Works of John Dryden: Volume 2 Poems, 1681–1684 [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9780520905238

Citation preview

T H E

WORKS

OF

JOHN

General H.

T.

Editor

SWEDENBERG,

Associate

General

EARL

Associate GEORGE

JR.

Editor

MINER

Textual VINTON

DRYDEN

Editor

A.

DEARING

Textual R.

Editor

GUFFEY

VOLUME

TWO

EDITOR

H. T. Swedenberg, TEXTUAL

Vinton A.

Jr.

EDITOR

Dearing

JOHN

DRYDEN

F R O M A PAINTING AFTER WILLIAM

ANDREWS C L A R K

KNELLER IN THE MEMORIAL

LIBRARY

VOLUME

II

The Works of John Dryden

Poems 1681-1684

University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles

1972

London

UNIVERSITY

Berkeley UNIVERSITY

OF C A L I F O R N I A

and Los Angeles, OF C A L I F O R N I A

London,

PRESS

California PRESS,

LTD.

England

The copy texts of this edition have been drawn in the main from the Dryden Collection of the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library

Copyright

© 1972 by The Regents of the University of California Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 0-520-02118-5 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 55-7149 Designed by Ward Ritchie

22 21 20 19 18 8 7 6 5 4 3

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. ®

For Elizabeth

and

They listened

Anne patiently

Preface By 1681 Dryden had long since established himself as a literary man of importance. He had written occasional poems, the most substantial if not the best being Annus Mirabilis. He had demonstrated his acuity as a critic, usually, again, in occasional pieces; he had briefly turned translator; and above all he had busied himself in the art of the theater. The Spanish Fryar, acted in March 1680 and printed in 1681, was the nineteenth play that Dryden had written or collaborated in writing—an impressive record of productivity. Indeed, if the King's poet laureate had died at the beginning of 1681, literary history would have recorded his accomplishment primarily in terms of his plays. The remarkably fecund years of 1681 and 1682 forever invalidated such a critical evaluation of Dryden. He still towers above his fellows in the magnitude of his dramatic work, but the four poems by which he is best known were all published during those years of wonder, 1681-1682. Absalom and Achitophel appeared in November 1681; The Medall in March 1682; Mac Flecknoe in October 1682; and Religio Laici in November of the same year. Besides, during the same period Dryden managed to contribute to The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, to write fifteen occasional prologues and epilogues, and to see on to the stage a play, The Duke of Guise. The record is the more astonishing when Dryden's age is taken into account; when Absalom and Achitophel was printed, he had already passed his fiftieth birthday. The "energy divine" that distinguishes his best verse must have been vouchsafed to him physically as well as mentally during this time. He was ever a political animal, and it is not beyond conjecture that the turmoil of the exclusion controversy and of the Popish Plot stimulated him to stretch his talents to the utmost. To have written Absalom and Achitophel was sufficient achievement to make most poets rest content; to have done all the rest as well was the accomplishment of an extraordinary man of extraordinary powers. Editing the major poems in this volume has been a daunting

viii

Preface

experience. For example, almost every line in Mac Flecknoe presents a problem, not to mention the questions of the date of composition, the occasion that produced the poem, and the relationship between Shadwell and Dryden. Absalom and Achitophel offers different challenges and a multiplicity of them, historical, biographical, and literary. I regret to say, but I freely admit, that I have not been able to solve all the problems. For example, I have not identified Aston Hall; nor do I know with certitude what Dryden had in mind when he referred to Amnon's murder. These and other cruxes I pass on to future scholars harrowing this field. I have also been faced with many a vexing decision about the extent of the commentary. I have tried to exercise judicious restraint, but I dare say that no one will ever wish the remarks on Absalom and Achitophel more extended than they are. No doubt many will wish that I had compressed them in some places and that I had dealt with certain matters over which I have passed silently. I can only say that I wish I might have pleased all parties. Two of my late colleagues collected materials toward a commentary on parts of this volume. Professor Edward Niles Hooker was especially concerned with Religio Laici, as his last article, published posthumously, indicated. I have read the primary documents he consulted and have concluded, reluctantly, that I could not follow the direction his interpretation of the poem was taking. He also wrote a draft statement about the verse of Mac Flecknoe, and I have used part of it in the headnote to the poem. Professor John Harrington Smith left a commentary on the prologues and epilogues, and I have followed his lead, but the form of the materials as they now appear is largely mine. I hope that he would have approved. Finally, I am pleased to state that the Associate General Editor, Professor Earl Miner, furnished data for the commentary on Dryden's contributions to Miscellany Poems and for that on T o the Earl of Roscomon and T o T h e Memory of Mr. Oldham. I am pleased to acknowledge my indebtedness to several persons for aid extended to the California edition of Dryden and

Preface

ix

to me as the editor of this volume. The following graduate students and staff have worked faithfully as research assistants: Michael Seidel, David Latt, Melanie Rangno, Diane Eliel, Larry Behrens, Janette Lewis, Judith Mansager, Nancy Nakano, Nick Havranek, Mildred R. Jordan, and Jeanette Wallin. Dr. Louis B. Wright and the trustees of the Folger Library awarded me a fellowship at that institution for a year, during which time I did much of the research for the commentary. Former Chancellor Franklin D. Murphy and Chancellor Charles E. Young of UCLA, upon the nomination of Director Robert Vosper and the Clark Library Committee, appointed me Clark Library Professor for the academic years 1969-1971 and thus made it possible for me to complete the writing of the commentary. The Textual Editor completed much of his work on this volume with the help of grants from the American Philosophical Society and the Folger Shakespeare Library. Professor Franklin P. Rolfe, Emeritus Dean of the College of Letters and Science, Professor Kenneth N. Trueblood, now Dean of the College, and Professor Philip Levine, Dean of Humanities, UCLA, have generously supported the continuing work on the edition, as has the Research Committee of the Academic Senate. The staff of the Clark Library have cheerfully served me for a long time, and never more effectively than in the past two years. Mrs. Grace H. Stimson, of the University of California Press, has given her expert attention to the editing of this volume. Finally, in a virtuoso performance, Mrs. Geneva Phillips, editorial assistant of the edition, has handled the seemingly endless detail attendant upon the production of this book. The Clark Library June 1971

H. T . S„ Jr.

Contents Absalom and Achitophel. A Poem The Medall. A Satyre against Sedition Mac Flecknoe

g 38 -.

54

The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel. A Poem 62 Religio Laid or A Laymans Faith. A Poem g8 The Art of Poetry, Written in French by the Sieur de Boileau, Made English 12^ Contributions to Miscellany Poems Ovid's Elegies, Book II. Elegy the Nineteenth 158 Amaryllis, or the Third IdyIlium of Theocritus, Paraphras'd x6o The Tears of Amynta, for the Death of Damon. Song 164 Virgil's Eclogues The Fourth Eclogue. Pollio 165 The Ninth Eclogue 167 To the Earl of Roscomon, on his Excellent Essay on Translated Verse To the Memory of Mr. Oldham Prologues and Epilogues 1681-1684 Epilogue to Tamerlane the Great x^g The Epilogue Spoken to the King at the opening the Play-House at Oxford on Saturday last. Being March the Nineteenth 1681 180 Prologue and Epilogue to The Unhappy Favourite 181 Prologue to the University of Oxford, 1681 183 Prologue and Epilogue to Mithridates 185 Prologue and Epilogue to The Princess of Cleves 188 Prologue and Epilogue to The Loyal Brother igo Prologue to His Royal Highness, upon His first appearance at the Duke's Theatre since his Return from Scotland igg Prologue to the Dutchess, on Her Return from Scotland 195 Prologue and Epilogue to the King and Queen ig6 A True Coppy of the Epilogue to Constantine the Great 199 Prologue to a New Play, Call'd, The Disappointment: or, The Mother in Fashion 201

xii

Contents

Commentary Textual Notes Appendixes A. Commendatory Poems to Absalom and Achitophel B. Commendatory Poems to The Medall C. Commendatory Poems to Religio Laici Index to the Commentary

205 407 46g 472 475 479

Illustrations John Dryden,

from a painting

TITLE PAGE OF Absalom

The

Duke

of Monmouth,

Buckingham, TITLE

The TITLE

and

Frontispiece 2

the Earl of Shaftesbury,

the Duke

of

Oates

Following page

24

medal struck for Shaftesbury

Facing page

43

PAGE

and Titus OF

The

Medall

PAGE OF Mac

37

Flecknoe

53

TITLE PAGE OF The Second TITLE PAGE OF Religio TITLE

after Kneller Achitophel

PAGE OF The

Art

TITLE PAGE OF Miscellany

The pope-burning

Part of Absalom

and Achitophel

Laici of Poetry

123

Poems

ceremony

61 97

(1680)

157

Facing page

190

POEMS

1681-1684

ABSALOM A N D

ACHITOPHEL. A

P

O

E

M

.

St Tropus fles Te Capet Magis

LONDON; Printed for J. T. and are to be Sold by W. Davis in Amen-Corner, i 6 8 i. T I T L E P A G E O F T H E FIRST EDITION ( M A C D O N A L D 12A)

Absalom and

Absalom

and Achitophel.

Achitophel

3

A Poem

TO THE READER.

T

is not my intention to make an Apology for my Poem: Some will think it needs no Excuse; and others will receive none. The Design, I am sure, is honest: but he who draws his Pen for one Party, must expect to make Enemies of the other. For, Wit and Fool, are Consequents of Whig and Tory: And every man is a Knave or an Ass to the contrary side. There's a Treasury of Merits in the Phanatick Church, as well as in the Papist; and a Pennyworth to be had of Saintship, Honesty, and Poetry, for the Leud, the Factious, and the Blockheads: But the longest Chapter in Deuteronomy, has not Curses enow for an ^niz-Bromingham. My Comfort is, their manifest Prejudice to my Cause, will render their Judgment of less Authority against me. Yet if a Poem have a Genius, it will force its own reception in the World. For there's a sweetness in good Verse, which Tickles even while it Hurts: And, no man can be heartily angry with him, who pleases him against his will. The Commendation of Adversaries, is the greatest Triumph of a Writer; because it never comes unless Extorted. But I can be satisfied on more easy termes: If I happen to please the more Moderate sort, I shall be sure of an honest Party; and, in all probability, of the best Judges; for, the least Concern'd, are commonly the least Corrupt: And, I confess, I have laid in for those, by rebating the Satyre, (where Justice woud allow it) from carrying too sharp an Edge. They, who can Criticize so weakly, as to imagine I have done my Worst, may be Convinced, at their own Cost, that I can write Severely, with more ease, than I can Gently. I have but laught at some mens Follies, when I coud have declaim'd against their Vices; and, other mens Vertues I have commended, as freely as I have tax'd their Crimes. And now, if you are a Malitious Reader, / expect you should return

4

Poems

1681-1684

upon me, that I affect to be thought more Impartial than I am. But, if men are not to be judgd by their Professions, God forgive you Common-wealths-men, for professing so plausibly for the Government. You cannot be so Unconscionable, as to charge me for not Subscribing of my Name; for that woud reflect too grosly upon your own Party, who never dare, though they have the advantage of a Jury to secure them. If you like not my Poem, the fault may, possibly, be in my Writing: (though 'tis hard for an Authour to judge against himself;) But, more probably, 'tis in your Morals, which cannot bear the truth of it. The Violent, on both sides, will condemn the Character of Absalom, as either too favourably, or too hardly drawn. But, they are not the Violent, whom I desire to please. The fault, on the right hand, is to Extenuate, Palliate and Indulge; and, to confess freely, I have endeavour'd to commit it. Besides the respect which I owe his Birth, I have a greater for his Heroique Vertues; and, David himself, coud not be more tender of the Young-man's Life, than I woud be of his Reputation. But, since the most excellent Natures are always the most easy; and, as being such, are the soonest perverted by ill Counsels, especially when baited with Fame and Glory; 'tis no more a wonder that he withstood not the temptations of Achitophel, than it was for Adam, not to have resisted the two Devils; the Serpent, and the Woman. The conclusion of the Story, I purposely forbore to prosecute; because, I coud not obtain from my self, to shew Absalom Unfortunate. The Frame of it, was cut out, but for a Picture to the Wast; and, if the Draught be so far true, 'tis as much as I design'd. Were I the Inventour, who am only the Historian, I shoud certainly conclude the Piece, with the Reconcilement of Absalom to David. And, who knows but this may come to pass? Things were not brought to an Extremity where I left the Story: There seems, yet, to be room left for a Composure; hereafter, there may only be for pity. I have not, so much as an uncharitable Wish against Achitophel; but, am content to be Accus'd of a good natur'd Errour; and, to hope with Origen, that

Absalom

and

Achitophel

5

the Devil himself may, at last, be sav'd: For which reason, in this Poem, he is neither brought to set his House in order, nor to dispose of his Person afterwards, as he in Wisedom shall think fit. God is infinitely merciful; and his Vicegerent is only not so, because he is not Infinite. The true end of Satyre, is the amendment of Vices by correction. And he who writes Honestly, is no more an Enemy to the Offendour, than the Physician to the Patient, when he prescribes harsh Remedies to an inveterate Disease: for those, are only in order to prevent the Chyrurgeon's work of an Ense rescindendum, which I wish not to my very Enemies. To conclude all, If the Body Politique have any Analogy to the Natural, in my weak judgment, an Act of Oblivion were as necessary in a Hot, Distemper'd State, as an Opiate woud be in a Raging Fever.

Absalom and Achitophel.

I

A Poem

n pious times, e'r Priest-craft did begin, Before Polygamy was made a sin; When man, on many, multiply'd his kind, E'r one to one was, cursedly, confind: When Nature prompted, and no law deny'd Promiscuous use of Concubine and Bride; Then, Israel's Monarch, after Heaven's own heart, His vigorous warmth did, variously, impart T o Wives and Slaves: And, wide as his Command, Scatter'd his Maker's Image through the Land. Michal, of Royal blood, the Crown did wear, A Soyl ungratefull to the Tiller's care: i

sav'd:\.— F 1 - 3 , Qi-6, Q8-9, O1-2.

6

Poems

1681-1684

Not so the rest; for several Mothers bore T o Godlike David, several Sons before. But since like slaves his bed they did ascend, N o T r u e Succession could their seed attend. Of all this Numerous Progeny was none So Beautifull, so brave as Absolon: Whether, inspir'd by some diviner Lust, His Father got him with a greater Gust; Or that his Conscious destiny made way By manly beauty to Imperiall sway. Early in Foreign fields he won Renown, With Kings and States ally'd to Israel's Crown: In Peace the thoughts of War he coud remove, And seem'd as he were only born for love. What e'r he did was done with so much ease, In him alone, 'twas Natural to please. His motions all accompanied with grace; And Paradise was open'd in his face. With secret Joy, indulgent David view'd His Youthfull Image in his Son renew'd: T o all his wishes Nothing he deny'd, And made the Charming Annabel his Bride. What faults he had (for who from faults is free?) His Father coud not, or he woud not see. Some warm excesses, which the Law forbore, Were constru'd Youth that purg'd by boyling o'r: And Amnon's Murther, by a specious Name, Was call'd a Just Revenge for injur'd Fame. T h u s Prais'd, and Lov'd, the Noble Youth remain'd, While David, undisturb'd, in Sion raign'd. But Life can never be sincerely blest: Heaven punishes the bad, and proves the best. T h e Jews, a Headstrong, Moody, Murmuring race, As ever try'd th' extent and stretch of grace; 18 Beautifull,] F2, Q4, F3, Q7, O1-2, Qg, M; ~ A F i , Q1-3, Q5-6, Q8. 19 by] Q i - 2 , Q s (uncorrected state), F3, Q6-9, O1-2; with Fi-2, Q3 (corrected state), Q4-5, M.

Absalom and

Achitophel

God's pamper'd people whom, debauch'd with ease, No King could govern, nor no God could please; (Gods they had tri'd of every shape and size That God-smiths could produce, or Priests devise:) These A dam-wits, too fortunately free, Began to dream they wanted libertie; And when no rule, no president was found Of men, by Laws less circumscrib'd and bound, They led their wild desires to Woods and Caves, And thought that all but Savages were Slaves. They who when Saul was dead, without a blow, Made foolish Ishbosheth the Crown forgo; Who banisht David did from Hebron bring, And, with a Generall Shout, proclaim'd him King: Those very J ewes, who, at their very best, Their Humour more than Loyalty exprest, Now, wondred why, so long, they had obey'd An Idoll Monarch which their hands had made: Thought they might ruine him they could create; Or melt him to that Golden Calf, a State. But these were randome bolts: No form'd Design, Nor Interest made the Factious Croud to joyn: The sober part of Israel, free from stain, Well knew the value of a peacefull raign: And, looking backward with a wise afright, Saw Seames of wounds, dishonest to the sight; In contemplation of whose ugly Scars, They Curst the memory of Civil Wars. The moderate sort of Men, thus qualifi'd, Inclin'd the Ballance to the better side: And David's mildness manag'd it so well, The Bad found no occasion to Rebell. But, when to Sin our byast Nature leans, The carefull Devil is still at hand with means; 50 58 64

devise:] Q1-4, F3, Q7~g, Oi-a; — F 1 - 2 , Q5, M; Q6. Ishbosheth] Q1-4, F3, Q7-9, O1-2; Isbosheth F 1 - 2 , Q5-6, M. made:] Q1-4, F 3 , Q7, O1-2, Qg; F 1 - 2 , Q 5 , M; Q6; ~ A Q8.

7

Poems

8

1681-1684

A n d p r o v i d e n t l y P i m p s f o r ill desires: T h e Good old Cause reviv'd, a Plot requires. P l o t s , t r u e o r false, a r e n e c e s s a r y t h i n g s , T o raise u p C o m m o n - w e a l t h s , a n d r u i n Kings.

T h ' inhabitants of old Jerusalem W e r e Jebusites:

t h e T o w n so c a l l ' d f r o m t h e m ;

A n d their's the Native right B u t w h e n the chosen people grew m o r e strong, T h e rightfull cause at length became the wrong: 90 A n d e v e r y loss t h e m e n of Jebus

bore,

T h e y still w e r e t h o u g h t G o d ' s e n e m i e s t h e m o r e . T h u s , w o r n a n d w e a k e n ' d , w e l l o r ill c o n t e n t , S u b m i t t h e y m u s t t o David's

Government:

I m p o v e r i s h t , a n d d e p r i v ' d of a l l C o m m a n d , T h e i r T a x e s d o u b l e d as t h e y l o s t t h e i r L a n d , A n d , w h a t w a s h a r d e r y e t t o flesh a n d b l o o d , T h e i r Gods disgrac'd, a n d b u r n t like c o m m o n wood. T h i s set t h e H e a t h e n P r i e s t h o o d i n a

flame;

F o r P r i e s t s of a l l R e l i g i o n s a r e t h e s a m e : 100 O f w h a t s o e ' r d e s c e n t t h e i r G o d h e a d b e , Stock, Stone, o r o t h e r h o m e l y p e d i g r e e , I n h i s d e f e n c e h i s S e r v a n t s a r e as b o l d A s if h e h a d b e e n b o r n of b e a t e n g o l d .

T h e Jewish

Rabbins

tho their Enemies,

I n this c o n c l u d e t h e m h o n e s t m e n a n d wise: F o r 'twas their d u t y , all the L e a r n e d t h i n k , T ' espouse his Cause by w h o m they eat a n d d r i n k . F r o m hence began that Plot, the Nation's Curse, B a d i n i t self, b u t r e p r e s e n t e d w o r s e : 110 R a i s ' d i n e x t r e m e s , a n d i n e x t r e m e s d e c r y ' d ; W i t h Oaths affirm'd, with dying Vows deny'd: N o t weigh'd, or w i n n o w ' d by the M u l t i t u d e ; B u t swallow'd in t h e Mass, u n c h e w ' d a n d C r u d e . S o m e T r u t h t h e r e was, b u t d a s h ' d a n d b r e w ' d w i t h L y e s ; 109

worse:]

F 1 - 3 , Q1-9, O1-2, M.

111

deny'd:]

F i - g , Q1-9, O1-2, M.

Absalom

and

Achitophel

T o please the Fools, and puzzle all the Wise. Succeeding times did equal folly call, Believing nothing, or believing all. Th' Egyptian Rites the Jebusites imbrac'd; Where Gods were recommended by their Tast. 120 Such savory Deities must needs be good, As serv'd at once for Worship and for Food. By force they could not Introduce these Gods; For Ten to One, in former days was odds. So Fraud was us'd, (the Sacrificers trade,) Fools are more hard to Conquer than Perswade. Their busie Teachers mingled with the Jews; And rak'd, for Converts, even the Court and Stews: Which Hebrew Priests the more unkindly took, Because the Fleece accompanies the Flock. 130 Some thought they God's Anointed meant to Slay By Guns, invented since full many a day: Our Authour swears it not; but who can know How far the Devil and Jebusites may go? This Plot, which fail'd for want of common Sense, Had yet a deep and dangerous Consequence: For, as when raging Fevers boyl the Blood, The standing Lake soon floats into a Flood; And every hostile Humour, which before Slept quiet in its Channels, bubbles o'r: 140 So, several Factions from this first Ferment, Work up to Foam, and threat the Government. Some by their Friends, more by themselves thought wise, Oppos'd the Power, to which they could not rise. Some had in Courts been Great, and thrown from thence, Like Feinds, were harden'd in Impenitence. Some, by their Monarch's fatall mercy grown, From Pardon'd Rebels, Kinsmen to the Throne; 117 121 146

all.] F2-3, Q1-4, Q7-9, O1-2, M; — F i , Q5-6. As] F2-3, Q1-4, Q6-9, O1-2, M; And F i , Q5. Some, . . . fatall] some copies of Fi read SomeA . . . fatal.

9

10

Poems

1681—1684

Were rais'd in Power and publick Office high: Strong Bands, if Bands ungratefull men could tye. 1B0 Of these the false Achitophel was first: A Name to all succeeding Ages Curst: For close Designs, and crooked Counsells fit; Sagacious, Bold, and Turbulent of wit: Restless, unfixt in Principles and Place; In Power unpleas'd, impatient of Disgrace: A fiery Soul, which working out its way, 1 Fretted the Pigmy Body to decay: I And o'r inform'd the Tenement of Clay. I A daring Pilot in extremity; 160 Pleas'd with the Danger, when the Waves went high He sought the Storms; but for a Calm unfit, Would Steer too nigh the Sands, to boast his Wit. Great Wits are sure to Madness near ally'd; And thin Partitions do their Bounds divide: Else, why should he, with Wealth and Honour blest, Refuse his Age the needful hours of Rest? Punish a Body which he coud not please; Bankrupt of Life, yet Prodigal of Ease? And all to leave, what with his T o y l he won, 170 T o that unfeather'd, two Leg'd thing, a Son: Got, while his Soul did hudled Notions try; And born a shapeless Lump, like Anarchy. In Friendship False, Implacable in Hate: Resolv'd to Ruine or to Rule the State. T o Compass this the Triple Bond he broke;" T h e Pillars of the publick Safety shook: And fitted Israel for a Foreign Yoke. Then, seiz'd with Fear, yet still affecting Fame, 149 could] some copies of Fi read cuold. 151 Curst:] — F1-3, Qi-g, O1-2, M. 152 Counsells] Q1-4, F j , Q7-9, O1-2; Counsell F1-2, Q5-6, M. 153 Bold] some copies of Fx read Kold. 154 Principles] Q1-4, F3, Q7-9, O1-2; Principle Fi-2, Q5-6, M. 155 Disgrace:] F1-3, Q i - g , O1-2, M. 157 Body] some copies of Fi read Kody.

Absalom and

Achitophel

Usurp'd a Patriott's All-attoning Name. 180 So easie still it proves in F a c t i o u s T i m e s , W i t h publick Zeal t o c a n c e l private C r i m e s : H o w safe is T r e a s o n , a n d h o w sacred ill, W h e r e n o n e c a n sin against the Peoples W i l l : W h e r e C r o u d s c a n w i n k ; a n d n o offence b e k n o w n , Since in a n o t h e r s guilt they find their own. Y e t , F a m e deserv'd, n o E n e m y c a n g r u d g e ; T h e S t a t e s m a n we a b h o r , b u t praise the J u d g e . I n Israels

C o u r t s n e ' r sat an

Abbethdin

W i t h m o r e discerning Eyes, o r H a n d s m o r e c l e a n : 190 U n b r i b ' d , u n s o u g h t , the W r e t c h e d to redress; Swift of Dispatch, a n d easie of Access. O h , h a d h e been c o n t e n t t o serve t h e C r o w n , W i t h vertues only p r o p e r to the G o w n ; O r , h a d the rankness of the Soyl been freed F r o m Cockle, that o p p r e s t the N o b l e seed: David,

for h i m his t u n e f u l l H a r p h a d strung,

A n d H e a v e n h a d w a n t e d o n e I m m o r t a l song. B u t wilde A m b i t i o n loves t o slide, n o t stand; A n d F o r t u n e s I c e prefers t o V e r t u e s L a n d : 200 Achitophel,

g r o w n weary t o possess

A lawfull F a m e , a n d lazy H a p p i n e s s ; D i s d a i n ' d the G o l d e n f r u i t t o g a t h e r free, A n d lent t h e C r o u d his A r m t o shake t h e T r e e . N o w , m a n i f e s t of Crimes, c o n t r i v ' d l o n g since, H e stood at b o l d Defiance with his P r i n c e : H e l d u p the B u c k l e r of the Peoples Cause, A g a i n s t t h e C r o w n ; a n d sculk'd b e h i n d t h e L a w s . T h e wish'd occasion of t h e P l o t h e takes, S o m e C i r c u m s t a n c e s finds, b u t m o r e he m a k e s ; 210 B y buzzing Emissaries, fills t h e ears O f listning Crowds, with Jealosies a n d F e a r s 179 Usurp'd] Q1-4, F3, Q6, Q8-9, Ot-2; Assum'd F1-2, Q5, M; Usur'd Q7. 179 Patriott's] Fi (some copies), F2-3, Qi~4, Q6-9, O1-2, M; Patron's Fi (some copies), Q5. 180-191 omitted from F1-2, Qj, M. 209 makes;] F1-3, Qi-g, O1-2, M.

12

Poems

1681-1684

Of Arbitrary Counsels brought to light, And proves the King himself a Jebusite: Weak Arguments! which yet he knew ful well, Were strong with People easie to Rebell. For, govern'd by the Moon, the giddy Jews Tread the same track when she the Prime renews: And once in twenty Years, their Scribes Record, By natural Instinct they change their Lord. 220 Achitophel still wants a Chief, and none Was found so fit as Warlike Absolon: Not, that he wish'd his Greatness to create, (For Polititians neither love nor hate:) But, for he knew, his Title not allow'd, Would keep him still depending on the Crowd: That Kingly power, thus ebbing out, might be Drawn to the dregs of a Democracy. Him he attempts, with studied Arts to please, And sheds his Venome, in such words as these. 230

Auspicious Prince! at whose Nativity Some Royal Planet rul'd the Southern sky; Thy longing Countries Darling and Desire; Their cloudy Pillar, and their guardian Fire: Their second Moses, whose extended Wand Divides the Seas, and shews the promis'd Land: Whose dawning Day, in every distant age, Has exercis'd the Sacred Prophets rage: The Peoples Prayer, the glad Deviners Theam, The Young-mens Vision, and the Old mens Dream! 240 Thee, Saviour, Thee, the Nations Vows confess; And, never satisfi'd with seeing, bless: Swift, unbespoken Pomps, thy steps proclaim, And stammerring Babes are taught to lisp thy Name. How long wilt thou the general Joy detain; Starve, and defraud the People of thy Reign? 214 235

ful well] Q1-9, F3, Oi—2, M; fulwell F 1 - 2 . Divides] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; Shuts up F t - 2 , Q5, M.

Absalom

250

260

270

280

and

Achitophel

Content ingloriously to pass thy days Like one of Vertues Fools that feeds on Praise; Till thy fresh Glories, which now shine so bright, Grow Stale and Tarnish with our daily sight. Believe me, Royal Youth, thy Fruit must be, Or gather'd Ripe, or rot upon the Tree. Heav'n, has to all allotted, soon or late, Some lucky Revolution of their Fate: Whose Motions, if we watch and guide with Skill, (For humane Good depends on humane Will,) Our Fortune rolls, as from a smooth Descent, And, from the first Impression, takes the Bent: But, if unseiz'd, she glides away like wind; And leaves repenting Folly far behind. Now, now she meets you, with a glorious prize, And spreads her Locks before her as she flies. Had thus Old David, from whose Loyns you spring, Not dar'd, when Fortune call'd him, to be King, At Gath an Exile he might still remain, And heavens Anointing Oyle had been in vain. Let his successfull Youth your hopes engage, But shun th' example of Declining Age: Behold him setting in his Western Skies, T h e Shadows lengthning as the Vapours rise. H e is not now, as when on Jordan's Sand T h e Joyfull People throng'd to see him Land, Cov'ring the Beach, and blackning all the Strand: But, like the Prince of Angels from his height, Comes tumbling downward with diminish'd light; Betray'd by one poor Plot to publick Scorn, (Our only blessing since his Curst Return:) Those heaps of People which one Sheaf did bind, Blown off and scatter'd by a puff of Wind. What strength can he to your Designs oppose, Naked of Friends, and round beset with Foes? If Pharaoh's doubtfull Succour he shoud use, A Foreign Aid woud more Incense the Jews:

»3

14

Poems

1681-1684

Proud Egypt woud dissembled Friendship bring; Foment the War, but not support the King: Nor woud the Royal Party e'r unite With Pharaoh's Arms, t' assist the Jebusite; Or if they shoud, their Interest soon woud break, And with such odious Aid make David weak. All sorts of men by my successful Arts, 290 Abhorring Kings, estrange their alter'd Hearts From David's Rule: And 'tis the general Cry, Religion, Common-wealth, and Liberty. If you as Champion of the publique Good, Add to their Arms a Chief of Royal Blood; What may not Israel hope, and what Applause Might such a General gain by such a Cause? Not barren Praise alone, that Gaudy Flower, Fair only to the sight, but solid Power: And Nobler is a limited Command, 300 Giv'n by the Love of all your Native Land, Than a Successive Title, Long, and Dark, Drawn from the Mouldy Rolls of Noah's Ark. What cannot Praise effect in Mighty Minds, When Flattery Sooths, and when Ambition Blinds! Desire of Power, on Earth a Vitious Weed, Yet, sprung from High, is of Caelestial Seed: In God 'tis Glory: And when men Aspire, 'Tis but a Spark too much of Heavenly Fire. T h ' Ambitious Youth, too Covetous of Fame, 310 Too full of Angells Metal in his Frame; Unwarily was led from Vertues ways; Made Drunk with Honour, and Debauch'd with Praise. Half loath, and half consenting to the 111, (For Royal Blood within him strugled still) He thus reply'd And what Pretence have I T o take up Arms for Publick Liberty? 286 Pharaoh's] F2-3, Qi, O1-2, Qg, M; Pharoah's FI, Q2-8. 314 Royal] Q2-4, F3, O1-2, Qg, M; Loyal Fi-2, Qi, Q5-8.

Absalom and

Achitophel

My Father Governs with unquestion'd Right; T h e Faiths Defender, and Mankinds Delight: Good, Gracious, Just, observant of the Laws; 320 And Heav'n by Wonders has Espous'd his Cause. Whom has he Wrong'd in all his Peaceful Reign? Who sues for Justice to his Throne in Vain? What Millions has he Pardon'd of his Foes, Whom Just Revenge did to his Wrath expose! Mild, Easy, Humble, Studious of our Good; Enclin'd to Mercy, and averse from Blood. If Mildness 111 with Stubborn Israel Suite, His Crime is God's beloved Attribute. What could he gain, his People to Betray, 330 Or change his Right, for Arbitrary Sway? Let Haughty Pharaoh Curse with such a Reign, His Fruitfull Nile, and Yoak a Servile Train. If David's Rule Jerusalem Displease, The Dog-star heats their Brains to this Disease. Why then shoud I, Encouraging the Bad, T u r n Rebell, and run Popularly Mad? Were he a Tyrant who, by Lawless Might, Opprest the Jews, and Rais'd the Jebusite, Well might I Mourn; but Natures Holy Bands 340 Woud Curb my Spirits, and Restrain my Hands: The People might assert their Liberty; But what was Right in them, were Crime in me. His Favour leaves me nothing to require; Prevents my Wishes, and outruns Desire. What more can I expect while David lives? All but his Kingly Diadem he gives; And that: But there he Paus'd; then Sighing, said, Is Justly Destin'd for a Worthier Head. For when my Father from his Toyls shall Rest, 350 And late Augment the Number of the Blest: His Lawfull Issue shall the Throne ascend, 324 345

expose!] F 1 - 3 , Q1-9, O1-2, M. lives?] Q1-4, F 3 , Q6-9, O1-2; Fi—2, Q5, M.

i6

Poems

1681-1684

Or the Collateral Line where that shall end. His Brother, though Opprest with Vulgar Spight, Yet Dauntless and Secure of Native Right, Of every Royal Vertue stands possest; Still Dear to all the Bravest, and the Best. His Courage Foes, his Friends his T r u t h Proclaim; His Loyalty the King, the World his Fame. His Mercy even th' Offending Crowd will find, 360 For sure he comes of a Forgiving Kind. Why shoud I then Repine at Heavens Decree; Which gives me no Pretence to Royalty? Yet oh that Fate Propitiously Enclind, Had rais'd my Birth, or had debas'd my Mind; T o my large Soul, not all her Treasure lent, And then Betray'd it to a mean Descent. I find, I find my mounting Spirits Bold, And David's Part disdains my Mothers Mold. Why am I Scanted by a Niggard Birth? 370 My Soul Disclaims the Kindred of her Earth: And made for Empire, Whispers me within; Desire of Greatness is a Godlike Sin. Him Staggering so when Hells dire Agent found, While fainting Vertue scarce maintain'd her Ground, H e pours fresh Forces in, and thus Replies: T h ' Eternal God Supreamly Good and Wise, Imparts not these Prodigious Gifts in vain; What Wonders are Reserv'd to bless your Reign? Against your will your Arguments have shown, 380 Such Vertue's only given to guide a Throne. Not that your Father's Mildness I condemn; But Manly Force becomes the Diadem. 'Tis true, he grants the People all they crave; And more perhaps than Subjects ought to have: 369 Birth?] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; copies).

Fi, F2 (some copies), Q5, M;

F2 (some

Absalom

and

Achitophel

For Lavish grants suppose a Monarch tame, And more his Goodness than his Wit proclaim. But when shoud People strive their Bonds to break, If not when Kings are Negligent or Weak? Let him give on till he can give no more, 390 T h e Thrifty Sanhedrin shall keep him poor: And every Sheckle which he can receive, Shall cost a Limb of his Prerogative. T o ply him with new Plots, shall be my care, Or plunge him deep in some Expensive War; Which when his Treasure can no more Supply, He must, with the Remains of Kingship, buy. His faithful Friends, our Jealousies and Fears, Call Jebusites; and Pharaoh's Pentioners: Whom, when our Fury from his Aid has torn, 400 He shall be Naked left to publick Scorn. The next Successor, whom I fear and hate, My Arts have made Obnoxious to the State; Turn'd all his Vertues to his Overthrow, And gain'd our Elders to pronounce a Foe. His Right, for Sums of necessary Gold, Shall first be Pawn'd, and afterwards be Sold: Till time shall Ever-wanting David draw, T o pass your doubtfull Title into Law: If not; the People have a Right Supreme 410 T o make their Kings; for Kings are made for them. All Empire is no more than Pow'r in Trust, Which when resum'd, can be no longer Just. Succession, for the general Good design'd, In its own wrong a Nation cannot bind: If altering that, the People can relieve, Better one Suffer, than a Nation grieve. The Jews well know their power: e'r Saul they Chose, God was their King, and God they durst Depose. Urge now your Piety, your Filial Name, 416

Nation] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; Million F1-2, Q5, M.

17

i8

Poems

1681-1684

420 A Father's Right, and fear of future Fame; T h e publick Good, that Universal Call, T o which even Heav'n Submitted, answers all. Nor let his Love Enchant your generous Mind; 'Tis Natures trick to Propagate her Kind. Our fond Begetters, who woud never dye, Love but themselves in their Posterity. Or let his Kindness by th' Effects be try'd, Or let him lay his vain Pretence aside. God said he lov'd your Father; coud he bring 430 A better Proof, than to Anoint him King? It surely shew'd he lov'd the Shepherd well, Who gave so fair a Flock as Israel. Woud David have you thought his Darling Son? What means he then, to Alienate the Crown? T h e name of Godly he may blush to bear: 'Tis after God's own heart to Cheat his Heir. H e to his Brother gives Supreme Command; T o you a Legacy of Barren Land: Perhaps th' old Harp, on which he thrums his Layes: 440 Or some dull Hebrew Ballad in your Praise. T h e n the next Heir, a Prince, Severe and Wise, Already looks on you with Jealous Eyes; Sees through the thin Disguises of your Arts, And markes your Progress in the Peoples Hearts. Though now his mighty Soul its Grief contains; He meditates Revenge who least Complains, And like a Lyon, Slumbring in the way, Or Sleep dissembling, while he waits his Prey, His fearless Foes within his Distance draws; 450 Constrains his Roaring, and Contracts his Paws; Till at the last, his time for Fury found, He shoots with suddain Vengeance from the Ground: T h e Prostrate Vulgar, passes o'r, and Spares; 446 Complains,] F2; F i , Q1-9, F3, O 1 - 2 ; M. 4 4 8 ^ Steep dissembling] F 2 - 3 , Q2-4, Q7, O i - 2 , Qg, M; Sleep-dissembling F i , Qi,

Absalom and

Achitophel

But with a Lordly Rage, his Hunters teares. Your Case no tame Expedients will afford; Resolve on Death, or Conquest by the Sword, Which for no less a Stake than Life, you Draw; And Self-defence is Natures Eldest Law. Leave the warm People no Considering time; 460 For then Rebellion may be thought a Crime. Prevail your self of what Occasion gives, But try your T i t l e while your Father lives: And that your Arms may have a fair Pretence, Proclaim, you take them in the King's Defence: Whose Sacred Life each minute woud Expose, T o Plots, from seeming Friends, and secret Foes. And who can sound the depth of David's Soul? Perhaps his fear, his kindness may Controul. He fears his Brother, though he loves his Son, 470 For plighted Vows too late to be undone. If so, by Force he wishes to be gain'd, Like womens Leachery, to seem Constrain'd: Doubt not, but when he most affects the Frown, Commit a pleasing Rape upon the Crown. Secure his Person to secure your Cause; They who possess the Prince, possess the Laws. He said, And this Advice above the rest, With Absalom's Mild nature suited best; Unblam'd of Life (Ambition set aside,) 480 Not stain'd with Cruelty, nor puft with Pride; How happy had he been, if Destiny Had higher plac'd his Birth, or not so high! His Kingly Vertues might have claim'd a Throne, And blest all other Countries but his own: But charming Greatness, since so few refuse; 'Tis Juster to Lament him, than Accuse. Strong were his hopes a Rival to remove, 482

high I] QI-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2;

F1-2, Q5, M.

19

20

Poems

1681-1684

With blandishments to gain the publick Love; T o Head the Faction while their Zeal was hot, 490 And Popularly prosecute the Plot. T o farther this, Achitophel Unites T h e Malecontents of all the Israelites;

Whose differing Parties he could wisely Joyn, For several Ends, to serve the same Design: T h e Best, and of the Princes some were such, Who thought the power of Monarchy too much: Mistaken Men, and Patriots in their Hearts; Not Wicked, but Seduc'd by Impious Arts. By these the Springs of Property were bent, 500 And wound so high, they Crack'd the Government. The next for Interest sought t' embroil the State, T o sell their Duty at a dearer rate; And make their Jewish Markets of the Throne, Pretending publick Good, to serve their own. Others thought Kings an useless heavy Load, Who Cost too much, and did too little Good. These were for laying Honest David by, On Principles of pure good Husbandry. With them Joyn'd all th' Haranguers of the Throng, 510 That thought to get Preferment by the Tongue. Who follow next, a double Danger bring, Not only hating David, but the King, The Solymaan Rout; well Verst of old, In Godly Faction, and in Treason bold; Cowring and Quaking at a Conqueror's Sword, But Lofty to a Lawfull Prince Restor'd; Saw with Disdain an Ethnick Plot begun, And Scorn'd by Jebusites to be Out-done. Hot Levites Headed these; who pul'd before 520 From th' Ark, which in the Judges days they bore, Resum'd their Cant, and with a Zealous Cry, Pursu'd their old belov'd Theocracy: 494 Design:] F1-3, Qi-9, O1-2, M. 522 Theocracy:] Q7; F1-3, Qi-6, Q8-9, O1-2, M.

Absalom

and

Achitophel

Where Sanhedrin and Priest inslav'd the Nation, And justifi'd their Spoils by Inspiration; For who so fit for Reign as Aaron's Race, If once Dominion they could found in Grace? These led the Pack; tho not of surest scent, Yet deepest mouth'd against the Government. A numerous Host of dreaming Saints succeed; 630 Of the true old Enthusiastick breed: 'Gainst Form and Order they their Power employ; Nothing to Build and all things to Destroy. But far more numerous was the herd of such, W h o think too little, and who talk too much. These, out of meer instinct, they knew not why, Ador'd their fathers God, and Property: And, by the same blind benefit of Fate, T h e Devil and the Jebusite did hate: Born to be sav'd, even in their own despight; 540 Because they could not help believing right. Such were the tools; but a whole Hydra more Remains, of sprouting heads too long, to score. Some of their Chiefs were Princes of the Land: In the first Rank of these did Zimri stand: A man so various, that he seem'd to be Not one, but all Mankinds Epitome. Stiff in Opinions, always in the wrong; Was every thing by starts, and nothing long: But, in the course of one revolving Moon, 66o Was Chymist, Fidler, States-Man, and Buffoon: T h e n all for Women, Painting, Rhiming, Drinking; Besides ten thousand freaks that dy'd in thinking. Blest Madman, who coud every hour employ, With something New to wish, or to enjoy! Rayling and praising were his usual Theams; A n d both (to shew his Judgment) in Extreams: So over Violent, or over Civil, 538

Jebusite]

Q1-4, F3, Q7-9, O 1 - 2 ; Jebusite F1-2, Q5-6, M.

21

22

Poems

1681-1684

That every man, with him, was God or Devil. In squandring Wealth was his peculiar Art: 660 Nothing went unrewarded, but Desert. Begger'd by Fools, whom still he found too late: He had his Jest, and they had his Estate. He laught himself from Court, then sought Releif By forming Parties, but coud ne're be Chief: For, spight of him, the weight of Business fell On Absalom and wise Achitophel: Thus, wicked but in will, of means bereft, He left not Faction, but of that was left. Titles and Names 'twere tedious to Reherse 570 Of Lords, below the Dignity of Verse. Wits, warriors, Common-wealthsmen, were the best: Kind Husbands and meer Nobles all the rest. And, therefore in the name of Dulness, be T h e well hung Balaam and cold Caleb free. And Canting Nadab let Oblivion damn, Who made new porridge for the Paschal Lamb. Let Friendships holy band some Names assure: Some their own Worth, and some let Scorn secure. Nor shall the Rascall Rabble here have Place, 580 Whom Kings no Titles gave, and God no Grace: Not Bull-fac'd Jonas, who could Statutes draw T o mean Rebellion, and make Treason Law. But he, tho bad, is follow'd by a worse, T h e wretch, who Heavens Annointed dar'd to Curse. Shimei, whose Youth did early Promise bring Of Zeal to God, and Hatred to his King; Did wisely from Expensive Sins refrain, And never broke the Sabbath, but for Gain: Nor ever was he known an Oath to vent, 571 Wits, warriors,] Q1-4, F 3 , Q6-7, O1-2, Qg; ^ A F 1 - 2 , Q 5 , M; Wit's Warries Q8. 581 Bull-fac'd Jonas] Q1-9, F3, O1-2, M; Bull-£ac'd-/onaj F 1 - 2 . 585 Youth did early] Q ! - 4 , F3, Q6-9, O1-2; early Youth did F 1 - 2 , Q5, M.

Absalom

and

Achitophel

590 Or Curse unless against the Government. Thus, heaping Wealth, by the most ready way Among the Jews, which was to Cheat and Pray; The City, to reward his pious Hate Against his Master, chose him Magistrate: His Hand a Vare of Justice did uphold; His Neck was loaded with a Chain of Gold. During his Office, Treason was no Crime; The Sons of Belial had a glorious Time: For Shimei, though not prodigal of pelf, 600 Yet lov'd his wicked Neighbour as himself: When two or three were gather'd to declaim Against the Monarch of Jerusalem, Shimei was always in the midst of them: And, if they Curst the King when he was by, Woud rather Curse, than break good Company. If any durst his Factious Friends accuse, He pact a Jury of dissenting Jews: Whose fellow-feeling, in the godly Cause, Would free the suffring Saint from Humane Laws. 6io For Laws are only made to Punish those, Who serve the King, and to protect his Foes. If any leisure time he had from Power, (Because 'tis Sin to misimploy an hour;) His business was, by Writing, to Persuade, That Kings were Useless, and a Clog to Trade: And, that his noble Stile he might refine, No Rechabite more shund the fumes of Wine. Chast were his Cellars, and his Shrieval Board The Grossness of a City Feast abhor'd: 620 His Cooks, with long disuse, their Trade forgot; Cool was his Kitchen, tho his Brains were hot. Such frugal Vertue Malice may accuse, 592 597 603 607

Jews] Q 1 - 4 , F3, Q6-9, O 1 - 2 ; Jews F 1 - 2 , Q5, M. Crime;] Q5-6; F 1 - 3 , Q 1 - 4 , Q8-9, O 1 - 2 , M; them:] F 1 - 3 , Q1-9, O 1 - 2 ; ~ A M. Jews\ Q 1 - 4 , F3, Q6-9, O 1 - 2 ; Jews F 1 - 2 , Q5, M,

Q7.

23

24

Poems

1681-1684

But sure 'twas necessary to the Jews: For Towns once burnt, such Magistrates require As dare not tempt Gods Providence by fire. With Spiritual food he fed his Servants well, But free from flesh, that made the Jews Rebel: And Moses's Laws he held in more account, For forty days of Fasting in the Mount. 630 T o speak the rest, who better are forgot, Would tyre a well breath'd Witness of the Plot: Yet, Corah, thou shalt from Oblivion pass; Erect thy self thou Monumental Brass: High as the Serpent of thy mettall made, While Nations stand secure beneath thy shade. What tho his Birth were base, yet Comets rise From Earthy Vapours ere they shine in Skies. Prodigious Actions may as well be done By Weavers issue, as by Princes Son. 640 This Arch-Attestor for the Publick Good, By that one Deed Enobles all his Bloud. Who ever ask'd the Witnesses high race, Whose Oath with Martyrdom did Stephen grace? Ours was a Levite, and as times went then, His T r i b e were Godalmightys Gentlemen. Sunk were his Eyes, his Voyce was harsh and loud, Sure signs he neither Cholerick was, nor Proud: His long Chin prov'd his Wit; his Saintlike Grace A Church Vermilion, and a Moses's Face; 650 His Memory, miraculously great, Could Plots, exceeding mans belief, repeat; Which, therefore cannot be accounted Lies, For humane Wit could never such devise. Some future Truths are mingled in his Book; But, where the witness faild, the Prophet Spoke: 623 Jews] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2, M; Jews F1-2, Q5. 626 well,] comma failed to print in some copies of Fi. 627 Jews] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; Jews FI-2, Q5, M. 640 Good,] comma failed to print in some copies of Fi.

