Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640 9780814743744

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New York University Studies in Near Eastern Civilization Number XVIII Peter Chelkowski and Jill N. Claster , General Editors Number I : F. E. Peters, Aristotle and the Arabs Number II : Jacob M. Landau, Jews in Nineteenth-Century Egypt Number III : Loi s Anit a Giffen , Theory of Profane Love Among the Arabs: The Development of the Genre Number IV : Lewi s V . Thomas, A Study of Naima, Norma n Itkowitz , editor Number V : Car l Ma x Kortepeter , Ottoman Imperialism During the Reformation: Europe and the Caucasus Number VI : Lind a Fis h Compton , Andaluiian Lyrical Poetry and Old Spanish Love Songs: The Muwashshah and Its Kharja Number VII: Peter J. Chelkowski , Ta cziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran Number VIII: Arthur N. Young, Saudi Arabia: The Making of a Financial Giant Number IX: Donald Quataert , Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the Ottoman Empire, 1881-1908: Reactions to European Economic Penetration Number X : Tawfi q Al-Hakim , The Return of Consciousness, Bayly Winder, translato r Number XI : F . E . Peters , Jerusalem and Mecca: The Typology of the Holy City in the Near East Number XII : Bruce Masters, The Origins of Western Economic Dominance in the Middle East: Mercantilism and the Islamic Economy in Aleppo, 1600-1750

Number XIII: Julian Baldick, Mystical Islam: An Introduction to Sufism Number XIV : Martin Camaj , Selected Poetry, Leonard Fox , translator Number XV : Aharo n Layish , Divorce in the Libyan Family: A Study Based on the Sijills of the SharFa Courts of Ajdabiyya and Kufra Number XVI : Mona N . Mikhail , Studies in the Short Fiction of Mahfouz and Idris Number XVII : Shmue l Moreh , Live Theater and Dramatic Literature in the Medieval Arab World

New York University Studies in Near Eastern Civilization The participation o f th e Ne w Yor k Universit y Pres s in th e University' s commitment t o Nea r Easter n Studie s provides th e American an d inter national publi c with a greater diversit y o f exposure to professional per ceptions of th e Near East. Focusing on those various peoples, religions, arts, an d culture s o f th e Nea r Eas t wh o throughou t th e centurie s hav e profoundly influence d an d give n for m t o mankind' s mos t fundamenta l concepts an d whos e economi c an d politica l sphere s hav e bee n wid e reaching, this series, New Yor k University Studie s in Near Eastern Civ ilization, seeks , solicits , an d publishe s significan t researc h i n thi s eve r vital area . Th e concep t embrace s man y facet s o f th e Nea r East , wel comes varied and even disparate interpretations as well as concentration on specifi c historica l periods , includin g th e whol e spectru m o f socia l scientific approaches . I t is , moreover, particularl y sensitiv e t o wor k i n two aspects of the area a s a whole that reflec t th e University's expertis e and concern , an d tha t hav e perhap s receive d les s attentio n tha n thei r excellence merits. These are literature an d art . Again with th e intentio n of widenin g the impact o f Ne w Yor k Universit y Pres s publications, the series welcomes translations of significant Nea r Eastern literature , as an integral part o f its attempt to deepen and enrich the experience of Near Eastern thought , prose , and poetry , fo r a n audienc e unacquainte d wit h the original languages . Peter Chelkowski Jill N. Claster General Editors

Christians an d Muslims in Ottoman Cypru s and the Mediterranean World, 1571-1640 Ronald C. Jennings

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S New Yor k an d Londo n Copyright © 199 3 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y AH rights reserved Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Jennings, Ronal d C , 1 9 4 1 Christians an d Muslim s i n Ottoma n Cypru s an d th e Mediterranea n World, 1571-164 0 / Ronal d C.Jennings . p. cm . — (Ne w Yor k Universit y studie s i n Nea r Easter n civilization ; no . 18 ) Includes bibliographica l reference s an d index . ISBN 0-8147-4181- 9 (alk . paper ) I. Cyprus—History—Turkis h rule , 1571-1878 . I . Title . II. Series . DS54.7.J46 199 2 956.45*02—ddo 92-310 8 CIP

New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability . c1 0

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

1

To All the People of Cyprus, Past and Present, Particularly Those Now in Turkish Cyprus

Contents

Acknowledgments i x Introduction i i Th e Women of the Island 1 4 2 Islami c Pious Foundations (Evkaf) and Public Welfare 4 0 3 Kadi , Court, and Legal System 69 4 Th e Military Corps (Janissaries and Spahis) and the Police 10 7 5 Th e Zimmis: Greek Orthodox Christian s and Other Non-Muslims 13 2 6 Disastrou s Effects o f Locusts , Plague, and Malaria on the Population of the Island 17 3 7 Force d Population Transfers and the Banishment of Undesirables 212 8 Slave s and Slavery 24 0 9 Th e Cities and Towns 24 8 10 Loan s and Credit 28 1 11 Th e Economy as Seen through Western Sources 29 7 12 Th e Economy as Seen through Ottoman Sources 31 1 Vll

viii Contents 13 The Sea : Navies , Trade , Smuggling , an d Pirac y (Linkin g Cypru s to th e Mediterranea n World ) 34 5 Conclusions 38 5 Select Bibliograph y 40 1 Index o f Origina l Source s 41 9 General Inde x 42 1 About th e Autho r 42. 9

Acknowledgments

Cevdet Qagda§, who founded the Ethnography Museum out of a former Mevlevi Tekk e i n Lefko§a , permitte d m e t o wor k ther e eve n a s a n unknown visitor during wartime. His wife, Jale, then the administrator in charge, allowed m e there, of he r own volition . Soon she introduced me to her husband, and to life in Turkish Cyprus. Although its facilities were quit e limited , th e Qagda § family, an d ever y singl e perso n o n the staff helped me in anyway that they could, anytime I asked. Mustafa Ha§i m Alta n introduce d m e t o hi s archiv e i n Girn e an d encouraged me to design a research plan which would utilize it. Whatever facilitie s th e archiv e ha d wer e generousl y mad e availabl e t o me , insofar a s th e impoverishe d stat e could afford . Th e archiv e practically became a home fo r me and my family, a s the gardens surrounding the archive provide d u s wit h fres h grapes , grapefruits , oranges , lemons , pomegranates, and figs, as the seasons changed. The staff of the archive rivaled that of the Ethnography Museum in friendliness. Altan also spent hours helpin g m e understan d loca l persona l an d plac e names . I was allowed to browse wherever I wanted. I wish to thank the late Elaine W. Harris, an "Old Brit" whose love and life inspired me and my family, with her loyal cook, Tiafana, along with othe r "Ol d Brits, " the stoi c an d friendl y Col . Ronal d an d Betty Holden. I wish to thank my "Old American" friends from Girne, with whom I share many memories, Joh n and Trinette Horner. I want to thank my "mixovaroi" friends, from New York and Girne, ix

x Acknowledgments Ayhan an d Mar y Kaymak , alon g wit h thei r children , wh o ha d on e o f the sandiest beache s in Girne, with whom I shared many pleasant swim s and Saturday evening meals, until the y finally moved to Magosa . I salut e th e peopl e o f Turkis h Girn e (wit h it s beautifu l sea) , nearl y every single one a n immigrant fro m elsewher e on the island, who ha d t o abandon thei r ow n house s an d find way s t o operat e thos e o f othe r people, no easy task . Also I salute th e people o f Turkis h Lefko§a , wh o liv e totally isolated , still protected b y their ancient city walls. The Turkish Nationa l (o r Communal) Librar y i n Lefko§a mad e itsel f easily accessible, and has a useful collectio n o f material s about Cyprus. The Magos a Publi c Librar y ha s a pretty usefu l collectio n o f traveler s to Cyrpus. The Evka f Daires i o f Lefko§ a control s al l o f th e traditiona l Islami c institutions, and their revenues, in all of Cyprus . It also controls mos t of the judicia l registers , unfortunately , fo r i t i s no t a comfortable plac e t o work. I t is an extremely powerful institution . I wish t o thank th e two me n who ar e in my opinion th e most eminen t people i n Ottoma n Studie s i n th e world , Prof . Andrea s Tietze , Directo r of th e Orienta l Institut e i n th e Universit y o f Vienna , an d Prof . Hali l Inalcik, University Professor i n the History Departmen t of the University of Chicago , now bot h reluctantl y retired , who took tim e from their busy lives and , a t differen t stages , carefull y rea d throug h thi s entir e manu script, providing new insights, and helped eliminate many errors. I wish t o thank m y former UCLA teachers, Prof. Stanford J. Shaw, of the History Department , Prof . Tietze, and Prof. Speros Vryonis, Jr., who now hold s th e Alexande r S . Onassi s Chai r fo r Helleni c Studie s a t Ne w York University , wh o hav e supporte d m y caree r t o th e fulles t i n thei r different ways . Prof. Suraiy a Faroqhi , no w a t th e Universit y o f Munich , an d Dr . Marcella T . Grendler , no w i n Nort h Carolina , bot h provide d helpfu l encouragement an d valuable suggestions . I wis h t o than k tw o forme r researc h assistant s a t th e Universit y o f Illinois, Bonni e Mangan , no w wit h th e Librar y o f Congress , an d Dr . Virginia Danielson , wh o worke d faithfully , independently, an d imaginatively to help organize m y research notes, sometimes a tedious task . About on e quarte r o f a Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Humanitie s Fellowship fo r Independen t Stud y an d Researc h wa s spen t i n Cyprus a s

Acknowledgments x i well as the full tenure of a Research Grant from the Joint Committee on the Near and Middle East of the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council. I am very grateful t o the University of Illinois Research Board, which provided money for both research trips and research assistants. I a m gratefu l t o th e Universit y o f Illinoi s Library , fo r it s excellen t collection, and for the service of interlibrary loan. The office staff of the History Department did an excellent job typing this manuscript, as they have other manuscripts through the years. I also want to thank Despina Papazoglou Gimbel for her patience with a very difficult manuscript. I spent three weeks in London working at the British Library. I wish to thank my children, Ronald and Christina, who accompanied me to Cyprus , and helped share some of th e beauties an d pleasures of that island.

Introduction

Cyprus is located in the extreme easternmost part of the Mediterranean sea, about 6 5 kilometer s south of Anatoli a (Asi a Minor) an d less than n o k m from Syria . The island is marked by two importan t mountain ranges extending east-west, which make much of the land uncultivable. The thin northern, o r Kyrenia, range has very steep slopes, an d leaves only quit e a narro w littora l i n mos t places , thoug h wel l watere d an d extremely fertile ; tha t rang e nearl y reache s a heigh t o r aroun d 100 0 meters. The Trodoos mountain s o f th e south ar e broader, thicker, and very much taller, reaching as high as 1950 m. Because of the steep slopes, little cultivatio n i s don e i n the norther n range , while th e Trodoos ha s extensive cultivate d areas , where grapevines grow. Althoug h mountai n villages are quite uncommon in the north, they proliferate in the south, particularly fo r grapes, but small plots of grains , fruits, and vegetables are not unusual.1 The flat centra l platea u stretchin g som e 10 0 k m betwee n Morf o (Morphou) bay to the west and Magosa (Famagusta , or Salamis) bay to the east already by Venetian times had become the granary of the island. There th e combine d whea t an d barle y (occasionall y supplemente d b y vetch o r oats ) migh t constitut e 60 % t o j$% o f th e valu e o f villag e crops; the alluvial soil there is rich, having worn off the mountains over the centuries. The foothills also may be used for intensive grain production but they are as likely to produce a rich variety of fruits and vegetables o r commercia l crops ; cotton wa s particularl y prevalent , althoug h sugar cane, flax, hemp, and silk cocoons were all common. Cyprus was 1

2 Introduction famous fo r it s fertility . I n man y area s ver y intensiv e agricultur e ha d developed, wher e streams , wells , an d wate r mill s supplie d abundan t water. Cyprus stood as a crossroads between East and West from 119 2 until 1571 , when i t was finally reconquered b y anothe r nativ e eastern empire, the Ottoman one. Cyprus seem s t o hav e bee n a rathe r thickl y settle d an d prosperous place a t leas t sinc e th e bronz e age , whe n it s abundan t coppe r an d tin deposits helpe d mak e i t a center o f lon g distanc e trad e i n the easter n Mediterranean. Ric h cedar, cypress, and pine forest s which apparently once covere d mos t o f th e islan d wer e centra l t o th e developmen t o f important loca l smeltin g an d shipbuilding industries . Iro n ore enabled an early transition of Cyprus into the iron age. By the time it was added to th e Roma n empir e i n 5 8 B.C . it apparentl y ha d thriving mercantil e and commercial center s a s well a s copious grai n production, althoug h with deforestatio n shipbuildin g ha d becom e a thin g o f th e past , an d forests wer e thereafte r increasingl y restricte d t o hill s an d mountains . Partly because of its close proximity to the earliest centers of Christianity in Palestine, it became one of the earliest centers of Christianity. But the rise of Islam and its early spread to Syria made Cyprus a frontier. Cyprus remained in the Orthodox church with the rest of the Greekspeaking world. As part of the Eastern Roman, or Byzantine, empire it had its own autonomou s churc h with a n archbishop. I t was visited by great number s o f Christia n pilgrim s wh o wer e travelin g t o Jerusalem and the other Christian holy places of Palestine.2 A remarkable agreement was reached between the Umayyad caliphate of Damascus and the Eastern Roman, or Byzantine, empire to administer the island jointly, bringing an end to the bitter fightingand destructiveness which had marked the recent history of th e two powerful empires which contende d fo r tha t strategi c frontie r province , wit h it s man y ports.3 From 688 unti l 965 Cypru s was so administered, and probably spared muc h destruction . Tha t agreemen t benefitte d bot h sides . Th e joint rul e wa s brough t t o a n abrup t en d b y th e brillian t Byzantin e conquerer Nicephoru s Phoca s who too k als o Cilici a an d later Antioch from Muslim control. So Cyprus fell under the direct rule of a renascent Byzantium.4 I n 118 5 a Byzantine rebe l name d Issa c Comnenu s seize d control of the island, but he was partly responsible for its fall to crusaders when h e deal t rathe r arrogantl y wit h Richar d th e Lion-hearte d of

Introduction 3 England and lost his throne, the last Greek Orthodox ruler of the island for almost 800 years. The Greek Orthodox island of Cyprus became part of the Latin world during the crusades, and it remained under Latin rule centuries after the fall of Acre, the last crusader outpost on the mainland. Seized by Richard the Lion-hearted of England on his way to the Holy Land for the Third Crusade, Cyprus quickly passed into the custody of a French crusading family named Lusignan. Cyprus played a focal rol e in the crusades; its strategic location and useful ports enabled crusaders to pass safely to the Holy Lan d an d t o concentrat e militar y force s ther e befor e an d afte r campaigns. Its agricultural wealt h easil y produced surpluses which might be turne d ove r t o soldiers . Whil e th e Levan t mainlan d wa s graduall y falling to Muslim forces, the Lusignan family held tightly on to Cyprus, where they were practically invulnerable because of the absence of good Muslim navies. 5 Even when the Lusignans had to submit themselves as tributary t o th e powerful Islami c Mamluk empir e of Egyp t and Syria, they continued t o exercis e grea t autonomy . Whe n the Venetians managed to take over the island from the Lusignans, their tributary obligations remained very much in effect. That obligation to pay a large annual tribute to the Mamluks passed to the Ottoman empire in 1516-17, after the Ottomans had conquered firstSyria and then Egypt, thus ending the Mamluk empire . Th e excellen t fortification s o f Cyprus , an d it s vas t agricultural surpluse s mad e the island a genuine treasure house fo r it s rulers.6 The Mamluk empire of slave soldiers centered in Egypt and Syria had, by the end of th e 14t h century becom e the most powerful stat e i n the Muslim world.7 In 1426, with 150 to 180 vessels, taking a great amount of booty, they invaded Cyprus. At least on one other occasion, in 1460, they were able to intervene directly in Cypriot affairs. Normally, however, they were little involved in naval matters, and piracy thrived in the person o f som e unscrupulou s peopl e protecte d b y their rulers, fo r th e Mamluks never had a naval expertise which paralleled their excellence as land soldiers (namely heavy cavalry). The kingdom of Cyprus was in the earl y year s a ferven t participan t i n th e crusades , an d crusader s moving to and from th e Holy Lan d found supplie s an d safe garrisons. Much irregula r warfar e brok e ou t betwee n Muslim s an d Christian s whom th e Mamluk s coul d no t contro l an d Cypru s di d no t wan t t o

4 Introduction control. Eventuall y whe n Venic e rule d Cypru s th e polic y wa s mor e directed towar d establishin g goo d tradin g relation s betwee n th e tw o empires. On e specia l facto r i n the relation s o f Cypru s an d th e Mamlu k empire wa s th e annua l tribut e tha t ha d bee n pai d sinc e 1426 . I n tha t year the kin g of Cypru s ha d th e misfortune o f bein g capture d with par t of th e arm y wit h whic h h e had invade d Egypt . I n return fo r hi s release , the king was force d t o pay a huge one-time ransom an d then promise t o pay an annual tribut e of 500 0 ducats to the sultan. At least by 1460 , the tribute ha d bee n raise d t o 800 0 ducat s pe r annum. Whe n Venic e in trigued t o tak e ove r Cyprus , promise s wer e mad e t o continu e tha t tribute, eve n whe n ver y clos e commercia l relationship s develope d betwee n the two states . When th e Ottoma n empir e brought a n end to th e Mam luk empire in 1517 , the Venetians had to agree to transfer their payment of th e tribut e t o th e Ottoma n sultan s wit h who m the y als o ha d vita l trading connections . Centuries o f Crusade r rul e lef t a legac y o f outstandin g fortification s in Cyprus just as it did along the coastline o f th e Levant. Because of th e sometimes exploitativ e natur e o f Lusigna n rule , a s wel l a s th e wide spread antipath y betwee n Lati n an d Gree k Orthodo x Christians , the y needed suc h fortification s nearl y a s muc h fo r interna l securit y a s fo r external. The Lusignan s buil t massiv e fortification s aroun d thei r capita l Lefko§a an d thei r grea t por t o f Magosa . I n th e interva l whe n Venic e ruled th e island , importan t development s i n canno n durin g th e 16t h century force d th e ne w ruler s to undertak e th e expense o f changin g th e system o f fortification s fro m on e i n whic h heigh t wa s th e primary con sideration to a quite different syste m where thickness of the fortification s was primary . Th e Venetia n empir e expende d grea t amount s o f mone y and labor t o chang e bot h fortresse s int o massiv e thick-walled buildings ; with Le f ko§a tha t als o include d greatl y reducin g th e dimension s o f th e fortifications, althoug h thei r circuit remaine d extremel y large . A secon d coastal fortress , a t Girniye, received some improvements , bu t that was a very smal l place . The Lusignan s live d i n thei r capital, i n certai n nearb y villages, or in the northern range . During the summers they preferred t o live i n th e norther n mountains , wher e mostl y fo r thei r ow n persona l security the y erecte d larg e fortification s a t St. Hilarion, Buffavento , an d Kantara, al l importan t passage s i n tha t range . Wit h thei r construction , the Lusignan s ha d persona l safet y fro m interna l surprises . Claimin g penury, th e Venetian s chos e t o destro y thos e fortification s rathe r tha n

