Village Life in Cyprus at the Time of the Ottoman Conquest 9781463225995

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Village Life in Cyprus at the T i m e of the Ottoman Conquest

Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

Village Life in Cyprus at the Time of the Ottoman Conquest

Edited by

Akif Erdogru Ali Efdal Özknl

1 gorbia* press

The Isis Press, Istanbul 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 2009 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010

ISBN 978-1-61719-146-6

Printed in the United States of America

Ronald C. Jennings, (1941-1996) got his B.A. and his M.A. from Harvard University and his Ph.D from the University of California at Los Angeles (1972). He was a member of the faculty in the History Department of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. His Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640 was published in 1993, by New York University Press. The Isis Press has reprinted a volume of his collected articles under the title, Studies on Ottoman social history in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: women, zimmis and sharia courts in Kayseri, Cyprus and Trabzon (Istanbul, 1999).

M. Akif Erdogru is a professor of history at the University of Near East in Cyprus. He worked for Ege and Ankara Universities of Turkey. He puplished many articles on the Ottoman Cyprus and Ottoman Anatolia of sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Ali Efdal Ózkul is an associate professor of history at the Near East University. He lives in Nicosia, Cyprus

To all Cypriots

TABLE OF CONTENTS

MAP AND ILLUSTRATIONS LIST OF TABLES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS EDITOR'S NOTE 1. GRAINS: THE STAFF OF LIFE Wheat - Barley - Wetch - Oats - Millet 2. BEANS AND LEGUMES Carobs - Broad Beans - Lentils - Cowpeas - Chickpeas 3. FRUITS AND VEGETABLES Fruits and Vegetables - Wine and Grape Juice - Colocasia Olives 4. TREES AND NUTS Walnuts - Almonds - Edible Acorns 5. ANIMALS Pigs - Sheep Raising - Bees and Beehives 6. COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL Cotton - Flax - Silk Cocoons - Hemp 7. MISCELLANEOUS Sesame - Saffron - Taverns - Watermills - Tanneries - A Fine on Strayed Animals REFERENCES CITED GLOSSARY

8 9 10 11 21 45 59

75 81 93 Ill

127 129

MAPAND ILLUSTRATIONS MAP 1.

Eastern Mediterranean

167 ILLUSTRATIONS

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Photo by §evket Oznur. A pig in Cyprus, 2006, in the village of Istinco Photo by §evket Oznur. Olive tree in Cyprus, 2006, in the village Kofunye Photo by §evket Oznur. Wine jars, 2006, in the village of Vuda. .. Photo by §evket Oznur. Country Life of Malya, 2006 Photo by §evket Oznur. Sheep grazing in the village of Melandira. Photo by Avedisyan Bross. Threshing floor in Cyprus 1925 Photo by Avedisyan Bross. 1925 Photo by Charles Glasners Photo by John P. Foscolo Photo by John P. Foscolo Photo by Max-Magda Richter Photo by Unknown Photo by Toufexis. Silk industry in Cyprus preparing the cocoons Photo by Toufexis. 1906

168 168 169 169 170 170 161 161 172 172 173 173 174 174

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1.1 Villages producing wheat in Cyprus in the year of 1572 Table 2.1.2 Villages producing the greatest amount of wheat annually in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.1.3 Villages producing at least 40 kile/nefer wheat annually in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.1.4 Proportions of wheat by district in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.1.5 Villages with at least 20% of their taxes for wheat in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.2.1 Villages producing barley in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.2.2 Villages producing more than 40 kile/nefer annually of barley in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.2.3 Villages producing at least 40 kile/nefer annually of barley in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.2.4 Barley total with at least in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.2.5 Villages with at least 20% of their taxes for barley in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.3.1 Villages with vetch in Cyprus in 1572 Table 2.3.2 Amount of vetch in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.1.1 Villages with carobs in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.1.2 Total weight of carobs in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.2.1 Villages with broad beans in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.2.2 Total broad beans in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.3.1 Villages with lentils in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.3.2 Total lentils in kile in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.4.1 Villages with cowpeas in Cyprus in 1572 Table 3.4.2 Total production of cowpeas in Cyprus in 1572 Table 4.1.1 Percent of villages with fruits & vegetables of 1572 Table 4.1.2 Annual tax value of fruits and vegetables in Cyprus in 1572 .. Table 4.1.3 Proportions of taxes for fruits and vegetables in Cyprus in 1572 Table 4.2.1 Villages with wine & grape juice in Cyprus in 1572 Table 4.2.2 Total amount of wine & grape juice in 1572 in Cyprus Table 4.4.1 Villages with olives in Cyprus in 1572 Table 4.4.2 Weight of olives in the villages of Cyprus in 1572 Table 5.1.1 Villages with walnuts in Cyprus in 1572 Table 5.1.2 Total walnuts produced in 174 villages in Cyprus in 1572 Table 5.2.1 Weight of almond trees in Cyprus in 1572 Table 5.3.1 Villages producing edible acorns in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.1.1 Number of villages with pigs in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.1.2 The pig tax % in the total taxes in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.1.3 Total annual taxes paid in the pig, in akce, in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.2.1 Number of villages with sheep in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.2.2 Number of sheep in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.2.3 Sheep per nefer in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.2.4 Total sheep in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.3.1 Number of villages with beehives in Cyprus in 1572 Table 6.3.2 Amount of beehives tax in akce in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.1.1 Villages with cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.1.2 Weight of cotton in kantar in Cyprus in 1572

130 130 131 132 132 135 135 136 137 138 139 139 140 140 141 141 142 143 143 144 144 145 146 147 147 148 148 149 149 150 150 150 151 151 152 152 153 154 154 155 155 156

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Table 7.1.3 Weight/ne/er of cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.1.4 Proportion of total crop in cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.2.1 Villages with flax in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.2.2 Volume in bundles in flax in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.3.1 Villages with cocoons in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.3.2 Amount of cocoons in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.4.1 Villages with hemp in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.4.2 Villages and amount of hemp in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.1.1 Production of sesame in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.1.2 Number of villages with sesame in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.2.1 Amount of saffron produced by villagers in Cyprus in 1572 ... Table 8.3.1 Villages with taverns in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.3.2 Per cent of tavern taxes of total agricultural taxes in 1572 Table 8.3.3 The total tavern taxes paid, in akce, by Cypriot villagers in 1572 Table 8.4.1 Number of villages with watermill in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.4.2 Per cent of total tax of the watermill tax in Cyprus in 1572 .... Table 8.4.3 Amount of the annual taxes paid by villagers as watermill tax in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.5.1 Number of villages with tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.5.2 Revenues from tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.5.3 Villages with at least 1% of their annual taxes from tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.6.1 Number of villages paid adet-i deshtbani in Cyprus in 1572 ... Table 8.6.2 Amount of adet-i deshtbani by villages in Cyprus in 1572 ....

156 157 158 158 159 159 159 160 160 160 161 161 161 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 165 166

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Acknowledgement is due to the following : Gokhan §engor, director of National Archive of Kyrenia, Cyprus; General Directorate of Deed and Cadastral Surveys of Turkey, Ankara; §evket Oznur, photographer in Nicosia; Dervish Pasha Mansion in Nicosia.

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Table 7.1.3 Weight/ne/er of cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.1.4 Proportion of total crop in cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.2.1 Villages with flax in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.2.2 Volume in bundles in flax in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.3.1 Villages with cocoons in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.3.2 Amount of cocoons in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.4.1 Villages with hemp in Cyprus in 1572 Table 7.4.2 Villages and amount of hemp in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.1.1 Production of sesame in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.1.2 Number of villages with sesame in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.2.1 Amount of saffron produced by villagers in Cyprus in 1572 ... Table 8.3.1 Villages with taverns in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.3.2 Per cent of tavern taxes of total agricultural taxes in 1572 Table 8.3.3 The total tavern taxes paid, in akce, by Cypriot villagers in 1572 Table 8.4.1 Number of villages with watermill in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.4.2 Per cent of total tax of the watermill tax in Cyprus in 1572 .... Table 8.4.3 Amount of the annual taxes paid by villagers as watermill tax in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.5.1 Number of villages with tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.5.2 Revenues from tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.5.3 Villages with at least 1% of their annual taxes from tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Table 8.6.1 Number of villages paid adet-i deshtbani in Cyprus in 1572 ... Table 8.6.2 Amount of adet-i deshtbani by villages in Cyprus in 1572 ....

156 157 158 158 159 159 159 160 160 160 161 161 161 162 163 163 164 164 165 165 165 166

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Acknowledgement is due to the following : Gokhan §engor, director of National Archive of Kyrenia, Cyprus; General Directorate of Deed and Cadastral Surveys of Turkey, Ankara; §evket Oznur, photographer in Nicosia; Dervish Pasha Mansion in Nicosia.

EDITORS' NOTE

The late Ronald C. Jennings, from the Department of History of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, wrote many articles on Ottoman Cyprus and some of them were published by The Isis Press of Istanbul in a collected volume. 1 Besides he completed his important and lengthy work "Village Life in Cyprus at the Time of Ottoman Conquest" in the year of 1990, mainly based on the Turkish Archives. One typed copy of this work is still kept in the National Archives in Kyrenia, Cyprus. He gave one of the typed copies to Mustafa Ha§im Altan, who was the director of the Kyrenia's National Archives, in those days because he wanted to obtain some assistance regarding the spelling of some place names, but unfortunately Jennings's valuable work couldn't be published due to several reasons. This work, as Jennings mentioned himself, relies on the manuscripts tax and population survey of Cyprus (=TPSC) called Defter-i mufassal-i livayi Kibrus, which is kept as a unique copy at the archives of the General Administration of Land Registry and Cadastral Survey, in Ankara, as an important source of Cyprus history. This manuscript, which was completed in 1527, lights up the way as a reflection of the Turkish point of view of the island, and also contains information on the management and applications during the island's previous Ottoman period. In particular, the original data about the Venetian period on the island of Cyprus can be found in this copy. Therefore, many scholars were able to study this copy of the manuscript before Dr. Jennings. There are also some scholars who still continue to analyse it. Whilst his book Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640, (New York University Press, 1993), which was published before his death along with other articles relating to Cyprus were mostly based on the Cyprus Court (§eriye Sicili) Registers, Village Life was based mainly on the Ottoman population and tax survey dated 1572. He studied systematically only 174 villages from the 1,145 units providing housing (including mezra') registered in this manuscript. He researched these villages carefully from the aspect of their agricultural production, and discovered that there was a lot being produced from this

Ronald C. Jennings, Studies on Ottoman Social History in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries: Women, Zimmis and Sharia Courts in Kayseri, Cyprus and Trabzon, introducted by Suraiya Faroqhi, The Isis Press, Istanbul, 1999.

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agricultural production. From his point of view, the island was a great source of grains, immediately after the Ottoman conquest. Wheat, barley, millet, oats and wetch were grown in many places across the island. Besides these, carobs, broad beans, lentils, black-eyed beans and chickpeas were also produced, and taxed by the Ottoman administration. Cyprus was also very rich from its abundance of fruits and vegetables. Nearly all the necessities of the Mediterranean world such as fruits, wine, grape juice, colocasia and olives were seen as the main fruits of the island. There were also many walnuts, almonds and acorn trees on the island. Besides these, it was also considered to be abundant with livestock. Pigs, bees and sheep were taxed, and it was supposed that the vital cotton yield was also taxed during those years. Hemp, linen and silk cocoon trading were the crafts that people knew on the island. He also provides information about sesame seeds, saffron, taverns, mills, and tanneries in his writings and offers valuable information to his readers about the year of 1572 in Cyprus, from manuscripts that had remained hidden for many years. We should not forget to point out that he had some concerns regarding the spelling of some name places that were mentioned in his writings. He wrote some of the places names that he mentioned in two or three different ways, such as; Girine, Girniye, Girne or Magose, Magosa. But this does not reduce the value of his work. Cyprus's historical topography has yet to be solved, therefore, a few spelling mistakes should be excused. With his serious work, he filled a missing gap in the history of Cyprus, and has put the setting of Cyprus in to some sort of context during that relatively period of unknown Mediterranean history, compared to the information published in the 1970's and 1980's, hence, at last, someone had broached this topic. Moreover after the publicising of this topic, since 1990, there has been an increase in the number of young Turkish researchers who have become interested in Cyprus's history, and they have started to present new information related to the island to the academic world.

INTRODUCTION

One of the most important reasons that I understood this study of village agriculture is that I have long been interested in village life. Between 1963 and 1965, right after graduation from college, I spent two years as an English teacher at the MaarifKoleji (now called Anadolu Lisesi) in Samsun, Turkey. In afternoons, on weekends and on vocations I devoted much of my free time to visiting villages. First in the civinity of Samsun, but then slowly, steadily expanding my horizons a long much of the rest of the Black Sea cost, into the Black Sea mountaion range and then into central and eastern Anatolia, I had many fascinating and instructive visits which made imdelible imprints on my mind. In addition, the unusually high quality and accuracy of the detailed Ottoman register of 1572 (defter-i mufassal-i liva-yi Kibrus) demanded my attention. That quality had long ago been noted by Halil Inalcik; Gilles Veinstein and Benjamin Arbel are presently involved in the painstaking process of preparing a complete edition, with translitreation and translation of the whole register. Even though village life in Cyprus currently is quite seriously thretened by europeanization, especially anglization and even though vicil strife and the Turkish intervention of 1974 with its tragic population movements have provided more threats to village life, three visits to the Turkish sector and one to the Greek stregthen my feeling that the register is highly accurate. That register, which purpots for purposes of taxation to idnetify every adult taxpayer, according to village or town quarter, as well as the entire collective annual taxation for each village, is preserved in the cadastral archive (Tapu ve Kadastro Argivi) in Ankara. The register of 1572 is so extremely important because it is only known census ever made by the Ottoman government with detailed information about the population and economy of the villages (and towns, of course) of Cyprus. That is so unfortune, because one can only view population and economy in a simple, static glimpse, whereas I have been able to show profound demographic and economic fluctuations in the Kayseri region by using four or five registers covering more than a century 1 (that has also been done by a few other scholars in their areas). So despite the 1 Ronald C. Jennings, "The Population, Society, and Economy of the Region of Erciyes dagi in the 16 th Century," in Contributions à l'histoire économique et sociale de l'Empire Ottoman, ed. J. Bacqué-Grammont and P. Dumont, in Louvain, 1986,149-250.

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excellence of that register, the picture of Cyprus which can be shown in necessarily is somewhat one-dimensional. Because of the well known Ottoman tendency to continue, at least temporarily, most elements from the previous systems of taxation and economy in newly conquered territories, that census is almost as useful for the study of Venetian as for Ottoman Cyprus. It would be extremely difficult to determine exactly when that taxation may have applied, if ever, so I have avoided making any statements about the relative burdens under Ottoman or Venetian taxation, or even the precise nature of that taxation. From the detailed population and taxation survey (defter-i mufassal-i liva-yi Kibrus) of Cyprus I took notes on the taxation of all of the villages which paid annual taxes amounting to at least 10,000 akce, namely 174. For most agricultural products the rate of taxation was per cent 20, or 1/5, so to determine their actual weights or volumes I had only to multiply the figures by five. Most of those villages turned out to be quite prosperous, and rather large. Some turned out to be fairly poor but very large. Others turned out to be very small and very wealthy. Careful notes had to be taken because microfilming or other copying was not permitted. There is a well known tendency to denigrate villagers and village life, particularly by using the term "peasant". Villagers are usually characterized as unable to think critically, as traditionally oriented people who follow tenaciously in the steps of their fathers and grandfathers, from generation to generation, and are extremely hostile to all change. Without the help of "feudal lords" they supposedly are barely capable of rational actions, such as introducing new cash crops, or even managing their own fields. They supposedly live primitive lifestyles. They avoid, or perhaps even despise, anyone not from their own village, and they refuse to leave their ancient lands. In modern Turkish historiography they are viewed with nearly as much apprehension as dervish orders. Based on three trips to the north and one to the south, currently Cypriot villagers, at least judging from their European dress, their modern houses, and the profusion of television aerials, their conditions of life almost everywhere that I have been are remarkably affluent. Of course, that does not say much about what conditions might have existed for earlier generations. Although Cyprus has no tradition of good roads, being an island with a couple of good ports and several more that are quite satisfactory for traditional shipping meant that regular shipments of cotton and cotton products, wine and grape products, olive oil, carobs, or flax might be easily made, whether by foreign or by native Cypriot entrepreneurs. At least as important for exports were grains

INTRODUCTION

15

(almost exclusively wheat and barley) for which they always found markets, in the 16th century, anyway. In a recently published article entitled "The Population, Taxation, and Wealth in the Cities and Villages of Cyprus," I have, among other things, described the agriculture of 26 of the wealthiest villages on the island (two for each district), to reveal the remarkably varied and sophisticated systems of cultivation that prevailed in each.1 This study is based on notes taken about every village which paid 10,000 akce or more in taxes annually. Despite its small size, Cyprus has an unusual diversity of terrain and geographical features. It has flat, fertile plains, high, barren mountains, and rich hills with great varieties of fruits, vegetables, and grains which thrived in the 16th century. Based on my survey of 174 villages, the most important crops by far were wheat and barley, while small amounts of other grains, like vetch, oats, and millet also grew. Olives, carobs, almonds, and walnuts, in that order, were the major tree crops. The most important vegetables were legumes like chickpeas, broad beans, lentils, and cowpeas. Grapevines were very common, while sesame and colocasia were minor crops. Cotton was by far the most widespread commercial product grown by the villagers, but flax, hemp, linen, saffron, and silk were also available. Although, especially in the wealthier villages, many important commercial crops were grown, most villages seem to have produced nearly all of the grains, fruits, and vegetables that they could consume. Many probably had large surpluses of grains, wines, or olive oil, which they could market, but cotton was almost everywhere the single most important strictly commercial crop. First, I treated the number of villages, by district, which produced at least enough to pay taxes on each crop or product, and naturally their proportions among the 174 villages. Then I dealt, where possible, with the actual weights or volumes of the crops, by village. Next I calculated the proportion that each crop was of the entire agricultural production of the individual villages. Finally, I determined the proportions per taxpayer (nefer) for many of the crops studied. Almost all of the villages studied obviously had a great proportion of their villagers living with a full, healthy, balanced diet, through consuming a variety of palatable and nutritious foods regularly. Since the Latin crusading Lusignan family took over rule of Cyprus at the very end of the 12th century, Cyprus was renowned for its wealthy, fertile, populous villages and thriving cities. Cyprus was a very important last stage on the pilgrimage routes of Latin Christians, many of whom wrote vivid Ronald C. Jennings, "The Population, Taxation, and Wealth in the Cities and Villages of Cyprus, according to the detailed population survey (defter-i mufassal) of 1572", Journal of Turkish Studies, Raiyyet Rusumu, Essays presented to Halil Inalcik, 10,1986,175-189.

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accounts of their visits. The largely Greek Orthodox natives of the island were frequently exasperated by the Latin ruling class who introduced much of the feudal system, especially in rural life. They were primarily interested in enriching themselves at the expense of their subjects and encouraged the development of a cash economy for export. Extensive sugar plantations were created on the island, often models of efficiency with highly developed systems of irrigation that were encouraged by the French ruling class and then the Venetian merchants who became increasingly interested in that place and soon took it for themselves (1489). Several villages, such as Episkopi (of the Corner family), Kolossi (of the Knights Hospitalers), and Kouklia were renowned for industry and productivity. A t least some Islamic legists explicitly consider city dwellers, with their religious and educational nucleus of buildings of a superior order in comparison with villagers and nomads. Although of high quality, the produce of Cyprus was usually inexpensive. There was much fertile land. Winter rains, seasonal streams, and wells made for bountiful harvests. In the 16th century, it was renowned for producing abundant agricultural surpluses, such as grains, fruits, and vegetables which were in great demand not only in colonial Venice but elsewhere in the Mediterranean world, and even in central Europe. Cyprus was one of the most productive places anywhere. One of the earliest plantation economies began in Cyprus, where sugar cane was utilized as a cash crop. Only when the eastern Mediterranean sugar production was finally undercut by the infusion of cheaper sugar did it begin to give way to cotton as a cash crop. Throughout the 16th century cotton remained the leading commercial export crop. The diversity of Cyprus is quite remarkable, particularly given the fact that it is a very small island, and that so much of the land is mountainous. Its villagers grew a great variety of crops. One village might depend almost entirely on grain production, while others depended heavily on vine cultivation, or carobs and olives. In some places cotton production predominated. However, most villages produced a variety of crops. Since most rural Ottoman taxation required fixed proportions of the various crops, it was imperative for government officials to know in detail the typical annual agricultural production of recent years so that they could have some ideas about the sources and amounts of tax revenues that could be expected. Another reason for undertaking this study is to dispel the notion that the diets of villagers necessarily had to be dull and insipid, and that disaster normally was just around the corner for them in the Mediterranean world. That idea is relentlessly developed by Fernand Braudel, although he himself derived it in part from certain French geographers. A t least for Cyprus (and I hope later to expose this misconception for other Ottoman territories also) it is misleading, to say the least.

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Braudel has clearly delimited the nature of what he sees to be the problem. "As for the standard of living of the peasantry, we know next to nothing about it, so we shall be obliged to make the most of a few surveys which cannot, of course, be considered universally representative." Nevertheless, he insists that the Mediterranean climate "...prepared the ground for the establishment of identical rural economies."1 In particular there was an unfortunate distribution of wealth. "There was bread for the rich and a bread for the poor...; "...we are never dealing with fullemployment economies;" "large sections of the community were either poor or very poor."2 "Harvests, in the Mediterranean, more than elsewhere, are at the mercy of unstable elements." "Yields were small, and the Mediterranean was always on the verge of famine." "They are enabled to survive only by man's constant efforts." "Although the gardens, orchards, and sea foods may provide varied additions, they supply what is essentially a frugal diet even today, 'bordering on malnutrition in many cases. This frugality results not from virtue or indifference to food as Busbecq would have called it, but from necessity." 3 Perhaps the famous discipline of Ottoman armies when on campaign deceived western European observers, such as Busbecq, into believing that all Ottomans were uninterested in food and had very simple tastes. Certainly the evidence from 16th century Cyprus suggests that large numbers of villagers had favourable living conditions indeed. In Suraiya Faroqhi's Towns and Townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia, subtitled trade, crafts and food production in an urban setting, 1520-1650, she masterfully describes the system of urban food supply. Towns and cities, both large and small, as they did in contemporary Cyprus, contained large open spaces where much of the food supply was grown, particularly the fruits and vegetables, but often large quantities of grains too. In addition, city and town residents often possessed cultivable lands outside of city walls or other limits. They thus competed for local markets with villages.4 Indeed, Faroqhi has a very detailed section called the "town and its agricultural hinterland" which includes chapters entitled "the agricultural bases of urbanization: growth and crisis; the urban consumer and his meat supply: a study of capital formation and urban-rural trade; and fields, gardens, and vineyards: urban landholders in the countryside." She shows what intensive use that the townsmen made of the lands, especially their gardens and 1 Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean S. Reynolds, New York, 1972,451,236. 2 ibid„ 571,151,159.

3 4

World in the Age of Philip II., tr.

ibid., 213f

Suraiya Faroqhi, Towns and Townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia, trade, crafts and food in an urban setting, 1520-1650, Cambridge, 1984,194-266.

production

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vineyards. "Probably," according to Faroqhi, "...the proportion of agriculturalists living in towns... was high, and possibly it was even growing." "In the vicinity of both larger and smaller Anatolian towns, a certain amount of land was owned and often worked by townsmen." "...many families living in towns must have consumed home-grown grains and fruit, so that their dependence upon the market was only partial. This state of affairs was not limited to Ottoman Anatolia, but has been observed in other parts of the sixteenth century Mediterranean world as well." Despite Braudel admonitions about the paucity of meat in the Ottoman diet, the numbers of livestock, mostly sheep in Anatolia, but additionally selected from pigs in Cyprus, must be considered small only by modern standards. "While no figures survive which allow us to estimate the number of sheep that were consumed every year in a small or medium-sized Anatolian town, the number of animals involved was large enough to give rise to an appreciable amount of local and interregional trade.1 In nearby southern Syria, a system of village taxation similar to Cyprus has been carefully documented, by Wolf-Dieter Hutteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah, where wheat, barley, olives, olive oil, fruit trees, lentils, rice, sesame, cotton, honey, goats, and water buffalos are mentioned as common in various places. A complete listing of each village and its individual taxes is given. Village life and agriculture in those districts of southern Syria reached levels little below those that of Cyprus, as the authors clearly show. 2 Studies of agriculture have been extremely difficult to find. Almost no one has been able to make successful studies before the mid-19 th century, except occasionally with certain crops or products. Usually Ottoman registers are used to study town populations, law codes, or trades and industries. It is often quite difficult even to locate villages and to discover the distribution of crops without having time for leisurely travel. My wish to do that has been greatly comp located by internal political problems from which Cyprus continues to suffer. For years people have been studying the agricultural basis for cities and towns very effectively using registers, discovering the extensive fruit and vegetable cultivation not only in the suburbs but even in scattered verdant fields and gardens within the cities, which played an essential role to feed the populace, and which are known because of the same kinds of tax and population records (censuses) that I have used here.

1

ibid., 191,220,242. W o l f - D i e t e r Hutteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah, Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and Southern Syria in the Late 16th Century, Erlangen, 1977,79-85, between pp. 112 and 220 one finds a complete listing of all the villages and their taxes.

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Besides the great lacuna in agricultural studies, there is an equally great one in historical village studies. In this case, the void existed almost until the advent of cultural geographers and anthropologists doing field work at the beginning of the 20 th century. As far as the changing populations of villages goes, or the nature and value of their crops, even in present day Turkey, there exist no studies in such detail as exist during the period from the late 15 th century to almost 1600. For censuses of the Turkish Republic, provide population and economic statistics only at the level of the province, not the village. Neither does the government of Cyprus. Therefore, I can be sure of the uniqueness of my present study. The Ottoman system of population and tax surveys from the 16 th century, consequently, provide a remarkable and unique source of information on local village life. Western Europeans have long, and correctly, noted the relative paucity of meat, especially their beloved beef, in Ottoman, or Cypriot (or even Middle Eastern) diets. They believed (and many still believe) that somehow the abundance of "red meat" which they consumed made them healthier and more intelligent. Only in recent years, have some western scientists and dieticians learned how using great amounts of animal flesh may, in fact, bring with them unhealthy conditions or even diseases. In fact, diets of dairy products, whole grains, and legumes are much healthier than the traditional western European and American-diets so heavily based on meat. Modern studies of nutrition, still in their infancy, very strongly suggest that the diet of 16 th century Cyprus villagers was remarkably healthful and nutritious, with its whole grain wheat and barley, unrefined flours, lentils and chickpeas, olives and carobs, fresh fruits and vegetables which were available, in season, throughout the whole year. Virtually every village produced a variety of food products, which could be used for consumption or sale, and commercial products, which might be utilized locally or sold, whether on the island or abroad. Few villages produced disproportions of any crops. Fewer still could not have survived on what they produced themselves if they had to or wanted to. Except for the threat of oppressive or capricious rulers, or from chronic shortages of rainfall, which characterize much of the eastern Mediterranean, or plague and malaria which have had their inadequately studied impacts, and locusts, the island of Cyprus in the 16th century could have been a veritable paradise. Unlike in many areas of Europe the villagers of Cyprus had an imaginative and healthful variety of crops that they cultivated, and they produced them in such quality and quantity that unless their rulers subjected them to oppressive taxation, they could live in luxury. Perhaps merchants and governments of the western Mediterranean and Western Europe learned about ways to grow this diversity of crops, although they would not have been able to imitate the style and variety.

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Wheat Given the choice, most Cypriot villagers of the 16 th century, and townspeople too, would have been delighted to make wheat (bugday) the central part of their diet. Probably that characteristic belonged to large portions of people throughout the Mediterranean basin. It is hard to imagine any village in Cyprus, which reputedly produced excellent wheat, unless somewhere in the remote and inaccessible mountains, could produce too much wheat. Towns would covet that wheat; so would villages unsuited for wheat cultivation because of poor soil or inadequate water; and so would Venetian and other merchants who sold to northern Italy and other areas in the western Mediterranean. Because of that, villagers who were very efficient at growing wheat never had to fear growing too much. Well, one Cypriot village did devote more than 3/4 of its annual agricultural produce to wheat. Four more villages devoted more than half of the values of their agricultural produce, and yet another four produced exactly 50 per cent. Probably the numbers of villages and the proportions of wheat were not much greater simply because of the great risks that arose if villagers practiced over concentration. Typically, in the region, rainfall is quite irregular, and droughts occur periodically. Villagers producing high proportions of a crop realized that they were vulnerable and refused to participate in mono crop agriculture. Barley is no so vulnerable to drought, even though its yield is lower and less prized, but wheat requires considerable water, both to start it growing and to sustain its growth. In any case, virtually no villages, according to the agricultural survey, were willing to take the chance of depending as much as half of their annual produce on a cash crop, even if it was a comestible rather than an industrial or commercial one. Karpasa (Karpasha), which produced 78 per cent wheat, is a classic example of a single crop village. Located just beyond the western edge of the northern mountain range, in a relative flat area, it was a fairly small place where the main tax on non-Muslims (ispence) amounted to 9 per cent of the total taxation and no other crop constituted more than 2 per cent of its total produce. They produced 1,375 akce of olives, 2 per cent of their total agricultural produce, and they had 400 sheep on which they paid 200 akce in

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taxes, also 2 per cent of their annual produce. In addition, Karpasha grew very small amounts of fruits and vegetables, vetch, lentils, pomegranates, as well as honey and flax, but absolutely no barley. It was truly one of the most heavily monoculture villages in Cyprus. Aya Ermole (Ayios Ermolaos) village, also in Girniye district, came next, over a third lower than Karpasa, with 58 per cent. Not surprisingly, those two villages have very similar crop-use patterns, for they are separated only by another single village. The local villagers were so devoted to grains that in Aya Ermole, in addition to the 58 per cent of wheat that they produced, another 19 per cent was from barley and 3 per cent from vetch, which means 80 per cent of the total agricultural produce of that village. 11 per cent of the taxes came from the agricultural tax on non-Muslims (ispence). There were 400 sheep, as well as small amounts of olives, pigs, fruits, and vegetables. After Aya Ermole, it came three widely separated villages with 53 per cent: Yenagre in Mesariye, Peristerone in Pendaye, and Terre in Hirsofi. Yenagre was a large village about mid-way between Lefkosha and Magosa in the famous very flat grain-belt of the island. Peristerone Akacu is a very large village located on the flat plains to the west of Lefkosha, about mid-way between that city and the Gulf of Morfou. Terre was a large village in the rough mountainous part of Hirsofi, where extensive grain cultivation sometimes depends on modest terracing (if one can judge from the present, anyway). With its fortunate location about midway between the only two real cities on the island in the 16th century, Magosa and Lefkosha, Yenagre could supply either place, as well as selling for long distance trading. It also produced a very great volume of wheat. While Yenagre produced hardly any barley (a mere 15 kile) it produced 550 kile of vetch, worth 4 per cent of its total produce, and it had taverns worth 6 per cent, sheep worth 4 per cent (1400 akce), and chickpeas worth 2 per cent. Yenagre was an unusually diversified village for that area, in fact. Peristerone Akachu, on the other hand, showed tendencies toward being an almost mono-grain village. Besides being tied for third in proportion of wheat cultivation, it was tied for 6th in barley production with 39 per cent. Another 2 per cent was devoted to vetch. So, 94 per cent of its produce was grain. If that were not enough, much of the rest of what it grew was in the form of legumes. Terre, however, had a less than ideal location, unless one counts the fact that its mountainous location is not far from the simple port of Hirsofi. Slightly more than 2/3 of Terre's agricultural produce went for grains, although the village did display some diversity. Besides 53 per cent for wheat, 11 per cent for barley, and 3 per cent vetch, there were a handful of pigs, 510 sheep, honey, acorns, olives, lentils worth 2 per cent, broad beans worth 1 per

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cent, pomegranates, flax, a tavern worth 3 per cent, fruits, and vegetables. Despite its intensive specialization, Terre still seems to have had some basic diversity, so that if it could somehow market its grain it had the potential to be prosperous. The four villages which produced exactly 50 per cent wheat also were major producers of barley, and usually had vetch and legumes in small amounts, not giving too much opportunity for other kinds of crops. Diyorigo village (Dhiorios) in Girniye was adjacent to Prastio, and so had precisely the same kind of tavern. Diyorigo with 22 per cent, was a major barley producer, and also cultivated small amounts of vetch and legumes like lentils and broad beans. It was a major producer of sheep, with 2,400, amounting to 7 per cent of its total taxation, and a minor producer of pigs. 3 per cent of the taxes went for cotton, and small amounts for flax and taverns. A medium-sized place, tied for sixth, Diyorigo was a great supplier of grains. Also sixth, with 50 per cent was Duda (Voda) in Tuzla district, which was a smallish village; besides being tied for the 6 t h leading wheat producer, it was tied for 22 n d in barley, with 27 per cent. Diyorigo was a great supplier of grains. So, more than 3/4 of its produce was grain, although it did not produce any vetch. 8 per cent of its production went for fruits and vegetables, it had 300 sheep and small number of pigs, a small tavern, and everything else was minor. The remaining two villages were virtually contiguous in Pendaye district, Morfo (Morphou) being a medium-sized village and Kucinu Persitu (Prastio) a small one. Both are located virtually on the sea, and both were major grain producers. Kucinu Persitu was tied for 20th in barley, with 28 per cent, and Morfo was tied for 23rd, with 27 per cent, so the two adjacent villages produced exactly the same proportion of wheat, and virtually identical proportions of barley. Taverns were minimal in Kucinu Persitu and 2 per cent in Morfo; also Morfo had important watermills amounting to 3 per cent of its total produce, while its neighbor had none. Morfo had 3,000 sheep, amounting to 2 per cent of its production but Kucinu Persitu had 1,800 sheep amounting to 8 per cent. Both Morfo and Kucinu Persitu both had small amounts of foods such as pomegranates, lentils, olives, carobs, and garden vegetables, not to mention pigs and flax. Thirty-three of the 174 villages studied produced wheat at a level of such abundance that they could produce at least, 40 kile/nefer (or adult male) annually (and four more reached 39). Twenty-two villages produced more than 50, including 18 more than 60, ten more than 70, seven more than 80, five more than 90, and three more than 100.

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Two villages were really in a class by themselves. Morfo village in Pendaye district and Menoye village in Mazoto produced 20 per cent more wheat per nefer than Kato and Pano Dikomo in Girniye, indeed at a level fifty percent greater than any other village. Morfo (Morphou) and Menoye (Menoia) each produced 150 kile per nefer annually, a remarkable high level. The Dikomo's produced 126 kile, and they were trailed by Pano Kutrefe (Koutraphas) in Pendaye with 95 and Bali Kesro in Lefkosha with 94 kile. All of those villages were in extremely flat areas. Morfo and Pano Kutrefe are on opposite sides of the island, just inland from the sea, while the Dikomos are situated at the southern edge of the northern range. Bali Kesro is on one of the major routes between Lefkosha and Magosa, and Pano Kutrefe is southeast of Morfo but further inland. Obviously both of them were extremely fertile and well watered, places where very skillful cultivation was made. Three villages in Mazoto district produced at least 40 kile/nefer in wheat annually, including contiguous villages Menoye (Menoia), tied for first with 150, the ninth ranking one with 75 kile, Kufino (or Komineto) in a hilly area, and Kefale (Kafkalla) in a similar location further south in that district, which produced 47 kile. Those three villages are located at about the same distance from the sea, in relatively similar terrain, in open and level areas, easy to cultivate. The second leading district in per capita wheat production surely was Girniye, which included two of the top ten villages, six of the top 25, and 8 of those 37 with at least 40 kile per capita. By far the most productive village in that district was Kato and Pano Dikomo located at the very edge of the flat central plateau, just below the southern edge of the northern mountain range, producing 126 kile/nefer, third among all villages. The sixth leading village was Karpasa, with 87 kile, located beyond the western mountains of that range, in a fairly similar, open area, but a little farther away from high mountains. Tied for twelfth with 63 kile/nefer were Aya Ermole and Larnaka villages, the former with a location on the plain probably very much like Dikomo and Karpasha, the latter being closer to the edge of the mountains. 19th among villages, Diyorigo, located next to Karpasha, produced 52 kile/nefer. Contiguous to Karpasha, Larnaka, and probably Aya Ermole was Gamiyi, tied for twenty-second with 50 kile/nefer. To the northwest of that area, in a hilly area to the northwest of Karpasha, the westernmost village in Girniye district was Koremakiti village, which produced 47 kile per nefer of wheat. Finally, along the north coast, in a very different terrain was the scattered village of Lace, with 39 kile per nefer. All of the villages in Girniye district except for Lace were scattered throughout relatively the same sort of area south or westward from the northern range.

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Clearly the district with the most prolific production of wheat was Pendaye, where four of the top ten, ten of the top 25, and 17 of the 37 villages producing at least 40 kile per nefer were located. Within the top ten producers were Morfo, Pano Kuterefe, Kupinu Persito, and Suriyane Dori villages. Morfo was tied for the most productive village in wheat, with 150 kile per nefer. Tenth with 73 was Suriyane Dori, contiguous to Morfo on the northwest, and even closer to the sea. The location of the seventh village, Kupinu Persitu, with 83 kile/nefer wheat production is not known, but fourth ranking Pano Kuterefe, with 95 kile I nefer, was directly south of Morfo, still on a very flat plain. Ranking eleventh, near the northern border of that district, is Kapudi, which produces 69 kile/nefer, followed by Kazevere and Akaci located in the easternmost part of that district, tied for 16th with 61 kile per nefer. Then it follows Kato Zodiye, which is contiguous to Morfo on the south and was tied for 22 n d with 50, and Meniko, contiguous to Akaci on the south side, with 49 kile, 24 th , and 20 th was Eliya, with 49, northwest of Pano Kuterefe and southwest of Kato Zodiye. Then, with 46 kilelnefer followed Kira, perhaps the next village east of Morfo and Perestonandi, contiguous to Akaci on the west with 45 kilelnefer of wheat grown. Centered in and around Morfo and a little to the eastward, was an area dominated by intensive wheat growing at a very high per nefer rate. High per capita wheat cultivation in Hirsofi district was heavily concentrated in rough mountains where there are unusually steep fields which have some limited terracing, making possible some of the most intensive cultivation of wheat on that island. Between Terre with 48 kilelnefer and Kato Erude (Arodhes) with 46 kilelnefer in the western part (which lie in close proximity of each other), and Kinose (Kinousa) in the east, with 51.4 kilelnefer, all about the same distance from the sea, one finds an area of intensive wheat production. Other leaders were the port of Poli with 48 kile per nefer and the village of Kamunde, location unknown, with 52. In that district were located two of the leading 25 producers of wheat as well as five of the thirty-three producing at least 40 kile. Three villages produced more than 10,000 Istanbul kile of wheat annually, exceeding by far all other villages. Each of those three, Lace in Girniye, Morfo and Trikomo in Pendaye have lands which extend to the sea. Lace and Trikomo were both very large villages, and Morfo was large. Lace produced 14,750 kile of wheat, Morfo 13,050, and Trikomo 12,500. Then there is a drop of almost 40 per cent to Eliya village, south of Morfo in Pendaye, with a veiy similar location and to Kolos in Limose district, on the

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sea near the regional center of Limose, with 7,500, and then to Komi with 7,375 kile in Karpas east of Trikomo. After another big drop comes Peristerone Akachu in Pendaye, east of Morfo, and Eliya, in very flat land, with 6,500, and east of Peristerone Akacu the next village was Akaci with 6000 kile. Next with 5,625 kile comes the very large village of Piskopi, contiguous to Limose, and separated by only a single village from Kolossi. Then, with 5,175 kile comes Yafte Komi in Karpas, contiguous to Komi. Then comes Bali Kesro in Lefkosha, the 11th ranking village, with 5,000 kile\ Bali Kesro is in the exceedingly flat Mesariye area, quite close to Lefkosha. Then comes the mountain village of Terre in Hirsofi, with large steep fields and some terracing, which produced 4,800 kile of wheat, and then with 4,750 kile the village of Kato and Pano Dikomo in Girniye district located at the foot of the mountain range across the flat plateau to the north of Lefkosha, and then the minor port of Poli in Hirsofi with 4,700 kile. Next, it comes Lefka in Pendaye with 4,250, slightly above the level of the plateau, then Pirgo, northeast of Limose, which opens on to the sea, with 4,050 kile. Finally, Petre village, just south of Eliya in Pendaye, and Yenagre village right in the middle of the Mesariye had 4,000 kile each. Twenty-four villages paid taxes on wheat, which amounted to between 40 per cent and 49 per cent of their total taxes .6 of those villages were in Baf district, 4 each in Girniye and Pendaye, and 3 in Karpas and Limose districts. Obviously, these villages were committed to very intensive wheat production, and probably were very much involved in marketing those crops. With some villages, this might open possibilities of over concentration, but most of them also grew a variety of foodstuffs so that they at least would have a chance to survive even if their wheat crop failed. The villages in Baf, or at least those whose location is known clearly, tended to be in locations ranging from steep hills to rough, high mountainous zones where very limited amounts of flat land would be available. Even today, some of these areas have large grain fields with sharp inclines or modified terracing, and they benefit from perennial streams. With 49 per cent wheat and 7 per cent barley, 800 sheep (3 per cent of its total cultivation), its taverns, ample crops of lentils and broad beans, the large village of Polemi had a certain balance, especially because of its wide range of minor crops. Ikale village with 48 per cent wheat and 22 per cent barley certainly must have been very dependent; it was a medium-sized place with sheep, pigs, lots of lentils and broad beans, and 5 per cent pomegranates. Although the medium-sized village of Marone was in fairly mountainous territory, the presence of a perennial stream at the foot of the valley, and irrigation connected with a

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watermill which paid 5 per cent of the village taxes, along with another 5 per cent for cotton, with 500 sheep, and ample honey, olives, lentils, and broad beans, to go with 43 per cent for wheat and 11 per cent for barley made Marone quite a fortunate location, although it certainly was not close to any population centers and communication with the sea was not too easy. Esliye village produced wheat worth 42 per cent, along with barley worth 15 per cent. 15 per cent of its taxes also went for watermills, 11 per cent for cotton, 4 per cent for taverns as well as pigs, honey, and a great mixtured of minor crops which suggests that the medium-sized village might be even better off than Marone. Laptiyu (Lapithiou) was a medium-sized place which cultivated wheat worth 42 per cent to go with 9 per cent barley in a fairly remote, inaccessible mountainous area where minor amounts of various diverse fruits and vegetables, sesame, and 18 per cent of its produce went for cotton, so there must have been ample water for irrigation. Chusunerge (Kissomerge) was a medium-sized village near the coast to the north of Baf which obviously is very easily accessible by sea. Besides 40 per cent wheat and 17 per cent barley (57 per cent grain), Chusunerge had sheep, pigs, lentils, olives, taverns worth 7 per cent, and other elements of a very mixed economy. Cusunerge's location is quite fortunate. The western part of Girniye district seems to have been a great center of grain cultivation, particularly wheat. The smallish village of Gamiyi (Kambyli), mid-way between Karpasa and Aya Ermole, the two greatest producers of wheat on the island itself, paid 78 per cent of its taxes for grain, 49 per cent for wheat and 29 per cent for barley, more than any other village in that district. The economy of Gamiyi was not too diversified, although it had 510 sheep, with some pigs, olives, lentils, and broad beans. Larnaka, with 49 per cent wheat, 14 per cent barley, 23 per cent olives, and 5 per cent cotton, as well as a mixture of fruits and vegetables, was located at the southern edge of the mountains, to the northeast of Gamiyi. A small, very diversified village devoted to wheat (47 per cent), barley (17 per cent), and some vetch, it is located on cape Kormakiti, to the northwest of Diyorigo. Koremakiti was pretty diversified with 5 per cent olives, 3 per cent cotton, some flax and lentils; its proximity to the sea meant it could market things easily. Pano and Kato Dikomo (Dhikomo) was a small village at the southern base of the mountains on a rolling flat plain that leads directly to Lefkosha in the south. Besides producing 45 per cent wheat, and 26 per cent barley (tied for 26 th and second in the district), it had two full time watermills worth 120 akce each, a tavern, irrigation enough for 18 per cent cotton, with pigs and 700 sheep that could be grazed in grain, and also cultivated small amounts of various fruits and vegetables.