JAMES

SCOTT, D U K E OF

MONMOUTH

F R O M A D R A W I N G BY R O B E R T W H I T E HUNTINGTON L I B R A R Y AND A R T

IN THE

GALLERY

ANTHONY

ASHLEY

FROM A DRAWING

COOPER, (C.

HUNTINGTON

1680)

FIRST BY

LIBRARY

EARL

CHARLES AND A R T

OF

SHAFTESBURY

BEALE

II

GALLERY

IN

THE

GEORGE

VILLIERS, BY FROM

HUNTINGTON

SECOND

DUKE

ROBERT

A PRINT LIBRARY

OF

BUCKINGHAM

WHITE

(1679)

I N

AND

ART

T H E

GALLERY

TITUS

OATES

FROM HUNTINGTON

A

BY

PRINT LIBRARY

ROBERT (1679)

WHITE

IN

AND A R T

THE GALLERY

Absalom and

Achitophel

Some things like Visionary flights appear; The Spirit caught him up, the Lord knows where: And gave him his Rabinical degree Unknown to Foreign University. 660 His Judgment yet his Memory did excel; Which peic'd his wondrous Evidence so well: And suited to the temper of the times; Then groaning under Jebusitick Crimes. Let Israels foes suspect his heav'nly call, And rashly judge his writ Apocryphal; Our Laws for such affronts have forfeits made: He takes his life, who takes away his trade. Were I my self in witness Corahs place, The wretch who did me such a dire disgrace, 670 Should whet my memory, though once forgot, T o make him an Appendix of my Plot. His Zeal to heav'n, made him his Prince despise, And load his person with indignities: But Zeal peculiar priviledg affords; Indulging latitude to deeds and words. And Corah might for Agags murther call, In terms as course as Samuel us'd to Saul. What others in his Evidence did Joyn, (The best that could be had for love or coyn,) 680 In Corah's own predicament will fall: For witness is a Common Name to all. Surrounded thus with Freinds of every sort, Deluded Absalom, forsakes the Court: Impatient of high hopes, urg'd with renown, And Fir'd with near possession of a Crown: T h ' admiring Croud are dazled with surprize, And on his goodly person feed their eyes: 663 665 680 685

Jebusitick] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O 1 - 2 ; Jebusitick F 1 - 2 , Q5, M. writ] Q1-4, F3, Q7-9, O1-2; wit F 1 - 2 , Q5-6, M. fall:] Q1-4, F3, Q6, Q8-9, O1-2; F 1 - 2 , Q5, M; Q7. Crown:] Q1-4, F3, Q8-9, O1-2; F 1 - 2 , Qs-fi, M; Q7.

25

26

Poems

1681—1684

His Joy conceal'd, he sets himself to show; O n each side bowing popularly low: 690 His looks, his gestures, and his words he frames, A n d with familiar ease repeats their Names. T h u s , form'd by Nature, furnish'd out with Arts, H e glides unfelt into their secret hearts: T h e n with a kind compassionating look, A n d sighs, bespeaking pity ere he spoak, Few words he said; but easy those and fit: More slow than Hybla drops, and far more sweet. I mourn, my Countrymen, your lost Estate; T h o far unable to prevent your fate: 700 Behold a Banisht man, for your dear cause Expos'd a prey to Arbitrary laws! Y e t oh! that I alone cou'd be undone, C u t off from Empire, and no more a Son! N o w all your Liberties a spoil are made; /Egypt and Tyrus intercept your T r a d e , A n d Jebusites your Sacred Rites invade. My Father, w h o m with reverence yet I name, Charm'd into Ease, is careless of his Fame: A n d , brib'd with petty summs of Forreign Gold, 710 Is grown in Bathsheba's Embraces old: Exalts his Enemies, his Freinds destroys: A n d all his pow'r against himself employs. H e gives, and let him give my right away: B u t why should he his own, and yours betray? H e only, he can make the Nation bleed, A n d he alone from my revenge is freed. T a k e then my tears (with that he wip'd his Eyes) ' T i s all the A i d my present power supplies: N o Court Informer can these Arms accuse, 720 T h e s e Arms may Sons against their Fathers use, 688 695 697 706

H i s Joy conceal'd] Q 1 - 4 , F3, Q 6 - 9 , O 1 - 2 ; D i s s e m b l i n g Joy F 1 - 2 , O5, spoak,] Q8, O i - 2 ; F1-3, Q 1 - 7 , Qg, M. Hybla] H y b l a F 1 - 3 , Q 1 - 9 , O 1 - 2 , M . Jebusites] Q 1 - 9 , F3, O 1 - 2 ; Jebusites F i - 2 , M .

M

Absalom

and

Achitophel

27

And, tis my wish, the next Successors Reign May make no other Israelite complain. Youth, Beauty, Graceful Action, seldom fail: But Common Interest always will prevail: And pity never Ceases to be shown T o him, who makes the peoples wrongs his own. T h e Croud, (that still believe their Kings oppress) With lifted hands their young Messiah bless: W h o now begins his Progress to ordain; 730 With Chariots, Horsemen, and a numerous train: From East to West his Glories he displaies: And, like the Sun, the promis'd land survays. Fame runs before him, as the morning Star; And shouts of Joy salute him from afar: Each house receives him as a Guardian God; And Consecrates the Place of his aboad: But hospitable treats did most Commend Wise Issachar, his wealthy western friend. This moving Court, that caught the peoples Eyes, 740 And seem'd but Pomp, did other ends disguise: Achitophel had form'd it, with intent T o sound the depths, and fathom where it went, T h e Peoples hearts; distinguish Friends from Foes; And try their strength, before they came to blows: Yet all was colour'd with a smooth pretence Of specious love, and duty to their Prince. Religion, and Redress of Grievances, Two names, that always cheat and always please, Are often urg'd; and good King David's life 760 Indanger'd by a Brother and a Wife. 722 Israelite] Q 1 - 4 , F3, Q6-9, O 1 - 2 ; Israelite F 1 - 2 , Q5, M . 727 believe] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O 1 - 2 , M; believes F 1 - 2 , Q5. 739 Eyes,] Q i - 8 , F3, O i ; F 1 - 2 , O2, Q9, M. 742 depths] Q i - 4 , F3, Q6-9, O 1 - 2 ; depth F 1 - 2 , Q5, M. 742 went,] Q1-4, F3, Q7-9, O 1 - 2 ; F i , F2 (some copies), copies)-, —•. M. 743 hearts;] Q 1 - 4 , F3, Q7-9, O 1 - 2 ; F 1 - 2 , Q5-6, M.

Q5-6; ~

A

F2 (some

28

Poems

1681-1684

Thus, in a Pageant Show, a Plot is made; And Peace it self is War in Masquerade. Oh foolish Israel! never warn'd by ill, Still the same baite, and circumvented still! Did ever men forsake their present ease, In midst of health Imagine a desease; Take pains Contingent mischiefs to foresee, Make Heirs for Monarks, and for God decree? What shall we think! can People give away 760 Both for themselves and Sons, their Native sway? T h e n they are left Defensless, to the Sword Of each unbounded Arbitrary Lord: And Laws are vain, by which we Right enjoy, If Kings unquestiond can those laws destroy. Yet, if the Crowd be Judge of fit and Just, And Kings are onely Officers in trust, T h e n this resuming Cov'nant was declar'd When Kings were made, or is for ever bar'd: If those who gave the Scepter, coud not tye 770 By their own deed their own Posterity, How then coud Adam bind his future Race? How coud his forfeit on mankind take place? Or how coud heavenly Justice damn us all, Who nere consented to our Fathers fall? T h e n Kings are slaves to those whom they Command, And Tenants to their Peoples pleasure stand. Add, that the Pow'r for Property allowd, Is mischeivously seated in the Crowd: For who can be secure of private Right, 780 If Sovereign sway may be dissolv'd by might? Nor is the Peoples Judgment always true: T h e most may err as grosly as the few, And faultless Kings run down, by Common Cry, 768 777 05. 782

bar'd] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2, M; bard F1-2, Q5. Add, that the Pow'r] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; That Pow'r, which is F1-2, M. few,] — F1-3, Q1-9, O1-2, M.

Absalom and

Achitophel

For Vice, Oppression, and for Tyranny. What Standard is there in a fickle rout, Which, flowing to the mark, runs faster out? Nor only Crowds, but Sanhedrins may be Infected with this publick Lunacy: And Share the madness of Rebellious times, 790 T o Murther Monarchs for Imagin'd crimes. If they may Give and Take when e'r they please, Not Kings alone, (the Godheads Images,) But Government it self at length must fall T o Natures state; where all have Right to all. Yet, grant our Lords the People Kings can make, What Prudent men a setled Throne woud shake? For whatsoe'r their Sufferings were before, T h a t Change they Covet makes them suffer more. All other Errors but disturb a State; 800 But Innovation is the Blow of Fate. If ancient Fabricks nod, and threat to fall, T o Patch the Flaws, and Buttress up the Wall, Thus far 'tis Duty; but here fix the Mark: For all beyond it is to touch our Ark. T o change Foundations, cast the Frame anew, Is work for Rebels who base Ends pursue: At once Divine and Humane Laws controul; And mend the Parts by ruine of the Whole. T h e Tampering World is subject to this Curse, 810 T o Physick their Disease into a worse. Now what Relief can Righteous David bring? How Fatall 'tis to be too good a King! Friends he has few, so high the Madness grows; W h o dare be such, must be the Peoples Foes: Yet some there were, ev'n in the worst of days; Some let me name, and Naming is to praise. In this short File Barzillai first appears; Barzillai crown'd with Honour and with Years:

29

3°

Poems

1681—1684

Long since, the rising Rebells he withstood 820 In Regions Waste, beyond the J or dans Flood: Unfortunately Brave to buoy the State; But sinking underneath his Masters Fate: In Exile with his Godlike Prince he Mourn'd; For him he Suffer'd, and with him Return'd. The Court he practis'd, not the Courtier's art: Large was his Wealth, but larger was his Heart: Which, well the Noblest Objects knew to choose, The Fighting Warriour, and Recording Muse. His Bed coud once a Fruitfull Issue boast: 830 Now more than half a Father's Name is lost: His Eldest Hope, with every Grace adorn'd, By me (so Heav'n will have it) always Mourn'd, And always honour'd, snatcht in Manhoods prime By'unequal Fates, and Providences crime: Yet not before the Goal of Honour won, All parts fulfill'd of Subject and of Son; Swift was the Race, but short the Time to run. Oh Narrow Circle, but of Pow'r Divine, Scanted in Space, but perfect in thy Line! 840 By Sea, by Land, thy Matchless Worth was known; Arms thy Delight, and War was all thy Own: Thy force, Infus'd, the fainting Tyrians prop'd: And Haughty Pharaoh found his Fortune stop'd. Oh Ancient Honour, Oh Unconquer'd Hand, Whom Foes unpunish'd never coud withstand! But Israel was unworthy of thy Name; Short is the date of all Immoderate Fame. It looks as Heaven our Ruine had design'd, And durst not trust thy Fortune and thy Mind. 85o Now, free from Earth, thy disencumbred Soul Mounts up, and leaves behind the Clouds and Starry Pole: From thence thy kindred legions mayst thou bring 830 lost:] — F1-3, Q1-7, O1-2, Qg, M; Q8. 846 Name] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; Birth F1-2, Q5, M. 847 Fame] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; Worth F1-2, Q5, M.

Absalom and

Achitophel

T o aid the guardian Angel of thy King. Here stop my Muse, here cease thy painfull flight; No Pinions can pursue Immortal height: Tell good Barzillai thou canst sing no more, And tell thy Soul she should have fled before; Or fled she with his life, and left this Verse T o hang on her departed Patron's Herse? 860 Now take thy steepy flight from heaven, and see If thou canst find on earth another He, Another he would be too hard to find, See then whom thou canst see not far behind: Zadock the Priest, whom, shunning Power and Place, His lowly mind advanc'd to David's Grace: With him the Sagan of Jerusalem, Of hospitable Soul and noble Stem; Him of the Western dome, whose weighty sense Flows in fit words and heavenly eloquence. 870 The Prophets Sons by such example led, T o Learning and to Loyalty were bred: For Colleges on bounteous Kings depend, And never Rebell was to Arts a friend. T o these succeed the Pillars of the Laws, Who best cou'd plead and best can judge a Cause. Next them a train of Loyal Peers ascend: Sharp judging Adriel the Muses friend, Himself a Muse In Sanhedrins debate True to his Prince; but not a Slave of State: 880 Whom David's love with Honours did adorn, That from his disobedient Son were torn. Jotham of piercing wit and pregnant thought, Indew'd by nature, and by learning taught T o move Assemblies, who but onely try'd The worse awhile, then chose the better side; Nor chose alone, but turn'd the balance too; 863 879 882

behind:] F 1 - 3 , Qi-g, O1-2, M. State:] F 1 - 3 , Q1-9, O1-2, M. piercing] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; ready F 1 - 2 , Q5, M.

3*

32

Poems

1681-1684

So much the weight of one brave man can doe. Hushai the friend of David in distress, In publick storms of manly stedfastness; 890 By foreign treaties he inform'd his Youth; And join'd experience to his native truth. His frugal care supply'd the wanting Throne, Frugal for that, but bounteous of his own: 'Tis easy conduct when Exchequers flow, But hard the task to manage well the low: For Soveraign power is too deprest or high, When Kings are forc'd to sell, or Crowds to buy. Indulge one labour more my weary Muse, For Amiel, who can Amiel's praise refuse? 900 Of ancient race by birth, but nobler yet In his own worth, and without Title great: T h e Sanhedrin long time as chief he rul'd, Their Reason guided and their Passion coold; So dexterous was he in the Crown's defence, So form'd to speak a Loyal Nation's Sense, That as their band was Israel's Tribes in small, So fit was he to represent them all. Now rasher Charioteers the Seat ascend, Whose loose Carriers his steady Skill commend: 910 They like th' unequal Ruler of the Day, Misguide the Seasons and mistake the Way; While he withdrawn at their mad Labour smiles, And safe enjoys the Sabbath of his Toyls. These were the chief, a small but faithful Band" Of Worthies, in the Breach who dar'd to stand, And tempt th' united Fury of the Land. With grief they view'd such powerful Engines bent, T o batter down the lawful Government: A numerous Faction with pretended frights, 920 In Sanhedrins to plume the Regal Rights: 918 920

Government:] F 1 - 3 , Q1-9, O1-2, M. Rights:] F 1 - 3 , Qi-g, O1-2; ~ A M.

Absalom

and

Achitophel

33

T h e true Successour from the Court remov'd: T h e Plot, by hireling Witnesses improv'd. These Ills they saw, and as their Duty bound, They shew'd the King the danger of the Wound: T h a t no Concessions from the Throne woud please, But Lenitives fomented the Disease: T h a t Absalom, ambitious of the Crown, Was made the Lure to draw the People down: T h a t false Achitophel's pernitious Hate, 930 Had turn'd the Plot to Ruine Church and State: T h e Councill violent, the Rabble worse: T h a t Shimei taught Jerusalem to Curse. With all these loads of Injuries opprest, And long revolving, in his carefull Breast, T h ' event of things; at last his patience tir'd, T h u s from his Royal T h r o n e by Heav'n inspir'd, T h e God-like David spoke: with awfull fear His Train their Maker in their Master hear. T h u s long have I, by native mercy sway'd, 940 My wrongs dissembl'd, my revenge delay'd: So willing to forgive th' Offending Age, So much the Father did the King asswage. But now so far my Clemency they slight, T h ' Offenders question my Forgiving Right. T h a t one was made for many, they contend: But 'tis to Rule, for that's a Monarch's End. They call my tenderness of Blood, my Fear: Though Manly tempers can the longest bear. Yet, since they will divert my Native course, 95o 'Tis time to shew I am not Good by Force. Those heap'd Affronts that haughty Subjects bring, Are burthens for a Camel, not a King: Kings are the publick Pillars of the State, 931

worse:] Q1-4, F 3 , Q6, O1-2, Q8-9; ~

A

F1-2, Q 5 ;

Q7;

M.

34

Poems

1681-16S4

Born to sustain and prop the Nations weight: If my Young Samson will pretend a Call T o shake the Column, let him share the Fall: But oh that yet he woud repent and live! How easie 'tis for Parents to forgive! With how few Tears a Pardon might be won 960 From Nature, pleading for a Darling Son! Poor pitied Youth, by my Paternal care, Rais'd up to all the Height his Frame coud bear: Had God ordain'd his fate for Empire born, He woud have given his Soul another turn: Gull'd with a Patriots name, whose Modern sense Is one that would by Law supplant his Prince: The Peoples Brave, the Politicians Tool; Never was Patriot yet, but was a Fool. Whence comes it that Religion and the Laws 970 Should more be Absalom's than David's Cause? His old Instructor, e're he lost his Place, Was never thought indu'd with so much Grace. Good Heav'ns, how Faction can a Patriot Paint! My Rebel ever proves my Peoples Saint: Would They impose an Heir upon the Throne? Let Sanhedrins be taught to give their Own. A King's at least a part of Government, And mine as requisite as their Consent: Without my Leave a future King to choose, 980 Infers a Right the Present to Depose: True, they Petition me t' approve their Choise, But Esau's Hands suite ill with Jacob's Voice. My Pious Subjects for my Safety pray, Which to Secure they take my Power away. From Plots and Treasons Heaven preserve my years, But Save me most from my Petitioners. Unsatiate as the barren Womb or Grave; God cannot Grant so much as they can Crave. 957-960 omitted from F1-2, Qj, M. 966 supplant] Q1-4, F3, Q6-9, O1-2; destroy F 1 - 2 , Q5, M.

Absalom and

Achitophel

W h a t t h e n is left b u t w i t h a J e a l o u s E y e 990 T o g u a r d t h e S m a l l r e m a i n s o f R o y a l t y ? T h e L a w shall still d i r e c t m y peacefull Sway, A n d the same L a w teach Rebels to Obey: V o t e s shall n o m o r e E s t a b l i s h ' d P o w ' r c o n t r o u l , S u c h V o t e s as m a k e a P a r t e x c e e d t h e W h o l e : N o g r o u n d l e s s C l a m o u r s shall m y F r i e n d s r e m o v e , N o r C r o w d s h a v e p o w e r to P u n i s h e ' r e t h e y P r o v e : F o r Gods, a n d G o d l i k e Kings t h e i r C a r e express, Still t o D e f e n d t h e i r S e r v a n t s in distress. O h that m y P o w e r to Saving were confin'd: 1000 W h y a m I f o r c ' d , like H e a v e n , against m y m i n d , T o m a k e E x a m p l e s of a n o t h e r Kind? M u s t I a t l e n g t h t h e S w o r d of J u s t i c e d r a w ? O h c u r s t Effects of necessary L a w ! H o w ill m y F e a r t h e y by m y M e r c y scan, B e w a r e t h e F u r y of a P a t i e n t M a n . L a w t h e y r e q u i r e , let L a w t h e n shew h e r F a c e ; T h e y c o u d n o t b e c o n t e n t t o look o n G r a c e , H e r h i n d e r parts, b u t w i t h a d a r i n g E y e T o t e m p t t h e t e r r o r of h e r F r o n t , a n d D y e . IOIO

B y t h e i r o w n a r t s 'tis R i g h t e o u s l y d e c r e e d , T h o s e d i r e Artificers of D e a t h shall bleed. A g a i n s t t h e m s e l v e s t h e i r W i t n e s s e s will Swear, T i l l V i p e r - l i k e t h e i r M o t h e r P l o t they t e a r : A n d suck for N u t r i m e n t t h a t b l o o d y g o r e W h i c h was t h e i r P r i n c i p l e of L i f e b e f o r e . Their

Belial

with their

Belzebub

will

fight;

T h u s o n m y Foes, m y F o e s shall d o m e R i g h t : N o r d o u b t th' e v e n t : for F a c t i o u s c r o w d s e n g a g e I n t h e i r first O n s e t , all t h e i r B r u t a l R a g e ; 1020 T h e n , let ' e m take a n unresisted C o u r s e , R e t i r e a n d Traverse, and Delude their F o r c e : B u t w h e n t h e y s t a n d all Breathless, u r g e t h e

fight,

A n d rise u p o n ' e m w i t h r e d o u b l e d m i g h t : F o r L a w f u l l P o w ' r is still S u p e r i o u r f o u n d , W h e n l o n g d r i v e n back, a t l e n g t h it stands t h e g r o u n d .

35

36

Poems

1681-1684

He said. T h ' Almighty, nodding, gave Consent; And Peals of Thunder shook the Firmament. Henceforth a Series of new time began, T h e mighty Years in long Procession ran: 1030 Once more the Godlike David was Restor'd, And willing Nations knew their Lawfull Lord.

The Medall.

SATYRE A G A I N S T

SEDITION. B y the A u t h o u r o f Abfalom and

Achitofbel.

Ver Graiûm populos> mediœque per Elidis Vrbem Ibat ovans 5 Divumque fibi pofcebat Honores.

LONDON; Printed for Jacob Tonfon at the Judge's Head in Chancery-lane, near Fleet-fireet. 1682. T I T L E PAGE OF THE FIRST EDITION (MACDONALD 1 3 A )

38

The Medall.

Poems

1681-1684

A Satyre against EPISTLE TO THE

F

Sedition WHIGS.

OR to whom can I dedicate this Poem, with so much justice as to you? 'Tis the representation of your own Heroe: 'tis the Picture drawn at length, which you admire and prize so much in little. None of your Ornaments are wanting; neither the Landscap of the Tower, nor the Rising Sun; nor the Anno Domini of your New Sovereign's Coronation. This must needs be a gratefull undertaking to your whole Party: especially to those who have not been so happy as to purchase the Original. I hear the Graver has made a good Market of it: all his Kings are bought up already; or the value of the remainder so inhanc'd, that many a poor Polander who would be glad to worship the Image, is not able to go to the cost of him: But must be content to see him here. I must confess I am no great Artist; but Sign-post painting will serve the turn to remember a Friend by; especially when better is not to be had. Yet for your comfort the lineaments are true: and though he sate not five times to me, as he did to B. yet I have consulted History; as the Italian Painters doe, when they wou'd draw a Nero or a Caligula; though they have not seen the Man, they can help their Imagination by a Statue of him, and find out the Colouring from Suetonius and Tacitus. T r u t h is, you might have spar'd one side of your Medall: the Head wou'd be seen to more advantage, if it were plac'd on a Spike of the Tower; a little nearer to the Sun: which wou'd then break out to better purpose. You tell us in your Preface to the No-protestant Plot, that you shall be forc'd hereafter to leave off your Modesty: I suppose you mean that little which is left you: for it was worn to rags when you put out this Medall. Never was there prac9 the Graver] the Graver Q I - 4 , O 1 - 2 . 24 Sun: which] Q4; Sun. Which Q1-3, O1-2.

The

Medall

39

tis'd such a piece of notorious Impudence in the face of an Establish'd Government. I believe, when he is dead, you will wear him in Thumb-Rings, as the Turks did Scanderbeg; as if there were virtue in his Bones to preserve you against Monarchy. Yet all this while you pretend not onely zeal for the Publick good; but a due veneration for the person of the King. But all men who can see an inch before them, may easily detect those gross fallacies. That it is necessary for men in your circumstances to pretend both, is granted you; for without them there could be no ground to raise a Faction. But I would ask you one civil question, what right has any man among you, or any Association of men, (to come nearer to you,) who out of Parliament, cannot be consider'd in a publick Capacity, to meet, as you daily doe, in Factious Clubs, to vilify the Government, in your Discourses, and to libel it in all your Writings? who made you Judges in Israel? or how is it consistent with your Zeal of the publick Welfare, to promote Sedition? Does your definition of loyal, which is to serve the King according to the Laws, allow you the licence of traducing the Executive Power, with which you own he is invested? You complain that his Majesty has lost the love and confidence of his People; and by your very urging it, you endeavour what in you lies, to make him lose them. All good Subjects abhor the thought of Arbitrary Power, whether it be in one or many: if you were the Patriots you would seem, you would not at this rate incense the Multitude to assume it; for no sober man can fear it, either from the King's Disposition, or his Practice; or even, where you would odiously lay it, from his Ministers. Give us leave to enjoy the Government and the benefit of Laws under which we were born, and which we desire to transmit to our Posterity. You are not the Trustees of the publick Liberty: and if you have not right to petition in a Crowd, much less have you to intermeddle in the management of Affairs; or to arraign what you do not like: which in effect is every thing that is done by the King and Council. Can you imagine that any reasonable man will believe you respect the person of his Majesty, when 'tis apparent that your Seditious Pamphlets are stuff'd with

Poems

4o

1681-1684

particular Reflexions on him? If you have the confidence to deny this, 'tis easy to be evinc'd from a thousand Passages, which I onely forbear to quote, because I desire they should die and be forgotten. I have perus'd many of your Papers; and to show you that I have, the third part of your No-protestant Plot is much of it stolen, from your dead Authour's Pamphlet call'd, the Growth of Popery; as manifestly as Milton's defence of the English People, is from Buchanan, De jure regni apud Scotos: or your first Covenant, and new Association, from the holy League of the French Guisarás. Any one who reads Davila, may trace your Practices all along. There were the same pretences for Reformation, and Loyalty, the same Aspersions of the King, and the same grounds of a Rebellion. I know not whether you will take the Historian's word, who says it was reported, that Poltrot a Hugonot, murther'd Francis Duke of Guise by the instigations of Theodore Beza: or that it was a Hugonot Minister, otherwise call'd a Presbyterian, (for our Church abhors so devilish a Tenent) who first writ a Treatise of the lawfulness of deposing and murthering Kings, of a different Perswasion in Religion: But I am able to prove from the Doctrine of Calvin, and Principles of Buchanan, that they set the People above the Magistrate; which if I mistake not, is your own Fundamental; and which carries your Loyalty no farther than your likeing. When a Vote of the House of Commons goes on your side, you are as ready to observe it, as if it were pass'd into a Law: But when you are pinch'd with any former, and yet unrepealed Act of Parliament, you declare that in some cases, you will not be oblig'd by it. The Passage is in the same third part of the No-protestant Plot; and is too plain to be denied. The late Copy of your intended Association, you neither wholly justify nor condemn; But, as the Papists, when they are unoppos'd, fly out into all the Pageantry's of Worship; but in times of War, when they are hard press'd by Arguments, lie close intrench'd behind the Council of Trent: So, now, when your Affairs are in a low condition, you dare not pretend that 8

De]

de Q1-4, Oi-s.

The

Medall

4i

to be a legal Combination, but whensoever you are afloat, I doubt not but it will be maintain'd and justify'd to purpose. For indeed there is nothing to defend it but the Sword: 'tis the proper time to say any thing, when men have all things in their power. In the mean time you wou'd fain be nibbling at a parallel betwixt this Association, and that in the time of Queen Elizabeth. But there is this small difference betwixt them, that the ends of the one are directly opposite to the other: one with the Queen's approbation, and conjunction, as head of it; the other without either the consent, or knowledge of the King, against whose Authority it is manifestly design'd. Therefore you doe well to have recourse to your last Evasion, that it was contriv'd by your Enemies, and shuffled into the Papers that were seiz'd: which yet you see the Nation is not so easy to believe as your own Jury; But the matter is not difficult, to find twelve men in New-gate, who wou'd acquit a Malefactour. I have one onely favour to desire of you at parting, that when you think of answering this Poem,, you wou'd employ the same Pens against it, who have combated with so much success against Absalom and Achitophel: for then you may assure your selves of a clear Victory, without the least reply. Raile at me abundantly; and, not to break a Custome, doe it without wit: By this method you will gain a considerable point, which is wholly to wave the answer of my Arguments. Never own the botome of your Principles, for fear they shou'd be Treason. Fall severely on the miscarriages of Government; for if scandal be not allow'd, you are no freebom subjects. If God has not bless'd you with the Talent of Rhiming, make use of my poor Stock and wellcome: let your Verses run upon my feet: and for the utmost refuge of notorious Block-heads, reduc'd to the last extremity of sense, turn my own lines upon me, and in utter despaire of your own Satyre, make me Satyrize my self. Some of you have been driven to this Bay already; But above all the rest commend me to the Non-conformist Parson, who writ the si

Absalom and Achitophel] Absalom and Achitophel Q1-4, O i - a .

42

Poems

1681-1684

Whip and Key. I am afraid it is not read so much as the Piece deserves, because the Bookseller is every week crying help at the end of his Gazette, to get it off. You see I am charitable enough to doe him a kindness, that it may be publish'd as well as printed; and that so much skill in Hebrew Derivations, may not lie for Wast-paper in the Shop. Yet I half suspect he went no farther for his learning, than the Index of Hebrew Names and Etymologies, which is printed at the end of some English Bibles. If Achitophel signify the Brother of a Fool, the Authour of that Poem will pass with his Readers for the next of kin. And perhaps 'tis the Relation that makes the kindness. Whatever the Verses are; buy 'em up I beseech you out of pity; for I hear the Conventicle is shut up, and the Brother of Achitophel out of service. Now Footmen, you know, have the generosity to make a Purse, for a Member of their Society, who has had his Livery pull'd over his Ears: and even Protestant Socks are bought up among you, out of veneration to the name. A Dissenter in Poetry from Sense and English, will make as good a Protestant Rhymer, as a Dissenter from the Church of England a Protestant Parson. Besides, if you encourage a young Beginner, who knows but he may elevate his stile a little, above the vulgar Epithets of prophane, and sawcy Jack, and Atheistick Scribler, with which he treats me, when the fit of Enthusiasm is strong upon him: by which well-mannerd and charitable Expressions, I was certain of his Sect, before I knew his name. What wou'd you have more of a man? He has damn'd me in your Cause from Genesis to the Revelations: And has half the Texts of both the Testaments against me, if you will be so civil to your selves as to take him for your Interpreter; and not to take them for Irish Witnesses. After all, perhaps you will tell me, that you retain'd him onely for the opening of your Cause, and that your main Lawyer is yet behind. Now if it so happen he meet 5 in Hebrew] in Hebrew Q1-4, O1-2. 7 of Hebrew] of Hebrew Q1-4, O 1 - 2 . 19 and English] and English Q1-4, O1-2. 24 Enthusiasm] Q4, O1-2; Enthusiam Q1-3. 33 behind] Q3-4, O i - 2 ; bebind CJ1-3.

27

He] he Q1-4, O1-2.

The

Medall

43

with no more reply than his Predecessours, you may either conclude, that I trust to the goodness of my Cause, or fear my Adversary, or disdain him, or what you please, for the short on't is, 'tis indifferent to your humble servant, whatever your Party says or thinks of him.

The Medall.

A Satyre against

O

Sedition

f all our Antick Sights, and Pageantry Which English Ideots run in crowds to see, The Polish Medall bears the prize alone: A Monster, more the Favourite of the Town Than either Fayrs or Theatres have shown. Never did Art so well with Nature strive; Nor ever Idol seem'd so much alive: So like the Man; so golden to the sight, So base within, so counterfeit and light. One side is fill'd with Title and with Face; And, lest the King shou'd want a regal Place, On the reverse, a Tow'r the Town surveys; O'er which our mounting Sun his beams displays. The Word, pronounc'd aloud by Shrieval voice, Lcetamur, which, in Polish, is rejoyce, The Day, Month, Year, to the great Act are join'd: And a new Canting Holiday design'd. Five daies he sate, for every cast and look; Four more than God to finish Adam took. But who can tell what Essence Angels are, Or how long Heav'n was making Lucifer? Oh, cou'd the Style that copy'd every grace, 15

rejoyce,]

Q3;

Q 1 - 2 , Q4, O i - i .

Poems

44

1681-1684

And plough'd such furrows for an Eunuch face, Cou'd it have form'd his ever-changing Will, T h e various Piece had tir'd the Graver's Skill! A Martial Heroe first, with early care, Blown, like a Pigmee by the Winds, to war; A beardless Chief, a Rebel, e'r a Man: (So young his hatred to his Prince began:) Next this, (How wildly will Ambition steer!) A Vermin, wriggling in th' Usurper's Ear; Bart'ring his venal wit for sums of gold He cast himself into the Saint-like mould; Groan'd, sigh'd and pray'd, while Godliness was gain; T h e lowdest Bagpipe of the squeaking Train. But, as 'tis hard to cheat a Juggler's Eyes, His open lewdness he cou'd ne'er disguise. There split the Saint: for Hypocritique Zeal Allows no Sins but those it can conceal. Whoring to Scandal gives too large a scope: Saints must not trade; but they may interlope. T h ' ungodly Principle was all the same; But a gross Cheat betrays his Partner's Game. Besides, their pace was formal, grave and slack: His nimble Wit outran the heavy Pack. Yet still he found his Fortune at a stay; Whole droves of Blockheads choaking up his way; They took, but not rewarded, his advice; Villain and Wit exact a double price. Pow'r was his aym: but, thrown from that pretence, T h e Wretch turn'd loyal in his own defence; And Malice reconcil'd him to his Prince. Him, in the anguish of his Soul he serv'd; Rewarded faster still than he deserv'd. Behold him now exalted into trust; His Counsel's oft convenient, seldom just. 27 31

war;] Ear;]

Q 1 - 4 , O1-2. Q 1 - 4 , O1-2.

29

began:]

Q1-2, Q4, O 1 - 2 ; ~

A

Qj.

The

Medall

Ev'n in the most sincere advice he gave He had a grudging still to be a Knave. T h e Frauds he learnt in his Fanatique years Made him uneasy in his lawfull gears. A t best as little honest as he cou'd: And, like white Witches, mischievously good: T o his first byass, longingly he leans; And rather wou'd be great by wicked means. Thus, fram'd for ill, he loos'd our Triple hold; (Advice unsafe, precipitous, and bold.) From hence those tearsl that Ilium of our woe! W h o helps a pow'rfull Friend, fore-arms a Foe. What wonder if the Waves prevail so far When He cut down the Banks that made the bar? Seas follow but their Nature to invade; But He by Art our native Strength betray'd. So Sampson to his Foe his force confest; And, to be shorn, lay slumb'ring on her breast. But, when this fatal Counsel, found too late, Expos'd its Authour to the publique hate; When his just Sovereign, by no impious way, Cou'd be seduc'd to Arbitrary sway; Forsaken of that hope, he shifts the sayle; Drives down the Current with a pop'lar gale; A n d shews the Fiend confess'd, without a vaile. He preaches to the Crowd, that Pow'r is lent, But not convey'd to Kingly Government; T h a t Claimes successive bear no binding force; T h a t Coronation Oaths are things of course; Maintains the Multitude can never err; And sets the People in the Papal Chair. T h e reason's obvious; Int'rest never lyes; T h e most have still their Int'rest in their eyes; T h e pow'r is always theirs, and pow'r is ever wise. Almighty Crowd, thou shorten'st all dispute; 62 good:]

Q1-4, OI-J.

45

46

Poems

1681-1684

Pow'r is thy Essence; Wit thy Attribute! Nor Faith nor Reason make thee at a stay, Thou leapst o'r all eternal truths, in thy Pindarique way! Athens, no doubt, did righteously decide, When Phocion and when Socrates were try'd: As righteously they did those dooms repent; Still they were wise, what ever way they went. Crowds err not, though to both extremes they run; 100 T o kill the Father, and recall the Son. Some think the Fools were most, as times went then; But now the World's o'r stock'd with prudent men. The common Cry is ev'n Religion's Test; The Turk's is, at Constantinople, best; Idols in India, Popery at Rome; And our own Worship onely true at home: And true, but for the time; 'tis hard to know How long we please it shall continue so. This side to day, and that to morrow burns; 110 So all are God-a'mighties in their turns. A Tempting Doctrine, plausible and new: What Fools our Fathers were, if this be truel Who, to destroy the seeds of Civil War, Inherent right in Monarchs did declare: And, that a lawfull Pow'r might never cease, Secur'd Succession, to secure our Peace. Thus, Property and Sovereign Sway, at last In equal Balances were justly cast: But this new Jehu spurs the hot mouth'd horse; 120 Instructs the Beast to know his native force; T o take the Bit between his teeth and fly T o the next headlong Steep of Anarchy. Too happy England, if our good we knew, Wou'd we possess the freedom we pursue? 106 123 124 124

home:] — Q 1 - 4 , O 1 - 2 . 107 time;] knew,] Q3; Q 1 - 2 , Q4, O 1 - 2 . Wou'd] Q3, O 1 - 2 ; Woud' Q 1 - 2 , Q4. pursue?] Q 1 - 2 , Q4, O 1 - 2 ; Q3.

Q1-4, O1-2.

The Medall

47

The lavish Government can give no more: Yet we repine; and plenty makes us poor. God try'd us once; our Rebel-fathers fought; He glutted 'em with all the pow'r they sought: Till, master'd by their own usurping Brave, 130 The free-born Subject sunk into a Slave. We loath our Manna, and we long for Quails; Ah, what is man, when his own wish prevails! How rash, how swift to plunge himself in ill; Proud of his Pow'r, and boundless in his Willi That Kings can doe no wrong we must believe: None can they doe, and must they all receive? Help Heaven! or sadly we shall see an hour, When neither wrong nor right are in their pow'r! Already they have lost their best defence, no The benefit of Laws, which they dispence: No justice to their righteous Cause allow'd; But baffled by an Arbitrary Crowd: And Medalls grav'd, their Conquest to record, The Stamp and Coyn of their adopted Lord. The Man who laugh'd but once, to see an Ass Mumbling to make the cross-grain'd Thistles pass; Might laugh again, to see a Jury chaw The prickles of unpalatable Law. The Witnesses, that, Leech-like, liv'd on bloud, 150 Sucking for them were med'cinally good; But, when they fasten'd on their fester'd Sore, Then, Justice and Religion they forswore; Their Mayden Oaths debauch'd into a Whore. Thus Men are rais'd by Factions, and decry'd; And Rogue and Saint distinguish'd by their Side. They rack ev'n Scripture to confess their Cause; And plead a Call to preach, in spight of Laws. But that's no news to the poor injur'd Page; 140

d i s p e n c e : ] — Q 1 - 2 , Q4, O1-2; ~

A

Q3.

142

Crowd:]

Q1-4, O 1 - 2 .

48

lao

170

180

190

Poems

1681—1684

It has been us'd as ill in every Age: And is constrain'd, with patience, all to take; For what defence can Greek and Hebrew make? Happy who can this talking Trumpet seize; They make it speak whatever Sense they pleasel 'Twas fram'd, at first, our Oracle t' enquire; But, since our Sects in prophecy grow higher, T h e T e x t inspires not them; but they the T e x t inspire. London, thou great Emporium, of our Isle, O, thou too bounteous, thou too fruitfull Nile, How shall I praise or curse to thy desert! Or separate thy sound, from thy corrupted part! I call'd thee Nile; the parallel will stand: T h y tydes of Wealth o'rflow the fattend Land; Yet Monsters from thy large increase we find; Engender'd on the Slyme thou leav'st behind. Sedition has not wholly seiz'd on thee; T h y nobler Parts are from infection free. Of Israel's Tribes thou hast a numerous band; But still the Canaanite is in the Land. Thy military Chiefs are brave and true; Nor are thy disinchanted Burghers few, T h e Head is loyal which thy Heart commands; But what's a Head with two such gouty Hands? T h e wise and wealthy love the surest way; And are content to thrive and to obey. But Wisedom is to Sloath too great a Slave; None are so busy as the Fool and Knave. Those let me curse; what vengeance will they urge, Whose Ordures neither Plague nor Fire can purge; Nor sharp Experience can to duty bring, Nor angry Heav'n, nor a forgiving King! In Gospel phrase their Chapmen they betray: Their Shops are Dens, the Buyer is their Prey. 161 Greek and Hebrew] Greek and Hebrew Qj-4, O1-2.

The

Medall

The Knack of Trades is living on the Spoyl; They boast, ev'n when each other they beguile. Customes to steal is such a trivial thing, That 'tis their Charter, to defraud their King. All hands unite of every jarring Sect; They cheat the Country first, and then infect. They, for God's Cause their Monarchs dare dethrone; 200 And they'll be sure to make his Cause their own. Whether the plotting Jesuite lay'd the plan Of murth'ring Kings, or the French Puritan, Our Sacrilegious Sects their Guides outgo; And Kings and Kingly Pow'r wou'd murther too. What means their Trait'rous Combination less, Too plain t' evade, too shamefull to confess? But Treason is not own'd when tis descry'd; Successfull Crimes alone are justify'd. The Men, who no Conspiracy wou'd find, 210 Who doubts, but had it taken, they had join'd: Joyn'd, in a mutual Cov'nant of defence; At first without, at last against their Prince? If Sovereign Right by Sovereign Pow'r they scan, The same bold Maxime holds in God and Man: God were not safe, his Thunder cou'd they shun He shou'd be forc'd to crown another Son. Thus, when the Heir was from the Vineyard thrown, The rich Possession was the Murth'rers own. In vain to Sophistry they have recourse: 220 By proving theirs no Plot, they prove 'tis worse; Unmask'd Rebellion, and audacious Force. Which, though not Actual, yet all Eyes may see 'Tis working, in th' immediate Pow'r to be; For, from pretended Grievances they rise, First to dislike, and after to despise: 206 212

confess?] Prince?]

Q1-3, O1-2; Q1-4, O1-2.

Q4. 225

210 join'd:] Q1-4, O 1 - 2 . despise:] Q1-4, O 1 - 2 .

49

Poems

5°

1681-1684

Then, Cyclop-like in humane Flesh to deal; Chop up a Minister, at every meal: Perhaps not wholly to melt down the King; But clip his regal Rights within the Ring: 230 From thence, t' assume the pow'r of Peace and War; And ease him by degrees of publique Care. Yet, to consult his Dignity and Fame, H e shou'd have leave to exercise the Name; And hold the Cards, while Commons play'd the game. For what can Pow'r give more than Food and Drink, T o live at ease, and not be bound to think? These are the cooler methods of their Crime; But their hot Zealots think 'tis loss of time; On utmost bounds of Loyalty they stand; 240 And grinn and whet like a Croatian Band, That waits impatient for the last Command. T h u s Out-laws open Villany maintain: They steal not, but in Squadrons scoure the Plain: And, if their Pow'r the Passengers subdue; T h e Most have right, the wrong is in the Few. Such impious Axiomes foolishly they show; For, in some Soyles Republiques will not grow: Our Temp'rate Isle will no extremes sustain, Of pop'lar Sway, or Arbitrary Reign: 250 But slides between them both into the best; Secure in freedom, in a Monarch blest. And though the Clymate, vex't with various Winds, Works through our yielding Bodies, on our Minds, T h e wholsome Tempest purges what it breeds; T o recommend the Calmness that succeeds. But thou, the Pander of the Peoples hearts, (O Crooked Soul, and Serpentine in Arts,) Whose blandishments a Loyal Land have whor'd, And broke the Bonds she plighted to her Lord; S29

Ring:]

Q1-4, O1-2.

240

Band,] Q3;

QI_ 2 > Q 4> O2-2.

The

Medall

260 What Curses on thy blasted Name will fall! Which Age to Age their Legacy shall call; For all must curse the Woes that must descend on all. Religion thou hast none: thy Mercury Has pass'd through every Sect, or theirs through Thee. But what thou giv'st, that Venom still remains; And the pox'd Nation feels Thee in their Brains. What else inspires the Tongues, and swells the Breasts Of all thy bellowing Renegado Priests, That preach up Thee for God; dispence thy Laws; 270 And with thy Stumm ferment their fainting Cause; Fresh Fumes of Madness raise; and toile and sweat T o make the formidable Cripple great? Yet, shou'd thy Crimes succeed, shou'd lawless Pow'r Compass those Ends thy greedy Hopes devour, Thy Canting Friends thy Mortal Foes wou'd be; Thy God and Theirs will never long agree. For thine, (if thou hast any,) must be one That lets the World and Humane-kind alone: A jolly God, that passes hours too well 280 T o promise Heav'n, or threaten us with Hell; That unconcern'd can at Rebellion sit; And Wink at Crimes he did himself commit: A Tyrant theirs; the Heav'n their Priesthood paints A Conventicle of gloomy sullen Saints; A Heav'n, like Bedlam, slovenly and sad; Fore-doom'd for Souls, with false Religion, mad. Without a Vision Poets can fore-show What all but Fools, by common Sense may know: If true Succession from our Isle shou'd fail, 290 And Crowds profane, with impious Arms prevail, Not Thou, nor those thy Factious Arts ingage Shall reap that Harvest of Rebellious Rage, With which thou flatter'st thy decrepit Age. 270 Cause;] Q1-4, O1-2. 280 Hell;] — Q1-4. O1-2.

272 great?] Qi-4, O1-2. 282 commit:] — Q1-4, O1-2.

5i

52

Poems

1681-1684

The swelling Poyson of the sev'ral Sects, Which, wanting vent, the Nations Health infects, Shall burst its Bag; and fighting out their way The various Venoms on each other prey. The Presbyter, puft up with spiritual Pride, Shall on the Necks of the lewd Nobles ride: 300 His Brethren damn, the Civil Pow'r defy; And parcel out Republique Prelacy. But short shall be his Reign; his rigid Yoke And Tyrant Pow'r will puny Sects provoke; And Frogs and Toads, and all the Tadpole Train Will croak to Heav'n for help, from this devouring Crane. T h e Cut-throat Sword and clamorous Gown shall jar, In shareing their ill-gotten Spoiles of War: Chiefs shall be grudg'd the part which they pretend;" Lords envy Lords, and Friends with every Friend 310 About their impious Merit shall contend. The surly Commons shall respect deny; And justle Peerage out with Property. Their Gen'ral either shall his Trust betray, And force the Crowd to Arbitrary sway; Or they suspecting his ambitious Aym, In hate of Kings shall cast anew the Frame; And thrust out Collatine that bore their Name. Thus inborn Broyles the Factions wou'd ingage," Or Wars of Exil'd Heirs, or Foreign Rage, 320 Till halting Vengeance overtook our Age: And our wild Labours, wearied into Rest, Reclin'd us on a rightfull Monarch's Breast.

Pudet heec opprobria, vobis Et dici potuisse, & non potuisse refelli. 295 318

Which, . . . infects,] ~ A . . . ~ ingage,] Q1-4, O i - 2 .

A

Q1-4, O1-2.

Mac Flecknoe, OR A

S A T Y R UPON

THE

TRUE-BLEJT-PROTESTJNT

P O E T ,

T.S.

