Works of John Dryden. The Works of John Dryden, Volume XVIII: Prose: The History of the League, 1684 9780520905313

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T H EW O R K SO F

J O H N

DRYDEN

General Editor H. T. SWEDENBERG, JR.

Associate General Editor GEORGE R . G U F F E Y

Textzbal Editor VINTON A . DEARING

V O L U M EE I G H T E E N EDITOR

A lan Roper TEXTUAL EDITOR

Vinton A. Dearing

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FRONTISPIECE OF T h e History of the League (1684) (MACDONALD 132)

VOLUME XVIII

The Works of John Dryden Prose T H E HISTORY O F T H E LEAGUE 1684

Uniuersity of California Press Berkeley

Los Angeles

I974

London

UNIVERSITY OF C.4LIFOKNIA PRESS

B e r k ~ l e ya?ld

1-05

A ? ~ g r ; r s ,California

ULIVERSITY OF C\I.IFOI d e nCollection of t h e Wzllzam A7zdrews Clark A21ernorial Library

Copyright @ 1974 by T h e Regents of t h e Unit'ersity of California Printed i n t h e Unitecl States of America ISBN: 0-520-02131-2 Library of Congress Catalog Card N u m b e r : 55-7149 Designed b y W a r d Ritchie

Acknowledgments T h e editors gratefully ackrlowledge the assistance they received i n the preparation of this volume. T h e y are particularly indebted to the following: T o the stafs of the William Anclrews Clark Afemorial Library, the Henry E. Huntington Library, and the British M u seum for advice and service. T o the Trustees of the British M~iseurnfor permission to reproduce the broadside A History of the New Plot and the portrait of hfaimbourg from the frontispiece to his Histoire du Pontificat de Saint-Leon le Grand, and to base the plan of Paris upon an e:zgraving by Dalmoszt. T o Patricia Caldwell for drawing the maps and battle plans. T o the following graduate students of the U C L A Department of English for their assistance i n gathering and verifying materials ~ ~ s e ci nl thr commentary, and for their help in the preparation and proofing of the text: Jane Abelson, Robert Archer, Sherron Knopp, Janelte Leruis, Joyce Liphis, iMelanie Rangno, AIichael Seidel, Cynthia Thomas, Beverly Voloslzin, Lynda Boose, Sandrn Fischer, Sharon Alacmurray, and Linda Miller. T o Profrssor Richard A . Lanham for reading a draft of the headnote to the commentary and suggesting many stylistic improvements. To Mrs. Geneva Phillips for carefz~lpreparation of the manuscript. T o the J o h n Simon Guggenheim h4emorial Foundation for a fellowship enabling the Editor to read for a year at the British Musezim. T o Chancellor Charles E. Young, and to the Research Committee o f the Uni-r/crsity of Califor~lin,Los Angeles, for sabbatical leave and annlral grants-in-aid.

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Contents T h e History of the League 3 Dedication to the King 3 T h e Authour's Dedication to the French King 9 12 T h e Authour's Advertisement to the Reader 18 T h e Contents of the Books Lib. I 27 Lib. ZI 118 Lib. ZZZ 183 Lib. ZV 280 T h e Postscript of the Translator 393 Commentary 417 Textual Notes 54l Appendixes A. Glossary of technical terms, titles, and otfices 547 B. " T h e Table." An Index printed with The History of the League in 1684 549 Index to the Commentary 569

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Illustrations FRONTISPIECE, T h e History of t h e League TITLE PAGEOF T h e History of t h e League Louis Aluimboz~rg Alap of France in 1589 Plan o f t h e Battlefield of Coutras Plan o f t h e Sizirnzish at Pont St. Vincent Plan of Paris i n 1589 Plan o f t h e Battlefield of Argues Plan o f t h e Battlefield of Ivry BROADSIDE, A History of t h e K e w Plot

Frontispiece 2

Facing page Facing page

12 1 IS

124

'47 Facing page 183 285

299 Facing page 393

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T H E HISTORY OF T H E LEAGUE

THE

STORY OF T H E

I

Writtear in F R E N C H

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N~qwrnim Ziberta gmtim ~ l l @ a a i m /H6 Rege Pio

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LoNDoq Printed by M FW~

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tbe

1584

Dryden's Dedication to the King

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T h e History of the League T O THE KING.

SIR, receiv'd the Honour of Your Majesty's Commands to Translate the History of t h e League, I have apply'd my self with my utmost diligence to Obey them: First by a thorough understanding of my Authour, in which I was assisted by my former knowledge of the French History, in general, and in particular of those very Transactions, which he has so Faithfully and Judiciously related: T h e n by giving his Thoughts the same Beauty in our Language which they hacl l o in the Original; and which I most of all endeavour'd, the same force and perspicuity: Both of nrhich I hope I have perform'd with some Exactness, and without an) Considerable ATistahe. But oE this Your Majesty is the truest Judge, ~ v h oa-re so great a Master of the Original, and ~ v h ohaving read this piece when it first Tvas publish'd, can easily f n d out my Failings, but to my Comfort tan more easily forgive them: I confess I cou'd never have laid hold on that T'ert~le of Your Royal Clemencj- at a more unseasonable time; ~ s h e n)our Enenlies h a ~ cso far ahus'd it. that Pardons are grolvn dangerous to \-our Safety. and consezo cjuently to the JVelfare of Your Loyal Su1,jects: But frequent forgiveness is their Encouiagement, the) have the Sanctuary in their E j e before they attempt the Crirne, and take all measures of Security, either not to need a Pardoll, if they strike the Illo~v, or to have it granted if they fail: Upon the tvhole matter Your RZajestj is not upon equal Terms with tlrem, You are still for~iri\ing.a n d they still designing againsl YOLU Sacred Life; Your princip!? is Mercy, theirs inveterate hfalice; when one onely Wards, and the other Strikes, the prospect is sad on the defensive side. Hercules as the Poets tell us had no advantage on 30 Antciis by his often throwing him on the ground: for he laid

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him onely in his Mothers Lap, which in effect was but doubling his Strength to renew the Combat. These Sons of Earth are never to be trusted in their Mother Element: They must be hoysted into the Air and Strangled. If the Experiment of Clemency were new, if it had not been often try'd without Effect, or rather with Effects quite contrary to the intentions of Your Goodness, your Loyal Subjects are generous enough to pity their Countrey-men, though Offenders: But when that pity has been always found to draw into example of greater Mischiefs; when they continually behold both Your Majesty and themselves expos'd to Dangers, the Church, the Government, the Succession still threatned, Ingratitude so far from being Converted by gentle means, that it is turn'd at last into the nature of the damn'd, desirous of Revenge, and harden'd in Impenitence; 'Tis time at length, for self preservation to cry out for Justice, and to lay by Mildness when it ceases to be a Vertue. Almighty God has hitherto Miraculously preserv'd You; but who knows hotv long the Miracle will continue? His Ordinary Operations are by second Causes, and then Reason will conclude that to be preserv'd, we ought to use the latvfull means of preservation. If on the other side it be thus Argu'd, that of many Attempts one may possibly take place, if preventing Justice be not employ'd against Offenders; What remains but that we implore the Divine Assistance to Avert that Judgment: which is no more than to desire of God to work another, and another, and in Conclusion a whole Series of Miracles? This, Sir, is the general voice of all true Englishmen; I might call it the Loyal Address of three Nations infinitely solicitous of Your Safety, which includes their own Prosperity. 'Tis indeed an high presumption for a man so inconsiderable as I am to present it, but Zeal, and dutiful1 Affection in an Affair of this Importance, will make every good Subject a Counsellor: 'Tis (in my Opinion) the Test of Loyalty, and to be either a Friend or Foe to the Government, needs no other distinction than to declare at this time, either for Remisness, or Justice. I said at this time, because I look not on the Storm as Overblown. 'Tis still a gusty 26

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kind of Weather: there is a kind of Sickness in the Air; it seems indeed to be clear'd up for some few hours; but the Wind still blowing from the same Corner; and when new matter is gather'd into a body, it will not fail to bring it round and pour upon us a second Tempest. I shall be glad to be found a false Prophet; but he was certainly Inspir'd, who when he saw a little Cloud arising from the Sea, and that no bigger than a hand, gave immediate notice to the King, that he might mount the Chariot, before he was overtaken by the Storm. If so much Care was l o taken of an Idolatrous King, an Usurper, a Persecutour, and a Tyrant, how much more vigilant ought we to be in the Concernments of a Lawful1 Prince, a Father of his Countrey, and a Defender of the Faith, who stands expos'd by his too much Mercy to the unwearied and endless Conspiracies of Paricides? He was a better Prince than the former whom I mention'd out of the Sacred History, and the Allusion comes yet more close, who stopp'd his hand after the third Arrow: Three Victories were indeed obtain'd, but the effect of often shooting had been the total Destruction of his Enemies. T o come yet nearer, 20 H e n r y the Fourth, Your Royal Grandfather, whose Victories, and the Subversion of the League, are the main Argument of this History, was a Prince most Clement in his Nature, he forgave his Rebels, and receiv'd them all into Mercy, and some of them into Favour, but it was not till he had fully vanquish'd them: they were sensible of their Impiety, they submitted, and his Clemency was not extorted from him, it was his Free-gift, and it was seasonably given. I wish the Case were here the same, I confess it was not much unlike it at Your Rlajesty's happy Restauration, yet so much of the parallel was then want30 ing, that the Amnesty you gave, produc'd not all the desir'd Effects. For our Sects, are of a more obstinate Nature than were those Leaguing Catholiqzies, who were always for a King, and yet more, the nzajor part of them wou'd have him of the Royal Stem: But our Associators and Sectaries are men of Commonwealth principles, and though their first stroke was onely aim'd at the immediate Succession, it was most manifest that it wou'd not there have ended; for at the same time they were hewing

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at your Royal Prerogatives: So that the next Successor, if there had been any, must have been a precarious Prince, and depended on them for the necessaries of Life. But of these and more Outragious proceedings, your Majesty has already shewn your self justly sensible in Your Declaration, after the Dissolution of the last Parliament, which put an end to the Arbitrary Encroachments of a Popular Faction: Since which time it has pleas'd Almighty God so to prosper Your ARairs, that without searching into the secrets of Divine Providence, 'tis evident Your Magl o r~arlirnity and Resolution, next under him, have been the immediate Cause of Your Safety and our present Happiness: By weathering of ~vhichStorm, may I presume to say it without Flattery, You have perform'd a Greater and more Glorious work than all the Conquests of Your Neighbours. For 'tis not difficult for a Great hionarchy ~vellunited, and making use of .ldvantages, to extend its Limits; but to be press'd with wants, surrounded with dangers, Your Authority undermined in Popular Assemblies, Your Sacred Life attempted by a Conspiracy, I'our Royal Brother forc'd from Your Arms, in one word to .ro Govern a Kingdom which .itras either possess'd, or turn'd into a Bedlam, and yet in the midst of ruine to stand firm, undaunted, and resolv'd, and at last to break through all these difficulties, and dispel1 them, this is indeed an Action which is worthy the Grandson of Ne?zry the Great. During all this violence of Your Enemies Your Majesty has contended with Your natural Clemency to make some Examples of Your Justice, and they themselves will acknowledge that You have not urg'd the Law against them, but have been press'd and constrain'd by it to inflict punishments in Your oivn defence, and in the mean time to ~vatcli 30 evcry Opportunity of shewing Mercy, when there was the least probability of Repentance: so that they who have suffer'd may 1,e truly said to have forc'd the Sword of Justice o ~ of~ YOU] t hand, and to have done Execution on themselves. But by how much the more You have been willing to spare thein, by so much has their Impudence increas'd, and if by this Mildness they recove: from rhe Great Frost. which has alrnost blasted I I

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them to the roots, if these venemous plants shoot out again, it will be a sad Comfort to say they have been ungratefull, when 'tis Evident to Mankind that Ingratitude is their Nature: T h a t sort of pity which is proper for them, and may be of use to their Conversion is to make them sensible of their Eriors. and this Your Maje5ty out of Your Fatherly Indulgence amongst other Esperinlents which You have made, i5 pleas'd to allow them in this Book; which you have Commanded to be Translated for the publique benefit; that at least all such as are not l o wilfuily blind, may View in it, as in a Glass, their orm deformities: For never nas there a plainer Parallel than of the Troubles of France, and of Great Brztazn; of their Leagues, Covenants, Associations, and Ours; of their Calvinists, and our Presb?lerzans: they are all of the same Family, and Titian's famous Table of the Altar piece with the Pictures of Venetian Senatours from Great-Grandfather to Great-Grandson, shews not mcle the Resemblance of a Race than this: For as there, so here, the Features are alike in all, there is nothing but the Age that makes the diffelence, othe~wisethe Old man of an hundred 20 and the Babe in Srvadling-clouts, that is to say, 1584, and 1684, have but a Century and a Sea betwixt them, to be the same. But I have presum'd too much upon Your hlajesty's time already, and this is not the place to shew that resemblance, which is but too manifest in the whole Histor). 'Tis enough to say Your Rlajesty has allow'd our Rebels a greater Favour than the Law; You hale given them the Benefit of their Clergy: if they can but read and will be honest enough to apply it, they may be sav'd. God Almighty give an ansrverable success to this Your Rojal Act of Grace, ma) the) all lepent, and be united as the 30 Body to their Head. hlay that Tieasury of hlercy which is within Your Royal Breast have leave to be powr'd forth upon them, when they put themselves in a condition of receiving it; And in the mean time permit me to Implore it humbly for my self, and let my Presumption in this bold Address be forgiven to the Zeal which I have to Your Service, and to the publique good. T o conclude, may You never have a worse meaning 20

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Offender at Your feet, than him who besides his Duty and his Natural inclinations, has all manner of Obligations to be perpetually,

Sir, Your Illajesty's most humble, most Obedient, and most faithfull Subject, and Servant

John Dryden.

Authour's Dedication to the French King

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T h e AuthourJsDedication to the French King SIR, YANCE, which being well united, as we now behold it, under the Glorious Reign of your Majesty, might give law to all the World; was upon the point of self Destruction, by the division which was rais'd in it by two fatal Leagues of Rebels: the one in the middle, and the other towards the latter end of the last Age. Heresie produc'd the first, against the true Religion: Ambition under the Masque of Zeal gave birth to the second, with lo pretence of maintaining what the other wou'd have ruin'd: and both of them, though implacable Enemies to each other, yet agreed in this, that each of them at divers times, set up the Standard of Rebellion against our Kings. T h e crimes of the former I have set forth in the History of Calvinism, which made that impious League in France, against the Lord and his Anointed; and I discover the Wickedness of the latter in this Work, which I present to your Majesty, as the fruit of my exact Obedience to those commands with which you have been pleas'd to honour me. I have endeavour'd to perform 20 them, with so much the greater satisfaction to my self, because I believ'd that in reading this History, the falsehood of some advantages which the Leaguers and Huguenots have ascrib'd to themselves, may be easily discern'd: These by boasting as they frequently do, even at this day, that they set the Crown on the Head of King H e n r y the Fourth; those that their League was the cause of his conversion. I hope the world will soon be disabus'd of those mistakes; and that it will be clearly seen, that they were the Catholiques of the Royal Party, who next under God, produc'd those two effects, so advantageous to France. We 30 are owing for neither of them to those two unhappy Leagues, which were the most dangerous Enemies to the prosperity of

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the Kingdom: And 'tis manifest at this present time, that the glory of triumphing over both of them, was reserv'd by the Divine Providence, to our Icings of the Imperial Stem of Bourbon. Henry the Fourth subdued and reduc'd the League of the false Zealots, by the invincible Force of his Arms, and by the ~vonderfullattractions of his Clement); Lewis the Just disarm'd that of the Calvinists by the taking of Rochelle, and other places, which those Heretiques had llioulcled into a kind of Cornmonwealth, against their Soveraign. And Lezuis the Great. without lo employing other Arm5 than those of his Ardent Charity, and incomparable Zeal for the Conversion of Prote~tants,accornpanied by the Justice of his Laws, has reduc'd it to that low condition, that we have reason to believe, we shall hehold its ruine, by the repentance of those, who being deluded and held back by their kliniste~s,continue still in their erroneous belief, rather through ignorance than malice. And this is it, which when accomplish'd will sulpass even all those other wonders which dailj ale beheld, under your mort auspicioti5 GOTernment. zo LTndoubtedly, Sir, Your hlajesty has perform'd by your TTictorious Arms, your generous goodness, and your mole than Royal magnificence, all those great and Heroique actions, which will ever be the admiration of the World, and infinitely above the commendations which future Ages, in imitation of the present, will consecrate to your immortal memorj. I presume not to undertake that subject, because it has already drain'd the praises of the noblest Pens, which yet have not been able to raise us to that Idea of yo~t,tvhich we ought just17 to conceive: I shall onely say, that what you have done with so much Pruso tlei~te,Justit e, arnd G l o ~ j Ly , extending the Ftc;nch &funarch) to its alltierit bounds, and rendring it, as it is at present, as flourishing, ancl as nlrloh ~espectedby all the World, as it ever has been, under the greatest and most renown'd of all our Monarchs, is not so great in the sight of God, as what your Majesty performs daily, with so much Piety, Zeal. and good success, in a n v e n t i n g the Kingdom of T ~ s r i sChrist, and procuring the

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Conversion of our Protestants, by those gentle and efficacious lileans which you have us'd. This, Sir, is without exception, the most glolious of all your Conquests, and while you continue to enjoy on eazth that undisputed glory, which )our other- actions have acquir'd you, is preparing an etelnal triuniph for you in the Heavens. "Tis what is continually implor'd of God, in his rilost ardent Prayers, by him who enjoying the a1,undaiit favours of your Majesty, lives at this day the most happy of Mankind, under l o )our most powerfull Protection, and is most oblig'd to continue ail his life, with all imaginable Respect and Zeal,

Sir, Your Majesty's most Obeclient and most Faithfull Subject and Servant Louis Maimbourg. 8

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T h e Authour's Advertisement to the Reader perhaps there are some, who may think themselves concern'd in this History, because they are the Grandchildren or Descendants of those who are here mention'd, I desire them to consider, that Writing like a faithful1 Historian, I am oblig'd sincerely to relate either the good or ill, which they have done. If they find themselves offended, they must take their satisfaction on those who have prescrib'd the Laws of History: let them give an account of their own rules; for Historians are indispensably bound to follow them; and the sum of our reputation consists in a punctual execution of their orders. Thus as I pretend not to have deserv'd their thanks in speaking well of their Relations, so I may reasonably conclude, that they ought not to wish me ill, when I say what is not much to their advantage. I faithfully relate, what I find written in good Authours, or in particular Memoires, which I take for good, after I have throughly examin'd them. I do yet more; for considering that no man is bound to believe, when I say in general that I have had the use of good Manuscripts, on whose credit I give you what is not otherwhere to be had; I sincerely and particularly point out the originals from whence I drew these truths; and am fully convinc'd, that every Historian, who hopes to gain the belief of his Reader, ought to transact in the same manner. For if there were no more to be done, than barely to say, I have found such or such an extraordinary passage in an authentique Manuscript, without giving a more particular account of it under pretence of being bound to Secrecy, there is no kind of Fable which by this means might not be slurr'd upon the Reader for a truth. An Authour might tell many a lusty lye, but a Reader, who were not a very credulous fool, or a very complaisant Gentleman, wou'd have a care of believing him. 'Tis for this reason that I have always mark'd in my margents, the Books, Relations, and Memoires,

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LOUISMAIMBOURG I N 1686 FRONTISPIECE OF Histoire du Pontificat de Saint-Leon le Grand Courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum

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A d v e r t i s e m e n t t o t h e Reader

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whether Printed or Manuscripts, from whence I take the substance of my Relations. One of those Writers, of whom I have made most use, is Monsieur Peter Victor Cayet; in his N i n e Years Clzronology, containing the History of the Wars of Henry the Fourth: Because he having always follow'd that Prince, since he was plac'd in his service together with Monsieur de la Gaucherie (who was his Preceptor) 'tis exceeding probable, that he was better inform'd of the passages of those times, of which he was an eye witness, than others who had not that advantage. For what else concerns him, he was one of the most Leained and able Ministers which our Protestants have ever had: and in that quality serv'd Madam Catlzarine the King's Sister, till, about two years after the Conversion of that great Prince, he acknowledg'd the true Catholique Religion, and made his Solemn abjuration of Heresie at Paris. H e also publish'd the motives of his Conversion in a Learned Treatise, tvhich was receiv'd with great applause both in France and in Foreign Countries; and his example, fortifi'd with the strong reasons of a man so able as he was, to which no solid answer Mas ever given, was immediately follow'd by the Conversion of a great number of Protestants, who by his rneans came to understand the falshood of their Religion pretendedly reform'd. This action so infinitely netled his former Brotherhood of Ministers, that they grew outrageous against him. They ran down his reputation with full cry, and endeavour'd to blacken it with a thousand horrible calumnies, with which they stuff'd their Libels, and amongst others, that which they have inserted into the ilfemoires of the League, with the greatest villany imaginable, taking no notice of the solid and convincing answer5 he made them: Which proceeding of theirs is sufficient to discover the falsity of all they have Written to Defame him, according to the Libelling genizis of Presbytery. For, of all Heretiques, none have been more cruel, or more

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foul-mouth'd than the C a l v i n i s t ~ ;none have reveng'd themselves of their pretended Enemies rnore I;arT)nrously, either by open Arms, or private mischieFs, when the power was in their hands; or more irnpudent!y ~ v i t htheir Pens. and by their Libels, when they had no other way to shew their malice; murthering their reputations with all sorts of injuries and irnpostures, who have once dec!ar'd theniselves against their Party. I n effect, what have thej not said to defame the memoly OF hIonsieur d p Sponcle, Lieutenant General in Rochelle, of Yaleite l o Counsellour to the King of Naaarre, of iliorlas Counsellour of State and Superintendant of the Magazines of France, as also of Dl1 Fay, Clairville, R o h a n , and a hundred others of their most celebrated Ministers, who after having been esteem'd amongst them for good men, and look'd on as the Leaders of their Consistory, are by a strange sort of Aletanlorphosis, become on the sudden, Profligate Wretches, and the most infamous of mankind, onely for renouncing Calvinism? By how many Forgeries and Calumnies have they endeavour'd to ruine the repute cf all such Catholiqz~esas have the most vigorously oppos'd their 20 Heresie? History will furnish us with abundant proofs: and we have but too many in the Fragments which hlonsieur L e L,abor e u r has given us of their insolent Satyrs, where they spare not the most inviolable and Sacred things on Earth; not even their anointed Soveraigns. For which Reason, that Writer in a certain Chapter of his Book, wherein he mentions but a small parcel of those Libels, after he has said, that the most venomous Satyrists, and the greatest Libertines, were those of the H z ~ g z i e n o t party, adds these menlorable words. "I should have been asham'd to have 30 read all those Libels, for the Blasphemies and Impieties with which they are fiil'd, if that very consideration had not been a)-ding to confirm me in the belief, that there was more wickedness, than either errour or b!indness in their Doctrine; and that their Morals were even more corrupt than their opinions." H e assures us in another place, that these new Evangelists, have made entire Volumes of railing, of which he has seen above forty Manuscripts, and that there needed n o other argu-

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to decide the difference betwixt the two Religions, and to elude the fair pretences of these reforming Innovatours. So. that all ihey have srribbled. with so much (I will not say v~oaence l,ut\ madncss against the Sirur Cayet, immediately upon his ('onversion. cannot doe hinr the least manner of prejurlit e, n o mole than tl~cirridic ~ z l o l ~prediction s wherein they foretold, t h a t it wou'd not be long before he ~vou'dbe neither N l i g u e n o t nor Catliolique, but that he wou'd set u p a third party betwixt the t ~ v oReligions. For he ever continu'd to live l o so ~vellamongst the Catlzoliques, that after he had given on all occasions large proofs, both of his Virtue and of his Faith, he was ttlough: worthy to receive the order of Priesthood, and the Degree ot Doctor in Divinity, and was Reader and Professour Royal of the Oriental Toilgues. Now seeing in the )ear 1605, ten years after his Conversion, he had publish'd his S e f ~ t e n a t yChronology, of t h e Peace whiclz was nlotle at Yeruins i n t h e year 1598, some of the greatest I,ords at Court, who understood his Merit and had seen him with the King, (by whom he had the honour to be well known zo and much esteem'd,) oblig'd him to add to the History of the Peace, that of the War, which that great Prince made during Nine years after his coming to the Crown, till the Peace of Verv i m : which he perform'd in the three Tomes of his N i n e Years C i ~ ? o n o l o g yPrinted , at Paris, in the year 1608; in which before he proceeds to the Reign of H e n ~ ythe Fourth, he makes an abridgment of the rnost considerable passages in the Leagzle, to the death of H e n r y the third. And 'tis partly from this Authour, and partly horn such others, as were Eye-witnesses of lvhat they rv1 ote, ivhetller in Piinted Books, or particular Memoires, that 30 I have drawn those things, ~vhichare related by me in this E-Iistory. I arn not therefore my self the witness, nor as an Historian do I take upon me to decide the Merit of these actions, whether they are blameable or praise-worthy; I am onely the Reiater of them; and since in that quality, I pretend not tr, be merits

16--17 Septenary Chronology, of t h e Peace ulhich was m a d p 01 T'err'ins i n t h e year 1598, some] Septellary Cilronology, of the Peace which was made at T'ervins in the year 1;r~S. Some 0. 23--2.1 S i n e Years Chronology] Xilie y:v;.s Chronology 0.

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believ'd on my own bare word, and that I quote my Authours who are my Warrantees, as I have done in all my Histories, I believe my self to stand exempted from any just reproaches, which can be fasten'd on me for my writing. On which Subject I think it may be truly said, that if instead of examining matters of Fact, and enquiring whether they are truly or falsely represented; that consideration be laid aside, and the question taken up, whether such or such actions were good or bad, and matter of right pleaded, whether they deserv'd l o to be condemn'd or prais'd; it wou'd be but loss of time in unprofitable discourses, in which an Historian is no way concern'd. For in conclusion, he is onely answerable for such things as he reports, on the credit of those from whom he had them; taking from each of them some particulars, of which the rest are silent, and compiling out of all of them a new body of History, which is of a quite different Mould and fashion, from any of the Authours who have written before him. And 'tis this, in which consists a great part of the delicacy and beauty of these kinds of Works, and which produces this 20 effect; that keeping always in the most exact limits of truth, yet an Authour may lawfully pretend to the glory of the invention, having the satisfaction of setting forth a new History, though, Writing onely the passages oE a former Age, he can relate almost nothing, but what has been written formerly, either in printed Books, or Manuscripts; which though kept up in private and little known, are notwithstanding, not the Work of him who writes the History. As to what remains, none ought to wonder, that I make but one single Volume on this Subject, though the matter of it is 30 of vast extent. I take not upon me to tell all that has been done, on occasion of the League, in all the Provinces, nor to describe all the Sieges; the taking and surprising of so many places, which were sometimes for the King, and at other times for the League; or all those petty Skirmishes which have drawn, (if I may have liberty so to express my self) such deluges of Bloud from the veins of France. All these particulars ought to be the ingredi22

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ents of the General History of this Nation, under the Reigns of the two last Henries, which may be read in many famous Historians; and principally in the last Tome of the late Monsieur de Jlezeray, who has surpass'd himself, in that part of his great work. I confine my undertaking within the compass of what is most essential in the particular History of the League, and have onely appli'd my seli to the discovery of its true Origine, to unriddle its intrigues and artifices, and find out the most secret motives, by xvhich the Heacls of that Conspiracy have acted, to which the magnificent Title of the Holy Union, has been given with so much injustice: and in consequence of this, to make an exact description of the principal actions, and the greatest and most signal events, tvhich decided the fortune of the League; and this in short is the Model of my Work. As for the end which I propos'd to my self, in conceiving it, I may boldly say, that it was to give a plain understanding to all such, as shall read this History, that all sorts of Associations which are form'd against lawfull Soveraigns, particularly when the Conspiratours endeavour to disguise them, under the specious pretence of Religion and Piety, as did the Hliglienots and L e a g u e ~ s ,are at all times most criminal in the sight of God, and most commonly of unhappy and fatal Consequence to those, who are either the Authours or Accomplices of the Crime.

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T h e Contents of the Books T h e first Book. HE General model of the Leag7i~,its Origine, its design, and the Success it had quite contrary to the end which was ~wopos'dby it. I n what it resembled the League of Calvinism. T h e condition in whi,rh France 1va5 at the return of Henry the third from Poland. T h e ill Counsel1 nhich he follow'd at the beginning of his Reign, in lenuing the M"r. T h e Commendation and Character of that Prince. I-he surprising change which was found in his Carriage, and in his Manners. T h e conjunction of the Politicks, or AZalecontent~ rtriih the 10 Huguenots. Their po~verfullArmv C'ornmanded b) thc Duke of Alumon. T h e Peace which was ~ilacitx11y the il>te~posiiionof the Queen Mother, which prodnc'ct the Edict o; l \ J ; r ~ Ler) favourable to the Huguenots. This I dict is the octasiorl of the Birth of the League. T h e League was fnrst dev-s'rl by the Car. lertles the design dinal of Lorrain at the Council of T ~ c n t He behind him to his Nephew the Duke of Guise. T h e Conference and secret Treaty betwixt that Duke, and DOTIJohn of Austria. By what means Philip the Second discover'd it, and made use of it to engage the Duke to take u p Arrns. T h e 20 Commendation of the Duke of Guise, and his Charac tei. Halt that Duke made use of the Lord of Nzlrnierc.~ to begin the League. T h e Project of Hurnieres, his Articles and his 15-ogress. T h e Lorcl Lewzs de la Trimouzlle, declales hir~lseifHead of it in Poitozi. T h e first Estates oi Blois, wherein the Killg, to weaken that party, declares himself Head of it, by advice of the Sieur de Morvillie~.T h e Commendation and Character of tf~at G ~ e a tman. JYhat hind of nlan the Advocate David was. His extravagant memoires. T h e Justification of Pope Gregory thc 13th. against the slander of the Huguenots, who tvou'd make ao hinl the Authour of it. T h e Fdict of Muy revok'd in the Estates T h e UTaragainst the Hzrgu~nnts,suddenly follow'd by a Peace,

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and by the Edict of Poztiers, in their favour, which enrages the Leaguers. T h e Restauration of the Order of the Holy Ghost, by Henry the third, to make himself a new hlilitia against the League. T h e Duke of Alanson in Flanders, where he is declar'd Duke of Brabant. This occasions Philip the second to Press the Duke of Guise to declare himself. H e does it a little after the Death of the Duke of Alanson. T h e Conference of the Duke of Espernon with the King of Navarre, furnishes him with an occasion. He l o makes use of the old Cardinal of Bourbon, and sets him u p for a Stale. T h e g e a t weakness of that Cardinal. T h e History of the beginning, the Progress, the Arts and the Designs of the League of the Sixteen of Paris. The Treaty of the Duke of Guise with the Deputies of the King of Spain. He begins the War by surprising man); Towns. T h e general hatred to the Favouri~es,arid especially to the Duke of Espernon, causes many great Lords to enter into his Party. That first FVar of the League hinders the Re-union of the Low Countries to the Crown, and also the Ruin of the Huguenots. i\larseilles and 20 Boz~rdeauxsecur'd from the Attempts of the League. T h e generous Declaration of the King of Nauarre against the Leaguers, and the too mild Declaration of the King. The Conference and Treaty of Nenzours, and the Edict of July, in favour of the Leaguers against the Huguenots. T h e Union of the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde' with the Marshal of Damville. The death of Gregory the 13th. and Creation of Sixtus Quintus. The thundring Bull of that Pope against the King of Nauarre and the Prince of Condt!. Discourses and Writings against that Bull. Protestation of the King of ~Vavarre,posted ao up at Rome. T h e War in Poitou, with the small success of the Duke of Mayenne. T h e Marshalls Matignon and Biron, break his measures under-hand. The History of the unfortunate expedition of the Prince of Condt! at Angiers. The Dissolution of his Army. T h e Ordinances of the King against the Huguenots. T h e form 8 Confeie~lce]Conferences 0. 13 Sixteen] 16 0. 18 the Low Count~ies]the Low C o u r ~ t r i e0. ~ 25 of Condt!] of Conde 0 (accent adjzcsted similarly below except as noted).

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which they were made to sign at their Conversion. T h e Embassy of the Protestant Princes of Germany, who demand of the King the Revocation of his Edicts. T h e firm and generous -4nswer of the King, the Conference of St. Brix, the Impostures of the Leaguers, the beginning of the Brotherhood of Penitentiaries. T h e King establishes one in Paris, wherein he enrolls himself. T h e Insolence of the Preachers of the League. T h e scandalous Emblem which was made against the King. T h e Impudence of Dr. Poncet, and his Punishment. T h e King uses l o his endeavours to no purpose for a Peace, and at last resolves upon a War. T h e Contents of the Second Book.

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T h e Duke of Guise complains to the King of the Infringments which he pretends were made to the Treaty of Nemours. T h e Answer to those Complaints which were found unreasonable. T h e Design of the King in the War which he is forc'd to make. The Fortune and Rise of the Duke of Joyeuse, his good and ill qualities. I-Ie commands the Royal Army against the King of Navarre. His Exploits in Poitou, with those of the King of Navarre, the Battel of Courtras. T h e Difference of the two Armies; how they were drawn up. T h e first shock advantageous to the Duke, the general Defeat of his Army, the complete Victory of the King of hTavarre,his Heroick Valour in the Battel, and his admirable Clemency after the Victory. He knows not how to use it, or will not, and for what reason. T h e Review of the Army of the Reyters in the Plain of Strasbourgh. T h e Birth and the Quality of the Baron of Dona. T h e Duke of Guise undertakes with small Forces to ruin that great Army. T h e Spoils which it committed in Lorrain. T h e Reasons why the Duke of Lorrain wou'd not have the passage of that Army oppos'd. T h e Description of the admirable Retreat of the Duke of Guise at Pont St. Vincent. T h e Entry of the Reyters into France. T h e Duke of Guise perpetually harrasses them. T h e Army Royal at Gien. T h e King goes to command it in Person, and vigorously opposes the passage of the Reyters. Their con33 in Person] in Person 0.

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sternation, finding quite the contrary of what the French Huguenots had promis'd them to appease them. They are led into La Beaz~ce.T h e Duke of Guise follows them. T h e description of the Attacque and Fight of Vimory, where he surprises and defeats a Party of Reyters. A gallant Action of the Duke of Mayenne. T h e Retreat at Alont Argis. T h e Sedition in the Foreign Army after that Victory. T h e Arrival of the Prince of Conty, Lieutenant General to the King of Navarre, restores them to Joy and Obedience. T h e Duke of Guise having lo reserv'd to himself but 5000 men, fears not to follo~v the Reyters as far as Auneau. The Situation of that Borough. T h e Baron of Dona Quarters there with the Reyters. T h e Duke of Guise disposes himself to attacque them there. He gains the Captain of the Castle, to have entrance by it into the Borough. T h e disposal of his Army, the order of the Attacque, the Fight, the entire defeat of the Reyters without any loss on his side. T h e Treaty of the Duke of Espernon with the remainders of those Germans, their lamentable return. T h e Duke of Guise pursues them to the Frontiers of Germany, he permits the 20 County of Alontbeliard to be plunder'd. The insolence of the Leaguers after that Victory. T h e too great goodness of the King, of which the seditious make advantage. T h e horrible flying out of Prevost Curate of St. Severin, and of Boucher Curate of St. Bennet. T h e day of St. Severin. T h e scandalous Decree of the faction of Doctours in the Sorbonne who were for the Sixteen. T h e Duke of Guise is refus'd the Office of Admiral, which he demands for Brissac, and it is given to the Duke of Espernon his Enemy. T h e Character and Pourtraict of that Duke. The Hate which is born him, the Indignation of the Duke of Guise so for his refusal, and for the advancement of his Enemy, makes him resolve to push his Fortune to the utmost. T h e Contents of the T h i r d Book. Many Prodigies which presag'd the evils to come. T h e Conference at Nancy of all the Princes of the House of Lorrain. T h e Articles of the Request which they present to the King 20

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against the Royal Authority. T h e Dissimulation of the King, finding himself prest to answer it precisely. T h e Death of the Prince of Conde', the Encomium of that Prince, the King at length takes up a resolution to punish the Sixteen. His preparations for it, the allarm of it taken by the Parisians, they implore the Assistance of the Duke of Guise, who promises to give it. Monsieur de Bellie'vre carries him the King's Orders to Soissons, which are that he shou'd not come to Paris. T h e Answer which he made to Bellie'vre. Notwithstanding that lo Order he comes to Paris. T h e description of his Entry, with acclamations and extraordinary transports of joy of the Parisians. T h e irresolution of the King, - when he saw him at the Louvre. That which past at their interview, and in the Queens Garden. T h e King commands all Strangers to depart from Paris. T h e Leaguers oppose it, the description of the day of the Barricades. T h e Count of Brissac begins them, they are carried on within 50 paces of the Louvre, the Duke of Guise stops the Citizens, and causes the King's Souldiers to be Disarm'd, and then reconducted into the Louvre. T h e true design of the zo Duke, on the day of the Barricades, his excessive demands. T h e King fearing to be incompast, departs out of Paris in a pityfull Equipage. T h e Queen Mother negotiates an accommodation. T h e Duke of Guise cunningly Reingages her in his interest, the request which he caus'd to be presented to the King, containing Articles very prejudicial to his Authority, the dissimulation of the King, the Banishment of the Duke of Espernon, the new Treaty of the King with the Lords of the League, the Edict of Reunion against the Huguenots, in favour of the League, the signs of the King's indignation which brake out so from him, and which he wou'd have hidden, the Estates of Blois, the King's Speech, at which the Leaguers are offended. T h e Duke of Guise is Master there, and causes resolutions to be taken against the Authority of the King, and against the King of Navarre, whom the Estates declare incapable of succeeding to the Crown, to which the King will not consent. H e 3 of Condel of Conde 0. BelliCvre. Notwithstanding Order. He 0 .

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at length takes a resolution to rid himself of the Duke of Guise, the secret Counsell which is held concerning it. T h e Advertisement which the Duke receives of it. T h e Counsell which is given him, and which he will not follow. T h e History of his Tragical Death, the Imprisonment of the principal Leaguers. Davila manifestly convinc'd of falsehood, in the relation which he makes of the conference betwixt the King and the Legat. T h e Note of the King to Cardinal Morosini. T h e Conference which he had with that Cardinal, concerning the death of the l o G~:ises,the resentment of Pope Sixtus for the same, he strong renlonstrances which were made him by the Cardinal of Joyeuse. T h e opinion of that Pope against the League, and against the Guises. He suspends the expedition of all Bulls, till the King shall send to dernand absolution. What the Cardinal of Joyetise, remonstrates to him thereupon, the unprofitable declarations which the King makes to justifie his action, instead of preparing for War. Tile Duke of Mayenne flies from Lyons into Burgundy, where he is absolutely Master. T h e insurrection of Paris, on the news of the death of the Guises. T h e furious 20 Sermol~sof the Preachers of the League, the horrible impudence of Gui?zcestre, Curate of St. Gervais, who Preaching at St. Ba~tholorneu, Commands his Auditours to lift u p their hands, and also the first President. T h e horrible flying out of the Curate Pigenal, in the Funeral Oration which he made for the Duke of Guise. T h e scandalous Decree of the Sorbonne, in which it is declar'd that the Frelsch are releas'd froin their Oath of Allegiance rnade to the King. T h e furious excess of rage in the Leagmers, in pursuit of that decree against the King. They commit all sorts of Outrages against him. T h e death of 80 (lueen Calharine d e L?ledicis, her Cornnlendation alld Pourtraict. T h e King sends the Dutchess of Nemuurs to P m i ~ ,to appease the Troubles there. T h e extravagance of the Petit Feuillant, Bussy le Clerc carries the Parliament Prisoners to the Bastille, the commendations of the first President Achilles de Harley, the names of the Presidents, and of the Counsellours who follow'd him. T h e President Brisson at the Head of the I

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new Parliament of the League, which makes a solemn Oath to revenge the death of the Guises. T h e Leaguers use enchantments against the King, at the same time that Guincestre accuses him of magick art in a full Congregation. T h e arrival of the Duke of A!layenne, his Encomizirn and his Pourtraict. T h e King makes him great offers in vain. His fortunate beginnings, the great number of Towns ~vhichthrow themselves into his party. His Entry into Paris. He wealtens the Counsel1 of Sixteen by encreasing their number. He causes himself to be declar'd Lieutenant General of the State and Crown of France. The King takes though too late, the ways of force and rigour. T h e Reasons which oblige him to unite hims=lf with the King of Navarre, the treaty of that Union, the advantageous offers which the King makes to the Lorrain Princes who refuse them, the fruitless Conference of Cardinal Morosini with the Duke of 11Zayenne. T h e performance of the treaty of the two Kings, their declarations, their interview at tour^. The Exploits of the Duke of Mayenne. He assaults and carries the Suburbs of Tours. His return without having perform'd ought beside. T h e Siege and Battel of Senlis, where the Parisians are defeated, the defeat of the Troups of the Sieur de Saveuse b y Chastillon. T h e Exploits of the King, his March towards Paris, at Estampes he receives the news of the thundering Monitory of Pope Sixtus against him, he takes up his Quarters at St. Clou. T h e execrable Paricicle co~rimitteclon his Person, his most Christian and most holy death. 'The Contents of the Fourth Book.

Henry the Fourth is acknowledg'd King of France, by the Catholiques of his Army, and on what Conditions. T h e Duke of Esperlzon forsakes him, and the Sieur d e Vitry goes over to so the League, the King divides his Army into three Bodies, and leads one of them into Normandy. T h e Duke of Mayenne causes the Counsel1 of the Union to declare the old Cardinal of Bourbon King, under the name of Charles the 10th. Books Written for the right of the Uncle against the Nephew, and

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for the Nephew against the Uncle. T h e Duke of Mayenne takes the Field with a powerful1 Army, and follows the King into hTognzandy. T h e Battel or great Skirmishes at Arqzies, the King's Victory, and the Retreat of the Duke of Mayenne, the Assault and taking of the Suburbs of Paris by the King. T h e with the Intelligence held bp the President De Blan~-~44esnil King. T h e praise of that President. T h e Exploits of the King in the Provinces. T h e Propositions of the Legat Cajetan, and of the Spaniards at the Counsel1 of the Union. T h e Siez~rde Villeroy, discovers the intrigue of it to the Duke of Mayenne, who resolves to oppose them. T h e Commendation of that Great Minister of State. A new Decree of the Sorbonne against Henry the 4th. T h e new Oath which the Legat orders to be taken by the Leaguers. T h e King Eesiegeth Drez~x.T h e Duke of hlayenne illarches to the releif ol the Besieged, which occasions the battel of Yvry. T h e description of that Battel, the order of the two Armies. T h e absolute Victory of the King. His Exploits after his Victory. His repulse from before Sens, by the Sieur de Chanvallon, he goes to besiege Paris. T h e condition of that Town at that time. T h e provision made by the Duke of N e m o ~ ~ r to s , sustain the Siege. T h e attacque of the Suburb of St. Martin by L a Noue, who was repuls'd irom it. Why the King wou'd not use force. An horrible Famine in Paris. T h e reasons which made the Parisians resolve to endure all extremities, rather than Surrender. T h e Fantasticlc 3luster that was made by the Ecclesiasticks, and the hfonks to encourage the people, the Legat Cajetan as he was looking on it in danger to be kill'd. T h e Arrival of the Duke of Parma, who relieves Paris. T w o attempts upon Paris to surprise it, the one by Scalade, and the other 11) a Strategem, neither of which succeed. T h e Retreat of the Duke of Parma. T h e Siege and the taking of Chartres, by the management of Chastillon. T h e death of that Count and his Commendation. T h e Duke of Parma renders the Duke of Mayenne suspected to the King of Spain, who supports the Sixteen against him. Pope Sixtus is disabus'd in favour of the King. Gregory the 14th. declares for 22

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the League against the King, whom he Excom~nunicates.His Bull is condemned, and produces no manner of effect. T h e conference of the Lowain Princes at Rheims. T h e President Jannin, goeq for them into Spain. His przise and his artfull Negotiation. King Philip tinwarily declaies his design, to cause the Infanta his Daughter to be Flected Queen of France. h4onsieur de hfayenne breaks with the Spaniard. T h e Division amongst the Lo~rairz Princes. T h e Young Duke of Guise is receiv'd by the Leaguers, tvho set him up against his Uncle. T h e horrible violence of the Sixteen, who cause the President Brisson, and two Counsellours to be hanged. The just Revenge which the Duke of Alayenne takes for that action. Their Faction totally pull'd down by that Duke, and by the Honest Citirens. The Siege of Rouen. T h e Duke of Parma comes to its releif, the Skirmish of Azlrt~u!e. T h e brave Sally of Villiers Governour of Rouen, the King raises his Siege, and sonie few days after Besieges the Army of the Duke of Parma, the wonderfull Retreat of that Duke. T h e conference of du Plessis Mornay, and Viileroy for the Peace, what it conduc'd towards the conversion of the King. T h e Popes, Innocent the 9th. and Clement the 8th. for the Leagzce. T h e death of the Duke of Parma. Monsieur de Mayenne at length assembles the General Estates of the League at Pmis. T h e History of those pretended Estates. iMonsieur de Alajerz?ze causes the conference of S z ~ ~ e s ntoe be theyein irl spight of the Legat. The Speeches of the Archbishop ol J301itges and of Lyons, and the History of that Conference. 'The Duke of ~Vlayennein the Estates artfully hinders the Election of a King. T h e Histoly of the conversion of Henry the 4th. T h e absolution which he demands, and ri~llichat length is given him at Ronze. T h e reduction of many Lords and Towns of the League to tlme King's Service. His Entry into Paris, the Skirmish at Fonlain Fmncoise. T h e treaty of the Duke of Mayenne, and the Edict which the King makes in his favour. T h e treaty of the Duke of Jojeuse, and his second entry into the order of Capuchins, the treaty of the Duke of illercwz~r,and the end of the League. 14,

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T h e Histo? of the League: Lib. I IIOUGH this work which I have undertaken is the natural sequel of the History of Calvinism, 'tis jet most certain that the Subject which I treat has no relation to that Heresie. For it was not the desire of preserving the Catholique faith in F ~ a n c e ,nor any true motive of Religion which gave birth to the League, as the common people who have not been able to penetrate into the secret of that accursed Cabal, have always been persuaded. It was derived from two passions which in all ages have produc'd niost tragical Effects, I mean Ambition and Hatred. 'Tis true, the multitude, and above all the C h u ~ c h men, who believ'd they had occasion to be alarrn'd in matters of Religion, if he who was call'd to the Crown by the funclamental Laws of the Kingdom, shou'd obtain it, these P say were seduc'd by that specious appearance of true Zeal, which seem'd to be the very Sold and Foundation of the League. But it will not be difiicult to discover in the process of this I-Iistory, that the Authours of that Conspiracy made use of those pretences of Religion, to abuse the credulity, and even the Piety of the People; and to make them impious, without their perceiving it, by animating and arming them against their Kings. to root out (if they had been able) the last remaining Stem of the Royal Stock; and to plant on its Foundations, the dominion of a Foreigner. And as none are able to execute an unjust Enterprise, but by means as pernicious and execrable as the end it self which they propose, so ~villthcre be manifest in the sequel and progress of the League, even ;et more disorders and misrhiefs than ever Calvinis~nit self prodi~c'd;against ~vhichalone it seem'd to have been arm'd: Yet. in this particular, most resembling that Formidable party ~vhich was rais'd against the Catlzolique Church, that, being blasted as the Heresie had been by the Lord of Hosts, it was always unsuccesfull in the Eattels which it st~ooke

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against the lawfull power; And at length overwhelm'd with the same Engines which it had rais'd for the destruction of the Government. Truly, 'tis a surprising thing to find both in the design and sequel of the League, by a miraculous order of the divine providence, revolutions altogether contrary to those which were expected. On the one side the majestique House of Rozirbon. which was design'd for ruine, gloriously rais'd to that supreme degree of power in which we now behold it flourishing, to the wonder of the World; and on the other side, that of two eminent Families which endeavour'd their own advancement by its destruction, the one is already debas'd to the lowest degree, and the other almost reduc'd to nothing. So different are the designs of God, from those of men: and so little is there to be built on the foundations of humane policy and prudence. when men have onely passion for their guides, uncles the counterfeit names of Piety and Reli,'alon. 'Tis what I shall make evident, by unravelling the secrets and intrigues, couch'd under the League, by exposing its criminal ancl ill manag'd undertakings, which were almost al~vaysuns~iccessfull;and b y shewing in the close the issue it had, entirely opposite to its designs, by the exaltation of those ~vholn it endeavour'd to oppress. But it will be first necessary to consider in what condition France then was, when this dangerous Association was first form'd, against the supreme Authority of our Kings. The fury of the Civil tQars which had laid the Kingdom desolate under the reign of Charles the Xinth seem'd to have almost wholly been extinguish'd aEter the fourth Edict of pacification, which was made at the Siege of Rochell; and if the State was not altogether in a Calm, yet at least it was not toss'cl in any violence of Tempest, when after the decease of the said King, his Brother Henry, then King of Poland, return'd to France, and took possession of a Crown devolv'd on him by the right of Inheritance. He was a Prince, ~ v h cbeing then betwixt t h jeal-s ~ of a?, and 24, 1 ~ 3 4endu'd with all qualities and per-The fury] " A n n . 1574." i n r t ~ a i g ~inn 0

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fections capable of rendring him one of the greatest and most accomplish'd Monarchs in the World. For besides that his person was admirably shap'd, that he was tall of Stature, majestique in his Carriage, that the sound of his Voice, his Eyes, and all the features of his Face, were infinitely sweet; that he had a solid Judgment, a most happy Memory, a clear and discerning Understanding; that in his behaviour he had all the winning Graces which are requir'd in a Prince, to attract the love and respect of Subjects; 'Tis also certain, that no man cou'd possibly be more Liberal, more Magnificent, more Valiant, more Courteous, more addicted to Religion, or more Eloquent than he was naturally and without Art. T o sum up all, he had wanted nothing to make himself and his Kingdom happy, had he followed those v;holsome Counsels which were first given him; and had he still retain'd the noble ambition of continuing at least what he was formerly, under the glorious name of the Duke of Anjou, which he had render'd so renown'd by a thousand gallant actions, and particularly by the famous Victories of Jarnac and Montcontour. T h e world was fill'd with those high Ideas, which it had conceiv'd of his rare merit, expecting from him the reestablishment of the Monarchy in its ancient splendour, and nothing was capable of weakning that hope, but onely the cruel Massacre of St. Bartholomew, whereof he had been one of the most principal Authours, which had render'd him extremely odious to the Protestants. And therefore in his return from Poland, the Emperour Maximilian the Second, who rul'd the Empire in great tranquillity, notwithstanding the diversity of opinions which divided his cares betwixt the Catholiques and the Luthe~ans; the Duke of Venice, and the most judicious members of that august Senate, which is every where renown'd for prudence; and after his return to France, the Presidents, De T h o u , and Harlay, the two Advocates General Pi brac and du Mesnil, and generally, all those who were most passionate for his greatness, and the good of his Estate advis'd him to give peace to his Subjects of the Religion pretendedly Reform'd, to heal and cement that gaping wound, which had run so much bloud, in that fatal

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day of St. Bartholomew, and not to replunge his Kingdom in that gulf of miseries, wherein it was almost ready to have perish'd. But the Chancellour de Birague, the Cardinal of Lorrain, and his Nephew the Duke of Guise, (who at that time had no little part in the esteem and favour of his Master,) and above all, the Queen Mother, Catharine de &Ieclicis, who entirely govern'd him, and who after the hlassacre of St. Bartlzolomew, dar'd no longer to trust the Protestants: These I say, ingag'd him l o in the itTarwhich he immediately made against them, and which was unsuccessful1 to him. So that after he had been shanlefully repuls'd, from before an inconsiderable Town in Dauphin&,they took Arms in all places, becoming more fierce and insolent than ever, and made extraordinary progress, both in that part, in Prouence, in Languedoc, in Guienne, and Poitou. That which render'd them so powerfull, (which otherwise they had not been,) was a party of klalecontents amongst the Catholiques, who were call'd the Politiques, because without touching on Religion, they protested that they took Arms onely 20 for the publique good; for the relief and benefit of the people; and to reform those grievances and disorders, which were apparent in the State: A ground, which has always serv'd for a pretence of Rebellion to those men, who have rais'd themselves in opposition to their Kings and Masters, whom God commands us to obey, though they shou'd sometimes even abuse that power which he has given them, not to destroy, or to demolish, as he speaks in his holy Scriptures, but to edify, that is to say, to procure the good, and to establish the happiness of their Subjects. ao These Politiques then joyn'd themselves to the Huguenots, according to the resolution which they had taken at the Assembly heid at Montpellier, in the month of November, and year of our Lord, 1574, by Henry de h4ontmorancy Marshal of Damville, and Governour of Langzredoc, who to maintain him-

-

g P~otestal~ts:] . U. Daupt:zne] Dauphine 0 (and similarly beloiu, except as noted). 27 dernolisll] demollish 0. 33 15749 by] '574. 0

7 Medicis] Medices 0. 12

1575

Liber I

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self in that rich Government, of which he was design'd to be bereft, first form'd this party of the Politiques, into which he drew great numbers of the Nobles, his partisans and Friends; and principally the Seigneurs de T h o r t , and de Meru-Monttnorancy his Brothers, the Count de Vantadour his Brother in Law, and the famous Henry de la T o u r d'duvergn, Vicount de Turenne his Nephew, who was afterwards Marshal of France, Duke of Boiiillon, Sovereign Prince of Sedan, and the great Upholder of the Huguenots. so Rut that, which made their power so formidable in the last result of things, was that Monsieur, (the Duke of Alanson, onely Brother of the King) and the King of Navarre, detain'd at Court, and not very favourably treated, having made their escape; the first of them, who, besides his own followers, was joyn'd by a considerable part of Damville's Troops, put himself at the head of the Protestant Army, which was at the same time reinforc'd by the conjunction of great Succours of Reyters and Lansquenets, whom the Prince of Conde' had brought from Germany, under the conduct of John Casimir, second Son to 20 Frederick the Elector Palatine. So that in the general Muster which was made of them near fMoulins in Bourbonnois, their Forces were found to consist of thirty five thousand experienc'd Souldiers, which power 'tis most certain, the King was in no condition to resist, in that miserable Estate, to which he had reduc'd himself, by the prodigious change he had made, in his conduct and his carriage, immediately after his succeeding to the Crown of France. He was no longer that Victorious Duke of Anjou, who had gain'd in the world so high a reputation, by so many gallant ao actions perform'd by him, in commanding the Armies of the King his Brother, in quality of his Lieutenant General through the whole Kingdom; but as if in assuming the Crown of the first and most ancient Monarchy of Christendom, he had despoil'd himself at the same moment, by some fatal enchantment, of his Royal perfections, he plung'd himself into all the 4 ThorkJ Thore 0 (and similarly below, except as noted). But] "Ann. 1575.'' in margin i n 0.