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The four villages which produced between 40 and 49 per cent of their agricultural taxes for wheat in Pendaye district tended to be in the central or eastern parts of that district rather than along the sea; they also tended to be important grain centers, not just for wheat. Near the northern part of the district was Kapudi (Kapouti, or Kalokhorio), on a plain separated by a range of hills from the heart of that the area in Girniye district where grains thrived. Kapudi was a medium-sized village which, besides producing 43 per cent of its agricultural produce in wheat, also tied for the 9th leading producer of barley with 33 per cent. There was substantial evidence of diversity with many fruits and vegetables, including pomegranates, taverns, 680 sheep, and some pigs. Even more diversified was Akaci (Akaki) a large village on the eastern most edge of the plain between Lefkosha and the sea, close to that border. Akaci was a leading producer of barley (19 per cent) and vetch (12 per cent) as well as wheat 42 per cent. Akaci produced several important commercial products, including flax worth 7 per cent of its produce, cotton and sesame worth 3 per cent each, 500 sheep, pigs, olives, fruits, and vegetables. Contiguous to Akaci in the south was the smallish village of Meniko, also on a flat plain with grains at the center of its economy: 40 per cent wheat 30 per cent barley (tied for 16th), vetch 2 per cent, and also produced many fruits and vegetables, and had a watermill functioning half the year. Pano Kutrefe (Koutraphas) was eighth in barley production with 37 per cent, to go with 1 per cent for vetch and 40 per cent for wheat. It was a small village to the south of Morfo with 5 per cent of its cultivation in cotton, some in flax, some pigs, only 200 sheep, olives, and lentils, making for a somewhat diversified place. The big producers of wheat in Limose district were also big producers of barley. Yermasoy (Yermasoyia) was a large grain center located just to the northeast of Limose and so had easy access to the facilities of that harbor. Despite its heavy dependence on grains (with 43 per cent wheat and 17 per cent barley), Yermasoye had a large watermill and 11 per cent of its produce was from cotton; sheep and pigs, pomegranates (4 per cent), and lentils (9 per cent) were widely cultivated. Although Akrotiri may have had a relatively isolated location at the southern end of the salt lake that small village had a somewhat diversified economy, despite depending 43 per cent on wheat and 22 per cent on barley (which it could undoubtedly market). Moreover, some 30 of its people were hunter (sayyad), and falcons (sahin), goshawks (balaban), and hunting owls (zaganos) were raised there. At least 5 per cent of the economy depended on taverns and 8 per cent on olives. Pirgo (Pyrgos) was a small to medium-sized village located further to the northeast of Limose, adjacent to the sea. It depended 40 per cent on wheat, 30 per cent on barley, and produced

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a small amount of vetch; it had a slightly diversified economy, 15 per cent of the taxation going for taverns and there were olives, sheep, and pigs. The three villages in Karpas district which produced between 40 and 49 per cent of their agricultural produce as wheat also were important producers of barley. The large village of Komi, located on high hills in the Karpas peninsula, produced 17 per cent barley and 2 per cent vetch to go with its 44 per cent wheat; somewhat diversified, Komi had fruits and 40 per cent for wheat. It was a small village to the south of Morfo with 5 per cent of its cultivation in cotton, some in flax, some pigs, only 200 sheep, olives, and lentils, making for a somewhat diversified place. The big producers of wheat in Limose district were also big producers of barley. Yermasoy (Yermasoyia) was a large grain center located just to the northeast of Limose and so had easy access to the facilities of that harbor. Despite its heavy dependence on grains (with 43 per cent wheat and 17 per cent barley), Yermasoye had a large watermill and 11 per cent of its produce was from cotton; sheep and pigs, pomegranates (4 per cent), and lentils (9 per cent) were widely cultivated. Although Akrotiri may have had a relatively isolated location at the southern end of the salt lake that small village had a somewhat diversified economy, despite depending 43 per cent on wheat and 22 per cent on barley (which it could undoubtedly market). Moreover, some 30 of its people were hunter, and falcons, goshawks, and hunting owls were raised there. At least 5 per cent of the economy depended on taverns and 8 per cent on olives. Pirgo (Pyrgos) was a small to medium-sized village located further to the northeast of Limose, adjacent to the sea. It depended 40 per cent on wheat, 30 per cent on barley, and produced a small amount of vetch; it had a slightly diversified economy, 15 per cent of the taxation going for taverns and there were olives, sheep, and pigs. The three villages in Karpas district which produced between 40 and 49 per cent of their agricultural produce as wheat also were important producers of barley. The large village of Komi, located on high hills in the Karpas peninsula, produced 17 per cent barley and 2 per cent vetch to go with its 44 per cent wheat; somewhat diversified, Komi had fruits and vegetables, including pomegranates, cultivated flax, and paid a 4 per cent tavern tax. Large Trikomo village, located near the sea in the westernmost part of the district, produced 43 per cent wheat, 24 per cent barley, and 1 per cent vetch; 7 per cent was for cotton, 2 per cent for tavern tax, and there were pigs and 1000 sheep. Milliya was a medium-sized village combining 42 per cent wheat with 21 per cent barley, 8 per cent broad beans, 2 per cent cotton, olives, pomegranates, lentils, pigs, and sheep, not bad balance.

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Kato and Pano Erude (Arodhes) villages in Hirsofi district were in hilly or mountainous country located in the westernmost part of Cyprus. Contiguous villages, they shared the same heavy reliance on grains, especially wheat, even though they certainly did not have a location which would be considered likely. A small village, Kato Erude depended on grains for 76 per cent of its produce, including 48 per cent for wheat (tied for 13th), 21 per cent for barley, and 7 per cent for vetch. With smallish Pano Erude, the figures were an even higher 77 per cent for grains, including 45 per cent for wheat (tied for 16th), 26 per cent for barley, and 6 per cent for vetch. Both villages were pretty similar in the nature of their dependence on other crops except that Kato Erude produced cotton worth 7 per cent while that in Pano Erude was worth only 4 per cent, but Pano Erude had taverns worth 3 per cent while those in Kato Erude were worth 1 per cent; Kato Erude had 600 sheep, while Pano Erude had only 60; both had olives, lentils and broad beans. Kato Erude probably was much better off proportionately. Citi (Kiti) in Tuzla depended on grains for only about 2/3 of its produce, rather than more than 3/4, as was the case with the Erudes. Citi was a smallish place inland from cape Citi, separated from the sea by only a single village; it is very close to the salt lake of Larnaka (Tuzla). 43 per cent of Chiti's produce went for wheat, 23 per cent for barley, and 2 per cent for vetch, making 67 per cent grain. Much of the remainder of Chiti's cultivation went for fruits and vegetables, leaving it a fairly fortunate place. There were few sheep or pigs, and the single watermill operated only for 1/4 of the year, but there was enough water to allow for 7 per cent of the village produce to go for cotton, and a small amount of flax, as well as broad beans. More favored than most of the above, probably was Bali Kesro (Palekythro), a small to medium village on the very flat treeless Mesariye plain. Only about 55 per cent of Bali Kesro's produce went for grain, including 41 per cent for wheat, 14 per cent for barley, and less than 1 per cent for vetch. Bali Kesro was able to produce cotton worth 26 per cent of its agricultural produce plus a small amount of flax and a larger amount of fruits and vegetables because its extensive system of watermills, so great as to constitute 8 per cent of its total taxes (tied for 9th), on which the villagers paid the 6th greatest amount of money for taxes; because of those vast water resources, Bali Kesro was one of the best watered places on the island.

Barley The cultivation of grains in some places was phenomenal. If 275 kg. per capital of grain per year is presently considered adequate for the subsistence of big-bodied people in a cold climate with little else to add to the diet, then

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clearly Cypriot families in the mid-16th century who produced 40 kg. per nefer of barley must have produced enough grain for their annual subsistence; 45 of the 174 villages on the island reached that level just with their barley production alone. Certainly the 37 villages which produced 45 kite per annum average had virtually everything that they needed for subsistence. At least 17 of those villages produced more than double the barley that they needed; 10 of thpse produced more than 2 1/2 times, and one produced more than 8 times what it needed. (11 villages of the 174 produced enough wheat to double the basic individual requirement even without considering other grains, and of course virtually no villages produced wheat exclusively, or even grain exclusively). The proportions of village cultivation in barley are markedly less than the proportions devoted to wheat. While 9 villages of the 174 studied produced wheat amounting to 50 per cent or more of their total agricultural produce only three villages cultivated barley worth 50 per cent or more. Similarly, 32 villages produced wheat worth at least 40 per cent of their total taxes, while only 5 villages did that with barley. 50 villages paid at least 1/3 of their taxes for wheat, while only 11 did that with barley. 75 villages were at 30 per cent for wheat, while only 18 were at that level for barley. 91 villages produced at least 1/4 wheat, compared with 20 for barley. 55 villages paid 20 per cent or more of their taxes for barley, while 110 did that for wheat. In general, villages all over the island tended to produce wheat at considerably higher levels than the barley that they produced. Of the districts, Pendaye led the way 18 villages paying at least 20 per cent of their taxes for barley (and so presumably 20 per cent of the market value of that produce); next came Baf district with 9, then Karpas with 6 and Lefkosha with 5. Three villages produced so much barley that it constituted at least 50 per cent of their taxation: Menudo village in Tuzla district led all other villages, with 50 per cent, followed at a distance by Galatiye (Galatia) village, well out on the Karpas peninsula with 51 per cent and then Eliye (Elea) village, located on the flat, fertile plain of Morphou. Two other villages were nearly in that range: Kazevere in Pendaye with 47 per cent and Menoye (Menoyia), located at the base of the coastal plain before it rises steeply, in Mazoto district, with 42 per cent. Although barley was valuable, it probably was not cherished as the central part of the dietary the way that wheat was. It is easy to imagine villagers anywhere on the island being willing to commit themselves to producing a quarter, a third, or even half of its value in wheat, since that was very highly esteemed on the island and could be marketed other places ia western Europe. It is hard to conjecture what proportion of the people of the

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island ate barley for their own food. If barley was not particularly esteemed by villagers, if the places where 25 per cent, 33 per cent, or even 40 per cent of the value of village produce came from barley do not have poorer soil, less water, or quite difficult to conjecture why villagers choose to grow so much barley. Villages which produced between 30 per cent and 40 per cent of their agricultural produce in barley seem to have been particularly concentrated in Pendaye district: 8 to 13 were. Peristerone Akacu with 39 per cent, Pano Kutrefe (Koutraphas) with 37 per cent, Hetokopiye (Kato Kopias) with 33 per cent, Kapudi (Kapouti) also with 33 per cent, Potami with 32 per cent, Petre with 32 per cent along with Perestodonadi and Meniko each with 30 per cent were all clustered together on the flat plain between Eliya and the western boundary of the Lefkosha district. None of the important barley producing villages was in the mountainous part of Pendaye district. Probably there was a rational explanation for the behavior of the people in that veritable cluster of barley-producing villages, but I cannot say why. Possibly the proximity to the capital Lefkosha and its urban markets was a factor; possibly but then why was it those villages and not ones even closer. Possibly it was connected with easy access to small ports on the west coast where it might be sold or transported out of Cyprus. As for other villages not in Pendaye district which paid at least 30 per cent of their total agricultural taxes for barley, two were in Lefkosha, and one each in Hirsofi, Karpas, and Limose. Ishre is (quite a conjectural reading) a village in Lefkosha district which paid 39 per cent of its taxes for that; Lakatamiya is in the flat fertile area just southwest of Lefkosha and obviously could trade there easily. Yiyaliye (Yialia) with 34 per cent is right on the coast in the northern part of Hirsofi district; Pirgo (Pyrgos) village with 30 per cent was contiguous to the sea just to the east of the important port of Limose. Another village with 30 per cent was Aya (Pyrgos) village with 30 per cent was contiguous to the sea just to the east of the important port of Limose. Another village with 30 per cent was Aya Todor (Ayios Theohoios) in Karpas with a location very similar to that of Galatiye. Like Galatiye, it was separated from the sea only by a single village to the south. Ten more villages produced enough barley to pay at least a quarter of their agricultural taxes for it. Five of those villages were in Pendaye, two each in Girniye and Baf, and the remainder in Tuzla and Karpas districts. Among the villages in Pendaye district, Lefka, with 28 per cent, is just a little to the west of the "cluster" which has been described above. The location of Kucinu Persitu also with 28 per cent is unknown, but Kato Kutrefe (Kato Koutraphas), with 28 per cent, lies in that previously described

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cluster. Morfo (Morphou) with 27 per cent, Kato Zodiye (Kato Zodhiya), with 26 per cent, and Kira (Kyra) with 25 per cent are all clustered close to each other in an area just to the north of that aforementioned village. The two villages in Girniye which produced much barley were located on the south side of the coastal range, on the edge of the plateau. Gambiyi (Kambyli) with 29 per cent and Kato and Pano Dikomo (Dhikomo) with 26 per cent had somewhat similar locations, although Dikomo also had the advantage of being within close proximity of Lefkosha. (Just to the west of Gambiyi was another important the advantage of being within close proximity of Lefkosha. (Just to the west of Gambiyi was another important barley producer, Diyorigo (Dhorios) with 22 per cent.) In Baf district, two villages paid 26 per cent of their taxes for barley, Ereco Mandariye (Mandaria) and Mamoniye (Mamonia). Mandariye was just south of Baf (contiguous on the coast was Timi, which paid 24 per cent of its taxes for barley); Mamoniye was inland in the low mountains (as was Mesuye (Mesoyi), with 23 per cent). Two villages which produced 27 per cent were Duda (or Voda), location unknown in Tuzla and Aya Andreniko (Ayios Andronikos) in Karpas, southwest of Aya Todor (and very close to Trikomo, on the coast, with 24 per cent). Besides being tied for first as the leading producer of wheat per nefer with 150 kile, Menoye village in Mazoto district, with 351 kilelnefer, produced almost exactly twice as much barley as the second leading producer. Apparently that is a near ideal place for producing grain. The next four leading producers of barley, all in Pendaye district, were closely bunched together: namely, Eliya with 176, Pano Kuterefe with 172, Morfo with 161, and Kazevere with 154. No other village produced as much as 150 kilelnefer-, Eliya and Morfo are so close that they are only separated by a single village. That was the case Pano Kuterefe and Morfo too. Tied for sixth among the villages in production of barley per nefer were Pano and Kato Dikomo in the southernmost part of Girniye district and Kefale in Mazoto, possibly a short distance from the coast, with 141 kile. Eighth was Menudo on the west side of the salt lake in Tuzla district with 125, ninth Suriyane Don to the northwest of Morfo in Pendaye with 113, and tenth was Pirgo, to the northeast of Limose, close to the sea, with 108. The 11th and 12th ranking villages were bunched closely together. Kucino Persitu in Pendaye produced 107 kile. Both Kofino village in southwestern Mazoto, next to Menoye, and Lakatamiya in Lefkosha district, southwest of the capital, had 105. After that there was a very large drop off. Then came Perestodonadi (Peristerona), west of Eliya with 89 kite per nefer and Gamiyi in Girniye with 88,16th was Galatiye in Karpas with 82,17th

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was Kapudi in Pendaye with 82, 18th was Kato Kuterefe with 75, 19th was Ishre in Lefkosha with 74, and 20th was Meniko in Pendaye with 71 kile per nefer. Clustered together between Meniko at 20th with 71 and Petre in Pendaye with 63 kilelnefer at 26th were Trikomo in Karpas with 71, Kato Zodiye in Pendaye with 69, and next Duda (Voda) in Tuzla, Menudo in Tuzla, and Bali Kesro in Lefkosha, all with 64. Then there is a drop to 55. As with wheat, Pendaye district predominated in the production of barley both per nefer and per capita. Four of the largest five producers, five of the top 10, 10 of the top 20, 13 of the top 25, and 19 of the 45, who produced at least 40 kile all were in that district. The villages of intensive barley production, to the extent that their exact locations are known, seem to have been clustered in the vicinity of the west central part of that district, especially around Morfo. Eliya with 176 kile/nefer of barley was just removed to the southwest by a couple villages from Morfo with 161 kile\ as was Pano Kuterefe to the southeast, with its 172 kile-, and the fifth village was Kazevere with 154 kile/nefer. The ninth village, with 113, was Suriyane Hori, next to Morfo on the northwest. That certainly represents a tight cluster of the very intensive barley production. The 11th leading village was Kucino Persitu with 107 kile per nefer, 14th was Perestodonadi with 89, the closest village on the west of Eliya; then the 17th was Kapudi with 82, one of the closest villages to Morfo on the north, and 18th was Kato Kuterefe, close to both Eliya and Morfo, with 75. 20th, with 71, was Kira (Kyra), very near to Kato Zodiye and Peristerone. Almost all of these places are in flat or slightly hilly terrain. Other villages in Pendaye district also were disproportionately in that region, too. Near the eastern part of the district was Meniko, 21st of the villages, with 71 kile/nefer. Kato Zodiye, contiguous to Morfo on the southeast, produced 69 kile/nefer. Then, 24th was Petre, contiguous to Eliya on the west, with 68, and the 28th, 29th and 30th villages were Akaci, in the easternmost part of that district, and Heto Kopiye, east of Kato Zodiye, both with 55, and Lefka, a couple of villages to the west of Petre, with an annual production of 53 kile/nefer. 36th was Aya Yorgi Avride with 46, and then 38th was Potami, which is contiguous to Kuterefe, with 45 kile/nefer. Contiguous to Potami on the northeast was Peristerona Akacu, with 43 kile/nefer of barley. Even when examining the villages at lower levels of high barley production, almost without exception they are pretty tightly clustered in similar sorts of areas.

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Mazoto district had two of the top ten villages, 3 of the top 15, and 6 of the 44 with at least 40 kilelnefer of barley. It was the second rankings district in production of barley, with 1/3 the number of villages producing that level as in Pendaye. However, the single leading village was Menoye, inland, with 351 kilelnefer, more than twice as large as all, but one of the 174 villages studied. The seventh ranking village was Kefale with 141 kile (which possibly is in the Kafkalla hills in the southernmost part of the district). Twelfth stood Kofino, the closest village on the southwest to Menoye, producing with 106 kile. Next it comes Dogni in the southern part of the district, near the Kafkalla hills, with 45 kilelnefer. Then follow Ipshikanirmeno village and Parcade each with 40 kilelnefer. In Mazoto, to the extent that they are known, the leading barley producers were clustered a short distance inland, far south of Larnaka, but never reaching the mountains. Tied for third in the category of number of villages producing at least 40 kile of barley per nefer were the districts of Lefkosha and of Karpas, which had five each. Lefkosha district had three of the highest 25 villages and five of the 44 villages which produced at least 40 kilelnefer of barley annually. 13th among the villages with 105 kilelnefer was Lakatamiya with 105 kilelnefer; located southwest of the capital city, it was one of the villages closest to it. 20th was Ishre, with 74. Tied for 27th was Bali Kesro, one of the closest villages to Lefkosha, on the east, with 64. 31th, with 52 kilelnefer was Kato Deftere, which was contiguous to Lakatamiya on the south. 44th was Nisu, with 40 kilelnefer, at a considerable distance due south of Lefkosha. All of these villages seem to be located on the very flat central plain. Not only did Karpas district have two villages in the top twenty-five in barley production, it also had five of the 44 villages which produced, at least, 40 kilelnefer. By far the leading producer of barley per nefer in the district, with 82 kilelnefer, was Galatiya, in the central part of the narrow Karpas peninsula. 23rd, and near the western boundary of that district, with 71 kilelnefer, was situated Trikomo. 34th was Aya Todor, only two or three villages to the southwest of Galatiye, with 47 kilelnefer. 35th among villages, and contiguous to Galatiye on the northeast, lay Yafte Komi, which produced 46 kilelnefer. Finally it comes Miliya village with 42 kilelnefer. In Marpas, barley production seems to have been particularly intensive in the area of Galatiya village.

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Much the same area that proliferated in the production of wheat in Girniye also proliferated in the production of barley, although only one village in that district occurred among the top 10 producers, only two villages among the top 25, and only four among the top 45 in kilelnefer. The village of Pano and Kato Dikomo, sixth among all villages, was on the southern side of the mountains at the eastern most part of the region. Dikomo produced with 141 kilelnefer. Across the plain near to the western edge of the mountains was located Gamiyi, separated by only five or six villages from Dikomo, ranking 15th among villages with 88 kilelnefer of barley. The 37th leading village, Diyorigo, was separated by only one village from Gambiyi, on its west, at 45. 42nd was Aya Ermole, with 41 kilelnefer, with lands nearly contiguous to Gamiyi. So there was a great cluster of important producers of barley in that area, too. Three villages in Tuzla district produced more than 40 kilelnefer of barley. Menudo, eighth with 125 kilelnefer is contiguous to Kofino of Mazoto and produced 105 kile, ranking 12th. Tied for 25th were Duda (Voda) and Citi, both south of the salt lake, with 64, so Tuzla also had something of a cluster. Eliya village on the flat plains of the district of Pendaye was absolutely unique in its cultivation of barley. Eliya produced a volume twice as great as the next two leading producers of barley, Trikomo and Morfo, with its 28,000 kile. The very large village of Trikomo, which was on the sea in Karpas, produced 14,250 kile, while the large village of Morfo, also in Pendaye, and quite close to Eliya, produced 14,000 kile of barley, then there is a drop of nearly a quarter to Lakatamiya in Lefkosha district, the only other village producing barley in five figures, with 10,750 kile; Lakatamiya was a large village on the flat plain just south of the capital city. Then follow in order of production, more major producers of barley in Pendaye district, Peristerone Akacu fifth, with 9,500 kile, on the very flat plain east of Eliya and Morfo, and two places in the hilly country in the southern part of the district, Petre, with 9000 kile, and Lefka, with 8,500 kile and very different terrain from the other villages. Then dropping rapidly, next come the very large village of Kolos on the sea just south of Limose, with 8,375 kile, and Yafte Komi village in Karpas, in the middle of the Karpas peninsula with 8,000, and then two villages at 7,500, Lace, a very large dispersed village on the north coast in Girniye and Kato Kutrefe, east of Eliya and Petre in Pendaye. Next there is a drop of almost 20 per cent to 6,175 kile at Galatiye village, on the opposite side of the Karpas peninsula from Yafte Komi. Then there is another big drop to 5,750 M e produced by both Kapudi in Pendaye,

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to the north of Morfo on the edge of the plain, and Dogni (Tokhni) in the hills not far from the coast in Mazoto. Two other villages in Mazoto follow Dogni immediately, namely Menoye, with 5,615 and Komineto, with 5,600 kile. Menoye is in a location not too different from that of Togni. Four villages produced 5,500 kile of barley per year: Komi, west of Yafte Komi, in Karpas, Kato Dikomo at the southern foot of the coastal mountains in Girniye district, across the plain from Lefkosha, and Akaci in Pendaye, just east of Peristerone Akacu on the very flat plain, and Pirgo northeast of Limose in the district of that name. Ishre in Lefkosha produced 5,225 kile of barley. Then two villages produced 5,000 kile: Pano Kutrefe and Kira, both in Pendaye, the former just east of Petre and the latter east of Morfo and Kapudi. Finally, Ayo Todor village in the southern Karpas and Menude (Meneou) south of the salt lake in Tuzla produced 4,875 kile of barley, the very large village of Piskopi adjacent to Limose, produced 4,625 kile, Potami, between Kutrefe and Peristerone Akacu in Pendaye produced 4,250 kile, and Kazevere in Pendaye produced 4,000, as did Yorozeciyo in Baf.

Vetch Vetch (burcak) was a rather widely cultivated grain, although usually as a secondary crop. 52 per cent of the villages cultivated it, but in only 10 of those 91 did it comprise as much as 4 per cent of the total value of the agricultural produce; in only one village did that proportion exceed 10 per cent. Almost a quarter (20 of 91) of the villages which grew vetch produced as much as 5 kile per nefer. On the other hand, 37 per cent of the villages (34) produced less than 1 kile per nefer. The least cultivation of vetch occurred in the southern part of the island, especially Baf, where only 23 per cent of the villages cultivated it, and Limose, where only 40 per cent of the villages cultivated it. Cultivation was concentrated in the northern parts of the island: all the villages in Mesariye, 85 per cent in Girniye, 78 per cent in Karpas, and 76 per cent in Hirsofu produced vetch. The village which produced the highest proportion of vetch was Akaci (Akaki) in Pendaye district, located midway between Lefkosha and the Bay of Morphou. Akaci produced 3550 kile of vetch annually, 35.9 kile per nefer (10 or 12 kile per capita), worth 21,300 akce. 12 per cent of its agricultural taxes were devoted to vetch, more than twice the level of all but one other village. In addition, Akaci produced almost 5 times as great a volume of vetch as the next ranking village.

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The villages producing the next highest volume were all in Hirsofu district, a rough, mountainous province where much vetch must have grown: Kato Ude, Pano Ude , Serame (Sarama), and Ku or Gu. Kato Ude produced 620 kile of vetch annually, 7 per cent of its agricultural cultivation; Pano Ude and Serame produced 535 and 565 kile respectively, worth 6 per cent of their annual production; and Ku or Gu produced 550 kile, 5 per cent of its production. Kato Ude produced vetch worth 3,720 akce at a rate of 16.8 kile per nefer (c. 5 kile per capita). The vetch crop of Pano Ude was worth 3,210 akce and amounted to 10.3 kile per nefer, that of Serame was worth 3,390 akce and made 6.9 kile per nefer; the vetch crop of Ku or Gu was worth 3,300 akce, and made 7.1 kile per nefer. All four villages were primarily grain growing. Serame was located less than 10 km from Khrysokhou Bay in rough high country. Four villages in Lefkosha and Mesariye districts located quite close to one another and with very similar patterns of crops, paid 4 per cent of their agricultural produce in taxes. Ishre village in Lefkosha produced 560 kile of vetch, 7.9 kile per nefer. Lefkoniko village in Mesariye, in the northeast part of the Mesaoria plain near the northern range, produced 445 kile, 2.5 kile per nefer. Yenagre (Yenagra) village, about 6 km from Lefkoniko, and 20 km from Famagusta bay, produced 550 kile, 3.8 kile per nefer. Siyoveri (or Penoveri) village produced 625 kile, 6.3 kile per nefer. Ishre's vetch crop was worth 3,360 akce annually, Lefkoniko's 2,670 akce, Yenagre's 3300 akce, and Siyoveri/ Penoveri's 3,750 akce. Perirtorone (Peristerona) village, east of Yenagre and south of Lefkoniko villages in Mesariye district, Aya Ermole village in Girniye, and Terre (Terra) and Kinosc (Kinousa) yillages in Hirsofu, around Khyrsokhou bay, produced enough vetch to pay 3 per cent of their annual agricultural taxes for it. Perirtorone produced 290 kile, 2.6 per nefer, worth 1740 akce. Aya Ermole produced 250 kile, 6.3 per nefer, worth 1,500 akce. Terre produced 3,000 akce worth of vetch, that is 500 kile, 5.0 kile per nefer. Kinose produced 29.2 kile per nefer of vetch, second only to Akaci. Kinose produced 525 kile worth 3150 akce.

Oats Oats ('alef or yulaf) are certainly one of the least important crops cultivated on the island of Cyprus. In fact, only three of the villages studied produced any oats at all, and not one of them produced oats in such quantity as to constitute even 1 per cent of the village agricultural production. Large Trikomo village, located on the sea in Karpas, produced 415 kile of oats

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annually, worth a mere 1,245 akce, which meant about 2 kile per nefer and 6.2 akce/nefer. The hugh Piskopi village near the sea in Limassol district produced about 150 kile of oats, while Kato Conde (Kandou), the next village to Piskopi to the north, also in Limassol, produced a mere 70 kile. The oat production of the former village was worth 450 akce, that of the latter 210 akce. Kato Conde produced 2.44 kile per adult taxpayer, that of Piskopi was only 31 kile. All three villages which cultivated oats were located on flat plains within five kilometers of the sea, on the east side of the island. Why oats should apparently thrive in only such a limited area is not at all clear, but the villages in question also were significant producers of wheat, barley, and vetch. Perhaps coincidentally, the three villages were relatively large, for Kato (Jonde had 96 adult taxpayers and the other two had at least two hundred. Millet Only one of the 174 villages studied produced millet (erzen), Petre (Petra) village in Pendaya district, a fairly large village southeast of Lefka which depended heavily on its wheat, barley, and cotton production, and produced a small amount of vetch (which had the same fixed price, 6 akcelkile. Petre villagers produced 105 kile of millet worth 630 akce. NOTES On Wheat Wheat, like barley, was found in the tombs of ancient Egypt and has been the most important part of the Mediterranean economy ever since, according to P. Vidal de la Blache. It is the most important food product there (Blache 1922: 134, 140, 75, 98). Max. Sorre adds that wheat, in bread or paste form, is essential to have a nutritious diet, particularly for protein, but even so Mediterranean peoples may have a less nutritious diet than in northern Europe (Sorre 1948: 267f). Fernand Braudel points out that wheat is the ancient food of the Mediterranean world, and the food of the 16th and ensuing centuries. Grains, especially wheat, make up 60 per cent of the caloric value of the diet, and diets of 3,500 to 4000 calories are necessary today, although only rich countries and rich individuals are actually able to attain that level, and that level is unknown before the 18th century. Anyway, for the 16th c. he estimates a population of 60,000,000 for the whole Mediterranean, which

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would mean total consumption of 180,000,000 hectoliters at 3 hectoliter per head; or 145,000,000 quintals. Braudel calls wheat, flour, and bread a great trinity in the history of Europe. He further points out that quality of diet, more than quantity, distinguishes the rich from the poor (Braudel 1979: lOlf, 104f, 118f, 212). Growth in wheat cultivation in the Mediterranean world occurred throughout the 16th century, but population growth occurred even faster. Exports from the eastern part of the Mediterranean increased, particularly during the Turkish [i.e., Ottoman] wheat boom of 1548 to 1564, when bad harvests and food shortages struck most of Italy. Cyprus exported huge amounts of wheat (and barley) to Venice. Wheat was grown, not just in fertile areas but also even in very rough land, and at elevations of over 1500m. Braudel says that there was one bread for the rich and one for the poor, only the rich being able to eat that made from wheat (Braudel 1972: 84,142,571, 575,583,591). In no instances were any grains noted as valued at more than wheat, but great variations in their relative values occurred. For example, in the Aegean district of Milas, according to Suraiya Faroqhi, wheat and barley were taxed at exactly the same rate (and so valued), with other grains at half that value. In Karaman province, north of Cyprus, wheat was taxed at 40 per cent higher than barley. In Cyprus, wheat was taxed at 100 per cent the rate of barley and vetch. A grain surplus is necessary for urban development, but while the population of Konya more than doubled in the 16 th century, its wheat production only increased 14 per cent (Faroqhi 1984: 70,200f, 206,215). Wheat was one of the most widespread crops in the Ottoman Empire. It is mentioned in at least fifty-five of the provincial kanunnames studied by Omer Liitfi Barkan. Forty of those kanunname use the word bugday, including Cyprus. Eleven more use hinta, and yet four more, including Sis and Ich il districts to the north of Cyprus, use kendum or gendum (Barkan 1943: 2.31.10; 14.17.51; 55.13.201); etc. In Ich il and in Aegean Aydin, 1/10th (10 per cent) was taken. Wheat often was the leading crop in Egypt. Stanford J. Shaw points out its supreme importance in the winter cultivation of Egypt, and the second crop that could be secured using irrigation in the summer. Shaw 1958: 5 If. Andre Raymond, too, points out that wheat played a preponderant role in the life of the country, for whatever cash crops may be produced, wheat is always desired by the people as their main food. Raymond actually is able to publish a whole series of wheat prices from 1620 to 1795 (Raymond 1973: 55ff, 68, table 5,81).

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In their study of a 16th century tax register for Palestine, Wolf-Dieter Hutteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah say: "Wheat seems to be the main agricultural product in most cases. It is always mentioned first and is rarely missing from the list of any village." Wheat "...was, and still is the staple diet of the people and, judging from the amount grown in some regions, it must have been a commodity for trade as well." (Hutteroth and Abdulfattah 1977: 68). Xavier de Planhol found wheat equally important in Antalya and Isparta, both in the 16 th century and at the present. Wheat grows everywhere except in the rainiest most humid areas on the coast. Along with barley, everywhere it is the main crop. It is planted in early winter, harvested in the spring ( Planhol 1958: 74, 120, 15Qf, 214, 318). Eugen Oberhummer points out that wheat production, like that of barley, varies very, very much from year to year, because of climactic variations, and he gives tables which illustrate that. He points out that Messaria and Morphou are the main granaries on the island. Wheat is planted sometime between late September and, early January, depending on the conditions, and is harvested in May or early June. He further points out that everyone eats great amounts of wheat. (He also points out that it is, at the turn of the present century, still harvested mainly with sickles (Oberhummer 1903:277ff). According to Demetrios Christodoulou, Cyprus preserves the fertility for which it was renowned. In Venetian times, in Ottoman times, and at present, one bushel of seed provides seven bushels of grain. Christodoulou asserts that wheat is far and away the most extensively cultivated crop on the island; in the 1950's more than half of all of the grain land was sown in wheat, and fully l/5th of all the cultivated land on the island was in wheat. The annual production fluctuates with the weather, diseases, rainfall, and hot winds, but 3.7 kile/donum would be an average year, and 8 kile/donum may be grown in the central plains and 9.3 kile in Lapithos. He includes a map showing current distribution. One reason that wheat is so widely cultivated, even when unsuitable, is that so few jobs are available in towns: "The pressure on land and the hitherto chronic underemployment of the rural areas means that the large majority of farmers (if not all) are cereal growers." Wheat is so popular, now, that in recent time barley was only rarely used for human consumption (Christodoulou 1959:123-127).

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On Barley According to P. Vidal de la Blache, barley is one of the most important bases of the Mediterranean diet and has been since ancient Egypt (Blache 1922: 140f, 114). M. Sorre calls barley a very important part of the frugal Mediterranean diet (Sorre 1948: 267f). Barley is almost ubiquitous in the Levant and in Ottoman territories in the eastern Mediterranean. Braudel is well aware of that. It is a central part of the "eastern" grain, for him a crop which appears on Mediterranean tables every single day. Since barley is also used for fodder, people must compete with horses and other animals for it: there "...was a bread for the rich and a bread for the poor..." Barley can even be grown in mountainous areas at 1250 m., 1500 m., or higher (Braudel 1972: 42, 212, 241, 570f, 583). Further confirming the ubiquity of barley, it is mentioned in at least sixty-two of the provincial codes published by Barkan, more even than wheat. Two different words are used for barley, arpa (in 49 provinces) and sha'ir (in 13, including Cyprus). Faroqhi, in her study of 16th century Anatolia, points out that a grain surplus of wheat and barley encourages urban development if it can be brought to a central market at prices people can afford. The relative value of barley and other grains fluctuated from place to place. In Milas, wheat and barley were taxed at the same rate, other grains being half their rate. In Karaman, where a kile of barley was was taxed at 5 akce, a kite of wheat was taxed at 7 akce. (In Cyprus barley was taxed at half the rate of wheat, the same rate as vetch, and twice the rate of oats.) When barley production increased twice as rapidly in Konya as wheat did, Faroqhi suggests that the fast growing population had probably reduced many poor people to eating barley bread (Faroqhi 1984:70, 200f, 206). Shaw found that barley was a very important part of the winter cultivation in Egypt, and it was important in summer cultivation, too, where it could be irrigated (Shaw 1958: 5If). De Planhol found barley as important in Antalya and Isparta as in Egypt. Even in the early 16th century barley, along with wheat, were the most important crops. Today abundant harvests occur, not just from the bad lands but from good lands, too. Even seminomads there produce barley in the spring. There, too, much of the fodder consumed by local animals comes from barley (Planhol 1958: 74, 120,166f, 214f, 318). W.-D. Hiitteroth and K. Abdulfattah point out that in 16th century Palestine, barley is always second "on the list of taxed products. It was (and still is) grown for animal fodder and is used for human consumption in time of need." (Hiitteroth and Abdulfattah 1977: 69).

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Oberhummer points out that in Cyprus barley is planted about the same time as wheat, but it is harvested earlier, in late April or early May, which enables it to avoid certain insects, including locusts. He publishes tables showing late 19th century production, which was increasing rapidly, although of course it varied widely from year to year. At the turn of that century it still was harvested with sickles (Oberhummer 1903: 277ff). In the 1950's, according to D. Christodoulou, 40 per cent of the land used to cultivate grains was in barley. Like wheat, the amount of production varies very greatly from year to year, because of great seasonal variations in rainfall and other weather conditions. Usually poorer fields are used for barley, with dry farming methods. Christodoulou points out that barley is very much hardier than wheat, matures earlier, and is more resistant to drought than wheat; "therefore, total loss of barley crop is rare." Barley is the most important feed used for animals. In fact, Christodoulou calls barley "green fodder". Also included are maps of distribution, showing it to be among the most widely cultivated crops (Christodoulou 1959:128f, 132). On Vetch One of the minor grains of Cyprus was vetch (burchak), which often is used as food for mules. Braudel 1972:59. All sorts of fodder were often scarce in the Mediterranean world. Barkan only mentioned fodder as taxable produce in nine provinces, including Cyprus, and seven of those nine provinces are among the fifteen provinces producing oats ('ale]). Besides Cyprus, vetch was produced in the Aegean provinces of Aydin and Agriboz. In Agriboz all of the grains paid exactly the same taxes, and so presumably had the same fixed prices (1 of 10 for Muslims, 2 of 15 for non-Muslims). In Cyprus, the value of vetch was less than wheat, more than oats, and the same as barley. In Aydin, all of the grains except vetch were taxed the same way (Barkan 1943:2.31.10; 99.6.341; 102.4.350). The annual production figures that Oberhummer used for 1883 to 1898 show that almost invariably smaller volumes and acreage of vetch were cultivated than almost any other grain. Vetch was a significant crop even back in Venetian times; however, (Oberhummer 1903: 278f, 282f). Christodoulou gives much the same information about Venetian times, asserting that three times the current level was produced then, and that it was the main food for oxen during plowing time. He says that vetch is sown either in autumn or spring and harvested in summer, in much the same areas where wheat is produced. He even provides a map of vetch distribution (Christodoulou 1959-. 130f).