By the Author o f

ABSALOM

&

ACHITOPHEL

LONDON, Printed for D. Green, 1682. T I T L E P A G E O F T H E FIRST EDITION ( M A C D O N A L D 1 4 A )

Poems

54

Mac

1681-1684

Flecknoe

4 LL humane things are subject to decay, /\ And, when Fate summons, Monarchs must obey: 1 % This Fleckno found, who, like Augustus, young Was call'd to Empire, and had govern'd long: In Prose and Verse, was own'd, without dispute Through all the Realms of Non-sense, absolute. This aged Prince now flourishing in Peace, And blest with issue of a large increase, Worn out with business, did at length debate T o settle the succession of the State: And pond'ring which of all his Sons was fit T o Reign, and wage immortal War with Wit; Cry'd, 'tis resolv'd; for Nature pleads that He Should onely rule, who most resembles me: Sh alone my perfect image bears, Mature in dullness from his tender years. Sh alone, of all my Sons, is he W h o stands confirm'd in full stupidity. T h e rest to some faint meaning make pretence, But Sh never deviates into sense. Some Beams of Wit on other souls may fall, Strike through and make a lucid intervall; But Sh 's genuine night admits no ray, His rising Fogs prevail upon the Day: Besides his goodly Fabrick fills the eye, And seems design'd for thoughtless Majesty: Thoughtless as Monarch Oakes, that shade the plain, And, spread in solemn state, supinely reign. Heywood and Shirley were but Types of thee, T h o u last great Prophet of Tautology:

Mac

Flecknoe

Even I, a dunce of more renown than they, Was sent before but to prepare thy way; And coursly clad in Norwich Drugget came T o teach the Nations in thy greater name. My warbling Lute, the Lute I whilom strung When to King John of Portugal I sung, Was but the prelude to that glorious day, When thou on silver Thames did'st cut thy way, With well tim'd Oars before the Royal Barge, Swell'd with the Pride of thy Celestial charge; And big with Hymn, Commander of an Host, T h e like was ne'er in Epsom Blankets tost. Methinks I see the new Arion Sail, T h e Lute still trembling underneath thy nail. At thy well sharpned thumb from Shore to Shore T h e Treble squeaks for fear, the Bases roar: Echoes from Pissing-A lly, Sh call, And Sh they resound from A Hall. About thy boat the little Fishes throng, As at the Morning Toast, that Floats along. Sometimes as Prince of thy Harmonious band Thou weild'st thy Papers in thy threshing hand. St. Andre's feet ne'er kept more equal time, Not ev'n the feet of thy own Psyche's rhime: Though they in number as in sense excell; So just, so like tautology they fell, That, pale with envy, Singleton foreswore The Lute and Sword which he in Triumph bore, And vow'd he ne'er would act Villerius more. Here stopt the good old Syre; and wept for joy In silent raptures of the hopefull boy. All arguments, but most his Plays, perswade, That for anointed dullness he was made. Close to the Walls which fair Augusta bind, (The fair Augusta much to fears inclin'd) An ancient fabrick, rais'd t' inform the sight, There stood of yore, and Barbican it hight:

55

Poems

56

1681-1684

A w a t c h T o w e r o n c e ; b u t n o w , so F a t e o r d a i n s , Of all the Pile a n e m p t y n a m e remains. 70 F r o m its o l d R u i n s B r o t h e l - h o u s e s r i s e , S c e n e s of l e w d loves, a n d of p o l l u t e d j o y s ; W h e r e t h e i r vast C o u r t s t h e M o t h e r - S t r u m p e t s keep, A n d , u n d i s t u r b ' d b y W a t c h , in silence sleep. N e a r t h e s e a N u r s e r y e r e c t s its h e a d , W h e r e Queens are form'd, and future Hero's bred; W h e r e u n f l e d g ' d A c t o r s l e a r n t o l a u g h a n d cry, W h e r e i n f a n t P u n k s t h e i r t e n d e r Voices try,

Maximins t h e G o d s d e f y . Fletcher n e v e r t r e a d s i n B u s k i n s h e r e , so N o r g r e a t e r Johnson d a r e s i n S o c k s a p p e a r . A n d little Great

B u t g e n t l e Simkin

just reception

finds

A m i d s t t h i s M o n u m e n t of v a n i s h t m i n d s : P u r e Clinches, the s u b u r b i a n M u s e affords; A n d Panton Here

waging harmless W a r with words.

Fleckno, as a p l a c e t o F a m e w e l l k n o w n ,

A m b i t i o u s l y d e s i g n ' d h i s Sh F o r a n c i e n t Decker

's T h r o n e .

p r o p h e s i ' d l o n g since,

T h a t in this Pile s h o u l d R e i g n a m i g h t y Prince, B o r n f o r a s c o u r g e of W i t , a n d flayle of S e n s e : 90 T o w h o m t r u e d u l n e s s s h o u l d s o m e B u t W o r l d s of Misers

Psyches o w e ,

f r o m his p e n s h o u l d

flow;

Humorists a n d Hypocrites i t s h o u l d p r o d u c e , W h o l e Raymond f a m i l i e s , a n d T r i b e s of Bruce. N o w E m p r e s s Fame O f Sh

had publisht the renown,

's C o r o n a t i o n t h r o u g h t h e T o w n .

R o w s ' d b y r e p o r t of F a m e , t h e N a t i o n s m e e t ,

Bun-Hill, a n d d i s t a n t Watling-street. Persian C a r p e t s s p r e a d t h ' I m p e r i a l w a y ,

From near No

B u t s c a t t e r ' d L i m b s of m a n g l e d P o e t s l a y : 100 F r o m d u s t y s h o p s n e g l e c t e d A u t h o r s c o m e , M a r t y r s of P i e s , a n d R e l i q u e s of t h e B u m . Much 71 92

Heywood, Shirly, Ogleby t h e r e lay,

joys;] Q i ; Hypocrites]

O 1 - 2 , Q2, M i , M6, M8; ~ A M2, M4-5, M 9 - 1 1 . O2, Q2; Hypocrites Oi, M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Hypocrite's Q i .

Mac B u t l o a d s o f Sh Bilk't

Stationers

And H

Flecknoe

57

almost choakt the way. for Y e o m e n stood prepar'd,

was C a p t a i n of t h e G u a r d .

T h e hoary Prince in Majesty appear'd, H i g h o n a T h r o n e of h i s o w n L a b o u r s r e a r ' d . A t h i s r i g h t h a n d o u r y o u n g Ascanius Rome's no

sate,

o t h e r h o p e , a n d p i l l a r of t h e S t a t e ,

H i s B r o w s t h i c k f o g s , i n s t e a d of g l o r i e s , g r a c e , A n d l a m b e n t dullness plaid a r o u n d his face.

As Hannibal

did to the Altars come,

S w o r n by his

Syre

S o Sh

Rome;

a m o r t a l Foe to

swore, n o r s h o u l d his V o w b e e vain,

T h a t h e till D e a t h t r u e d u l l n e s s w o u l d

maintain;

A n d in his father's Right, a n d R e a l m s defence, N e ' e r to have peace with W i t , n o r truce w i t h Sense. T h e K i n g himself the sacred U n c t i o n made, A s K i n g b y Office, a n d as P r i e s t b y T r a d e : 120 I n h i s s i n i s t e r h a n d , i n s t e a d o f B a l l , H e p l a c ' d a m i g h t y M u g of p o t e n t A l e ;

Love's Kingdom

to his right h e d i d convey,

A t o n c e h i s S c e p t r e a n d his r u l e of S w a y ; W h o s e righteous Lore the Prince had practis'd young, A n d from whose Loyns recorded

Psyche

sprung.

H i s T e m p l e s last w i t h P o p p i e s w e r e o ' e r s p r e a d , T h a t n o d d i n g s e e m ' d to consecrate his h e a d : J u s t a t t h a t p o i n t o f t i m e , if F a m e n o t l y e , O n his left h a n d twelve r e v e r e n d

130 So Romulus,

'tis s u n g , by Tyler"s

Owls

did

fly.

Brook,

P r e s a g e of S w a y f r o m t w i c e six V u l t u r e s t o o k . T h ' admiring throng loud acclamations make, A n d O m e n s of h i s f u t u r e E m p i r e t a k e . The

Syre

t h e n s h o o k t h e h o n o u r s of his h e a d ,

A n d f r o m h i s b r o w s d a m p s of o b l i v i o n s h e d 108 m 122 130

sate,] Qi; sateA O2, Qz, M1-2, M4-6, M8-11; sat A Oi. around] O2, Q2, M2, M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; arround Oi; about Qi, M i , Mg. Love's Kingdom] Love's Kingdom O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 . Brook] O2, Q1-2, M i , M4-6, M8-11; Brook Oi; broke M2.

58

Poems

1681-1684

Full on the filial dullness: long he stood, Repelling from his Breast the raging God; At length burst out in this prophetick mood: Heavens bless my Son, from Ireland let him reign 140 T o farr Barbadoes on the Western main; Of his Dominion may no end be known, And greater than his Father's be his Throne. Beyond loves Kingdom let him stretch his Pen; He paus'd, and all the people cry'd Amen. T h e n thus, continu'd he, my Son advance Still in new Impudence, new Ignorance. Success let others teach, learn thou from me Pangs without birth, and fruitless Industry. Let Virtuoso's in five years be Writ; 150 Yet not one thought accuse thy toyl of wit. Let orentle George in triumph tread the Stage, Make Dorimant betray, and Loveit rage; Let Cully, Cockwood, Fopling, charm the Pit, And in their folly shew the Writers wit. Yet still thy fools shall stand in thy defence, And justifie their Author's want of sense. Let 'em be all by thy own model made Of dullness, and desire no foreign aid: T h a t they to future ages may be known, 160 Not Copies drawn, but Issue of thy own. Nay let thy men of wit too be the same, All full of thee, and differing but in name; But let no alien S—dl—y interpose T o lard with wit thy hungry Epsom prose. And when false flowers of Rhetorick thou would'st cull, Trust Nature, do not labour to be dull; But write thy best, and top; and in each line, Sir Formal's oratory will be thine. Sir Formal, though unsought, attends thy quill, 170 And does thy Northern Dedications fill. Nor let false friends seduce thy mind to fame, By arrogating Johnson's Hostile name.

Mac

Flecknoe

59

L e t Father Flech.no fire thy mind with praise, A n d Uncle Ogleby thy envy raise. T h o u art my blood, where Johnson has n o part; W h a t share have we in Nature or in Art? W h e r e did his wit on learning fix a brand, A n d rail at Arts he did not understand? W h e r e made he love in Prince Nicandef s vein, i8o O r swept the dust in Psyche's humble strain? W h e r e sold he Bargains, Whip-stitch, kiss my Arse, Promis'd a Play and dwindled to a Farce? W h e n did his Muse from Fletcher scenes purloin, A s thou whole Eth'ridg dost transfuse to thine? B u t so transfus'd as O y l on Waters flow, His always floats above, thine sinks below. T h i s is thy Province, this thy wondrous way, N e w Humours to invent for each new Play: T h i s is that boasted Byas of thy mind, i9o By which one way, to dullness, 'tis inclin'd; W h i c h makes thy writings lean on one side still, A n d in all changes that way bends thy will. N o r let thy mountain belly make pretence O f likeness; thine's a tympany of sense. A T u n of Man in thy Large bulk is writ, B u t sure thou 'rt but a Kilderkin of wit. L i k e mine thy gentle numbers feebly creep, T h y T r a g i c k Muse gives smiles, thy Comick sleep. W i t h whate'er gall thou sett'st thy self to write, 200 T h y inoffensive Satyrs never bite. In thy fellonious heart, though V e n o m lies, It does but touch thy Irish pen, and dyes. T h y Genius calls thee not to purchase fame In keen Iambicks, but mild Anagram: Leave writing Plays, and chuse for thy command Some peacefull Province in Acrostick Land. T h e r e thou maist wings display and Altars raise, 190 191

inclin'd;] Q i , Mg; O i - s , Qa, M i , M6-7; one side] O2, Q1-2, M i - 1 1 ; oneside O i .

Ma; ~

A

M4-5, M8-11.

6o

Poems

1681—1684

And torture one poor word Ten thousand ways. Or if thou would'st thy diff'rent talents suit, 210 Set thy own Songs, and sing them to thy lute. He said, but his last words were scarcely heard, For Bruce and Longvil had a Trap prepar'd, And down they sent the yet declaiming Bard. Sinking he left his Drugget robe behind, Born upwards by a subterranean wind. The Mantle fell to the young Prophet's part, With double portion of his Father's Art. 215

a] O2, Q1-2, M 1 - 1 1 ; A Oi.

THE

SECOND P A R T

ABSALOM AND

ACHITOPHEL.

P O E M. • Si Qtm tamen Hac quoqtie,Si £his Capm Amove Leget •

LONDON: Printed for Jacob Tonfon, at the Judges Head in Chancery-Lane, near Fleet-Street. 1682. T I T L E PAGE OF THE FIRST EDITION (MACDONALD I ¿ A )

62

Poems

The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel.

1681-1684

A Poem

S

Men like Beasts, each others Prey were made, Since Trade began, and Priesthood grew a Trade, Since Realms were form'd, none sure so curst as those That madly their own Happiness oppose; There Heaven it self, and Godlike Kings, in vain Showr down the Manna of a gentle Reign; While pamper'd Crowds to mad Sedition run, And Monarchs by Indulgence are undone. Thus David's Clemency was fatal grown, While wealthy Faction aw'd the wanting Throne. For now their Sov'reigns Orders to contemn Was held the Charter of Jerusalem, His Rights t' invade, his Tributes to refuse, A Privilege peculiar to the Jews; As if from Heav'nly Call this Licence fell, And Jacob's Seed were chosen to rebell! INCE

Achitophel with triumph sees his Crimes Thus suited to the madness of the Times; And Absalom, to make his hopes succeed, Of Flattering Charms no longer stands in need; While fond of Change, though ne'er so dearly bought, Our Tribes out-strip the Youth's Ambitious Thought; His swiftest Hopes with swifter Homage meet, And crowd their servile Necks beneath his Feet. Thus to his aid while pressing Tides repair, He mounts and spreads his Streamers in the Air. 9 Clemency was] F2; Goodness was e'en F i , Q, M. 20 Flattering] F2; Flatterie's F i , Q, M.

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

The Charms of Empire might his Youth mis-lead, But what can our besotted Israel plead? Sway'd by a Monarch whose serene Command, Seems half the Blessing of our promis'd Land: Whose onely Grievance is excess of Ease, Freedome our Pain, and Plenty our Disease! Yet, as all Folly wou'd lay claim to Sense, And Wickedness ne'er wanted a Pretence, With Arguments they'd make their Treason good, And righteous David's self with Slanders load: That Arts of foreign Sway he did affect, And guilty Jebusites from Law protect, Whose very Chiefs, convict, were never freed, Nay, we have seen their Sacrificers bleed! Accusers Infamy is urg'd in vain, While in the bounds of Sense they did contain, But soon they launcht into th' unfathom'd Tide, And in the Depths they knew disdain'd to Ride, For probable Discoveries to dispence, Was thought below a pention'd Evidence; Mere Truth was dull, nor suited with the port Of pamper'd Corah, when advanc't to Court. No less than Wonders now they will impose, And Projects void of Grace or Sense disclose. Such was the Charge on pious Michal brought, Michal that ne'er was cruel e'en in thought, The best of Queens, and most obedient Wife, Impeach'd of curst Designs on David's Life! His Life, the Theam of her eternal Pray'r, 'Tis scarce so much his Guardian Angels Care. Not Summer Morns such Mildness can disclose, The Hermon Lilly, nor the Sharon Rose. Neglecting each vain Pomp of Majesty, Transported Michal feeds her thoughts on high. She lives with Angels, and as Angels do, 30 44

Land:] F 1 - 2 , M; ~ Q. Ride,] Fx (some copies), Fa, M;

33 Yet, as] F2; Yet since F i , Q, M. F i (some copies), Q.

63

64

Poems

1681-1684

Quits Heav'n sometimes to bless the World below: Where cherisht by her Bounties plenteous Spring, Reviving Widows smile, and Orphans sing. Oh! when rebellious Israel's Crimes at height, Are threatned with her Lord's approaching Fate, T h e Piety of Michal then remain In Heav'ns Remembrance, and prolong his Reign. Less Desolation did the Pest persue, That from Dan's limits to Beersheba slew, Less fatal the repeated Wars of Tyre, And less Jerusalem's avenging Fire. With gentler terrour these our State o'erran, T h a n since our Evidencing Days began! On every Cheek a pale Confusion sat, Continu'd Fear beyond the worst of Fate! Trust was no more, Art, Science useless made, All occupations lost but Corah's Trade. Mean while a Guard on modest Corah wait, If not for safety needfull yet for State. Well might he deem each Peer and Prince his Slave: And Lord it o'er the Tribes which he could save: E'en Vice in him was Vertue what sad Fate But for his Honesty had seiz'd our State? And with what Tyranny had we been curst, Had Corah never prov'd a Villain first? T ' have told his knowledge of th' Intrigue in gross Had been alas to our Deponent's loss: T h e travell'd Levite had th' Experience got, T o husband well, and make the best o f ' s Plot; And therefore like an Evidence of skill, With wise Reserves secur'd his Pension still; Nor quite of future Pow'r himself bereft, But Limbo's large for unbelievers left. And now his Writ such Reverence had got, 62 95

below:] F1-2, Q, M. And] F2; For Fi, Q, M.

89 Levite] Levite F1-2, Q, M.

Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel 'Twas worse than Plotting to suspect his Plot. Some were so well convinc't, they made no doubt, Themselves to help the founder'd Swearers out. Some had their Sense impos'd on by their Fear, 100 But more for Int'rest sake believe and swear: E'en to that height with some the Frenzy grew, T h e y rag'd to find their danger not prove true. Yet, than all these a viler Crew remain, Who with Achitophel the Cry maintain; Not urg'd by Fear, nor through misguided Sense, (Blind Zeal, and starving Need had some pretence) But for the Good Old Cause that did excite T h ' Original Rebells Wiles, Revenge and Spight. These raise the Plot to have the Scandal thrown 110 Upon the bright Successor of the Crown, Whose Vertue with such wrongs they had persu'd, As seem'd all hope of pardon to exclude. Thus, while on private Ends their Zeal is built T h e cheated Crowd applaud and share their Guilt. Such Practices as These, too gross to lye Long unobserv'd by each discerning Eye, T h e more judicious Israelites Unspell'd, Though still the Charm the giddy Rabble held. Ev'n Absalom amidst the dazling Beams 120 Of Empire, and Ambitions flattering Dreams, Perceives the Plot (too foul to be excus'd) T o aid Designs, no less pernicious, us'd: And (Filial Sense yet striving in his Breast) T h u s to Achitophel his Doubts exprest. Why are my Thoughts upon a Crown employ'd, Which once obtain'd, can be but half Enjoy'd? Not so when Virtue did my Arms require, 118 held.]

F1-2, Q, M.

122 us'd:] —F1-2, Q, M.

65

66

Poems

1681—1684

And to my Father's Wars I flew Intire. My Regal Pow'r how will my Foes resent, 130 When I my Self have scarce my own Consent? Give me a Son's unblemisht T r u t h again, Or quench the Sparks of Duty that remain. How slight to force a Throne that Legions guard The Task to me; to prove Unjust how hard! And if th' imagin'd Guilt thus wound my Thought, What will it when the tragick Scene is wrought? Dire War must first be conjur'd from below, The Realm we'd Rule we first must Overthrow. And when the Civil Furies are on wing 140 That blind and undistinguisht Slaughters fling, Who knows what impious chance may reach the King? Oh! rather let me Perish in the Strife, Than have my Crown the Price of David's Life! Or if the Tempest of the War he stand, In Peace, some vile officious Villain's hand His Soul's anointed Temple may invade, Or, prest by clamorous Crowds, my Self be made His Murtherer; rebellious Crowds, whose Guilt Shall dread his vengeance till his Bloud be spilt: 150 Which if my filial Tenderness oppose, Since to the Empire by their Arms I rose, Those very Arms on Me shall be employ'd, A new Usurper Crown'd, and I Destroy'd: T h e same Pretence of Publick Good will hold, " And new Achitophels be found, as bold T o urge the needfull Change, perhaps the Old. He said. The Statesman with a Smile replies, (A smile that did his rising Spleen disguise.) My thoughts presum'd our labours at an End, 160 And are we still with Conscience to contend? Whose Want in Kings, as needfull is allow'd, As 'tis for them to find it in the Crowd. 14a Oh!] Fs; Or Fi, Q, M.

149 spilt:]

Fi-g, Q, M,

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

Far in the doubtfull Passage you are gone, And onely can be Safe by pressing on. T h e Crowns true Heir, a Prince severe, and wise, Has view'd your Motions long with Jealous Eyes; Your Persons Charms, your more prevailing Arts, And mark't your Progress in the Peoples Hearts: Whose Patience is th' effect of stinted Pow'r, 170 But treasures Vengeance for the fatal hour. And if remote the Perill He can bring, Your Present Danger's greater from the King. Let not a Parent's name deceive your Sense, Nor trust the Father in a Jealous Prince! Your trivial Faults if he could so resent, T o doom you little less than Banishment, What rage must your Presumption Since inspire? Against his Orders your Return from Tyre? Nor onely so, but with a Pomp more high, 180 And open Court of Popularity, The Factious Tribes And this Reproof from Thee? (The Prince replies) O Statesman's winding Skill, They first Condemn that first Advis'd the 111! Illustrious Youth (retum'd Achitophel) Misconstrue not the Words that mean you well. The Course you steer I worthy Blame conclude, But 'tis because you leave it Unpersu'd. A Monarch's Crown with Fate surrounded lyes, Who reach, lay hold on Death that miss the Prize. 190 Did you for this expose your self to Show, And to the Crowd bow popularly low? For this your Glorious Progress next ordain, With Chariots, Horsemen, and a numerous Train, With Fame before you like the Morning Starr, And Shouts of Joy saluting from afarr? Oh from the Heights you've reach't but take a View, Scarce leading Lucifer cou'd Fall like You! And must I here my Ship-wrackt Arts bemoan? 166 Eyes;] Q; F1-2, M. 193 Train,] — F i - s , M; ~

168

Hearts:] F1-2, Q, M. Q. 195 afarr?] F1-2, Q, M.

67

Poems

68

H a v e I for this so oft m a d e 200

1681—1684

Israel

groan?

Y o u r single Interest with the N a t i o n

weigh'd,

A n d turn'd the Scale where your Desires were E v ' n w h e n at H e l m a C o u r s e so dang'rous T o

L a n d y o u r H o p e s , as m y R e m o v a l

I not dispute (the Royal youth T h e k n o w n Perfection of your N o r in

Achitophel

prov'd?

replyes)

Policies,

yet grudge, or

blame,

T h e Priviledge that Statesmen ever W h o private Interest never yet

claim;

persu'd,

B u t still p r e t e n d e d 'twas for O t h e r s 210

W h a t P o l i t i t i a n yet e'er scap't his

good:

Fate,

W h o saving his o w n N e c k n o t sav'd the

State?

F r o m hence on ev'ry hum' rous W i n d that W i t h shifted Sayls a sev'ral C o u r s e y o u W h a t F o r m of Sway did

David

e'er

veer'd,

Steer'd.

persue

T h a t s e e m ' d like A b s o l u t e b u t s p r u n g f r o m W h o at your instance quasht each penal T h a t kept dissenting factious

laid?

mov'd

Jews

A n d w h o suspends fixt L a w s , m a y

in

You?

Law,

awe;

abrogate,

T h a t d o n e , f o r m N e w , a n d so enslave t h e State. 220

Ev'n Property, whose Champion now you A n d s e e m for this t h e Idol of the D i d ne'er sustain such Violence

before,

As w h e n your Counsel shut the Royal Advice, that R u i n e to whole Tribes B u t s e c r e t k e p t till y o u r o w n B a n k s

Store;

procur'd, secur'd.

R e c o u n t w i t h this t h e tripple C o v ' n a n t And

Israel

fitted for a F o r e i g n

stand,

Land,

broke,

Yoke,

N o r h e r e y o u r Counsels fatal Progress staid, B u t sent our levied Pow'rs to 230

Hence And

Tyre

Egypt

and

Israel,

Pharaoh's

l o w in R u i n s

once their Scorn, their c o m m o n T e r r o u r

E v ' n yet of such a Season we can

199

groan?]

Aid.

laid,

F 1 - 2 , Q, M.

203

dream,

prov'd?] — F 1 - 2 , Q, M.

made.

Second Part of Absalom

and

Achitophel

When Royal Rights you made your darling Theam. For Pow'r unlimited could Reasons draw, And place Prerogative above the Law; Which on your fall from Office grew Unjust, T h e Laws made King, the King a Slave in Trust: Whom with State-craft (to Int'rest onely True) You now Accuse of ills contriv'd by You. 240

T o this Hell's Agent Royal Youth fix here, Let Int'rest be the Star by which I Steer. Hence to repose your Trust in Me was wise, Whose Int'rest most in your Advancement lies. A Tye so firm as always will avail When Friendship, Nature and Religion fail; On ours the Safety of the Crowd depends, Secure the Crowd and we obtain our Ends, Whom I will cause so far our Guilt to share Till they are made our Champions by their Fear. 250 What Opposition can your Rival bring, While Sanhedrims are Jealous of the King? His Strength as yet in David's Friendship lies, And what can David's Self without Supplies? W h o with Exclusive Bills must now Dispence, Debarr the Heir, or Starve in his Defence: Conditions which our Elders ne'er will quit, And David's Justice never can admit. Or forc't by Wants his Brother to betray, T o your Ambition next he clears the Way; 260 For if Succession once to Nought they bring, Their next Advance removes the present King: Persisting else his Senates to dissolve, In equal Hazzard shall his Reign involve. Our Tribes, whom Pharaoh's Pow'r so much Alarms, Shall rise without their Prince t' oppose his Arms; Nor boots it on what Cause at first they Joyn, 255

Defence:]

F 1 - 2 , Q, M.

69

Poems

70

1681-1684

T h e i r Troops once up, are Tools for our Design. At least such subtle Covenants shall be made, Till Peace it self is War in Masquerade. 270 Associations of Mysterious Sense, Against, but seeming for the King's Defence: Ev'n on their Courts of Justice Fetters draw, And from our Agents Muzzle u p their Law. By which, a Conquest if we fail to make, 'Tis a drawn Game at worst, and we secure our Stake. He said, and for the dire Success depends On various Sects, by common Guilt made Friends: Whose Heads, though ne'er so diff'ring in their Creed, I' th point of Treason yet were well Agreed. 280 'Mongst these, Extorting Ishban first appears, Persu'd b' a meager T r o o p of Bankrupt Heirs. Blest Times, when Ishban, He whose Occupation So long has been to Cheat, Reformes the Nation! Ishban of Conscience suited to his Trade, As good a Saint as Usurer e'er made. Yet Mammon has not so engrost him quite, But Belial lays as large a Claim of Spight; Who, for those Pardons from his Prince he draws, Returns Reproaches, and cries up the Cause. 290 T h a t Year in which the City he did sway, H e left Rebellion in a hopefull way. Yet his Ambition once was found so bold, T o offer Talents of Extorted Gold; Cou'd David's Wants have So been brib'd to shame And scandalize our Peerage with his Name; For which, his dear Sedition he'd forswear, And e'en turn Loyal to be made a Peer. Next him, let Railing Rabsheka have place, So full of Zeal H e has no need of Grace; soo A Saint that can both Flesh and Spirit use, 277

Friends:]

Fi-2, Q, M .

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

7*

Alike haunt Conventicles and the Stews: Of whom the Question difficult appears, If most i' th' Preachers or the Bawds Arrears. What Caution cou'd appear too much in Him That keeps the Treasure of Jerusalem! Let David's Brother but approach the Town, Double our Guards, (He cries) We are undone: Protesting that He dares not Sleep in's Bed Lest he shou'd Rise next Morn without his Head. 310

Next these, a Troop of buisy Spirits press, Of little Fortunes, and of Conscience Less; With them the Tribe, whose Luxury had drain'd Their Banks, in former Sequestrations gaind: Who Rich and Great by past Rebellions grew, And long to fish the troubled Streams anew. Some future Hopes, some present Payment draws, T o Sell their Conscience and espouse the Cause, Such Stipends those vile Hirelings best befit, Priests without Grace, and Poets without Wit. 320 Shall that false Hebronite escape our Curse, Judas that keeps the Rebells Pension-Purse; Judas that pays the Treason-writers Fee, Judas that well deserves his Namesake's Tree; Who at Jerusalem's own Gates Erects His College for a Nursery of Sects: Young Prophets with an early Care secures, And with the Dung of his own Arts manures? What have the Men of Hebron here to doe? What part in Israel's promis'd Land have you? 330 Here Phaleg the Lay Hebronite is come, 'Cause like the rest he could not live at Home; Who from his own Possessions cou'd not drain An Omer even of Hebronitish Grain, 307 315 327

undone:'] F1-2, Q, M. 309 Head.] Fa, M ; F i , Q. Streams] F2; Waves F i , Q, M. 325 Sects:] — F1-2, Q; ~ manures?] F1-2, Q, M.

A

M.

72

Poems

1681-1684

Here Struts it like a Patriot, and talks high Of Injur'd Subjects, alter'd Property: An Emblem of that buzzing Insect Just, T h a t mounts the Wheell, and thinks she raises Dust. Can dry Bones Live? or Skeletons produce T h e Vital Warmth of Cuckoldizing Juice? 340 Slim Phaleg cou'd, and at the Table fed, Return'd the gratefull product to the Bed. A Waiting-man to Trav'ling Nobles chose, He, his own Laws, wou'd Sawcily impose; Till Bastinado'd back again he went, T o Learn those Manners he to Teach was sent. Chastiz'd, he ought to have retreated Home, But He reads Politicks to Absalom. For never Hebronite though Kickt and Scorn'd, T o his own Country willingly return'd. 350 But leaving famish'd Phaleg to be fed, And to talk Treason for his daily Bread, Let Hebron, nay let Hell produce a Man So made for Mischief as Ben-Jochanan, A Jew of Humble Parentage was He, By Trade a Levite though of low Degree: His Pride no higher than the Desk aspir'd, But for the Drudgery of Priests was hir'd T o Reade and Pray in Linen Ephod brave, And pick u p single Sheckles from the Grave. 360 Married at last, and finding Charge come faster, He cou'd not live by God, but chang'd his Master: Inspir'd by Want, was made a Factious Tool, They Got a Villain, and we lost a Fool. Still Violent, whatever Cause he took, But most against the Party he forsook, For Renegadoes, who ne'er turn by halves, Are bound in Conscience to be double Knaves: 355 367

Levite] Levite F1-2, Q, M. Knaves:] F1-2, Q, M.

359

Sheckles] Sheckles F1-2, Q, M.

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

So this Prose-Prophet took most monstrous Pains, T o let his Masters see he earn'd his Gains. 370 But as the Dev'l ows all his Imps a Shame, He chose th' Apostate for his proper Theme; With little Pains he made the Picture true, And from Reflexion took the Rogue he drew. A wondrous Work to prove the Jewish Nation, In every Age a Murmuring Generation; T o trace 'em from their Infancy of Sinning, And shew 'em Factious from their First Beginning: T o prove they cou'd Rebell, and Rail, and Mock, Much to the Credit of the Chosen Flock; 380 A strong Authority which must Convince, That Saints own no Allegiance to their Prince; As 'tis a Leading-Card to make a Whore, T o prove her Mother had turn'd up before. But, tell me, did the Drunken Patriarch Bless The Son that shew'd his Father's Nakedness? Such Thanks the present Church thy Pen will give, Which proves Rebellion was so Primitive. Must Ancient Failings be Examples made? Then Murtherers from Cain may learn their Trade. 390 As thou the Heathen and the Saint hast drawn, Methinks th' Apostate was the better man: And thy hot Father (waving my respect) Not of a mother Church, but of a Sect. And Such he needs must be of thy Inditing, This Comes of drinking Asses milk and writing. If Balack should be cal'd to leave his place (As profit is the loudest call of Grace,) His Temple dispossess'd of one, wou'd be Replenish'd with seven Devils more by thee. 377 Beginning:] F I - 2 , Q, M. 381 Prince;] 384 Patriarch] F2; Patriot F i , Q, M. 388-389 made? . . . Trade.] . . . F1-2, Q;

F 1 - 2 , Q; ~ . . . ~

A

A

M.

M.

74

Poems

1681-1684

400

Levi, thou art a load, I'll lay thee down, And shew Rebellion bare, without a Gown; Poor Slaves in metre, dull and adle-pated, Who Rhime below ev'n David's Psalms translated. Some in my Speedy pace I must outrun, As lame Mephibosheth the Wisard's Son: T o make quick way I'll Leap o'er heavy blocks, Shun rotten Uzza as I wou'd the Pox; And hasten Og and Doeg to rehearse, Two Fools that Crutch their Feeble sense on Verse; 410 Who by my Muse, to all succeeding times, Shall live in spight of their own Dogrell Rhimes. Doeg, though without knowing how or why, Made still a blund'ring kind of Melody; Spurd boldly on, and Dash'd through Thick and Thin, Through Sense and Non-sense, never out nor in; Free from all meaning, whether good or bad, And in one word, Heroically mad: He was too warm on Picking-work to dwell, ~ But Faggotted his Notions as they fell, 420 And if they Rhim'd and Rattl'd all was well. Spightfull he is not, though he wrote a Satyr, For still there goes some thinking to ill-Nature: He needs no more than Birds and Beasts to think, All his occasions are to eat and drink. If he call Rogue and Rascal from a Garrat, He means you no more Mischief than a Parat: T h e words for Friend and Foe alike were made, T o Fetter 'em in Verse is all his Trade. For Almonds he'll cry Whore to his own Mother: 430 And call Young A bsalorn King David's Brother. Let him be Gallows-Free by my consent, And nothing suffer since he nothing meant; Hanging Supposes humane Soul and reason, This Animal's below committing Treason: Shall he be hang'd who never cou'd Rebell?

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

That's a preferment for Achitophel. T h e Woman that Committed Buggary, Was rightly Sentenc'd by the Law to die; But 'twas hard Fate that to the Gallows led, 440 The Dog that never heard the Statute read. Railing in other Men may be a crime, But ought to pass for mere instinct in him; Instinct he follows and no farther knows, For to write Verse with him is to Transprose. 'Twere pity treason at his Door to lay, Who makes Heaven's gate a Lock to its own Key: Let him rayl on, let his invective muse Have four and Twenty letters to abuse, Which if he Jumbles to one line of Sense, 450 Indict him of a Capital Offence. In Fire-works give him leave to vent his spight, Those are the onely Serpents he can write; T h e height of his Ambition is we know But to be Master of a Puppet-show, On that one Stage his works may yet appear, And a months Harvest keeps him all the Year. Now stop your noses Readers, all and some, For here's a tun of Midnight-work to come, Og from a Treason Tavern rowling home. 460 Round as a Globe, and Liquor'd ev'ry chink, Goodly and Great he Sayls behind his Link; With all this Bulk there's nothing lost in Og For ev'ry inch that is not Fool is Rogue: A Monstrous mass of foul corrupted matter, As all the Devils had spew'd to make the batter. When wine has given him courage to Blaspheme, He Curses God, but God before Curst him; And if man cou'd have reason none has more, That made his Paunch so rich and him so poor. 470 With wealth he was not trusted, for Heav'n knew What 'twas of Old to pamper up a Jew;

75

Poems

76

1681-1684

T o what wou'd he on Quail and Pheasant swell, That ev'n on Tripe and Carrion cou'd rebell? But though Heav'n made him poor, (with rev'rence speaking,) He never was a Poet of God's making; The Midwife laid her hand on his Thick Skull, With this Prophetick blessing Be thou Dull; Drink, Swear and Roar, forbear no lewd delight Fit for thy Bulk, doe any thing but write: 480 Thou art of lasting Make like thoughtless men, A strong Nativity but for the Pen; Eat Opium, mingle Arsenick in thy Drink, Still thou mayst live avoiding Pen and Ink. I see, I see 'tis Counsell given in vain, For Treason botcht in Rhime will be thy bane; Rhime is the Rock on which thou art to wreck, 'Tis fatal to thy Fame and to thy Neck: Why shoud thy Metre good King David blast? A Psalm of his will Surely be thy last. 490 Dar'st thou presume in verse to meet thy foes, Thou whom the Penny Pamphlet foil'd in prose? Doeg, whom God for Mankinds mirth has made, O'er-tops thy tallent in thy very Trade; Doeg to thee, thy paintings are so Course, A Poet is, though he's the Poets Horse. A Double Noose thou on thy Neck dost pull, For Writing Treason, and for Writing dull; T o die for Faction is a Common evil, But to be hang'd for Non-sense is the Devil: 500 Had'st thou the Glories of thy King exprest, Thy praises had been Satyr at the best; But thou in Clumsy verse, unlickt, unpointed, Hast Shamefully defi'd the Lord's Anointed: I will not rake the Dunghill of thy Crimes, For who wou'd reade thy Life that reads thy rhimes? But of King David's Foes be this the Doom, 474

speaking,)] M;

A

F 1 - 2 , Q.

478

lewd] F2, M; lew'd F i , Q.

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

May all be like the Young-man Absalom; And for my Foes may this their Blessing be, T o talk like Doeg, and to Write like Thee. 6io

Achitophel each Rank, Degree and Age, For various Ends neglects not to Engage; T h e Wise and Rich for Purse and Counsell brought, The Fools and Beggars for their Number sought: Who yet not onely on the Town depends, For Ev'n in Court the Faction had its Friends; These thought the Places they possest too small, And in their Hearts wisht Court and King to fall: Whose Names the Muse disdaining holds i' th' Dark, Thrust in the Villain Herd without a Mark; 520 With Parasites and Libell-spawning Imps, Intriguing Fopps, dull Jesters and worse Pimps. Disdain the Rascall Rabble to persue, Their Sett Caballs are yet a viler Crew; See where involv'd in Common Smoak they sit; Some for our Mirth, some for our Satyr fit: These Gloomy, Thoughtfull and on Mischief bent, While those for mere good Fellowship frequent T h ' Appointed Clubb, can let Sedition pass, Sense, Non-sence, any thing t' employ the Glass; 530 And who believe in their dull honest Hearts, The Rest talk Treason but to shew their Parts; Who n'er had Wit or Will for Mischief yet, But pleas'd to be reputed of a Set. But in the Sacred Annals of our Plot, Industrious A ROD never be forgot: The Labours of this Midnight-Magistrate, May Vie with Corah's to preserve the State; In search of Arms, He fail'd not to lay hold On War's most powerfull dang'rous Weapon, 581 547

Intriguing] F2; Intriuging Fi, Q, M. those] some copies of Fi have thsoe.

528

GOLD.

Clubb,] Fa;

A

Fi, Q, M.

77

78

Poems

1681-1684

640 And last, to take from Jebusites, all Odds, Their Altars pillag'd, stole their very Gods; Oft wou'd He Cry, when Treasure He surpriz'd, 'Tis Baalish Gold in David's Coyn Disguiz'd: Which to his House with richer Relicts came, While Lumber Idols onely fed the Flame: For our wise Rabble ne'er took pains t' enquire, What 'twas he burnt, so't made a rousing Fire: With which our Elder was enricht no more T h a n False Gehazi with the Syrian's Store; 65o So Poor, that when our Choosing-Tribes were met, Ev'n for his Stinking Votes He ran in Debt; For Meat the Wicked, and as Authours think, T h e Saints He Chous'd for His Electing Drink; Thus, ev'ry Shift and subtle Method past, And A l l to be no Zaken at the Last. Now, rais'd on Tyre's sad Ruines, Pharaoh's Pride Soar'd high, his Legions threatning far and wide; As when a battring Storm ingendred high, By Winds upheld, hangs hov'ring in the Skye, 560 Is gaz'd upon by ev'ry trembling Swain, This for his Vineyard fears, and that his Grain; For blooming Plants, and Flow'rs new Opening, These For Lambs ean'd lately, and far-lab'ring Bees; T o Guard his Stock each to the Gods does call, Uncertain where the Fire-charg'd Clouds will Fall: Ev'n so the doubtfull Nations watch his Arms, With Terrour each expecting his Alarms. Where Judah, where was now, thy Lyons Roar? T h o u onely cou'dst the Captive Lands restore; 670 But Thou, with inbred Broils, and Faction prest, From Egypt needst a Guardian with the Rest. T h y Prince from Sanhedrims no Trust allow'd, 543 Disguiz'd:] — F1-2, Q, M. 547 Fire:] 562 Flow'rs] Flowr's F1-2, Q; fflowers M.

F1-2, Q, M.

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

T o o much the Representers of the Crowd, Who for their own Defence give no Supply, But what the Crowns Prerogatives must buy: As if their Monarch's Rights to violate, More needfull were than to preserve the State! From present Dangers they divert their Care, And all their Fears are of the Royal Heir; 58o Whom now the reigning Malice of his Foes, Unjudg'd wou'd Sentence, and e'er Crown'd, Depose: Religion the Pretence, but their Decree T o barr his Reign, whate'er his Faith shall be! By Sanhedrims, and clam'rous Crowds, thus prest What passions rent the Righteous David's Breast? Who knows not how t' oppose, or to comply, Unjust to Grant, and dangerous to Deny! How near in this dark Juncture Israel's Fate, Whose Peace one sole Expedient cou'd create, 590 Which yet th' extremest Virtue did require, Ev'n of that Prince whose Downfall they conspire! His Absence David does with Tears advise, T ' appease their Rage, Undaunted He Complies; Thus he who prodigal of Bloud, and Ease, A Royal Life expos'd to Winds and Seas, A t once contending with the Waves and Fire, A n d heading Danger in the Wars of Tyre, Inglorious now forsakes his Native Sand, And like an Exile quits the promis'd Land! 6oo Our Monarch scarce from pressing Tears refrains, And painfully his Royal State maintains, W h o now embracing on th' extremest Shore Almost Revokes what he Injoyn'd before: Concludes at last more Trust to be allow'd, T o Storms and Seas, than to the raging Crowd! Forbear, rash Muse, the parting Scene to draw, 573 605

Crowd] Q, M; Crow'd FI-2. Crowd] Q, M; Crow'd F1-2.

581

Depose:] Q; — F1-2;

M.

79

8o

Poems

1681-1684

With Silence charm'd as deep as theirs that sawl Not onely our attending Nobles weep, But hardy Saylers swell with Tears the Deep! 6io The Tyde restrain'd her Course, and more amaz'd, The Twyn-Stars on the Royal Brothers gaz'd: While this sole Fear Does Trouble to our suff'ring Heroe bring Lest next the Popular Rage oppress the KingI Thus parting, each for th' others Danger griev'd, The Shore the King, and Seas the Prince receiv'd. Go injur'd Heroe while propitious Gales, Soft as thy Consorts breath inspire thy Sails; Well may She trust her Beauties on a Flood, 620 Where thy Triumphant Fleets so oft have rode! Safe on thy Breast reclin'd her Rest be deep, Rockt like a Nereid by the Waves asleep; While happiest Dreams her Fancy entertain, A n d to Elysian Fields convert the Main!

Go injur'd Heroe while the Shores of Tyre, At thy Approach so Silent shall admire, Who on thy Thunder still their thoughts imploy, And greet thy Landing with a trembling Joy. On Heroes thus the Prophet's Fate is thrown, 630 Admir'd by ev'ry Nation but their Own; Yet while our factious Jews his Worth deny, Their Aking Conscience gives their Tongue the Lye. Ev'n in the worst of Men the noblest Parts Confess him, and he Triumphs in their Hearts, Whom to his King the best Respects commend Of Subject, Souldier, Kinsman, Prince and Friend; All Sacred Names of most divine Esteem, And to Perfection all sustain'd by Him, Wise, Just and Constant, Courtly without Art, 640 Swift to discern and to reward Desert; No Hour of His in fruitless Ease destroy'd, But on the noblest Subjects still employ'd:

Second Part of Absalom

and Achitophel

Whose steddy Soul ne'er learnt to Separate Between his Monarch's Int'rest and the State, But heaps those Blessings on the Royal Head, Which H e well knows must be on Subjects shed. On what Pretence cou'd then the Vulgar Rage Against his Worth, and native Rights engage? Religious Fears their Argument are made, 650 Religious Fears his Sacred Rights invade! Of future Superstition They complain, And Jebusitick Worship in His Reign; W i t h such Alarms his Foes the Crowd deceive, W i t h Dangers fright, which not Themselves believe. Since nothing can our Sacred Rites remove, Whate'er the Faith of the Successour prove: O u r Jews their Ark shall undisturb'd retain, At least while their Religion is their Gain, W h o know by old Experience Baal's Commands 660 Not onely claim'd their Conscience, but their Lands; T h e y grutch God's Tythes, how therefore shall they yield An Idol full possession of the Field? Grant such a Prince enthron'd, we must confess T h e People's Suff'rings than that Monarch's less, W h o must to hard Conditions still be bound, And for his Quiet v i t h the Crowd compound; Or shou'd his thoughts to Tyranny incline, Where are the means to compass the design? O u r Crowns Revenues are too short a Store, 67o A n d Jealous Sanedrims wou'd give no more! As vain our Fears of Egypt's potent Aid, Not so has Pharoah learnt Ambition's Trade, Nor ever with such Measures can comply, As Shock the common Rules of Policy; None dread like H i m the Growth of Israel's King, And H e alone sufficient Aids can bring; W h o knows that Prince to Egypt can give Law,

81

82

680

690

700

710

Poems

1681-1684

T h a t on our Stubborn T r i b e s his Yoak cou'd draw, At such profound Expence H e has not stood, Nor dy'd for this his Hands so deep in Blood; W o u ' d nere through Wrong and Right his Progress take, Grudge his own Rest, and keep the World awake, T o fix a Lawless Prince on Judah's T h r o n e , First to Invade our Rights, and then his Own; His dear-gaind Conquests cheaply to despoil, And Reap the Harvest of his Crimes and T o i l . W e grant his Wealth Vast as our Ocean's Sand, And Curse its Fatal Influence on our Land, Which our Brib'd Jews so num'rously pertake, T h a t ev'n an Host his Pensioners wou'd make; From these Deceivers our Divisions spring, Our Weakness, and the Growth of Egypt's King; These with pretended Friendship to the State, Our Crowd's Suspition of their Prince Create, Both pleas'd and frightend with the specious Cry, T o Guard their Sacred Rights and Property; T o Ruin, thus, the Chosen Flock are Sold, While Wolves are tane for Guardians of the Fold; Seduc'd by these, we groundlesly complain, And loath the Manna of a gentle Reign: T h u s our Fore-fathers crooked Paths are trod, W e trust our Prince, no more then T h e y their God. B u t all in vain our Reasoning Prophets Preach, T o those whom sad Experience ne're cou'd Teach, W h o can commence new Broils in Bleeding Scars, And fresh Remembrance of Intestine Wars; When the same Houshold Mortal Foes did yeild, And Brothers stain'd with Brothers Blood the Feild; W h e n Sons Curst Steel the Fathers Gore did Stain, And Mothers Mourn'd for Sons by Fathers Slain! W h e n thick, as Egypt's Locusts on the Sand, Our Tribes lay Slaughter'd through the promis'd Land, Whose few Survivers with worse Fate remain, T o drag the Bondage of a Tyrants Reign:

Second Part of Absalom

and

Achitophel

Which Scene of Woes, unknowing We renew, And madly, ev'n those ills we Fear, persue; While Pharoah laughs at our Domestick Broils, And safely crowds his Tents with Nations Spoils. Yet our fierce Sanedrim in restless Rage, 720 Against our absent Heroe still engage, And chiefly urge, (such did their frenzy prove,) T h e only Suit their Prince forbids to move, Which till obtain'd, they cease Affairs of State, And real Dangers wave, for groundless Hate. Long David's Patience waits Relief to bring, With all th' Indulgence of a lawful King, Expecting till the troubled Waves wou'd cease, But found the raging Billows still increase. T h e Crowd, whose Insolence Forbearance swells, 730 While he forgives too far, almost Rebels. At last his deep Resentments silence broke, Th* Imperial Pallace shook, while thus He spoke, Then Justice wake, and Rigour take her time, For Lo! Our Mercy is become our Crime. While haulting Punishment her stroke delays, Our Sov'reign Right, Heav'ns Sacred Trust, decays; For whose support ev'n Subjects Interest calls, Wol to that Kingdom where the Monarch Falls. T h a t Prince who yields the least of Regal Sway, 740 So far his Peoples Freedom does Betray. Right lives by Law, and Law subsists by Pow'r: Disarm the Shepherd, Wolves the Flock devour. Hard Lot of Empire o're a stubborn Race, Which Heav'n it Self in vain has try'd with Grace! When will our Reasons long-charm'd Eyes unclose, And Israel judge between her Friends and Foes? When shall we see expir'd Deceivers Sway, And credit what our God and Monarchs say? Dissembled Patriots brib'd with Egypts Gold, 741

Pow'r:] ~

A

F 1 - 2 , Q, M.