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I575

delights of a most ignominious idleness, with his favourites and Minions, who were the Bloud-suckers, the Harpyes, and the scandal of all France, which he seem'd to have abandon'd to their pillage by the immensness of his prodigality. After this he render'd himself equally odious and contemptible to his Subjects, both of the one Religion and the other, by his inconstant, and fantastique manner of procedure. For he ran sometimes from the extremity of debauchery into a fit of Religion, with processions and exercises of Penance, which were taken for 10 Iilypocrisie, and then again, from Devotion into Debauchery, as the present humour carried him away, and busied himself in a thousand mean employments unworthy, I say, not of a King but of a man of common sense: All which Davila the Historian, after his manner of drawing every thing into design and Mystery, though at the expence of Truth, has endeavour'd to pass upon us, for so many effects of a subtile, and overrefin'd policy. In conclusion, to discharge himself of the burthen of Koyalty, which was grown wholly insupportable to him in that lazy effeminate sort of Life, he relinquish'd all the 20 cares of Government to the Queen his Mother, who to continue him in that humour, and by consequence to make her self absolute Mistress of affairs (which was always her predominant passion,) fail'd not to furnish him from time to time with new baits and allurements of voluptuousness, and all that was needfull for the shipwrack of vertue and honour, in a Court the most dissolute which had ever been beheld in France. Since it therefore pleas'd the Queen that War shou'd be made against the Hzlguenots, to infeeble them as much as was possible, that they might give no trouble to her management of so Ilusiness; So also when she saw them strengthen'd with so formidable an Army, and her Son Alanson at their head, she began immediately ku apprehend, that at length, making themselves Masters, they might degrade her from that Authority, which she was so ambitious to retain, by whatsoever means, and consequently she resolv'd to make a peace, for the same reasons, for which she undertook the War. as she was undoubtedly 13 sense:]

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the most subtile Woman of her time, and had so great an Ascendant over all her Children, that they were not able to withstand her, or to defend themselves against her artifices, and withal1 wou'd spare for nothing to compass her designs; she manag'd so dexterously the minds of the Princes, and cheif Officers of their Army, in granting them with ease extraordinary Conditions, even such as were beyond their hope; that she conjur'd down the Tempest which was about to have been powr'd upon her head, and shelter'd her self at the cost of our lo Religion, by the fifth Edict of Pacification, which was as advantageous to the Huguenots as they cou'd desire: T o whom, amongst other privileges was allow'd the free exercise of their pretended Religion in all the Cities of the Kingdom, and in all other places, excepting onely the Court and Paris, and the compass of two Leagues about that City. This peace was infinitely distasteful1 to the Catholiques, because it serv'd for a pretence, and gave a favourable occasion to the birth of a design long time before premeditated, and hatch'd by him, who was the first Authour of that League whose History I write; zo and who began to lay the ~oundationsof it, precisely at this point of time, in that manner as shall immediately be related. 'Tis certain that the first persons who were thus Associated, under pretence of Religion against their Sovereigns were the Protestants: Then when the Prince of Conde' made himself their conceal'd head at the Conspiracy of Amboise; and afterwards overtly declar'd himself in beginning the first troubles by the surprise of Orleans. That League, (which always was maintain'd by force of Arms, by places of caution and security, which upon constraint were granted to the Huguenots, and by the so treasonable intelligence they held with Strangers, even till the time wherein it was totally extinguish'd by the taking of Rochell, and of their other Cities, and fortified places, under the Reign of the late King of glorious memory,) oblig'd some Catholiques oftentimes, to unite themselves without the partici-

.

desire:] N 0. T i s ] "Ann. 1576." in margin in 0 (the correct position is opposite "Edict of Pacification" in line 10 above). 11

22

34

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zo

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patiorr of the King in certain Provinces; as particularly, 111 Lnnguedoc, Guyenne, and Poitou, not onely to deiend themselves against the encroachments of the Hlcguenots, but also to attacque them, and to exterminate them, if they had heen ablc, fro111 all those places, of which they had possess'd themselves in tilose Provin~es.Eut he who employ'd his thoughts at the utniost stretch in that affair, and was the first who invented the project oE a General League amongst the Cati~oliques,under another Kead than the King, was the Cardinal of Lormin, at tlia? time assisting at the Council of Trent. That Prince, whose name is so well known in History, and ~ v h ohad a rcost prompt and most piercirig understanding, fiery L'y' nature, impetuous, and violent, endu'd with a rare, natural eloquence, more learning than cou'd reasonably be expected from a Person of his Quality, and which his eloquence made appear to be much greater than it w a s the boldest of any inan alive in Councils, Cabals, and in Contrivance of daricg and vast designs, was also the most pusiilanimous arid weakest man irnzginabie, .rvilen it came to the point of Execution, anc! that he saw there was danger in the undertaking. Eut above all, it cannot be denied, that through the whole series of his Life, he had a most immoderate passion for the greatcess 01 his Family. Insomucl.1, that when he saw the great Duke of Guise, his Brother, at the highest point of glory after the Battel of Dreux, where it might be said that he was the safeguard of our Reiigion, ahich depended on that day's success, and that all the Council was fill'd with the applause of that Heroe, for so memorab!e a Victory, which he had in a manner gain'cl singly, ateer the defeat and taking of the Constable; he beiiev'd he had found the favourable occasion he so ardently desir'd, to satisfie his ambition to the full, by raising his Crother to that degree of Honour, in which he might enjoy a Supreme, and Independent Xutllority, equal to the power of the greatest Kings. T o this effect he was not wanting to represent to the Heads of that Assembly, and by them to the Pope, that for the support of Religion, against which the Heretiques made so cruel War, particularly in Fraizce, there was n o better means, than to make

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a League into which shou'd enter all the Princes and great men whom they csu'd procure, and above all the rest the Icing of Spain, who was so powerfull, and so zealous for the Catholique Faith. H e added, that it was necessary lor the Pope, to declare himself the Protectour of it, and to elect a Head of it in the Kingdom, on whose Piety, Prudence, Valour and Experience, all things might safely be repos'd; and whom all Catholiqz~es shou'd be under an obligation to obey, till they had totally extirpated the Huguenots. This proposal was receiv'd with l o great applause; and as their minds in that juncture of time were wholly prepossess'd with a high character of the wise conduct, the perpetual felicity, and heroique vertues of the Victorious Duke of Guise, there was not the lexst scruple remaining for them to conclude, that he alone was fit to be the Mead of so glorious an Undertaking. But the sad nelis of his Death, arriving in the very upshot of that project, made this great design to vanish; which the Cardinal, ~ v h onever lost the imagination of it, nor the hope to ~ n a k eit succeed at some other time, was not able to bring in play again till about ten or eleven years after 20 that accident: And then found the young Duke of Guise, Henry of Lorrain, his Nephew, both of age and of capacity, and intirely dispos'd to its accomplishment. For at that time he propos'd warmly the same design to the Pope, and the King of Spain, who both enter'd without difficulty into his opinion; though upon motives very different: T h e Pope, out of the ardent desire he had to see Heresie altogether exterminated from this most Christian Kingdom, and the Spaniard, out of a longing appetite to make his advantage of our divisions, and those great disorders, which he foresaw the League must in30 evitably cause in France. T h e Duke also, on his side, who had much more ambition, and much less affection to the publique good, than his Father, embrac'd with all his Soul so fair an occasion as was thereby put into his hand, of raising himself irnrnediately to so high a degree of Power and Authority, in becorning Head of a Party, which in all appearance wou'd ruine all the others, and give Law universally to France. But the Death of his Uncle the

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Cardinal, which happen'd at the same time, broke once more the rrleasures of his ambitious design, which notwithstanding he never did forsake, as being fully resolv'd to put it into execution, on the first opportunity which shou'd be offer'd. This he cou'd not find, till two years afterwards, when Don John of Austria pass'd through France, to take possession of his government of the Low Countries. That Prince who travell'd incognito, and had already made a secret correspondence with the Duke of Gzcise, saw him at Joinville, where after some conl o ferences which they had together, without other witness, than John d'Escouedo, Secretary to Don John, they made a Treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, mutually to assist each other to their utmost Abilities, with their Friends, their Power, and Forces, to render themselves absolute; the first in his government of the Neatherlands, the second in that party, which he always hop'd to form in France, according to the project of his Uncle, under pretence of maintaining the Caiholique Religion in France against the Huguenots. Though Historians are silent of this Treaty, I suppose, not20 withstanding, that it is undoubtedly true, considering what Monsieur de Peiresc, (a name so celebrated by the learned) has written concerning it in his memoires; which was grounded on what was related to him by hlonsieur du Vair, who had it from Antonio Perez. For that famous Confident of the Amours betwixt Philip the second, and the fair Princess of Eboli, acknowledg'd freely to President du Vair, that to revenge himself of unfortunate Escovedo, who at his return to Spain wou'd have ruin'd him in the favour of the King, he gave him so well to understand, that 30 this Secretary of Don John ~7as intrusted with all his most secret designs against the State, and that having discover'd the love of the King his Master, he travers'd his amorous intrigue, to serve the Prince of Eboli, on whom he had dependance, that Philip who made not the least scruple to rid himself of any one whom he suspected (as having not spar'd even his Son Don Carlos) made him be assassinated. After which, having seiz'd his Papers, 7 Low Coz~ntries]Low Cou~ltries0

1576

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he there found this private Treaty, together with the memoires and instructions, containing the whole foundation, and all the minutes of this project, with the means which the Duke of Guise intended to make use of, to make his Enterprise succeed; of which that King, who made advantage of every thing, most dexterously serv'd himself long time after, to engage the Duke so deeply in his Interests, that he was never able to disentangle himself, as the sequel will declare. But in the mean time, that Peace so advantageous to the Protestants, being made in the manner above mention'd; the Duke beleiv'd, he had now a fair occasion to begin (by making use of the discontents of the Catholiques,) the forming of that League, of which he intended afterwards to declare himself the Head. How he manag'd that affair, is next to be related. Amongst the secret Articles of that Peace, so favourable to the Huguenots, there was one, by which the Prince of Conde' had granted to him the full possession of the Governxnexlt of Picardy; and besides it, for his farther security, the imyortant City of Peronne, the Garrison of which. shou'd be maintain'd at the King's expence. T h e Governour of Peronsle, at that titile, was Jaques, Lord of Humieres, Encre, B ~ u y ,and many other places, who by other large possessions of his own, and the Governments of Roye, and of ilfontdidier, added to Peronne, was without dispute the most considerable, the wealthiest, and most potverfull Lord of all Picardy. Besides, that being of an illustrious Birth, and Son of the Wise and Valiant John d'Humieres, (who had been Lieutenant of the King in Piemont, and Governour to King Henry the Second,) he was respected, lov'd and obey'd in that Province, where he was in a manner absolute, both by the great Authority of his own merit, and that which was deriv'd to him from his Father. This Nobleman, having formerly been ill us'd by the Lords of Montrnorency, then in power; and having been hinder'd by them, from entring into possession of a fair Inheritance, which he claim'd, as rightfully belonging to him, had put himself into the interests of the former great Duke of Guise, a declar'd Enemy of the Htigzienots. And that Prince, to bind inore firmly

38

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to his party, to the cause of Religion, and to his Family, a Person so considerable, had procur'd him to be Knight of the order of St. Michael, at that famous promotion which was made by Francis the Second, on the Feast of St. Michael, in the year 1560. Insomuch that the young Duke of Guise doubted not, that the concernment which this Lord had to maintain himself in the Government of Peronne, join'd in the present posture of affairs with zeal, either true or apparent, for Religion, and the particular obligations he had to the House of Guise, would 10 render him capable to be dispos'd of absolutely, in the execution of that high enterprise, on which he was himself resolv'd; it seeming to him that he cou'd never expect a better opportunity, and that all things were conspiring in his favour. In effect there was nothing wanting that cou'd possibly concur, either of good or ill, to make that succeed, which he had resolv'd so firmly for two years together; and which in process of time was capable of raising him to a higher pitch of greatness, than at present he cou'd possibly conceive, how vast soever those idea's of power and authority were, with which he flatter'd 20 his ambitious imagination. He was a Prince, at that time, in the flower and vigour of his age, which was about thirty years; furnish'd with all those admirable qualities and perfections both of Soul and Body, which are most capable of charming the Hearts, and acquiring an absolute empire over the Souls of the people, who were even enchanted with his graces, and almost idoliz'd his person. For he was tall of Stature, excellently well proportion'd, altogether resembling what is commonly attributed to Heroes; having the features of his face of a hlasculine Beauty, his Eyes sparkling and full of Fire, but whose lively and so piercing motion was temper'd with a certain kind of sweetness; his forehead large, smooth, and at all times serene, accompanied with an agreeable smile of his mouth, which charm'd even more than those obliging words, of which he was not sparing to those who press'd about him; his complexion lively, white and red; and which that honourable Scar remaining of the wound he had receiv'd by a Pistol Bullet on his left Cheek, (when he 30-31

sweetness; his] sweetness. His 0.

1576

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defeated a party of the Reiters of Casimir, which Willianz de Montmorency, Sieur de Thore', conducted to the Duke of Alanson,) heightn'd to much more advantage, than all the ornaments which the vanity of Women has invented to add a lustre to their Beauty. His walk was grave and stately: yet neither Pride nor aEectation appear'd in it. I n all his Garb there was a certain inexpressible air of heroique greatness, which was made u p of sweetness, audacity and a noble haughtiness, tvithout any thing of shocking, or ungraceful1 in his whole composition: Which, altogether, inspir'd a mixture of love, of awe, and of respect into his conversation. This admirable outside was animated with an inside yet more wonderfull, by reason of those excellent qualities which he possess'd, of a Soul that was truly great; being liberal, magnificent in all things, sparing nothing to make Dependents, and to gain persons of all sorts of conditions; but principally the Kobility, and the Souldiers; civil, obliging, popular, always ready to doe good to those who address'd the~ilselvesto him: generous, magnanimous, not to be mov'd to injure any man; n o not to hurt even his greatest Enemies, but by honourable ways; extremely persuasive in discourse, disguising his thoughts, when he appear'd most open; wise and prudent in his Counsells, bold, prompt and valiant in the execution of them, chearfully enduring all the hardships of War, in common with the meanest Soldier, exposing his person, and contemning the greatest dangers, to compass what he had once determin'd. But that which gave the greatest lustre to so many noble qualities, was the quite contrary of all these, in the person of the King; who, by his ill conduct, rather than his ill fortune, had lost the affection of the greatest part of France, and chiefly of the Parisians, wlrich by the highest disorder, that cou'd possibly happen in a State, was already transferr'd to him, who, fi-om his subject began openly to appear his Rival, in the thing of the World, whereof Monarchs are, and ought to be, most jealous. But as there is no Mine of Gold, where the pretious Metal is so wholly pure, as to be found unmix'd with common Earth, so

History of the League

40

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1576

were these great natural endowments of the Duke of Guise debas'd by the mixture of many imperfections and vices; of which the principal was the insatiable desire of greatness and of glory, and that vast Ambition, to which he made all other things subservient: Besides which, he was rash, presumptuous, self-conceited, wedded to his own opinions, and despising the advice of others, (though that more covertly,) subtile, unsincere, no true friend, but centring all things in his own interest; though he appear'd the most obliging and the most officious of all men, yet the good he did, was onely in order to himself, always covering his vast designs, by the specious pretence of publique good, and the preservation of the true Religion: too much confiding in his own good fortune, loosing and hoodwincking himself in his prosperity, which gave him such a gust of the present pleasure, that he cou'd not think of taking his precautions for the future; to conclude, giving up himself too much to the love of Wornen, of whom nevertheless, without their being able to divert him from the care he took of his great concern, he dextrously made use to advance it by their means and without their knowing that they were his ~nstruments.Yet in spight of all these vices, which were indeed most subtly manag'd, or disguis'd under the most fair appearances, and veil'd with a profound dissimulation, his vertues at the same time glittering, and blazing over all the World, he was universally ador'd and lov'd, particularly by the Parisians; and even they, who knowing him at the bottom cou'd not love him, yet cou'd not hinder themselves from admiring him; which doubtless is a most uncommon thing, - that a man shou'd be able at the same time, to deserve and gain the peoples love, and the admiration of those who were so clear sighted, as to discover his imperfections and vices. such was the famous Duke of Guise, whom that amiable mark of the Pistol Bullet, which as I said he receiv'd in defeating some Troops of Calvinists and Rebels, caus'd to be surnam'd, T H E S C A R R ' D , and who, in those times, of which I Write, found all things sufficiently dispos'd to the execution of 5 subservient:]

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35 S C A

R R' D, and] S C A R R'D. And

0.

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his enterprise. For he found the Catholiques provok'd to his hand, by those advantages which newly were granted to the H u g u e n o t s , the people dissatisfi'd, and weary of the Government, not able to endure, that the wealth of the Nation shou'd be squander'd on the King's Favourites, whom they called the Minions: the genius of Queen Catharine, pleas'd with troubles, and even procuring them to render her self necessary, to the end that recourse might be had to her for Remedies; the Princes of the bloud become suspected and odious to the three l o orders of the Kingdom, either for favouring the H u g u e n o t s , or for being publiquely declar'd Calvinists, thereby renouncing the Catholique faith, as the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde' had openly done; the King faln into the contempt of his Subjects, after having lost their love; himself, on the contrary, lov'd and ador'd by the people, worship'd by the Parisians, follow'd by the Nobility, indear'd to the Soldiers, having in his Interests all the Princes of his Family, porverfull in Offices and Governments, the multitude of his Creatures, whom his own generosity, and that of his Father, had acquir'd him; the favour 20 of the Pope, the assistance of the Spaniard, ready at hand to bear him up, and above all the seeming Justice of his cause, which he industriously made known to all the world, to be that of Religion alone, whereof, in the general opinion, he was the Protectour and the Pillar; and for the maintenance of which it was believ'd, that he had devoted himself against the H u g u e nots, who had enterpriz'd to abolish it in the Kingdom. But the last motive which fix'd his resolution, was the extreme rancour he had against the King, one of whose intimate Confidents he had been formerly, and who had now abandon'd him, by 30 changing on the sudden the whole manner of his Conduct, and giving himself entirely up to his Minions, who omitted n o occasion of using the Duke unworthily: For disdain, which is capable of hurrying to the last extremities the greatest Souls, and the most sensible in point of Honour, made hatred to succeed his first inclinations against him whom already he despis'd; and hatred and contempt being joyn'd with Ambition, incessantly push'd him forwards, to make himself the head of a

42

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Party so powerful1 as that of the League, which pass'd for Holy in the minds of the people, and to avail himself of so fair an opportunity to form it. For this effect, he immediately caus'd a project to be formally drawn, which his Emissaries shou'd endeavour to spread about the Kingdoin amongst those Catholiq~ieswho appear'd the most zealous and most simple, and those who were known to be the most addicted to the House of Guise: in this Breviate which they were ohlig'd to subscribe, they promis'd by Oath, to obey him l o who shou'd be elected head of that holy Confederacy. which was made for maintaining of the Catholigzre Religion, to cause due obedience to be render'd to the Ki11g and his Successours, yet without prejudice to what shou'd be orclain'tl by the three Estates, and to restore the Kingdom to its original Liberties, which it enjoy'd under the Reign of Clovis. *4t the first there were found few Persons of Quality, and substantial Citizens of Pa~is,who wou'd venture to subscribe to that Association, because it was not precisely known, who wou'd dare to declare himself the Head of it: besides, that by 20 the vigilance of the first President Christoplzer de T h o u , it was first discover'd, then dissipated, and at last dissolv'd with ease, with all those secret Assemblies, which were already held in several quarters of the Town for entring such persons into that infant League, whom either their Malice, their false Zeal, or their Simplicity cou'd ingage. But the Duke of Guise having sent his project to the Sieur d7Humieres, of whom he held himself assur'd, that Lord, (who besides his obligation to the House of Guise, had also his particular interest, and that of no less Consequence than the maintaining himself in his Govern80 ment of Peronne; which was taken horn him by the Edict of May, and that important place, order'd to be put into the hands of the Prince of Conde',) manag'd the affair so well, by the credit he had in that Province, that, as the Picards have always been zealous for the ancient Religion, he ingag'd almost all the Towns, and all the Nobility of Picardy to declare openly, that they wou'd not receive the Prince of Conde', because as it was urg'd in the Manifesto, which was publish'd to justifie their

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refusal of him, that they certainly knew he was resolved to abolish the Catholique Faith, and establish Calvinism throughout all Picctrdy. 'Tis most certain that they wou'd never be induc'd to receive that Prince into Peronne, or any other part of that Government; and that to maintain themselves against all those who wou'd undertake to oblige them by force, to observe that Article of the Peace, which they never wou'd accept, the Picards were the first to receive, by common agreement, and to publish l o in Peronne the Treaty of the League, in twelve Articles, in which the most prudent of the Catholiques themselves, together with the Illustrious President Christopher de T h o u , observ'd many things which directly shock'd the most Holy Laws both Divine and Humane. For 'tis obvious in the first Article, that the Catholique Princes, Lords and Gentlemen, invoking the name of the Holy ?'rinity, make an Association and League, offerlsive and defensive, betwixt themselves, without the permission, privity, or consent of their King, and a King who T V ~ Sa Catholique as zo well as they; which is directly opposite to the Law of God, who ordains that Subjects should submit themselves, and be united to their Sovereign, as members to their Head: even though he shou'd exceed his bounds and be a Tyrant, provided that there be no manifest sin, in what they are commanded to obey. In the second, they refuse to render obedience to the King, unless it be confornlable to the Articles which shall be presented to him by the States, which it shall not be lawfull for him to contradict; or to act any thing in prejudice of them. 'Tis evident that this overthrows the constitution of the Monarchy, 30 to establish in its place a certain kind of Aristocracy, against one of our fundamental Laws, which ordains that the States shou'd have onely a deliberative voice for the drawing up of their Petitions into Bills, and then to present them with all humility to the King, who examines them in his Council, and afterwards passes what he finds to be just and reasonable. They give not Law to him, who is their Master, and their Head, as the Electours of the Empire, by certain capitulations do to the

44

Nistor)l of the League

1576

Emperours of Germany, who are indeed the Heads, but not the Masters of the Empire; but, on the contrary they receive it from their King, to whom they onely make most humble Addresses, in the Bills which they present to him. In the third Article the Associates assume to themselves, to be Masters of the State, while, under pretence of reforming it, they ridiculously take upon them to abrogate the Laws observ'd by our Ancestours, in the second and third race of our Kings, and wou'd establish the customes and usances, which were practis'd l o in the time of Clovis: which is just the same thing that certain Enthusiasts sometimes have attempted in the Church, who under the specious names of the Reform'd and Primitive Church, have endeavoured to revive some ancient Canons, which now for many ages have not been observ'd; and gave themselves the liberty to condemn the practices, and customes authoriz'd by the Church, of remisness, and abuse; since it belongs onely to the Church, according to the diversity of times, and of occasions, to make new regulations, in its Government and Discipline, without touching the capital points, that relate to the Essentials of 20 Religion. T o conclude, from the fourth Article to the twelfth, there are visible all the marks, and the foulest characters of a Rebellion, form'd and undertaken against their Prince, particularly where there is promis'd an exact obedience in all things, to the Head, whom they shall elect; and that they will employ their lives and fortunes in his service; that in all Provinces they will levy Souldiers, and raise money, for the support of the common cause; and that all those who shall declare themselves against the League, shall be vigorously prosecuted by the Associates, 80 who shall revenge themselves without exception of person; which in the true meaning, is no other thing, than the setting up a second King in France in opposition to the first; against whom they engag'd themselves to take Arms in these terrible 6 while,] N,, 0. have endeavoured] endeavour-/ed 0 (sorne copies); have endea-/ed 0 12-13 (some copies). 27 Souldiers] "Anno 1577." in margin in 0; the correct position is opposite "those two Princes" at 57:6 below.

1576

Liber I

45

words, without exception of person, in case he should go about to hinder so criminal an usurpation of his Rojal Authority. Such was the Copy of the League, in those twelve Articles which were Printed and dispers'd through all Christe~ldom,as we are inform'd by an Authour who was contemporary to it; and has given it at large, in his History of the War under Henry the Fourth: But being conceiv'd in certain terms which are too bold, and which manifestly shock the Royal Majesty, Monsieur d'Wzu-ieres a prudent man, reduc'd them into a form, inl o comparably less odious, in which preserving the Essentials of the League, of which he was Head in Picardy, he appears. notwithstanding, to do nothing, but by the authority, and for the service of the King. Now as it is extremely important to understand tllroughly this Treaty of Peronne, from which the League had its beginning, which is not to be found i n any of our Authours, and the Original of which I have, as it was sign'd by almost two hundred Gentlemen, and after them, by the Magistrates, and Officers of Peronne; I thought I shou'd gratifie my Readers by 20 col,:r::~lnicating to them a piece so rare and so Autlientique, n h i c ! ~ has luckily fallen into my hands. They will be glad to see in it the Genius, the reach, and the policy of that dextrous Governour, and Lieutenant to the King, who in declaring himself Head of the League in his Province, and procuring it to be sign'd by so great a number of Gentlemen, took so much care to make it manifest, at least in appearance, that he intended alv.ays to give to Casnr what belong'd to Casar, and that the Imperial rights should be inviolably preserv'd in that Treaty. For thcy protest in all their Articles, and that with all manner 30 o f respect in the most formal terms, that nothing shall be done, but with his good liking, and by his Orders, though in pursuant e o! this, all things were manag'd to a quite contrary end. But it frequently happens that men engage themselves with an honest meaning, and are led by motives of true zeal, in some affairs, whereof they foresee not the dangerous consequences, which produce such pernicious effects, as never enter'd into ttreir f i ~ s tima~;inatiori

46

History o f b h ~Lenglre

1576

Behold then, this Treaty in eighteen Articles, together with the subscriptions of the Gentlemen and Officers, whereof some are written in such awkward Characters, and so little legible, that I could never have unriddled them, without the assistance of a person very skilfull in that difficult art of deciphering all sorts of ancient writing. I mean Don John Hericart an ancient man in Holy Orders, of the Abbey of St. ATicholasaux Hois in Pica~dy;who having labour'd to place in their due order, and to copy out the Titles and Authentique pieces of many ancient l o Monasteries, applies himself at present, by permission from my Lord Bishop of Laon his superiour, to a work so necessary in the Treasury of Chartres, and in the famous Library of the Abbey Royal of St. Victor of Paris, where he has found wherewithall to exercise the talent of the most knowing, on a great number of Titles, of more than six hundred years standing, and above three thousand Manuscripts, of the rarest and moqt Ancient sort, which compose the most pretious part of that excellent and renowned Library. 'Tis then to this man's industry that I am owing for this piece; and to deal sincerely, so as not to 20 pass my conjectures on the Reader for solid truths, I have left EIanks for two of their names, because the letters which compos'd them, cou'd never be certainly distinguish'd. T h e Association, made betwixt the Princes, Lords, Gentlemen a n d others, as tveil of the State Ecclesiastique, as of the Noblesse and third Estate, Subjects a n d Inhabitants of the Countrey of Picardy.

Jn tJje name of tIje Qoly Zrinity, anb of tlje dommunication of iqe. pretious boby of Jesus Christ, me Jjaoe promis'b anb Froorn upon iqe tjoty Qofpels, anb upon out Fioes, Zjonours, anb Qitates to purfue, ao anb feep ineiolably tlje iljings ljerein agreeb, anb By as fabictibeb, on pain' of being for eoer beclareb forfmotn an8 infamous, anb Ijel3 to be men unmortqy of all QentiliGy anb tionour. sirit of all, it being Insmn, tqat tIje great practices anb &o~fpircn= cies, ntabe againit tlje Ijonour of Gob, tqe qoly datqolicf BQureQ, 4 assistance] assistence 0,

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30

Liber I

49

an6 otljcr cl)arges, conoeniewi anb necerbary for Cuclj effect, accorbing as ilje faib ctountrey ean furniilj an6 [upply. 50s rr?IjicIjCaib clountrey we offer for iucQ effecf,eoen to tlje numc ber of four tIornefs, men on ljorfebacf, well mounteb an6 arm'b, an0 eleven 6rrCigns o i soot, as mell for pre~ervatiott of tlje iaib province, RS fo bt oificrwfisre enapIeyeb as neeb iljall be; yet no ways cornprefiearbing tlje &ompanies sf tlje olb eftabliiljment, i n confiberation tQat tlpy are oblige0 to Cerasc otljermljere. So tljat for ewsy of iIje Iaib &asntga~-iies,be tlley tjorfe or $oaf, tf2reeGentlemen of tlje aountrey, men of ~alsitranb egperience iljall be nameb to tIje King's Lieutenant, or to gEim mIjo iljaII be impower'b for tfiat paarpsie from Ijis majefty, out of tlje Caib tljree, to mafe election an& cIjoice of one. Anb becauie fncIj Eeoies cannot be mabe rnitljout great torts anb egpeatces ;anb t'ljcot it is mo$tjuft in juclj an Bmergency, anb nece[[ity, to ernpEog all means, wqiclj are in tIje power of any man, @ere iljall be le~riebanb coIBecteb upon tqe Qou~ttreyfZje fums of money cons oenient anb nsceircary for tIjis, by tQcaboicc'of tlje Xing's £ieutenant, or otIjer entpomereb from Ijis majeity, wl1icIj lje !$all afterwarbs be pefition'b, to aaxilijori3e anb tnafe onlib, as being for an occaiion lo Ijoly an&to egpreis, as i s tlje iervice of Qob, anb tljat of ljis Caib majefiy : in toqicIj levying of IXoney, nevcrtljele~s,no QentIemen are or CljaU be meant to be compre@enbeb,csnfibering tljai tQey will bo perionnl ~arvice,or iet out men toit@IjorCes anb Arms, nccorbing as it iIjalI be orbarin'b for tljem to boe by tlje Qeab of tlje Zeague, or by otgers beputeb by ljim, Anb for flje more earie egecution of tQe faib employments, tIjere [ljall be in eoery Baily =wiclor SeneCcIptls &omrt of tlje faib cEomntrey, beputeb, one orc tmo Qentferraen,or otljers of capacity anb fibelity requifift?,to gioc inferntation of tlje nteatrs, an& unber~tanbpar: ticularly U P O M bt)c plc~ces,t I j ~mIlicIj t iljall be neebfulll to be bone, to report it aftecmatbs, antb inrtruct concerning it, tljofe wljo iQaU be employe3 ]by t f ~ 6ooernour, e or Zieutenmt from tIje King, or lome otQer impomer'b from Ijim. Anb if ang of iije faib ctatljoliques of tlje Caib prooince, after $aging bccn requir'b to enter info tSje psreient A/fociation, iljaIL mafc blffisuEly, or uie belays, coniibering tljat it is onely for tlje

50

lo

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80

History of the League

1576

ljonout of Qob, tIje feroice of tQe Hing, tIje goob an& quiet of our &ountrey, Ije iIjaZI be Ijelb in all tlje prooince for an Bnemy of Qob, anb a Deiertour of Ijis Religion, a Rebel to Ijis Hing, a betrayer of $is 6ountrey, anb by common agreelnent anb conrent of all gsob men, IIjall be abanbon'b by alll, anb left, anb egposybto all injuries anb oppreifions mljicIj cato come upon qim, mitIjout eoer being receio'b into company, frienbfqip an& alliance of tIje unbermritten Aifociats anb 6onfebsrates; wIjo Ijaoe a11 promis'b frienbC$ip anb goob intelligence amongit tIjemCeI~es,for tlje manutention of tljeir Paeligion, feroice of tIje PCitzg, anb prei~rnationof iljeir &ountrey, miif2 tIjeir pertons, Sortunas, anb Samilies. U)e promire, fartljerrnore, to feep o w anotljer, unber tlje obebience an8 autoority of Qismajefiy, in all [rarety aatb quiet, anb to preferor anb befenb our Fel~esfrom all oppre~~iorz of otqers. Anrb if tljere SIjalI Ijappen any bifferencr or quarrel amongif us, it Cljall be compofybby tlje Lieutenant Qeneral of tIje Hing, anb tljoie mQo by 1lim i$aU be calleb, mijo CQaUcaufe to be egecuteb, ulober tIje goob pleafure anb AutIjoriiy of qis faib majc[iy tljat mIjEcE) pjall be aboiieb to be juff anb reaionakrle for our reconciliatiolt. Rnb in cafe it be aboiieb for tIje Ceroicc of tqe Hing, tIje goob anb quiet of tlje Faib Proaince anb to compafsShje enbs of our intentions, toat it be necelCary to ljolb correfponbence mitlj otqer neigqbouritrg prooinces, me promiie to Cucsout anb aib fqem, mitQ all our pomer anb means, in SucQ maniter a s CF;all be orber'b by tqe Cieufenant of tIje King, or otqer ljlaoing pomer from ljis ZRajeity, Rnb we alfo protniie to employ our feloes mitq all our pomer anb means to pre[eroe anb feep Boe State Qccleiiaitique from a11 opprel: iion anb injury, anb if by may of action or otljerwifs, arty one attempts to boe tQem ba~magc,be it i n tljeir perions or tt1ei.r goobs, to sppoie vuclj perfoar, a?tB befenk t4)eln, a s being unite0 anb RICo: ciateb mitlj fqein, for iljs bcfestco cztrb preierplation of tile Ejottoar sf Qob a ~ t Q our Beligion. Rnb bccau$eit i s rtot o m itticttfio~c r ~ ymays fo tnoIeff tIjoCe of fQe new opittbio~~~ mljo tmsill.contain trjemCeloss from enterpri3ing an# tIjimg againft tIje @onour of 6ob, fQe Sewice of tlje King, tIje goo0 anb qanief of Ijis Snbjjests, mc g?rsmiCeto pweieroe tljsm, mitqout tQeiat being naty mags pat in irotlbBc for tfjcir 6oaap3ences, or mslefteb

Liber I

1576

10

zo

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51

in tljeir pertons, goobs, Ijsnonrs anb families, Prooibeb tQai tIjey bo not contraoene in any tort, tljat loljiclj iIjall be by Ijis Zttajefiy orbain'b, after tlje concIu~ionof tlje General Brtates, or any tfjing mljatfoeoer of tlje faib 6atQolique Religion. Rnb foraCmuclj a s tljis caufe ougljt to be cominon irtbifferently fo all perions mIjo mafe profeCiion to lioe in tIje 6atQolique Religion; me fbe Unberloritfen, abmit anb receioe into tlje prefent Union all perions placeb in AutIjority, anb &tiate of Jubieature anb Ju~tice, 6orporations of Ilolons, anb &ommonaIties of foe iatrte, anb gen= erally all otljers of tlje tljirb Grtate, living batQsIiquely, a s it IjafIj been. faib, promiling in life manner to maintain, prsleroe attb feep tQem from all viofence anb opprerfiota, be it in tljeir perions or tljeit goobs, eoery one in 1)is quality an%oocation. U3e gaoe promiieb anb !morn to fesp tfiefearticles aboueiaib; anQ to oItferoe tQem from point to point, loitljout eocr contraoening toem, an8 mitQout ljcooing regarb fo any frienbCIjip, finbreb anb aIIiance, loqiclj me may ljaoe to any perfon, of any quality an& Religion mljatfoeoer, mljo iljall oppofe or breaf tIje Ctornmanbmends aslb Q)rbinanses of iQe King, tlje goob anb quiet of ibis Kingbons, anb in life manner to feep lecret tlje prefent fl[fociatisn, loit$out arty cornmuitisation of if, or mafing any perion wljomfoeoer prit~yto it, but ondy fuclj a s jljall be of tIje prefent R[~ociaiion;Elje totjici? me loill !wear, anb affirnt alfo upon our (Eoniciences, anb rjonours, anb unber tlje penalties qere abooementioncb: alje mljole unber iIje AmtQority of tIje King; renouncing all otljer Ai[ociations; ifany Ijaoe been Ijeretofore mabe. J. Humieres. L. Chaulnes. F. de Poix. A. cle Monchy. S. de Monchy. De Payllart. Mailly. Anthonie de Gouy. -J. I-lumic:ra.j the iolun~ns '7

nalneh hduc

Loys de Belloy. A. clu Caurel. Pierre de Trouville. A. Kavye. J. de Baynast. De Callonnc. De Lancry. F. d'Aumalle. been reproduced from 0 by reading ac~ossr t ,

Loys de Querecques. Louis d'Estourmel. Adrian de Boufflers. F. de St. Blymond. De Rouveroy. Jehan de Baynast. L. de Warluzer. C. de Trerquesmen. Philippes de Marle. 10 L. de Valpergue. Raul de Ponquet. L. de Margival. De Lauzeray. M. Relly. Francois Hanicque. J. de Belloy. Claude d' Ally. Loys de Festart. Du Chastellet. 2 0 P. de Mailleseu. Charles de Croy. N. Le Roy. Jehan du Bos. N. de la Warde. 17.de Brioys. Claude de Bury. J. Larnire. Desfosses. N. de Amerval. so Philippes de Toigny. Guy Damiette. Jehan de Flavigny. N. de Hangest. De Forceville. 2

Louis d'Estourmel] Lovis d'Estourne1 0.

16 Bernetz] Bernettz 0. 28 Fouquesolle] Poquesolle 0.

33 Grin] Jrin 0.

A. de La Riviere. A. de Humieres. Du Biez. Larneth. I?. Ramerelle. Boncourt. De Glisy. A. du Hamel. De Prouville. Du Plessier. Nicholas de Lontines. N.de St. Blymon. J. d'Amyens. De Forceville. De Monthomer. P. de Bernetz. De Rambures. F. d'Acheu. Flour de Baynast. Ogier cle Xlaintenari~. F. de Bacouel. De Pende. D. Aunlalle. ~Montoyvry. De Sailly. Aseuillers. Francois de Cont). 0.de Fouquesolle. Sainte Maure. De Rambures. Claude de Crequy. Jacque d' Ally. Adrien de Grin. Jherosme de Fertin. lo Plessier] Plassier 0. 28 Desfosses] Dessosses 0. 32

Jehan] Jehap 0.

d ion. Le C--De Montehuyot. P. de La Roche. R. de Mailly. J. de Forceville. La Gualterye. N. de la Vieufville. A. de la Vieufville. P. de Saint Deliz. Heilly. J. de Belloy. A. de Biencourt. Jehan de Biencourt. Claude de Fontaine. De Nointel. Pierre de Bloletiery. Adrian Picquet. Anthoine Le Blond. Jehan Picquet. Le Grand. De Basincourt. Augustin d' Auxy. J. de Verdellot. E. Tassart. J. de Montain. Genvoys. Du Menil. N. Dey. J. Tassart. Assevillers. Charles de Fontaine. Du Breulle. De Hauteville. A. de Mousquet. J. du Mas.

P. de Canrry. Charles d'OfIay. J. de Belleval. A. de La Chapelle. Loys d'Anebont. P. Truffier. J. de Senicourt. De hlons. A. de Mercatel. l o De Perrin. De hlilly. Jbsse de Saveuses. Jehan de Belnetz. A. de Boves. Jehan d'Estournlal. E. de St. Omer. Belleforiere. Antoine d' Ardre. De la Vieufvilie. 20 A. de Monchy. J. de hlaulde. J. de la Pasture. L. Du hloulin. A. d u Quesnoy. J. de hlilly. Francois de $31e~lscs. De Lau~eray. Lojs de hloy. J. de Hallencourt. 3 De S L ~ i n Anne. tc De Villers. J. de Happlaincourt. A. de 'Broye. Claude de Warlusell. Jehan de Caron.

! Fontaine] Pontaine 0. Fontaine] Pontaine 0. 35 Mas] Nas 0. i

gi

54

lo

History of t h e League

Sebastien de Hangre. J. de la Motte. De Hacqueville. A. Noyelle. C. de Pas.

Charles de Caron. A. De Lameth. A. de Camousson. M. Destourmel. Anthoine de Hamel. Gilles de Boffles. Charles du Plessier. Saint Leu Simon. Du Castel. Francois du Castel. A. de Brolly. A. de Estourmel. A. de L'Orme. Jehan du Bosc.

A. de Guiery. Du Caurell. De Sericourt. Du Mesnil. De Cambray. A. de Lancry. Du Puids. Domons. A. de Bethisy. De Marmicourt. Berton. Pierre Le Cat.

Jehan de Bernetz. De Louchart. De Warmade.

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1576

This day being the thirteenth of February, in the year one thousand five hundred seventy seven: We the Underwritten being congregated and Assembled, in the Town-House of Perronne, according to the appointment of the High and Puissant Lord, Messire Jaques de Hurnieres, Knight of the order of the King our Sovereign, Counsellour in his Privy Council, his Chamberlain in Ordinary, Captain of fifty men of Arms of the Establishment, Governour and Lieutenant for his Majesty, of Peronne, Montdidier and Roye, and Head of the Holy League and Catholique Association in Picardy, have to the said Lord made Oath, and Sworn upon the Holy Evangelists, to keep inviolably and punctually the Articles here above written, of the said Association and Holy League, and that for the Body and Inhabitants of the said Town, representing them: Done in the Chamber of the said Town the day, hc. abovesaid; and we have all sign'd it. Claude L e Fevre, Register of the said Town. lo Mesnil] Mesnis 0. 15 Bethisy] Bithisy 0.

11

21

Brolly] Ptolly 0. the Town-House of] the Town-House of 0.

Liher I

1576 - --

- -

-

L. Desmerliers. F. de Hen. L,. Le Fevre. F. Morel. De Flumicol~rt.

Le Caron. Le Saige. Dudel. F. de La illotte. Le Fevre, Register.

Whatsoever Resol~ationwas taken to keep this Treaty secret, it was impossible to be long conceal'd being sign'd by so many men who were desirous to have Copies of it. Accordingly, there were found some both amongst the Catholiqzres and Protestants, l o ~ 7 h owere not wanting to answer it publiquely, endeavouring to n?ake lppear in their TVritings, the injustice which they said was couch'd ~anderthose fair and specious protestations which they dernon~trate,particularly in this, that without the King's privity, there was made a Confederation and Association of many persons of all the Orders of the States, who combine thernselves to reform the Abuses oL it: T h a t another Head of it was chosen, and not tlre King: T h a t they bind themselves by a new invented Bath to that Head, aild that they take upon them to niahe Levies of men and money. 'Tis without all manner of 20 dispute, they say, that this directly strikes at the foundation of the hfonarchy, if done without the express perniission of the King, to ~ r h o r nonely it belongs to give out those orders which he jrxdges to he necessary for the safety of the State, and the ~re!I being of his Subjects. Moreover as great evils are conlnlonly contagious, and that a dangerous Conspiracy is like Poison, which beginning f:o~nany little part, if Sword and Fire and violent Remedies be not immediately apply'd, and if the Scorpion 11e not crush'd upon the place which he has envenom'd, spreads it relf swiftly through 30 t f~ whole body: zhtts the example of the Picilids for want of inmediate ac ling with force and 'cii~out.against the Authours of that tendency to Rebellion. was quickly follo~v'din all the Provinces of the Kingdom, b) inany persons of all ranks and conditions, who under the fair pretence of Religion, inroll'd themaelves covertly in the League. But he who most openly 17

King:]

-. 0

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History of the League

1576

declar'd for it, was the Lord Louis cle Trimofiille ~ v h ov;zs aftertvards Governour of Poitou, and the Pais d'dunis. For as he was most extremely incens'd against the Hugz~enots,who because he was not favourable to them, took all occasions of revenge upon him, and by frequent inrodes, had made s ~ o i of l his Estate, and was on very ill terms with the Count ~ L Lzide, L Governour of that Province, and a laithfull Servant of the King; H e fail'd not to take advantage of the occasion ~t-hichwas ofler'd him, to be head of a powerfull party against them, and to declare himself for the League, into which he ca~ls'da great part of the Towns and Nobility, both of Tozlraine and of Poitoll, to enter. Thus was the League fram'd, and becarrie in a short time exwhile the King who cou'd nct possibly be ceeding po~\~erlull; ignorant of the designs and practices, or the dangerou? conse quences of it, either durst not, or xvou'd not opl,me it: whethe; it were that fatal drowsiness which oppress'd him, p!ui~g'd as he was in his delights, or the laziness of ail u n a ~ t iei eifeminar:. way of living, averse from labour, and app1icat;on to 1)usincss. or were it that the Queen Mother who at that tiirie .was rlo o t h e ~ ways link'd to the Gz~ises,than by her haired to the bl1igl~erlots. who had e n d e a v ~ u r ' dto ruine her, made the Icing I-elie~et h a ~ he ought to serve himself of that League, to infee',Ie and aka5e them, by taking froin them all those great advmtages, ~vliicl? they had not obtain'd but through compulsion in the last Peace, so odious and insupportable to the Catholiqzres. 'Tis what was driven at and done in the first Estates, whic!~ were held at Rloys; which began in the month of iYovember the same year, 1576. T h e Protestants had importunatel;, demanded them, n h e n the last Treaty was concluded; no; a t all doubting as they were in tonjunction with the Politiques, I:ut that they shoi~ldIze the sliorlgest, and that tonsequentlp thej shou'd procure the Edict of Adny to be confilm'd, which was so favourable to them. Bu, they were deceiv'd in their expectations, for it was found that by the management of the q u e e n Rlother and the Guises, and by the Mone) nhich \-errc!~of this proceeding, having Assembled at Blois twenty Zishops and tivelve Doctors of the So?bonne, who were of the :lurrl)el- r,f the Deputies, when that Decree was lead to them, the; a:] con cluded without the least hesitation, illat it was c~,oc:c/l>~r, 2nd cou'd never have pass'd without conipul~iori,and for ~nfegusrd of tlleix lives horn the rage and har) of the Pa?i,inn !io~~gue,s. I n the nlean time it must I;e acknori.!ed,o'd, in what Inarmex soever it were gain'd, yet being of the Sorbonne, xihose rlarie and authority were had in singular veneration throvgh all Europe, and particularly in F ? a ? : c ~that , Decree was the TruL-lpe: to the general Revolt, which was made in Palis. and from thence in a short time after extended it self through the greatest part of all tl:e Cities in tlne K i n ~ d o m .For as sir011 as it \.\as p:il)lish'd in that great Town, by the mcst fdriolls and ~ i d r l j b ~ a i n ' dPreachc-1s of the League, who exalted it to the People in t!l,ir declan~ator)style, they ran on the sudden i:ito suzh holrible extremes, and such transports of rage, so contrayy to the d n t j of Subjects to their !a.~vfull Sovereign, that though our TVliters have mac?e them publique, yet I b e l i e ~ eit m o e~ decent to suppress them, than to lirofane i:ly I-T;s:ol y 1-;) a Re?a~ic~rz, which wou'd render it unpleasant, and ckcn cdious. I shall one!;! say, that at the s?me ti~zic~vhe;! virtlre nf this 'Cing, Ieavinq clamnabl~Decree, they bereft hirn ol [he ri;'.. I

20

30

I?.ii

3 ) :

I

History of

2 38

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the

League

1589

him onely the bare name of Henry de Vnlois, they heap'd upon him all sorts of outrages and villanies, which the impotent fury of the Rabble cou'd produce. They vented their rage against him in Satyrs, Lampoons, and Libels, i~;famous Reports and Calumnies, and those too in the fowlest terms, of which the most moderate were Tyrant and .Qpsstate. And that they might not be wanting to discharge their fury in the most brutal mailner they cou'd invent; they extended it even to his Arms, his Statues and his Pictgres, tshich they tore in pieces, or trampled under their feet, or dragg'r: about the Streets, through the mire and dirt, or burn'd them, or cast t h e n into the River, with a volley of curses and imprecations against him; in the mean adoring the Duke of Guise, rind his Brother the Cardinal, as Martyrs, and placing their Iniages upon Altars. At last this blind fury went so far, that after the Decree, the Curats and Confessours of the Faction cf Sixteen abusing the power which n7as given them by their Sacl-ed Ministry, of binding and loosing, refus'd Absolution to those who acknowledg'd to them in Confession, that their Conscience xvou'd not suffer them to renounce Henry the third their lawfull I h g . This impious practice, was the first effect that was produc'd by the Decree of the Faculty, the news of which was receiv'd by the King with much sadness, at the same time when he was busied in paying his last duties to the Queen his Mother, who cleceas'd at the Castle of Blois, on the fifth of January, in the seventy second year of her age, whether it were out of melancholy for the death of the Guises, which was upbraided to her by the old Cardinal of Bozl~bon,or of a I-lectique Fever, or a false Pleurisie. Certain it is, that there was no mean or moderation us'd either in praise or dispraise of that Princess; who indeed has afforded sufficient matter to Historians, to speak both good and ill of her, and either of then) in excess. Both the one and the other are easie to be discern'd, by what I have related of her in this History, and in that of Cnluinism. I shall onely add this last touching, to finish her picture, that it cannot be deni'd but that she was endued with great perfections of mind 2nd 1 rnrriaqe extremely Majestical, a certain air of Greata

~x

~olleylv o l e 0

ness and Authority, worthy of her high Estate, her Behaviour noble and engaging, her 'CVit polite, her Apprehension prompt, he1 Judgnlent piercing. a gieat talei~tfor Business and Treaties,

L IS : ~ ~ rthat e Prince was not endued with all those great so and I--Ie~oiquequalities, which rais'd the admiration of the ?Vorld ill the person of his elder brother the late Duke of Guise: but if ~ v econsider him in himself, and without comparing him to the former, whose merit being irlcomparably greater, and his actions more glorious, wou'd cer~ainlyobscure him, it must be said, if we will do him right, that he had as much spirit, a5 much c Gaizge, ~b~isedorn, moderation, sincerity and probity, as was nccessa:y tcl- him, to maintain an honourable place amongst the

--

History of the League

246

1589

great men of his time: but not so much resolution, constancy, gieatness of Soul, vigour, activity and good fortune, as he ought to have had for the sustaining of so powerfull a party as that, which he took upon himself to Head, in opposition to two Kings. On the one side he was strong17 solicited by the Council of Sixteen, and by the Dutchess of Alontpensier his Sister, to come aiid take the place of his dead Brother, and to put himself at the liead of those, who were all in a readiness to obey his orders, 10 and to give u p themselves to his command: and on the other side he had receiv'd the King's Letters, which assur'd him in most obliging terms, that being as fully perswaded of his innocence, as he was convinc'd of his Brother's crimes, he was ready to give him all the part he cou'd desire both in his favour, and his bounty, provided that he still continu'd in that obedience and fidelity, which he ow'd him. But the extreme grief he had conceiv'd, for the cruel treatment of his Brothers, after so many promises, aiid such solemn protes~ations,that all past actions shou'd be forgotten, the ob20 ligation, which he thought his honour impos'd on him to revenge their death; and more than all, the distrust he had of the King, which was insuperable in him, whose fair words he took for no security, after so horrible an action, made him at last resolve to take u p Arms, though he was not naturally inclin'd to rashness, and to precipitate himself blindfold, into such an Abyss of hazards and confusions, as are inseparable from Civil Wars. He thought he shou'd find nluch less security in the King's word and honour, than in fortune, unconstant and variable as she is; and that he ran not so much hazard in declarao ing himself openly his Enemy, as in trusting to his Promises and Oaths: So that at the first, it was neither hatred, nor ambition, but onely distrust, which hurri'cl him as it were by force into the Civil Wars; and he had never expos'd himself to so manifest a danger of being ruin'd, but that he imagin'd that by not hazarding himself, he had been ruin'd. In the mean time, the beginning of his unhappy Enterprize, gi

Oaths:]

-.

0.

1589

Liber 111

247

was exceeding prosperous: Ne march'd from Dijon, with many Troups, which he had drawn out of his Government of B o w gogne, and of Champaign, which declar'd generally for the League, excepting onely Chadons, the Ma~isuatesof which place having receiv'd information of the Duke of Guise's death before the Siezcr de Rone, whom that D ~ t k ehad there establish'd Governour, constrain'd him imniediately to depart out of it: And as a River swells and enlarges its chanels, the farther it flows from its Spring, and the nearer it approaches to the Sea; 10 so the Forces of this new Head of the League increas'd on his march, by the concourse of those whom his own reputation, the memory of the late Duke his Brother, the conlmon hatred to the King, the example of Paris, the false Zeal of Religion, and above all, the Interest and desire which many had to make their advantage of these troubles, drew to him in all the Countries through which he pass'd: and all the Towns, as it were in Emulation of each other, open'd their Gates for his reception. H e was receiv'd at Troyes, with the same Honours which are peculiar to Kings; and he acted there as a Soveraign Prince; zo from thence sending out his Commissions to the Creatures of the Duke of Guise, and especially to Rosne and St. Paul, to whom he expedited his Orders for them to command in Champaign and Brye. H e possess'd himself of Sens, to which place those of his party invited him. All things bent under his Authority wheresoever he pass'd. He enter'd like a Conquerour into Orleans; where the fame alone of his corning, constrain'd the Royalists to surrender the Cittadel to the Townsmen ~ v h o besieg'd it. H e made himself hlaster of Chartres by the intelligence which he he!d there: where the people chanying on the so sudden, as it were by Enchantment, lye1 e become quite another sort of creatures than they were formerly, when the King retir'd thither after the Barricades, and where they receiv'd him with wonderful1 acclamations. T h u s cover'd with glory, and now becoming much more haughty than his nature seem'd to allow, by reason of so many prosperous events, which appear'd like good Omens of the future, he enter'd on the twelfth of February into Paris, where as

248

lo

20

30

History of the League

1589

if the Duke of Guise had been rais'd from the dead in his person, there was a loose given to all publique demonstrations of joy, with so much transport and excess, that they proceeded sa far as even to expose his Picture Crown'd, and to erect a Royal Throne for him; and if he had had ambition and boldness enough to have accepted it, he had found perhaps enow to have acknowledg'd him, that they might have held under him those Governments which he cou'd have given them, with the titles of Dutchies, and Counties in homage, as Hugh Capet had given him the example. But whether it were, that he durst not attempt it out of fear, or wou'd not out of prudence, as foreseeing in it insuperable difficulties, which by his endeavoilring to have risen higher, had thrown him down from the steep of the Precipice; certain it is, that by refusing to accept that honour, which yet in the sequel he desir'd not any other shcu'd possess, he sav'd the State, and besides his present intelltian, or rather against it, preserv'd the Crown to the King 01 iVnvarre who was the rightful1 presumptive Heir of it. He satisfi'd himself then, with establishing his own authority in the first place; and with rendring himself more powerfull than the Council of the League, compos'd of those famous forty, amongst which, were the most seditious Mutineers of the whole party, who, whatsoever protestation they made to obey him, had carri'd all matters in Council against him, and had not fail'd, whensoever it had pleas'd them, to have given the Law to him. T o this effect he weaken'd that Council by augmenting it to a greater number of the most qualifi'd of the party, on whom he knew he might safely rely, as being of his own Election. For under pretence that it was necessary, that this Assembly, which ought to be the General Council of the Union, shou'd be inlarg'd, and be authoriz'd by the whole Party, he caus'd an Order to be pass'd, that all the Princes might assist in it, whensoever they pleas'd, and that all the Bishops, the Presidents, the Procureurs, and the Advocates General of Parliaments, fifteen Counsellors whom he nam'd, the Prevost of hlerchants, the Sheriffs, the Town Solicitor, and the Deputies of the three 93-34

Procureurs] Procureurs 0 .

35 Prevost] Prevost 0.

1589

10

ao

,lo

Liber 111

249

Ordeis of all the Provinces of the League, shou'd have places in it, and deliberative Votes. Thus being aiways tile strongest in that Assembly, by the gi eat 111:i;li)ei- of voices, which n ere for him, he caus'd whatso:.cr he pleas'd to pass, in spight of the Sixteen; and proc1x1'd d ~ : a~~illority to himseii, near apploaching to the Soveraign Power o f a King. For the first thing ~vhichwas order'd in this mi\. Couilci!, alaf that in sign o f this absolute Dominion, which eithei the) s:lf;_er d hi111 to take, or they gave him, he shou'd l~ar,eflom thenceforth, till rile lloldiiig of the Estates, the most cxiraordinary and unexampled quality of Lieutenant General, not of the King, for the Leag~teackno~vledg'dnone at that time, Ilut of the Estate, and Croivn o l France. As if he who commands ancl governs cou'd repiesent a Kingdom, and hold, in quality of Lieutenant, the piace of an Estzte, nhich is not that which govei:ls, but v:llat is, or cjuglii to be govern'd. Notwithstanding ~ihicll,he took his Oath for that new fantasticiue dignity, on the thirteenth of ;\larch in the Parliament, ~\.hichveris'd the 1,eeters Patents of it, under the new Seals, mride instead of those of tlie King, which were broken by them. .21rd, to begin the Exelcise 01 his Office by an act of Soveraignty, l!e caus'd immediately to be publish'd his new Laws, contain'd 111 one and ilventy il~ric;cs,i-or the uniting under one foirn of C;ove~nir_ent. a:! :he T O Wwhicil ~ ~ Slvere enter'd illto the Leag~le; ajld those niiich in pl0ies5 of time shou'd enter, the number oi which in a shol~.space g-r-ew vely great. For, there is nothing r;lore surp:ising, zhai; t o see ~ v i t hwhat rapidity that torrent of Rebeliicn spicading from the Capital City into the Provinces. Glen along with it the greatesi Toivns, ~vhichunder pretence ot revenging tlie death of the pretended Patrons of the Faith, , themselves against God's and of preselving R e l i g i ~ n asso~iated Ilnointed, either to make themselves a new Master, or to have none at all. Almost all the Towns of 23 2: ~ g u n d yof , Clzampaign, of Pirnrdy, and of the Isle of F?ance, the greater part of those of Normandy, i\Iayne, Bgetagne, Anjou, Auvergne, Dauf~lzint, Provence, Berry, and the greatest Cities of the Kingdom next to Paris, as

250

10

20

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History of t h e League

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Roiien, Lyons, l'holouse, and Poitiers, had put themselves under the protection of the Union, and were members of it, hefore the end of March, and in every place were committed the ii'ke disorders as were at Paris: But principally at Tholouse, here the flirious Rabble having set upon the first President Ij~iranti,and Daphis the Advocate General, two men 01 great utlders~anding,singular Vertue, and uncommon fidelity to the King's Service, Massacred them in the open Street. After which their faculty of Divines, confirm'd the decree of the Sorbonne, which was propos'd in a general Assembly at the Town-House, by which they authoris'd the Revolt. T h e greatest part of Provence, had also thrown it self with the same inlpetuosity into the League, under the leading of the frirnous Nubelt de Garde, Sieur de Vins, who by his courage and extraordinary Valour, accompanied with his great piudence, and the wonderful1 talent he had, of gaining the aflections of the people, had acquir'd more reputation and power than any Gentleman not supported by the Royal ,4uthority had ever obtain'd in his own Countrey. H e had formerly sav'd the Life of H e m y the T h i r d at Rochelle, when that Prince who was then but Duke of Anjou, approaching too near to a Retrenchment, a Souldier who had singled him out from all the rest, had just taken aim at him, which the Sieur de Vins perceiving, threw himself before him, in the Bullets way, and receiv'd the hlusquet shot, which wanted little of costing him his IAe. He expected as he had reason, some great preferment from the Duke ~ c h e nhe was King, in recornpence of so generous an action, but perceiving that all was play'd into the RIinions hands, without so much as taking the least notice of his worth, the indignation of k i n g slighted, caus'd him to enter into the Duke of Guise's Interests, and to ingage in the League, (of which he was Head in Provence,) the Count of Carcas his Uncle, his Brother-in-Law the Count tle Snull, a great p a n of the Nobility, and the Parliament of Aix, as aiso to expose the whole P r o ~ i n c eto the manifest danger oE being lost, by calling in the Duke of Savoy, who nevertheless was constrain'd at last, to retire with shame into his ox\-n Dominions. 4 Paris:]

N

. 0.

Liber I11

1589

10

20

30

25 1

I n the mean time, the King who from time to time receiv'd the unpleasant News of the Rebellion of his Subjects, had been forc'd to send back the Deputies of the Estates to their several Provinces, where the Lgreatestpart of them being hot Leaguers, blew u p the Fire to that height, that he was constrain'd at the length to lay aside the wajs of Clemency and Mildness, and to take up, (though somewhat of the latest,) those of Rigour and Compulsion. H e began by sending a Herald to Paris, who bore an Injunction to the Duke of Aumale, the pretended Governour, immediately to depart the Town; an Interdiction to the Parliament, to the Exchequer, and the Court of dydes, with prohibition to all other Officers, of any farther exercise of their employments; But he was remanded, without an hearing, loaded with affronts, and threatn'd with an Halter, if he presum'd to return on such an Errant. H e declar'd the Dukes of Mayenne and Azimale, the Citi~ens of Paris, Orleans, Amiens, Abbeville, and the other Associated Towns, to be guilty of High Treason, if within a time prefix'd, they return'd not to their Duty. H e transferr'd the Parliament of Paris to Tours, and all the Courts of Judicature, which were in the Cities of the League to other Towns, which continu'd faithfull to him. But they without being concern'd at his angry Declarations, reveng'd themselves in all places, on such as were of the Royal Party, by all manner of ill usage. He did in the month of March, what he ought to have done in December: He call'd together his Gendarmery, and Rendevouz'd what Forces he cou'd raise in the Neighbourhood of Tours; to which place he had retir'd, as not thinking himself secure in so open and weak a Town as Blois; but first he secur'd his Prisoners, whom he caus'd to be carried fi-om the Castle of Arnboi~e,and distributed them into several Pricons. But the Duke of Ma;enne who over-powr'd him in men, was already upon the point of corning out from Paris with a strong Army, with a resolution of preventing his designs, and assaulting him in Tours. And upon that consideration it was, that he was forc'd to resolve upon the onely way, which remain'd for his Shelter, from the last extremit i r s 01 t ' i o l e ~ ~ c. ;rr ,~ c l for the p~esel-vationof his Crown and Be1 -

-

1 9 ~rrurn'd]rrrulrl 0

H i s t o r y of t h e L e a g u e

252

15 89

son. France at that time was in a most dep!orahle condition, divided, and as it were broken into three Parties, which laid it waste: That of the League the most poiverk,ll of any, by the Rebellion of so many Towns; that of the King of i'iiavarre, which hzd g~eatlystrengthen'd it sell-, d u l i l g the first troubles; and that of the Icing, which in a manner n a , leduc'd to his own Houshold, and some \cry few depending To~viis.It was impossible for him in this condition to carry on the Itiar. ~vhich he had undertaken against the Hz~guenors,and at the sanie 10 time, to maintain himself against the Army of the Leaguers. I t remain'd then, that of necessity he must close with one of those Parties, that by its assistance he might reduce the other to Obedience, or at least that he might save h;:r:self from ruine, which was inevitable, if he stood single and exims'd to the violence of the other two. Now the Leaguers wou'd neither admit of Peace nor Truce with him, having Sri~ornin the Oath, which was adrninister'd to them by the Dcke of AIayenne, that they ~vou'dprosecute their Vengeance to fhe extremity, for the death of the tliro Guises. 'Tis manifest 1,y consequence, that oz he was indispen5ably oblig'd, to unite himelf 16-it11the King of A'ava~re,and to accept the aid he offer'd him, ~ v i t hso much frankness and generosity. After the death of the Guises, that Print e ma!,ing his advaqtage of so favourable an opportunity, while all things were in confusion amongst the Catlzoliqlses, had much advanc'd the affairs of his Party, by taking of Niort, Saint illa\:ent, Maillezais, and some other Towns in Poitotl, since rvhen, upon hi3 quick e like to die, recovery froin a dangerous Siskness ~rheleot! ~ n?? he had push'd his conquests as far as the Front;ers of T o z ~ r a i n e , 30 having made himself Riaster of L o u d u n , Tlzouars, Alontreuil Bellay, Alilebcaz~. Lisle Boz~cizarcl, Chaste2leratid, Argenton, and of Bianc in Be? ry: At rll~ichtirne, observing the wretched Estate to nhich the Kingdom ]*.as reduc'd, by the three Parties which dismembred it, he publish'd a Declaration on the fourth

-.

3 waste:] 0. 5 during] dureing 0. 32 Berry:] N 0.

.

1589

L i b e r I11

of Marclz, address'd to the three Estates ol France, tllerein exhorting them to Peace, which was the onely remedy for so many distempers, as afflicted the miserable Nation. Then, having clearly prov'd, that it was impossible for the King to succeed in a Civil War, to be prosecuted as some advis'd him, at the same time against the H u g u e n o t s and Leaguers, he offer'd him his Service, and all the Forces of his Party, not for bringing the L e a g u e ~ sand the Revolted Towns to punishment, but for reducing them to the terms of desiring Peace, l o which he most humbly petition'd him to grant them, and to pardon and pass by the injuries he had receiv'd, after they had been subdu'd by the joint Forces of all good French-men, both of the one Religion and the other; marching under the conduct of his hiajesty against Rebels. After which, he protested in the sight of God, and ingag'd his Faith and Honour, that forasmuch as that union of his most faithful1 Servants, as well Cutholiques as Protestants was onely intended, to restore the lioyal Author, rvou'd never permit that ;he R o m a n ity, and Peace in ~ r a n c e he Catilolique Faith, shou'd receive the least prejudice in con20 sideration of it, but that it shou'd always be preserv'd in such Towns as shou'd be taken, without making any alteration of Religion in them. This Declaration made way for the Treaty, which was begun with great secrecy, immediately after it, in order to the Union of the two Kings. There were some in the Council who endeavour'd to oppose that Negotiation, as fearing that it ~vou'd much fortify the Party of the League, by contributing to the belief of that report, which was already spread by the Leaguers amongst the people, that the King had always maintain'd a pri30 vate Correspondence with the Hzlguenots; besides, that the Pope whose Friendship was necessary, wou'd be scandalis'd at such an Union. The King himself had a great repugnance to it, and doubtless wou'd much rather have compounded his differences with the Princes of the Leagzie, if it had been possible, and thereby to have renew'd his Edict of Reunion, a thing not unwho easily perceiv'd that the known to the King of Arava~?~e, Court wou'd never apply to him, but for want of others.