Introduction 5 trying to rebuild them when an Ottoman attack became imminent. They did, however, make Lef ko§a and Magosa practically invulnerable.8 How ca n on e o f th e greates t Ottoma n militar y feat s ever , th e brilliantly organize d invasio n an d conquest o f Cypru s betwee n July 157 0 and August 157 1 b y combined land and naval forces occur at the very same time as the battle of Lepanto in 1571, the greatest Ottoman defeat since Timur bea t Ottoma n sulta n Bayezid I at the battle o f Ankar a in 1402? The Ottomans hardly lost even a single major battle in the century before that. Probably the Ottoman commander at Lepanto lacked decisiveness an d resolution, fo r whic h h e was dismissed, bu t remembering the long, uninterrupted succession of military and naval victories which had been achieved in the previous century, the success in Cyprus at that very time, and the successes which would occur for the next decade or more, it is hard to adjudge the defeat at Lepanto as decisive in any way, even a s a porten t o f misfortun e whic h migh t follo w later . I t seem s obvious that the conquest of Cyprus was much more important than the battle of Lepanto. None of the victorious allies of Lepanto occupied any territories, won any strategic advantages, or were able to follow up that single isolated success. The Ottomans stripped Venice of it s richest and wealthiest possessio n anywher e an d its most importan t oversea s naval bases, at the same time depriving Latin Christian pirates of thei r most important base , and Venice was force d t o pay huge reparations t o the Ottoman empire. Originally I hoped to study the period from 158 0 to 1640, beginning well after the conquest, when Ottoman rule was completely established, so tha t I would no t hav e t o focu s a t all o n Venetian rul e there or the military aspects of th e Ottoman conquest. However, since many of the sources begin with the process of conquest there was not nearly enough information t o approac h i t that way. Moreover, the radically differen t understanding tha t Andrew Hes s has brought t o the battle of Lepant o and the publication by the Turkish Ministry of War of lots of Ottoman documents about those two campaigns probably will necessitate a thorough new study, so I did not want to be guessing in that area too much. Anyway, 157 1 mark s the completio n o f th e Ottoman conques t o f Cy prus. The year 1640 marks the death of the reforming sultan Murad IV, the onl y first-rate ruler sinc e th e deat h o f sulta n Suleyma n i n 1566 , whose reig n was a great boon t o th e empire, bu t whose deat h lef t th e empire once again in weak hands. (A second reason for trying to study

6 Introduction that time period is that a detailed Ottoman tax and population survey of the urban an d rural wealth of th e island was prepared in 1572 , immediately after th e conquest, an d it was widely bu t erroneously believe d tha t a second such complete register had been compiled in 1641. ) I striv e t o giv e th e histor y o f a small , largel y Greek-speakin g an d mostly Gree k Orthodo x islan d i n th e easternmos t Mediterranea n fro m the time tha t a n ascending Islami c state, th e Ottoman empir e takes over in 1570-157 1 fro m a series of Lati n Christian outsiders who startin g in 1192 a s a direc t consequenc e o f th e Thir d Crusad e i n th e Hol y Lan d perpetuated themselve s a s an ethnicly, linguistically , an d religiously dis tinctive rulin g class . The feuda l syste m o f wester n Europ e wa s carrie d almost intac t into Cyprus . Lati n Lusignan s an d their largely Frenc h an d Italian helper s forme d a loca l aristocrac y which , thoug h small , becam e the predominan t socia l an d economi c forc e o n th e island . Their rol e a s aristocracy continue d almos t unchallenge d eve n afte r Venetian s wo n Cyprus for their own empire in 1489 . The Ottoma n conques t i n certain , bu t no t all , way s abruptl y ende d many aspect s o f nearl y thre e centurie s o f Lati n rule . A ne w stat e wit h many different goal s an d purposes too k ove r from th e Latin ruling class by i n par t bestowin g o n th e Gree k Orthodo x majorit y a very differen t form o f government . I n general the position of th e old ruling aristocrac y was quickl y transformed . Certai n building s o f th e Latin s wer e hande d over t o Orthodo x o r t o Armenians . Som e o f th e aristocrac y naturall y fled to Venice o r other places, and so did some of th e class of Orthodo x Christians who ha d profited mos t from Lati n rule. Undoubtedly som e of the most enterprisin g o f th e aristocracy foun d way s to perpetuate them selves by becoming Musli m or Orthodox. Much , however, of th e power of th e old aristocracy was ended. Cyprus is often cite d a s an early mode l i n the development o f planta tion agriculture , wher e monocultura l agricultur e impose d b y th e feuda l aristocracy create d a highl y sophisticate d syste m throug h th e skillfu l management o f wells , irrigatio n channels , an d wate r mills , an d devel oped highl y efficien t suga r cultivatio n an d manufacturing . Tha t syste m made immens e profits , bu t supposedl y create d a n overdependenc e o n international markets . The n th e mor e efficien t plantatio n syste m o f th e Atlantic supposedl y require d change s i n Cyprus , an d thereafte r mono cultural cotto n wa s create d b y th e Venetians . The detaile d populatio n and taxation surve y o f 157 2 challenge s tha t notion , however , fo r o f th e

Introduction 7 174 village s payin g mor e tha n 10,00 0 akc e pe r annu m i n agricultura l taxes, onl y on e produce d cotto n wort h a s muc h a s 40 % o f it s tota l agricultural produce . Tha t wa s Pan o Vel i (? ) villag e i n Limos a district , which produce d 59% . Nex t cam e Kefal e i n Mazot o distric t wit h 36% , Poli i n Hirsof i distric t wit h 34% , an d Suriyan e Hor i villag e i n Penday e with 33% . So o f th e 17 4 village s payin g th e mos t taxes , onl y fou r ( a mere 2% ) pai d taxe s o n cotto n wort h a thir d o f thei r entir e produce ; three mor e village s produce d betwee n a quarte r an d a thir d (4%) ; and five more produce d betwee n a fifth and a quarter, meanin g a mer e 7 % (12) pai d a s muc h a s 20 % o f thei r agricultura l taxe s o n cotto n (whic h had almos t completel y replace d suga r a s th e internationa l marke t col lapsed o n levantin e sugar) . I f th e villag e cultivator s o f Cypru s ha d rea sons to complain , then , it was not becaus e the y had become s o vulnera ble t o vicissitude s o f internationa l market s bu t becaus e th e aristocrati c ruling clas s ha d littl e sympath y fo r th e cultivatin g clas s an d displaye d feelings of religious and perhaps cultural superiority . Cyprus wa s a place tha t slave s wer e mos t likel y t o b e sol d o r trans ported to, because they were very much in demand, particularly in sugar fields and in sugar factories, where very laborious tasks had to be carried out. The norther n Ponti c region s wer e especiall y important ; Venetian s used Tan a a s a sourc e fo r muc h plantatio n labo r i n Cypru s whic h required grea t number s o f workers . Can e suga r wa s ver y importan t i n places lik e Morf o (Morphou) , Lefka , Aheliy e (Akhelia) , Kukl a (Kouk lia), Ba f (Paphos) , Lapt a (Lapithos) , an d especiall y Piskop i (Episkopi ) and Kolos (Kolossi) . This manuscript result s fro m th e convergence o f thre e different inter ests o f mine : 1 ) th e interrelationship s o f religious , linguistic , an d ethni c groups; 2 ) provincia l socia l an d economi c organization ; an d 3 ) th e development o f th e Mediterranea n worl d i n th e 16th an d earl y 17t h centuries. Judicial record s ar e on e o f th e bes t source s fo r informatio n abou t religious, linguistic, an d ethnic groups, although ofte n i t is impossible t o be more precise than Muslim an d non-Muslim (o r Christian in Cyprus). Distinguishing differen t group s o f Muslim s i s ofte n excruciatingl y diffi cult, when possible, becaus e the personal name s used are so very similar and n o nee d i s eve r fel t t o differentiat e amon g Muslims . Occasionall y differentiations ar e mad e amon g non-Muslim s i n Cyprus . Probabl y al l of th e Jewish an d Armenia n Christia n Cypriot s ar e explicitl y identifie d

8 Introduction as such , an d the y usuall y eve n hav e distinctiv e persona l names . Ofte n Greek Orthodo x Cypriot s can be distinguished b y their personal names , although man y Armenians and Maronites have "Greek" personal name s because the y a s smal l minoritie s hav e bee n culturall y an d linguisticall y assimilated int o th e majority . Certai n kind s o f populatio n an d taxatio n records als o distinguis h betwee n Muslim s an d non-Muslims ; an d some times eve n Jews , Armenians , o r othe r Christian s ma y b e differentiate d there. Judicial record s ar e als o ver y importan t source s fo r provincia l orga nization. Becaus e o f m y long-standin g desir e t o understan d ho w th e local societie s an d economie s functioned , I hav e bee n fascinate d fro m my first hesitan t attempt s t o rea d the m b y th e candi d look s a t huma n lives which come only from judicial registers. Other sources like imperial orders o r la w code s giv e mor e stati c vantage s points , concealin g th e dynamism whic h mark s huma n life . Ottoma n judicia l records , a t leas t from th e time s an d place s tha t I hav e investigated , provid e detaile d summaries o f eac h lega l case , a s wel l a s verbati m copie s o f al l officia l orders sent to the local government . My old interest in the development of the Mediterranean worl d in the 16th an d earl y 17th centurie s wa s inspire d i n many , bu t b y n o mean s all, way s b y F . Braudel's semina l stud y o f th e Mediterranean i n th e ag e of th e Habsbur g empero r Phili p II . A s fa r a s th e Mediterranea n worl d goes, i t i s wel l know n tha t massiv e studie s o f a ver y sophisticate d an d provocative nature, have been made of the northwestern, or Latin Christian, parts , bu t onl y a fe w pioneerin g studie s hav e dare d t o trea t th e Islamic parts, which occupy all of the remainder of the shores. Studies of the Orthodo x Christia n northeaster n part s o f th e Mediterranea n hav e been dealt with only a little more seriously than the Islamic parts.

NOTES 1. Th e distinguishe d ancien t historia n M . Rostovtzef f give s importan t detail s about th e political, social , an d economic rol e of Cypru s in antiquity, with it s extensive grai n cultivation , it s importan t forest s whic h wer e ofte n use d fo r ship timber s an d smelting , olives , grapes , animals , bees , forests , an d minin g (some silver, but predominantly copper , which throug h time took so much of the forest s fo r smeltin g metals) . The Social and Economic History of The Hellenistic World. 3 v . (2n d ed. ) Oxford , 1953 . pp . 37 , 65 , 75 , 85 , 89 , 93 ,

Introduction 9 i n , 127 , 169U 172 , 202 , 339 , 360 , 381-384 , 1071 , 1168-1170 , 1354 , 1387, i6i2f , 1644 . A really first-rate work of scholarshi p covering the whole period fro m th e ston e ag e t o 1948 , i n fou r impressive , onl y infrequentl y ponderous, an d usuall y ver y cautiou s volumes , Britis h classicis t Georg e Hill , A History of Cyprus, v . 1 cover s th e perio d fro m th e Ston e Ag e t o th e conquest b y Richar d Lio n Heart , reall y a n admirabl e introductio n t o th e island; v. 2 covers th e Frankish period, 1192-1432 ; v . 3 covers the Frankis h period, 1432-1571 ; v . 4 cover s th e Ottoma n province , th e Britis h colony , 1571—1948, ed. Harry Luke, after the death of Hill. Cambridge, 1940,1948 , 1952. 2. Th e basi c study o f th e church o f Cypru s i s still, J. Hackett , A History of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus from the Coming of the Apostles Paul and Barnabas to the Commencement of the British Occupation (A.D 45-A.D 1878), together with some account of the Latin and other churches existing on the island. London , 1901 . Since the establishment of the Lusignan dynasty after 1192 , the overwhemingly Orthodo x majorit y ha d to endure subordina tion t o th e Lati n churc h unti l th e Ottoman s too k over . Se e Hill' s importan t chapter entitle d "Th e Tw o Churches , 1220-1 5 71," v . 3 , chapte r 16 , pp . 1041-1104. "Th e tendenc y t o fusio n whic h w e hav e notice d i n Cypru s wa s due t o th e weakenin g o f Latin s wh o wandere d int o th e Gree k fold , rathe r than t o an y approac h fro m th e Gree k side, " p . 1104 . Se e als o H . T . F . Duckworth. The Church of Cyprus. London , 1900 . 3. R . J. H. Jenkins, "Cypru s betwee n Byzantiu m an d Islam, A.D . 688-965, " v . 2, pp. 1006-101 4 i n G. E. Mylonas and D. Raymond, eds., Studies Presented to David Moore Robinson. St . Louis , 1953 . Se e als o Hill , v . 1 , chapte r i2,"Byzantium an d Islam," pp. 257-329 fo r important information . 4. Cypru s during the crusades an d under the Lusignans an d Venetians has bee n given a very solid traditional stud y by G. Hill, v. 2 and 3. Not ver y much wa s added b y Harr y Luke , "Th e Kingdo m o f Cyprus , 1291—1369, " pp . 3 4 0 360, an d "Th e Kingdo m o f Cyprus , 1369-1489, " pp . 361-39 5 i n K . M . Setton, series ed . A History of the Crusades, v . 3 , Harry W . Hazard , sectio n ed., The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. Madison , 1975 . See also Freddy Thiriet, La Romanie Venitienne au Moyen Age. Le developpement et V exploitation du domaine colonial venitien (XHe-XVe siecles). Paris , 1959 . 5. Th e change s mad e b y th e Venetians i n the olde r wall s ar e described i n grea t detail b y Hill , v . 3 , pp . 842-864 . Fo r a n excellen t technica l discussion , se e John F . Guilmartin, Jr., Gunpowder and Galleys. Changing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Sixteenth Century. Oxford , 1974 . Not e page 4, "I f there was an y singl e technological developmen t whic h cause d th e decline o f th e Mediterranea n worl d an d brough t abou t th e ris e o f norther n commercial dominanc e i t wa s th e developmen t an d sprea d o f th e us e o f effective heav y cannon." See also, pp. 67f, i57f , 257 , and passim. 6. Frederi c C. Lane was one of th e earliest and best scholars who deal t with th e great wealt h o f th e islan d o f Cypru s an d it s vital rol e i n th e Venetian trade . See, fo r example , "Th e Mediterranea n Spic e Trade : It s Reviva l i n th e Six -

i o Introduction teenth Century, " i n Bria n Pullan , ed . Crisis and Change in the Venetian Economy in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. London, 1968. pp. 2246, esp . 37f . Se e als o "Venetia n Shippin g durin g th e Commercia l Revolu tion," pp . 3-2 4 i n The Collected Papers of Frederic C . Lane. Baltimore, 1966. Also Venice. A Maritime Republic. Baltimore, 1973. pp. 297-300. Fernand Braudel place s great importance o n th e role which Cypru s had for Venice. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Phillip II. tr. S . Reynolds . Ne w York , 1976 , especiall y pp . i5f , 148ft . Se e also, F . Thiriet, La Romanie Venitienne . .., p . 435f. Apostolo s E . Vacalopoulos, The Greek Nation, 1455-1669. The Cultural and Economic Background of Modern Greek Society. Ne w Brunswick , 1976 . Se e also William H. McNeill, Venice. The Hinge of Europe 1081-1798, wh o concludes a fullblown plantation economy, Chicago, 1974 , pp. 54 and 76, and also Sydney Nettleton Fisher , The Foreign Relations of Turkey, 1481-1512. Urbana , 1948. pp. 39f, 54 , and 92. 7. O n the Mamluk dynasty , whic h conquered Cypru s in 137 0 an d demanded tribute fro m th e Lusignans, and then Venice, until Ottoma n Sultan Selim I ended that empire in 1516, see Hill, v. 2 and 3, pp. 370, 467ft, and 832. See also: Halil Inalcik , The Ottoman Empire, the Classical Age 1300—1600. tr . N. Itzkowitz and C. Imber. New York, 1973. pp. 31, 33f, 56 , 96f, 137 , i95f, 201. Stanfor d J . Shaw , The History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, v. 1 , Empire of the Gazis. Cambridge, 1976 . pp . 34f , 79 , 83-85 , 153. 8. Hill' s i s on e o f th e mos t detaile d an d reliabl e account s o f th e conques t of Cyprus i n 1570-1571 , an d th e immediatel y ensuin g battl e o f Lepant o of 1571, involving the Ottoman navy, on the one hand, and a Christian alliance of Venice, the Spanish Habsburgs, and the Papacy, on the other. Hill received some excellen t advic e abou t Ottoma n source s fro m Pau l Wittek . v . 3 , pp. 878-1040, n6if . Hil l also discusses the 300,000 ducats which Venice agreed to pay a s a war indemnity i n March 1573 . v. 4 , p . 37 . Sinc e then a major collection o f document s ha s bee n publishe d b y Emi n Aysan , Ktbrts Seferi [1570-1571). Turk Silahli Kiivvetleri Tarihi, Hind i ciit. Ankara, 1971. According t o Andre w C . Hess , "Th e Battl e of Lepant o an d Its Place in Mediterranean History," Fast and Present 57 . 1972 . 53-73, "With extraordinary speed , th e Ottoma n stat e demonstrate d bot h th e sufficienc y o f it s naval resource s an d the effectiveness o f it s bureaucracy throug h the reconstruction of its fleet within two years of the battle of Lepanto." pp. 62, 6 373. Ottoman sources give no indication of a major blow to Ottoman power or prestige, nor to a loss of self-confidence ; Seli m II acknowledged hi s personal negligence . Th e Ottoma n empir e recovere d immediately , stil l unchal lenged at sea, and continuing expansion i n North Africa b y eliminating the remaining Habsburg fortresses there, so that they had the upper hand at least until a truce of 1580 . Hess found that Ottoman sources show absolutely no adverse effect s o f Lepant o becaus e o f thei r vas t resource s an d excellen t military an d bureaucrati c organization . Compar e tw o othe r authoritativ e