83

84

Poems

1681-1684

760 Ev'n Sanedrims in blind Obedience hold; Those Patriots Falshood in their Actions see, And judge by the pernicious Fruit the Tree; If ought for which so loudly they declaim Religion, Laws, and Freedom were their Aim; Our Senates in due Methods they had led, T ' avoid those Mischeifs which they seem'd to dread; But first er'e yet they propt the sinking State, T ' impeach and charge, as urg'd by private Hate; Proves that they ne're beleiv'd the Fears they prest, 760 But Barb'rously destroy'd the Nations Rest! O! Whither will ungovern'd Senates drive, And to what Bounds licentious Votes arrive? When their Injustice We are prest to share, The Monarch urg'd t' exclude the lawful Heir; Are Princes thus distinguish'd from the Crowd, And this the Priviledge of Royal Blood? But grant we shou'd Confirm the Wrongs they press, His Sufferings yet were, than the Peoples, less; Condem'd for Life the Murdring Sword to weild, 770 And on their Heirs entail a Bloody Feild: Thus madly their own Freedom they betray, And for th' Oppression which they fear, make way; Succession fixt by Heav'n the Kingdoms Bar, Which once dissolv'd, admits the Flood of War; Wast, Rapine, Spoil, without th' Assault begin, And our mad Tribes Supplant the Fence within. Since then their Good they will not understand, 'Tis time to take the Monarchs Pow'r in hand; Authority, and Force to joyn with Skill, 780 And save the Lunaticks against their Will. The same rough Means that swage the Crowd, appease Our Senates raging with the Crowds Disease. Henceforth unbiass'd Measures let 'em draw From no false Gloss, but Genuine Text of Law; Nor urge those Crimes upon Religions score

Second

Part of Absalom

and

Achitophel

Themselves so much in Jebusites Abhor. Whom Laws convict (and only they) shall Bleed, Nor Pharisees by Pharisees be Freed. Impartial Justice from our Throne shall Shou'r, 790 All shall have Right, and We our Sov'reign Pow'r. He said, th' Attendants heard with awful Joy, And glad Presages their fixt Thoughts employ; From Hebron now the suffering Heir Return'd, A Realm that long with Civil Discord Mournd; Till his Approach, like some Arriving God, Compos'd, and heal'd the place of his Aboad; The Deluge checkt that to Judea spread, And stopt Sedition at the Fountain's Head. Thus in forgiving David's Paths he drives, 8oo And chas'd from Israel, Israels Peace contrives. The Feild confest his Pow'r in Arms before, And Seas proclaim'd his Tryumphs to the Shore; As nobly has his Sway in Hebron shown, How fit t' Inherit Godlike Davids Throne! Through Sion's Streets his glad Arrivals spread, And Conscious Faction shrinks her snaky head; His Train their Sufferings think o'repaid, to see The Crowds Applause with Vertue once agree. Success charms All, but Zeal for Worth distrest 8io A Virtue proper to the Brave and Best; 'Mongst whom was Jothran, Jothran always bent T o serve the Crown and Loyal by Descent, Whose Constancy so Firm, and Conduct Just, Deserv'd at once Two Royal Masters Trust; Who Tyre's, proud Arms had Manfully withstood On Seas, and gather'd Lawrels from the Flood; Of Learning, yet no Portion was deny'd, 786 794 805 816

much . . . Jebusites] much, . . . Jebusites F 1 - 2 , Q, M. Discord] M; Discor'd F 1 - 2 , Q. 804 Thronel] F 1 - 2 , Q, M. Sion's Streets] Sion's-Streets F 1 - 2 , Q, M. 812 Descent,] F2; Flood;] ~ A F 1 - 2 , Q; M.

F i , Q, M.

86

820

830

840

850

Poems

1681—1684

Friend to the Muses, and the Muses Pride. Nor can Benaiah's Worth forgotten lie, Of steddy Soul when Publick Storms were high; Whose Conduct, while the Moor fierce Onsets made, Secur'd at once our Honour & our Trade. Such were the Chiefs, who most his Suff'rings mourn'd, And viewd with silent Joy the Prince return'd; While those that sought his Absence to Betray, Press first their Nauseous False Respects to pay; Him still th' officious Hypocrites Molest, And with malicious Duty break his Rest. While real Transports thus his Friends Employ, And Foes are Loud in their dissembled Joy, His Tryumphs so resounded far and near, Mist not his Young Ambitious Rival's Ear; And as when joyful Hunters clam'rous Train, Some Slumbring Lion Wakes in Moab's Plain, Who oft had forc'd the bold Assailants Yeild, And scatter'd his Persuers through the Feild, Disdaining, furls his Main, and tears the Ground, His Eyes enflaming all the Desart Round, With Roar of Seas directs his Chasers Way, Provokes from far, and dares them to the Fray; Such Rage storm'd now in A bsalom's fierce Breast, Such Indignation his fir'd Eyes Confest; Where now was the Instructer of his Pride? Slept the Old Pilot in so rough a Tide? Whose Wiles had from the happy Shore betray'd, And thus on Shelves the cred'lous Youth convey'd; In deep revolving Thoughts H e weighs his State, Secure of Craft, nor doubts to baffle Fate, At least, if his storm'd Bark must go adrift, T o baulk his Charge, and for himself to shift, 84a 844 847

Indignation] some copies of Fi have Indignations. Tide?] some copies of Fi have Tidel He] some copies of Fi have he.

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

In which his dextrous Wit had oft been shown, And in the wreck of Kingdoms sav'd his own; But now with more then Common Danger prest, Of various Resolutions stands possest, Perceives the Crowds unstable Zeal decay, Least their Recanting Chief the Cause betray, Who on a Father's Grace his Hopes may ground, And for his Pardon with their Heads compound. Him therefore, e're his Fortune slip her Time, 860 The Statesman Plots t' engage in some bold Crime Past Pardon, whether to Attempt his Bed, Or Threat with open Arms the Royal Head, Or other daring Method, and Unjust, That may confirm him in the Peoples Trust: But failing thus t' ensnare him, nor secure How long his foil'd Ambition may endure, Plots next to lay him by, as past his Date, And try some new Pretenders luckier Fate; Whose Hopes with equal Toil he wou'd persue, 870 Nor cares what Claimer's Crownd, except the True. Wake A bsalom, approaching Ruin shun, And see, O see, for whom thou art Undonel How are thy Honours and thy Fame betray'd, The Property of desp'rate Villains made! Lost Pow'r and Conscious Fears their Crimes Create, And Guilt in them was little less than Fate; But why shou'dst Thou, from ev'ry Grievance free, Forsake thy Vineyards for their Stormy Sea? For Thee did Canaan's Milk and Honey flow, 880 Love drest Thy Bow'rs, & Lawrels sought thy Brow, Preferment, Wealth and Pow'r thy Vassals were, And of a Monarch all things but the Care. Oh shou'd our Crimes, again, that Curse draw down, 864 865 874

confirm] F2; secure F i , Q, M. 864 T r u s t : ] — F 1 - 2 , Q, M. t' ensnare] some copies of Fi have te nsnare. made!] F 1 - 2 , M; Q. 881 and] F2, Q, M; aud F i ,

87

88

Poems

1681-1684

And Rebel-Arms once more attempt the Crown, Sure Ruin waits unhappy A bsalon, Alike by Conquest or Defeat undone; Who cou'd relentless see such Youth and Charms, Expire with wretched Fate in Impious Armes? A Prince so form'd with Earth's, & Heav'ns Applause, 890 T o Tryumph ore Crown'd Heads in David's Cause: Or grant him Victor, still his Hopes must fail, Who, Conquering, wou'd not for himself prevail; T h e Faction whom He trusts for future Sway, Him and the Publique wou'd alike Betray; Amongst themselves divide the Captive State, And found their Hydra-Empire in his Fate! Thus having beat the Clouds with painful Flight, T h e pitty'd Youth, with Scepters in his Sight; (So have their Cruel Politicks Decreed,) 900 Must by that Crew that made him Guilty, Bleedl For cou'd their Pride brook any Prince's Sway, Whom but mild David wou'd they choose t' Obey? Who once at such a gentle Reign Repine, T h e Fall of Monarchy it self Design; From Hate to That their Reformations spring, And David not their Grievance, but the King. Seiz'd now with pannick Fear the Faction lies, Least this clear Truth strike A bsaloms charm'd Eyes, Least He percieve, from long Enchantment free, 910 What all, beside the flatter'd Youth, must see. But whate're doubts his troubled Bosome swell, Fair Carriage still became Achitophel: Who now an envious Festival enstalls, And to survey their Strength the Faction calls, Which Fraud, Religious Worship too must Guild; But oh how weakly does Sedition Build! For Lo! the Royal Mandate Issues forth, Dashing at once their Treason, Zeal, and Mirth!

885 Ruin] some gis Achitophel:]

copies of Fi have

F1-2, Q, M.

Rnin. 916 Build!]

F1-2, Q, M.

Second Part of Absalom

and

Achitophel

So have I seen disastrous Chance Invade, 920 Where careful Emmits had their Forrage laid, Whether fierce Vulcan's Rage, the Furzy Plain Had seiz'd, Engendred by some careless Swain; Or swelling Neptune lawless Inroads made, And to their Cell of Store his Flood convey'd; T h e Common-Wealth broke up distracted go, And in wild Hast their loaded Mates o'rethrow: Ev'n so our scatter'd Guests confus'dly meet, With Boil'd, Bak'd, Roast, all Justling in the Street; Dejected all, and rufully dismai'd, 930 For Sheckle without Treat, or Treason paid. Seditions dark Eclipse now fainter shows, More bright each Hour the Royal Plannet grows, Of Force the Clouds of Envy to disperse, In kind Conjunction of Assisting Stars. Here lab'ring Muse those Glorious Chiefs relate, T h a t turn'd the doubtful Scale of David's Fate; T h e rest of that Illustrious Band rehearse, Immortalliz'd in Lawrell'd Asaph's Verse: Hard Task! yet will not I thy Flight recall, 940 View Heav'n and then enjoy thy glorious Fall. First Write Bezaliel, whose Illustrious Name Forestáis our Praise, and gives his Poet Fame. T h e Kenites Rocky Province his Command, A barren Limb of Fertile Canaans Land; Which for its gen'rous Natives yet cou'd be Held Worthy such a President as He! Bezaliel with each Grace, and Virtue Fraught, Serene his Looks, Serene his Life and Thought, On whom so largly Nature heapt her Store, 950 There scarce remain'd for Arts to give him morel T o Aid the Crown and State his greatest Zeal, 921 923 932

Plain] some copies of Fi append a comma. Neptune] some copies of Fi do not italicize. bright] some copies of Fi have brighr.

89

9°

Poems

1681-1684

His Second Care that Service to Conceal; Of Dues Observant, Firm in ev'ry Trust, And to the Needy always more than Just: Who Truth from specious falshood can divide, Has all the Gown-mens Skill without their Pride; Thus crown'd with worth from heights of honour won, Sees all his Glories copyed in his Son, Whose forward Fame should every Muse engage: 960 Whose Youth boasts skill deny'd to others Age. Men, Manners, Language, Books of noblest kind Already are the Conquest of his Mind. Whose Loyalty before its Date was prime; Nor waited the dull course of rowling Time: The Monster Faction early he dismaid, And David's Cause long since confest his Aid. Brave Abdael o'er the Prophet's School was plac'd; Abdael with all his Father's Virtue grac'd; A Heroe, who, while Stars look'd wondring down, 970 Without one Hebrew's Bloud restor'd the Crown. That Praise was His; what therefore did remain For following Chiefs, but boldly to maintain That Crown restor'd; and in this Rank of Fame, Bra we Abdael with the First a place must claim. Proceed illustrious, happy Chief, proceed, Foreseize the Garlands for thy Brow decreed, While th' inspir'd Tribe attend with noblest strain T o Register the Glories thou shalt gain: For sure, the Dew shall Gilboah's Hills forsake, 980 And Jordan mix his Stream with Sodom's Lake; Or Seas retir'd their secret Stores disclose, 954 958 960 967 969 state). 975 977 977

J u s t : ] — F 1 - 2 , Q, M . 957 honour] F i a ; honor F i b . copyed] F i a ; copied F i b ( u n c o r r e c t e d state); coppied F i b ( c o r r e c t e d state). deny'd] F i a ; denied F i b . 963 its] F i a , M; it's F i b , Fa, Q. o'er] F i a ; o're F i b . 969 Heroe] M; Heroe F 1 - 2 , Q. wondring] F i a , F i b ( c o r r e c t e d state), F2, Q, M; wandring F i b ( u n c o r r e c t e d happy] F i a ; F i b , F2, Q, M . inspir'd] F i a , F i b (corrected state)-, inspired F i b ( u n c o r r e c t e d strain] F i a ; strein F i b .

state).

Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel

gi

And to the Sun their scaly Brood expose, Or swell'd above the Clifts, their Billows raise, Before the Muses leave their Patron's Praise. Eliab our next Labour does invite, And hard the Task to doe Eliab right: Long with the royal Wanderer he rov'd, And firm in all the Turns of Fortune prov'd! Such ancient Service and Desert so large, 990 Well claim'd the Royal Houshold for his Charge, His Age with onely one mild Heiress blest, In all the Bloom of smiling Nature drest, And blest again to see his Flow'r ally'd T o David's Stock, and made young Othniel's Bride! T h e bright Restorer of his Father's Youth, Devoted to a Son's and Subject's Truth: Resolv'd to bear that prize of Duty home, So bravely sought (while sought) by Absalom. Ah Prince! th' illustrious Planet of thy Birth, 1000 And thy more powerfull Virtue guard thy worth; That no Achitophel thy Ruine boast; Israel too much in one such Wreck has lost. Ev'n Envy must consent to He Ion's Worth; Whose Soul (though Egypt glories in his Birth) Cou'd for our Captive-Ark its Zeal retain, And Pharaoh's Altars in their Pomp disdain: T o slight his Gods was small; with nobler pride, He all th' Allurements of his Court defi'd: Whom Profit nor Example cou'd betray, 985 988 990 994 995 996 999 1000 1000

does] Fia; do's Fib. 986 doe] Fia; do Fib. Fortune] Fia; Fortunes Fib, F2, Q, M. Charge,] F2; F i , Q; M. 991 onely] Fia; only Fib. Othniel's] Othriel's F1-2, Q, M. Youth,] Fia, F i b (corrected state), F2, Q, M; ~ A F i b (uncorrected state). Truth:] Fia, F i b (corrected state), F2, Q, M; ~ A F i b (uncorrected state). illustrious] Fia, Fib (corrected state)-, illustrios Fib (uncorrected state). powerfull] Fia; powerful Fib. worth;] F i b (corrected state), F2, M; ~ A Fia, F i b (uncorrected state)-,

Q.

1003 Worth;] Fia, M; Fib, F2, Q. 1006 Pharaoh's] Fia; Pharoah's Fib.

1004 though] Fia; tho' Fib. 1008 defi'd:] — F1-2, Q, M.

92

Poems

1681-1684

1010 But Israel's Friend and true to David's Sway. What acts of favour in his Province fall; On Merit he confers, and Freely all. Our List of Nobles next let Amri grace, Whose Merits claim'd the Abethdins high place; Who, with a Loyalty that did excell, Brought all th' endowments of Achitophel. Sincere was Amri, and not onely knew, But Israel's Sanctions into practice drew; Our Laws, that did a boundless Ocean seem, 1020 Were coasted all, and fathom'd all by Him. No Rabbin speaks like him their mystick Sense, So just, and with such Charms of Eloquence: T o whom the double Blessing does belong, With Moses Inspiration, Aaron's Tongue. Than Sheva, none more loyal Zeal have shown, Wakefull, as Judah's Lion for the Crown. Who for that Cause still combats in his Age, For which his Youth with danger did engage. In vain our factious Priests the Cant revive, 1030 In vain seditious Scribes with Libels strive T ' enflame the Crowd, while He with watchfull Eye Observes, and shoots their Treasons as They fly. Their weekly Frauds his keen Replies detect, He undeceives more fast than they infect. So Moses when the Pest on Legions prey'd, Advanc'd his Signal and the Plague was stay'd. Once more, my fainting Muse, thy Pinnions try, And Strengths exhausted store let Love supply. What Tribute, Asaph, shall we render Thee? 1040 We'll crown thee with a Wreath from thy own Tree! 1010 true to] F i a , F i b (corrected state)-, trueto F i b (uncorrected state). 1015 excell] F i a ; excel F i b . 1017 onely] F i a ; only F i b . 1024 Moses] Q; Mose's F i , M; Moses's F2. 1025 Sheva] F i a , F i b (corrected state), F2, Q, M; Ziba F i b (uncorrected state). 1026 Wakefull] F i a ; Wakeful F i b . 1031 Crowd] F i a , Q, M; Crow'd F i b , F2. 1031 watchfull] F i a ; watchful F i b . 1037 more, . . . Muse,] F i a , Q; ~ A . . . ~ A F i b , F i , M. 1039 Tribute, Asaph,] F i a , Q; — A ~ A F L B < F 2 - M.

Second Part of Absalom

and

Achitophel

95

T h y Lawrel Grove no Envye's flash can blast; T h e Song of Asaph shall for ever lastl With wonder late Posterity shall dwell On Absalom, and false Achitophel: Thy strains shall be our slumbring Prophets dream, And when our Sion-Virgins sing, their Theam. Our Jubilees shall with thy Verse be grac't, T h e Song of Asaph shall for ever last! How fierce his Satyr loos'd, restrain'd how tame, 1050 How tender of th' offending Young man's Famel How well his worth, and brave Adventures styl'd, Just to his Vertues, to his Errour mild. No Page of thine that fears the strictest view, But teems with just Reproof, or Praise, as due; Not Eden cou'd a fairer Prospect yield, All Paradise without one barren Field: Whose Wit the Censure of his Foes has past, T h e Song of Asaph shall for ever last! What Praise for such rich Strains shall we allow? 1060 What just Rewards the gratefull Crown bestow? While Bees in Flow'rs rejoyce, and Flow'rs in Dew, While Stars and Fountains to their Course are true; While Judah's Throne, and Sion's Rock stand fast, T h e Song of Asaph and the Fame shall last. Still Hebrons honour'd happy Soil Retains Our Royal Heroes beauteous dear remains; W h o now sails off with Winds nor Wishes slack, T o bring his Suff'rings bright Companion back, 1041 blast;] F2; F i , Q, M. 1045 strains] Fia; streins F i b . 1046 Sion-Virgins] F2; Sion, Virgins F i , Q, M (Sion's A F i b , uncorrected state). 1046 sing,] F2, M; — A F i , Q. 1046 Theam.] F i a , F i b (corrected state), F2, Q, M; heaml F i b (uncorrected state). 1049 restrain'd . . . tame,] F i a ; . . . ~ A Fib, F2; . . . Q; ~ A . . . -A**. 1051 styl'd] F i a (corrected state), F2 (stil'd); still'd F i a (uncorrected state), F i b , Q, M. 1052 Errour] F i a ; Error F i b . 1060 gratefull] F i a ; grateful F i b .

Poems

94

1681—1684

But e'er such Transport can our sense employ 1070 A bitter grief must poyson half our Joy; Nor can our Coasts restor'd those Blessings see Without a Bribe to envious Destiny! Curs'd Sodom's Doom for ever fix the Tyde Where by inglorious Chance the Valiant dy'd. Give not insulting Askalon to know, Nor let Gath's Daughters triumph in our Woe! No Sailer with the News swell Egypt's Pride, By what inglorious Fate our Valiant dy'd! Weep Arnon! Jordan weep thy Fountains dry, 1080 While Sion's Rock dissolves for a Supply! Calm were the Elements, Night's silence deep, T h e Waves scarce murm'ring, and the Winds asleep; Yet Fate for Ruine takes so still an hour, And treacherous Sands the Princely Barque devour; Then Death unworthy seiz'd a gen'rous Race, T o Virtues scandal, and the Stars disgrace! Oh! had th' Indulgent Pow'rs vouchsaf't to yield, Instead of faithless Shelves, a listed Field; A listed Field of Heav'ns and David's Foes, 1090 Fierce as the Troops that did his Youth oppose, Each Life had on his slaughter'd heap retir'd, Not Tamely, and Unconqu'ring thus expir'd: But Destiny is now their onely Foe, And dying, ev'n o'er that they triumph too; 1069

e'er] Fia; e're Fib.

1074 dy'd.] Fia, F i b (corrected state), F2, Q; ~ A F i b (uncorrected state)-, M. 1077 Sailer] Fia, F i b (corrected state), F2, Q; Sailor F i b (uncorrected state), M. 1079 dry,] Fia, Q; ~ A Fib, F2, M. 1081 deep,] Fia, F i b (corrected state); ~ A F i b (uncorrected state). 1084 treacherous] Fia, F2, Q; treaeherous F i b (uncorrected state)-, trraehceous F i b (corrected state); treachr'ous M. 1084 Barque] Fia, F i b (corrected state); Bark F i b (uncorrected state). 1087 Pow'rs] Powr's F 1 - 2 , M; Powers Q. 1087 vouchsaf't] F i a , F i b (corrected state), F2, Q, M; vouchsafe F i b (uncorrected state). 1088-1089 Shelves, . . . Foes,] Fia, F i b (corrected state), F2, Q, M; ~ A . . . state). A F i b (uncorrected 1093 onely] Fia; only Fib. 1094 o'er . . . triumph] Fia; o're . . . tryumph Fib.

Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

95

With loud last Breaths their Master's Scape applaud, Of whom kind Force cou'd scarce the Fates defraud; Who for such Followers lost, O matchless Mind! At his own Safety now almost repin'd! Say Royal Sir, by all your Fame in Arms, 1100 Your Praise in Peace, and by Urania's Charms; If all your Suff'rings past so nearly prest, Or pierct with half so painful Grief your Breast? Thus some Diviner Muse her Heroe forms, Not sooth'd with soft Delights, but tost in storms: Not stretcht on Roses in the Myrtle Grove, Nor Crowns his Days with Mirth, his Nights with Love But far remov'd in Thundring Camps is found, His Slumbers short, his Bed the herbless Ground: In Tasks of Danger always seen the First, 1110 Feeds from the Hedg, and slakes with Ice his Thirst. Long must his Patience strive with Fortunes Rage, And long opposing Gods themselves engage, Must see his Country Flame, his Friends destroy'd, Before the promis'd Empire be enjoy'd, Such Toil of Fate must build a Man of Fame, And such, to Israel's Crown, the God-like David came. What suddain Beams dispel the Clouds so fast! Whose drenching Rains laid all our Vineyards waste? T h e Spring so far behind her Course delay'd, 1120 On th' Instant is in all her Bloom array'd, 1095 Scape] F i a , M; 'Scape F i b , F2, Q. 1101 nearly] F i a ; nerely F i b . 1102 pierct] F i a ; pierc't F i b . 1103 indented in Fib, F2. 1103 Heroe] M; Heroe F 1 - 2 , Q. 1104 storms:] F 1 - 2 , Q, M. 1 1 0 5 in the] F i a (corrected state), F i b , Fa, Q, M; on the F i a (uncorrected state). 1106 Love] F i a (corrected state)-, F i a (uncorrected state), M; F i b , F2, Q. 1109 seen] F i a (corrected state), F i b , F2, Q, M; see F i a (uncorrected state). 1 1 1 1 - 1 1 1 2 Rage, . . . long] F i b , F2, Q; ~ A . . . F i a , M. 1 1 1 3 Flame,] F i a (corrected state), F i b , F2, Q ; — A F i a (uncorrected state), M. 1 1 1 4 be] F i a (corrected state), F i b , F2, Q, M; he F i a (uncorrected state). 1 1 1 5 Man] F i a (corrected state). F i b , F2, Q, M; Mat F i a (uncorrected state). 1 1 1 6 came.] F i a , M; F i b , F2, Q. 1 1 1 7 some copies of Fia have no preceding line space. 1120 array'd,] F i a , M; F i b , F2, Q.

96

Poems

1681-1684

T h e Winds breath low, the Element serene; Yet mark what Motion in the Waves is seen! Thronging and busie as Hyblcean Swarms, Or stragled Souldiers Summon'd to their Arms. See where the Princely Barque in loosest Pride, With all her Guardian Fleet, Adorns the Tide! High on her Deck the Royal Lovers stand, Our Crimes to Pardon e're they toucht our Land. Welcome to Israel and to David's Breast! ii30 Here all your Toils, here all your Suff'rings Rest. This year did Ziloah Rule Jerusalem, And boldly all Sedition's Syrges stem, How e're incumbred with a viler Pair Than Ziph or Shimei to assist the Chair; Yet Ziloah's loyal Labours so prevail'd That Faction at the next Election fail'd, When ev'n the common Cry did Justice Sound, And Merrit by the Multitude was Crown'd: With David then was Israel's Peace restor'd, 1140 Crowds Mournd their Errour and Obey'd their Lord. 1122 1131 1135 1137 (some

mark] F i a ; Mark Fib. 1130 Suff'rings] F i a , F2, M; Sufferings F i b , Q. year] F i a ; Year F i b . 1134 or] F i a , F2, M; and F i b , Q. loyal] Fia; Loyal F i b . When . . . did] F i a (some copies), F i b , F2, Q, M; Whan . . . die F i a copies).

RELIGIO LAICI O R A

Laymans Faith. A

P O E M . Written by Mr.

BRIDEN.

Ornari res if fa negat ; contenta doceri.

L O N D O N , Printed for Jacob Tonfon at the Judge's Head in Chancery-lane, near Fleet-Jireet. 1682. T I T L E P A G E OF T H E F I R S T EDITION ( M A C D O N A L D I 6 A )

Poems

98

Religio THE

Laid

1681-1684

or A Laymans Faith.

A

Poem

PREFACE

A

with so bold a Title, and a Name prefix'd, from which the handling of so serious a Subject wou'd not be expected, may reasonably oblige the Author, to say somewhat in defence both of himself, and of his undertaking. In the first place, if it be objected to me that being a Layman, I ought not to have concern'd my self with Speculations, which belong to the Profession of Divinity; I cou'd Answer, that perhaps, Laymen, with equal advantages of Parts and Knowledge, are not the most incompetent Judges of Sacred things; But in the due sense of my own weakness and want of Learning, I plead not this: I pretend not to make my self a Judge of Faith, in others, but onely to make a Confession of my own; I lay no unhallow'd hand upon the Ark; but wait on it, with the Reverence that becomes me at a distance: In the next place I will ingenuously confess, that the helps I have us'd in this small Treatise, were many of them taken from the Works of our own Reverend Divines of the Church of England; so that the Weapons with which I Combat Irreligion, are already Consecrated; though I suppose they may be taken down as lawfully as the Sword of Goliah was by David, when they are to be employed for the common Cause, against the Enemies of Piety. I intend not by this to intitle them to any of my errours; which, yet, I hope are only those of Charity to Mankind; and such as my own Charity has caus'd me to commit, that of others may more easily excuse. Being naturally inclin'd to Scepticism in Philosophy, I have no reason to impose my Opinions, in a Subject which is above it: But whatever they are, I submit them with all reverence to my Mother Church, accounting them no further mine, than as they are Authoriz'd, or at least, uncondemn'd by her. And, indeed, to secure my self on this side, I have us'd POEM

Religio

Laici

99

the necessary Precaution, of showing this Paper before it was Publish'd to a judicious and learned Friend, a Man indefatigably zealous in the service of the Church and State: and whose Writings, have highly deserv'd of both. He was pleas'd to approve the body of the Discourse, and I hope he is more my Friend, than to do it out of Complaisance: 'Tis true he had too good a tast to like it all; and amongst some other faults recommended to my second view, what I have written, perhaps too boldly on St. Athanasius: which he advised me wholy to omit. I am sensible enough that I had done more prudently to have follow'd his opinion: But then I could not have satisfied my self, that I had done honestly not to have written what was my own. It has always been my thought, that Heathens, who never did, nor without Miracle cou'd hear of the name of Christ were yet in a possibility of Salvation. Neither will it enter easily into my belief, that before the coming of our Saviour, the whole World, excepting only the Jewish Nation, shou'd lye under the inevitable necessity of everlasting Punishment, for want of that Revelation, which was confin'd to so small a spot of ground as that of Palestine. Among the Sons of Noah we read of one onely who was accurs'd; and if a blessing in the ripeness of time was reserved for Japhet, (of whose Progeny we are,) it seems unaccountable to me, why so many Generations of the same Offspring, as preceeded our Saviour in the Flesh, shou'd be all involv'd in one common condemnation, and yet that their Posterity shou'd be Intitled to the hopes of Salvation: As if a Bill of Exclusion had passed only on the Fathers, which debar'd not the Sons from their Succession: or that so many Ages had been deliver' d over to Hell, and so many reserv'd for Heaven, and that the Devil had the first choice, and God the next. Truly I am apt to think, that the revealed Religion which was taught by Noah to all his Sons, might continue for some Ages in the whole Posterity. That afterwards it was included wholly in the Family of Sem is manifest: but when the Progenies of Cham and Japhet swarm'd into Colonies, and those Colonies were subdivided into many others; in process of time their Descendants lost by little 17

Jewish] Jewish Q 1 - 5 .

28

Succession: or] Succession. Or Q 1 - 5 .

lOO

Poems

1681-1684

and little the Primitive and Purer Rites of Divine Worship, retaining onely the notion of one Deity; to which succeeding Generations added others: (for Men took their Degrees in those Ages from Conquerours to Gods.) Revelation being thus Eclipsed to almost all Mankind, the light of Nature as the next in Dignity was substituted; and that is it which St. Paul concludes to be the Rule of the Heathens; and by which they are hereafter to be judg'd. If my supposition be true, then the consequence which I have assum'd in my Poem may be also true; namely, that Deism, or the Principles of Natural Worship, are onely the faint remnants or dying flames of reveal'd Religion in the Posterity of Noah: And that our Modern Philosophers, nay and some of our Philosophising Divines have too much exalted the faculties of our Souls, when they have maintain'd that by their force, mankind has been able to find out that there is one Supream Agent or Intellectual Being which we call God: that Praise and Prayer are his due Worship; and the rest of those deducements, which I am confident are the remote effects of Revelation, and unattainable by our Discourse, I mean as simply considerd, and without the benefit of Divine Illumination. So that we have not lifted up our selves to God, by the weak Pinions of our Reason, but he has been pleasd to descend to us: and what Socrates said of him, what Plato writ, and the rest of the Heathen Philosophers of several Nations, is all no more than the Twilight of Revelation, after the Sun of it was set in the Race of Noah. T h a t there is some thing above us, some Principle of motion, our Reason can apprehend, though it cannot discover what it is, by its own Vertue. And indeed 'tis very improbable, that we, who by the strength of our faculties cannot enter into the knowledg of any Beeing, not so much as of our own, should be able to find out by them, that Supream Nature, which we cannot otherwise define, than by saying it is Infinite; as if Infinite were definable, or Infinity a Subject for our narrow understanding. T h e y who wou'd prove Religion by Reason, do but weaken the cause which they endeavour to support: 'tis to take away the Pillars 13 19

Philosophising] Q4-5; Philosophisiing Q1-3. unattainable] Q5; unatainable Q1-4. 23 him,] Q4-5;

Q1-3.

Religio

Laici

101

from our Faith, and to prop it onely with a twig: 'tis to design a T o w e r like that of Babel, which if it were possible (as it is not) to reach Heaven, would come to nothing by the confusion of the W o r k m e n . For every man is Building a several way; impotently conceipted of his own Model, and his own Materials: Reason is always striving, and always at a loss, and of necessity it must so come to pass, while 'tis exercis'd about that which is not its proper object. Let us be content at last, to k n o w G o d , by his own Methods; at least so much of him, as he is pleas'd to reveal to us, in the sacred Scriptures; to apprehend them to be the word of God, is all our Reason has to do; for all beyond it is the work of Faith, which is the Seal of Heaven impress'd upon our humane understanding. A n d now for what concerns the Holy Bishop A thanasius, the Preface of whose Creed seems inconsistent with my opinion; which is, T h a t Heathens may possibly be sav'd; in the first place I desire it may be consider'd that it is the Preface onely, not the Creed it self, which, (till I am better inform'd) is of too hard a digestion for my Charity. ' T i s not that I am ignorant how many several T e x t s of Scripture seemingly support that Cause; b u t neither am I ignorant how all those T e x t s may receive a kinder, and more mollified Interpretation. Every man w h o is read in C h u r c h History, knows that Belief was drawn u p after a long contestation with Arrius, concerning the Divinity of our Blessed Saviour, and his being one Substance with the Father; and that thus compild, it was sent abroad among the Christian Churches, as a kind of Test, which whosoever took, was look'd on as an Orthodox Believer. ' T i s manifest from hence, that the Heathen part of the Empire was not concerned in it: for its business was not to distinguish betwixt Pagans and Christians, but betwixt Hereticks and true Believers. This, well consider'd, takes off the heavy weight of Censure, which I wou'd willingly avoid from so venerable a Man; for if this Proportion, whosoever will be sav'd, be restrained onely, to those to whom it was intended, and for w h o m it was compos'd, I mean the Christians; then the Anathema, reaches not the Heathens, who had never heard of Christ, 31

Hereticks] Q4-5; Heriticks Q 1 - 3 .

102

Poems

1681-1684

and were nothing interessed in that dispute. After all, I am far from blaming even that Prefatory addition to the Creed, and as far from cavilling at the continuation of it in the Liturgy of the Church; where on the days appointed, 'tis publickly read: For I suppose there is the same reason for it now, in opposition to the Socinians, as there was then against the Arrians; the one being a Heresy, which seems to have been refin'd out of the other; and with how much more plausibility of Reason it combats our Religion, with so much more caution to be avoided: and therefore the prudence of our Church is to be commended which has interpos'd her Authority for the recommendation of this Creed. Yet to such as are grounded in the true belief, those explanatory Creeds, the Nicene and this of Athanasius might perhaps be spar'd: for what is supernatural, will always be a mystery in spight of Exposition: and for my own part the plain Apostles Creed, is most sutable to my weak understanding; as the simplest diet is the most easy of Digestion. I have dwelt longer on this Subject than I intended; and longer than, perhaps, I ought; for having laid down, as my Foundation, that the Scripture is a Rule; that in all things needfull to Salvation, it is clear, sufficient, and ordain'd by God Almighty for that purpose, I have left my self no right to interpret obscure places, such as concern the possibility of eternal happiness to Heathens: because whatsoever is obscure is concluded not necessary to be known. But, by asserting the Scripture to be the Canon of our Faith, I have unavoidably created to my self two sorts of Enemies: T h e Papists indeed, more directly, because they have kept the Scripture from us, what they cou'd; and have reserv'd to themselves a right of Interpreting what they have deliver'd under the pretence of Infalibility: and the Fanaticks more collaterally, because they have assum'd what amounts to an Infalibility, in the private Spirit: and have detorted those Texts of Scripture, which are not necessary to Salvation, to the damnable uses of Sedition, disturbance and destruction of the Civil Government. T o begin with the Papists, and to speak freely, I think them the less dan6

Socinians

. . . Arrians] Socinians . . . Arrians Q 1 - 5 .

Religio

Laici

gerous (at least in appearance to our present State) for not onely the Penal Laws are in Force against them, and their number is contemptible; but also their Peerage and Commons are excluded from Parliaments, and consequently those Laws in no probability of being Repeal'd. A General and Uninterrupted Plot of their Clergy, ever since the Reformation, I suppose all Protestants believe. For 'tis not reasonable to think but that so many of their Orders, as were outed from their fat possessions, wou'd endeavour a reentrance against those whom they account Hereticks. As for the late design, Mr. Colemans Letters, for ought I know are the best Evidence; and what they discover, without wyre-drawing their Sence, or malicious Glosses, all Men of reason conclude credible. If there be any thing more than this requir'd of me, I must believe it as well as I am able, in spight of the Witnesses, and out of a decent conformity to the Votes of Parliament: For I suppose the Fanaticks will not allow the private Spirit in this Case: Here the Infallibility is at least in one part of the Government; and our understandings as well as our wills are represented. But to return to the Roman Catholicks, how can we be secure from the practice of Jesuited Papists in that Religion? For not two or three of that Order, as some of them would impose upon us, but almost the whole Body of them are of opinion, that their Infallible Master has a right over Kings, not onely in Spirituals but Temporals. Not to name Mariana, Bellarmine, Emanuel Sa, Molina, Santarel, Simanca, and at least twenty others of Foreign Countries; we can produce of our own Nation, Campian, and Doleman or Parsons, besides many are nam'd whom I have not read, who all of them attest this Doctrine, that the Pope can Depose and give away the Right of any Sovereign Prince, si vel paulum deflexerit, if he shall never so little Warpe: but if he once comes to be Excommunicated, then the Bond of obedience is taken off from Subjects; and they may and ought to drive him like another Nebuchadi least] the first word on 893]- PP- !-7)- Cf. 11. 61-62: T h e gentle vessel (wont with state and pride O n the smooth back of silver T h a m e s to ride). 39-40 Cf. Waller, " O n the Danger His Majesty Escaped," 11. 39-40: T h e s e mighty peers placed in the gilded barge, P r o u d with the b u r d e n of so brave a charge.

Notes to Page 5 5

317

42 Epsom Blankets. Apparently a glancing reference to Shadwell's plays Epsom Wells and The Virtuoso. In the latter (Act II), Sir Samuel Hearty is ordered to be taken out and pumped and tossed in a blanket. Giles Y. Gamble has suggested to the editor that there may also be an allusion to the ancient practice of tossing animals and women in a blanket in order to induce labor. If so, "Swell'd with the Pride" and "big with Hymn" take on additional meaning. 43-50 new Arion etc. A perversion of the myth of Arion, the Greek musician who, standing in the prow of a ship, played his lyre so enchantingly that the dolphins disported about the ship and, when he leaped into the water, bore him ashore. In Dryden's version the dolphins have become the little fishes (1. 49) that throng about Shadwell's boat as they do about the filthy "Toast" floating on the Thames, which they proceed to carry away. The figure of Arion seated on a dolphin's back seems to have been a familiar representation of the power of music. It was, for example, engraved on the title page of Songs set by Signior Pietro Reggio, a volume advertised in 1680, to which Shadwell contributed a commendatory poem and in which at least one of his songs was printed. 43-44 Cf. Waller, "On the Danger His Majesty Escaped," 11. 11-12: While to his harp divine Arion sings The loves and conquests of our Albion kings. See also Waller's "On St. James's Park, As Lately Improved by His Majesty" (Poems, ed. G. Thorn-Drury, pp. 168-173), 25-26: Methinks I hear the music in the boats, And the loud echo which returns the notes. 44-46 Since Flecknoe and Shadwell have been introduced (11. 30-34) as prophets, it is reasonable to expect here an account of Shadwell's prophetic functions. His lute playing and its effects may well be connected with that phase in the lives of prophets as described by Edward Stillingfleet in Origines Sacrae (1662), p. 162: "For in probability the spirits of all these Prophets were as Lutes tuned to the same height, that when the Spirit of God did strike upon one of them, the rest presently answered to it." 47-48 Pissing Alley was west of Temple Bar, between the Strand and the river, and south of the church of St. Clement Danes. John Strype, in his continuation of John Stow's A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster (1720), IV, 117, says of it: "Then lower down in Milford Lane, near the Wood Wharf, is a small Place called Pissing Alley, a very proper Name for it, and this Alley goeth down to Milford Stairs, and also up into Water Street being ascended by Steps." A Hall. Printed as Aston-Hall in the first edition of Mac Flecknoe, this hall has not been identified. It may possibly have something to do with Edmund Ashton, Shadwell's friend and host in the country in 1671, who suffered a number of satiric thrusts, among them Buckingham's lines in "A Familiar Epistle to Mr. Julian, Secretary to the Muses": What times are these, when in that hero's room Bow-bending Cupid does with ballads come, And little Ashton offers to the bum! A Hall may have a scatological meaning in order to parallel Pissing

3

i8

Commentary

Alley. For the lines above and for comment on Ashton, see Poems on Affairs of State, ed. George deF. Lord, I (1963), 388, 402-403^ 49-50 Cf. Waller, "On the Danger His Majesty Escaped," 11. 33-34: With the sweet sound of this harmonious lay About the keel delighted dolphins play. See also Waller, "On St. James's Park," 11. 31-32: Beneath, a shoal of silver fishes glides, And plays about the gilded barges' sides. 52 threshing. T h a t is, in the violent and erratic manner of a flail. 53-54 St. André, a French choreographer, was brought over with a troop to stage the dances in the opera Psyche, for which Shadwell wrote the libretto. After long preparation the opera was produced on 27 February 1675, replete with music, dances, scenes, and machines. It was a great success. In the preface to the printed text, Shadwell apologized for his rhymes. 57-59 John Singleton (d. 1686), one of the King's musicians, is mentioned in Shadwell's Bury Fair, III, i. Villerius is a character in Davenant's The Siege of Rhodes (1656). In Act V of The Rehearsal, Bayes has two characters enter "arm'd cap-a-pea, with each of them a Lute in his hand, and his sworn drawn, and hung, with a scarlet Ribbon at his wrist"; the scene that follows is a parody of the first entry in the Siege. T h e general drift of Dryden's passage, together with 1. 53, seems to be that Shadwell's art is so potent as to evoke the admiration of a dancing master and an undistinguished performer in foolish plays. 61 hopefull boy. Shadwell was in his mid-thirties. 64-65 Augusta was an ancient name for London (see Annus Mirabilis, st. 295). T h e fears presumably refer to the concern over a popish successor. Saintsbury noted the similar phrasing in the following lines in the prologue to Crowne's Calisto (1675): Augusta is inclin'd to fears. Be she full, or be she waining, Still Augusta is complaining. Give her all you can to ease Her, You shall never, never please Her. 66-71 T h e Barbican was situated a short distance to the northwest of Cripplegate. Strype's Survey (Bk. I l l , 93) describes the street thus: "It comes out of Aldersgatestreet, against Long lane, and falls into Redcross street; but the part in this Ward [Cripplegate] goeth but to the City Posts. And fronting Redcross street, is the Watch house, where formerly stood a Watch Tower, called Burgh-kenning, i.e. Barbican, for the security of the City in those parts." Barbican Street itself appears to have been prosperous and reputable, but much of the neighborhood was in decay, the scene of low amusements, such as bowling, dicing, and the venereal sports. Golden Lane, which runs north from the east end of Barbican, is characterized by Strype as "of no great Account, either for Buildings or Inhabitants" (ibid.). Grub Street lies only a few hundred feet to the east. For this reason, perhaps, the region suggested vice and poverty, bad plays and low literature of all kinds.