History of the League

254

10

20

30

1589

I n effect, the King in the beginning of March, had written to the Duke of Lorrain, and had sent him very advantageous conditions for the Princes of his I-Iouse, with all manner of Security for them, in case he cou'd prevail with them, to receive the Peace and Treaty which he offer'd. Eut being refus'd on that side, those of his Council, who were of opinion that the King oE Navarre's propositions shou'd be accepted, inforc'd so Ear their strongest Argument, which was pure Necessity, farther alledging the examples of so many Catholique Kings and Princes, who like the great Emperour Theodosius made use of Infidels and Heretiques against their Enemies, that the King at last consented to set on foot the Treaty. I t was concluded at T o u r s on the third of April, by the Sieur du Plessis-Alornay, who capitulated on the King of ~Yavarre's behalf, on these conditions: T h a t the said King, during the Truce which was made for one year, shou'd serve the King with all his Forces: T h a t he shou'd have a passage on the Lopre, which at length was declar'd to be the Town of Saumur; after some difficulties which were remov'd concerning the trusting it in his hands: T h a t he shou'd therein have the Eree exercise of his Religion, and in some other little Towns, which were left to him by way of caution, for his reimbursment of his charges in the War. This h'egotiation of DZLPlessis, cou'd not be transacted ~ v i t h so much Secrecy, but that it was vented by the Legat Morosini, who thereupon us'd his utmost endeavours in three vigorous Remon5trances to hinder that blow, which he believ'd ~vou'dbe fatal to Religion, according to the false notions which he had of the King of Navarre. And the King having told him, that after having tri'd all ways of accommodation with the Duke of hfayenne, which that Prince had always haughtily rejected, necessity compell'd him to make use of the onely remaining means to defend his Life; the Legat earnestly besought him to allow him ten days more, that he might have opportunity of treating in person with that Duke, whom he hop'd he shou'd be able to prevail with, to accept those advantageous terms of 20

hands:]

-.

0.

Liber I I I

1589

25.5

Peace, which were presented him. Though the Treaty was not onely concluded, but also sign'd, as appears by the Memoires of D Z LPlessis-hlornay, yet the King to make it evident, that it was onely through necessity, that he enter'd into this Union with the Elzcguenots against the League, \\.as consenting that before the publication of it, there shou'd be made a last attempt on the inclinations of the Duke of Aluycnne, to induce him to a reconcilement. T o this effect, he gave in writing to the Legat the same Articles, which he had already propos'd to the Duke of l o Lormin, and which were as advantageous to his Family, as he cou'd reasonably desire. For there nas afier'd to the Duke of Mayenne, his Government of Bzlrgzlncly, with full power of placing such Governours in the Towns, as he himself shou'd chuse; of disposing all vacant Offices, and levying on the Province forty thousand Crowns yearlj: T o the young Duke of Gllise his Xerhe~v,the Government of Cllarnpa;g7le, with two Cities at his choice, therein to keep what Garrisons he p!eas'd, twenty thousand Crowns of Pension, and thirty thousand Livres of Income in 20 Benifices for kis Brother: T o the Duke of Nerno~rrsthe Government of Lyol~c,~ v i t ha Pension of ten thousand Crowns: T o the Duke of A ~ i n l a l ethe Government of Picarcly, and t ~ v oCities in that Province: T o the Duke of Elbeuf a Government, and five and twenty thousand Livres of Pension: And what was of greztest irnportance for that Family, to the Rlarquis d z ~Pont, eldest Son of the Duke of Lorrain, the Government of T o u l , Aletz and Verdzrn, with assurance, that if his hiajesty had no Issue hfale, those three Bisho~3ricksshou'd remain to the D~llie of Lorrain: T o all which, the King caus'd this addition to be 30 made, that to remove all dificulties, which might arise in the execution of this Treaty, he wou'd remit himself to the Arbitration of his IJlo!iness, who might please to joyn in the Ernpirage with him the Senate of Venice, the great Duke of Thzlscany, the Duke of Ferrara, and the Duke of Lorrain hirnself, who had so great an interest in those Articles. 16 21

24

-.

)early:] 0. Crowns: T o ] Crowns; to 0. Pension: And] Pension; a n d C)

20 2:: 20

-

Brother:] . 0. Piox ince: T o ] Province; Lorraitz:] N . 0.

tn

256

History of the League

1589

With these conditions the Legat went from Tours on the tenth of April, towards the Duke of hlayenne, who was already advanc'd with his Army, as far as Chasteaudun. He was receiv'd with all manner of respect, and during the two days conference he had with the Duke, emnloy'd the most powerful1 considerations he cou'd propose to win his consent to a Peace so advantageous for all his House, and so necessary to Religion and the publique welfare: or at least to gain thus far upon him, that if any thing were yet wanting to his entire satisfaction, he wou'd 10 remit his interests and those of his Party into the hands of the Pope, as the King on his side was already dispos'd to refer his own. But after all his endeavours, he cou'd not work him to any condescension. And whatever arguments he us'd, he always answer'd with great respect as to the Pope and the person o f the Legat, but with extreme contempt for the King, whom he perpetually call'd that Wretch, that he and his wou'd ever be obedient to the Pope; but that he was very well assur'd, that his Holiness ~vou'dnever lay his Commands upon him, to make any agreement to the prejudice of Religion, with a man who had none 20 at all, and who was united with the Huguenots, against the Catholiques. That he cou'd not bear the mention of a reconcilement with a perjur'd man, who had neither Faith nor Honour, and that he cou'd never trust his word, who had Murther'd his Brothers so inhumanely, and violated so perfidiously, not onely the publique Faith, but also the Oath which he had taken on the Evangelists at the most holy Sacrament of the Altar. After this, the Cardinal farther observing, (what he cou'd not otherways have believ'd,) that even more opprobrious terms than these were us'd of the King, through all the Army, and in so every City, which own'd the League, where no man durst presume to give him the name of King, wrote hiin ward that he cou'd do him no Service with the Duke; and himself not daring to be near his person, while the King of Navarre continued with him, went to Bourbonnois, where he waited the Orders which he receiv'd from the Pope not long after, to return to Rome, and there to give an account of his Legation. Thus, after all 4 during] dureing 0.

1559

L i b e r III

257

hope was utterly lost of conciuding any peace with the Leagziers, the Treaty with the King of iiavarre took place. He 1z7asput into possession of Saunzur, the Lovernmerit of which he gave to the (Sleur du Plessis-Afornay, who had so well succeeded in his Kegotiation: And it was from that very place that he publish'd his Declaration, concerning his intended passage over the Loyre, for the Service of his Majesty, where he protests amongst other things, that being first Prince oi the Bloud, whonl his Birth oblig'd before all others to defend his King, he holds l o none for Enemies, but such as are Rebels, forbidding most strictly all his Souldiers, to con:mit any manner of offence against those Catholiques who were faithfull Subjects to his Majesty, and particularly against the Clergy, whom he takes into his protection. T h e King also made his otvn at large, tvherein he declares the reasons, that oblig'd him to joyn with the King of ivavarre, for the preservation of his person and the Estate, without any prejudice which cou'd thence ensue, to the Catholique Religion, which he ~vou'dalways maintain in his Kingdom, even with the 20 hazard of his Life. But that which at length completed the Happiness of this Union betwixt the two Kings, was their Enterview which was made in the Park of Plessis, on the thirtieth day of April, amidst the acclamations of a multitude of people there assembled, and with all the signs of an entire confidence on both sides: Though the old N z ~ g u e n o tCaptains ~ v h ohad not jet forgot St. Bartholomew, us'd their best endeavours that heir Master shou'd not have put himself in the King's Power, as he did with all frankness and generosity. He did yet more, for being gone back with his Guards, and 30 the Gentlemen who attended him to the Fauxboz~rg of St. Simphorian beyond the Bridges; on the next Morning, which was the first of i\lay, he repass'd the River, follow'd onely by one Page, and return'd to Tours, to be present at the Icing's Leue'e, who was infinitely pleas'd with this generous procedure, and clearly saw by it, that he had no occasion to suspect him, and that he had reason to hope all things from a Prince, who

258

History of t h e League

1589

reli'd so fully on his word, though he had broken it more than once to him, by revoking the Edicts which he had made in favour of him, onely to content the League. In this manner they pass'd two days logether, and held a Council, where the King of Navarre caus'd a resolution to be taken, that for the speedy ending of the War, they shou'd assemble their whole Forces, with all possible diligence, and March directly on to Paris, which was the Head of the League, and on which the body of it depended. After which, leaving with the King, about l o four or five thousand men, which he had in the Neighbourhood of Tours, he went from thence to Chinon, and into Loudunois, to bring up the remainder of his Forces, who were as yet in doubt of his Union with the Royalists, and by so doing, gave the Duke of Mayenne that opportunity which he took of attacquing Tours. That Prince had March'd out of Paris, in the beginning of April, with one half of his Army, and after having taken in iVelun, and some other little places, which might cause an immediate hindrance to the supplies of that great City; he went zo to joyn the rest of his Forces, which were Quarter'd in La Beauce; after which, leaving on his left hand Beaugency and Blois, which it was believ'd he wou'd or ought to have attacqu'd, he advanc'd as far as Chasteaudun to execute the design which he had on Vandome, and even upon Tours it self, by help of the intelligence which those of the League had prepar'd for him in both those places. Maille' Benehard, who had sold Vandome, of which he was Governour, set open the Gates of it to Rosne, the Marshal de Camp, who made Prisoners almost all the Members of the great Council, which the King had remov'd 30 thither. T h e Duke of Mayenne arriv'd there immediately after, and having rejoyn'd the Troups of Rosne, went to fall upon the Quarters of Charles de Luxembourg, Count of Brienne, who was lodg'd at Saint Ouin, and the Countrey thereabouts, within a League of Amboise; he cut off six hundred of his Men, dispers'd the rest and took him Prisoner; afterwards he went to post himself right over against Saumur, thereby to hin26 Mail14 Maille 0.

1589

Liber I I I

259

der the passage of the remainder of the King of Navarre's Forces. But, when he had heard not long after, that the said King was remov'd from Tozirs, he believ'd it wou'd be a convenient time for him to execute his design which he juclg'd impossible to fail, by reason of the Correspondence which he held in the Town: M'hereupon taking his way back, he March'd with all possible expedition, contrary to the slowness of his temper, and appear'd in Battalia all on the sudden, the seventh of Alay in the morning, on the Hills which overlook the F a ~ ~ x b o u rofg l o St. Simphorian. It wanted but little, that the King, who was gone betimes that day to hfarmoutier, had not been surpris'd by the Scouts who were within an hundred paces of him. And it was not without great pains and danger, that he got to his first Corps de Guard, from whence he return'd into the Town, and there gave so good directions in all places, that they who held Intelligence with the Enemy, durst attempt no disturbance: for which reason the Duke, (who had spun out the time with faint Skirmishes till four of the Clock in the Afternoon, still expecting that the Leaguers of the Town wou'd rise for him;) now seezo ing that there was not the least motion made. gave on with his whole Army so vigorously at three several passages, that he forc'd the Barricades which were made at those three Avenues, and Guarded with twelve hundred men: this he perform'd in the space of half an hour, with the loss of about an hundred of his own, and the slaughter of three or four hundred of the King's Souldiers. This was all that was effected by that attempt of the great Army, which was set on foot by the League, which after this first success did nothing more, but fell to committing all manner an of Disorders, and horrible Outrages in the Suburbs where they had n o farther opposition. For when the Duke of Abayenne found, that part of the King of Navarre's Forces were arriv'd in the Evening, under the Conduct of the brave Clzastillon, who was already retrench'd in the Island, over a ~ a i n s tthe Fauxhozlrg, and that the rest ~vou'dimmediately be there, with the Fauxbourg] F a u x b o ~ ~ 0. rg .1-35 F a z ~ x b o u r g ]Fauxboulg 0.

9

14 Corps] Corps 0

260

History of the League

1589

King of Navarre who wou'd not fail to give him more employment, than his raw, and for the most part new rais'd Souldiers ll he took occasion to Dislodge silently before wou'd ~ t ~ esuffer, day, the next Alorning, after his Troups had left their fame behind them in the Suburbs, b) all manner of Villanies which they there committed. From thence he went to gather up some Regiments which were levying for him in Anjou and i'llaine; after which possessing himself of Alanson, tvhich surrender'd without resistance for want of a Garrison, he was forc'd to return l o hastily to Paris, where they were in a ~vonderfullconsternation, for the loss of the Battail of Senlis, which I shall next relate. Willianz de Montmorancy, Sieur cle Thore', had so well negotiated tvhile he was at Chantilly, with the principal persons of that Town, tvhich at the first had been drawn along by the torrent of the League, that he had made himself Master of it at the latter end of April, and was enter'd into it, with an hundred Gentlemen of his Friends, and five hundred Foot which he had levied in the Valley ol Montn~orancy.T h e Parisians astonish'd at this surplise, which took from them their comn~unicatiou 20 with Picarcly, were absol:ltely bent on the retaking of thar place, as soon as mias possible; and were so urgent ~vitllthe DuAc of Aumale, and the Sieur de iJ!fainevz'lle, Lieutenant to thr Duke of Alayenne, that in three days time they were before the Town, and besieg'd it with four or five thousand Citizens of Paris, and three pieces of Cannon; to whom Balagny not long after joyn'd himself with three or four thousand men, some of them drawn out of the Towns of the Low Couniries, and the rest from those of Picarcly, and brought along with him a train of seven pieces of Artillery, which he had talten out of Peronnt~ 30 and A miens. But while the Siege was thus forming, that Prudent and Valiant Captain ilfo?lsiezir de la Noiie, who commanded the Troups of Sedan, the Truce being now made with the Duke of Lorrain, had joyn'd his Forces with those of the Duke of Longueville at St. Quentin, with intention according to the King's Orders, to meet and embody with the Swissers, whom -

12

Thore'] Tliort? 0.

"7 I.OW Coz~nt? ies] Low Count1 i r 9

C)

Liber III

1559

lo

20

30

261

Monsieur de Sancy had levy'd for his Majesty's Service in the Cantons. There seem'd to be offer'd them a fair occasion of doing a piece of good Service to the King, by raising of that Siege, before they put themselves upon their March. T o this effect, they advanc'd as far as Compeigne, where they had appointed a Rendevouz for the Gentlemen Royallists of Picardy, who fail'd not of coming in at the time prefix'd. Insomuch that on the very day, which was the seventh of May, when the Town was so batter'd by the Cannon, that it was laid quite open, and must of necessity have Surrender'd, if it had not been succour'd before Night, they appear'd at Noon in view of the lace, to the number of a thousand or twelve hundred Horse, and three thousand Foot all experienc'd Souldiers, and resolv'd upon the point, either to force their passage into the Town, or to perish in the attempt. The Duke of Aumale deceiv'd by his Spies, who assur'd him that the Enemy had no Canon, and knowing himself to bc. twice as strong, doubted not but he shou'd be able to defeat them with his Cavalry alone. Accordingly having drawn up with much trouble his Parisian Infantry, brisk men to appearance and well arm'd, but a little out of countenance, when they saw the Business in hand was somewhat more than bare Trayning, and that Life was at stake, he advanc'd so hastily with his Horse, having Maineville on his right hand, and Balagny on his left, that those two great Bodies of Horse and Foot, were made uncapable of relieving and serving each other in the Fight. La Noue, to whom for the sake of his experience, the yourig Duke of Longueville had intrusted the care and conduct of the Army, having observ'd the countenance of the Enemy, and finding the Parisians disorder'd and wavering, was confident he cou'd beat them with those few Troups, which he had then in the Field, and who were imbattel'd in this orcler. T h e Duke of Longzieville was in the main Body, with his Squadron compos'd of a great number of brave Gentlemen, having at the Head of them, the Lord Charles de Wumieres, Marquis d'Encre, and Governour of Compeigne, who had furnish'd the Army with 22

hand]

-

, 0.

262

History of the League

1589

Cannon and Ammunition, which occasion'd the gaining of the Battel. This was he who having soon discover'd the pernicious designs of the Leagzie, serv'd the King so well against it, that Henry the Fourth at his coming to the Crown, made him his Lieutenant in Picardy, with an extraordinary privilege, that he shou'd have the full Authority of disposing all things i n that Province. His great Services, his extraordinary Deserts, his high Reputation, his Performances on this great day, and many signal l o actions during the War, gain'd him without any other recommendation his Commission for General of the Artillery, which was sign'd not long before his Death; and he was yet in a way of mounting higher, if his too great Courage had not expos'd him to that fatal hfusquet shot, which kill'd him at the taking of H u n ; though the Garrison of Spaniards had small cause to boast of it, who were all sacrific'd to the just sorrow of the Army for the loss of so brave a Gentleman. They who came in to the Duke of Lo?zgueville with him, u7ere Louis Dongniez, Count de Chaulne his Brother-in-Law, the Sieurs de Mazilevrier, Lanoy, 20 Longueval, Cany, Bonnivet, Givry, Fretoy, hlesvillier, and L a Tour. This Squadron was flank'd on the right and left with two gross Battalions, having each of them two Field pieces, which were not drawn out of Compeigne till some time after the Army was March'd, on purpose to deceive the Spies, who thereupon gave intelligence that they had none. H e plac'd on his right Wing the Cavalry of Sedan, at the Head of which he was resolv'd to Fight in Person: and on his left, the Horsemen which were drawn out from those places, that held for the King in 30 Picardy. T h e Duke of Aumale who made such over haste to the Victory, of which he made sure in his conceipt, that he left his Cannon behind him, was the first who sounded the Charge, and Balagny with his Squadron of Cambresians and Walloons, advanc'd eagerly to attacque the right Wing of the Royallists, which was much inferiour to his own in strength; but when he was almost just upon them, the gross Battalion which cover'd the left side of that Squadron, opening in a moment, he was surprisingly saluted with a Volley of Cannon, which carri'd

15 89

10

20

30

Liber III

263

off at once whole rancks of his Squadron, and constrain'd him to retire in great disorder. T h e n the Duke of Aumale, who plainly saw that there was n o other remedy for this unexpected mischief, but speedily to win the Enemies Cannon, put himself upon the gallop, fol!o;v'd by ilfaineville and Babagny, who had recover'd his disorder, and all three went at the Head of their men, to force that Infantry of the Enemy. But they were scarce come u p within an hundred paces of them, when their other Battalion opening, a second Volley came thundring upon them, and raking them in the Flank, did more execution than tile former. A third which immediately succeeded it, shook their whole Body, which having advanc'd a little farther, the Musquetiers which ijank'd their Horse, tnade their discharge, so justly both against Man and Horse, that the Field was strew'd with dead Bodies; and in the mean time the whole Cavalry of the Royailists charg'd upon them who were already ~vaveringand half routed: and the Besieg'd at the same time sallying out, fell upon the rere of the Parisian Infantry, I Y ~ I Ohad been abandon'd by their Cavalry, SO that now it was no longer to be caii'd a Battel, but a downright Slaughter, and a general defeat. Never was any Victory more complete, with so little loss to the Conquerours: the Field of Uattci remain'd in their Possession, cover'd with above t ~ v othousand Slain, without reckoning into the number, those who were kill'd by the Peasants, or such as cou'd not recover themseives out of the Alarishes, which are about the Abbey rle la Victoire. T h e Camp of the Vanquish'd, the hierchandises, and Commodities which had been brought thither from Paris, the Cannon, the Ammunition, the Colours, the Baggage, and tweive hundred Prisoners were the Conquerours reward: TYho some few days afrer as they Rlarch'd to~vardsBurgu?ldy, thel-e to jo)-n the Swisse~s,saluted the Parisians from the Heights of ilZo?ztfaucon, with some Vollies of Cannon, and thereby gave them notice of their defeat, with a truer account of it than had been given them by the Duke of Aumale and Balagny, whereof the one sav'd himself in St. Denis, and the other in Paris. ,4nd as it often happens, that one misfortune comes on the

2 64

History of t h e League

1589

Neck of another, to those who are in the way of being beaten, this defeat was follow'd the very next day after it, being the eighteenth of May, with the loss of three hundred brave Gentlemen of Picardy, whom the Governour of Dourlens, Charles Tiercelin de Saveuse, was bringing to the Duke of Mayenne; who being met in La Beauce towards Bonneval, by the Count of Chastillon, with a greater strength, were almost all of them Slain, after having fought like Lions without asking Quarter, or so much as promising for safety of their Lives, that they l o wou'd never bear Arms against the King. Such violent Leaguers were these men, and above all, Saveuse their Captain, who being carried off to Baugency, wounded in all parts of his Body, where the King of Navarre a great lover of brave Men was very desirous to have sav'd him, refus'd all kind of remedies, for the sullen pleasure of Dying, having nothing in his mouth but the praises of the Duke of Guise, and a thousand imprecations against his Murtherers. These fortunate events, accornpani'd by the great success which the Duke of Montpensier had in Normandy against the 20 Leaguers, occasion'd the King of Navarre who was advanc'd as far as Baugency, with part of his Forces, to return to Tours, that he might advise the King no longer to delay the time in fruitless Treaties, which were still counsell'd him by some, and were so agreeable to his lazy and unactive genius; and to let him know, that it was now high time to put in execution a more generous design, which was to attaque the Enemy in their chiefest strength, by besieging Paris. He resolv'd on this at last; but first he was desirous of getting Orleans into his power; which if he cou'd compass, he shou'd thereby deprive Paris of 30 the great supplies which might be drawn from thence. T o effect this, having in the beginning of June pass'd his Army over the Bridge of Baugency in La Sologne, he caus'd Gergeau to be assaulted: the Governour of which place, who had the confidence to stay till the Cannon had made a breach, which he was not able to defend, was taken, and hang'd for an example. Those of Gien, terrifi'd by this just severity, made 21

Forces] Forces 0.

Li ber I I I

1589

265

haste to surrender before the Artillery had play'd; and the Inhabitants of La Charitt put themselves immediately into the King's !lands oE their own accord; so that his Majesty, excepting one!y ATantz, was 3Iaster of all the passages on the Loire, both above and below Orleans, which he invested on all parts of it. T h e Sieur cle la Chastre, who after the death of the Guises had promis'd fidelity to the King, and not long afterwards had declar'd a second time for the League, in his Government of l o R e n y , put himself into that Town, ~ v i t hall the Forces he cou'd make; an:1 the Inhabitants, cncourag'd b j his presence, refus'd with great scoln those advantageous proyositions which were made t h a n by the King, laugh'd at his threatnings, and took u p a resojution of defending themselves to tlie last extremity. Insomuch that it being concluded, it Itas but loss of time to ~1ndertaI.e that Siege, the first design of going directly on to P a ~ i swas ~ e s n m ' d :For which reason they repass'd the Loire, and upon the March ~vithoutmuch trouble took in the Towns of Pluviers, Dourdnn and Estnmpes; at which last place the Icing zo 1-eceiv'd the unrvelcome news of h e Monitory whit h Pope Sixtzls llad ~ ~ u b l i s hagainst 'd him; and this was the occasion of it. Xot long after the death of the Guises, the King, who dearly saw !sy the Remonstrations which the Legat i2/lorosini hacl made him, that the absolution which he had receiv'd by virtue of his Rreviat, wou'd not be receiv'd at Rome; had sent thither Claude d'Angennes Bishop of Ma~zsto intercede for another, notwithstanding all the discouraging Letters which had been written h i n ~by hi< friends from thence, to disswade him from it; or at least to delay a submission of this nature, which x i g h t prove 30 p~ejudiciatto him. In farther prosecution of this the hlarquis ti? Piciljli' his Ambassadour, and the Cardi:lal tlc Joyeztse, acting in ioirlt commission with the Bishop by his order, had represented to Pope Sixills the niost powerfull reasons they cou'd urge, to procure this favour from him: to which the P o ~ ewho was grown inflexible on that point, had answer'd them ruggedly according to his natilac; that he tra5 willing to -

r

Cha7llt.l rzc

171

0.

I

$

resum'd:]

-.

O

266

History of t h e League

1589

-- -

take n o cognisance of the Duke of Guise's death, because he was the King's Subject; but the Cardinal of Botlrbon, and the Arch-bishop of Lyons whom he held Prisoners not being his Subjects, (since none but the Pope had a Soveraign Power over Cardinals and Bishops,) he wou'd never grant him absolution before he had restor'd them to their liberty, or at least put them into the hands of his Legat, that they might be sent to Rome, where himself ~vou'dexecute justice on them, in case he found them guilty. lo O n the other side, the Commander of D i z ~ , the Sieur Coquelaire Counsellor in Parliament, hTicholas de Piles Abbot of Orbais, and the Siez~rFrisorz Dean of the Church of Rheims, who were Deputies for the League at Rome, to hinder the Pope from giving this Absolution, not onely oppos'd it with all their force, but also us'd their best endeavours to perswade him, that he wou'd publish the Excommunication, which he himself had said was incurr'd by the King for the rnurther of the Cardinal of Guise; and amongst other arguments which they alledg'd, to carry him to this extreme severity against a most Christian 20 King, they fail'd not to urge the Authority of the Decrees of the Sorbonne, and principally that of the fifth of Apri!. I n that Decree, the Faculty declare that Henry cle Valois, ono,ht not to be pray'd for in any Ecclesiastique Prayer; much less at the Canon of the hIass, in regard of the Excomm~inication,which he had incurr'd; and that these words Pro Rege nostro, ought to be taken out of the Canon, lest it shou'd be be!ievld that they pray'd for him; even though the Priest Isy directing his intention otherrvise shou'd call d o ~ v nthe effect of those Prayers on the present Governours, or on him to whoin God Almighty so had reserv'd the kingdon;. T h e same Decree ~vi!!s, that instead of them, there shou'd be said at haass three Prayers which are not in the Canon, Pro Christiarzis Principi bzis nost! is, ~ t r l ^ ~ i ~ t l were Printed and remain at this day to be seen. Lastly, i~ adds, that all such, who will not conform to this Decrce, slla!l be depriv'd of the Prayers and other rights of the Facti!tt, From Persons: which they shal! be dritren out, !die E-~communitate~l and this was approv'd I,y the yener;r; consent of all the Doctors.

1589

Liber III

267

'Tis most certain that these Deciees, together with what nas ont ti nu ally b u ~ z ' din the Pope's ears, that the Icing's party was dbsolutely xuin'd, cont~ibutednot a little to the resolution uhich he took of prosecuting the Icing by the mays of rigour, and without fear. But that which pat the last hand to his determination, was the illa?zifesto of the two Kings, ~trhowere now in conjunction against the League. For being a man of an haughty ternper, he xias not able to enduie that the Icing shou'd he united, with a pelsoil whom he had excommunicated as a l o relaps'd Iieretique, b j a thundring Bull, ~vhichhe iiad caus'd to be inserted in the Bullmy, reprinted by him, for that onely purpose: he easily believ'd \$hatever reports were rais'd by the Leaguers to the disad~antageof the King's party or his cause, and accordingl) set up in Rome his hlonitory against him. I n which he comniands h i ~ nto set at full liberty the Cardinal of Bou?Lon, and the Arch-bishop of Lyo?zs, within ten d a ~ after s the publication of his hloni~oi-y,at the Gates of t ~ v oor three of six Cathedral Churches w!iich are nam'd, and \rhich are those of Poitiers, Orlearzs, Chartyes, Afenzix, Agen, and ill'ans, and to zo g i ~ e him assurance of it .c\~it!iinthirty days by an Authentique Act. I n default of which he procounces fiom that present time, and for the future, that he ancl all his Accomplices in the ruurther of the Cardinal of Guise, and the imprisonment of the other Prelates, have damnably incurr'd the greater Excommunication, and the other Ecclesiastical censures, denounc'd by the Bull, I n C c n a Donzz?zi, from which they can never be absolI'd, ezcept onely in the article of death, by giving secu~itythat they will obey the Alandats of the Church. Fartl~ermore,he cites them to make their appearance within trtlo months, before his 30 Tiibunal, the King himself in person, or by his Proctor, and the rest personally, to give in their reasons why they believe they haie not incurr'd the censuies, and why the King's Subjects ale not absolv'cl from their Oath of Allegiance; and in fine ixbalidates all Piivileges to the contrary which the Kiilg himself. or his Predecessours have foimerly obtain'd from the Holy See. -11

Bullat y] Bullary 0.

History of t h e L e n g t ~ e

268

1589

This Monitory was posted up at Rome, on the twenty fourth of May; and the Leaguers Printed it at Pa7is, and publish'd it with all the formalities accustom'd, at Paris, Chartres, and Meaux on the twenty third of June; and I have seen the Acts of it, nhich were Printed immediately after at Paris, with the Monitory, by Nicholas Nivelle, and Rolzn Thierry Statione~s and Printers for the Holy Union, with the Privilege of the Body of the Council General oi the same Holy Union, Signed by Senault, their Secretary. lo I t was then at Estarnpes, that the King receiv'd this information, that he was prosecuted in this manner, both at Rome and in France by the Arms of the Church, at the same time when the Rebels assaulted him with theirs, to pull him from the Throne. It was told him indeed, that there were contain'd in that Monitory, many heads which were nullities in their own nature, and which collsequently niade the whole invalid, even though it were against a private person. But when notwithstanding all these reasons, he still answer'd that it gave him exceeding trouble; tile King of Navarre, who desir'd nothing 20 more than speedily to prosecute the design of besieging Paris, told him pleasantly as weii as truly, iliat he had found out a sure expedient for him; "ilnd, Sir," said he, with his accustom'd quickness, " 'tis onely this, that we overcome; and the sooner the better; for if we succeed, you may assure your self of your Absolution; but in case \re are beaten, we shall be still Excommunicated, over and over, and damn'd with three pil'd curses on our heads." This saying was much oi a piece with what the Bishop of illans, had written to the King from Rome; that if he were 30 des~rous oi the i\bsoiution, which was refus'd him in that Court, he had no more to doe but to make himself the strongest in his own Kingdom. Thus the King thinking it his best course to dissemble his knowledge of the Monitory, never own'd that he had seen or heard of it; but march'd still forward, to pass the Seine at the Bridge of Poissy, which he forc'd; after which having taken --

22-23

said

. . . quickness,] included i n quotation i n 0.

---

Pontolse, 14;ilich was sulrcnder'd on the 25th of J z ~ l y ,after a forinights siege, having been vigoronsly defended by the Siez~r (!'Aii~~cozi?, ~ v h owas tllele grievous?y xvoundecl, and the Sielcr rlc N a z ~ t e j o r t ,T V ~ ~lost O his life; he went to Confians, and there receiv'd the Xrn:y of the ft11i ses, which was conducied to him b) Nicholas d e f2nrlay, Siez~j de Sancy; who b j performing so great and seasonable a senice to the King his Master, has deserv'd the praise of all posterit). ,It the i;eginnir?g of this Ti'ar. there being a Council held. l o milerein \t7ere prol;os'd tlic 111:)st speed) and eficacious means that cou'd be found to carry it on, the King being then reduc'd to a very low condition; SGTZCT,who hzd been formerly his Ambassadour in Swisse? la?^,^, rnaintain'd that thcre was no better expedient, than to treat ~ ; i t hthe Cantons, who to defend themselves from the Arms of SVIGY, \vhich threatl~edGeneva, and design'd to shut it up on :he side of France, ~vou'dwillingly permit a great H,eo)- of their Subjects to be made in favour of the King, i? ho ixiglt I ~ c r e a f t ei;e~ in a co.iS,i,iun to succour thern, in case the) shou'c! ;'e driven to c>xkremi;). But, because the 20 Exchequer nas ~vho!l; dl aic'd, and ATo Adoney n o Swisse was the coxnnloll Pioverb, his j:ro;usition way turn'd into ridicule, and he was asli'd if he Lnen the man n;:o isou'd undertake to raise an Army. w i t h o u ~ar!y o:!.e: inyeclient than Pen and Paper? T h e n Sancy, u ~ h nt h o n ~ hhe n a s of the long Robe, had a Souldiers heart. (for zt t h a t tinre, he was onely a blaster of &quests) Since, szid be, not one of ail tlaose who have been erir'ch'cl 1 - r h:,. Kin;: 5 bo;li~t.. will n,ai e ofler of himself to s-lve him, i declare t!zd 1 .i$.ill be the xian: Arid thereupon accepted a 1 ci y al;ly's Llomn~i%Gr,n I: hicll was ~ ; i v e c h i m by the 30 K x g , hut ~ s i i h o ua t 1 cn:ijr to Sear his c!?nrC2es.to treat with the Sz~lissesand Gel 17 a115 i'or the ~aisingof an ilrlny. 'To go through ~ i i t hhis business, be r\Iortga,~'dall he had, and took u p what he coucl plocure upon his Credit; and in sequel, acted v-ikh sc much fortune and SIICII good nanagement with the hdagis~ratesof B e ~ y z , of Basile, of Solezr?e, and of Geneva, that after havinc, bat en From the 9 n k e of Souoy the

270

H i s t o r y of the League

1589

Baily-wicks of G e x and T h o n o n , the Fort of Ripaille, and some other places, thereby to employ hiin for some time, and to hixlder him from irlolesting of his neighbours, he put himself at the head of the Royal Army, compos'd of ten or twelve thousand Foot, Swisres, Crisons, and Genevians, xt-ith near two thousand Reytels, and trtelve pieces of Cannon. ?Vith these a SwisserForces he travers'd all the Countrey from G e n e ~ ~by land, as far as the County of Alontbelliard, from whence crossing the Fre?zclz County, and passing the Saone towards Jonvelle, l o he came to I nrlgres which held for the King, and thence to Chastillon on the Yeine, to j o ~ nthe Duke of L o n g ~ : e u i l l eand L a Noiie. From whence nlarchii~gthroush Charz,"laignc, all three in company, with twenty thousand men, they passed the Seine at Poissy, and in conclusion arril'd happily at the King's Army. His hfajesty receiv'd Snncy with tears in his eyes, and protested in presence of all the Officers of his Army, that he wept for joy, and grief together, that he had not where~vithallas present to reward the gteatcst service, ~chicha Suljject cou'cl 13erform to his King; and that what he had done for him in ~ a k i n ghim 20 Colonel of the Szuisses, was ~ o t h i n gin comparison of what he intended him. being re5olb'd that one day he ~vou'dmake hiin so great. that thele shou'd not Fie a man in his ICingdom, who might not have occasion to envy him. But fortune, lvhich i? p!eas'd w i ~ hpersecuting of vertue, dispos'd quite otherwise of the matter, by that deplorable accident, which happen'd three dajs a'iler, and by the misery xvhich his o.iv11 noble heartedr~ess had drawn upon him. For instead of those large recompences which Ire might reasonably expect, after haxing done so worthy an action, he was reduc'rl so lolv, 80 that he u7zs eonstrain'cl at Fast to sell all he had, therewith to pay the debts which he had col~trzctedby 1 . c ~ ying at his own charges that gallant Ann)-, which put the Kiny in a condition of conquering his Rebels, and by consequence of triunlphing over the Leagzie. In effect, a h r the conjunction of the two Armies, in the general review of all his Troups, he saw himself at the head of more than forty five thousand hfen, experienc'd Soul(1

Jonuelle] ]oz+luzllr 0

Liber 111

1589 - -

2'71

-

diers, with which, after having possess'd himself 0x1 the thirtieth of J z ~ l y ,of the Bridge of St. C1021, (fioni wlleli~ehe clio\e the Lengflets with his Canrron,) be was resolv'd, ~ s i ~ h trio i n da)s. to attaque the F'nlcxbozlrgs of Palis, on both sides oi the River. There is all the appearance of prottability, that he had carri'd them, at the first onset, ancl by consequence the Tor\,n it self, where they were already in extreme consternation, all the passages for plovisions, being Llock'd up; and the Duke of Alayenne, not Ilaaing a b o ~ i thim above five or six thousand l o Souidiers at the most; who Icere not the third part of the nunlber which was necessary for the defence of the Retrenchmenis of so great a compass, as those ~vhichhe had made for all the F a u x b o u ~ g s ;considering besides that the Icing had within the 'Totvn so great a number of good Subjects. ~ v h ohaving talien courage at his approach, had drawn over a great paity of the honest Citizens, receiving an assurance that the punishment wou'd onely fail on the Principal of the Leaguers, in case the King erltring the Town as a Conquerour, shou'd think fit to remember the old business of tile Barricades. Insomuch that the ao Duke of lllayenne had occasion to fear, that at the same time when the Faz~xbourgswere attaqu'd theye -c\ou'J be a sudden rising for the Icing, within the Tott-11, and that those who had thus riscn, t+ou'd make themselves iilasters 01 one of the Gates, which they wou'd open to him, and afterwards act in conjunction with his Army. T o this purpose 'tis reported, that the Duke xsho, notwithstanding all his temper and his sloicness, was very brave, being sensible of his desperate conciition, though in outward shew he seem'd confident of good success. stiii plying the people from 30 the P u l ~ ~ i~ t s i t ha thousand Lyes for their eiiconragement; had resolv'd with a chosen T r o u p of his bravest men, who were willing to follo~vhis fortune, to throw himself into the rnidst of the Royal Arm), with his S w o ~ din his hand, either to o ~ e r come, against all appearance of probability, by a generous despair, (which is sometimes prosper'd by the chance of Arms,) or to die honourably in using the onely means ~vhichwere now left him, to revenge the death of his two Brothers.

272

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History of t h e League

1589

I n this flourishing condition the King's affairs then stood, and to this low ebb was the League reduc'd, when fortune which plays with the lives of men, of which she sometimes inakes a ridiculous Comedy, and at other times a bloudy Tragedy, all on the sudden chang'd the Scene, as if the action had been upon a 'Theatre, by the most Sacrilegious blow which was ever given, I say not by a Alan but by a Devil incarnate. 'Tis not necessary that I shou'd here relate every partic~ilar circumstance of so execrable a deed, which is already known to all the world: 'Tis sufficient that in performance of my duty, as an Historian, I onely say, T h a t a young Jacobin, call'd Jacqzies Clement, a man of mean capacity, Superstitious, and Fanatically devout, being perswaded by the furious Sernlons of the Preachers, and by a certain Vision which he thought he had, that he shou'd be a Martyr if he lost his life, for having kill'd Henry de Valois, was so far intoxicated with this damnable opinion, that he scrupled not to say openly, that the people needed not to give themselves so much trouble; and that he knew well enough how to deliver Paris, in due time. And when it was known that the King was at St. Clou, where he had taken up his quarters, and was lodg'd at the House of Monsieur Jeronze de Gondy, he went out of Paris, the next morning, which was the last of July, with a Letter of Credence address'd to the King, from the first President de Narlay, 1~110was at that time a Prisoner in the Bastille; 'tis uncertain ~vhetherthat Letter in reality was written by that illustrious person, deluded by the Jacobin, whom he thought a fitting Alesscnger to convey such intelligence, as he had to send, or whether it were counterfeited, as an assur'd means of gaining him access, and oppsrtunity to put in practice his damnable resolution. For being introduc'd the day following, about seven or eight a clock in the morning into the King's Chamber, while that good Prince, who always receiv'd men in Orders with great kindness, was reading the Letter attentively, and bowing his body to listen to some secret message which he believ'd was brought him by the Fryar, (as was imported by his Credentials,) the Parricide who was kneeling before him, pulling out a knife

from his sleeve, stabb'd him with it into the belly, and left it in the wound; from whence the King drawing i ~ and , at the same time rising irom his Chair, and crying out, thrust it very deep into the Fr)a:'s foie'nead. Thcre \:-ere at that time in the room onely Belleguide, fixst Gentleman ol" the Eedchamber, and L a Guesle the Attorney General, who having the day before interrogated the Villain ~vithoutfindin; any thing in his dizcourse, that might zdminister thc !east cause of sus;3icion, had brought . many of the forty him to the King, by his own c o ~ m a n d But ro file entring suddenly u;,on the King's outcry, fell inconsiderately upon him in the first transport of their fury, and in a moment stuck him in with rraliy thrusts without giving any attention to L a Gz~es!e,who afier he had srruck him with the handle of his S~vord,cri'd out as loud as he cou'd possibly, that they shou'd riot l'ill him: T h e ~vretchimmediately expiring, the; threw his Corlis all bloucly out of the IYindow, ~vhichthe C l n n d Ptevost of the King's house, caus'd immediately to be tyed to four Horses, and dragg'd about till it ti7astorn in pieces. There are some 5?.ho, not being able to believe that one in 20 Orders cou'd be capable of so impious an action, have doubted that this Monster or" a man was either some Leagzte?, or some T r u e Protestazt disguis'd into a Frpar; and a Modern Authour to save the honour of the Jacdbins, has endeavour'd of late to renew and fortify this doubt, in the best manner he was zble: But besides that the Parricide was known by some who were of his acc!uaintance; 'tis moyt cel-tain that the same Jacques Clewtent, who was examin'd the evening before by L a C z ~ e s l e , which is atgreed on all sides, :+;as intioduc'd by himself, the next morning into the Icing's Chamber; Tor it car1 never be thougI:t, 30 that the Attorney General. a man of good understanding, S ~ I O U 'be ~ so far rn~istaken as to bake another man for him whom he had interrogated tvith so much circumspection. .Ind yet farther, since the King, in the Letters which he sent to the l his Allies. ininiediately after he Governours of Provinces a x ~ to was wounded, says positively, tilat when he was stahb'd hy I he lacobin, there were onely in his Chamber R e 7 ' e p , d c ,:nd $ ,

thrust] Thrust 0.

I;

( ; ~ n ~ zPdr ~ u o s t ]grand Prexost 0.

History of the League

274 -

10

20

30

1589

-

La Guesle, whom he had commanded to stand at a distance, that he might hear what the Traytour had to say to him in pxivate, it follorvs necessarily, that either the one or the other of these two c o ~ n r i t t e dthis detestable action, if it were not Jaques Clement: and the former of these two suppositions, is what can never enter into the iicapina~ionof arly reasonable man. For which reason. tvithout losing my time either to destroy or leave doubtlu!l a truth so known, 2nd so generally agreed on by all the TVriters of those times, arid confirm'd besides by so many authentique TlTitnesses; I believe it safer to rest satisfi'd with the universal opinion of Mankind. without the least daubing of the matter in regard of his profession, which can reflect n o manner of dishonour on the Jacobins. For there is n o dispute but all crimes are personal; and there is no man of good sense, who can think it reasonable to upbraid a whole Order, with the guilt of one particular person in it; and principally that of Saint Dominic, which is always stor'd with excellent men, reno~t7n'dfor their Vertue, their Learning, and their Pious conversation. NOT.'^', t h o ~ ~ gthe h ~vounr!was great, and had pierc'd very deep, yet the Chirurgeons at the first dressing were of opinion that the Knife had slipn'd betwixt the Bowe!s without entring into them, and that therefore the King was not hurt to death: of this they all assur'd him, and thereupon he sent advice to the Princes his Allies, that in ten days he shou'd be able to get on horseback. But whether it were that the wound was ;lot search'd to the bottom, or that the knife was empoyson'd, it was known, not long after, that the hurt was mortal. Never Prince was less surpris'd than he, 'it the certainty of death: nor receiv'cl it more calmly, more Christianly, o r Inore devoutly. H e confess'd himself three several times to the Sie~lr rle Boz~logne,the C:hau!ain of:his Closet, and being advertis'd by him that there w7asa hlonitory out against hi^:^, and exhorted to satisfie the Church in what was demanded of him, before he cou'd have abmlution given him, I am, answer'd he, without the least hesitation, the Eldest Son of the Rornan Catholick Church, and will die such. I promise in the presence OF God,

Liber 111

1589

275

and before you all, that I have no otiier desire, than to content his Holiness in ail he can require from me. Upon :vllich the Confessour being Sully satisfi'd gave him Absolution. A11 the remainder ot' the day, he pass'd in his Devotions, and in Contemplation of Holy things; till the King of hruuarre being arriv'd from his Quarters a t iJfeudon, it being now \veil onward in the night, and throwing himself on his knees iselore him, with his eyes full of tears, and ~ v i t l i o ubeing ~ able to pronounce one word, he rais'd himself u p z iittle, and leaning gentiy on l o his head, declar'd him his lawfull Successour, comnlanding all the Nobility, who fiil'd the Chamber, to acknowledge and obey him as their King, at the same time telling him, that if iie wou'd Reign peaceably, it was necessary for hinl to return into the Church, and to profess the LCeiigion of ail the most Christian Kings his Predecessours. When he felt the approaches of death, about two of the Clock in the hlorning, he confess'd himself once more, after which he call'd for the holy Sacrament; ~vhich Viuticum he receiv'd with incredible devotion: After which he continu'd in zo all the most Servenc actions of Faith, Hope, and Charity, relyiilg wholly on the infinite merits of the Passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ, pardoni~lgali his Enemies froin the bottom of his heart, and particularly those who had procur'd his death; and thereupon he desir'd for the third time to receive Absolution, beseeching God to forgive him ail his Sins, even as he forgave all the injuries which had been done him. After this he began to say the illiserere, which he was not able to finish, having lost his Speech, a t these words, And restore to rrle the joy of thy Salvation; and having twice sign'ci hiinself with the sign of the ao Cross, he quietly gave u p his breath, about lour of tile clock in the morning, on the second day of August, and in the thirty ninth year of his Age. T h u s died Hen?.y the third King of France and Poland, making it appear at his death, that during his Liie he ilrtd in his Soul a true foundation of Piety, and that those extraordinary and odd actions, which he did from time to tine, though they 19 devotion:]

N

.0,

10

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were not altogetha. regular, nor becomiilg his Quality, yet proceeded not from that v.n~\orthy priilci;,!c oi H j po,risie, with which the L e a g z l e ? ~have so ignominiously blancled him: As to the rest, he was a Prince who being endu'd with all the Xoble Qualities, svllich T have describ'd in his Character in the beginning of this History, haal been one of the most excellent Kings ~ v h oever Reign'd, if Ile cou'd have sheun them to the IVorld, after his assumption to the Crown, 1\;~11 .he same lustre in which they appear'd bcCore it. 3 he H r ~ g l ~ e n o cand s Leaguers, rvho a g ~ e z ' d,I! .ro-!iin3 but their corcmon hatred to this Prince, rejoyc'd c,i.,uiA, 3 2 his Death, and spoke of it as a l,;,,d or Sliracle, and r s a rt?ke 1.mceeding from t!:r hand of C7,2d. Tile P r o t e s t ~ i l lI:~,,; e ~ v ~ i t t e n that he was ~i-o~~;ldt'd, and dieti altciicards iil :he s-ig L C':ra.rrber, where he had procur'd the hlassacie of St. B r l l , ' . 9 / o , . > : ~ to ~ i ,ize iesolv'd: Notwiiiis~zn.lingg ivhich it is most ce;t;En that the House ~ v h e ~ e i;he n Icing was hurt to Death, was nat Built by the Siezir Jeror e de Gonrly, till the year 157'1, whit11 was five years after the folesaLc! &Lasixre: For ~.rhichreason that im1 cxsture ::eing mari.fest. the I"2iliament u r o n the complaint, which the Attorney G e n t ~ a lra:;. ' e concerning it, ordain'd that this passage shou'd be ~ a c ' i iout f r m i the addition which was made by lllonlinl-d, to thc I,::t7rt:ai!e of the FTistory of France. But the Zealots of Geneva Ii:ivc lnot been wanting, to restore it entirely as it was before, in thc I~i\i::ession rvhirh they made of that Book. ,4s for the Leaguers they 1)roilaim'd their JOT so loudly, and in so scandalous a manner, that their Books cannot be read without an extreme abholrerlce to the T % T l i t : ~ sThey . 11u5lis'l'd in their Narratives Printed at Palis and at Lyons, that an An;:el had declar'd to J a q m Clexzent, that a Crown of Alartyrdom ~7asprepar'd for him. ivhen he had dr.live;'d France from IiIenry d e Valois; and that having com~x:lni-ate,: h i s Visioi~to a knoTYing man in Orders, lie ?lac1 z,,?lov'd il: ;:s~:-irlz llim that by giving this Stroke, he sliou'cl mal,e Iiimseif : s ~vellpleasing to

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13 The] nlarked as a quotalion ji.0117 here to t / l e c:?:: u j tile pl>-agraphiTL 0. 16 resolv'd:] . 0. 1 9 >Jassacre:l , . 0.

Liber III

1589

lo

20

80

277

God, as Judith was by killing Holophernes. And because his Prior who was called Father Edm. Bourgoing, was accus'd to be the man, amongst all the Preachers of the League, who was the most transported in the praises of this abominable Parricide, his Subject, Apostrophising to him in the Pulpit, and calling him the blessed Child of his Patriarch, and the Holy Martyr of Jesus Christ, and also comparing him to Judith; It was not doubted but that he was the person, by whom this young man who was under his charge, had been advis'd and was afterwards confirm'd, in this his execrable resolution: For which reason, being taken with Arms in his hand three Months after, at the assault of the Fauxbourgs of Paris, his process was made, and though he obstinately deny'd it to his Death, (which he suffer'd with a wonderful1 resolution;) yet since he cou'd not convince the Witnesses of falsehood who Swore against him, he was judg'd according to the forms of Justice, as he himself acknowledg'd, and drawn in pieces by four Horses, according to the decree of the Parliament sitting at Tours. Howsoever it were, 'tis certain, that the greatest part of those outrageous Preachers of the League, said altogether as much as what was alledg'd against the Prior: for Monsieur Anthoine Loysel has left it Written in his Journal, that on the very same day whereon the King was Wounded, and before the news of it was come to Paris, he heard at St. Merry the Sermon of Doctour Boucher, who said by way of consolation to his Auditours, that as on that day, (namely the first of August when the Feast of St. Peter in Prison is celebrated,) God had deliver'd that Apostle from the hands of Herod, so they ought to hope, he had the like mercy in store for them: And immediately made no scruple to maintain this damnable proposition to them, that it was an action of great merit to kill an Heretique King, or a favourer of Heretiques. T h e rest of the same fraternity of Preachers, joyning in the Consort, on the same day, held forth in the Pulpits with more lo resolution: For] resolution. [New paragraph] For 0. them:] .- 0. 29 And] marked as a quotation from here to end of paragraph in 0.

29

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2 78

History of the L e a g u e

1589

violence than ever, against Henry de Valois, and gave the people (says the same undeniable Witness,) a hope allnost in the nature of a certainty, that God ~vou'dspeedily deliver them. which gave just occasion for many to believe, that the devilish design of that Assasinate had been communicated to them. And when it was known that the Blow was given, it was order'd that publique Prayers shou'd be made in all the Churches of the City, together with a solemn action of thanksgiving to Almighty God. For a whole Week together they made Processions from 10 all the Parishes, to the Church of the Jacobins, and exhorted the people to distribute their Alms liberally to the Reli,'"1011s of that Cloyster, for the sake of Fryer Jaqzies Clement; as also to extend their Charity to his poor Relations. T o conclude, Doctour Roze, Bishop of Senlis an old man, and most outragious Leaguer Preach'd there, according to the dirertion of the Council of Sixteen, which was sent in Tickets to all the Preachers in the City, on Sunday the sixth of August, wherein they were appointed to insist particularly on three Heads, which I will here set down as they are express'd in the 80 Tickets themselves; that it niay be notorious with what an Egyptian blindness, that infamous Cabal of the League was then struck. Take t h e ~ nin their o1t.n Words. "1. You are to justifie the action of the Jacobin, becausc it is a parallel to that of Judith, so much magnifi'd in the Holy Scriptures. For he who hears not the Church, ought LO be accou~ltedas an Heathen or an Holofernes. 2. Cry out against those, who say that the King of hTavarre is to be receiv'd, in case he goes to Mass: Because he can be but an Usurper of the Kingdom, being Excommunicated, and also standing excluded from that of i\Javarre. so 3. Exhort the Magistracy, to publish against all those who sha!l maintain the King of Navarre, that they are attainted of the crime of Heresie, and as such to proceed against them." But after all these doings, this brutal joy of the Leaguers for the Death of Henr y the Third, was immediately after turn'd into sadness, and at the last into despair, by the wise manage29

"I.]

preceding sentence included in qlrotation i n 0

Liber I11

1589 --

ment, and incomparable valour of his Successour Hen? de Bourbon, to whom God had preordain'd the Glory of restoring the happiness of France, by the utter destruction of the League, which had laid it desolate: T h e relation of which, is the Business of the fourth and last part of my present History. 4 desolate:]

H

. 0.

History of the League

2 80

1589

The Hist0l.y of the League: Lib. IV H e n r y King of N a v a ? ~ ewhom , the deceas'd King had at his Death declar'd his Lawful Successor, immediately took upon himself, the Soveraign Title of King of France, yet was he not acknowledg'd for such, at the same time by the whole Army. T h e Hzigonots, xvhom he had brought to the Assistance of his Predecessor, were the first to render him Homage, as no ways doubting, but that the World was now their own, and that Calvinism shou'd be the predominant Religion in France, under a Protestant King. But this very Conl o sideration, gave great trouble and anxiety of hIind to that prudent Prince; who plainly saw, that the Catholicks foreseeing this Misfortune, of which they were extreamly apprehensive, might possibly reunite themselves against him; and that the Hugzienots, who were withvut Comparison the weaker Party, cou'd never be able to support him on the Throne. I n effect, there was, during all that day, and the tvhole night following, a great Coiltestation of Opinions, amongst the Catholique Lords of the Army, in relation to this Affair. hfany of them, who consider'd mo:.e their private Interest. than the pub20 lique Good, were desirous to niake advantage of a Juncture, so favourable for the establishment of their Fortunes, and to sell their Obedience at the highest Rate they cou'd, by raising their Governments into Principalities, which had been to cantonize the Monarchy. There wele g-reat numbers of them, led by different Motives, some by a true Zeal for Religion, others by the Aversion which they had for this new King, which they disguis'd with a specious pretence of Zeal, who ~trou'dabsolutelv have it, that he shou'd instarntly declare himself a Catholique; which cou'd not possi1:ly be done, either with the Kings Hon30 our, or with Provision of security to the Catholiques; because too much of Constraint was evident in such an Action. Some there were also, who inai~ltain'd,that since his Birth, and the

T

HOUGH

1589

Liber IV

281

Fundamental Law of the Land, had brougll~him to the Throne, of which his Heroick Virtues had render'd him most worthy, it was their Duty to acknowledge him, and to obey him chearfully, without imposing on him the least Conditions. But this was it, which the greatest part of thein thought too dangerous to Religion, tvhich they were unwilling to hazard by such a Complement. In conclusion, after this important Affair had been throughly exa~nin'din the Kings Council, and in the general Assembly of l o the Catholique Princes and I,ords, which was held in the Lodgings of Fqnncis de Lzixernbourg, Duke de Piney, they came to an Agreement the next haoining, by holding a just Temperament betwixt the two Extreams. For, without insisting on their private Interests, that they might act frankly, and like Gentlemen, it was determin'd that the King shou'd be acknowledg'd; but upon condition, that he shou'd cause himself to be instructed within six months time, by the most able Prelates of the Kingdom; that he shou'd restore the Exercise of the Catholique Religion, in all places from whence it had been banish'd, 20 and remit the Ecciesiastiques into the full and entire Possession of all their Goods; that he shou'd bestow no Governments on Hugonots; and that this Assembly might have leave to depute some persons to the Pope, to render him an account of their Proceedings. This Accomn~odationwas sign'd by all the Lord?, excepting only the Duke of Espernon, and the Sieur de Vitry; who absolutely refus'd their Consent to it. Vitry went immediately into Paris, and there put himself into the Service of the League; which he believ'd at that tinre, to be the cause of Religion. As 30 for the Duke of Espernon, he had no inclination to go over to the League, which had so often solicited his Banishment from Court. Bur whether it were, that being no longer supported since his Masters Death, he fear'd the Hatred and Resentment of the greatest Persons about the King, and even of the King himself, ~vhomhe had very much offended during the time of his Favour, in which it was his only business to enrich himself; or were it that he was afraid he shou'd be requir'd to lend some

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part of that great Wealth, i ~ h i c hhe had scrap'd together; he, very unseasonably, and more irnhandsoml.j, ? cgarl to raise Scruples, and seem'd to be troubled with Pangs of Conscience, ~ ~ h i cnever h had beell thought any great grievance to Irim fuimerl); so that he took his leave of the King, and retir'd to his ('rovernment, with 2 or 3000 Foot, and joo H o ~ s ewhich . he baci I)xought to the Service of his late Master. This pernicious Example tvas i'ollorv'd by man) others, I! h o under pretence of ordering their Donlestick Affairs, ask'd lcme to be gone (which the King dar'd not to refuse them) or suffer'tl themselves to be seduc'd by the l'roffers and Solicitations of tlie League; so that the King, not being in a condition any longel to besiege Paris, was forc'd to divide his remaining Troops. c,,111prehending in that number, those which Sancy still preserv'd for his Use and Service. Of the whole, he form'd three littie i'Jodies; one for Picardy, under ihe Command of the Duke of Longueuille, another for Champaigne, under the Marshal d'Rumont; and himself led the third into Nonnancly, where he s a s to receive Suppiies from England; and where, with that small Remainder of his Forces, he gave the first Shock to the -4rrny of the League, which at that time, was become more powel-fui, than ever it had been formerly, or thar, ever it was afterwards I n effect, those, who after the Barricades had their ejes so iar open'd, as to discover, that the Leagzie in tvhich they were ingag'd, was no other than a manifest Rebellion against their King, seeing him now dead, believ'd there was n o other Interest remaining on their side, but that of Religion, and therefore reunited themselves with the rest, to keep out a Heretick Prince !rom the Possession of the Crown. And truiy this pretence hecame at that time so very plausible, that an infinite number of Catholiques, of all Ranks and Qualities, dazled with so si>ecious an appearance, made no doubt, but that it was better for them to perish, than to endure that he whom they believ'd obstinate in his Heresie, shou'd ascend the Throne of St. Lezois; and were desirous that some other King might be elected. Nay farther, there were some of them, who took this occasion, once more, to press the Duke of Jlayenne, that he wou'd assume that Regal

1589

10

20

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Li ber I V

283

Ofice, which it wou'd be easie for hiin to maintain, with all the Forces of the united Cathoiiques, of ~vhiclihe already was the Head; but that Prince, who was a prudent man, fearing the dangerous consequences of so bold an Undertaking, lik'd better at the first, to retain for himself all the Essentials of Kingship, and to leave the Title of it to the old Cardinal of Bourbon, who was a Prisoner, and whom he declar'd Icing, under the Name of Charles the Tenth, by the Council of the Union. At this time it was, that there were scatter'd through all the Kingdom, a vast number of scandalous Pamphlets, and other JVritings, in which the Authors of them pretended to plove, that Henly of Bourbon, stood lawfully excluded from the Crown; those who tarere the most eminent of them, were the two Advocates general for the League, in the Parliament of Paris; Lewis d'orleans, and Anthony Hotman. T h e first, was Author of that very seditious Libel, call'd The English Cathol i q ~ i eAnd . the second, wrote a Treatise, call'd The Right of the Uncle against the Nephew, in the Succession of the Crown. But there happen'd a pleasant Accident, concerning this: Francis Holman a Civilian, and Brother to the Advocate, seeing this Book, which pass'd from hand to hand in Germany, where he then was, maintain'd with solid Arguments and great Learning the Right of the Nephew against the Uncle; and made manifest in an excellent Book, which he publish'd on this Subject, the IYeakness and false Reasoning of his Adversaries Treatise, without knowing that it was written by his Brother, who had not put his Name co it. 'The League having a King, to whom the Crown of right belong'd, after Henty the Fourth his Nephew, in case he had sla viv'd him, by this Pretence increas'd in Power; because the King of Spain and the Dukes of Lorrain and Savoy, who, during the Life of the late King their Ally, durst not declare openly against him, for his Rebellious Subjects; now, after his Death, acknowledging this Charles the Tenth for Icing, made no difEnglish] English 0. Learning the Right of the Nephew against the Uncle] Learning; The Right of the Nephew against the IJncle 0. 5 1 Dukes] Duke 0. 16

12-23

284

History of the League

1589

ficulty to send Supplies to the Duke of itlayenne, insomuch that he, after having pubiish'd through all France, a Declaration made in Az~gzist,by which he exhorts all French Catholicks to reunite themselves with those, who would not suffer an Heretique to be King, had rais'd at the beginning of September, an Army of 25000 Foot and Sooo Horse. With these Forces he pass'cl the Seine at Vernon, marching directly towards the King, who after he had been receiv'd into Pont cle Z'Arch, and Diepe, which Captain R o l e f , and the Coml o mander de Chates, had surrendred to him; made a show of besieging Rozien, not having about him above 7 or 8000 illen. This so potent an Army of the Leaguers, compos'd of French and Germans, Lorrainers and Walloons, which he had not imagin'd cou'd have been so soon assembled, and which was now coming on to overrvhelm him; constrain'd him to retire speedily towards Diepe, where he was in danger to have been inconapass'd round without any possibility of Escape, but only by Sea into England, if the Duke of il!layenne had taken u p the resolution, as he ought to have done, from the fiist moment when he 20 took the Field, to pursue him eagerly and without the least delay. But while he proceeding with his natural sloxvness, which svas his way of being wise, trifled out his time in long deliberations, when he shou'd have come to Action, he gave leisure to the King to fortifie his Camp at Arques, a League and half iron: Diepe; inclosing with strong retrenchments the Castle, and the Bozlrg scituated on the Brow of an Hill, which overlooks the little River of Bethz~ne,the illouth of which forms the Haven that belongs to Diepe. H e had scarcely finish'd this great ~vork,wherein all his Army ao was imployed, after the Example of their King, during three days with incredible diligence; when the Duke of illayenne, who had squandred away his time, yet once again, in retaking those little Places round about, of which the King- had lately possess'd himself, drew near to Argues, with purpose to dislodge him. But when he had observ'd that he was too strong- on that side to be forc'd, he turn'd on the Right Hand, passing- the Bethune somewhat higher, and went to post himself on the ti

Sooo] 0 (some copies);

-

. 0 (some copies).