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On Oats Braudel mentions oats as a part of 16th century Mediterranean society. It produced oatmeal bread, a poor man's food, and was used as food for mules (Braudel 1972:59,545f, 571). From Barkan we can learn that oats were pretty widely cultivated, namely in at least fifteen Ottoman provinces. In Ay din and Agriboz (Negropont), oats had the same value as other grains, but in Cyprus there was a real hierarchy of prices. In Aydin, the tax was 2 1/2 kile/mudd, the same as on all other grains; in Agriboz, Muslims paid 10 per cent and non-Muslims 13 per cent on all grains, including oats. In Cyprus, however, the 3 akce! kile tax was only half the tax on barley and vetch, and only 1/4 the tax on wheat (Barkan 1943:2.27.10; 14.17.51; 99.6.341; 102.4.350). Christodoulou identifies oats as one of the important green fodders for animals, especially mules, and he presents tables which indicate that at the turn of the 20 th century, about 3/4 of this grain was used for food and 1/4 for fodder (Christodoulou 1959:132). Information about oats may also be found in Oberhummer ( Oberhummer 1903: 211 f., 282). De Planhol found that oats in Antalya and Isparta are grown in the most humid area, while wheat covers most of the rest of the land. Oats are cultivated there in low lying lands and marshes. Oats are little consumed by humans there, and are used mostly for feeding large animals (Planhol 1958:151, 167).

On Millet

Millet needed much warmth and not too much water, so according to A. Watson by the 9 t h century it was an important summer crop, like sesame, and grew in the hottest places of the Mediterranean (Watson 1983: 123, 200n). Braudel identifies millet as a very important part of the Mediterranean diet, at the same level of importance as barley. The Venetians particularly consumed disproportionately large amounts of millet, which might account for his assertion that millet was a major crop on the Venetian islands of Crete and Cyprus (Braudel 1972: 152, 421, 571, 595). At least, in the case of Cyprus, the Ottoman fiscal survey makes that claim exceedingly unlikely. Elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire, millet was certainly widely distributed, for some 21 provinces are identified in kanunnames as producing it. In nine of those provinces erzen is used, as it was in Cyprus, but 12 other provinces used dari. (Dari is mentioned in Aydin, erzen in Sis.) None of the sources used for Egypt or Syria mention millet, but de Planhol mentions that a small amount of millet was produced in Isparta and Antalya provinces as a winter crop, particularly by some transhumant villagers (Planhol 1958:151, 215). No mention of millet is made by Christodoulou or by Oberhummer, so perhaps it is just an anomaly, or grown for some special purpose, or possible it even represents an error by the assessors.

2 BEANS AND LEGUMES

Carobs The cultivation of carobs (harub) was quite widespread in Cyprus during the 16th century. 52 per cent of the villages studied produced at least some carobs. Cultivation was strongest in two areas, the north coastal littoral and mountains (in Girniye and Karpas districts), where more than 80 per cent of the villages cultivated some carobs, and the south east quarter (near the Trodos mountains, in Avdim, Limose, and Mazoto), where 70 per cent of the villages did so. Carobs were practically unknown on the central plain stretching from Lefkosha to Magosa. Carobs were relatively inexpensive and easy to grow in Cyprus. Only 19 per cent of the villages cultivated as much as 100 kantar annually, and in only 14 per cent of all villages was as much as 3 per cent or 4 per cent of the taxes derived from their cultivation. Carob production was often prolific in Mazoto, however, and to some extent in Limose. As much as 3 per cent of agricultural taxes came from carobs in 25 villages, 10 of which were in Mazoto, 6 in Limose, 4 in Girniye, and 3 in Avdim. As much as 10 per cent of revenues came from 9 villages, 6 in Mazoto, 2 in Girniye, and 1 in Limose. 19 villages produced at least 100 kantar of carobs (5,640 kg) annually. 10 of those were in Mazoto, 5 in Limose, 3 in Girniye, and 1 in Avdim. 8 villages produced over 200 kantar of carobs annually, and all but one of those was in Mazoto district. Parcade village in Mazoto paid either 275 kantar (15,510 kg) of carobs or 9,625 akce in taxes annually. First in Cyprus in volume of carobs, the village produced 1,375 kantar (77,500 kg), with a value of 48,125 akce which averaged out to 44.4 kantar per nefer or 2,500 kg. per nefer (700 or 800 kg. per capita). Komineto village in Mazoto produced 1050 kantar of carobs, the second greatest volume, which were worth 36,750 akce. 20 per cent of that village's tax revenues came from carobs; the village produced 19.8 kantar per nefer, or 1,117 kg per nefer annually, less than half of the level of Parcarde. Dogni (Tokhni) village in Mazoto produced 750 kantar of carobs annually, which worked out to about 6.4 kantar per nefer. Taxes for carobs in Dogni amounted to 16 per cent of its total agricultural taxes; total carob production

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there was worth 26,250 akce. 21 per cent of the tax revenues of Mari village in Mazoto came from carobs. Mari produced 625 kantar (35,250 kg) annually, about 9.9 per nefer (or 559.5 kg per nefer). Mari and Dogni, near the rugged southeast coast, were located only c.5 km apart. Those three villages were in a class by themselves in carob production. No other village produced more than 275 kantar or paid taxes on carobs greater than 13 per cent. Ipsikanirimeno village in Mazoto and Paleminiye (Polemidhia) village, some 5 km northwest of Limose, both derived 13 per cent of their revenues from carobs. The value of that crop was 7,875 akce in the former and 8,750 in the latter. Vavla village, on rough southeastern slopes some 15 km from the sea in Mazoto, and Katapefani (Kazafani) village, in the foothills of the north coastal range less than 5 km east of Girniye, both derived 11 per cent of their tax revenues from carobs, and Ayo Yihali village, also in Girniye, derived 10 per cent. Vavla produced a total carob crop worth 9,625 akce, Katapefani worth 6,125 akce, and Ayo Yihali worth 5250 akce. In total volume of carobs produced, Valva village in Mazoto ranked fifth with 275 kantar (15,510 kg), 3.0 per nefer (168.6 kg per nefer). Paleminiye ranked sixth with 250 kantar (2.7 per nefer). Two villages in Mazoto were tied for 7 t h , both with 225 kantar: Kalavaso (Kalavasos), between Dogni and Mari, which produced 2.5 kantar per nefer, and Ipshikanirimeno, which produced 4.9 kantar per nefer. Next was Enoyire (Anoyira) village in rough hills within 10 km from the sea in Avdim district, which produced 195 kantar of carobs, 1.3 per nefer. Tied for tenth were two villages in Girniye that produced 175 kantar (9,870 kg.) of carobs annually, Katapefani (Kazafani) and Monastir-i Delapayis (Bellapais). The former produced 1.8 kantar per nefer (103,9 kg per nefer), the latter, the village adjoining Katapefani to the south, up against a mountainside, 2.1 kantar per nefer (118.9 per nefer).

Broad beans Fully 3/4 of the 174 villages which paid more than 10,000 akce/per annum in agricultural taxes grew broad beans (bakla). As with lentils, broad beans seem to have concentrated especially in the northeast and secondarily in the southwest. In the northeast, for example, 100 per cent of the villages in Magosa, 86 per cent in Mesariya, 78 per cent in Karpas, and 92 per cent in Girniye districts produced broad beans, as did 88 per cent in Hirsofi, 90 per cent in Baf, and 80 per cent in Avdim in the southwest. Lefkosha in the central plateau had only 42 per cent of its villages produce broad beans, and to

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the southeast Tuzla was an even lower 33 per cent. Although broad beans were one of the most widely produced of foods, in only a handful of villages did they amount to more than 4 per cent of the total agricultural produce or were they worth as much as 6,000 akce or as much as 600 kile in volume. Only one village produced more than 7,500 akce worth of broad beans. That village was Lakatamiya (Lakatamia), in Lefkosha district, only 7 or 8 km to the south of the capital city on the vast, flat plain, really a spectacular producer of broad beans, at least in comparison with the other villages. Lakatamiya ranked first in total volume, with 1500 kile, in value of its product, 15,000 akce, and in per nefer production, 14.7. Only in percentage of the total agricultural product did Lakatamiya not rank first, and in that category it ranked a solid seventh with 7 per cent. Distantly following Lakatamiya in volume of broad beans cultivation and its value were three villages with very similar locations in Karpas on the extreme south side of the peninsula opening up on to the sea: Trikomo, Yafte Komi (Ephtakomi), and Gastriye (Gastria). The first two produced 735 kile apiece, worth 7350 akce, while the latter produced 725 kile worth 7,250 akce. Clustered beneath those three were Mivudi village in Mesariya district with 675 kile, Kritu Marutu (Kritou Marottou) in Hirsofi with 665, and Peristerone Akacu (Peristerona) in Pendaya with 650. So they produced respectively 6750, 6650, and 6500 akce. Peristerone is located on the very flat plain about midway between Lefkosha and the gulf of Morfo (Morphou); Mivudi (possibly Maratha), but wherever it is in Mesariya district the place would be very flat. Kritu Marutu, on the other hand is located high in one of the raggedest areas in Cyprus, almost at the western edge of the high Trodos mountains. Another village in Hirsofi, Simiyo (Simou), alone in a class with 605 kile worth 6,050 akce, shares a somewhat similar terrain just to the west of Kritu Marutu and a little lower in altitude. Reaching below 600 kile we find three more villages which are located at a very low level, on flat plains. Miliya (Milea), located near the southern boundary of Karpas province, produced 565 kile worth 5,650 akce. Also producing that volume was Piskopi (Episkopi) village in Limassol, contiguous to the sea. Ku (Gu or Goudhi), with 560 kile is located in fairly open country south of Hirsofi in that district. The next two ranking villages are right on the sea like Piskopi: Kolos, contiguous to Piskopi, in Limassol with 535 kile worth 5350 akce and Lefka, about 8 km from the sea at the edge of a plain, in Pendaya district, with 500 kile worth 5000 akce. Only two more villages produced even as much as 400 kile of broad beans: Lcfkoniko, just west of Trikomo on the very' low flat eastern border of Mesariya district, with 485 kile worth 4850 akce, and Akaci (Akaki),just

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east of Peristerone Akacu in the very flat eastern plain of Pendaya district, with 400 kile worth 4000 akce. Broad beans, like lentils, were produced in small quantities in villages all over the island, rather in large quantities in certain regions of the island. Of 131 villages which produced broad beans only 20 (or 15 per cent) paid taxes on broad-beans at a level as high as 4 per cent, and nearly half of those (9) were just at the 4 per cent level. Perhaps they were a small but regular part of the diet wherever they were grown. Gastriye village on the flat coastal plain near the sea in Karpas ranked first among villages in proportion of agricultural produce from broad beans, with a middling 10 per cent. Despite its unlikely location in rugged terrain, Simiyo village in Hirsofi district ranked alone at second with 9 per cent. Then came four villages tied at 8 per cent, two of which were on the very flat Mesariya plain: Mivudi, and Lefkoniko. The others were flat Miliya in Karpas and fairly level Ku (Gu) in Hirsofi. Tied with 7 per cent were Lakatamiya in Lefkosha, the number one producer of broad beans in total volume produced, total value produced, and per capita production, and Kritu Marutu in the rugged southern part of Hirsofi district. Next, tied with 6 per cent were two villages which produced a smaller volume of that crop, Lendiyo (Loukrounou) in Hirsofi and Ayo Sergi (Ayios Seryios) in Magosa district. Lendiyo which produced 315 kile of broad beans worth 3150 akce, is located west of Simiyo in rugged country, while Ayo Sergi village, with 225 kile worth 2250 akce, opens onto the sea just north of Magosa. The only village at 5 per cent was Koma (Koma tou Yialou), adjacent to the sea on the south side of the peninsula (which had produced 305 kile worth 3050 akce). Eleven of the villages produced more than 7 kile/nefer per annum in broad beans, only four of which produced over 10 kile. Lakatamiya in flat Lefkosha district, which led in most other categories of broadbean production, produced 14.7 kile/nefer. Second with 13.8, was Kefale village in Mazoto district, which produced a mere 220 kile worth 2200 akce, and constituted only 4 per cent of the total taxes. Next with 12.1 kile per nefer was the small but very wealthy village of Suriyane Hori (Syrianokhori), contiguous to Morfo bay in a flat part of Pendaya district; it produced 375 kile worth 3750 akce, which constituted a mere 3 per cent of its total agricultural production. Next with 10.4 kile per nefer came Gastriye, on the sea on the south side of the Karpas peninsula, which was the fourth leading producer of broad beans and the leader in proportion of the total production. Nearly at that level, in the very flat southern part of Karpas district, was Miliya, also a leading producer both in volume and in proportion, with 9.6 kile per nefer. The next three illages,with more than 8 kile/nefer, were all in Mazoto

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district: Parcarde (Parsarde), Menoye (Menoyia), and Laya (Layia), each of which produced relatively small amounts of the crop, and also in proportion of the crop. Parcarde, which produced only 260 kile, worth 2600 akce and 3 per cent of the whole, is located considerably inland, at a relatively low level. Tied with it was Menoye, located pretty close to the sea in a fairly flat area and producing a trifling 135 kile, worth only 1350 akce and 2 per cent of the agriculture, but 8.4 kile per nefer, tied for sixth. Laya, contiguous to Parcarde, eighth with 8.3 kile per nefer, produced 275 kile which amounted to 4 per cent of cultivation. Three villages produced over the level of 7 per cent: Simiyo, with 7.9 kile/nefer, in Hirsofi, Zugletiyo, with 7.8 kilelnefer, in Mazoto, and Ku (Gu) village in Hirsofi with 7.2 kile/nefer. Lentils Legumes are among the most important parts of the Mediterranean diet, and in 16th century Cyprus lentils (mercimek), along with broad beans, were far and away the most important legumes, followed distantly by cowpeas, and then chickpeas. 75 per cent of the 174 villages paying more than 10,000 akce annually in agricultural taxes produced lentils and broad beans, followed by 13 per cent with cowpeas, and then apparently a single village with chickpeas. One village paid 4 per cent of its agricultural taxes in for cowpeas, and no other paid more than 2 per cent; that same village produced 250 kile of cowpeas annually, and no other village produced more than 125 kile. That village produced 3,000 akces worth of cowpeas, twice as much as any other village. As for broad beans, one village produced, respectively, 10 per cent, 9 per cent, 7 per cent, and 5 per cent of their annual produce, four villages 8 per cent, and two villages 6 per cent; with lentils, one village each produced 10 per cent, 9 per cent, 8 per cent, 7 per cent, and 5 per cent, while five were 6 per cent.20 villages produced at least 3,000 akce worth of broad beans and 12 villages produced at least that much lentils. Six villages grew at least 6,500 akce worth of lentils annually and seven villages grew that much in broad beans. Although in three districts between 20 per cent and 25 per cent of the villages produced cowpeas, the other five districts had no villages at all producing them. No villages produced lentils in one district, and only 8 per cent in a second, but after that the next lowest was 71 per cent. In the district that produced no lentils, 24 of the villages produced broad beans, and in the district with 8 per cent lentils, 42 per cent produced broad beans; next lowest in broad beans was 61 per cent. Although various legumes were produced in

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many different places, and doubtless played a very important part of making a for a very well balanced and healthful diet, they never became really major parts of the local economy the way that wheat, barley, wine and grape juice, or carobs or cotton did in certain villages. 130 of 174 villages studied produced lentils. The greatest concentration was in contiguous districts in the northeast, including 100 per cent in Magosa and Mesariya and 89 per cent in Karpas (and 77 per cent in Girniye). A second very important area of concentration was in the southwest, where 94 per cent of the villages in Hirsofi, 87 per cent in Baf, and 80 per cent in Avdim produced lentils. Only one of the 174 villages studied produced as much as 1 kile/nefer of cowpeas, another example of how that crop can hardly even be considered of a tertiary importance. Four villages produced more than 5 kile/nefer of lentils, and 17 produced that amount of broad-beans. No village produced more than 750 kile of lentils annually, and only one did so with broad beans (1500 kile, in fact). The greatest producer of lentils was Morfo, on the flat fertile western plain in Pendaya district, where 750 kile worth 9750 akce was grown, followed by Estromiyi in Baf district and Yermasoye on the flat plain just to the northeast of Limassol, which respectively produced 680 kile and 675 kile, worth 8850 and 8775 akce. Next came Kamunde in Hirsofi, Kiritu Marutu in rugged mountainous Hirsofi south of Polis, and Lace, a dispersed village on the north coast west of Girniye. Kamunde produced 575 kile, Kiritu Marutu 550 kile, and Lace, 500 kile. The cash value of that produce was 7,475, 7,150, and 6,500 akce. No other villages were even close to them. Then 60 per cent lower come Lefka, in hilly country in the southwest western part of Pendaya district, and two villages in Mazoto district, Laya (Layia), in the southwestern part of the district, in pretty rough foothills, and Zogletiyo. Respectively they produced 300 kile worth 3,900 akce, 290 kile worth 3,770 akce, and 285 kile worth 3,705 akce. Clustered beneath them are two villages in Baf district, one in Karpas, and one in Mazoto, Ereco Manadariye (Mandria), right on the coast perhaps 12 km southeast of Baf and Perestiyo Ayo Save in Baf each produced 250 kile of lentils worth 3,250 akce-, just inland in the southwestern most part of Karpas district on the flat coastal plain is Trikomo (which produced 235 kile worth 3,055 akce); near the sea in Mazoto, in a location quite like that of Trikomo was Mari, with 230 kile of lentils worth 2,990 akce; and located in an area like Laya, but a little downhill, lies Parcarde (Parsata), with 230 kile of lentils worth 2,990 akce. Only one other village produced more than 200 kile, Mari, in Mazoto, near the sea with a location quite like that of Trikomo, which produced 210 kile worth 2,730 akce, and Eliya in Pendaya with 200 kile worth 2600 akce.

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Lentils did not often consist of a very large part of the agricultural produce of the villages. The four villages producing the highest proportion in lentils were among the five villages producing the greatest volume of lentils: Estromiyi in Baf, 11 per cent, Yermasoye in Limassol, 9 per cent, Kamunde in Hirsofi, 8 per cent, and Kiritu Maratu, 7 per cent. Five villages paid agricultural taxes worth 6 per cent, Laya and Zogletiyo in Mazoto district, Perestiyo Aye Save in Baf, and among those producing less than 200 kile, Ayo Sergi (Ayios Seryios), about halfway between Trikomo and Baf on the extremely flat plain, close to the sea, in Magosa, and Terepeze (Tremetousha), south of a line midway between Magosa and Lefkosha. At 5 per cent was Ereco Mandariye. Alone at 4 per cent was the small village of Koremakiti, located in hilly country overlooking the sea on the north side of cape Koremakiti in Girniye district; that place produced 150 kile of lentils worth 1950 akce, making 3.4 kile per nefer.Next was a drop all the way to 3 per cent, held by seven villages. Correlation is not very close either between total annual production of lentils and per centageof taxes nor with production per person. Kamunde village in Hirsofi district with 10.1 kilelnefer and Zogletiyo in Mazoto with 9.8 kile were way ahead of any of the other villages. Next, with between 8 and 9 kilelnefer were Laya in Mazoto, 8.8, Morfo in Pendaya, 8.6, and Menoye in the flat lowlands of Mazoto 8 or 9 km from the sea (which produced only 130 kile of lentils worth 1,690 akce and paid 2 per cent of its agricultural taxes with lentil: but produced 8.1 kilelnefer of lentils). After that came two more Mazoto village Parcarde with 7.4 kilelnefer and Kefale with 7.2 (but producing only 115 kile, amounting to a mere 2 per cent of its production). The only other villages producing more than 5 kile per nefer were Estromiyi in Baf with 6.1, Yermasoye in Limasi with 5.7, and Kiritu Marutu in Hirsofi with 5.4.

Cowpeas Only 13 per cent of the villages studied produced cowpeas (bogrulce), and those in quite small quantities. About a quarter of the villages in the southwestern part of the island produced cowpeas, namely the contiguous mountainous districts of Hirsofi particularly (24 per cent), Baf (23 per cent), and particularly Limose (33 per cent). Virtually none were grown in the northern and central parts of the island. The five cowpea-producing villages in Pendaya were mostly clustered together, near the sea, although Tembriye is perhaps 10 km inland and over 3,500 m. in elevation. On the other hand, the villages in Hirosofi are in rugged, mountainous areas; Liso and Kirito Marutu

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are over 2600 m, as is Erecho in Baf. Otherwise, in Baf the situation more resembles that of Pendaya, where places are: nearer the sea. Mandariya, for example, is on the sea just east of Baf town, and Mamoniye and Marone are close to the sea, albeit in rough country. But Laptiyu (Laphtiou) and Malonde (Mamonde) are over 6,100 m. in elevation in extremely rugged country. Enoyire (Anoyira), the only place in Avdim district, at about 10 km from the sea is also in rugged territory at over 3800 m. in Limose, both Kolos (Kolossi) and Piskopi (Episkopi) are in flat areas nearly at sea level, like Petre and Lefka, but Limenaki (Limnatis) is over 2600 m. in elevation and nearly 12 km from the sea. Most of the villages cultivating cowpeas produced quite small amounts. Only four of the villages produced as much as 100 kile, or more than 1000 akce worth of the product. Tembriya (Tembria) village, in Pendaya, produced twice as great a volume as did Ziye, the next ranking place, which was also the only place where as much as 1 kile/nefer (1.4) was produced, and the only place where the taxes amounted to more than 2 per cent (4 per cent) of the total taxes. Besides Tembriya, Ziye and Mamoniye were the only other places where as much as 2 per cent of the taxes went for cowpeas. Ziye (9 kile/nefer), Petre (8 kile), and Kirito Marutu (6 kile) were the only villages where even 5 Me/year was produced. There seems to be very little correlation between villages where cowpeas are produced and other legumes such as lentils, broad beans, or chickpeas. The other legumes were produced in more than three times as many villages, produced four or five times as much in volume, in volume per person, and in proportion of agricultural taxes. Cowpeas are an anomaly, like oats or vetch, but even that parallel is limited, for oats and vetch were produced in places where other grains were thriving.

Chickpeas The cultivation of chickpeas (nohud) in just one of the 174 villages which paid agricultural taxes worth over 10,000 akce is a complete mystery, for there is so much evidence for their cultivation and consumption across the island of Cyprus and throughout the Mediterranean world. Chickpeas are even mentioned in the island kanunname, such mention of which usually indicates much more than microscopic amounts of production. A further problem arises from the fact that the Cyprus kanunname clearly gives the official price of a kile of chickpeas as 14 akce, whereas in the one instance that I found: chickpeas in a village the price is 10 akce/kile.

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The large coastal village of Yenagre in Mesariya district is the only village where chickpeas are mentioned as being cultivated. Since their tax was 35 kile or 350 akce, the villagers produced 175 kile annually, worth 1750 akce. Chickpeas constituted 2 per cent of the village taxes, and the villagers produced 12.2 kile per nefer annually. NOTES

On Carob According to the Mora kanunname published by O. L. Barkan, all people in that province who produced carobs paid a tithe (oshr) of 1/10. In Cyprus villagers paid a tax of 35 akce for every kantar they produced (Barkan 1943:96.11.328, 102.4.350). Although carob growing is not referred to elsewhere, undoubtedly it occurred in Sham (Damascus province), because its kanunname refers to a tax on carob pekmez (a heavy syrup), (Barkan 1943:60.11.222). Carobs were also produced in Nablus district in Palestine, where their juice was used to make a sweet helva (Cohen and Lewis, 1978:64,151). According to A. J. Meyer, carobs, which are often used for cattle fodder, require growing conditions similar to olives. Indeed they often grow among olive trees (Meyer 1962: 26 ff), including a table which shows annual production between 1931 and 1960. W. B. Fisher notes that, besides being used as animal food, carobs are also consumed by the poor. The carob, according to Fisher, is a real "specialty of Cyprus", although it also grows in Yemen (Fisher 1961: 441, 456). The port of Limose always had a great supply of carobs in the early Ottoman period, where a considerable trade was carried out with Venetian merchants (Cobham 1908:72), (Locke), p. 214 (della Valle). According to de Planhol, the spread of the carob through the M editerranean even as far as Portugal results from Arab conquests (Sorre 1948: 287). Until very recently the carob tree was both the most widespread and most profitable of trees in Cyprus. According to land consolidation officer Christodoulou, for the owner the carob "provides good cash with the minimum of effort...(it) occupies much land (rocky, steep, distant from all habitation) which otherwise would yield very little or no income. Carobs as a commodity have given less anxiety than any other crop. They have for years yielded considerable wealth which has been taken for granted." (Christodoulou 1959:167). Carobs are often close to the sea, and seldom range more than 12

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miles inland; they are quite vulnerable to frost. "Carob trees are found either in groves of pure stands or mixed with olive trees. They are often intercultivated with cereals. Many are found either individually or in clusters in uncultivated areas and on steep tree slopes... nowhere (are they) a monoculture..." (Christodoulou 1959: 68). Most carobs are exported, for they have never served successfully in Cyprus as a fodder. According to Oberhummer, carobs thrive on the north coast, by Kernia, but also in the south, where Limassol is their main export harbor. As long as Venetian times, they were exported to Syria and Egypt, where they were used for fodder and for a sweet (Oberhummer 1903:305ff). Christodoulou prints a map showing the current distribution of carob trees on the island. The district of Limassol is virtually full of them. They are popular in Cyprus as molasses (pekmez) and as sweeteners (Christodoulou 1959: 168ff).

On Broad Beans M. Sorre thinks that broad beans may be one of the oldest legumes cultivated by man, and he mentions them especially in Egypt. They are explicitly mentioned in his description of what he conceives a Mediterranean diet to be (Sorre 1948:138f, 142,267). Broad beans (bakla) were pretty widely consumed in 16 th century Cyprus. According to Braudel they are a very old Mediterranean crop and were an important part of the Mediterranean world, especially the eastern part; he points to broad beans as a bread substitute, and as "a poor man's food" which was an important part of the diet. Broad beans, which he notes particularly in Egypt, become very vulnerable when they grow because they can be lost very quickly in storms (Braudel 1972:212, 583, 571, 595, 423, 236). Elsewhere Braudel praises broad beans, like other legumes, as a very good source of protein in the diet (Braudel 1979: 89). Barkan mentions broad beans in at least thirteen Ottoman provinces, including the Aegean island of Midilli, Jerusalem (where one kile in eight -13 per cent- was taken in taxes), and Cyprus, where 10 akce was taken for each Istanbul kile cultivated (Barkan 1943:79.25.270; 97.14.336; 102.4.350). Shaw identifies it as an important part of the winter cultivation in Egypt (Shaw 1958: 5 If)- Andre Raymond has published a series of 17 th and 18 th c. prices (1650-1798), which he incidentally found actually parallel the fluctuations of wheat prices very closely (Raymond 1973:60). De Planhol found broad beans very common, indeed as common as chickpeas in nearby Mediterranean Antalya and Isparta provinces (Planhol 1958:51ff). Eugen Oberhummer found that broad beans were a major crop in Cyprus at

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the beginning of the 20 th century and gives evidence that they probably had been so for a very long time (Oberhummer 1903:292). Demetris Christodoulou reports broad beans as long the most important legume produced on the island of Cyprus. He says that their production is very much affected by the amount of rainfall in a given year; they are especially common at Peristerona (Morphou) and Kythrea, and Paphos. They are a winter crop. They can be identified as having been important in Cyprus at least since Venetian times (Christodoulou 1959:132ff).

On lentils Lentils, according to M. Sorre, were very old in the Mediterranean, especially in Egypt. (Sorre 1948: 138,142,267).Vidal de la Blache identifies lentils as especially notable on the European shores of the Mediterranean (Blache 1922:75). Lentils, too, are part of the Mediterranean economy, and they certainly were in the 16 th century used as what Braudel calls a bread substitute, lentils were an important food in Ottoman territories (Braudel 1972:59,84,423,571). Like other legumes, lentils were an important source of protein in local diets (Braudel 1979: 89). Barkan mentions lentils in at least twenty-three provinces. Customs revenues from lentils were mentioned in the Aegean islands of Midilli and Sakiz (Chios). In nearby Kudus (Jerusalem), 1 kile in 8 (13 per cent) was taken from lentils; in Cyprus itself, the amount was 13 akce per Istanbul kile (Barkan 1943: 79.25.270; 102.4.350). Shaw mentions that lentils were an important part of the winter cultivation in Ottoman Egypt, while Raymond has pointed out how lentils were sometimes brought there from Syria (Shaw 1958:5If), (Raymond 1973:190, 131). De Planhol points out that lentils were very widely cultivated in Antalya and Isparta, to the northwest (Planhol 1958:153). In Cyprus, at the turn of the 20 t h century, Oberhummer has pointed to lentils as a major crop (Oberhummer 1903:292). Christodoulou indicates that lentils are produced through dry farming there, using acre age similar to that of chickpeas. They are produced in an area relatively widely dispersed; and they are known to have been cultivated at least since Venetian times (Christodoulou 1959:132ff).

On Cowpeas Cowpeas (bogrulce/bogulce) were among the least used of the many legumes that were part of the healthful Cypriot diet of the 16 th century. According to Andrew Watson, it was introduced into the Middle East by Arabs

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who brought it there via Africa (Watson 1983: 77). According to Barkan, cowpeas were produced in at least six Ottoman provinces, including Kudus (Jerusalem) and the nearby Aegean province of Aydin in Anatolia and in the Aegean islands of Midilli (Mytilene) and Agriboz (Negroponte). (Perhaps in Midilli they were just subject to customs duties). In Aydin, the tax was 10 per cent, like other legumes; in Agriboz, the tax was 10 per cent (one for ten) on Muslims and 13 per cent (two for fifteen) for non-Muslims; in Jerusalem the tax was 13 per cent for all (one kile for eight) (Barkan 1943:79.25.270; 2.31.10; 97.14.336; 99.6.341). In Egypt, according to Shaw, cowpeas were an important part of the winter cultivation (Shaw 1958:5 If)Demetris Christodoulou mentions legumes as "...a staple food in Cyprus", but points to them not just as a winter crop but especially as a summer crop which sometimes may be grown without irrigation and which is important particularly in the Baf (Paphos) and Lymbia areas (Christodoulou 1959:132ff).

On Chickpeas According to M. Sorre, chickpeas are probably one of the earliest legumes cultivated by men, and are an important part of the frugal Mediterranean diet (Sorre 1948:138,142,267f), (Cf. Blache 1922: 75). Broad beans are very often identified with chickpeas and lentils in the major sources. For Braudel, chickpeas are a very important part of the Mediterranean region, especially in Ottoman times, when almost inexhaustible supplies of them were produced in some parts of the Mediterranean world. For him, chickpeas too were a "poor man's food", and a bread substitute (Braudel 1972:59, 84, 595,861). Elsewhere he noted that dry legumes like chickpeas are a very good source of protein (Braudel 1979:89n). Barkan mentions chickpeas in at least twenty-one Ottoman provinces. The taxes in Agriboz and Jerusalem were just the same as on broad beans, 10 per cent on Muslims and 13 per cent on nonMuslims in the former but 13 per cent from all for the latter; but for some reason, the tax in Cyprus was 40 per cent higher than on broad beans, 14 per cent (14 akce/kile) (Barkan 1943: 79.25.270; 99.6.341; 102.4.350). Shaw found chickpeas an important part of the winter cultivation of Egypt (Shaw 1958: 5 If, 276). According to de Planhol, they are very common in Antalya and Isparta provinces, quite as common as broad beans (Planhol 1958: 153, 417) and they are very widely cultivated.

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Oberhummer reports that chickpeas had been very important in Cyprus since Venetian times and were one of the major crops grown on the island. Chickpeas, according to Christodoulou, are a very important stable food in Cyprus; currently they are one of the least important of local legumes, but they have been an important part of local diets at least since Venetian times. The areas of production are quite widely dispersed, although there is a real concentration in Morphou district. They are grown in the winter season and consumed locally (Christodoulou 1959:132ff).

3 FRUITS AND VEGETABLES

Fruits and Vegetables Villages producing fruits or vegetables (meyve, sebze, bostan, or bagce) were terribly common in 16th century Cyprus. 164 of the 174 villages studied (94 per cent) grew at least one such product. A solid block of districts ranging from Girniye in the north to Avdim in the south were noteworthy for having all, or all but one of their se villages growing fruits or vegetables. 100 per cent from Girniye (13 of 13), 100 per cent from Lefkosha (12 of 12), 97 per cent from Pendaya (30 of 30,100 per cent from Hirsofi (17 of 17), 97 per cent from Baf (29 of 30), and 100 per cent of Avdim (10 of 10) were involved. Also 100 per cent (3 of 3) in Tuzla district did it. Fruits and vegetables comprised crops most commonly grown by villagers, a fact that is very consistent with contemporary 16th century opinions, and undoubtedly with current observers too. Numerous villages devoted very considerable proportions of their annual produce to fruits and vegetables. Four villages devoted at least half of their annual produce to fruits and vegetables. Two more produced at least 40 per cent, and a total of eleven devoted more than a quarter of their annual produce. The plains, river valleys, and hills of Lefkosha district were vibrant centers of fruit and vegetable production, particularly in regard to proportions of total village produce. The second, third, fourth, eighth, ninth, eleventh, thirteenth, and fifteen ranking villages were all in Lefkosha; and fully 10 of the twelve villages from that district were at least at the level of 7 per cent Pano and Kato Hursiyo devoted 53 per cent of their produce to fruits and vegetables. Anaya devoted 50 per cent and Trahomi 47 per cent. Presumably they all were extremely important produce markets. So too, in a more limited way, were Nisu (30 per cent), Ayos (29 per cent), and Vevachin (20 per cent). Of those, Kato Deftera, Anaya, and Vevachin are clustered, contiguous villages, to the southwest of the capital in the valley of the Pedeious. Very near to them also were Simolofu, with 16 per cent, and Lakatamiya, with 7 per cent. The second most important producer in proportions of taxes was probably Girniye, although it was not nearly as clear cut a choice as Lefkosha district, for both Baf and Pendaya had some sort of claim. The sixth and seventh leading villages were Monastir-i Delapayis in hills at the base of the

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northern range, (with 40 per cent), and Ayo Yihali (38 per cent); tied for tenth, with 29 per cent was Diyatiko. Then follows Lace, with 14 per cent, Kata Pefani , probably contiguous to Monastir-i Delapayis on the south, in hill country, and Larnaka, also with 9 per cent, on the south inland side of the north coastal range. Six of Girniye's 13 villages had at least 9 per cent of their agricultural production coming from fruits and vegetables. The leading producer of fruits and vegetables, Mupestike village of Mesariya, devoted some 56 per cent of its agricultural resources to fruits and vegetables. They must have had extremely healthy diets. 13 per cent of its agricultural resources went to grains, including 5 per cent wheat, 8 per cent barley, and a small amount of vetch. Its other products suggest a wide range of interests and tastes, including lentils, pigs and sheep, in addition to commercial products like cotton, cocoons, taverns, and a market. Mupestike seems to represent a very well-managed and organized place. Pano and Kato Hursiyo, besides their great abundance of fruits and vegetables (53 per cent), were also major produces of cotton (21 per cent), as well as very minor sources of wheat, taverns, and pigs. Nearby Kitriya also in Lefkosha district, with its 53 per cent, but absolutely no cotton, raised small amounts of barley, sheep, and pigs, and had taverns. Its only other major crop was wheat, which amounted to 14 per cent of its total produce. Anaya was quite a small village which had very well-organized resources. Besides 50 per cent for fruits and vegetables, the villagers produced wheat and olives, each worth 13 per cent of its agricultural produce, and barley worth 14 per cent. It also produced vetch, broad beans, sheep, pigs, and cotton in small amounts. Closely following Anaya was Trahomi, also in Lefkosha, with 47 per cent of its revenues going to fruits and vegetables. Trahomi was another very small but quite prosperous village, and technically does not belong in this study because its total annual revenues actually amounted to only 9,288 akce. Besides the nearly half of Trahomi's revenues which came from fruits and vegetables, another 30 per cent came from grains (23 per cent wheat, 5 per cent barley, 2 per cent vetch). Also, sheep and pigs were raised; it was a prosperous, thriving village. On its north side it is one of the closest villages to Lefkosha. Then, after a considerable drop came two villages in Girniye, Monastiri Delapayis with 40 per cent, and Ayo Yihali, with 38 per cent. Monastir-i Delapayis, a little to the southeast of Girniye was a medium-sized place which produced a great variety of crops, including wheat (12 per cent), carobs (8 per cent), barley (6 per cent), and at 2 per cent, taverns, beehives, broad beans, olives, plus several more at 1 per cent. Delpayis is noted for its fertility and diversity. So too, is Ayo Yihali, which is about the same close proximity to

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the west of Girniye that Monastir-i Delapayis is to its southeast. There wheat, barley, and carobs were particularly noteworthy. After another drop, rounding out the top ten comes Nisu of Lefkosha with 30 per cent, then Ayos of that district along with Diyatiko of Girniye, and Kato Deftera of Lefkosha with 28 per cent. Two of the village-growers of fruits and vegetables produced them at a level of great predominance, Ayo Yihali of Girniye and Ayos of Lefkosha. The Villagers produced a great variety of crops. With 2,500 akce taxes on a garden (bagce), plus an additional 900 akce paid in fruits and vegetables (meyve and bostan) they exceed the 3,180 akce paid for wheat and barley, and its only other big crop was carobs. Ayos paid 3,000 akce taxes for gardens (.bagge), while paying 4,000 akce for wine and grape juice; all its other crops were minimal; 38 per cent added to 29 per cent for other fruits and vegetables did not make for a very good balance, even if 2/3 dependence on fruits. Two other villages which had as much as 20 per cent of their total produce were both in Lefkosha district, namely Anaya, with 22 per cent, and Yevachin, with 20 per cent.

Wine and grape juice Wine and grape juice cultivation was not particularly widespread in 16th century Cyprus, although more than a quarter of the villages did produce them. Interestingly, however, a large proportion of those villages which did produce any wine or grape juice at all produced large quantities and so may be considered specialized in vine production. The villages of the north and northeast produced no wine or grape juice at all. None grew in Girniye, Karpas, Magosa, Mesariya, or Tuzla districts. Very few villages in the southwest produced any, none in Hirsofi nor Pendaya, nor on the central plain around Lefkosha. Grape cultivation was concentrated overwhelmingly in the southern Trodos, where 80 per cent of the villages in Avdim, 64 per cent in Limose, and 40 per cent in Mazoto cultivated grapes. Grape cultivation in Limose, Avdim, and Pendaya was intensive. The average proportion of agricultural taxes devoted to wine and grape juice in the eight villages in Avdim which produced them was 42 per cent, ranging from highs of 51 per cent and 83 per cent to lows of 25 per cent and 28 per cent. The intensity was even greater in the 16 villages with vineyards in Limose, where 54 per cent of the agricultural taxes went for wine and grape juice, ranging from lows of 29 per cent and 36 per cent to highs of 83 per cent, 80 per cent and 67 per cent. The average for the six villages in Pendaya was 47 per cent, ranging from lows of 10 per cent and 38 per cent to highs of 59 per

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cent and 66 per cent. The average for 10 villages in Baf was 12 per cent, ranging from 2 per cent to 34 per cent. Only 9 of the 49 villages which produced wine and grape juice paid agricultural taxes of less than 10 per cent for that wine and grape juice; four of those produced less than 5 per cent, three produced 5 per cent, and 2 produced 6 per cent. Of the 20 villages which produced the greatest quantities of wine and grape juice, 12 were in Limose and 3 each in Avdim and Pendaya. 17 villages produced as much as 100 kile annually, including 10 in Limose, 3 each in Avdim and Pendaya, and 1 in Lefkosha. 29 of the 49 villages (59 per cent) with vineyards paid at least 30 per cent of their agricultural taxes for that. 23 (47 per cent) of those villages paid more than 40 per cent for taxes on wine and grape juice, and 16 of those (33 per cent) paid over 50 per cent. Three villages actually paid 80 per cent of their agricultural taxes for wine and grape juice. The seven villages which produced the great amount of wine and grape juice all lay in Limose district in the southeastern Trodos, those at higher elevations tending to produce the greatest quantities of those products. Pelendiriye (Pelendria) village produced 3,500 kile of wine and grape juice annually, more than 20 per cent greater than the second ranking village. Pelendiriye's crop was probably worth 140,000 akce. That village, at an elevation of about 3,000 ft on the southeastern side of the high Trodos, produced wine and grape juice at a level of 10.2 kile per nefer. About 13 km. to the southwest lay the second ranking village in total volume of wine and grape juice production, Gilan (Kilani), with 2750 kile, 5.3 per nefer. Gilan's crop was worth 110,000 akce annually. Less than 5 km. to the north of Pelendiriye, at an elevation reaching over 4000 ft, was Amiyando (Kato Amiantos) village, which produced 2075 kile of wine and grape juice, 19.2 kile per nefer \ that crop was worth 85,000 akce. Tied for fourth were two villages which produced 2050 kile each: Limenaki Pano (Limnatis), about 8 km south of Pelendiriye at an elevation of 1500 ft, with 10.3 kile per nefer, and Agro (Agros), just 5 km east of Pelendiriye, with 27.7 kile per nefer, each crop having a value of 82,000 akce annually. Clustered near Limenaki Pano lay Siliku (Silikou) and Monagri (Monagri) villages. Siliku produced 1750 kile of wine and grape juice, 8.6 kile per nefer, worth 70,000 akce\ Monagri produced 1750 kile, 13.6 kile per nefer. The next three ranking villages lay in the middle range of the southern Trodos, close to each other. Potamiyu (Potamiou) village, at about 2500 ft almost 20 km from the sea in Avdim, produced 1,750 kile of wine and grape juice annually, the greatest amount in any village outside of Limose. That wine and grape juice, 16.5 akce per nefer, was worth 70,000 akce. The next

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two ranking villages in volume of wine and grape juice production were Litumiye village and Lufo (Lophos) village, adjacent to Siliku and Monagri, in Limose. The former produced 1250 kile of wine and grape juice, 9.3 kile per nefer, worth 50,000 akce, the latter 1100 kile (9.2 per nefer) worth 44,400 akce. Seven other villages produced at least 1000 kile of wine and grape juice annually, including five right at the 1000 kile level (three of which were in Pendaya district). With the striking exception of Kato Konde (Kandou) village in Limose, which was within 5 km of the sea and at an elevation of less than 500 ft, all the villages were in the Trodos; some were at its highest levels. Vasa village in Avdim, contiguous to Potamiyu, produced 1,090 kile of wine and grape juice, 8.2 per nefer, worth 43,600 akce, and Kato Chonde village produced 1075 kile, 12.5 per nefer, worth 43,000 akce. The villages which produced 1,000 kile, worth 40,000 akce, were Vevachin (Vavatsinia) in Lefkosha at the easternmost edge of the middle Trodos (5.0 kile per nefer) and Maliye (Mallia), contiguous to Vasa in Avdim (7.7 per nefer). Likewise there were three villages in Pendaya: Kato Petriye (Kakopetria) on the northwest slope of the high Trodos c. 12 km, north of Pelendiriye (9.8 per nefer), Kiparunde (Kyperounda) some 5 km north of Pelendiriye in the highest Trodos (6.4 per nefer), and Palata nistase (Platanistasa), just to the northeast of Kiparunde (7.0 per nefer). Potamiyu village in Avdim and Agro village in Limose each paid 83 per cent of their agricultural taxes for wine and grape juice and so presumably committed about that proportion of their agriculture to wine and grape juice. Potamiyu gave annually for its taxes either 350 kile of wine and grape juice or 14,000 akce, which must have been 1/5 of the total crop. Agro gave 410 kile, worth 16,400 akce, in taxes. Slightly behind those two, ranking third in proportion of agricultural taxes paid for wine and grape juice, and hence in production of those drinks, was Amiyando village in Limose, which also gave 410 kile or its cash equivalent for that production. Those villages demonstrated an unusual specialization in and dependence on products of the vine. No other villages came close to those levels. The next ranking ones are far lower. In Limose Pelendiriye village produced wine and grape juice sufficient to require taxes of 700 kile or 28,000 akce, 67 per cent of the total; Palata nistase in Pendaya followed with 66 per cent (200 kile or 8000 akce). Lufo in Limose had 63 per cent (220 kile or 8,800 akce, and then Likumiye in Limose had 62 per cent (250 kile or 10,000 akce). In eighth position followed Siliku village in Limose, paying taxes of 350 kile or 14,000 akce, and Aska (Askas), in Pendaya due east of Agro, which paid either 180 kile or

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7,200 akce; for each the proportion of taxes paid for wine and grape juice was 59 per cent. Tenth was Kato Petriye village in Pendaya with 57 per cent, paying 200 kile or 8,000 akce in taxes.