Notes to Pages

55-56

319

72-73 Christie observed that these lines parody a couplet in Cowley's Davideis, Bk. I (Poems, p. 244): W h e r e their vast Court the Mother-waters keep, A n d undisturb'd by Moons in silence sleep. T h e s e lines are part of Cowley's description of Hell. Dryden quoted the first of them in The Authors Apology for Heroique Poetry and Poetique Licence, prefixed to The State of Innocence, and Fall of Man (1677, sig. c i f ; Watson, I, 205), and went o n to show how they, like some of his own passages, could be ridiculed if a critic were of a mind to do so: " H o w easie 'tis to turn into ridicule, the best descriptions, when once a man is in the h u m o r of laughing, till he wheezes at his own dull jestl but an Image which is strongly and beautifully set before the eyes of the Reader, will still be Poetry, when the merry fit is over: and last when the other is forgotten." 74 Nursery. A theater for the training of young actors. T h e r e were several nurseries in the 1660's and 1670's, but the one here referred to seems to have been built in Barbican by Lady Davenant in 1671 (see Leslie Hotson, The Commonwealth and Restoration Stage [1928], pp. 176-194). While it was being built, the city authorities voiced their concern for the evils it would foster. Dryden's reference may have been suggested by the College of Prophets in Bk. I of Davideis (Cowley, Poems, p. 258). T h e College of Prophets appears again in The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, 11. 324-325, as a nursery of sects a n d treason. T h e irony in 11. 74-75 may be seen by juxtaposing its echo in Absalom and Achitophel, 11. 870-871: T h e Prophets Sons by such example led, T o Learning a n d to Loyalty were bred. 76-78 Christie pointed out that 11. 76-77 are another parody of the Davideis, Bk. I (Cowley, Poems, p. 244): Beneath the dens where unfletcht Tempests lye, A n d i n f a n t W i n d s their tender Voyces try. T h e lines of both Cowley a n d Dryden are apparently imitations of Virgil (see Dryden's Aeneis, X, 149-150). Maximin was the r a n t i n g emperor in Dryden's Tyrannick Love (produced 1669). T h e fact that Dryden makes f u n of one of his own early works p r o m p t e d Korn to suggest (p. 191) that Dryden's parody of Cowley, o n e of his early masters, was a good-natured effort in which he was, perhaps, also "parodying something in his earlier self." I n the dedication of The Spanish Fryar (1681) Dryden was to express genuine regret for Maximin's extravagances. 81 gentle Simkin. Apparently an allusion to the chief character in a droll called The Humours of Simpkin, a piece already venerable in the age of Dryden. I t had appeared in a collection entitled The Wits, or, Sport upon Sport. Gentle, of course, is ironic, Simkin being a clown. T h a t Shadwell knew this droll is evident from an allusion to it in The Miser, III, iii. See The Wits, ed. J o h n James Elson (1932), pp. 384-385. 82 Noyes, citing J. C h u r t o n Collins, pointed out that this line was suggested by Davenant's Gondibert, II, v, st. 36:

320

Commentary

T h i s to a structure led, long known to Fame, And call'd, T h e M o n u m e n t of vanish'd Mindes. I n Gondibert the m o n u m e n t is a library containing the great works of men long dead, but Dryden makes it a m o n u m e n t to mindlessness. 83 Clinches. "A sharp repartee that twists or turns about the meaning of a word; a word-play, a p u n " ( O E D ) . suburbian. " I n 17th cent, often with reference to the licentious life of the (London) suburbs" (OED). 84 Panton. Unidentified. Kinsley suggests that he may have been a character in another farce. 87 Decker. T h o m a s Dekker (c. 1572-1632) was an impecunious Londoner who was forced into much hackwork. Jonson f o u n d him contemptible. His r e p u t a t i o n as a playwright in the seventeenth century was slight, a n d his plays were seldom acted on the Restoration stage. At the end of the century William King (in Dialogues of the Dead Relating to the Present Controversy Concerning the Epistles of Phalaris [1699]) published a dialogue between Flecknoe a n d Dekker in which the two writers wonder why the world has considered their work so dull. G. Blakemore Evans ("Dryden's Mac Flecknoe and Dekker's Satiromastix," MLN, L X X V I [1961], 598-600) argues that the prophecy can be glossed by reference to two passages in Satiromastix (II, ii, 55-62; V, ii, 338-339) which relate to Jonson a n d the f u t u r e a n d would make sense in Dryden's context because of Shadwell's devotion to a n d difference f r o m Jonson. It is more likely that Dekker figures in the lines of prophets leading u p to Shadwell because h e was a City poet a n d an e x p o n e n t of the school of middleclass realism in the drama. (See 1. io2n, below.) 89 flayle of Sense. Samuel H . M o n k (in Ni~Q_, V I I [i960], 67-68) suggests that the reference may be to the "Protestant flail," a pocket weapon developed during the frenzy over the Popish Plot. 90-93 For Psyche, see 11. 53~54n. Shadwell's The Miser, based o n Molifcre's L'Avare, was produced in J a n u a r y 1672. The Humorists, another of his comedies, was produced in December 1670; Raymond, a character in the play, is described as a gentleman of wit a n d honor, b u t by Restoration standards his wit is of a low order. The Hypocrite, presumably based o n Tartuffe, was acted in i66g b u t was never printed. Bruce is a character of "wit a n d sense" in The Virtuoso, produced in May 1676. 94 Empress Fame. T h a t is, R u m o r . Cf. Dryden's Aeneis, IV, 266-271: She fills the peaceful Universe with Cries; N o Slumbers ever close her wakeful Eyes. By Day f r o m lofty T o w ' r s her H e a d she shews; A n d spreads through trembling Crowds disastrous News. W i t h Court Informers haunts, a n d Royal Spies, T h i n g s d o n e relates, not done she feigns; a n d mingles T r u t h with Lyes. 97 Bunhill Fields, to the northeast of Cripplegate, lay " n e a r " the Barbican. Victims of the plague in 1665-66 were buried there, and afterward the fields became a favorite burying ground for Dissenters. W a t l i n g Street, beginning at the southeast corner of Saint Paul's, extended easterly

Notes to Page 56

321

for a short distance in the heart of the City. It was, of course, only relatively "distant" from the Barbican, being less than a mile removed. T h e line may suggest that Shadwell drew his admirers from the quick and the dead, from the dissenting City merchants and from the ill-favored characters of an ill-favored suburb (cf. suburbian in 1. 8gn). 101 Martyrs and Reliques are reminders that this is a sacred occasion: a prophet-king is to anoint his successor. T h e rude use to which the pages of neglected writers were subjected is described in Richard Leigh's The Transproser Rehears'd (1673), pp. 46-48. 102 Thomas Heywood (c. 1574-1641), a prolific writer of plays in the earlier seventeenth century, including a series of lord mayor's pageants for the city of London. His work was designed to appeal to the popular, unsophisticated audience, and in this effort he managed very well. His reputation in the seventeenth century was not high, and so the pages of his works might well have been used to strew the imperial way for Shadwell. Shadwell's The Lancashire Witches (acted in the fall of 1681) was indebted to The Late Lancashire Witches by Heywood and Brome, but it comes too late to have any significance for Mac Flecknoe. James Shirley (1596-1666) was also prolific, though his production did not approach the 220 plays that Heywood claimed to have had a hand in. Of the thirty-one now extant, twelve have to do with London life and manners (see A. H. Nason, James Shirley: Dramatist [1915], p. 5) and involve humours as well as manners. Unlike Heywood, Shirley had a good reputation as a playwright on into the early years of the Restoration. Perhaps Dryden pilloried him because of the similarity of some of his comedies to those of Shadwell and also because of his association with Ogilby. In 1636 Shirley went to Dublin and for some four years worked for the company that Ogilby had organized there. Back in England he continued to associate with Ogilby, writing commendatory verses for his Fables in 1651 and, it was reported, drudging on some of Ogilby's translations. J o h n Ogilby (1600-1676), as noted above, was a dramatic entrepreneur, but the theater was only one of his varied interests. He began as a dancing master and was afterward translator, printer, and cartographer. He was responsible for the "poetical part" of the coronation ceremonies in 1661; before that he had translated Virgil and paraphrased Aesop, and later he was to translate Homer. As a publisher he was responsible for a number of elegantly illustrated volumes. At one time he ran a lottery in which all the prizes were books that he had caused to be published. Dryden mentioned him later in the prefaces to Sylvce and the Fables as a bad poet and a bad translator. T o m H. Towers ( " T h e Lineage of Shadwell: An Approach to MacFlecknoe," SEL, I I I [1963], 323-334) has argued that Dryden's references to Dekker, Heywood, Shirley, and Ogilby serve to define the theatrical tradition to which Shadwell belonged and to link him to the kind of productions for which Christopher Beeston (d. 1638) and his successors in managing were responsible. Heywood, Shirley, and Dekker were all involved with Beeston's companies. Beeston's company at the R e d Bull was

322

Commentary

famous for its spectacular and vulgar productions before 1642; after the reopening of the theaters, Davenant and the Duke's Company continued the spectacular tradition on into the 1670's. Shadwell was of course connected with that group. Towers (ibid., p. 331) has also observed that in the lord mayor's pageants, to which Dekker and Heywood had contributed much, there was a "catering to mercantile tastes and morals that underlies many of Shadwell's humour comedies." 105 H . Henry Herringman was one of the leading bookseller-publishers of London, his career extending from 1653 to 1693. He was Dryden's publisher from 1660 to 1678 and also Shadwell's until 1678. He had published one of Flecknoe's pieces, The Diarium, or Journall (1656). 107 It has been observed that this line seems to echo Paradise Lost, II, 1. 108-109 Ascanius was, of course, the young son of Aeneas. Christie pointed out that these lines imitate Virgil. Cf. Dryden's Aeneis, X I I , 2 5 3 254: And by his side Ascanius took his Place, T h e second Hope of Rome's Immortal Race. T h e following couplet also echoes Virgil's account of a supernatural flame playing about the head of the child Ascanius. Cf. Dryden's Aeneis, II, 93 1 _ 93 2 : A lambent Flame arose, which gently spread Around his Brows, and on his Temples fed. 1 1 2 - 1 1 3 Livy ( X X I , 1) recounts that when Hannibal was about nine years old, his father Hamilcar took him to the altar and directed him to swear that he would become an enemy to Rome. 120-125 Dryden was probably recalling the coronation of Charles II. After the religious ceremonies the King proceeded to Westminster Abbey, carrying in his left hand the orb and in his right the scepter. Shadwell's well-known fondness for drink explains the mug of ale. Love's Kingdom was a romantic tragicomedy by Flecknoe, acted and published in 1664 and reissued in 1674. T h e "righteous Lore" of 1. 124 refers to the standard of strictest chastity adhered to by the characters in the play. Psyche, a pastoral opera, could properly be said to be the child of Love's Kingdom. Since Loyns was probably pronounced much the same way as lines, contemporaries would have seen a pun here. 126 Poppies. Kinsley notes three meanings: "the poppy is soporific (e.g. Aen. iv. 486), parching and sterilizing (Georgics, i. 78), and aphrodisiac but not fertilizing (see Browne, Pseudodoxia Epidemica, vii. 7)." Shadwell's addiction to opium was well known (cf. The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, 1. 482). Nicholas Brady, who preached Shadwell's funeral sermon on 24 November 1692, claimed that Shadwell never took his dose of opium without first commending his soul to God. 1 3 0 - 1 3 1 According to Plutarch (Romulus, I X , 4-6), Romulus and Remus agreed to settle a dispute about the site of Rome by the flight of birds of omen. Remus saw six vultures and Romulus twelve, but Plutarch adds that some say Romulus lied about the number he had seen. 1 3 4 - 1 3 6 Korn (pp. 1 8 1 - 1 8 2 ) points out that this passage seems to

Notes to Pages

57-58

323

parody two couplets in Bks. I and IV, respectively, of the Davideis (Cowley, Poems, pp. 245, 375): He saw the reverend Prophet boldly shed The Royal Drops round his Enlarged Head. Then takes the sacred Viol, and does shed A Crown of mystique drops around his head. 134 shook the honours of his head. Korn (p. 182) notes that this is a Virgilian expression, translated in Dryden's Aeneis, X, 172: "And shook the sacred Honours of his Head." In Virgil it is, of course, Zeus the Thunderer who shakes his mane. 136-138 As Reuben Arthur Brower has pointed out ("Dryden's Epic Manner and Virgil," in Essential Articles for the Study of John Dryden, ed. H. T . Swedenberg, Jr. [1966], pp. 483-484), this passage seems to imitate the Aeneid, VI, 77-82. Cf. Dryden's Aeneis, VI, 120-125: Strugling in vain, impatient of her Load, And lab'ring underneath the pond'rous God, The more she strove to shake him from her Breast, With more, and far superior Force he press'd: Commands his Entrance, and without Controul, Usurps her Organs, and inspires her Soul. 139-140 Korn (p. 198 n. 39) suggests a possible echo of the Davideis, IV, 56 (Cowley, Poems, p. 366): "From sacred Jordan to the Western main." For 1. 140, Professor Alan Roper has called to the editor's attention the following passage from Wycherley's The Gentleman Dancing-Master (1672), II, i (The Complete Works of William Wycherley, ed. Montague Summers [1924], I, 182-183): Hippolita: . . . I know not where you live, nor whither you might carry me; for ought I know, you might be a Spirit, and carry me to Barbadoes. Gerrard: No, dear Miss, I would carry you to Court, the Play-Houses, and Hide-Park— Hippolita: Nay, I know 'tis the trick of all you that Spirit Women away to speak 'em mighty fair at first; but when you have got 'em in your Clutches, you carry 'em into Yorkshire, Wales, or Cornwall, which is as bad as to Barbadoes, and rather than be served so, I would be a Pris'ner in London still as I am. Professor Roper has observed that "Barbados in the period (like Ireland, for that matter) might have been the epitome of exile from the civilized pleasures of the Town. Since Barbados also sums up the English provinces, there might be added point in the references to northern dedications, Epsom prose, and Norwich drugget: the City and the Country are equally the antagonists of the Town." 141 Dominion. Perhaps a slanting reference to Flecknoe's Love's Dominion (1654), the early title of his Love's Kingdom, alluded to in 1. 143. 147-148 George C. Loane (in N&Q, C L X X X V [1943], 275) noted here a recollection of the Aeneid, XII, 435-436, where Aeneas gives advice to

324

Commentary

the young Ascanius. Noyes, following Oswald ("Satires of Dryden"), suggested that 1. 148 is a sly perversion of a couplet (11. 36-37) in the epilogue to Shadwell's The Virtuoso: You know the pangs and many labouring throws, By which your Brains their perfect births disclose. 149-150 Shadwell always boasted of his speed in writing. In "An Allusion to Horace the 10th Satyr of the 1st. Book," Rochester referred to "hasty Shadwel and slow Wicherley," a judgment that drew from Dryden in the preface to All for Love (publ. March 1678) the retort that it is scarcely the mark of a wise critic to call a slow man hasty. In the dedication of The Virtuoso, Shadwell recalled showing part of the play to the Duke of Newcastle and being encouraged to go on with it, but he gives no hint of the time it took him to complete the comedy. Later in the dedication he referred to The Humorists, "written five Years since." Perhaps, as Kinsley suggests, Dryden deliberately perverted this latter statement. Or perhaps Dryden's lines might be paraphrased thus: even if Shadwell spent five years writing a comedy, it would still have none of the nimbleness of mind associated with the word wit. 1 5 1 - 1 5 3 gentle George etc. That is, Sir George Etherege. Dorimant, Loveit, and Sir Fopling are characters in his Man of Mode. Cully appears in his Love in a Tub, and Cockwood in She Would If She Could. 1 5 5 - 1 5 6 A retort to Shadwell's comment about himself in the prologue to The Virtuoso (11. 23-24): He's sure in Wit he cann't excel the rest. He'd but be thought to write a Fool the best. 163-164 In his edition of Shadwell (Works, II, 377), Summers stated that it was common rumor that Sir Charles Sedley had revised Epsom Wells, but he gave no evidence other than these two lines of Mac Flecknoe. There can be no doubt, however, that gossip had it that the play was not all Shadwell's. In the prologue spoken at Whitehall Shadwell inserted two lines refuting these reports and added a further note on the matter when he printed die play. T h e two lines (Works, II, 105) were: If this for him had been by others done, After this honour sure they'd claim their own. T h e note he added read: These two Lines were writ in answer to the calumny of some impotent and envious Scriblers, and some industrious Enemies of mine, who would have made the Town and Court believe, though I am sure they themselves did not, that I did not write the Play; but at last it was found to be so frivolous a piece of malice, it left an impression upon few or none. It should be noted that Sedley wrote the prologue to Epsom Wells and that Shadwell later dedicated A True Widow to him and thanked him for aid in writing the play. 164 To lard with wit thy . . . prose. In The Anatomy of Melancholy, near the beginning of the preface of "Democritus Junior to the Reader," Burton translates a sentence of Jovius, describing writers who pilfer

Notes to Pages 58-59

325

extravagantly from others: " T h e y lard their lean books . . . with the fat of others' works." 166 Noyes, following Oswald ("Satires of Dryden"), observed that this line may be a recollection of 11. 20-21 in Shadwell's prologue to Timon of Athens: Some Scriblers will W i t their whole bus'ness make, For labour'd dullness grievous pains will take; And when with many Throes they've travail'd long, T h e y now and then bring forth a foolish Song. 167 top. T h a t is, "play one's part to its utmost possibilities" ( O E D ) . T h e term is used in The Rehearsal, III, i. 169-170 Sir Formal . . . Northern Dedications. Sir Formal Trifle, in The Virtuoso, is described as a florid coxcomb and orator; his speech is marked by pompous and pedantic grandiloquence. T h e r e is a certain measure of justice in comparing his speech with Shadwell's style in the Northern Dedications—that is, the dedications of The Sullen Lovers, Epsom Wells, The Virtuoso, and The Libertine to William, D u k e of Newcastle. Shadwell indulged in a na'ive hyperbole that would have been absurd even in that age: gross flattery was condoned only when expressed with grace and wit. I n Shadwell's defense, however, it should be noted that Newcastle coveted outrageous flattery a n d looked with favor u p o n any writer, n o matter how dull, who presented it to him (see H e n r y T e n Eyck Perry, The First Duchess of Newcastle and Her Husband as Figures in Literary History [1918], p. 144). Part of Dryden's irony here n o doubt hinges on the friendly relationship that existed between the D u k e and Duchess of Newcastle a n d Flecknoe, who also was given to n o r t h e r n dedications a n d to other forms of flattery of the Newcastles. For example, Love's Kingdom (1664) was dedicated to the Duke, A Farrago of Several Pieces (1666) was dedicated to the Duchess, and his Damoiselles a la Mode (1667) was dedicated to both D u k e and Duchess. Dryden himself was not wholly innocent of n o r t h e r n dedications, for he collaborated with the D u k e in writing Sir Martin Mar-all and he dedicated to h i m An Evenings Love, or The Mock-Astrologer. 177-178 his wit on learning etc. Apparently an allusion to the satire on experimental science in The Virtuoso. 179 Prince Nicander's vein in Shadwell's Psyche is a m i x t u r e of amorous whining a n d ratiocination. 180 Psyche's humble strain. Noyes, following Oswald ("Satires of Dryden"), called attention to 1. 14 in the prologue to Psyche: "His Subject's humble, and his Verse is so." 181-182 sold he Bargains etc. T o sell bargains was to r e t u r n -a surprising, often coarse, reply to an innocent question. Dryden was apparently remembering The Virtuoso in which Sir Samuel Hearty says to Longvil (Shadwell, Works, III, 119): " W i t h a whip-stitch, your nose in my breech, I know what I have to do m u n . " Line 182 is probably m e a n t to set Shadwell's comments on the n a t u r e of comedy in the dedication of The Virtuoso, particularly his contemptuous comments on farce, against the farcical quality of much of the comedy itself.

326

Commentary

183-186 scenes purloin etc. According to Noyes, this charge of plagiarism apparently refers to Shadwell's use, in Epsom Wells, of much of the plot and of five of the characters in Etherege's She Would If She Could and of a few characters and situations in his Comical Revenge. H. F. B. Brett-Smith ( T h e Dramatic Works of Sir George Etherege [1927], I, Ixxviii n.) charges that Shadwell "consistently steals from Etherege." As an example, he shows how Etherege's wit in She Would If She Could is copied and debased in Shadwell's A True Widow. 185-186 As Korn (pp. 182-183) has pointed out, this couplet may echo one in the Davideis, Bk. IV (Cowley, Poems, p. 375), describing the oil used by Samuel to anoint Saul: Drops of that Royal Moisture which does know No Mixture, and disdains the place below. 188 New Humours to invent. As Christie noted, this reference is probably to Shadwell's boast in the dedication of The Virtuoso (Works, III, 101): "Four of the Humors are entirely new; and (without vanity) I may say, I ne'er produc'd a Comedy that had not some natural Humour in it not represented before, nor I hope ever shall." 189-192 According to Christie, these lines are adapted from Shadwell's epilogue to The Humorists (11. 15-18): A H u m o r is the Byas of the Mind, By which with violence 'tis one way inclin'd: It makes our Actions lean on one side still, And in all Changes that way bends the Will. 193-194 mountain belly . . . Of likeness. T h a t is, resemblance to Ben Jonson who, in "My Picture left in Scotland," the little poem sent to Drummond describing himself as a lover, had mentioned "My mountaine belly and my rockie face." tympany. "Something big or pretentious, but empty or vain" (OED). Also a medical term defined by Nathaniel Bailey (An Universal Etymological English Dictionary [1721]) as "a Disease consisting in a . . . dry windy Dropsey, so that the Belly being struck, yields a Sound as it were a Drum." 197 gentle numbers feebly creep. Noyes, following Oswald ("Satires of Dryden"), suggested a possible source in 1. 31 of the prologue to Psyche: " H e would not soar too high, nor creep too low." Dryden may have heard the faint echo of one of his own lines in the prologue to Tyrannick Love (1. 14): "And he who servilely creeps after sence." According to Dryden's statement in the preface to the play, this line had been ridiculed by puny critics. 201-202 Venom . . . dyes. Kinsley cites Pseudodoxia Epidemica, VII, 17: "One contrary hath another, and poyson is not without a poyson unto it self." 204 keen Iambicks. T h a t is, satiric verse. Richard Merton (in NirQ, n.s., I l l [1956], 505) suggests that the phrase may derive from Horace's "celeres iambos" (Odes, I, xvi, 24). W. J. Cameron (in Ni-Q, n.s., IV l>957]. 39) found the English source in Cleveland's The Rebell Scot, 11. 27-28: Come keen Iambicks, with your Badgers feet. And Badger-like, bite till your teeth do meet.

Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel

327

See The Poems of John Cleveland, ed. Brian Morris and Eleanor Withington (1967), pp. 29, n 8 n . 205-208 chuse . . . Acrostick Land etc. Anagrams, acrostics, word games, and shaped poems are typical of playful trifles in verse. This kind of labored ingenuity was epidemic in the years before the Restoration and shortly afterward, appearing, for example, in the popular miscellany called Witts Recreations (1663). Verbal trifling was one of the occupations prevailing at the Nursery, seat of Shadwell's glory (cf. 11. 83-84). It has been suggested that Dryden is recalling certain poems by George Herbert, but this is not necessarily so. The passage, especially 1. 208, is strangely reminiscent of a receipt to allay melancholy (madness or folly) given in The Anatomy of Melancholy, II, ii, 4: "he may apply his mind, I say, to Heraldry, Antiquity, invent Impresses, Emblems; make Epithalamiums, Epitaphs, Elegies, Epigrams, Palindromes, Anagrams, Chronograms, Acrosticks upon his friends' names . . . and rather than do nothing, vary a verse a thousand ways with Putean, so torturing his wits." 2 1 1 - 2 1 3 In Act III of The Virtuoso, Miranda points to a trapdoor opening into a vault where her uncle keeps his bottles of air. Miranda, Clarinda, Bruce, and Longvil scheme to get rid of Sir Formal Trifle, the orator, by dropping him through the trapdoor. While he is declaiming on the subject of a mouse caught in a trap, they open the door. As he descends, Clarinda exclaims, "I have catched the Orator." Like Sir Formal, Flecknoe disappears while declaiming. 214-217 For the biblical source of this passage, the account of Elijah ascending and leaving his mantle and a double portion of his spirit to Elisha, see II Kings, 11, 11-13. 215 Born upwards by a subterranean wind. A. S. Borgman ( T h o m a s Shadwell [1928], p. 51) sees this line as a recollection of a song at the end of Act II in Shadwell's operatic version of The Tempest, where a devil arises and sings a song that runs in part: Arise, arise! ye subterranean winds, More to disturb their guilty minds. And all ye filthy damps and vapours rise. Which use t'infect the Earth, and trouble all the Skies; Rise you, from whom devouring plagues have birth: You that i' th' vast and hollow womb of Earth, Engender Earthquakes, make whole Countreys shake, And stately Cities into Desarts turn.

The Second Part of Absalom and

Achitophel

Tonson published The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel. A Poem in early November 1682.1 Though in format it closely resembled Absalom 1 Luttrell's copy, now in the Huntington Library, is dated 10 November, and the poem was advertised in the Observator of 11 November.

Commentary

328

and, like it, was published anonymously, it was mostly and Achitophel the work of N a h u m T a t e (1652-1715), who h a d begun his literary career with a volume of poems published in 1677. W h e n T o n s o n reprinted the poem in The Second Part of Miscellany Poems in 1716, he prefixed the following statement to it: 2 I n the Year 1680 Mr. Dryden undertook the Poem of Absalom and Achitophel, u p o n the Desire of King Charles the Second. T h e Performance was applauded by every one; a n d several Persons pressing him to write a Second Part, he, u p o n declining it himself, spoke to Mr. T a t e to write one, a n d gave h i m his Advice in the Direction of it; a n d that Part beginning . . . N e x t these, a T r o o p of busie Spirits press, a n d ending . . . T o talk like Doeg, a n d to write like thee, containing near two H u n d r e d Verses, were intirely Mr. Dryden's Composition, besides some Touches in other places. T o n s o n may have got his information f r o m T a t e , but it is not necessary to assume that T o n s o n needed T a t e ' s help, for as the publisher of both parts of Absalom and Achitophel he was in a position to know what h a d happened. I n any event, the statement has led to the acceptance of lines 310-509 of The Second Part as the work of Dryden. Scott was convinced that Dryden was also responsible for much of the character of Corah (11. 79-102), probably for that of Arod (11. 534-555), for the lines on the Green R i b b o n Club (11. 522-533), a n d for touches here a n d there throughout the poem. His surmises grew out of the conviction that T a t e was incapable of writing anything so good as the passages he cited; b u t without documentary evidence, the division of labor in the poem must remain an unsolved problem. Dryden's well-known kindness to younger writers probably accounts for his association with T a t e . H e wrote a prologue for T a t e ' s The Loyal General, acted late in 1679, and permitted T a t e to contribute to Ovid's Epistles (1680). T a t e wrote commendatory verses for Absalom and Achitophel (3d ed., 1682) a n d for The Medall. Although n o n e of these poems or of those in T a t e ' s Poems of 1677 suggests any gift for satire, some of them display a certain competence, a n d it is conceivable that Dryden turned to T a t e when h e himself was pressured—if indeed he was pressured—to write a continuation of Absalom and Achitophel. T a t e was much given to adapting other men's work (his most notable effort being the reworking of King Lear), a n d this proclivity is obvious in The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel. In structure as well as in verse, it is but a faint reflection of the first part. For example, Achitophel again tempts Absalom, a n d again he is said to be satanic ("Hell's Agent"), b u t the wily tempter of the original has lost his power; and Absalom is more inclined to reject Achitophel than to succumb to his blandishments. 1

Sig. B2-B2U.

Second Part of Absalom

and Achitophel

329

A g a i n there are the satiric portraits, but they deal with secondary figures instead of the grandees of the first part, and, except for D o e g and Og, they tend to lack the lively coloring of the earlier portrayals. A g a i n the K i n g speaks, but his speech seems little more than a reprise of his earlier statement. N o w too the portraits of praise are presented one after another, but none of them can stand comparison with that of Barzillai, perhaps because the originals did not lend themselves to heroic portraiture, but more likely because T a t e was not u p to the task set for him. In fact, Dryden might have been downright embarrassed by the portrait of Asaph, despite, or perhaps because of, his own penchant for the art of praise. Understandably, in light of the political developments in 1682, the D u k e of York is given considerable space in the latter part of the poem, but the effort to present him as the conquering hero is somewhat less than successful. Finally, the account of the election of the T o r y sheriffs in the summer of 1682 is but a flaccid conclusion to the whole. In the character of Doeg, Dryden spoke of Settle's "invective muse," and in the passage he contributed to Tate's poem his own muse led him at times to the use of such opprobrious terms as " v i l l a i n , " " f o o l , " " r o g u e , " and "foul, corrupted matter." Nevertheless his wit had not deserted h i m and the lightness as well as the sharpness of his satiric blade flashes time after time as he gives us Doeg and O g . Settle as a poet is laughed out of reputation (11. 414-420): Spurd boldly on, and Dash'd through T h i c k and T h i n , T h r o u g h Sense and Non-sense, never out nor in; Free from all meaning, whether good or bad, A n d in one word, Heroically mad: H e was too warm on Picking-work to dwell, "1 But Fagotted his Notions as they fell, 1 A n d if they R h i m ' d and Rattl'd all was well. J T h e account of O g is something else again. In 1683 Dryden declared h e h a d done laughing at Shadwell, 3 but if he was laughing when he wrote the lines on Og, he was indulging in a kind of grim raillery. In such a passage as the following (11. 476-483), the verse is masterful but the effect is devastating: T h e M i d w i f e laid her h a n d on his T h i c k Skull, W i t h this Prophetick blessing Be thou Dull; Drink, Swear and Roar, forbear no lewd delight Fit for thy Bulk, doe any thing but write: T h o u art of lasting M a k e like thoughtless men, A strong Nativity but for the Pen; Eat O p i u m , mingle Arsenick in thy Drink, Still thou mayst live avoiding Pen and Ink. If Shadwell did write The Medal of John Bayes, he was repaid in kind, in overflowing measure, in the portrait of Og. • See 1. 45gn, below.

33°

Commentary

T I T L E PAGE

Epigraph. Si Quis tamen etc. Virgil, Eclogues, VI, 9-10. (Loeb trans.: "Still if any there be to read even these my lays—any whom love of the theme has won.") POEM

48 pamper'd Corah. In the fall of 1678, after he had established himself as the Protestant savior of the nation, Titus Oates (Corah) was assigned quarters at Whitehall, provided a guard, and allotted a weekly stipend of handsome proportions. 51 pious Michal. Queen Catherine (Michal) was accused by Oates of plotting the King's murder. She was a pious woman, devoted to her husband; and Charles, after his manner, was loyal to her. 58 Hermon Lilly. Perhaps a reference to Deuteronomy, iv, 48, where Mount Hermon is identified as Sion. Sharon Rose. See Song of Solomon, 11, 1. 70 Cf. II Samuel, xxiv, 15: "So the Lord sent a pestilence upon Israel from the morning even unto the time appointed: and there died of the people from Dan even to Beer-sheba seventy thousand men." 71-72 Nebuchadnezzar destroyed Jerusalem in 586 B.C.; he besieged Tyre for thirteen years until it surrendered. Noyes observed that the English references in 11. 70-72 are to the plague of 1665, the Great Fire of London in 1666, and the Dutch Wars of 1665-1667 and 1672-1674. 1 6 5 - 1 7 0 Cf. Absalom

and Achitophel,

11. 441-446.

178 Tyre. Holland. 190-195 Cf. Absalom and Achitophel, 11. 688-689, 729—734. 229 to Pharaoh's Aid. Pharaoh is Louis XIV. 231 Egypt. France. 269 Cf. Absalom and Achitophel, 1. 752. 280 Ishban. Sir Robert Clayton (1629-1707), wealthy London merchant. He was lord mayor in 1679-80 and served as a zealous Whig in Parliament in the three sessions of 1678-79, 1679, and 1680-81. Tory writers satirized him for the practice of usury and for his ambition to become a peer. There seems to be no biblical counterpart. 298 Railing Rabsheka. See II Kings, xvm, 17-37. Rabshakeh, representative of Sennacherib, reviled King Hezekiah and incited his people to revolt. In the poem Rabsheka represents Sir Thomas Player (d. 1686), a violent Whig and an ardent promoter of the Popish Plot. He was accused of gross immorality, and one of the stews he was said to frequent was that of the notorious Mother Creswell. In London's Loyalty (1679) it is asserted that Player now grows dull, and pines for want of whore, Poor Creswel, she can take his word no more, Three hundred Pounds, is such a heavy Yoak, Which not being pay'd, the worn-out Bawd is brok.

Notes to Pages

61-72

S3 1

T h e passage is quoted in The Complete Works of Thomas Otway, ed. Montague Summers (1926), III, 275. Player, the chamberlain of London, was a member of the first exclusion Parliament in which he moved that the Duke of York be excluded from the crown. When J a m e s returned suddenly to London in August 1679 because of Charles's illness, Player led a delegation to the Lord Mayor of London, expressing fear of the Catholics and asking that the city guards be doubled. H e was reported to have said that "he durst hardly go to sleep, for fear of awaking with his throat cut" (S-S). 320 Hebronite. Hebron was a city in the south of Canaan. In the poem it means Scotland. T h e Hebronite here cursed was Robert Ferguson, known as the Plotter. Ferguson was a Scot who held a living in England at the time of the Restoration; he was ejected from it by the Act of Uniformity in 1662. After that he taught school at Islington, near London, and busied himself in preaching and controversial writing, both ecclesiastical and political. Ferguson, who had great influence with Dissenters, eventually became known as one of the leaders in the radical wing of the Whig party. T h e inflammatory pamphlet An Appeal from the Country to the City (1679) was attributed to him, and he laid claim to all three parts of No Protestant Plot, though the claim is of doubtful validity. Ferguson was embroiled in the Rye House Plot in October 1682 and fled with Shaftesbury to Holland. 330 Phaleg. Scott identified Phaleg as James Forbes, companion to the young Earl of Derby, and drew on Thomas Carte's An History of the Life of James, Duke of Ormonde, from his Birth in 1610, to his Death in 1688 (1735-1736), II, 444-445. Ormonde was the guardian of Derby, who had married Ormonde's granddaughter. Forbes accompanied Derby to France, where the young nobleman fell in with evil companions. When Forbes remonstrated with his charge, one of Derby's rakish companions fell upon Forbes and wounded him. According to Carte (Duke of Ormonde, II, 445), " T h e Earl was wild, full of spirits, and impatient of restraint; Forbes was a grave, sober, mild man, and his sage remonstrances had no manner of effect on his pupil." T h e editor has no evidence to substantiate the charges made in 11. 338-341. Apparently there is no appropriate biblical parallel. 353 Ben-Jochanan. Samuel Johnson (1649-1703), a divine of the Whig camp. H e was domestic chaplain to Lord William Russell, and it was said that his knowledge of constitutional law made him valuable to the Whig leaders. In 1682 Langley Curtis, the Whig bookseller, brought out Johnson's Julian the Apostate: being A Short Account of his Life; The Sense of the Primitive Christians about his Succession; And their Behaviour towards him. Together with a Comparison of Popery and Paganism. In this essentially exclusionist tract, Johnson argues that the early Christians did not try to get Julian excluded, but only because they were unaware of his apostasy until after he had succeeded to the crown. H e recounts that the Christians were hostile to J u l i a n after he became emperor and even prayed for his death. Although Johnson does not explicitly equate the Duke of York with Julian, the comparison is implicit

332

Commentary

in much of the tract. A s Noyes observed, the name Ben-Jochanan is meant to be suggestive of the English name Johnson. 384-385 For the episode of N o a h and his sons, see Genesis, ix, 20-27. 392 hot Father. Saint Gregory of Nazianzus, whose invective against Julian is quoted by Johnson (Julian the Apostate, pp. 62-63). 396 Balack. T h e king of M o a b who attempted to persuade Balaam to curse the children of Israel (see Numbers, x x n - x x i n ) . Balack here is Gilbert Burnet (1643-1715), another Hebronite. In 1675 Burnet gave testimony against Lauderdale, an action that, as he said, "broke me quite with the court." H e was then preacher at the Rolls. Charles requested his dismissal from the post, but Sir Harbottle Grimston, master of the rolls, refused to act against him. (See Burnet, II, 75.) In The Hind and the Panther (III, 1141 ff.) Dryden satirized Burnet as the Buzzard. For further comment on Burnet, see Works, III, 450 ff. 403 David's Psalms translated. A reference to the p o p u l a r rhymed version of the Psalms by T h o m a s Sternhold and John H o p k i n s (see Religio Laid, 1. 456 and n). 405 lame Mephibosheth. Mephibosheth was the lame son of Jonathan (II Samuel, IV, 4). T h e reference in the poem is to Samuel Pordage (16331691?), son of John Pordage, astrologer and mystic. L'Estrange referred to Samuel as " l i m p i n g Pordage." Pordage, a W h i g versifier, was apparently the author of Azaria and Hushai, A Poem, an answer to Absalom and Achitophel, and also of The Medal Revers'd. A Satyre against Persecution. H e was friendly with Settle. 407 rotten Uzza. See I Chronicles, x m , 7 - 1 1 . W h e n Uzza put out his h a n d to steady the ark of God, the L o r d smote h i m dead for his presumption. T h e key of 1716 identifies Uzza by the initials H. J. H e has usually been identified as Jack H a l l w h o is attacked in Mulgrave's An Essay upon Satyr (circulating in manuscript by 1679). Kinsley, however, notes that "Dryden may be striking at J o h n H o w (1657-1722), a Shaftesbury man with a reputation as an amorist and lampooner, and 'the most rancorous and unprincipled of Wliigs.' " 412 Doeg. Elkanah Settle (1648-1724). For the biblical Doeg, see I Samuel, xxi, 7; x x n , 9-23; Psalms, LII. A t the command of Saul, Doeg, his servant, fell upon the priests of the L o r d and slew them. In the early seventies, Dryden had been in a controversy with Settle over heroic plays and had joined with Crowne and Shadwell in an attack on him in Notes and Observations on The Empress of Morocco (1674). (See Works, X V I I , 387-393). By 1679 Settle was in Shaftesbury's camp, and he designed the pageants for the pope-burning ceremonies of that year; he was also responsible for those of 1680. T w o anti-Catholic plays by him were produced in 1 6 8 0 — T h e Female Prelate and Fatal Love—and in the same year appeared the exclusionist tract The Character of a Popish Successor, probably also by Settle. H e was the author of The Heir of Morocco, acted in the spring of 1682, with a prologue contemptuously referring to Dryden and the Rose A l l e y ambuscade. Evidently Dryden was particularly annoyed by Settle's answer to Absalom and Achitophel, entitled Absalom Senior: or, Achitophel Trans-

Notes to Pages

J3-74

333

pros'd. It was in print by 6 April 1682, for Luttrell so marked his copy, which is now in the Huntington Library. Absalom Senior was Settle's rather weak attempt to turn the tables on Dryden and the Tories. It is replete with biblical characters, among whom David is Charles, Absalom is the Duke of York, Achitophel is Halifax, and Barzillai is Shaftesbury. Under the name of Amiel, Dryden is abused in a passage of fifty-four lines, in which his political stand as well as his personal life is lampooned. Settle's "blund'ring kind of Melody" is illustrated in the following lines from the character of Amiel (p. 34): No Muse could more Heroick Feats rehearse, Had with an equal all-applauding Verse, Great Davids Scepter, and Sauls Javelin prais'd: A Pyramide to his Saint, Interest, rais'd. For which Religiously no Change he mist, "] From Common-wealths-man up to Royalist: V Nay, would have been his own loath'd thing call'd Priest.J Priest, whom with so much Gall he does describe, 'Cause once unworthy thought of Levies Tribe. Near those bright Tow'rs where Art has Wonders done,] Where Davids sight glads the blest Summers Sun; jAnd at his feet proud Jordans Waters run; J A Cell there stands by Pious Founders rais'd, Both for its Wealth and Learned Rabbins prais'd: T o this did an Ambitious Bard aspire, T o be no less than Lord of that blest Quire: T i l l Wisdom deem'd so Sacred a Command, A Prize too great for his unhallow'd Hand. Besides, lewd Fame had told his plighted Vow, T o Laura's cooing Love percht on a dropping Bough Laura in faithful Constancy confin'd T o Ethiops Envoy, and to all Mankind. Laura though Rotten, yet of Mold Divine; He had all her CI ps, and She had all his Coine. Her Wit so far his Purse and Sense could drain, Till every P x was sweetn'd to a Strain. And if at last his Nature can reform, A weary grown of Loves tumultuous storm, 'Tis Ages Fault, not His; of pow'r bereft, He left not Whoring, but of that was left. 419 Faggotted his Notions. Malone (I, 1, 170) cited Flecknoe, Enigmaticall Characters (1658), p. 77: " f o r his [a schoolboy's] learning tis all capping verses, and Faggotting Poets looser lines, which fall from him as disorderly as Faggot-sticks, when the band is broak." In Notes and Observations on The Empress of Morocco (Works, X V I I , 100) Settle is said to write by chance and "is resolv'd upon the Rhime before hand, and for the rest of the Verse has a Lottery of words by him, and draws them that come next, let them make sense or non-sense when they come together he matters not that."

334

Commentary

429 For Almonds. From proverbial literature about parrots a n d almonds. M. P. Tilley (A Dictionary of the Proverbs in England in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries [1950], A220) cites Shakespeare's Troilus and Cressida, V, ii, 193: " T h e parrot will not do more for an almond than he for a commodious drab." Macdonald (p. 239) quotes f r o m Remarks Upon E. Settle's Narrative (1683): " H e has twice given it u n d e r his h a n d that his Mother was a W h o r e . " 437 The Woman. S-S noted a ballad "on this loathsome story among the R u m p Songs." See " T h e four Legg'd Elder; or a Relation of a Horrible Dog and an Elders M a i d " in Rump: or An Exact Collection of the Choycest Poems and Songs Relating to the Late Times (1662), Pt. I, p. 35°444 A reference to the subtitle of Settle's satire a n d also, as Noyes observed, probably a recollection of a line in The Rehearsal, I, i, where Johnson says: "Methinks, Mr. Bayes, that p u t t i n g Verse into Prose should be call'd Transprosing." 446 Dryden adapts the second line of Absalom Senior, which reads: " A n d m a d e Heav'ns Gate a Lock to their own Key." 451 In Fire-works etc. Referring to Settle's part in staging the popeb u r n i n g ceremonies; fireworks were used in the entertainment. Serpents (1. 452) were a variety of fireworks that b u r n e d with a serpentine motion. 454 Puppet-show. In The Vindication of The Duke of Guise (1683, p. 45; S-S, VII, 205-206), Dryden refers to Settle as a Bartholomew Fair writer. Settle was later to write drolls regularly for the fair, b u t it appears that he had already done such work before 1682 (see Dryden: The Dramatic Works, ed. Montague Summers, V [1932], 515-516; F. C. Brown, Elkanah Settle [1910], p. 35). 459 °g- Shadwell. T h e biblical Og, king of Bashan, was renowned for his bulk (see Deuteronomy, 111, 1-11). For Dryden's earlier, literary quarrel with Shadwell, see the commentary on Mac Flecknoe. By early 1682 Shadwell had become known as a W h i g poet and was the object of attacks in the T o r y press. (See A. S. Borgman, Thomas Shadwell [1928], pp. 55 ff.) I n the spring of 1682 appeared The Medal of John Bayes: A Satyr Against Folly and Knavery. Despite some doubt about the authorship of the poem, it is generally accepted as the work of Shadwell (see headnote to The Medall, n. 10). It is a severe personal satire of venomous nature. Its quality may be judged from the following excerpts (pp. 1, 3, 23): H o w long shall I endure, without reply, T o hear this Bayes, this Hackney-rayler lie? T h e fool uncudgell'd, for one Libel swells, W h e r e not his Wit, but Sawciness excels; Whilst with foul Words and Names which he lets flie, H e quite defiles the Satyr's Dignity. As far from Satyr does thy T a l e n t lye, As from being cheerful, or good company. For thou art Saturnine, thou dost confess; A civil word thy Dulness to express.

Notes to Pages

74-73

335

A n old gelt Mastiff has more mirth than thou, W h e n thou a kind of paltry Mirth would'st show. G o o d humour thou so awkwardly put'st on, It fits like Modish Clothes upon a Clown; W h i l e that of Gentlemen is brisk and high, W h e n W i n e and W i t about the room does flie. T h o u never mak'st, but art a standing Jest; T h y M i r t h by foolish Bawdry is exprest; A n d so debauch'd, so fulsome, and so odd, As— Let's Bugger one another now by G—d. (When ask'd how they should spend the Afternoon) T h i s was the smart reply of the Heroick Clown. N o w farewel wretched Mercenary Bayes, W h o the K i n g Libell'd, and did Cromwel praise. Farewel, abandon'd Rascal 1 only fit T o be abus'd by thy own scurrilous Wit. W h i c h thou wouldst do, and for a Moderate Sum, Answer thy Medal, and thy Absolom. T h y piteous Hackney-Pen shall never fright us, T h o u ' r t dwindl'd down to Hodge, and Heraclitus. Go, Ignoramus cry, and Forty One, A n d by Sams Parsons be thou prais'd alone. Pied thingl half W i t ! half Fool! and for a Knave, Few Men, than this, a better mixture have: B u t thou canst add to that, Coward and Slave. T h e r e is no evidence that Dryden knew Shadwell to be the author of The Medal of John Bayes, but he may well have suspected it, and personal abuse like the above would h e l p to explain in part the tone of the satire in the lines on Doeg and Og. In The Vindication of The Duke of Guise, Dryden again turned his attention to Shadwell, writing of him with good-natured contempt (1683, pp. 25-26; S-S, VII, 180-181): Y e t even this their celebrated Writer [Thomas Hunt], knows no more of Style and English, than the Northern Dedicator. As if Dulness and Clumsiness were fatal to the Name of T O M . ' T i s true, he is a Fool in three Languages more than the Poet, for they say, he understands Latine, Greek and Hebrew, from all which, to my certain knowledge, I acquit the other. Og may write against the K i n g if he pleases, so long as he Drinks for him; and his Writings will never do the Government so much harm, as his Drinking does it good: for true Subjects, will not be much perverted by his Libels; but the W i n e Duties rise considerably by his Claret. H e has often call'd me an Atheist in Print, I would believe more charitably of him; and that he only goes the broad way, because the other is too narrow for him. H e may

336

Commentary see by this, I do not delight to meddle with his course o£ Life, a n d his Immoralities, though I have a long Bead-roll of them. I have hitherto contented my self with the Ridiculous part of him, which is enough in all conscience to employ o n e m a n : even without the story of his late fall at the Old Devil, where he broke no Ribbs, because the hardness of the Stairs cou'd reach no Bones; a n d for my part, I do not wonder how he came to fall, for I have always known him heavy; the Miracle is, how he got up again. I have heard of a SeaCaptain as fat as he, who to scape Arrests, would lay himself flat u p o n the ground, a n d let the Bayliffs carry h i m to Prison, if they cou'd. If a Messenger or two, nay, we may p u t in three or four, should come, he has friendly Advertisement how to scape them. But to leave him, who is not worth any f u r t h e r consideration, now I have done laughing at him, W o u ' d every m a n knew his own Tallent, a n d that they who are only born for drinking, wou'd let both Poetry a n d Prose alone.