1589

lo

Liber I V

285

other Hill, which is over against Arqz~es,with the River betwixt both Parties; from whence he might more easily attacque below, and possess himself of Polet, the Fazixbourg the BOUT-g of Diepe, on the same side. But the foresigirt of the Ihich most contributed to the ruin of the League, and the safeguard of the State; because this artificial Proposition, joyn'd with the Instructions of the Legat, fully opened the Duke of Mayenne's Eyes, and gave him the means of discovering the intentions of the Spaniards, whose de

.

I patience:] N 0. qo Aance] France 0.

18

On] "Ann. 1590." in margin in 0.

294

10

20

30

History of t h e League

1590

sign was to establish their Kings Authority on the ruins of his; and consequently, he took up a firm resolution of opposilag their endeavours, as he always did from that time for~vard,by the advice of some honest men about him, and particularly Monsieur de Villeroy. That wise and able Minister of State, who serv'd five of our Kings, with so much Fidelity and Reputation, having observ'd, that by reason of some ill Offices which were done him to the Late King his Master, he cou'd no longer remain with safety in the Towns which obeyed him, nor at his own Mouse during the War, and that he had not been able to procure so much as a Passport for his departure out of the Kingdom, was constrained to make his retreat to Paris with his Father, and to enter into the Party of the Union. But it may be truly said of him that he entred into it, as did the Loyal and Wise Hzlshai into that of A bsalom at Jerzualem; there to destroy all the devices and pernicious Counsels of the wicked Achitophel, which only tended to the total ruin of Da3id the lawful King, against whom the Capital City of his Kingdorn was revolted. In the same manner, the Sieur de Villeroy embrac'd, not out of pure necessity, the Party of the League, and plac'd not himself with the Duke of hlayenne in Paris, who was in Actual War with his King, but only to obtain the means, by his good Counsels, to undermine tlae purposes of the Spaniards; who under pretence of endeavouring the preservation of Religion in France, design'd the Subversion of the State. And as David thought it fitting, that Hushai shou'd continue at Jerusalem, without leaving A bsalom, because he well knew that he would be more serviceable to him there, than if he kept him near his Person; in like manncl Hetzry the Fourth, who knew the dexterity and faithfulness of hlonsieur de Villeroy, wou'd not that he shou'd go out from Pal-is, after the death of his Predecessor, or be with him, because he was satisfied that this Great Man, would be able to do him greater Service by staying with the Duke of fllayerzne, where by his wise Remonstrations, and the credit which he had acquir'd with that Prince, he might break the measures of the Spaniards mi?their Adherents.

Liber IV

13-90

lo

20

30

295

He continued this politique management to the end. and principally on that occasion, whereon depended either the felicity or the unhappiness of this Kingdom, according to the resolution which shou'd be taken: For the Duke of Mayenne having ask'd him his opinion, in relation to what the Legat and Mendoza had propos'd, he gave him easily to understand, that all those plausible Propositions which were made by the Legat, by Me~zdoza,and the Sixteen, were intended only to deprive him of his Authority, and to subject him, and the whole Party of the Union, under the domination of the Spaniards, who wou'd not faii to usurp upon the French, and to perpetuate the War, thereby to maintain their own greatness: That in his present condition, without suffering an Head to be constituted above him, he had War and Peace at his disposing, together with the glory of having sustain'd, himself alone, both Religion and the State; but by acknonledging the King of Spain for Protector of the Kingdom, he shou'd only debase himself, under the proud Title of a powerful Master, who .trou'd serve his own interests too well, to leave him the means, of either continuing the War, or of concluding a Peace, to the advantage of his Country. There needed no more to perswade a man so knowing, and so prudent, as was the Duke of Mayenne: 'Tis to be confess'd, that he was a Self lover, which is natural to all men; but he was also a Lover of the Common Good, which is the distinguishing character of an Honest Man. Since he cou'd not himself pretend co the Crown, which he clearly saw it was impossible for liiril to obtain, for many reasons, he was resolv'd no Foreigner should have it, nor even any other but that only Person to whom it belong'd rightfully, Religion being first secur'd. He thereupon firmly purpos'd from that time, both in regard of his particular interest, and that of the State, to oppose whatsoever attempts should be made by the Spaniards, or by his own nearest Relations, under any pretence or colour; which was undoubtedly one great cause of the preservation of the State. For which reason, that he might for ever cut off the Spaniards

.

12 greatness:] 0. 35 for ever] some copies of 0 have N

rj09

in the margzn instead

of rjg0.

296

lo

20

30

History of t h e League

1590

from all hope of procuring their Master to be made Protector of the Realm of France, and consequently of having in his hands the Government of the Kingdom, and the conce~nments of the League, under this new Title, as the Sixteen, who were already at his Devotion, had design'd; he politickly told them in a full Assembly, that since the cause of Religion was the only thing, for which the Union was ingag'd in this War which they had undertaken, it wou'd be injurious to the Pope, to put themselves under any other protection than that of his Holiness: Which Proposition was so gladly receiv'd by all, excepting only the Faction of Sixteen, that the Spaniards were constrain'd to desist, and to let their pretensions ~vhollyfall. And to obviate the design of causing any other King to be Elected, besides the Old Cardinal of Bourbon, under whose Name he govern'd all things; he procur'd the Parliament to verifie the Ordinance of the Council General of the Union, by which that Cardinal was declar'd King, and caus'd him so to be Proclaim'd, in all the Towns and Places of their party; retaining for himself by the same Ordinance, the Quality and Power of Lieutenant General of the Crown, till the King shou'd be deliver'd from Imprisonment. And at the same time, to ruin the Faction of Sixteen, which was wholly Spaniardiz'd, he broke the Council of the Union: Saying, That since the?e was a King Proclaim'd, whose Lieutenanl he also was, there ought to be no other Council but his, which in duty was to follow him wheresoever he shou'd be. Thus the Duke of Mayenne having possess'd himself of all Royal Authority, under the imaginary Title of another, and having overcome all the designs of the Spaniards, took the Field; and after having taken in the Castle of Bois de Vincennes by composition, which had been invested for a year together, he retook Pontoise, and some other places, which hindred the freedom of commerce; and being afterwards ~villingto regain all the passages of the Seine, thereby to establish the communication of Paris with Rouen, and to have the Sea open, he went to besiege the Fort of Mez~lan,where he lost much time to little purpose; while the Legat, against whom the Kings Parliaxent

1590

Liber IV

297

at Tours had made a terrible Decree, was labouring at Paris with all his might, that n o accomrnodation shou'd be made with the King, not even though he shou'd be converted. T o this effect, seeing- that the Faction of Sixteen, and the Spaniards, were extremely ~veaken'd,after what the Duke of Alayenne had done against them, and that the Royalists, who were generally call'd Politiques, had resurn'd courage, and began to say openly, that it was the common duty of all good Subjects, to unite themselves with the Catholicks who follow'd the l o King; he oppos'd them, with a Declaration lately made against them by the factious Doctors of the Sorbonne, on the tenth of February, in the same year 1590. For by that Decree it was ordain'd, T h a t all Doctors a~zdBatchelors shou'd have i n abhorrence, and strongly combat, the pestilential and damnable Opinions zuhich the FYorkers of Iniquity endeavozir'd, with all their jorce, to insinz~ntedaily into the Alinds of Ignorant and Simple M e n , p~incipally these Propositions: T h a t Henry d.e Bourbon might, and ollglzt to be honozlr'd with the T i t l e of King: T h a t in Conscience K e n might hold his Party, and Pay 20 hinz Taxes, and a c k n o w l e d ~ ehint for King, o n conclition he turn'd Catholick, kc. And then they added, T h a t i n case any one shall reflise to obey this Decree, the Faculty declares h i m an Enemy to the Clzz~rchof God, Perjur'd and Disobedient to his Mother, and, i n conclusion, cuts h i m o f from her Body, as a gangreen'd Member which corrupts the rest. A Decree of this force was of great service to the Bigots of the League, because it depriv'd the wiser sort of the License they had taken, to pers~vadethe people to make peace: And the Legat, that he might hinder any from taking it for the time to 30 come, bethought himself, that a new Bath should be impos'd on the Moly Evangelists, betwixt his hands, in the Church of the Augustines, to be taken by all the Officers of the Town, and the Captains of the several Wards, which was: T h a t they shou'd always-persevere i n the Holy Union; that they shou'd never make Peace or Trzice with the King of Navarre, and that they shou'd employ their Liues and Forttines i n deliuerance of their -17 Propositions:] w . 0.

298

1590

History of t h e League

King Charles the Tenth: Which was also enjoyn'd to be taken by all the Officers of Parliament, and the other Companies, no one man daring to oppose it: So much had Fear prevail'd over Courage and Virtue at that time, even in those who knowing and detesting in their hearts the injustice of that Oath, ought rather to have dyed, than basely to have acted against their Consciences. But the good success of the Kings Arms, was in the mean time preparing the means for them, of receiving one day an happy lo dispensation from himself, of that abominable Oath by which 'tis most manifest they never cou'd be ty'd. For after having made himself Master of all the Lower Normandy, he made haste to relieve the Fort of Meulan, and thereby constrain'd the Duke of Mayenne to raise his Siege: After which, having taken the Bridg of Poissy by plain force, and in view of the Enemy; he led his Victorious Army before Dreux, which occasion'd the memorable Battel of Ivry. Since the taking of that Town had extremely streightned Paris, by excluding it on that side from the passage and the 20 commerce of Normandy, La Beauce, and the Country about Chartres; the Duke of Mayenne resolv'd to relieve it with all his Forces. For this purpose, having receiv'd a recruit of 1500 Lansquenets and 500 Carabines, which King Philip (who at the same time publish'd his Manifesto in justification of his Arms) had given to the League by the Duke of Parma, under the conduct of the Count of Egmont, he pass'd the Seine at the Bridg of Mant, and advanc'd towards Dreux; yet resolving only to put succours into the Town, and to keep always on this side the River of Eure, that he might avoid the hazard of a Battel. But so upon the false intelligence which he receiv'd from his Scouts, that the King (who had really quitted the Siege because he design'd to Fight him) was gone from Nonancour, and had taken on the left hand the way to Verneiiil, as if his intentions had been to return to the Lower Normandy, he was constrain'd, against his own opinion, by the clamours of the Superior Officers, and especially by the young Count Philip of Egmont, to 1

the Tenth] the Tenth 0.

14 Siege:]

-.

0.

1590

Liber IV

299

Battlefield of lvry

pass over the Bridg of Ivry, and to pursue the King in his feign'd retreat till he brought him to a BatteI. But as the King, who wish'd for nothing more than to come to a pitch'd Field with him (which he fear'd he would have declin'dj was pleasingly surpriz'd to find that he had already pass'd the River; so the Duke was not a little amaz'd, when he perceiv'd that, far from shunning the Engagement, the King was marching directly towards him, and that he must be forc'd to make good his challenge. But as the day was already far spent, l o that every moment there came in to the King some Gentlemen or Soldiers from the neighbouring Garrisons, who were desirous 11

neighbouring] neigbouring 0.

300

History of the League

1590

to have their share of honour in the Battel, and that the Duke of Mayenne on his side mov'd not forward, but only kept his ground, observing the nature of the Place, and what advantages might be taken from its scituation; the two Armies which were but a League distant £rom each other, after some light skirmishes, retir'd to their Camps, resolv'd on both sides to decide the quarrel the next day, which was Wednesday the fourteenth of March. Betwixt the River of Eure and that of Ztton, which passes by l o Evreux, there lyes right over against Ivry a fair Plain, of about a League in breadth, free from Hedges, Ditches, Mounds, or even so much as Bushes, to hinder an open passage through it, on all sides, bounded on the East with a little Wood, and the River of Eure, on which the Burrough of Ivry is scituate; and on the West by the Villages of St. Andre' and Fourcanville, where the King was quarter'd the Night before the Battel: I n this Plain, the Royal Army, and that of the League, were drawn u p almost at the same time, betwixt the Hours of Eight and Nine, in the following order. 20 T h e King advancing five or six hundred paces before the Villages of St. Andre' and Fourcanville, which he had at his back, form'd his gross Squadron of 600 Horse in five Divisions, each of 120: The first of which, wherein he intended to Fight in Person, was compos'd of Princes, Dukes, Counts, Marquesses, Blew Ribbands, and great Lords, for the most part Catholiques, the strength of his Army consisting chiefly in those of that Religion: For when it was known that the League, for the maintenance of their cause, was turn'd Spaniard, the French Nobility and Gentry, ~trhosehearts were too generous to suffer that such 30 a reproach shou'd be fastned on them, abandon'd that Party, and every day came over in great numbers to the King: So that he soon found himself in a condition of overpow'ring the League and Spaniard, with the assistance of their Arms, even though there had not been an Huguenot in his Arm); who in reality were but an inconsiderable number, in comparison of that great multitude of Soldiers, and especially Gentlemen 25

Catholiques,] 0 (some copies);

-.

0 (some copies).

1590

Liber I V

301

Catholiques, which came in by whole Troops together from all parts, and made up almost all the strength of his Army. And that which drew down the Blessing and Protection of God Almighty on it, was, that the day before the Engagement, when it was evident that the Enemy, who had pass'd the River, cou'd not avoid coming to a Battel; these Princes, Lords, GentlemenCatholiques, and Soldiers, who follow'd their example, were all at the celebration of Mass at Nonancour, and there communicated together. T h e King, for his part, having already in his l o Soul great inclinations to be converted, protested the same day to those Princes and Great Persons, that he humbly pray'd the Almighty God, who is the searcher of all hearts, to dispose of his Person in that bloody day, accordingly as he shou'd please to judge it necessary for the universal good of Christendom, and in particular for the safety and repose of France. With these pious thoughts, he plac'd himself the next morning at the Head of his gross Squadron, of six hundred Horse; he was flanck'd on the right hand with a gross Battalion of two Swisse Regiments, rais'd from the Canton of Soleure; and on 20 the left, with another Battalion of two Regiments, of the Canton of Glaris and of Grisons; these Battalions being sustain'd, that on the right hand, by the Regiment of Guards and of Brigneux, and that on the left, by the Regiments of Vignoles, and of St. Jean. The Duke of Montpensier follow'd them, drawing a little towards the left, with his Squadron of betwixt 5 and 600 Horse, betwixt two Regiments, one of Lansquenets, and the other of Swisses, cover'd by two Battalions, which were the Flower of the French Infantry; the hiarshal d'dz~montclos'd his left, having in his Squadron 300 good Horse, flanck'd with two French so Regiments, and before him, the light Horse, in two Troops, each consisting of 2 0 0 men, commanded by the Grand Prior their Colonel, and by Civry their Marshal de Camp; and these last had on their right hand, on the same Line, the Baron cle Biron; who, with his Squadron of 250 Horse, cover'd that of the Duke of Montpensier; and the Artillery of four Cannons and two Culverines, was plac'd upon their Left. ly Canton] Cantons 0.

302

10

20

so

History of the L e a g u e

'590

On the other side, the Marshal de Biron, with 250 Horse, and two French Regiments which flanck'd him, stood on the right hand of the gross Squadron of the King, after the Regiment of Guards and that of Brigneux; but somewhat backward, that his hlen might be for a Body of reserve: And the Count T h e o dorick de Schomberg, who commanded the Squadron of P-eiters, flanck'd in the same manner by two small Bodies of French Infantry, made the right Wing a little hollow'd, in form of a Crescent, like the left. Thus was the Royal Army Marshall'd, which consisted of betwixt g and ioooo Foot, and 2800 Horse, divided into seven Squadrons, each of them with a Plotoon of Forlorn Hope before them. T h e Army of the League appear'd at the same time but posted on somewhat higher Ground, and more backwards towards the River, than it was the day before; being Marshall'd much after the manner of the Kings Forces, unless it were, that being more numerous, as consisting of 4 or 5000 Horse, and of izooo Foot, the Wings of it advanc'd farther, and bent more inward, in the form of a larger Crescent. T h e Duke of Alayenne with his Cornet of about 300 Horse, (to which the Duke of Nemours, his Brother by the Mothers side, joyn'd his own Squadron, of the like number of Gendarms) plac'd himself just opposite to that of the King, in the very bottom of his Crescent, betwixt two gross Squadrons, each of them of 6 or 700 Lanciers, which were Flemmings and Walloons, commanded by Count Egmont. They were flank'd on their Right and Left, with two gross Battalions of Swisses, rais'd from the Catholique Cantons, cover'd with French Infantry, and flanck'd with two Squadrons of Walloon Carabins. Those were follow'd by two other Squadrons, one of 5 or Goo Horse on the Right hand, and the other by 3 or 400 on the Left; where their Artillery was plac'd, consisting of two Culverines, and two Bastard Cannons. The Light Horse-men, commanded by the Baron de Rosne, extended themselves on the right hand, French] French 0. 14 backwards] 0 (some copies): backward 0 (some copies). 2g Walloon] Walloon 0. 2

Liber I V

1590

303

before a gross Squadron of: Gendarms, which sustain'd them, and two Squadrons of Keiters, led b) the Duke of Brunswick, , ~ n dBmsornl~ier)e,stood oil tile right JYing, with the Regiment (IF Horse, commanded by the Chevalier d'Aurnate, who put them under the Conduct of his Lieutenant, that he might have liberty to fight by the Duke of Ai'ayenne's side, in that formidable gross of 1800 Lanciers, which were oppos'd to the Kings Squadron, not so strong as themselves by two thirds, and only ;irm'd with Sword and Pistol, there not being in the whole Army l o of the King, so much as one single Lance. T h e Lansquenets of the League, and the rest of the French Infantry, were divided into lllaily Battalions, which, like those of the Icing, were plac'd on the Flanks of their Squadrons; betwixt whom, and their Uattalions, there was not inteival enough, to make room for the laeiters, when they were to wheel about after discharging, which occasion'd their great disorder. T h e two Armies being thus Marshall'd about ten of the C.lock, stood viewing, and considering each other for some time, but in very difierent Postuies. There was scarcely any thing to 20 be seen iil that of the League, but Gold and Silver Embroiderres, upon costly and magnificent Coats of Velvet, of all sorts oi i oiours, and an infinite number of Banderolles fluttering about that thick Forrest of Lances, which seern'd to threaten the Overthiow of their Enenlies at tlre first Shock, before they cou'd come u p so close, as to single out their illen, and discharge L3rest to Ijrest; or even so much as to hold out their Pistols. O n the olher side, the Kings Army had no other Ornament than Iron; but their Joy sparkled in their Eyes, and all the Soldiers march'd to the Fight, as to a cerlain Victory; especially that invincib!e 39 Tioop of 2 or 3000 Gentlemen, ~vhichwere the Flower of the i King hilnself, in plain Armour like the .Arm:,; and ~ h o i i the lest, inspir'd with Vigor by his only Presence, and the sprightlulness of his Behaviour. In the mean time, .it hen he had observ'd, that if he approach'd

-,

Busso?np2er?e,] 0. 5 Lieutenant] L i e \ t c ~ ~ a r0 ii 23 Lances] La~:ces0.

y

1 t l ' . l ~ ~ i i ~ a idee] A u n ~ n l r0 r Infantry] Infanti) 0.

I

304

History of the League

1590

not nearer to the Enemy, there wou'd be no Battel, because they were resolv'd on the other side, to stand their Ground, without quitting their advantagious Post; he advanc'd towards them above 150 Paces, leaving no more distance betwixt the two Armies, than what was necessary for the Charge; and by that motion, which he made with so much judgment, and Military Skill, drawing somewhat on the left hand, that he might have the Wind in his Back, which otherwise had blown the Smoak of the Powder in the Faces of his Soldiers, he came up so close l o to the Enemy, that it was no longer possible to avoid the Battel. Then putting on his Head-piece, the Crest of which was shaded with three white Plumes, which might easily be discern'd from far, and being mounted on a large Neapolitan Courser, whose Colour was of a brown Bay, aclorn'd with a Tuft of Feathers which proudly distinguish'd him from the rest; he made a short Ejaculation to God, ~vhichwas follow'd by the loud Cries of Vive le Roy. As to those Florid, long Orations, which our Historians, on this occasion, make for him and the Duke of Mayenne, as if they had spoken them at the Mead of their 20 Armies, 'tis most certain, they were invented in thc Studies of their Authors. For one who was present in the Battel, has assur'd us, that the King spoke only with his Gesture and his Looks, to those who were more remote, and said no more but these few Words, to the great Lords, who charg'd with him in the first Rank of his Squadron. See, my Companions, the Enemy before us; N o w we have found them, our business is to fight them, and God is for us. If you loose the siglzt of your Colours, look about for m y Plufne of Feathers, and rally there: you will find it i n the direct way to N o n o t ~ rand to Victory. ao For the Duke of Aiayenne, who was both a great Captain, and in spight of his natural Heaviness, a brave Soldier, when he was once come to a Resolution of fighting, all he did, was to show to the first ranks of his Army, the Crucifix, which a jolly Fryar, who had said publick Prayers, carried before him: H e wou'd have it understood by this only gesture, without loss of time in tedious speeches, which cou'd never have been understood, that it was for Religion that they fought against Here-

1590

Liber IV

305

tiques and Promoters of Heresy, who were the declar'd Enemies of Jesus Christ, and of his Church. It was almost Noon, when the King was told that Charles d'Humieres, Marquess d'dncre, he who was in part the cause of gaining the Battel of Senlis, was coming up within a quarter of a League of the Field of Battel, with 2 or 300 Gentlemen, whom he brought with him out of Picardy; in which Country, almost all the Noblemen and Gentlemen, who had been the first to sign the League, had now totally relinquish'd it. But that the l o courage of the Soldiers might not coo!, who were eager to be at bloavs with the Enemy, he satisfy'd himself with bidding the Sieur de Vic, who was Sergeant Major General, to show them the Post he had appointed for them, which immediately, on their Arrival, they took up, with resolution to signalize themselves that day. This being order'd, without more delay he gave the sign of Battel, and the work began with the discharge of their Cannon, which was so well perform'd by the Master of the Ordnance, Philibert de la Guiche, that before those of the League began to play, nine Cannonades were given by the Roy20 alists, which did great execution on the Enemy, and particularly shatter'd the Squadrons of the Reiters. Thus, after three of four volleys on either side, two gross Squadrons, made up of Italians and French, and flank'd with Lansquenets, advanc'd, and came up to the charge, against the Left Wing of the Royal Army, that they might put themselves under covert from the storm of the Great Guns. But the Rlarshal d'Aumon2, who was in that Wing, having advanc'd likewise the better half of the way to meet them, drove upon them so furiously, that they turn'd their backs, and pursuing them with so slaughter to the entry of the little JVood, which bounds the Plain, he immediately return'd to his Post, according to the Orders which he had receiv'd horn the King. While these men were so ill treated, the Reiters on the Right Hand, being desirous to gain the Cannon, by which their Squaddron had been so nliserably torn, went to Charge the Kings light Horsemen with so much fury, that they forc'd them im22

volleys] vollyes 0.

306

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mediately to give back; and at the same time two other Squadions of Flemmings and Walloons, seeing them already shaken, advanc'd to break them. But the Baron of Biron on the one side, and the Duke of Alontpensier on the other, charging them on the Flanks, first stopp'd them, then broke in upon them, and afterwards pierc'd quite through them; and the Light Horse, who had this time given them to rally, returning to the charge, the Reiters gave ground, most basely abandoning the Walloons; ;tnd not being able to make their retleat, or rattler to save them10 selves, through the intervals which were too narrow, they overtnrn'd their own men, and put all things in a terrible confusion, notwithstanding the care which was us'd by the Duke of Bruns~ r l i c k , their Colonel, who was never able to rally them, and therefore put himself into the Squadron of Walloons; desiring r a ~ h e rto perish with those valiant men, who were inclos'd on all sides, and cut in pieces, than to save himself by flying with his own Runaways. In this manner the Battel was n1ain:ain'd on either part, with extreme obstinacy for some time, and all the Squadrons of both 20 Armies fell in so vigorously, that the7 were mix'd with each other; excepting only that of Mareschai de Biron, who with his Body of Reserve, made it his business to hinder the Enemy from lalljing, which he peri-orm'd. But that which decided the forcline of this great day, and assur'd the Victory to the King, was his own Ileroick Valour, which he made conspicuous, by combating t h a ~formidable Squadron of 1800 Lanciers, which the Duke oi L!iriyennehad made so strong for no other reason, than to chargc with great advantage of number upon that of the King, IIOL at , ~ l icioubting but if he cou'd break that Body, the ao i'ic toi) IYOLL'C!~ I L 'his own. Gl,serving then that the Reiters were absolutely routed, and fearing lest tlmep slrorr'd disorder his men, by falling back upon them: he drew alter him that great Body of Horse, and caus'd 400 chosen Carabirls to advance first, who were all of them arrn'd Head and Breast, whom the Count de Tavannes, who led them up, commanded to discharge within five and twenty Paces of the first Rank of the Royal Squadron, with intention to clear

it. And at the same time, tile Duke of ilfayer~ne,who appear'd at the Head of his Men, mounted on a Turkish Horse, the most beautiful that cou'd be seen, made u p furiouslj, with his Lance c ouch'd, and follow'd by the gross of his Cavalry, to the ILings own Troop, u-hich he believ'd to be already well shaken, by that sudden and terrible Discharge: who, nevertheless, sustain'd the lury of that Shock, keeping firm in their Saddles: and some there were, who had three Lances broken on them, without loosing of their Stirrups. lo But the most admirable part of this Encounter, was, that the King advancing twice the length of his Ho:se before the Front of his Squadion, with his Pistol in his halid, thrust into the midst of that thick Wood of Lances, and charg'd with so much arctour of C o ~ a ~ a ginto e their Body, that he gave them to understand by this wondertul Action, he was no less, a most valiant Soii'ier, than a most expert and great Commander. And indeed, he xvas so braveiy follow'd, by the Princes and Lords of t h a ~ Squadron, whom his Exampie had rais'd to emulation, that after an obstinate Dispute, which endured a iong Viarter of zn 20 hour, and was maintain'd with Swords and Pistols, in that confus'd Medly, where the Lances were of no farther use; this great Squadron of the Duke of ll,fayenne, was broken, dispe~s'd, and cut in pieces, o r ~vhoilyrouted; neither cou'd the Duke (who that day perform'd all the parts of a valiant Soldier, and a great Genelai. eve11 in the opinioil of the Icing hirnseit) either stay their Flight, or rally them afterwards, with all the endeavours he cou'd use: Insomuch, that seeing himself almost intlos'd, he retir'd amongst the last of his men, to the Eridge of Ivry, which he caus'd to be broken do~vn,after he had pass'd 30 the greatest part of his routed Army over it, and then for his otvn safety fled to &!ant. T h e rest, with the Duke of Nemours, the Chevalier d'dumale, Rosne, Yhva/lnes, and Bassompierre, having taken the way of the Plain, escap'd to Chn~trcs. I n the mean time, the Victorim:s Party were in g e a t trouble for the King, who had ~;lnish'dout of their sight in that gross \;(;~adlonof 1800 Lances, into which he had charg'd before the rebt; when at length they beheld him returning, and bearing

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aloft his bloody Sword; having defeated three Cornets of Walloons, which were left amongst the two Battalions of Swisses, and came desperately upon him, after he had Charg'd through the Duke of Alayenne's Squadron. At his appearance, the whole Field of Eattel rang with loud Acclamations and Shouts of Vive Le Roy. Then, the Victory being assur'd and absolute, no other Enemies remaining in the Field but those Swisses, (for the rest of the Foot, and particularly the Lansquenets, being forsaken by their Cavalry, had been cut in pieces, excepting those who l o provided early for their safety) the King, that he might gratifie the Cantons, took them to mercy, on condition they shou'd henceforth keep more faithfully the Treaty of Alliance which they had made with the Crown of France, and never more bear Arms against him. After which, being accompanied by the Prince of Conty, the Duke of Alontpensier, the Count of St. Paul, the Marshal d'dumont, and all the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, he pursued the Enemy as far as Rosny, leaving the Body of his Army, which march'd slowly after him, under the Command of the Mareschal de Biron. 20 This was the success of that famous Battei of Ivry, wherein the League lost both its reputation and its strength. Almost all the Infantry of that Party was cut in pieces, or taken Prisoners: Of their Cavalry more than 1500 were kill'd upon the place, or dro~vn'dat the Foord of Ivry, the passage of which is extremely dangerous. Count Egmont, General of the Spanish Troops, and William of B~.unswick,Colonel of the Reiters, Natural Son to Duke Henry, were found amongst the slain, and a short time after honourably interr'd by the King's Order, in the Church of Eureux: Besides the French Soldiers, whom the King comso manded to be spar'd, and who took quarter amongst his Troops, there were above 400 Prisoners of Quality, amongst whom was a Count of East Friezeland, who fought amongst the Reiters, the Baron of Huren, the Sieurs of Medavid, Bois Dauphin, Castelier, Fontain Martel, Sigogne, who yielded himself, with the Duke of Mayenne's Standard to Rosny (the same who was afterwards Duke de Sully) and many other Lords and Gentlemen, as well Foreigners as French.

T h e Cannon, Ammunition, Baggage, and Standard of the Flemmings, twenty Cornets, the Standard of the Reiters, and above sixty Ensigns of Foot, without putting into the reckoning the fourscore Swisse Colours, which the King sent back to their Superiours, were the illustrious Testimonies of so glorious a Victory; which cost the Conquerour but little Blood: For there were kill'd on the Kings side, of men of Quality, only Clermont dJEntragues, Captain of the Guards, who was slain near the Person of his Majesty; the Count de Sclzomberg, the Sieurs de l o Feuquieres, de Crenay, Cornet to the Duke ol: J.,lontpensier, and de Longauny, an old Norman Gentleman, aged threescore and twelve pears, the only nlan who was slain by the Cannon of the League, and five and twenty or thirty Gentlemen more, who were kill'd in the Kings Squadron. Amongst the Wounded, was Francis de Daillon, Count clu L u d e (Son to that Prudent and Valiant Guy de Daillon, Governour of Poitozi, who defended Poitiers with so much reputation against the Admiral Coligny, and preserv'd that Province to the King, with so much Fidelity and Valour against the Hugonots and Leaguers, to whom he 20 was alwajs a profest Enemy) Henry de Laual, hlarcluess cle Nesle, the Count of Choisy, the Sieurs d'O, de Kosny, Eauvergne, Monlouet, and about twenty other Gentlemen, who were all cur'd of their Wounds. T h a t which was yet more wonderfully remarkable, and which demonstrates the peculiar care which God Almighty took of his hlajesties rightful Cause, was, that on the same day, Jean Louis Count of Randan, Geneial of the League de la Rozichefo~icnz~lt, in Auuergne, who besieg'd the Town of Issoi)e, lost both his Life and his little Army; which was enti~elydefeated by the so Marquess of Curton, Head of the Royalists; and that the Sieur de Lansac, who endeavour'd to have surpris'd i7cPans for the League, whose Party, after having once abandon'd it, he had again espous'd, was bravely repuls'd from before the Town. T o conclude, since that happy day, the Royal Party had a continu'd series of prosperity, in every Province of France, and in a multi8 17

d'Entragues] de Entragues 0. Coligny] Coligni 0.

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du l l t d e ] d e L u d e 0. Louis de la] Louis, d e 0.

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tude of occasions, which it is not my business to relate particularly; because my Design is only to relate the most essential afiairs of the League, and not to involve my self too far in the History of France, which comprehends much more than I have undertaken. Following therefore this Model, which I have propos'd to my self, that which I ought to observe on this occasion, is, that this glorious Victory, had caus'd the immediate and total ruine of the League; if after the Surrender of Vernon, and Mant, which yielded the next day, the King, who was now Master of all the Passages of the Seine, as far up as Paris, had presented himself, with his victorious Army, before that Capital City of his Kingdom, which at that time, was neither provided with Victuals, nor Ammunition, nor Governour, nor Garrison, and wherein the People, who found themselves destitute of all these things, were already wavering in a general Consternation. For 'tis exceeding probable, that the Politiques, doubly encourag'd by his Victory and by his Presence, had carry'd it over the Sixteen, and had open'd the Gates to him. And indeed this very Counsel was given him by the wise La Noue; but whether it were that the Marshal de Biron, who had no great inclinations to retire to his Country-House, and mind his Gardening, desir'd to spin out the War, and therefore gave him a contrary Advice; or that perhaps it was his own Opinion, as not believing himself yet strong enough for such an Attempt, he continued fifteen days at Mante, without enterprising any thing against the Leaguers; to whom he gave leisure by that means to recover Courage, and put themselves into a condition of Resistance. I n effect, the false Relations which were spread amongst the People, to sooth them into a Belief, that the Loss which they had receiv'd, was not so considerable as was at first reported; the Sermons of their Preachers, the Promises of the Spaniards, the Presence of the Legate, and of the Arch-bishop of Lyons, who not long before had been ransom'd by the League, and the good order which the Duke of Mayenne had caus'd to be establish'd in Paris, which he left well garrison'd with his Souldiers, 1-3

particularly] paticularly 0.

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before he went from St. Dennis, to draw near to the Low-Countries, from whence he expected new supplies: all these Considerations put together, buoyd u p their sinking spirits, and gave them new courage, so that there appear'd no manner of cornmotion in the Town: but all was hush'd and peaceable, and a resolution taken to defend themselves to the last Extremity. As indeed they did not long time after, during the Siege of Paris, so much to the wonder and amazement of Mankind, that it may be plac'd in the number of those extraordinary and admirable accidents which may be call'd the Miracles of History; and which wou'd never enter into the belief of men, if they were not supported with an infinite number of most credible witnesses. For, in conclusion, the King well knowing, that the end of the War, and of the League, depended absolutely on the taking of Paris, resolv'd to defer no longer the laying hold on that occasion, which he believ'd to be still within his reach, not perceiving that already he had let it slip by his long delay. He departed therefore out of Mante on the last of March, with his Army, consisting at that time, of 12000 Foot, and betwixt 3 and 4000 Horse, and during the Moneth of April, made himself Master of Corbeil, Melun, Bray, Montereau-faut-Yonne, Lagny, Beaumont upon Oyse, Provins, and the Bridges of St. Maur, and Charenton. T h e Intelligence which he held in Sens, having not succeeded, he gave two brisk Assaults to it, in both which, his men were vigorously repuls'd, by the Lord Chanvallon, Jacques de Harlay, who there commanded for the League: Notwithstanding which, that great Prince, who was a true lover of all brave men, being afterwards acquainted with his excellent Parts, and his inviolable fidelity, repos'd great confidence in him; insomuch that he plac'd him with the Duke of Lorrain, to retain him, as he always did, in the Interests of France. But the King, unwilling to loose more time, on a place which was so well defended, and which, if he shou'd take, wou'd contribute nothing to the Execution of his main Design; as also knowing, that by means of the Towns and Bridges, of which he already stood possess'd, he 07

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held shut up the four Rivers that supply'd Paris; he went from thence, to besiege that City, about the end of the Moneth, without expecting certain Conferences which the League propos'd, as he believ'd, either to delay, or to divert him. And that he might have the freedom of sending out Parties through the whole adjoyning Country, on both sides of the Seine, thereby to hinder the Town from receiving Provisions by Land, he made a Bridge of Eoats somewhat below ConfEans; so that Paris was immediately invested on all Quarters. There were some, and amongst others La Noue, with the greatest part of the Hugonots, who had not much kindness for the Parisians, desir'd that the Town might be assaulted as imagining it might be carry'd by plain force at the first attempt, and that the Citizens, who are never so very stout, as when they have got behind their Barricades, wou'd not be altogether so couragious upon the Works. This was their Opinion; but it manifestly appear'd, by the Skirmishes and other Tryals which were made in the beginning of the Siege, and by which, the Kings Party were no great gainers; that those Gentlemen had taken no just measures. La Noue himself, who wou'd needs attacque the Fnuxbourg St. Martin, was beaten off with loss; and learnt, to his cost, by a Musquet Shot, which wounded him in the Thigh, and disabled him from fighting, that he had to do with gallant men, who were neither to be vanquish'd at the Breach, nor by scaling, so easily as he believ'd. There were at that time in Paris, not above two hundred and thirty thousand Souls; because almost half the Inhabitants apprehending the consequences of a Siege, were departed out of it and the wealthier sort of Citizens, who had the Courage to continue there, had sent off their Wives and Children to other Places. But a Garrison which the Parisians had receiv'd, of 5 or 6000 old Spanish Souldiers, Lansquenets, Swisses, and French, and 50000 Citizens well arm'd, and resolv'd to perish in the Defence of their Town and Religion, (for which they were perswaded that they fought) had not easily been forc'd by that little Army, which rather seem'd to block them up, than to besiege them. 14 Citizens] Citisens 0. 33 Citizens] Citisens 0.

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Citizens] Citisens 0.

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And besides the joung and valiant Duke of Nemours their (:overnour, had exellently well provided for all things, during Inore than z moileth, which he had to prepare himself for the \r~stainingof this memorable Siege, wherein by his Courage and good Conduct, he acquir'd the Reputation of an old experienc'd Leneral. For he had fortify'd all the weakest parts, repair'd the Breaches of the TValls, new rais'd the Ramparts and the Terrasses, drawn lalge Retrenchments, both within and without the heads of the Fauxboz~rgs,prepar'd Chains, and Barrels fill'd t ~ i t hEarth, to make Barricades for all the Streets, that the Enemies might be stopp'd at every Passage, while, in the mean time, they were to be slaughter'd with Musket Shot, and Stones from Windows, after they shou'd have enterd the Town. He had earth'd up the greatest part of the Gates, beaten down the Houses, which might have been of Service to the Enemy; cast and mounted above threescore pieces of Cannon, which were planted on the Ramparts, and shut up the River both above and below, by massy Chains, sustain'd by Palisades, and defended by strong Corbs de Gzlard, to preserve the Town from being surpriz'd, and to hinder the Entrance into it at low water. bn conclusion, he had forgot nothing, that cou'd possibly be necessary for a stout Delence, and for the repulsing Force by Force. For which cause, the King, who understood the difficulty better than those about him, who, at that time, listen'd rather to their Passion than their Reason, being not of Opinion, that his Enterprise cou'd succeed by Assault, in the present condition of his Affairs, alwajs rejected that Advice; besides loving his Subjects with a paternal Affection, and principally Paris, as he has always made it manifest, he cou'd never resolve on the Destruction of the fairest Flower in his Crown, and the noblest City in the Universe, by taking it in the way which they advis'd; which had been to expose it to the Fury of his hlen of War, and especially of the Hugonots, who, in revenge of their Massacre at St. Bartholowzew, rvou'd have lay'd it desolate with Fire and Sword. He resoiv'd therefore to take it by Famine, not doubting, but 2I

conclusion] conlusion 0.

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that all the Passages for Provisions being shut up, it wou'd soon be forc'd to a Surrender for want of Bread. And certainly his Design was very reasonably Iay'd, and according to all appearances ought to have succeeded, if his Expectation had not been deceiv'd, by one o f the most wonderful Prodigies of invincible Patience, or rather extrearn Obstinacy, in that almost unimaginable Distress, to which the). were reduc'd. I shall not here describe it in all the exactness of its Circumstances; 'tis enough if I barely say, what is generally known to l o all the IYorld, that the common Provisions, which were well husbanded, and distributed very sparingly, were consum'd in the month of June; that the Fauxbourgs being taken in July, they were shut u p in the Town, and restrain'd from going out to search for Herbs, L'eaves, and Roots. in the neighbouring Fields, and in the Ditches; that after they had eaten their Horses, Asses, Dogs, and Cats, they were reduc'd in August, to Rats and h/Iice, and then to Skins and Leather, and an abominable kind of Bread, wliich instead of 5Iea1, was made of the Bawd-er of dead mens Bones, tzlteri out of the Church-yard of 20 St. Innocent; that there were some, whom that Famine (by which twenty thousand persons dyed) brought to those horrible Extremities which are mention'd in the Sieges of Samaria and Jerusalem: Notsz7ithstandin: ail which Miseries, 'tis wonderful to consider, that the Parisiaris, accustom'd to Plenty, and even to live luxuriously, chose rather to endure this dreadful Famine to the end, and to expose themselves to certain Death, whose terrible Image they had dayly before their Eyes in every Street, than to hear the least word of a S::rrender. And questionless, they had many Inducement5, which con30 tributed to their obstinate Resolution of suffering so long and so contentedly. T h e Examples of the Princesses and great Ladies, who satisfy'd Nature with a very small Pittance of Oat Bread, taught them to bear those Miseries with constancy of Mind, which their Superiours of a more delicate and tender Sex, supported with so much chearfulness of Spirit. Add to this, the great Care and Vigilance of their Heads, to hinder Tumults

Liber IV

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315

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and Seditions, and the immediate Execution of Mutineers: T h e n the Awe and Terrour which was struck into then1 by the Sixteen, who had resum'd their first Authority in the Town: and who commonly threw into the Seine, without judicial Process, or form of Law. all such as were suspected to hold Intelligence with the King, or to make the least mention of a Treaty. But the most comfortable consideration, was the great Alms, which were daily distributed amongst the Poor, by the Order, and at the Charges of the Legat Cajetan, the Archbishop of Lions, the S p a n i ~ hEmbassador, the \Vealthiest of the City Companies, and the Cardinal Gondy Bishop of Paris, who voluntarily inclos'd himself within those TiValls, for the Relief and Ease of his poor Flock. Besides, they had no small Encouragement from the false Reports which the Dutchess of AIontpensiel; who was very skilful in coining News, caus'd dayly to he spreacl about Paris, and the iZssurances by Letters, whether true or forg'd, which she said she had receiv'd from her Brother the Duke of klayenne, from time to time, of speed;. Succours: All which Considerations, serv'd not a little to encourage the People, and to inure them to that wonderful sufferance of their Miseries. But after all, it must be ingenuously acknowledg'd, that the Cause which principally produc'd this great Effect, was the Zeal of Religion, which was easily inspir'd into the Peorle of Paris, and the great care which they took to perswade them, as really they did, that it was no less than to betray it, ancl expose it to the inevitable danger of being utterly destroy'd, as had happen'd in England, if they shou'd submit tliemseltes to a King, ~ v h oa.ade an open Profession of Calvinism. For in fine, they omitted no manner of Arts. and of Perswasions, to make this Opinion be su-allow'd by the i".lultitude, and consequently to harden them against the fear of Death it self, rather that1 endure the Dominion of a Prince who was an Heretique. I n the first place, they made use of the Sorbonnists, which (as their Liberty was then oppress'd) immediately made a new Decree, on the seventh of May, in which it is declar'd, T h a t Henry de Mutineers:] - . 0. lo Spanish] Spanish 0.

i

Y,

Sixteen] Sixteeri 0

3 16

History of t h e League

I59O

Bourbon, being a relaps'd Heretick, and excommunicated personally by our Holy Father; there was manifest danger, that he wou'd deceive the Church, and ruine the Catholique Religion, though he shou'd obtain an exteriour Absolution, and that therefore the French are oblig'd in Conscience, to hinder him with all their Power, from coming to the Crown, i n case King Charles the T e n t h shou'd dye, or even if he shou'd release his Right to him; and that, as all such who favour his Party, are actually Deserters of Religion, and continue in mortal Sin, 10 which makes them liable to eternal Damnation; so also, by the same reason, all such as shall persevere to the Death in resistance of him, as Champions of the Faith, shall be rewarded with the Crown of Martyrdom. On the occasion of this new Decree, a General Assembly was held at the Town-House, where all the Assistants were sworn to dye, rather than to receive an Heretick King. This Oath was renew'd yet more solemnly on the Holy Evangelists, betwixt the Hands of the Legat, at the foot of the great Altar of the Church of Arostredame, after a general Procession, at which, besides 20 the Clergy, were present, all the Princes and Princesses, and all the Companies, the Bishops and Abbots, the Colonels and Officers, and the Persons of Quality, follow'd by vast Multitudes, of People, where the Reliques of all the Churches in Paris were carryed. This Oath, reduc'd into Writing, was sent to every House, by the Overseers of the several Wards, who oblig'd all persons to take it: After which, the Parliament made an Ordinance, prohibiting, on pain of Death, that any one shou'd speak of making a Composition with the King of Navarre. And above all the rest, the Preachers of the League, so and the famous Cordelier Panigarole, Bishop of Ast, with Bellarmine the Learned Jesuit, who both acted in Conjunction with them; the Divines of the Legat Cajetan, who preach'd like the rest, during the Siege, encourag'd their Auditors to suffer all Miseries, rather than subject themselves to an Heretick, assuring them, according to the Decree of the Sorbonne, that if they shou'd loose their Lives for such a Cause, they dy'd un26 it:]

-.

0.

29 And] and 0.

1590

10

zo

30

L i b e r IV

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doubtedly for the Faith, and were to be esteenl'd n o less than Martyrs. There also happen'd an Accident, which as fantastical and ridiculous as it appear'd, was yet of use to animate the People, and to fortifie them in their Belief, that it was their Duty to make opposition, even to Death, against the setting u p an Heretick King. For above tlvelve hundred Ecclesiasticks, as well Seculars as Regulars, amongst whom, were the most reform'd, and most austere of every Order, such as were the Cartlzusians, M i n i x e s , Capuchins, and Feuillants, made a kind of Muster, marching in Rank and File through the Streets, wearing over their ordinary Habits, the Arms of Foot Soldiers, having Williariz R o i e the Bishop of Senlis at their Head, and the Figtlres of the Crucifix and the Blessed Virgin flanting in their Standard, to make it appear, that since Religion was the Matter in dispute; their Profession, as peaceable as it was, gave them no Dispensation in that Case, from hazarding their Lives in War like other Men, and that they were all resolv'd to dye with their Brethren, in the Defence of Faith. All Paris ran to this Spiritual Show, which was like to have prov'd fatal to the Legat; for making a Stop with his Coach at the end o i P o n t Nostredame, to behold this noble Spectacle of the Church Militant; while they were giving a Salve in honour of him, one of those good Fathers, who had borrow'd his Wlusket from a Citizen, and knew not that it was charg'd with Bullets, let fly, with no worse Intention than to show his Manhood, and fairly kill'd one of his men who sate in the Boot; which caus'd the Prelate, who lik'd not that unchristian Proceeding very well, to make haste away for his own Security. But this made no other Impression in the Parisians, than to confirm them in their Resolution: For when they beheld their Confessours and Guides of their Consciences, in that Warlike Posture, they believ'd such men wou'd never have appear'd in Arms, unless they were satisfy'd that it was for the Cause of God, in which it was their common Duty both to live and dye. But what most confirm'd them in this Belief, was, that the 25

Citizen] Citisen 0.

318

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King, whose hour of Conversion was not yet come, wou'd never hear speak of it, in any Overtures which were made, to no purpose, for a Peace. And though the Duke of N e ~ n o u r s ,~ v h o mhe had invited by a kind Letter to Submission, since he had already satisfy'd his Honour to the ful!, had protested, that he wou'd be the first to throw himself at his Feet, and that he wou'd make it his Uusines too, that Paris shou'd aclznosvledge him, provided he return'd into the Church, he aixvays rejected that Proposition: O n which account, whatsoever solemn Promises he made, that he wou'd maintain the Catholique Religion; the Parisians, (to whom their Preachers, who had an absolute Dominion over their Consciences, still represented the Example of E n g l a n d ) cou'd never resolve to confide in him. Thus, being perswaded that it u7as impossible for them to surrender, without giving up their Religion by the same Act; they had the Courage, in the midst of their Sufferings, to expect the great Succours which the Duke of Parma brought to their Relief at the end of Augzwt. And that excellent Commander, without giving Battel, (to which the King, who was constrain'd to retire with all his Forces from before Paris, cou'd never force him, so well he was retrench'd at Clay) had the Glory to execute his own design, and after his own manner, by taking L a g n y in the sight of the King, and freeing Paris, which was the end of his Undertaking. I t belongs to the general History of France, to describe all the particular Passages of that famous Expedition; I shall only say (that I may omit nothing which precisely concerns my Subject) that before the King had licens'd the Nobility and Gentry which attended him, to depart, and divided his Forces into several small Bodies, as he afterwards did, he wou'd needs make a last Attempt upon the 'Town. T o which effect, on Saturday night, the eighth of September, he convey'd secretly three or four thousand chosen Soldiers into the Fauxbourgs, St. Jacques, and St, fifarceazi, under the Leading of the Count de Chastillon, to scale the Walls betwixt those two Gates after Midnight, while the Town was buried (as it

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made, . . purpose,] g Proposition:] H 0. 2-3

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were) in the depth of Sleep. For he believ'd not that the Parisians, who k n e ~ that i ~ his Army was drawn up in Battalia on the Plain of Bonrly, all Saturday, wou'd keep themselves upon t!:eir Guard, on that side which he purpos'd to attaque. But as some notice had been given of his Design, and that besides, his Troops cou'd not possibly enter those Fauxbourgs, without noise, the Allarm was immediately taken, the Bells were rung, and the Citizens in Crouds mounted the Ramparts, especially, where he meant to have planted his Ladders. But at last, when after a long Expectation, no Enemy appear'd, and that n o more noise was heard, because the Kings So!diels, who were cover'cl by the Fazixbourgs, made not the least motion, and also kept a profound Silence, it was taken only fo: a lahe Alarm. T h e Bells ceas'd ringing, and every ;:la11 retir'd to his own Lodging, excepting only ten Jesuites, wilo being more vigilant than the rest, continu'd all the remainder oi that Night on the same Post, which was not far distant irorfi their Golledge. I n the mean time, the Soldiers of Clzastillon, who were softly crept down into the Ditch, began about four of the Clock in the hlorning, to set u p their Ladders, being faaour'd by a thick Mist, which hindrecl them frcln being discern'd. T h e Design was well enough lay'd, for there needed not above ten or twelve men to have got over irito the Town, who might have open'd the Gate of St. h / f a ~ c ~ atoz i their Fellows, by means of n Correspondence which was held with a Captain belorlging LO that Quarter; after which it had been easie to have possest themselves of the University, and consequently both the Town 'lnd the City ~vou'dhave submitted themselves to the Icing, lather than have expos'd Paris as a Prey to two great Armies, I)) admitting that of the Duke of Partnn, at the Gate of St. ~llartin. But the Vigilance of the ten Jesuites, broke all these Measlues which were so justly taken; for having heard a Noise in the Ditch, which was made by those who were setting u p their Ladders against the Walls; they cry'd o c t as loud as they cou'ct stretch their Voices, T o Arms, to Arms: Notwithstandins rvhicI~, 28

City]

-, 0.

,3fi To Arms, tu Arms:] to Arms, to A m s . 0.

History of the League

320 - --

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the Soldiers were still getting up, and the first of them, who was ready to leap upon the Rampart, happen'd to show his Head, just where one of those honest Fathers was plac'd; who gave him such a lusty lznock, with z,n old Halbard, which he had in his hand, as he stood Centry, that he broke it in two upon his Head, and tumbled him down with the Blow into the Ditch. T h e Companions of this valiant Jesuite, did as much to two other Soldiers, and a fourth, who was already got up, and held his Ladder with one Hand, to descend into the Town, and with the other a broad Curtle-axe, to cleave the Head of the first who shou'd oppose him, was stopp'd short by two of these Fathers, who, each of them, with a Partizan, so vigorously push'd him, that notwithstanding all the Blo~vswhich he made in vain, at too great a distance, for fear of their long Weapons, they forc'd him at the last to qnit his Ladder, and having hurt him in the Throat, overturn'd him backward into the Ditch after his Fellows. T h e two first Citizens who ran to their Relief, were the Advocate W i l l i a ~ nBalden, and the famous Bookseller Nicholas Nivelle; these two, finding one of those Jesuites g~applingwith a Soldier, who was getting up in spight of the poor Fathers weak resistance, came into the rescue, and lent him their helping Hands to kill him: And the Advocate immediately turning himself to another. who had already got upon the Ramparts, discharg'd so terrible a Reverse upon his right hand, with his Fauchion, that he cut it sheer off, and sent him headlong to the Dottom; in the mean time, the Alarm being once more warmly taken in the Town, the Citizens and Soldiers made haste to Man the Walls, especially on that side, and heaps of kindled Straw were thrown down to light the Ditch, and make discovery what was doing below; whereupon the Kings Soldiers being easily discern'd, left both their Ladders and their Attempt, which now cou'd not possibly succeed, and retir'd to the Body of their Army. So little was there wanting to bring about so great an Enter18 The two] " A n n 1591'"In m a t p n In 0: the ro)rect position is opposite "he" zn 32z:?z below.

1591

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Liber IV

32 1

prise: For 'tis most certain, that i t these ten Jesuits had done like the Townsmen, and had gone back to take their rest in their College, after the first Alarm rvi~ichwas held for false, the King had that day entred Paris. But the Divine Providence had reserv'd chat happiness for a time more favourable to Religion, and to that City; into v:hich the King, being Victorious over the League, was ordain'd to make a peaceable entrance, after he had solemnly profess'cl the Catholique Faith. I n the mean time, the aiiiairs 01 the League, far from being advanc'd after this expedition, which was so glorious to the Duke of Parma, were soon alter reduc'd into a worse estate than formerly, by reason of that horrible division which arose among their Party, and by the prudent conduct of the King. For perceiving that his hopes were frustrate of drawing them to a Battel, who were now at their ease, after the taliing of Lagny, and had their Quarters securely extended in L a Brie; he remanded one part of his Forces to refresh themselves ill the Neighbouring Provinces, and put another into Garrisons, in such places as might serve to hinder the commerce with the Parisians, and particuiarly in St. Denis, which he had taken during the Siege of Paris, and where the Chevalier d'Aumale, who endeavour'd to retake it some small time afterwards, was kill'd when he was almost in possession of the place. Himself, in the mean time, with a Aying Army beat the Field, to cut oil Provisions from Paris, and from the Ariny of the Duke of Parma; who having lost much time in taking Corbeil, which wzs immediately retaken from the League, was constrain'd to return into Fla?ztlers, having always the King at his heels, who perpetually harass'd him, and put him to very great inconveniences and hardships, during his march to the Frontiers of Artois, for so far he took the pains to bring him on his Journy: After which he made another attempt on Paris, which he hop'd to have surpris'd by the Gate of St. h'onore', with many Waggons Ioaden with Meal, and driven by stout Soldiers disguis'd in the habits of Countrymen. T h e stratagem not succeeding, because there was some suspicion of the design, he

322

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reassembled all his Forces, and went to lay Siege to Chartres, which after a vigorous defence of more than two months, not being reliev'd by the Duke of Alayenne, was constrain'd at last to come to a surrender. It was particularly by the Valour, Policy, and Industry of the Brave Count of Chastillon, Colonel of the French Infantry, that this considerable place was taken: For that young Lord, who had as much understanding as courage, and was very knowing, especially in the hlathematicks, invented a kind of 10 wooden Bridge, xz~hithhe cast by a nevi sort of machine, over the Dltch; by means of which they cou'd pass under covert, and without danger, as far as the foot of a great breach, which he had made on the side of Galardon. After which, Alonsieur de la Bourclaisiere, who had bravely defended himself till then, seeing there was n o longer a possibility of resistance, made his capitulation; which the King, always generous, and a great Lover of valour even in his Enemies, granted him on very honourable terms. This was the last action of Chastillon, who having serv'd his 20 Prince all along with so much gallantry, ended his Life in the flower of his Age; dying not long after at his House of Chastillon on the Loing, of a disease which he had brought upon himself, by his over-labour at a Siege, wherein he had acquir'd so just a reputation and so much glory. H e way extremely lamented even by the Catholiques, who had oliserv'd in him a great inclination to renouilce his Calvinism in short time, as he who already had begun to find out the falsities of that opinion; tho' the Admiral de Coligny his Father, who was a strong Huguenot, had caus'd him to be carefully instructed in that so way. But that happiness which he liv'd not to enjoy, was reserv'd for his younger Bro~her,Alonsieur d'dladelot, who, like another Jacob, succeeded to the blessing which was denyed to the Elder Son. H e was happy also in his Posterity, ~ v h oby serving their King and the T r u e Religion with great zeal, have repair'd the mischiefs which have been done to both, by the Admiral their 22

I ozng] L o i r ~0.

Liber IV

-1531

10

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923

Predecessor. And certainly 'tis one great sign of this good fortune, that we have seen in our own days, the Fo~cesof the King, commanded by the Count of Coligny, for the assistance of the Emperor against the T u r k , obtain a glorious Victory over them, at that memorable Battel of Raab, the gaining of which preserv'd the Empire, and deliver'd it from the imminent danger of being overrun by Infidels. But to proceed. This last piece of service which was perform'd by Chastillon for the King, was of great importance to the happy success of his Affairs: For having already in his hands the passages of all the Rivers, which discharge themselves into the Seine, for the supply of Paris; and also being absolute Master of L a Beaztce, by the reduction of Chart?es, and of the other small places of the same Province; that great City was on the sudden, as it were, invested on all sides: And about the same time he receiv'd intelligence, of the great srlccesses which his Commanders had in other places against the Leaguers: L e s Diguieres in Dauplzlne', where he Tvas receiv'd in Grenoble: L a Vnlette in Provence, the Mareschal of A l a t i g n o ? ~in Glcyenne, where Bozircleaz~x,which had hitherto maintain'd it self in a kind of neutrality, return'd to the Obedience of the King, and i e r of Nevers, in N o r m a n d y and in the Dukes of A l o ~ z t p e ~ ~ s and Champaigne. But that which, in conclusion, ruin'd the League, which was already weakned by Arms, was the furious division kindled amongst the Heads of it; the occasion of which I shall next relate. T h e Duke of Parma had sufficiently taken notice, that the Duke of Afayenne, of whose carriage he was not other~vise well satisfied, had design'd to make use of the Spaniards, in order to his support against the King, but not to be of use to them, in making them Masters at least of some part of France, which was their intention, or to assist them in the Election of a new King, who shou'd absolutely depend on them, now that the old Cardinal of B o u r b o n was deceas'd in Prison at Fontenay le Covite: For which reason he fail'd not to give notice to King 18 Diguieres in Dauphinel diguieres in Daupllinb 0. 95 Conte:] w 0.

.

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Philip, that he ought not to build any assurance hereafter on that Prince, who had besides, lost much of his reputation, by the ill success of his affairs; and that it was much more expedient for him, to get an interest in the Corporations of great Towns, and above all in the Sixteen of Paris, who to compass the restoration of their Authority, which the Duke of M a y e n n e had once more taken from them, ~ ~ o u easily 'd consent to what he pleas'd. The King of Spain follorv'd this advice, and the Sixteen, who mortally hated the Dulze of M a y e n n e , seeing themselves supported by the Sjaniards, with whom they had entred into a strict League of Interest and Friendship, openly enterpris'd, what contempt soever he had of them, in despight of him, to re-establish themselves in their first Authority. And that which rais'd their courage to a greater height, and made them more boldly put their resolutions in practice was, that Gregory the Fourteenth, who was nerdy exalted to the Papacy, had declar'd in favour of them; imitating the Spaniards in that particular, and going quite contrary to S i x t u s the Fifth. That Pope Sixtzis, who had so ill treated the King of Navarre, by the thundring Bull which he had publish'd against him, and who afterwards oppos'd his being King of France, had very much alter'd his opinion, after he had been better inform'd of the French affairs: For having made solid reflections on the past, without suffering himself to be prepossess'd, he clearly understood the great merits of the King, whom he then endeavour'd to reconcile to the Church by gentle usage: T h e Ambition of the Heads of the League, the indirect dealing and cousenages of their Agents, (who had so often deceiv'cl him by false Reiations; and more than all the rest, the pernicious designs of the Spaniards, who that they might irrevocably ingage him in their Interests, Irere vehemently urgent with him to Excommunicate all the Catholiques who follo~v'dthe King, a x 1 that he shou'd bind himself by Oath, never to receive hinl i ~ t othe Bosom of the Church, what submission soever he shoulcl make;) had opened his eyes, and caus'd him to take much otlaer measures. For they proteected at length to plain threatninqs, that if he

Liber I V

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325

deny'd them this satisfaction, they wou'd protest in a full Assembly against him, and make provision of other means for the preservation of the Church which he had abandon'd. This so far inrag'd him, as he ~vasthe hlan amongst all the Popes, who was the least capable of bearing such affronts, that opposing threatnings to threatnings, he told the Embassador Olivares in plain terms, he wou'd cut off his Head if he shou'd presume to stir any farther in that matter: Which fair warning he was wise enough to take, as well knowing the fiery temper of l o the Pope, who was like enough to have kept his word. Nay, there are some who are apt to think, that far from joyning with the League against the King, to which the Spaniards perpetually solicited him for their own interest, he had resolv'd to employ the five Rlillions of Gold, whiih he had heap'd up in the Castle of St. Angelo, during his $opeclo~,r. to make War against them, and to beat them orlt of the Kingdom of Naples. But his measures were all broken by a s~rdde1-1 death, which carry'd him off on the twenty seventh day of A ugz~st,in the Year precedent. 20 T h e Leagziers, who observ'd not even coinmon decency, so little dissembled their joy for his death, that the news of it being brought to Paris, on the fifth of September, A z ~ b r y ,the Curate of St. A n d r t des Arcs, an harebrain'd Fool, declaring it to the people in his Sermon, was i m p ~ ~ d e enough to say, lhat nt his death came by miracle, betwixt the two Feasts of 0111- Lady: And added these his very words: Gncl has delivey'd z ~ sJsom a wicked Pope, and an ill Politician: If he had liv'd longer, you wozl'd lznve been all amaz'd to hear Serlcons Preach'd i n Paris against a Pope; and yet it must of rzccessity h a ~ l ebeen done. 30 Behold, how tnuch these Preachers O F the 1,ea:tir were intoxicated with their passions, which they easily inflrs'd into the people; who followed quietly, like blind men, their Guides, who were blinder than themselves, and who led them to the Precipice, where they all perish'd. Gregory the Fourteenth, a Milanois, who was exalted to the 8 matter:] I ady:] L'F)

--..