Introduction n articles by Hess, "The Evolution of th e Ottoman Seaborn e Empire in the Age of Oceani c Discoveries, 1453—1525, " American Historical Review 75 . 1970 . 1892-1919, an d "The Ottoman Conquest of Egypt (1517) an d the Beginning of th e Sixteent h Centur y Worl d War," International Journal of Middle East Studies 4 . 1973 . 55-76 . Guilmartin ha s challenge d Hess' s views, saying that there is evidence tha t the Ottoman s "neve r quit e recovere d fro m Lepanto . Certainl y the y neve r again displaye d th e sam e tactica l agressivenes s a t sea. " Gunpowder and Galleys . . . , p . 156 . H e claims tha t the Ottomans neve r recovered fro m thei r loss of skille d manpower after Lepanto, although h e has no evidence, p. 272 . He believes that the war of Cyprus and Lepanto begin a change in the systems of Mediterranean conflict , pp . 272f. According t o a footnot e i n Hil l base d o n a lette r fro m Witte k th e mos t important Ottoma n chronicle r treatin g th e conques t o f Cypru s i s Mustaf a c Ali, because he personally attende d that campaign, but unfortunately tha t is available only in manuscript. Hill , v. 3 , pp. ii49ff . Othe r chroniclers, excep t for Ibrahi m Pec^ev i an d Muneccimbas j see m t o suppor t Hess' s view . Th e contemporary Selaniki , wh o die d i n 159 9 give s a n authenti c accoun t o f th e conquest o f Cypru s i n 157 0 an d th e battl e o f Lepanto . H e say s tha t whil e Sultan Selim II was still a prince, a ship coming from Egypt, and belonging to him, had taken refuge from a storm on Cyprus, and gifts which were intended for hi m ha d bee n seized . Soo n afte r h e becam e sultan , h e sen t a fleet o f 8 4 vessels t o bring s soldier s an d conque r th e island . The n i n 1571 , he ha d 18 4 vessels who ha d believe d that they would wi n a t Lepanto, but lost becaus e it was lat e i n th e season , an d man y vessel s wer e no t read y fo r battle . O f hi s fleet, only 4 2 returne d fro m Lepanto . I t was resolve d t o rebuil d exactl y th e number o f vessel s whic h ha d bee n destroyed . Specia l taxe s ( cavariz akc e an d kurekci) wer e levie d o n th e people . Th e ne w commande r Kili c c Ali di d no t waste a moment ; withi n 12 0 day s th e new , completel y refurbishe d fleet o f 134 sailed out. The enemy had dealt them a serious blow, but they recovered. Tarih-i Selaniki. Istanbul , 1281 . pp. 100-104 . Another importan t accoun t i s tha t o f Ibrahi m Peqev i (1574-1649) . Ac cording t o hi m th e sulta n fel t force d t o ac t agains t Cypru s i n 157 0 becaus e Venice ha d bee n allowin g brigand s (e§kiya) t o attac k ships , travelers , mer chants, an d pilgrim s goin g t o Egypt . Also , sinc e Cypru s ha d formerl y bee n under Musli m rule , i t wa s especiall y importan t t o restor e it . Accordin g t o Pe^evi, after the defeat at Lepanto, 25 0 vessels were readied for the followin g year; with a new commander , bu t becaus e o f th e disaste r th e previou s year , Ottomans wer e ver y war y o f attacking , an d withdre w t o Istanbul . Tarih-i Peqevi. ( 2 v.) Istanbul , 1283 . v. 1 , pp. 486—491. According t o th e grea t schola r an d nava l historia n Kati b C^eleb i (1609 1658), the Ottomans had attacked Cyprus in 157 0 because of the interferenc e of brigand s (eskiya) fro m th e island wit h Musli m merchant s and pilgrims o n ships; Venic e woul d no t accep t responsibility . The n afte r th e defea t a t Le panto eigh t arsenal s buil t th e exac t numbe r o f ne w vessel s whic h ha d bee n

12 Introduction destroyed, namel y 150 , unde r th e supervisio n o f (Sokollu ) Mehme d Pa§a , who saile d wit h n o opposition . Tuhfet uUKibar fi esfar el-bahar. Istanbul , 1329. pp . 95ff . Se e als o The History of the Maritime Wars of the Turks, tr . James Mitchell . London , 1831 . pp . 72-79 . Anothe r importan t accoun t i s that o f Muneccimbasj , (d . 1702) , wh o assert s tha t Cypru s wa s conquere d because th e peopl e violate d a n agreemen t wit h Sulta n Suleyman , whe n the y had attacke d an d plundere d Ottoma n vessels . H e assert s tha t bot h side s avoided eac h othe r afte r Lepanto . Munecci m Ba§ i Dervi § Ahme d Efendi , Sahaif uUakhbar. tr . §a c ir Nedim Efendi . Istanbul , 1285 . v. 3 , pp. 523-529 . Another important Ottoman historian Demetrius Cantemir calls the Ottoman defeat a t Lepanto , comin g righ t afte r th e grea t victor y a t Cyprus , th e wors t Ottoman defea t sinc e th e defea t o f Sulta n Yildiri m Bayezid ; i t occurre d because th e Ottoman s wer e thoroughl y unprepared . Seli m grieve d abou t it , and prayed, then appointed a new commander who returned boldly with 25 0 ships and vigorously attacked , which frightene d th e Christian fleet into withdrawing. Whe n th e los s wa s mor e tha n ampl y avenged , Seli m i n gratitud e adorned certai n sacre d buildings . The History of the Growth and Decay of the Ottoman Empire, tr . N. Tindal . London , 1734 . pp. 222-226 . Braudel, in his revised English translation, points to pirates in and aroun d Cyprus almos t necessitatin g th e Ottoma n attac k t o attai n security . B y tha t time h e ha d becom e awar e o f th e importan t subsequen t Ottoma n nava l advances afte r 157 1 lik e L a Golet a an d Tunis , bu t stil l maintain s tha t al though definitel y no t th e only caus e of Ottoma n decline , i t was quit e impor tant. The Mediterranean . . . , pp . 312 , io8off , 1088 . Christia n privateer s began t o mak e grea t advances . Venic e betraye d th e "holy " Alliance , partl y because o f th e enormou s expense s o f it s fleet. Venic e gav e bac k al l th e territory it had recently conquered in Albania, returned all Ottoman prisoners without ransom , limite d he r fleet to 6 0 galleys , an d paid 300,00 0 sequin s i n reparations. Th e demis e o f th e Ottoma n fleet wa s hastene d b y th e inactivit y which followed th e Ottoman-Spanish Habsbur g treaty of 1580 . pp. 112 7 an d 114if. Hess , o n th e othe r hand , insist s tha t i t wa s onl y th e Portugues e an d Spanish Habsburg s wh o neede d tha t truc e of 1580 , fo r th e Ottoma n empir e had vas t resource s an d vigo r a t tha t time . "Th e Battl e o f Lepant o . . . , pp . 66L The Greek Cyprio t scholar Costas P. Kyrris has made a number of impor tant, ofte n seminal , studie s concernin g th e Christian s o f th e islan d unde r Ottoman rule . Especiall y provocativ e i s "Symbioti c Element s i n th e Histor y of th e Tw o Communitie s o f Cyprus, " Kypriakos Logos 8 . 1976 . 243-282 . "L'importance social e d e l a conversio n a l'lsla m (volontair e o u non ) d'un e section de s classe s dirigeante s d e Chypr e pendan t le s premier s siecle s d e l'occupation turqu e (1570-fi n du XVII e siecle) " pp . 437-46 2 i n Actes du premier congres international des etudes balkanaiques et sud-est europeennes. v. 3 , Histoire. Sofia , 1969 . "Cypriote Scholars in Venice in the 16t h and 17t h Centuries," pp. 183—272 , in J, Irmsche r an d M . Mineemi , eds. , Uber Beziehungen des Griechentums zum Ausland in der Neueren Zeit. Berlin , 1968 .

Introduction 1 3 And other s listed . Accordin g t o Theodor e Papadopoullos , despit e possibl y abundant Ottoma n archiva l material s fro m othe r parts of th e empire, such records " . .. shoul d be rather scanty as concerns Cyprus," because of its late conquest of 157 0 and was "one of the most neglected and maladministered" of provinces. Social and Historical Data on Population (1570-1881). Nico sia, 1965. pp. 4L R. Jennings, "Th e Population , Taxation , an d Wealt h i n th e Citie s an d Villages o f Cyprus , Accordin g t o th e Detaile d Populatio n Surve y (Defter-i Mufassal) o f 1572, " Journal of Turkish Studies, Raiyyet Rusumu Essays Presented to Halil Inalcik 10. 1986 . 175-189 . Fro m that registe r of 157 2 great variety wa s found , rathe r than monopol y o r overconcentration. Thi s parallels a situatio n describe d b y Jean Richard , "Un e economi e coloniale ? Chypre et ses resources agricole s a u Moyen-Age," Byzantinische Forschungen, Internationale Zeitschrift fur Byzantinistik 5 . 1977. 331-352. Richard mentions grains like wheat and barley, legumes like carobs, lentils, chick-peas, green beans, peas, and vetch, as well as grapes, raisins, wine, olives, sesame, fruits, and vegetables being produced. Such products, not just sugar and cotton, were widely cultivated . H e also suggests skillful us e was made o f wate r an d othe r imaginativ e agricultura l innovation s rathe r than slave labor. Cyprus agriculture offered the people the possibility of leading a good life, no t colonialism. Braude l is wrong to believe that idea of colonial life wit h monocroping. Ther e was quite a mixed agriculture , pp. 337-343, 346, 349f.

ONE

The Women of the Island

The Ottoma n conques t an d th e ensuin g implementatio n o f Islami c la w undoubtedly ha d profoun d effect s o n th e lega l positio n o f wome n an d on famil y life . Th e impac t o f a century o f Venetia n rul e over th e Gree k Orthodox majorit y i s difficul t t o conjecture , particularl y i n thi s aspec t most remove d fro m publi c scrutiny . Eve n t o ge t a n impressio n o f th e position o f wome n i n famil y an d public lif e i n the traditional Orthodo x Byzantine societ y an d econom y i s difficult . Th e Lati n an d Venetian ruling classe s o f Cypru s wer e no t note d fo r thei r hig h morality , whil e the reputation s o f th e late r Lusigna n famil y an d th e Lati n aristocrac y were unsavory. Certai n 16th-centur y travelers noted the ease with which seamen an d merchant s mad e liaison s wit h wome n o f som e Aegea n is lands, but Cyprus is as far from som e of thos e island s a s is Venice itself. If the functioning o f th e local popular society i s difficult t o perceive, still the degre e o f publi c dissipatio n practice d i n th e lat e Lusigna n cour t would no t likel y hav e occurre d i n th e Ottoma n province , althoug h indeed th e machination s i n th e imperia l Ottoma n hare m durin g th e period of th e "sultanat e of women" perhaps are in some ways comparable. A n aur a o f dissolutenes s adhere d popularl y t o th e wome n o f th e island wher e Aphrodite/Venu s wa s born , an d fo r centurie s afte r th e establishment o f Lati n crusader state s in the Levant, man y les s sophisti cated western Europeans looked askance at morality there. Whether they believed uprigh t Christian s corrupte d an d debilitate d b y lon g (o r eve n brief) interrelationshi p wit h les s moral , effeminat e Greek s an d godles s Muslims, o r whethe r the y believe d immoralit y wa s th e inevitabl e effec t 14

The Women of the Island 1 5 of the hot climate, many of the unsophisticated fel t moral contempt for their Levantine cousins.1 In their writings, western European travelers, pilgrims, and merchants largely ignor e th e wome n o f Cyprus . Muc h o f wha t the y imagin e i s based o n romanti c presupposition s abou t th e islan d o f Venus . S o the imagination o f th e pries t Ludol f o f Suche n wa s provoke d whe n h e passed Baf (Paphos) early in the 14t h century: "For the soil of Cyprus, and especially where the castle is, if a man sleep thereon, of its own self will all night through provoke a man to lust." 2 Compar e the Venetian patrician Francesc o Suriano , who mad e hi s pilgrimag e i n 1484 : "Th e women are lewd. The country and climate of themselves incline to fleshly lust and nearly everyone lives in concubinage. In the days of king Jacques the women went about attired in a seductive manner like nymphs. Now they g o decentl y dressed." 3 Th e societ y o f 16th-centur y Cypru s separated men from women in public and required a modest dress of women, as had the Orthodox y o f Byzantin e Cyprus . In 155 3 th e pilgrim John Locke observed : "Thei r wome n ar e alwaye s separate d fro m th e men, and generally they are in the lower ende of the church."4 The merchant Elias of Pesaro noticed this separation, which he attributed to immorality: "They do not allow their women to show themselves in the town by day; only b y night can they visit their friends and go to church." That was in order to prevent "the frequent adulteries." 5 The Italian pilgrim Nicolas de Martoni, who visited Cyprus in 1394, reported that Magosa (Famagusta) wa s famou s fo r it s courtesans. Nevertheless , he acknowl edged tha t al l th e wome n o f th e islan d "wea r blac k mantle s o n thei r head s o tha t thei r face s ca n hardl y b e seen." 6 O f mor e substanc e i s Martoni's testimon y t o th e integratio n o f wome n int o th e vigorou s camlet industr y o f Magosa : N o woma n wa s allowe d t o leav e th e city without th e permission of th e commander, an d had to post bail a t the court fo r he r return , i f sh e wa s allowe d t o leave , bu t permission wa s rarely given. "The reason alleged is that men cannot live in that city but for the women who spin and prepare wool for the camlet, for they have hardly any other means of living."7 In 168 3 th e Dutc h Orientalis t Corneliu s va n Bruy n foun d tha t the women of Cypru s dressed much like in "Turkey," with a handkerchief around th e hea d a s a headdress. 8 Tw o 18th-centur y contemporaries , Richard Pococke and Van der Nyenburg, described the Cypriot women as no t s o covered . Th e latte r compare d thei r dres s t o th e wome n o f

16 The

Women of the Island

Rhodes, excep t wearin g n o veils. 9 Accordin g t o Pocock e th e wome n ".. . go unveiled , s o the y expos e themselve s i n a manner that i n these parts is looked on as very indecent."10 Islam place s grea t emphasi s o n persona l an d famil y morality , an d long befor e th e 16t h centur y it s legist s ha d worke d ou t i n elaborat e detail thos e portion s o f th e Shari a whic h relat e t o wome n an d famil y life. Wit h noteworth y exceptions , 16th-centur y Isla m seem s t o hav e profoundly affecte d th e socia l an d economi c etho s o f it s believers . Islamic legists strove to make that law permeate the lives of all Muslims, but non-Muslims were left a great deal of autonomy i n their life styles, particularly in regard to their personal and communal morality, and so the effects o f Isla m as a state religion on the society ar e unpredictable. After th e Ottoma n conquest , fo r th e first time i n centuries , Musli m women and families, both immigrants and converts, appeared in Cyprus. The protectio n o f Islami c law , particularl y throug h thei r traditiona l protectors, the kadis and their courts, was made available to all women, even the Greek Orthodox majority for whom it probably was not obligatory. On e ma y wonde r wha t experience s thes e immigran t Musli m women o r local convert s had which mad e them aware of th e existence of this protection and made them seek out its protection for themselves. By 1595 , within 2 5 year s of th e Ottoman conquest , a large number of women from Lef ko§a (Nicosia), the nearby villages, and perhaps all over Cyprus were active participants in the court system; indeed, that probably was the case in 158 0 or even earlier. At least some of the credit for the rapid institutionalization of the system must go to the kadis. The protection s offere d wome n b y th e Shari a cour t o f Lefko§ a ar e basically th e sam e offere d b y similar court s elsewhere i n the Ottoma n empire, althoug h n o doub t loca l tradition s an d political development s had some impact. Women were entitled to many of the same legal rights as men and they had equal opportunity to use the court to ensure those rights. O f course , wome n i n th e Gree k Orthodo x majorit y ha d th e alternative of solving their problems within their own religious community; bu t i n an y disput e a Sharia cour t deigne d t o hear , th e judgment was made in terms of the Sharia itself. The Sharia court of Lef ko§a had behind it the full sanction of the Ottoman state, for it was the obligation of al l Ottoma n official s t o obe y an d implemen t it s decisions . Wome n particularly used the court to settle matters of marriage and divorce, to secure th e suppor t o r maintenanc e necessar y fo r thei r livelihoods , t o

The Women of the Island 1 7 secure or otherwise t o use their personal property , an d to complain of physical violence of one kind or another. In fact, however, cases involving wome n covere d a whole gamu t o f problems , profoun d o r trivial , which concerned them. An important indicator of th e relevance of th e court to their lives is the frequenc y wit h whic h the y use d it . O f 95 8 case s survivin g fro m 1593—1595 (1002—1003) , 230 , or 24% , involved at least one woman. Of 13 0 cases from a fragment of 158 0 (988), 23% involved at least one woman. The figure for the 17 5 case s of 1607-161 0 (1016-1018 ) wa s only 11% , but that volume is exceptional. More typically, 21% (248) of 1184 case s i n 1609-161 1 (1018—1019 ) involve d a t least on e woman, and for the 1630s the figureis 35% (183 of 528). (See table 1.1.) Almost a quarte r o f al l th e judicia l case s hear d befor e th e cour t o f Lefko§ a involved a t leas t on e woman . Almos t three-quarter s (73% ) o f thos e women were Muslims, although more than one woman in four who had business before this Islamic court was a Christian.11 Traditionally Sharia courts encourage individuals to testify in person, and legal agents (vekil) may only be used in the absence of a litigant, not as advisers. Although women were permitted in almost all cases to use an agent, and so remain in the privacy of their homes, only about 35% of th e wome n di d so , eithe r t o avoi d attendin g i n perso n o r becaus e really no t a t hand . Th e proportion o f Christia n wome n attendin g th e court i n perso n wa s noticeabl y greate r tha n tha t o f Musli m women . While only 23% of Christian women had recourse to a legal agent, over 39% o f th e Muslim wome n di d so. 12 In 1633—163 7 Christia n women used th e cour t wit h a slightl y greate r frequenc y compare d t o Musli m women than Christian men did compared to Muslim men. The proportion o f wome n usin g the court who were Christians increase d b y over half between 161 0 and 1633, from 24% to 38%. Presumably the growing proportion o f women using the court reflects the adjustment of the local people to the new Islamic legal order. Of course, the court was primarily a man's place. While women came there wit h specia l problems , al l o f th e kadi s an d police official s wer e men, an d so wer e al l th e loca l peopl e wh o collecte d aroun d th e court long hours overseeing its operations, perhaps even gossiping. No woman would have stayed there long. Even virtually all the witnesses were men, for althoug h women' s eye s wer e presume d t o b e a s goo d a s thos e o f men, thei r mind s wer e not ; besides , encouragin g wome n t o appea r in

% 11

8 18 3 35 5 73

% 19

3 27

% 20

6 39

% 5

50

%4

4 48

%

1 35

% 69 38 % 25

5 22

%9

% 89 34

5 25

5 25

5 23

% 1

% 1

38

%1

%8

8 40

% 74 36

%7

%3

%

9 23

24

1 24

33

% 69 38

5

3 77%

3 62

% 4

%6

%5

3 76

6 76

29

%

%

%

3 36

Note: Figure s for cases with Muslim women plus those for zimmi women do not necessarily equal the figures for the total number of cases with women. Sometimes cases involved more than one woman. Occasionall y a case had both Muslim and zimmi women, only one of whom had a vekil . Scrupulous efforts were made to make tables as precise as possible; the level of accuracy is satisfactory for my claims.