478 Cf. 11. 25-26 of Dryden's prologue (Works, I, 160) with Shadwell's A True Widow: Weill Flourish, Countrymen: drink swear a n d roar, Let every free-born Subject keep his Whore. 489 Perhaps a slanting reference to Psalms, cxxxv, 10-11, and cxxxvi, 18, 20, where God is praised for slaying Og. 528 Th' Appointed Clubb. T h e Green R i b b o n Club of the Whigs. See "Epistle to the Whigs," prefixed to The Medall (39:14^ above). 535 Industrious AROD. Sir William Waller (d. 1699), a Middlesex justice known as the "priest-catcher" because of his zeal in h u n t i n g down Catholics a n d b u r n i n g their books a n d religious artifacts. N o r t h ( E x a m e n [1740], p. 277) wrote that he was "a great Inquisitor of Priests a n d Jesuits, a n d Gutter (as the T e r m was for Stripping) of Popish Chapels. I n which he proceeded with that scandalous Rigor, as to bring forth the Pictures, a n d other Furniture of great Value, a n d b u r n them publicly; which gave Occasion to suspect, a n d some said positively, that, u n d e r this Pretence, he kept good T h i n g s for himself." Arod was a son of Gad (see Numbers, xxvi, 17-18). 549 False Gehazi. T h r o u g h the power of the Lord, Elisha cured N a a m a n , the Syrian, of leprosy, but refused to take any payment f r o m him. After N a a m a n h a d departed, Gehazi, servant of Elisha, went after h i m a n d by lying got money f r o m him. For this false deed Gehazi was stricken with leprosy. See I I Kings, v. 555 Zaken. Elder or magistrate, according to Noyes. U n d e r date of 2 April 1680, Luttrell (I, 39) reported: Sir William Waller haveing taken one Higgie out of the Gate-house, where he was committed for treason by order of the councill, a n d kept him drinking all night in a tavern, his majestie has turn'd him out of commis-

Notes to Pages

16-89

337

sion of peace, and ordered the keeper of the prison to be proceeded against. 579 Royal Heir. James, Duke of York. 584-628 T h e passage concerns the exile of the D u k e of York in the spring of 1679. Charles was pressured by the opposition to send James to Holland, whence he proceeded to Brussels. 584-732 T h e passage seeks to refute the arguments of those w h o feared a popish successor and the interference of France in English affairs. 733-790 Charles's speech here should be compared with that at the end of Absalom and Achitophel. 793-808 T h e Duke of York was in Scotland from November 1679 to February 1680, and again from November 1680 to March 1682. H e was p o p u l a r in Scotland, but though he attempted to check the seditious Covenanters, h e could hardly be said to have checked the deluge. W h e n h e returned to L o n d o n he was received with acclaim. 811 Jothran. George Legge (1648-1691), L o r d Dartmouth, long a devoted and loyal servant of the Duke of York. H e was the son of a royalist colonel, and he had served in the navy during the D u t c h Wars. 819 Benaiah's Worth. Benaiah, according to Scott, is " G e n e r a l Edward Sackville . . . w h o had served at T a n g i e r with great reputation, both for courage and judgment. B e i n g a particular friend of the D u k e of York, he expressed himself very contemptuously concerning the Popish conspiracy." For the loyal and brave Benaiah, see II Samuel, XXIII, 20-23. 913-930 O n 20 A p r i l 1682 the Artillery Company held its annual feast and invited the D u k e of York as guest of honor. A large crowd attended to do h i m honor. T h e W h i g s organized their own feast as a countermeasure and scheduled it for 21 April; eight h u n d r e d of them b o u g h t tickets at a guinea each. T h e plan was to meet at Saint Michael's C h u r c h in Cornhill to hear a sermon and to give thanks for the preservation of the K i n g from the Papists; afterward they would proceed to Haberdashers' H a l l or Goldsmiths' Hall, with Monmouth in his coach as a center of attention. Charles II forbade the gathering, and the W h i g s f o u n d it prudent to obey. T h e feast was not held and the food was distributed to the poor and to the prisons. (See Haley, pp. 694-695.) 938 Asaph's Verse. I.e., Dryden's. Asaph was one of the chief musicians appointed by the Levites at David's command (see I Chronicles, xv, 1 6 17)941 Bezaliel. Henry Somerset (1629-1700), Marquis of Worcester and D u k e of Beaufort. G o d called Bezaleel to work upon the tabernacle (Exodus, x x x i , 2-3): "I have called . . . Bezaleel . . . A n d I have filled him with the spirit of God, in wisdom, and in understanding, and in knowledge, and in all manner of workmanship." In 1680 Beaufort, a strong supporter of the court, voted against the Exclusion Bill, whereupon the Commons petitioned the K i n g that he should be removed from the King's counsels. Beaufort also actively supported Charles's campaign against the corporation charters. 943 Kenites. T h e Welsh. For the Kenites, see Numbers, x x i v , 21, where it is said of their country: "Strong is thy dwellingplace, and t h o u

33«

Commentary

puttest thy nest in a rock." Beaufort had been made lord president of the Council of Wales in 1672. 958 his Son. Charles Somerset (1661-1698). 967 Brave Abdael. Christopher Monck (1653-1688), ad Duke of Albemarle. His father, General George Monck, played a key part in effecting the Restoration. In 1679 Christopher Monck succeeded Monmouth as colonel of the King's troop of Horse Guards, and in 1682 he was made chancellor of Cambridge ("the Prophet's School"), also in place of Monmouth. T h e name Abdael is probably derived from the biblical character named in I Chronicles, v, 15: "Abdiel, the son of Guni, chief of the house of their fathers." 985 Eliab. Henry Bennet (1618-1685), Earl of Arlington, was with Charles II in exile, and after the Restoration long continued in the royal household. He was certainly not so steadfast in his devotion as the lines here suggest. On 1 August 1672 Evelyn (Diary, III, 622-623) recorded the marriage of Isabella (the "mild Heiress" of 1. 991), only daughter of Arlington: I was at the Marriage of my L: Arlingtons onely Daughter, (a Sweete Child, if every there was any) to the Duke of Grafton, natural sonn, of the King, by the Dutchesse of Cleaveland, T h e Archbishop of Cant: officiating, the King & all the grandees present. T h e bride was five years old and the groom was nine. Eliab was David's brother (see I Samuel, xvn, 28). For Othniel (1. 994), see Joshua, xv, 17. 1003 Helon's Worth. Helon is Louis Duras (i640?-i70g), a Frenchman who was naturalized in 1665. Duras, whose title was Earl of Feversham, was a favorite of the Duke of York and held a number of posts at court. He was a Protestant, though his Protestantism was suspect. Helon was the father of Eliab (see Numbers, 1, 9). Since the name in Hebrew means "valorous," it must have pleased Duras, who was very proud of being the nephew of the great Turenne. 1013 Amri. Heneage Finch (1621-1682), Earl of Nottingham. He was solicitor general in 1665, attorney general in 1670, and succeeded Shaftesbury as lord chancellor in 1673, a position he held until 1682. Burnet (II, 42-43) wrote of him: He was a man of probity, and well versed in the law: but very ill bred, and both vain and haughty. He was long much admired for his eloquence, but it was laboured and affected: and he saw it as much despised before he died. . . . He thought he was bound to justify the court in all debates in the house of lords, which he did with the vehemence of a pleader rather than the solemnity of a senator. He was an incorrupt judge, and in his court he could resist the strongest applications even from the king himself, though he did it no where else. 1025 Sheva. Sir Roger L'Estrange (1616-1704), ardent Tory pamphleteer and journalist. In the period of the civil wars he served the King to the point of rashness, and for over three years lay in prison under sentence

Notes to Pages 90-96

339

o£ death. After the Restoration he wrote prolifically against Puritans and Dissenters, and during the troubles of the exclusion crisis and the Popish Plot, he became the most effective Tory propagandist. On 13 April 1681 he brought out the first issue of his periodical the Observator, in which he kept up a relentless attack on the Whigs, particularly on their publications. Sheva was a scribe to David (see II Samuel, x x , 25). 1035-1036 See Numbers, xxi, 7-g, for the fiery serpent lifted up in the wilderness to offset the plague of serpents. 1 0 6 5 - 1 1 0 2 In May 1682 the Duke of York set out for Scotland to fetch back to England the Duchess and their child. His ship was wrecked, with great loss of life. Under date of 12 May Luttrell recorded the news of the disaster (I, 184-185): Our letters inform us that the duke of York came the 4th instant in his yatch's into Margate road, where he went on board the Glocester frigatt, sir J o h n Berry commander; from whence they sailed the same day: but the 6th, at 5 in the morning, the Glocester frigatt stuck on the sands the Lemon and Oar, which struck off, as is supposed, a plank of the ship, so that they had eight foot water in a moment: the ship being absolutely lost, the boat thereof was lett down, into which the duke entred, and as many persons of quality as it would well hold, and were carried off safe to the other ships; which on the news hereof sent out their boats immediately; but they came too late, for the ship was quickly under water, and many perished in her: of persons of quality, the earl of Roxborough, the lord Obrian, the laird Hopton, sir Joseph Douglas, and Mr. Hide (brother to the earl of Clarendon), with severall of the dukes servants, and about 130 seamen. James reported in his memoirs that the seamen gave a great huzzah when they perceived that he was safe. His conduct during the episode was somewhat less than heroic. (See F. C. Turner, James II (1948), pp. 213-215.) 1100 Urania's Charms. T h a t is, the charms of the Duchess of York, who is compared with Aphrodite Urania, meaning the heavenly Aphrodite. 1 1 1 7 - 1 1 3 0 T h e Duke and Duchess of York returned to London on 27 May. Luttrell (I, 189) reported the event: T h e 27th, their majesties came in the morning in their coaches to Putney, and went down the river in their barges to meet their royall highnesses; but they stayeing longer then was expected, his majestie did not meet them, but returned to Whitehall, and their majesties dined with the lord Arlington at Arlington house; but about three in the afternoon their royall highnesses, with the lady Ann, arrived safe at Whitehall, being mett by severall of the nobility and gentry, and went thence to Arlington house, where their majesties

Commentary

34«

received them with great joy: from thence their majesties went to Windsor, and their royall highnesses to St. James's; and at night were ringing of bells, and bonefires in severall places, and other publick expressions of j°y1131 Ziloah. Sir John Moore, lord mayor of L o n d o n (see The Medall, II. 181-18211). Moore, though an ex-Nonconformist, was responsive to pressures from the court; when he was elected lord mayor in 1681, it was to the distress of the Whigs. Ziph and Shimei (1. 1134) are Cornish and Bethel, the W h i g sheriffs for 1680-81 (see Absalom and Achitophel, 11. 585(1. and n). T h e viler Pair (1. 1133) were Pilkington and Shute, W h i g sheriffs for 1681-82. In the election of sheriffs for 1682-83, Moore acted under the direction of the court and by trickery managed to have two T o r i e s declared elected (see Haley, pp. 699-700). T h e W h i g cause was lost as long as Charles remained on the throne.

Religio

Laici

Narcissus Luttrell dated his copy of Religio Laid 28 N o v e m b e r 1682, and under the word POEM in the subtide wrote, "Atheisticall." T h e poem was advertised in the Observator of 30 November 1682. 1 T h e several printings of 1682 and 1683 (see textual headnote) suggest a modest dem a n d for Religio Laici, but it provoked little contemporary comment and after 1683 was not reprinted again during Dryden's lifetime. 2 T o w a r d the end of the preface Dryden explained that the "Verses were written for an ingenious y o u n g Gentleman my Friend; upon his Translation of The Critical History of the Old Testament, compos'd by the learned Father Simon." Scott first identified the y o u n g gentleman as Henry Dickinson, citing a commendatory poem by Richard D u k e in which Dickinson is named as the translator.3 Very little is k n o w n about Dickinson and even less about his relationship to Dryden. A p p a r e n t l y he was a graduate of T r i n i t y College, Cambridge, and, at the time his translation was published, a member of Doctors' Commons. A b o u t May 1681 Jacob Tonson, Dryden's tiations with Dickinson about bringing out printing was nearly completed, however, venture in some alarm, having heard that

publisher, entered into negoA Critical History. W h e n the T o n s o n withdrew from the the book had been publicly

Macdonald, p. 33n. •Apparently Dryden considered reprinting Religio Laici in Sylvte (1685) but acceded to Tonson's desire that the miscellany should contain only new poems (cf. Ward, Letters, p. 23 and n). "As printed in the Critical History, Duke's poem does not name Dickinson in the title, but in Poems by the Earl of Roscomon . . . Together with Poems by Mr. Richard Duke (1717), the poem is headed " T o his Friend Mr. Henry Dickinson, on his Translation of Father Simon's Critical History of the Old Testament." 1

Religio

Laici

541

burned in Paris. A f t e r maneuvering unsuccessfully with T o n s o n , Dickinson arranged to have W a l t e r Davis put his imprint on the title page and publish and sell the book. Apparently, though dated 1682, it came out late in 1681. W h e n the book sold very poorly, Tonson was persuaded to take it over, and sometime after May 1682 he brought out an edition with his own imprint, including commendatory poems by R i c h a r d Duke, Nathaniel Lee, and N a h u m T a t e . 4 T h e poems were doubtless added in an attempt to bolster lagging sales, but who solicited them we do not know. Inasmuch as D u k e and Lee, like Dickinson, were T r i n i t y College graduates it is possible that they all knew one another, that D u k e and L e e contributed their poems out of friendship, and that one of them enlisted T a t e ' s help. More intriguing is the possibility that Dryden was involved. Duke, Lee, and T a t e had contributed complimentary poems for the third edition of Absalom and Achitophel; possibly Dryden, in a generous gesture to Dickinson and Tonson, had sought the help of the three to promote the Critical History,5 A l l this is conjectural, however, and at present the details of Dryden's friendship with Dickinson remain unknown. Father Richard Simon (1638-1712), a French Catholic priest, was a man of p r o f o u n d learning in Oriental languages. He assiduously studied manuscripts and printed texts of the Scriptures with the purpose of producing a translation based on scholarly considerations rather than on theological or dogmatic preconceptions. 6 T h e first significant result of this endeavor was his Histoire critique du Vieux Testament, printed in Paris in 1678. A t the very beginning of the book Simon clearly stated his purpose: I thought I might be profitable to the publick in giving them a critical History of the Texts of the Bible from Moses to our time, and of the chief Translations which have been made as well by Jews as Christians: to which I have added a project of a new T r a n s l a t i o n of the Bible, after having mark't the defects of most of those which have hitherto been made; last of all I have concluded this W o r k with a Criticisme upon the best Commentaries of the Bible, to the end one might not onely be instructed in the T e x t of the Holy Scriptures, but also in the way whereby we ought to explain them. I am persuaded one cannot reade the Bible with profit, ' F o r information about the Dickinson-Tonson dealings, see Charles E. Ward, "Religio Laid and Father Simon's History," in Essential Articles for the Study of John Dryden, ed. H. T . Swedenberg, Jr. (1966), pp. 225-231. Ward reports (ibid., p. 230) that Dickinson's translation was advertised in The Loyal Protestant, and True Domestick Intelligence for 14 January 1681/82. • Harth (pp. 190-193) suggests that Dryden may have solicited the poems and that lines 224-251 of Religio Laid may originally have been written as a commendatory poem for Dickinson's book. •For comment on Simon's learning, see Louis I. Bredvold, The Intellectual Milieu of John Dryden (1934), pp. 98-106; and Harth, pp. 174-183.

342

Commentary

if one be not first of all instructed in that which regards the Criticisme of the T e x t , and one shall find herein several remarks touching the style of the Scripture, which is much more obscure than people usually think it. 7 T h i s is a fair enough statement of a scholarly purpose, and the book itself is a realization of that purpose, expounded with compelling cogency. His scholarship brought Simon to grief, however, for he did not hesitate to take issue with Catholic as well as Protestant exegetes. Even before his book was officially published, the authorities in Paris, prompted by Bossuet and members of Port-Royal, destroyed all copies in the hands of the bookseller. H e n r i Justel, librarian to Louis X I V and an enthusiastic admirer of Simon's erudition, managed to dispatch two copies of the Histoire critique to England in the h o p e that Englishmen of learning w o u l d appreciate its greatness. T h e results were not what he h a d hoped. In the spring of 1678 Charles Marie D e Veil published an answer to Simon in which he argued that Simon's contention about variant and corrupt texts of the Scriptures was dangerous to the Protestant tenet that the Bible is the sole rule of faith. A n d i n 1679, in a long review, Friedrich Spanheim praised Simon's learning but asserted that his theories were dangerous not only to Protestantism but to Christianity generally.® Shortly after Dickinson's translation appeared, Evelyn wrote (19 M a r c h 1682) to Dr. Fell, Bishop of O x f o r d , about the evil potentiality of the book: It cannot but be evident to your Reverend Lordship, to how greate danger 8c fatal consequences the Histoire Critique, not long since publish'd in French by Pere Simon, 8c now lately translated (tho' but ill translated) into English, exposes not onely the Protestant & whole R e f o r m e d Churches abroad, but (what ought to be dearer to us) the C h u r c h of England at home, which with them acknowledge the H o l y Scriptures alone to be the canon 8c rule of faith; but which this bold man not onely labours to unsetde, but destroy. From the operation I find it already begins to have amongst w h o m I converse with, especialy the y o u n g men, 8c some not so y o u n g neither, I even tremble to consider what fatal mischiefe this piece is like to create, whilst they do not look upon the booke as coming from some daring wit, or young L o r d Rochester revived, but as the work of a learned author, who has the reputation also of a sober and judicious person. A n d it must be acknowledged that it is a masterpiece in its kind; that the man is well studied in the oriental tongues, 8c has carried on his project with a spirit and addresse not ordinarie amongst critics; tho' after all is don, whether he be really a Papist, Socinian, or meerely a Theist, or something of all three, is not Critical History (trans. Dickinson), Bk. I, pp. 2-3. • Cf. Bredvold, Intellectual Milieu of John Dryden, pp. 102-103. 7

Religio

Laici

343

easy to discover; but this is evident—as for the Holy Scriptures, one may make what one will of them for him. H e tells the world we can establish no doctrine or principles u p o n them, and then, are not we of the R e f o r m ' d Religion in a blessed condition I For the love of God, let our Universities, my Lord, n o longer remaine thus silent: it is the cause of God, & of o u r Church! L e t it not be said, your Chaires take no notice of a more pernicious plot than any that yet has alarm'd us. Whilst every body lets it alone, men think there's nothing to be said against it; 8c it hugely prevails already, & you will be sensible of its progresse when 'tis too late to take off the reproch. 9 In view of the troubles T o n s o n and Dickinson had in disposing of copies of the Critical History, it is surprising to learn from Evelyn that the book was causing a stir. Perhaps it was more talked about than read. A t any rate, there is no record that the scholars at O x f o r d bestirred themselves in print about it. O n l y a short pamphlet appeared in answer: An Examination of a Considerable Part of Pere Simon's Critical History of the Old Testament, wherein all his objections, with the weightiest of Spinoza's, against Moses's being the author of the first Five Books of the Bible are answered.10 T h e r e is n o evidence that Dryden knew either the 1678 edition of the Histoire critique du Vieux Testament or the 1680 edition printed in Amsterdam. Furthermore, we cannot be certain when he became acquainted with Dickinson's translation. Since Walter Davis was the bookseller listed on the title page of the first four editions of Absalom and Achitophel, we can speculate that Dryden may have come upon the first edition of the Critical History in Davis's shop sometime in late 1681 or early 1682. O r it may b e that it did not come to his attention until the late spring of 1682, w h e n T o n s o n was m a k i n g arrangements to b r i n g out the edition with his imprint. 1 1 I n any event, Dryden had ample time to examine the Critical History before writing Religio Laid, but it is unlikely that h e gave his days and nights to a study of Father Simon before composing his poem. T h e first eleven lines of Religio Laid are a stately and m o v i n g exordium on the limitations of reason in matters of religion. I n the seventeenth century reason was a protean term, and so it is of some use to observe what at least one contemporary writer had to say about its meanings. In Observations upon a Treatise Intituled, Of Humane Reason (1675), Edward Stephens wrote that reason sometimes "signifies the rational faculty; sometimes the exercise of that faculty, otherwise called •Evelyn, Diary and Correspondence, ed. H. B. Wheatley (1906), III, 410-411. " T h e preface is dated 7 April 1682. Harth (p. 187) identifies the author of the pamphlet as William Lorimer and the author of the preface as Richard Baxter. u Harth (p. 190) advances this suggestion.

344

Commentary

R a t i o c i n a t i o n in general; sometimes a particular P r i n c i p l e or D e d u c t i o n of Reason, or the c o n g r u i t y that is b e t w e e n a thing a n d the p r i n c i p l e f r o m w h i c h it is or m a y b e d e d u c e d . " 1 2 I m p l i c i t in D r y d e n ' s uses of the term are the first two senses, t h o u g h the second is his primary meaning: that is, ratiocination, or as h e puts it, discourse. I n setting out to write a p o e m in w h i c h he p r o p o s e d to reason his readers " i n t o T r u t h , " D r y d e n c o u l d hardly h a v e m e a n t at the very outset to reject o u t of h a n d the faculty of reason. A n d of course he does n o such thing. As the e x o r d i u m says, reason is a d i m light, b u t nevertheless it is a g u i d e ; it simply pales b e f o r e . the b l i n d i n g light of supernatural revelation. R e a s o n of itself c a n n o t lead us to eternal truth, b u t it can support us in o u r quest. D r y d e n ' s position should n o t b e surprising, for it was far f r o m u n i q u e in his time. For e x a m p l e , the a n o n y m o u s a u t h o r of Some Considerations about the Reconcileableness of Reason and Religion (1675) deals w i t h the subject in the same way, using a m e m o r a b l e figure: A n d to c o n c l u d e ; as I m a k e use of my W a t c h to estimate T i m e , w h e n ever the Sun is absent or clouded, b u t w h e n h e shines clearly forth, I scruple n o t to correct a n d adjust m y W a t c h by his Beams cast on a D i a l ; so, w h e r e v e r n o better L i g h t is to b e had, I estimate T r u t h by m y o w n R e a s o n ; b u t w h e r e D i v i n e R e v e l a t i o n can b e consulted, I w i l l i n g l y submit m y f a l l i b l e R e a s o n to the sure I n f o r m a t i o n s afforded by Celestial L i g h t . 1 3 I n his o w n preface D r y d e n is even m o r e explicit: T h e y w h o w o u ' d prove R e l i g i o n by R e a s o n , do b u t w e a k e n the cause w h i c h they e n d e a v o u r to support: 'tis to take away the Pillars f r o m o u r Faith, a n d to p r o p it onely w i t h a twig: 'tis to design a T o w e r like that of Babel, w h i c h if it w e r e possible (as it is not) to reach H e a v e n , w o u l d come to n o t h i n g by the c o n f u s i o n of the W o r k m e n . F o r every m a n is B u i l d i n g a several way; i m p o t e n t l y c o n c e i p t e d of his o w n M o d e l , a n d his o w n Materials: R e a s o n is always striving, a n d always at a loss, a n d of necessity it must so come to pass, w h i l e 'tis exercis'd a b o u t that w h i c h is n o t its p r o p e r object. L e t us be c o n t e n t at last, to k n o w G o d , by his o w n M e t h o d s ; u P. 7. Stephens was answering Martin Clifford's A Treatise of Humane Reason (1674) in which Clifford had called reason "the only North-Star which God has given us for the right Steering of our course" (p. 3). Stephens went on to say that reason is like a judge who knows the law but must have evidence, directions, and assistance in order to arrive at the truth. T h i s sort of aid can more properly be called "the North-Star, whereby Reason is to steer its course, than can Reason it self which is to steer by it" (p. 12). 33 P. xv. According to the title page, the tract was written by " T . E.," who dubbed himself " A Layman." He says (p. xii) that he is concerned with the atheists of his day, who, he suspects, have been seduced from the Church more by Bacchus and Venus than by Pyrrho and Diagoras. His argument with these men is not whether reason should be used, but how it should be used. Dryden was taking a similar stand.

Religio

Laici

345

at least so m u c h of him, as he is pleas'd to reveal to us, i n the sacred Scriptures; to a p p r e h e n d t h e m to be the w o r d of G o d , is all o u r R e a s o n has to do; f o r all b e y o n d it is the w o r k of Faith, w h i c h is the Seal of H e a v e n impress'd u p o n o u r h u m a n e u n d e r s t a n d i n g . 1 4 D r y d e n is relying on a traditional theological distinction b e t w e e n matters of reason a n d matters of faith w h i c h goes back to A q u i n a s . 1 5 R e a s o n has its p r o v i n c e b u t it c a n n o t a l o n e arrive at the articles of faith; it can " a p p r e h e n d " that the Scriptures are the W o r d of G o d , b u t it is f o r f a i t h to f o l l o w that w o r d a n d to accept the mysteries of the C h r i s t i a n religion. F u r t h e r m o r e , reason is i n c a p a b l e of p r o v i n g these essentials of faith. L o n g b e f o r e D r y d e n wrote, N a t h a n a e l C u l v e r w e l h a d taken the same position: I k n o w there are some A u t h o r s of great w o r t h a n d learning, that e n d e a v o u r to maintain this O p i n i o n , that r e v e a l e d truths, t h o u g h they could not be f o u n d by reason, yet w h e n they are o n c e revealed, that R e a s o n can then evince them a n d demonstrate t h e m : B u t I m u c h rather encline to the determinations of A q u i n a s , a n d m u l t i t u d e s of others that are of the same j u d g e m e n t , that h u m a n e R e a s o n w h e n it has stretcht it self to the uttermost, is n o t at all p r o p o r t i o n ' d to them, but at the best can g i v e o n l y some faint illustrations, some w e a k a d u m b r a t i o n s of them. T h e y were never against R e a s o n , they w e r e alwayes above R e a s o n . 1 6 R e a s o n is n o t to be i m p u g n e d or rejected, declared C u l v e r w e l ; it has its place a l o n g w i t h f a i t h : T i s a w o r k that requires o u r choycest thoughts, the exactest discussion that can be; a t h i n g very m a t e r i a l a n d desirable, to g i v e u n t o Reason the things that are Reasons, a n d u n t o Faith the things that are Faiths; to give F a i t h her f u l l scope a n d latitude, a n d to g i v e R e a son also her just b o u n d s a n d limits; this is the firstborn, but the o t h e r has the blessing. 1 7 It c a n hardly b e d o u b t e d that D r y d e n , had h e c o m e u p o n these statements, w o u l d h a v e b e e n in agreement. I n his preface D r y d e n declares that he was " n a t u r a l l y i n c l i n ' d to Scepticism in P h i l o s o p h y , " but this admission is n o t to b e i n t e r p r e t e d as m e a n i n g that he was a skeptic i n the Pyrrhonistic m a n n e r . T i l l o t s o n defined a skeptic as " o n e w h o n e i t h e r assents to any thing, n o r dissents, b u t is in a p e r p e t u a l suspence; because h e looks u p o n every o p i n i o n , as b a l a n c e d by a contrary o p i n i o n of e q u a l probability, w i t h o u t any inclinaSee above, pp. 100-101. " F o r a discussion of this distinction in the seventeenth century, see Phillip Harth, Swift and Anglican Rationalism (1961), pp. 40-51. 18 An Elegant and Learned Discourse of the Light of Nature (1652), p. 175. "Ibid., p. 1. Harth (Contexts, p. 134) quotes both passages and remarks: "As a description of Dryden's treatment of reason in Religio Laid, these words could scarcely be bettered." 14

34^

Commentary

tion of the Scales either way." 1 8 But Religio Laid, both preface a n d poem, makes plain that Dryden was in n o such state of intellectual equilibrium. Nor was h e prepared to adopt a fideistic position in matters of religion a n d thus virtually a b a n d o n the province o£ reason. I n a wellknown passage in A Defence of an Essay of Dramatique Poesie he h a d asserted that his essay was "Sceptical, according to that way of reasoning which was used by Socrates, Plato, a n d all the Academiques of old, which Tully and the best of the Ancients followed, a n d which is imitated by the modest Inquisitions of the Royal Society." 1 9 T h i s was the skepticism of the new science, not that of Pyrrho; it involved modest inquiries a n d eschewed authoritative pronouncements. It was, as Dryden said, the skepticism of his age; a n d we can presume that it was Dryden's also. 20 After his opening statement in the poem, Dryden proceeds to examine (11. 12-41) the efforts of the great minds of the pagan world to fathom the mystery of the divine, a n d he concludes by reiterating his contention that finite reason cannot reach the infinite. T h i s passage serves as a transition to the section i n which the Deist speaks (11. 42-61), emphasizing the power of the h u m a n m i n d to arrive at religious t r u t h a n d setting forth the common notions of deism. 2 1 Dryden answers the Deist (11. 62-167), as he h a d already answered in part the claims of deism in the preface. T h e r e he h a d said that the common notions are not the result of discourse but of revelation a n d that what Socrates, Plato, a n d other pagan philosophers h a d said of God was n o more than the twilight of revelation. Now he argues that the truths the Deist asserts were arrived at only after faith h a d shown the way for reason. T h e Deist, he says, can hardly claim to have a more prof o u n d m i n d than Plutarch, Seneca, or Cicero, n o n e of whom h a d been able to develop any such system of religion. Furthermore, for all his fine scheme, the Deist stands lost, for he has neglected the centralities necessary to salvation: the Incarnation, the Sacrifice, a n d the Atonement. I n order to follow Heaven's will, m a n must turn to the Scriptures, for only there is that will revealed. H a v i n g made these assertions, Dryden then proceeds to make use of the standard Protestant arguments that the Bible is indeed the revealed W o r d of God. T h e Deist is permitted to enter an objection at this point. H o w can the Scriptures provide the only way to salvation for those who have never heard of them? T h i s issue, already dealt with in the preface a n d now faced again, is resolved in Christian charity, including a rejection of the damnatory clauses in the Athanasian Creed. As the commentary on the preface demonstrates, Dryden was following an orthodox way in dealing with the vexed question of salvation of the heathen. W i t h its first half complete, the poem moves into the second half with what the sidenote terms a digression: an address to Dickinson as transM 18 The Rule of Faith (1666), p. 56. Works, IX, 15. " The subject has been thoroughly canvassed of late, particularly by Elias J. Chiasson, "Dryden's Apparent Scepticism in Religio Laid," in Essential Articles, ed. Swedenberg, pp. 245-260, and by Harth, pp. 1-31 and passim. 21 For comment on the deistic principles, see notes to 11. 42-61.

Religio

Laici

347

lator of the Critical History and c o m m e n t on that w o r k . I n w h a t a p p e a r s to be an attempt at logical transition, Dryden s o m e w h a t d i s i n g e n u o u s l y declares that the " c r u d e thoughts" of the first 223 lines h a d b e e n p r o m p t e d by the r e a d i n g of Dickinson's translation. A l t h o u g h D i c k i n s o n i n his address " T o the R e a d e r " 2 2 contends that Simon's b o o k w i l l serve as a f u r t h e r answer to such persons as the man w h o p r o v o k e d Stillingfleet's A Letter to a Deist (1677), it is u n l i k e l y that this passing reference c o u l d h a v e p r o m p t e d D r y d e n ' s attack o n deism; furthermore, the Critical History p r o p e r contains little that is directly a p p l i c a b l e to the first half of Religio Laid. O n the o t h e r h a n d , it gives D r y d e n the occasion, as an A n g l i c a n layman, to c o n t i n u e his comment o n the C a t h o l i c a n d N o n conformist o p p o n e n t s of his church, n o w that h e has d o n e with the Deists. T h e Critical History, therefore, is significant, n o t to the first b u t to the second half of the poem. T h i s is not to suggest that D r y d e n h a d studied the b o o k extensively, for he d i d not n e e d a p r o f o u n d k n o w l e d g e of it in order to turn certain parts of it to his purpose. 2 3 A f t e r p a y i n g his epistolary c o m p l i m e n t to D i c k i n s o n , D r y d e n proceeds in a j o c u l a r tone to praise Simon's learning. In this r e c o g n i t i o n of scholarship h e is at o n e w i t h the three poets w h o w r o t e c o m m e n d a t o r y verses for D i c k i n s o n . D u k e , f o r e x a m p l e , d e e m e d the b o o k W i t h various learning, knowledge, strength of t h o u g h t , O r d e r a n d art, a n d solid j u d g m e n t f r a u g h t . 2 4 U n l i k e the three poets whose business it was to praise, D r y d e n goes o n to take issue w i t h Simon, particularly on the uses of tradition. H e a l l o w s a C a t h o l i c interlocutor to inject a response (II. 276-281) in d e f e n s e of church traditions, a n d then proceeds to answer h i m . 2 5 Ironically, a n d with a debater's t e c h n i q u e of e x a g g e r a t i n g his o p p o n e n t ' s position, Dryden declares that it w o u l d i n d e e d b e splendid to h a v e a n o m n i s c i e n t church that c o u l d settle all matters infallibly, even v a r i a n t readings in the text of the Scriptures; b u t n o council, he says, has ever dared claim this power. T h e n , after c o n c e d i n g that the Scriptures are n o t e v e r y w h e r e clear and free f r o m corruption, he posits the standard Protestant argum e n t that in all things necessary to faith they are clear e n o u g h . F a t h e r Simon is p e r m i t t e d to o b j e c t that to set aside all tradition is the w a y of ignorance or pride, a n d to p o i n t u p the dangers of diverse sectarian interpretations of the Scriptures. D r y d e n responds that m a n y an u n l e t t e r e d Christian w i l l p l o d o n to H e a v e n w i t h o u t ever c o n c e r n i n g himself w i t h theological disputes, but h e admits that t h e learned s h o u l d study the Scriptures a n d b r i n g the w h o l e to b e a r o n theological issues, u s i n g traditions w h e r e n e e d be, so l o n g as they are general, old, a n d clear. Critical History, sig. A2-A2V. " T h e editor of this volume has long doubted that Dryden zealously studied Simon's "crabbed toil." Harth (p. 197) suggests that Dryden probably read the author's preface and that he may have glanced at the table of chapters and the first chapter of Book I as well as at Books II and III. Such perusal would have given him sufficient information to proceed with the second half of the poem. 21 " T o his Friend Mr. Henry Dickinson," sig. (c)4. x Harth (p. 205) believes the speaker should be identified as Simon. 22

348

Commentary

Ancient written traditions commend themselves as having the most authority. In taking this position Dryden, as he says, is following his own mother church. But, he permits the Papists to object, the R o m a n church should be the final authority in j u d g i n g the sense of the texts. T h e thoroughly Protestant answer is that the R o m a n church is only part of the church universal and therefore cannot claim the sole right of interpretation, even though it has handed the W o r d down to successive generations through many ages. T h i s passage leads to the familiar history, from the reformed point of view, of the withholding of the Scriptures from the people until the R e f o r m a t i o n made them available to all. Dryden, now done with Simon and the Catholic claims, moves by logical transition from the R e f o r m a t i o n passage to the extremists of English Protestantism, the "Fanaticks, or Schismaticks, of the English Church," as he calls them. In lines 398-426 he writes disdainfully of the zealots who interpret the Scriptures for their own purposes by means of the private spirit, the inner light, and self-induced enthusiasm. T h e y are anti-rationalists moved by "great Zeal, and little Thought." Although ostensibly dealing only with religious principles, the passage may be read with political overtones, if the remarks in the preface on sectaries and Presbyterians are taken in conjunction with it. T h e r e the Nonconformists are accused of having assumed " w h a t amounts to an Infalibility, in the private Spirit: and have detorted those T e x t s of Scripture, which are not necessary to Salvation, to the damnable uses of Sedition, disturbance and destruction of the Civil G o v e r n m e n t . " 2 6 T h e s e are the fruits the "private Spirit brought": not merely self-deception, but the utmost convulsions to the nation. In lines 447-450, the unfortunate results of the application of private reason to "points obscure" are suggested, but in the preface the political results are made explicit. Presumably the preface was written in the fall of 1682; by that time the K i n g had almost tamed the W h i g s and their dissenting allies, but there was much yet to be done before total victory, and Dryden did not lose the opportunity to support the cause of the court. T h e preface deals with matters religious, but it is also sardonically political. In short, though Religio Laid is the statement of an A n g l i c a n layman's faith, it must also be viewed in a political context. A t the end of the preface Dryden says h e has imitated the style of Horace's epistles. A comparison of Religio Laid with the Horatian epistles reveals that Dryden has indeed imitated them, but that h e has also made the form his own. Horace made use of an interlocutor or adversary to enliven and give variety to several of the satires in the second book and also, though to a more limited extent, to his epistles. 27 In designing his p o e m Dryden seemingly remembered the device. T h e Deist and Father P. io2, above. " Epistles X, xvi, and II, i, have dialogue but the interlocutors can hardly be called adversaries. The interlocutor in I, xix, has some of the nature of an opponent. Harth (p. 57) first noted Dryden's use of the adversary in Religio Laid. M

Religio

Laici

349

Simon are not given direct discourse, but their comments function as though the characters were speaking directly, a n d they give point to the discourse of the total poem. I n the dedication of the Aeneis Dryden commented o n the propriety, elegance, and harmony of Horace's odes and epodes; he went on to say of the satires and epistles (quoting the line f r o m Manilius which he h a d used as the epigraph of Religio Laid): . . . his Satires a n d Epistles, being i n t e n d e d wholly for instruction, requir'd another Style: Ornari res ipsa negat, contenta doceri: A n d therefore as he himself professes, are Sermoni propiora, nearer Prose than Verse. 28 Dryden surely did not intend to suggest that the epistles are prosaic but rather that the language in them is lowered to fit the subject. T h e important matter, as he pointed out, is that Horace's style is consistently appropriate. 2 9 Furthermore, Horace could and did elevate his style when occasion demanded. Dryden noted, for example, that in the first epistle of the second book (to Augustus) the words have dignity and the n u m b e r s elegancy. 30 T h e style of Religio Laici likewise varies, a n d even a casual reading reveals that the poem is not everywhere couched in "unpolish'd, rugged Verse." Dryden says that the poem is written in the legislative style, that is, in a m a n n e r suitable to instruction. Horace's epistles are sermones, discourses in which the moral a n d monitory element is d o m i n a n t ; a n d to Dryden both the satires a n d the epistles were endeavors at moral legislation. Horace, he said, teaches us in every line, a n d is perpetually moral; f r o m Horace we receive instruction in various aspects of living, not only in the rules of morality b u t also in the rules of social manners. 3 1 Dryden, then, h a d good reason to think of the legislative style of Religio Laici as closely akin to the style—undogmatic, good-natured, u r b a n e — i n which Horace's epistles conveyed their precepts. Religio Laici displays these qualities, but it can also m o u n t a n d soar, as it does in the very beginning where it achieves something of greatness a n d majesty. T h e rich tone with which the poem opens fades with line 41 a n d is followed by a passage (11. 42-61) in which the Deist presents his creed in language plain a n d nearly barren of figures. T h e response to him (11. 62-98) mingles pity a n d satiric scorn a n d is concluded by a passage (11. 99-110) in which the tone slowly rises in majesty. U p to this point the poet has been concerned with a statement of first principles, a n d a magisterial tone is strongly evident. T h e n , with line i n , the ratiocinative note enters and continues to line 251; the style is relatively plain as befits didactic argument. T h e next section (11. 252-369) involves exchanges with an interlocutor, and the style appropriately continues unadorned. T h e two succeeding paragraphs (11. 370-426), dealing with the "Works of " Discourse Discourse n Discourse

Virgil (1697), sig. (e)i; Ker, II, 214-215. of Satire (1693), s'g- i ll V Watson, II, 125. of Satire (1693), sig. kiu; Watson, II, 130. of Satire (1693), sig. izv; Watson, II, 128.

35°

Commentary

abuses of the Scriptures, are p o i n t e d l y satirical. I n the first the effect of the ridiculous is p r o d u c e d i n large part by commercial a n d legal imagery. I n the second p a r a g r a p h the tone, t h o u g h still satirical, is m i n g l e d w i t h c o n t e m p t a n d disgust; the imagery is low. T h e p a r a g r a p h ends on a n o t e of irony, m o d u l a t i n g into seriousness (11. 427-450), w h e r e the ratiocinative air is restored a n d the style again is p l a i n , near to prose. T h e p o e m concludes w i t h a facetious couplet, s o m e w h a t surprising on first r e a d i n g u n t i l o n e recalls that the p o e m is i n the epistolary form, a n d that the epistle may relieve the t e d i u m of o v e r m u c h solemnity w i t h flippant remarks. D r y d e n may have r e m e m b e r e d Horace's first epistle of the first b o o k in w h i c h the poet g r a p p l e s w i t h serious p r o b l e m s o n l y to conclude w i t h a p l a y f u l remark c o m p a r a b l e to D r y d e n ' s last c o u p l e t . T h r o u g h o u t the p o e m D r y d e n demonstrates his virtuosity in s h a p i n g the epistle a n d in v a r y i n g his style to suit the subdivisions of his subject.

TITLE PAGE E p i g r a p h . Ornari res ipsa etc. M a n i l i u s , Aslronomica, III, 39. ( T h e subject refuses to be o r n a m e n t e d ; it is c o n t e n t to be explained.) A t t h e b e g i n n i n g of his third book, M a n i l i u s develops at some l e n g t h the p o i n t that his subject requires a p l a i n style.

PREFACE P. 98: 1. 13 unhallow'd hand upon the Ark. See I I Samuel, vi, 6 - 7 , f o r the a c c o u n t of Uzzah's death. H e too familiarly t o u c h e d the ark of the c o v e n a n t a n d was smitten d e a d by J e h o v a h . 98:20 Sword of Goliah. See I Samuel, x x i , 8-9; The Hind and the Panther, II, 599-600. 98:25-26 Scepticism in Philosophy. See h e a d n o t e , p p . 345-346. 99:2 judicious and learned Friend. D a v i d N i c h o l Smith ( J o h n Dryden [1950], p p . 88-89) suggests that the r e f e r e n c e is to J o h n T i l l o t s o n , D e a n of St. Paul's i n 1680 a n d later A r c h b i s h o p of C a n t e r b u r y . See D a v i d D . B r o w n , " D r y d e n ' s ' R e l i g i o L a i d ' a n d the 'Judicious a n d L e a r n e d F r i e n d , ' " MLR, L V I (1961), 66-69, f ° r d o c u m e n t a t i o n of Smith's identification. A s for the strictures o n Athanasius, T i l l o t s o n , in a letter written shortly before his death to B i s h o p B u r n e t , said of the A t h a n a s i a n C r e e d : " I wish w e w e r e well rid of i t " ( T h o m a s Birch, The Life of the Most Reverend Dr. John Tillotson [1752], p. 343). B r o w n suggests that p e r h a p s T i l l o t s o n advised D r y d e n not to speak q u i t e so b o l d l y of the m a n A t h a n a s i u s a n d that D r y d e n t e m p e r e d his comments i n a later passage in his preface (see 1 0 1 : 1 5 ff. a n d n). 9 9 : 1 3 - 1 5 Heathens . . . possibility of Salvation. T h e p r o b l e m of the salvation of virtuous h e a t h e n w h o c o u l d n o t h a v e k n o w n of the Christian religion h a d l o n g v e x e d theologians (see H a r t h , p p . 149 ff.; A r n o l d W i l liams, The Common Expositor [1948], p p . 209-311). B u r t o n ( A n a t o m y of Melancholy, III, iv, ii, 6) surveyed theological debate o n the subject, be-

Notes to Pages 9J-99

B5i

ginning with Origen. Donne took a charitable position comparable to that of Dryden (cf. Evelyn M. Simpson, A Study of the Prose Works of John Donne [1924], p. 84): You shall not finde a Trismegistus, a Numa Pompilius, a Plato, a Socrates, for whose salvation you shall not finde some Father, or some Ancient and Reverend Author, an Advocate. . . . T o me, to whom God hath revealed his Son, in a Gospel, by a Church, there can be no way of salvation, but by applying that Son of God, by that Gospel, in that Church. Nor is there any other foundation for any, nor other name by which any can be saved, but the name of Jesus. But how this foundation is presented, and how this name of Jesus is notified to them, amongst whom there is no Gospel preached, no Church established, I am not curious in inquiring. I know God can be as mercifull as those tender Fathers present him to be; and I would be as charitable as they are. And therefore humbly imbracing that manifestation of his Son, which he hath afforded me, I leave God, to his unsearchable waies of working upon others, without farther inquisition. Closer to the time of Religio Laici is a similar comment by Bishop J o h n Wilkins in Of the Principles and Duties of Natural Religion (1675), a work edited with an approving preface by Tillotson (2d ed., 1678, pp. 396-397): Some of the Fathers indeed, as Justin Martyr, and Clemens Alexandrinus, Chrysostom, have delivered their judgments for the salvation of such Heathens as live according to the light of Nature: But the general stream of the rest is for the contrary opinion. I shall not now enquire into the particular grounds and reasons of this difference. It may suffice to say in general, that the goodness and mercy of God, as well as his judgments, are a great deep; that he will have mercy on whom he will have mercy; and that when God hath not thought fit to tell us how he will be pleased to deal with such persons, it is not fit for us to tell Him how he ought to deal with them. For other contemporary opinions, some at variance with the tolerant view, see Harth, pp. 156 ff. 99:20 ff. Sons of Noah etc. After the flood God blessed Noah and his three sons, Sem, Cham (Shem and Ham in the Authorized Version), and Japheth, and directed them to people the earth. For Renaissance commentary on the migrations of men descended from Noah's sons, see Don Cameron Allen, The Legend of Noah (1949), ch. 4. It was assumed that Gentiles sprang from Japheth, and that all their lore was but the dimly remembered instructions of Noah to his sons (ibid., p. 83). Edward Stillingfleet, among others, also argued that the heathen myths stemmed

352

Commentary

from the teachings of Noah, though much corrupted and confused (Origines Sacrae [1662], pp. 579 ff.). 99:26-27 Bill of Exclusion. An ironical reference to the Whig attempt to pass a bill of exclusion against the Duke of York. 100:6 St. Paul concludes. See Romans, n, 13-16: (For not the hearers of the law are just before God, but the doers of the law shall be justified. For when the Gentiles, which have not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law, these, having not the law, are a law unto themselves: Which shew the work of the law written in their hearts, their conscience also bearing witness, and their thoughts the mean while accusing or else excusing one another;) In the day when God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ according to my gospel. 100:10 Deism. This is the earliest use of the word recorded by OED. For comment on the principles Dryden here lists, see notes to 11. 42-61, 43, and 64 of the poem. 100:12-13 Modern Philosophers . . . Philosophising Divines. Kinsley identifies the modern philosophers as the Deists; the identification is possible, but Harth (pp. 129-130) convincingly argues that a more likely identification would be Descartes and other rationalist philosophers who contended that the human reason is capable of arriving at the concept of God. T h e philosophizing divines are presumably the Cambridge Platonists and other rationalist theologians who held that the revealed truths of Christian religion can be substantiated by the rational process. On the whole of Dryden's passage here, cf. Harth, pp. 129-134. See also Sanford Budick, Dryden and the Abyss of Light (1970), pp. 50, 77n, 84. 100:19 Discourse. " ' T h e act of the understanding, by which it passes from premises to consequences' (J.); reasoning, thought, ratiocination" (OED). 100:26 Principle of motion. Kinsley cites Hobbes, "Elements of Philosophy" (The English Works, ed. William Molesworth, I [1839I, 69): "But the causes of universal things (of those, at least, that have any cause) are manifest of themselves, or (as they say commonly) known to nature; so that they need no method at all; for they have all but one universal cause, which is motion." Possibly Dryden had in mind the Aristotelian theory that the Supreme Being set in motion the First Heaven and through it the other spheres, including the earth. Cf. also The State of Innocence, IV, i (1677, p. 24; S-S, V, 153): "So Orbs, from the first mover, motion take." 100:34 prove Religion by Reason. See headnote, pp. 344-345. 101:15 ff. Preface of whose Creed etc. T h e opening sentences of the Athanasian Creed read as follows (Book of Common Prayer [1666], sig. civ): "Whosoever will be saved: before all things it is necessary that he hold the Catholick Faith. Which Faith, except every one do keep whole and undefiled: without doubt he shall perish everlastingly." As Dryden

Notes to Pages

99-101

353

says, the creed was usually associated with the controversy over T r i n i tarianism and the Incarnation between Athanasius and Arius, as well as others. Gerard Voss, however, in De Tribus Symbolis (1642), a work dedicated to Charles I, had argued that the creed belonged to a much later period. T h e damnatory clauses in the creed troubled many an Anglican besides Dryden. W h e n Chillingworth was debating whether he should take holy orders in the Church of England, one of his main problems was the damnatory clauses. (See Pierre Desmaiseaux, An Historical and Critical Account of the Life and Writings of Wm Chillingworth [1725], p. 81.) In The Liberty of Prophesying (1647) Jeremy T a y l o r wrote (pp. 53-54): But now if I should be questioned concerning the Symbol of Athanasius . . . I confesse I cannot see that moderate sentence and gentlenesse of charity in his Preface and Conclusion, as there was in the N i c e n e Creed. N o t h i n g there but damnation and perishing everlastingly, unlesse the Article of the T r i n i t y be believed, as it is there with curiosity and m i n u t e particularities explaind. . . . For the articles themselves, I am most heartily persuaded of the truth of them, and yet I dare not say all that are not so, are irrevocably damnd. A n d the learned and devout Anglican, Henry H a m m o n d , wrote in Of Fundamentals in a Notion referring to Practise (1654) (The Miscellaneous Theological Works, II [1849], 115-116): As for the censures annexed, 1. in the beginning, "that except a man keep the Catholic f a i t h " — o f which this is set down, not as the entire form, but an explication, or interpretation of some parts of i t , — " w h o l e and undefiled, he shall doubtless perish everlastingly;" secondly, in the middle, "he that will be saved, must thus think," and "it is necessary to everlasting salvation that he also believe rightly in the incarnation" Sec.; and thirdly, in the end, "this is the Catholic faith, which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved;" I suppose they must be interpreted by their opposition to those heresies that had invaded the Church, and which were acts of carnality in them that broached and maintained them, against apostolic doctrine, and contradictory to that foundation which had been resolved on as necessary to bring the world to the obedience of Christ, and were therefore to be anathematized after this manner, and with detestation branded, and banished out of the Church; not that it was hereby defined to be a damnable sin to fail in the understanding o r believing the full matter of any of those explications, before they were propounded, and when it might more reasonably be deemed not to be any fault of the will, to which this were imputable.