Colocasia Colocasia (kolkas) is only mentioned at two of the 174 villages studied: Kira (Kyra) in Pendaya and Kiritudere (Kritou Terra) in Hirsofi. Kiritudere is located in rugged country at an elevation of nearly 1,000 meters, about 10 km from the gulf of Hirsofi. Kira is on the very flat plain, about 5 km east of Morfo and perhaps 12 km. from the sea. Both villages are in quite different locations, and in both cases, colocasia is a minor crop. In Kiritudere, colocasia worth 1500 akce was produced, amounting to about 2 per cent of the village taxes. In Kira, a mere 500 akce's worth was produced (or possibly 7 kile worth 500 akce was produced). It is surprising that such a small proportion of the villages produced colocasia.

Olives Olive cultivation was one of the most widespread agricultural activities in Cyprus in the 16 th century. 82 per cent of all the villages studied produced some olives. The greatest concentration of villages with olive trees was along the north and west coasts, from Girniye to Pendaya to Hirsofi. There was virtually no cultivation in the contiguous districts of Magosa, Mesariya, and Tuzla in the east. Cultivation in Lefkosha was well below the average but far above those eastern districts. Although widespread, olive cultivation was commonly done at a very low level in proportion to other crops. 13 per cent (19 of 142) of the villages producing olives paid agricultural taxes that amounted to less than 1 per cent of their total taxes. Another 31 per cent (44 villages) paid 1 per cent. Yet another 15 per cent (22 villages) paid 2 per cent. So 44 per cent paid 1 per cent or less of their agricultural taxes for olives, and 59 per cent paid 2 per cent or less. 85 of the 142 villages producing olives did so in small amounts. Olives were an important food, of course, and they also were important for their oil. The villages which produced the greatest amount of olives were particularly concentrated in Mazoto, as were the villages which produced the highest proportion of olives. Of 18 villages which produced 500 kile a year or more, 8 were in Mazoto. Of 8 villages which produced more than 1,000 kile of olives annually, 5 were in Mazoto. 3 of the 18 villages which produced

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more than 500 kile of olives annually were in Girniye and 2 each in Lefkosha and Limose. Of 14 villages which produced olives worth 10 per cent or more of the value of their total produce, half were in Mazoto; two each were in Girniye and in Lefkosha. Lakatamiya (Lakatamia) village southwest of Lefkosha produced 3,750 kile (some 90,000 kg) of olives, 15 per cent more than the next highest village and 50 per cent more than the third ranking one. The villagers produced 3 kile (almost 1,000 kg) of olives per nefer per annum. The next three ranking villages were in Mazoto: Komineto, Dogni (Tokhni), and Mari. Komineto produced 3250 kile annually, which worked out to 61 per nefer. Dogni, midway between Tuzla and Limose, about 5 km from the sea, produced 2,500 kile of olives, 19 per nefer, while nearby Mari produced 1,290 kile, 20 per nefer. So Komineto produced 50 per cent more olives per nefer than the next ranking village. The fifth ranking village in total volume of olive production was Akagoye in Limose, which produced 1,275 kile of olives, 11 per nefer. Next ranked Parcarde village in Mazoto with 1,250 kile (40 per nefer), Larnaka in Girniye south of the northern coastal range with 1,150 kile (32 kile per nefer), and Kalavaso (Kalavasos) village right near Dogni in Mazoto with 1,075 kile (12 per nefer). Vavla (Vavla) in the mountains of Mazoto, 15 km. from the Mediterranean, and Vezece village in Baf each produced 900 kile, which amounted to 10 kile per nefer in the former and 11 kile per nefer in the latter. Larnaka village in Girniye ranked first in proportion of olives produced, paying taxes of 2,530 akce (or 230 kile of olives), which were 23 per cent of the total agricultural taxes paid by the village; the olive crop was worth 12,650 akce annually then. Lakatamiya (Lakatamia) village, southwest of the provincial capital, in Lefkosha and Komineto village in Mazoto ranked second, paying 20 per cent of their taxes for olives. Lakatamiya's olive crop was worth 41,250 akce, more than that of any other village. Komineto's was worth 35,750 akce, second among all villages. Fourth among villages in proportion of taxes paid for olives, and hence in proportion of olives in the value of the total annual agricultural production, was Akagoye village in Limose with 18 per cent (and an annual crop worth 14,025 akce), followed by Dogni in Mazoto with 17 per cent (worth 27,500 akce), then Mari and Parcarde in Mazoto each with 14 per cent, which had crops worth 14,190 akce and 13,750 akce respectively. Anaya (Anayia) village, southwest of Lakatamiya in Lefkosha, paid 13 per cent of its agricultural taxes for olives and produced an olive crop worth 6,765 akce. Kalavaso (Kalavasos) village between Dogni and Mari village in Mazoto, paid

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12 per cent of those taxes for agriculture, producing a crop worth 11,825 akce, while Sherociye village and Vavla villages in Mazoto and Vezece in Baf each paid 11 per cent. Sherociye's olive crop was worth 6,930 akce, Vavla's worth 9,900 akce, and Vezece's worth 9,900 akce. The village of Komineto in Mazoto produced 50 per cent more olives per nefer than any other village, with 61 keyl. Far behind at 40, 38, and 37 keyl per nefer were Parcarde and Menoye, also in Mazoto, and Lakatamiya in Lefkosha. Far behind them came Larnaka village, alone at 32. More than 1/3 below Larnaka was two more villages in Mazoto and another in Lefkosha: Mari, with 20 keyl per nefer, Dogni with 19, and Anaya with 17. Those eight villages were the only ones which produced more than 12 keyl per nefer. NOTES

On Fruits and Vegetables Both Max. Sorre and F. Braudel praise the rich fruit and vegetable culture of the Middle East. In one place Braudel exudes praise: "The Mediterranean, by its climate, was predestined for shrub culture. It is not only a garden, but, providentially, a land of fruit-bearing trees." In particular, he praises its apple and pear trees, and its almonds and walnuts. "The irrigated fields yield in plenty cereals, vegetables, and fruits...", which flourish at the expense of forests (Braudel 1972: 76, 122, 157, 239, 242, 386); Also, (Sorre 1948: 141f, 225, 250). Suraiya Faroqhi points of the great importance of fruits and vegetables. She says that "...even the larger towns in Anatolia often continued to show a semi-agricultural character." She provides ample evidence to support her contention that in the latter part of the 16 th century there was a growing "...inclination to turn fields into gardens and vineyards....", (Faroqhi 1984:299, 242-266, 43, 77, 191, 193f, 217). Not surprisingly de Planhol found much evidence of very rich fruit and vegetable cultivation in Pamphylia and Pisidia. In fact, Antalya especially has consistently been renowned for its extremely rich gardens, at least from the 17 th century witness of the great Ottoman scholar Katib Chelebi and the distinguished traveler Evliya Chelebi, Burdur and Isparta consistently have been important sources of fruits and vegetables, but Antalya retains a reputation as a preeminent place in Anatolia for fruits and vegetables today (Planhol 1958: llOf, 150, 52, 58, 123, 131, 62, 220, 238, 279, 302f, 325f, 380, 386f).

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According to A. Cohen and B. Lewis, fruits and vegetables both had a strictly limited importance in 16 th century Palestine. "Despite the steady increase in the second half of the century, it is obvious that taxes on fruit itself only of minor importance in the towns of Palestine." The fruit tax and the vegetable tax were collected the same way (Cohen and Lewis 1978:52f, 42, 54, 64f, 95, 114, 141, 151, 165, 172). The study by Hutteroth and Abdulfattah, which includes a larger area, lists every village in the survey, and has tax categories such as #20, fruit trees, 'ashar-i fawakih, and #23, vegetable and fruit trees, bustan (Hutteroth and Abdulfattah 1977:80n, 81). Like southern Syria and Palestine, Egypt was a place where fruits and vegetables were always very much less important than grains and legumes. Both legumes and fruits are relatively peripheral. Gardens provide only a small part of the diet of people in Egypt (Raymond 1973: 309, 340, 365, 446f, 565, 570, 634, 638), (Cf. Shaw 1958: 119, 137n). Several different words may designate fruits and vegetables in parts of the Ottoman Empire. Among the important ones found in Barkan's study include bahce (garden), bostan/ bustan (vegetable garden, kitchen garden), meyve/ mive (fruit), and sebze (vegetable). Sometimes these words were used interchangeably, but not infrequently one particular word is used for a particular district or province. According to Barkan, bostan was used in at least 36 provinces, including Chios (Sakiz), Mytilene (Midilli), and Crete islands. It occurred frequently in the register used for this study, but not in the kanunname. Meyve occurred in at least 26 kanunnames, including Rhodes (Rodos), Mytilene (Midilli), and Cyprus, but unfortunately the reference in Cyprus refers only to urban markets. Bagce occurred in at least 34 provincial codes, including Crete, Chios (Sakiz), Mytilene (Midilli), Kayseriye, and Aydin, which are mentioned in the register of Cyprus, although unfortunately not in the kanunname. Sebze is mentioned in 16 kanunnames, including Mosul and Aydin, and it occurs in the Cyprus defter. Oberhummer discovered a contemporary source (Elias of Pesaro) from late in the Venetian period when onions, leeks, cabbages, turnips, chard, spinach, carrots, mint, majoram, parsley, peas, lentils, green beans and cauliflower, as well as salad and colocasia were in the marketplaces. Among fruits that source mentions apples, cherries, sour cherries, chestnuts, strawberries, lemons, oranges, pomegranates, and date palms (Oberhummer 1903: 292-303). Cyprus was for a very long time renowned for several of its fruits and vegetables. Christodoulou has provided very great insights into fruit and vegetable production and distribution, both historically and currently. "It is the most intensive use of land and of extreme dietary importance." Sometimes it is on a

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very large scale, but other times on a very small one, depending on availability of water, accessibility of markets, and the nature of soils (Christodoulou 1959: I47f)- "Little is known about the history of market gardening in Cyprus. It has always been practiced in the past to supply the needs of urban populations, especially the wealthy classes, and the needs of ships in port." In the 14th, 15th, and 16th centuries, Nicosia, Famagusta, and Limassol all had many vegetable gardens within their walls. He argues that Ottoman occupation brought with it a "...decay of urban life and port activity..." under which market gardening "...must have been reduced." At that time he suggests that they must have produced both for local use and for nearby rural markets, except for "the production on individual holdings for family consumption" (Christodoulou 1959: 143-145). Cabbage, cauliflower, pumpkins, cucumbers, watermelons, melons, colocassia, artichokes are all currently important, as are lettuce, celery, spinach, carrots, coriander, leeks, parsley, pomegranates, eggplants, apples, pears, plums, cherries, and quinces and apricots. Most fruit production is localized to lower terraced slopes and to river slopes (Ibid., 143-145,175ff). On Wine Grape wines and wine are of great antiquity in the Near East and the eastern Mediterranean world. They are very widespread and are a prominent part of the Mediterranean landscape (Sorre 1948: 140, 142, 143, 146, 232f, 267). New begin, (Braudel 1972: 37, 57f, 61). Vidal Blache points out that grapes grow without irrigation and hence are probably native to the region (Blache 1922: 135f,214). Braudel has pointed out what an essential part of daily life vineyards and wine are to the Mediterranean world, despite what he considers to be a genuine hostility on the part of Islam. Wine there is an important drink for both the poor and the wealthy. Since the demand for wine was so great in northern Europe where grapes could not be grown, a very active trade in wine developed with the Mediterranean wine producing regions. Indeed, so great was the consumption of wine that public drunkenness became a problem. Wines of Cyprus were loved at least by Selim II. The English preferred the wines of Crete and the Aegean islands (Braudel 1979). Wine, like grain, can be stored safely through the Mediterranean winter (Braudel 1972:255f). Braudel emphasizes the central importance of vineyards in the Mediterranean. "Landscapes of vines and olive trees" characterize the Mediterranean world, he says, and elsewhere he singles out "the culture of the vine and olive..." (Braudel 1972: 26f, 236,239). Although Braudel contends

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that the replacement of Venetian rule by the Ottomans led to "such a marked deteriorations of the vineyards that Venice was able to arrange to buy back the precious leather flasks used for the manufacture of wine, as they were no longer of any use on the island," possibly the sale of those flasks, if indeed it ever occurred, is not adequate proof that wine production dropped dramatically. There is no evidence in the defter that the Ottomans wished in anyway to reduce wine production (Braudel 1972:155f). For vineyards as part of the distinctive Mediterranean culture (Sorre 1948: 197, 204, 267, 288). Although elsewhere he has branded Islam as intensely hostile to the vine, he contends that for fiscal reasons vine cultivation in Greek Orthodox villages was encouraged during the Ottoman period, and he also points to the production of raisins in North Africa. Latins who visited Venetian Cyprus in the 15 th and 16 th centuries reported the local wine to be very good, despite the fact that it was very potent and tasted of pitch. They further attest that the best and most prolific producer of wine was Limose (Regnault 1908: 160), (Baumgarten 1908:139), (Meggen 1908:148), (Haimendorf 1908: 306), (Palerne 1908: 329f), (Porcacchi 1908: 21, 148), (Hill 1948: 817). Many observers claimed that the wine had to be drunk diluted. For Cypriot wines (Fisher 1961: 442). On wine production in the 1950s (Meyer 1962: 26). Average annual grape production ranged between 80,000 and 90,000 tons. Some 20 per cent of the population derived their livelihood from grapes, raisins, and wine (Johnson 1971). Today also, wine and sherry cultivation are concentrated on the south slopes of the Trodos; three traditional grapes are grown, black Mavron, white Xynisteri, and muscat of Alexandria. In 1969, 38,600 hectares of vineyards were cultivated in Cyprus; Cypriots consumed 8 litres per capita of wine, perhaps 21st in the world. And Cyprus was tied for fifth in the world in per capita spirits consumption. D. Christodoulou calls the vine "omnipresent" in Cyprus, although conflicting estimates of its extent at various times are hard to reconcile. As recently as a century ago they could be called among the best wines in the world. The Trodos and the Limassol plateau are the two most important areas of cultivation. There often it is a monoculture. Grapes are most concentrated between 1,500 and 3,500 ft. Although terracing is very important, it is not often done. At present over half of the grapes are made into wine. The most important grape areas are: Phasouri, Alamino, Lania, Kathikas, Lysi, Kondea, and Stavrovouni. Commandaria brandy is produced from Silikou to Lefkara, and from Pera to Lythrodhonda. "Vine-growing accounts for 8 per cent of the agricultural land of Cyprus and for 8 per cent of the gross agricultural output." Grape production is a monoculture in places

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like Arsos and Omodhos, which have no other sources of income. Villagers there live a precarious, hand-to-mouth existence (Christodoulou 1959:152163). The vine is as important a part of the landscape of Mediterranean Antalya as the olive and the fig, although between 1560 and 1570 Turkman nomads devastated many of the vineyards (Planhol 1958:159, 117). Besides being widespread on the plain, grapes are cultivated on terraces in the hills, and even in the Taurus Mountains. (Planhol 1958: 123, 238, 170). Indeed, grape cultivation is widespread in the lake country, around the cities of Burdur, Isparta, and particularly Egridir (where raisins were produced in the time of Mehmed the Conqueror), (Planhol 1958:279, 329,120,239) and 386. Although the economy in the Ottoman period was generally a subsistence one, the raisins of Egridir were marketed for money (Planhol 1958:120). In Palestine, grape vines were used not just for wine production but for grape juice. They were used, too, for grape syrups and for raisins. Wines were supposed to be forbidden to Muslims, but wine shops, ostensibly for Christians and Jews, existed in several places. Occasionally wines were completely forbidden but that should not have effected grape cultivation (Cohen and Lewis 1978: 55, 68, 141, 152, 169), (Hutteroth and Abdulfattah 1977:81). In Cairo, the "...right to regulate and tax the manufacture and sale of 'araq, the intoxicating drink made of dates..." fell to the government: If sometimes consumed by them, Jews and Christians were always involved in its manufacture (Shaw 1958: 140). Its manufacture was fairly common and rather well dispersed (Raymond 1973: 315,649). Suraiya Faroqhi reports, in her study Towns and Townsmen..., both ..."the Morea and the Aegean coast of Anatolia grew large quantities of grapes." Their grape syrup, raisins, and pickles were designed exclusively for the capital. In any event, most vineyard owners must have consumed their products on their own lands. Their wine production was often forbidden. However, both grape juice {shira) and pekmez (a grape extract from boiled juice) were very popular in wide circles. Numerous hanes produced them. "Pekmez, syrup made of grapes, constituted a cheaper sweetener than honey." Also raisins were produced (Faroqhi 1984: 30,32,81f, 92,214,261). One of the most important sources about wine and grape vines in Cyprus is Eugen Oberhummer, who made lengthy trips to the island starting late in the 1880's. He reports official volumes of production from thel9 t h century, he describes the large pottery jars in which they were made, and he personally describes the red and white wines. The figures indicate very clearly that production varies very greatly from year to year. Muscat, the finest and

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sweetest of the wines, comes from Omodos and Kilani. He personally attests to the very strong nature of the wine, with the result that many people drink it diluted. He reports that the main centers of production were the southern districts of Limassol and Baphos. The Order of the Knights Hospitallers had important centers at Monagruli, Kolossi, Platanistia and Phinka villages (Qberhummer 1903: 310-329).

On Colocasia Colocasia is identified by Andrew Watson as one of the important agricultural crops introduced into the lands of Islamic high civilization. First passing from Southeast Asia, as early as the 10th century it was known in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Levant; in fact, one of its names is Egyptian arum. If it was produced abundantly around Tripoli in Syria and in Egypt, it must have been well known in Cyprus, too, although in the 16 th century it certainly appears to have been cultivated there only occasionally. It was one of the important summer crops, thus requiring heavy watering and irrigation throughout the summer months, although at least it could flourish on salty soils which might otherwise not be usable. Its tubers are eaten, sometimes raw, but usually cooked; the young greens, too, were sometimes eaten parboiled and then fried. Because they produce lots of digestible starch, are not too susceptible to cold, grow very quickly (making two or even three crops possible sometimes), and are easy to preserve for many months, they became a popular vegetable (Watson 1983: 66-69), with picture. If one judges from Barkan, colocasia was not very widely grown in Ottoman lands. Indeed, only Sham (Damascus), in nearby Syria, is mentioned, where 3 akce was taken for a donkey load and 6 akce for a mule load (Barkan 1943: 60.11.222). Obviously colocasia was a very minor crop, just as in Cyprus. Although it is sometimes identified as an Egyptian plant in English, French, German, and Italian, in fact, no references at all are to be found in Shaw's writings or in Raymond's. De Planhol does not mention it in Antalya or Isparta, nor do Cohen & Lewis or Hutteroth and Abdalfattah mention it for Palestine. According to Oberhummer, colocasia was known at least from the Middle Ages in Cyprus, where it flourished especially on the north coast, around Vasilia, around cape Kormakiti, and on the Karpas peninsula. He asserts that it takes a great deal of water to grow. Sometimes it is used for its foliage, as a decorative plant (Oberhummer 1903:293). Christodoulou, too, points to the same very areas on the north coast as the main centers of production, but he adds Morphou, too. As areas of secondary importance in

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the past he notes Limassol, Kiti, Kythrea, and Paphos. It is a minor summer crop grown only for local consumption which takes lots of irrigation. Its tubers are consumed (Christodoulou 1959: 148). On Olives The central importance of the olive to the Mediterranean landscape and to Mediterranean diets is proverbial. According to P. Vidal de la Blache, for example, among all the trees in the Mediterranean, "one stands out preeminently, one which the Bible calls the monarch of them all." It grows without irrigation, and its fruit is very nutritious (Martonne 1952: 214, 135, 133). The olive tree is indigenous to the Mediterranean region, and confined to it. As Max. Sorre finds, "La Méditerranée a été conquise par l'olivier..."; in combination with wheat and grape vines olive trees have spread over the entire eastern Mediterranean, and are most typical of it (Sorre 1948: 224,226,267, 139, 142, 146, 158f). M. Newbigin calls the olive "the most characteristic tree" of the Mediterranean. He further notes that the Greeks described the olive as "God-given" (Newbigin 1924:59ff, 15, 37). According to X. de Planhol, grains, olives, fig, and vineyards most typify the Mediterranean landscape, and have from antiquity. Sometimes those crops are vulnerable to the encroachment of nomads. W. B. Fisher calls olives the most important fruit product in the Middle East (Fisher 1961: 201f). Fernand Braudel defines the Mediterranean in relation to the habitat of the olive: "the Mediterranean climate lies-between the northern limit of the olive tree and the northern limit of the palm grove (Braudel 1976: 234, 232) with map. He emphasizes the intimate connection between "landscapes of wines and olive trees" or "civilization of the vine and the olive trees" and the typical Mediterranean landscape (Braudel 1972: 26f, 236, 239). Consequently, when a period of unusual cold engulfed the Mediterranean region shortly before 1600, the atypical frosts accompanying it "were so disastrous for the olive tree..." (Braudel 1972: 270ff). Published provincial law codes (kanunname) from the 16th century indicate the presence of olive trees (zeytun) in Aydin, Istanbul, Musul, Haleb, Trablus, Kudus, Sham, Safed, Mora, the islands of Midilli and Tashozi, as well as Cyprus (Barkan 1943). Olives were one of the most valuable sources of revenues from Palestine in the middle of the 16 th century. There, particularly in Jerusalem, much of the olive oil was used to make soap (Cohen and Lewis 1978:62f).

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According to A. J. Meyer, Cyprus does not produce enough olive oil for domestic purposes, although "nearly every peasant owns a few trees." Olive production fluctuates wildly, for example between 1949 and 1960. Most olive trees are located on mountain slopes and hillsides, often near carob trees (Meyer 1962:26f). Demetrios Christodoulou, land consolidation officer in Cyprus, understood rural agriculture there better than anyone else. According to him, "It is only second to wheat as a food staple, corresponding to butter, fat and partly cheese... As a tree it is ubiquitous and as a food it is consumed in some form in every home every day." On the southern slopes of the Trodos mountains it occurs in groves up to 2,600 ft., and in scattered stands up to 3,500 ft., but neither on the northern slopes of Trodos nor in the northern range are olives found much above 2,000 ft. Occasional snowfall does not damage them, but severe frost will,"... production from one year to the other may vary as much as ten times." Olive trees may be cultivated in exclusive groves, intermixed with grains, carob trees, or other fruit trees, or on steep slopes. Kythrea, Dhali, the slopes of the Kyrenia range, Solia, Lythrodhonda, Lefkara, and Tylliria are the most intensive centers of olive production, but in 1946 only two villages on the island had no olive trees at all. Olives and olive oil are stable foods all over the island (Christodoulou 1959: 170ff). According to X. de Planhol olives and figs are "properly Mediterranean" trees which are common in Antalya. Olives are widespread in the lowlands there, and cover many of the hills (Planhol 1958:158f, 402, 406). Generally, olives grow in the same belts with cotton. The northern limits of olive cultivation are shown in figure 7 (Planhol 1958: 41, 77, 305). Olive oil is practically unknown, however, for virtually all the olives are eaten (Planhol 1958:178). According to Cohen and Lewis, "Olive trees were one of the most ancient and widespread features of Palestine. In spite of the vicissitudes which the economy of the country underwent throughout the ages, they were still regarded in the early Ottoman period as a valuable source of revenue." They were especially common in villages. They were most commonly used in the form of oil, for the manufacture of soap (Cohen and Lewis 1978: 62f, 104). Taxes were more frequently imposed on trees than on olive oil, according to Hutteroth and Abdulfattah. In some areas of Palestine, olives played a very important role in the local economy (Hutteroth and Abdulfattah 1977: 69f). In Egypt, as in southern Syria, some olives were used to make soap. Raymond 1973:61. The guild of olive oil sellers had only modest resources there; but Cairo supplied the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina with at least some of their supply of olive oil (Shaw 1958: 119,264).

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Olive trees were particularly cultivated in the Aegean region of Anatolia, and were even more important for use in oil lamps than for cooking. They supplied both inner Anatolia and Istanbul. S. Faroqhi has judged that butter was preferred to olive oil in cooking. "A preference for clarified butter as opposed to olive oil, even when the latter was available, reflects an environment in which pastoral activities were strongly represented' (Faroqhi 1984: 84, 92, 213, 215). According to Oberhummer, it grows in great abundance on the north coast, near Kythrea, at the foot of the Troodos Mountains around Solia, Lefka, and Evrychu, around Paphos, and in the carob raising lands of the south east. It was a well known product of Cyprus since at least the Middle Ages, but it was not very highly esteemed. At that time, as at the present, olive production varies very greatly from year to year. (E.g., Venetian documents mention 350 kantar in 1500 and 850 in 1540.) It is used for both its oil and its fruit. Olive farming is an established business (Oberhummer 1903: 309f).

4 TREES AND NUTS

Walnuts Walnuts (koz, or ceviz agaci) apparently were not grown at all in the northern, eastern, or central parts of the island. Although 26 per cent of the villages studied produced walnuts, most of them were located in the Trodos Mountains. Walnuts were cultivated in only 5 districts, ranging on the southwest part of the island from Pendaya to Limose. 48 per cent of the villages in Pendaya and 47 per cent of those in Hirsofi produced walnuts, as did a third in Baf. Scarcely any of the walnuts growing villages produced enough to constitute a large proportion of the value of its total agricultural produce. 80 per cent of the villages which paid any taxes on walnuts paid less than 1 per cent of their total agricultural taxes for walnuts (37 of 46), and another 11 per cent paid only 1 per cent. All the villages in Baf, Avdim, and Limose (except Likumiye) produced walnuts of a value of less than 1 per cent of their agricultural produce. No village in Hirsofi produced walnuts worth more than 1 per cent of its total agricultural produce. Only two of the villages studied paid as much as 5 per cent of their taxes for walnuts. Eight villages produced walnuts valued at more than 500 akce; four of those were in Pendaya, one in Limose, and the rest in Hirsofi. Only 5 villages produced walnuts worth more than 1,000 akce. The most prolific growers of walnuts were Likumiye village in Limose with 676,350, a striking 5,047 walnuts per nefer, and Pedule (Pedhoulas) village, at an elevation of some 3,600 feet in the high Trodos in Pendaya, which produced 650,000 a year, worth 3,900 akce. That village produced 4,305 walnuts per nefer (1,230 to 1,435 per capita); "the value of Pedule's tax on walnuts reached 7 per cent of its total agricultural taxes. No other village produced walnuts at even half of the amount except Likumiye with 5 per cent. Kipadunka village in Pendaya, which produced 300,000 walnuts worth 2100 akce ranked third in total walnut production. Kipadunka was also third in the proportion of its taxes which came from walnuts, 3 per cent, and in the number of walnuts produced per nefer, 1,923. Also in Pendaya in the high Trodos, the fourth ranking village in volume and proportion of its produced but fifth in walnuts per nefer, was Palata Nistasa (Platanistasa), which

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produced 225,000 walnuts worth 1,350 akce. 2 per cent of its taxes came from walnuts, and the village produced 1,573 walnuts per nefer (450 to 525 per capita). Far behind Palata Nistasa was Ziye village in Hirsofi which produced a walnut crop worth 1,125 akce annually, that is about 187,875 walnuts, 1,381 walnuts per nefer. Ziye's taxes for walnuts constituted only about 1 per cent of its total agricultural taxes, as was the case with the three remaining villages which produced over 500 akce worth of walnuts annually. Aska (Askas) village in Pendaya, east of Palata nistasa in the high Trodos, produced 150,000 walnuts annually, 1364 walnuts per nefer, worth 900 akce. Hole (Kholi) village in Hirsofi, 7 or 8 km. inland from Khrysokhou bay in the rough hills, produced walnuts worth 575 akce; a crop of 96,025 walnuts would place Hole third with 1778 walnuts per nefer. Even higher in the rough hills of Hirsofi was Serame (Sarama) village, which produced a crop of walnuts early identical to that of Hole, worth 575 akce. Serame produced 95,190 walnuts, 1147 per nefer.

Almonds A small number of the villages studied, mostly in mountainous areas or other rough terrain, produced what generally were small quantities of almonds (badem). All of the 5 per cent which did so are located in the southwestern half of the island: five of the 9 villages with almond trees were in Pendaya district, while in four other districts only a single village had almond trees. 7 of the 9 villages also produced walnuts. 7 of those 9 villages also paid agricultural taxes on almonds worth 1 per cent or less of their total agricultural taxes. Only three villages produced more than 100 kile of almonds annually. Ahiliye (Akhelia) village, near the coast 7 or 8 km southeast of Baf, produced five times as much almonds as any other village. The villagers produced 750 kile annually, worth 7,500 akce. That very large village produced only 2.0 kile per nefer (1/2 to 3/4 kile per capita). Taxes on almonds amounted to 4 per cent of Ahiliye's total agricultural taxes, twice as great' as the second ranking village. Unlike all of the other major producers of almonds, which were in mountainous or other rough country, Ahiliye village lies close to sea, more or less at the mouth of the Ezousas River, in fact. Second in almond production with 135 kile, 1.0 per nefer, producing a harvest worth 1,375 akce, which amounted to only 1 per cent of its agricultural taxes, was Erco (Arsos) village, on the southern slopes of the Trodos Mountains in Avdim district. Palata Nistasa (Platanistasa) village in Pendaya, high on the north side of the Trodos, ranked third with an annual crop of 125 kile, 9 per nefer, and worth 1250 akce. Palata Nistasa produced almonds the taxes on which amounted to 2 per cent of its total taxes.

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Far behind in almond trees lagged Siliku (Silikou) village, at an elevation of about 2000 feet in the southern Trodos in Limose district, which produced 65 kile, and Liso (Lyso) village, in the rough hills of Hirsofu, with 50 kile. Each of those villages paid 1 per cent of its agricultural taxes for almonds. Siliku produced 3 kile of almonds per nefer (1 kile per capita, or less), Liso 5 kile. No other village produced more than 25 kile of almonds annually. Almonds were grown in fewer villages than walnuts were, they constituted a smaller proportion of total agricultural production in villages, and far fewer nuts per nefer were produced. Total volume of almonds in the villages was quite small in comparison to walnuts.

Edible acorns Edible acorns (bellut or belit) are mentioned only in Hirsofi district. Only the amount of the tax is indicated, so there is no indication of the unit of weight by which acorns were measured, nor of their value. Oak trees must have been quite common there, for nine of the 17 villages studied from that district produced acorns. Most of the villages mentioned are inland from the sea in the rough, mountainous and inaccessible southern part of that district, near the western edge of the Troodos massif. The presence of oak forests may indicate the survival into early Ottoman times of a major forest stand, but it is also possible that local people may have especially liked acorns and planted them enthusiastically. One of the villages with oak trees also had both walnut and almond trees, Liso. No other village in Hirsofi produced almonds at all, but although three other villages (including Hole and Serame) had walnut trees, acorn production is not closely associated with either almond or walnut production. According to the Ottoman registers, edible acorns were among the most restricted in range of their growing. All the places are in a single district, share a similar inaccessible mountainous terrain, and are, to the extent that they can be identified, within 10 kilometers of each other. In four of the nine villages with edible acorns, their value amounted to more than 1 per cent of the total agricultural production, including Liso, where that figure reached 3 per cent. Regardless, they were of only minor economic consequence.

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NOTES On Walnut Braudel notes walnut trees as part of the Mediterranean world, especially in the Moroccan Atlas and Provence (Braudel 1972: 122, 50, 43). M. Sorre identifies the walnut tree as a typical part of the Near Eastern and eastern Mediterranean landscape; incidentally, they can be used to make oil (Sorre 1948:142, 224). Walnuts and walnut trees, usually as ceviz and ceviz agaci. but sometimes as koz agaci, are mentioned in about 15 provincial kanunnames published by Barkan, although several of those deal with the sale rather than production of walnuts. The Cyprus defter-i mufassal of 1571 designates as the tax on walnuts 6 ak.ce for each 1000 walnuts produced. In Sham, according to its law code the tax was 2 akce hare for every grown tree (tamam agac) and 1 akce for small trees (ktictikleri). In addition 1 akce was taken for every 1000 walnuts. Barkan 1943: 60.5.220, 60.12.223. In Aleppo, the tax (harac) was 2 akce for every tree producing walnuts (meyvaya gelmis), but there was no tax on numbers of walnuts. 57.4.207. In Kudus, there was a tax of 2 akce (Osmani) on fully grown walnut trees (tamam yetismis) and 1 akce for small trees, but no further tax Barkan 1943: 59.3.217). Originated either in China or in southeastern Europe, walnuts are very nourishing and rich in oil; they may last for centuries and produce excellent wood. In the 16th century walnut trees seem to have been more widespread in Cyprus than almond trees, although Christodoulou and Fisher claim that the opposite is the case today (Fisher 1961: 442, 203, 334), (Meyer 1962: 27). According to Christodoulou, walnuts "....grow scattered mainly in river valleys near watercourses or in irrigated areas particularly in the middle altitudes. They are valuable for both their fruit and for their wood." They are most valuable in Pitsilia, especially in Agros village (Christodoulou 1959: 175). Walnut trees are fairly common in the region of Burdur, Isparta, and Egridir, where they seem to be used exclusively for their nuts, not for oil (Planhol 1958:165,238, 379,417). According to Oberhummer, the best specimens of walnut trees are found at elevations of between 800 and 1,700 meters. Many trees provide both very good wood and abundant nuts. The best specimens are found near Prodomo and Troodisissa (Oberhummer 1903: 297).

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On Almond Almond trees grow in southeastern Turkey, Libya, and Provencal as well as in Cyprus in the Mediterranean world (Fisher 1961:442, 203, 334), (Meyer 1962:27), (Planhol 1958: 166), (Braudel 1972:122, 236). Acreage devoted to almonds in Cyprus is not very extensive. Almond growing in Cyprus apparently was not extensive enough to merit inclusion in the island's kanunname. Although several kanunnames published by Barkan mention taxes on almonds, they refer mostly to market taxes on their sale at urban markets rather than to almond growing; on the other hand, the presence of almonds at local markets might indicate cultivation locally. It can be safely estimated that almond trees were cultivated in southern Anatolia between Aydin and Diyaribekir and in Syria (Barkan 1943: index, badem). According to P. Vidal de la Blache, the almond tree has been one of the important trees in the eastern Mediterranean since antiquity. Indeed, it grows there without irrigation (Blache 1922:135). According to Christodoulou almond tree cultivation has grown rapidly since the 19th century. "There are very few extensive groves, the almond trees being usually found in small groves or scattered, occupying the boundaries of vineyards or the edges of terraces, or mixed with other trees like carobs and olives....It is the most profitable plant to utilize dry soils, sloping or rocky land, giving a good return as it grows quickly and yields fruit early." Found at all altitudes, in all kinds of soils, but is "concentrated" between 1,500 and 3,000 ft. Paphos is an important area (Christodoulou 1959:174f). Almond trees are native to southwest Asia. Today they are exported primarily from Italy (Sicily), Spain, Portugal, and Morocco in the Mediterranean world. For almond trees in the region of Burdur, Isparta and Egridir (Planhol 1958: 101,160,211,329,411,417). Oberhummer mentions almond trees as having been very important in Cyprus since classical times . They grow most notably in mountainous areas around Paphos. He indicates that different kinds occur (Oberhummer 1903:296). On Edible Acorns Besides being valuable for timber, the oak tree produces an important food product, acorns. Although the geographer P. Vidal de la Blache knows the oak primarily because it is so important a part of the landscape at high

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elevations in central Europe, where some grow very large, not only do they provide natural grandeur and beauty, and excellent timber for construction and firewood, they also are part of the diet because of their acorns (Blache 1922: 139f). X. de Planhol, however, points to the oak as a very important representative of Mediterranean mountain life; in mountainous regions of Antalya and Isparta provinces, he finds some important stands of oak, including some virgin forest (Planhol 1958:46,161). Both Christodoulou and Oberhummer discuss oak trees, particularly the local species Cyprus oak, which today remains very important in the Troodos region. According to Oberhummer oak trees generally were 36 m. high and 1 1/2 m. in diameter and occurred at elevations between 50 and 1,600 m. Some of the most important stands are on the north side of the mountains, near Prodromo and Galata. He also points to the use of oak in certain local cult practices. Oberhummer 1903: 259f. Christodoulou calls the Cyprus oak "...one of the most beautiful and phytogeographically one of the most interesting trees of Cyprus." Even today they are widely distributed in the Troodos massif, although Cyprus is affected by retreating forests (Christodoulou 1959:50, 109, 113). The limitation of all nine villages which produce taxable acorns, and therefore, presumably have oak forests, to such a small part of the rugged district of Hirsofi naturally raises many questions about just exactly what they were used for. A perusal of Barkan's Kanunname reveals that five provinces had bellut, and two others had oak forests, or bellutluk. Very near to Cyprus was Trablus, or Tripoli, with its important port, which imposed a 5 per cent tax on almonds, shah-i bellut, and findik (pistachios), 58.2.212). The Aegean island of Midilli also had taxable bellut, (Barkan 1943:97.1.333. It is not mentioned in the Cyprus code. Other places mentioned in the index of Barkan seem to be northern Balkan provinces such as Budun, Estergon, Hatvan, Novigrad, Serim, Uyvar, and Lipve, where they are mentioned as food for pigs in regulations that date from the time of Hungarian kings. (Cf. Barkan 1943: 87.14.301; 89.23.310; 90.3. 313; 91.7.316; 94.4.322; 9.323) According to S. Faroqhi, '...the tanners of certain towns of the Aegean coast seem to have experienced considerable difficulties in procuring sufficient quantities of valonia oak (palamut)...', for the acorn hulls were an important source of the tanning-agent tannin. Besides the western Anatolian coast, the island of Midilli (Lesbos) was another major source. It was in great demand in Istanbul and Marseilles (Faroqhi 1984:159,163, and map).

5 ANIMALS

Pigs Pigs (bid'at-i henazir) were found almost universally in Cypriot villages. 94 per cent of the villages (164) had pigs, almost the same as wheat, with 95 per cent (166 villages). Pigs were a very minor part of the economy. 5 per cent of the agricultural taxes of Hetokopiye (Katydhata) village inland in Pendaya district were from pigs; no other village paid more than 2 per cent. Indeed, only 13 per cent (22) of those villages paid as much as 2 per cent. Pig-raising was extremely widely distributed, but pigs were always a minor part. Pendaya district, besides having Hetokopiye, also was the location of six of the villages producing pigs worth 2 per cent of their agricultural produce. There one finds them in every sort of terrain one can imagine from high mountains like Galata Kato to hills like Pedule and Hetokopiye to coastal villages like Ayo Pigani Soliye. Closely following Pendaya was Baf with five, which were about as varied in their locations. Altitude certainly did not affect the raising of pigs, whether high or low. Except for Gilan (Kilani), high in the mountains of Limose district, which was second by paying 640 akce in taxes on its pigs, all of the villages which had paid more than 500 akce in annual taxes were quite close to the sea. In a class by itself was Komi in Karpas, which, granted, was not on the sea, but had its port close at hand, and paid 801 akce. Ahiliye is just south of Baf on the southwest coast, Piskopi on the south coast near Limose, and Lace on the north coast in Girniye district all were very large villages paying 600, and 565 akce in taxes for pigs, and the very large village of Kolos, also paying 600 akce, was practically contiguous to Piskopi. Some seventeen villages paid taxes on pigs worth between 250 akce and 500, mostly at the lower level. That is, only two, Hetokopiye (500) and Ereco (460) paid between 400 and 500 in taxes, but six paid taxes between 300 and 400, and nine and that in Ottoman times pigs may have run into legal sanctions, for Muslims consider it an abomination. For some reason, Limose had more villages paying higher taxes on pigs than any other district, with six: Gilan, Kolos, Piskopi, Ayo Kistindin, Siliku, and Limenaki, with 640, 600, 600, 375, 335, and 330 respectively.