% 52

% 20

4 24 8 21

0 24

% 1

9 11

5 1

% 19

0 24

8 26

%6

#1A988 108 (1580) 1002-1003 (1593-1595) #2 1016- 17 1018 (1607-1610) #3 1018- 118 1019 (1609-1611) #4 1043- 52 1046 (1633-1637) total 297 5 71

% 15 71 %

0 23 0 24

988(1580) 130 3 1002-1003 958 23 (1593-1595)

years cases

total % total % with with with with total % total % total % Muslim Muslim zimmi zimmi for all with total % with with with with women women women women women women total with a with Muslim Muslim zimmi zimmi with with with with with with woman women women women women women vekil vekil vekil vekil vekil vekil

Table I. I Women an d th e Cour t of Lefko§ a

%

The Women of the Island 1

9

public regularly even in the service of justice was apparently not desired. Women rarel y serve d a s witnesse s i n Ottoma n Shari a courts . Usuall y when they did so the matter was uncontested, and their testimony counte d only hal f tha t o f a man . Perhap s the y accepte d thos e disabilitie s them selves and so did not shirk to bring problems before the kadis. In a few instance s women di d serve as witnesses at the Sharia court of Lefko§a. Fo r example , c Ayni bin t c Abdullah an d Dos t bin t 'Abdulla h made know n tha t c Ay§e bin t c Abdullah wa s fou r o r five month s preg nant, a matte r o f modest y concernin g wome n alone. 13 Mehme d b n Ahmed, c Abdur-Rahman b n c Abdullah, an d fro m wome n Asy a bin t c Abdullah and Cemile bint c Abdullah confirmed th e testimony o f Hadic e bint c Abdullah o f Lefko§ a tha t Sakin a bin t Mustaf a owe d he r 13,71 1 akce fro m a loan (karz). 14 Muslim e Hoc a bin t Pi r c Ali an d Raziy e bin t Resul, women, an d Ca cfer be g bn c Abdullah testified tha t the late Hasa n kethuda b y Ilyas was owed 300 0 akc e . . . 1 5 c Udul-i Muslimin Mehme d bn Hasan, Meyhan bin t Halil, an d Fatma bin t Ridvan testified confirm ing the claim of th e Armenian woman Altun that her husband still owe d her th e 300 0 akc e loa n (karz) sh e ha d give n him. 16 Onl y i n matter s considered peculiarl y femal e doe s th e testimon y o f wome n alon e eve r suffice. In any case , wome n di d mak e seriou s claim s a t the court o f Le f ko§a with som e regularity . Fo r example , a Gree k Orthodo x woma n o f Har codiye (? ) villag e o f Mesariy e kaz a ha d c Omer $avu § bn c Abdullah an d Musliheddin halif e summone d t o cour t in the presence of th e provincial governor (mir miran) Mehme d Pa§ a for entering her house, beatin g her, and seizing her property becaus e they claimed her husband owed mone y to th e treasur y (miri)} 7 Anothe r zimm i woma n mad e a simila r clai m against Mem i $avu § b n c Abdullah o f th e divan- i Kibri s $avu§es. 18 Stil l another Gree k Orthodo x woman , ltesa t (? ) bin t Andrey e o f Kazumin a (?) quarter of Le f ko§a made a claim that long ago c Ali re' is bn Bedr had seized her and taken her for a slave and wife.19 c Ay§e bint c Ali of Hayda r Pa§a quarter of Le f ko§a, throug h he r agent (vekil) Mehme d b n Ahmed , claimed tha t Husey n b n c Abdullah stil l owe d 20 0 akc e tha t h e ha d borrowed (karz-i hasen) fro m he r lat e husband. 20 Fahrul-muhaddera t Fatma hatun bint Hasan ag a of Le f ko§a had for her vekil Hasa n ag a b n c Abdulllah wh o claime d befor e muselle m Mustaf a $avu § representin g provincial governo r (mir miran) Mustaf a Pa§ a tha t he r lat e brothe r Musli efendi wa s owed 20,00 0 akc e for certain goods he had given. 21

20 The

Women of the Island

Aluce (?) bint §eyhi, wife ( cavret) of celali leader (ba§bug) §a cban of the mainland (Ote Yaka ) set s forth a claim (t.d.) against Husey n b n Mehmed: My husband (zevcum) §a cban gave some of my goods to Huseyn to pay his debt (deyn). I did not wan t t o giv e them , an d I did no t giv e m y permission . I want m y righ t (hakkum). Le t Huseyn be asked about the matter. Huseyn acknowledges receiving the goods in payment for §acban's debt, but he asserts he had no knowledge that they belonged to the wife. She has no proof. When he is asked to take an oath, he does so.22 Mariye bint Hiristofi, wife, and Ancola, daughter of the late Christian Nikola v. Papa Todori o f Menagr i villag e of Gila n kaza in Cyprus acknowledge (ik.lft.) before Ramaza n be g b n c Abdullah: Th e accuse d ha s illegall y (fuzulen) take n possession of the entire property and goods we inherited from the deceased. We want them. A settlement was reached amicably with the intervention of upright people (muslihun). 23 Women, i n turn , wer e obligate d t o answe r seriou s lega l claim s mad e against them in court. They had to respond to all charges and to produce evidence just as men did , although suc h claim s were not frequent . Mah mud beg , spah i o f Balic u (? ) villag e o f Lefko§a , summoned t o cour t a non-Muslim woma n name d Pere§kon u bin t Benak i (? ) o f tha t village , accusing he r o f illicitl y havin g sexua l intercours e wit h anothe r villager . When th e woma n calle d upo n th e peopl e o f th e villag e t o attes t t o he r reputation fo r goo d behavior , the y did. 24 Pervi z beg bn c Abdullah claime d the property o f Christia n (zimmiye) Anzol a bin t Laristiyo, widow o f th e late Pavlo , who wen t t o Venice. 25 Za cim Pervi z be g claimed tha t a slave girl name d Rahim e absconde d wit h 15,00 0 altu n an d Mustaf a ke thuda.26 It was even possible for a woman to make claims against her husband, father, o r othe r mal e relatives , althoug h suc h claim s obviousl y wer e infrequent. Contrariwise , a ma n migh t hav e t o mak e seriou s charge s against his own wife o r female relatives. Husna bin t Mura d claime d tha t he r husban d Merger i v . Kuluk , Armenian , always treats her cruelly (cefa ve eza).. F Muslime bin t Bed r (? ) demand s 300 0 akc e delaye d dowr y (mehr~i mite* ccel) from her husband Mustafa c Ali bn Ramazan. He acknowledges only 100 0 akce debt. Divorce (hul c) is made.28 Already b y 1593-159 5 (1002-1003 ) wome n ha d secure d a n impor tant rol e a s property holder s i n Le f ko§a an d elsewhere i n Cyprus . Thir-

The Women of the Island 2

1

teen percent o f al l propert y transfer s (i.e. , house an d other majo r structures, wit h o r withou t surroundin g land ) an d 15 % o f al l lan d transfer s involved women. Women were involved in 14 % (23 o f 166 ) o f th e total number of lan d and property transfers mentioned at that time. While the small numbe r o f lan d sale s an d purchase s wer e i n equa l proportions , women sol d mor e than four pieces o f propert y fo r every one they bought , which o f cours e mean s tha t wome n proportionatel y wer e accumulatin g property. B y 1609—1611 (1018—1019 ) no t onl y wer e wome n stil l in volved i n 15 % o f lan d transfer s bu t i n addition the y wer e involve d i n 31% o f al l property transfers . Overal l tha t meant women were involve d in 26 % (2 2 o f 84 ) o f th e tota l lan d an d property transfers . Lan d transfers wer e few , bu t sale s exceede d purchases ; propert y sale s exceede d purchases b y mor e tha n fivefold. Despit e th e clear trend of disposin g o f their land and property, women had come to control a considerable an d steadily increasing proportion of lan d and property. There was the basis for at least a limited economic impact on the community. Quite a large number of lan d and property transfers were recorded in 1633-1637 (1043-1047) , an d the proportion o f those , particularly th e former, involvin g wome n increase d significantly , a s i f th e long-ter m effects o f th e applicatio n o f Islami c inheritanc e law s wer e bein g felt . A t least on e woma n wa s a part y t o 31 % of al l lan d transfers , doubl e th e proportion o f earlie r times ; a t th e sam e tim e wome n wer e buyer s o r sellers i n 30 % o f propert y transfers . A t tha t tim e the y wer e mor e tha n three time s a s likel y t o sel l lan d a s t o bu y it , an d almos t thre e time s a s likely t o sel l property . Nevertheless , wome n wer e involve d i n 30 % (3 9 of 128 ) o f al l transfers in 1633-1637 . The proportio n o f propert y hel d b y wome n increase d steadil y over half a century. The proportio n o f al l lan d an d property hel d b y wome n in 159 5 wa s alread y substantial , an d b y the 1630 s tha t proportio n ha d doubled. O f cours e th e tendency of wome n to sell also remained a longterm trend; they either spent or saved the cash they received in payment. Evidently wome n di d no t inves t thei r capita l i n lan d an d propert y a s actively a s some me n did , but they acquire d i t nonetheless. Indeed , lan d and property ma y not eve n have been considered a s investments, for th e principles o f Islami c la w ordaine d tha t th e price of propert y shoul d no t be increase d unles s it s rea l valu e als o wa s increase d somehow . A s th e society an d econom y o f Cypru s develope d unde r th e influenc e o f Otto -

22 The

Women of the Island

man institutions , th e positio n o f wome n wa s a t leas t i n som e way s enhanced. In matters of accumulating , managing , an d claiming property wome n showed rea l vigor . A larg e proportio n o f thos e usin g th e cour t wer e looking afte r thei r ow n property . The y accumulate d land , houses , an d money throug h inheritance , through dowries , gift, o r by purchase. Sinc e the Islamic law applie d b y the court required that female a s well a s male relatives shar e i n estate s o f clos e relatives , theoreticall y ther e shoul d have bee n a s man y wome n propert y holder s a s men.Whil e i n fac t tha t was no t th e case, many women di d accumulate property . Although the y tended t o sel l inheritanc e share s t o mal e relatives , thu s reducin g th e extent o f thei r ow n holdings , the y mus t hav e acquire d mone y then. I f that di d no t brin g the m economi c independence , i t certainl y mus t hav e brought the m som e security . Frequentl y women ha d to seek th e support of th e kad i t o protec t thei r propert y fro m men , bu t th e cour t seem s t o have provide d firm suppor t then. Again , a ma n occasionall y foun d a woman s o firmly in contro l o f conteste d propert y tha t h e ha d t o mak e recourse t o th e court. Whatever economi c influenc e wome n ha d outsid e of thei r home s o n th e loca l communit y wa s certainl y closel y relate d t o their ownership of property . Inheritance wa s th e mos t commo n wa y wome n accumulate d prop erty, an d me n too . The cour t followe d regula r procedures i n the imple mentation o f inheritanc e laws ; althoug h th e judicia l record s o f Le f ko§a do no t explicitl y itemiz e estate s o r recor d their assignmen t t o particula r heirs, many cases involved rival claimants who had settled their disagreements and others involved heirs who had divided an estate amicably an d wanted a publi c recor d tha t the y ha d don e so . Fro m befor e 1595 , an d probably eve n befor e 1580 , a n authorit y wa s firmly i n contro l whic h was abl e t o ensur e th e regula r transfe r o f inheritanc e t o women , albei t at one-half th e rat e receive d b y mal e relative s o f th e sam e degree . Eve n non-Muslim wome n frequentl y availe d themselve s o f thi s right . Th e experience o f ownin g an d managing personal propert y o f eve n a limited size provide d elementar y economi c responsibilit y an d worldl y experi ence, an d eve n whe n advic e fro m husband s an d mal e famil y member s was readily available. That is a step toward economic independence . Special provisions were made in Cyprus for women who were capable of cultivatin g lan d t o inheri t tha t fro m thei r father s i n th e absenc e o f sons. Spahi s wer e require d t o allo w suc h wome n th e righ t t o cultivat e

The Women of the Island 2

3

the land; they could not transfer it to another, charging the "registratio n fee" (resm-i tapu) a s the y di d whe n ther e wer e n o heir s wh o coul d cultivate it properly. Huseyn $avu § o f Lefko§ a an d Ridva n be g b n c Abdul-Mennan a s vekil s stat e (t.k.): Fields called Manastiryeri near Girniye gate belonging to the late Mehmed, Selebi, wit h water-whee l wel l (dolab kuyusi), are suitable fo r titl e registratio n (tapu). Perviz beg, steward of the tax-farm charged with inheritance, registered it for c Ay§e for 200 0 akce. The right of possession (hakk-i tasarruf) i s given to the woman .. . 29 To governor (sancagi begi), know that Christian (zimmiye) Belime (?) sent a man to m y Porte . I t wa s sai d tha t he r fathe r die d withou t mal e childre n (evlad-i zukur), so lands in her possession were given to the spahis, interfering with her rights. She should be given her fathers' lands. I wrote that you should give her her father's lands. If anyone dies without a son or brother, his land goes to tapu for another. If he has a son or brother, it goes to him. And daughters who have the ability to perform agriculture may request their father's lands. It is my order. Registration fee (resm-i tapu) o f 30 0 akce may be taken for the best lands, 200 akce for average land, and 100 akce for the worst land.30 Altun bin t Sina n o f Kaysariy e inherite d 700 0 c osmani akc e fro m he r late fathe r o f A y a Sofy a quarter. 31 Janissar y Yusu f b n Hasa n inherite d an estate (menzil) fro m his late mother Emine bint Ahmed. 32 Two wive s of th e lat e Ibrahi m §avu § inherite d 1957V 2 akce , an d tw o daughter s Emine an d Rahim e inherite d 4567V 2 akc e apiece ; a so n Ilya s inherite d 9135 akce. 33 Th e lat e Fatm a bin t c Abdullah die d withou t heir s (varis), so he r effects (muhallefat) belon g t o th e treasur y (miri)} 4 The estat e o f the late Merye m bin t c Abdullah amounte d t o 14,65 5 akce. 35 A son an d daughter o f th e lat e Ayl a hatun inherite d 32,00 0 akc e an d 16,00 0 akc e respectively. The mother herself inherite d 12,00 0 akce. 36 c

Abdul-Kerim $avu§ , called Kara Ba§, stated (t.k.): I give my garden (bagce) o f known boundarie s a s a gift t o m y daughter Fatma , an d m y houses (evler) o f known boundarie s a t Kizi l kul e quarte r i n Lefko§ a a s a gif t (hibe) for m y daughter cAy§e. If I die, let my son 'Abdul-Halim not interfere.37 Cemile bin t §a cban kethud a an d he r brothe r Rece b compromis e o n terms o f settlemen t o f thei r lat e father' s estate. 38 Rab i c a bin t Mehme d of Incirl u village o f Le f ko§a sells her estate (menzil) a t the village to her husband c Ali b n c Adbullah fo r 500 0 akce. 39 Mehme d gavu § bn Ibrahi m of Sera y quarte r in Le f ko§a sell s thre e houses (menzil) i n th e quarte r t o Meryem bint Mahmud for 500 0 akce. 40

24 The

Women of the Island

A few wome n becam e lender s or borrowers, no t rare phenomenon i n the Middle East . Sometimes th e money owed women wa s simply unpai d dowry an d maintenance , a s i n th e case s o f 54 5 akc e owe d Cemil e bin t Yener b y her husband Mehme d b n c Abdi an d the 30 0 akc e owed b y Pir Dede bn Maksud t o his wife Teslime bint Behine (?). 41 Sakina bin t Mustaf a o f Lefko§ a mad e a clai m (da cva) against Hadic e bin t Abdullah wh o ha s he r agen t (vekil) Yusuf $avu § bn c Abdullah: Formerl y she gave me 3000 akce as a loan (karz-i hasen). I have paid part. Hadice denies this; a mal e an d tw o femal e witnesse s confirme d Sakina' s testimon y an d i t wa s accepted.42 Hadice claimed that the original deb t was 13,71 1 akc e but she had compromised (sulh) for 10,711 akce.43 c

