Crooke, William, 497, 1418 nutÊxÒ, MirzÊ {AØÒm Beg, 636 Cunningham, Alexander, 309 D’Souza Andreas, 747 D’Souza, Diane, 736 D’Souza, Victor S., 1386, 1392, 1515 Dabla, Basheer, 2197 Dandekar, Kumudini, 1334 Dannecker, Petra, 2126 Dar, S. N., 2384 DÊrÊh ·ikuh, Mu˜ammad, 498 DargÊh QulÒ ‡an, NawwÊb Zulqadr, 2481 Das, Asok Kumar, 258, 2358 Das, M. Kaviraja Shyamal, 214 Das, Veena, 1387 Dasgupta, Kalpana, 42 Dawood, Attiya, 1018 De Bellefonds, Y. Linant, 1472 De Mel, Neloufer, 2412 De Silva, W. Indralal, 1243 De Souza, Eunice, 659

603

Della Vale, Pietro, 259 Dengal, Anna, 1771 Derrett, J. Duncan M., 822 Desai, Vishaka N., 2359 Desai, Z. A., 177 Deutsch, Karin A., 1325 Devji, Faisal Fatehali, 553 Dharmrakhia, Mrs. M. A. S., 149 Digby, Simon, 483 Dil, Shaheen, F., 1064, 1197 Diwan, Paras, 1527 Dixon, Ruth B., 2081 Dixon-Mueller, Ruth, 1840, 1862 Dobson, A. Mary R., 2560 Donnan, H., 1369 Dube, Leela, 1393 Dufferin Fund Committee, NWFP., 1892, 1772 Dufferin, Harriot, 1773–74 Duguid. J., 980 Duke, U., 1826 Durrani, F. K. Khan, 1742 Durrant, V., 1281 Durr-e-Nayab, 1863 Durru ·ehwÊr, Princess of Berar, 878, 2561 Duza, Asa, 1198–99, 1955 Duza, Mohammed Badrud, 1953 Dwarkadas, Kanji, 972 Dyer, A. Saunders, 401 Eaton, Richard Maxwell, 499 Ebrahim, Zofeen T., 1282 Edib, Halidé, 708, 956 Edwardes, Michael, 329, 355 Effendi, J., 1402 Eglar, Zekiye, 1010 Eickmeier, Janice Louise, 759 Elahi, K. M., 1852, 1956–57 Elias, Jamal J., 500 Elliot, H. M., 178 Embree, Ainslee T., 1528 Engineer, Asghar Ali, 122, 809, 1220, 1620–22 Epstein, T. Scarlett, 2082 Ernst, Carl W., 501–02 Esposito, John L., 19, 27, 123, 1136, 1175, 1599–1600 Etherington, Ellen, 381, 1678 Everett, Hana Matson, 1221 FaÓl, SÒmin Samar, 2252 Fahmida Riaz, 2327 Faiz, Alys, 2335

604

author index

Faizal, Farah, 1253 Falk, Nancy A., 43 Fane, Henry Edward, 402 Farani, M., 1601 Faridi, Begum Tazeen, 1183, 2554–55 Farmer, B. H., 3 Farooki, Nazratun Naeem, 2385 Farooqi, H. Abdullah, 260, 298 Farooqi, Yasmin, 1317, 1827–28, 2413 Farrukh, Nilofur, 2360 Farrukhi, Asif, 2314 Faruki, Kamal A., 1602 Farzanah, NÒlam, 2265 Fasihuddin, K. B. Maulawi Muhammad, 165 Fatima, Anjum, 989 Fatima, Samar, 810 Fa¢imah Begam Munªi FÊÓil, 382 Fauq, MunªÒ Mu˜ammad DÒn, 261, 417, 503 Faust, Elke, 2604 Fauveau, Vincent, 1855, 1918 Fawaz, Zainab, 599 Feldman, Shelley, 660, 938, 1094, 1810, 1993, 2127, 2519, 2590 Felmy, Sabine, 1051 Fenton, Thomas P., 44 Fernando, Jude L., 2152 Fikree, Fariyal F., 1884, 2414 Findly, Ellison Banks, 215, 262–64, 310–12 Finney Hayward, Ruth, 2415 Firdous, Rehana, 1403, 1496, 1499 Firdousi Sultana Begum, 1638 FÒrozpurÒ, Mu˜ammad {IsÊ MiyʸjÒ, 2605 Fisher, Michael H., 330–31, 566 Flemming, Leslie A., 2266–67 Flueckiger, Joyce Burkhalter, 748–50 Forbes, Andrew D. W., 1254 Forbes, Geraldine, 109–10, 440, 459, 848, 884, 889, 1811 Forbes, Jehangir Cursetji, 1502 Ford, Kathleen, 1874 Foster, William, 216 Francklin, W., 403 Frazer, H., 1685 Frederick, John, 2482 French, Francesca, 1793 French, Susan E., 1802–03 Friedman, Yohanan, 484 Fruzzetti, Lina M., 760, 2083 Fuller, Mrs. Marcus B., 460 Fyzee, Asaf A. A., 1341, 1503, 1514

Fyzee, Attiya Begam, 912 Fyzee, Zuhrah Begam, 383, 859 Fyzennessa, Noorunnahar, 1757 Gaborieau, Marc, 504, 1545 Gaeffke, Peter, 1419 Gallichan, Walter M., 1404 Gandhi, Ambalal Bhikha Bhai, 1623 GangohÒ, MawlÊnÊ RashÒd A˜mad, 720 Gangoly, O. C., 265–66 Gani, Amna, 2166 Gardezi, Fauzia, 1184–85, 2568 Gardezi, Hassan Nawaz, 1812–13 Gardner, Katy, 1095 Gauhar, Khadija, 2454 Geijbels, Mathew, 751 Gerad, Renee, 1065 Ghadially, Rehana, 761–65, 1322, 1624, 1764 Ghaffar, Sayeda, 1461 aus Mu˜ammad, 89 Ghorayshi, Parvin, 45 Ghosh, Bishnupriya, 2585 Ghosh, S. K., 1504 ulÊm {AlÒ, ·Êh, 505 Ghulam Murshid, 890 GhulÊm SamdanÒ, MaulawÒ, 2304–05 ulÊm Sarwar LahorÒ, MuftÒ, 506 Gibb, H. A. R., 20 Gilmartin, David, 1556–57 Glasse, Cyril, 21 Godden, Rumer, 247 Goetz, Anne Marie, 2153 Goetz, H., 184, 217, 313 Goheer, Nabeel A., 2167 Goodwin, Jan, 1137 Gorfain, Phyllis, 2392 Gracey, Mrs. J. T., 831 Graham, Maria., 441 Gray, R. M., 849 Graybow, Charles, 2503 Great Britain, 850 Gribble, J. D. B., 185 Grima, Benedicte, 1029–32 Guhathakurata, Meghana, 2596 Gulbadan, Begam, 248, 789 Gustafson, W. Eric, 83 Habib, Habib, Habib, Habib, Habib, Habib,