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Next with five it followed Baf and Pendaya. For Baf, it was Ahiliye (600), Kudikile (350), Akitire (280), Enbe (260), and Ferito Ayo Nikola (250). For Pendaya, it was Hetokopiye (500), Peristerone Akacu (350), Eliya (275), Pendule and Kipadunka, each 250. Although the rate of the pig tax is not specified in the Cyprus kanunname, it seems to range between a low of one akce for two pigs and a high of two akce for one pig. Thus, Enoyire probably had somewhere between 125 and 500 pigs, Vevachin between 175 and 700, Piskopi between 300 and 1200, and Komi between 400 and 1,600 pigs.

Sheep raising The records of the sheep tax ('adet-i agnam) suggest that sheep raising was a peripheral concern in most villages. One village in Pendaya district had about 4,000 sheep, and two others there had as many as 3,000. In all, only eight villages had 2,000 sheep or more, itself not a large number since that figure should include lambs as well. Several villages apparently had no sheep at all. Few if any villages specialized in sheep raising, so common in the Middle East. Only 18 villages (10 per cent) had between 1,000 and 2,000 sheep, and of them, 15 had less than 1,500. 5 of those 18 villages were in Mesariya district, 4 in Pendaya, and two each in Baf and Karpas. In Pendaya, there was a considerable variation in villages, several being fairly wealthy in animals while others were notably poor. Magosa was poor in animals, as in almost everything else. All but one village in Girniye district had at least one sheep per capita, as did nearly all the villages in Karpas. Peristerone Akacu village (Peristerona) in Pendaya ranked far above all other villages, with 4,000 sheep, followed by Alya village with 3,600 and Morfo with 3,000, also in that district. Peristerone and Morfo lie on the flat plain east of the Bay of Morphou; the former is just to the south of the region currently thick with orange groves, the latter in its midst. By the standards of Cypriot villages, Alya and Morfo were medium to moderately large, while Peristerone was quite large. Four villages had 2,400 sheep, all in different districts: Ziye in Hirsofu, Kolos (Kolossi, on the plain between Limose and Piskopi), Yafte Komi (Ephtakomi) in Karpas (south of the crest of the northern mountain range in rough country), and Diyorigo (Dhorios) in Girniye (near Mirtou [Myrtou] in hilly country on the road to Morfo and Lefke). Of those villages, Diyorigo was of moderate size, Ziye and Yafta Komi were large, and Kolos unusually large. Another unusually large village was Lace, a dispersed village on the narrow littoral west of Girniye, where there were 2,000 sheep.

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Of the 18 villages that had between 1,000 and 2,000 sheep all but two had at least 98 nefer and 6 had more than 150. Both of those small villages were in Pendaya, Kucinobarsito with 1,800 sheep but only 27 nefer, and Kato Zodiye (Zodhia), between Morfo and Peristerone in the middle of the modern orange groves, whose 40 nefer owned 1,300 sheep. Two largish villages on the central plateau each had 1600 sheep: Lakatamiya (Kato and Pano Lakatamia), just 10 km southwest of the wall of Lefkosha, in that district, and Lefkoniko (Lefkoniko), just over 15 km. from the Mediterranean on the southernmost slopes of the northern range in Mesariya. Three large villages had 1400 sheep: Yenagre (Yenagra), slightly more than 5 km. southwest of Lefkoniko on the flat Mesariya plain; Petre (Petra), in hilly country 6 km from the Bay of Morfou in Pendaya; and Kavukikli in Baf. Four villages had 1,200 sheep and one 1,100. Poli (Polis) village is in Hirsofu at the head of the Bay of Khrysokhou, a couple kilometers from the sea. Enoyire (Anoyira) village is located in rough hills 10 km from the southern coast in Avdim. Akito Peristorone (Peristerona), and Vecada (Vitsadha) villages, the latter with 1,100 sheep, all are located in Mesariya district. Peristorone and Vecada both lay within 5 km of Yenagre, to the southeast and northwest respectively. The 174 villages studied had more than 81,000 sheep. Pendaya district alone had over 20,000 sheep, fully a quarter of them, while Baf had nearly 14,000 (17 per cent). Next followed Girniye and Hirsofu with more than 8,000, and Limose, Mesariya, and Karpas with over 6,500 sheep each. The average village in Cyprus which had sheep had 6 per nefer, meaning 2 or less per capita. The districts with the fewest sheep per nefer were Magosa and Limose, each with about 2 (less than one head per capita). Next followed Mazota and Avdim, each with about 3 1/2 sheep per nefer (about 1 per capita). The highest district, Pendaya, had 14 sheep per nefer (some 4 or 5 per capita), more than 7 times the number in Magosa and Limose, and over a quarter higher than Girniye, which had the next greatest number of sheep per nefer, 11. Then followed Mesariya with 8. 20 villages had 12 or more sheep per nefer (i.e., about 4 per capita). Kucinobarsito village in Pendaya had twice as many sheep per nefer as the next two leading villages; its 1,800 sheep meant 67 per nefer (about 22 per capita). Also in Pendaya, but far behind Kucinobarsito village, ranking second and third, respectively, with 34 sheep and 33 sheep per nefer (about 11 per capita), came Morfo and Kato Zodiye villages, deep in orange groves today, with 3,000 and 1,300 sheep. Next followed two villages with only two-thirds the number of sheep per capita as Morfo and Kato Zodiye. Also in Pendaya district, Alya village had 3600 sheep, 23 per nefer (c.7 per capita), and

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Hatotopiye village had 1000 sheep, 20 per nefer. Only one village outside Pendaya had more than 18 sheep per nefer, Diyorigo village with 2400 sheep, 33 per nefer, tied for third. 4 villages tied for seventh, with 18 sheep per nefer (about 6 per capita): Peristorone Akacu village in Pendaya, with 4,000 sheep, more than any other village; Ziye village in Hirsofu, with 2400 sheep; Pano and Kato Dikomo (Dhikomo), in rough country due south of the northern coastal range, in a direct line between Girniye and Lefkosha, which had only 700 sheep; and Koremakiti (Kormakiti) village, in rough country in the northwesterly part of Girniye, with only 800 sheep. Four other villages tied for 11th in sheep per nefer, with 16, about 5 or 6 per capita. Nisu (Nisou), in quite rough country 15 km. due south of Lefkosha, had only 700 sheep. Lakatamiya village, closer to Lefkosha, had 1600 sheep. Meto§ Aya Yorgi Avride village in Pendaya had 880 sheep. Kato Evride village in Hirsofu had 600 sheep. Two villages had 14 sheep per nefer, Yafta Komi in Karpas with 2400 sheep, and high on the northwest slopes of the Troodos Mountains, with 600 sheep, Niku (Nikou) village in Pendaya.

Bees and beehives Fully 70 per cent of the 174 villages surveyed for this study paid taxes on their bee cultivation, primarily through paying the customary tax on beehives (resm-i kovan). The amount of tax imposed in Cyprus is not known. Indeed, beehives are omitted from the island's kanunname, despite the great number of villages which had them. All of the 9 villages in the northeastern province of Karpas produced some honey, but all of the nearby provinces produced less than the island average (except Mesariya, with 71 per cent (5 of 7) and Girniye with 62 per cent (8 of 13)). The most important center of hives clearly was in the southwest, where were found the contiguous districts of Hirsofi (16 of 17, 94 per cent), Baf (25 of 30, 83 per cent) and Avdim (9 of 10,90 per cent). To the west of Mesariya, Lefkosha had only 25 per cent: to the east of Mesariya, Magose had none; and to the south of Magose, Tuzla had 33 per cent. 65 per cent of the villages with bees were in the contiguous southern district 5 of Hirsofi, Baf, Avdim, Limose, and Mazoto. Bee-producing villages were concentrated in certain specific areas, rather than widely distributed across the island. Only 30 of the 122 villages with taxable hives paid annual taxes amounting to as much as 120 akcelammm. Of those only 21 produced hives worth 150 akce. Of those 7 reached 200, 5 reached 300, and one more than 375 akce. However important honey or beeswax may have been to the Cypriot villagers, the volume produced by virtually all of them was very low, whether in terms of total value or in proportion to their whole income.

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Komi (Komi Kebir) produced more than double the amount of beehives of all but one of the villages studied. It was a quite diversified, large, rather prosperous place, located at the intercession of two roads. It had a strategic place on the rugged Karpas peninsula, less than 10 km from the old Kantara castle, in the western part of the province, on the southern slopes of the north coastal range. 610 akce represented some 2 per cent of Komi's total annual agricultural produce. Besides that, 44 per cent of Komi's agricultural produce was from wheat, 17 per cent from barley, 4 per cent from taverns; vetch, flax, lentils, sheep, pigs, garden crops, olives, and carobs were also produced. Komi, a village of the plains rather than the mountains, was a particularly well off place. Only one village paid taxes which were half of what Komi paid, Piskopi, in Limose, a huge village which paid 375 akce and had fallen into the possession of the Venetian Corner family, who were at least somewhat responsible for it becoming famous for its sugar fields and also for its advanced system of sugar manufacturing. Located very close to the sea, Piskopi, besides having its own rough port, was extremely close to the considerable port-town of Limose. The taxes paid by Piskopi are so vast that 375 akce amounts to scarcely more than 5 per cent. Three villages paid 300 akce annually in taxes on beehives, Limenaki (Limnatis), also which is located in high mountains in Limose district, and Lace and Monastir-i Delapay is both in Girniye district. Lace was one of the very largest villages on the island, probably consisting of scattered settlements along the north coast, not far from the port-town of Girniye. Monastir-i Delapayis lies only a couple kilometers from Girniye in the foothills of the northern range, and was a smallish place. Limenaki's 300 akce was barely 1 per cent of its produce, where the most important crops were wheat, barley, and wine and grape juice. For Lape, which produced primarily wheat, cotton, mineral earth, barley, lentils, and a great mixture of other fruits and vegetables, that meant far below 5 per cent. Monastir-i Delapayis, a moderate-sized village producing primarily wheat, carobs, and barley, and a mixture of fruits and vegetables, was small enough so that 300 akce made up 2 per cent of its agricultural produce. Although the location of Akorepu in Baf district, which paid 240 akce/ annum in beehive taxes, is unknown, the next three ranking villages in the category were all located in the western part of contiguous Avdim district. Enoyire (Anoyira), Dora (Dhora), and Vasa village are located further and further into the mountains. 240 akce represents 2 per cent of Akorepu taxes, 200 represents 1 per cent of Enoyire's taxes, 195 akce represented 1 per cent of Dora's taxes, and 190 akce represents 1 per cent of Vasa's taxes. Tied for

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10th in beehives were two villages in Hirsofi district, which both paid 175 afe-e/annum for them. Yiyaliye (Yialia) was contiguous to the coast in the eastern part of the district, although actually located in rough, yet not very high, mountains. Serame is nearly 15 km inland from Poli in mountainous area, but either on or very near a road. All of these top ten villages except for Piskopi and probably Lace were located either in high mountains or were immediately contiguous to high mountains, so that beekeepers had easy access to the flora and vegetation which that involves. Some were very small, others were very large, but in any case, even for a village to have its tax on hives constitute 2 per cent of the total to revenues was very unusual. Yiyaliye and Serame were both 1 per cent. Although Karpas district had the leading hive-producer, only one other village there produced more than 120 akce worth and that was 30th ranking Galatiya, with 128 akce's worth in taxes. Girniye, Baf, and Avdim each had three villages within that group, and Limose had four, but with 13 (including two in the top ten) indeed, were in Hirsofi district. Many but not all were located either very near to Serame, or in very similar terrain. NOTES

On Pigs P. Vidal de la Blache particularly connects pig production and central Europe, rather than Mediterranean Europe; he describes pigs as prolific in reproduction and growth, and very close to the villagers, who share their houses with them; they graze in their streets and provide abundant meat for some who otherwise would have very little (Blache 1922: 140). They are important in French and Roman cooking. Braudel points out that both pork and ham were much esteemed in 16 th century Venice and elsewhere in Italy, and that both French and Germans (who got much of their meat from Ottoman territories of eastern Europe) increasingly consumed pig products. Eventually banquets involving excesses of meats favorites with the wealthy in Western Europe {Braudel 1979: 157-159, 162). He further mentions large numbers of pigs reared in certain Italian cities (Braudel 1972: 325,925). Barkan does not indicate the presence of pigs in Syria, Iraq, Egypt, or Anatolia. He does mention pigs in 19 provinces, virtually all in mainland Europe, although occasionally one is on an Aegean island. Pigs are not mentioned in the Cyprus kanunname. In the Cyprus register the term used is

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bid'at-i henazir, which Barkan finds in six other places as well. In addition, in 4 other provinces it is called bid'at-i hinzir, and in 6 more just the simple form hanazir is used. The rates of taxation for pigs range from 1 akce for two pigs (e.g., Sofya 72.2.252) to 2 akce for one pig (e.g., Budun 87.14. 301 &Uyvar 90.2.313). The pig is not mentioned in any of the other sources used for this study except in Cyprus. Oberhummer points out that the pig was known in Cyprus in classical times, that in Lusignan times people kept their pigs in their houses, more were found just between 250 and 300. The lower the level is the more the villages that appeared. Pig raising was particularly prevalent in Aradippu, near Larnaka. Many Christians get a dreadful disease from this animal (Oberhummer 1903: 396f). Christodoulou presents a map showing the distribution of pigs on the island, noting that in most cases Muslims avoid them, but that in 1946 there was perhaps one pig for each rural Greek household. "The pig is a most useful animal for poor families and poor regions." They are fairly easy to raise because they are scavengers, and can live on whey, bran, barley flour, and swill. Pig raising takes place over the whole island, but pig-breeding is largely confined to Karpas, Tylliria, and Paphos district; villagers from there sell them at fairs to the rest of the island. Preserved meat, especially ham, is produced, particularly in the Massif, and the pigs are also used for lard. Christodoulou 1959:193f. Some limitations may have been imposed in Ottoman times, and now for sanitary reasons.

On Sheep Sheep are a typical part of the eastern Mediterranean landscape, and have been since antiquity. They are able to utilize poor pastures (Sorre 1948:39ff, 222, 267). Sheep and goats are raised particularly in mountainous zones in the Mediterranean region according to Fernand Braudel; summer and winter grazing is often in different places (the former in mountains). Although sheep and goats are quite common in the region, because of a real scarcity of "true pastures" they are often undernourished (Braudel 1972:.42, 100, 154, 176, 86, 239f, 86-94, 350). W.B. Fisher speaks of the "... enormous preponderance of sheep" over other animals throughout most of the Middle East (Fisher 1961:214). They are valued for their wool, milk, and meat, and their ability to live on limited vegetation, (Fisher 1961:339,443).

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According to J. Maule, a local British colonial officer, "Nearly every Cypriot farmer possesses some livestock." (Maule 1947: 42). Possibly the proportion of sheep has increased since 1571, for at least in modern times a high proportion of the sheep owners and the shepherds have been Turks. Also, sheep are better able to resist both drought and locusts than agricultural plants are. As land consolidation officer in Cyprus, Demetrios Christodoulou was only too aware of the contemporary problem of overgrazing by sheep (and even more so goats), but at the same time the grazing possibilities of the island have never been studied scientifically (Christodoulou 1959: 185ff). In Cyprus sheep are found in the lowlands, particularly in the east and southeast, where more than half of the sheep live currently. Paphos plateau is another important center for sheep (Christodoulou 1959:189f). For poor Cypriots, the goat is vital. Even in the 20 th century sheep and goats have played only a small part in the Cypriot economy. Insufficient numbers have been raised to meet local needs. According to A J . Meyer, the number of sheep and goats per capita has declined steadily from 1.98 in 1900-1909 to 1.51 in 1920-1929 to 92 in 1950-1959, a level below the approximately 2 per capita for villages in 1571 (Meyer 1962: Table 7, 30). In the traditional economy of Cyprus sheep and goats seem to have been raised in about equal numbers ((Meyer 1962: table 5), (Maule 1947:43). The pattern of ownership of those animals is unexpected in that apparently few of the sheep and goats are owned by village cultivators: "All but a small percentage of Cypriotes' sheep and goats are owned by landless farmers, village butchers, town businessmen, or monasteries." If similar conditions prevailed in the 16 th century, then perhaps it is not surprising that holdings of sheep and goats were usually less than 1 per capita. Across the Mediterranean from Cyprus in Antalya and the lake region of Isparta and Burdur (Pamphylia and Pisidia), grazing small livestock (sheep and goats) is usually a specialty of shepherds, who graze them away from the villages, although occasionally villagers themselves graze their own. The shepherd's fee is calculated on the number of animals he grazes; usually the fee is the same for sheep and goats, but when it is not, more is charged for goats. In that area grazing depends more on individual initiative than on upholding communal rules (Planhol 1958:309f). Sheep and goat raising has an important role in the Mediterranean hills of Antalya and along some of the river valleys. According to de Planhol, natural conditions there favor raising sheep and goats: sheep graze the arid hills of inner Anatolia and goats graze in the mountains. The number of sheep and goats varies considerably from village to village, depending, among other

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factors, on available pastures. The proportion of sheep to goats depends upon the physical conditions, for sheep dominate the villages of the Mediterranean plains and the hills in the highlands, while goats dominate those in mountains and high forests (Planhol 1958:164f, 308ff). Both graze on barren hills or rocky slopes covered with brush. Sheep and goats need more watching and care than larger animals there because they are both more active and more vulnerable to extremes in temperature. Unless moved between seasonal pastures, they need shelter from summer heat as well as from the cold of winter; although in that region shelters are always extremely simple (Planhol 1958: 308ff, 279f). Because of the absence of year round pastures in that region, shepherds move their animals to seasonal pastures for grazing (Planhol 1958: ,214f, 217f, 314ff, 229f, 263). Sheep there are raised for milk, meat, and fat (for cooking), their wool being only a secondary concern for the villagers (Planhol 1958: 165, 178). S. Faroqhi says that "...sizeable flocks of sheep were driven to urban slaughterhouses every year," for which there was vigorous competition between the capital and provincial centers. Most of the evidence collected by Faroqhi deals with the numerous butchers and tanners; many nomadic tribesmen were active in that trade. Sheep were a very important industry in broad areas of Anatolia (Faroqhi 1984:69,158,221,223,225-227,235-240). Special taxes on sheep occurred in southern Syria and Palestine, according to Hutteroth and Abdulfattah, where a customary tax on sheep was normally levied (called adat-i or resm-i ganem; not infrequently sheep were included among the "goats and bees" category (Hutteroth and Abdulfattah 1977: 66-72). Cohen and Lewis are full of references to various kinds of taxes to which sheep were liable. Despite the considerable variations in numbers, the importance of sheep to Palestine should not be underestimated (Cohen and Lewis 1978:66, 100, 103, 112, 129, 143, 153, 166f). Sheep must have been very important in Cairo, for meat and for hides as in Anatolia. Raymond provides considerable information about the affairs of butchers and tanners, as well as limited selections of prices (Raymond 1973:.79, 90,110,31 If, 570, 593, 628, 639f, 716). Sheep, as can be seen clearly from the number of kanunnames in which they are mentioned, were among the most widespread items in the whole Ottoman Empire. In Barkan's index, one finds some twelve entries under ganem (the part of the index with agnam, the Arabic plural, is missing). In the Cyprus kanunname, adet-i agnam is used. Far more commonly used was koyun, occurring in more than 65. One peculiarity of sheep is that they are frequently mentioned more than once in the same codes. Probably that is at

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least partly explained by the diverse functions which sheep served in certain places, for wool, hides, or meat. All of the areas surrounding Cyprus had important uses that they made of sheep (Barkan 1943: especially index). Oberhummer reports from the Cyprus Blue Book of 1900-1901 that sheep, with c. 313,000 head, far outnumbered every other single animal on the island; the only one even close was the goat, with c. 262,000. More than 2/3rds of all sheep lived in the contiguous districts of Famagusta (with c. 130,000, or 42 per cent) and Nicosia (with c. 81,000, or 26 per cent). He found that very great annual fluctuation in their numbers was normal in Cyprus; for example, between 1883 and 1895, according to other British statistics, the number of sheep ranged anywhere between 313,000 and 194,000. Oberhummer says that the sheep of Cyprus are similar to that elsewhere in the Orient, and they taste very good. In Venetian times, large amounts of high quality wool and woolen cloth were produced (Oberhummer 1903:399,383-387).

On bees and beehives According to F. Braudel, bees were very important in the 16 th century Mediterranean world for both their honey, a sweet, and a sweetener, and for wax to make candles. At that time, "...all the coastal regions produced wax...." It was quite an important good of trade (Braudel 1972: 236,84, 117, 287, 476n, 519, 857, 889). Honey was much desired all across the Mediterranean. It particular, Braudel identifies honey with a "diet of corsairs", which presumably had to be durable and consisted of biscuit, oil, garlic, onion, and salt, on which they supposedly supported themselves for months {Ibid. 43, 347, 351 (about honey for Istanbul), 857, and 871). It is highly prized and praised by Max Sorre, as part of the Mediterranean regime (Sorre 1948:224f, 273f). Although wax and honey from beehives were highly prized in many parts of Anatolia, partly by chance, and partly because of the urban orientation of her book, S. Faroqhi does not treat that subject in her Towns and Townsmen. Honey is very greatly esteemed in certain parts of the high Taurus mountain region, which divides Pamphylia from Pisidia (Burdur/Isparta), studied by X. de Planhol in his book on nomadism and village life, but he too ignores bees and honey. It is extremely difficult to discuss honey and hives in southern Syria and Palestine quantitatively because administratively they are almost always classed together with goats. The problem is made even more complex, because in certain districts sheep also are counted. Therefore, it is absolutely impossible to discuss anything more than the mere existence of beehives (Hutteroth and Abdulfettah 1977:72, 82, 104-110), (Cohen and Lewis 1978: 66, 112, 143, 152).

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In Egypt, and especially Cairo, beehives were important. S. J. Shaw provides some data about the honey of bees sold in markets, and he gives even more information about hives turned into candles. Show 1958: 140, 119,231, 235, 265, 367. A. Raymond, on the other hand, provides only scant information on those subjects (Raymond 1973: 538,638,676). Eugen Oberhummer discovered that bees have been plentiful in Cyprus at least since the first century, when they were observed by the Roman scholar Pliny, and that in Venetian times between 300 and 400 kantar of honey plus another 60 kantar of wax were produced annually. Once, beekeepers were required to supply the Lusignan kings with honey. In more recent times, Cypriot bees have been praised as a noble species, because they produce a stronger honey than in Italy or Germany (Oberhummer 1903:346). He further reports that approximately 800,000 kg of honey and 200,000 kg of wax were produced at the time of his visits to the island in the 1890's. In Cyprus the honey of the valleys is even more valued than that of the high mountains, so consequently the most esteemed honey is that of the flat plain of Mesariya. Contemporary beekeepers practiced their arts quite skillfully. Besides honey, the beeswax is used to make candles, which are prized for their use in the rituals and ceremonies of the Greek Orthodox Church. Many of those candles are even sold outside the island (Ibid341). Christodoulou is unaware, apparently, of the modern beekeeping industry. Several words are used for honey in the provincial law codes. O. L. Barkan listed at least five different terms that were used to signify bees and their hives, including asel, bal, kovan, kuvare, and nahl. By far the most commonly used, and the one used in Cyprus (even if ignored in the provincial code) was kovan. Kovan was used in at least forty codes, including nearby places such as Haleb (Aleppo), Trablus, Jerusalem, Mosul, Ich il (Tarsus), Rhodes, Chios (Sakiz), and the territory of Ala ed-devle bey. Next in rank was bal, in at least 25 codes, including nearby places such as Sis (in the Tarsus), Jerusalem, and Aydin. Then follows asel, which was used in at least 17 places including nearby Egypt, Crete, Damascus and Mosul. Finally, nahl was used in a single place, in Palestine. To make the matter even more complicated, it was not at all uncommon to find more than one term occur in a single code. ( Barkan 1943: index, bal, 416, asel, 411, kovan, 474, kuvare, 478, nahl, 490). Kuvare was used only in a mere seven places, including nearby Crete, and Mytilene islands. Taxation on bees varied greatly. It makes a complicated study. Since the beehive tax is omitted from the law of Cyprus, it is necessary to conjecture that 20 per cent taxation would be applied here too, as with almost all other crops.

6 COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL

Cotton Cotton (penbe) was a crop well suited for cultivation in Cyprus. Villages in every district cultivated it, usually in small quantities, 76 per cent of the villages in Hirsofi grew some cotton, as did 86 per cent in Mesariya. However, only 20 per cent of the villages in Avdim cultivated it, as well as about a third of the villages in Tuzla and Pendaya. Cyprus cotton had become particularly valuable after the local Venetian sugar plantations had begun to be undersold by Portuguese slave plantations in the Madeires islands. Mono-crop cotton cultivation or plantation cultivation simply did not exist in Cyprus in the middle of the 16 th century, however. While it is true that almost 60 per cent of the tax revenues from one single village in Limose district came from cotton, there is a drop of nearly half to the villages paying the next highest proportion of agricultural taxes for cotton. One village in Mazoto paid 36 per cent of its taxes for cotton two paid 34 per cent one in Hirsofu and one in Pendaya while one in Lefkosha paid 30 per cent. In all, only 8 of the 88 cotton producing villages paid as much as 1/4 of their agricultural taxes for cotton (that means 4 per cent of the 174 villages studied). 19 villages paid as much as 15 per cent, including 15 which paid 1/5 or more. Only 7 villages produced more than 100 kantar 5, 643 kg. of cotton annually. Four of those produced less than 200 kantar, but three huge (by Cypriot standards) villages produced large quantities of cotton: Kolos and Piskopi were two very large, agriculturally sophisticated villages with advanced irrigation systems on the uppermost Gata peninsula in Limose, in the region most exposed to Venetian intrusion, which produced almost exactly the same volume of cotton. Kolos produced 270 kantar (c. 15,228 kg), of which 1/5 or 54 kantar (c. 3046 kg) was paid in taxes. The value of that village's cotton crop was 81,000 akce annually. That amounts to about 7 kantar (39.5 kg) per nefer, not a great amount. Piskopi produced 265 kantar (c. 14,946 kg) of cotton annually, of which 53 kantar (c. 2989 kg) was paid in taxes. The total value of its cotton crop was about 79,500 akce, and that meant that the village produced about 5 kantar (or 28.2 kg) per nefer. Also in the same class with Kolos and Piskopi was Lache village, a very populous village dispersed along the north coast west of Girniye which

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produced 250 kantar (14,100 kg) of cotton annually, worth 75,000 akce. 50 kantar (2,820 kg) of that was paid in taxes. Like Piskopi, Lache produced about 5 kantar (28.2 kg) of cotton per nefer. 25 per cent of Piskopi's agricultural tax revenues went for cotton, as did 23 per cent of Kolos but only 14 per cent of Lache's. Several of the settlements (or quarters =mahalle) of Lace were on the sea, and all were close to the small, well fortified port of Girniye, where goods might be transferred to larger vessels, Piskopi lay about 2 km from the sea and had some landing facilities; landward from Piskopi lay Kolos. Both were on a functioning road which led to Limose, the leading commercial port of the island during the later part of Venetian rule, about 10 km. away. Two of the four villages producing the next greatest quantities of cotton were also located by the sea, and the third doubtless owed its fortune to its proximity to Lefkosha Poli (Polis) and Suriyane Hori (Syrianokhori) both lay on the west coast, where port facilities were sparse if they existed at all. However, great its faults were, Poli was the sole port for all Hirsofi district. The bay of Morphou lacks secure ports, but the land between Ayo Pigani Soliye (Solea/Soli) and Suriyane Hori is flat and the sea deep enough for modern vessels loading copper ore today. Less than 15 km from Lefkosha, by far the largest and richest market on the island, Bali Kesro (Palekythro) and Maroni in Mazoto, east of Halavaso, very near the coast, which produced 7500 akce's north had a very good location. Poli in Hirsofi at the head of the bay of Khrysokhou, Managruli (Monagroulli) on the coastal plain in Limose, Suriyane Hori village in Pendaya on the bay of Morphou, and Bali Kesro near Lefkosha were the only other villages able to produce as much as 100 kile (5,640 kg.) of cotton. Poli produced 190 kantar (10,716 kg), which meant 1.9 kantar per nefer (109.3 kg per nefer). Managruli produced only 135 kantar (7614 kg), or 2.5 kantar per nefer (141 kg per nefer). Suriyane Hori village and Bali Kesro each produced about 125 kantar (7050 kg); in the former village that meant 4.0 kantar per nefer (227 kg.), in the latter 2.4 kantar per nefer (133 kg). 30 villages produced cotton sufficient to require at least 10 per cent of their agricultural taxes (and hence about 10 per cent of their agricultural production). 4 of those were merely 10 per cent: Hole (Kholi), some 5 km inland from Poli in Hirsofi, which produced 5250 akce's worth of cotton; Vezece in Baf, 9,000 akce. Paliyo Kilise, just off the coast about, 12 km. east of Limose, 6,000 akce; 4 were at 11 per cent: Kiritudere (Kritou Terra), about 3 km. south of Hole in Hirsofi, 9,000 akce; Eshliye (Anarita), about 10 km southeast of

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Baf, 12,000 akce\ Yermasoye (Yormasoyia), midway between Paliyo Kilise and Limose along the coast, and Managruli in Limose, 10,500 akce and 42,000 akce respectively. 12 per cent of agricultural taxes came from cotton in Laptiyu (Lapithiou) in rugged terrain in Baf (7,200 akce), 13 per cent in Petre located in hilly country perhaps 6 km. south of the bay of Morphou, worth 22,500 akce, 14 per cent in Lache in Girniye (75,000 akce), 15 per cent both Pirgo (Pyrgos) village just east of Paliyo Kilise in Limose (worth 16,500 akce) and in Zogletiyo in Mazoto (9,000 akce), and 18 per cent from Kato and Pano Dikomo (Dhikomo) village in Girniye just to the south of the northern range and less than 20 km from Lefkosha (worth 22,500 akce). At 19 per cent was Gastriye (Gastria) village in Karpas, near the coastal plain on the bay of Famagusta (worth 13,500 akce). Some of the villages which produced cotton in such quantities may have gained surplus capital which they could use to pay other taxes, to buy agricultural goods which they themselves did not produce enough of, or even to purchase luxuries. Managruli' village in Limose, which ranked fifth among all villages in total volume of cotton cultivated, ranked first, in a class by itself, in the proportion of its agricultural production devoted to cotton. 59 per cent or 54 per cent of its agricultural taxes were for cotton. 135 kantar (7,614 kg) of cotton were produced, on which the taxes were 27 kantar of cotton or 8,400 qkce. The entire cotton crop of that village was worth 40,500 akce. Cotton provided a particularly valuable source of money for the villagers. The next four highest ranking villages in proportion of cotton production were Kefale village in Mazoto, Poli in Hirsofi, which ranked fourth in total volume of production, Suriyane Hori in Pendaya, which tied for sixth in total volume, and Pano and Kato Hursiyo in Lefkosha. Each produced cotton worth at least 30 per cent of its total agricultural produce. Kefale grew cotton worth 22,500 akce, about 36 per cent of its annual cultivation. In Poli, a crop worth 57,000 akce constituted 34 per cent of its cotton production. Suriyane Hori paid 34 per cent of its taxes for cotton, and produced a crop worth 37,500 akce. 30 per cent of Pano and Kato Hursiyo's taxes came from cotton, and it produced a crop worth 12,000 akce annually. Ten, other villages produced cotton at levels high enough to require taxes between 20 per cent and 26 per cent, still a rather substantial proportion, and enough to make income from cotton a very important asset to the village. 26 per cent of Bali Kesro's taxes went for cotton; its annual cotton crop was worth 37,500 akce. So did 26 per cent of the crop of Filasu (Filasou) village in the hills of Pendaya just south of Petre, which was worth 15,000 akce. 25 per cent of the crop of Piskopi in Limose, which ranked second in total volume of production, went for cotton; a crop worth 79,500 akce was raised

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there. A crop worth 4,500 akce was produced at Perestodonadi village in Pendaya, 24 per cent of its agricultural Kolos in Limose (worth 81,000 akce, greatest of all) and production 23 per cent was produced a Yurozeciyo (Yeroskipos) village immediately to the south of Baf (worth 81,000 akce), which was tied for ninth in total volume of cotton production. 22 per cent of the taxes paid at Evrihu (Evrykhou) village, contiguous to Filasu in Pendaya, came from cotton; that crop was worth 13,500 akce. 21 per cent of the taxes at Ayo Kgani Soliye (Solea/Soli) village in Pendaya were from cotton worth a total of 10,500 akce. Kalavaso in Mazoto, which produced a crop worth 21,000 akce annually and was in low hills near the coast, also paid 21 per cent of its taxes from cotton. From cotton came 20 per cent of the revenues of Elehtore (Alekhtora) village, 5 km. off the west coast in Avdim, where a crop valued at 15,000 akce was produced. Only 11 per cent of the villages which grew cotton produced as much as 1 kantar (56.4 kg) per nefer annually. Kefale village in Mazoto and Suriyane Hori in Pendaya stood in a class by themselves, with 4.7 kantar per nefer (265.1 kg) and 4 kantar per nefer (225.6 kg), respectively. Far behind at third and fourth stood Managruli village in Limose with 2.5 kantar per nefer (141 kg) and Bali Kesro village in Lefkosha with 2.4 kantar (135.4 kg). Far behind them trailed Kato and Pano Dikomo village in Girniye, with 2 kantar (112.8 kg) and Poli village in Hirsofi with 1.9 kantar (107.2 kg). Far behind them came Pirgo village in Limose with 1.1 kantar per nefer, only 62 kg. Only Zogletiyo in Mazoto was at the level of 1.0. Fifteen more villages ranked between 5 and 1.0, including three with 7, four with.8, and seven with 5. Two each of these were in coastal Mazoto and Limosa and other coastal locations were in Karpas, Girniye, Pendaya, and Baf. On the other hand, three others were in Lefkosha, one of the only two districts where there was no land bordering the sea and another was inland in mountainous Odini. So, four villages paid more than a third, five paid as much as 30 per cent, and seven paid more than a quarter of their taxes for cotton. That means respectively 5 per cent of the cotton producing villages, and 2 per cent of the 174 villages studied produced cotton worth more than a third of their total crops, 6 per cent of the cotton producing villages (and 3 per cent of the total villages) produced at least 30 per cent, and 8 per cent of the cotton producing villages (and 5 per cent of the total villages) produced cotton worth more than a quarter of their total agriculture. Eight more villages produced proportions between 20 and 25 per cent, including one at 25 per cent, one at 24 per cent, two at 23 per cent, one at 22 per cent, two at 21 per cent, and one at 20 per cent. So only 17 per cent of the villages producing cotton, and 9 per cent of

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the villages studied, paid as much as a quarter of their agricultural taxes for cotton. Another 15 villages, constituting 34 per cent of the cotton producing villages, and 17 per cent of the total villages studied, produced cotton worth as much as 10 per cent of their agricultural taxes. In particular, since that number includes four villages at the relatively low level of 10 per cent and another four villages at 11 per cent, it must be insisted that their proportions of cotton were quite modest and in fact, must clearly be disassociated from any thought of over concentration, for cotton is hardly the third or fourth most valuable crop in such villages. Although Mesariya district had the highest proportion of cotton producing villages studied, with 86 per cent, not one of its villages ranked in the thirty leading villages in proportion of total agricultural production. Interestingly, the two districts which had far and away the greatest concentrations of villages producing high proportions of cotton crops (located on opposite sides of the high Troodos mountains in the contiguous districts of Pendaya and Limose) were at the same low level with only 32 per cent each, which is far below the 51 per cent average found for the island. Only Avdim district, located largely in the intermediary Troodos Mountains, with 20 per cent of its villages producing some cotton, was lower than Pendaya and Limose. Despite those factors, however, fully 5 of the leading fifteen producers proportionately of cotton, as well as 6 of the leading thirty, were in Pendaya district. In Limose district were found three of the leading fifteen, and seven of the leading thirty districts. Two other districts had four villages in the top thirty, Mazoto, including two in the top fifteen, and Baf, with only one in the top fifteen. With 63 per cent of its villages producing cotton, Baf was above the 51 per cent average for the island, but Mazoto district, with 47 per cent, was barely below it. Surprisingly, many of the villages which produced the greatest proportions of cotton also, in fact, appear to be almost models of diversity. Kefale village in Mazoto district ranked second in proportion of cotton, producers with 36 per cent. Almost 40 per cent of that village's taxes went for grains, including 22 per cent barley, 14 per cent wheat, and a little less than 2 per cent for vetch. 5 per cent each of the produce was olives and wines and grape juice, 4 per cent went for broad beans, and over 2 per cent each for lentils and carobs. Also produced were sheep, pigs, and honey. If ever a village appeared to have variety of cultivation and to be safe from overspecialization, perhaps it was Kefale.