Barsun v. Mercan, Armenian, acknowledges still owin g Fatma hatun, who has Omer ag a a s agent (vekil), zi6o o f th e 616 0 akc e fro m th e purchase o f tw o mules.44

c

Mahmud beg bn cAbdullah says (b.k.) before his wife Christian (zimmiye) Cov ani: Two years ago I sold her a cloak (ferace) fo r 200 0 akce to be paid in 16 0 days. In payment she was to give olive oil (revgan-i zeyt) and other goods, but she has not. Let her be questioned; I want to be paid as I should. Acknowledged by Covani.45 Mu'mine bin t Sefe r o f Lefko§ a say s befor e Rab i c a hatun: I gave he r a cloak (ferace) for 15 guru§. She acknowledges that.46 Armenian Altun formerl y len t her husband Mura d 300 0 akc e (karz) whic h he 4 7 has not yet repaid.... Women wer e allowed t o take oaths on the same principles a s men, to substantiate thei r ow n testimon y whe n bette r evidenc e wa s lacking . A t that time , however , oath-takin g wa s no t ver y commo n i n th e cour t o f Lefko§a. Although Han o (? ) bin t Yarcut e (?) , guardia n (vast) fo r th e mino r sons o f th e lat e Christia n Duk a o f A y a Mariy e villag e o f Le f ko§a, ha d no proof fo r her claim that the 1 5 donu m land (yer) and z house s (ev) at the village ha d been given by Marko, she was asked to take an oath an d did so. 48 Althoug h Raziy e bin t Hali l o f Le f ko§a ha d n o proo f tha t he r husband Nurulla h an d he r uncl e Gaz i ha d sol d he r hous e (menzil) t o haci c Ali be g bn c Abdullah, an oath wa s propose d t o he r and sh e swor e that th e sal e ha d bee n mad e withou t he r consent . O n th e basi s o f he r oath, th e sal e wa s cancelle d (fesh). 49 Mu'min e bin t c Adbul-Gani wa s

The Women of the Island 2

5

able t o tak e a n oat h tha t sh e ha d no t receive d he r prope r shar e o f inheritance from he r late husband Baba Nazar, which wa s being administered by another wife, Raziy e bint Yusuf. 50 Mustafa beg bn cAbdullah says (b.m.) that his wife cAy§e, whom he has divorced, had Pervane beg as agent (vekil): Th e dowry (mehr) o f Pervane beg's daughter c Ay§e, wh o wa s m y wife , wa s 400 0 akce . Sh e gave i t t o m e a s a gif t (hibe). Pervane denies the claim. Whe n an oath i s proposed t o c Ay§e, she declines to take it (nukul). 51 Sometimes wome n wer e guarantor s fo r payment s o f th e debt s o f others (kefil bil-mal). Shoul d th e debtor defaul t i n payment, th e guarantor pledged t o pay the debt with he r own money . Christia n Mariy a bin t Yovan wa s guaranto r fo r 1 0 altu n debt s owe d b y Ridva n an d c Ali.52 Zimmiye Hiristin e o f Behin e (? ) village o f Evdi m nahiy e wa s guaranto r (kefil bil-mal) fo r 166 goat s (kegi) an d 43 8 akc e whic h he r husban d Biri§ko v . Hiristof i owe d c Abdur-Rahman kethud a b n Isma cil; an d i n turn Mehmed re'i s b n Mustafa wa s guaranto r fo r her , to ensur e doubl y the payment of the debt. 53 More frequentl y tha n me n wome n serve d a s guardian s (vasi) fo r minor children . (Islami c la w conceive s a chil d wh o ha s los t on e paren t as an orphan (yetim, yetime). Th e duties of the guardian include protecting any property of th e orphan; Islamic law of inheritanc e mad e it quite likely that an orphan would have at least a modicum of property. Whil e the fathe r o f a n orpha n woul d b e expecte d t o rais e th e chil d wit h hi s own resource s unles s h e wer e impoverished , th e mothe r o r othe r rela tives would probabl y see k th e authorization o f th e court to draw a fixed amount pe r da y fro m th e orphan' s estat e t o pa y fo r hi s maintenance . Sometimes remarriage , ol d age , or change o f residenc e le d to change s in guardian, an d o f cours e whe n th e chil d cam e o f ag e n o guardia n wa s necessary a t all . Bein g th e guardia n o f a mino r require d a sens e o f responsibility, an d th e offic e wa s no t t o b e take n lightly . Amon g th e kadi's specia l responsibilitie s wer e t o overse e th e activitie s o f guardian s and t o protec t orphans . Sometime s anothe r person , usuall y als o a relative, might b e established a s overseer (nazir) of th e estate of a particular child. Lalezar bint cAbdullah, guardian (fern, vasiye) befor e the Sharia of Mustafa and Rahime, minor son and daughter of the late Suleyman su ba§i of Lef ko§a, has as legal agent Huseyn bn cAbdullah, who says (Urn.):

16 The

Women of the Island

Previously m y muvekkile (who appointed one vekil) accepte d the office an d requested tha t th e mone y fo r maintenanc e (nafaka ve kisve) be fixed by th e court. Whe n expert s (ehl-i vukuf) were asked , the y sai d tha t 8 akc e pe r day apiece, a total of 1 6 akce/day, should be allotted, so that amount was fixed. 54 When a guardian was needed for the minor son Isma cil of the late Mahmud of Lefko§a, hi s mother Umm i was appointed, and his uncle Nasrullah gavu § was made overseer (nazir). 5 akce/day was alloted.55 Rodosli Suleyman bn Seydi stated (t.m.) before his daughter Ayla: I was guardian for her orphans, the minor boy (sagir ogli) Mehmed and the minor girl (sagire kiz) Belkis. I have resigned . Le t the guardianship (vasiyet) g o to my daughter. She accepts.56 It is registered a t the request of th e aforementioned Ayl a tha t her minor son's share of inheritance was 32,000 akce, her daughter's share 16,000 akce.57 Hacer (?) bint Yani, guardian and mother (valide) o f the minor Musa Seydi bn Mehmed, fo r hersel f an d as legal agen t states (b.k.) before Cypru s mutesellim Hasan kethuda who has Piyale beg as agent. She may sell some of the orphan's property if it is most useful (enfi ca) to do so .. . 58 When the late Mustafa be§e of Orta koy of Lef ko§a died, his mother Safiye bint c Abdullah was appointed to take custody of the inherited property of the minor girl (sagire). No w sh e is marrying, so she is dismissed ( cazl) a s guardian. She is replaced by the uncle (camm) of the girl, cAli bn Seydi Han. He accepts.59 Evidence o f wome n wit h regula r occupation s outsid e th e famil y sys tem an d traditiona l agricultur e i s almost entirel y lacking . The socioeco nomic system severel y restricte d thei r fields of activities , so that they did not serv e a s shopkeepers, merchants , o r artisans ; a notable exceptio n i s the weavin g o f cotto n an d woo l cloth. 60 I f a few wome n ca n b e show n to have participated i n money lending , that was only as slight aberratio n from th e traditiona l role s an d a smal l par t o f thei r lives . c Ay§e bin t c Abdullah wa s a servan t (hidmetkar) i n th e hous e o f c Osman $avu § b n c Adbullah unti l sh e died. 61 Th e mothe r o f Mehme d b n Kasi m ag a o f Girniye (Kyrenia) , a s administrato r (mutevelli) o f a smal l foundation , managed revenue s o f 100 0 akce/yea r du e th e importan t Medine M Mu nevvere foundation. 62 Tw o Christia n wome n ar e identifie d a s broker s (dellale): Loiz e wa s charge d with owin g Mehme d b n Ibrahi m 1 0 guru § from th e purchase of musli n (tulbend), an d broker Maro sold provincia l

The Women of the Island 2

7

governor (mir miran) Ahme d Pa§ a 11,15 0 akce' s wort h o f sil k shirts , sugar, and handkerchief o n credit. 63 On th e othe r hand , th e traditiona l syste m wa s oriente d t o providin g women wit h a reasonabl e leve l o f maintenanc e o r support , whethe r married, divorced , o r widowed. A t leas t whe n adequat e resource s wer e available, th e cour t coul d ensur e that . Whe n wome n married , dowrie s (mehr) wer e se t whic h wer e legall y th e propert y o f th e wife only . Par t was paid in advance (mehr~i mucaccel, prio r to the consummation o f th e marriage), and the remainder (mehr~i mtfeccel) wa s payable if the woman was divorce d o r widowed . I n addition , he r husban d wa s legall y obli gated t o pa y fo r he r support an d maintenanc e s o lon g a s she continue d to live with him and refrained from an y immoral behavior. 64 Dowries varie d considerably , affecte d b y man y factors ; perhap s th e higher ones woul d b e over-represented i n th e cour t records . The dowr y Fatma bin t Hasan receive d fro m c Ali bn Musa wa s 120 0 akce. 65 Appar ently when spahi Mehmed of Kutumize (? ) village of Lef ka kaza married twelve-year-old Fatma bint c Abdullah of that village he gave her a dowry of 200 0 akce , half mehr-i mtfaccel an d half mehr-i mtfeccel. Th e money had come to him from he r as a gift, althoug h th e sum was possibly onl y part of a larger dowry.66 c Ay§e bint Pervane beg had given her 4000 akc e dowry as a gift (hibe) to her husband Mustafa be g bn cAbdullah.67 Safiye bint hac i Ba y ram o f Lefko§ a ha d receive d a dowr y o f ove r 420 0 akc e from Ahme d be g bn Ilyas. 68 A few day s afte r thei r divorce Zeyn i (? ) bn haci Hamze of Lef ko§a and his former wife c Ayna bint c Abdullah remarried. She received a mere 400 akc e then. 69 Seyyide Hadice bint seyyid Receb of Lef ko§a, according to the testimony of two witnesses, has as agent her brother es-seyyid cAli $elebi, who stated (ik/tk) in the presence of her husband fahr ul-acyan Mustafa su ba§i bn Yusuf: My muvekkile (who appointed me vekil) married Mustafa wit h 24,00 0 akc e mehr-i mu'eccel. Now he is paying it from his property.70 Typically marriage s wer e arrange d b y th e woman' s fathe r o r othe r close male relative, bu t the Cyprus sicils provide no evidence abou t ho w consulting wa s done , an d wha t input , i f any , th e brid e an d groo m made.71 Little mention of marriag e is found i n the judicial records of Le f ko§a, for marriage , a s a privat e contract , di d no t requir e an y officia l stat e o r religious sanction . I f officia l list s o f amount s o f dowrie s wer e kept , a different plac e of registr y must have been used. Divorces an d incumben t

28 The

Women of the Island

settlements frequently were recorded. The hulc divorce, technically made at th e reques t o f th e wif e o r b y mutua l agreement , carrie d les s socia l stigma agains t the man; the wife's forma l acquiesenc e ha d to be registered. There is no basis for conjecturing the number of othe r divorces, although divorc e certainl y wa s no t uncommon . Excep t i n th e cas e o f some hulc divorces when the wife specifically renounced claim to part or all of her dowry, divorce and remarriage could be a costly procedure for a husband.72 Divorce wa s usuall y a simple procedure . Unles s th e woma n wa s in some wa y culpable , sh e receive d th e paymen t o f he r delaye d dowr y (mehr-i mu'eccel) an d sh e receive d a per diem maintenanc e allowanc e long enough t o make certain that she was not pregnant. After tha t she was free to re-marry and probably would do so almost immediately. Halil b n Mus a o f Le f ko§a state s (tm) befor e hi s wif e Fatm a bin t Hasan : I f sh e renounces delaye d dowr y (mehr-i mu'eccel), maintenanc e allowanc e (nafakcf-i Hddet), and other dues (hukuk), w e are divorced (muhala ca). Fatm a accepts hul c. A certificate o f divorc e (huccet-i hul c) is ordered. 73 Mehmed b n 'Abdullah, janissary, of Lef ko§a before Loiz e bint Ciryako who has, according t o the testimony o f tw o witnesses, her father Ciryako as agent (vekil): She is my wife. I f she renounces delaye d dowr y (mehr-i mu'eccel), I divorce her. She accepts. 74 Ibrahim b n c Abdur-Rahim state s (tm ) i n th e presenc e o f hi s wif e Sulta n bin t Mustafa: Sulta n renounce s delaye d dowr y (mehr-i mufeccel) an d he r clai m fo r money. I divorce her (bayin talak). Sh e accepts. 75 Fatma bin t Suleyma n o f c Arab Ahmed quarte r make s a claim (da cva/tk) agains t Ahmed bn Musa: I was Ahmed's wife . We were incompatible a t night (? ) in bed (?) (semerde ^adem-i imtizac olmagla); w e have separated (mufarakat iktiza). W e made hul c an d I renounce d m y delaye d dowr y (mehr-i mu'eccel) an d mainte nance (nafakcf-i Hddet). No w Ahme d claim s tha t w e stil l ar e married . Whe n proof is asked of Fatma , from upright Muslims Muharrem boluk ba§ i bn Mehmed and c Abdun-Nasr bn c Abdul-Celil confirm her. 76 Rabica bin t Hasa n o f Terbiyod i quarte r o f Le f ko§a ha s a s lega l agen t Mustaf a bn Huseyn fo r acknowledgin g (ik/tk) i n the presence o f c Ali bn 'Abdullah: Rab i c a is c Ali's wife, bu t they ar e incompatible fadem-i imtizac). Sh e gave him (hibe) a house (menzil) a t the quarter; now h e renounces claim to it. Rabi c a renounce s claim t o 500 0 akc e mehr-i mu*eccel and t o maintenanc e allowanc e (nafaktf-i Hddet) and they make hul c. Neither has any further claims against the other. 77

The Women of the Island 2

9

Very littl e evidenc e o f polygam y i s found ; probabl y i t wa s uncom mon. Laleza r bin t c Abdullah an d Yasemi n bin t c Abdullah wer e widow s of th e late Suleyman s u ba§i. 78 Amon g th e heirs of th e late haci Husey n bn Hasa n o f Kam i villag e o f Girniye , wh o die d o n a pilgrimag e (hac), were fou r wive s (zevcat varisesi), Fatm a bin t c Abdullah, Um m Gulsu m bint hac i Ilyas , c Ay§e bin t Yusuf , an d anothe r c Ay§e. H e als o lef t tw o daughters, Um m Hanu m an d Selim e .. 7 9 Elsewher e i n a n estate settle ment th e lat e Bab a Nazar' s wido w (zevce^i metrukasi) wa s executrix . Raziye bin t Yusuf , a s guardia n fo r he r mino r so n Mehmed , make s a statement (htn) befor e Mu'min e bin t c Abdul-Gani, othe r wif e (zevce'-i uhrasi) of th e deceased: Al l effect s o f th e deceased wer e sol d an d everyone go t hi s share . Mu'min e claim s a hous e i n Ahme d Pa§ a quarter . Mu'mine says that she did not get her share. She has no proof, but when an oat h i s propose d t o her , sh e take s it. 80 Amon g th e heir s o f th e lat e Ibrahim $avu § of th e provincia l counci l {divan-i Kibris) muteferrikas ( a special service group) were two wives. 81 Mixed marriage s o f Musli m me n an d Gree k Orthodo x wome n cer tainly were not uncommon. That was the verdict of a number of western visitors t o Cyprus , and i t is evident fro m th e judicial register s a s well. 82 For example, c Ali b n Hali l an d Petr o bin t Ledik e (? ) were married, 83 a s were Husey n an d Kud u bin t c Abdullah, (?) 84 janissar y Mehme d b n c Abdullah an d Loi z bin t Ciryako, 85 an d Mehme d be g bn c Abdullah an d Covani.86 Mariy e marrie d Bayra m b n c Abdullah wit h th e permission o f her fathe r Pap a Tom a o f Ay e Yolof i o f Le f ko§a.87 However , th e mar riage of a Christian man with a Muslim woman was impossible . Fatma bint c Abdullah o f Pol i village of Hirsof i i n Lefto§a: I have converted to Islam. After i t was registered , m y husband Yann o v . Manoly a wa s invite d to submit to Islam but he did not become a Muslim. He acknowledges that he has no claim against Fatma.88 Kar^ire v . Filip o o f Cado s (? ) villag e o f Mesariy e kaz a make s a clai m (t.d.) against Mus a be§ e b n Ahmed : Fou r month s ag o h e too k m y wife Qako bint Manuel (? ) by force (cebreri) an d he has kept possession (tasarruf) o f her until now. Let him be asked. I want my rights (ihkak-i hakk). Musa be§e replies that Qako was honored with Islam in the presence of Muslims, at that time, and she took the name Fatma. Her husband was offered a chance to go to Islam but he declined. A man named §enlik Hoc a arranged Fatma's marriage £akd-i nikah) to me. The claimant asserts that £ako has not become a Muslim nor has he been invited to. When she was summoned to court, she said, in truth I entered Islam at that time and my name is Fatma; my husband was invited to Islam.89

30 The

Women of the Island

Much mor e common were women converte d t o Islam , as evidenced by a n Arabic personal nam e an d substitutio n o f th e impersona l nam e c Abdullah fo r th e Christia n name s o f thei r fathers . Bor n Muslims and converts to Islam, male and female, see m to have intermarried without any distinctions. Summary Many of the travelers and pilgrims who passed through Cyprus over the years believed tha t the island's people migh t still bea r at least some of the perniciou s effect s o f havin g bee n th e sit e o f a temple, an d indeed reputed birthplace of Aphrodite (Venus), for Cyprus remained popularly known a s th e islan d o f Venus . B y th e tim e o f th e crusade s n o smal l proportion of the contemporary writers looked askance at popular morality there. Partl y this was derive d fro m th e growing Lati n Orthodo x rivalries an d hostilities . Othe r peopl e attribute d i t t o th e corruptin g influence of a hot climate. Still others blamed the pernicious influence of living near Islam. It is extremel y difficul t t o hav e an y perception o f wha t lif e i n Byzantine Cyprus may have been like. It is just as difficult unde r the Lusignans or Venetians, except for occasional references to corrupt people of the Lati n aristocracy . I t i s a subjec t eve n les s know n tha n durin g th e Ottoman empire. All that really can be said with any kind of confidenc e is what sorts of things were happening after the Ottomans added Cyprus to their territories, because of the judicial records which survive today. Under the rule of the Latin Lusignans, and under the Venetians, too, there is a lot of evidence, much of it chronicled by George Hill in great detail, for the harsh discrimination agains t the Greek Orthodox majority, but also including the small Armenian community as well, in social, economic, and legal ways; it is hard to believe that such treatment would have been much less burdensome on women than on men. Ottoman rule brought with it conditions where Orthodox women could use the court whenever they needed. Moreover, absolutely no official regulation s were made which restricted any occupations, or even city quarters, for Muslims. I find it very hard to imagin e tha t would no t improve th e lot of those women. There i s goo d reaso n t o believ e wome n sa t i n th e bac k part s o f churches, awa y fro m men . Unde r Islam , tha t surel y woul d hav e re -