Hina, 1420 Irfan, 267 Marium, 2569 Mohammad, 166 Najma, 1283 Nasira, 1743

author index Habibullah, A. B. M., 179 Habibullah, Attia, 642, 2268 Haddad, Yvonne Y., 46–47 Haeri, Shahla, 2336, 2441–42, 2570–71 Hafeez, Sabeeha, 1284, 2050, 2393, 2597 Hagen, Catherine, 1958 Haider, Khwaja Razi, 973 Haider, Rukhsana, 1935 Hains, Belinda, 1285 Hakim, Abdul, 981, 1994 Hakim, Rehana, 2394 Hak®o, ·ah Jahan, 528 Halvorson, Sarah J., 1052–53 Hambly, Gavin R. G., 218 HamdÊnÒ, AghÊ Æusain, 961 Hamdani, Naseem, 2470 Hameed, Syeda S., 2269 Hameed, Yasmin, 2270 Hamid Ali, Mrs., 1794 Hamid, Shamim, 2054 Hamida Akhtar Hussain Raipuri, 2337 HamªÒrÊh S. M. YÊsÒn, 600 Haniff, Niesha Z., 1104 Hanley, Mary Lynn, 982 Hannan, Ferdouse H., 48 Hansen, Kathryn, 2395 Haq, Farhat, 1138 Haq, Mahmudul, 90 Haq, S. M., 428 ÆaqqanÒ, ·aukat {AlÒ, 2606 Haque, Huma, 1817 Haque, Minhajul, 1286 Haque, Mozammel, 124 Haque, Tatjana, 1115 Haque, Y. A., 2416 Haque-Khan, Asra, 1829 Hara, Kimi, 49 Hardee, J. Gilbert, 1995 Harder, G. M., 2084 Haroon, Anis, 983, 2572 Harrison, Frances, 984 Hasan, Masudul, 100 Hasan, Mohammad Nazmul, 2085 Hasan, Mushirul, 948 Hasan, Perween, 584 Hasan, Raa, 2520 Hasan, Raihana A., 1824 Hasan, S. Nurul, 268 Hasan, Zoya, 1222, 1625–26 Hashia, Haseena, 1223 Hashmi, Moneeza, 2521 Hashmi, Naseeruddin, 2273 Hashmi, Rahm Ali, 585

605

Hashmi, Salima, 2033, 2361–62 Hashmi, Sultan S., 1885 Hashmi, Taj I., 728, 1096, 2522, 2586 Hasna Begum, 1200, 1639 Hassan, Iftikhar N., 985–86, 2034–35, 2219 Hassan, Lubna, 1864 Hassan, Riffat, 139–42, 2338 Hassan, Yasmeen, 2417 HÊtif, MunªÒ {Abdur R’Öf, 542 Hauswirth, Frieda, 661 Haykal, Muhammad Husayn, 31 Heathen Women’s Friend, 384, 461 Hegland, Mary Eliane, 766–70, 1033 Helbig, Donald W., 1996 Helbock, Lucy, 987 Helie-Lucas, Marie-Aimee, 729 Hemani, Haza, 1804 Hena, Hasna, 2055 Hennessy, Maurice, 404 Hensman, Rohini, 1224 Herbert, Lisa Marguerite, 1040 Hermansen, Marcia, 776 Heward, Christine, 1744 Hezekiah, Jocelyn, 1805 Hidayat Ullah, Moeena, 1287 Hinchliffe, Doreen, 1406, 1481, 1516 Hissam, Zinat, 1256, 2328 Hodges, Emily, 2036 Hodivala, S. H., 269 Hodkinson, Keith, 1603 Hoggan, Frances Elizabeth, 1775 Holmes, W., 249–50 Honigmann, John J., 988, 2037 Hoque, Muhammad Nazrul, 1936 Hosain, Attia, 2274 Hoskins, Mrs. Robert, 462 Hossain, Hameeda., 2056, 2128, 2204 Hossain, Kamrul, 1640 Hossain, Lamis, 1641 Hossain, M., 1268 Hossain, Sara, 1577 Hossain, Shahadat, 1288 Hossain, Syeda Z., 1927 Huber, Douglas, 1886 Huda, Shahnaz, 2418 Huda, Sigma, 2057 Huddleston, George, 405 Hudson, Lt. Col. Arthur John Maitland, 420 Hughes, Thomas Patrick, 28 Human Rights Watch, 2419 Hume, Edward H., 463 Hume, Elizabeth C., 832

606

author index

Humphery, Revd. Dr. J. L., 1776 Hunte, Pamela A., 1841 Hunter, W. W., 270, 1407, 1679, 1712–13, 1724, 1777 Huq, F., 1388 Huq, Jahanara, 1066, 1758, 2058 Husain, M. Shahadat, 1067 Husain, Saliha Abid, 2275 Husain, Shahanara, 442, 891 Husain, Sorrayya, 271 Husain, Yusuf Jamal, 1421 Hussain, Freda, 2022 Hussain, Iqbalunnisa, 601, 643, 1076, 1408, 2276 Hussain, Marjorie, 2363 Hussain, Neelam, 2396 Hussain, Neelam, 2455 Hussain, R., 1269, 1379, 1381 Hussain, R., 1865 Hussain, Rashida, 1019 Hussain, S. Jaffer, 1482 Hussain, Sabiha, 1225–26 Hussain, Saleema, 2168 Hussain, Syed Mehdi, 1765 Hussain, Tarek Mahmud, 662 Hussein, Aamer, 2277 Hussein, Shazreh, 2443 Hutchinson, Lester, 406 Hyder, Qurratulain, 1227, 2483–84 ÆafÒØ, Mu˜ammad, 186 ÆalÒ, Al¢af Æussain, 1473, 1668–9 ÆÊmid Qalandar, 507 Æasan, M. Mahdi, 561 Æaªimi, NaÉiruddÒn, 91, 187, 418–19, 2271–72 ÆaªimÒ, SÊjidullÊh, 782 Æusain, Mu˜ammad BaªÒr, 92 Æusain, Saiyyid WÊjid, 125 Æusain, SalmÊ TaÉadduq, 917–20 Æusain, ·ai¶ TaÉadduq, 332 Æussain, {InÊyat, 1657 Æaqq, {Abdul, 2218 ÆaqqÊnÒ, Mu˜ammad Palan, 737 ÆayÊ, Musammat, 2108 Æairat DehlawÒ, MirzÊ, 299 ÆaÉan KakorwÒ, ÃiyÊul, 1405 Æusain, FehmÒdÊh, 529 {IbÊdurra˜mÊn, ·amsÒ, 783 Ibn Batuta, 167, 2485 IbrÊhÒm, Mu˜ammad, 290 Ibraz, Tassawar Saeed, 989, 1011, 1745, 2038–39 IdrÒs, Mu˜ammad, 586