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Similarly the large port-village of Poli in Hirsofi, despite 34 per cent of its taxes which went for cotton, was every bit the equal of Kefale by also having both balanced produce and variety. Some- 46 per cent of the produce went for grains, including 34 per cent for wheat, 10 per cent for barley, and 2 per cent vetch. Another 2 per cent went for sheep. Over 1 per cent went each for broad beans and lentils. Moreover, Poli produced noteworthy amounts of sesame, flax, beehives, and olives. Another village which had a very safe mixture of crops, while devoting 34 per cent of its agricultural production to cotton, was Suriyane Hon village in Pendaya, which also had a balance of crops which much resembled Kefale and Poli. 42 per cent of its crops were grains, including 23 per cent wheat, 19 per cent barley, and a very small amount of vetch. Of legumes, 3 per cent were from broad beans and a little from lentils. 7 per cent went for mixed fruits and vegetables and 4 per cent for a swamp (sazlik). Honey, sheep, and pigs were cultivated, as was flax, and olives. Managruli (Monagroulli) , with nearly twice the proportion of cotton as any other village, is located a few kilometers to the east of Pirgo, and has much the same low terrain, but is a little further inland. The village paid 14,350 akce in taxes, which means that the value of its agricultural produce was about 71,750 akce. Managruli produced some 42,000 akce worth of cotton, far more than the value of any other of its crops. That meant 104 kantar worth. Managruli was also a very important producer of cotton in per capita terms, for with 2.5 kantar/ taxpayer, it ranked third among all the villages studied. However, the villagers also produced 800 kile of wheat, 1,575 kile of barley and 45 of vetch some 2,420 kile of grains. With 55 (or 54) taxpayers they were able to produce grains at a level of 44 (or 45) kile per taxpayer for all grains, including 15 for wheat and 29 for barley. They had approximately 750 sheep and produced 90 kile of olives, 47 1/2 kile of broad beans, and appreciable amounts of lentils, onions, and other fruits and vegetables. Additional commercial crops included small amounts of carobs and of flax. There was a tavern. Whether considered for diversity of its produce, for their weights and volumes, or even for its population, Managruli village seems quite fortunate, not dismal. In addition, since it was the only village which had cotton in such high proportions, other villages around it may well have had very large surpluses of grain for emergencies. If one considers the figures for production, without taking into consideration the amount of taxation, which is not a subject of consideration here (partly because of the absence of any later surveys of Cyprus, and partly because I am a specialist in Ottoman, not Venetian materials), the villagers in the cotton producing villages were quite well off. The survey gives no

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information about the uses being made of the cotton in those. 88 villages which have been studied; the tax figures concern only the cultivation of raw cotton, Whether those villages sold their cotton raw, spun it into thread, or made cloth from it is another question about which I have absolutely no information. Also unknown is anything about the relationships that all or any of those producers may have had with Cypriot or Venetian merchants or craftsmen. Nevertheless, even in the cases of the villages producing the highest proportions of cotton, they still cultivated many important food crops which were, or could be, consumed by the villagers in any emergency. There were no particular regions of Cyprus where cotton grew. However, more than half of the villages produced it, and they were widely distributed over almost the entire island. Nowhere does there seem to have been any dangerous mono cropping, but cotton truly was a profitable crop. Flax Although flax (ketan or kettan) for linen production was one of the most common crops in Cyprus, nearly everywhere, it was produced on a very small scale. Over 3/4 (76 per cent) of the villages produced some. All the villages studied in Magosa, Hirsofi, and Tuzla grew flax, as did 92 per cent in Girniye and 89 per cent in Karpas. In other words, it was extremely widespread in the northeastern coastal area from Tuzla to Girniye. The lowest proportion was in Lefkosha, 42 per cent, nearly fifty per cent below the average. Proportions well below the average, namely 60 per cent, were found in two districts contiguous to Lefkosha, Limose, and Mazoto. 38 per cent of the villages which produced flax paid less than 1 per cent of their annual taxes for them, and another 37 per cent paid 1 per cent, so 3/4 of all those villages produced very small harvests of flax. Although 8 villages in Pendaya district paid as much as 4 per cent of their agricultural taxes for flax, only three villages outside of Pendaya produced that much: Lakatamiya in Lefkosha, Koma in Karpas, and Kamunde in Hirsofi. Three villages in Pendaya produced flax worth more than 10 per cent of their agricultural taxes, but only Lakatamiya in Lefkosha reached 20 per cent. In particular, flax cultivation thrived in the fertile, sometimes rolling region east of the bay of Morphou, which extends inland as far as 25 km. Four villages stood in a class by themselves in the proportion of their agricultural taxes which went for flax. A village on the rolling plains south of Lefkosha, Lakatamiya, depended more on its flax than any other village, for that was the source of 20 per cent of their taxes. The other three villages all were in Pendaya district: Galata Kato, Kato Zodiye, and Hetokopiye. First

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stood Galata Kato (Galata), high in the Trodos Mountains, which paid 17 per cent of its agricultural taxes for flax, producing 5000 bundles (demet) of flax, worth about 10,000 akce annually. 16 per cent was the figure for Kato Zodiye (Zodhia), located on the richly fertile plain east of the bay of Morphou which today produces oranges exclusively, and which like Galata produced 5,000 bundles of flax worth 10,000 akce. Hetokopiye (Kato Kopia) paid agricultural taxes for flax worth 14 per cent of its total agricultural taxes. Located on the central plain about midway between the bay of Morphou and Lefkosha, Hetokopiye produced 1500 bundles, worth 7,000 akce. No other village reached even the 10 per cent level. In only 5 other villages was the proportion of agricultural taxes paid for flax in excess of 3 per cent. 3 of those were in Pendaya. The large village of Peristerone Akachu (Peristerona), on the fertile plain midway between Lefkosha and the bay of Morphou, paid 9 per cent on a crop worth 13,000 akce. Nearby Akaci (Akaki), also in Pendaya, it paid 7 per cent on a crop worth 12,000 akce. Although Koma village in Karpas also paid 7 per cent, its agricultural wealth was much less, for their value was merely 1950 akce. Meniko village, located on the plain east of the bay of Morphou, near Hetakopiye, paid taxes worth 5 per cent of its agricultural crops on flax; its annual crop approximated 3,000 akce in value. Peritu (Yeritu) and Eliya (Elia) villages in Pendaya and Kamunde (Tafende) in Hirsofi each paid 4 per cent. Peritu's crop was worth 3,000 akce, Kamunde's 3500 akce, and that of Eliya, east of Lefka near the bay of Morphou, 13,000 akce. Two villages produced 6,500 bundles of flax annually, more than any other village in Cyprus: Peristerone Akacu and Eliya, both very large villages in Pendaya. In the former that meant 30 bundles per nefer (only 8th among villages), but in the latter, 41 bundles per nefer, 3rd among all villages. Close behind in total production with 6000 bundles (a remarkable 61 per nefer), and also in Pendaya district was Akaci. Two more very large villages in Pendaya, Kato Zodiye and Galata Kato, each produced a vast 5000 bundles. Kato Zodiye produced 125 bundles per nefer, which meant more than twice as many as the second leading village. Galata Kato produced 36 bundles per nefer, tied for fourth with Meniko. The largest quantity of flax produced in a village outside of Pendaya was in Lace village, a very large, dispersed village along the north coastal littoral west of Girniye, where 2,175 bundles were produced (but only 5 bundles per nefer). 2,000 bundles (20 per nefer) were produced in Kato Kutrefes (Koutraphas), scarcely 10 km east of the Bay of Morphou in Pendaya, 1,875 bundles (18 per nefer) in Lakatamiya (Lakatamia), just to the

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southwest of Lefkosha, 1750 bundles in Kamunde village in Hirsofi (31 per nefer), 1,225 bundles (6 per nefer) in Komi village in Karpas, in rough country just below the crest of the northern range, and 1,075 bundles in Terre village (Terra) (11 bundles per nefer), within 10 km of the bay of Khrysokhou in Hirsofi district. Finally three villages produced 1000 bundles of flax each: Pano Kutrefes (Koutraphas), in Pendaya just below Kato Kutrefes (34 per nefer), Komineto (19 per nefer) in Mazoto, and Mari (16 per nefer), also in Mazoto, right on the sea.

Silk cocoons Silk (harir, or ipek) was not a major product in the villages studied. Only 15 per cent of the villages produced silk cocoons. 1/3 of those 26 villages were in Mazoto; more than half were in that district or Limose; and more than 2/3 were in either those two districts or Baf. Silk production was lacking in the east central and northeastern parts of Cyprus, but, except that Limose and Mazoto are contiguous, there seems to be no geographical pattern to the distribution of villages producing it. If the silk cocoon tax was 1/5 of the total product, then only seven villages produced as many as 1000 akce worth of cocoons. 10 of the 26 villages producing silk produced less than 500 akce worth annually, including all those in Lefkosha, half in Girniye, and 2/3 in Pendaya. One village in Mazoto 3 produced 2,000 akce worth of cocoons. Vavla village in Mazoto, less than 5 km west of Lefkara, in the hills, produced 2000 akce worth of cocoons annually, more than any other village, although the tax paid there was only 2 per cent of the agricultural taxes paid by the village. Second in volume of silk, production was Kolos village, near Episkopi in the low lands of Limose district; taxes on cocoon production made up less than 1 per cent of Kolos's taxes. The total crop was worth 1750 akce. Third in cocoon production was Laya (Layia) village in Mazoto, two or three km. west of Vavla, where 1500 akce's worth was produced and where the taxes on cocoons constituted 2 per cent of total taxes, tied with Vavla for the highest of any village. South of those villages and little more than 5 km from the sea lay Kalavaso (Kalavasos) village in Mazoto, the next most prolific village in cocoon production, with 1250 akce worth; 1 per cent Of its revenues went for agricultural taxes. Mamoniye (Mamonia) village in Baf, less than 15 km inland from Kukla (Kouklia in hilly country, produced 1075 akce worth of cocoons annually and paid over 1 1/2 per cent of its agricultural taxes for them. Two other villages in Mazoto produced 1000 akce worth of silk cocoons annually:

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Komineto and Menoye (Menoyia), perhaps 6 km northwest of Mazoto in hilly country. Menoye paid 1 per cent of its agricultural taxes for cocoons and Komineto less than 1 per cent. Zogletiyo village in Mazoto, Ahiliye (Akhelia) village in Baf, and Monastir-i Delapayis (Bellapais) village in Girniye all produced at least 850 akce worth of silk annually. Only two other villages produced more 500 akce worth of cocoons per year, Kira (Kyra), about 12 km from the gulf of Morphou in Pendaya in the present area of orange groves, which produced 750 akce worth, and Siliku (Silikou), in the low Trodos above Limose, which produced 550 akce worth. Clearly, by late Venetian times silk was nowhere a crop of central importance to the economic well-being of villages in Cyprus Hemp Hemp (kendir), a very minor product in rural Cyprus in the mid-16 th century, was cultivated only in the extreme southwestern part of the island. Indeed, virtually all the hemp production was in villages clustered around Baf and Lefka, frequently located near the sea. Only 6 per cent (11) of the villages cultivated it: five each in Baf and Pendaya districts and one in Hirsofi. No village produced more than 10 kantar (564 kg.) annually, a quantity officially worth only 2,500 akce. As much as 4 per cent of the agricultural taxes of two villages came from hemp production, although the others produced far less. Filasu (Kato & Pano Phlasou) village, 10 km. south of the gulf of Morphou in the foothills of the Trodos mountains, and contiguous to it to the south, Evrihu (Evrykhou) village, both in Pendaya, and Enbe (Emba) village, just north of Baf, all produced 10 kantar of hemp annually 4 per cent of the agricultural taxes of the first two and 2 per cent of the latter went for hemp 13 kantar per nefer (7.4 kg. per nefer) of hemp was produced at Evrihu, 12 kantar per nefer at Filasu, and 6 kantar per nefer at Enbe. 5 kantar of hemp, worth 250 akce, was produced at Ayo Pigani Soliye (Solea/Soli) and Tembriya (Tembria) villages in Pendaya, the former on the gulf of Morphou and the other south of Evrihu. Likewise 5 kantar was produced at two villages in Baf: Chade (Charta?) and Mesuye (Mesuyi), both within 10 km of Baf. Their annual hemp crop was worth 1,250 akce, and 2 per cent of their agricultural taxes were for hemp, except for Ayo Pigani Soliye where that figure reached 3 per cent. 0,5 kantar per nefer (2.8 kg per nefer) of hemp was produced in Ayo Pigani Soliye, 3 in Tembriya, 8 in Chade, and 9 in Mesuye. The only two other villages producing any hemp at all were rather close to the sea near Baf, Ahiliye (Akhelia) to the south and Cusunerge (Kissonerge), north of Enbe.

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On Cotton On the cotton in the eastern Mediterranean (Sorre 1948: 140, 224). Cotton also produces a valuable oil. According to F. Braudel, the cotton trade in the 16 th century was one of the most vigorous and most lucrative elements of Mediterranean trade, especially between Venice and its colony-producer Cyprus. He asserts, for example, that the "equilibrium of the island's economy" was threatened by foreign imposed "monocultures" of "cotton, vines, and sugar" in Cyprus (and even wheat). That wealth "belonged to a Venetian and Genoese aristocracy whose sumptuous mansions can still be seen today in the old quarter of Nicosia; certainly not to the natives of the island, Orthodox Greeks"(Braudel 1972: 155f, 287, 300, 376, 428,442, 559, 613f, 691, 762, 1082). From the 15 th century Venice began to acquire large amounts of cotton from Aleppo and elsewhere in Syria. Thereafter, Venice remained purveyor of cotton to Europe (Braudel 1979: 285,371). Cotton is one of the plants spread through out the Muslim world after it was encountered in India, points out Andrew Watson; by the tenth century it was found nearly everywhere in the Islamic world. By 1500 it had become the chief fiber from which clothes were made nearly all over the world; from Sicily, Spain, and Cyprus it had spread into Christian Europe. Important exports of cotton from Cyprus and the Levant to the northwestern Mediterranean were made from the 12th century on. The cotton plant was used largely to make thread which, alone, or with silk, linen, or wool was woven into cloth; its fibers were used to stuff quilts, pillows, and mattresses and sometimes made into paper. Whether in the Mediterranean, or the Middle East, it was a summer crop (Watson 1983: 31, 39f, 82, 100, 123, 135). M. Mazzaoui's very careful study of the cotton trade also contains much valuable information about other cloth production as well. She benefited from certain of Watson's findings: "The Arab conquest marked a complete reorientation of Near Eastern and Mediterranean commerce, including the cotton trade. The Arabs were the first people of the Near East to adopt cotton on a wide scale for ordinary clothing and other purposes." Because of the proscriptions in the Sharia against ostentation, and because the Prophet Mohamed, Umar, and Ali had reportedly worn cotton garments, cotton was particularly widely used. Rich and poor alike could wear it. Both undergarments and outer garments of cotton were popular, and it also was used for bedclothes, linings, towels, curtains, tapestries, table cloths, napkins, rugs, and shrouds.

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Syrian cotton was prized for its excellence from the 13th to the 16 th centuries. "The high level of demand for this superior grade seems to have contributed to the development in some regions of a system of monoculture in which cotton grown commercially for export replaced cereal grains and other foodstuffs as the dominant crop during the period of Mamluk and Ottoman rule" (Mazzaoui 1981: 17-23). (On the other hand, a look at the text and the map in the Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and Southern Syria in the Late 16th Century by Wolf-Dieter Hutteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah clearly shows that only two or three villages at that time were at the level of producing even half cotton) Cotton was also important in Anatolia, although it was not considered to be of as high quality; some of the cotton there was red and considered to be inferior. Cotton became a very important part of the trade with Europe and benefited the expanding Western economy, as did wool, silk, and foodstuffs. A dramatic increase in European cotton imports occurred between the 12th and 16th centuries. The Islamic cotton industry was widely dispersed, located wherever cotton was grown. In Cyprus "there were large populations of spinners and other textile workers." Even with the fall of Acre and boom in Famagusta, Syrian cotton remained best. "In the fourteenth century Cypriot crude and spun cotton and cotton cloth arrived in the ports of Spain, Provence, Italy, and North Africa." Even the fall of Cyprus to the Ottomans was not decisive, because Cypriot cotton continued to be marketed through Venice. Indeed, cotton production in Syria, Cyprus, and Anatolia "greatly expanded under Turkish (Ottoman) rule." Later on the Italians produced cheaper, but not better, cotton to win Levant markets (Mazzaoui 1981: 28-31, 34, 36, 38, 40ff, 43, 46f, 49, 52, 54f, 65, 88, 93, 95, 129, 1320It was particularly Venice that had purchased the cotton of Cyprus, more in raw cotton than cloth, according to F. C. Lane. Lane, furthermore, observed that in the 16th century it came far to surpass in value the trade of sugar which had become so important earlier. Under Venetian rule the cotton trade increased three-fold, and by the end of the 16th century it had increased another three-fold. In order to provide ballast because of all the "light wares" carried by their ships, Venetian vessels also carried huge amounts of salt (Lane 1973:17,298, 380,400). As Lane had shown, Suraiya Faroqhi showed also that Cyprus remained an important center of long distance cotton trade after the Ottoman conquest, even though the trade of raw cotton was usually illegal until after 1620. In Anatolia, cotton was very widely cultivated and manufactured. Ankara, Kayseri, and particularly Bursa were great centers of cotton dyeing, manufacturing, and marketing, while cultivation was widespread across

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southwestern and southern Anatolia and even into central Anatolia, and small towns and even villages could spin and weave cotton. It was an important cash crop, particularly, in the southwest where often it was the only cash crop (Faroqhi 1984: 5, 43, 120, 126f, 128, 135f, 154, 269, 291f). Cotton was an extremely valuable part of agriculture in Ottoman Egypt. Stanford Shaw mentions it as an important part of the summer cultivation (Shaw 1958:5If). According to Andre Raymond, cotton was one of the three main materials used for cloth in Cairo, and the demand was so great that sometimes cotton had to bring in from Syria. He has prepared a table of price fluctuations in kantar, and he observed that fluctuations in cotton prices tended to follow the same sorts of curve as wheat did (Raymond 1973: 63, 65f, 190). In Pamphylia, cash cotton production extended inland from the Mediterranean in the 16th century, although villagers then generally practiced a subsistence economy. Pambuk ovasi near Bucak was one such place, where irrigation could be practiced (Planhol 1958:120). Today the limits of cotton cultivation reach further inland, to Lake Egridir, 39f & fig. 7. In the 19th and 20 t h centuries monocultures of cotton and other cash crops have been established on the coastal plain. Some of those areas have been occupied by emigrant Cypriot villagers (Planhol 1958: 149, 305, 360ff, 396, 401, 405ff, 432ff). Much of that land has been occupied by sedentarizing nomads, (Planhol 1958: 217, 300f, 303, 432f). Much land has been turned to cotton production in rougher inland areas, too (Planhol 1958: 414,419,430). At least in Oberhummer's time it was Cyprus that produced the best cotton in the Ottoman Empire. He points out that cotton was particularly cultivated around Nicosia, Morphou, Paphos, Larnaka, Karpas, Kernyia, and Lapithos, and also Solia. It was planted in May (or June to avoid locusts) and harvested in October, so it required irrigation, or at least regular watering. Intensive cotton production emerged in the eastern Mediterranean under Arab Muslim rule, as did intensive sugar cultivation. When cotton cultivation began rapidly replacing sugar cultivation, Venetians and English were particularly eager to purchase it. Paphos and Episkopi produced in great abundance. The high point of Cypriot production occurred around 1600 (Qberhummer 1903: 285ff). According to Christodoulou, "...cotton-growing in Cyprus has had a long history, but in spite of all hopes and prophecies has remained, a minor though important, cultivation rarely accounting for more than 1 per cent of all the agricultural land of Cyprus." He indicates that there is no evidence of cotton cultivation before the "medieval period," which is consistent with Watson's recent findings that it surely was introduced to Cyprus by Arab

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Muslims. Except in perennially irrigated areas like Kythrea, Kouklia, Solia, Lapithos-Karavas, and the middle Pedieos and Yialias valleys, the harvests vary considerably from year to year. Perennially irrigated lands in Cyprus do better than the average for American production, and are often as high as Egypt, while averages for unirrigated cotton exceed those of India. He also gives a village distribution map and a table of production between 1880 and 1950. Planting is done late in the season, from the times when locusts were a threat. Sowing by broadcasting wastes seeds. Primitive methods are followed. "Harvesting is carried out in the unsatisfactory way of cutting the whole boll and storing the crop until women find the time to pick.

On Flax Flax was an important good of the long distance trade from the Levant at least from the 13th century. According to Maureen Mazzaoui, Venice in particular was a customer for a great volume of raw flax, spun flax, and locally produced flax in the 13th and 14th centuries. Flax is very important for producing coarse linen and the very heavy demand for linen stimulated the cultivation of flax, which in turn encouraged the production of more linen. In the 15 th c., cotton and linen production were about equal in value as cash crops in Anatolia (along with sesame), but flax production in Egypt had become far ahead of cotton (Mazzaoui 1981:24,82, 138,217). E. Ashtor also emphasizes the importance of Egyptian flax between the 12 th and 15 th centuries for Genoese, Venetian, and other Latin merchants (Ashtor 1983: 25, 81,238,483). Braudel points to trade in local hemp as an important aspect of the 16th century Mediterranean trade (Braudel 1972: 194,611). According to Barkan, flax was produced in at least thirty-eight Ottoman provinces. Keten was very widely cultivated in places as diverse as the Aegean and Mediterranean coastal regions and high, mountainous areas of eastern Anatolia and the Balkans. Obviously it was a highly adaptable crop whose value was widely appreciated. In the nearby provinces of Aydin and Ich il , a 10 per cent tax was taken, as with other cloth. In Karaman, 2 akce was taken from a load (yuk)\ in Kudus (Jerusalem), 20 akce was taken from a camel load (deve yuki) (Barkan 1943: 2.31.10; 13.1.46; 14.17.51; 59.10.218; 99.7.341). 13 per cent was taken in Agriboz (Negropont). Shaw identifies flax as still an important part of the winter cultivation (unirrigated) in Ottoman Egypt. Shaw 1958: 5 If. According to Raymond, even in the late 17th and 18th centuries flax (lin, kitten) remained one of the

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primary local textiles along with wool and cotton (Raymond 1973: 63f, incl. table). Cf. Faroqhi 1984:113. De Planhol mentions new cultivation of flax in the area southwest of Lake Burdur , where flax (tin) is cultivated almost exclusively for linseed (Planhol 1958: 157,164). The German geographer Oberhummer found that flax cultivation flourished most towards the end of the 19th centuries in the same places where it had flourished in the 16th century, particularly in the vicinity of Morphou. According to Venetian statistics, production of raw flax increased from 25,000 "bushels" in 1500 to 80,000 bushels in 1540, and another 40,000 bushels of flax seed were being produced. Paphos, too, was a center of flax cultivation (Oberhummer 1903:289). Christodoulou asserts that flax is the oldest known textile crop, its production on that island being known at least as far back as the third century B.C. and has been grown in Cyprus mainly for its fiber. It is grown mainly in the Morphou regions as well as in other lower alluvial fan regions. Included is a distribution map. Flax is sown in winter, then must be irrigated during both winter and spring. Late in the spring, it is pulled and dried, either in fields or homes. Then it is retted in the Ovgos River near Avlonia and Dhenia. The fiber is spun and woven in homes. It is then scotched in homes in a very skillful manner, especially around Zodhia. Their excellent fabrics are very much in demand by the lace-makers of Lefkara; also sack-cloths and rope may be made from the flax (Christodoulou 1959:142ff). On Silk Silk, silkworms, and mulberry trees certainly were a very important part of the Mediterranean landscape. Braudel points out that "all the coastal regions...grew (or could have grown) mulberries and raised silkworms" (Braudel 1972: 236). The mulberry tree indeed was quite widespread, pp. 42f, 56, 72. Likewise, silk weaving was a widespread and very profitable operation, pp. 118, 122, 214, 788. Among the important centers in the eastern Mediterranean were villages around Aleppo and elsewhere in Syria, pp. 428,565. Braudel indicates that there was "a feverishly eager demand" for silk in the Mediterranean world and that in the 16th century silk had an "increasingly important position in the European economy" (Braudel 1979:185,565 705,766).

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In Cyprus, mulberry trees were cultivated for their leaves. The work usually was done by women, often to provide their dowries. Centers of cultivation have remained unchanged for centuries, places like Lapithos (which produced 11 per cent of the total), Kythrea, Karavas, Ayios Amvrosios, Akanthou, the Kokkinkhoria, the Karpas, Marathasa, Soliai, Kambos, Morphou, and Episkopi. "Waves of expansion and contraction of cultivation have been recorded"(Christodoulou 1959:178f). On the spread of silk raising by Arab Muslims in Spain and Sicily and into the Balkans by the Ottomans (Sorre 1948:287f, 291,293,121). Although there are many indications of the range of silk producing and trading in the kanunnames published by Barkan, those references are to silk as harir or ipek, never to cocoons, at least according to the index. Raymond has collected a series of prices for raw silk (harir-i ham) and Anatolian silk (harir-i Rumi) in Cairo during the period 1628-1795. The raw silk, selling at 1.63 per half dirhem in 1628, had a pretty stable price, while the Anatolian silk prices oscillated. In the 18 th century, many of the silk workers there were from Syria; white silk was imported from Saida, Tripoli, and Latakieh, yellow silk from Beyrouth (Raymond 1973: 76,190,213). In 1745,9,000 okes of white silk and 4,000 of a fine yellow silk from Baf, estimated as 10,000 okka and 5,000 okka in 1815, were produced in Cyprus and sold mostly to Cairo (Cobham 1908: 372,425). Remnants of silk production survive today, reduced greatly in quality and quantity (Fisher 1961: 382,415,426, 295). Mulberry trees grow in hilly areas around (Planhol 1958: 161, 427, 431). According to M. Mazzaoui, "Numerous borrowings and modifications gave rise to considerable diversity of style among the different parts of the Islamic world, as well as a marked tendency toward luxury fabrics such as silk and embroidered cloth....", but only among the upper classes. Silk production involved great investment in capital equipment. The expansion of silk manufacturing in the 14th and 15th centuries showed the growing strength of the luxury market, and silk cultivation spread from the Levant to Italy (Mazzaoui 1981: 18,74,132). In Anatolia, according to S. Faroqhi, European merchants mainly wanted Persian silk, but there was a growing market for Anatolian silk, too. "Silk... did not predominate in the manufacturing activities of any one region." Rather, rather, craftsmen were concentrated in a number of large centers such as Bursa, Tokat and Amasya. Apparently it could not flourish outside large urban areas. The wealthy often wore silk, but most others wore cotton (Faroqhi 1984:2,126f, 154).

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On Hemp In Ottoman territory, hemp was grown around towns in the Balkans, and especially in Transylvania. Although in France it was used for cloth by the poorest people, that from Cyprus were probably destined with local linen for sails and riggings for ships. Consequently, it was considered among contraband goods which should never be shipped to the Muslim world, even though such sales were common (Braudel 1972: 430,611,779). Hemp can be used to produce an oil. In the Near East, according to M. Sorre, it may be smoked (Sorre 1948: 224,234). Hemp was a very important part of the trade of the Mediterranean at least from the 13th c, when it became used widely for sailcloth in Venice and elsewhere, because it was faster drying, more flexible, and lighter than linen sails. Hemp sails were especially esteemed during storms. Hemp thread was important along with cotton and linen thread, and sometimes hemp thread was mixed with cotton thread to make a stronger thread. Hemp was also used in mixed fabrics, according to Mazzaoui (Mazzaoui 1981: 80, 9 I f , lOOf). S. Faroqhi, too, mentions hemp as one of the main materials in Ottoman sails in the 16th c, and she notes that Cyprus hemp was particularly used at the naval arsenal, along with that of Samsun and Terme. Beside Cyprus, hemp was important in the Aegean and Marmara regions of Anatolia. Hemp used for sacking and other rough products in the industry of Bursa and Balikesir was mixed with goat hair (Faroqhi 1984: 111, 127, 130, 139, 153). Hemp was not mentioned in the Cyprus Kanunname. According to Barkan at least seven provinces produced hemp, three using the name kenevir and four the name kendir. Among the former was the Aegean island of Agriboz where 10 per cent was taken from both Muslims and non-Muslims. Among the latter are Aydin and Ich il, to the north, where a tax of 10 per cent seems to have been taken. Hemp cultivation was not widespread (Barkan 1943:99.9.341; 2.32.10; 14.17.51). According to de Planhol, hemp is a staple, but minor part of the traditional winter agriculture in the land southwest of Lake Burdur. In both the Antalya region and the Isparta region, it is grown for opium (Planhol 1958: 150, 157, 329, 382, 427f). Oberhummer mentions the Paphos region as the main source of hemp both in Lusignan times when 1000 bushels (scheffer) was cultivated, and in his own (Oberhummer 1903: 289). Christodoulou mentions two villages of Paphos district where more than 3 per cent of the total cultivated fields were in hemp: Kissonerga and Emba. It is a crop of the Ptima lowlands, although at least in the 19 th century some was also grown in Morphou. Cyprus hemp, an irrigated crop, is used for rope and cord making (especially in Mesoyii) and for animal feed. It is dried, retted, dried again, crushed, and then spun on special spindles (Christodoulou 1959: 143f, with map of distribution).

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Sesame Only 6 per cent (10) of the villages produced sesame (sisam). Those villages were found in 4 districts, Baf (4), Limose (3), Hirsofi (2), and Pendaya, all located in the southwest portions of the island, south and west of the Trodos Mountains. 7 villages produced as much as 25 kile of sesame annually; only three produced as much as 50 kile, and they produced 60 per cent of the total sesame in the 174 villages. In 7 of the 10 villages producing sesame the proportion of agricultural taxes amounted to 1 per cent or less; in one village the proportion reached 3 per cent. 7 of the ten villages produced sesame worth at least 500 akce annually, but none produced sesame worth more than 3,000 akce. Efliye (Anarita) village, about 10 km southeast of Baf, produced 100 kile of sesame annually, a third more than in the next leading village. No other village paid as much as 3 per cent of its taxes for sesame. Eshliye produced 1.0 kile per nefer, far more than any other village. The value of its annual crop was 3,000 akce. Second in sesame production was Ziye village in Hirsofi, which produced 75 kile of sesame, worth 2,250 akce and constituting 2 per cent of its agricultural taxes. Ziye produced only 6 kile of sesame per nefer. Third in sesame production was Kolos (Kolossi) village, about 10 km west of Limose, which produced 65 kile of sesame annually, a mere 2 kile per nefer, Kolos' sesame crop constituted 1 per cent of its total agricultural production. Tied for fourth were Piskopi village, immediately to the west of Kolos, in Limose and Mamoniye (Mamonia) village in Baf, inland from Esliye each producing only 35 kile of sesame, worth 1050 akce. In Piskopi that amounted to less than 1 kile per nefer annually, while in Mamoniye the proportion was 3 kile. Poll village in Hirsofi, a seaport, and Petre (Petra) village in Pendaya, some 5 km south of the gulf of Morphou, each produced 25 kile of sesame annually, worth 750 akce. In Petre village that meant 2 kile per nefer annually, in Poli 3. The other three villages which produced sesame were Erimi (Erimi) village in Limose and Timi and Laptiyu villages in Baf. Each paid 1 per cent of its agricultural taxes for sesame. The first two produced 15 kile of sesame,

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the latter, 25 km inland from Baf, in rough terrain at an altitude of about 2500 ft. producing 10 kile. Erimi produced 3 kile per nefer, Timi 1 kile, and Laptiyu 3 kile. The total taxes paid on sesame were either 80 kile or 2400 akce, which means that a total of 400 kile was produced in the ten villages, worth 12,000 akce. Much of that was concentrated in two very small areas. The large villages of Piskopi and Kolos, in the lowlying and flat upper part of cape Gata, are a mere 3 km apart, and midway between them lies Erimi, so 29 per cent of the sesame production came from that spot. On the southwest coast Timi and Mamoniye villages are only 12 km apart, and Esliye (Anarita) lies between them, contiguous to Timi; those three villages produced 38 per cent of the sesame. Timi and Efliye are at quite low elevations, but Mamoniye lies in rough uplands.

Saffron Saffron was one of the least commonly produced crops in 16th century Cyprus. Only seven villages produced it, 4 in Pendaya, 2 in Baf, and 1 in Limose. Although it was one of the most costly goods produced per unit of weight, saffron never reached more than 3 per cent of the agricultural taxes paid by any village. 4 per cent of the villages produced some saffron; every year they produced volumes which weighed between 150 dirhem (480 grams) and 2000 dirhem (6400 grams) and which had a market value of between 150 akce and 2000 akce. Clearly saffron was not of great importance to any villagers, unless a black market existed. A total of 6675 dirhem (21,360 gram), worth 6675 akce, was produced in the 174 villages studied. Kipadunke village in Pendaya district produced 2000 dirhem of saffron, worth 2000 akce, 12.8 dirhem per nefer (41.0 gram per nefer). In each of those categories Kipadunke ranked first; it produced 30 per cent of all the saffron. Nevertheless, only 3 per cent of the agricultural taxes of Kipadunke were for saffron. Second in volume of saffron production was Aska (Askas) village at 3,600 feet on the north side of the Trodos Mountain in Pendaya, which produced 1,275 dirhem annually, worth 1275 akce. 2 per cent of Aska's agricultural taxes were from saffron; 11.6 dirhem per nefer was produced. Third in saffron production was Likumiye village in Limose, which produced 1250 dirhem, 9.3 dirhem per nefer \ Likumiye's saffron crop was worth 1250 akce, and it paid 2 per cent of its agricultural taxes for that crop. Perestiyo Ayo Save village in Baf and Galata Kato (Galata) in Pendaya, high in the Trodos mountains, each produced 750 dirhem (2,400 grams) of saffron, worth 750 akce, and were tied for fourth. 1 per cent of Galata Kato's

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agricultural taxes were for saffron and the villagers produced 5.4 dirhem per nefer (17.3 gram per nefer). Likewise 1 per cent of Perestiyo Ayo Save's taxes were for saffron; its villagers produced 7.2 dirhem per nefer (23.0 gram per nefer). Ahiliye (Akhelia) village, near the sea southeast of Baf, produced 500 dirhem of saffron, 1.3 dirhem per nefer, less than 1 per cent of its agricultural revenues; it was located south of Baf about two km from the sea. Pedule (Pedhoulas) village of Pendaya, at about 3600 feet in the middle of the Trodos Mountains, is the only other village studied which produced saffron; it produced a mere 150 dirhem annually, 1.0 dirhem per nefer, and far below 1 per cent of the total agricultural taxes paid.

Taverns There was strikingly little correlation between places where taverns flourished and those where grape production thrived. Taverns (meyhane) occurred in fully 66 per cent of the villages whereas only 28 per cent of the villages produced wine and grape juice. Wine and grape juice production was almost exclusively confined to the contiguous provinces of Baf, Avdim, Limose, and Tuzla on the south coast, while Avdim, Limose, and Tuzla were way below the island average for taverns, and districts like Magosa, Karpas, and Girniye had between 92 per cent and 100 per cent of their villages with taverns but yet had no villages at all with vineyards. Clearly there is absolutely no connection between the locations of taverns and prolific production of grapes. Likewise, there is absolutely no connection between the volume of grapes grown or the proportion of grapes among other agricultural taxes and the amount, or proportion of agricultural taxes from wine. Of twenty-three villages which paid 4 per cent or more of their agricultural taxes for taverns, not one also occurred among the twenty-seven greatest producers of wine and grape juice. Similarly, not one of the thirty-three villages which paid 500 akce or more per year in taxes for wine and grape juice occurred on that list of the twenty-seven greatest producers of wine and grape juice. Obviously the locations of taverns were often unrelated to the supply of the raw material, and so transportation between the villages of those producers and those of the sellers was no problem at that time. It is impossible to conjecture whether this circumstance from the 16th century continued under the centuries of Ottoman rule. Many of the villages that paid the greatest amount of tavern taxes were very large places, right on the sea. In that category, one finds the largest and third largest payers of such taxes, both in Limose district, Kolos, with 4200,

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and Piskopi with 3,300. Also in that category was Lace in Girniye, second, with 4,000 akce, Trikomo in Karpas, fifth with 1,600, Ayo Sergi in Magosa with 600, and Ayo Pigani Soliye in Pendaya district with 500 akce. Others of the important sites were smaller villages very near to the sea, such as Enbe (fourth with 1,800) and Timi (tied for seventh with 1,200), both in Baf, Akrotiri, south of the salt lake in Limose district (fourteenth with 770), and Morfo, in Pendaya, with 1200. A few places like Lefkoniko with 1,200 and Yenagre with 1,100, both in Mesariya, were fairly far inland, as was Peristerone Akacu in Pendaya with 510. However, at least a few important payers of tavern taxes were in rough mountainous areas, like Terre in Hirsofi, Laptiyu, and especially Pano Penaya, both in Baf district, all of which paid 600 akce annually in tavern taxes (tied for eighteenth). In the area of proportion of taxes paid for taverns Baf did really lead the way. Timi village was tied for first, with 10 per cent, Enbe and Akorepu villages were tied for third, with 8 per cent. Cade, Leneltiyo and Cusunerge villages were tied for fifth, with 7 per cent, and Laptiyu, Dalye, and Mesuye villages were tied for ninth with 6 per cent. Of twenty-three villages which paid 4 per cent of more of their agricultural taxes for taverns, eleven were in Baf district. At least it is explicable that villages in Limose and Baf districts should have extensive taverns, for they are central parts of the grape growing region. Nevertheless, it remains true that those particular villages were not in any case among the most prolific producers of grapevines. Taverns must have played an important part in village life in 16 th century Cyprus. Clearly in no places did taverns constitute a huge proportion of the local economy, as with the approximately twenty-three villages in which grapevines amounted to at least 40 per cent of the agricultural taxation. On the other hand, with some twenty-two villages having their tavern taxes constitute at least 4 per cent of their agricultural taxes there can be no doubt that taverns did consist of a solid and important part of the local economy in a substantial number of villages, and two-thirds of the villages had at least some taverns. No indication is given of on what basis the tavern tax was levied

Watermills More than a third of the villages in Cyprus studied had watermills (asiyab), although they apparently were not very evenly distributed. They were most widely distributed in southern and central parts of the island, but they were not very important at all in the east and northeast. The contiguous

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districts of mountainous Avdim, with 60 per cent of its villages, and Limóse, with 52 per cent in the southernmost part of the island led all other districts in proportion of villages with mills. Next, to the west of Avdim was Baf, with 43 per cent, and to the north, Lefkosha with 42 per cent, and Hirsofi with 41 per cent, contiguous to Baf. On the other hand, the easternmost district of Magosa had no villages with mills, to its northeast, Karpas had only 11 per cent, and to its south, Mazoto had 13 per cent; and inland from Magosa, Mesariya had no villages at all with watermills. There is not enough information about local climactic and geographical circumstances to explain that distribution. Possibly, the absence of mills in Mesariya, Magosa, and Tuzla is connected with their low altitudes, but on the other hand, the island's longest rivers reached the sea there. The village paying by far the greatest proportion of its taxes for mills was the large village of Aya Andreniko (Ayios Andronikos) in the hilly north slope of the Karpas peninsula, where 5000 akce in taxes were paid, amounting to 40 per cent of the total agricultural taxes paid by that village. The next ranking villages were at between 3000 and 3300 feet, while only one other village paid more than 1/4 of its total output for mills. Obviously the huge watermill (or mills) at Aya Andreniko was the largest and most powerful one on the whole island. The most famous mills and irrigation systems in Cyprus at the time of the Ottoman conquest, however, were those at Kolos (Kolossi) and Piskopi (Episkopi), two extremely large and diverse villages an the coastal littoral due west of Limóse, which had been established and maintained by Venetian merchant families, most notably the Corner. Kolos paid taxes on its watermills worth 2,250, ranked seventh among all villages, which amounted to 3 per cent of the agricultural taxes paid by that village. Piskopi paid 1,240 akce, worth 2 per cent of its taxes. Midway between Kolos and Piskopi on the same plain lay the medium-sized village of Erimi, which paid 1320 akce in agricultural taxes on its mills, tied for eleventh, and it was one of only seven villages which paid more than ten percent of its taxes on mills (11 per cent). So that area west of Limóse was certainly one of the most advanced places in the world in mills at that time. In addition, Limóse district had a fourth unusually large mill, that one in the mountainous village of Monagri, at the northern end of that district, which also paid 1320 akce in taxes, thus making up 5 per cent of its total agricultural taxation. Limóse district was a renowned center of advanced use of water resources. Aydin and Midilli in the Aegean region paid 120 akcelanxmm as their tax on watermills which they worked through the year, a level is not unlikely for Cyprus. It does not seem likely, though of course possible, that Venetian

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Cyprus would have paid lower taxes than those nearby Ottoman territories. Since Cyprus had the same taxes, the twenty-six villages which paid at least 500 akce would all have had the equivalent of 4 full-year wells. Aya Andreniko village had the equivalent of 42 full-year mills, Lefka and Kato Defetere would have had 25, Kolos and Bali Kesro would each have had 19, and Morfo, Piskopi, and Peristerone Akacu would have had at least 10. The very small number of perennial streams in Cyprus suggests that not many mills could have functioned year round, meaning that they would accordingly have paid taxes for only six months, or three months. Ten villages (including 3 in Pendaya district) paid annual taxes of 120 akce. Seven villages paid 60 akce in taxes, and one paid 30. Eight more villages paid 240 akce. Of course, theoretically, any possible combination of 30's, 60's, and 120's might occur.

Tanneries Only 8 per cent (14) of the villages studied had tanneries which are not at all surprising, since tanning almost always represents an urban industry. Indeed, the more proper question would seem to be why certain villages had such an unusual industry. Another noteworthy question concerns the way that tanneries were highly concentrated in a few areas. In fact, six of the districts had no tanneries at all. Those six districts with no village tanneries (Lefkosha, Magosa, Mesariya, Girniye, Mazoto, and Tuzla) are contiguous, in the north and eastern part of the island. On the other hand, three districts had two villages each with tanneries, and one had six. Those districts had twelve of the fourteen in total. Karpas, Pendaya, and Baf districts, each with two, had respectively 22 per cent, 6 per cent, and 7 per cent of their villages with tanneries. In Limose, with six, 24 per cent of the district's villages were represented. At least two kinds of reasons can be suggested for why certain villages might have tanneries as part of their economies. One group consists of extremely mountainous places which were inaccessible and isolated. In that category belong Gilan, Siliku, and Pelendiriye villages, all in Limose, Palata nistase in Pendaya, and to some extent, although in much less formidable terrain, Yafte Komi in Karpas. In the other are two huge, remarkably sophisticated villages which rank among the ten largest on the island, far larger than Limose, Larnaka and Tuzla combined. Kolos and Piskopi, both practically adjacent to the moderately important port of Limose and apparently even with significant port facilities of their own, even by themselves, potentially provided hugh markets for the hides and leathers produced by tanners.

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Although it is very clear, from examining the list of the amount of taxes paid by tanneries and also from considering proportions of the total taxes paid, that village tanneries in all but two instances were miniscule in their capacities, nevertheless, it is still possible that their values to local economies somehow far exceeded that. Possibly without tanneries, both leather and hides industries would have been severely handicapped. That is completely a matter of conjecture, because nothing at all other than the mere s tatistics is indicated in the detailed Ottoman register or in other contemporary sources. Nothing is known about the age of the tanneries, or whether they may have been rising, or declining in their productivity or annual amounts of production. Similarly, there may have been increasing or decreasing numbers of village tanneries through the centuries, and about that, too, it is impossible to conjecture. Perhaps it is at least possible to conjecture, on the basis of their distribution throughout the island, including towns that many of the townsmen of Cyprus who were shoemakers or manufacturers of leather or hides probably would have frequently dealt with certain village tanners. Village tanning in Cyprus involved relatively minor scopes for the industries. For five of the thirteen villages which can be considered, their tanneries were worth less than .5 per cent of their total agricultural production. For six others it was worth between .5 and 1.4 per cent of total agricultural production. For two villages, neither of which I know the location, Listefani in Baf and Mudule in Pendaya, it exceeds that. A line on strayed animals A fine on strayed animals (destbani) was a very widely imposed tax, but always one in quite minimal amounts. Fully 118 of the 174 villages studied, or 85 per cent, were liable to pay this tax. However, in only 26 of those the villages (15 per cent) did they have to pay as much as 150 akce in total taxes per year. Another 21 villages or 12 per cent, paid taxes ranging between 100 and 150 akce per year. That means 127, or 73 per cent, paid taxes amounting to less than 100 akce collectively per year. If destbani was one of the most widely distributed of the taxes in the villages studied, it certainly must have been one of the most innocuous. The register used for this study gives no information about the way that destbani was imposed. It must have been impossible to predict whose animals would infringe upon the cultivated lands of villages. All sources on the subject agree that the fees had to be paid to the local timarli sipahis. The fine was for every single incursion of each animal in each cultivated place. What relief that village cultivators were able to achieve from this is hard to imagine, especially since stock owners were only liable in case actual damage occurred.