The Women of the Island 3 1 mained unchanged, and women in mosques, anyway, would have been less numerous . Wome n ofte n wor e blac k mantles , o r blac k handker chiefs, or perhaps both. Women had a very important role in the active camlet industry, or at least tha t was th e case in Magosa wher e spinning and preparing wool for the camlet industry was vital t o the prosperity o f tha t city. Camlet was less important elsewhere , but still o f consequenc e for local economies. I f wome n wer e involve d i n othe r industries , w e d o no t know . Almost nothing is known even about the camlet workers; they are not mentioned i n judicia l records , no r in othe r Ottoma n archiva l records . Either it was not very common for women to be involved in factories or doing artisana l wor k awa y fro m thei r homes , o r i t wa s ver y poorl y documented. Some report s sugges t tha t th e women o f Cypru s were les s secluded and covere d tha n normal , bu t a fe w report s sa y th e opposite . Isla m places grea t importanc e o n persona l an d famil y morality . Th e Sharia profoundly affecte d th e social an d economic ethos of believers . Legists strove to make that law permeate the lives of not only all believers but also all others who were subject to the state. After the conquest of 15701571, a steadily growing number of women used the court of Lefko§a , local Christians , recent converts to Islam, and older Muslims, too. One of the special duties of kadis was to look after the interests of all women. In respons e t o thi s opportunity , wome n especiall y fro m Lefko§a , bu t also fro m othe r towns, and even a number of village s too k advantage . (We have absolutely no evidence about the existence of Orthodox Christian or other non-Muslim courts at any time.) The protection s offere d b y th e Shari a court s o f Cypru s wer e quit e similar to those of Sharia courts throughout the Ottoman empire at that time, although local conditions and politics doubtless had at least some impact. At any rate, whenever any party to a dispute, Muslim, Christian, or Jewish wanted to use the court, all others had to accede to following the Sharia. Likewise it was the obligation of all officials t o carry out the Sharia insofar a s possible. Wome n particularly use d the court to settle problems of marriage or divorce, to secure the support and maintenance for their livelihoods, to get their inheritance rights, or to complain about physical violence. In fact, however, their cases concerned a whole gamut of matters profound and trivial. Nearly a quarter of all of the 2975 cases discovered remainin g betwee n 158 0 (988 ) an d 164 0 (1046 ) involv e at

32 The

Women of the Island

least on e woman . Nearl y three-quarter s (73% ) o f thos e case s involve d at least one Muslim. (Unfortunatel y i t has been almost impossible to find any evidence abou t the actual numbers , or proportions, of Muslim s an d Zimmis.) Durin g certain kinds of cases (excluding criminal ones) wome n were grante d a privileg e no t s o readil y grante d men , o f havin g a lega l agent represen t them . Thirty-nin e percen t o f th e Musli m wome n chos e that option, whil e onl y 23 % of th e Christia n wome n di d so . Traditionally th e Shari a cour t urge s peopl e t o represen t themselve s a t court . Th e steadily growin g proportio n o f wome n usin g th e court undoubtedly i s a clear indicato r o f growin g trus t o n th e par t o f th e wome n wh o use d it . Of course, the court was primarily a man's place. All of the kadis and court official s wer e men , a s wer e nearl y al l o f th e loca l peopl e wh o collected aroun d th e cour t lon g hour s overseein g it s operations . Nearl y all of th e witnesses wer e men, for women's eye s were presumed as goo d as men' s bu t thei r mind s wer e not . Perhap s encouragin g wome n t o appear in public all the time was considered undesirable . When they did testify a s witnesse s i n court , i t wa s usuall y a persona l matte r o f som e sort; als o th e testimon y o f wome n counte d onl y hal f tha t o f me n a t court. Two reliabl e witnesses were needed to be equivalent to a man. On th e othe r han d wome n di d mak e seriou s claim s a t the court wit h some regularity . The y mad e claim s agains t janissaries , agains t polic e from th e governor' s office , an d agains t spahis . The y mad e complaint s against husbands , father , sons , an d othe r relative s withou t an y difficul ties. Women als o had to answer serious legal charges made against them, almost alway s i n person , fo r usin g a lega l agen t (vekil) a t suc h a tim e was not permissable. One o f th e mos t importan t right s whic h wome n ha d concerne d buy ing, selling , an d inheritin g lan d an d property . Betwee n 158 0 an d 163 7 the judicia l record s revea l a steadily increasin g proportio n o f wome n i n both lan d an d propert y transfers . I n 1593—159 5 (1002-1003 ) *5 % ° f land transfer s an d 13 % o f th e propert y transfer s involve d a t leas t on e woman. B y 1609—161 1 (1018-1019 ) th e proportio n o f lan d transfer s remained 15% , bu t th e proportio n o f propert y transfer s ha d increase d to 31% . In 1633-163 7 (1043—1046) , th e proportio n o f lan d transfer s involving wome n ha d increase d t o 31% , while th e proportio n o f prop erty transfer s hel d stead y a t 30% . The tota l proportio n o f al l transfer s had increase d fro m 14 % to 26 % to 30 % during those periods. Perhap s influenced b y th e inheritanc e practices , on e finds that women wer e sell -

The Women of the Island 3 3 ing much more than they were buying. O f a total o f 1 9 land transfers involving women, women sold more than twice as much as they bought (13 sold , 6 bought). In the cases of property the proportion of wome n selling is even greater (of 6$ total, 5 0 sale and 1 5 buying). In the realm of both land and property women seem to have been selling much more than buying. Obviously, women did not very often accumulat e land or property as was the case of many men. However, some women did show great vigor in accumulating, managing, and claiming property. Much of their wealth must have come from inheritance. The rules of the Sharia made women as inheritors at half the rate of me n of similar relationships. Propert y migh t als o b e acquired b y women throug h dowries, throug h gift , o r purchase . Man y women , includin g no t a fe w Christian women, availed themselves of thi s right by going right to the kadi. The experience of owning and managing their own property provided at least elementary economic responsibility and world experience, even if advice from husbands and male family members may have been readily available. In the absenc e o f sons , specia l provision s wer e mad e in Cypru s fo r daughters wh o wer e capabl e o f cultivatin g th e lan d o f thei r ow n de ceased fathers if there were no sons, and if they paid a relatively small registration fee to the timar spahi. A few women became lenders or borrowers, not a rare phenomenon in th e Middl e East . Th e fac t tha t wome n occasionall y giv e loan s t o husbands or relatives is another argument supporting the assertion that women actually took possession of inheritance or dowries, and that they had their own property separate from males around them. The number of loan s involving women in Cyprus was small. Probably women gave credit to relatives, or to other females most commonly. But lending to or borrowing fro m unrelate d me n was certainly not unknown. Sellin g inherited lan d o r property wa s on e sourc e o f capital , an d dowries were then another. Sometimes women were guarantors for the debts of other s (kefil bilmal). I n that case , shoul d th e debto r default , the n th e woma n woul d become liable . An y Musli m o r Christian wit h resource s coul d d o that for anyone else. That was not uncommon. Women served as guardians (vast) o f minor children even more frequently than men did. That meant protecting any property of th e child, usually inheritance, until he came of age . Wome n wer e neve r obligate d t o pa y anythin g eithe r fo r thei r

34 The

Women of the Island

own maintenanc e o r for thei r children, howeve r wealth y the y ma y hav e been; because according to the Sharia the husbands had to pay the entire expenses fo r al l wive s an d children . Bein g th e guardia n o f th e chil d required a sens e o f responsibility , an d wa s no t t o b e take n lightly . Among the most importan t duties of kadi s was to make sure that guardians acted fairly , to protect the well-being and property of minors. Almost n o evidenc e wa s foun d i n an y o f th e record s abou t wome n working outsid e th e traditiona l agricultura l syste m o r famil y life . W e can mentio n wome n givin g credit . W e ca n mentio n th e camle t industr y of Magosa. W e can mention a few wome n wh o served as administrator s (mutevelli) o f smal l foundations . Tw o Christian s ar e mentioned a s brokers (dellale). A Muslim conver t wa s mentione d a s a household servan t (hidmetkar). Fortunately, th e traditiona l syste m wa s ver y muc h oriente d toward s providing al l wome n wit h a reasonabl e leve l o f maintenance . Whe n adequate resource s wer e available , th e cour t coul d assur e that . Whe n men married, they were obligated to provide wives with at least the level of suppor t t o whic h the y wer e accustomed . Dowries , whic h wer e t o b e the persona l propert y o f th e wife , wer e t o protec t a woma n wh o wa s divorced o r widowed . The ful l burde n o f maintenanc e o f wif e an d children was th e responsibility o f th e husband. Dowries varied considerably. Thos e mentione d i n th e judicia l record s o f th e cour t a t Lefko§ a widely varie d i n amounts , bu t unfortunatel y evidenc e i s sparse . On e must us e the m wit h cautio n becaus e i t i s ofte n no t completel y certai n that othe r factor s mentione d i n th e marriag e contract s migh t hav e in cluded othe r form s o f remuneration , an d i t i s likel y tha t highe r one s would be mentioned more than the lower ones. Typically marriages were arranged b y th e woman' s fathe r o r clos e mal e relatives ; howeve r th e judicial record s o f Cypru s giv e n o indicatio n o f wha t rol e brid e an d groom paid . Marriag e wa s strictl y a privat e contrac t whic h di d no t require an y officia l stat e o r religiou s sanction . I f list s o f dowrie s wer e kept, a separate registry must have been used. Divorces an d incumben t settlement s wer e frequentl y recorded . Di vorce wa s a simple procedure , considere d undoin g o f th e marriage con tract. Divorc e wa s normall y don e unilaterall y b y the husband, wh o ha d to pa y a maintenanc e allowanc e t o mak e sur e tha t th e wif e wa s no t pregnant. Afte r completin g tha t waitin g period , th e divorce d woma n would marr y anyon e sh e wanted . The hul c divorce, technicall y mad e a t

#1A 4 0 6 15 % 12 61 7 13 % 16 6 2 3 14 %3 3 3 1 4 #2 none non e non e #3 2 0 3 15 % 641 9 31 % 8 4 2 2 26 %0 3 2 1 7 #4 4 21 3 31 %862 6 30 % 12 8 3 9 30 %3 7 _1 01 9 total 10 2 2 2 22 % 27 66 2 22 % 37 8 8 4 22 %6 1 31 5 5 0 women buy wome 19 65

years total

Transfers Total Transfers

total total total women women women women with % with with % with total with % with buy buy sell sell women women total women women number women women land property land

Land Transfers Property

Table 1. 2 Land an d Propert y Transfer s

n sell

property

36 The

Women of the Island

the reques t o f th e wife , o r b y mutua l agreement , carrie d les s socia l stigma o n th e man ; th e wife' s forma l acquiesenc e therefor e ha d t o b e recorded. There is no basis for guessing the frequency o f divorce . Excep t in the case of hul c it could b e a costly procedure for a husband. Very littl e evidenc e o f polygam y wa s foun d i n Cyprus , or elsewhere , for tha t matter . The fe w instance s discovere d involv e peopl e wh o ma y have been janissaries or police officers . Mixed marriage between Christian women an d Muslim men were not uncommon accordin g t o bot h th e judicial register s an d western sources . The judicial register s suggest that such people followe d th e Sharia, too.

NOTES 1. Se e R. Jennings, "Pilgrims View the Women of the Island of Venus," Balkan Studies 30.1989.213-220. Cf . P . Canay e fo r Naxo s i n 1573 . Voyage du Levant. . . (1573). Paris, 1897. pp. 171L On the sultanate of women, see S. J. Shaw, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Cambridge , 1976. p. 179 . H. Inalcik , The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 13001600. London, 1973 . pp . 6of, 86f . Ahme d Refik , Kadinlar Saltanati. 3 v. Istanbul, 1923. 2. C . D. Cobham, Excerpta Cypria. Materials for a History of Cyprus. Cam bridge, 1908 . p . 19 ; Ludol f vo n Suchen , De Itinere Terra Sanctae. ed . F. Deycks. Stuttgart, 1851. p. 30. 3. Cobham , p . 49 ; Frat e Francesc o Suriano , / / Trattato di Terra Santa e deirOriente. ed. P. G. Golubovich. Milano, 1900. p. 243n. 4. Cobham , p. 69; R. Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations . . ., Glasgow , 1903. v. 5, p. 86. 5. Cobham , p . 75 ; Elia s o f Pesaro , "Voyag e ethnographiqu e d e Venis e a Chypre," Revue de Geographie 4.1879.225 . I n 133 5 Jacobu s d e Verona reported that the women showed only their eyes in public and wore black; Martoni gave an identical repor t in 1394 . The credulous Cotovicus, briefly a visitor in 1598, called the women lascivious. Cobham, p. 199. Cf. R. J. H. Jenkins, who held that "harlotry was certainly encouraged by the rigorous seclusion o f wome n i n polit e society, " a rathe r capriciou s an d polemical indictment o f al l Byzantin e society . Cambridge Medieval History, Cambridge, 196 7 (hereafte r referre d t o as C. M. H.). v. 4, pt. 2 , pp. 88f. Tha t certainly i s no t th e impressio n give n b y Georgin a Buckler , however , i n "Women i n Byzantin e La w abou t 110 0 A.D. " Byzantion n. 1936 . 391 416.

6. H e said that they attributed the practice to their sorrow on the loss of Acre, but that can hardly be true for many of the Greek Orthodox, unless it was

The Women of the Island 3 7 sorrow tha t th e Latin s ha d com e t o thei r island . Cobham , p . 24 ; Nicola s Martoni, Relation du Pelerinage a Jerusalem . . . (1394-13 95), i n Revue de VOrient Latin 3 . 1895 . 631. ed. L. Legrand. 7. Cobham , p. 22 ; Martoni, Relation . . . , pp . 628f. 8. Cobham , p. 243 ; Cornelis de Bruyn, Reizen . . . Delft , 1698 . pp. 377 L 9. Cobham , p. 246 . 10. Cobham , p . 268 ; Joh n Pinkerton , A General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels in all parts of the world. London , 1811. v . 10 , p . 591 . Richar d Pocock e add s tha t mos t trea t thei r wive s a s servants, the y neve r sa t an d talke d wit h them , an d ha d the m wai t o n thei r tables an d the n ea t afterwards . According t o R . J . H . Jenkin s thi s ha s Byzantine antecedents. C . M. H., v. 4, pt. 2 , pp. 88f . 11. Tha t figure had reached 1 in 3 in the 1630s . 12. On e does not know i f Christian women went out more freely or if the upper class Muslim were particularly encourage d t o stay at home; regardless, that phenomenon occurre d als o i n contemporar y Kayser i an d Trabzon . R . Jennings, "Wome n i n Earl y 17t h Centur y Ottoma n Judicia l Records—Th e Sharia Cour t o f Anatolia n Kayseri, " Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (hereafte r referre d to asJESHO) 18 . 1975 . 60 . 13. Lefko§ a sicil , #3 10-2 ; 1 2 §evval 1018 . 14. 1 157-1 ; I I Rebic II 1003. 1 5 . 3 8 4 - 2 ; III Sefer 1019 . 16. 4 3 4 - 2 ; I Rebic II1044. See also 4 134-2 . 17. 1 10—2; II Ramazan 988 . 18. 1 1 8 - 1, 2 ; II Ramazan 988 . 19. 1 147-1 ; I I Rebic 11003. 20. 1 168-2; selh Rebi c II1003. 21. 2 37—2; II Muharrem 1018 . 22. 2 7 4 - 2; III Muharrem 1018 . 23. 2 117-1 ; I I Muharrem 1018 . 24. 4 137-1 ; I §aban 1045 . 25. 1 8 3 - 2; Sefer 1003 . 26. 1 38-7; §aba n 1002 . 27. 3 2 5 - 3 ; 9 Zil-Kad e 1018 . Ib n (o r bn) wa s used in those record s t o indicat e sons of Muslims; veled (v. ) indicates sons of non-Muslims . 2 8- 3 55—7 ; HI Cumadi II1019 . 29. 1 26—4; I Receb 1002 . Cf. 26—3 . 30. 1 100—2; 1 Rebic 11002 . 31. 1 117—5; 1002. 32. 1 166-3; s em Rebi c II1003. 33. 1 172-1; I I Cumadi 11002 . 34. 2 7 0 - 2; II Receb 1016 . 35. 2 112-1 ; Muharre m 1017 . 36. 3 4—6, 7; HI Zil-Hicce 1018 . 37. 1 2 9 - 5; 2 8 Receb 1002 .