Iftikhar, Naushin, 1370 Ikram Azam, R. M., 2364 Ikramullah, Begam Shaista (Suharawardy), 709–10, 921, 1116, 1422, 2253, 2278–79 IkrÊm-un NisÊ’, 602 {ImÊd NawÊz Jang, NawwÊb, 272 Imam, Hina Faisal, 2329 ImdÊd {AlÒ, 543 Imran, Muhammad, 126, 150 ImtiÊz {AlÒ, ‚urrayÊ, 651 ImtiÊz Ali TÊj, Saiyyid, 864 Inayatullah, Attiya, 1977 InªÊullah ‡Ên, InªÊ, 2220 IqbÊl Begam Turk, 2315 Iqbal, Justice Javid, 2420 Iqbal, Sir Muhammad, 597 Iqbal, Zafar, 93 Irfan, Mohammad, 1866 {IrfÊn, Mrs. Z. B. ‚uraiyyÊ, 143 Irshad Ali, A. N. M., 1389 {Iªrat Re˜mÊnÒ, 949 {Iªrat, ‡wÊjÊh {Abdur RxÖf, 333–35 Is˜Êq, Mu˜ammad, 1474 Islam and Family Planning, 1907 Islam, Badrul, 1522 Islam, M. Aminul, 2086 Islam, M. Nurul, 1978 Islam, M., 1371 Islam, Mahmuda, 50, 1289, 2087–88, 2129, 2421, 2598 Islam, Meherunnesa, 2059 Islam, Nazrul, 2130 Islam, S., 1139 Islam, Shamim, 892 Islam, Shamima, 1759–60, 1919–20, 2422 IsmÊ{Òl PÊnipatÒ, ·ai¶ Mu˜mmad, 1680–1 Ismail, Jezima, 1244–46 Ismail, Munira Fathima, 1247 IstrÒ MahÊmandal, 877 IÉlÊhÒ, Mu˜ammad YÖsuf, 151 IÉlʘÒ, MaulÊnÊ AmÒn A˜san, 2523 Iyengar, Vishwapriya, 663 JÊ{frÒ, NajmuddÒn A˜mad, 922 Jabbra, Nancy Walstorm, 1068 Jackson, Peter, 180 Jacobs, Sue-Ellen, 51 Jacobson, Doranne, 664–66 Jacoby, Hannan G., 1372 Jafarey, S. A., 1814 Jafri, Amir Hamid, 2466

author index Jafri, S. N. A., 667 Jahan Ara Begam, 291 Jahan Rounaq, 1201–02, 2061–62 Jahan, Nilufar, 2060 Jahan, Roushan, 893–95, 1203, 2131, 2397, 2423–25 Jahangir, Asma, 990, 1160, 2444, 2512 Jahangir, K. N., 1228 Jahangir, Nooruddin, 273 Jain, Anurudh K., 1928 Jain, K. B., 1439–40 JairajpurÒ, {Abdus SalÊm, 336 Jalal, Ayesha, 1083 Jalal, Khurshid, 1117 JalandharÒ, ·amÒm, 923 Jalil, Alamgir, 2242 Jamal, Amina, 2573–74 Jameel, M., 1643 Jameelah, Maryam, 1177–78, 1908 Janak, Raj Jai, 1529 Jane, S. Suzan, 1118 Janjua, Ziaul Islam, 1441 Jatoi, A. H., 2205 Jatoi, Haroona, 1746–47 Jatoi, Iqbal Ai, 52 Jauhar, Saiyyid MujÊhid Æusain, 628 Javed, Arifa, 1105 Jayawardena, Kumari, 2513, 2575 Jeffery, Patricia, 668, 1229–30, 1815, 2607 Jejeebhoy, Shireen J., 2591 Jilani, Ghulam, 1748 Jilani, Hina, 1084–85 Jitka, Kotalova, 2063 Jones Pauly, Chris, 1161 Jones, V. R., 464 Jordan, Jane, 2486 Joseph, Helen, 421 Joseph, Suad, 25 Junaid, Shahwar, 2022a Jung, al-Haj Mahomed Ullah, 1546 Jung, Anees, 1231 Kabeer, Naila, 1069, 1097, 2089, 2132–34, 2154, 2426, 2524 Kabir, Kausar, 101 Kabir, Khushi, 2090 Kabir, M., 1761, 1887–88, 1959 Kabit, Akbar, 2525 Ka, A. Sharif, 1483 KalÒm, Ma˜bÖbur Ra˜mÊn, 292 Kamal, Mehr, 991 Kamal, Simi, 2023 Kamal, Sultana, 730

607

KamrÊnÒ, NaØr, 962 Kani, Ali Sher, 2243 Karim, Anwarul, 771 Karim, Mehtab S., 1335, 1979–80 Karkaria, Bachi J., 2456 Kassis, Hanna E., 29 Kaur, Manmohan, 833 Kausar, Reema, 1290 Kausar, Zinat, 168 Kauser, Shabana, 1749 Kaushik, Sushila, 1291 Kaye, M. M., 407 Kazi, Afroz, 1889 Kazi, Seema, 1106 Kazi, Shahnaz, 1867–68, 2024–25, 2169–71, 2201 Keeble, U., 2233 Keegan, W., 408 Kelly, David H., 53 Kempson, M., 704 Kennedy, Charles H., 1140, 1162 Kennedy, Mary Jean, 992 Key, Jefferey Evan, 2526 Khadija Mastur, 2280–81 ‡airÊbÊdi, MÊxil, 127 ‡airÒ, Begam RÊziqul, 152 ‡airÒ, Rʪidul, 144–5, 158–9, 533, 578–81,731, 1292–3, 1344, 1500, 1505–7, 1547, 1558 ‡airÒ, RÊziqul, 904 Khalid, Humala, 2172 Khalid, R., 1445 Khalidi, Omar, 422 Khalifa Sayyad Muhammad Hussain, 1691 ‡alÒlur Ra˜man, Munªi Mu˜ammad, 561a ‡Ên, {Abdul Ra˜im, 1658 Khan, Abdul Majed, 356 Khan, Abdul Rashid, 1725 Khan, Ahmad Nabi, 219, 314 Khan, Ansar Zahid, 220 Khan, Atiqur Rahman, 54, 1856, 1921 Khan, Ayesha, 1842 Khan, Fawzia Afzal, 2398–99 Khan, Ghulam Mustafa, 300 Khan, H. T. Abdullah, 1981 ‡an, ÆamÒd A˜mad., 1355 ‡Ên, Æamid {AlÒ, 1703 Khan, Idris Ahmad, 2282 Khan, Ismet Zerin, 1098 Khan, M. Ali., 1270, 1960 Khan, M. E., 1356 Khan, Masihur Rahman, 1961