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It is very difficult to have any perception of why some 26 villages were not liable to this obligation. The small number of villages exempt from destbani is in no way distinguishable from the other villages. There is no way that it could have been concealed in collective taxes. They pay exactly the same sort of taxes as neighboring villages which paid the tax in question. Possibly occasionally certain villages might be excused from such taxes for providing special services, such ns road building or maintaining passes. While that is supposed in he noted in the records, occasionally that is neglected. People in Hirsofi district, where only one of 17 villages paid the tax, were bound to all of the other taxes. It is difficult to make much about the amount of destbani which was levied by village. Some of the largest and wealthiest paid relatively high rates, while others paid very little. Some villages paying the highest fees were quite small. Among the towns of Cyprus, most, but not all, had a local tax or fine called destbani. The capital Lefkosha paid no such fine, nor did the important southern port Limose. However, the northern port of Girniye paid 20 akce (called adet-i destbani , the southwestern port of Hirsofi paid 140 akce, another southwestern port Baf paid 185 akce, and the southeastern port of Tuzla paid 77. In addition, the most populous place, with the best harbor, Magosa paid adet-i destbani, but unfortunately, in that case, it is linked with a number of other taxes and so it is impossible to say anything about its real importance. NOTES On Sesame Sesame has been cultivated since antiquity in the Near East and eastern Mediterranean and is a typical part of the Mediterranean landscape. One of its important uses is in sesame oil (Sorre 1948: 139, 142, 224, 261). Meyer, who mentions its use for seeds (Meyer 1962: 26). Mazaoui identifies sesame as one of the three man cash crops of 15th century Anatolia, along with cotton and linen (Mazaoui 1981: 24). Barkan only mentions sesame in six provinces, three as susam and three as simsim. In nearby Aydin province cultivators paid 10 per cent on the crop. 2.31.10. Obviously it was not very widely cultivated in the Ottoman Empire. According to the Cyprus kanunname,

30 akce was taken from every kile of

sesame, 2 per cent times the rate for wheat (Barkan 1943:102.4.350). In Midilli and in £ukur Abad the same rate was taken for wheat and for sesame

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(Barkan 1943: 97.14.336; 56.5.205). In Mora, a larger tax was taken for wheat than sesame (1/8, compared with 1/10) (Barkan 1943: 96. 11. 328). However, in Aydin, as in Cyprus, more was taken for sesame (400 akce /mudd, compared with 140 akce/mudd of wheat). (Barkan 1943 : 4.1.22). Apparently circumstances differed considerably. According to Shaw, sesame was a very important crop in Egypt, which was cultivated in the summer, usually with irrigation (Shaw 1958: 51f). In 17 th and 18 th century Cairo, sesame oil, along with butter and olive oil, were used for cooking. Raymond also gives a series of prices (Raymond 1973: 6 I f , 219,221,233,314;Cf. Hutteroth and Abdulfettah 1977:82, for Palestine). Another minor Mediterranean crop, sesame is produced in the lowlands of Antalya and Adana, opposite Cyprus on the Turkish mainland, primarily for its oil (Fisher 1961: 336). Braudel indicates that the Ottomans introduced sesame to Rumelia (Braudel 1972: 779). Sesame oil is very nutritious and is used as a salad or cooking oil or in margarine or shortening. It is also used whole in bakery goods. Sesame is an important summer crop on the Mediterranean plain of Antalya (Planhol 1958:123, 153f, 215, 375, 398, 407, 425). Some production also occurs on the lower part of the lake region (Planhol 1958:419). Formerly sesame was grown for personal consumption rather than fpr sale, but improved communications have made sesame an important cash crop (Planhol 1958:149, 153f). Its oil is important for cooking, and its seeds are used on pastry like simits (Planhol 1958:178, 383, 388). Because of its rapid growth, lands used for growing sesame can be turned over to animals to graze three months more quickly than with some other crops (Planhol 1958:299, 303). According to Oberhummer, sesame grows all over the eastern part of the island, but it is heavily concentrated in Solia, Laphithos, and Dali in the west. Production may have doubled between 1500 and 1540. Not only are the sesame seeds used, but they produce an important local cooking oil, and it is used in the liturgy of the Orthodox church. It is a summer crop, harvested in August (Oberhummer 1903:290). According to Christodoulou, sesame "...is largely a catch crop which utilizes moisture in the soil during the summer; it replaces what otherwise would be a fallow." It is a summer crop, planted in April or May and harvested in summer. The amount of land cultivated varies considerably from year to year in dry farming, depending upon the amount of moisture in the soil. Either heavy rainfalls or a wet spring make for a good year. Of course, irrigated land does not vary so much. Sesame is Cut while still green; it is dried on roofs, and then the seeds are shaken out.

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A map of distribution is also given by Christodoulou, who suggests that sesame particularly thrives in the lowlands of Ktima and Polis, while the lowlands of Mamonia and Kythrea are also very important for sesame. "Sesame is used as a food in relished dishes or seed bread or sweetmeats." Much of it is used for votive, offerings to churches, or for oil production. The oil formerly was used for lamps; too, it is used on breads and sweetmeats (Christodoulou 1959:142).

On Saffron Traditionally saffron was used as a "condiment, medicine, and natural dye-stuff". Native to southern Europe and Anatolia, saffron spread to Mediterranean regions of Spain, France, and Italy. Since medieval times regarded as the world's most expensive spice, saffron has "a pleasantly spicy, pungent, bitter taste and a peculiarly tenacious odor;" it is a potent dye and perfume, once famous as "a magnificent yellowish-orange natural dyestuff."(Frederic Rosengarten 1969: 388, 399), (Cf. Parry 1953). For the antiquity of its use (Parry 1953: 11, 16, 53, 58,65), (Cf. Braudel 1972:42, 376,423, 545, 860), (Sorre 1948: 288). In 15th and 16th centuries Europe it was used as a dye and as a medicine, although apparently it has no therapeutic value (Parry 1953: 85,90, 180). Saffron is a typical Near Eastern and eastern Mediterranean vegetation, but it is not subtropical, for it grows on the Spanish plateau, not to mention in England (Sorre 1948:142). According to Braudel, saffron was the only spice too costly for any but the wealthy (Braudel 1979: 187). Saffron (sqfran) is not listed in the Cyprus kanunname. It is mentioned in seven of the kanun published by Barkan, but always in regard to customs duties, never cultivation. Barkan indicates the use of the form zagferan in six different provinces, as well as the one of Sultan Mehmed II. It is indicated in nearby Damascus and Iskenderiye, as well as the Aegean island of Imroz and Diyaribekir in eastern Anatolia. Those strictly involve customs revenues, however, (Barkan 1943: 31.31.137; 33.12.146; 60.26.224; 66.4.238; 83.5.292). In Cairo, too, customs revenues were applied to saffron. There it was sold along with gum, alum, and dates (Shaw 1958:140).

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On Taverns Although wine was quite copiously consumed through large areas of the Mediterranean on a daily basis, information about the functions of taverns or wine-shops is scarce. Braudel, for example, knows much about the places where wine was widely produced or consumed, or even about taxation, and he evens gives some information about alcoholism, but one finds no discussion of the distribution or importance of taverns, (Braudel 1979: 198-202. Cf. Braudel 1972): Barkan mentions the payment of a tax on taverns (meyhane) in only six Ottoman provinces, four of which were in southeastern Anatolia, that is in Diyaribekir, Urfa, Mardin, and Kemah (Barkan 1943: index). S. Faroqhi mentions places where Christians and Jews purchased their wine, but that does not necessarily mean taverns (Faroqhi 1984: 70,116). Cairo obviously had a sizeable number of taverns. Raymond mentions them, although he finds that they were usually owned by Jews or Christians; he even mentions a largely non-Muslim guild of tavern-owners (,meyhaneciyan). Sometimes those taverns were ordered closed, but usually only in case of crises (Raymond 1973: 460, 524,605). Likewise they existed in 16th century Palestine as a special category of taxation; Cohen and Lewis, for example, mention wine sellers at Safed and Nablus (Cohen and Lewis 1978:68, 152, 169). Although both Oberhummer and Christodoulou give thorough accounts of the distribution and volume of wine production in Cyprus, neither really provides any useful information about the locations or importance of taverns on that island, even though they were found in two-thirds of the villages at the time of the Ottoman conquest there in the 16 th century. Because of the paucity of information, it is difficult to conjecture anything about the origins of the taverns of Cyprus, or about their later fates.

On Watermills As M. Sorre has indicated, water is a powerful force, and watermills date at least to classical antiquity, perhaps originating in the eastern Mediterranean. Other developments necessarily precede the development of watermills, such as irrigation techniques and canals. Sorre points out the close bond between watermills and irrigation canals. The Arabs were involved in their establishment in Spain and Sicily, whence they slowly passed northward to France, the Germanic world, and beyond. With a decline in slave labor, watermills became increasingly important. With remarkable ingeniousness,

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they were steadily improved. Much of the progress in industry was closely connected with the development of the watermill (Sorre 1948:332-336). Watermills provide special sources of power for grinding or to prepare a food and other items. Often they are part of river-usage system which provides irrigation, whether to increase the production or to make cultivation possible in places where it might not otherwise be. In certain Ottoman areas of the northeastern Mediterranean that was common; Braudel, for example, mentions that Ottoman spahis frequently had mills to go with their olive groves, vineyards, and orchards (Braudel 1972: 721,428,708). At least sixteen provinces mentioned by Barkan paid the tax on mills (idegirmen) as part of their kanunnames. Watermills were very common in Ottoman territories. Twenty-seven provinces had a tax on watermills (asiyab) as part of their kanunnames. They are particularly concentrated in southeastern Anatolia, and secondarily in Europe. The tax is not mentioned in Cyprus. In nearby Sis in the Taurus Mountains 120 akce per year was taken from watermills which operated for a full year and only 60 akce from those which worked for only six months, but the tax in Trablus province was at half that rate. In 16 other provinces a different word for watermill, degirmen, was used; that form was used primarily in northern and western Anatolia. In Aydin, 60 akce was taken for a year and 30 akce for a half year; on the island of Midilli, 120 akce was taken from a mill if it works all year, 60 akce if it works six months, and 30 akce if it works for three months. In any case, at least 43 provinces had watermills (Barkan 1943: index). S. Faroqhi refers to extensive water resources in northwestern Anatolia, particularly Bursa and Iznikmid, which had an abundance of water, where much of the grain for Istanbul was ground, and where water-driven sawmills were also important (Faroqhi 1984: 78, 204). In 16th century Palestine there were taxable watermills (called tahun) in certain places (Hutteroth and Abdulfattah 1977:32f, 72). According to A. Raymond, in Cairo mills were more commonly operated by animal power than water, except possibly for grinding sugar. In any case mills were especially abundant for grinding sesame, flax, coffee, and olives (Raymond 1973: 219f, 233, 272, 313f, 638, 645,712). Christodoulou gives details about irrigation on Cyprus but pays little attention to watermills except for their use in crushing sugar cane (Christodoulou 1959:135). Oberhummer was similarly unenlightening. On the wealth and success of the Corner family and other Venetian mercantile families in sugar, in cotton, and other crops (Hill 1948:515f, 627, 816), (Lane 1973: 141f), (Thiriet 1959:274f, 333,417).

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On Tanneries Although the tanning of skins to make leathers and hides from various animals was a very important industry in the 16 th century Mediterranean world, it was overwhelmingly an industry of cities and their peoples. For example, F. Braudel deals extensively with their manufacture and marketing, but, that is almost exclusively a matter of leather and hide manufacturing industries (Braudel 1972: 107, 117, 158, 381, 567, 606f, 611, 616). Amnon Cohen and B. Lewis report that there was only one single tannery in contemporary Palestine (Cohen and Lewis 1978:63). That was certainly not the case when considering the broader area covered by W. D. Hutteroth and K. Abdulfattah. (Hutteroth and Abdulfattah 1977: 90). S. J. Shaw and A. Raymond find a brilliantly functioning system of tanneries in Egypt, albeit completely confined to urban areas. The tax-farm of Cairo amounted to 378,000 paras, for some two centuries starting about 1600 (Shaw 1958:113-5, 127). According to Raymond, in the late 18th century there were some 200 tanneries, with 200 people in Cairo alone. Raymond further reports that because tanneries make terrible odors and because they require abundant water, they usually were placed outside city walls. They were especially likely to be near slaughterhouses, because from them they got their most important materials (Raymond 1973: 223, 326, 328, 365, 372). X. de Planhol reports fine leather production in Antalya, at least since the 15th century, which was exported. Tanneries and leather making are also reported in Isparta and Burdur (Planhol 1958: 109,126,112f, 381). In the kanunnames published by O. L. Barkan, various contingencies are imposed in different provinces and districts. Since this tax is not mentioned in the Cyprus kanunname, and the amount of taxation imposed is not indicated elsewhere in that register, it is not possible to say anything about the nature of taxation on tanneries in Cyprus, whether town or village. At least three variants of tannery taxes have been identified in Barkan: debagathane, tebakhane, and boya (hane). In Cyprus the tax is called mahsul-i debbaghane, revenues of the tannery. That form, or debaghane, or debagat(hane) occurred in three kanunames published there, including nearby Mosul. The similar form tebak(hane), occurs in at five other provinces, including nearby Mardin. The form boya(hane) occurred in only four provinces, but two of them were relatively near to the island, Damascus and Aydin. However, the important tanneries in Lefkosha and Baf are clearly called boyahane.

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According to Christoduolou, "Leather manufacture was good under the Ottomans. Skins of sheep were used for leather, and skins of goats were used for hides (Christoduolou 1959:185,188,190). In Anatolia, according to S. Faroqhi, after textiles, leather was the second ranking industry. Tanners needed valonia oak (palamut) and nutgall (mazi), both of which were found in the Aegean region of Anatolia; they were indispensable for producing the tanning agent tannin. Demand for it was heavy. "In addition to leather tanned by means of vegetable tanning agents, Anatolian tanners also produced so-called tawed leathers. In preparing the latter, raw hides were treated with alum." "In many towns, a number of tanners' shops were probably located in some kind of compound"(Faroqhi 1984: 33f, 159-162,163, with a map of leather manufacturers). Tanneries were not very important in the towns of Cyprus, and even less important in villages. The tanners of Lefkosha, and those of Baf, paid taxes amounting to only 1 per cent of their total taxes, according to the register, and Magose only had tanneries worth far less than that. Girniye, Limose, and Larnaka had no tanneries at all. The tanners of Lefkosha paid a tax of 1,500 akce annually on its tanneries (called boya hane), meaning that the market value of their products probably approached 7,500 akce. Baf's tanners paid 750 akce for their boya hane, so it was probably worth 3,750 akce annually. Since the tax on Magose, called debbag hane was 500 akce, its value probably was about 2,500 akce. Although no villages in Lefkosha or Magose had tanneries, two villages in Baf did. Although Limose town had no tanneries of its own, six of its villages did. On destbani Barkan calls destbani kir bekcisi, a watchman (or guardian) of rural lands. Unfortunately, the tax is not mentioned in the Cyprus kanunname. In many of the provinces that tax is linked with other taxes, and even where destbani is listed as a separate tax, little indication is given of the way that the tax is applied in province (Barkan 1943: 539). In nearby Ich il province if anyone's horse, mule, or ox enters the cultivated places of another, the double penalty of five blows with a cudgel and 5 akce fine are imposed. If a cow enters, four strokes and 4 akce will be taken. If an unweaned calf (buzagu) enters, 1 akce fine and 1 blow is the penalty. If a big black pig (kara canavar) of the infidels enters, 2 blows and 2 akce fine are the penalty. This must be overseen by the kadi. No mention is made of sheep or goats. But at any rate, great precautions must be taken to prevent damage or destruction of anything grown by other people, anywhere (Barkan 1943:11.8.19).

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Places, further east, such as Erzurum (19.37.69), Diyaribekr (31.18.131), Mosul (44.15.176), and Georgia (Gurcistan 54.13.199), all seem to require that the fine of 5 akce and punishment of 5 blows be applied indiscriminately whatever kinds of animals enter cultivated places. In some places the destbani is associated with cerime. In several places the nature of the duty is omitted, and in a few it is even linked with other fines and duties. Since no mention in the defter about how it was applied in Cyprus, and since Cyprus had experienced Latin rule for such a long period of time, it is even possible that destbani as applied in Cyprus was in a form that somehow was derived from practices which did not at all resemble Ottoman practice. The tax is mentioned by Cohen and Lewis in Palestine, where adet-i destbani is reportedly collected to protect owners of cultivated lands. "In Ramie a special tax (adet-i destbani) was collected for the protection of cultivated lands against incursions by sheep or cattle." It amounted to 400 aspers in 1548-1549 and 500 in 1596-1597 (Cohen and Lewis 1978:67,144). They also call it a "guard-tax". Not in Shaw, Raymond, Hutteroth & Abdulfattah, Faroqhi, de Planhol, Oberhummer, nor Christodoulou. The southern part of Karaman province, near the Mediterranean, was temporarily transferred to the province of Cyprus soon after the Ottoman Empire conquered it. The kanunname of Karaman was edited and published in full by N. Beldiceanu and I. Beldiceanu-Steinherr's, 'Recherches sur la province de Karaman au XVIe siècle', in the Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, XI, 1968, 1-129. There resm-i destbani is defined as a fine on animals which damage cultivated land. The people who collect the fines are known as village policemen. According to that kanunname, anyone who allows his horse, mule, or ox to enter cultivated lands of another and do damage will receive 5 strakes with a cudgel and also pay a fine (cerime) of 5 akce. Four akce and 4 blows are imposed or cattle, 2 for pigs, one for sheep or calves (Beldiceanu and I. Beldiceanu-Steinherr 1968: 37f, 92).

REFERENCES CITED

Ashtor, E. (1983) Levant Trade in the Late Middle Ages, Princeton, Princeton University Press Barkan, Ö.L. (1943) XV ve XVI'inci asirlarda Osmanli Ìmparatorlugunda Zirai Ekonominin Hukuki ve Mali Esaslari, Kanunlar, Istanbul. Eliache, P. Vidal de la. (1922) Principes de Géographie Humaine, Paris. Beldiceanu, N. and Beldiceanu-Steinherr, I. (1968) 'Recherches sur la province de Karaman au XVIe siècle', The Journal of the Economic and Social History of Orient, XI, Leiden, 1-129. Braudel, Fernand (1972) The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip IL, tr. S. Reynolds. New York. (1979) Civilisation matérielle, économie et capitalisme, XVe-XVIIIe siècle, Paris. Christodoulou, Demetrios, (1959) The Evolution of the Rural Land Use Pattern in Cyprus, London. Cobham, C.D. (1908) Excerta Cypria, Materials for a History of Cyprus, Cambridge Cohen, A. and Lewis, B. (1978) Population and Revenue in the Towns of Palestine in the Sixteenth Century, Princeton. Cyprus Blue Book of

1900-1901.

Jennings, Ronald C. (1986) "The Population, Society, and Economy of the Region of Erciyes dagi in the 16th Century," Contributions à l'histoire économique et sociale de l'Empire Ottoman, ed. J. Bacqué-Grammont and P. Dumont, Louvain. (1986a) "The Population, Taxation, and Wealth in the Cities and Villages of Cyprus, according to the detailed population survey (defter-i mufassal) of 1572", Journal of Turkish Studies, Raiyyet Rusumu, Essays presented to Halil inalcik, 10, Johnson, Hugh (1971) The World Atlas of Wine. A Complete Guide to the Wine of Spirits of the World, New York. Faroqhi, Suraiya, (1984) Towns and Townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia, trade, crafts and food production in an urban setting, 1520-1650, Cambridge. Fisher, W.B. (1961) Middle East, A Physical, Social and Regional Geography, London. Hill, George (1948) A History of Cyprus, v.3, Cambridge

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Hutteroth, Wolf-Dieter and Abdulfattah, Kamal, (1977) Historical Palestine, Transjordan and Southern Syria in the Late Erlangen. Lane, Frederic C. (1973) Venice, a Maritime Republic, Baltimore. Maule, J. (1947) 'Animal Husbandary in Relation to Land use and The Proceeding of a Conference on land use in a Environment, Nicosia 1946, Nicosia.

Geography of 16th Century,

Environment', Mediterranean

Martonne, E. de (ed.) (1952) Principles of Human Geography, tr. M. T. Bingham, London. Mazzaoui, M. F. (1981) The Italian Cotton Industry in Later Middle Ages 11001600, Cambridge Meyer, A.J. (1962) The Economy of Cyprus, Cambridge. Newbigin, M. (1924) The Mediterranean Lands. An Introductory Study in Human and Historical Geography, New York. Oberhummer Eugen (1903) Die Insel Cypern, eine Landeskunde et Historischer Grundlage. München. Palerne, J. (1908) Peregrinations (1606), in Cobham's Excerta Cypria, Materials for a History of Cyprus, Cambridge. Parry, John W. (1953) The Story of Spices, New York. Planhol Xavier de (1958) De la Plaine Pamphylienne aux Lacs Pisidiens Nomadisme et Vie Paysanne, Paris. Porcacchi, T. L. (1908) Isole Piu Famose... (1572), in Cobham's Excerta Cypria, Materials for a History of Cyprus, Cambridge. Raymond, A. (1973) Artisans et Commerçants au Caire au XVIIIe siècle, Damas. Regnault, Limose, A. (1908) 'Discourse du Voyage d'Outre Mer... (1573) tr. T.A.H. Mogagab, in Cobham's Excerta Cypria, Materials for a History of Cyprus, Cambridge. Rosengarten Frederich, Jr. (1969), The Book of Spices, Wynnewood. Shaw, Stanford J. (1958) The Financial and Administrative Organization and Development of Ottoman Egypt, 1517-1798, Princeton. Sorre, Max. (1948) Les Fondements de la Géographie Humaine, 2 volumes, Paris Thiriet, Freddy (1959) La Romanie Vénitienne au Moyen Age, Paris. Von Baumgarten, M. (1908), 'Perigrinatio..,' (1594), in Cobham's Excerta Cypria, Materials for a History of Cyprus, Cambridge. Von Haimendorf, F. (1908) 'Reis-Beschreibung... (1566)'. Cobham's Excerta Cypria, Materials for a History of Cyprus, Cambridge Watson, M. Andrew (1983), Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World, Cambridge University Press

GLOSSARY

Agnam: sheep Akce: asper Alef. oats Arpa: see, sha'ir Asar-i fewakih: a tax on fruits Asel: honey Asiyab: watermill Badem: almond Bakla: broad beans Bal: see, asel Balaban: goshawks Belit: edible acorn Bellut: see, belit Bogrulce: cowpeas Bostan: vegetables Bugday: wheat Burcak: vetch Burchat, see, burcak Cerime: a fine Ceviz agaci: walnut tree Ceviz: see, koz Dart see, erzen Debbag: tannery Defter-i mufassal: Ottoman taxation and population survey Degirmen: see, asiyab Dirhem: 3.1 grams Destbani: a fine on strayed animals Donum: a land measure, 1.000 square Erzen\ millet Findik: pistachios Hanazir: see, hinzir Hane: house Harac: a tax by non-Muslim Harir: silk Harir-i Rumi: Anatolian silk Harub: carob Helva: a kind of sweet Hinta: see, bugday Hinzir. pig Ipek: see, harir Ispence: a tax on non-Muslim

Kantar: a kind scale Kanunname: a text of Ottoman provencial law Kendir. hemp Kendum, gendum: see, bugday Ketan: flax Kettan: see, ketan Kile: kileh, a dry measure, c.bushel Kolkas, Kolokas: colocasia Kovan: beehives Koyun: see, agnam Koz: walnut Koza: silk cacoon Kuvare: see, asel Mahalle: quarter Mazi: nutgall Mercimek: lentil Meyhane: tavern Meyve: fruits Mudd: an Ottoman grain measure, c. kgNahl: see, asel Nefer: taxpayer, adult male Nohud: chickpeas Okka: 1, 283 kg. Oshr: tax on farmers Palamut: valonia oak Pekmez: molasses Penbe: cotton Safran: saffron Sahin: falcon Sayyad: bird hunter Sha'ir: barley Shira: grape juice Sisam: see, susam Susam: sisame Timarli sipahi: Ottoman cavalry Yulaf. see, alef Zaganos: owl Zeytin: olive

TABLES Table 2.1.1. Villages producing wheat in Cyprus in the year of 1572 District

number of villages

Pendaye Baf Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Giraiye Lefkosha Avdim Karpas Mesariye Tuzla Magose Total

31 30 25 17 15 13 12 10 9 7 3 2 174

villages with wheat 27 30 24 17 13 13 11 10 9 7 3 2 166

% of villages with wheat 87% 100% 96% 100% 87% 100% 92% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 95%

Source-. Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 2.1.2 Villages producing the greatest amount of wheat annually in Cyprus in 1572 Village Lace Morfo Trikomo Eliya Kolos Komi Peristerone Akacu Akaci Piskopi Yafte Komi Bali Kesro Terre Kato & Pano Dikomo Poli Lefka Pirgo Yenagre Petre Komineto Esliye Dogni Diyorigo Karpasha Kapudi

District Girine Pendaya Karpas Pendaya Limassol Karpas Pendaya Pendaya Limassol Karpas Lefkosha Hirsofi Girine Hirsofi Pendaya Limassol Mesaria Pendaya Mazoto Baf Mazoto Girine Girine Pendaya

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Weight in kile 14,750 13,050 12,500 7,750 7,500 7,375 6,500 6,000 5,625 5,175 5,000 4,800 4,750 4,700 4,250 4,050 4,000 4,000 3,950 3,900 3,900 3,750 3,750 3,750

Cash value, in akce 177,000 156,600 150,000 93,000 90,000 88,500 78,000 72,000 67,500 62,100 60,000 57,600 57,000 56,400 51,000 48,600 48,000 48,000 47,400 46,800 46,800 45,000 45,000 45,000

TABLES

131

Table 2.1.3 Villages producing at least 40 kile/nefer wheat annually in Cyprus in 1572 lkilewheat= District 25.6kg Morfo 89 Pen Menoye 16 Maz Kato & 35 Gir Dikomo Pano Kuterefe 77 Pen Bali Kesro 16 Lef Karpasa 42 Gir Kupinupersito 32 Pen Pirgo 6 Lim Kofino 6 Maz Suriyane Dorf 165 Pen Kapudi 137 Pen 2 Kar Trikomo Aya Ermole 48 Gir Larnaka 54 Gir giti 3 Tuz Duda(Voda) 9 Tuz 27 Pen Akaci Kazevere 41 PenDiyorigo 18 Gir Kamunde 3 Hir Kinose 38 Hir Gamiyi 44 Gir Kato Zodiye 9 Pen Meniko 10 Pen Eliya 27 Pen Terre 11 Hir Poll 29 Hir Koremakiti 49 Gir Kefale 8 Maz Kato Erude 34 Hir Kira 138 Pen Perestodonadi 144 Pen Miliya 8 Kar Esliye 50 Baf Nisu 75 Lef Liehe 2 Gir Ikale 101 Baf

kile/ nefer 150 334,080 150 61,440 126 121,600 95 94 87 83 79 75 73 69 63 63 63 61 61 61 61 52 52 51 50 50 49 49 48 48 47 47 46 46 45 42 39 39 39 39

70,400 128,000 96,000 57,600 103,680 101,120 57,600 96,000 320,000 64,000 57,600 60,800 51,200 198,400 37,120 132,480 75,520 23,680 64,000 51,200 51,200 198,400 122,880 120,320 53,120 19,200 43,520 81,920 42,240 62,720 99,840 44,160 377,600 64,000

Source-. Adapted from TPSC 1572

kg.

kg./nefer

3,840 1097 3,840 1097 3,200 914

kg./per son kg ./person! diem to 1280 3.01 to 3.51 to 1280 3.01 to 3.51 to 1067 2.50 to 2.92

2,428 2,415 2,233 2,133 2,033 1,908 1,858 1,778 1,600 1,600 1,600 1,559 1,552 1,552 1,428 1,333 1,325 1,316 1,280 1,280 1,249 1,248 1,229 1,228 1,207 1,200 1,176 1,170 1,142 1,063 1,008 1,004 1,004 1,000

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

694 690 638 609 581 545 531 508 457 457 457 445 443 443 408 381 379 376 366 366 357 357 351 351 345 343 336 334 326 304 288 287 287 286

809 805 744 711 678 636 619 593 533 533 533 520 517 517 476 444 442 439 427 427 420 416 410 409 402 400 392 390 381 354 336 335 335 333

1.90 1.89 1.75 1.67 1.59 1.49 1.45 1.39 1.25 1.25 1.25 1.22 1.21 1.22 1.12 1.04 1.03 1.03 1.00 1.00 .98 .98 .96 .96 .95 .94 .92 .92 .89 .83 .79 .79 .79 .78

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

2.22 2.21 2.04 1.95 1.86 1.74 1.70 1.62 1.46 1.46 1.46 1.42 1.42 1.42 1.30 1.22 1.21 1.20 1.17 1.17 1.15 1.14 1.12 1.12 1.10 1.10 1.07 1.07 1.04 .97 .92 .92 .92 .91

132

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 2.1.4 Proportions of wheat by district in Cyprus in 1572 wheat Lefkosha Magosa Mesariye Karpas Girniye Pendaye Hirsofi Baf Avdim Limose Mazoto Tuzla Total

total village 12 2 7 9 13 31 17 30 10 25 15 3 174

with wheat 11 2 7 9 13 27 17 30 10 24 13 3 166 95%

10%

20%

9 2 6 9 13 24 17 29 9 15 13 3 149 86%

5 1 5 8 11 18 15 23 4 9 9 2 110 63%

25%

33%

4 1 4 7 10 16 14 18 3 8 5 2 92 53%

1 4 5 9 12 10 9 4 2 2 58 33%

50%

1 3 3 1

1 9 5%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Table 2.1.5 Villages with at least 20% of their taxes for wheat in Cyprus in 1572 Percentage 78% 58% 53% 53% 53% 50% 50% 50% 50% 49% 49% 49% 48% 47% 45% 45% 44% 43% 43% 43% 43% 43% 43%

Village Karpa^a Aya Frmole Yenagre Peristerone Akachu Terre Diyorigo Kuçinupersito Morfo Duda(Voda) Larnaka Gamiyi Polemi Ikale Koremakiti Kato & Pano Dikomo Pano Evrude Komi Trikomo Kapudi Marone Yermasoye Akrotiri Citi

District Girine Girine Mesariya Pendaya Hirsofi Girine Pendaya Pendaya Tuzla Girine Girine Baf Baf Girinye Girinye Hirsofi Karpas Karpas Pendaya Baf Limassol Limassol Tuzla

133

TABLES Percentage

Village

District

42% 42% 42% 42% 41% 40% 40% 40% 40% 39% 39% 39% 38% 38% 38% 38% 37% 37% 36% 36% 35% 35% 34% 34% 34% 34% 34% 34% 34% 34% 34% 34% 34% 33% 33% 32% 32% 32% 32% 32% 32% 32% 32% 32% 32% 31% 31% 31% 31%

Miliya Akaci Esliye Laptiyu Bali Kesro Meniko Pano Kutrefe Cusunege Pirgo Ve§ada Aya Todor Pano Penaya Akaci Aya Yorgi Evrude Kamunde Kato Evrude Mamonde Palemeniye Mivudi Menoye Yafte Komi Kiritu Marutu Lache Vasiliya Potami Kaze vere Ku (Gu) Simu Poli Yiyaliye Kanika Qade Mesuye Kira Vavla Pire Gastriye Koma Lendiyo Erepo Mandiriye Feritu Ayo Nikola Vezepe Listetani Enoyire S.erociye Ayo Sergi Perestodonadi Hole Paliyo Kilise

Karpas Pendaya Baf Baf Lefkosha Pendaya Pendaya Baf Limassol Mesariya Karpas Baf Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Hirsofi Baf Limassol Mesariya Mazoto Karpas Hirsofi Girine Girine Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Baf Baf Pendaya Mazoto Lefkosha Karpas Karpas Hirsofi Baf Baf Baf Baf Avdim Mazoto Maguse Pendaya Hirsofi Limassol

134 Percentage 31 % 30% 30% 29% 29% 29% 29% 28% 28% 28% 27% 27% 27% 27% 27% 27% 26% 26% 26% 25% 25% 24% 24% 24% 24% 23% 23% 22% 22% 22% 22% 22% 22% 22% 21% 21% 21% 20%

VILLAGE

LIFE

Village Erimi Ziye Dora Akito Diyatiko Petra Perestiyo Ayo Save Lefka Dalye Dogni Kato Deftera Nisre Eliya Serama Kudikle Ipsikanirineno Akoreou Layise Komineto Elehtore Kolos Perirtorone Katapefani Yorozecjiyo Leneltiyo Nisu Pano Gezat (Kezare) Peritu Suriyane Dori Kiritudere Estromiyi Omodoz Kalavaso Maroni Ahiliye Piskopi Zogletiyo Galatiya

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

IN

CYPRUS District Limassol Hirsofi Avdim Mesariya Girine Pendaya Baf Pendaya Baf Mazoto Lefkosha Lefkosha Pendaya Hirsofi Baf Mazoto Baf Limassol Mazoto Avdim Limassol Mesariya Girine Baf Baf Lefkosha Baf Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Baf Avdim Mazoto Mazoto Baf Limassol Mazoto Karpas

TABLES

135

Table 2.2.1 Villages producing barley in Cyprus in 1572 District

Number of villages 30 31 25 17 15 13 12 10 9 7 3 2

Baf Pendaye Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Girniye Lefkosha Avdim Karpas Mesariye Tuzla Magosa

Number of villages producing barley 30 27 21 17 13 12 10 10 9 7 3 2 161

174

Total

% of Villages with barley 100% 87% 81% 100% 87% 92% 83% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 93%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Table 2.2.2 Villages producing more than 40 kile/nefer annually of barley in Cyprus in 1572 Villages producing at least 4,000 kile/annum 28,000 14,250 14,000 10,750 9,500 9,000 8,500 8,375 8,000 7,500 7,500 6,175 5,750 5,750 5,615 5,600 5,500 5,500 5,500

Village

District

Value in akce

Weight in kilograms (x 22.2)

Eliya Trikomo Morfo Lakatamiya Peristerone Akacu Petre Lefka Kolosh Yafte Komi Lace Kato Kutrefes Galatiye Kapudi Dogni Menoye Komineto Komi Kato Dikomo Akaci

Pendaya Karpas Pendaya Lefkosha Pendaya

168,000 85,000 84,000 64,500 57,000

621,600 316,350 310,800 238,650 210,900

Pendaya Pendaya Limassol Karpas Girine Pendaya Karpas Pendaya Mazoto Mazoto Mazoto Karpas Girine Pendaya

54,000 51,000 50,250 48,000 45,000 45,000 37,050 34,500 34,500 33,690 33,600 33,000 33,000 33,000

199,800 188,700 185,925 177,600 166,500 166,500 137,085 127,650 127,650 124,653 124,320 122,100 122,100 122,100

136

VILLAGE

LIFE

Villages producing at least 4,000 kile/annum 5,500 5,225 5,000 5,000 4,875 4,875 4,625 4,250 4,000 4,000

Village

District

Pirgo Isre Pan Kutrefe Kira Ayo Todor Menudo Piskopi Potami Kazevere Yorozeciyo

Limassol Lefkosha Pendaya Pendaya Karpas Tuzla Limassol Pendaya Pendaya Baf

IN

CYPRUS Value in akce

Weight in kilograms (x 22.2)

33,000 31,350 30,000 30,000 29,250 29,250 27,750 25,500 24,000 24,000

122,100 115,995 111,000 111,000 108,225 108,225 102,675 94,350 88,880 88,880

Source: Adapted from TPSC1572. Table 2.2.3 Villages producing at least 40 kile/nefer annually of barley in Cyprus in 1572 Village

District

Menoye Eliya Pano Kuterefe Morfo Kazevere Pano & Kato Dikomo Kefale Menudo Suriyane Hon Pirgo Kueino Persitu Kofino Lakatamiya Perestodonadi Gamiyi Galatiye Kapudi Kato Kuterefe Nisre Kira Meniko Trikomo Kato Zodiye Petre Duda (V oda) Citi Bali Kesro

kile/nefer

kg./nefer

Maz Pen Pen Pen Pen Gir

351 176 172 161 154 141

7,791 3,909 3,828 3,572 3,415 3,213

Maz Tuz Pen Lim Pen Maz Lef Pen Gir Kar Pen Pen Lef Pen Pen Kar Pen Pen Tuz Tuz Lef

141 125 113 108 107 105 105 89 88 82 82 75 74 71 71 71 69 68 64 64 64

3,122 2,775 2,506 2,394 2,384 2,346 2,340 1,980 1,943 1,828 1,824 1,665 1,633 1,586 1,586 1,582 1,526 1,514 1,430 1,423 1,414

kg./per kg. /person per son 2,226to 2,597 6.10 to l,117to 1,303 3.06 to 3.00 to 1,094to 1,276 1,021to 1,191 2.80 to 976 to 1,138 2.67 to 2.52 to 918 to 1,071 892 793 716 684 681 670 669 567 555 522 521 476 467 453 453 452 436 433 409 407 404

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

1,041 925 835 798 795 782 780 660 648 609 608 555 544 529 529 527 509 505 477 474 471

2.44 2.17 1.96 1.87 1.87 1.84 1.83 1.55 1.52 1.43 1.42 1.30 1.28 1.24 1.24 1.24 1.19 1.19 1.12 1.12 1.11

to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to to

diem 7.12 3.57 3.50 3.26 3.12 2.93 2.85 2.53 2.29 2.19 2.18 2.14 2.14 1.81 1.78 1.67 1.67 1.52 1.49 1.45 1.45 1.44 1.39 1.38 1.31 1.30 1.29

137

TABLES Village

District

Akaci Heto Kopiye Lefka Kato Deftere Kato Erude Kamunde Aya Todor Yafte Komi Aya Yorgi Avride Diyorigo Potami Dogni Peristerona Akacu Miliya Aya Ermole Ipsikanirmeno Nisu Parcarde

kile/nefer

kg.lnefer

Pen Pen Pen Lef Hir Hir Kar Kar Pen

55 55 53 52 51 51 47 46 46

1,233 1,221 1,187 1,160 1,140 1,139 1,040 1,021 1,009

352 349 339 331 326 325 297 292 288

kg./per kg. /person per son 411 0.96 to to 407 to 0.96 to to 396 0.93 to to 387 0.91 to to 380 0.89 to to 0.89 to 380 to 347 0.81 to to 340 0.80 to to 336 0.79 to

diem

Gir Pen Maz Pen

45 45 45 43

1,002 993 990 954

286 284 283 273

to to to to

334 331 330 318

0.78 0.78 0.78 0.75

to to to to

0.92 0.91 0.90 0.87

Kar Gir Maz Lef Maz

42 41 40 40 40

941 916 893 883 881

269 262 255 252 252

to to to to to

314 305 298 294 294

0.74 0.72 0.70 0.69 0.69

to to to to to

0.86 0.84 0.82 0.81 0.81

1.13 1.12 1.08 1.06 1.04 1.04 0.85 0.93 0.92

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Table 2.2.4 Barley total with at least in Cyprus in 1572 District Baf Pendaye Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Girniye Lekosha Avdim Karpas Mesariye Tuzla Magosa Total

barley total 30 31 25 17 15 13 12 10 9 7 3 2 174

with barley 30 27 21 17 13 12 10 10 9 7 3 2 161 93%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

10%

20%

25%

33%

50%

26 24 8 14 10 9 8 2 8 5 3 1

9 18 3 4 4 3 5 1 6 0 3 0

2 16 1 1 1 2 2 0 3 0 2 0

0 6 0 1 1 0 2 0 1 0 1 0

0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 0

118 68%

60 34%

30 17%

12 7%

3 2%

138

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 2.2.5 Villages with at least 20% of their taxes for barley in Cyprus in 1572

59% 51% 50% 47% 42% 39% 39% 37% 34% 33% 33% 32% 32% 31% 31% 30% 30% 30% 29% 28% 28% 28% 27% 27% 27% 26% 26% 26% 26% 25% 24% 24% 24% 24% 24% 23% 23% 23% 23% 22% 22% 22% 22% 22% 22% 21% 21% 21%

Village Menudo Galatiya Eliya Kaze vere Menoye Isre Peristerone Akacu Pano Kutrefe Yiyaliye Hetokope Kapudi Ayo Pigani Soliye Petra Lakatamiya Perestodonadi Aya Todor Meniko Pirgo Gamiyi Lefka Kato Kutrefes Ku^inopersito Yafte Komi Morfo Duda (V oda) Kato & Pano Dikomo Kato Zodiye Ere9o Mandariye Mamoniye Kira Trikomo Peritu Aya Yorgi Avride Yoroze^yo Timi Koma Estromiyi Mesuye giti Diyorigo Simu (Simiyo) Ayo Yani Mamundc Ikale Elehtore Kefale Simolofu Miliya Kato Erude

District Tuzla Karpas Pendaya Pendaya Mazoto Lefkosha Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Lefkosha Pendaya Karpas Pendaya Limose Girine Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Karpas Pendaya Tuzla Girine Pendaya Baf Baf Pendaya Karpas Pendaya Pendaya Baf Baf Karpas Baf Baf Tuzla Girine Hirsofi Baf Baf Avdim Mazoto Lefkosha Karpas Hirsofi

TABLES

21% 20% 20% 20% 20% 20% 20%

Village Paliyo Kilise Nisu Pire Kiritudere Peno Gazat (Kezavere) Dogni Vavla

139 District Limose Lefkosha Lefkosha Hirsofi Baf Mazoto Mazoto

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 2.3.1 Villages with vetch in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaya Hirsofi Girine Limose Lefkosha Mesariya Karpas Baf Mazoto Tuzla Magosa Avdim Total