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326

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History of t h e League

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Papacy after Urban the seventh, who enjoyed that honour but thirteen days, proceeded in direct opposition to the conduct of Sixtus the Fifth. He joyn'd with the Spaniards, and declar'd openly in favour of the League, according to the manner they desir'd: For laying aside the Duke of Mayenne, and the other Princes of his House, for whom the Spaniards little car'd, he writ immediately to the Sixteen, to encourage them to persevere in the resolution which they had always testified, and never to submit themselves to Henry de Bourbon. He promised them fifteen thousand Crowns by the Month, for so long a time as he shou'd judge it necessary for their supply, and an Army of 1 2 0 0 0 men to be rais'd and entertain'd at his own charges, which he wou'd suddenly send them, under the Conduct of Hercules Sfondrato his Nephew, whom he made Duke of Montemarciano. And that he might joyn his Spiritual Arms with his Temporal, he sent into France (by the Referendary Marcelin Landriano) a Monitory, by which he Excommunicated all Prelates, and all other Ecclesiasticks of the Kings Party, depriving them of their Benefices, if within a certain short space of time they did not forsake him, and retire out of all places under his obedience: He oblig'd the Nobility and Gentry, the Magistracy and the People, to do the same; and, in conclusion, declar'd Henry of Bourbon to be a relaps'd Heretique, Excommunicated, and to have forfeited the Crown and all his Possessions and Lordships. There are sometimes Thunders, which make a ratling noise and do no harm, because the fiery exhalation which breaks out of the Clouds, is evaporated, whether by the thinness of its body, or by the violent agitation of the Air, which disperses it before it reaches us. Of all the Thunderbolts which have been darted from the Vatican, against Sovereign Princes, there will be found but few which have been so noisy as this, which was accompanied with an Army that was to Act in conjunction with the League and Spaniards: All which notwithstanding it had little or no effect, by the care which was taken to make evident, by many Writings which were spread abroad, the nullities of this Bull; and by the vigorous resolutions of the King's Council of Parliament, sitting at Tours and at Chaalons, and of the

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Liber IV

327

Clergy of France, assembled at illante, who condemn'd it as erroneous, every one of them after their own manner. Insomuch, that not a Man of all the Catholicks, on that account forsook the Party of the King, whose conversion was continually hop'd, as soon as he had the means and opportunity of causing himself to be instructed. So strongly were our Ancestors perswaded, that the power of Popes, as Heads of the Church, extends not at all upon the temporal, and much less on the Rights of the Crown; and that it can ordain nothing to the prejudice of that Fidelity and A!lllegiance ~vhich is due to Princes, in hose things which are not manifestly against God. 'Tis true, that the Parliament at Paris being for the League, receiv'd that Bull, and repeal'd the Decrees of Chaalons and Tours: But 'tis manifest, it was then no free Court, as being at that time oppress'd under the Tyranny of the Sixteen, who had fetter'd it (as I may say) by the fear which every Member of it had, to be led Captive in Triumph to the Bastile. I n this manner, those turbulent Spirits, who may justly be call'd the sixteen Tyrants of Paris, finding themselves supported by the Protection of a Pope, became daily more insolent and haughty, in opposition to the Duke of Mayenne's Authority: and their Boldness was increas'd yet more, by a most surprising Answer, which the King of Spain made to the Deputies of the Lorrain Princes. Those Princes being assembled at Rizeims, where was present the Cardinal of Pelue', whom the Duke of Alayenne had made Archbishop of that Place, found themselves (in that low Condition to which they were reduc'd) unable by their own Power to resist the King, or to procure their safety by any other means, than by obtaining from King Philip, the Assistance of all his Forces, to the end that they might be able to maintain that King, who was to be elected in the States General, which were to be assembled for that purpose; each of them in his own Person pretending to that Honour, yet none of them daring to own his Ambition openly, for fear of drawing on himself the Hatred of his Rivals, who wou'd certainly unite and band themselves together to exclude him. T h e Person who was chosen to negotiate in Spain, was the 17

Captive] Captives 0.

25

Pelud] Pelub 0.

History

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the Lengue

1591

famous Peter Jannin, President of the Parliament of Bouygogne, a man of great Integrity, exquisite Understanding, rare Prudence, and inviolable Fidelity, which had caus'd the Duhe of il.ir/;e?z?reto repose an absolute Confiderl~ein him; who. for his own g.,rt, in he Honest)- of his well meaning Soul, had fol1o:v'd him, aild the Party oi the Leaglie with an implicit Faith, that it nas ior the safety of Religion and of the State: for on the one side, lie believ'd not that Reiigion cou'd be preserv'd in France, if the Kirig were not a Catholique, and therefore he a r p ' d that he ought to be such; and on the other side, being an laoncat French-man, he wou'd, like hi5 ;\laster, rnahc use of the S,"/alcilrtds to compass his ends, but not serve them by favouring their unjust Designs in the least circumstance, to the prejudice of the State. Being such as E have here describ'd him, it was not hard for him to discover the Intentions of King Philip: who holding himself assur'd of the Sixteen, which he believ'cl to be the prevailing Faction, and much more powerful than in effect it was, lay'd himself so open, as to make his Intentions be clearly understood, which the great Prudence and Policy, whereon he so much valued himself, shou'd have kept undiscover'd for a longer tirne, in e ~ ~ ~ e c t a t of i o na fittirig o;)portnnity to make them known, when all things were dispos'd, and in a due readiness for the Execution of his Designs. After the President had represented to him in his Audiences, the ~tcaknessand necessities of the League, the Forces and Progress of the King, the extreanl dailger in which Religion then was. and tile irnri-iortal glory which he night acquire by preserving it izl the most Christian Kingdom, by the Assistance ~ v h i c h1~2sexpected from his Zeal and Power, t h a ~Prince ~ v h ou7aswilling to sell his Aid at a higher Price than bare Glory tvithout more advantage, open'd his niind, without any reserve, after a most s~lrprizing manner. For he caus'd him to be told by his Secretzry Den J o h n D'ldiaques, that he had resoi;r'd to marry his onlj Daxghter the i n f a n t a Isabella, to the Archduke Emcstz~s,and to give him in II

bs,

o~l'd,J

?-,,

0.

I

them]

-

, 0.

gi

Giorj]

-

, i:.

1591

L i b e r IV

329

Dowry the Low-Countries, and since that for the Preservation of Religion in France, it was necessary they shou'd have a Catholick King, they cou'd not make a better Choice than of that Princess, ~vho,being Neece to the three last Kings, and Grand-daughter to Henry the Second, was without contradiction more nearly related to them than the Bourbons: that with her Person, all the Lo:u-Cotintries wou'd be re-united to the Crown, and that having, besides these Advantages, the whole Forces of the House of Austria in favour of her, the Hereticks l o wou'd soon be exterminated, and the Prince of Bearn expell'd from the Kingdom. T h e President overjoy'd, that he had wherewithal to disabuse the Duke of Mayenne, by means of this strange PropoGtion, and confirm him in those good Opinions which the Sieur de T'illeroy had infus'd into him; ans~ver'dKing Philip with great Prudence, and no less Policy; and faintly putting him in mind of the Salique Law, on which he did not much insist, seem'd rather to encourage, than dash his IJopes, in the prosecution of his Purpose. Insomuch, that he drew him to a Promise of 20 great Supplies, both in Men and Money, which he fail'd not to send, with more speed than usual. And the Duke being satisfy'd, that according to that ambitious Design of the Spaniards, he cou'd never pretend to the Kingdom; us'd all his Endeavours for the future, that the Election might not fall on any other; not even on a Prince of his own Family, who might marry the Infanta. On the contrary, the Sixteen, who were altogether at the Devotion of the S;~aniards, by whom they were po~verfully protected against him, wrote to King Philip, by one Father Altrtthew (not the Jesuite of that Name) a large Letter, the 30 Original of which, being intercepted near Lyons, war brought to the King; in which, after their humble Acknowledgnlents to his Catholick hllajesty. of the many Favours an3 Benefits which they had receiv'd-from him, they earnestly petition him, that in case he shou'd reruse to accept the Crow-11el France, lie wou'd I ow-Coz~;zt,~es] LON-Countries 0. ; L,ow-Cou~t?ier]Lor%.-Coi~ntrie< 0 19 of his] of of hi5 0. I

!7

Lawz] Laill O

3 30

History of t h e League

'591

give them a King of his own Family, or at least some other Prince, whom he shou'd please to elect for his Son in Law. 'Tis farther observable, that the Division which was betwixt the Duke of Mayenne, and his nearest Relations, exceedingly increas'd the Power, arid by consequence, the Audacity and Insolence of those factious men: For on one side, the Duke of Nemours (who was much incens'd, that after he had so bravely defended Paris, the Government of Normandy shou'd be refus'd him, which Province he thought to have erected into a l o Principality, like that of Bretagne, of which, the Duke of Mercaur had made himself a Soveraign Prince) was retir'd with a good part of the Forces into Lionnois, and by the Correspondence which he held with the Sixteen, did his best endeavours to supplant him; and cause himself to be chosen Head of the Party; on the other side, the young Duke of Guise, who had made his escape from the Castle of Torirs where he was detain'd Prisoner, having been receiv'd with great Acclarnations by the Leaguers, who believ'd, that in his Person, they had recover'd his dead Father, their great Patron and Protector; 20 gave him much anxiety, and fill'd his mind with jealous apprehensions, especially when he observ'd that the great Name of Guise, so much reverenc'd by the Parisians, drew after it not only the Crowd of common People, but also the Nobility and Gentlemen of the League. But above all things it grated him, that his Nephew had made a strict Alliance with the Faction of Sixteen, who were overjoy'd to have him at their Head, in opposition to his Uncle, whom they hated: All these Considerations put together, swell'd them to so great an arrogance, that they resolv'd to rid their hands of all such as were in a Condi30 tion of hindring them from being Absolute in Paris. T o this effect, they bethought themselves of inventing a new kind of Oath, which excluded from the Crown all the Princes of the Blood; and presenting it to such, whom they knew to be too well principled to sign it, on their Refusal, they made Seizure of their Estates, and banish'd them. In fine, having- by. this abominable Practice, driven away a11 those who stood susI1

~Uercaur]sic in 0.

Liber IV

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30

pected by them, and even the Cardinal of Gondy their Bishop, who, together with the Curats of St. illerry, and of St. Euslache, endeavour'd to incline the People, by gentle Perswasions, to return to their Obedience; they committed a most barbarous and inhumane action, which by the just Judgment of God and ;\fen, was i n conclusion, the ruine of that execrable Faction. For, to intimidate the Parliament, which oppos'd their unjust and violent Undertakings, and had newly acquitted one of those, whom they accus'd of holding Correspondence with the Royalists, and to revenge themselves of the President Brisson, who had advertis'd the Duke of hlayenne, that those Villains had written to the King of Spain, and offer'd him the Crown; on the fifteenth of A-ovember, very early in the hlorning, they seiz'd that worthy Gentleman, together with the Sieur Larcher a Counsellor of Parliament, and the Sieur Tardif, his great Friends and Confidents; carry'd them one after the other, to the Petit Chastelet, and there having first declar'd them by their own private Authority, without other form of Process, to be attainted and convict of Treason, for having favour'd the Party of the King of Nauarre, they order'd them to be hang'd on a Eeam of the Council Chamber, and the next day ty'd them to three Gibbets, in the Place of the Greve, having each ol them an Inscription fastned to him, signifying that they were Traytors to their Country, and favourers of Hereticks. ?'hey believ'd that by this means, the People imagining that those unfortunate men intended to have sold them to the Enemy, wou'd approve that action; but on the contrary, every one shook with horror at so piteous a Spectacle. Even those who were of their Faction, detested in their hearts this horrible Cruelty, and there were none who had not reason to fear that their own Lives might every moment be expos'd to the fury of those Tyrants, if some speedy stop were not put to the course of their outragious Proceedings: For which reason, when the Duke of Alayenne had receiv'd Notice of it at Laon, where he then was, and was withal advertis'd, that those furious People had incurr'd the general Hatred, and that they said openly, 33 Proceedings:]

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332

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that they wou'd do as much to him, as they had done to others; he came at length to be of Opinion, that he might safely punish them, without fear of a Wising in their Favour. Upon ~vhich, he entred Paris with the Forces which he had about him, forc'd Bzissy le Clerc to surrender the Bastile into his hands; and after having laid the Faction asleep, by a seeming negligence for some few days, while they believ'd that he had satisfyed himself, with the Reproof which he had given them in the Townhouse, where he only advis'd them to be more moderate, he l o condemn'd nine of them to death, without observing more formalities than they had us'd on the like occasion. Four of them, namely, Ameline, Emonot, Anroux, and Commissary Lozlchard, who were apprehended on the fourth of September betimes in the morning at their houses, were brought to the Louwe, where the Duke of hlayenne, as they were told, desir'd to speak with them. But upon their entrance, they found the Siezlr cle Vitry, who caus'd their Sentence to be read to them: And at the same time, the Executioner, T Y ~ stood O ready with his Servants, his Halters, and his Ladder, hung them 20 u p all four on a Beam, in the Swisses Hall. T h e remaining five, y Clerc, having receiv'd intimation amongst whom was B ~ ~ s sLe that they were to be taken, sav'd themselves by fiying into Flanders, where they dy'd of want, being unreliev'd and forsaken by all mankind. T h e Duke was contented to punish the rest in :heir purses, by forcing them to refund the wealth which they had scrap'd , so much rapine and opprestogether during their T p r a n n ~with sion. And to cut up by the roots, those evils which proceeded from the licentious meetings of the Sixteen, particulariy at the 30 houses of the two Curats, Boucher and Pelletier, as also to free the Citizens from their arbitrary power of commanding them to Arm when they thought good, which they durst never disobey; he caus'd to be verified in Parliament, and publish'd an Ordinance, by which all persons u7ere prohibited on pain of Life, and especially those who were called Tlze Council o l Sixteen, to hold any more Assemblies. And all the Officers,Colonels, Captains, Lieutenants, Ensigns of the Town, and most considerable

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Citizens jojning with him, to take from that accursed Race of factious inen, a" farther power of harming either the publick or private persons, they all swore, and niade a promise to Almighty God, on the Holy Evangelists, neither to take Amis thenselves, nor permit others to take Arms, or to assemble themselves together, urllcss b j authority from the Duke of *Ilaycizne, or the Provost ot XIerchants and the Sheriffs, who were his Creatures: T o a l l on all such ~ s h oshou'd presume to Arm, or to Assemble, and to use them like Traytors, Mutineers, and 10 Persons guilty of Impiety and High Treason: And if they shou'd discover any attemp1 or secret conspiracy, to give notice of it to the hlagistrates, to the end the Authors and Accomplices of it might be brought to condign punishment, and themselves might live in peace and quietness, in the fear of God, and under the protection of the Laws. I have seen in the Library of hfonsieur Colbert, (which is stor'd with great nurnbers of excellent Xlanuscripts, and most authentick pieces) the Original of this Oath in Parchment, sign'd by. five hunclrc-8, f i l l y eight Persons, whereof two hun20 dred sixty four sign'd on the fifth of September, (the day after the Execution of the four, ~ s h owere hang'd at the Louvre) and the rest on the twenty third of December, and the tenth of Janztary, in the year following. This Isas the fatal blow, which beat clown the Facticn of the Sixteen, which from that time foiward, was so far disarm'c! and weakn'd, that it never durst offer at any thing more: which was one of the principal Causes of the Freedom; and in consequence of the peaceable Reduction of Paris, to the 0hedie:lce of the King. For which reasoil, I Itejifj\e my Reader will I:e glad to be 30 acquairlted with the S;;~:lcs of some aillongst tllcm, ~\.ho,l ~ y the great Zeal ~vhiclithey testify'd on that occasion, to assure the Peace and Liberty of Patis, had the Happiness and Glory to have much contributed to the accomplishment of so good a Work. I cou'd not here insert five hundred Names, without tiring the Patience of my Reader, who will therefore satisfy himself with those few, which I have selected from so great a number, because they appear to n:e to be the best known, and

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the most remarkable amongst them. Nicholay, Thiersaut, Le Feure, L'Huillier, Parfait, Kouilliard, Pasquier, Boulanger, Blondel, Rolland, Hebert, De Cominges, Amelot, D'Aubray, and P. Le Tellier. T h e Duke of Mayenne, having in this manner re-establish'd his own Authority, and the security of Paris, by the pulling down, or rather the total ruine of the Sixteen, wou'd also repair the Loss which the Parliament had sufEer'd of its only President, remaining now without an Head: and acting with absolute Power, in the nature of a Soveraign Monarch, he created four new Presidents, out of their number, whom he believ'd to be entirely in his Interests, not doubting but they wou'd irnploy themselves on all occasions, to maintain his Power in that Body: After which he was oblig'd to take the Field, and to beg, as he had done formerly the Assistance of the Spaniards against the King; who having made great progress during those Troubles and Divisions, which were likely at that time to ruine the Party of the League, had laid Siege to Roiien. He had already taken Noyon in view of the Enemies Army, which was then stronger than his own: And having lately receiv'd the Supplies of Money, and of three thousand men, which the Earl of Essex, the Queen of Englands Favourite had brought him, he went with twelve hundred Horse to joyn upon the Frontier, on the Plains of J'andy, five or six thousand Reiters, and above ten thousand Lansquenets, which the Vicount de Turenne had brought him from Germany; where he negotiated so well with the three Protestant Electors, and William Lancltgrave of Hesse, that he obtain'd this considerable Succour, notwithstanding all the Endeavours which the 1-mperor Rodolpizus had us'd to hinder him: Which important Ciervice, with many others which he had constantly perform'd frorli time to time, during the space of eighteen years that he had serv'd the King, v:as immediately recompenc'd by his Royal Master, who having given him the Baston of Mareshall, made Hebert, U e ] Hebe-s, Des 0. ro which] which which 0. Bast011 of tlareshall] Basron

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13-14 Body: After] Body aftel 0. 30 him:] 0 blareshall 0

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him Duke of Bouillon, and Soveraign Prince of Sedan, by giving him in marriage the Princess Charlotte de la Mark, Sister and Heir to the Duke deceas'd. He also on his side, being desirous to let the King understand, that he wou'd endeavour to deserve that Honour which was done him by his Majesty, and what he might expect hereafter from him, did like David, who marry'd not Sauls Daughter, till he had kill'd an hundred Philistims; for, as a Preparatory to his Marriage, in imitation of that Scripture-Hero, he took the Town of Stenay by Scalado, the day before his Marriage. T h e King now finding himself strengthen'd with so considerable a Supply, went to re-joyn the Gross of his Army before Rouen, which the Marshal de Biron had invested. As that Town was well attaqu'd, so was it better defended, during the space of six months, by Andrew Brancas de Villars, who was afterwards Admiral of France, and at that time Lieutenant General in Normandy, and Governour of Rouen and Havre de Grace, for the League. He perform'd on that occasion, all that cou'd be expected from a great Captain, for the defence of a Town committed to his Charge; and by his long and vigorous Resistance, twice gave leisure to the Duke of Mayenne, to bring him the Relief which he had obtain'd from the Spaniards. It was not without much difficulty that he gain'd these Succours; but at length, having artfully insinuated into the King of Spains Ministers, that he wou'd procure the Election to fall upon the Infanta, which thing they passionately desir'd, though he fed them only with false hopes of it; the Duke of Parma receiv'd such express Orders to march once more into France, for the Relief of Rouen, that it was impossible for him to resist them, though he wou'd gladly have been dispenc'd with, from that expedition. He therefore advanc'd but very slowly, with a strong Army of thirteen or fourteen thousand old Soldiers, Spaniards and Walloons, and seven or eight thousand French, Lorrainers and Italians, which last, were the remainders of the Duke of Mayennes, and Montemarciano's Forces. T h e King in person, went to meet them on their way, with part of his Cavalry, to harrass 31

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them in their March, and advanc'd as far as Ai~nlale,that he might defend that Passage against them. But considering that he had not strength enough to maintain it, and that their whole Army, which he \vent on purpose to view arld to observe, was conling to fali upox hirz:, ant1 ~ ~ i i g heasily t illclose him, by passing the River, either above or below that Burrough, he thought it necessary to make a speedy Retreat. 'Tis tiue, that this Retreat which he made in view of so great an Army, was very brave, and that he never show'd the greatness of his Courage and undaunted Resolution, more than on this occasion, which was the most dangero~asin which he had ever been ingag'd; but the great Captains of that time, all concurr'd in one Opinion, that he perform'd it rather like a valiant Soldier, 1~110was well seconded by Fortune, than like a prudent General, whose duty it is, to take his Measures so justly, that he may not absolutely depend on the inconstancy of chance, which often, by one sudden blow, has ruin'd the most fix'd and solid Undertakings. For, that he might give his men the leisure of retiring ~vithtlie Baggage, he plac'd an hundred Arquebusiers, at the entrance of the Burrough, and putting himself at the Head of two hundred Horse, he advanc'd almost half a League towards the Fnemy, corning up within Pistol-shot of them, and made Inany discharges upon the Carabins, which march'd at the Head ol tile Army, whom he immediately stopp'd. But the Duke of. Parma, having receiv'd information, that he was there in Person, so weakly attended, and oult of his Generals Post, first sent out his light-Horse against him, and after them, the Body of his rrlerr at Arms, who drove him i>ack into A1in:ale. His hundred Arquebusiers were there alnlost all of them cut in pieces, and he was in danger to have been inclos'd, and either kili'd or taken, had not the night come on apace, during which, the Enemies unwiliing to ingage themselves any farther, without having first discover'd the Country, he fortunately brought off his men, in that dangerous Retreat; in which he was shot in the Reins with a Pistol-Bullet; but the Discharge being made at too great a distance, it oniy raz'd his Skin, without farther harm: His Enemies themselves, and principally the Duke of

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Parma, in this Combat, admir'd his Valour, and his good Fortune, but gave no great cornmendations to his Conduct, and the hlarshal de Biron, who us'd to speak his mind freely, cou'd not hold from telling him at his return, that it was unbecoming a great King to do the duty of a Carabin. I n the mean time Villars, izilling LO ~ n a k eadvantage of his Absence, perfolm'd one of the most gallant Actions which were done in tile course of the whole War. For being inform'd by his Spies, in ~ v h a torder the Camp oE the Besiegers lay; he on the twenty sivth of F z b ? ! i d T ) , made a furious Sally o c t of all the Gates which ~vereopposite to the Key; which, in effect, was worth to him the gairiing of a Battel. For having surpris'd the Enemy. and carry'd ail the Qua1 ters which iook'd to~sardsthose Gates, at a brisk Charge, nhich he made on them severally, at the same time, he possest hi~nselfof the Trenches and all the ; during a!most two hours Camp which was on that ~ i d c where, that he was XIaster of thel:>, his Infantry beat down, overthrew, t Tenls, Gahions, Batteries, Utensils, Amwasted and b ~ m the munition, Powcler and Eaggage; fill'd u p the Trenches, spoil'd the RSines, nail'd the Cannon, destroy'd or made useless almost all their Labour, while himself advancing with four Squadrons of chosen men. against the Marshal de Bi7on (who was hasting thither, though somewhat of the latest, from his Quarters at of his Men) made good his Retreat Dernetal, to the SLICCOU~ with great biavery, returning often to the Charge, that his Infantry might have leisure to make havock of all things, and afterwards to retire with him, ~vhichthey did, and he re-enter'd the Tolam in triumph, with more than an htlndred Pri$oners, and five great pieces of Cannon, having kill'd above five hundred men. twelve Captains, t ~ v oColonels, and disorder'd and routed the greatest part of the Canlp, without the loss of more than thirty men. After this great Success, l/~llatsheld Izirnseli to be in so good a Condition of del-ence, that he sent, to desire of the two Dukes, to supply him only with Money for Payment of the Garrison, as believing that he shou'd need n o other Succours. But the King, who at his return, qoon redress'cl the Disorders, and forwarded

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the Siege, having shut up the River both above and below the Town, with a great number of Barques, which were well equipp'd, and ten great Holland Vessels, which were brought him by Count Philip of Ncssau, the Town was reduc'd to a want of Provisions, in two moneths time. Insomuch, that Yillurs was constrain'd to give notice to the Dukes, who were refreshing their Army beyond the Somme, that the Citizens were not of the same mind with the Parisians, to dye of Famine, and that therefore he shou'd be forc'd to capitulate, in case he was not l o reliev'd within eight days. At this News, the Dukes, who on the other hand understood, that the Kings Army was much weaken'd with hard Duty and Suffering at so long a Siege, in one day reassembled all their Forces, march'd without their Baggage, re-pass'd the Sommr, made thirty Leagues in four days time, and on the twentieth of April, appear'd in Battalia within a League of Rouen. T h e Head-officers enter'd the City that Evening, because the King, (who was not able to make Resistance at one time, against a great Army which lay without, and a Garrison within the 20 Town, encourag'd by the presence of so powerful a Relief) was constrain'd to raise the Siege, and to retire to Pont de Z'Ayth, where the Nobility, and the Troops which he had before sent off, to refresh themselves in the adjacent Country, reassembled within five or six days, to the number of three thousand Horse, and six thousand Foot. Then finding himself superiour in strength to the Army of the Dukes, who having taken the small Town of Cuudebec, were gone to take u p their Quarters at Yvetot, and to cover it; he march'd directly towards the~n,with a Resolution, either to force them to a Battel, or to enclose so them within a little corner of the Cocntrey of Callx, cutting thern off from all manner of Provisions, and taking f~ornthem all means of their Retreat. And truly his Design in all probabiiit) r:iurt I-rave succeeded; for having forc'd them, after many small Skirmishes, wherein he had still the advantage, to forsake their Quarters at Yvetot, and to retire by night to a more secure Post, within a quarter I8

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of a League of Caudebec, he surrounded them, and shut them u p so straightly, that they cou'd neither subsist any longer, all the Passages for Victuals being seiz'd, nor yet retire, having at their Back an Arm of the Sea, and before them an Enemy, who was stronger than themselves: nor con'd they fight, without being evidently expos'd to a total Overthrow. But the good Fortune, the Skill and great Genius of the Duke of Parmn, overcame all these Dificu!ties, and in one night drew them out of that imminent Danger of perishing, when no appearance of safety was remaining to them. For under protection of two great Forts, which he had rais'd on the two Banks of the River, with Redoubts, which colrirnanded the Water, and grcac Outworks, which on his side were advanc'd ~o~varcls the Kings Arm), as if he had intended to have expected the111 ~vithinhis Retrenchments; on the twelfth of Alay at night, he pass'd over his whole Army, his Baggage, and his Cannon, in a great number of large Boats, cover'd with Beams and Boards, avhich he had order'd to be convey'd down from Roiien. Insomuch, that at break of Day, every thing was in safety on the other side the Seine; and the King, who discover'd this wonderful Stratagem too late, was not able to hinder the Prince Kanuccio Fa~nese,who with fourteen or fifteen hundred men had cover'd this Retreat in the great Fort, and in the Out-works, from filing off with his XIen, and passing them all over together with his four pieces of Cannon, on the Boats and Ferry-boats, which he afterwards set on fire. T h u s the Duke of P a ~ m afound the lrleans in one night, to put a great River, which in that place was a mile and a half broad, betwixt his Army and that of the King, who admir'd that Action, as the Masterpiece of one of the greatest Captains in the World. And without giving the King leisure to pursue him by Pont de l'drche, he prevented him in such manner by his diligence, that in four days he was got into La Brie, by repassing the Seine on a Bridge of Boats, right over against Charenton: After which, having re-inforc'd Paris ~ v i t hfifteen hundred Walloons, and taken the Town of Epernay, where he 24

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pass'd the Marne, he re-conducted his Forces into the LowCountries, having acquir'd immortal Glory, by performing his Designs at two several times, against a great King, without hazarding his Arr;ly, and forcing hian to raise his Sieges from before two the greatest Cities in the Kingdom, Paris and R o u e n . Now, as it oiten happens that evil is the unexpected occasion of good, so the Siege of R o u e n , which succeeded not happily to the King, produc'd a Kegotiation, which dispos'd all things so well, in order to his Conversion, that it may be said to have l o sow'd the Seeds, which not long a1terwards produc'd so excel~x hated the Spanlent a Fruit. T h e Duke of i l I a y e ? ~ morta!lj iards, who had openly declar'd, they wou'd not succoar him, in case he did not oblige himseii, to act in such rslannel-, that the States shou'd elect the Infanta, with that Person, who shou'd be given her for Kn:!:and; of tchich he had been constrain'd to give them Hopes, though he had resolv'd befolehand to do nothing in it. t l e had liitetvise joyn'd with the Politiclis, who were now the strongest in Palis, against the slnatter'd ren~nants of the Faction of Sixteen: Those Politicks had also admitted 20 him to be their Head, but on condition that a Treaty shou'd be set on foot with the King, provided he made himself a Catholick; to which terms, the Duke, who pzainly saw that he cou'd no longer pretend to the Cronn, !lad at length submitted. On the other side, the King found himself very uneasie, and much perplext, Letivixt the 13l'ligo~zotsand Catholicks of his Party; for the first perpetually apprehending that he tvou'd escape out of their Possession, kept close about him, and growing more and more jealous of his Carliage, were thinking to choose themselves another Protector. And the greatest part of 30 the Catholicks, some of them really despighted, and others seemingly, that he delay'd too long to be instructed in the Catholick Religion, and consequently converted to it, form'd amongst themselves a new Union, which they call'd by the Name of the third Party, of which the young Cardinal of Bourbon was declar'd Head; who expected, that if the King shou'd continue obstinate in his Heresie, those i.\~hohad hither6 happens] -, 0.

to follow'd him only in hopes of his Conversion, ~vou'din conclusion abandon his Party, and place him on the Throne. And truly it might reasonably be fear'd, that the Duke of AIuyenne, who was strongly solicited to have joyn'd that Party with his own, in order to elect a King of the Royal House, wou'd at length have consented to that Proposition, rather than endure the Spaniards shou'd elect that Person who was to espouse their Znfu~zta,even though he xvere a Prince of his own Farnily. Things being thus favourably dispos'd on both sides, towards l o the conclusion ol a Peace, the Sie~arsdu Ples~isA l o ~ n a y ,and de Villeroy, were chosen to labour in this Treaty, which was to be kept exceeding private. I n the beginning of it, there was started a great preliminary Difficulty, which was of necessity to be surmounted before any thing cou'd be propos'd, touching the Conditions and Articles of the Treaty it self. For Villeroy was resolv'd not to enter upon it, till in the first place, the King gave assurance, that he wou'd embrace the Catholick Faith, immediately after he had been instructed in it; and du Plessis remonstrated on the other side, that this Proposal shock'd both 20 his Honour and his Conscience, because in case he held not both Religions to be indifferent to him, and by that means wou'd pass for an Atheist, lie ought not to be oblig'd, to make choise of one in particular, before his Doubts were remov'd, and his Conscience satisfy'd that it was the true Religion. But in conclusion, a temperament was found, which was, that the King, without offending either his Honour or his Conscience, shou'd cause himself to be instructed within six Months, with a true desire to be converted; that, in the mean time, he shou'd grant leave to the Catholick Princes and Lords of his Party, to so send a Deputation to the Pope, to petition him, that he wou'd confirm by his Authority, this holy Resolutions; and that in expectation of its Accomplishnlent, the treaty of Peace shou'd still proceed; which being once concluded, the King shou'd be acknowledg'd by the Princes of the League. H e consented without making any difficulties, to these two preliminary Articles, without which, there was no entring into the Negotiation. And with the same ease they came to a n Agreement on

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the Articles, which concern'd in general the Party of the League; but when they proceeded to the particular Interests of the several Confederate Lords, the Duke of Mayenne made such high and exorbitant Demands for himself and them, as were manifestiy tending to the dismembring of the State; so that in conclusion, seeing he wou'd abate nothing of them, they Ivere forc'd to break off the Conference, after two hloneths that were spent in the Negotiation. I t procur'd notwithstanding, this good effect, that the King l o continued fixt in the Resolution which he had taken, to cause himself to be instructed in good earnest, and to permit his Catholique Lorcis to send their Deputies to thy Pope, who were the Cardinal de Gondp, ancl the Marquess de Pisany. Innocent the Ninth, who had succeeded Gregory th!=Fo~uieznth the year before, had, like him, declar'd openly in favour of the League. Me had also created Cardinal Philippo Sega, Bishop of Placentiu, and made him his Legat in France; whoin Cadirlal Cajetan, retuining to Rome after the death of Sixtus Quintus, had left at Paiis iin his place, there to be serviceable to the 20 League, as in effect he was to the utrrlost of his power. Clement the Eighth, having succeeded this Pope, who enjoy'd not the Papacy above two months, at the beginning follow'd the steps of his two Predecessors, and sufering hiiiiself to be prepossess'd by the Spaniards, wou'd not so m t ~ as h give Audience to those Deputies; yet their Deputation, as shall be manifest in due time, fail'd not to produce those happy effects which were expected froin it, and which were fatal to the League. I n the mean time, the King always pursuing his point, went to retake the Town of Epelnay, after the hlarshal de Biron, 30 who was set down belore it, and had begun to form the Siege, was slain by the shot of a Falconet, which took ofE his Head as he was going to observe the place. I n pursuance therefore of his design, that he might make himself Xiaster of all Brye, he besieged and took in the space of three days the Town of Provins, which is the Capital of that Country: After which he built a Fortress in the Isle of Gourna)], b e t ~ r i x ti\Peaux and

Paris, within four Leagues of that great City; thereby to hinder it from being any ways supplied by the A l a r m , which brings into it a great part of the Commodities of La Brie and Charnpaign. O n the other side, the Duke of Mayenne, who having not strength sufficient to oppose this progrew of the Kings success, was unable to do any thing for the relief of Paris, but only to take Crespy in Valois, resolv'd at last to imploy that formidable machine against the King, with which he had so long been l o threatned; I mean, the As5embly General of the States, therein to proceed to the Election of a new King, who shou'd be of the Catholick Religion; of which all the Icings of France, as Eldest Sons of the Church, have made a constant profession since the time of Cloxiis the Great, who after his Baptism deserv'd the glorious Surnarne of 11fost Christian, which he has transmitted ~vithoutthe least interruption, to all his Successors, during the space of alnlost twelve hundrec? )ears, frorn him to King H e n r y the Third cleceas'd. T h e Duke had solemnly oblig'd himself, more than once to 20 call this Asserrably, but he had always delay'd it with great Art, both for the Interest of the State, and for his own particular concernment. For on the one side, he always fear'd that the Spaniards (who spar'd for nothing to gain the Deputies horn him, partly by Bribes, and partly by the presence of a great Army, which they intended yet once again to send into Fmnce, under the Duke of Parr;.a, to protect the States as they gave out) at length shou'd compass their design, which was, to procure their Infanta to be Elected: And on the other, ;3lain!y foreseeing that he shou'd not be Elected himself, because he so co~a'dnot marry the Infanta; he resolt'd n o other shol~'dbe chosen, that he might not 1 0 ~ ethxt Sovereign Authority, which he cou'd maintain n o longer thzn till the States had made an Election of a new King. But after all, he csu'd n o longer resist the pressing solicitations, which the great Cities of his Party, the Spaniards, the Pope himself and his Legat made him continually, putting him in mind of the promise he had so often given of calling

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that Assembly. And that which fix'd him at last in this determination, was, that the Duke of P a r m a , who was assembling his Forces to enter France for the third time, dyed in the midst of these consultations, on the fifth of D e c e m b e r : For he believed that the Spaniards, having now n o General, who was any way comparable to the G e n i u s 01 that great Man, wou'd leave him the command of their Armies, or at least not being able so make any great progress, ~vou'dbe no longer so formidable to him, which fell out accordingly. On which consideration, he made n o longer scruple to assemble the Deputies, which already had been chosen in the Provinces and in the Tonns, not doubting but since he !lad for him, i;esidea a great part of those Deputies, the Parliament, the Town-house, the greatest part of the Colonels, and the Faction of the Politiques; that he shou'd be able with ease, to break all the measures of the Spaniards, and those few Malecontents which were yet remaining of the Sixteen, whom he n o longer regarded but as a sort of Rabble, whose ilnpotent fury he contemn'd. And it was for this very reason, that he at last resolv'd the Assembly shou'cl be held at P a r k , notwithstanding all the Artifices of the Spaniards, who endeavour'd that it shou'd be at R h e i m s , or at Soissons, where the Duke cou'd not secure to himself those great advantages n hich he had at Paris. T h e Assembly then was appointed to be held in the Month of Janzia?y: And while the Deputies were coming to Paris, the Duke of iMaye?zne publish'd an ample Declaration, bearing date the fifth of January, in which, after he had justify'd the Arnis of the League, by a!! the most plausible reasons he cou'd urge, and principally by the great motive of Religion, which at last must give place to Heresie, if an Heretick King shou'd be re~ e i v ' d ;he irnvltei all the Princes, Prelates, l a r d s , and Gatholique Officers, who svere of the opposite palty, to meet the rest sf that Assembly, that they might all co-operate without other consideration, than only the Glory of God and the publick good, in choice oi- those means, which shou'd be found most proper for the preserbation of Religion and the State; making 24

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his protestation against such who shou'd refuse so reasonable a way, that they were to be esteem'd the cause of all those mischiefs and misfortunes, which from that time forward shou'd ensue. T h e Legat made his Declaration apart, but In a much more odious manner; because instead of containing himself within the general terms of the good of Religion and the State, as the Duke of Alayenne had done, he invited the Catholiques to meet in the States, for the Election of a King, who shou'd be a no Catholick in practice as well as in profession, and who, by his power, was able to support Religion and the State: By which words he seem'd evidently to point out the King of Spain. It was not hard for the King to answer these two Declarations, with solid Arguments, and to make a like protestation against the Authors of them, by 2n Edict of the same hlonth. And in the mean while, the 1Pepr;ties being almost all arriv'd, they went in procession to the Church of Nostre-Davie, where having receiv'd the holy Communion, they heard a Sermon, which was Preach'd to them by the famous Genebrard, to the 20 great scandal of all true Frenchmen, and well-meaning people in that Congregation. This Doctor was certainly one of the most able Men of the Age, but especially in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, and the Hebrew Tongue, ~vhereofhe was the Kings Professor at Paris: But by that unhappy fatality, or rather excess of immoderate Zeal, which drew almost all the Doctors of Paris into the League, he embrac'd it so passionately, that he was always one of the most fiery, and headstrong defenders of it; which quality, joyn'd to his profound Learning, was the cause that so Gregory the Fourteenth, that great Protector of the League, gave him the Archbishoprick of Aix, after the death of Alexander Canigrany; who dyed at Rome. Now, he being one of the principal Deputies for the Order of the Clergy, and having acquir'd much Reputation and Authority by his rare knowledge, was desir'd to Preach this Sermon: I n which, instead of exhorting the Deputies according to Gods 24

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Word, that they shou'd have nothing before their eyes, in all their Debates and Co~zsultations,but only the preservation of the State anel of Religion, which is the strongest support of it; he inforc'd himself to p ~ o v eby weak, sophistical reasons, that iheir Asseiuhly had poxver t o change and ahoiish the Snliqzie Law, that is, the fundamental Law of the Rea!m, u h i ~ hhas been always inviolably observ'd, since the establishment of the French Monarchy eve11 to this day: As if the Stater, who have no other power iiran t l x t of representing by lial of Petition, what they believe io be necescnry for the good and fiiainteiiance of the State, had the authority of destroying it, by ruining and undermining the foundations which support it, and ~ r h i c hpresrrve it From failing into tlre hands of strangers. B:lt the reason of this was, that tlre Doctor, being a true Leaguer. and a false f i e n c h ~ z a ~ zas , one who was devoted to the serrice of King Philip, like the Sixteen, in ~ v f l c ~Faction e he xi-as ingag'd, endeavour'd to inclins the hlinds of the Deputies, to dispose of the Crown of F,unce to the Inj'an!a of Spain, according to the intentions of the SPnniards, who had given him instructions to Preach u p this wicked and notoriously false maxim, for sound Doctrin and tor Gospel-Truth. T h e Duke of Mayenne, who not~vithstandingthat he was Head of the Lecrgue, had the Soul of a good Fre?zchman, and \vas one who lov'd his Country, as the Icing himself acknowleclg'd, had a much different prospect of things. and without concerning himself al this idle discomse, because he Itnew it was in hi5 power to hinder it from taking eifect, open'd the States-General Gn the Twenty sixth of jnnuury, in the Great I-Ia!l of the Louvre; where all Ceremonies were punctually observ'd in the same manner, as they are always practis'd in States ~ r h i c hare lawfully Assembled. And all that pleasant turn of Burlesque, which is given to the description of it, by the ingenious Author of the Catholicon of Spain, is no other t h a n pure invention of a great TVit, who under those delightful Fictions, hides mzny sharp 'i-ruths, which justly decry the Party of the Leugzie. 33 of Spain] of Spain 0.

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For indeed there was no other Procession, than that which was made by all the Deputies, when they went in a Body to perform their Devotions at Nostre-Dame. As for that other of PJonks, who were arm'd, over the different habits of their Orders, which is describ'd so pleasantly in the beginning of the Catholicon, and ~ r h i c his still to be seen in several Prints, it means n o more than the Muster of those Ecclesiastiques and Religious, whom the Author of that Sztyr has transported from the Siege of Paris, to those States, disguising his Fable into 3 Procession, to make his TtTorkmore divertising to the Reader. T h e Formalities there were according to the usual custom, excepting only that the Duke of Mayenne, as LieutenantGeneral of the State, and Crown of France, was seated under a Canopy of Cloth of Gold, which was never seen practis'd in former times. T h e three Orders took their places, after the usual manner: T h a t of the Clergy was very numerous: 'There was but a thin appearance of Lords and Gentlemen in that of the Nobless: But to add nlore lustre to it, Monsiez~rde Mayenne, as if he n e l e invested with Swveraigai Power and Authority, took that Prerogative which belongs only to the King; which was, to create an Admiral, namely, the Marquess de Yillars; and four Marshals of France, the Siezcrs de Chastre and de Boisdaz~phin,whose Families are xvel! known to be ancient; Rosne, a Gentleman of Lorrain, Younger Brother of the IIouse of Sauigny, Lord of Rosrze in the Dutchy of Burr, and St. Paul, a Soldier 01 Fortune, who by his Valor and Military Skill, had acquir'd the Title of Nobless. Monsiezu de i2layenne, after the death of the Duke of Guise, whose Creature this Captain was, had intrusted him with the Government of Char!lfialgne, where after having rnade himself , had the boldness to Master of Rhcims, :llezieres, and V i t ~ yhe possess himself by force of the Dutch) of Rhetelois, and to hold it in quality of Duke, by virtue of the Donation which he said he had from the Pope, as the King writ word to the Duke of Neucts from the Camp before Chartres: But at last his intolerable pride, accompanied with the Tjranny which he ex-4

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ercis'd in that Province, cost him his Life by the hand of the young Duke of Guise, svho laid him dead at his feet by a thrust of his Sword ivlrich pierc'd his heart; hecause that Prince having civilly requested him to withdraw the Soldiers out of Rheims, which he had plac'd there to assure himself of that City; this pretended Marshal, ~ ; h o~vou'din contempt o l him be absolute, had told hini in a haughty manner, and lajing his hand on his Sword, that he would not do it. T o proceed, the Duke of Afayenne, as Lieutenant-General of the State, !raving thus created an Admiral, and four Marshals of France, though: ~ v h a the had done wou'd be of great consequence to the Authorising these mock-States of Paris, and to confirm his own power together wit11 the establishment of his Part). But the Lord of Chanvallcn, who had as much TVit as he had Courage, and who foresaw the consequences of that action], said freely to him: Look well to your self, Sir, for by this new Creation, y o u hare begotten so man)) Bastarrls, as will one day legitimate the~zselvesat yolir cost and charges. And this indeed g in the Persons of Villars, La Chqstre, was verified nol I o ~ after, and Bcisdal~j~ilin, who forsook the Duke, and made their Treaty with the King, that they might be rnaintain'd by a lawlul Authority, in those high dignities which the King alone, to the exclusio~iof all o~hers,can bestow. And if the Baron of Rosne, who was of Birth and hierit sufficie~ltto have been hlarshal, had been possess'd of Towns like the others, which he might have surrendrccl to the King after their example, he might have been legitimated as well as thep; and then those Cities had not been lost, which the Spania~cls(to ~vhornhe \vent oT.,er,after having been refus'd by the King) took under his condtzct and bp Iris valour, in the Province of Picard). Thus I have given an account of the Order of the Nobless in these States: As for the third Order, it was compos'd of a few considerable persons, and of a great number O F such as were pack'd together, and who serv'd only to make a show of a full i Catholicon, Assembly. T h e Speeches which are to be seen i ~ the as if made by Rapin, 1Yionsiezir Gillot, Counicllor of the Court, F l o r ~ n t C i z ~ e ~ t i eand n , hlr. Pier)(. Pithou, are only inrented

Liber IV for the pleasure of the Reader. For there were spoken only four, according to the usual custom of other States: Monsieur de Mayenne open'd these by a Speech of his own; wherein to answer the expectation of the Deputies, he declar'd, that this Assembly was only call'd, that therein they might proceed to the election of a Catholick King; which notwithstanding was far from his intention, for his whole endeavours were to frustrate that choice, as in effect he did. T h e Cardinal of Pelleve', who began very much to decline in his Parts, said nothing that was l o material in speaking for the Order of the Clergy, which he represented: T h e Baron of Senecey for the Nobless, and the Sieur de Laurence, Advocate General of the Parliament ol Provence, for the thiid State, spoke incomparably better, each of them after his own manner; the last like a great Orator, and the former like a prudent Gentleman. I n the mean time, the King, who was unacquainted with the secret drift of the Duke of lllayenne's intentions, was very much in fear that in this Assembly they wou'd elect a King, who being own'd for such by the Pope, the King of Spain, and the greatest 20 part of the Potentates of Christendom, by all the Catholiques of the League, and perhaps also by those of the third Party, whom he ever suspected, wou'd at least prolong the 'Cliar, and might possibly remain Conqueror. I n order to the prevention of so great an evil, he thought good that the Catholiques of his Party shou'd send a Trumpet to the Assembly with an Authentique Act, by which they gave them to understand, that since the Duke of Mayenne had signified by his Declaration, that he had call'd that Assembly with intention to find the means of preserving Religion and the State; they were most 30 ready to send their Deputies, to confer with theirs at some place near Paris, which shou'd be agreed on by both Parties, to the end they might compass so great a blessing, which was the aim of their desires; protesting that in case they refus'd this reasonable Proposition, they shou'd be held guilty of all those evils, which shou'd be produc'd by the continuation of so bloody a War. 'Tis a wonderful kind of blindness, which a strong passion

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produces in a Mind that suEers it self to be prepossess'd with it; that how clear-sighted soever it be naturaliy, yet it sees not those things which are obvious to the most common capacities at the first glance. T h e Proposition was made in the plainest and most intelligible terms, without the least ambiguity in their meaning, that there shou'd be a conference betwixt the Catholiyues of the two Parties, to consider of the safest ways which cou'd be found for the preservation of Religion and the State; yet the Cardinal Legat consulting oniy the violent passion which he had to support the Faction of the Sixteen against the King, and to exclude him from the Crown, cry'd out, that this Proposition of the Catholique Royalists was contrary to the Law of God, who forbids any conununication with Heretiques; and the Doctors, who were devoted to the Leugue, to whonr that message was sent to be examin'd, declar'd it to be schisrilatical and Heretical. But the Duke of i\iayenne, who had another prospect of things than the Leuguers and Spailiurds, and ~vilowas resuiv'd to hinder the election of a King, manag'd that a h i r so dexterously, that it was concluded in the States, that the conference shou'd be accepted, betwixt those only who were Catholiques of the two Parties, in the same nianner as it was propos'd: Nolrvithstanding which, it was not held rill txro rno~lthsalter, at the end of April, in the Uurrough of Sui.t.izrze, because the Duke of illayenne, who desir'd only to gain time for the compassing his ends, was gone, beiore he returil'd his answer, to meet the Spunisll Army, which was conlmanded by Count Clzu).les of Aiunsfield. That Duke was of opinion, that with their assistance he might take all the places on the Seine, both above and below, which irlconvenienc'd Paris. But the Army being so very weak, that with his own Forces which were added to it, there were not in all above ioooo Men; all that he cou'd do was oniy to take Xoyon, .which employed his time; after which, it was so much dirninish'd by the protraction oi that Siege which had cost so much blood, that the Count was forc'd to return to E'lunders. As for the Conference, though it was made with much more preparation and magnificence than all the former, it had yet the 21

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same destiny attending it, because the two Heads of the Deputation on either side, Renulid de B e a u n ~ , Archbishop of Bourges, for the Royalists, and Peter d'Espinac, Archbishop of Lyons, for the League, two of the most dextrous and eloquent men of that Age, were both of them somewhat too well conceited of their own parts, and rnaintain'd their opinions with too much wit and too great vehemence, to come to an agreement in their disputations against each other. T h e Archbishop of Bourges, in the three Speeches which he made for the ebtablis111r:ent of his Proposition, and for the confirmation of it, by refuting those ansavers which were made him, omitted n o force which cou'd be drawn from Reason, to induce of Arg~~ments, those of the League to a belief of these tliree points, whish he maintain'd constarrtly, and with great visour, to the end, as Truths indubitable. T h e First was, 'That there is an indispensabIe ohligqtion of Ackno~vledgingand Honouring r s King, Him to whom the Crown belongs, by the inviolable r i ~ h tof Lawful Succession, without regard to the Religion he professes, or to his way of Life. Ancl this he prov'd first by the Testimonies of Jrsus Christ and his Apostles, who co~nrnandus to honour Ki-ilgs and HighelPowers, and to pay them that obedience which is d ~ i eto them, even though they shou'd be Unbelievers and wicked men; declaring that every man ought to submit himself to the ponTers ~vhici-1are ordain'd by God, and that to do otherwise is to resist his Will, and trouble the order and tranqui!!it~ of the Puhlitk. Secondly, By examples drawn from the Old Tesiament, ~zrltlere we see that Zedekinh was sharply reprehended and j~unish'dby (5od, for having revolted against the King of the Clinltieans, that the t3coplc of Jclael obey'd ~~~~ebucha;l?zezror in t i l e Bnb.;ionish Capii\it> 7 y the Command of God; and that the Prophets iPlli,'uh ant1 Elijritf, were content to reprove those Kings, ~ v h o heliev'd riot in Cod, as leroboan~and iilzab, ~ i t h o u ever t revolting against them. ? hirdly, By the Esam?le of the Christi3ns in all Ages, who had sufier'd peaceably the dominion of Idolatious Emperors. Tyrants, and Persecutors of the Church; and had not refi~s'dto acknowledge for their Soveraips, those Em-

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perors who had fallen into Heresie, such as Constantius, Valens, Zeno, Anastasius, Heraclizis, Constantine the Fourth, and the Fifth, L e o the Third and Fourth, Theophilus, and the Gothiqzle Kings in Italy, the Vandals in Aflrica, and the Visigoths in Spain, and in Gaul, though they were all of them Arians.' From thence passing to the second point, he added, 'That by a more convincing reason, they were bound to obey the present King, who by Gods Grace rvas neither Pagan nor Arian, nor a l o Persecutor of the Church and of Catholiques, whom he protected and maintain'd in all their Rights; who believ'd with them in the same God, the same Jesus Christ, and the same Creed: And though he was divided from them by some errors, which he had suck'd in, as we may say, with his milk, and which he had never renounc'd but by a forc'd conversion with the Dagger at his Throat; yet this notwithstanding it cou'd not be said, that he was confirm'd in them with that obstinacy which constitutes Heresie, since he was wholly resolv'd to forsake them as soon as he shou'd be instructed in the truth; which occasion'd zo him with all modesty to maintain, that he ought not to pass with them for an Heretique. T h a t for the rest, by Gods blessing there was great probability of hope, that he wou'd suddenly be converted; that he was already altogether inclin'd to it, as appear'd by the permission which he had given to the Catholique Princes and Lords, to send at his proper costs and charges, the Marquess of Pisany to our Holy Father, and to make this present Conference with them: That he had even uncover'd his Head with great respect, in beholding a Procession at Alante, which pass'd by his Windows; that not long before this time, he had solemnly 30 renew'd the promise which he had made, to cause himself to be instructed, and that he wou'd infallibly accomplish it with the soonest.' And upon this, to acquit himself of what he had propos'd in the third place, he set himself to adjure them, with the strongest reasons, and the most tender expressions he cou'd use, that they

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wou'd joyn themselves ~ v i t hthe Kings Party, for the accomplishment of so good a work, and bear their part in that Instructioii, and consequeniiy Conversion of so great a king; who receiving at their hands that duty to which they nere oblig'd, ~vou'd assuredly give them the satisfaction which they wish'd, and which he was not in a capacity of giving them, at a time when they demanding it with Arms in their hands, it T Y O U ' ~have appear'd that he had done it only orz compulsion. O n the other side, the Archbishop of Lyons, who was not 10 endu'd with less Eloquence and Knowledge than the Archbishop of Bourges, answering in order to those three points whi.11 ere propos'd by that Prelate; said, in the name of all his Colleagues, 'That they acknowledg'd they ought to own for King, Soveraign Lord, and Head of the French Monarchy, Him to who~ilthe Kingdom belong'd by a lawful Succession: But since Religion ought to be preferr'd before Flesh and Blood, this Monarch of necessity must be a Most Christian King, both in name and reality; and that according to all Laws both Divine and Humane, it was not permitted them to give obedience to an 20 Heretique King, in a Kingdom subjected to Jesus Christ, by receiving and professing the Catholique Religion. T h a t God in the Old Testament had forbidden a King to be set up, who was not of the number of the Brethren, that is to say, of the sanle Religion, ~vhichconstitutes a true Brotherhood: T h a t in prosecution of this order, the Priests and Sacrificers of Is7ael had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of King Jeroboam, as soon as he had renounc'd the worship of the true God: That the Towns of -and Libnah, which were the portion of the Levites, who were the best instructed in the Law of Cod, had so forsaken Jora?n, King of Judah, for the same reason: T h a t A n ~ a z i a kand Queen Athalialz, having abandon'd the Religion of their Forefathers, had been depos'd by the general consent of all the Orders of the Kingdom; and that the h/IacckaDees were renown'd and prais'd through all the JVorld, as the last Ileroes of the ancient Law, because they had taken Arms against Antiochz~stheir Soveraign Prince, for the defence of their Religion. 27

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'That the people of the Jews did indeed obey the King of the Chaldeans, but they had bound themselves by Oath so to do, according to the express comrnand which God had given them by his Prophets, for punishment of their abominations; for which reason he subjected them to the dominion of an Infidel: But as for themselves, they were so far from having entred into such an engagement, that they had made one, by the Authority of his Holiness, quite to the contrary, that they wou'd never acknowledge an Heretique for their King. And as for the Chrisl o tians, who threw not off their obedience to their Emperors and Kings who were Heretiques, 'tis most certain that they obey'd only out of pure necessity, and because they wanted power; but that their Hearts and Affections had no part in it: \Vitiiess the harshness with which the Holy Fathers have treated them in their Writings; where they call them Wolves, Dogs, Serpents, Tygers, Dragons, Lyons, and Antichrists, in conformity to the Gospel, which wills, that he who is revolted from the Church, should be held and treated like a Pagan; so far it is from authorising us to hold him for a King, much less a Most 20 Christian King. For what remains, besides the Councils receiv'd in France, and the Imperial Laws, which declare Heretiques to be unworthy of any kind of honour, dignity, or publick office, much more of Royalty: T h e Fundamental Law of the F ~ e n c h Monarchy is most express in this particular, by the Oath which the Most Christian Kings take at their Coronation, to maintain the Cathoiique Religion, and to exterminate all Heresies; in consideration of which, they receive the Oath of Allegiance from their Subjects; and that the last States had decreed, with the general applause of all good Frenchmen, that they wou'd never 30 depart from that Law, which was accepted and sworn to solemnly, as a fundamental of the State.' In fine, to close up all which he had to say, in relation to this first point, he added, 'That without this, it was impossible to preserve Religion in France, because an Heretique Prince wou'd not be wanting to establish Heresie in his States; as well by his example which would be leading to his Subjects, as by his 82-33

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authority which cou'd not long be resisted: As it was too manifest in the Kingdom of Israel, which Jeroboam turn'd to Idolatry; and as it has since been seen in Denmark, Sweden, the Protestant States of Germany, and in England; where the people following the example of their Princes, and bending under their authority, have suffer'd themselves to be unhappily drawn into that Abyss of Heresies, in which they are plung'd at this very day.' And thereupon, passing to the other points of the Archbishop l o of Bozirges his Speech, he said in few words, 'That it cou'd not be doubted but the King of Nnuarre was an obstinate Heretique, and n o way inclin'd to be converted, since for so long a time he had continued eo maintain Errors condemn'd for Heresies by General Councils, and that he still favour'd the Hzigzienots more than ever, and zspeciall~his Preacllers; thzt hc had been often invited, but still in ~ ~ a ito n ,reconcile himself to the Church; after which it wou'd be lost labour for them to exhoxt him, particularly after being first ac_!an(~niecig'd,as he thought to be; that therefore they wou'd never eude;lvour it, 20 and thzt they had all s~vorn,not only not to ackno-cvled~c him, but also to have n o manner of comrne?LC it11 him, 50 long as he shou'd remain an Heretique.' Now when the Archbishop of Bozirges, who Isas preacquainted with the Kings secret purpose, saw, that after a strong reply which he had made to that noisy Haran~rre,they still held fast to that one point, Erom ~vhicliit was impossible to remove them; he was of o ~ i n i o nthat , by yielding it to them, the business wou'd soon come to an happy conclusion: For mr!lich reason, having demanded time to consult thereupon, the Princes 30 and Lords by whom they were deputed, as soon as he had ret eiv'rl the answer, which he knew before hand they W O U ' ~make, he told the Deputies of the Lsague, at the seventh Session, \+ hich was the seventeenth 01 llfay, T h a t God had at the last heard their prayers and vclvs, and that they shou'd have whatsoever they had requir'd for the safety of Religion and the State, by the conx7ersion of the King, which they had been encourag'd to -- 28

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hope, and which at present was assur'd to them; since the King, who was resolv'd to abjure his Heresie, had already assembled the Prelates and the Doctors, from whom he wou'd receive the instruction, a\-hich ought to precede that great action, which all good Cathoiiques of both Parties had so ardently desir'd, for the reunition of themselves in a lasting peace. And to the end that it might be to the satisfaction of every man in particular, they might treat with them concerning the securities and other conditions, which they shou'd demand for their interests: Assuring 10 them, that in order to remove all occasion of distrust, nothing shou'd be done on their side, till the King had declar'd himself euectually to be a Catholique. This Proposition which the Deputies of the Union little expected, and which ruin'd all the pretensions of their Heads, disorder'd them so much, that after they had consulted amongst themselves for an Answer, not being able to conclude on any, they thought themselves bound to report it to the Assembly of the Estates at Paris. And then it was cleariy to be seen, that the Heads of the Party, who thought on nothing but how to satisfie 20 each man his ,Ambition, under the specious pretence of great Zeal for the Catholick Faith, were much more ahaid than desirous of the Icing's Conversion. Though it had been made evident to them, by invincible Reasons, supported by the Authority of the most learned Doctors, that Absolution might be given to the King in France, without recourse to Rome, especially since it wou'd be given only ad Cautelam, and that afterwards they ~vou'dsend to the Pope for his Confirmation of it; they return'd this Answer by the Archbishop of Lyons, T h a t they ardently desir'd the Conversion of the King of Navarre, 30 but that they cou'd not believe it sincere, till his Holiness, to whose Judgment they ~ u b m l t t e dtlze~nselves,and who alone had the power of ubsoluing him, had reconcil'd h i m to the Clzurch: before which time it was not permitted them to enter into any Treaty of Peace, or to take any Securities, because that wou'd be to prevent the Judgment of the Pope, and to treat at least indirectly with him, who was yet out of the Pale of the Church, which urou'd be directly against the Oath which they had taken.