608

author index

Khan, Mazharul Haq, 669 ‡Ên, MirzÊ YÖsuf {AlÒ, 423 ‡an, MuftÒ {AbdulaffÊr, 721 Khan, Muhammad Yusuf, 1179 Khan, Mumtaz Ali, 2599 Khan, Muniza Raq, 1077 Khan, Nighat Said, 772, 1141, 1186–87, 2026, 2173, 2206, 2527–28 Khan, S., 2504 Khan, Salahuddin, 963 Khan, Salma, 1762, 2529 Khan, Sardar, 1559 Khan, Seemin Anwar, 2040 Khan, Shahnaz, 1163–65 Khan, Shahryar M., 365 Khan, Zafar Ali, 1692 Khan, Zubeda, 1462–63 Khanam, Johora, 1119 Khandwala, Vidyut K., 55 ‡anjar LakhnawÒ, MirzÊ FidÊ {¹lÒ, 337 Khatana, R. P., 1390 Khatoon, Akram, 2194 Khattak, Saba Gul, 2027, 2471 Khatun, Habiba, 2105 Khatun, Saleha, 2135 Khatun, Sharifa, 1763 Khatun, Syeda Monowara, 670 ‡atÖn-i HyderabÊd Deccan, 644 ‡awÊjÊ Ra˜mat Ullah, 534 Khawaja, B. A., 671 Khawaja, Sarfraz, 1750 Khedive Jang, Mrs., 860 Khera, P. N., 851 Khokar, Masoodul Hasan, 221 Khondker, Habibul Haque, 2064 Khory, Kavita R., 1530 Khursheed Bai, 711 ‡urªÒd, SurayyÊ K. H., 964 Kibria, Nazli, 2136 Kidwai, Mushir Hosain, 672, 823 Kidwai, Saleem, 2349 KifÊyatullah, MuftÒ, 613, 742 Kimball, Michelle R., 56 Kiribamune, Sirima, 1248 Kirkpatrick, Joanna, 2592 Kishwar, Madhu, 1531 Kitchin, A. J. W., 1560 Klein, Heinzgunther, 1012 Knighton, William, 338 Knowledge is Power, 57 Knowles-Foster, Frances G., 385 Koch, Ebba, 315 Kodikara, Chulani, 1644 Koenig, Michael A., 1857, 2427

Kolachi, Aisha, 1020 Korson, J. Henry, 1142–3, 1345, 1517–8, 2174 Korvin, Gabor, 1123 Kozlowski, Gregory C., 222, 1532–3, 1548–9 Kulkarni, V. B., 188 Kumar, Radha, 834 Kumar, Sukrita, 2487 Kureshi, M., 1751 Kyle-botejue, A. M. Christine, 2576 Lal, K. S., 223–4 Lal, Maneesha, 1778 Lal, Muni, 225–6 Lam, Mithan Tata, 1508 Lambat, Ismail A., 1373 Lambert-Hurley, Siobhan, 386–87, 875 Lateef, Shahida, 1107, 1232–3, 1627 La¢if, {Abdul, 189 Laumann, Lisa Carol, 2530 Law, Narendra Nath, 1649 Lawrence, Bruce B., 530 Lawyers for Human Rights And Legal Aid, 2457 Le Corre, Philippe, 2587 Lee, Marilyn Bell, 1843, 2051 Lelyveld, David, 12 Lent, John A., 58 Letters by WÊjid {AlÒ ·Êh, 339 Levine, Philippa, 2488 Liaquat Ali Khan, Begum, 1188, 2556 Liddle, Joanne, 1234 Life and Light for Women, 465 Lily, Fazila Banu, 2137 Limo, {¹xiªah, 128 Lindenbaum, S., 1204–05, 1442 Lindholm, Charles, 1034 Lindholm, Cherry, 1035 Luce, Ella, 466 Lutfullah, 567 Lytle, Elizabeth, 59 M{Clure, Mrs., 468 Macdonald, James Ramsay, 852 Mackenzie, Mrs. Colin, 705 Macmunn, G. F., 409 Madhava, Ananda, 1509 MÊh LaqÊ BÊxÒ nandÊ, 2306 Mahbub, Gule Afroz, 2531 Mahdi QulÒ ‡an, 1413 Mahdi, Niloufer Qasim, 1036 Mahesh Prashad, 913

author index Mahmood, Naushin, 1929, 1962, 2009–10 Mahmood, Shaukat, 1604 Mahmood, Tahir, 129, 1578, 1605, 1628–29, 1909 Mahmud, Saiyyid Fayyaz, 2283 Mahmud, Shabana, 60, 2284 Mahmud, Simeen, 1937, 1982, 2091, 2138 Mahroof, M. M. M., 1249, 1645 Ma˜wÒ ÂiddiqÒ, Mu˜ammad Husain, 160 Ma˜bÖb {¹lam, MunªÒ, 443–443a, 1779 Maimoona Sultan, Shah Bano Begam, 800 MaimunÊh GorakhpurÒ, 784 Major, Andrew J., 939 Majumdar, N., 357 Majumder, Abul Kashem, 1464 Ma¶dÖm, 544 Ma¶zan-i AsrÊr-i Sul¢ÊanÒ, 340 Maleka, Begum, 1206 Malhotra, L. K., 2374 Malik, {Abdur RaªÒd, 1693 Malik, Fida Hussain, 161, 811 Malik, Ijaz Ilahi, 1294 Malik, Jamal, 508 Malleson, G. B., 369 Mandelbaum, D. G., 673 Mankekar, Purnima, 1295 Mann, Elizabeth A., 1108 Mansooruddin, M., 1423 Manuccì, Niccolao, 790 Manuel, Peter, 2489 Marayam Jameelah, 1176–78 Marcus, Rachel, 2428 Markhani, M., 1646 Marshall, P. J., 341 Marston, Emily, 467 Martelli, E., 674 Martin, L., 61 Maryam Begam SʘibÊh, MaulawÒ, 645 Maskiell, M., 1013, 1144, 1189, 2207 Masoud, Samar Fatima, 675 Masud, Muhammad Khalid, 722, 1510, 2608 Mathena, Madhavi, 4 Matheson, Sylvia A., 1041 Mathews, G. A., 676 Mathur, P. K., 1109 Mathur, Y. B., 1726 MaudÖdÒ, {Abul {Ala, 614, 738, 1352, 1606, 1910

609

Mayer, Ann Elizabeth, 1129 Mayo, Molly, 62 Mazari, Shireen, 1145 Mazhar, Sa{Òdah, 2254 Mazumdar, Shampa, 739 MaØharul A¶bÊr, 1714 McAuliffe, Jane Dammen, 22 McCandless, Boyd R., 1296 McCarthy, Florence E., 63, 2041–42, 2092–93 McCarthy, Saleh Sabbah, 1395 McDonough, Sheila, 130, 1171 McGilvray, Dennis B., 1250, 1394 McNair, John Frederick, 1424 Means, Gordon, 812 Meer Hassan Ali, Mrs., 712, 1257 Mehdi, Rubya, 1146, 1607, 2445 Mehr, Mehrun NisÊx Begam, 131 Memon, Muhammad Umar, 2285 Memon, Mu˜ammad IsmÊ’Òl, 615 Memorandum on the Problems of Child Marriage, 1326 Menon, Lakshmi N., 835 Menon, M. Indu, 1235, 1766 Menon, Ritu, 940–42 Menski, Werner F., 1630 Mernissi, Fatima, 111 Metcalf, Barbara D., 554, 587–91, 796, 1780, 2609–12 Miah, M. Mizanur Rahman, 1944 Miles, Kay, 2557 Miller, Barbara D., 1258 Mills, Margaret A., 1054–55 Milstead, Betty, 146 Minault, Gail, 112, 555, 574–6, 582, 677, 867, 905, 950–1, 1534, 1670–1, 1697–99, 1704, 1706, 1727–28, 2221–22, 2234–37, 2286, 2330 Minhaj ul-Hasan, Syed, 1425 MinhÊj-ud DÒn, Abu-{Umar {UºmÊn, 181 Minissale, Gregory, 2365 Mir Amiruddin, Begam, 603, 836 Mirza, Jasmin, 678 Mirza, Mohammad Wahid, 102 Mirza, Sarfaraz Hussain, 868, 924 Mirza, Shireen Nana, 2208 Misra, Rekha, 227, 316 Mistry, Malika B., 1767 Mita, Rezina, 1890 Mitha, Yameema, 2175 Mody, Nawaz B., 1535 Moghadam, Valentine M., 2593 Mohiuddin, Yasmin, 2112, 2176