38 The

Women of the Island

38. 1 9 3 - 3; I Rebic 11003 . 39. 3 6 1 - 1; after H I Cumadi I I 1019. 40. 4 2 - 3 ; I §aban 1043 . 41. 1 14—3.5 ; x 9 Ramaza n 988 . Fo r Kayseri , Jennings , "Wome n . . . , " pp . 102.fi, "Loan s an d Credi t i n Early 17t h Centur y Ottoma n Judicial Record s —The Shari a Cour t o f Anatolia n Kayseri, " JESHO 16 . 1973 . J 9 4 ^ a n d passim. S . D . Goitein , A Mediterranean Society. Berkeley , 1967 . v . 1 , p . 256. 42. 1 159-2; 1 9 Rebi c II 1002. 43. 1 163-1; II I Rebic II 1003. 44. 3 1-3 ; II I Zil-Hicce 1018 . 45. 3 1 7 - 3 ; 2 7 §evval 1018 . 46. 3 126-6 ; befor e I Ramazan 1019 . 47. 4 3 4 - 2 ; I Rebic II 1044. 48. 1 6 3 - 3; II Muharrem 1003 . 49. 1 117-2; I I Muharrem 1018 . 50. 3 6 7 - 2; II Receb 1019 . 5 1 . 3 119-3 ; before I I §evval 1019 . Fo r other examples, see 4 6 4 - 2 ; 144-1 . 52. 1 2 5 - 3, 4 ; Cumadi I I 1002. 53. 4 4—3; III §aban 1043 . 54. 1 57—2 ; 1 Ramaza n 1002 . 57- 3 involve s a differen t wido w an d he r or phaned children with th e same problem. 55. 1 149-4; Rebi c II 1003. 56. 3 4 - 3; II I Zil-Hicce 1018 . 57. 3 4 - 6 . 58. 3 52-4; I I Cumadi I I 1019. 59. 4 15-2 ; I §evval 1043 . 60. Thi s i s know n i n th e Lusigna n perio d fro m N . d e Marton i (Cobham , pp . 22ff; R. O. L., pp . 627^ 637f) an d in the Venetian one from Elias of Pesar o (Cobham, pp . 73ff ; R. de G., pp . 25iff) , fro m Corance z earl y i n th e 19t h century (Cobham , p . 240) , an d fro m officia l report s earl y i n th e perio d o f the British protectorate (Cyprus Blue Book, 1889-1890. Als o 1892-1893) . A bazaar of wome n i n Lef ko§a is known fro m the mid-19th century , but its origin i s unknown . Archduk e Loui s Salvator , Lefkosia the Capital . . . London, 1881 . pp. 46, 5of . Se e also "Lefkosha," EI 2. 61. 1 196-4; II Cumadi I I 1003. 62. 3 1-8 ; II I Zil-Hicce 1018 . 63. 3 144-1 ; II I Cumadi I 1019. 64. O n dowry , se e al-Marginani , The Hedaya or Guide. A Commentary on the Mussulman Laws, tr . Charle s Hamilton . Lahore , 196 3 pp . 44—58 . Yvo n Linant d e Bellefonds, Traite de droit musulman compare. Paris , 1967 . v . 2 , pp. 199-255 . O . N . Bilmen , Hukuki Islamiyye ve Istilahati Fikhiyye Kamusu. Istanbul , 196 8 v . 2 , pp . 368ff , 446-480 . I . M . d'Ohsson , Tableau general de VEmpire Othoman. Paris , 1787-1824 . v . 5 , pp . 171-174 . O n

The Women of the Island 3 9 maintenance, se e Marginani , pp . 140-149 ; Linan t d e Bellefonds , v . 2 , pp. 256-286; Bilmen , v. 2 , pp. 368ft, 446-480 ; d'Ohsson , v . 5 , pp. 178-183 . 65. 1 9 4 - 3; II RebicI 1019 . 66. 1 107-2; 3 Cumadi I 1003. 67. 3 119-3 ; before I I §evval 1019 . 68. 1 195-2; I Cumadi II1003 . 69. 1 33—2, 5; I §aban 1002 . 70. 4 3 - 1 ; I §aban, 1043 . Som e nin e reference s t o dowr y hav e bee n foun d i n the perio d 16 3 5-1640. The y illustrat e th e grea t diversit y i n amounts : 20 0 akce, 50 0 akce , 150 0 akce , 200 0 akce , 500 0 akce , tw o a t 12,00 0 akce , 24,000 akce , and 40,000 akce . Obviously th e larger ones are disproportionately represented . 4 3 - 1 , 9 6 - 3 , 115-1 , 144—1 , 148-3 , 152-1 , 197-2 , 232—1, 248—1. 71. 1 8 2 - 1; Sefer 1003 . 3 8-6; befor e 3 §evval 1018 . 72. R . Jennings , "Divorc e i n th e Ottoma n Shari a Cour t o f Cyprus, " Studia Islamica (forthcoming) . 73. 1 6 8 - 5; Muharrem 1003 . 74. 1 2 2 5 - 3; I §evval 1002 . 75. 1 278-2; II Zil-Kade 1002 . 76. 4 2 0 - 2 ; HI Sefer 1044 . 77. 4 148-3 ; I §evval 1045 . 78. 1 57—2, 3; 1 Ramazan 1002 . 79. 3 3 2 - 1 ; after II Zil-Kade 1018 . 80. 3 67—2; II Receb 1019 . 81. 1 172-1; II Cumadi I 1003. See also 4 no—1 ; 1 Muharrem 1045 . 82. Cf . R . Pococke , i n Cobham , p . 269 ; Pinkerton, v. 10 , pp. 592 L W. Turner , in Cobham , p . 449 . C . Kyrris , "Symbioti c Element s i n th e Histor y o f th e Two Communitie s o f Cyprus. " Kypriakos Logos (hereafte r referre d t o a s K. L.) 8 . 1976 . 246f , 260 . 83. 1 5—5, 6 - 2; 9,1 0 Ramaza n 988 . 84. 1 1 8 - 1, 2; II Ramazan 988 . 85. 1 225-3; I §evval 1002 . 86. 3 1 6 - 3 ; 27 §evval 1018 . 87. 1 77-5; Sefe r 1003 . See also 1 3 1 - 2, 7 7 - 5 , 2 4 0 - 1 ; 3 4 7 - 7, 4 8 - 1 , 137-4 . 197-1. 88. 1 2 4 0 - 1 ; I §evval 1002 . Accordin g t o th e Sharia , th e wife' s conversio n t o Islam made them divorced. 89. 3 9 - 7; befor e 1 2 §evval 1018 .

TWO

Islamic Pious Foundations (Evkaf) and Public Welfare

Byzantine Cypru s certainl y ha d a well-establishe d syste m o f charitabl e foundations, mos t o f whic h wer e of privat e establishment, althoug h th e imperial familie s wer e als o expected t o b e charitable an d merciful. Hos pitals, orphanages , an d hostel s fo r th e age d an d th e poo r al l wer e normally founded . I t is very difficul t t o ge t an y grasp what happened t o those ol d Christia n institution s becaus e onl y a tin y fractio n wer e men tioned i n th e record s studied . O f course , a number o f th e ne w founder s were loca l Cypriot s wh o converte d t o Islam , bu t n o evidenc e exist s o f acceptable Christia n foundation s establishe d afte r 1571 . No r i s ther e any evidenc e o f preexistin g foundation s eve r bein g take n ove r i n toto . Ottoman practice , fro m th e Sharia, provided grea t security an d stabilit y for donations . I t was require d that they b e given forever , directl y super vised by the mutevellis, and under the general direction of loca l kadis. The vakf traditionall y involve d th e irrevocabl e donatio n o f persona l possessions i n perpetuity i n order to provid e revenue s t o suppor t activi ties broadl y construe d a s charitable . Piou s foundation s (evkaf) migh t pay th e salar y o f a n imam , construc t a mosque, o r repair a public well . In earliest time s lan d was preferre d fo r donatio n becaus e o f it s immuta bility, bu t the Ottoman s permitte d movabl e propert y an d even cash lent for interest. Some Islami c form s becam e establishe d almos t immediatel y o n Cy prus, suc h a s mosques , th e muezzin' s cal l t o prayer , an d Shari a court s replete wit h kadis . The Islami c institutio n o f vak f gre w muc h mor e slowly. Evka f ar e on e o f th e chie f way s b y whic h Muslim communitie s 40

Islamic Pious Foundations 4

1

look afte r publi c welfar e an d benefi t th e commo n good. 1 Create d i n perpetuity, thei r impac t i s cumulative . Mos t o f Anatoli a ha d alread y b y that tim e bee n unde r Turkis h Islami c rul e fo r ove r hal f a millennium . Wealthy an d middl e clas s citizen s ha d embellishe d thei r citie s wit h mosques, medreses , baths, market places , fountains, an d wate r channel s since the tim e o f th e Anatolian Seljuks . Residentia l quarter s an d village s sometimes ha d evka f t o support thei r communa l needs . Such institution s evolve only gradually . In Cypru s betwee n 157 1 and 164 0 the institutio n of vak f wa s les s developed tha n i n man y olde r Islami c areas . As a newl y conquered territor y it s lands were vulnerabl e t o appropriatio n fo r impe rial or dynasti c benefit s rathe r tha n loca l ones . Before th e conques t i n 157 1 Cypru s ha d n o residentia l Musli m com munities. Frequentl y evka f ar e establishe d b y Muslim s prou d o f thei r cities wh o wan t t o beautif y them , b y devou t Muslim s wishin g t o serv e God o r t o b e generou s wit h thei r fello w Muslims. 2 Fo r a tim e Cypru s had no wealthy native Muslims, no wealthy merchants from ol d families , and n o nativ e c ulema. Al l excep t som e loca l convert s wer e outsider s whose tie s o f hom e an d famil y initiall y wer e outsid e th e island . No t surprisingly, then , man y o f th e earl y founder s o f evkaf wer e fro m th e military class . The Militar y an d Evkaf In th e earl y perio d o f Ottoma n rul e i n Cypru s th e militar y office r clas s predominated ove r piou s foundation s (evkaf). Mos t o f th e earl y foun ders o r donor s (vakif) an d thei r administrator s (mutevelli) derive d thei r wealth fro m holdin g military office . O f 3 2 foundations mentione d i n th e judicial register s u p unti l 1611 a t leas t 16 ha d militar y origins . O f th e remainder, thre e wer e o f imperia l foundatio n (Sulta n Seli m Han , Hare meyn-i §erif , an d Medine- i Munevvere), 3 on e attache d t o a village , an other tw o t o churches , an d onl y tw o (Mevlan a Musliheddi n efend i an d mufti Sa cdeddin efend i b n Muharrem ) ca n b e identifie d a s fro m th e religious clas s ( culema). Of th e militar y founders , tw o bor e th e titl e beg, two qavu§, an d thre e aga, whil e si x ha d bee n high-salarie d imperia l provincial governor s (mix miran o r begler begi) of Cypru s (Lal a Mustaf a Pa§a, c Arab Ahme d Pa§a , [Hadim? ] Ca cfer Pa§a , Okc i zad e Mehme d Pa§a, Sefe r Pa§a , an d [Frenk? ] Ca cfer Pa§a) . I n al l likelihoo d the y ha d acquired tha t property whil e in office .

42 Islamic

Pious Foundations

In newl y conquere d Cypru s th e establishmen t o f a wealth y militar y class coul d b e expecte d t o preced e tha t o f a wealth y religiou s class , s o the preponderanc e o f militar y founder s i s n o surprise . However , th e administration o f foundation s ha s traditionally belonge d to the religious class. A s master s o f bot h readin g an d writin g th e wa y o f Islam , the y controlled th e administratio n o f foundation s whil e derivin g muc h o f their incom e (an d n o doub t influenc e a s well ) fro m tha t service . O f 3 0 Cyprus mutevelli s (administrators ) name d prio r t o 1611 , 1 5 wer e mili tary officers . O f th e military-office r administrators , tw o wer e s u ba§i , three each were aga and $avu§, and five were beg. Of the remainder, tw o were women, 4 tw o other s Christians , whil e onl y fou r ca n b e identifie d with th e religious class . On e of th e latter was a dervish, another a muft i (or §eyh ul-Islam), on e a descendent of the Prophet Muhammad (seyyid), and on e a praye r leade r an d preache r (imam an d hatib). Eithe r th e military controlle d suc h affair s carefull y an d squeeze d ou t th e religiou s class or Cyprus's Muslim s ha d not yet been abl e to develo p an energetic educated clas s o f thei r own . Initially , a t least , thos e foundation s wit h military founders , particularl y thos e founde d b y governors , wer e bot h wealthier tha n th e others an d more likely t o b e administered b y military officers. B y i 6 3 3 ( i 0 4 3 ) a tren d toward civilian predominance had been established. O f the 1 4 evkaf mentioned afte r that year only two were founde d by member s o f th e militar y class , an d only five o f th e 1 6 mutevelli s mentioned ca n b e associate d wit h tha t class . Althoug h u p t o 161 1 (1019) th e origin s o f hal f th e evka f wer e military , a s were thos e o f hal f of th e mutevellis , afte r 163 3 (1043 ) o n ' v I 4°/° ° f t n e evka f an d 21 % of the mutevelli s ha d suc h ties . Obviousl y th e military-office r clas s los t their earlie r predominance , eve n allowin g fo r th e likelihoo d tha t late r generations o f som e o f thos e familie s ma y hav e separate d fro m th e military clas s while retainin g economic an d social prestig e first acquired there. (Se e table 2.1. ) The absenc e o f informatio n abou t individua l mutevelli s ha s mad e i t impossible t o detec t predominance o f particula r familie s ove r particula r evkaf, bu t on e ma y presum e tha t t o hav e happene d a t leas t wit h th e family (evladiye) evkaf . Probabl y Seyyi d Mehme d b n Seyyid Kasi m an d Kasim $avu § b n Mehmed , mutevelli s o f th e c Arab Ahme d Pa§ a evkaf , were fathe r an d so n (o r so n an d father) . I f th e Husey n ag a wh o wa s mutevelli o f th e evkaf o f th e late Sultan Selim Han was the same Huseyn

Islamic Pious Foundations 4

3

Table 2. 1 Evkaf Mentione d i n Cypru s Judicia l Record s prior to 1611 (1019)

Evkaf number origin military ulema imperial quarter & village

1633-1637 (1043-1046)

32

14

16 2 3

2 2 3

1 2 8

zimmi no informatio n

1 (+ 3 village churches) 3 3

before 1611

16331637

6 3 2 2 1

1

military pa§a aga $avu§ beg be§e kethuda su ba§i

2 0

1

Mutevellis mentioned in Cyprus judicial records number 3

01

6

origin military ulema zimmi women no information

15 4 2 2 7

5 2 5 0 4

military mutevellis beg $avu§ su ba§i aga be§e

5 3 2 3 0

3 0 0 1 1

to 161 1 1633-1637

military evkaf

total evkaf

16 2

32 == 50% 14 == 14%

to 1611 1633-1637

military evkaf mutevellis

total evkaf mutevellis

15 5

30 = 50% 16 = 21 %

44 Islamic

Pious Foundations

aga wh o administrated th e Haremeyn-i §eri f evkaf , h e must hav e bee n a powerful figur e a s loca l hea d o f thos e tw o importan t imperia l evka f ( 4 146-2; I §evva l 1045 . 7 9 - 1 ; II I Rece b 1044) . O f th e five militar y mutevellis thre e wer e be g an d on e wa s aga ; Dervi § c Ali, §ey h Musa , mufti Sa cdeddin efend i b n Muharrem , an d hafi z hac i Mehme d $eleb i b n Hoca (an d her e th e mon k Yorg i migh t b e included ) belonge d t o th e religious class . Imperial evka f tende d t o be controlled b y military mutev ellis,5 whil e notable s ofte n controlle d thos e o f urba n quarter s an d vil lages. Of th e identifiabl e foundation s (evkaf) mentione d i n 1633-163 7 (1043-1046) tw o were military in their foundatio n (Hayda r Pa§a , Suleyman s u ba§i) , fou r wer e imperia l (Sulta n Seli m Han , Valid e Sultan , Medine-i Munevvere , an d Haremeyn- i §erif) , on e was religious (Seyyi d c Omer efendi) , an d thre e wer e establishe d b y non-Musli m (i.e. , zimmi ) villagers.6 At least tw o others wer e centere d i n villages an d two more in urban quarters , a patter n whic h mor e closel y resemble s th e contempo rary situatio n i n Anatolia. 7 Oddly , onl y five foundation s mentione d i n the earl y perio d ar e also mentione d i n the 1630s : thos e o f Sulta n Seli m II, Medine- i Munevvere , Haremeyn- i §erif , Mevlev i Tekke , an d Suley man beg/s u ba§i . Probabl y mos t o f th e evka f wer e o f s o smal l a scal e that withi n a quarter o f a century o f thei r foundatio n the y ha d falle n t o little consequence . Debase d coinag e an d excessiv e inflatio n afte r 158 0 must hav e shortene d thei r usefu l lifespans , fo r example , makin g inade quate specific stipend s allotte d t o charitable purposes such as subsistence wages for mosque functionaries . The Source s o f Revenue s o f Cypru s Foundation s Ottoman piou s foundation s o f the 16t h and 17t h centuries traditionall y provided credi t t o their communitie s a s lending institutions. 8 I n Lef ko§a they di d so to some extent . Althoug h mos t credi t offere d b y the founda tions wa s in relatively smal l amounts , som e had substantial resource s t o lend out . Yusu f b n Idri s borrowe d 10 0 akc e fro m th e foundatio n o f c Arab Ahme d Pa§a , c Omer be g b n Vel i 104 0 akce , an d Mustaf a b n Huseyn 66 0 akce (1 8 5 - 5, 6; Sefer 1003.208-1 ; II Ramazan 1002) . The foundation o f Sefe r Pa§ a mad e a loan (karz) fo r 300 0 akc e ( 1 146-2 ; II RebicI 1003 . 3 85—4; after II I Sefer 1019) . The vakf o f Ibrahi m ag a was owed 400 0 akc e b y va ciz Musl i efendi , ima m o f Aya Sofya cami ci, 100 0