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And thereupon, the Duke of Arlayenne, who only sought the means of retaining as long as possibly he cou'd, that almost soveraign Authority which he had usurp'd, together with the greatest part of the Princes and Lords of his Party, took a new Oath, betwixt the Hands of the Legat, that they wou'd never acknowledge the King of Navarre, even though he shou'd turn Catholick, unless by the Commandment of the Pope. Thus res in that Resolution, which absolutely maining a l ~ v a ~fix'd hindred any farther progress in the Conference, after seven or l o eight Sessions held at Szlren~ie,and t12~0more at Roqziette, an House belonging to the Chancellor cle Chiverny, without St. Anthollies Gate, and at La Villetle, betrvixt Paris and St. Denis, they concluded on nothing that was tending to the Peace, while the Spaniards still imploy'd all their Cunning and their Friends, in the Estates, to perpetuate the War by the election of a King. For even before the Conference of Surenne was begun, the Duke of Feria, Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of Si!ain to the General Estates at Paiis, accornp?l~iedby D o n Bernardil~ AIerzdoxa, Ambassador in Ordirrary, D o n Diego 20 d'lbarra, and J o h n EccFtista Tassis, p~esentedin a full Assembly, (where he Ivaa receiv'd ~ v i t hgreat Nonour) his Masters Letters, in which he exhorted them to proceed without delay to the election of a Catholick King. 'Ttvas that indeed, ~vhichKing Plzilip infinitely desir'd, as well thereby to continue the Enrnity betwixt the two Parties, which doubtless wou'd have been effected by the choice of a new King, as to procure the Crown for his Daughter the Infanta, as he had explain'd himself more than once already. I n effect, those Spaniards were not wanting some time after, to propose her pretended Right of Proximity, as 80 being issued from the Daughter of King Henry the Second. But seeing afterwards, that they were bent upon a King, they renew'd the Proposal of marrying her to the Archduke Ernestus; till at last perceiving, that both these Propositions were ill relish'd, even by their most zealous Partisans, who adher'd to all the rest, in the election of a King who shou'd be a Frenchman, and to whom the King of Spain might give his Daughter in Marriage; they made a new Overture, after they had taken time

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to deliberate on an Affair of that importance, and said, T h a t the King their Master, that he might give them full satisfaction, was ready to agree on the Marriage of the Infanta, with some Frenclz Prince, whom he wou'd nominate, therein comprehending the Family of L o ~ i l i i n ,since it was but reasonable that himself shou'd have the choice of the Person whom he intended for his Son-in-law: but that it Iras also necessary that the Estates shou'd elect them, and sho~l'ddeclare both of them King and Queen of France, for the whole and every part of it; and that he ~vou'dimp107 the whole Forces of his Kingdoms to maintain them in it. As almost all the Deputies were desirous of nothing more than to elect a new King who shou'd be a Frenchman, this Proposition which seem'd very advantagious, was receiv'd by them with so great Applause, that the Duke of iqfayenne, who was newiy return'd to the Estates, there to frustrate the Designs of the Spaniards, durst not undertake to oppose it directly, though he was strongly resolv'd to hinder it from taking effect, by all the ways in his power, because the Election cou'd not possiblv fall on him. ~ n d ' w h i l ehe was plotting the means in order to it, that nart of the Parliz~nentof Peers. which was at Paris for the League, having still retain'd, notwithstanding the division of their hIemhers. those generous Thoughts and inviolable Maximes, which they have always made appear, on a!l occasions, and in whatsoever condition they were, to maintain the fundamental 1,aws and Prerogatives of the French Monarchy, furnish'd him with an excellent Expedient. For that Court, being inform'd that the Proposition of the Spaniards seem'd to be approv'd by the Estates, on the 18th. day of J u n e , made this memorable Decree, rvhich contains in substance, T h a t not izaving, as indeed they never Izad, any otller intention, tlzan the maintenance of the Catholick, Afiostolick, and R o m a n Religion in France, under the Protectiort of a &lost Cl~ristianKing, w h o slzoztd be both Catholick and French, they lzaue orduin'd, and do hereby ordain, that it shall be this day remonst~atedto Monsieur de Mayenne, Liectenant-General of [ h e State and Crown of France, in the

L i b e r IV

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presence of the Princes and Oficers o f the Crown, being nozu at Paris, that n o Treaty shall be n ~ u d efor the transferring of the Crown itito the Hands of foreign Princes or Princesses, and that he shou'd inzploy the Auflzority committed to hirn, to hinder the Crown from being transferl'd into n foreign Nand, against the L a u s of the Realm, 1inde2 the preterzce of Religion; a n d that the said Cou?t, has j7om this present tirile declar'd, and does hereby declare, all those Treaties iclhich are made, and which shall be hereafter made, for the esfablishnzent of arty foreign Prince or Princess, to be null, and of no e f e c t alld value, as ,made i n prejudice to the Salique Law, and other fundamental Laws of the Realm of France. The Duke of A4ayenne seem'd to be very much incens'd, that they had made this Ordinance ~vithouthis Participation; and vehemen~lyupbraided llfonsieur, the first President Jean le hlaistre, whom he had constituted in that OfEce: who not being acquainted with his secret intentions, answer'd h i ~ nwith that Gravity and Resolution, which is becoming the Head of so venerable a Company, when he performs his Duty. But in reality that dextrous Prince was glad of such an occasion, because.ile well hop'd, this Ordinance wou'd at leas: put a l~lock in the Spaniards way. But he found the contrary; for when they saw by this Decree, and by the taking of Dreux, (which the King had besieg'd, and after carried by force, during these Agitations) that if they made not haste in their election oi a King, 'twas very probabie that it wou'd be out of their power to elect one afterwards, they us'd their utmost Endeavours to have one chosen, in the same manner as they had first propos'd it. T o put by this Blow, the Duke of Mayenne, who believ'd the Spaniards hacl been impowr'd only with general Instructions, and not to name him whom they judg'd most proper for their Interests, told them, that of necessity they were to expect a more particular Order from their Master, wherein he shou'd declare the individual Person, who~nhe chose for his Son in law. But he was much surpriz'd, when they, who in all appearance had many Blanks, which were ready sign'd, and which they A

22

Spaniards] Spaniard's 0.

360

10

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History of tlza League

1593

cou'd fill up with anj Name to serve their occasions, show'd him before the Cardinal Legat, and the principal Members of the Assembly, at a meeting in his House, that they were impowr'd, in due form, to name the Duke of Guise: yet he strove in the best manner he cou'd to conceal his inward Trouble and Anxiety for this Nomination, which his Wife the Dutchess was not able to endure, but counsell'd him rather to mahe a Peace with the King, than to be so mean-spirited as to acknowledge that raw young Creature (for so, by way of contempt, she call'd her Nephew) for his King and Master. But the Duke of Alayenne, who at that time cou'd not bear any Master whomsoever, took another course, and requir'd eight days time to give in writing his Demands, for his own indemnifying, which the Spaniards allow'd him as fully as he cou'd desire. And in the mean time, he knew so well to manage the Minds of the greatest part of the Deputies, the Lords and Princes, and even of the Duke of Guise himself, by making them comprehend how unseasonable it was to create a King, before they had Forces sufficient to support him against a powerful and victorious Prince; that in spight of all those who were of the Spanish Interest, the Ministers of Spain were answer'd, that the Estates were resolv'd to proceed no farther in their Election, till they had receiv'd those great Supplies which had been promis'd them by the King their Master. In this manner the Election was deferr'd by the Address of the Duke of Aiayelzne; which Dr. Mauclerc, a great Leaguer, most bitterly bewail'd, in a Letter which he wrote from Paris, to Dr. de Creil, another stiff Leaguer then residing at R o m e , to manage the Interests of that Party; and therein discov'rd the whole Secret, which in effect overthrew all the Cabals of the Spaniards, and the League, and utterly destroy'd their whole Fabrick. For many things afterwards happen'd, which broke off all speech of an Election; of which the first and most principal, was the Conversion of the King, which is next in order to be related. Above g years were already past, since he, though Head of the Hugonots, had been endeavouring the means of reuniting him25

i\'lauclerc] ~ b f a u c l e ~ 0e.

Liber I V

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361

self, together with his whole Party, to the Catholick Church. For, in the year 1584, a little before the Associated Princes of the League had taken Arms, the late King, having sent hlonsieur de Belliture to Pamiers, to declare to him, that he wou'd have the Mass re-establish'd in the County of Foix, and in all the other Countreys which he held under the Soveraignty of the Crown of France, he caus'd one of the Ministers of his Family, who was already well inclin'd, to sound the Dispositions of the other Ministers of that Countrey, and to try if there were any hope, that they ~voulduse their Endeavours uprightly and sincerely, to find the means of making a general Reunion with the Catholick Church. They gave up, without any great difficulty, all the Points in Controversie, excepting one which they laid to I-ieart; namely, their Interest, demanding such vast proportions of hlaintenance, as he was not then in a condition to give them, sajing with great simplicjty these pery words: That they wozc'cl not go n begging for their Living, (or live zipoiz charity) like so many poor Scholnrs. Many of his Counsel, and amongst others the Sieur de Segw, one of those in whom he most confided, were of opinion, nevertheless, that he shou'd not give over that Undertaking; and that he shou'd endeavour to bring it about quietly, and without any bustle, by gaining the leading men of his Party. And he was so well inclin'd to do it, that he cou'd not curb himself from protesting frequently, after his corzling to the Crown, and particularly after the Battel of Ivry, that he wish'd with all his heart, they were reunited with that Church from which they had separated, and that he shou'd believe, that he had done more than any of his Predecessors, if Cod wou'd one day enable him to make that Reunion which was so necessary, that he might live to see all Frenchmen, united under the same Faith, as well as under tlie same King. But there is great probabiiity for us to hope, that God had reserv'd that Glory lor King Lotiis the Great his Grandson, whose unbloody Victories, which he daily obtains, in full Peace, over Heresie, by his prudent management and his Zeal, which have found the means of redl~cing the Protestants in crowds, and without violencs, illto t l ~ e s

1,564,]

-

. 0.

5 re-establish'd] re establish'd 8,

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Church, may under his Reign, show us the final accomplishment of that great Work, which his Grandfather so ardently desir'd. It is also kno.cv11, that this Prince being then only King of Navarre, at the time when he projected that Reunion, of which I have spoken, said one day in private to one of the Ministers, T h a t he cozl'd see n o rrlari?zer of devotion in his Religion, which all consisted i n hearing a Sermon delivsr'd i n good French, and that he had al7~iaysa n opinion, that the Body of our Lord is in the holy Sacrament; for otherwise the C o m m u n i o n was but an exterior Ceremony, which had nothing real and essential i n i f . 'Ti5 in this place, that I cannot hinder my self from rendring Justice to the merit of one of the greatest Men, whom any of our Kings have imploy'd in their most important Negotiations, and who most contributed to the infusing these good Inclinations into the King of ~\~avarre;namely, E'ra~tcZsde Noailles, Bishop of Acqs, who has gain'd an immortal Reputation, by those great Services which he perform'd for France, during 35 years, under four of our Kings, in fifteen Voyages out of the Kingdom, 2nd four solemn Embassies into England, Venice, Rome, and Constantinople: In which last Employment he did so much for the interest of our Religion, with Selim the Grand Signior, the nd. of that Name, and by travelling into Syria, Palestine, and Egyfjf, where he procur'd great Advantages and Comfort to the poor Christians, that the greatest Princes of Christendom thought themselves oblig'd to make of his labour to our King. their thankful Ack~o~vledgerarents Pope Gregor? the 13th. c,omrnar:ded his Nuncio himself to tharik the Ambassador from him, at his passage horn Venice, on his return to France: and to desire him, that he wou'd use his Interest with his Brother the Abbot of LJIsle, who had succeeded him in many of his Negotiations, and in that Embassy, as he also did in the Bishoprick of Acys, that he wou'd follow the worthy Examples which he had given him. 'Tis true that Pope Pius the 5th. Predecessor to Gregory,

-.

17

Acqs] dcq's 0 (and similarly h ~ l o i ~ t . )

26

oblig'd]

0.

PI

Conrtnntinnplp.] , . 0,

Liber I V

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so

thought it very strange at first, that a Bishop shou'd be Ambassador for the most Christian King at the Ottoman Port. But, besides that the Bishop of Agria, a most prudent and vertuous Preiat, had exercis'd that Charge during five years, for the Emperor Maximiliun the gd. without the least fault found with it, he very much chang'd his opinion, after the Bishop of Acqs, by his credit with the Grand Signior, had obtain'd from him, that a n express Prohibition shou'd be made to Yiali Bassa, General of his Navy, of making any descent on the Territories of the Church: in consideration of which Benefit, his Holiness made him a promise to promote him to tile highest Dignities, with which a Pope can recornpence the greatest Services that are render'd to the Church. 'These were the Employtnents of that Bishop, whose Deserts were not less eminent than those of his elder Brother, Anthony de Noailles, Head of that illustrious Family, which is one of the most ancient and remarkable in Lin~ozisin;who was Anabassador in England, Governour of B o ~ i r d e a z ~and x , Lieutenant for the King in Guyenne, where he serv'd the State and Religion with the same Zeal, which appears at this day, with so much Success and Glory in his Posterity. I t was then by the Motives of the same Zeal for Religion, that Francis de Noailles, after he had reduc'd loo Hugonot Families, which he found in Acqs, at his coming to that Bishoprick, to the number of 1 2 , was not wanting to make use of so fair a n opportunity, as he had, to work upon the King of ivat'aure's Inclinations, which good advice, in God's due time, had the desir'd effect. For having conferr'd with him at Nerac, by the King's Orders, twice or thrice, with endeavours to procure frorn him the re-establishment of the Catholick Religion in Bearn, when he found that new Difficulties were still started, he laid aside that particular Point, and coming to the Springhead, whereon all the rest depended, he told him in the presence of Segur, with all the sincerity of a faithful Minister, T h a t his illajesty cou'd not reasonably hope to support hirnself by that Party, which how powerful soever it appeafd, wozl'd always be too weak to bear h i m u p (in spight of the Catholicks,

364

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who were infinitely more strong) to that pitch of heighth, to which his Birth and Fortune might one day carry him: that whatsoever Wonders his Valour might perform, yet they wozc'd never be of any aduailtnge to hinz, till he reconcil'd himself sincerely to the Catlzolick Chz~rch:and that it was impossible (they were his very words) that he cou'd ever raise any thing that was durable for the establishment of his Fortune, either within the Realm, or without it, u n l e ~ she built on this Foundation. This was what he said, when he took his leave of the l o King of Navarre: And some few days after this, writing from Agen to the Sieur de Segur, he protested to him, That his ;\faster cou'd never arrive to the possession of that Crown, to which he might lawfully pretend. if he made not his entrance by the Gate of the Catholick Religion; and pray'd him therefore that he wou'd think seriously of that ilfatter, for if he follow'd not his Counsel, he shou'd one day speak to him i n Petrarch's Verse, W h e n Error goes before, Repentance comes behind. This Discourse startled Segur, who had much power over his Masters Inclinations; and it was principally on this account, that he gave him the Counsel above-mention'd, which consequently caus'd the Icing of Navarre, to consider of the means of reuniting himself to the Catholicks. But it happening that in the midst of these Agitations, the Leaguers began openly to rebel, and afterwards, capitulating with Arms in their hands, obtain'd an Edict, by which the King oblig'd himself to make War with all his Power against the Flugonots, Segzir, whom the King of Navarre had lately sent into Germany to desire assistance, writ to him, after he had so obtain'd it, that this was not a time to think of turning Catholick, though he himself had formerly advis'd it: and that since his Enemies wou'd make him change his Religion by force, almost in the same manner as they had us'd him at the Massacre of St. Barthol'rnezu, he ought to stand bent against them, and defend his Liberty by Arms, that it might not be said, he was

20

Liber IV basely plyant to their 4 1 ; and that hc might change freely, with safeguard to his Honour at some other time, ~vhichnow he cou'd not ~vithoutshame, as being by constraint. H e follow'd this Advice, which was also seconded by his Counsel. H e made the War, and always appear'd at the Head of the Hugonots, with the success which has already been related. Eut being a man of a sprightly and piercing Wit, he was not wanting in the mean time to instruct himself, and that by a very artificial way: Sometimes by proposing difficult Points to his l o Afinisters, o r to speak more properly, his own Doubts and Scruples in matters of Religion, to understand on what Foundations their Opinions were bui!t: sometimes by conferring with knowing Catholicks, and maintaining against them with the strongest Reasons he cou'd urge, the Principles which had been infus'd into him by his Alil~isters,on purpose to discover by their Answers, (which he compar'd with what had been told him on the other side) what was real and solid truth betwixt them. And he ahvays continued in this manner of Instruction, clearing and fathoming the principal Points of the Contro20 versie, and causing them to give in writing, what they had to ~vhicllproduc'd this effect, that the Hugonots argue pro or LOTL; never believ'd him to be sound at botton?, and settled in their Religion, but repos'd much greater confidence in the late Prince of Condi, who was in reality a better Protestant than he. And truly it appears exceeding credible, that, ~ v h e nat his coming to the Crown, he made a promise to the Catholick Princes and Lords, that he wou'd cause himself to be instructed within six months, he was already resolv'd on his Conversion: there remaining but very few things which he then scrupled, so and for which he demanded some longer tirne, in order to his fuller satisfaction. But, as he afterwards acknowledg'd, he thought himse!f oblig'd to defer that good action to some more convenient opportunity, because the Hugonots ~vou'd certainly have cantoniz'd themselves, and set u p under the protection of some powerful Foreigner, whom they wou'd have l have occasioc'd new chosen for their Head: ~ v h i ~ lmllst

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Troubles in the Kingdom. Besides which, the Head of the Lengzre xas at that tinlc too strong, to think of submitti:iy to him, even though he had declcrl'tl himself a Catlio!ick: and the People not being jet ~ n a d esensble of t5e Extremities of War, and their sufferings bf; reason of it, were obstinately resolv'd to maintain it against him; and consequently, he cou'd not then compass what he so ardently desir'd, which was to restore the Quiet of his Iire.In all his Writings, he has supported the Teniporal P o ~ ~ of e r Soveraigns, and especially of his Master l o the Frer~c.4Icing, against the nsurpations and incroachments of the Pa;)acy. For which reason being in clisgrace at R o m e , he was in 3 mantxr forc'd to quit his Order, and from Father Afa;mbourg, is now become hfonsieur AlaimLo~rrg: T h e Great Kin;: his Patron, hns r>~ovidcdglentiEulIv for him by a large Salary, ancl indeetl he h a s deserv'd it from him. As for his style, 'tis rather Cice~onian,copious, florid, and figurative; thxn succinct: H e is esteemed in the French Court equal to their best Writers, which has procur'd him the Fnvy of some who set up for Crjticks. Being a profess'd Enemy of the CnJuinists, he is zo particularly hated b j ~he1-n;so that their testimonies ag~ilist him stand suspected of prejr~dice.This History ol the League is generally allow'd to be one of his be,t pieces: He has quoted every where his Auchors in the Margin to sho~lihi? Imps? tialit); in rvhich, if I have not follow'd him, 'tis because the chiefest oi them are unlcno\tn to us, as not being hitherto translated into English. His particular Commendatioris of Men and Farni!ies, is ail which I think superfluous in hi5 EooL; but that too is parrlorlablc in a man, who having created i~irnselfInany Enemies, has rlrrti of the s~xr,;~o~ L oi Friends. I';:i., #articular w o ~ kwa4 3o ~r itten by express order of the f ; i e ? z ~King f~ and is now translated by o u r Kings Comxnand: I h o i ~ ethe effect of it la this Vation ~ 1 1 1be, to make the well-meaning men of the other I'AI ty sensible of their past errors, the worst of them asham'd, anti prevent Posterity from the like unlawftll and impious designs.

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A b breviated References -

.

- - -- -

419 - - --- -

List of A b hreviated References Backer-Sommervopel: Angustin de B ~ c k e r ,Alois de Backer, and Charles Sommervogel, Bibliothique des Bcrivains de In Compaqnie de Jtsus, noux. ed., 3 vols., Liege, Kc., 1869-1876 E,iyle, Crttiqzre Ge'ne'ta7e: [Pierre Rayle], Critique Geize~alede Z'Histoire d u Cnlvinisme de Alr. A f n i m b o ~ ~ r g31d , ed., Ville-Franche [i.e., Amsterd a m ] , 1684 Bavle, Nouvelles Lettres: [Pierre Bayle], A'0~71elle~ Lettres r'f I'Auteur de la Critique Grnerale, Ville-Franclle [i.e., X m s t e r d ~ m ] 1685 BH: S'lmue! Johnson, Lives of the English Poctr, ed. Georye Rirkbeck Hill, O x f o r d , 1905 B I H R : Bli'letin of the Znrtitzite of Historical Retearch Bouhours. Doutes: [Dominique Rnuhours], Dol:tec S I L T llr Langue Fmnqorsf, 2nd ed., Paris. 1675 B q i ~ h o us,? En tretieil r: Dominique Rouhouls E v l r ~ i i e n td' irirlc r t (E)El! ?in?, ed lien6 Radouant, Paris, 1c)2o Bouhours. Rcmnrqzler: [Dominique Bouhours!, Rrrnnil;~lirsI V o ~ i v ~ l sf11 lr~ la Lnnpve F m n ~ o i s e 4, O , Paris, 1675 Cowel: [Jo!lnl Cowel, A Lnw D i c t i o q r ~ :or lhc Ivtrrprele, [ ~ ( i o i ] 17-27 , Cotgrnre. K;lndle Cot\grave, A D i c t z n n n ~ i of ~ the F r ~ n c h ciri.7 Enqlirh Tongues, 161I Drr\il,r: H C [Enrico C a t e ~ i n o ]D n ~ i l T~ h, ? N ~ s t o r t e~f thr Ciuill TYnrrc~ o f France. trans. Charles Cotterell a l ~ dI\'il!ial-1 A ~ l e s b u l ) ,1617, 16 18 ' \ I I ~ 1 3 1 e [Sir T,l7illiam Dugdale]. A Short Tllrzcl of the l n i ~Trouhlet in Er: nl.irid. O x f o r d , 1681 EI N:A 7ol~rnnlof English Literal y Historv Glev. Debntcs: Debates of the Houcr of Col : ~ n o r ~[ cf i o m 166- to I G G ~ ~ tollected b y Anchitell Grey, 1743 Guillet: Georye Guillet d e Saint-George Ler Arts do ~ ' H o ' ) E ? d? ~' EP~ k e , T h e Hague, 1680 H L Q : H:rntington Library Quarterly H o l ~ b e s Levinthnn: T h o m a s Hobbes, L e ~ ~ i n t h q ned. , RIicI-iael 03ke5hott. O x f o r d , 1960 jrlriei~ Piirnll~le:rPierte Turieul, H i r t o i ~ rd ~ rCnl-oi~icn?rZY rel!e d z ~PaPisme micrs en Pamllele, Rotterdam, 1683 1 r FPxrc. Ent7eiiens: [Tacques I,? FP~rel F n / ~ r f i ~d 'nE~~ / d o ~efe $El/ chn:ic!c. Colocpne, 1683 T P 3lni.e: G I,e M a i ~ e Pnris . Anc;en et Nour~enu,Paris, 1685 T,cnqlct. Jlethode: L'AbhC Nicolas T.enqlet P n Fresnov l f e t h c d e /ozri Etqldier I'Histoire, nouv. Cd . q LO]?., Paii?, 1735 L'Estoile, Jorr7nlrl: [Pierle de 1'E\foilej loztriznl ( 1 ~ sCkoret .lfcmorables rld71e?121Brdurnnt tout le R i y r r de Henry I I I i n Recueil de Dizlerses Piecp~senlant h Z'Hictoir~ d~ Hrnr?l IT1 Coloqne Tie , Amsterdam], r 666

420

Commentary

Luttrell: Narcissus Luttlell, A B i i e f Htctorical Relatiorz of State Aflairs 1678-1714, Oxfold, 1857 hlacdonald: Hugh RIacdonaId John D r y d ~ n :A Bzblzogmphy of Early Edztzons and of Drydenzana, Oxford, iggg hlaimbourg, Ca1uz:lzsme: Louis i\i~irnbourg,Hzstoire d u Calvznisme, 40, Pxis, 1682 Rlaimbourg, Icolzocl~ttes: Louis ;\Iaiinbourg, Histoire de 1'Heresie dec Iconoclastes, 2nd ed., 2 ~01s.i p , Pariq, 1675 hIdimbourg, Lzgzlp: Louis hiaimbourg, Hzstozie de la Ltgue, 120, Paris [i e., T h e Hague], 1684 hlaimbourg, Ltgzce Q: Louis Maimbourg, Historre de la Ligue, 40, Paris, 1683 Rlaimbourg, S. Gregozre: Louis hl,limbourg, Histoile d u Pontificat de S. G~egozrele Grand, 40, Paris, 1686 Rlaimbourg, Schzsme des Grecs: Louis Afaimbourg, Histohe d u Schisme des Grecs [grd ed], 2 vols. 120, Paris, 1680 ?,l,:imbourg, Trots Traitez: Louis hIaimbourg, Trois Traztez de Controuelse, 3rd ed., 120, 1682 Rf,done: Crztzcal and Mzscellaneous Plose W o , k s of John Drydcn, ed. Edmond Alalone, 1800 .\fezera): [Fran~oisEudes] de Rlezeray, A General1 Chronological Histoly of Fjance, trans. John Bulteel, 1683 M L N : Modern Language Notes AT&Q: Notec and Querzes Nouuelles: Nouuelles de la Republique des Lettres O E D : Oxford English Dzctionary PBSA: Papers of the Ribliographical Society of America RES: Reuzew of English Studies Rou, Remarques: [Jean Rou], Remnlques sur l'Histoire du Coluinisme de Mr. Alaimbourg, T h e Hague, 1682 Sqaunns: L e Journal des Sqauans Shaftesbury Proceedings: T h e Proceedings at the Sessions House . . . agailzst Anthony Earl of Slzaftsbury, 1681 Somers Tmcts: A Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tractr . . . i n Public, as well as Private, Libraries; particztlnrly that of the late Lord Sonzers, 2nd ed., rev. and augm. by Sir Walter Scott, 1809-1815 SP: Studzes i n Philology Scott. T h e Works of J o h n Dryden, ed. Sir Walter Scott, 1808 S-S: T h e W o r k s of John Dryden, ed. Sir FValter Scott and George Saints bury, 1882-1893 Tilley: h1. P. Tilley, A Dictionary of the Proverbs i n Engltrnd i n the S i x teenth and Seventeenth Centiirzes, Ann Arbor, 1950 T r u e Account: [Tllomqs Sprat], A h u e Account and D?c/aration o f the hor9id Conspzmcy t o Ascaszznate the late King Charles ZI. at the RyeHouse [ed princep. 16851 ed Edmumd Gold.;mith, Collectanea Adamant e a , X I V , Edinburgh, 1886 Vindicatzon: T h e Vindzcntzon: 07 the Parnllel of the F~enclzHoly-League.

Abbreviated References

421

and the English League and Covenant, turn'd into a Seditious Libell, 1683 M'ard, Letters: T h e Letters of J o h n Dryden, ed. Charles E. Ward, Durham, N.C., 1942 IVard, Life: Charles E. IVard, T h e Life of John Dryden, Chapel Hill, 1961 Ilratson: John Dryden: Of Dramatic Poesy and Other Critical Essays, ed. George Watson, 1962 Works: Dryden's works in the present edition

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History of the League

423

T h e History of the League Jacob Tonson entered I h e Hl~toryof the League in the Stattoners' Kegrster on z April 1684, and optimistically adveltised it in tlle Obseruator tor 16 April 1684 as "now in the Press, to be I'ublish'd with all possible Speed." A three-month b~lencewas broken on Monday, 2 1 july 1684, by a promise in the Obsemator to publisll The History oj the League "at the Latter End of This Week." But Tonson dealt first with Creech's Horace, announcing its publication in the London Gazette for 24-28 July 1684. T h e next number of the London Gazette, for 28-31 July, advertised The History of the League as at last ready for sale. Although Tonson was soon able to report to Dryden that "the History of the League is commended," 1 he continued to promote its sale, advertising it in the Observator for g and 2 1 August and 24 November 1684. Tonson re-entered Dryden's translation in the Stationers' Register on l o January 1685, and two days later L'Estrange puffed it in the ~bsemato' by making Nobs ask Trimmer whether he had "ever read . . . Ililaimburg's [history] of the Holy League? Especially, As it is Excellently, and Doubly Turn'd into English, by Mr Dryden, both in the Application and in the Traduction of it?" Copies still lay on Tonson's hands at the beginning of the next reign. H e accordingly advertised it at the end of Tkrenodia Augustalis, which was published by g March 1685 (Macdonald, p. 39), in the Obsemator for 26 and 28 March 1685, and at the end of Albion and Albanius, which was listed in the ~ b s e m a i o rfor 8 June 1685. There was no second edition. These scattered limbs of a publishing history can be reassembled into a familiar corpse. Tonson promoted T h e History of the League with sufficient vigor; indeed, by comparison with Dryden's other works, the book was advertised with unusual frequency. But the book, seemingly topical and certai~llywith considerable prestige, nonetheless aroused little interest and apparently did not sell according to expectations. T h e book's four selling points were on the title page and were included in each of the advertisements: it was about the French League, written by Louis Maimbourg, translated by Dryden, commanded by the king. And yet the book fell into silence. I t is true that John Nortiiieigh in T h e Triumph of our hlonnrchy, early in 1685, included among the sources for the history of the League "a Translation by Mr. Dryden." 2 But when Northleigh discussed tlle League, he made his only citation G-om the rival history of Davila,3 unmoved, it seems, by the commendatory verses which Dryden wrote for T h e Triumph of our Monarchy (Works, 111, 108). All subsequent generations have endorsed the unspoken judgment of Dryden's Ward, Letters, p. 22. Northleigh, T h e Triumplz of our Mo?zarchy (1685), p. 343. In his preface Northleigh says the book was already in the press when Charles I1 died (6 February 1685). Zbid., pp. 298-299.

424

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contemporaries. T o discover why so promising a venture failed at its setting out we need to recall, briefly, the political mood of England in midsummer 1684. T h e term catalogue for Trinity 1684, licensed i n June, included among its new listings a pamphlet by one I!. N. W. entitled An Historical R e view of the Late Horrid Phnnntical Plot, in the Rise, Progress, and Discouery of the Same. F. N. iV.'s pamphlei is noteworthy only for its representativeness: his "facts," guesses, arguments, and charges can be paralleled i n numerous loyal tracts of the busy years from 1679 to 1684. F. N. W. begins with a brief review of the \\:bigs' "Protestant Plot" to overthrow monarchy, dwelling upon Shaftesbury's indictment for high treason at the Old Bailey in November 1681. H e then settles to his chief interest: the discovery o n 1 2 June 1683 of a plot to aasassiilate Charles 11 as he passed near Rye House i n Hertfordshire o n his way G-om the Newmarket races to London in April 1683. A fire at Nervmarket had driven Charles back to Whitehall a week earlier than planned, and so he eluded the plot~ers.4 CVhen the first evidence of a plot was assembled from the testimony of some minor conspirators arid made public in June 1683, Charles was ready for the last push against the Whigs. Shafiesbury was already gone, dead in exile at Amsterdam on 2 2 January 1683. Now tlie trials of the iiye House conspirators, Lord Chief justice Jeffreys presiding, kept the enormity of sedition before tlie public from midsummer 1683 to the early spring of 1684.6 All the time loyal addresses came in to the king from jurisdictions t l ~ r o u g l ~ o uthe t land and even, tardily, from colonial outposts, expressing joy at his majesty's providential deliverance from the assassin's hand." A day of national thanksgiving was se: for g September 1689, and produced its due crop of loyal sel.Inons. T h e Rye House affair and the loyal addresses it prompted lent some needed support to the attack o n the charters, which had given cities and boroughs a measure of iridependence from the central authority of the king. After sorile seizure and remodelling of charters early in the Restoration, the crown nioved strongly against them in the years following the acquittal of Shaftesbury at tlie Old Bailey. T h e mood of loyalty arid repugnance for sedition engendered by the Rye House affair evidently strengthened tlie assault, since there was n o more eloquent way for borough or city to demonstrate its loyalty than to lay at the king's feet its charter of independence and submissively await the customary remodelling, wliich would make all corporation appointments 'The official version of Rye House was written by Thomas Sprat, -4 true Account and Declaration of the horrid Conspiracy to assassinate the late King (1685). Sprat's "true account" is a rcdaction of testimony at the Rye House trials and depositions before the royal council. Luttrell, I, 279: "The fanaticks, since the discovery of this plott, have been proceeded against more severe then ever." B L ~ t t r e l I, l , 264-318, records the presentation of many of these loyal addresses. Most came in between the king's dcclaration at the beginning of August lG8g appointing a day of thanksgiving and the end of December. Addresses after December were principally from overseas, the last recorded by Luttrell being from Virginia in November 1684.

History of the League

425

subject to royal approval.7 Even t h e recalcitrant corporation of t h e City of L o n d o n could n o t breast t h e tide: L,ondon's charter was declared forfeit a n d duly remodelled i n October 1683.8 Although some charters were deferred to the u n t e n d e r care of James I1 i n the n e x t reign, by J u n e 1684 Challes 11, i t seemed, h a d won. T h e grand W h i g endeavor of t h e preceding six years to stiffen parliament i n t o loyal opposition, t o secure Protestantism, a n d to strengthen liberty by limiting t h e monarchy h a d resulted i n t h e most effective absolutism of t h e century, t h e k i n g governing without parliament, the R o m a n Catholic succession of t h e D u k e of York assured, ancl t h e government tied by subsidies to that pattern of absolutism across the water, Louis XIV. T h e growth of popery a n d arbitrary government was n o w complete,Q a n d t h e scattered 'Luttrell, I, 276277: "It is observable, that in some of these addresses [presented in late August] they desire his majestie to accept of their charters, and humbly lay them at his feet; these are inconsiderable." In subsequent months Luttrell lists five towns which surrendered their charters when making a loyal address. 8London's charter was the great prize. A writ of quo warranto was issued in December 1681, but the first hearings were not held until 7 February 1683. Judgment against the City was pronounced on 1 2 June 1683. T h e common council of London at first tried to retain their charter by apologizing to the king for "their late miscarriages," but found unacceptable Charlei's demand that all corporation appointn~entsbe submitted for royal approval. On 28 September the common council \-oted not to surrender their charter. Judgment against the City was entered on 4 October 1683. T h e drawn-out proceedings inspired a large pamphlet debate. T h e crown's side wa.i most fully argued in T h e Case of tlze Charter of London Stated, which was listed in the term catalogue licensed in June 1683. Lontlon's side was published earlier. Luttrell (I, 247) noted at the end of January that "Mr. Thomas Hunt, a gentleman of Graies Inn, having writt a pamphlet intitled A Defence of the Charter &c., shewing that neither the charter of the citty of London or any other corporation is forfeitable by law, rvherein are several1 bold passages, it has been censnred as a lihell, and he at~sconds." Hunt's pamphlet was attacked by Roger L'Estrange in T h e Lawyer Onilaw'd (1683). 8Andrew hfarvell's A n Acrount of the Grou'th of Popery, and Arbitrary Govrrnment in England (167j) argued that events from November 1675 to July 1677 showed "there are those men among us, who have undertaken . . . to introduce a French slavery, and . . . to establish the Roman Idolatry: both and either of which are Crimes of the Highest nature. . And as none will deny, that to alter our hfonarchy into a Commonwealth were Treason, so by the same Fundamenttal Rule, the Crime is no lesse to make that Monarchy Absolute" (p. 14). T h e Second Part of the Growth of Popery and Arbitrary Government (1682), by "Philo-Veritas," i.e., Robert Ferguson "the Plotter," carries the story lrom 1677 to the end of 1682. Marvell's charge that the government was submitting to French influence was repeated by Ferguson: whenever Louis XIV "calls we run like his Spaniel-Dogs" seeking "to cry Ala mode de France both in Government and Religion" (p. 166). Late in May 1683 information was sought about the author of the Serond Part "and one Bradley, a printer, and another, are putt into Newgate about it" (Luttrell, I, 260). At the end of August, John Culliford or Cullifant was fined and pilloried "for printing the Second Part of the Growth of Popery" (Luttrell. I, 275). For their part, the royalists used the

..

426

Commentary

Lfl~higswere left to reflect glumly on the tart maxim that "all Conspiracies of t h e Subjects, if they succeed not, advance t h e Sove~eignty." 10 Happily for the I.lThigs, the heir was James, a m r n less adroit and decidedly less lucky than his brother. A few >ea;s of his rule sufficed to produce the ~ the effectibe promulgation of the IVhig program. Glorious K e ~ o l u t i o rand But that, in June i58*, was in futuri:y, and F. N. ItT.,drunk with loy~lism. gathered himself for a visionary conclusion to his Historicnl R e v i e w of the late plot (p. 32): IVe regard no more the Voice of Ploperty and Liberty in the Mouth of the Betx,lver, the Cry is n o longer, A Pxliament, '4 Par1iamer:t. (Tho we ~ v a n tnot a Just Keverence for that Grdnti 4ssernl~Iv, when his hInjesties Pleasure shall call t!le:n toyether, nnd thev are t Peace is co1!5rmeci I egally and Loyallj disposeci) ~ c our without them. O u r Churches .I e filled, and Conventicles laid waist, the Temples o f Dayon and l3-d ;Ire neglected, whilst we I\'orship the God of our Isiael in uprightness of He-trt, anti P w h l i s h t hlethods, O u r Laws are duly ExccutecJ. Vite i q Pur:i,hed, Vertue Countenanced, Rehellion anc! S~ditio.1are Tamed, 2nd L o v ~ l t v rewarded, and encouraged. O u r City knows but one grext hfaster, xvho 11:rth purged her of the un~vholsom distempers that. tainted the Body Politick. Peace Ride.: Triumphantly amongst us. Dispensiiiz Plenty into e17ery Bosom, Co~llrnerceand TJnitv Flou*-ishes and Increzses. at 1e:lst in the Numbers of the best and most Loyal, and in shori, to sum up all. His ?\lajesty is blest in an Ohedient People, and ~ h e vin the most G r a c i o ~ ~\Vise s, and Merciful, Monarch as ever yet Enriched the Rrittish Throne. F. N.I\'. ex:iggerates. giddy, it may be, horn prosopopoeia a d b::d English. But, however vilely orchestrated, his paragraph sounds a true note. Just then, in the summer of 1584, the constitutionxl matter seemed settled. There was no more to sav. There is, accardinglv, an awcsorr:e supt~rfiuityto the announcement ,I: the end of july 1584 that T h e Hislory of t h L~e a q ~ i ewas rcadv for s21e I he book's chief purpose was c!e'~!y r)l opas;dndist to offt r. as it were vet anotlie~H i s t o ) i(al Reviezu of th2 L n t ~Horrid Phnniltici~l Plot. T h e propaqinclist point was made in ,I dedication dncl postscript p i ~ ~ ~ l l e l i n q !Ile plans of Fr~gli*,h?I7hig5 ill the 1 6 8 n ' ~wit11 thow q f Trench I e a g u e ~ s ?.

parallel oi the League to insist that the W h i g were attemptiup to iutloduce tranfmarine customs; see the opening lines of Drvden's prologrie to T h e Duke of Guzse.

John Spottis.rvooc!e, T h e History of the Church clnd Sfate of Scotland, 4th ed (1677). p. 4 9 9 . Spottis~loodemarginall\ credit^ the maxim to Tacitus, and it i q certainly Tacitean in sentiment But, while English can rarclj be made to approximate Tacitean Latin, no phrase in Tacitus correspond4 si~fficientlyto Spottiswoode's formula to qualify as it.; indubitable source.

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427

in the late sixteenth century, ill order, iiiei:tdbiy, to oi-fer one xiore 1oy;iIisr r e ~ i e wot 1e~e11tevenis. But betweer1 dedication and postscript iay tile l o i ~ gtra~lslatiol~ of hldi~nbourg.What 7'tze Hz~toryo j lhe League otfered w-is too much too laie. 11s tare, indeed, was piophesied a year earlier by Bdrnulid Bohuii in tiie course of urging loyal me11 to deal illore firmly wit11 seclitio~lby sucll means as the Communicatilig ~11eLoyal discourses tliat are every day printed to your Neighbours, wilich is dor~emuch more usually by the Disseilters by the other. sort, so that )ou shall so~netimesimd a Seditious Libel to have passed through so many hands, that it is at last scarce Legible lor durt and sweat; whilst the Loyal answer stands in a Gentlemans Study as clean and as neat as it came from the Press.11 l ' l ~H e z ~ t o l yo j the Letigut ilas s ~ o o dcleai:!y and neatly for the best par, of thiee centuries, the oniy work claimed by Liryden which 11;~snot bee11 replinted iii its entirety slrice tile first edition. Ll'illiam LVarburton read through his copy (now in the Heiiry E. Huiiiiiigion i i b r a l j ) in tile middie of the eighteenth century, but left it legibie and unsoiled, except for some seems riot to have read it, at interesting ilotes on the iiy-leaves. joll~lsor~ i~. itlcluded oiiiy the dedicatiorl and postleast with any a ~ t e r ~ t i oAIalorle script in his edition of the piose, and Scoit, for liis edition, added to them some fifty pages of extracts iron1 the third book of the translatioil. Modern scholars have, for the most part, respected the judgment of hlalorie and io the uedication arid postscript, but alnlost Scott, referring occasio~~aiiy never to the matttr ol ~11c rans slat ion. T h e Hiskory of the League lies there in the middle of I)lydei~'sfinest decade, and readers go round ai~ou:. Matthew Arnold distinguished between i~ordsworthiansand lovers of literature by crediting Wordsworthialis wit11 a capacity, in which lovers of poetry had no share, to read T h e Excursion with pleasure. Iliilhout presuming to legislate for l o ~ e r sof litera!ure, Drydenians, perhaps, should boast a similar capacity to read T h e H2stoi.y of the League, if not with pleasure, at leas^ with interest, simply because it was by Dryden at a crucial stage of his career. As we press upoil the work, the matter of its translalion as well as its postbcript, we will find that in many ways, often indirect, enigmatic, or coincidental, Tlre Histoly of the League bears upon some of the more important questions we have come to ask about Dryden. These are questions about his sense of history and trarislation; his conversion-the obscure pathway from Rcligio Laici to T h e Hind and the Panther; his prose style and the mincl it reveals. We may proceed chronologically from the reasons for translating, to the process of translating, to the qualities of the translation. We know why Dryden trn~islatedMaimbourg: Charles told him to. But why did Cll.xles give the order? ItTecan identify four "reasons" for making the translation, the first of which, Charles 11's need for propaganda, has " T h e 7'lcird and Last Part o j the Address to the Free-men and Free-holders of the Nation (1683), p. vii, italics reversed; advertised in the term catalogue

licensed in June 1683.

428

Commentary

already been touched upon. The other ieasons were the seventeenthcentury sense of history, tlle felt lelclance of the French League, and the reputation of hlaimbourg as a cont~o~ersial historian. T o understand Maimbourg's reputation, we will need to dwell upon his literary career, which has, moreover, inteiest in itself and is now little known. \Ve must also attend further to Charles 11's need for propaganda. But we can turn at this time to the second reason for translating, the seventeenth-century sense of history.12 For the disputatious seventeenth century, endlessly debating church and state, God and sovereignty, king and pailiament, commonwealth and monarchy, the past was a great common law of precedents, which could be adduced to support this plea or the other. Pamphleteers were so many lay lawyers, countering precedent with precedent, or turning an opponent's precedent against him by claimilig it yielded a lesson quite opposite to what he had wrung from it with violence. By such contentious use of learning the seventeenth century went some way to ruin what it reverenced. All agreed that history supplied valuable precepts for the conduct of public and private life. These precepts, deduced from the particulars of the past, could be applied to the particulars of the present in order to bring men out of the dangerous into the safe path. History supplied more examples than mere experience furnished, and thus enlarged men's perspective upon the present. But, without care in the application, history could be perverted by partial citation, forced to support an already determined course of action, instead of llelpitlg to discriminate between possible courses. History, then, could free men from the paiochialis~nof their times, but could also reinforce parochialism. History was especially dangerous when the past was brought immediately to bear upon the present without an intermediate translation into precept. Such diiect application commonly despoiled a past particular of its rich context, reducing it to a bare similitude for some present particular. Instead oE teaching the wisdom upon which arguments should be based, history so used supplied incidental illustrations to arguments. In the early years of tlle Stuart dynasty Bncon could contemplate such a danger calmly enough. \t7ith history evidently in mind, Bacon observed in the Advancement of Learning that, while learning may sometimes mislead by disproportion or dissimilitude of examples, it teacheth men the force of circumstances, the enors of comparisons, and all the cautions of application; so that in all these it doth rectify more effectually than it can pervert.13 *Several of the points in the following discussion are drawn from John M. Wallace, "Dryden and History: A Problem in Allegorical Reading," ELH, XXX1.I (1969), 265-290. Although Wallace does not consider T h e History of tlze League, his essay provides a well-documented background to some of its features. IS T h e Aduancement of Learning, I , ii, 4, ed. William Aldis Wright, 5th ed. (1920).pp. 14-15.

History of the League

429

Eighty years later, men might reasonably exclaim "would that it were so, and always!" A civil war, Exclusion Crisis, and some thousands of polernical pamphlets had demonstrated how often history perverted men, men history. T h e author of T h e History of Catiline's Conspiracy (1683) claimed on his titie page that it was "faithfully related out of the Classical Auin his preface "some general observations for assisting thors," and &;red the interests of peace and virtue." T h e author indeed restricted himself to generalities, noting only some moral correspondences between Catiline's conspiracy and the temper, not the particulars, of the Exclusion Crisis. H e prefaced his observations by partial quotation of a passage from T h e Advnncement of Learning, taking Bacon's recommendations for the proper use of history and implying their present neglect. T h e passage runs in full: T h e form of writing which of all others is fittest for this variable argument of [social] negotiation and occasions is that which Machiavel chose wisely and aptly for government; namely, discourse upon histories or examples. For knowledge drawn freshly and in our view out of particulars, knoweth the way best to particulars again. And it hath much greater life for practice when the discourse attendeth upon the example, than when the example attendeth upon the discourse. For this is n o point of order, as it seemeth at first, but of substance. For when the example is the ground, being set down in an history at large, it is set down with all circumstances, which may sometimes control the discourse thereupon made, and sometimes supply it, as a very pnttern for for the discourse's action: whereas the examoles alleged u sake are cited succinctly, and without particularity, and carry a servile aspect towards the discourse which they are brought in to make good.14 What Bacon saw as a possible but aloidable error, later generations could identify as a false muse eagerly e m b ~ a c e dby the times. Clio, in effect, was bifrons, presenting more often in the later seventeenth century her contentious than her prudential aspect. Hence, presumably, one reason for the royal command to translate Maimbourg. Challes needed propag-nda from his historiographer at a time when propaganda had discredited itself by ransacking history for precedents, not precepts. O n 6 December 1683, at about the time Charles probably issued his command to Dryden, L'Estrange permitted Trimmer to upbraid Observator: What is this Tedious, Nauseous History now, a-kin, to Your First Question of the Difference betwixt a Moderate Man, and an Active Man? If you would but once Confess an Impertinence; it were Some Comfort yet. But to Ramble from One T h i n g to Another; And still to be Lugging One and Forty: Eight and Forty: And the

Commentary

430

Mrhole Sink of the Late 'Times into the Story, by Head and Shoulders! T h o u art e'en Grown Tiresome Company Nobs. Zea!ous as he was for parallels, using history litigiously, not prudentially, L'Estrange could yet see and almost co~lfessto an impertinence in his practice.15 Charles, Ice can say, needed both fronts of Clio. H e needed the propaganda of a clearly urged precedent (journalism must not be oblique). H e also needed, to validate the propaganda, the authority of history "properly so called," in which, 2s Dryden put it in T h e Life of Pli~tarch, "neither partiality o r prejudice [may] appear . . . [so] that truth may every where be Sacred." 16 Charles's needs were most readily supplied, in Bacon's words, by "the form of wvriting . . . which XTnc?li;ivel chose wisely and aptly for government; namely, discourse upon histories or euarnples" Dryden, certainly, ~ ~ no 2 sh l a c l r i ~ ~ e l in l i political discourse. nor hlaimbourg a Livy i n history But T h e Hzstory of the lenqfce's coml~inntionof histo~icaltext and pqstsc ipt commentar~.can find a precedent in ~ I a c l ~ l ~ x e l tDiscotcrses i's zifion the Fzqst Dec/rd? of Titzcs Liviz~s.By trans1a:inq hlaimbourg in full. i ~ qground for precedents, Drvden could claim, with instpad of q ~ ~ ? r r y i hi3 Bacon, tElt "the e\am;,le is . set dmvn in an h i ~ t o l yat large . . with 311 circumstances" Demonstr,~rjng in this way, his rexelence f o ~ truth, D t ~ d e r rcould autho~itati>el> uw the p?stscript to deduce precepts from examples and applk them to present ~,,alticulars.But Dryden, after all, was no hIachiacelli T h e m-~nifeitdispro~ortion between little precept and n ~ u c happlication m&es the p*)stscript steal from the impartial prudence of discourse to pay a cieht to propaplnda Since, moreover, so few of the precepts are clege, the connection between translation 7i1d postscript is attenuated T h e postscript, indeed, is almo5t a self ~ufticient piece of propaganda, arguine; as had other pamphlets, the sedition of the Whigs from the precedent of the French League The presencr of Rlnimbourg's translated text supplies too few of the postscript's needs, which could h a l e been satisfied, as in other tracts, by the margin:rl citation of Davila, \l&eray, Thuanus. L'Estoile, or other historians of the League 17 TVhatever aspiration Dryden may have h;d to the authority of ,I hIachinvellian "discourse upon histories or euamples," the Ling's needs and the practice of the day foredoomed his failure. T h d t two faced Clio could not I-)? m , ~ d eto look f i r ~ t with one f ~ o n t then , the other She coiild only inspire a kir.cl of squinting history. T h e explanation can be found ill the third of the four re2sons fot Charles 11's command: the felt relevance of the French Le-ique to the Eilglish Association. T h a t feeli~iqmurt be described in mole detail later l5 Other? took note of L'Estrange's impertinence. See, e g , Philanax Misopappas, A T o l y Plot (1682), p. 7: "R. L'estrange struck up his Fiddle, and play'd u? t h c Old Tune of Forty one"

Works, X V I I ,

le

272.

See, e g , T h e True History of the D u k e of Guise. Extracted out o f Thuanus, Mezeray, M7. Aubeny.3 .Memoirs, and the Journal of the Reign of Henry thr third of France pv Pierie de L'Estoile] (1683)

History a/ t h e League

48 1

but we may pause here to recall that, eten befoie Uljden took u p Maimbourg, the Whig sedition during the Exclusion Crisis had been frequently paralleled with the treason of the League. I h e fact admonishes us not to rest in a simple distinction between Gudential and litigious history. We t a n see tltc missing component, the complicating factor, if we rephrasr the distinction and focus upon the colisequences for a writer and his readers of using history pruderltially or litigiously. Used prudentially, history supplies abundant lessons from past p,trticulars. The lessons can be applied to lie different particulars oi the present, because human nature, the motives for and consequences of actio~is,;:re SO much tlie same through the ages. Used liiigiously, liistory suppiies abundant analogues for the present, paralleling past and present particulars. Prudential history Lids us think plliiosopllically about man's past and present. Litigious history demands that we allegorize the present in terms of the past, seeking, as it were, historical types for contemporary antitypes. But what happens when would-be prudential history recounts events already assumed by the writer and liis readers to have litigious or allegorical significance for the present? \Vhat must happen for both writer and reader is that prudential l~istorywill strain to become allegorical. T h e writer may set tlo~rn"tlie example . . . in an history at large . . . with all circumstances." But example struggles to free itself from circumstances and walk with "servile aspect towards the discourse," anticipating the command to consort with present instances, not past circumstances. hiaimbourg's history has been translated, carried across, to an England disposed to find in the example of the League an allegory of the Association, disposed to elide complicating circumstances from the past arid make simple equations with the present. ,- . l h e assumptions and therefore tlie methods of the postscript are immanent throughout the translation; all the more so because Dryden, in thr preceding dedication, has recalled for the king and other readers the familiar parallel, or allegory, they should have in mind. We may postulate, then, three ways in which history's relevance was felt by Dryden and his contemporaries. In history properly so called, the facts, circumstances, "truth," indeed, of the past were fully respected, because they could yield pertinent lessons for all subsequent ages, not just the immediate present. In litigious history, the attention was fully upon the needs of the present, making apt analogues of the past by stripping its examples of all irrelevant circ~nnstances.We should not dismiss litigious history too easily. I t is not just bad history, although it is that. After all, tempered by Dryden's poetic talent, litigious history has given us Absalon~ and Achitophel. Squinting 1;etween pruden~ial and litigious history is history which tries to respect at once tlie circumstantial truth of the past and the propagandist needs of the present. Since T h e History of the Leagzie is for the most part a translation, an analogy between these three kinds of history and tile thiee kinds of translation recognized by Dryden is not fnr fetched.18 1 8 E ~ ~ ewhere pt otherwise noted, quotations in tlie follorving discu\cion of 1)rlden's theory of translati011 are from h ~ spreface to Ovid's Epistles (1680) in Works, I, I 14-1 19.

432

Commentary

Litigious history is clearly parailel to imitation, "where the Translator (if now he has not lost that Name) assumes tlie liberty not only to vary from the words arid sence, but to forsake them both as he sees occasion: and taking orily sonie gelieral hints from the Original, to run division on the ground-work, as he pleases." ?'he parallel is even clearer if we glance at the one work which Drydell called an imitation, the verses in Fables ~ v h i d lrun division upon the ground-work of Chaucer's character of the parson. Dryden's parson emerges as a fourteenth-century non-juring divine, an ancestor, perhaps, of Bishop Ken, responding to the deposition of Richard I1 as non-jurors were to respond to the deposition of James 11.19 Since the Jacobite present must dictate to the Plantagenet past, Richard's situatioll is made forcibly, if subjunctiveiy, more like ~ames'sthan was the case. Even if Kichard/James had abdicated, as some insisted (he was deposed, of course), the heir still should not have been Henry/William: "A King can give no more than is his own: / T h e Title stood entail'd, had Richard had a Son" (11. 113-14). T h e final clause is as historically irnpertinellt as anything produced by Nobs the Observator. Just as the imitator effectively loses the name of translator, so the propagandist effectively loses the name of historian. T h e propagandist-finas h i s precedents and parallels in other historians and adopts towards them the same license as the imitator toward his original, refusing "to be Confin'd to" their "Sense," but writing "as he supposes" they "would have done, had . . . [they] liv'd in our Age, and in our Country." History properly so called, prudential history, parallels metaphrase, "or turning an Authour word by word, and Line by Line, from one Language into another." Metaphrase stands as humbly beiore its original as prudential history before past particulars. Dryden, certainly, reverenced history and scorned metaphrase as "a servile, literal Translation." T h e analogy, then, seems imperfect. But Dryden's strictures upon metaphrase mdy suggest why he never wrote anything original whicil qualifies as histoly properly so called, even though he was the king's his~orianfor nearly twenty yeais, wrote several times in praise of history, worked historical matter into many of his poems, and left us in A b s a l o m a n d Achitophel one of the finest historical poems in the language. IlIetaphrase will not do for Dryden because " 'tis almost impossible to Translate verbally, and well, at the same time." "The Verbal Copyer" is forced "to consider at the same time the thought of his Authour, and his words, and to find out tlle Counterpart to each in another Language." Even if he succeeds ill discharging his obligation to his original, the metaphraser will usually fail to discharge his other, and equal obligation to his own land and tongue. Translation ought to carry across to some purpose; it ought to meet the needs and interests of the translator's countrymen. Dryden, it may be, was too patriotic to write history properly so called, was too immersed in his times to write of the past not for his own present only, *See discussions by James Kinsley, "Dryden's 'Character of a Good Parson' and Bishop Ken," RES, NS, 111 (1952). 155-158; Austin C. Dobbins, "Dryden's 'Character of a Good Parson,' " SP, LIII (1956), 51-59; and Alan Roper, Dryden's Poetic Kingdoms (1965j,p p 171-173.

History of the League but all posterity. H e could write litigious history in play, pamphlet, or poem. H e could also seek in translation a middle way between servile metaphrase a n d licentious imitation, just as, in politics, he could call himself a free-born Englishman "Content with the Government, and Laws of his Native Country." 20 "Paraphrase, o r Translation with Latitude," parallels the third or squinting kind of history. I n paraphrase, a n author's "words are not so strictly follow'd as his sense, and that too is admitted to be amplyfied, but not nlter'd." Amplification is necessary if the translator is to find consistently an elegance in his own language answering to his author's: since "what is Beautiful in one [language], is often Barbarous, nay sometimes NonFence in another, it would be unreasonable to limit a Translator to the narrow compass of his Authours words." But amplification may also produce, as we know from Dryden's own practice, a translation not merely elegant, but topical. Topical amplification will he occasional and discontinuous, in no sense trying to force a complete allegory for the present out of the whole original. But some details in the original may suggest an analogy for contemporary events, and the translator can realize the suggestion by choosing terms of contemporary significance. By doing so, he frees, however briefly, one particular in the original from its proper context, its circumstances, for association with events or issues contemporary with the translator. O n e long-recognized instance may suffice. T h e Tartarus of Virgil's sixth Aeneid ~ r o v i d e san eternal home for many unfortunates, especially those guilty of crimes against pietas, and among them those who, while they lived, hated their brothers or struck a parent.21 Lord Holland pointed out to T o m hioore that Dryden "mistranslated" these lines in order to reflect satirically on LVilliam 111's illegal accession: "they, who Brothers better Claim disown, / Expel their Parents, and usurp the Throne" (VI, 824-a5).22 Dryden insists that the translator ought to be chained to his original, just as the historian, respecting "the Laws of History," ought to b e tied to events.23 T h e paraphraser, it is true, may "choose out some Expression which does not vitiate the Sense. . . . ma! stretch his Chain to such a Latitude, but by innovation of thoughts . . . he breaks it." Dryden breaks his chain when he puts 'll'illiam (or perhaps hIary) in Tartarus. T h e historian similarly evades the severer laws of his art when he makes the past serve the needs of the present by forcing upon it a greater similarity to the present than it has, stripping it of differentiating circumstances. mCharacter of Polybius (1693, xxxiii; TVatson, 11, 69). Cf. T o my Honour'd Friend, Dr Charletor2 and T h e Medall, 11 245-2 3 1 . " Aeneid, VI, 608409; hic quibus invisi fratres, dum vita manebat, / pulsatusve

parens. 2a Thomas Moore, Memoirs, Journal, and Correspondence, ed. Lord John Russell (1853-$9, V, 285. Cf. "Dryden and King William," NGQ, 2nd Ser., VII (1859)~ 168; George R. Noyes, ed., T h e Poetical Works of Dryden (ic);o), p. lx; and L. Proudfoot, Dryden's Aeneid and its Seventeenth Century Predecessors (1960), p. 201. Preface to Annus Mirabilis in Works, I , rjo:30-34.

434

Commentary

I n terms of the analogy we have been pursuing, The N ~ ~ t o rof y the League offers us in its translated text the metaphrase of prudential history, respecting the example of the past in all the circumstances supplied by RIdimbouig T h e postscript is the imitation of litigious history, running di~isionupori the gzound-work of the translation. But, without analogy, the work is literally a translation, and is in fact largely a metaphrase, a verbal copy of hlaiml~ourg.TVe would expect it to be so, if it is to achieve tlle autho~ityof history properly so called, raised impartially above the dusty scuffles of prtinphlet propaganda. But Dryden's prefelence was for parapllrase, in histor) as in translation. TVe accordingly find that on scattered occ~isio~ls he translated hlaimbourg into terms of special significance in the debates of Restoration England. These occasions are not only scattered, they are few, and perhaps only one constitutes an "innovation of tlioughts" as striking as the assignment of William or Mary to Vilgil's Taltarus. As we shall see later, the conditions under which Dryden made his translation probably forced him into a close xerbal copy, inhibitinq the free raaging allusiveness possible in . paraphrase but not . netaphrase. But the scattered moments- of paraphrase confirm what we might expect. Dryden wanted his prudential history to be read, at least in part, litigiously, wanted his readers to find, not only precepts applicable to the preserit, but precedents for the present. Ftench types for English antitypes. Before sfnding his ~ e a d e i sto the text, Divden devoted part of his dedication to instructing them in their task. T h e book, he aqsurecl them, had been translated "for the publique benefit: [sol that at least all such as are not wilh~llyblind, may View in it, as in a Glass, their own clcformities." Guisards x i d IVhigs "are a11 of the same Family . . . +heFeatures are alike in all." T h e resemblance, indeed, "is but too manifest in the whole History" c7:0-18\ With this prefatorv warping, Dryden dimis.ied his reader5 to pnrzle oler the story, but returned in the poqtscript, like the great detective in the 1 ict chapter, to explic,~tethe crime, piecing toqether the clues which h ~ escaped d the attention of dull-witted ,elders They should have noticed, for instance, that in some respects Sh-iftesbury was just another Cardinal of Lorraine. "an old Conspirator. vitty and turbulent." (Readers who missed the rzsemhl tnce might be forgiven, since the Cardinal, while not quite the bodv on 1>.1qe one w7s d e ~ dhy p?qe l q and referred to in passing only twice thert.nfrr~) Rut "i.1 all other circumstal~ces [Shaftesburv] resembled the olll decrepit Cardinal of Bourbon, wlio fed himself with imaginarv hopes or power" ({u6:q6-q0;:8). Now, paraphrase really does, or can, work it! this wal. met~phrasedoes not. Drvden want^ hi5 metaphrase to be read as par.1 ~,hr,rse, his prudential as liti~iousllistorv. .4nd so C!io squints between ilnnarti ditv and prejurlice; a11 the more so because she inspires a histolv written many times before, and often enough applied litiqiobsly.