610

author index

Momtaz, Salim, 2094 Mondal, Shiekh Rahim, 679 Monsoor, Taslima, 1642 Mosena, P. W., 2011 Mubarak, K., 1818 Mudiraj, K. Krishnaswamy, 837, 906 Muhammad Shamsulalam, 896 Muhammed, Syed, 301 Mu˜ammad A˜san, MaulawÒ, 1667 Mu˜amad {Abdul {AzÒz, WÊlidÊh, 1455 Mu˜ammad {¹ªiq IlÊhÒ BulandªehrÒ, MaulÊnÊ, 153 Mu˜ammad IsmÊxÒl ”Ör, MaulÊnÊ MuftÒ, 616, 2613 Mu˜ammad NaixmullÊh BahraixoÒ, 509 Mu˜ammad YaqÖb, MaulÊwÒ, 388 Mu˜ammadi Begam, Sardar, 389 Mu˜ayy al-DÒn, 154 Mu˜mmadÒ Begam, 1715, 2287 Mujaddid Alf-i ‚ÊnÒ, 752 Mujeeb, M., 13, 169 Mukherjee, Soma, 228 Mukherji, Ila, 229 Mukherji, Santosh Kumar, 2490 Mumford, David B., 1830–31 MumtÊz {AlÒ, Saiyyid, 577 Mumtaz, Khawar, 84, 993, 1086, 1869 Mumtaz, S., 1056 Munck, Victor De, 1336, 2577 Mundy, Peter, 706 MunÒr Lakhnawi, M., 2223, 2350 MunÒr, Saiyyid, 1659 Murata, Sachiko, 147 Musa Khan, Mu˜ammad, 103 MuªÒrul Æaqq, 1124 MuªtÊq, Sayyid A˜mad, 1465 Musi Raza, S., 680 Muslehuddin, M., 1414 Muslim LeÓÒz Kanfrans Ki Ek Mimbar, 861 Muslim Women’s Research and Action Front, 1647 Mustafa, Zubeida, 2331 MuÉtafÊ ÂabÊ, 797 MuÉli˜uddÒn ManÉur, ÆaØ ·ai¶, 1660 Muttetwegama, Ramani, 1648 Mu¢Ò{ur Re˜man, MawlanÊ MuftÒ, 2614 Muzaffar Æussain, ÆakÒm, 302 N. F. S., 469 Nabi, Mohammad Sish, 2198 NadawÒ, Mu˜ammad A. ÂiddÒq, 1536 NadawÒ, Mu˜ammad RaxÒs, 162 NadÊwÒ, Saiyyid Abul Æasan {AlÒ, 813

NadÊwÒ, Saiyyid SulaimÊn, 163, 814, 1376. NadÊwÒ, ·a˜Êb UddÒn, 1343 Nadeem, Shahid, 2446 NÊdir DehlawÒ, DurgÊprasad KhatrÒ, 2316 NafÒs Dulhan, 869–71 Nag, Moni, 1259 Naheed, Amtul, 1377 Naheed, Kishwar, 2202, 2578 Naim, C. M., 545, 1672, 1716, 2226, 2491 Naimat, al-Sayyadah, 994 Naji, Ghulamali Ismail, 1318 NÊmÒ, PÒr ulÊm DastagÒr, 510 Nanavutty, Piloo, 511 Nand, Lokesh Chandra, 170 Nanji, Azim A., 5, 773 NaqqÊsh, 629 Naqvi, Akbar, 2366 Naqvi, S. A. H., 2288 Naqvi, Syed Nawab Haider, 2600 Naqvi, Tahira, 2289–2292 Narain, Sheo, 317 Narain, Vrinda, 1632 Narang, Gopi Chund, 1426 Narasamamba, K.V. S. L., 777 Naseem, Mohammad Farogh, 1537 NasÒm, Wa˜idÊh, 2224 Nasir, Mumtaz, 774 Nasrin, Taslima, 2588 NaÉiruddÒn, 1661 Nath, Jharna, 2095 Nath, Renuka, 230 National Archives of Pakistan, 965 Naveed-i-Rahat, 2043–44 Nayyar, Rohini, 2139 Nazeer, Mian M., 2177 Nazir Ahmad, Razia, 2472 NazÒr A˜mad, Maulawi, 630, 1327, 1673 NÊzlÒ RafÒ{Êh Sul¢Ên, NawwÊb Begam, 801 Nazmul Karim, A. K., 1070 Nazr SajjÊd Hyder, 604–06, 646 Nazr, Naubat RÊxe, 342 Nazrul Baqar, Binte, 2386 Nelson, Nici, 64 Netton, Ian Richard, 30 Niaz Husain, Miss R., 681 Niaz-Anwar, Unaiza, 1297, 1832 Nikʘ-i Qil{ah yi Mu{allÊ, 1427 Nilam, A. R. M., 1251 NizÊm al-Mulk, 546

author index Nizami, Khaliq Ahmad, 512–13 NiØÊmÒ, ‡wÊjÊ Hasan, 429, 682, 2615–16 Noon, Mohammad Hayat Khan, 1561 Norton, Mary Eileen, 1806 Nosaka, Akiko, 1891 Nouvrie, Netty, 514 Nu{mÊnÒ, ·iblÒ, 32, 303 NÖrun NisÊ{ Begam, 925 NÖrus SabÊh Begam, 926, 995 O’Brien, Aubrey, 753 O’Kelly, Elizabeth, 2096 Ojha, P. N., 231 Oldenburg, Veena Talwar, 2492–94 Omer, Salma, 1298 Osborn, Richard Warren, 1983, 1997 Paine, Sheila, 2209 Pal, Izzud-din, 1147 Palit, Mriducchanda, 232 Pandey, Gyanendra, 943 Pandit, Harshida, 65 Panhwar, Farzana, 1752 Pant, Chandra, 274 Pant, D., 275 Papanek, Hanna, 85, 683–7 Pardhan, A. Sadruddin, 1753 Parihar, Subhash, 318 Parks, Fanny, 343, 444, 707, 1396 Pasha, Shireen, 2400 Pastaki, Fauzia, 2532 Pastner, Carroll McCure, 688–91, 1042–4, 1391, 1550–1 Patel, Geeta, 2293 Patel, Rashida, 815–16, 1148, 1552, 1608–9 Pathak, Zakia, 1538 Paul, Bimal Kanti, 2140, 2458 Paxton, Nancy L., 344 Pearl, David Stephen, 1166, 1610–12 Pearson, Gail, 853 Pearson, M. N., 791–2 Pehrson, Robert N., 1045 Pemberton, Kelly, 515 Penrose, Walter, 2351 Pernau, Margarit, 2294 Pervaiz, Seema, 2401–02 Peters, R., 1167 Petherbridge, Sally, 1149 Petievich, Carla, 2227–30, 2352 Peiderer, Beatrix, 754–55 Phillips, Brenda, 66 Phillips, James F., 1892, 2012