354

Commentary

102:6 Socinians. Socinianism, with its denial of the divinity of Christ, was constantly being denounced in the seventeenth century. One of the Canons of 1640 was against the "damnable and cursed Heresie of Socinianism." See H. John McLachlan, Socinianism in Seventeenth-Century England (1051), p. 41. 103:10 Colemans Letters. Edward Coleman, secretary successively to the Duke of York and the Duchess of York, was an ardent convert to Catholicism who corresponded with the confessors of Louis X I V about the conversion of England to Rome and the "utter subduing of a pestilent heresy." His letters early gave credence to Titus Oates's revelation about a popish plot and brought Coleman to execution in December 1678 (see headnote, Absalom and Achitophel, pp. 216-217). Dryden speaks ironically about the witnesses in the trials for treason during the excitement over the "late design," and about the fallibility of the Commons in their declarations concerning the plot. 103:25 Mariana . . . Simanca. Continental Catholic political theorists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, all save the last being members of the Jesuit order. For the Jesuit position on the Tightness of deposition, and even of tyrannicide under certain conditions, see F. J . Shirley, Richard Hooker and Contemporary Political Ideas (1949), pp. 160 ff. 103:27 Campian, and Doleman or Parsons. Edmund Campion (15401581) and Robert Parsons (1546-1610), English Jesuits, headed a mission to England in 1580 for the spread of the Catholic religion. Although they were under orders not to mix in politics, the English government naturally believed that they were concerned with political intrigue, especially in view of the Pope's position that Elizabeth was a heretic prince. Campion was apprehended and executed in 1581. Parsons escaped to the continent, and in 1594 published, under the name R. Doleman, A Conference About the Next Succession to the Croiune of Ingland, in which he argued for papal authority over princes. 104:4-5 Learned Priest. Richard H. Perkinson ("A Note on Dryden's Religio Laid," PQ, X X V I I I [1949], 517-518) has suggested that the priest was Peter Walsh, Irish Franciscan and longtime friend of the Duke of Ormonde, who in 1678 published An Answer to Three Treatises Publisht under the Title of The Jesuites Loyalty. In it (p. 83) Walsh wrote: "These, I conceive, are undeniably plain: That the deposing Doctrine is not a point of Faith: That who denys it, does not stand alone: And that, who refuses the Oath of Allegiance only for denying that Doctrine, refuses it for a reason which many Learned Men judge to be no reason." 1 0 4 : 1 1 - 1 2 Bellarmine . . . in his Apology. Dryden is referring to Apologia Roberti . . . Bellarmini pro responsione sua ad librurn Jacobi Magnae Britanniae regis, cuius titulus est Triplici nodo triplex cuneus (1610). In the Opera Omnia of Bellarmine (published in Venice,. 1 7 2 1 1728), the phrase Dryden quotes and the appeal to English chroniclers appear in V, 106-107. (The editor is indebted to Samuel H. Monk for this citation.) According to Scott, "The Dominium directum is the right of seignory competent to a feudal superior, in opposition to the Dominium utile, or actual possession of the lands which is held by the vassal."

Notes to Pages

102-105

355

104:29 Father Cres. Hugh Paulinus (Serenus) Cressy (1605-1674), English Franciscan and servant to Queen Catherine. Reflexions upon the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance (1661), now assigned to John Sergeant, was ascribed to Cressy by Anthony a Wood, and it may be that Dryden had this work in mind. 105:1 Prelate of our Church. Perhaps Edward Stillingfleet. In the preface to The Jesuits Loyalty (1677), addressed to the writers of three Catholic tracts printed in the volume, Stillingfleet proposed to prove two propositions (p. 3): 1. That if you do not renounce the Pope's Power of Deposing Princes, and Absolving Subjects from their Allegeance, you can give no real Security to the Government. 2. That if you do renounce it, you have no reason to stick at the Oath of Allegeance. 105:6 this present Pope etc. "Innocent X I condemned a number of doubtful propositions in 1679, but by decrees of the Holy Office and not 'ex Cathedra . . . or in open consistory.' There seems not to have been any explicit condemnation of the doctrine of tyrannicide. Dryden implies that he had his information at second hand" (Kinsley). 105:22-23 if. Translation of Tyndal . . . Lord Herbert's History etc. Edward Herbert of Cherbury. In his Life and Raigne of King Henry the Eighth (1649), Herbert records that in 1545 King Henry appeared before Parliament and made a speech deploring the discords and dissensions among the people over matters spiritual, saying in part (pp. 536-537): And be not Judges of your selves, of your phantastical opinions and vain Expositions. In such high Causes you may lightly erre; and although you be permitted to read holy Scriptures, and to have the Word of God in your Mother-Tongue, you must understand, that it is licensed you to do so, onely to inform your own consciences, and to instruct your children and Family; and not to dispute, and make Scripture a railing or taunting stock against Priests and Preachers, as many light persons do. I am very sorry to know and hear, how unreverently that most precious Jewel, the Word of God, is disputed, rimed, sung, and jangled in every Ale-house and Tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same. Herbert also gives an account of a law passed in 1543 against Tyndale's translation (p. 495): "And therefore all Books of the Old and New Testament in English, being of Tindal's false Translation . . . shall be abolished." Dryden's remarks about Tyndale's translation moved the Whig journalist Henry Care to an indignant reply. In his Weekly Pacquet of Advice from Rome: or, The History of Popery, Vol. V, no. s i , 12 January 1682/3, Care expresses amazement that anyone pretending to be a Protestant should dare brand this good and holy mans endeavours with causless Aspersions, as Mr. Dryden (the Play-maker) has lately done in a Preface to a Pamphlet which he calls

35 6

Commentary Religio Laid, wherein he suggests many Haeresies produced in few years by T y n d a l s Translation, and that for the gross Errours and the great mischiefs it occasion'd, a sentence pass'd on the first Edition of the Bible, too shameful (he says) almost to be repeated.— T o o shamefull I pray, Sirl to whom? If to those that gave it, why then have you no more Manners to Authority, no more Respect to T r u t h , than to revive the memory of a thing so shameful and better buried in Oblivion? If to T i n d a l , or his Work, why is not one Haeresie named that it produced, or one of those shameful passages Instanc'd in? . . .

'Tis perhaps necessary that Cromwels Panegyrist and so passionate an Admirer of Pere Simon, should cast a Squint Eye not only on Poor T y n d a l , but all English Bibles, and in a word the whole Reformation. 106:10 Works of . . . Hooker. T h e first edition of Hooker in which Dryden would have f o u n d all the materials he mentions was The Works of Mr. Richard Hooker . . . In Eight Books of Ecclesiastical Polity (1666). It included Walton's life of Hooker and George Cranmer's Letter unto Mr. Richard Hooker, dated February 1598 and first printed in 1642. A l t h o u g h W a l t o n had written in his biography of H o o k e r about the activities of the Puritans in the late sixteenth century, Dryden's " A u t h o r " apparently was Cranmer, as Kinsley notes. In his Letter (1666 ed. of Hooker's Works, p. 32) Cranmer sets down the successive activities of the anti-episcopal faction: . . . the first degree was only some small difference about C a p and Surplice. . . . T h i s was peaceable; the next degree more stirring. Admonitions were directed to the Parliament in peremptory sort against our whole Form of Regiment; in defence of them, Volumes were published in English, and in Latin; yet this was no more than writing, Devices were set on foot to erect the Practice of the Discipline without Authority: yet herein some regard of Modesty, some moderation was used; Behold, at length it brake forth into open outrage, first in writing by Martin, in whose kind of dealing these things may be observed; first that whereas T . C. and others his great Masters had alwayes before set out the Discipline as a Queen, and as the Daughter of God; H e contrariwise, to make her more acceptable to the people, brought her forth as a Vice u p o n the Stage. 2. T h i s conceit of his was grounded (as may be supposed) u p o n this rare Polity, that seeing the Discipline was by writing refuted, in Parliament rejected, in secret corners hunted out and decried, it was imagined that by o p e n rayling (which to the vulgar is commonly most plausible) the State Ecclesiastical might have been

Notes to Pages

106-109

357

drawn in to such contempt and hatred, as the overthrow thereof should have been most grateful to all Men, and in manner desired of the common people. 3. It may be noted (and this I know my self to be true) how some of them, although they could not for shame approve so lewd an Action, yet were content to lay hold on it to the advancement of their cause. 106:19 Martin Mar-Prelate . . . Marvel. Martin Marprelate was, of course, the pen name of the author of a series of satiric pamphlets directed against the Church of England and published surreptitiously in 1588 and 1589. For Andrew Marvell, see "Epistle to the W h i g s " prefixed to The Medall, 40:5 ff. and n, and also headnote to Absalom and Achitophel, pp. 211-213. 107:8 Hacket and Coppinger. William Hackett, who claimed to be the Messiah and denounced the bishops and the Queen, was executed in 1591. Edmund Coppinger was one of his supporters. Cranmer refers to the Hacket and Coppinger episode (Letter, p. 32): Certain Prophets did arise, who deeming it not possible that God should suffer that to be undone, which they did so fiercely desire to have done, Namely, that his holy Saints, the favorers and Fathers of the Discipline, should be enlarged, and delivered from persecution; and seeing no means of deliverance Ordinary, were fain to perswade themselves that God must needs raise some extraordinary means; and being perswaded of none so well as of themselves, they forthwith must needs be the instruments of this great work. Hereupon they framed unto themselves an assured hope that upon their Preaching out of a Pease Cart, all the multitude would have presently joyned unto them. 107:12 Queen Elizabeth's Birth-night. T h a t is, Accession Day, 17 November. For the celebrations of 1679-1681, see headnote to Absalom and Achitophel, pp. 220-223. 107:15 Lord Mayor and two Sheriffs. A reference to the W h i g control of London in 1680 and 1681 (see Absalom and Achitophel, 1. 585^. 107:17-24 Our venerable Hooker etc. See Hooker, Works (1666), sig. d^v. 107:33-34 Louis Maimbourg, Histoire du Calvinisme (Paris, 1682). Maimbourg several times expresses the sentiment that Dryden here attributes to him. 108:34 ff. See headnote, pp. 340-341.

POEM l - n T h e images in this passage were familiar to Dryden's contemporaries, who would have recognized their import at once. Kinsley cites Donne's Biathanatos, Pt. I l l , I, i. Both Budick (Dryden and the Abyss of Light, pp. 90-91) and Harth (p. 117) note as a striking parallel a

558

Commentary

passage in R i c h a r d Burthogge's Causa

Dei,

Or An

Apology

for

God

(1675): All the Light before Christ, w h e t h e r that a m o n g the Jews, or that a m o n g the Gentiles, was b u t M o o n , or Star-Light, designed only for the night preceding; b u t it is the Sun must R u l e by Day. N o w the Gospel dispensation is the Day, a n d Christ the Sun that makes it; by whose Alone Light we must walk. For as in Nature, the Light afforded by the M o o n and Stars, which is of great Advantage, a n d very m u c h administers to o u r Direction, a n d C o m f o r t in a J o u r n e y by night, yet in the day is n o n e ; T h e M o o n a n d Stars that shine by night, a n d then m a k e o t h e r things Visible, they are Invisible themselves, a n d Dark by day; So in the M o r a l world, n o t only the Law of Moses to the Jews, b u t t h a t Philosophy a n d W i s d o m a m o n g the Gentiles, that before the coming of the Lord Christ, while it was yet e x t r e a m Dark, was of extraordinary Use a n d Benefit, It is n o longer now of any to them, n o r to be insisted on, since H e is come. For now 'tis b r o a d Day. O n e w o u ' d be gl^d of Moon-lieht. or Star-light, that is to travel by n i g h t ; b u t h e delires, a n d is o u t of his Wits, that would preferr it before the Sun by Day. It should not be t h o u g h t that D r y d e n is rejecting t h e rational faculty; rather, he is p o i n t i n g u p the weakness of h u m a n reason in matters of religion as compared with t h e divine revelation of the Scriptures a n d the glory of the s u p e r n a t u r a l light of Christ, the Sun of Righteousness. 1 - 3 Although t h e borrow'd beams are h e r e e q u a t e d with reason, for some of Dryden's readers the phrase had associations that would have p o i n t e d ahead to 11. 6 4 - 7 1 . T h e borrowed light of p a g a n philosophers was t h o u g h t to be n a t u r a l reason erected u p o n f r a g m e n t s of t r u t h ultimately derived f r o m the sacred books of the Hebrews. T h u s Stillingfleet in Origines Sacrae (1662, p. 424): "Greece f r o m its b e g i n n i n g shined with a borrowed light." 8 - 1 1 T h e realtionship between reason a n d revelation is the subject of a dialogue between M o n t e z u m a a n d t h e Christian Priest in The Indian Emperour, V, ii. T o Montezuma, reason is the " p u b l i c light" which shines u p o n all alike; revelation is the " t a p e r " or private light, which gives its d i m rays to few. T h e Christian Priest equates revelation with "heavenly beams" (see Works, IX, 100, 316). 1 2 - 3 8 I n dealing with the vain gropings of h e a t h e n philosophers, Dryden writes of their efforts to arrive at a first cause (11. 12-22), glancing at the Platonic, Aristotelian, a n d Epicurean theories. I n speaking of their ideas of the s u m m u m b o n u m , he refers to the Stoics, t h e Aristotelians, a n d t h e E p i c u r e a n s (11. 25-35). I n p o i n t i n g u p the necessity for revelation, h e is using an ancient a n d pervasive a r g u m e n t k n o w n as per errores philosophorum. Cf. H a r t h , p p . 1 1 8 ff. 39-40 Cf. the speech of Tiresias in Oedipus (1679, p. 37; S-S, VI, 183):

Notes to Pages

iop-iii

359

T h e Gods are just. — But how can Finite measure Infinite? Reason! alas, it does not know it self I Yet Man, vain Man, wou'd with this short-lin'd Plummet, Fathom the vast Abysse of Heav'nly justice. Cf. also The Hind and the Panther, I, 104-105. 42-61 In his brief summary of the tenets of deism, at least as they were known in 1682, Dryden makes use of the five catholic articles or common notions about religion originally set forth by Herbert of Cherbury in his De Veritate (1624) and repeated in his De Religione Laid (1645) and in later works. These articles were as follows (Lord Herbert of Cherbury's "De Religione Laici," ed. and trans. Harold R . Hutcheson [1944], p. 129): " 1 . T h a t there is some supreme divinity. 2. T h a t this divinity ought to be worshiped. 3. T h a t virtue joined with piety is the best method of divine worship. 4. T h a t we should return to our right selves from sins. 5. T h a t reward or punishment is bestowed after this life is finished." Herbert's Latin writings seem not to have been very much discussed in print before 1682. According to Hutcheson (Herbert's "De Religione Laici," p. 81), Nathanael Culverwel in An Elegant and Learned Discourse of the Light of Nature (1652) was the first writer to take issue with Herbert in book form. Richard Baxter in More Reasons for the Christian Religion (1672), observing (p. 79) that De Veritate had never been answered, proceeded to write animadversions upon it. It is not necessary, therefore, to assume that Dryden went directly to Herbert for his outline of deism, though it is tempting to do so, since in the preface to Religio he refers to Herbert's Life and Raigne of King Henry the Eighth. He could have found the common notions in an expanded form in Edward Stillingfleet's A Letter to a Deist, In Answer to several Objections Against the Truth and Authority of the Scriptures (1677). Stillingfleet sets down (pp. 1 0 - 1 1 ) those matters of agreement between him and the Deist: 1. You grant an absolutely perfect and independent Being, whom we call God. 2. T h a t the World was at first Created, and is still governed by Him. 3. T h a t He is so Holy, as to be Author of no Sin, although he do not hinder Men from sinning. 4. T h a t this God is to receive from us all Worship proper to Him, of Prayer, Praises, &c. 5. T h a t it is the Will of this God, that we should lead holy, peaceable, and innocent Lives. 6. T h a t God will accept mens sincere Repentance and hearty endeavours to do his Will, although they do not perfectly obey it. 7. T h a t there is a State of Rewards and Punishments in another World, according to the course of Mens Lives here. 8. T h a t there are many excellent Precepts in the

36°

Commentary

writings of the N e w Testament inducing to Humility and Selfdenyal, and to the H o n o u r of God, and civil duty and honesty o£ Life; and these in a more plentiful manner than is to be f o u n d in any other Profession of Religion publickly known. It is possible also that Dryden could have seen a short essay entitled " O f Natural Religion, as opposed to Divine R e v e l a t i o n , " first printed in 1693 in a collection of pieces by Charles Blount and others entitled The Oracles of Reason. T h e essay, in the form of a letter addressed to Blount, is signed " A . W . " Harth (pp. 84 ff.) reports that the British Museum has a manuscript copy of it written in a late seventeenth-century hand, and h e hypothesizes that D r y d e n might have seen a copy of the essay before he wrote Religio Laid. If so—-and in view of the submerged nature of deism at the time, the hypothesis is attractive—Dryden may well have used the expanded version of the common notions presented in " O f Natural R e l i g i o n . " A s printed in The Oracles of Reason (pp. 1 9 5 196), they read as follows: 1. T h a t there is one infinite eternal God, Creator of all Things. 2. T h a t he governs the W o r l d by Providence. 9. T h a t ' tis our Duty to worship and obey him as our Creator and Governor. 4. T h a t our W o r s h i p consists in Prayer to him, and Praise of him. 5. T h a t our Obedience consists in the R u l e s of R i g h t Reason, the Practice whereof is Moral Virtue. 6. T h a t we are to expect Rewards and Punishments hereafter, according to our Actions in this Life; which includes the Soul's Immortality, and is proved by our admitting Providence. Seventhly, T h a t when we err from the R u l e s of our Duty, we ought to R e p e n t , and trust in God's mercy for Pardon. 43 eCptjKa. Hutcheson suggests that Dryden may have remembered Herbert's statement toward the end of De Religione Gentilium (1663) (quoted in Hutcheson, Herbert's "De Religione Laid," p. 49): " T h u s , not without a frequent and accurate Dissection of, and Inspection into Religions; I f o u n d those five Articles I have so often mention'd, and thought my self far more happy than Archimedes." 64 Vain, wretched Creature. T h a t is, the Deist or any man who thinks that the principles of Natural Worship (1. 70) can be derived by ratiocination without revelation. Natural worship is natural religion, which Bishop John Wilkins in Of the Principles and Duties of Natural Religion (1675) defined (p. 39): "I call that N a t u r a l Religion, which men might know, and should be obliged unto, by the meer principles of Reason, improved by Consideration and Experience, without the help of Revelation." 71 Discourse.

See preface, 100:ign.

Notes to Pages 85 prescribe.

111-114

361

" T o lay down a rule" (OED).

89-90 Harth (pp. 137-138) notes a parallel statement in Sir Charles Wolseley's The Reasonablenes of Scripture-Belief (1672, p. 162): W h a t a trifle is the Blood of a Sheep or an O x e to satisfie for an Offence against an Infinite Justice! A t how easie and cheap a rate might men Sin, and G o d be satisfied! A n d what a publick tolleration of evil were it, if the Blood of Bulls and Goats might take away sin, and the lives of unreasonable Creatures C o m m u t e for the sins of M e n ! 9 3 - 1 1 0 Wolseley also commented on the inability of the h u m a n mind to work out the terms of reconciliation with G o d (ibid., p. 160): T h e truth is, the evil of the world b e i n g in its N a t u r e an offence against God, and the guilt arising from it relating to his T r i b u n a l , where no Sentence can pass but what is the result of infinite and perfect Attributes, the terms of our pardon must come from God. ' T i s not in man to find out how God shall forgive him, or to C h a l k out the T r a c k s of Divine Justice and Mercy toward himself; nor w i l l his guilt be removed, nor his thoughts be at rest, till he know Gods mind about it. N o t h i n g can assure us of Reconciliation with God, but what is from Heaven appointed as the means of it. 102 Forfeit. Sin, transgression. 103 Mulct. Penalty. 123-125 Harth (p. i4on) cites a parallel passage in Wolseley (Reasonablenes of Scripture-Belief, p. 178): If it be acknowledged there is any where extant a Revelation from G o d to the World, let it be produced. Let the best rival to the Bible upon that account, or all its Competitors together be brought forth . . . and the Bible must needs be Predominant, and prevail against all Competition. 126-167 A f t e r saying that proof is not needed, Dryden proceeds to enumerate some of the many arguments that h a d been used to establish the Scriptures as the revealed W o r d of God: C o m p a r e d with the superstitious ware of other religions, the Scriptures are the only true rule of life and way to blessing. T h e world is scarce more ancient than the law. Unskilled men could not have written the truths of the Bible except by direction from H e a v e n ; they had no reason to conspire to cheat us, for their only reward was martyrdom. Concurrent heathen prove the truth of the account. Miracles prove the doctrine. T h e style of the Bible is majestic and divine. O t h e r faiths succeeded by arms or by appealing to lusts; Christianity suppresses lusts and thrives on suffering. H a r t h (pp. 141 ff.), citing parallel passages from Wolseley, argues that Dryden was leaning on Wolseley for his arguments. Budick (Dryden and the Abyss of Light, pp. 246®.) suggests that Dryden might have turned

362

Commentary

to Hamon L'Estrange's Certain Considerations upon Dr. Bayly's Interlocution, concerning the True Church its being Judge of Scripture, published in 1651 in An Answer to the Marquess of Worcester's Last Paper; to the Late King. Both scholars are aware, however, as is the editor of this volume, that Dryden may have drawn the arguments from many contemporary sources and that some of the arguments are ancient. 168-183 Harth (p. 87; see 11. 42-61 n) suggests that Dryden may have based the " O b j e c t i o n of the Deist" on the following passage in " O f Natural Religion, as opposed to Divine R e v e l a t i o n " (Oracles of Reason [1693], p. 196): T h a t R u l e which is necessary to our future Happiness, ought to be generally made known to all men. But no R u l e of R e v e a l e d Religion was, or ever could be made k n o w n to all men. T h e r e f o r e no Revealed Religion is necessary to future Happiness. T h e M a j o r is thus prov'd: O u r Future Happiness depends upon our obeying, or endeavouring to fulfil the known W i l l of God. But that R u l e which is not generally known, cannot be generally obey'd. T h e r e f o r e that R u l e which is not generally known, cannot be the R u l e of our Happiness. N o w the M i n o r of the first Syllogism is matter of Fact, and uncontrovertible, that no Religion supernatural has been conveyed to all the World; witness the large C o n t i n e n t of America, not discover'd till within this two H u n d r e d Years; where if there were any Revealed Religion, at least it was not the Christian. O f course Dryden may have read some other deistic document of which we are now unaware, or he may have met the " o b j e c t i o n " in conversation. 184-211 T h e problem of the salvation of those w h o could not have k n o w n of Christ had already been considered in the preface (see 99:13-15 and n). Inasmuch as the seventeenth century associated the belief in the reprobation of the heathen with Calvinism and with the Puritans (see Harth, pp. 149 ff.), Dryden both here and in the preface is not only answering the Deist; h e is also slyly preparing for the attack o n the Nonconformists later in the poem. 192-193 Cf. Acts, iv, 12: "Neither is there salvation in any other: for there is none other name u n d e r heaven given among men, whereby w e must be saved." T h o s e w h o argued as Dryden is arguing in this paragraph were careful to cite this text to show that they were not heterodox about the first principle of Christianity. 199-205 T h e apostle is Saint Paul. See preface, 100:6 and n. 211 Rubrick-Martyrs. A Rubrick is a "red-letter entry (of a saint's name) in the C h u r c h calendar" ( O E D ) . H a r t h (p. 169) argues that Dryden is thinking of those w h o became martyrs because of relatively unim-

Notes to Pages

114-iij

363

portant ceremonial matters. In a sermon preached on 31 January 1669 (The Vanity of the World with Other Sermons [1685], p. 11) Ezekiel Hopkins declared that "St. Jerome assigns no less than the Blood of five thousand Martyrs to every Day in the Year; only excepting the first of January from so deep a Rubrick." Caught up in his wonted irony, Dryden might well have been prepared to put Socrates ahead of a thousand of these nameless saints of the Roman martyrology, and even of some that are named. Perhaps Athanasius might have been one of the latter. 212-223 The Egyptian bishop is Athanasius and the passage concerns the Athanasian Creed (see preface, 101:15 fi. and n). 224 Charity. Love of God and man. 228 my Friend. Henry Dickinson. For an account of Father Simon's Histoire critique du Vieux Testament and Dickinson's translation of it, see headnote, pp. 340-343. 230-233 Dryden may here be exaggerating Dickinson's piety, for, according to Tonson, Dickinson undertook the translation at the behest of his father (see Charles E. Ward, "Religio Laid and Father Simon's History," in Essential Articles for the Study of John Dryden, ed. H. T. Swedenberg, Jr. [1966], p. 228). 241 Junius . . . Tremellius. Franciscus Junius (1545-1602) and Emanuel Tremeliius (1510-1580) were Protestant scholars who translated the Old Testament into Latin, with annotations, and published it at Frankfurt in 1575-1579. About their rendering, Father Simon wrote (A Critical History of the Old Testament, trans. Henry Dickinson [1682], Bk. II, P- »55): Let us now examine the Latin Translation of Tremellius and Junius, which was at first much esteemed by the Protestants, especially in England. Drusius, who is one of the most learned and judicious Writers among the Protestants, could not but condemn it in many places, which found him work enough, because this Translation had many Favourers. Tremellius and Junius were however obliged to review it, and make a 2d. Edition more exact: But their method being faulty, it was impossible for their Translation to be exact. 242-251 In praising Simon's learning, Dryden was at one with Dickinson, Richard Duke, Nathaniel Lee (presumably), and Nahum Tate. In his address to the reader (sig. A2-A21/) Dickinson said he believed Simon's book would be of value in translation, since it displays great learning and gives convincing arguments against the atheistic opinions so rife at the time. And he went on to say that certain half-learned men delight in publishing what they think casts doubt on the authority of the Scriptures. Such was the person who several years before had occasioned the writing of that "excellent Piece, intituled, A Letter to a Deist, wherein the Authour [Stillingfleet] has onely answer'd the Objections propos'd to him." Anyone who has such scruples and questions, said Dickinson, will find them answered in Simon's book. In their commendatory poems

364

Commentary

printed before the translation, Duke and Lee view the work not only as vastly learned but also as a dash to the fanatics of England. Duke wrote (sig. (c) 4 ): Though at this Piece some noisy Zelots bawl, And to their aid a numerous Faction call With stretch'd out arms, as if the Ark could fall; Yet wiser heads will think so firm it stands, That, were it shook, 'twould need no mortal hands. And Lee declared (sig. (c)4i>): So while this Master-piece you dare produce, Which Providence design'd for wondrous use, The Foggs of Northern Madness dye away, Zeal, blind as Egypts darkness, does decay. And Wisedom darts us with resistless day. Harth (p. 194) has ingeniously suggested that Religio Laid, particularly 11. 224-251, may have originated as a commendatory poem on Dickinson's translation. 253 not too much a Priest. Although many viewed Simon's Critical History as a work of great learning, there were those, Catholic as well as Protestant, who were suspicious of his motives and doubtful of his faith (see Harth, pp. 180-182; see also Evelyn's letter quoted in the headnote, pp. 342-343). 271 oral Sounds. For the distinction Catholic theologians made between "unwritten" tradition and oral tradition, see Harth, p. 204. In his preface to the Critical History, Simon said of tradition "not written" (sig. bir-i/): As for the New Testament, the Gospel was established in many Churches before any thing of it was writ, and since that time S. Irenaeus, Tertullian and the other first Fathers have not, in their disputes against Hereticks, had recourse so much to the word of God contained in the Holy Scriptures, as to this same word which was not written but preserv'd in the chief Churches which had been founded by the Apostles. Hooker, like Dryden and others, assumed that Catholic tradition was by oral transmission, subject to the vagaries of change over the centuries (see Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, I, xiii, 2, in The Works of that Learned and Judicious Divine, Mr. Richard Hooker, ed. John Keble [1836], I, 332-333): When the question therefore is, whether we be now to seek for any revealed law of God otherwhere than only in the sacred Scripture; whether we do now stand bound in the sight of God to yield to traditions urged by the Church of Rome the same obedience and reverence we do to his written law, honouring equally and adoring both as divine: our answer is, No. They that so earnestly plead for the authority of tradition, as if nothing were more safely conveyed than that which

Notes to Pages

iij-118

B65

spreadeth itself by report, and descendeth by relation of former generations unto the ages that succeed, are not all of them (surely a miracle it were if they should be) so simple as thus to persuade themselves; howsoever, if the simple were so persuaded, they could be content perhaps very well to enjoy the benefit, as they account it, of that common error. What hazard the truth is in when it passeth through the hands of report, how maimed and deformed it becometh, they are not, they cannot possibly be ignorant. Let them that are indeed of this mind consider but only that little of things divine, which the heathen have in such sort received. How miserable had the state of the Church of God been long ere this, if wanting the sacred Scripture we had no record of his laws, but only the memory of man receiving the same by report and relation from his predecessors? 276-281 T h e speaker, perhaps meant to be Simon, interposes the Catholic objection that when the Scriptures cannot be a certain guide in matters of faith and practice, the Church through its traditions must show the way. Cf. Simon's preface, Critical History, sig. (a)4i>: T h e great alterations which have happened, as we have shewn in the first Book of this Work, to the Copies of the Bible since the first Originals have been lost, utterly destroy the Protestants and Socinians Principle, who consult onely these same Copies of the Bible as we at present have them. If the truth of Religion remain'd not in the Church, it would be unsafe to search for it at present in Books which have been subject to so many alterations, and have in many things depended upon the pleasure of Transcribers. 282-283 These lines have sometimes been read as a statement of Dryden's longing for a fully authoritarian church; but surely, within their context, they should be interpreted as an ironical observation: if we could have an omniscient church that could settle even the minutiae of textual variants, we should be pleased; but there is no such church and there never will be. 299-300 T h e standard Protestant position on the rule of faith. See, for example, Tillotson, The Rule of Faith (1666; 2d ed., 1676, pp. 93-94): But who so blind as he that will not see, that the sense of Scripture is as plain in all necessary points of Faith? I am sure St. Austin makes no difference, when he tells us, T h a t in those things which are plainly set down in Scripture, we may find, all those things in which Faith and Manners of life are comprehended. And why cannot men, in reference to matters of Faith as well as of Practice, read the Scriptures sensibly and discreetly without such a rigorous balancing of every word and syllable

3 66

Commentary

as will make the sense vanish away we know not how? If the Scripture be but sufficiently plain to such as will use it sensibly and discreetly, I do not understand what greater plainness can be desir'd in a Rule. 3 0 5 - 3 1 5 Cf. Simon, Critical History, Bk. I l l , p. 1 1 4 : There is no Religion which is not at least in appearance, grounded upon the pure Word of God. Upon this Foundation all the new Heresies are grounded, and it is strange that all the Patriarchs of these new Sects agree in their Principle, and yet draw such different Conclusions from the same Principle. T h e Socinians agree with the Protestants, whether Lutherans, Zuinglians, or Calvinists, that the Holy Scripture is the only true Principle of Religion, and that we ought to search for it only in the Old and New Testament, and that there is no need of having recourse either to Tradition or the Fathers. But when any Fundamental Point in Religion comes to be decided by this Principle, the latter are as much wide from the former, as Heaven from Earth. Which is a certain sign that the Principle they make use of, is not sufficient for the deciding of the differences which daily arise about Matters of Religion, and therefore that we ought with the Catholicks to have recourse to something else. 334 ff. Dryden is here conforming to the general Anglican view that written traditions of the primitive church are useful but not authoritative in the rule of faith (cf. Harth, pp. 214-215). Kinsley cites Hooker, Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity, V, lxv, 3 (Works, ed. Keble, II, 407): Lest therefore the name of tradition should be offensive to any, considering how far by some it hath been and is abused, we mean by traditions, ordinances made in the prime of Christian religion, established with that authority which Christ hath left to his Church for matters indifferent, and in that consideration requisite to be observed, till like authority see just and reasonable cause to alter them. 346 Pelagius. Fifth-century theologian whose beliefs about original sin, free will, and grace were condemned as heresy, provoke. Challenge. 384 Conveyances. Legal documents by which property is transferred. 389 Cf. The Medall, 1. 166: " T h e T e x t inspires not them; but they the T e x t inspire." 393 Record. T h e official account of a legal action. 398 my Friend. T h a t is, Dickinson. 400 ff. Dryden proceeds to attack the extremes of the dissenting sects. 404-416 Henry Hammond had long before expressed a similar concern about the claims of the sects to inspirational interpretation of the Scriptures. In 1653 he published A Paraphrase and Annotations Upon all the Books of the New Testament, Briefly explaining all the difficult

Notes to Pages

118-122

367

Places thereof, a work that was to have a powerful influence upon the Anglican clergy. Hammond felt called upon to defend his scholarly work against the advocates of biblical interpretation by means of the new light and the private spirit; consequently he prefixed to the book a statement he called A Postscript Concerning New Light or Divine Illumination in which he spoke of a pretension that had been "somewhat prosperous in this Nation" of late. H e went on to say ( T h e Works of the Reverend and Learned Henry Hammond, D.D. [1684-1689], III, i): And the Pretension is this, that the understanding or interpreting the Word of God, or the knowing of his Will, is not imputable to the use of ordinary means (such are the assistance of God's Spirit joyned with the use of learning, study, meditation, rational inference, collation of Places, consulting of the original Languages, and ancient Copies, and Expositions of the Fathers of the Church, Analogy of received doctrine; together with unbiass'd affections, and sincere desire of finding out the truth, and constant prayer for God's special blessing on, and co-operation with these and the like means) but either to the extraordinary gift of the Spirit in Prophesying, Preaching and Expounding, or to Illumination, not Prophetical or simply Extraordinary, but such as is thought to be promised to a new life, the work of the Spirit of God in the heart of every Saint of his, which consequently supersedes the use of all external Ordinances to such, even of the written Word of God it self contained in the Canon of the Scripture. 418-422 Scott suggested that Dryden may have been remembering Hudibras, III, ii, 1-12: T h e Learned Write, An Insect Breeze, Is but a Mungrel Prince of Bees, T h a t Falls, before a Storm, on Cows, And stings the Founders of his House; From whose Corrupted Flesh, that Breed Of Vermine, did at first proceed: So ere the Storm of war broke out Religion spawn'd a various Rout, Of Petulant Capricious Sects, T h e Maggots of Corrupted Texts, T h a t first R u n all Religion down, And after every swarm its own. Commenting on these lines in his edition of Hudibras (1744), Zachary Grey called attention to the Georgics, IV, 283 ff. 431-432 Kinsley notes Saint Catharine's lines in Tyrannick Love, IV, i (Works, X, 164, 11. 548-551): Faith's necessary Rules are plain and few; We, many, and those needless Rules pursue: Faith from our hearts into our heads we drive;

368

Commentary

A n d make Religion all Contemplative. 456 Sternhold's . . . Rhimes. T h o m a s Sternhold (d. 1549) did a metrical version of the Psalms, the first edition of which was published c. 1548 and was later added to by John Hopkins. T h e collection was extraordinarily p o p u l a r until Dryden's time, but it had long since been the butt of the wits, as noted by T h o m a s Fuller ( T h e Worthies of England, ed. John Freeman [1952], p. 207): " M a n y a bitter scoff hath since been passed on their endeavours by some wits, which might have been better employed. Some have miscalled these their translations Geneva gigs. . . . Some have not sticked to say that 'David hath been as much persecuted by bungling translators as by Saul himself.' "

The Art of Poetry Boileau's L'Art Poétique was published in 1674, and the Soames-Dryden translation appeared anonymously in 1683. W h e n T o n s o n reprinted the poem in The Fourth Part of Miscellany Poems in 1708, he prefixed to it the following "Advertisement": T h i s T r a n s l a t i o n of Monsr. Boileau's Art of Poetry was made in the Year 1680, by Sir W i l l i a m Soame, of Suffolk, Bart, who being very intimately acquainted with Mr. Dryden, desired his Révisai of it. I saw the Manuscript lye in Mr. Dryden's Hands for above Six Months, who made very considerable Alterations in it, particularly, the beginning of the 4th Canto; and it being his O p i n i o n that it would be better to apply the Poem to English Writers, than keep to the French Names, as it was first Translated, Sir W i l l i a m desired he wou'd take the Pains to make that Alteration, and accordingly that was entirely done by Mr. Dryden. T h e Poem was first published in the Year 1683; Sir W i l l i a m was after sent Ambassador to Constantinople, in the R e i g n of K i n g James, but D i e d in the Voyage. Sir W i l l i a m Soames (or Soame), born c. 1645, was sheriff of Suffolk in 1672-73 and was created baronet in 1685. H e died at Malta in 1686. His connections with Dryden, save for T o n s o n ' s statement, are unknown. T h e Soames-Dryden translation was the best of a series of poems published in the early 1680's dealing with the art of poetry. Roscommon's Horace's Art of Poetry Made English appeared in 1680; Oldham's Horace His Art of Poetry, Imitated in English was published in 1681; and Mulgrave's An Essay upon Poetry came out in 1682. In his preface Roscommon stated directly what must have been a common purpose of all these writers, namely, to establish the laws of poetry for Englishmen: "I have seldome k n o w n a T r i c k succeed, and will put none u p o n the Reader, But tell h i m plainly that I think it could never be more seasonable than now to lay down such Rules, as if they be observ'd, w i l l make

The Art of Poetry

369

M e n write more Correctly, and judge more discreetly." 1 I n a commendatory p o e m on Roscommon's translation, Waller made the same assertion: Horace will our superfluous Branches prune, G i v e us new rules, and set our Harp in tune, Direct us how, to back the winged Horse, Favour his flight, and moderate his force; T h o ' Poets may of Inspiration boast. T h e i r R a g e ill govern'd, in the Clouds is lost; H e that proportion'd wonders can disclose, A t once his Fancy and his Judgment shows. 2 Soames and Dryden, following Boileau who had in turn leaned heavily o n Horace, expounded an aesthetic that was to be widely accepted for the next half century. I n a letter to Rochester, written in the late spring of 1673, Dryden reported that Etherege had lately been translating a satire by Boileau " a n d changing the French names for English, read it so often that it came to their eares who were concernd," and consequently he had given u p the project. 3 Dryden went on to quote from memory one of Etherege's couplets to illustrate the trick of inserting English names. W h e n h e came to revise Sir W i l l i a m Soames's poem, then, he had long been familiar with the device of fitting a foreign poem to the English scene. H e may also have been influenced by Oldham's rendering of Horace. O l d h a m h a d decided to make Horace speak "as if he were living, and writing now. I therefore resolv'd to alter the Scene from R o m e to L o n d o n , and to make use of English names of Men, Places, and Customs, where the Parallel would decently permit." 4 Editors have observed that Dryden's English analogues for Boileau's French writers are not always happy choices; for example, Dryden substitutes Fairfax (1. 115) for Villon. A l t h o u g h Fairfax is in fact a n appropriate parallel to Boileau's mistaken notion about Villon, 5 most of the faulty parallels cannot be explained away in this manner. B u t historical accuracy is hardly the issue. In revising Soames, Dryden set out to make an English poem tha» would appeal to English sensibility, and his account of the development of English poetry is accurate enough in terms o i the ambience of the early 1680's. Except for English proper names, place-names, and titles, the translation follows the original faithfully, though not slavishly, and it contains almost the same number of lines as the French poem. In view of Dryden's tendency as translator to expand his material, we may assume that the basic framework of The Art of Poetry remains the work of Sir 1 Wentworth Dillon, Earl of Roscommon, Horace's Art of Poetry Made English (1680 ed.), sig. A2. 1 Ibid., sig. A%v. 3 Ward, Letters, p. 10. •John Oldham, Some New Pieces Never before Publisht (1681), sig. ait\ Tonson does not say when Dryden completed his revision of Soames; it may, of course, have been finished before the publication of Oldham's poem. "See A. F. B. Clark, Boileau and the French Classical Critics in England (.1660-18)0) (1925), p. 131.

37°

Commentary

W i l l i a m Soames. A s ratiocinative verse, m u c h of the p o e m bears the marks of D r y d e n ' s h a n d , t h o u g h it is impossible to d e t e r m i n e w i t h certitude w h a t parts are his. A m o n g others p r e s u m a b l y his are the passages d e a l i n g w i t h F a i r f a x , W a l l e r , Shadwell, a n d Settle; and, at the e n d of the p o e m , the lines on r e b e l l i o n a n d peace sound like D r y d e n . E v e n w i t h o u t T o n son's h e l p f u l hint, w e m i g h t w e l l surmise that the lines o n the F l o r e n t i n e physician at the b e g i n n i n g of C a n t o I V w e r e w r i t t e n b y D r y d e n , for they h a v e the q u a l i t y of his vigorous a n d facetious couplets. T h e anecdote is in B o i l e a u ; a comparison of the two versions is suggestive of the k i n d of c o n t r i b u t i o n D r y d e n must h a v e m a d e to m a n y parts of the p o e m : D a n s F l o r e n c e j a d i s vivoit u n médecin, S a v a n t h â b l e u r , dit-on, et célèbre assassin. L u i seul y fit l o n g t e m p s la p u b l i q u e misère: L à le fils o r p h e l i n l u i r e d e m a n d e u n père; Ici le frère p l e u r e u n frère e m p o i s o n n é . L ' u n m e u r t v i d e de sang, l'autre p l e i n de séné; L e r h u m e à son aspect se change e n pleurésie, E t p a r lui la m i g r a i n e est b i e n t ô t frénésie. I l q u i t t e enfin la ville, e n tous l i e u x détesté. D e tous ses amis morts u n seul ami resté L e m è n e en sa maison de s u p e r b e structure: C ' é t o i t u n r i c h e abbé, f o u de l'architecture. L e m é d e c i n d ' a b o r d semble né dans cet art, D é j à de b â t i m e n t s parle c o m m n e M a n s a r t : D ' u n salon q u ' o n élève il c o n d a m n e la face; A u vestibule obscur il m a r q u e u n e autre place; A p p r o u v e l'escalier tourné d ' a u t r e façon. Son ami le conçoit et m a n d e son m a ç o n . L e maçon vient, écoute, a p p r o u v e et se corrige. E n f i n , p o u r a b r é g e r u n si plaisant prodige, N o t r e assassin r e n o n c e à son art i n h u m a i n ; E t désormais, la règle et l'équerre à la m a i n . Laissant de G a l i e n la science suspecte, D e m é c h a n t m é d e c i n d e v i e n t b o n architecte. 6 I n Florence d w e l t a D o c t o r of R e n o w n , T h e Scourge of G o d , a n d T e r r o r of the T o w n , W h o all the C a n t of Physick h a d by heart, A n d n e v e r M u r d e r ' d b u t by rules of A r t . T h e P u b l i c mischief was his P r i v a t e g a i n ; C h i l d r e n their slaughter'd Parents sought in v a i n : A B r o t h e r here his poyson'd B r o t h e r wept; Some bloodless dy'd, a n d some by Opium slept. Colds, at his presence, w o u l d to Frenzies t u r n ; A n d Agues, like M a l i g n a n t Fevers, burn. H a t e d , at last, his Practice gives h i m o'er: •See Œuvres Complètes de Boileau, ed. A. Ch. Gidel, II (1872), 379-381.

Notes to Pages

124-127

37 1

One Friend, unkill'd by Drugs, of all his Store, In his new Country-house affords him place, 'Twas a rich Abbot, and a building Ass: Here first the Doctor's Talent came in play, He seems Inspir'd, and talks like Wren or May: Of this new Portico condemns the Face, And turns the Entrance to a better place; Designs the Stair-case at the other end. His Friend approves, does for his Mason send, He comes; the Doctor's Arguments prevail. In short, to finish this our hum'rous Tale, He Galen's dang'erous Science does reject, And from ill Doctor turns good Architect. 7 In the annals of Restoration criticism and poetry, The Art of Poetry deserves a much higher ranking than it has usually been accorded.

17 Waller. Boileau has Malherbe (1555-1628). 18 Spencer. Boileau has Racan (1589-1670). 21-22 Though not naming him, Boileau refers to Saint-Amant, author of Le Moyse sauvé. Soames-Dryden drop Boileau's reference to the drunken poet scribbling graffiti: Ainsi tel autrefois qu'on vit avec Faret Charbonner de ses vers les murs d'un cabaret. 56 Boileau was ridiculing a passage in Bk. I l l of Georges de Scudéry's A laric. 90 Thomas Duffet's burlesque The Mock-Tempest: or The Enchanted Castle was acted in the fall of 1674. Boileau refers to Charles Coypeau d'Assoucy (1604-1679), a writer of burlesque poetry. 94 Fleckno's Reign. Boileau writes of Scarron's Le Typhon. 96 Boileau reads: "Imitons de Marot l'élégant badinage." 100 Boileau quotes a line from Guillaume de Brébeuf's translation of Lucan's Pharsalia. 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 This couplet is added to Boileau. In the dedication of The Spanish Fryar Dryden had quoted this same couplet from Sylvester's translation of Du Bartas, with slight modification, and had commented: " I am much deceiv'd if this be not abominable fustian" (1681, sig. A3; Watson, I, 277). 1 1 5 In 1600 Edward Fairfax (d. 1635) published his translation of Tasso's Jesusalem Delivered with the title, Godfrey of Bulloigne, or The Recoverie of Jerusalem. Done into English Heroicall verse. In the preface to his Fables Dryden wrote (1700, sig. A; Watson, II, 270-271): Spencer and Fairfax both flourish'd in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: Great Masters in our Language; and who saw much farther into the Beauties of our Numbers, than those who immediately followed them. . . . 7

Lines 858-881.