Tjrvden himself, collaborating with Lee. had alreadv drawn T h e Dukr Guise: A T r n g ~ d yfrom the matter of the League, and in spring 1683 h~ h r p n his Vindirntion of the plav hv .mnouncing it was first ronreiverl of

Histol-y of the League

435

"in the Year of His i'v1ajt.s~) fl.:i~pj liesiauratioli." ' l l ~ eplay had been ~ i s tile ioya! family, a n d attacked for supposedly libellous L e ~ L e c ~ i uupor; the claim of early conception proved olily till~tsome parallels l ~ i sopponents aftected to discover between tlie play's c\iilts and the Exclusion Crisis were the product of busy imaginations, wliicli read i n rnea~li~igb contrary to autllorial i n t e n t i o i i . ~Dryden certainly couid 11ot claim-was not claiming-any priority i n the bnglish use of tile Ereilch League for pamphlet, play, or poem. A cerlLury o i English aliuhion to the League began will1 packets of news r u n of1 o n Elizabetliaii presses to give accounts of last week's battle, riot, or speech i n Fraiice.ij Pogetiier with the eariier stages of the religious wars i n late sixieeiitil-century France, the League provided matter for [ragedies by Narlowe, Chapman, and drew Lee. Tliroughout the severiiee~ltil cenLury English coirtro~,~ersislists freely upon tlie arguments of such Frenchmen or men associated with France as Bodin, Hotman, Dupiessis-Mornay, a n d Uellarmine.26 T h e sprawling llistory of Davila was tra~islateci i n 1647--48 arid reissued i n 1678.27 After reading Davila, it seems, C l ~ ~ r l Cotton es inade a poem about 111; greatest of the League baities, at Ivry." Until ltj81 the litigious use of the League, seeking i n it precedent a n d parallei for Eriglisli seditior~, was confined, as 1)rydeii clainied his original conception of T h e Uulte of Guise was confined, to nlakiiig of it a paradigm for the Great Rebellion, especially the Solemn League and Covenant.2" O n e of the many ways in whicll '81 relived '41 was to discover the League's renewed relevance wllen Shaftesbury was indictccl for high treason a t the Old Bailey. Central to tlie crown's case was a paper supposedly found i n Shaftesbury's lodgings. T h e paper was a draft of a n Association dedicated to the defense of liberty, Protestantism, and pariinmentary privilege, a n d prepared to bar tlre accessiori of J a ~ e s ,Duke oT York, "by all lawful means a n d by force of Arms, if need so require.":jO A year before the Old Bailey hearings parliament had inconclusively debated a bill to establish such a P r o ~ e s t a n tAssociation by law." ' 1 1 ~ .

" Z'irzditation,

pp. 1-2. '"There is a ~ ~ s e tcollection ul of these pamphlets in the British Xiuseurn bound together as Ti-acts Rclating t o Iierzri Quatre 1589-92 (C.132.h.zj). :"he topic has been sunejcd by J. H. M. Salmon, T i l e French lteligious 1t'ai.s zn E~lglzs!~Political Thouglzt (1939). AS his title ii~dicatcs,Salmon is interestcd more in the prudential tila11 the litigious use of the French wars. He treats the debates of the Exclusion Crisis only summarily, finding that they make few fresh contributions to the much-discu!+ed political principles started by the French wars. 27 Dryden's copy of the first edition of Davila is now in the XVilliam Andrews Clark Memorial Librarj. He noted in the Vindica:ion (p. 6) that he made use oi Davila for T h e D u k e of Guise. 2 8 C ~ m p a rthe e account of the portents l>t,fol-cIvry (arinics in the sky) in Davila, p. 891, and Cotton, T h e Bnttail of I'vry, stanzas xix-XX. m f o r fu~.therdiscussion of Englibh reference to the League durirlg the Exclusion Crisis see IVorks, XI\'. Shaftesbury Proceedings, p. 17. "The bill was debated 011 15 and 2 1 December 1680: see T h e History and Proceediugs of the House of Commoris [1660--i'jq3] (1742-43), 11, 12-30, 42-48.

draft in Shaftesbury's lodgings went further than the bill. If James should ever "seek by force to set u p his pretended Title" to the throne, the Association would "endeavour to Subdue, Expel and Destroy him . . . and all such as shall Adhere unto him, or raise any TVar, Tumult, or Sedition for him." 32 Although the acquittal of Shaftesbury at the Old Bailey seemed a victory for the Il'higs, tlie evidence presented at the hearings, especially of a n Association, proved a n invaluable royalist recruit in the propaganda war of the Exclusion Crisis. Tlle royalists had been long besieged, itraining to counter cliarges of the growth of popery and arbitrary govelrlment. Their dark talk of a Presbyterian Plot, whicli had bemused the country with tlie Popish Plot in order to capture power, was silenced in 1679 when papers found in a meal tub sliowed the Presbyterian Plot to b e a popisll fabrication. Subsequent rumors of a Protestant Plot were answered in a derisive selies of N o Protestant Plot pamphlets. But now, brandishing the paper of Association, royalists sallied out upon the enemy, freed at last from difficult defense of government policies, and able to press hard upon the apparent fact of their opponents' sedition. Their forensic rhetoric changed, and remained changed, flom angry apology to self-righteous philippic. T h e shifting fortunes of the propaganda war are clearly reflected in the differences between Absalom and Achitophel, ~)ul)lishedabout a week before the Old Bailey hearings, and T h e Afedall, publislied four nlonths later. I t was n o longer necessary to try and shrug off the Popish Plot with "Some T r u t h there was, but dash'd and bretv'd ~ v i t hLyes" (Absalom and Achitophel, 1. 114; Works, 11, 8). Now the cry was "a \Vliig Plot, a Protestant Plot"; indeed, By proving theirs n o Plot, they prove 'tis worse; Url~nnsk'dRebellion, ant1 a u d ~ c i o u sForce. \.\Tl~icl~, though not Actual, jet all Eyes may see 'Tis working, in t11' immediate Pow'r to be. ( T h e Medall, 11. 220--223; Works, 11, qg) Still, no one was known to ha\ e signed for the Association. All that had been " f o u n d i n Shaftesbury's lodgings were nine papers, only one of wl~icllwas described and entered i n evidence at the Old Bailey, and that a mere draft of the manifesto and oath of Association: "I A. B. Do in tlie p~esenceof God solemnly Promise." 33 True, there was a threat in !he paper to destroy James and llis adherents, but o n conditions which, if impertinent, edged delicately around lese-majesty by supposing sedition in the Tories, not the Whigs. There was a case of praernunire, perhaps, since tlle Association promised to establish imperium in imperio.34 But the enterprise came somewllat short of "Unmask'd Rebellion," even though

'!?ShaftesburyProceedings, pp. 17-18. "Ibid., p. 17. ::([Edrnund Bohun], T h e Third and Last Part of the Address (p. 8 2 ) : "an Association signifies nothing without a Head to govern and direct it; if the King be made the Head, then we are where we were, and it is to no purpose; If another person be made So, then there is two distinct Governments in the same Kingdom, which can never stand together a Month without imbroyling themselves and the People. This the Holy League of France proved Experimentally true; and the same Event will alrvays follow." Bohun's text is the defeated parliamentary bill of association. Compare Maimbourg's comment on

History of the League

437

he prosecution had c l a ~ ~ n e d ocit;l constituted a "down-right levying of War agdlnst the K ~ n gand h15 G u a ~ d s . " a j1 he Assoclatioil was a s ~ o u t royalist ~ e c r u i t , but seemed impertec~ly equipped. Kumor accordingly fasllioried new weapons. A loyal explicator o i the paper of Associat~on offered some telling exegesis of the proposal to take arms against the accession of James: I have heard, (and I d o as firmly believe it, as a hlan can believe any thing that he never saw) that theie is Extant a Calculation upon a11 the Counties of England and \Vales, Alphabericaliy Digested; Dividing the Men of Interest, and Consideration, i n each Kespective County into T w o Columns, One against anotller: T h e One under the Title of LVOKTHY hlElU; and the Orlie:., of MEN LVOK-I HY (to be Hang'd, that is) Kangi r ~ gthe C o u ~ ~ t Party ry (as they call it) under the Former, and the Court:l'arty. uilder the ~ t i i e r :'lYhicIl appears, (as I am assur'd) by the Transporting of Names from One to the Other, as ally hian is found to Change his Side and Opinion. By the Benefit of this Roil, 'tis not above a \Veek, or l ' e n Days Work to take a Muster of the Kation; l o Commilnicate Orders; T o know whom to lnlpeach, and whom to Trust.36 I11 fact, there are still extant among the Shaftesbury papers a t Wimborne St. Giles and in the Public Kecords Office two lists in Shaftesbury's hand, one for the final sessions of the Cavalier parliament, tile other for the first Jixclusion parliament. Each list arran$s the counties alphabetically, showing county members first and then rhe members for each of the towns in a county. I n the earlier list the name of each member is preceded by a ".w" for "wortlly" or a "v" for "vile"; frequently, the letters are doubled or trebled to indicate degrees of worthiness or villainy. Worthy members are sometimes accorded the additional honor of an "x" to indicate a stauncll member of the country party. -l7l1e fi:-st list was probably drawn u p by February 1678, but was eildently kept u p to date, sl~iceit includes "www Atzdleru ;\lu?uell x dead Aldermln Ramsden." hIa1vel1 died in August 1678. l h e second list, probably conlpiled in Febru'iry 01 hIalch 1679, retains the notation "w" and "v" for old members, but Identifies new members xvith "H" for "llonest," "B" for "bad" or "base," and "D" for "doubtful." Neither list dd\ides the worthy and the kile into separate columns, and neither list is in m y sense seditious. They are no more than calculations of relative voting strength, however oddly annotated. Danby made similar compilations for the court party.37 But the -

-

the unconstitutionality of Mayenne's being c1eclalc.d lieutenant governor of France by the League, 24g:5-16. a Shaftesbury P~oceedzngs,p. 19. " R e m a r q u e s u p o n t h e New Piolect of Association (1682), p. 2. "For the llsts and further discussion of them see J. R. Jones, "Shaftesbury's 'IYorthy Men': A IVhig View of the Palliament of 1679," U I H R , XXX (1957)~ 232-241; and K. H. D. Haley, "Shaftesbury's Lists of the Lay Peers and Members of the Commons, 1677-8," BIHR, XLIII (1970), 86-~oj.

438

Commentary

11sts may have supplied tile polltic seed for the rank rumor of treasolidble 1.1tei~tili that fugiuke book of worthy men a n d men wo~thy. So luscious ,irumor was of course irresistil~leto Roger L'Estrange. H e rlidcie tilt flist o i four refeiences to ~ v ~ r t i lmen y and ;Len worthy in the Obselviito7 for 2 Xuguat 1682. By tile tllne of his lab1 leierence, on 6 Feblu'tiy 16d4, L'Es~rangellad 5lldped the rumor to 111s lilriig.38 Observator e x p i m u to rrimmer t l l d ~\.\ hig charges of a Popish Plot were a n allegory of liieii ow11 plot to seiie power. l l l e key to this ~ i i t ~ i c a tallego~y e is the fact tllni Sliaftesbury liad planned rebeliion eken before Israel Tonge and I'itus Oates first testihed to a I'opish Plot i11 the autumn of 1678: ODs. I l i e ~ ewas found in my L d Sliaftsburys Study, (As I h a ~ eG r e a ~Reason to Belleke) 'I he Book I have severa11 rimes meiltlon'd, of [Men-Worthy, and Worthyhlen,] together wit11 tlie ? icdsoilous Paper of Associa) far Correspolided One tion; w h ~ c h(110 Doubt ot ~ t bo wit11 tile Otllei, tliat tile Book hiark'd out the Men that wele Design'd fol Slalery, or hlassaar; And the Other P ~ o v i d e d for the Putting of T h a t Resolve i n Execution. Trim: But 'I'his was since Oies's Dzscovery. 0 6 s : But the Book was of an Oldei D'ite; as Appears by Andrew Xlarvels Name upon the Roll of IVo~thy-hfen there; who (as 1 take it) was Dedd !,efore [Oates's discovery]. l u this way, 81 relived '41. Association paralleled Co\.eaC3nt. T h e book of ~vorthiesdeinoustrated a11 intent to p~bceed,as the Covenanters had proceeded, to open rebellion. If God had not come down in fire at hewm a ~ k e t ,civil war wou:d Iiave begun at Rye House with the assassination of elle king. XVith '41 rerieued, so too wa5 the French League. T h ~ o u g l i o u t 1682 and 1683 the parallel betweell Guiaard and iVhig was debated by such people as Dryden and Lee, Northleigh, L'Estrange (of course), Hunt, Slladwell, A Person of Quality, and Anon. But this was mere litigious history, fanciful division upon a missing ground-work. Tlie king needed, o r thought he needed, the authority of histoiy ploperly so called. True, t h e r e .here Da\ila and MC~eray,both of them available i n English translation. Eut Daviia, writing about a!l ten civil wars in France, began with I 560 and only reached tlie League on pnge 449. RICzeray, fetching his history fiom "before the Reign of King P h ~ r a m o n d , " first encountered the League o n page 744. There was n o true llisto~yin English detoted exclusively to the L e ~ g u e .Aptly for England, Louis hlaimbourg, wllo , by volume, accounts of-major liad spent a decade p r o d u c i ~ ~ gvolume episodes in tlie history of the cliurch, had worked his way by the autumn

--

S'For other references see the Obsen'ator for 16 July 1683 and 2 2 October 1683; A ~YeulNarrative of llte Old Plot, being a New Ballad (1683), stanza xiv. See too the firs: scene in the illustration facing p. 393 above, A History of the Neal Plot (1683); the text of this broadsheet contains a description of the book of worthies similar to that given in Remarques u p o n the New Project o f Association. For Dryden's paraphrastic allusion to the worthies in The History of the League see z44:4 and note.

History of the League of 1683 to an Histoire de la Ligue. Charles I1 read and ordered it made English.

Louis hfaiinbourg has long since slipped into the oblivion from which Dryden summoned Titus Oates. By the middle of the next century Voltaire could record that Maimbourg "eut d'abord trop de vogue, et on 1'3 trop nCglig6 ensuite." 39 Posterity has certainly been unkind to RIaimbourg, hut, equally, there is no doubt of his Trogue in later life. By 1683, indeed, LoSue was notoriety. Before leaping to explanations, we need to draw back a little. T,~citusleports that, while Nero lived, his history was written only by flatterers, and only by enemies after he died. hlaimbonrg ruffe~eda severer fate, perhaps because his muster of friends was even shorter than Nero's. Attacked frequently and at length rvhile he lived, he r w s noticed only briefly and infrequently after death. T h e fullest account of his life is a short entry in the Dictionnnire Historique et Critique of Pierie Bayle, scarcelv a sympathizer, although sceptical enough to b e rea\ollahlv impartial.40 Bavle's sketch of the life is confirmed by an ans : for his last twenty years notated bib!iography of Maimboulg's ~ t ~ o r k41 hiaimbourg's life was his work and the attacks it prompted. Ro,n at Nancy in 1610, Rlaimhourg entered in 1626 the Tesuit Col!ege t h e ~ e .tvhich h:>d been founded by his parents. After studying in Rome, he taught humanities for six yeals, and then commenced a career of nearly thirty years as a preacher. His early publicntions comprised a funeral oration and two panegyrics, upon Louis XI11 rrnd upon the excellence of g 1638 and 1640. the Flench monarchy, all in Latin and a p p e a r i ~ ~between \!aimbourg7s long service as a preacher- ended in controversies which rtarted him upon his ~ e c o n d ,and major, lirerarv career. As a Tewit, h e was naturnllv hostile to the Tanseniqt teachines of Port-Kov-il, and in the autumn of 1667 he devoted nine sermons to an unflvorahle examen of the Mons New Testament, a French translation of the Koine made at P o ~ t - R o ~ and a l printed in 1667. T h e sermons provoked a series of Jansenist replies defending the hlons ~ e r s i o nand sttickin? hlaimhour?. T h e most important replv, chiefly the work of Antoine Arnauld, contains a ~ref-icericher in s itiricnl scoln for Rlaimbourg than m y of the numerou5 ~tt-icksupon lrim i n sulscequerlt vears 4rnanld inuqirlylv recalls that more t!lan twenrv vears before he went l i ! clinwe iuro a chapel and saw in the pulpit un homme d'uile mine evtrnordinaire h q11i n'estoit pas c?e ceuv donr I'Ecrir~lre dit, qzri. lrl \ f l p p . ~ p d e leur nme 17511 (P2ri.i. 131:). p - ii, "ODictiovnnire H i s t o r i q l ~et~ Critia~re,nouv t!d, augmentPe (Palis, 18~0). 41Tbe fl~llestlist is in Backer-%nnmerrogel, 7 vo19 (186r)-76) Sommer~o~el's r p \ i ~ , ~ (ed. 1 in eleven volume^ (18c)o-inq?), now standard, include? a few items not in the three-volume edition, hut i~ otherwise inferior for Vaimhourq, qince. unlike the three-volume edition, it treats only snmmarilv works puhliqhed bv Maimbourg a f t e r he ceased to he a Tecuit in 1682. Both edd. have errors and omirsions.

" Tittle de Louis XIV fed. prin.

440

Commentary reluit sur l e u r visage. On ne voyoit au contraire que

fiert6 dans ses yeux, dans ses gestes 8c dans tout son air, & il auroit estC capable de faire peur aux gens, si cette fierte n'eiit este meslCe avec mille gestes de theatre qui tendoient B faire rire.42 At first astonished that the Jesuits could think such a man fitted to preach, Arnauld soon saw that '51s avoient tout un autre but dans le choix de ce Predicateur que 1'Cdification du peuple." Their whimsical end was, it seemed, to provide themselves and others with comic relief from the austerities of religion. T h e preacher's discourse "fut encore plus 6tonnant que son air; Pc la bizarerie en fut si etrange" that it was quite unforgettable.43 T h e topic was the good Shepherd, and the preacher noted that a shepherd's duties were not always, as at present, discharged only by humble men; once, kings and princes thought those duties not beneath them. I1 fit ensuite un grand denombrement des Princes Bergers. I1 n'y oublia pas les Patriarches, & il en conduisit le Catalogue jusques h David sur lequel il s'arresta fort long-temps, car il fit une description badine de sa benut6, de la couleur de ses cheveux, de ses habits, P.t enfin de son chien. . . . Quand ce bon Pere fut une fois entre dans la matiere des chiens, comme s'il y eat estC attache par quelque secrette sympathie, il n'en put sortir, 8c il en tira la division de son Sermon qui fut distribu6e en 4. points selon 4. especes de chiens.4" English mastiffs were Jansenists; mongrels we7e vainglorious and cc-iwardlv preachers: courtly abbots were lap doqs; while the good doys were Tesuits Duly appreciative of their Sunday entertainment, the reverend Fathers in the upper gellerieq h u g ~ e dthemselves from beginning to end of the sermoq to keep back their laughter, and only a sense of decorum ?revented the congregstion below from explodin? into united and derisive applause Ifisinterpreting the restlessness of the congregation, the good Father war moved to "une nouvelle ardeur" and increased "tofijours le ris de ses auditeurs par de nouvelles grimaces." 45 This was, Arnauld recalls, the first time he saw Father Maimbourg, who has, in subsequent decades, beev studious to display himself "par une infinite de semblables euce7" 46 .4fter so searing an argument against the man, it might seem superfluous to attend to his ideas, his objections to the Mons New Testament. But ahead there lie nearly four hundred pages answering Maimboury's ser mons point by point, defending each of the thirty-two passages he h?d attacked, and pausing all along the way to return him to the pillory Blit \Taimbourg endured, arid continued to bilsy himself with the men of

* Antoine Arnauld and Pierre Nicole, Defense d e la Traduction d u Nouueatc Testament imprime' a Mons. Contre les Sermons du P. Meinbourg J b u i t e (Cologne. 1668), p. 6, fonts reversed. UZbid., pp. 6 7 , italics reversed. "Ibid., p. 6 , italics reversed. Ibid., p. 0, italics reversed. " Ibid., p. 8, italics reversed.

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Port-Rojal in the scmmer and autumn of 1668. An attempt by four bishops to gain support f o ~Jansenism elicited from Rlaimbobrg four letters under the pseudonym of Fratly>~sRom;lin, which attacked the bishops' ciicu1,r letter.47 Since Maimbouig was moled to coiltioleis) by the Calvinist Catholicism of Port-Royal, it is not su~prisingto fiiid him proceeding soon aftelwards against the whole refornled cliuich. I n 1670 h e published the first of "trois trait& de contio~eise": L n Alfe'thode Paczfique pour vavlener sans dispzlte les Profestans ci In w a g e Foy stir l e point d e I'Eucharzstie. An English translation by T. 12.'. (p~obably?liomas Tl'ilson, tlie Jesuit) was published the following )ear arid received a second edition in 1686 as a contlibutioil to the debate o l e r the ' Real Presence" in James 11's ieign.48 T w o fu. tlier "trait& de c o ~ i t l o \ e ~ s e\+ere " published by hfdimbourg in 1671. T h a t "de la lraye Parole de Dieu" was undertaken "pour rCunir toutes les Socictez Chrestiennes dans la ciCance Catholique"; that "de la vrdje Eg1:se de Jesus-Ghiist[,] pour ramerler les enfans Cgarez A leur Rlere." Deep in controlersy, Rlaimbourg closed his preaching caree: by publishing in 1672 Sermons fioz~r le C a ~ e ^ m e H e promised further ~ o l u m e sof seiinons f3r Sundays aild Feast Days, but never published them. T e n years later a n enemy remarked with satisfaction upon the peu d e bruit qu'il faisoit d u temps qu'il Ctoit encore dans la Predication, jusques-18 que le chagrin qu'il en conqut luy fit quitter la chaire, X: c'est au peu de succCs des Sermons que le Public est redevable de tant d'histoires qui sont sorties de sa plume depuis dix an~.A!~ \Vhen Afaimbourg commenced historian, with tlie publication in 1673 of Histoire d e l'drianisme, he was already past sixty and advanced into a n Horatiaii old age: dificilis, qlit'rz~lz~s . . . castigator censorqzLe mi~roi,~tnl."H e had also settled upon his themes, which comprised, in addition to dissatisfaction with tile present, advocacy of a Nicean church, one, holy, catholic, apostolic,fil but eschewing ultramontanism, respecting, as rltc enrly panegyric upon the French mort,?rchy perhaps suggests, the secu1;:r rig.11:~ of nations ar,d the liberties of the Gallican Church. For ten years hInimbourg wrote of schism, heresy, and the disputes of emperors and popes, quarrelling all the time with his contemporaries. His suspicion of youth was quickly confirmed. A bachelor of the Sorbonne wrote :I thesis attacking the history of Ariarli3m. hlaimbourg dealt severely with Maimbourg acktlo~vledgeclauthorship of the letters in the preface to Calvinisme, sig. &2v. = A Peaceable Method for the Re-Uniting Protestants and Catholics i n Matters of Faith (Paris, 1671; and for C . TV., n. p., 1686). Cf. Henry More, A Brief Discourse of the Real Presence . . . rulze~ciiz the W i t t y Artifices . . of Monsieur Maimboz~rgare obviated (1686), pp. 58-94. For Dryden oil the "Real Presence" see Works, 111, 332, 357-361. 4g Rou, Remarques, p. 118. 60Horace,Ars Poetira, 11. 173-174: "hard to please, full of complaints . . . the chastiser and censurer of the younger geaeration." " Traite' de la Vraye Eglise in Trois Traitez, p. 183.

.

442

Commentary

tiiis boyish ililperti~ieiice in LIW p ! e t a ~ e to his second history, of the Iconoclasts, i a 1674 (I, sigs. Zgv--Eij. .?iimost a t once, such was the pattern of hi;~i11iLourg'scalecr, the young bachelor wiis defended in the tJie~rzierEntrerien d'Eudoxe et d'Eucharistc (167q), the work of Jacques Le Fevre, a doctor of the Soibanile, who was himself not mucli more i i ~ a nthirty. T h e elegant Eudoxe and Euchariste amuse tiiemselves ~ v i t brefiections upoil the preface to Iconoc1nste.r and tile substance of rlriam'.rfile, iil which thele are "presque autant de fautes [of fact] que de mots." 5 2 hlairnbou~gprided llimself upon his passion for "l'exacte veritk," upon his care, urifashionable though it was, to read for himself the authors he cited. H e thougiit of himself as "un I-Iistorien hdeiie S; labo:.ieux." j q u t , for Eudoxe and Euchariste, I1 il'y a pas d'homme qui ait pius de faciiitk B charge1 la lnaige d'uri livre que ce Yere: il s'imagine que toutes choses luy sont propres; mais en voula~it verifier ses citations on rie trouve rien dont il se puisse servir.64 I'aunted once more xsith dogs, hIaimbourg is described as "uii vieux cliierl de meute," investigating only ~ i l efirst path while the rest of the pack runs down the p1.ey.Z &Isiml~ourghad incautiously spoken of his endeavor to give history "le plaisir du Roman," and had in part excused himself from the young bachelor's cllarges by remarking that he hat1 tried to write a history, not a dissertation. For Eudoxe and Euchariste, Cet aveu irigenu de son peu d'exactitude avoit empCcllc! que son livre ne flit critiquC; on l'avoit souffert comme i n mechant Roman; inais I'orgueii qu'il fait paroitre dans sa preface des Iconoclastes, demande qu'on luy rende justice, & qu'on publie haute~nentqu'il ne peur passer pour I-Iistorien.57 Le Fkvre succeeded in making himself heard by those with whom Maimbourg evidently liad some influence. T h e Entretien was burned, and Le Pevre briefly corlsigned to tile Bastille. He emerged unchastened to publish, still in 1674, a Second E?ltretie:i, t!iis tim-e sur le livre des Iconoclasti;.~. Just as hfaimbourg's Ariarli.rme hsd tried to make "entre les Eusebieiis k 110s Tllcologiens, des rapports qui rle sont qu'imnginaires," so his Iconociastes strained for imaginary "rapports entre les 'Tlieologiens de ce tenips qui ont i'!lonl:eur dc luy dkplaire, & les Evtques de Frnnce des huit k neuvikme siecles de 1'Eglise." T h e charge here, t112t illaimbourg, in effect, adulterated the impatiality of 1iisto;y properly so called by squintiilg contentiously at his own time, was to he reiterated in the coming years, especixily when. in 1682 and 1689, hlain~bourg'scareer crested in tlie polemical response to his Histoire du Calui~zisnze. I,e FPvre's two Entretiens were duly reissued in 1683 ~ v i t hthe imprint of Pierre hlarteau

"

Iconocla~tes,I, sigs. 55, 58~-9. Le Fkre, Entretiens, p. 40. Le Fevre, Entretiens, p. 3;. =IDid., p. 81. Ix Fkvre, Bntretiens, p. q r . *Iconoclastes, I , sig. 55. @Ihid., pp. 36, [ail], italics re\ersed.

History of the League of Cologne, the pseudonym of many Continental printers, especially Dutch, for works they considered libellous, contentious, or scurrilous.5~ Le FPvre remarked that he had not "entrepris la critique des mots ni des phrases" O F RIaimbourg.co But tlie next strlge of hlaimbourg's career supplied at least the grounds of the missing critique. And at the next stage, as if the tale had been plotted by Fielding, Rlaimhourg's path crocced or, it may be, ran briefly beside that of Dominique Bouhours, a fellow Jesuit, whose V i e d e St. F m n ~ o i sXauier Dryden was to translate a few ycais after T h e History of the Lengue. T h e evidence is scattered and allusive, but tends to confirm reports early in the next century that Maimbourg "a eu quelques dCnlClez avec le P. Bouhours qui avoit critiquC quelques-unes de ses expressions." 61 T h e o~igirisof the dispute are probably to be found in Bouhours' first impoltant work, Entretiens d'dtirte et d'EzcgBne (1671). Ariste and Euqhne are much more elegant than I,e FPvre's Eudoxe and Euchnriste; they are, indeed, men of curpa~sinyh o n n t t e t k . I n their conrersation "sur la langue franqaije" they deal firmly with ceitain features of style, popular enough .,mong some of their contemporaries, but norletheless unsuited to the qenius of the language They are severe upon extended metaphors "ou ces allegories dont les Espagnols et les Italiens font leur d&lices," for thev are "des figures extravagantes parmi nous" (p. 50). Indeed, "le style rnetaphorique n'est bon parmi nous ni en p o s e ni en vers" (p. 51). Ariste , ~ n dEuqPne ?re no doubt running riot at a whole herd of writevs wllo . S l l i m h o l l r ~mav h w e thoueht his f-r~ored"le style asiatique" (p. 5 ~ ) but own rvell hunted muse was once more sinqlert out for sport. It was not jurt that long ago he had fetched tlle di~isionsof a sermon on the priesthoot1 from four kinds of do?. Onlv the year before Bouhoms' Entretienc, Alnimbou~g had compared scripture with an ornate tapestry, a fertile country. ancl a night sky in a triple a n ~ l o g viequiriny nearlv three hundred wolds to work itself out.62 111 any case, Ariste and Eughne are not finished Almost as if Rlaimbourg alone were ill \ie:v (there were others of conrse), they note (p. 59) that French ne peut supporter les pCriodes qui sorit trop longues, les Cpith&tes qui n e sont point necess-lires, les purs synonymes qui n'ajoutent rien au sens, et qui ne servent q u ' i remplir le nombre. . . . Elle 3 plus Cgard a u bon sens q u ' i la belle cadence. A t last those trim chevaliers, Ariate -1nd E n g P n ~ ernerpe fiom the moods i n d warrens to proriounce a enlogv u:nn the French a n d their language f p t ) 60-61). mCee LConce Jantnart de Brouillatlt, Histoile de Pieire dzc Jfilt tcatc i n La l ihcrtt d? la Press? en Franc? aux Xl'IIe et Xl'IIIe Sidcles (Paris, 1888), p. 40 and fiassirn. " Le Fevre, Entretienc, p. [()I], italics reversed. I o u i s Ellies Du Pin, Ribliotheqz~e des Auteurs Eccl~siastiqtt~crIu D ~ Y TeptiCme Siecle, Pt. IV (Paris, I jog), 24% BP La Methode Pacifiqzie in Trois Tmitez, pp 20-21

444

Commentary

Nous avons trouvk le secret de joindre la briPretC non seulei~lentavec la clartC, mais encore avec la puretk et la politesse. Les autres langues ne s'accommodent gukre d'un style coupk. SCnPque et Tncite, qui domlent dans ce style-la, e t - q u i abandonnent tout- h fait celui de CicCron et de Tite-Live, n'ont pas toute la puretk ni toutes les gr2ces de leur langue. . . . Mais parmi nous, ceux qui Ccrivent le mieux ont u n style egaiement serrC et poli: ils joignent dans le franqais la puretk de Cksar et la fermetC de Tacite. Belie~inghimself to be a good Ciceronian and sharing the Renaissance view of Livy as the prince of historians, hlaimbourg could not allow such allticiceronianism to pass without reproof, especially when it was advanced in the interests of a modish honni2tete'. He prefaced Iconoclnrtes with a claim to have modelled himself on what "les plus celCbres Historiens, k sur tout Tite-Live, nous ont laisse. pour nous apprendre l'art de rkiissir en ce genre d'Ccrire" (I, sig. 54). Later, and with saicastic humility, he turned to the question of style (I, sig. Ee): Pour ce qui legarde l'expression, je la soi~mets?I la censure de tant d'honnesres gens qui parlent, Pc q ~ l i Ccrilent aujourd'hui si po!iment, principalement B la Cour, Pc dont je tiendrai tofijours B honneur d'&tre disciple, quand ils auront la bontC de m'instruire. Je dirni seu'ement que je n'ai jawais pfi m'accommoder d'un certain stile un peu trop coup&, qui fait, ce me semble, que le discours. au-lieu de cou'er agrgTCablement, ou de marcher tofijours Cgalement, k d'un pas mesurk, ne va que comme en sautant, k par bonds, par ces trops frequentes reprises qui lui atent bcaucoup de la grace qu'il devroit avoir, Pc sur tout cette belle harmonie, k cette cadence nombreuse k naturelle, que nous admirons dans les Ecrivains du siCcle d'Auguste, Pc qui a tant de charmes pour les oreilles un peu dClicates. T o judye from scattered remarks in Dryden's later essays, he would hare sided with Bouhours against Maimbourg. Dryden thought Tacitus the hest of Roman historians, and evidentlv preferred to read of t!~e Republic in Polybius, not Livy.63 T h e prefe~encewas no less stylistic than marr,i-I. Dryden found Maimbourg'c stvle "rlt!ler Cicero,tin?l, copious florid, and fiqurative; than succinct" ( q l t j : ~ S i ~ )4s. we shall see, a style so different f ~ o n D~yden's i posed rn~~liy problems of trat1:l;lri:rn not all of wliich Dryden solved satisfactorilv. I n the s-ime year as Maimbourg's Icotloclnstec, Bouhours published Dozltec S I L T In Lnvqzte F r a n ~ o i s e ,and followed it in 1675 with R c m n r q u e s Noztvelles sz!r In L n n g l ~ e F ~ n > ~ ~ o iOf s ? . the two works the filst is much the more interesting, but both attempt to establish rules of style-of " T h e Life o f Plutarch (Wojks, XVII, 272-273) 2nd The Character of Polybius (1693, x, xxiii, xxxiii-xxxv: Watson, 11, 66, 67, 69-70),

History of the League

445

grammar, diction, syntax-whicli would ensure that all men united "dans le francpis la purete de C h a r et la fermete de Tacite." Boullours could be puritanical in his purism," but, while something of a precisionist, lie was clearly involved in the great Freilcll endeavor of the seventeenth century to refine the language, to give ii certainty and definition. Bouhours was issuing a patriotic call for linguistic reformation, so that French might take its proper place as the best of iaiigu,ages. Dryden was similarly concerned by the need to reform Engiish, although his linguistic patriotism was not pushed, as Ile thought the French pushed theirs, to chauvinism.6Vt was not only Dryden's natural diffidence and scepticism which kept him from so big a boast. He evidently t1:iought ~ n ~ f i smuch h less advanced toward certainty and definition than Bouhours thought Frencl1.66 More needed to be done for English than could, seemingly, be accomplished for French by Bouhours' two treatises with their identification and recominended extirpation of soine lingering anti quite specific faults. J'Vhatever liis enthusiasm for the Bouibon dynasty and the Gallicari Church, hlaimbourg could not be described as a patriot of style. Few things, indeed, show more clearly liis self-regarding loneliness than his response to Bouhours' condemnation of the kind of French he preferred. hlaimbourg took the condemuation personally, perhaps because he had learned that, by July 1677, Bouhours had been "cllargC de corriger" Naimbourg's works," presumably i n the sort of examen to which he liad submitted Le Maitre de Saci's Ciceronian translation of L ' l m i t a t i o n d e Jtsus-Christ.68 Bouhours did not fulfill the charge, but a reading of liis Entretiens, Doutes, and R e m a r q u e s N o l ~ u e l l e s suffices to show what lie niight have found to correct in Maimbourg's works. Maimbourg began the prelace to Histoire d u Schisnze des Grecs (1677) with scorn for "cette fausse & trop scrupuleuse exactitude de petit Grammairien" (I, sig. L7), and ended with a dismissive reference to "%lessieurs les faiseurs de ~ e k a r ~ u e de s, Doutes[,] de Reflexions, d'Entretiens, &Observations, & d'autres semblables Lines de Critique sur la Langue Franfoise" (I, sig. 29). More are meant, it seems, than Bouhours alone, and Pierre Bayle later reported that Maimbourg also had Kerie Kapin in view," but of the hostility for Bouhours there can be no doubt. Schisme des Grecs was Aiairnbourg's fifth long history in five years, and he evidently felt tliat such fecundity required explanation and defense: "comme je donne tous les ans au public une Histoire de piusieurs siecles, & de tous les Pais du monde; quelqu'un pourroit peut-estre croire que je travaille trop viste" (I, sig. 57). Quelqu'un, in fact, had already committed himself proleptically to such a belief, for 64 He rejected, e.g., such phrases as le prince des pobtes because they were formed by false analogy with pri~lceps poetarum: prince does not translate princeps (Uoutes, pp. 107-109)."Vacations," he assures us, "se dit pour le Palais, vacances pour le College" (Remarques, p. loo). OTThe Life of Plutarch (Works, XYII, 246) and preface to Albion and Albanius (1685, sig. (b); Watson, 11, 38). Dedication of Troilus and Cressida (1679, sig. Agr-v; Malone, 11, 49). s'George Doniieux, Le Pire Bouhours (Paris, 1886), p. 71. e8 Bouhours, Entretiens, pp. 131-144. Bayle, Critique GCndrale, I, 81.

446

Commentary

Bouhours had approvingly translated a maxim of Quir~tilian's: "ce n'est pas en ecriva~ltviste, que l'on apprend a Ccrire bien; c'est en Ccrivant bien, que l'on apprend a ecrire viste." 70 Nonetheless, Maimbourg insisted, his productivity did not prove him careless of his readers. He polished each work befoie publication, even though, with good reason, he eschewed the grammarian's- pettiness. iYell, but h o w could lie manage it? As if seeking a syntax answerable to his defiance of Bouhours, klaimbourg constructed a sentence of nearly eljo words contrasting the literary dilettante, "qui auroit besoin de promenades, d'honnestes div&tissemens, k de visites d "qui s'applique sans cesse tous les agreables," with the d e d ~ c a ~ escholar, jours depuis le grand nlatir~ jusqu'i bien akant dans la nuit." Such a scholar, '-'qui peui estre je ne iess&nble pas trop mal," can reasonably ask that "son Lecteur conte ses mois pour des annCes." T h e yeals of the dilettante, of course, are only months (I, sigs. %7v-8). Since, as Le Fkvre would put it, Bouhours manifestly had the honor to displease IvIaimbourg, we can the more easily credit Bayle's report that Bouhours (again with Kapin) was att:icked a second time in Schisme des Grecs tllrough hlainibourg's c1iai;icter of George de Trebizonde, a foolish maxi, who, aspiring to be more than mere rhetorician and grammarian, commenced pl~ilosopher by attacking Plato on behalf of Aristotle, drew upon llin~seff the scorn of the learned, and died "accablk de misere & de pauvrete" (11, 311-315). I t is true that, apart from a few general remalks on the grammarian as ultracrepidarian, hIainibourg's portrait of Trebizonde is presented factually enough, encrusted with those authoritative ~narginaliawhich excited the suspicion of Le Fkvre. But squinting history is not fully litigious. I t makes of the past, not complete allegories, but local, discontinuous analogies for tlle present. Richard Simon reported that when hIaimbourg speaks in Schisme des Grecs of C!aude, EvCque de Turin, "il dit qu'il etoit borgne, parce que le hiinistre Claude, dont il fait le portrait sous le nom de Claude de Turin, Cioit borgne."71 In just r~. this way the seventeentli century wrote and read s q u i i ~ t i n ~ h i s t ohfiimbouig, in any case, plainly preferred the allusive to the direct insult. H e did not name the Sorbonne bachelor in the preface to Iconoclastes nor the grammarians attacked in the preface to Schisme des Grecs. He already stood accused of coxert s a t i ~ eon contemporaries through the figures of the past, and his love of indirection shows in Simon's further report that he composa un petit discours sous le titre, de la vie d z ~ frere Lngopon, m o i n e Grec, oh il faisoit le portrait du Pere Bouhours: il f d l u t employer l'autoritk de RI. le Prince [de Condb], auprkr de qui le Pe:e hfaimhourg ktoit trks-bien, pour supprin~crcette sntyre, qui n'a 6tk vde que de tres-peu de pelsonnes en manuscrit.72

'"Doutes, p. 278. nP,ich;li-d Simon, Critique d e la Bibliothdque des Auteurs Ecclt!siastiquer (Paris, 1730). 11, 406. 7P Ibid., 11, 406.

History of the League By 1680 hlaimbourg had angered or attacked Tansenists, Sorbonnists. bishops, and Jesuits. I n August 1680 Charles de la Coste, a reformed Franciscan of Lyons, obtained his supeliors' permission to publish a fourhundred-p.lge manuscript entitled Eclniiczsremens h i s f o ~ i q u e s sur les ozivrnges r l u P, ~ l l o i m b o u r g .I n a style "lourd et penible," la Coste undertook to criticize "les nombreuses erreurs de cet kcrivain, et retablir la reputation de plusieurs personn,iges attaques par lui." 73 T h e minuscript was not published, but Rfaimbou~g, in any case, scarcely had time to notice an obscure provincial Recollet. H e had alkeady entered upon the siu climactic yeirs of his career. d O n 2 3 M-iy 1680 the I n d e x L i b r o r ~ t mProhihitortim was a ~ ~ g m e n t ewith two of Riaimbourg's histories, of the G*.ind C c h z r m ~d'Orcidevt (1678) and the DPcndence de l ' E n ~ p i ? edep7izr Chn,lem.iqne (1676) They we-e joined on 1 8 Decemher 1680 by RIaimbouig's most r-ceqt histo v, of Lutheronisme, published earlier in the slme Telr: and at ahout the same time Innocent XI ordered the expulsion of hl-jjrnbourq from the Society of Tesus. No reason was qiven for these acrioqs hut it is not f ~ to r seek. As a Tewit, and therefore a member of thc rnilitint and rnissionarv force of the Counter-Reform~tion,Rlair11ou.q coz~idpvnnerlv write of schism and heresv, seeking to restore sects to their lost a l l ~ ~ i ~ nRc~pi the could not 2lso write, as he did in sunnort of G-llicln l i l ~ e ~ twithout ie~ cli-l'e~g inq some part of the Counter Refoimation's mijor legislation, the decrees of the Council of Trent. Since Gallicln liberties figure almost ;1s impor~nntlyin the L;qzre a? in Afaimbourg's life, some account of them is anpropriate T h e oriqin of the liberties was assigned to the reiyn of Clo;is, n hlerovinyian kin? .rvho became a convert to Cllristianity in 496 and continued to rule until 511. Initially, the libe~tieswere represented by the claim of the Gallicin Cliu~clito appoint its bishops 'ind settle its discipline with little or no papal interference. During the leiqi? of Cloxis the Galiicnn practice was to elect bishops by bate of the clergy and people, but the "Bishops of Rome" I ~ ~ talleddy d succeeded in p r o m o t i ~ g tllemselv~s from adviwry consultants on canonic-il disputes within the Gallican Church to judges upon them.74 T h e scheclu'e of liberties was constantly altered throuch the centuries by statute and practice, until, at the encl of the mitidle ages, thev weye largely interprececl as the authority of the French king over the French church. T h e most important codifications of the liberties resulted from the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges in 1438 and the Concordat of 1516 between Franqois I and Leo X. Both settlements tried to decide such issues as the authority to appoint or elect to higher ecclesiastical offices, the propriety of papal mnates--the first vear'q revenue from bisl~oprics-and the relatire authority of the Curia over disputes within the Gallican Church. Although the Concordat was finally accepted in France, it was less a confirmation of Gallican liberties than an augmenta73

It,

Ant..Fr. Delandine, A4anuscrits de la BiblicthPque de Lyon (Paris, 112-113.

.' 5r61c:ay. pp. 18--19.

1812),

448

Commentary

tion of papal revenues and royal privileges, with annates confirmed and royal appointments to higher offices receiving almost automatic papal endorsement.75 I n a sense, the Reformation, which followed so hard upon the Concordat, rendered it obsolete, because the Reformation prompted the Counter-Reformation's attempt to restore the church to its supposed once powerful unity. T h e minor schism of the Gallican Church 1~7s caught u p in the greater schism of Protestanti?m, and the long deliberations of the Council of Trent between 1576 and 1563 issued at length in decrees inimical to Gallican liberties. This ultramontane threat was answered, predictably enough, by reaffirmation of the claim repeatedly advanced for more than a milleniun. T h e Tridentine articles have been received in France as to the points of Faith, but not those for Discipline, there being many that infringe the Rights of the Crown, the Liberties of the Gallican Church, the authority of the secular Magistrate, the Priviledges of the Chapters and Committees, and divers usages received in the Kingdom.76 T h e ancient war between France and Rome still issued in battle, more than a century after the Council of Trent. T h e vigorous reforms of Inno cent XI'S pontificate (1676-8~) inclnded s e ~ e ~ which al chillenged piiv;leyes arrogated to himself by Louis XIV. Rfaimbourg e x ~ e l l e dfrom the Jesuits, with three of his works Indeued, was only a minor castialty of the struggle between such powerful opponent?. I t may FC tlilt RIaimbour$s old pseudonym of Franqois Rornain identified hi? idea! self; qnd, if so, Riaimhourq split between the claims of his nomen and praenomen. Romain could write against Jansenists or the iconoclastic anceytrt. of thr Reform3tion. But Franqois wanted to busy himself with G~llicanlibel ties "Eq bonne politique," a n opponent wiote, "il faut essayer de se conser.cer 2 la Cour de Rome & flatter pourtant celle de Fr.ince " 77 TZTel! rniyht Maimbourg propose a Cas de conscience . . . lorsqu'il fzlt chassd de sn Societe'; but it needed more than casuistry to reconcile Flanqois and Romyin. Romain's last important work was an Histoire d~ Cnlui~isnze,puhlished in March 1682; but Franqois wrote the pref~ceto evplain why he now appeared before his public a mere RIonsieur and no longer PPre Riaimhourg. Ey the order of Louis XIV the Jesuit Provinci~lhad stayed for more than a year execution of Innocent'? drcree expellinq Rfnimhoury But at last, on l o Tanuary 1680, M~imbourgsuccessfullv petitioned Louis XIV to permit execution of the decree.78 I n compensation, 1,ouis ,granted Zfainlbourg a pension of five or six hundred crowns with the title of histoliographer,79 and permitted him to retire to the Abbaye de SaintVictor in Paris. "On ne I'appelle plus le Pere Maimbonrp," an enemy t r joi-~d, "m-is c'est, Monsieur 1'4hhC Rfaimhourg, que I ' m ~ o i rcor~chf. 16 Ihid., pp. 560-561. 7''lbid., p. 056. For Pierre Jurieu (Parallele, IT, qoq-728) Gallican liberties were largely the invention of politicians and receited the support of fev among

the French clergy and laity. Calvinisme, sigs. Pz-qv. Turieu, Parallele, I, 38. " Noi~rreller (September 1686), p 1023: and Rayle, Critique Gbntrale. 1. 7.

History of the League

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tout de son long dans un bon carosse a luy, clans lequel il se fait trainer tous ies jours a &avers de Paris." SO .]The four years that followed hlaimbourg's expulsion froin the Jesuits saw him preoccupied with the interests of his Frantois and writing against uitramo:ltanism. By the ~ i m eCalvinislne was published, in hlarch 1682, AIaimbourg was already writing Histoire de la Ligue. In the midst of recording Sixtus V's attempt to depose h'avarre and CondC and the Gallican Church's opposition to this interference iri temporals, Maimbourg was informed that on this instant twenty third day of iLlarch [i682] . . . there is a perpetual and irrevocable Edict enregister'd in the Parlament; by which Louis the Great . . . ordains that the absolxte Independence of Kings, in Temporal affairs . . . shali be maintain'd and taught in his Dominions by the professours of Divinity, Seculars and Regulars (~~2:32-~3:'6). For hlaimbourg, indeed, the story of the League invoived the finally unsuccessful attempt of outsiders, Spaniards and the Papacy, with the support of ultramofitanists at home to manipulate the policies of the French monarchy and the Gallican Church. ILIaimboulg refers tllroughout T h e Histoly of t h e League to Gallican liberties," and records, with evident disapproval, :hat publication in France of the Tridentine articles was one of the objects of the League.82 Henry IV's eventual success was as much. a triumphant vindication of French independence in church and state as it ~ whose present reprewas a-glorious inauguration of the B O U ; . ~ O ~dynasty, sentative, alike puissant and generous, hIaimbourg so faitllfully served. Alainlbourg followed the Ligue with his most outspoken and thorough assertion of Gallican liberties and conciliar authority. Traite' Historique cle i ' ~ t a b l i s s e m e n tet des Pre'rogatives d e I'Eglise de R o m e et de ses Euesqzles was publislled in Paris on 31 October 1684 I t was hurriedly translated into English for publication early in 1685 by "Jos. Hindmarsh, Bookseller to His Royal Highness." Presumably, al~houghnot explicitly, the propag:iilda point of the translatioil was a reassurance to fearful Englishmen that the accession of James need not involve total submission to Rome. i i s the French experience seemingly testified, and as the Blackloists had to some extent insisted, an English "Gallicanism" was possible, and perhaps desirable. Unsurprisingly, Innocent X I was not sympathetic. Trait6 Nistorique was Indexed on 4 June 168;. T h e number of Maiinbourg's works on ti::: Index was rouilded off at five on 26 February 1687 with the inclusion of the last work published in his lifetime, Histoire d z ~Pontificat d e S . Gregoire le Grand. Gregory's pontificate gave Maimbourg one more opportunity to write at length about chui ch government and discipline, the relation of spiritual and temporal. He was expansive upon the hlost Christian Kings of France,

" Jurieu, Parallele,

I, 41. =.See 4z:q-i5, gz:n-31, 185:"-26, z16:l-4, z ? S : i ~ i z z31:1-17, , 3275-11. 12 Fee 58331-34, 77:8-9, 184:18-22, 2 1 0 : 1-8, 210:21--23,2~j:35-3$,~7-j:35-376:4.

450

Commentary

those "fils ainks de l'Eglise," who know well how t o maintain their tempor.al authority over all estaies of tile reaim, including, of course, the first c~staieot the clergy. For their part, tile G a l ~ i c a nclergy demonstrate by their obedience, just as Saint Gregory once did, "la qualite de tres-humbles & ties-hde1t.s sujets d u Koy leur bouverain Seigneur" (pp. 165-166). As ~liaimbourgdefended the F r e n d l interest, so his relations decayed with both Rome a n d the Jesuits. But, so many a n d various were his enemies, he could also serve as decoy i n a huilting of his old society, perhaps because he was by now, as Uayle p u t it, a man "dont le nom seul feroit vendre le plus mkdlant livre." 83 "illairnbourg" figures i n the title role of L e J e s u i t e S e c u l u r ~ s e ,a "mkchant livre," publislled i n Amsterdam i n 1683 with pseudo:ly~nous imprint a n d author.-In this awkwardly contrived satire "hiaimbourg" fuilctio~ls as naive adversarius to a virulent ceiisor called "Dorval, Abbe, S: Doctcur e n ThCologie." Dorval attacks, Alaimbourg defends the Jesuits. But Dorval's apparent design of convi~icirigliis adversary is more tllan a l i t ~ l eobsculed by his lengthy rehearsal of attacks cllarging hlaimbourg's histories with prejudice, i~iaccuracy,illwill, plagiarism, unsupported invention, a n d inadequ;ite researcli. Maimbourg nonetlleiess coritinues a docile adversary. T'owaids the end, Dorval sunis u p his indictment of the Jesuits by cliarging them with, among o h e r things, sacrilege, parricide, poisoning, assassination, usury, seduction, and sodomy. hiaimbourg tranquilly replies, as he takes his leave, that "on n e peut pas parler de la Societk plus spvamment que vous avez fait, j'ay pris u n plaisir extraordirlaire A vostre entretien." 84 Whatever sport hlaimbourg's enemies might make with his expulsion from the Jesuits, h e evidently took the matter seriously, I n the will Maimbouig signed o n 28 December 1685. lie revoked all h i s parents' endowments of the Jesuit College a t Nancy, bequeathing the levenues to the Chnrterllouse near Nar~cy, because, Ire testified, "il est evident par la luriliere naturelie, qu'un pere S: une mere ne font pas ces grandes donnab'Bayle, Xouuelles Lettres, I, sig. *g, italics reversed. b"oxelias Umeau, pseud., Le Jesuite Seculari~e (Cologne [i.e., Amsterdam], 16831, pp. 52-85, Z Z ~ - Z Z ~ The . work is attributed by Barbier (Diction~zairedes Ouv?.ages Ano7lyn~es) to one Dupri., an ecclesiastic of Lyons, perhaps because, a ferv ycars betore, he was responsible for a similarly constructed satire, L e Moinc Secularis6 (1675). Cf. Critique d u Jesuite SecularisC (Cologne, 1683), and L e Jesuzfe DCiroque o u les Ruses de la Societe published with Critique du Jesuite DCfroqut: (Rome [i.e., Amsterdam], n.d. [1681?]). L e Jesuite DdfroquC a r ~ dits Critique are copies of L e Jesuite Secularise' and its Critique, with "R. La hfer" replacing "Roxelias Umeau" as a pseudonym, "L'Abbk" and "Le Jesuite" replacing "Dorval" and "Maimbourg," and references to Maimbourg and his works made in the third instead of the second person. The (quite unsuccessful) point of the revisions would seem to be an attempt to focus the sati1.e on the Jesuits in general instead of dividing attention between hlaimbourg and the Jesuits. Critique d u Jestcite Secularise has an alternative title, Apologie pour itlr. n/Iaimbourg, but this unusual defense of Maimbourg solemnly misunderstands L e Jesuite Sect~larise'(unless Critique is a sort of Scriblerian parasite upon the parent body), and ends with a plea for tolerance and ecumenical Chi-istianity scarcely to hiaimbourg's taste. MCchants livrcs, indeed.

History of the League

45 1

tions q u ' i condition qu'apres les avoir receues o n ne chassera point leur fils."sa At about the same time as the will, hlaimbourg published in the history of Saint Gregory a recantation of his early studies, taking as his occasion Gregory's letter reproving Saint Didicr for engaging in the worthless and impious study of humane letters and natural science. hlaimbourv ? regretted in his age his youthful attention to profane ideas, false divinities, fables, and chimeras, when he should have been reading the Bible, Fathers, Councils, church history and canon law. "hIais quoy? i'y estois oblige, & c'est 1B mon e\cuse" (p. 260). B a ~ l e ,fastening upon the excuse, read the passage exciusi~elvas a n att'tck upon "la platique des Jesuites, Pc ces vaines etudes de Mytholoqie q u ' i l ~repandent quelquefois sur les clloses les plus saintes " 8 6 But Maimbourg, as is e ~ i d e n tfrom hi4 tzking the occasion of Gregory's letter to Didier, was placing himself in a long tradition of Christian scorn for p a g ~ nantiquitv. Jlaimbourg., indeed, could claim only that he had follolved a p l t h trodden by many others; although it was not his fault: "j'y estois oblige." While hiaimbourg was busy with the projects of his Franqois, his Romain was sorely beset with attacks from men outraged b~ Hirtoire du Cnluinisme.87 These opponents were, for the most part, Huquenot refugees in Holland, and their attacks wele lonq, passionate, and detailed. They were also prompt. Cn!uinisme was pul?lished in quarto by S e b l ~ t i e n Rfabre-Cramoiw, "Imprimeur d u Roy," tlurinq the first fortnieht of March ifiSn.88 Riabre-Cr'rmoisy subsequently issued a second, or popular, edition i n a two-volume duodecimo. A third edition, aiso a t1i.o-volume duodecimo, was called for bv 1683. Adrian hloetjens of T h e Hayue quicklv prepared a pirated edition from the quarto and issued it as a one-volume duodecimo. T w o years later, Pierre B a d e reported that "la premiere Edition qu'on fit 5 la Haye . . . filt toute debitPe e n peu de jours, % il falut aussi-tGt en recommencer une seconde "8"~yle added that "en faveur d e ceux qui n'entendent pas le Francois . . . une traduction en langue vulgaire," presumably Dutch, was well advanced and would soon be puhlished But it never was, pe>haps because by A p ~ i l1684, when Bavle w79 writing, the controversy over Caluinisme had almost l u n its course 90 "h'ouvelles (September 1686), p. 1036; italics reversed. ~4 Nonuelles (September 1686), p. 1035. 87The complexities of Maimbourg's literary life are succinctly stated in Le Jesrcite Secularise' (p. S;), where "Maimbourg" is made to say "il faut avou&r que mon travail [on Calvinisme] m'a donc bien ma1 reiissi, puisque les Catholiques & les Calvinistes l'ont desaprouv6 kgalement." % T h e colophon to the quarto of Calzltnisme lacks the date of first publication, but the quarto was listed in Sgauatls for 16 March 1682 3s published in the previous fortnight. eehlorcvelles (April 1684), p. 128. Backer-Sommervogel lists only a "Nouvelle kdition, revue et corrigte. Suivant la copie impriinee a Paris" (168~).This would seem to be the seconc! Dutch edition, also printed by Moetjens, referred to by Bayle. The British Musrum copy, apparently of hloetjens' first, is a "Derniere Edition. Suivant la Copie imprimke a Paris" (1132). O0As Bayle virtually admitted in his preface to Nouuelles Lettres (5 January 1685), I, sig. "9.

45 2

Commentary

Effectively, the controversy began within a few days at most of publication of the quarto. In June 1682 Bayle's Critique Generale de Z'Histoire du Calvinisme de Mr. Maimbourg was published anonymously and with pseudonymous imprint by Abraham Wolfgang of Amsterdam. T h e first edition of Critique Gknkrale, comprising nearly 350 pages, is in the form of 2 2 letters dated 10-25 March 1682. T h e last letter concludes with the exhausted observation, "jamais je n'avois tant 6crit en I'espace de 15. jours, que je viens de le faire pour vous envoyer cette critique ~enerale." Bayle quickly revived. A second edition of Critique Ge'ne'rale, augmented to nearly twice the length of the first, was published early in November 1682. A third edition, further revised and augmented, appeared in May 1684,~land on 5 January 1685 Bayle published hTouuelles Lettres de 1'Auteur de la Critique Generale, as long again as the augmented editions of Critique Gkntrale itself. One report has it that Critique Gkne'rale "chagrins cruellement Mr. Maimbourg; l'estime qu'on en faisoit le mettoit au desespoir," so much so that Maimbourg several times begged de la Reynie, the lieutenant of police, to condemn it. But de la Reynie refused: he had enjoyed Critique Gtne'rale and was satisfied to see Maimbourg embarrassed. TVhen Maimbourg at last obtained a royal order to burn Critique Gtne'rale in the Grhve, de la Reynie complied of course, but published three thousand copies of the sentence to stimulate further interest in Bayle's book.92 Maimbourg's Calvinisme comprises just over 500 pages in the quarto. I t inspired more than 3000 pages of hostile, often defamatory, replies. No one praised or defended it. I n addition to point-by-point refutation of Calvinisme, the replies rehearse between them nearly all the major passages in Maimbourg's life during the preceding fifteen years. T h e old business of the Mons New Testament is recalled, along with P~laimbourg's "failure" as a preacher, his desire to conflate history and romance, his preference for a periodic style and inability to write French with the same purity as a ~ o u h o u r s .H e is charged again with distorting the men and events of the past in order to reflect upon his contemporaries. Notice is taken of the three works on the Index, and even greater play is made with his expulsion from the Jesuits. But underlying, even belying, the derision, there is in the attacks on Caluinisme an evident fear, not of hiaimbourg himself, but of what such a work by Louis XIV's pensioner might portend of royal policy. If the preface to Calvinisme makes clear that Maimbourg is the protected servant of Louis, its dedication to Louis indicates. plainly enough, how the royal interests might best be served. Maimbourg assures his master that all can see in ~alvincsm"le plus fztrieux & le plus terrible de tous les ennemis que la France ait jamais ezis." But this enemy, after so many attempts to overthrow the government, is now "non-seulement d~mrme',nbbotu, humble, soumis, & ci vos pieds, mnic rrutsi presque anc'anti." T h e Huquenots have been vanquished, not so much by the militant policies of Louis' OIThe dates o f publication are in Critique Gknkrale, 3rd ed., I , sig. *gv. 82 Jacques George de Chaufepik, Nouveau Dictionnuire Historique et Critique (Amsterdam, 17go),I, 135: under "Bayle."