611

Phillips, Martha Abeck, 692 PhulwÊrwÒ, Mu˜ammad JÊ{far ·Êh, 1409, 1579 Pirzada, Syed Sharifuddin, 927 Polak, Michael F., 1168 Pollock, J. C., 470 Pottinger, Henry, 1046 Poulos, Steven Mark, 2295 Prasad, Beni, 276 Preckel, Claudia, 366–7, 1475 Presidential Address of Begam Hamid Ali 885 Presidential Address of Begam Saheb of Bhopal, 886 Pritchett, Frances W., 2249–50 Punjabi, Irshad Ahmad, 2244 Qadir, Sayeda Rowshan, 1207–08, 2065 QÊdirÒ, Mrs. IqtidÊr ManØÖr MÊhirul, 132 QÊdiri, Mu˜ammad AyyÖb, 1650 Qadiri, Saiyyid Ahmadullah., 190–91 Qadri, S. M. A., 2178 Qamar Jahan Begam, 293 Qamar Uddin, 1374 Qasim Qalandarabadi, Saiyyid, 631 QÊsim, Qudratullah, 2307 Qazi, Yasmeen Sabeeh, 1299 QidwÊxÒ, AnÒs, 944 Qidwai, Ikramuddin, 345 Qizilbʪ, MalkÊ Begam, 2317 Quaid-i-Azam and Muslim Women, 928 QuddÖsÒ, {IjÊzul Æaqq, 516 Quraishi, Asifa, 2447 QuraishÒ, Mu˜ammad {AbdullÊh, 517 QuraishÒ, Mu˜ammad NaÉÒrul Æaqq, 632 Quraishi, Salim al-Din, 94–95 Qureshi, Gulshan Bano, 1754 Qureshi, M. A., 1633 Qureshi, M. L., 2028 Qureshi, Rashida, 1963 Qureshi, Regula Burckhardt, 778 RaxÒs, Qamar, 2245 Raajpoot, Uzzer A., 1875–76 RaÓiyah ‡atÖn, 785 Raq, Nasreen, 1300 Raullah, Maulana, 1911 Ragsdale, Shannon S., 1301 Ra˜Òm Ba¶sh, MaulawÒ, 233 Rahim, M. A., 234 Rahman, Anika, 1871 Rahman, Fazlur, 637, 693, 1580, 1613–14

612

author index

Rahman, Mizanur, 1893 Rahman, Omar, 1476 Rahman, Rashidan Islam, 2097, 2155 Rahman, Syeda Afzalunnisa, 1768 Ra˜mÊn, Afzalur, 155 Ra˜mÊnÒ {Iªrat, 556 Ra˜mÊnÒ, MaulÊnÊ ‡alid Saifullah, 1484 Rajan, Rajeshwari Sunder, 1634 Rajput, A. B., 235–6 Raju, Saraswati, 6 RÊjÖ, ·ah, 547 Raleigh, T., 1569 Rallia Ram, Mayavanthi, 694, 1236 Ramazani, Nesta, 1190 Ramusack, Barbara N., 1912 Ranga Rao M., 2495 RangÒn, Sa{adat YÊr ‡Ên, 2353 Ranj, FaÉi˜uddÒn, 2318 Ranjha, Shahid Maqsood, 1302 Rao, Aruna, 2156 Rao, K. V., 1858 Raper, Arthur F., 2045 Rasheed Jahan, 2296 Rashid Ahmad, Zinat, 2387 RaªÒd A˜mad, MuftÒ, 617 Rashid Tahmina, 2579, 2617 Rashid, Sabina Faiz, 1303–05 RʪidÒ, MuftÒ Mu˜ammad KamÊluddÒn, 618 Rashiduzzaman, M., 2533 Rauf, Abdur, 2046 Ray, Bharati, 897–8 Raza, Hasan, 1446 Razvi, N. A., 2496 Rehan, N., 1922 Rehman, I. A., 2448 Rehman, Samina, 2297 Rehman, Shakila A., 1306, 1447 Rehman, Tanzilur, 1410 Rehmatullah, Shireen, 2459 Reid, Henry Stuart, 1717–18 Renken, Lynn, 2195 Report of the Commission of Inquiry for Women, 996 Report of the First Session of the ¹l India Muslim LedÒs Kanfrans, 872 Report of the Pakistan Women’s Rights Commission, 997 Report on the Progress of Education, 1674 Riaz, Mah Nazir, 2429 RiÓwÒ, Saiyyid AmÒnul Æasan, 862–3 Rizvi, Athar Abbas, 97, 518–9, 1562 Rizvi, Najma, 1209, 1836

Rizvi, S. H. M., 1382 Rizwana, Rafat, 96 Rizwiyah ‡atÖn, 647 Roald, Anne Soe, 608 Roberts, A., 1719 Roberts, Beryl J., 1998 Robinson, Francis, 7, 23 Robinson, Warren C., 1999–2000 Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, 899 Rose, H. A., 294, 1428–29, 1448–49 Rosenbloom, Rachel, 2534 Rosenthal, Ethel, 1729 Rothermund, Dietmar, 113 Rouse, Shahnaz, 1081, 1087–90, 1191 Routh, Subarta, 2001 Roy, Parama, 2403 Roy, Shibani, 1237 Roy, Sripati, 1563, 2497 Rozario, Santi, 707a, 2066–67, 2449 Ruane, Rachel A., 2467 Ruknuddin, Abdul Razzaque, 1271, 1877 RuknuddÒn, MuftÒ Mu˜ammad, 723, 1353 Ruswa, Mirza Muhammad Hadi, 2498 Ruud, Inger Marie, 67 S. Begam Dehlawi, 1430 Sa{Òd, A˜mad, 929 Sadik, Nas, 998, 2002 Sadiq, Nasim Mahmood, 1337 Sadiq, Shaheen, 237 Saeed, Amera, 2029 Saeed, Fouzia, 2246, 2499–500 Saeed, Hilda, 1169, 1844, 2535 Saeed, Kishwar, 2047 Saeed, Tahir, 319 Sahu, Kishori Prasad, 171, 485 Saigol, Rubina, 1150 Saiyed, A. R., 1078 Saiyid, Dushka, 445, 930 Saiyyid A˜mad DehlawÒ, Maulawi, 548, 713, 1431, 1457, 1662, 1695, 2225, 2354 Saiyyid Ifti¶Êr {¹lam, 1663 Saiyyid Mu˜ammad QuraiªÒ, MaulÊnÊ, 619 Sajan, Fatima, 1870 Sakala, Carol, 68 SakÒnÊh Begam, 876, 879–81, 1719a Salahuddin, Khaleda, 2141, 2536 Salamat, Zarina, 999 Saleheen, Mesbah, 2142 SÊlik, MawlÊnÊ {Abdul MajÒd, 1682