Total of villages 31 17 13 25 12 7 9 30 15 3 2 10 174

Villages with vetch 19 13 11 10 7 7 7 7 7 2 1 1 91

% of villages with vetch 61% 76% 85% 40% 58% 100% 78% 23% 47% 67% 50% 10% 52%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 2.3.2 Amount of vetch in Cyprus in 1572 Village Akaci Komi Trikomo Mivudi Poli Kato Erude Kanika (Fanika) Serarne Ishre Yenagre Eliyu Gm (Ku) Pano Erude Kinose Terre

district volume kile/ nefer proportion ( kile ) of total crop Pendaya 3,500 35.7 12% Karpas 750 3.9 2% Karpas 675 3.4 1% Mesariya 625 6.3 4% Hirsofi 625 6.4 2% Hirsofi 620 16.8 7% Hirsofi 600 8.3 6% Hirsofi 565 6.9 6% Lefkosha 560 7.9 4% Mesariya 550 3.8 4% Pendaya 550 3.5 1% Hirsofi 550 7.1 5% Hirsofi 535 12.9 6% Hirsofi 525 29.2 3% Hirsofi 500 5.0 3%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

value of crop 21,300 4,500 4,050 3,750 3,750 3,720 3,600 3,390 3,360 3,300 3,300 3,300 3,210 3,150 3,000

7.17 0.78 0.68 1.25 1.29 3.35 1.67 1.38 1.58 0.76 0.69 1.41 2.06 5.83 1.00

140

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 3.1.1 Villages with carobs in Cyprus in 1572 District Baf Limose Pendaya Girine Mazoto Hirsofi Karpas Avdim Mesariya Lefkosha Magose Tuzla Total

Of village included carobs 30 25 31 13 15 17 9 10 7 12 2 3 174

Of villages with carobs 17 17 12 11 11 8 7 7 1 0 0 0 91

% of villages with carobs 57% 68% 39% 85% 73% 47% 78% 0 14% 0 0 0% 52%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 3.1.2 Total weight of carob in Cyprus in 1572 Village

Distici

Parcarde Komineto Dogni Mari Vavla Paleminiye Kalavaso Ipsikanirmeno Enoyire Kataypefani Monastir-i Delapayis Paño Chevire Ayo Yihali Akagoye Maroni Zogletiyo §erociye Monagri Yermasoye Ayo Odis Ereco Mandiri Kale-i Ikaleor Zalee Yazaor Paza Paliyo Kilise Vasiliya

Maz Maz Maz Maz Maz Lim Maz Maz Odi Gir Gir Lim Gir Lim Maz Maz Maz Lim Lim Odi Baf Baf Odi Lim Gir

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Total Weight 1,375 1,050 750 625 275 250 225 225 195 175 175 155 150 150 140 125 110 110 100 87.5 85 75 60 50 15

% of total taxes 49% 20% 16% 21% 11% 13% 8% 13% 7% 11% 8% 7% 10% 7% 6% 7% 6% 3% 4% 5% 5% 5% 3% 3% 5%

Kantar/per nefer 44 20 6 10 3 3 2 5 1 2 2 2 4 1 4 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 0

141

TABLES Table 3.2.1 Villages with broad beans in Cyprus in 1572 District Baf Pendaya Limose Hirsofi Girine Mazoto Avdim Karpas Mesariya Lefkosha Magose Tuzla | Total

Villages 30 31 25 17 13 15 10 9 7 12 2 3 174

Villages with broad beans 27 19 18 15 12 11 8 7 6 5 2 1

% of villages with broad beans 90% 61 % 72% 88 % 92% 73 % 80% 78 % 86% 42% 100 % 33 %

131

75 %

l i

|

I

1

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Table 3.2.2 Total broad beans in Cyprus in 1572 Village Lakatamiya Trikomo Yafte Komi Gastriye Mivudi Kritu Marutu Peristerone Akacu Siimiyo Miliya Piiskopi Ku (Gu) Kolos Lefka Lefkoniko Akaci Suriyane Hori Komineto Mari Lendiyo Koma Lace Dogni

District Lef Kar Kar Kar Mes Hir Pen Hir Kar Lim Hir Lim Pen Mes Pen Pen Maz Maz Hir Kar Gir Maz

%of total broad kile per beans in nefer agricultural kile 7% 1 ,500 14.7 735 3.7 2% 735 4.2 4% 725 10.4 10% 675 6.8 8% 665 6.5 7% 650 2.9 4% 605 7.9 9% 565 9.6 8% 565 1.2 2% 560 7.2 8% 535 1.4 2% 500 3.1 3% 485 2.7 8% 400 4.0 2% 375 12.1 3% 345 6.5 2% 325 5.2 3% 315 4.4 6% 305 3.2 5% 300 0.6 1% 295 2.3 2%

value in akce 2.94 0.74 0.84 2.07 1.35 1.30 0.86 1.57 1.92 0.23 1.44 0.28 0.63 0.54 0.81 2.42 1.30 1.03 0.89 0.65 0.13 0.50

15,000 7,350 7,350 7,250 6,750 6,650 6,500 6,050 5,650 5,650 5,600 5,350 5,000 4,850 4,000 3,750 3,450 3,250 3,150 3,050 3,000 2,950

VILLAGE

142 Village

District

Kalavaso Laya Parcarde Vasiliya Maroni Ayo Sergi Kato Kutrefes Hole Zugletiyo Kefale Ipsikanirmeno Perirtorone Diyatiko Eliya Cusunerge Anaya Menoye Kinose

Maz Maz Maz Gir Maz Mag Pen Hir Maz Maz Maz Mes Gir Pen Baf Lef Maz Hir

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

total broad kile per % of beans, in nefer agricultural kile 275 3.0 3% 4% 275 8.3 260 8.4 3% 2% 250 1.9 6.8 3% 245 2.1 6% 225 2.2 1% 225 4.2 4% 225 4% 7.8 225 13.8 4% 220 4.8 4% 220 4% 205 1.8 2% 2.0 200 1% 200 1.3 4% 2.1 200 3.6 3% 135 8.4 2% 135 1% 6.7 120

value in akce 0.60 1.67 1.68 0.37 1.36 0.43 0.45 0.83 1.55 2.75 0.96 0.37 0.40 0.25 0.43 0.73 1.69 1.33

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Table 3.3.1 Villages with lentils in Cyprus in 1572 District Baf Pendaya Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Girine Karpas Avdim Mesariya Magose Lefkosha Tuzla Total

30 31 25 17 15 13 9 10 7 2 12 3

Villages with lentils 26 22 19 16 11 10 8 8 7 2 1 0

174

130

Villages

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

% of villages with lentils 87% 71% 76% 94% 73% 11% 89% 80% 100% 100% 8% 0 75%

2,750 2,750 2,600 2,500 2,450 2,250 2,250 2,250 2,250 2,200 2,200 2,050 2,000 2,000 2,000 1,350 1,350 1,200

TABLES

143

Table 3.3.2 Total lentils in kile in Cyprus in 1572 Village Morfo Estromiyi Yermasoye Kamunde Kirito Marutu Lace Lsfka Laya Zogletiyo Ereço Mandiriye Perestiyo Ayo Save Trikomo Parcarde Mari Eliya Yafte Komi Ayo Sergi Kalavaso Mivudi Terepeze Koremakiti Komineto Menoye ipsikanirmeno Akitire Kefale Laptiyu

District Pendaya Baf Limose Hirsofi Hirsofi Girine Pendaya Maz Mazoto Baf Baf Karpas Mazoto Mazoto Pendaya Karpas Magose Mazoto Mesariya Magose Girine Mazoto Mazoto Mazoto Baf Mazoto Baf

Total kile per lentils in nefer kile 750 8.6 6.1 680 675 5.7 575 10.1 5.4 550 500 1.1 300 1.9 290 8.8 285 9.8 250 2.4 250 2.4 235 1.2 230 7.4 210 3.3 200 1.6 185 1.1 175 1.7 175 1.9 165 1.7 150 1.6 150 3.4 150 1.0 130 8.1 130 2.8 125 0.8 115 7.2 100 1.3

% of agri. taxes 3% 11% 9% 8% 7% 1% 2% 6% 6% 5% 6% 1% 3% 3% 1% 1% 6% 2% 3% 6% 4% 1% 2% 3% 3% 2% 3%

value in akce 1.72 1.17 1.14 2.02 1.08 0.21 0.38 1.76 1.97 0.48 0.48 0.24 1.48 0.67 0.30 0.21 0.33 0.38 0.33 0.32 0.68 0.57 1.63 0.57 0.16 1.44 0.27

9,750 8,850 8,775 7,475 7,150 6,500 3,900 3,770 3,705 3,250 3,250 3,055 2,990 2,730 2,600 2,405 2,275 2,275 2,145 1,950 1,950 1,950 1,690 1,690 1,625 1,495 1,300

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 3.4.1 Villages with cowpeas in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaya Limose Hirsofi Karpas Baf Avdim Lefkosha Magose Mesariya Girine Tuzla Total

Total number of villages 31 15 17 9 30 10 12 2 1 13 3 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Villages with cowpeas 5 5 4 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 23

% of villages with cowpeas 16% 33% 24% 11% 23% 10% 0 0 0 0 0 13%

144

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 3.4.2 Total production ofcowpeas in Cyprus in 1572 Village Tembriya Ziye Petre Mamoniye Kirito Marutu Trikomo Kolos Lefka Peritu Piskopi Kudikle Enoyire Pano Cevire Ayo Pigani Soliye Pano Gezat Marone Malonde Limenaki Kato Conde Liso Ereco Mandiriye Laptiyu Lendiyo

kile

District Pendaya Hirsofi Pendaya Baf Hirsofi Karpas Limose Pendaya Pendaya Limose Baf Avdim Limose Pendaya Baf Baf Baf Limose Limose Hirsofi Baf Baf Hirsofi

250 125 100 100 65 55 55 50 50 50 35 28 28 25 25 25 25 25 20 15 15 15 10

kile/ nefer

value/ akee

1.4 0.9 0.8 0.1 0.6 0.3 0.1 0.3 0.3 0.1 0.2 0.2 .03 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.4 0.1 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.1

3,000 1,500 1,200 1,200 780 660 660 600 600 600 420 330 330 300 300 300 300 300 240 180 180 180 120

% of total agricultural taxes 4% 2% 1% 2% 1% 0 0 0 1% 0 0 0 0 0 1% 1% 1% 0 0 0 0 0 0

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 4.1.1 Percent of villages with fruits & vegetables of 1572 District Pendaye Baf Limose Hirsofi Girniye Lefkosha Avdim Mazoto Karpas Mesariye Tu/la Magosa Total

Villages 31 30 25 17 13 12 10 12 9 7 3 2 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Villages with Fruits &Vegetables 30 29 23 17 13 12 10 9 8 6 3 1 164

% of villages 97% 97% 92% 100% 100% 100% 100% 75% 89% 86% 100% 50% 94%

145

TABLES Table 4.1.2 Annual tax value of fruits and vegetables in Cyprus in 1572 Annual Value of Fruits and Vegetables 14,500 6,250 6,000 6,000 6,000 5,900 5,680 5,350 5,180 4,850 4,400 4,120 4,000 3,200 3,200 3,000 2,950 2,750 2,650 2,040 2,000 1,945 1,800 1,750 1,740 1,700 1,650 1,580 1,580 1,550 1,545 1,540 1,500 1,500 1,500 1,350 1,330 1,320 1,250 1,200

Village Lache Monastir-i Delapayis Pano & Kato Hursiyo Mupestike Piskobi Diyatiko Kitriya Anaya Nisu Enbe, Trahomi Ayo Yihali Vevacin Kato Deftera Ahiliye Piskopi Liso Lakatamiya Kira Listefani Peri tu, Aya Andreniko Citi, Simolofu Akagoye Filasu, Komi, Suriyane Hori Limoseenaki Galata Kato Pelendiriye Lefkoshaka Kudikle Enoyire Gilan Yafte Komi Yorozeciyo Pire Ayo Kistindin Vasiliya

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

District Girine Girine Lefkosha Mesariya Limose Girine Lefkosha Lefkosha Lefkosha Baf Lefkosha Girine Lefkosha Lefkosha Baf Limose Hirsofi Lefkosha Pendaya Baf Pendaya Karpas Tuzla Lefkosha Limose Pendaya Karpas Pendaya Limose Pendaya Limose Pendaya Baf Avdim Limose Karpas Baf Lefkosha Limose Girine

146

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 4.1 J Proportions of taxes for fruits and vegetables in Cyprus in 1572 Proportions of Taxes for Fruits and Vegetables 56% 53% 53% 50%. 47% 40% 38% 30% 29% 29% 28% 22% 20% 17% 16% 16% 15% 14% 14% 14% 13% 13% 11% 11% 11% 9% 9% 9% 9% 9% 8% 8% 8% 7% 7% 7% 7% 7% 7% 7% 7%

Village Mupestike Pano & KatoHursiyo Kitriya Anaya Trahomi Monastir-i Delapayis Ayo Yihali Nisu Ayos Diyatiko Kato Deftera Enbe Vevacin Liso Simolofu Aya Andreniko Filasu Lache Peritu Citi Galata Kato Li Stefani Pire Kira Akagoye Katapefani Larnaka Ahiliye Mesariyauye Piskobi Akito Ayo Pigani Soliye Duda(Voda) Lakatamiya Aya Suriyane Hori Ku(Gu) Kudikle Enoyire Paliyo Kilise Ayo Kistindin

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Districi Mesariya Lefkosha Lefkosha Lefkosha Lefkosha Girine Girine Lefkosha Lefkosha Girine Lefkosha Baf Lefkosha Hirsofi Lefkosha Karpas Pendaya Girine Pendaya Tuz Pendaya Baf Lefkosha Pendaya Limose Girine Girine Baf Baf Limose Mesariya Pendaya Tuz Lefkosha Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Baf Avdim Limose Limose

TABLES

147

Table 4.2.1 Villages with wine & grape juice in Cyprus in 1572 District Limóse Baf Avdim Pendaya Mazoto Lefkosha Hirsofi Magose Mesariya Rarpas Girine Tuzla Total

Number of villages 25 30 10 31 15 12 17 2 7 9 13 3 174

Villages with Wine & Grape Juice 16 10 8 6 6 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 49

% of agriculture 64% 33% 80% 19% 40% 17% 6% 0 0 0 0 0 28%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 4.2.2 Total amount of Wine & Grape Juice in 1572 in Cyprus Village Pelendiriye Gilan Amiyando Agro Limoseenaki Paño Monagri Siliku Potamiyo Liikumiye Luf o Vasa Kato Conde Vevacin Kato Petriye Kipadunka Palata Nistase Maliye Ask a Ayo Trapo Ereco Lay a Layise Ayo Avdims Omodoz Akagoye Pedule Paño Cevire

District Limóse Limóse Limóse Limóse Limóse Limóse Limóse Avdim Limóse Limóse Avdim Limóse Lefkosha Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Avdim Pendaya Limóse Avdim Mazoto Limóse Avdim Avdim Limóse Pendaya Limóse

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Kile of Wine & Grape Juice 3,500 2,750 2,075 2,050 2,050 1,750 1,750 1,750 1,250 1,100 1,090 1,075 1,000 1,000 1,000 1,000 1,000 900 875 865 825 625 625 600 575 550 530

Kile/Nefer % of Agriculture Taxes 10.2 67% 5.3 48% 19.2 80% 27.7 83% 10.3 53% 13.6 52% 8.6 59% 16.5 83% 9.3 62% 9.2 63% 8.2 51% 12.5 55% 5 40% 9.8 57% 6.4 51% 7.0 66% 7.7 45% 8.2 59% 10.1 52% 3.1 31% 26.6 50% 7.3 36% 7.1 43% 4.5 28% 5.2 29% 6.3 38% 5.9 40%

148

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 4.4.1 Villages with Olives in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaya Baf Limose Hirsofi Girine Mazoto Avdim Lefkosha Karpas Mesariya Magose Tuzla Total

Total of villages 31 30 25 17 13 15 10 12 9 7 2 3 174

Villages with olives

% with olives

30 23 21 17 13 13 9 8 7 1 0 0 142

97% 77% 84% 100 % 100 % 87% 90% 67% 78 % 14% 0 0 82%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 4.4.2 Weight of olives in the villages of Cyprus in 1572 Village

District

Lakatamiya Komineto Dogni Mari Akagoye Parcharde Larnaka Kalavaso Vavla Vezeche Enoyire Vasiliya Sherochiye Anaya Menoye Katapefani Metos Aya Yorgi Avride Akrotiri

Lefkosha Mazoto Mazoto Mazoto Limose Mazoto Girine Mazoto Mazoto Baf Avdim Girine Mazoto Lefkosha Mazoto Girine Pendaya Limose

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Weight 3,750 3,250 2,500 1,290 1,275 1,250 1,150 1,075 900 900 850 650 630 615 600 550 550 550

Proportion of Crop 20% 20% 17% 14% 18% 14% 23% 12% 11% 11% 11% 18% 11% 13% 12% 10% 10% 8%

Weight/ nefer 37 61 19 20 11 40 32 12 10 11 6 5 6 17 38 6 10 4

149

TABLES Table 5.1.1 Villages with Walnuts in Cyprus in 1572 District

Village

Pendaya Baf Limose Hirsofi Avdim Lefkosha Magose Mesariya Karpas Girine Mazoto Tuzla Total

31 30 25.. 17 10 12 2 7 9 13 15 3 174

Villages with walnuts 15 10 9 8 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 46

% of villages with walnuts 48% 33% 36% 47% 40% 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 26%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 5.1.2 Total walnuts produced in 174 villages in Cyprus in 1572 Village

District

Likumiye Pedule Kipadunka Palata nistase Ziye Aska Hole Serame Tembriya Vasa Pano Pendayaaya Liso Omodoz Cìalata Kato Amiyando Kato Petriye Sai amino Pelendiriye Agro Ferita Ayo Nikola Evrihu

Limose Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Pendaya Hirsofi Hirsofi Pendaya Avdim Baf Hirsofi Avdim Pendaya Limose Pendaya Baf Limose Limose Baf Pendaya

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Total Walnuts produced 676,350 650,000 300,000 225,000 187,875 150,000 96,025 95,190 75,000 66,800 55,110 54,275 54,275 50,000 49,265 45,000 41,750 37,575 28,390 25,050 25,000

Walnuts per nefer 5,047 4,305 1,923 1,573 1,381 1,364 1,778 1,147 500 451 698 489 405 352 456 441 449 110 379 205 321

% agriculture 5% 7% 3% 2% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

150

VILLAGE

L I F E IN

CYPRUS

Table 5.2.1 Weight of almond trees in Cyprus in 1572 Villages

District

Ahiliye Erefo Palata Ni stase Siliku Liso Kato Petriye Kipadunka Pedule

Baf Avdim Pendaya Limose Hirsofi Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya

Weight in key I 750 140 125 65 50 25 25 20

Keyl per nefer 2.0 0.5 0.9 0.3 0.5 0.2 0.2 0.1

%

4 1 2 1 1 0 0 0

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 53.1 Villages producing edible acorns in Cyprus in 1572 Village

Value in akce

Hole Kanika (Fanika) Gu(orKu) Serame Liso Terre Kiritu Marutu Kiritu dere Simiyu

950 800 750 600 2,250 1,500 1,500 1,150 1,000

tax per nefer 3.5 2.2 1.9 1.5 4.1 3.0 2.9 2.7 2.6

% of agricultural taxes 2 1 1 1 3 1 2 1 2

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 6.1.1 Number of villages with pigs in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaya Baf Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Lefkosha Girine Avdim Karpas Mesariya Tuzla Magose Total

Number of village 31 30 25 17 15 12 13 10 9 7 3 2 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Number of villages with pigs 30 27 23 17 13 12 12 10 8 7 3 2 164

% of villages with pigs 97% 90% 92% 100% 87% 100% 92% 100% 89% 100% 100% 100% 94%

TABLES

151

Table 6.1.2 the pig tax % in the total taxes in Cyprus in 1572 Village Hetokopiye Ayo Sergi Terepeze Lefkoniko Peritorone Komi Galata Kato Eliya Ayo Pigani Soliye Pedule Kipadunka Aska Ahiliye Ereco Mandiriye Perestiyo Aya Save Kudikile Ferito Ayo Nikola Akitire Yaza Dora Ereco Ayo Kistidin Kato Foka

District Pendaya Magose Magose Mesariya Mesariya Karpas Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Baf Baf Baf Baf Baf Baf Avdim Avdim Avdim Limasol Limasol

% of total taxes 5% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2% 2%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 6.1.3 Total annual taxes paid in the pig, in akce, in Cyprus in 1572 total annual taxes paid, in akce 801 640 600 600 600 565 500 460 375 350 350 350 335 330 280 280

Village Komi Gilan Ahiliye Kolos Piskopi Lace Hetokopiye Ereco Ayo Kistindin Vevacin Peristerone Akacu Kudikile Siliku Limenaki Ziye Akitire

District Karpas Limose Baf Limose Limose Girine Pendaya Avdim Limose Lefkosha Pendaya Baf Limose Limose Hirsofi Baf

152

VILLAGE

total annual taxes paid, in akce 275 274 260 250 250 250 250

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Village

District

Eliya Dora Enbe Pedule Kipadunka Ferito Ayo Nikola Enoyire

Pendaya Avdim Baf Pendaya Pendaya Baf Avdim

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 6.2.1 number of villages with sheep in Cyprus in 1572 District Karpas Mesariye Avdim Tuzla Baf Pendaye Limose Hirsofu Mazoto Girniye Lefkosha Magosa Total

number of villages 9 7 10 3 30 31 25 17 15 13 12 2 174

number of villages with sheep 9 7 7 3 29 21 19 15 12 11 10 2 145

% of villages with sheep 100% 100% 70% 100% 97% 68% 76% 88% 80% 85% 83% 100% 83%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572 Table 6.2.2 Number of sheep in Cyprus in 1572 Number of Sheep 4,000 3,600 3,000 2,400 ? ? ?

2,000 1,800 1,600 ?

1,400

Village Peristerone Akacu Alya Morfo Ziye Kolos Yafta Komi Diyorigo Lace Kucinobarsito Lakatamiya Lefkaniko Kavuvikli

District Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Limose Karpas Girine Girine Pendaya Lefkosha Mesariya Baf

153

TABLES Number of Sheep

Village

District

? ? 1,300 1,200 ? ? ? 1,100 1,000 ? ? ? ? ?

Petre Yanage Kato Zodiye Poli Peristorone Akito Enoyire Vecada Estromiyi Kato Petriye Trikomo Komi Vasiliya Piskopi

Pendaya Mesariya Pendaya Hirsofi Mesariya Mesariya Avdim Mesariya Baf Pendaya Karpas Karpas Girine Limose

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Table 6.23 Sheep per nefer in Cyprus in 1572 Village

District

Kucinobarsito Morfo Kato Zodiye Diyorigo Alya Hatotopiye Peristorone Akacu 2'iye Pano & Kato Dikomo Koremakiti Nisu Lakatamiya Meto§ Aya Yorgi Avride Kato Evride Yafta Komi Niku Akito Aya Andreniko Katakarya Poli

Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Girine Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Lefkosha Girine Lefkosha Lefkosha Pendaya Hirsofi Karpas Pendaya Mesariya Karpas Hirsofi

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Sheep per nefer 67 34 33 33 23 20 18 18 18 18 16 16 16 16 14 14 12 12 12

Per capita 22 11 11 11 7 7 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 4

154

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 6.2.4 total sheep in Cyprus in 1572 District

total sheep

Pendaya Baf Girine Hirsofi Limose Mesariya Karpas Lefkosha Avdim Mazoto Tuzla Magose

20,250 13,766 8,870 8,260 6,984 6,840 6,620 4,476 2,840 1,775 440 400

Total

81,521

sheep per village 880.4 458.9 806.3 550.7 367.6 977.1 735.6 447.6 405.7 126.8 146.7 200.0

sheep per nefer 327.9 135.3 119.4 97.5 45.1 56.2 55.7 63.9 27.0 50.5 12.6 4.0

6103.3= 508.6 995.2 =82.9 per village

sheep per capita 14.3 4.5 10.9 6.5 2.4 8.0 6.2 6.4 3.9 3.6 4.2 2.0 72.8 6.1

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572

Table 6.3.1 Number of villages with beehives in Cyprus in 1572 District Baf Pendaya Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Karpas Avdim Girniye Mesarive Lefkosha Tuzla Magosa Total

Number of Villages 30 31 25 17 15 9 10 13 7 12 3 2 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Number of Villages with beehives 25 17 17 16 12 9 9 8 5 3 1 0 122

% of villages with beehives 83% 55% 68% 94% 80% 100% 90% 62% 71% 25% 33% 0 70%

155

TABLES Table 6.3.2 Amount of beehives tax in akce in Cyprus in 1572 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30.

In akce 610 375 300 300 300 240 200 195 190 175 175 170 170 170 160 160 160 160 160 155 150 140 140 140 140 135 132 130 130 128

Villages Komi Piskopi Lache Monastir-i Delapayis Limoseenaki Akorepu Enoyire Dora Vasa Serame Yiyaliye Tembriya Suriyane Hori Ziye Terrc Kato Emde Kanika Kirito Marutu Li so Kiritudere Cade Hole Simiyo Pano Erude Gilan Kata Pefani Pano Cavire Gu(Ku) Esliye Galatiye

Districi Karpas Limose Girine Girine Limose Baf Avdim Avdim Avdim Hirsofi Hirsofi Pendaya Pendaya Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Baf Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Limose Girine Limose Hirsofi Baf Karpas

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 7.1.1 Villages with cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Districi Baf Hirsofi Pendaya Lefkosha Limose Girine Mazoto Mesariya Karpas Avdim Magose Tuzla Total

Total of Villages Villages with cotton 30 19 17 13 31 10 12 8 25 8 13 7 15 7 7 6 9 6 10 2 2 1 3 1 174 88

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

cotton % 63% 76% 32% 67% 32% 58% 47% 86% 67% 20% 50% 33% 51%

156

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 7.1.2 Weight of cotton in kantar in Cyprus in 1572 Village

District

Kolos Limose Piskopi Limose Lache Girine Poli Hirsofi Managruli Limose Suriyane Hon Pendaya Bali Kesro Lefkosha Trikomo Karpas Kato & Pano Dikomo Girine Petre Pendaya Yurozciyo Baf Kefale Mazoto Kalavaso Mazoto Pirgo Limose Lakatamiya Lefkosha Filasu Pendaya Elehtore Avdim Gastriye Karpas Evrihu Pendaya Eliya Pendaya Esliye Baf

Weight (Kantar) 270 265 250 190 135 125 125 77,5 75 75 75 75 70 55 50 50 50 45 45 40 40

Weight/ Nefer 0.7 0.5 0.5 1.9 2.5 4.0 2.4 .4 2.0 0.6 0.7 4.7 0.8 1.1 0.5 0.6 0.5 0.6 1.6 0.3 0.4

Proportion of total crop 23% 25% 14% 34% 54% 34% 26% 7% 18% 13% 23% 36% 21% 15% 7% 26% 20% 19% 22% 4% 11%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 7.1.3 Weight/nefer of cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Village Kefale Suriyane Hori Managruli Bali Kesro Kato & Pano Dikomo Poli Pirgo Zogletiyo Kalavaso Yurozchiyo Kolos Maroni Gastriye Filasu Evrihu Petre Pano & Kato Hursiyo Kato Deftera

District Mazoto Pendaya Limose Lefkosha Girine Hirsofi Limose Mazoto Mazoto Baf Limose Mazoto Karpas Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Lefkosha Lefkosha

Weight/nefer 4.7 4.0 2.5 2.4 2.0 1.9 1.1 1.0 0.8 0.7 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.5

TABLES Village Lakatamiya Laçe Pano Kutrefe Elehtore Piskopi

157 Weight/nefer 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.5

District Lefkosha Girine Pendaya Avdim Limose

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 7.1.4 Proportion of total crop in cotton in Cyprus in 1572 Village

District

Managruli Kefale Poli Suriyane Hon Pano & Kato Hursiyo Bali Kesro Filasu Piskopi Perestodonadi Yurozciyo Kolos Evrihu Ayo Pigani Soliye Kalavaso Elehtore Gastriye Kato & Pano Dikomo Pirgo Zogletiyo Lace Petre Laptiyu Kiritudere Esliye Yermasoye Erimi Hole Vezece Paliyo Kilise Maroni

Limose Mazoto Hirsofi Pendaya Lefkosha Lefkosha Pendaya Limose Pendaya Baf Limose Pendaya Pendaya Mazoto Avdim Karpas Girine Limose Mazoto Girine Pendaya Baf Hirsofi Baf Limose Limose Hirsofi Baf Limose Mazoto

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Proportion of total crop 54% 36% 34% 34% 30% 26% 26% 25% 24% 23% 23% 22% 21% 21% 20% 19% 18% 15% 15% 14% 13% 12% 11% 11% 11% 11% 10% 10% 10% 10%

158

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 7.2.1 Villages with flax in Cyprus in 1572. District Pendaya Baf Hirsofi Limose Girine Mazoto Karpas Avdim Mesariya Lefkosha Tuzla Magose Total

Total of villages villages with flax 31 25 24 30 17 17 25 15 12 13 9 15 8 9 7 10 7 6 12 5 3 3 2 2 174 133

% with flax 81% 80% 100% 60% 92% 60% 89% 70% 86% 42% 100% 100% 76%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 7.2.2 Volume in bundles in flax in Cyprus in 1572 Village Peristerone Akacu Eliya Akaci Kato Zodiye Galata Kato Hetokopiye Moif o Lace Kato Kutrefes Lakatamiya Kamunde Meniko Yeritu Peritu Komi Terre Romineto Mari Aya Pano Kutrefe Koma Di y ori go Kazvere Aya Yihali Mivudi

District Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Girine Pendaya Lefkosha Hirsofi Pendaya Pendaya Karpas Hirsofi Mazoto Mazoto Pendaya Pendaya Karpas Girine Pendaya Girine Mesariya

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Volume in bundles, in demet 6,500 6,500 6,000 5,000 5,000 3,500 2,500 2,175 2,000 1,875 1,750 1,500 1,500 1,225 1,075 1,000 1,000 1,000 1,000 975 900 750 750 750

Proportion in flax

Bundles per nefer

9% 4% 7% 16% 17% 14% 2% 1% 3% 20% 4% 5% 4% 1% 2% 1% 2% 3% 2% 7% 2% 3% 3% 2%

30 41 61 125 36 29 29 5 20 18 31 36 9 6 11 19 16 11 34 10 13 29 20 8

TABLES

159

Table 7.3.1 Villages with cocoons in Cyprus in 1572 District

Total of villages

Mazoto Limóse Baf Pendaya Lefkosha Girine Hirsofi Magose Mesariya Karpas Avdim Tuzla Total

15 25 30 31 12 13 17 2 7 9 10 3 174

Villages with Cocoons 9 5 4 3 2 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 26

% of villages with cocoons 60 % 25% 13 % 10% 17% 15% 6% 0 0 0 0 15 %

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 7.3.2 Amount of >cocoons in Cyprus in 1572 Villages V avia Kolos Laya Kalavaso Mamoniye Komineto Menoye Zogletiyo Ahiliye Monastir-i Delapayis

District Mazoto Limóse Mazoto Mazoto Baf Mazoto Mazoto Mazoto Baf Girine

Value in akce 2,000 1,750 1,500 1,250 1,075 1,000 1,000 925 875 850

Proportion of crop 2% 2% 2% 1% 2% 1% 1% 2% 1% 1%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 7.4.1 Villages with hemp in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaya Baf Hirsofi Lefkosha Magose Mesariya Karpas Girine Avdim Limóse Mazoto Tuzla Total

Total of villages 31 30 17 12 2 7 9 13 10 25 15 3 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Villages with hemp 5 5 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 11

% of village with hemp 16% 17% 6% 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6%

160

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 7.4.2 Villages and amount of hemp in Cyprus in 1572 Villages

District

Filasu Evrihu Enbe Ayo Pigani Soliye Tembriya Cade Mesuye Petre Cusunerge Kirinyardotu Ahiliye

Weight in kantar 10 10 10 5 5 5 5 2.5 2.5 less than 1 less than 1

Pendaya Pendaya Baf Pendaya Pendaya Baf Baf Pendaya Baf Hirsofi Baf

Kantor per nefer 0.12 0.13 0.06 0.05 0.03 0.08 0.09 0.02 0.03 0 0

Proportion of crop 4% 4% 2% 3% 2% 2% 3% 0 1% 0 0

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.1.1 Production of sesame in Cyprus in 1572 Village Esliye Ziye Kolos Piskopi Mamoniye Poli Petre Timi Erimi Laptiyu

District Baf Hirsofi Limose Limose Baf Hirsofi Pendaya Baf Limose Baf

Weight in kile 100 75 65 35 35 25 25 15 15 10

Kile! Nefer 1.0 0.6 0.2 0.1 0.3 0.3 0.2 0.1 0.3 0.1

% of Total agricultural taxes 3% 2% 1% 0 2% 0 0 1% 1% 1%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.1.2 Number of villages with sesame in Cyprus in 1572 District Baf Limose Hirsofi Pendaya Girine Lefkosha Avdim Karpas Mesariya Tuzla Magose Total

Total number of villages 30 25 17 31 13 12 10 9 7 3 2 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Villages with sesame 4 3 2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 10

% of villages with sesame 13% 12% 12% 3% 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6%

TABLES

161

Table 8.2.1 Amount of saffron produced by villagers in Cyprus in 1572 Villages

District

Kipadunke Aska Likumiye Galata Kato Perestiyo Ayo Save Ahiliye Pedule

Pendaya Pendaya Limose Pendaya Baf Baf Pendaya

Weight in dirhem

Dirhem/Nefer

2,000 1,275 1,250 750 750 500 150

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.3.2 Per cent of tavern taxes of total agricultural taxes in 1572

% 10% 10% 8% 8% 7% 7% 7%

Village Lefkoniko Timi Enbe Akorepu Ayo Sergi Chade Leneltiyo

District Mesariya Baf Baf Baf Magose Baf Baf

7% 6% 6% 6% 6% 6% 6% 6% 5% 5% 5% 4% 4% 4% 4% 4%

Chusunerge Terepeze Yenagre Vechada Laptiyu Dalye Mesuye Kolos Ayo Pigani Soliye Piskopi Akrotiri Komi Lache Peri tu Listefani Pano Penaya

Baf Magose Mesariya Mesariya Baf Baf Baf Limose Pendaya Limase Limoase Karpas Girine Pendaya Baf Baf

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

12.8 11.6 9.3 5.4 7.2 1.3 1.0

162

VILLAGE

LIFE

IN

CYPRUS

Table 8.3.1 Villages with taverns in Cyprus in 1572 District Baf Pendaya Hirsofi Limose Girine Karpas Mazoto Lefkosha Mesariya Tuzla Avdim Magose Total

Number of villages 30 31 17 25 13 9 15 12 7 3 10 2 174

Villages with tavern 23 17 15 13 12 9 8 6 5 3 2 2 115

Percentage of villages with taverns 77% 55% 88% 52% 92% 100% 53% 50% 71% 100% 20% 100% 66%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.3 J The total tavern taxes paid, in akce, by Cypriot villagers in 1572 taxes paid, in akce 4,200 4,000 3,300 1,800 1,600 1,500 1,200 1,200 1,200 1,100 1,000 900 900 770 740 700 640 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600 600

Villages Kolos Lache Piskopi Enbe Trikomo Komi Lefkoniko Morfo Timi Yenagre Leneltiyo Akorepu Dalye Akrotiri Cade Vecade Diyatiko Ayo Sergi Lefka Terre Poli Ziye Laptiyu Vizeche Listefani Mesuye

District Limose Girine Limose Baf Karpas Karpas Mesariye Pendaya Baf Mesariye Baf Baf Baf Limose Baf Mesariye Girine Magose Pendaya Hirsofi Hirsofi Hirsofi Baf Baf Baf Baf

TABLES Total tavern taxes paid, in akce 600 510 500 500 500 500 500

163

Villages Pano Penaya Peristerone Akachu Peri tu Potami Ayo Pigani Soliye Petre Estromiyi

District Baf Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Pendaya Baf

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.4.1 Number of villages with watermill in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaya Baf Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Girine Lefkosha Avdim Karpas Mesariya Tuzla Mag use Total

Number of villages 31 30 25 17 15 13 12 10 9 7 3 2 174

Number of villages with mills 11 13 13 7 2 4 5 6 1 0 1 0 63

% of villages with mills 35% 43% 52% 41% 13% 31% 42% 60% 11% 0 33% 0 36%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.4.2 Per cent of total tax of the watermill tax in Cyprus in 1572 % of total taxes 40% 27% 23% 15% 15% 13% 11% 9% 8% 8% 7% 6% 5% 5% 4% 4% 4% 4%

Village Aya Andreniko Kato Deftere Aya Esliye Malonde Dalye Erimi Lefka Bali Kesro Mamoniye Evrihu Kiritudere Marone Monagri Peristerone Akacu Pedule Kudikle Enbe

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

District Karpas Lefkosha Pendaya Baf Baf Baf Limose Pendaya Lefkosha Baf Pendaya Hirsofi Baf Limase Pendaya Pendaya Baf Baf

164

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Table 8.4.3 Amount of the annual taxes paid by villagers as watermill tax in Cyprus in 1572 Annual taxes paid, in akce 5,000 3,360 3,300 3,000 3,000 2,300 2,250 1,800 1,500 1,320 1,320 1,300 1,240 1,200 1,060 920 900 840 700 660 601 600 600 600 520 500

Mittages Aya Andreniko Esliye Lefka Kato Deftere Aya Bali Kesro Kolos Dalye Malonde Monagri Erimi Morfo Piskopi Peristerone Akacu Mamoniye Kudikle Evrihu Enbe Lace Enoyire Poli Kato Petriye Kamunde Estromiyi Pedule Marone

District Karpas Baf Pendaya Lefkosha Pendaya Lefkosha Limose Baf Baf Limose Limose Pendaya Limase Pendaya Baf Baf Pendaya Baf Girine Avdim Hirsofi Pendaya Hirsofi Baf Pendaya Baf

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.5.1 Number of villages with tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaye Baf Limose Hirsofi Girniye Lefkosha Mazoto Avdim Karpas Mesariye Tuzla Magose Total

number of villages 31 30 25 17 13 12 12 10 9 7 3 2 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

villages with tanneries 2 2 6 1 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 14

% of villages with tanneries 6% 1% 24% 6% 0 0 0 10% 22% 0 0 0 8%

TABLES

165

Table 8.5.2 Revenues from tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Total value in akce 3,000 2,500 1,500 1,000 750 750 750 750 500 500 500 250 Note: (Gilan, Limose is

Villages District Listefani Baf Mudule Pendaye Erecho Avdim Kolos Limose Miliya Karpas Yafte Komi Karpas Erimi Limose Siliku Limose Dalye Baf Piskopi Limose Pelendiriye Limose Palata Nistase Pendaye combined with butcher shop) have 5,000 total values

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.53 Villages with at least 1% of their annual taxes from tanneries in Cyprus in 1572 Villages Mudule Listefani Miliya Kiritudere Dalye Erecho Erimi Siliku

District

%

Pendaye Baf Karpas Hirsofi Baf Avdim Limose Limose

7% 4% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1% 1%

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572. Table 8.6.1 Number of villages paid adet-i deshtbani in Cyprus in 1572 District Pendaya Baf Limose Hirsofi Mazoto Girniye Lefkosha Avdim Karpas Mesariye Tuzla Magosa Total

Number of villages 31 30 25 17 15 13 12 10 9 7 3 2 174

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Number of villages paid destbani 31 24 25 1 13 13 12 10 7 7 3 2 148

% 100% 80% 100% 6% 87% 100% 100% 100% 78% 100% 100% 100% 85%

166

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Table 8.6.2 Amount of adet-i deshtbani by villages in Cyprus in 1572 No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Amount of deshtbani in akce 535 300 300 280 260 250 250 250 220 220 218 210 210 200 200 184 180 180 160 160 150 150 150 150 150 150

Source: Adapted from TPSC 1572.

Village

District

Komi Ahiliye Yaza (Paza) Vasiliya Estromiyi Dalye Enoyire Erecho Katapefani Maliye Lache Listefani Siliku Diyatiko Omodoz Vevachin Aya Yanni Yalude Potamiyo £usunerge Pelendiriye Monastir-i Delapayis Ayo Pigani Soliye Liso Kudikle Leneltiyo Agro

Karpas Baf Avdim Girniye Baf Baf Avdim Avdim Girniye Avdim Girniye Baf Limóse Girniye Avdim Lefkosha Baf Avdim Baf Limóse Girniye Pendaye Hirsofi Baf Baf Baf

ILLUSTRATIONS

Eastern Mediterranean.

VILLAGE

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Fig. 1. Photo by §evket Oznur, A pig in Cyprus, 2006, in the village of Istinco.

Fig. 2. Photo by §evket Oznur, Olive tree in Cyprus, 2006, in the village Kofunye.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 3. Photo by §evket Ôznur, Wine jars in the village of Vuda 2006.

Fig. 4. Photo by §evket Ôznur, Country Life of Malya, 2006.

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Fig. 5. Photo by §evket Oznur, Sheep grazing in the village of Melandira.

Fig. 6. Photo by Avedisyan Bross, Threshing floor in Cyprus 1925.

ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 7. Photo by Avedisyan Bross 1925.

Fig. 8. Photo by Charles Glasners.

VILLAGE

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Fig. 10. Photo by John P. Foscolo,

ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 11. Photo by Max-Magda Richter

Fig. 12. Unknown

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Fig. 14. Photo by Toufexis 1906.