History of the League

453

predecessors nor the war waged by Louis himself against them, as by Louis' just and zealous policy of returning "cette grande m u l t i t u d e d e brebis e'gnrtes . . . dons la Bergerie du bon Pastezjr (sigs. 53-4). T h e royal interest which Calwinisme serves is the extirpation of Huguenotism in France. Louis' policies had already driven many Huguenots to a refuge in Holland, anci Calwinisme must have seemed a piece of historical pro+gl::dn signalling the last push against the Huguenots. Calvinisme, indeed, forebodes the revocation of the Edict of Nantes three years later. Recuilinq to the themes of his first controversial treatise a dozen years before, h f ~ i m b o u r gconcludes the history by urging that Huguenots are moyt eFpctivelv returned to the true faith by the peaceable but firm measaics of Louis XIV, who, we are assuied, avoids the extremes of unmitiyated se~erity,as practiced o n St. Bartholomew's Day and, later, by the L e ~ ~ u'lnd e . of the undue indulgence shown by Henry IV in the Edict of hT-ir:+es(1;q8) and Louis XI11 in the Edict of Grace ( 1 6 2 0 ) . Turtifiahly alarmed, the r e f u ~ e e sin Holland saw in Calvinisme not it5 appeal For legislation nor its revulsion from rivil war, but a call to arm5 P , ? ~ l ethought Rl-1imbou.g wrote Coluinisnle berause he reali7ed that In Cour de France [ a ~ a i t ]c16terminbe 3 rui'ner le Calvinisrne en aussi peu de temps qu'il en m e t ~ r o i tB composer son Histoire. I1 y a donc a u qu'il faloit preparer I'Apologie de toutes les violencec que I'on employeroit pour venir A bout de ce grand dessein.93 For Teln R o u Caluinisme was ~uhlisherlwith the sole aim d'inspire? B nos Compa t~ iotes une aversion implr,cable poul nous, & les pousser insensiblement 5 ewecuter par ?edition quelque chose de semblable h la S. Barthe!emy, qui se puisse iejetter sur la brutalirk cles peuples, sans qu'on puisse p o s i t i ~ e m e r t en accuser le Roy ou son Conseil.94 Fifty years later, with the comhat3nts all dead, Lenglet Du Fresnoy w , ~ i able to assess the q u ~ l i t i e sof Cnlvinisme impartially enouyh. H e found it "trop superficiel," because, while Rfaimbourg did his bes: (the book i s "bien kcrit"), h e could n o more write a proper history of Calvinism than he could of Lutheranism from the inadequate documents available in F1ance.95 Despite its title, Cnlvinirme i5 really ;I histo~yof the Huguenots u p to the massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day, with a preliminary account of the elrlier Reformation and a concll~dinqsketch of the Huqvenots' I,!te! fortunes. Four fifths of the work are cleroted to Calvinism in France between 1558 and 1572. But the very qualitv which illdic ~ t e dto Lenqlet the work's deficiencv as a history of C a l ~ i n i s m constituted for Pierre Jurieu much of its s t ~ e n q t has clangw-ous pro!,aganda. T h e combin~tiorl of prejudice against C~.!vinism and principal focus upoq events in France, Turieu insisted, nous fait bien hair dnns quel esprit cet ouvrage a estC entrepris. C'est pour $ o n - ~ ela r chslge, c'est pour inspirer Bavle, Critique Ge'ne'rale, I, g =Rou, Remarques, p 5 . Lenglet, Mefhode, 111, 304: V, 464: VI, 2+2.

454

Commentary

l'esprit de sedition contre les reformes d e France, c'est pour exciter les peuples 8: les soulever, c'est pour animer la cour; en un mot c'est pour seconder le dessein de nous perdre, sur lequel ceux qui la France, se sont - gouvernent asses declarez.96 Maimbourg's Calvinisme was read and attacked not only on the Continent, but in England as well. By November 1682 Dryden was citing it in the preface to Religio Laici as evidence that Calvinism is always and everywhere productive of misery and rebellion. But the next year the author of An Apology for the Protestants of France devoted the fourth, and by far the longest, of his six letters to justifying "their innocence against the unjust charge of Monsieur Mnimbourg.97 Louis XIV's persecution of the Huguenots naturally concerned Englishmen. Luttrell recorded each oppression as he learned of it.98 T h e author of An Apology recommended the refugees to the English. Jean R o u dedicated his Remarques on RiIaimbourg's Calvinisme to "Le Prince dlOrange," who is "aujourd'huy dans 1'Europe d la teste de ceux qui soustiennent ce Party" of reformed Protestants, against whom hfaimbourg is "un Ennemi declark" (sig. *ZU). William of Orange was already married to Mary, and his accession to the Enqlish throne a few years later combined with the revocation of the Edict of Nantes to extend the Huguenot refuge from Holland to England. But Maimbourg's Cnlvinisme was of even more immediate interest to the English for an addendum which printed, probably for the first time, a paper by Anne, first wife of the Duke of York, declaring her conversion to Roman Catholicism. T h e declaration was drawn u p shortly before her death in 1671, and was soon followed by her husband's avowal of conversion and remarriage to the Roman Catholic hfary of hlodena. Maimbourg's Calwinisme, then, drew men's attention back to the early stages of the growth of popery in England, and elicited four responses in 1682 and 1683. When, early in the next reign, the Duchess's paper was published in English together with similar declarations by Charles 11, the response was even more vigorous, and Dryden was called in to defend the Duchess's paper against attack.99 Maimbourg found reason in the Duchess's declaration d'esperer qu'un jour viendra, que Dieu dissipant par la force de la lumiere de sa grace, les tenebres qu'un funeste Schisme, suivi de I'hCresie a rkpandues depuis plus d'un siecle sur I'Angleterre, fera de nouveau briller aux yeux des Anglois le soleil d e la veritb, qui reiinira tous les esprits dans la profession de cette mesme Foy que Saint GrCgoire le Grand leur fit annoncer.100 Turieu, Parallele, I, 3. m T h e author is unknown, although the piece is sometimes attributed to L'Estrange, seemingly by confusion with An Apology for the Protestants. . . . Done out of French into English by Roger L'Estrange (1681). The style of the later work, especially in its introductory "To the Reader," is quite uncharacteristic of L'Estrange. =Cf.Works, XVII, 472-477 88Luttrell, I, 55, 112, 125, 126, 140, 191. 2 2 7 Iw Calvinisme, pp. 505-506. ga

History of the League

455

W h e n M a i m b o u r g published his history of Gregory t h e G r e a ~ ' spontificate, James h a d r u l e d tor nearly a year. M a ~ m b o u l gs Komdiri might orice more express his regret for d i e A n g i ~ c a nscliisni, b u t h e was now conhdent t h a t t h e Anglican C h u i d ~was suthciently eliiigllte~ied to confess irs error, if only i n private (pp. 216-217). T l l e mission of St. Augustine could still b e renewed; a n o ~ l l e rten tliousarid baptized i n T h e Swale. I n France, tlie revocation of tlie Edict of Nautes liad brought back tile "brebis egarees" to "la Bergerie du bon Pasteur," o r h a d at least scattered tlie silly sheep so far afield t h a t they n o loilger troubled tlie Gallican herd. B u t tliere was still w o ~ kLo be d o n e i n a busy like. hlaimbourg was occupied with "une Histoile d u Scliisme d ' A n g l e t e ~ r e , p o u r I'oppober i celle d e Al. Uurnet," when, o n 13 August i6Sb, lie was carried o ~ by t a n apoplexy. 011e tradition has i t that lie " f u t jrappe de la rnair~de Uieu, L- sulfoquC duns s o n sung." B u t Joly's iriterpreta;~on is m o l e pelsuasive: i t is by n o means e x t r a o r d i n a ~ yto see " u n v i e ~ l l a r dinfirme, k extkliue d e travaux, mourir subitement." 101 A~togerher,Maimbourg's twelve histories received a t least sixty editions d u r i n g tlie last thirteen )ears of his liie.l'J2 D u r i n g the same period, tliere were ten translatioris i n t o Eng~isli,Italian, a n d l)utcli, a n d some twentyeiglit editiorls of attacks u p o n tlie histories, twelve of them 011 C a l v i t ~ ~ s ~ n e . Atter hlaimbourg's death, there were orlly twelve editions of tlie histories, lo' Philippe Louis Joly, R e m a r q u e s Critiques sur le Dictioilnaire d e Bayle (Paris, 1752), p. 509. '''This is a conservative estimate based on Backer-Sommervogel. For nearly all his "second" literary career, which began with hlethode Pacr/lque ill 1670, Maimbourg was published by Sebasrien blabre-Cramoisy, the royal printer. Their relationship ended with Cramoisy's collected edition of blaimbourg's H i ~ l o i r e sin quarto, published n g h'o\ember 1685 with 1686 on the title pages. Mairnbourg's last two histories, of the pontificates of St. Gregory (1686) and St. Leo (1687), \vere published by Claude Barbin. Bayle began tiis re:.iew of S . C r e g o l ~ ein Nouuelles for February 1686 (p. 184) b y calling for an explanation ot the change irl publishers simllar to tlie explallatiorl Maimbourg olIered in Caluirlisme of the cllange from Pcre to hlorlsieur on the title page. No explanation was given, but may perhaps be found in Cramoisy's "Avertissement de l'lrnprimeur" to the collected quarto ediiion, in wl~ichhe notes with baiely co~iceaiedreselitnlent that the ob~iouslyexpensive edition M-asnot undertaken lor the publislier's protit, since he already had "le mesme Recuell en vingtdeux petits volumes, qui se debiteront tocjours davantage, parce qu'ils sont de moindre prix, & parce que chaque Histoire s'en skpare" (Histoires, 1, sig. C3). Cramoisy also pretaced the collected edition with an epistle to the king, his and Maimbourg's patron, who may, then, have commauded the collected edition agaiust the wishes of Cramoisy. From Aria~zismein 1673 to Trait6 Hislorique in 1684, Cramoisy published each history in quarto, a "grand vo!umeW usually in one tome, and, shortly afterwards, in small duodecimo, a "petit volume" usually in two but sometimes in three or four tomes. Occasional subsequent editions were normally in duodecimo. Evidently, Cramoisy kept copies of the duodecimos in stock to make u p the "Rccueil ell vingt-deux petits volumes." Especially as Maimbourg's nutoriety increased towards 1680, numerous surreptitious copies of: his histories were published in Holland, usually in tall duodecimo. Backer-Sommervogel records many but certainly not all of these piracies.

456

-

Commentary

three, in 1687, being of the p ~ ~ i h ~ i , : ~publishetl ~ i s l y Histoire du Pontificat de Saint Leon le Grand; seven editions of other histories had appeared by 1725; only Trait&£ii.)torique and Histoire des Croisudes received, under ~ ~ i g h differerlt ~ly titles, a iiineteentll-cei~turyedition. Twelve more transla[.ions were published, principally in the eighteenth but some iii the nineteenth celltury, the new languages being German, Latin, Poiisli, and Slavic. 'l'here were eleven pos~humous editioils of attacks, three being reissues of Bayle's Critique Gtnerule; two were Latin and Germail versio~lsof a reply to L~itherunis~ne, aiid by 1702 six ultramontane responses to Trait6 Historique had appeared. Even before Maimbourg died, his vogue had beguri to pass, perhaps because the huge energy released by Caluinisme had exhausted itself. Of the four histories published after Caluinis~rieoniy TraitC Historigtie excited much interest. Reviewing the Ligue in Nouvelles for April 1684, Bayle noted that, after the great interest in Irlaimbourg's histories, especiaily of Calvinisme, "il sembie que ia curiosite des Lecteurs commence passer: le debit de 1'Histoire de la Ligue ne va si bien, que celui des autres Histoires du mkme Auteur" (p. 129). I t seems likely that the unfinished histoi-y of the English schism would have attempted to repeat the co11tro1-ersialsuccess of C:~luinisme.Maimbourg could have anticipated vigorous response and pelimps translation in an England vexed by the rule of James. We can be reasonably sure that, one year after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, Louis' pensioner would liave looked to the imminent restoration ot all lost English sheep to the true fold, and, being no sceptic, would not haxe complicated his thesis with a call for toleration. ILIaimbourg never sought less thau total victory for his principles, bloodless victory, it is true, but vicrory it inust be.

Gww3 T h e collision of Dryden's sceptical with hlaimbourg's dogmatic mind was to complic'tte Dryden's task as trartslator. But there were more obvious reasons for doubting the wisdom of Charles 11's command to make the Lzgue English. hlaimbourg's reputation was such that, by 1683, he cou;ti scarcely be thought capable of the prudential hiatory, history propcll) so called, that Charles ebidently needed, in order to make his propagand~ appear impartial, hlaimbourg's opponents no doubt exaggerated his inc iii liion to prejudice, dis:ortion, and factual errora. But RIaimbourg cer~ , ~ i n lcy~ ~ i dhistory e squint col1te:ltiously at his own times. H e saw the pls:, indeed, too consistently in telms of its relevance for his own, limited present to b r able to enjoy a significant after-fame. Hence, 110 doubt, the I lpid diminution and virtual extinction of interest in him after his death. By comparison with Tmite' Historque or such of Maimbourg's earlier histories as Arianisme, Iconoclastes, Lutheranisme, and Calviqisme, the Lzgzre was not, in fact, charged with significant distortion. T h e reviewer for Jozi~naldes S~avansin January 1684 (pp. 5-8) praised Maimbourg for being the first to print the important manifesto of an association in Picardy in 1576. A few months later, in his review for Nouvelles, Bayle also no-

History of the League ticed this new piece of research.103 Recovery of the Picardy association was, undoubtedly, hlaimbourg's major contribution to k~iowledgeof the period. Lenglet D u Fresnoy i n the next century listed this contribution as a major reason for classifying the Ligue as curieuse,lo4 a term which, in Lenglet's lexicon of praise and dispraise, seems roughly comparable to, perhaps a degree cooler than, i~teressant.Elsewhere, Lenglet classified the Ligue as parrable.lo5 T h e S ~ a v a n sreviewer noted several lesser contributions by M a i m b o u r ~ ,was favorably impressed by hlaimbourg's skilful narrative of the siege of Paris, and was generally struck by Maimbourg's talent for historical description, "qui se fait lire, Pc qui a tout u n autre air que dans les Historiens qui en [la Ligue] ont parlC." Lenglet, of course, could write more dispassionately of Maimbourg than could hlaimbourg's contemporaries. Lenglet thought hIaimbourg most successful in Croisades and Dicadeiace de I'Empire. Croisades is "bien e'crit Q iritelessnnt," "bien e'crit 6. czlrieux"; De'cndence is a "bon ouumge," "le meilleur 2ivre de cet Azttezir."i06 De'cqdence, it is worth noting, went through more editions (ten) than any other of Maimbourg's histories, and receix ed more translations (four) than all but C~oisades,which received six. By contrast, as noted eallier, Lenglet found Calvinisme "bien kcrit," but ''szrpcrficiel." Although Lenglet thought the 1 igue "pnssa bl e" and "cu~ieuse." he added that "il y a cepend(lnt quelques fautes dans cet ouwage d u P. dinimboz~rg.I1 s'est fort sewi de la Chronologie Nouennaire."107 Since Lenglet c o ~ l s i d e ~ e Victor d Ca~e:'? "Chronologies nouennaires 6. septe~aaires . . les meilleurs nlemoires que nous ayons pour l'histoire" of Henry IV,108 he was evidently objecting 1 0 3lairnbourg's dependence on one principal source, h o w e ~ e rgood. 1,eng'et concluded his assessment of the Ligz~ewith a judqment as coolly dismissi~eas anything p~onouncedin the little senate of Pope's Atticus. "c'est u n des moins mau71nis des OUvrnpes de cet Azltez~r,quoique ce n e soit pas le mieux kcrit."log Bayle found the Ligue better written thin did Lenglet. H e endorsed 'tlaimbourg's claim to have "troul.6 le secret de donner h 1'Histoire l ' a i ~ du Romnn, P: [?lthou?h hfaimboure;, obviously, did not m-lke this claim] :LI R o m m l'pir de 1'Histoire (ce qui n'est pas un don mediocre)," 110 arid %venton to praise the skill with which Maimhourg conduit agreablement son Lecteur dans les causes qui . . . En !isjnt ont nioduit l'accroisernent de la Lieue. " ces choses le Lectrur devine presque par avance, ce qu'il va lire, ,9: c'est 12 le grand cecret d'un H i ~ t o r i e n : il h u t qu'il prepale l'esprit auu Cvenemens, m?is il ne l t ~ iest p ~ permis s pour cela, cle p ~ & t eBr ceux dont il parle, toutes les passions k ~ O I I ~ Cleq S refle~innr clu'il imaqine danq son c1binet.111 Xfnirnhourq's narrative skill shows it1 w ~ \ sothe. t h 1 n those noted bv I3 11le T h e divkion of the histolv into four boo!ts qices due p r o m i n e n c ~

hTo~~velles (April 1684), p Zhid., 17, 48 7 . lcn Ibid., VIII. 106;

lm

1 ~ 1

'*Zbid., I'III.

IM

106;

"' Notn~elles(April

I

684). p

lMLenglet,Method?, VIII, 1065. 'OBZhid., V , 574: IX, 1690: V, 514: VII, 661. Ibjd , TIr, 1 I 7. 'lo Voirr~cll~c (April 168%). pp 128- 120

lo5

I

76

458

Commentary

to the most exciting passages of the League. Book I describes "l'accroissement de la Ligue" during the first t h i ~ t e e n years of Henry 111's reign. Book I1 is devoted entirely to 1587 and the war of the three Henrys, of Valois, Guise, and Navarre. Book 111, from which Scott d:ew all his extracts for his edition of Dryden, deals with the crowded months from the beginning of 1588 to the assassination of Henry I11 at St. Cloud o n I August 1589. Book IV narrates the end of the League and the foundation of the Bourbon dynasty, as Henry IV progresses from military success and the siege of Paris to conversion, acclaim, and purging the land of foreiqners. T h e story is doniinatrd by the conflicts and alignments of powerful personalities: the three Henrys in the central books. RIavenne and Henry IV in the last book. Profiting from Davila's error, hlaimbourg eschews a full military history, with its seemingly endless recital of towns taken and retaken (16:30-17:5) Divila is certainly truer to the actualities of campaigning, which at the end of the sixteenth century was still largely a matter of siege warfare. But hlaimhoulg gains greltly in readability by focusing upon a few decisive battles fought in open field: Coutras, Arques, Ivry. His narrative sense shows also in his detailed description of the quite minor skirmish at Pont St. Vincent, where Guise just managed to elude the forces of an army of Protestant mercenaries (lq6:e8-i5~:28). T h e incident exemplifies throuq!~actions, not speculations about motives the salient characteristics of Guise: the rashness which took him into clinger and the intrepidity he displayed there iLlaimbourg's account of Pont St. Vincent prepares us for the same display of rashness and intrepidity in the hours befole the Day of the Barricades and during the tense days in Blois Castle j u ~ tbefore Clirisrmas 1588. hlaimbourg's economies (or omissions) are not restricted to military affairs H e focuses almost entirely upon the two moyt strikinq manifestations of the League: the military party headed hv the family of Guise and the city rebellion of the P ~ r i sSixteen T h e shiftinq relatiovs!iips of the Sixteen and the G u i s ~ r d smake for an interesting and controlled narthe control is a c h i e ~ e dbv treating onlv cursorily the nvmerous r a t i ~ e But . probincia! mlnifestations of the 1-elque 112 Rlaimbourg's detailed attention to the early associition in Picardy is a s e ~ m i n qexception But such detail was not part of Maimhou>q'soriqir7al plin T h e Picirdv associltion was at first dispatched in a few pages (42:25-45:2). T h e Ligzle w ~ already s in the pless wllen h1airnbou;g was able to supply his publisher with a t~anscriptof the text and sigrkitolies of the asidciation.-a he new manuscript material accordingly appears as an addendum in the early French editions, but is inserted in its proper place in Dryden's translation (45:s55:24). hIaimbou7g's most important contribution to knowledge of the League was, it seems, an afterthought. Another of hlaimbourg's economies was piesumahly undertaken more in the inteiests of whit he t h o ~ ~ g l!~istoric;~l lt decency than of re~dahility (e37:33-35). Admittedly, the two qua:ities are no: necessirily incompitible In fact, the history of these provincial manifestations remained largely unwritten until the twentieth cenrurv. See Ifamice IVilkinson, A History of the League or Sainte Union 1576-1595 (1929). pp. ix-x.

History of the League

459

Such, we niay suppose, was rlie ledsoil for liis selective use of the incomparable Journal of Pierre de L'Estoile, with its vivid, often libe~lous,account of the reign of Henry 111, its pages crowded with life. Maimbourg reproves but L'hstoiie renders the folly aiid inlmorality of Henry's court. Maimbourg deplores bioodslled, but L'Estoile caiches, with a n almost Tacitean dryness, the paihos and ~ u l g a r i ~ofy civil war when he describes the brutal exploits of the Chevalier d'Aumale and his troops i n SaintSympliorien o n 7 N a y 1589 (pp. 129-130). TIE S p v a n s reviewer praised Maimbourg for inciuding "bon mots" wilicil might divert or instruct. But Maimboulg included nothing as striki:~gas L'Estoile's port of Henry 111's exclamation over the body of Guise, when his antagonist lay hacked to death a t his own orders: "hlon Dieu, qu'il est grand! il paroist u n corps plus grand mort, q u e vif" (p. 116). i\ie may fleetingly regret that Charles 11's needs were better answered by Dryden's translating Maimbourg than L'Estoile.113 But there remains some question oT how weil Charles's needs were served by The History of the League. W e can begin to put the question by considering hlaimbourg's presentation o l Henry IV. Obviously, Maimbourg, as much as Louis XIV, would wish to see the founder of the Bourbon dynasty as favorably as possible. I n any case, Mairnbourg's commitment to decency might excuse his reducing Henry's notorious promiscuity to a single, glancing reference."* T h e n , too, Henry was unquestionably a brave and skilful leader in battle, and it might seem invidious to dwell upon the way in which he was utterly out-generalied by the Duke of Parma: better to touch lightly upon Palma's masterly raising of Henry's siege of Paris and offset it by praising Henry's petty liarassing of Parma's orderly retreat to tlie Netherlands, his mission fully accomplished. SVliy labor the obvious point that Hcnry was a fine tactician, but inferior strategist? 115 Since, furthermore, otlier historians hati stressed the politic motives for Henry's conversion (only thus could he satisfy the League and rule France i n fact as well as right), there could be no great wrong in hlaimbourg's redressing the balance by insisting that the conversion was wholly conscientious a n d sincere.110 Cynical opportunism was best 1180n the other hand, all seventeenth-century editions of L'Estoile's Journal are very corrupt, as well as anonymous, their huge omissions reducing the text to about a third of its manuscript length. See Journal de L'Estoile, ed. LouisRaymond Lefhvre (1943). Dryden had read L'Estoile's Journal; see I'inclication, pp. 33-31, and note to 181:23-28 below. "4 13S:zo-22. Cf. L'Alcandre, ou les Amours dzl Roy Henry le Gmnd in Recueil de Diverses Pieces servant a 1'Histoire de Henry I l l . (Cologne, 1666). "6 318:16-25, 321:24-32. Compare the account of Dacila, pp. gr,n-960. It is true that hlaimbourg subsequently records the questioning of Henry's generalship when he attempted to hinder Parma's march to the relief of Roueri in April 1.59: (336:7-337:s). But Maimbourg offsets the criticism by emphasizing the p r a m of Henry's personal courage, and he omits Parma's dry remark that until then he had thought Henry "a Captain-General1 of an Army, and not . a Captain of light-Horse, which he now knew the King of Navar to be" (Davila, p 1078). '8360:36-375:29. Compare Davila, pp. 1284-1235, and Mkzeray, p. 832.

. .

460

Commentary

attributed to nameless Huguenot leaders who assured Henry "qu'en bon politique il devoit aller 2 la Messe, & que la paisibie possession d'un grand Royaume en valoit bien la peine" (p. 488). Henry himself did not need such arguments for conversion. And, after all, the famous maxim, "Paris vaut bien une messe," was of doubtful authenticity and authorship.117 Accordingly, it does not appear. hlaimbourg could justly argue that he need not mention the three attempts to assassinate Henry before 1698, his terminal year, nor was he obliged to notice the successful thrust of Kavaillac in 1610. lZIaimbourg could properly omit at least some of these matters, because they weye relevant, not to his history of the League, but that general history of France lie had left to others. But one omission was less defensible. Rlairnbourg ends in 1598 with the Treaty of Vervins, by which, among other things, the hated Spanish influence was terminated. But 1598 was even more notable for the Edict of Nantes, one month after Vervins, by which nearly forty years of reiigious wars ended in reasonable toleration of the Huguenot minority. More than aliytlling else, Alaimbourg's failure to mention the Edict of Nantes makes the Ligue a piece of historical propaganda for the court of Louis le Grand. hlaimbcuig could not, as he had in Calvinisme, offer the Edict of Nantes as an instance of imprudent policy: to do so would spoil the portrait of Louis' iilustrious grandfather. Nor could he praise or perhaps even mention the Edict without running counter to Louis' policies and his own principies. Accordingly, we may suppose, he left it out. IVe might expect Pierre Bayle, of all people, to notice the omission. But lie did not. Instead, he devoted a large part of his review for Nouvelles 10 arguing that the facts Aiaiinbourg supplied clearly silowed the Huguenots to be both more sirlcere in their religion-less contaminated by political ambition-and nloie ioyal to the king than were the Roman Catholic subjects. hlaimbourg rnd;iiiesely saw both Huguenots and Leaguers as forces for decentralizatron and diversification, and therefore inimical to the desired unity of Gallican church and state under a powerful king. His case depended upon a justifiable distinction between the Catllolic Leaguers, contaminated with false zeal and political ambition, and the good, that is to say, Gaiiicari Catholics. Bayle, iri effect, refused to grant tlie distiilction. T h e 1,eaguers were, he insisted, "1'Clite de 1'Eglise Romaine, ses plus chers enfans, ceux qui agissoient le mieux selon son Esprit." 11s Bayle's review makes plain the risks run by any historian who neglects Bacon's warning to give the historical example with all circumstances before proceeding to discourse. lvlaimbourg left out too many circumstances, and not all his omissions justified themselves as economies in the interest of clearer focus. As a result, his example bears, if only intermittently, too servile an aspect toward his discourse upon the proper constitution of France. But if hIaimbourg puts a cast in Clio's eye, Dryden renders her quite strabismal. Despite his omissions, Ivlaimbourg provides 117

Pierre de Vaissihre, Henri IF' (1928),pp. 419-420. Nouvelles (April 1654),p. 140.

History of the League far too many circumstances for his history to yield a simple, unchallengeable parallel between Catholic League and Protestant Association, Paris Sixteen and London sheriffs. hlaimbourg, moreover, is only tangentially interested in what was for Dryden the major issue: the due succession of the legitimate heir to the throne, whatever his religious persuasion. For Maimbourg, the most important fact about Henry IV was not that he was Henry 111's heir, but that he was Louis XIV's ancestor and the preserver of Gallicanism. In any case, T h e History of the League offered nothing so simple as a partial, litigious parallel between some events in late sixteenth-century France and some in late seventeenth-century England, together with a quantity of litigiously irrelevant circumstance from the sixteenth century to demonstrate that the history was really impartial and prudential. Dryden may have t ~ h d e nwas content to leave as wished it so, and Charles too. ~ u what litigiously irrelevant, any opponent who shared the age's taste for polemic could easily convert into the litigiously relevant. Bayle showed what could be done over the water by simply denying Maimbourg's distinction between League Catholics and Gallican Catholics, in order to advance the single Huguenot against the single Catholic cause. Dryden devoted part of the postscript to drawing a parallel, not only between the League of Guise and the Association of Shaftesbury, but between the cabalistic instincts of French Huguenots and English and Scottish Presbyterians (3g5:15-3gg:35). But what if an opponent denied Dryden's implied distinction between the Anglican and nonconformist churches? As Jean Rou put it, when writing against hlaimbourg's Calvinisme, "le Papiste est au Protestant en Angleterre, ce que le Huguenot est au Catholique en France" (pp. 3+31). It is the essence of litigious history to reduce the past to simplicities. Reduced to a simple clash between Papist and Protestant, T h e History of the League bristled with possible applications to English affairs which would be disadvantageous to Dryden and Charles. T h e paradigms could be applied directly-French and English Protestant, French and English Catholic-or chiastically-French Catholic and English Protestant, French Protestant and English Catholic. In neither case was it necessary to complicate the plradigm with talk of leagues, associations, covenants, and cabals. T h e single issue would be the relationship between king and subjects when their religious persuasions differed It was an issue much debated since the early days of the Counter-Reform-1tion. Applied chiastically, the paradigms of T h e History of the Leng~rr taught that a king or heir of the minority religion should become a conyert to the majority religion to ensure harmony in church and state. As early as November 1678-a member of the Commons had remarked that, since the Duke of York is "in a deliberating state, I hope that he will follow the example of his grandfather, Henry the fourth of France: When he saw the universal genius of the Nation for a Reliyion, he complied with it." 119 Tames, in effect, should learn to say "London is worth forswearing ~ of litiqions a Mass." Such an application. quite po'isihl? hl. t h methods Grey, Debates, VI,

2.52,

462

Commentary

history Dryden himself employs, would have been sufficiently embarrassing at court. But it would hate been preferable to the consequence of applying the paradigm directly. Disreglrd as relatikely unimportant the distinction between majority and minority leligions Focus instead upon that growth of popery and albitraly government in Englznd 50 widely debated fnr seken yeals. Focus, too, upon lames's Catho!icism. T h e n consider that hIainlbourg teaches the necessity of uniting the state under a strong Catholic monarch, substituting tor the ultran~ontanism he hated a royal absolutism equally hated in Enpland, finding his pattern of kingship in Louis XIV, and, by his suppression of tile Edict of Nantes, implicitly ;tdvocating a single religion in the state, intolerant of others Recall that hfaimbourg had concluded his p~eviousand much discussed history of C ~ l ~ i n i s by m finding in the Duchess of York's paper a siqn that the English schism was nearinq its end, the lost sheep bawling for the "Berqeri~ du bolt Pastelcr." Finallv, concede as an unimportant difflence (hi.;+ory never repeats itself exactly) that Tames declared his conversion to Rome before, Henry IV after his accession. Argue thus, and m m y men were capable of so a r g u i n ~ ,and the lesson oE T h e History o f the League is clear: the accession of Tames would entail a royal absolutism patterned upon Louis XIV's and the attempted imposition of universal C?tholicisln upon an England still haunted by the specter of hlary Tudor. T h e l e was n o Edict of Nantes to he leloked, but Enqlishmen could look for the abrocation of the Eliz-hethan settlement and the rewrrection of the u pernicious principle advanced at the Diet of Auqsburq in 1555: cujus reqio, ejus reliqio.120 In \iew of what was to hippen in James's reign, such I n a p p l i c ~ t i o nwould h a t e been bv n o me-rns fanciful. MThen T h e Hlstory of the Lenpue had been on sale for a few weeks, Dvvden remarked to Tonson that while " 'tis the best translation of any History in English . . I cannot say 'tis the best History; but that is no fault of mine." Dryden also recorded his s-itisfaction "th-lt the History of the League is commended: r*: I hope the onely thin? I feard in it, is not found out."l21 IVe cannot b e sure what Drvden feared, hut he is unlikely to have been much disturbed by possible discovery of his few and scattered errors of literal translation (he was probably not e\en aware of thcm). But the reception of T h e Duke of Guise and the writing of its Vit~dicationmust h n s l ~ t i n qin early spring 1684 fits the ph:,lse more closely than one startins him in autumn 1683. P e ~ h a p sthe most curious feature of The Nrstory of f h p Leaque's pub!ishilly histqry is Tonson's advrrtising it on 16 .4~1ril 1681 as "now in the Precs, to be Pubiish'd with all po99ible Speed" Rv mid 4pril the most Dryden could have completed w ~ the s 77 500 word transi~tionof Rook I, ,rnd Tonson is unlikely to have locked u p precious type for a work less illan a quarter complete. Tlie pu:poqe of the Obsen~ntoradvertisement is presumably to stimulate a d v ~ n c einterest and thas incre~qethe volume a n d rapidity of slles when the book sppex-ed If so, Tonson could not h ~ anticipated ~ e so long a delay befove public~tion.62'hen Tho Histoml of the League appeared at the end of Tulv, the ad\erti?ement of 16 April rnuct have been long. foryotten; for this re?son, we mav suppose Tonson inse~teda second ad1 ance allnouncement in the O h r m ~ n f o ar week before pub'ication. Tonson, surely, must have been misled by Dryden in April. l\'e can allow Dryden at the m x t four, pe.!laps ns few as three months for the work of tl,lnslation TI)? Hirtory of the T r n ~ u emvst h w e been in Tonson's press for most of T c l ~zt ! e w PLlto~ether,the prefItorv matcrinl, text, and postscript comp~is:: sorne 175 oclo vords in rresrly 870 octa\o pages. T h e long table, a n inclex of per,otrs and princil~al events rllr 11irlg.to ,te p lqe\ ill T h e Hittory of !he T r n ~ l r tItat! ~ ,>t some stage, not r>ec-~s.~rilv before the book w 1s fi! $1 n n n o ~ ~ i ~ cfor e d 5 tle to he F o ~ l i s h e d ~ n dit., pare referellces chaoqed to those of the tr ~n>l.ltion1,arqe w p e r copies of The History of the Lenqzie, presumxbly for presentation, lack the table, which appears in r e ~ u l a rcopies. Repayination was obviouslv done in the printiny liou7e. and it seems likely that translation of the entries was carried out bv someone other than Dryden. someone w h o v

History of the League

467

command ot French was sufficiently irnpelfect to produce numerous howlers, as well as transl~tioris which, while correct, differ from the usual translation of the words in the text of the Ilistory. I t is clear from the signatures a n d pagiilatiol~ tllai 'roiisoil trieci to pass rhc long overdue hook througll his press as quickly as possible. Books I-IIi of ?'he History of the League are on pp. 1-524, sigs. B-hlmov. Book IV is o n pp. 731-966, sigs. Aaa-PppGtr. Presumably, t h e i ~ ,Book IV was set concurrently with Books 1-111, the first two aipliabets beii~gaiioc::ted to tlie compositor fo:. tlie early books, the third alphabet to Eook 1V's con~positor,wlio generally prefers the speliirlg Hugotlot over Huguenol, the spelling usual in Books 1-111, and who generally uses nunlerals for large numbers, not spelling tlleni out as in Books 1-111. I n an octavo, sigs. 13-Zz8v would equal 720 pages; Book IV should therefore have comnlerlced OII p. 721, 2nd p. 731 is an obvious miscalculation. The posiscript is paginated separately, but the signatures are continuous froni Book 1V. T h e signatures of the table in regular copies are continuous froin ~ i i epos~script.T h e nearly 60 pages of prefatory material couid also hav~?bzeii set concurrentiy with Books 1-111, since it was allocated sig. A, but needed additional sigs. a-c6v to avoid duplicating signatures used in Uook I. Tlie patrern of the signatures indicates that, as we might expect, 'Toaison did not set Tlze History of the Leiigue by instalmenis, as por.:ior:s of [.he copy came in from Dryden. Insiead, he apparently waited until the compiete copy was in his hands, and then set perhaps as many as three diiferent compositors to work o n different parts of the book at the same ~i:nc. E ~ e nso, production ~vould surely have required several weeks r:t least. Therefore, if Lady Day is an attractive guess for the date of commencement, zn equally attractive guess for the date when Dryden finished trans1:iting is hlidsnmmer Day, 24 Tune. For a peliod correspond~ngrvitllin a ~ + e e hor two at either end to the second quarter of 1 6 8 ~ D , r > d t n must h a l e been translating h1,iimbourg a t an aterage rate of zooo w'ords a da) E'iobcrL.lj, there Kele other days t h ~ i lSunda)? when he did not woih nt the tr.~nslstion or when he fell significantly below his average. H e m ~ hy ~ v ebeen unwell. I n his letter to Hyde, w i t t e n , it seems, some moilths 1)efoie be beg-in tr'inilating, he c1,limecl to be in ill heah11 and in need of co~nalescencein the country. \$'hen he wrote to Tons011 £lorn the country shortly afte: T h e Hzstory of the Lengzie was published, h e re1na:krd that h e "came hether for liealth, B had a kind of Hectique f e ~ r o u rfor a fortniyht of the t i q e " 121 H e was working in the country on some of tlie Terse translations for S3lva. Indeed, the opening metaphor of the pref ice to Sylva: tlie disease of translation, with cold fits of prose and hot fits of Terse, may well have been suggested to D r ~ d e nby the stcite of his health dmi-lq tlre six or seven months he d e ~ o t e dto M,limboury and Sylve. T h a t average of 2000 worcts a day was probsbly achieved by the iriclusioc of some, peihaps many, days when tlie average wss greatly exceeded to make u p for days when no or little work was possible. W e ought not to be surprised, then, that so long a translation, made Ward, Letters, p. 24.

468

Commentary

hastily and perhaps in ill health, is Iargeiy mechanical, metaphrase rather than paraphrase, with very few of those incidental topical applications which would have served so well the king's propagandist needs. Nor should we be surprised that the postscript, too, was evidently written in haste and given a spurious air of careful research by the citation of a variety of authors and passages of history, many of them in fact lying readily to hand in the opening pages of a single source, Dugdale's Short V i e w of t h e late T r o u b l e s in England (1681).132 Nonetheless, the dedication and postscript are still of interest as Dryden's most severe, most nearly absolutist, statements of the need for monarchic authority. T h e long-neglected translation is even more interesting for those who account Dryden a master of English prose. I t is interesting, not for stylistic excellence, but for what its general mediocrity and scattered felicities tell us about the grounds of excellence elsewhere in Dryden's prose. A few months before he began translating Maimbourg, Dryden revised Of Dramatick Poesie for a second edition. T h e significance of those revisions has been much debated in recent years.133 Malone long ago thought they could usefully illustrate "the progressive improvement of so great a writer," and he accordingly gatheled into a single list the original and revised versions of all passages al~eredbetween the two editions.134 h'o doubt, the separate scrutiny of these revisions yields a distorted impression of their contribution to the total style of the essay. But in themselves the revisions unquestionably show that, late in 1683, Dryden was trying to give his English the kind of accuracy which, a few years before, Bouhours had advocated for French. Such alterations as removal of the preposition lrom the end of clause or sentence show that Dryden could be, if intermittently, as much a precisionist as Bouhours. Dryden even heard, as have so many self-conscious stylists, that siren song promising us a happy escape from the taxing irrationality of the English relative pronouns into an easy, logical system. Like Bouhours before him and Swift later, but quite unlike Maimbourg,l35 Dryden was aware that prose easily admits ambiguity in the reference of relative pronoun to antecedent. Dryden, in addition, plainly shared Bouhours' preference for prose which has the note of good conversation, and, like Bouhours again, as plainly disliked the louder note of public declamation produced by Maimbourg's Ciceronian periodicity.136 13a See John Harrington Smith, "Some Sources of Dryden's Toryism, 1682-84," H L 4 , xx (1956-57). 233-243W3SeeWatson, I, 10; Irene Simon, "Dryden's Revision of the Essay of Dramatic Poesy," RES, NS, XIV (1963)~132-141; Janet M. Bately, "Dryden's Revisions in the Essay of Dramatic Poesy," RES, NS, XV (1964)~268-282, and "Dryden and Branded Words," NG.4, CCX (1965), 134-139; Works, XVII, 332. See, too, David D. Brown, "John Tillotson's Revisions and Dryden's 'Talent for English I'rose,'" RES, NS, XI1 (1961), 24-29. 13' Malone, I, ii, and pag., 135-1.42. UUBouhours,Doutes, 4me. Part~e,"Sur la Nettetb," pasrim; Spence, Anecdotes, ed. James M. Osborn (1966), I, 169; Bayle, Critique Gkne'rale, I, 53-54. lSCf. L. W. Cameron, "The Cold Prose Fit3 of John Dryden," Revue de Litte'rature Comparde, XXX (1956), 371-379.

iiisdory of

t h e League

469

~ u d e e d it , is just this collision DeLWeell tile s~yiisticpreferences of Dryderi and i\Iaimbourg which makes T h e History oJ the League so interesting. For much of the time hIainlbourg emerges victorious, subduing the charactelistic looseness of Dryden's prose to an awkwardly alien periodicity, folcirig it to march, or stumble, through an intricate sequence of relative clauses. Merely by setting the Frencll and Engiish side by side we can easily see what Dryden found uncongenial in hlaimbourg's prose a d , from this coniparison, draw some precise ilega~iveinferences about Dryden's own prose. Even more helpiul are those scattered moments whe~i Dryden achieves a brief victory over Maimbourg, abandoning the standard of nietaphrase for a paraphrastic thrust which delivers prose reminiscent of Dryden's best. We can premise that such paraphrastic departures from hlaimbourg's French were made in the inrerests of what Dryden thouglit good English. Since the rest of the translation provides abundant evidence of how Dryden might have translated metaphrastically what he in fact paraphrases, we have a reasonably objective means to determine which choices of diction and syntax Dryden made in the interests of good English. "Choices" is too strong a word, and suggests a meditated translation contradicting what we plainly have and what we know of the circumstances of composition. Stylistic choice in T h e History of the League shows itself as almost instinctive preferelice. I'lTl~enset beside the French, almost every page of the translation enables us to determine something about Dryden's preferences in syntax; and numerous phrases scattered throughout are a useful index of his preferences in diction. T h e endeavor here must be, not to exhaust the possibilities, but only to sketch the critical exercise which T h e H i s t o ~ yof the League invites. T h e collision between Maimbourg's style and Dryden's involves much more than obvious differences between two languages (French is much richer in pronominal conventions than is English) pushed to extremes by 111e stylistic habits of the two men. hlaimbourg's style conveys a manner of apprehending experience distinct from Dryden's. Alaimbourg's intricately related clauses enable him to hold together multiple significances -causes, events, motives, actions, and consequences-in a single complex statement. At its best, the complexity of Maimbourg's syntax corresponds to the complexity of historical process. While still telling a story from paragraph to paragraph, Maimbourg uses the long periodic sentence to loosen tlle grip of chronological sequence, substituting for it a pattern of relntionships he can scrutinize all at once. Faced with tlle syntax of simultaneity, Dryden tries, with only occasional success, to make it over into sequence, moving through time, space, or the points of an argument. ?+!oreover, Maimbourg's meditated syntax expresses a predeiermined pattern of relationships upon which judgment has been passed. Dryden tries, again with only occasional success, to substilute a syntax of discovery, each clxuse suggested by the preceding, not determined in advance and assigned a place in a whole syntactical pattern. Dryclen, like Bouhours and unlike hfaimbourg, seeks a prose that 113s more 1egal-d for good sense than fine cadence. Dryden's tendency to substitute sequence for simultaneity shows most

~ l e ~ r l111 y pd>s,,ges of physicai desclil)~ion,accolliits of 2 batue, riut, or procession. buc!~ pJssages cont.tiii Iiigh propaltioil ui- t!ic p a ~ p l i ~ a s t i c inoments i i ~the t r ~ ~ ~ s l a t i opi~l ,i i lps bec,use t11-1 uppe,l~d iiiuic io Dl) den's imagrilatloii tllall did the long aiidiyses uf chal'>cter, e\eilt, anu issues. ~oxnetiinespalaplilase lesuits ill bi!gllbh infellor to Sl ilmbourg's 1 ~ e n c h but , such 1s by no merns a l n ~ j sthe case. Rlaimbourg, for instance, describes in this nay tlie actions of Contie at the Huguenot slege of Angels (P. 95): EL avec ce secours il [Condk] avoit enfin rkduit la place aux termes d'es~rebit& tost pr~se,lors que par un trait, qui asseQrCment n'estoit pees d'un Capitaine consommC, il prit le change d'une n ~ a n i ~ qui r e luy fit perdre tout ie fruit de ses trakaux passez, ?! le mit en un extikmz danger de perir, sans aioir rieii fait de ce qu'il pretendoit. Dryden retre~lchesto good effect ( c J ~ : ~ ~ - z ~ ) : And with these Recruits he iiad almost recluc'd die pidie to terms of yielding, whe;~cllanging his debigil nii oil tlie sudden, like an uilexpcrie~ic'dCaptain, he losi tlie fruit of his former laboui.~,and plung'd himseit' into extreme danger. Changes in both syntax and diction render Dryden's version Inore vigolous than his original. His "almost reduc'd" brings us at once to the crucial point in time, while hlaimbourg's "enfin rkduit" draws attention to the process of reaching that point. Dryden's simple "terms of yielding" is more~emphaticthan hlainibourg's "termes d'estrebien tost prise." hlaimbourg's measured description, with its dependence on relative clauses (three of them), will1 its occasionally labored phrase to link his clauses ("d'une marliere qui") is rendered by Dryden with a rapiclity which depends only partly upon dropping the relative construction, with its careful establishment of antecedents, and upon dropping the semi-redundant last member. I n addition, deliberately or inad~eitently mistranslating Rlaimbourg, Dryden absorbs "par un trait" into "prit le cliaiige." He also interpolates the vigorously rash "all on the sudden," and achieves greater immediacy by rer;dering. "le mit en un extrkme danger de perir" as "plung'd himself into estreme danger." Not only is "piul~g'd'' more vigorous than "mit," but Ilryden's "danger" is p:.esent, ~ v l ~ i iSI>iml~ourg's e "danger de perir" is future. i\Iaimbourg's French, for all its, at times wearying, passion for the relative construction, is the prose of an l~istorian engaged in identifying and assesssing tlle motives and actions of significance. But Dryden's is the prose of a man responding to narrative possibilities by emphasizing the rapid sequence rather than the interrelation of events. Strikingly, too, Dryclen's CondC is wholly responsible for the failure at Angers, whereas hlaimbourg's Condk is ns much acted upon as acting, victimized both by the manner in which he was deceived or thrown off the scent and by an act which was not that of an accomplished leader. T o make his senteilces flow pleasingly, hIairnbourg characteristically uses the object of one relative clause as the antecedent of the next. T h e

47 2

Commentary

This elegant translation is debased by a great number of cant or fashionable words & phrnsis [sic] then in use at Court, and which slunk out of the language again before they had made any furrller progress in it. T h e dignity of historic n a r ~ a t i v eis further deblsed by familiar Pc comic expressions, which D r y t l e ~had accusto1~2edhimselfe to use in his poli:ic3l Pamp!l!ets Not to spenk of some warped Sentiments [presumably in the postscript], .. which that juncture of time in ~vhic!~ he made the translation, encouraged him to indulge. 1as:ances of what Warburton objected to are not hard to find. Many are sh.,wn in subsequent annotations, but a few may be cited at this point. i\'!lcn Biron warned Henry 111 to beware of receiving a procession of 11eni:ents in Chartres Cathedrnl, he "conseilloit au Roy de les faire tous a:.rester" (p. 255). But Dryden's Biron "counse!l'd the Icing to clap them up in Prison every Mothers Son" (no6:13-iq). Unlike Maimbourg, Dryclen is "Ilearing" an approximation of what the blunt Biron "said" to Henry 111. If Dryden debases "the dignity of historic nai-rative" liere, he also achieves a dramatic immediacy ahseilt from his original. Earlier, the Duke of Joyeuse ironically complimented a preacller on his "si beau talent de divertir, [Pc] faire rire le Peuple en ses Sermons" (p. 119). a talent of which iiximbourg himself had some reason to be appreciative. In Dryden the preacher is complimented for h a r i r ~ g"so noble a Talent as to divert the people, and set tlicm on the merrv pin of 1,auglling 3t lli3 Sermons" (1 1 4 : ~ ~ lo). Presumably, TValbuxton did not lead Dtyden aqainst I\laimbourg; but lle could have h i d no diEculty in identif:ing as Dljden's departure from hIaimbourg that "fami1i:tr and comic" expression, "set them on the merry pin of Laughing." O n occasion, :?ryderi's use of tile stronsest available word results in imperfect sense. Xlaimbourg, for instance, setting the scene before Coutras, descri1:es the battle-stained veterans of Navarre's H u p e nots as dressed in "gr.arlds bufles tout crasseux" (p. 144). but in Dryden "their long Buff-Coats" :!re "al! besp?rt,l'd" (130:31-32). I n one way, "bespawl'd" is an appropriate word: these are old soldiers without nicety, and the language wllich describes them ought to 11e similarly unsqueamish. But "bespa.tvl'd" menns, after ail, bespattered with saliva, and scarcely coilreys the sense we may suppose 13rjde:i - i ~ h c dit to hare: stained wit11 dirt and sweat. T h e careless usage of "hespasvl'd" is nlat:lltd t j v ,111011lerkirld of carelessness in diction: tile frequent use of syr1n;:yms. which, instead of emp!iasizing n n actiot~,:~tt;.ibute. or object 1):. pr.ese:~iingit twice, issues often enough in sy:ti::ctic:rl flnbbinesg. t l ~ cpllr.;ise stre~ched< j u t to liitle purjwse Instacces troop rhrouyh 11:e p:iges o f T h e Ffisto:.~of the 1-engzir, and may, to some extent, signal the trr~nslator'sdifficulty in catching the suggestions of one French word in on!.; one English word. But a fondness for the synonymous or nearly synonymous word and phrase also characterizes Dryden's verse and original prose, and issues. it seems, from the carelessness elsewhere responsible for an imperfect construction or a word used imprecisely. Repetition is a neg:igent way of achieving emphasis.

History of the League

47 3

But, by dwelling upon action or a t t i i b u ~ e ,i t call also incleax [he physicality of his prose. And Dryden's prose, as niucli as his ~ e r s e ,is full of men doing things. 'This physicality is aiso ir~ci-e,i~cil iq anothe; of D~ydeii'spielercnces in cliction, a preference for the live over the dead or haif-dead metaphor, an inclination to atld a word or t ~ v oin ordei. to complete the actionof a metaphor. ' r h e instances of this preference ill The History of the Leaguc, while frequclit enough, are not stliking, but they suffice to illustrate a crucial feature of Dryden's original prose. \Ye fiild, indeed, that the words of Dryden's sentences arc, in the touches oL paraphrase, more conscious, and more pllysically conscious 01 each other than ale hiaimbourg's words. At a dramatic momelit in the histoiy ;Llaimbourg describes the reaction of Henry 111 ~vlieilthe Duke of Guisc, against the king's orders, returned to Paris and was tumultuously receix-ed. Henry decided to break the League's power in Paris and re-establish hiinself as master there. After receiving counsel, he "demeura ferme daiis la meslne rksolution, & lie voulut pas en avoir le dkmenti pour i'arrivce du Duc de Guise" (p. 239). I n Dryden, the king "continu'd iirln to the smie resolution, and set u p his rest to stand by it, in spigllt of the ;iriival of :he Duke" (icj5:lj-1';). Dryden's Henry, but not Naimbou~g's,wagered his reserve stake, "set u p his rest," loss of which ended the cart1 game of piimelo. A \i'a~burion might object that the i m q e is too famii~ar,a "cant oi f~shior~able" phrase "tllen in use at Court." But the phrase ca:ches well that note of risk, despeiation, the gamble taken, which sounds tllioughout the confroritation of Henry I11 arid the Guise in the hours before the Day of the Bariicades. Tt'hat has been offered in the pleceding pages merely she~cileathe first Dait of a critical exercise. T h e ~ eis abundant evidence ill The H2sto)v , o,f the League to confirm, refine upon, and add to the points touched o n above. But tile exercise ought not to conclude with an assessnlent of Dryden's English in The History of the League. T o stop thcre is to m::ke improper use of a minor work by pretending it to be of sufficient importance in itself instead of accepting that its importance lies in helping us to read other, major works. Tlie full exercise involves application o l The History of the League's lessons to Dryden's original prose. lleaders who make the applicaiion will look for the recurrence, not necessarily consistent, of other features in Dryden's prose thnn those we have lenrned, in recent yenls, to recognize there. \Ve need not lose, indeed we should never forget, Dryden the father of Erlglish Augustanism, with a p:-ose marked by conversational ease, urbanity, :ind the consequences of a solicitude folcorrect English. But Dryden, as patriotic as Bouhours, wns m~icllinore than an English Bouhours, and that more is focussed for us by Dryden the translator of bIaimbourg. This is the Dryden of confide:it movement t h ~ o u g htime, space, 01 the points of an 'lrgument, the D ~ j i i e ~J \i: I ~ , however rational his discourse, charicteris*ic~llysubsume^ a n ~ l ~ s under is the movement of drama or n a r r a t i ~ e .T h i r D ~ y d e nshuns the premeditated syntax, the period thought out u.hole hefore being written down, which exp:esses the mind gi\en to authoritathe, eten dogmatic, utterance. This ~ r j d e nseeks instead the unpremeditated syntax, the sentence discovering

its own potential wliile it i s i1ei:ig written, wllicli exprrsais ;i mind iiaturdly diffident and sceptical. T h i s Dryden maintains ail en~piiasis upon human agents, upoil people doing tll~ngs,so that the attributes of men, ilieir tl~ougilts,deeds. or gestures, becomc by metapilor meri tllemselves. l'his Uryden presses upoil words, restoriiig :iie to dead met:~phors, ant1 hrids coristaiitiy the word not nlei-ely apt, b c r ~ striking, the word not rnerely. just, bui lively, full of iiie. i his Drytle~i, too, taking risks with . language, sometimes pays the price-and i~ is small enough--in an iclperiect construction, a word strained too £dl-, :i p o i ~ ~ t l e srepetition. s This Dryden is everywliere i n liis prose, as c!e:~rly present in the opening paragraph of liis first published essay, ;he dedication of T i l e Iiivnl Ladies, as in tlie closing paragraphs of liis i a b t ess'ly, tlie preface to 1;ubles. I n evitably, this Dryden changes wit11 &heyears, tile occasion, or in accordance with tlie ciassical discrimination of styles. But it is always recogni~ablythe s:me Dryden. T h e phrase is J o h n s o r ~ ' ~recalling , thc czliusqzte et idcrn of Horace's salute to the sun: "Dryden is aiways 'anot!ler and the same.' " 1"' \Ye klio~vthis Dryden well, and have long appreciated his prose, ranking it, i.iglit:);, among the half a dozen best in brlglish. But, as so often happens wlieil we find ourselves in tlie presence of tlie best, our appreciation easily becomes nlerely impressiouistic, as il tl?c critical office were properly discliarged by loud boastii~gof our priiate love affairs with language and literature. Conversely, when we stri5,e for that objectivity which always manages to elude us, we easily lose ourselves in tlle dry waste of nice discriminations between Cicerorlian, Senecan, 'Tacitean, vainly hoping that Latin styles can teach us to distinguish between English styles; or else we are seduced by the linguistic purism of a Bouhouis into gravelling our little ship upon the empty beach of correct and incor~ectgrammar. T h e History of tire L e a g u e sets lanu arid sea nlarks to bring us thi.ough the dangers ot extreme subjectivity and e?itl.tme objectivity. T i l e History of t h e L e a g u e teaches us to icten~ify,~ v i t lreasoilnble ~ oi>jectivity, tliose features of Dryden's prose which we may appreciate w i ~ ha temperate subjectivity. If this tvere all T h e fiistoly of the Lengtte tlit-l for us, it would be much, and more tlian sufficient to reconlmend it to Drydenians, tvho sliould never presume to legislate for lovers of literature. Gut T h e History of t h e L e a g u e does much more by prompting us to think again about Dryden's views o n church and staic during the crucial years between 1682 and 1686. It prompts us, also, to reconsider Dryden's views on history, propaganda, translation. I t carries us into the freilzied busyness of seventcentll-century printing houses, and directs a brief, but sharp, light upon the strenuous literary life of a man of letters. >!any, perh,rps most, of these m::tters can be argued from other and better works. But the better works demand so much else from us, demand that we at!end to them in and for themlXl3H, I. 418. Johnson may, as Uirkbeck Hill notes, be recalling Pope's "another yet ;he same." But, sirice I'ope's phrase is used of Settle in T h e Duncind (111, 40).it would be a ilotable solecism to apply it to Dryden. Johnson's source was probably Pope's: Hol.ace, C a r m e n Seculare, I . lo.

History of the League selles, not using them to make ulterior points in criticisnl, biography, bibliograplly, or intellect~ialhistol). T h p Hislory of the Leilgue h?s learned grclter ~nodejtyt h ~ o u g hlonq neylect, is content to s e n e the rest of the cailon, and yields to the patient iliquisitor many answets, some old, somc n m , to questions we h a l e long askzd about Dryden. A b o ~ ea:!, T h e Hist o of~ the League reminds us, and firmly, thst nothing by 711 importanc writer is ever quite unimport,tnt.

FRONTISPIECE

MBurghers scztlp. Engraved by hlichael Burghers, horn in Utrecht (?) c. 1640; se~tledin Englaild, principally at Oxford, after the taking of Utrecht by Louis XIV in 1672; Jvas active in Oxford fro111 1674, being first assistant then successor to David L o g g ~ n(d. 1693) as engraver to Oxford University. Burghers specialized in copper-engraved portraits, of Charles 11, James 11, and llistorical figures, in university almanack illustrations, ex-libris, book titles and illustrations, heraldic devices. Burghers also provided engraved frontispieces or il!ustr.~iions for Plzitarrhs Lives, T h e L,ife of St. Francis Xn:~ier, the second edition of the satires of Juvenal and Persius, and the fourth and fifth psrts of Alliscellany Poems, all published by Tonson. Burghers was active at least until 1720. T h e quality of the engraving does no: permit positive identification of the figures, apart from the enthroned Charles 11. T h e ecclesiastic in the right foreground is probably Sancroft, .\rcllbishop of Cnritcrbury; the full face behind him is possibly hlonmouth's, aiid the atljacent l~rofile could be James, Duke of York's. T h e n~itidlegrouridof ships oil :lie Cllailnel framed by the cliffs of Dover can serve eiiher to recali C;liarles 11's res~orationafter Continental exile, or, more probably, to point nut that the translation has carried across from ~ r a i c eto ~ n g l i n da pertinent historical lesson. Charles receives his crown from heaven to emphasize that monarchy is from God: the peopte h a l e no voice in who theii- ruler should be. T h e crown is to be passed along a shaft bearing the Latin version of Proverbs, VIII, 15, "by me kings reign," one of the most widely debated texts in seventeenthcentury consti~utional cliiputes. 7-he motto in the right foreground adds that God's giit of sovereignty to :he king is "to him and to his legitimate successors," alluding to the claim of the iliegitimate h l o n m o u ~ h See . Roger L'Estraiige, T h e Lazuyer Outlaw'd (1683), p. 9: 1c ~ n n o but t pity :he corldition our Lawyers INIVOCENT and GENTLE PRINCE [hIoilmouth] is reduc'd to, by the slie insinuations and 1)ewi:cliing flatteries of h i s and such other Sycophants of tile Iiaction, who puff'd hirn up, ~ cliymerical hopes of a and p~ssess'd i1ir-n i ~ - i t lsuch Crown, as nracie him forget his Obedience to his Priiices will, and the positive conlniand of his hTaiural Father; Natural, I say, because in our Laws the AIaxim is, Qui ex danznato coitzc nascuntzcl; inter iibet-os t l o i ~co~nputant'ur, i.e. E.~i;alds L I J C ,lot circolinteii nrnongit Suns.

T h e maxim is in Ednaid Coke, T h e F i r ~ tPart of the Institutes, 11th ed. (1719)~I , i, 1, p. gb. Challes certified Monmouth's illegitimacy on 3 hlarch 1679, declaring he had been married to no one but his consort. T h e Tl'higs circulated rumors of a Black Box said to contain the artlcles of marridge between Charles and Lucy TZ'alter/TZTateis/or Barlow, hionmouth's mother (Luttrell, I, 42); and Luttrell ( I , 43) records the publication in April or hfay 1680 of A Letter to a Pelron of H o n o u r concerning the Black B o x (Somers Tlacts, VIII, 187-ig5), "which endeabours m~~liciously to prove the said mariiage." Challes's published declaration 011 8 June 1680 that he had mairied no one but his consort was answered a few weeks later by another Letter to a Person of Honour, "a most viruient l~bellon the Ling . . . [which] makes him a prince of no reputation" (Luttrell, I, 46, 50). TITLE PAGE

Epigraph. hTeque enzm lzbertas etc. (For no freedom is dearer than that beneath an honorable king.) Slightly misquoted from Claudian, De Consulatzl Stzlrchonis, 111, 114-115: nunzquam libertas g~atzor extat, / Quam sub rege pio, the reading of seventeenth-century ancl modern editions. Clnudian's maxim appears se~eraltimes in political .c\orls of the seventeenth century, most interestingly as the epigraph to editions of and T h e Freeholders Grand Inquest between 16'79 and Filmer's Pat~za~clza 1684. T h e maxim was sometimes misquoted in \jays apploximating the League's epigiaph. See Alas C