author index SÊlik, Mu˜ammad {IlmuddÒn, 304 Salway, Sarah, 1466 Samdani, Maqbol Ahmad, 238 Samiuddin, Abida, 838, 1307, 2580 Santha, K. S., 346–47 Saphi, Mushtari, 1210 Saqalain, ‡waja ulamus, 1694 Sarfraz Ali, Mirza, 907 Sarkar, Ashok Kumar, 277 Sarkar, Mahua, 114 Sarker, Sonita, 900 Sathar, Zeba A., 1272, 1338, 1930–32, 1938, 1964–69, 2016, 2179 Sattar, Ellen, 2098, 2143 Satyaprakash, 69 Saxena, Justice Saojini, 1523 Schimmel, Anne Marie, 520–23, 531, 2255–56 Schmidt, R. L., 1845 Schubel, Vernon James, 775 Schuler, Sidney Ruth, 1894, 1913, 2003–04, 2157, 2430–31 Schwerin, Kerrin Graen V., 524 Scott, Gloria, 2099 Scott, Revd. T. J., 471 Selincourt, Mrs. A. D., 472 Sen, Anima, 1308 Sen, Surendra Nath, 239, 793 SevÊ Sadan, 877 Shabbir, S., 1914 Shackel, C., 430, 568 Sha, M., 1939 ·afÒ{, MuftÒ M., 1915 ·afÒq BarelwÒ, 2319 ·Êh BÊno, 390 Shah Din, Justice, 1570 ·Êh Mu˜ammad IsmÊ{Òl ·ÊhÒd, 535 Shah Nawaz, Begam, 839–40, 854–55, 931, 2339 Shah Nawaz, Mumtaz, 2340 Shah, Fatima, 1825 Shah, Gulzar Hussain, 1383 Shah, Iqbal H., 1970 ·Êh, KalÒmullÊh., 486 Shah, Khalida, 1357 Shah, Nasa, 1021, 2432, 2468 Shah, Nasra M., 1000–02, 1755, 1895–98, 1945, 1971, 1984, 2013, 2113, 2180–33 Shah, Nasreen Aslam, 1309 Shah, Sayed Wiqar Ali, 932 Shah, Syed Sikander, 1456 Shahab, M. H., 70 ·ahÊb, Raullah, 1125–26

613

Shahar Bano Begam, 1432, 2341 Shaheed, Farida, 71, 695, 1003–04, 1071, 1091, 1151, 1172, 2184–86, 2404, 2537–39, 2601–02 ·ahÒ, Ratan Singh, 348 ·ahÒd DehlawÒ, MÒr A˜mad {AlÒ ‡Ên, 2308 ·ahid, A˜mad DehlawÒ, 1450–51 ·ahid, ulÊm ImÊm, 779 Shahid, S. M., 2375 Shahidullah, M., 1467, 1899 Shahjahan Begam, Nawwab, 372–75, 794, 1791 Shaikh, Masood Ali, 2433 ·akir Merathi, Piyarey LÊl, 391, 410 ·amÒm JalandharÒ, 945 Shamim, Ishrat, 1477, 2434, 2460 ·amsuddÒn, 638 Shamsudeen, A. T., 1452, 2388 ·amzÒ, MuftÒ NiØamuddÒn, 1458 ·arar, {Abdul˜alÒm, 104, 2389, 2501 Sharif, Jafar, 14, 1260, 1319, 1323, 1453–54 Sharifah Hamid Ali, Begum, 2562 ·arm, ·amsun NisÊ{Begam, 2320 Sharma, Ursula, 2376 Shaw, Graham W., 72 ·ayʸ Lucknawi, ”o¢Ê RÊm, 2369 Shefali, Mashuda Khatun, 2540 Shehabuddin, Elora, 732–33, 1099 Sheikh, Jamiruddin, 1411 Sheikh, Shehnaaz, 1485 Shepherd, Kevin R. D., 525 Sheralam, Nadira, 2461 Sherwani, Azim, 1310 Sherwani, H. K., 192 ·erwÊnÒ, TaÉadduq A˜mad KhÊn, 1328 ·ihÊbÒ, IntizÊmullah, 349 Shirin, Mumtaz, 2298–2300 Shirkat Gah, 1082 Shourie, Arun, 734 Shpoon, Saduddin, 2247 Shreeve, Nicholas, 411 Shujauddin, Mohammad, 278 Shyam, Radhey, 193 Sibghat UllÊh, Mu˜ammad, 1320 Siddiq, Mohammad, 957 Siddiqi, Dina M., 2589 Siddiqi, H. Y., 115, 1238 Siddiqi, Muhammad Mazharuddin, 817 Siddique, M. A. B., 2114 Siddiqui, Abdul Majid, 194–5 Siddiqui, H. Y., 115

614

author index

Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, 487, 1651 Siddiqui, Mona, 1350, 1519 Siddiqui, Muhammad Saeed, 818 SiddiquÒ, Mu˜ammad Muzaffar {¹lam JÊvid, 786 Siddiqui, Muzammil, 819 Siddiqui, Noorjahan, 1311 Siddiqui, Salma, 2435 Siddiqui, Wahab, 2377 Siganporia, Munira, 1635 Sikand, Yoginder S., 2618 Sikandar Begam of Bhopal, Nawwab, 795 Silva, Neluka, 2581 Simmons, R., 2005–06, 2017 Singh, Alka, 1581 Singh, Ganda, 240 Singh, Indu Prakash, 1636 Singh, Jogendra, 279 Singh, Shilendra K., 350 Skramstad, Siri Helene, 1180 Sleeman, Sir W. H., 412 Small, A. H., 473 Smith, Jane I., 133, 1005 Smith, Major Dunlop, 1571 Smith, V. A., 241 Smith, W. C., 15 Smock, Audrey Champan, 1072 Snowden, Robert, 1321 Sobhan, Rehman, 2068 Sobhan, Salma, 1100, 1553 Sommer, Annie Van, 474 Sompura, Kantilal F., 280 Soomro, Ghulam Yasin, 1859 Sorabji, Cornelia, 134, 446, 714, 1572–6 Southard, Barbara, 856, 1707 Soysa, Priyani, 1819 Spear, Percival, 242 Srivastava, A. L., 243 Steel, Flora Annie, 447 Stewart, Sunita Mahtani, 1312 Stoeckel, John, 1860, 1972 Storey, C. A., 73 Stowasser, Barbara Freyer, 609 Strachey, Edward, 1397 Subbarayan Mrs., 857 Subhan, John A., 526 Su, M. A., 966 SurÊ ÆumayÖn MirzÊ, 648, 802, 908–9 SulaimÊn Aªraf, MaulanÊ Saiyyid, 488 Suleman, Saleha, 2405–06 Suleri, Sara, 2342