372

Commentary

many besides my self have heard o u r famous Waller own, that he deriv'd the Harmony of his Numbers f r o m the Godfrey of Bulloign, which was t u r n ' d into English by Mr. Fairfax. Dryden substituted Fairfax for Boileau's Villon. At this point Dryden's chronology is slightly awry, for Fairfax, of course, did not precede Spenser. 117 Spencer. Boileau has Marot (i495?-i544). l a i D'Avenant. Boileau has Ronsard (1524-1585). Davenant's Gondibert, published in 1651, had elicited both praise a n d ridicule. In the 1650's two small collections of satirical verses on Davenant and his poem appeared: Certain Verses Written by severall of the Authors Friends; To Be Re-printed with the Second Edition of Gondibert, and The Incomparable Poem Gondibert, Vindicated From the Wit-Combats of Four Esquires, Clinias, Dametas, Sancho, and Jack Pudding. Dryden had used the Gondibert stanza in his Heroique Stanzas in memory of Cromwell a n d in Annus Mirabilis. 131 Again Waller is equated with Malherbe. 251 Randal. Usually taken to mean T h o m a s R a n d o l p h (1605-1635). Scott observed, however, that the lines do not fit R a n d o l p h ' s pastoral verses. 266 Virgil, Eclogues, IV, 3. 268 As Kinsley notes, this line is taken from Boileau's first line on the elegy. 294 Boileau has the river Scheldt bowing to the yoke of Louis XIV. 358 T h e line in Boileau reads: " D ' u n jeu de mots grossier partisans surannés." OED credits Dryden with the earliest use of pun (in The Wild Gallant) and of punning as used here, citing this line. 366 Boileau reads: "Le rondeau, né gaulois, a la naïveté." 371-372 I n Boileau this couplet introduces the section on satire a n d clearly belongs in that position in the translation. 394 A summary line added to Boileau. 395 Chaucer. Boileau has Régnier (1573-1613). 418 Mr. S . Boileau has Linière (1628-1704). For Dryden on Settle, see The Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, 1. 4i2n. 428 David Logan. For Boileau's Nanteuil, a famous French engraver. David Loggan was a German artist who came to England in the late 1650's a n d was active for many years thereafter in engraving portraits a n d title pages. In 1669 he became official engraver to Oxford University a n d in 1675 he published Oxonia Illustrata. See Sidney Colvin, Early Engravings and Engravers in England (1545-1695) (1905), p. 136. 555-557 I n t h e dedication of The Spanish Fryar Dryden h a d already commented on the fustian in Bussy d'Ambois (1681, sig. Asv; Watson, I, 275-276): I have sometimes wonder'd, in the reading, what was become of those glaring Colours which amaz'd me in Bussy Damboys u p o n the T h e a t r e : but when I h a d

Notes to Pages

12y-i56

373

taken up what I suppos'd, a fallen Star, I found I had been cozen'd with a Jelly. . . . A dwarfish thought dress'd up in gigantick words . . . 656 Janus with his front of Brass. Boileau has "la Guerre au front d'airain." The bronze temple of Janus stood near the middle of the northeast side of the Forum. Its door never closed during time of war; hence the association of Janus with war. 669 Chilp'eric. Boileau has Childebrand, the hero in Carel de SainteGarde's Charle Martel, ou les Sarrasins chassés de France (1666). Chilperic was a Frankish king. 677 Scipio. Boileau has Alexander or Louis. 678 Oedipus. Boileau has Polynices. 793 Otter. A character in Jonson's Epicoene. 82a Johnson. Boileau has Molière. 827 Harlequin. Boileau has Tabarin (d. c. 1633), who composed and acted in farces. 828 The reference is to a famous farcical scene in Volpone (V, iv). Boileau refers to a comparable scene in Molière's Les Fourberies de Scapin. The reference to The Alchemist (1. 829) parallels Boileau's reference to Le Misanthrope. 856 Smithfield. Boileau has Pont-Neuf. 857 Jack Puddings. Clowns acting in the low entertainments of the fairs. 860-861 The couplet has no counterpart in Boileau. 873 Wren or May. Boileau refers to Mansart (1598-1666), a famous French architect. Baptist May, clerk of the works at Windsor Castle under Sir Christopher Wren, made extensive changes there in 1671. 891 Herringman. Bookseller-publisher. See Mac Flecknoe, 1. io5n. 894 Counter-Scuffle. A burlesque poem by Robert Speed describing a brawl at Woodstreet Counter, i.e., prison. First printed in 1623, it enjoyed a surprising popularity during the seventeenth century. The British Museum catalogue lists ten editions between 1635 and 1680. 903 Sh le's. Shadwell. Boileau has Gombauld (c. 1570-1666). 956 Roderique is the hero of Corneille's Le Cid. The play was translated into English in 1637 by Joseph Rutter. 1052 Spencer. Boileau has Corneille. In Boileau there are no parallels for Cowley and Denliam (1. 1053). Waller (1. 1054) replaces Racine. 1056 Dryden. Boileau has Benserade (1613-1691). T h e editor assumes that it was Sir William Soames and not Dryden who introduced this complimentary reference to Dryden. Boileau writes of Benserade's amusing the salons, whereas Dryden is urged to refine the stage. 1058-1077 Boileau writes of the glories of Louis XIV. Soames-Dryden, of course, are concerned with Charles II, and in the latter part of the passage they add considerably to Boileau on the blessing of peace and the suppression of discoid. 1077 boutfeaus. Boutefeus: firebrands.

Commentary

374

Contributions

to Miscellany Poems

O n 4 February 1684 Jacob T o n s o n entered Miscellany Poems in the Stationers' Register; it had already been advertised in the Observator on 2 February. Dryden's role in p u t t i n g together this first one in a series of Tonson-Dryden miscellanies cannot be determined. 1 T h e r e can be n o question, however, that h e was the major contributor to the volume, for twenty-six of his poems are included. Eight had already appeared in print: Absalom and Achitophel, The Medall, Mac Flecknoe, and four prologues and one epilogue. Poems published for the first time included translations from Ovid, Theocritus, and Virgil, a series of prologues and epilogues, many of them written some years earlier, and The Tears of Amynta, for the Death of Damon. It is of interest to note also that two complimentary poems on Religio Laid were printed in the miscellany: Roscommon's poem, first printed with Religio Laici in 1683, and an anonymous set of verses (not the anonymous poem published in the first edition of Religio Laici) entitled, " T o Mr. Dryden on his Religio Laici." A m o n g other contributors connected with Dryden, or to be connected with him later, were T h o m a s Creech, Richard Duke, the Earl of Mulgrave, T h o m a s Otway, the Earl of Rochester, T h o m a s Rymer, Sir Charles Sedley, Sir Carr Scrope, George Stepney, and N a h u m T a t e . In short, Miscellany Poems seems to have been something of a coterie production with D r y d e n as the major figure.

Ovid's Elegies, Book II. Elegy the

Nineteenth

T h i s poem is translated from Ovid's Amores, the source of two later translations by Dryden. 2 A l t h o u g h the actual date is uncertain, this elegy may have been translated not long before Miscellany Poems was published, as part of a venture by a number of poets and wits to render a large portion of the Amores for the collection. Dryden cast his translation as the utterance of a jaded courtier exasperated by a too yielding City mistress and her too complaisant husband; this adaptation led h i m to take extraordinary liberties with Ovid's text. T h e last twenty lines or so of his version are so far from metaphrase, or even paraphrase, as to constitute one of the few examples of loose imitation among Dryden's translations.» T h e lines suggest an almost See ' See appear »See sion of 1

Macdonald, p. 67. Works, Vol. IV. Dryden's translations of Amores, I, i and iv, did not in print until after his death (Poetical Miscellanies the Fifth Part [1704]). the preface to Ovid's Epistles (Works, I, 114, 11. 24ff.) for Dryden's discusthese types of translation.

Notes to Pages

158-159

375

studied avoidance of verbal resemblance, and yet they show equal diligence in providing a totally responsible English substitution. T h e length to which Dryden went in such careful negligence is a p p a r e n t in the unparalleled economy of the translation, in which he managed to render Ovid's sixty Latin lines in a like number of English lines. It was a kind of tour de force, but lest it appear too calculated, he added two lines of valediction.

1 thy Whore. Ovid is not so plainspoken as Dryden is here, using puella, as again at 1. 37, where Dryden (1. 37) uses Wife to clarify the situation. Only slowly does it emerge in Ovid and Dryden that the lover is speaking, in shifting fashion, to the husband and his loose wife. T h e Heinsius-Cnipping editions of Ovid give this elegy the title, "Ad rivalem, cui uxor curae non erat" ( T o a rival who would not watch over his wife). 4 a Sot. R e n d e r i n g ferreus est. (Loeb trans.: " H e has a heart of iron.") 5 Dryden has generalized, omitting Ovid's " t u r n , " speremus pariter, pariter metuamus. (Loeb trans.: "Let us hope while we fear a n d fear while we hope.") 9-18 T h i s passage o n the wiles of Corinna—the puella or domina who is given the m a j o r role among the women pursued in the Amores— is a somewhat free rendering of Ovid's text. W h a t is less clear is whether Dryden intends the passage to be addressed to the wife (as the lines following suggest), to be addressed to the husband (as the paragraphing suggests), or to serve as a transitional section (Ovid himself somewhat implausibly uses the passage as a narrative, suggesting perhaps that the elegy was originally written to make Corinna feel jealous a n d flattered at the same time). 19-36 In this passage the wife is addressed. 20 Take care etc. At this point Dryden omits Ovid's saepe time insidias (Loeb trans.: "see that oft you be fearful of plots"), but he incorporates something of the idea in 1. 21, feign some fright. 22 Make me lye rough on Bulks each other Night. T h i s line is the equivalent of Ovid, 11. 21-22, where the image is rather that of the woman's threshold on a frosty night. Bulks are frameworks or stalls projecting f r o m the front of a shop ( O E D , with a q u o t a t i o n f r o m Smollett's Humphrey Clinker telling of sleeping on a bulk). T h e phrase each other Night is a characteristic touch of Drydenian exactitude not f o u n d in Ovid. 31 Let him who loves an easie Whetstone Whore. W h e t s t o n e Park, a lane between H o l b o r n a n d Lincoln's I n n Fields, was notorious for prostitutes. See "Prologue to the Wild-Gallant Reviv'd," 1. 8 (Works, VIII, 6, 244). 32 drink the Common Shore. T h a t is, the common sewer (OED)-, for Ovid's e magno flumine. (Loeb trans.: "from the mighty stream.") 33 The Jilting Harlot. At this point Dryden begins his imitative rendering of Ovid (see headnote).

376

Commentary

37-62 Dryden here follows Ovid in returning to the husband as the formal object of address. 37 a Wife too fair. See 1. i n . 39 creaking Doors. Ovid's image differs: quis totiens f u r t i m tua limina pulset. T h e Loeb translation reads, "who it is that so often stealthily beats on your threshold," explaining in a note that Ovid refers to "an ancient way of knocking at the door." Dryden's Windows scratcht in 1. 40 is an inspired addition. 41 An Orange-wench wou'd tempt thy Wife abroad. H e r e the milieu of seventeenth-century England fully replaces that of imperial Rome. Ovid's version runs: quas ferat et referat sollers ancilla tabellas. (Loeb trans.: "what tablets the cunning slave-girl brings and takes.") 50 pocket up. " T o take or accept (an affront, etc.) without showing resentment; to submit to, endure meekly" ( O E D ) .

Amaryllis Amaryllis was the first of four translations of Theocritus to be published by Dryden; the other three appeared in Sylva (1685). For comment on the editions Dryden used a n d on his habits in translating Theocritus, see Works, III, 286-291. In some of his renderings of Amaryllis Dryden is very close indeed to T h o m a s Creech, who published his The Idylliums of Theocritus in 1684; it is difficult if not impossible to determine which poet is indebted to the other. Inasmuch as Miscellany Poems was being advertised on 2 February 1684 (see above, p. 374) a n d Creech dated his epistle dedicatory 12 July of that year, Dryden would seem to have precedence. O n the other hand, we do not know when Creech completed his translation or how often he may have consulted Dryden, his older friend. I n using 127 lines to render the 54 of Theocritus, Dryden goes to the opposite extreme f r o m the economy exhibited in his translation of Ovid's n i n e t e e n t h elegy of the second book of the Amores (see above, p. 375). Amaryllis might as justly be termed an imitation as a paraphrase.

5 And 'ware the Ridgling with his butting head. Cf. T h o m a s Creech's translation in The Idylliums of Theocritus (1684): T o m o r n i n g Pastures, Evening Waters led: But 'ware the Lybian Ridgling's b u t t i n g head. Cf. also 11. 29-30 of Dryden's translation of Virgil's n i n t h eclogue (p. 169, above): T o M o r n i n g pastures, Evening waters led: A n d 'ware the Libyan Ridgils b u t t i n g head. A Ridgling is a "ridgel," "a male animal . . . with only one testicle" (OED).

Notes to Pages

159-162

377

6-25 Rendering Theocritus, 11. 6-11, and very much heightening the tone. 6-7 Creech uses the same rhyme words in 11. 8-9 of his translation. 20 Ten Wildings. A wilding is a wild apple or crab apple (OED). 21-24 These lines are an addition by Dryden. 26-52 Rendering Theocritus, 11. 12-23, again in more than double the number of lines, and again to heighten the tone. 32 Love. Considered as the god Eros. 43-46 These lines play upon the seventeenth-century connotations of die: first, the connotation of sexual intercourse; second, the idea that lovers die when they kiss, exhaling their souls. In the idyll as a whole Theocritus and Dryden are at one in depicting another kind of death, that of the despairing lover (see 11. 124-125). 64-66 Folk auguries of the kind involved here often pose problems to the translator. Cf. Creech: I prest the Long-live, but in vain did press, It gave no lucky sound of good success. Dryden's Poppy and Creech's Long-live are their versions of Tii\i

(uncorrected

state).

131

~ . Q 3 (uncorrected state), Q 4 , O 1 - 2 ; ~ . Q 3

Q4, O 1 - 2 ;

Q4, O1-2; Q3142 Crowd:] ~ . Q1-4, Ox-2. 150 med'cinally] Q1-4, Ox; med'cinal O2. 153 Oaths] Q1-3, O1-2; Oath Q4. 157 Call] Q 1 - 3 , O 1 - 2 ; Call Q 4 . 161 Greek and Hebrew] Greek and Hebrew Q1-4, O1-2. 171 thee] Qx-3, Ox-2; the Q4. 174 Engender'd on] Q 2 - 4 , O 1 - 2 ; Enlivend by Qx. 181-182 in (¿1 these lines appear before iyp-180. 182 a] Q 2 - 4 , O 1 - 2 ; the Qx. 189 Experience] Q2-4; experience Qx, Ox-2. 190 Heav'n] Q2-4; Heaven Qx, O1-2. 194 boast, ev'n when each] Q2-4; boast e'en when eace Qx, O1-2 (each O1-2). 199 Monarchs] Qx-2, Q 4 , O 1 - 2 ; Monarch Q 3 . 203 Guides] Qx-2, Q4, O1-2; Guids Q3. 206 confess?] ~ . Q1-3, O1-2; ~ : Q4. 210 join'd:] Qx-4, O1-2. 212 Prince?] Q1-4, O1-2. 22T Force.] Q1-2, Q4, O1-2; ~ A Q3. 223 th'] Qx-2, Q4, O1-2; the Q3. 225 despise:] ~ . Qx-4, Ox-2. 229 Ring:] ~ . Q1-4, O1-2. 236 not be] Qx-2, Q4, O1-2; not to be Q3. 237 of their] Q1-4; of the O1-2. 240 Band,] Q3; ; Qx—2, Q4, Ox—2. 257 Arts,] Qi—2, Q4, O1-2; Q3. 265 giv'st,] Qx-2, Q4, Ox-2; ~ A Q3. 270 Cause;] ~ ? Q1-4, O1-2. 272 great?] ~ . Q1-4, O1-2. 273 succeed,] Qx-2, Q4, Ox-2; Q3. 280 Hell;] Q1-4, Ox-2. 282 commit:] ~ . Q1-4, Ox-2. 288 know:] Qx-2, Q4, O1-2; ~ . Q3. 289 fail,] Qx-2, Q4, O1-2; ~ . Q3. 294 Sects,] Q1-2, Q4, O1-2; ~ .

428

Textual Notes

Qg. 295 Which, . . . infects,] ~ a • • • ~ a Qi~4> O1-2. 305 Crane.] Q1-3, O1-2; ~ ; Q4. 3 1 5 Aym,] Q1-2, Q4, O1-2; Q3. 318 ingage,] ~ ; Q1-4, O1-2. 322 Breast.] Q1-2, Q4, O1-2; ~ : Q3. 323-324 omitted from Qi and Qj.

Mac Flecknoe T h e first and evidently unauthorized edition of Mac Flecknoe, with subtitle, or a Satyr upon the True-Blew-Protestant Poet, T. S., is dated 1682 (Qi; Macd 14a). G. Blakemore Evans ("The Text of Dryden's Mac Flecknoe," Harvard Library Bulletin, VII [1953], 36) identified two states of inner A, the earlier, by his reckoning, having "Vanisht" instead of "Varnisht" in line 82. T h e first authorized edition is on pages 1 - 1 1 of Dryden's Miscellany Poems, 1684 (Oi); the second is on pages 1 - 1 1 of the second edition of Miscellany Poems, 1692 (O2). For the various issues of Oi and O2 see textual headnote to Absalom and Achitophel. The type used in O2 for Mac Flecknoe, Absalom and Achitophel, and The Medall was reimposed in quarto chases (Q2; Macd 14b) for binding with other of Dryden's poems as the fourth volume of his works (Macd io6a-e), where the poem's pagination is 1-8. The only other difference is that in line 209, Q2 reads "talents" instead of "talants." Mac Flecknoe circulated very widely in manuscript. The following have been examined for this edition: M i : Cambridge University Library MS Add. 6339, folios 1-311, in a quarto volume of prose and verse in two hands, this poem in the hand of George Stanhope, D.D., Dean of Canterbury. Wants lines 1-46. M2: Eighth item in Lambeth Palace MS 7 1 1 , a folio sheet (two leaves) in a seventeenth-century hand, bound in a collection of similar pieces in various hands. The title is Mac Flecknoe A Satyr. M3: Bodleian MS Rawl. poet. 123, pages 232-235, 214, a quarto miscellany of poems and letters in the hand of John Oldham. This poem is dated 1678. The title is Mac Fleckno. A Satyr. Wants lines 49-150 (2 leaves). M4: British Museum MS Harley 6913, folios 5-10, in Volume I of "Satyrical Poems by Rochester, 8cc," the binder's title for a quarto miscellany in a seventeenth-century scribal hand. The title of the poem is Mac Fleckno. M5: Harvard MS fMS636, pages 1 6 1 - 1 7 1 , in "A Collection of Poems," a quarto miscellany in a seventeenth-century scribal hand. The title of the poem is Mack Fleckno. M6: Folger MS Dryden MSS X.d.5, a folio sheet (two leaves) in a seventeenth-century hand. The title is Mac-fflecknoe. M7: University of Illinois MS, a quarto leaf in a seventeenth- or eighteenth-century hand. Wants lines 1-148.

Textual

Notes

429

M8: University of Illinois MS [Rochester. Commonplace Book. Poems], [7 pp.], a folio in a seventeenth-century hand. T h e title of the poem is Mac: Flecknoe. A Satyr Writt by J. Dryden. Mg: Edinburgh University Library MS Dc.1.3, pages 57-59, a narrow folio miscellany in a seventeenth-century hand. T h e title of the poem is Mac-Flecknoe. M 1 0 : University of Nottingham MS Portland 109, pages 9-20, in a quarto miscellany in a seventeenth-century scribal hand. T h e title of the poem is Mack Fleckno. M 1 1 : University of Nottingham MS Portland (unnumbered), pages 7 1 79, a folio miscellany in various hands, this poem in a section in a seventeenth-century hand. T h e title of the poem is MackFleckno, but the first k has been scribbled through. Qi's debased text, together with the fact that it was not published by Jacob Tonson, Dryden's normal publisher from 1679, puts it on a level with the manuscripts. T h e question then arises: Do any of the manuscripts preserve authorial readings that did not find their way into O i ? It would appear that Qi and most of the manuscripts trace back to different stages in Dryden's revision of the poem, and that in many instances he wavered between alternate expressions in the same way as he oscillated between "Patron's" and "Patriott's" in line 179 of Absalom and Achitophel. Thus in many instances it becomes a matter of taste to decide whether the unique readings of Oi are last-minute revisions. T h e editors of the present text have decided that O i was carefully printed and that it needs no substantive emendation from the manuscripts (Evans, "Dryden's Mac Flecknoe," pp. 47, 48 prefers "Oyls" in line 185 and the omission of the comma after "thus" in line 145). Because there is no evidence of the influence of Qi on the accidentals of O i , the latter would seem not to have been printed from a corrected copy of the former but from an authorial manuscript (so also Macdonald, p. 30). Dryden seems to have made no subsequent revisions of the text. T h e relationships of Q i , Ch, and M 1 - 7 have been variously canvassed by G. Blakemore Evans, and by Vinton A. Dearing in "Dryden's Mac Flecknoe: T h e Case for Authorial Revision," Studies in Bibliography, VII (1955), pages 85-102, and in the first edition of Dearing's A Manual of Textual Analysis (1959), pages 79-86. T h e relationships of the eleven manuscripts, Q i , and O i , have been calculated for this edition using computer programs to be printed in a revised edition of the Manual. In the present analysis, what might be a return by Dryden to a discarded reading has been treated in the same way as an editorial emendation of a corrupted text or an accidental agreement between texts; that is, all conflations have been resolved in the same way. T h e method of resolution, to be explained in more detail in the revised edition of the Manual, makes authorial revision, when accepted as such, appear to be more systematic than it probably was in fact. By this analysis, the principal ancestry of the various texts appears to be as follows:

430

Textual

Notes

Archetype

P

_L

01 I 02 Mi

M2

M8

M4

Qi

M10

M9

M11

M5

M6

M3

M7

Qa

T h e copy text for the present edition is one of the Clark copies of the second state of the first issue of O i (*PR.34ig.Z4Mib [cop. 1]), emended in lines 71, 92, 108, 111, 122, 130, 190, 191, and 215. T h e following additional copies of the printed texts have also been examined: Q i : Clark (•PR3419.M21 [cops. 1 and 2], Folger (D2303), Huntington (106518), Harvard (*EC65.D8474.682m2); O i : Clark (*PR34i3.Z4Mib [cop. 2], •PR3413.Z4M1b.1688), Folger (D2314, Dobell copy), Huntington (122987); O2: Clark (*PR34i3.Z4Mia.i6g2, «PR3410.C93, v. 4), Folger (D2316, D2210, v. 4), Harvard (15437.2.9*). Because of a normal tendency in manuscripts to omit punctuation generally (M4 has none at all) and especially at the ends of lines, variations in the way the manuscripts divide the sentences have usually been ignored in the apparatus. There are notable differences in meaningful punctuation at lines 46, 135-136, 145 (though here the punctuation of O1-2 and Q2, given the practice of the time, does not necessarily mean that " T h e n thus" are words spoken by Flecknoe), 148, and 153. 1-46 wanting in Mi. 1-148 wanting in My. 1 decay,] the semicolon Evans noted in two copies of Qi seems rather to be the result of dirty type. 6 Through] O1-2, Q1-2, M2-5, M8-11; In M6. 6 Realms] O1-2, Q1-2, M3-6, M 1 0 ; Realm M2, M8-9, M11. 6 absolute.] O1-2, Qa, M2, M6, M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ : M 3 ; ~ A M4-5, M9-11. 7 aged] O1-2, Q1-2, M2-6, M9-11; Ancient M8. 8 blest with] O i - 2 , Q1-2, M2-6, M8, M10-11; best w* ye M9. 8 large] O1-2, Q1-2, M2-6, M8, M10; Long M9, M11. 8 increase,] O i , Q i , M2-3, M6, M8;

Textual

Notes

43*

O2, Q a ; ~ a M 4 - 5 , M 9 - 1 1 . 9 length] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 9 - 1 1 ; last M8. 10 of the] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 3 - 6 , M 9 - 1 1 ; o£ his M 2 , M8. 11 p o n d ' r i n g ] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 3 - 5 , M 1 0 - 1 1 ; p o n d e r i n g M2, M6, M9; p o n d e ' r i n g M8. 11 w h i c h of all] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M2-4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; well w h i c h of M5. 11 was] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 5 - 6 , M 9 ; were Q i , M 2 - 4 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 . 12 W a r ] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 5 , M8; W a r s Q i , M 2 - 4 , M 6 , M 9 - 1 1 . 13 'tis] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 4 , M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; its M 5 . 14 rule] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; rules M g . 14 who] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 3 - 4 , M g - n ; y* M 2 , M 5 - 6 , M8. 15, 17, 20 Sh ] O 1 - 2 , Q2; Shad Q i ; Shadwell M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 1 (Shadwall M9). 15 alone m y . . . bears] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; a lone . . . bares M 1 1 . 16 M a t u r e ] O i , Q i , M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 1 ; N a t u r e O2, Q2. 16 years.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M6, M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ , M2; ~ : M 3 ; ~ A M 4 - 5 , M g - 1 1 . 17 alone, of all my Sons,] O i - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 9 - 1 1 (a lone M 1 1 ) ; of all my Sons alone M8. 18 full] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; d u l l Mg. 18 stupidity.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M3, M6, M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ : M2; M4-5, M g - n . 19 make] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 , M 4 - 6 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; have M3, M g . 20 B u t ] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; B u t t Mg. 20 sense.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 2 , M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ : M3, M6; ~ A M 4 - 5 , M g - n . 21 on] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 4 , M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; an M 5 . 21 may] O i - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; d o M 1 1 . 22 make] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 9 - 1 1 ; made M8. 23 Sh 's] O 1 - 2 , Q 2 ; Shad Q i ; Shadwells M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 1 (Shadwalls Mg). 23 genuine] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 4 , M6, M 8 - n ; G l o o m y M 5 (correction in a different hand). 24 Fogs] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; fags M i l . 27 the plain] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 4 , M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; that p l a i n e M 5 . 28 A n d , spread in solemn] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Spread in M a j e s t i c k M 9 . 28 reign.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 2 , M6, M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ : M3; ~ A M 4 - 5 , M 9 - 1 1 . 2g omitted by Mil. 2g of] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 4 - 6 ; to M 2 - 3 , M 8 - 1 0 . 30, 52 T h o u ] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 4 , M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; T h o M 5 . 30 T a u t o l ogy:] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 3 ; ~ . Q i , M 6 , M8; ~ ; M2; ~ A M 4 - 5 , M 9 - 1 1 . 31 E v e n ] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 5 - 6 , M 8 - 1 1 ; Ev'n Q i , M 2 - 4 . 31 dunce] O 1 - 2 , Q i - 2 , M 2 - 5 , M 8 - 1 1 ; Prince M 6 . 31 than they] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M2, M 8 ; t h e n they Q i , M 4 - 6 , M 1 0 - 1 1 ; they M 3 ; y n they M g . 32 thy] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M8, M i o - n ; ye M g . 33 A n d ] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 1 ; I Qi. 33 clad] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M6; Cloath'd Q i , M2, M4, M g - 1 1 ; cloth'd M3, M8; drest M5. 33 Norwich Drugget] O 1 - 2 , Q 2 ; D r u g g e t Russet Q i , M4; rusty drugget M 2 - 3 , M 5 - 1 1 (rustick M3, M6, M g - 1 0 ; Russell M 5 ; mistick M 1 1 ) . 34 name.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M8; ~ ; Q i , M 2 ; ~ : M3; ~ A M4-6, M g - i i . 35 I whilom] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; we.h I h a d M i l . 36 of] O 1 - 2 , Q i - 2 , M 2 - 4 , M 6 , M 8 - n ; att M 5 . 36 sung] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; song M 1 1 . 37 the] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M2, M5-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; a Q i , M3-4. 38 did'st] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; did Mg. 3g tim'd Oars] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 3 - 4 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; t u n ' d oares M2, M 5 - 6 ; trim'd oar's M g . 40 with] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; with w i t h M 1 1 . 41 A n d ] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 2 - 3 , M 5 - 6 , M 8 - g , M 1 1 ; W h e n M 4 , M10. 41 H y m n ] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M2, M 4 - 6 , M g - 1 1 ; h i m M3, M8. 41 C o m m a n d e r ] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 2 - 6 , M 8 - 1 1 ; C o m m a n d ers Q i . 41 an] O i - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M2-6, M 8 - 1 0 ; a M 1 1 . 42 w a s

Textual

432

Notes

ne'er in Epsom Blankets] O1-2, Q1-2, M3-6, M 8 - n (never Mg; ¿Epson M8; Blankett M4, M11); in Epsom Blankett nere was M2. 43 new] O1-2,

Q1-2,

M2-6,

M9-11;

M2. M6,

44 M8,

M2-4,

M6, M 8 - 1 1 ;

now

M5.

43

Arion]

O1-2,

Q1-2,

Orion M8. 4 4 still] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 3 - 6 , M8-11; she trembling] O1-2, Q2, M5, Mg, M11; Trembles Q i , M2-4,

M10.

44

thy]

O1-2,

Q1-2,

M2-3,

M5-6,

M8-11;

his

M4.

44 nail.] O1-2, Q2, M8; Q i , M3; ~ A M2, M4-5, Mg-11; M6. 44 following this line Mío repeats the first three words at the head of a new page (a false start). 45 At] O1-2, Q1-2, M2-3, M5-6, M8-g, M11; As M4, M10. 46 squeaks . . . fear,] O1-2, Q1-2, M8, M10; ~a • • • Ma. m 4 . m 9> M11; . . . ~ A m 3> M5-6. 47 Echoes] O1-2, Q2, Mi-6, M 8 - n ; Eccho Q i . 47, 48 Sh ] O1-2, Q2; Shad Q i ; Shadwell M1-6, M8-11 (47 Chadwell M8) 48 they] e O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; y M11. 48 from] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 4 , M6, M8-11; to M5. 48 A Hall.] O1-2, Q2; Aston-Hall; Q i , Mi-6, M8-11 ( ~ A M i , M11; M2-3, M6, M8; Ashton-hall A M4-5, M g 10). 49-150 wanting in Mj. 50 As at the M o r n i n g Toast, that] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M4-6, M 8 - n (Morning T i d e M i ; toasts M i l ) ; A n d gently waft the over Q i . 50 Floats] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M5, M8; wafts M4, M6, Mg-11; all Q i . 50 along.] O1-2, Q2, M i , M6, M8; ~ ; Q i , M2; ~ A M4-5, Mg-11 (a long M i l ) . 51 thy] O1-2, Q1-2, M i - s , M4, M6, M8-11; f M5. 52 weild'st] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M i , M 4 - 6 , M 8 11; weildest M 2 . 52 Papers] O 1 - 2 , Q 2 , M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; Paper QI, M11. 52 threshing] O1-2, Q2, M i , M4-6, M8; T h r a s h i n g QI, M2, Mg-11 (Thrashing-Hand Q i ) . 53 Andre's] O1-2, Q2, M1-2 (Ma altered from Andrews), Mg; Andrew's Q i , M4-6, M8, M i o - n . 54 Not] O1-2, Q1-2, M4-5, M10-11; N o r M1—2, M6, M8-g. 54 ev'n] 0 1 - 2 , Q2, M2, M4; even Q i , M i , M5, M8-11; e'en M6. 54 of] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , Mi—2, M 4 - 5 , M 8 - 1 1 ; in M 6 . 55 they] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , Mi—2, M 4 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; the M u . 55 sense] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 4 - 6 , M g - n ; verse M 1 - 2 , M 8 . 56 they] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; ye M11. 58 bore] Oi—2, Q2, M1-2, M5-6, M8-g, M u (boare M5); wore Q i , M4, M10. 5g h e ne'er would] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M5-6, Mg; he'd never M4; y l he ne're would M8; hee'd ner'e M10; heed nere' M u . 59 Villerius] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 4 , M 8 , M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Valerius M 1 - 2 , M 5 - 6 , Mg. 61 of] O1-2, Q1-2, MI—2, M4-5, M8, M10-11; for M6, Mg. 61 boy.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M8;

Q i , M2; ~

A

Mi,

M4-5, Mg-11;

M6.

62

Plays] 0 1 - 2 , Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M8, M10-11; play's Mg. 63 anointed] O1-2, QI-2, M1-2, M4-6, M8-g, M u ; appointed M10. 64 to] O1-2, Q2; by Q i , M1—2, M4-6, M8-11. 64 Walls] O1-2, Q1-2, M1—2, M4, M6, M8-11; wall M5. 64 bind] O1-2, Q1-2, M1—2, M4-6, M8-g, M u ; binds M10. 65 fears] O1-2, Q1I2, M2I M 4 - 5 , M 8 - 1 1 ; fear M i , M 6 . 66 t' inform] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 4 , M6^ M10; to inform M1-2; to' I n f o r m e M5, M8-g; tonforme M u . 67 of] 0 1 - 2 , Q1-2, Mi—2, M4, M6, M8-11; on M5. 67 it] OI-A, Q i - 2 , M 4 - 6 , M 8 - 1 0 ; was M i ; is Ma; its M u . 67 hight] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M i , M4-6, M8, M i o - u ; height M2, Mg. 68 Tower] O1-2, Q1-2, M i !

Textual

Notes

433

M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; towr M2. 68 so] O i - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8, M i o - n ; By Mg. 68 Fate] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 0 ; fates Mu. 69 Of all the Pile an empty name] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; A n Empty name of all the Pile Q i . 69 remains.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M6, M8; ~ ; Q i , M2; M4-5, M9-11. 70 its] O 1 - 2 , Q i - z , M5-6, M8-9; it's M i—2t M4, M 1 0 - 1 1 . 70 Ruins] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 ; ruine M8. 70 Brothel-houses] O 1 - 2 , Q i - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 0 ; Brothell-houser M 1 1 . 71 Scenes] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 0 ; Sences M u . 71 loves] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 5 , M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Love Q i , M6, Mg. 71 joys;] Q i ; ~ . O 1 - 2 , Q2, M i , M6, M8; ~ A M2, M 4 - 5 , M g - 1 1 . 72 Where] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 5 , M 8 - n ; Here M6. 72 their] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 9 - 1 0 ; there M8, M11. 72 Mother-Strumpets] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4, M6, M 8 - 1 0 ; mother Strumpet M11; mother waters M5. 73 undisturb'd] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M g - 1 1 ; undisturb M8. 73 silence] 0 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M2, M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; silent M i , Mg. 73 sleep.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M 1 - 2 , M6; sleep; Q i ; sleep A M 4 - 5 , M g - 1 1 ; keep. M8. 74 these] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; them M8; this Mg. 74 a] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; an M9. 74 its] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M6, M8-9; it's M 1 - 2 , M 4 5, M 1 0 - 1 1 . 75 form'd] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M 5 - 6 , M 8 - g ; nurst M4, M10-11. 76 Where] O i - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8-9, M 1 1 ; T h e r e M10. 77 Where] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4, M6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; A n d M5, Mg. 77 their] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 0 ; there M 1 1 . 78 Maximins] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; maximin's M9. 7g Buskins] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 0 ; Buskin M 1 - 2 , M 1 1 . 7g here] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M g - 1 1 ; there M8. 80 appear.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ . M 1 - 2 , M6; ~ A M4-5, M g - i 1. 82 this Monument] O 1 - 2 , Q2, Mi—2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; these Monuments Q i . 82 vanisht] 0 1 - 2 , Q i (first state), Q2, M 1 - 2 , M5-6, M8; Varnisht Q i (second state), M4, M 9 - 1 1 . 83 Pure] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; T h e i r M5. 83 suburbian] O i - 2 , Q2, M6, Mg; Suburbane Q i , M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 5 , M8, M10-11. 83 affords] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 6 , M g - 1 1 ; afford M8. 84 War] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M i - 2 , M 4 - 5 , M8-g; warrs M6, M 1 0 - 1 1 . 84 words.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M i , M6; Words; Q i , M 2 ; Words A M 4 - 5 , M g - 1 1 ; word. M8. 85 well] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8, M i o - u ; made Mg. 86 Sh 's] O 1 - 2 , Q2; Shad Q i ; Shadwells M 1 - 2 , M5, M g - 1 1 ; Shadwell's M4, M6, M8. 86 T h r o n e ] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 0 ; T h r o w n M 1 1 . 87 Decker] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M4-6, M g - 1 1 ; Dikker M 1 - 2 ; Daker M8. 88 Pile] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M6, M g - 1 1 ; Isle Q i , M 4 - 5 , M8; place M 1 - 2 . 89 Born] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4, M 8 - g ; Borne M s - 6 , M 1 0 - 1 1 . 8g a] 0 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 5 , M 8 - 1 1 ; ye M6. 90 whom] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M i - 2 , M4-6, M8, M10; whose Mg; who M 1 1 . go Psyches] O 1 - 2 , Q2, Ma, M 5 - 6 , M8, M i o - n ; Psyche's Q i , M4, Mg; psyche M i . go owe] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M g - 1 1 ; ow M8. gi Worlds] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; world Mg. 91 Misers] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M s ; Misers M i , M4-6, M 1 0 ; misers M8-g, M 1 1 . 92 Humorists] O 1 - 2 , Q2; Humorists Q i , M4, M 8 - 1 1 ; Hum'rist's M i ; Hum'rist M 2 ; Humorites M 5 ; Hum'rists M6. 92 Hypocrites] O2, Q2; Hypocrites O í , M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Hypocrite's

434

Textual

Notes

Qi. 92 it] Oí—2, Q2, M5; his Pen Qi; he M1-2, M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 . 93 Whole] O1-2, Q1-2, M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Whose Mg. 93 Raymond] O1-2, Q1-2, M2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Raymunds Mi. 93 Bruce.] Oi-2, Q2, Mi—2, M6, M8-9; Qi, ~ A M4-5. M 1 0 - 1 1 . 94 Fame] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4, M6, Mío; fame M5, M8-9, M 1 1 . 95 Sh 's] O1-2, Q2; Shad, s Qi; Shadwells M1-2, M5, Mg, M u ; Shadwell's M4, M6, M8, Mío. g5 Town.] O1-2, Q2, M1-2; ~ ; Qi; ~ A M4-6, M8-11. g6 of] O1-2, Q1-2, M2, M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 ; o'th M i ; of th' M8. 96 Fame] O1-2, Q2, M5; Pomp Qi, M2, M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Pump Mi. 97 and] Oi-2, Q2, M1—2, M5-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; to Qi, M4. 97 Watlingstreet.] O1-2, Q2, M i , M8-9; Qi, M2; ~ A M4-5, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; M6. 98 Carpets] O1-2, Q2, M i ; Carpet Qi, Mg, M4-6, M9-11; Blankets M8. 98 th'] O1-2, Q1-2, M4, M6, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; the M1-2, M5, M8-9. 99 scatter'd] O1-2, Q1-2, M 1 - 2 , M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; letter'd M5. 99 Limbs] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 ; lines M8. 100 dusty] O1-2, Q1-2, MI—2, M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 ; duskie M8. 100 Authors] O1-2, Q1-2, M1—2, M4-6, M8, M i o - n ; author's M9. 100 come] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; came M5. 101 Martyrs] O1-2, Qi—2, Mi, M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Martyr's M2, M5. 101 Bum.] O1-2, Q2, M i , M8-9; ~ ; Qi; ~ , M2, M6; ~ A M4-5, M 1 0 - 1 1 . 103 But] O1-2, Q1-2, MI—2, M4-6, M8-g, M11; Butt M10. 103 Sh ] O1-2, Q 2 ; shad Qi; Shadwell M i , M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 ; Shadwells M2, M8. 103 way.] O1-2, Q2, M8; Qi, M2; ~ A Mi, M4-5, M 9 - 1 1 ; M6. 104 Bilk't] O1-2, Q1-2, M2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Bill'd Mi. 104 Yeomen] O1-2, Q1-2, M1—2, M6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Yeoman M4, M9; Women M5. 105 H ] O1-2, Q2; Herringman Qi, M1-2, M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Herringham M5. 105 was Captain] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 ; ye Captain M8. 105 Guard.] O1-2, Q2, M i , M6; ~ ; Qi, M2; ~ A M4-5, M811. 107 Throne] O1-2, Q2, M i , M5; State Qi, M2, M4, M6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; seat Mg. 107 rear'd.] O1-2, Q2, Mi, M8; Qi, M2; ~ A M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 . 108 our] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M g - n ; the M8. 108 Ascanius] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Ascaines M5. 108 sate,] Qi; sateA O2, Q2, M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; satA Oi. 109 Rome's] O1-2, Q2, M1—2, M4, Mío; Romes Qi, M5-6, M8-g, M 1 1 . 109 and] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4, M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; the M5. 109 State.] O1-2, Q2, M2, M8; Qi; M i ; ~ A M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 . n o Brows] O1-2, Q1-2, M2, M4-6, M8, M i o - n ; brow Mi; brow's Mg. 1 1 0 fogs] O1-2, Q1-2, M1—2, M4-6, M8-10; figs M 1 1 . 1 1 0 glories, grace] O i 2, Q2; Glories-Grace Qi; GloriesA grace M 1 - 2 , M4-5, M 8 - 1 1 ; glory's grace M6. m around] O2, Q2, M2, M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; arround Oi; about Qi, M i , M9. 1 1 2 to] O1-2, Q1-2, Mg, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; from Mi. 112 Altars] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M6, M10; Alters M4, M8, M 1 1 ; Altar M5, M9. 1 1 3 Sworn] O i , Qi, M1-2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Swore O2, Q2. 1 1 4 Sh ] O1-2, Q2; Shad Qi; Shadwell M i 2, M4-6, M8-11. 1 1 4 swore] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Sworn

Qi.

114 nor] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M8, M10-11; no M9.

114

should] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4-5, M 9 - 1 1 ; could M6; can M8. nc till] O1-2, Q2, M2, M4-6, M8-9, M 1 1 ; to Qi, Mi, M10. l i b father's] O1-2, Q2, M2; Fathers Q i , M i , M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 . 117 Ne'er to have

Textual

Notes

435

peace with] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M4-6, M8-11 (pace M i l ) ; Wou'd bid defiance unto Qi. 117 nor truce with] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M4-6, M811 (or M1-2, M i i ) ; and Qi. 117 Sense.] O1-2, Q s , ' M i , M6, M8; ~ ; Qi; M2; ~ a M4-5, M9-11. 121 He] O1-2, Q2, Mi—2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Was Qi. 121 mighty] O1-2, Q1-2, M2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; lusty Mi. 121 Mug] Oi—2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4-6, M 9 - 1 1 ; jug M8. 121 Ale;] O1-2, Q2, M2; Qi, M8; ~ A M i , M4, M 9 - 1 1 ; M5-6. 122 Love's Kingdom] Love's Kingdom O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M8-11 (Loves Mi—2, M4-6, M8-9, M11). 124 Lore] O1-2, Q2, M2, M4, M6, M9, M 1 1 ; Love Qi, Mi, M5, M8, M10. 124 young] O1-2, Q1-2, 125 Mi—2, M5-6, M8-10; long M4; yong M i l (y written over 1). Loyns] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4, M6, M8-10; Lungs M5; loyne M n . 125 sprung.] O1-2, Q2, Mi, M6, M8; ~ ; Qi, M2; ~ A M4-5, M 9 - 1 1 . 126 Poppies] O1-2, Q2; Poppey Qi, M1-2, M4, M6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Popery M5, Mg. 126 were] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M8-9; was M10; ware M 1 1 . 126 o'erspread] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi, M4, M6, M9-11 (orespread M9, M11); ore'-spread M2; ore spread M5; o're spread M8. 127 That] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Which Mg. 128 at] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4, M6, M8-11; as M5. 128 that] O1-2, Q1-2, M2, M4-6, M8-10; the Mi, M11. 128 Fame] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; fate Mg. 128 not] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M g - 1 1 ; don't M8. 129 left hand] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; Left-Hand Qi, Mg. 129 fly.] Oi-2, Q2, M i ; Qi; M2; ~ A M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 . 130 'tis] O1-2, Q1-2, Mi—2, M4, M6, M8-11; i'ts M5. 130 Brook] O2, Q1-2, M i , M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Brook O i ; broke M2. 131 Vultures] O1-2, Q1-2, M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8-10; Voulture M u . 131 took.] O1-2, Q2, M i - 2 ; ~ ; Q i ; ~ , M6; ~ A

M4-5, M8-11.

132 Th'] O1-2, Q1-2, M i , M4-6, M8, M10-11; The

M2, Mg. 132 admiring] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; advancing Qi. 132 throng] O1-2, Q i - 2 , M1-2, M4-6, M g - 1 1 ; crowd M8. 132 acclamations] O 1 - 2 , Q1-2, M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8-10; acclimations M 1 1 . 133 his] O1-2, Q2, Mi—2, M4-6, M8-11; the Q i . 133 take.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, Mi, M6, M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ : M2; ~ A M4-5, M g - u . 134 Syre then] O1-2, Q 1 - 2 , M1—2, M4, M6, M8-11; Brether'n M5. 134 shook] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M8-12; tooke M 1 1 . 134 of] O1-2, Q2, M1-2, M4-6, M8-g, M 1 1 ; on Q i ; off M10. 135-136 shed . . . dullness:] 0 1 - 2 , Q2; ~ : • • • ~ A Qi; ~,> • • • ~ a Mi, M6; ~ A M4-5, M9-10; A ~ ~ A M8; ~ A . . . ~ , Mi 1. 136 Full on the filial] Oi-2, Q1-2, Mi, M4-6, M8-11 (of Qi, Mi, M5, M8); omitted by M2; apparently the exemplar was illegible, as there is a false start to the line and space is left for the omitted words. 137 raging] O1-2, Q1-2, M i - s , M4-6, M8-10; rising M i l . 138 At] O1-2, Q1-2, M i , M4-6, M8-11; And M2. 138 length] 0 1 - 2 , Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6, M g - u ; last M8. 138 burst] O1-2, Q1-2, M4, M9-10; broke M1-2, M5-6, M8, M u . 138 prophetick] O1-2, Q1-2, M 1 - 2 , M4-5, M 8 - 1 1 ; poetick M6. 138 mood:] O1-2, Q2; Qi, M1-2, M8; ~ A M4-6, M g - u . 139 Heavens] O1-2, Qs; Heaven Qi, M1-2, M5, M 8 - 1 1 ; Heav'n M4. M6. 140 farr] O1-2, Q2, M6; fair Qi, M1-2, M4-5, M 8 - 1 1 . 140 Barbadoes] Oi-2, Q1-2, M 1 - 2 ,

Textual

436

M4-5, M 8 - 1 1 ; Barbado's M6. M 9 - 1 1 ; dominions M 1 - 2 , M8. M9-10;

let M 8 , M 1 1 .

142

141 141

Notes Dominion] O 1 - 2 , Q1-2, M4-6, may] O1-2, Q1-2, M1-2, M4-6,

And] O1-2,

Q1-2,

M1-2,

M4-5,

M8-11;

142 than] O1-2, Q1-2, M2, M8; then M l , M4-6, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; 142 Father's] O1-2, Q2, M4, M6, M9-10; Fathers Qi, M 1 - 2 , M 5 , M8, M n . 142 be] O 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M 4 - 6 , M 8 - 9 , M 1 1 ; bee Mio. 142 Throne.] O 1 - 2 , Q2, M i , M6, M8; ~ ; Q i ; ~ , M2; ~ A M4-5, Mg-10; Thrown A M 1 1 . 143 Kingdom] Ó 1 - 2 , Q2, M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; Kingdoms Qi, M 1 - 2 . 143 let him] O1-2, Q2, M 1 - 2 , M4-6, M 8 - 1 1 ; may he Qi. 144 paus'd] O i - 2 , Q1-2, M2, M4-6, But M6. yn Mg.

M8-11;

said M i .

144

and all] Ò 1 - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M4, M6,

M8-11;

all M5. 144 cry'd] O i - 2 , Q 1 - 2 , M4-6, M8, M 1 0 - 1 1 ; said M 1 - 2 , M9. 144 Amen.] O1-2, Q 1 - 2 , M 1 - 2 , M6, M 8 - 1 1 ; ~ A M4;