Sultan, Mehboob, 2007 Sultana, Farrukh, 598 Sultana, Monawar, 2100 Sul¢Ên JahÊn Begam, NawwÊb, 368, 376, 392–94, 652, 877, 1354, 1359–61, 1708–9 Sumar, Sabiha, 1170 Suphi, Motahara Hosena, 901 Suran, Luciana, 1443 Surya, Rekha, 2378 Swain, Clara A., 475 Syed A˜med ‡Ên, Sir, 569, 1582, 1683–4 Syed, Sabiha H., 1872, 1973 Âiddiqi, IdrÒs, 2321 ÂiddÒquÒ, {¹tÒq, 958 ÂiddiquÒ, Ifti¶Êr A˜mad, 1675 ÂiddiquÒ, ‡alÒl A˜mad, 2231 ÂufÒ, Mrs., 1313 TÊj Begam, 1564 Talbot, W. S., 1565 TamannÊ {ImÊdÒ, {AllÊmah, 33, 1486 Tambiah, Yasmin, 1120–21 Tapper, N., 1037 Tariq, Pervaiz, 2505–07 Taseer, Christable, 2367 Tau˜ÒdÒ, RamozÒ, 562–3 Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste, 1923, 2502 TawÊri¶ ªamrÖ ki begam aur sardhana ka mu¶tasar ˜Êl, 413 Taylor, David, 74 Taylor, Meadows, 196 Tejram, Lala, 281 Teltscher, Kate, 715 Temuri, Musarrat Jahan, 251 ThÊnawÒ, MaulÊnÊ Aªraf {AlÒ, 592, 620–21, 724–26, 788, 1511, 2238, 2619 Tharu, Susie, 252, 902, 910, 2309 The Allygurh Institute Gazett, 1710 The Atalik-i-Hind, 1769 The Awadhbasi, 952 The Daily Tribune, 953 The Karnamah of Lucknow, 1686 The Mushir-i Qaisar of Lucknow, 27th February, 1883, 1781 The Muslim Women (Protection Of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986, 1631 The Nasim-i Agra, 30th September, 1892, 1782 The Oudh Akhbar, 954, 1783 The Paisa Akhbar, 955 The World Bank, 1006, 1073

author index Thoburn, Bishop J. M., 478 Thoburn, Isabella, 476–77 Thomas, Dorothy Q., 2514 Thomson, Bertha M., 1784 Tinker, Irene, G., 75, 1820 Tirmizi, S. A. I., 244 Titus, Murray T., 16 Trafcking and Prostitution of Women and Children in Pakistan, 2462 Tuckwell, Sue, 1833 Tupper, C. L., 1566 Tyabji, Husain B., 639–41 ”ÊhirÊh, Qurratul {Ain, 798 ”arz, MirzÊ Mu˜mmad Æasan LakhnawÒ, 633 {Umar, Begam A˜mad, 1329 Umar, Muhammad, 17–18, 1433 Umm-i Farur, Sayyedah, 1358 Umm-i Yusuf, 649 Umm-i Zubair, 787 UNICEF, 8 Unnithan-Kumar, Maya, 1846 Ussher, Marjorie, 424 Vadivelu, A., 395 Van Den Broecke, Peter, 282 Vanita, Ruth, 2355 Vanzan, Anna, 1792 Varady, Evelyn. D., 2301 Vatuk, Sylvia, 696, 1239–40 Veer, Peter Van Der, 697 Verma, B. R., 1512 Visram, Rozina, 841 Vreede-de Stuers, C., 116, 698, 1434–35 Vyas, Anju, 76–77 Waddy, Charis, 2558 Wadud, Amina, 148, 610 Waheed, Bushra, 2473 Waheed, K. Abdul., 824 Waheed, Saida, 1412 WÊhidÒ, Saiyyid Mu˜ammad IrtizÊ, 414 Wa˜ÒuddÒn ‡an, MaulÊnÊ, 135 Wa˜Òd un-NisÊx, 873 WÊjdi, FarÒd, 622 Wallace, Ben J., 2101 Walsh, Mary Williams, 1130 Walter, Marguerite B., 874 Wanasundera, Leelangi, 78 Wani, M. Afzal, 1520, 1539 Wasti, Syed Raza, 105 WaÉÒ, Mrs. S. M., 650

615

WazÒr {AlÒ ‡an, ÆakÒm Mu˜ammad, 1664 Wazir Hasan, Sakinatul Fatima, 1079 Weiss, Anita M., 1092, 1131, 1152–55, 1173, 1468, 2187–2190, 2541 Weitbrecht, M., 479 Werbner, Pnina, 489 Westergaard, Kristen, 2102 Western, Ruth Helen, 1022 Weston, Ann, 2210 White, Dora, 1795 Whyte, Robert Orr, 2048 Wignaraja, Poona, 2115 Wilber, Donald N., 9 Wilkinson-Weber, Clare M., 699, 2211–13 Wille, G. A., 1339 Willmer, David, 933 Wilson-Moore, Marot, 2436 Winkelmann, Mareike Jule, 2620 Winkvist, Anna, 1261, 1821, 1837 Woman’s Missionary Friend, 2390 Women, Work and Demographic Issues, 1007 Women’s Research and Action Group, 1241 Women’s Work for Women, 480 Woodsmall, Ruth Frances, 700, 1008, 2542 Wright, Denis, 2116 Wright, Theodore P. Jr., 1023 Wyld MBE, Florence Marya, 425 Yaduvansh, Uma, 370 Yahya, D., 967 Yaqin, Amina, 2332 Yaqin, Anwarul, 79 Yasin, Mohammad, 156 Yasmin, Tahera, 2117, 2543 York, Susan, 1057 Young, Katherine K., 80 Yunus, Muhammad, 2158 Yusuf Ali, Abdullah, 34, 448 Yusuf, Zohra, 1192, 2450 Zackariya, Faizun, 1252 Zafar MahdÒ, Saiyyid, 1362 Zafar, Fareeha, 2191 Zafar, M. I., 1985 Zafrulla Khan, Muhammad, 825 Zafrullah, Habib, 2144, 2544 Zahid, Ghulam M., 1847 ZahÒda ‡ÊtÖn ·arwÊnÒ, 2311 ZahidÒ, MuªtÊq Æusain, 2322 Zahra, Arifa Sayyeda, 903 Za˜Örul Æasan, Saiyyid, 164

616

author index

Zaidi, Askari, 1492 Zaidi, Farahnaz, 2437 Zaidi, Syed M. H., 136, 842 Zainab ‡atÖn Kakʶail, 799 ZakÊ Ullah, MaulawÒ, 1459 ZakÊ Ullah, Mu˜ammad, 1363 Zakaria, Raq, 182, 1132 Za¶mÒ LakhnawÒ, 2323 Zaki, Khalida P., 1900–01, 1933 Zal Alif Hey, Binte MaulawÒ WasÒmuddin, 865 Zaman, Habiba, 701, 2145–46, 2438 Zaman, Muhammad Masihuz, 826 Zaman, Niaz, 2214–15 Zaman, Riffat M., 1834, 2451 Zaman, Umm-i SalmÊ, 934 ZamÊni Begam, MÊh NÖr, 2257 Zebunnisa Hamidullah, 935, 1009, 2192, 2302, 2391

Zeenatunnisa, 2344 Zeidenstein, Sondra, 1074 Zeno, 1156 Zerruqe, al-Alim A. R. M., 1346 Zhou, Qingchang, 1133 Zia, Aya Shehrbano, 2452–53 Zia, RehmÊn, 968 Zia, Shahla, 1157, 2515 Zib un-nisa, 305–06 Zib-ut tÊwÊrÒ¶, 415 Ziring, Lawrence, 969, 1134 Zor, Saiyyid Mu˜yÒuddÒn QÊdÒrÒ, 197 ZubairÒ, Mu˜ammad AmÒn, 396, 803, 1652 Zunnurain, MaulÊwÒ Saiyyid, 358 Zurayk, Huda C., 1902 Zwemer, Samuel M., 397, 481 ¶ahÖrul Æasan MÖsawÒ, 245 ¶ahÒruddÒn, Mu˜ammad, 1665