Islamic Pious Foundations 4

5

akce by Mustafa b n Abdullah, an d 200 0 akc e by Musa, a total of 700 0 akce (1 284—3 ; 27 Zil-Kad e 1002) . The Mevlev i Tekk e len t 700 0 akc e t o a villager name d Mehme d b n Cerid ( 4 102—3 ; III Ramaza n 1044) . Suleyma n s u ba§ i evka f ha d len t 2000 akc e to Hasa n bolu k ba§ i who die d in Egypt ( 4 n 5 - 3 ; I I Muharrem 1045) . The late Armenian Ilya s owed 200 0 akc e to th e evkaf o f th e church o f Terbiyod i quarte r (mahalle) i n Lefko§ a ( 4 129-3 , I 3 ° - 1 ; H I Receb 1045) . Th e evka f o f th e mai n mosqu e (cami c-i §erif) i n th e tow n of Lefk a wa s owe d 88 0 akc e b y a non-Muslim (zimmi) village r name d £akoleki v . Zorz i ( 4 182-2 ; I Receb 1046) . Ay§ e bin t c Abdullah too k 3000 akc e at 20 % interest fro m th e evka f o f Merdibanl i $e§m e quarter, agreeing to pay 360 0 akc e at the end of the year (4 234-2 ; 1 8 Ramaza n 1045). The mutevell i o f a vak f fo r repairin g road s an d bridge s i n Lef ko§a was accused of lending money to the poor a t 20% or 30% interest, thereby violatin g th e conditio n o f th e dono r tha t onl y 10 % interes t b e charged (#78/3 4 (20 ) #564 ; undated ) 61,59 5 akc e in assets of th e evkaf of Hac i Seyd i mesci d wer e turne d ove r t o raci l Muharre m be§ e b n c Abdul-Vehhab whe n h e replace d Hasa n be g b n c Abdullah a s mutevell i (4 153-3 ; I §evva l 1045) . No t onl y di d th e evka f o f Hazret- i c Omer camic (als o calle d c Omeriye) charg e 20 % interes t o n loans , a fetva per mitted th e evka f t o charg e tha t rat e o n rent s whic h wer e no t pai d properly i n advanc e fo r th e yea r ( 4 130-3 ; II I Rece b 1045) . Suleyma n beg, the new mutevelli of the Cami c-i Cedid (Yen i Cami c), received assets of 128,00 0 akc e belongin g t o th e evkaf , includin g 90,00 0 akc e fro m former mutevelli §ey h Musa, 200 0 akc e from the heirs of the late forme r mutevelli Hasan efendi, 300 0 akce from the late Ibrahim Pa§a, 5000 akce from th e rent of a mill, and 100 0 akc e from th e rent of a garden (bagce) (4 237-5 ; II I Zil-Hicce 1046) . Th e fe w instance s note d o f credi t give n by evkaf sugges t eithe r tha t evkaf i n Cypru s were no t highl y affluen t o r that they simpl y wer e no t highl y sophisticate d credit-givin g institutions . Nevertheless, man y evka f supporte d themselve s b y thei r incom e fro m money lending , an d they provided a n important sourc e of capita l fo r an economy eagerl y seeking credit. 9 The evka f o f Le f ko§a controlle d a n arra y o f urba n building s whic h they rente d t o th e highes t bidders , sometime s fo r lon g period s (icare-i tavile), t o acquir e th e income s whic h the y devote d t o piou s purposes. 10 Legally thei r propert y wa s inalienabl e i n perpetuit y an d the y ha d a privileged ta x status . Rent s an d lengt h o f thei r tenur e fluctuated, some -

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times sharply , becaus e o f externa l factor s suc h a s inflatio n o r debase ment o f coinag e an d loca l factor s suc h a s short-ter m pric e fluctuations, shortage an d abundance , an d degre e o f politica l stability . I n bad times , or worsenin g ones , mutevelli s woul d eagerl y ren t fo r longe r time s a t lower prices , whil e prosperit y an d stabilit y encourage d mutevelli s t o raise rents and to reduce rental periods. Several Cypru s foundation s provide d commercia l shop s i n Lefko§ a which the y rente d a t the highest ren t they could. 11 Fo r example, tha t of c Arab Ahme d Pa§ a rente d a brea d baker y (ekmek dukkani) fo r thre e akce/day ( i 84—4 ; Muharrem 1003 . Cf. 2.4-5) . Th e foundatio n o f Emi r efendi rente d si x shoemake r shop s (babucci dukkani) fo r 11 4 akce / month ( 1 7 3 - 4 ; Muharre m 1003) . Hamamc i hac i Mehmed , racil , ha d rented th e Buyu k Hama m i n Lefko§ a fro m th e foundatio n o f th e lat e Mustafa Pa§ a t o th e en d o f th e yea r fo r 16,00 0 akc e unti l kethuday- i boluk-i yeni^eriya n c Abdur-Rahman an d Bal i $avu § offere d t o pa y a n additional 100 0 akc e pe r yea r ( 1 287-6 ; II I Zil-Kad e 1002 . 292-2 ; I Zil-Hicce 1002) . Th e ne w hama m (bamam-i cedid) o f c Omeriye cami c evkaf was rented fo r three years for 4000 akc e until haci Bayram agree d to pa y 50 0 akce/yea r mor e ( 2 21—2 ; III §aban 1016) . A sho p o f Sulta n Selim Han evkaf coul d only be rented for five years for 27 0 akce/month , and five other s i n ruine d conditio n wer e rente d fo r nin e year s (icare-i tavil) fo r the total of a mere 2400 akc e ( 4 7 9 - 1; HI Receb 1044 . 192-2 ; II Cumadi I I 1046). A Christian pries t of Degirmenli k villag e o f Le f ko§a tried to ren t one of th e water mill s (degirmen) o f th e evkaf o f Sulta n Seli m Han ( 1 2 1 0 1; I Ramaza n 1002) . Tha t foundatio n als o possesse d a ne w ban i n Lef ko§a calle d Yen i Ha n (late r Buyuk Han) 12 which, besides eight rooms, had 1 2 sho e store s i n fron t o f it , a coffe e hous e (kahve bane), an d a bakery (borekci furuni) whic h rente d fo r thre e year s fo r 28,20 0 akce / year (230 0 akce/month ) startin g I Zil-Kad e 1002 ; soo n a ma n name d Ibrahim offered t o pay a higher rent ( 1 280-4 ; H I Zil-Kade 1002 . 2 8 2 3; 2 4 Zil-Kade 1002) . That same foundation ha d a butcher shop (kassab dukkani) whic h i t rente d t o dea f c Ali th e butche r (sagi r c Ali kassab ) fo r 10 year s a t on e akce/da y t o b e pai d monthl y ( 1 323-1 ; II I Cumad i I I 995. Cf . 3 2 5 - 1 ; I Zil-Hicce 1002) . (Hadim ) Ca cfer Pa§ a foundation ha d a sho p whic h i t rente d fo r fou r akce/month , whil e th e foundatio n o f Okci zad e Mehme d Pa§ a rente d anothe r fo r tw o akce/da y ( 1 23—2 ; Receb 1002 . 61—1 ; II Muharrem 1003 . 236—1 ; II Ramazan 1002) . Tw o

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shops i n th e covere d marke t (suk) o f th e Sulta n Seli m foundatio n wer e rented fo r 2 5 akce/mont h b y semerc i ha d Ridvan , wh o die d withou t heirs (evlad-i zukur); Mahmu d efend i no t onl y agree d t o rais e th e ren t to 4 0 akce/month , h e als o mad e a cas h paymen t o f 300 0 akc e fo r th e expenses of th e cami c ( 2 9 - 1; I Sefer 1016) . (Frenk ) Ca'fe r Pa§a foundation rente d a new ban wit h a shop an d a coffee hous e fo r 21,00 0 akce / year, t o b e paid monthl y ( 2 20—3 ; I Ramazan 1016) . A coffe e hous e i n the market (gar§u) wa s rente d to kahvec i Dervi § c Ali bn Mehmed fo r 1 5 akce/day, a weaver's sho p (cullah) of th e foundation o f Mahmu d £eleb i rented fo r 2 5 akce/month , an d a borekci sho p an d a waterwheel (tolab) of Sa cdeddin efendi' s vak f eac h rente d fo r on e akce/da y ( 3 4 7 - 5 ; I Cumadi II1019. 3 155—6; II Rebic II1019. 3 85-6; after HI Sefer 1019) . Several foundation s possesse d houses , othe r residential buildings , fields, and garden s whic h the y rented . (Hadim ) Ca cfer Pa§ a foundatio n ha d a house i t rented fo r five akce/month, while that of Mustaf a Pa§ a had five two-storied (fevkani) an d fou r single-storie d (tahtani) house s whic h i t rented fo r 8 0 akce/mont h ( 1 2 3 - 2 ; Rece b 1002 . 2 1 1 - 1 ; I I Ramaza n 1002). Holding s i n agricultura l land s migh t rang e fro m a single field t o a very large estate (giftlik). Hal f a n estate belongin g t o Aya Sofya evkaf , the gif t o f Mustaf a Pa§a , wa s rente d fo r 19,00 0 akce/yea r ( 3 6 3 - 2 ; I Receb 1019 . Cf . 2 7 - 1 ; I Muharrem 1017) . Th e vak f o f Mustaf a Pa§ a included severa l larg e estate s (giftlik) wit h 60 0 donum irrigabl e (su basar) land ; ye t anothe r estat e ha d 500 0 donu m fields (tarla) ( 2 2 2 - 1 ; I Receb 1016) . I n 163 0 (1040 ) th e evkaf o f Hayda r Pa§a , Seyyid c Omer efendi, an d Merik a villag e churc h ha d house s fo r rent . The evka f o f Haydar Pa§a at Lapta village of Girniye kaza included five estates ( 4 5 7 1; I Sefe r 1044 . 7 7 - 1 ; II I Rece b 1044 . 132-2 ; II I Rece b 1045) . Ay e Hurte villag e churc h an d Merik a villag e churc h evka f ha d fields an d vineyards (thre e donu m o f th e former , si x o f th e latter ) whic h the y rented for income, while the Valide Sultan evkaf rented at least an estate. (4 132-2 ; III Receb 1045 . 146-2 ; I §evval 1045 . 4 I 7 I ~ 3 ; H Cumadi II 1046). Immediately afte r th e conques t o f Cypru s forme r Lati n ecclesiastica l property whic h fel l int o th e possessio n o f th e Ottoma n stat e becam e available t o loca l Musli m communitie s t o creat e an d t o suppor t neede d religious institutions . Fo r example , al l th e house s an d shop s tha t ha d been hel d i n trus t fo r piou s us e (mevkuf) i n Lefko§ a wer e sol d fo r 90,000 filori, an d vineyards, gardens, olive orchards, sugar fields, lands,

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and movabl e an d immovabl e propert y wer e sol d wit h som e condition s to ta x collector s ( cummal) fo r 310,00 0 filori . The y wer e suppose d t o b e sold fo r a just price (hakk karari), namel y thei r price during the time o f the infidel s (kefere), an d i f tha t wa s no t know n the y wer e onl y t o b e rented (118/5 9 [23 ] #310 ; 2 3 Zil-Hicc e 979) . Accordin g t o a fetva , evkaf o f thos e churche s (keniselerun evkafi) wer e no t vali d (sahih). I n Magosa th e forme r churc h o f Ay a Nikola , whic h wa s turne d int o a mosque, ha d 1 0 houses (hane), 2 underground storag e place s (mahzen), and 8 shops (dukkan) i n its vakf; when the y were rente d fo r 22V 2 akce/ day, o r 67 5 akce/month , tha t was no t adequat e fo r th e expense s o f th e mosque. The dail y salarie s alon e o f al l th e servant s (huddam) o f th e mosque wer e 8 7 akce , o r 31,32 0 akce/year . Whe n al l th e evka f wer e looked at , 17 8 houses , 7 3 room s (oda)> 15 undergroun d storag e places, 72 shops, 2 0 gardens (bostan), 3 pastures (gayir), and so on were found , with a monthly ren t of 531 3 akce , or 17 7 akce/day , an d 375 6 akce/yea r was receive d fro m rents . Moreover , a zfamet o f 20,00 0 akce/yea r wa s given t o Ahmed , mutevell i o f th e mosque , fo r carryin g ou t hi s offic e (118/58 (18 ) #304 ; 1 8 Zil-Hicc e 979) . Th e evka f o f th e churc h calle d San Sasko in Magosa, whic h wa s needed as a mosque, was to be bought by the treasury (miri) at a fair price (hakk karari) an d the revenues made available to the Muslims o f Magos a fo r that mosque (148/4 5 KP G 61 '5— 247 #229 ; 2 3 Zil-Hicc e 979) . In al l matter s regardin g piou s foundations , th e kad i represente d th e authority o f th e state . H e alon e decide d whethe r o r no t an y propose d donation was legitimate i n accordance with the Sharia and the traditions of th e Ottoma n state . H e also determined whethe r or not any particular action lay within the terms set forth in writing by the founder . Imperial order (emr-i §erif) for the vakf of the late Mustafa Pa§a. To kadi, know that muteferrika Mehmed , son of the late Mustafa Pa§a who died while a vezir, came to my Porte: Suleyman, one of his freed slaves and mutevelli who oversees the evkaf, had not given an accounting (muhasebe) fo r two years. The vakf had 120,000 akce when Suleyman died. I order that when my order arrives, correct the matter if there is a problem. (1 102-1; III Receb 1002, Kostantiniye) The kad i ordere d tha t a bera t b e give n t o zimmi s Piyer o v . Loiz e o f Lef ko§a and Hiristifan i v . Pod i (? ) to certify tha t they should dredg e the water flowing i n 240 0 pipes (kunk) on the road of Taht-i Kal ce (1 8 3 - 1 ; Sefer 1003) .

Islamic Pious Foundations 4 9 The Administration o f Cyprus Evkaf The piou s purpose s o f evka f donor s i n Cypru s wer e ofte n intimatel y mixed with self-interest. I t was common practice for the donor to designate hi s ow n childre n (evlad) or othe r relative s an d their descendant s (evlad~i evlad) in perpetuity as administrators (mutevellis), thus continuing at least a limited degree of family control over the property, in theory for as long as the line endured. Indeed the office o f mutevelli of at least major evkaf usually included a generous salary in remuneration for the relatively modest duties. Doubtless overseeing large estates (qiftlik) suc h as the very wealthy one s mad e vakf b y high ranking officials no t only enhanced the economic status of th e administrator but also assured his social status in the community. Lala Mustafa Pa§a, the conqueror of Cyprus, later rose to vezir.13 His son muteferrik a Mehme d wa s th e mutevell i o f hi s evkaf , th e annua l revenues o f whic h the n amounte d t o 120,00 0 akc e just o n th e island. The affairs of that evkaf in Cyprus were supervised by a freed slave fitk) of th e Pasha , Suleyman , wh o receive d a salar y o f 3 0 akce/day . Afte r Suleyman su ba§i died, another freed slave of th e Pasha, Sarikci Ca cfer beg, approached the court and, claiming to be in every way suitable and competent for the office, was appointed (1 102—1; III Receb, Konstantiniye. 133-1 ; 2 8 Ramaza n 1002 , Konstantiniye . 225—1 ; H I Ramazan 1002). More than a decade later the supervision of the evkaf of the late Lala Mustaf a Pa§ a remaine d i n th e hand s o f hi s free d slav e bevva b Hamze aga, for example, and then former Cyprus timar defterdari Piyale efendi ( 2 48-1; I §evval 1016). 14 The mutevell i o f 40,00 0 akc e i n revenue s mad e vak f fo r Medine- i Munevvere by the late Cyprus mir miran Cacfer Pa§a was his freed slave (citk) c Ali be g ( 1 197-3 ; I D Cumad i I I 1003) . Likewis e Mura d b n c Abdullah was a freed slave of the late cArab Ahmed Pa§a (1 27-3; gurre Cumadi I I 1002) . Cypru s janissary ag a Yusuf ag a bn Perviz be g chose himself as mutevelli of the large estates (giftlik) whic h he made vakf; he instructed that, afte r his death, his descendants (evlad) an d his descendants' descendants (evlad-i evlad) shoul d serve as mutevellis, and if they perished supervision should pass to the dervish lodge (zaviye) (2 22—1 ; 1 Receb 1016). When the Jew Refayel v. Lazari of Lefko§a made vakf a large house for the poor of the local Jewish community, he chose himself as mutevelli, further designating that his descendants and other Jews of

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the community shoul d continu e a s mutevellis s o lon g a s there were any ; then supervisio n woul d pas s t o th e dervis h lodg e ( 2 50-2 ; I Rece b 1016). Whe n hac i Ke y van b n c Abdul-Mennan o f Lefko§ a mad e vakf al l his fields an d propert y a t Incirl u village , h e wa s t o b e mutevell i fo r th e rest o f hi s lif e an d the n th e offic e wa s t o pas s t o hi s descendants , hi s descendants' descendants , the n t o hi s free d slave s ( cutaka) an d th e de scendants of his freed slaves (evlad-i c utaka), an d finally, were those lines to di e out , hal f t o Haremeyn- i §eri f an d hal f t o Mevlev i Han e ( 2 6 5 - 1 ; 1 Cumad i I I 1016) . Accordin g t o th e condition s se t fort h b y Mehme d with propert y inherite d fro m hi s lat e fathe r Kasi m ag a o f Girniye , hi s mother c Alem Imro z (? ) becam e mutevell i ( 3 1-8 ; II I Zil-Hicc e 1018) . The late c Ali be§e bn c Abdullah of Ko^a k village designated hi s daughter Selime hatu n t o b e mutevell i o f th e 10 0 oliv e tree s (zeytun agaci) an d 100 guru § h e mad e vak f ( 3 3 5 - 2 ; befor e 7 Zil-Hicc e 1018) . Mevlan a Ahmed efend i b n Sa cdeddin efend i o f Le f ko§a kaza mad e vakf a n estate (qiftlik) h e inherite d a t Degirmenli k villag e wit h th e conditio n tha t th e mutevellis should b e his descendants (evlad) ( 4 235-1 ; 1 2 Rebi c II 1043, Uskudar).15 Nevertheless, mutevelli s ha d t o mee t loca l standard s o f education , learning, an d morality . Loca l kadi s oversa w thei r activities . Appoint ments o f administrator s fo r th e larg e evka f o f th e imperia l famil y an d high official s cam e fro m th e imperia l palace , althoug h kadi s wer e th e agents fo r overseein g the m a s well . Aspirant s t o th e offic e o f mutevell i might repor t misdeed s o r inadequacie s o f th e curren t offic e holde r an d try to get themselves appointe d instead . Official receip t (tezkere) o f mi r miran c Ali regarding the mosque (cami c-i §erif) built and made vakf by the late c Arab Ahmed Pa§a of Lef ko§a castle. Mutevelli Kasim is removed from his position at 10 akce/day on account of his treachery. Also amon g the free d slave s o f Ahme d Pa§a is this Murad bn c Abdullah, who has raised this matter. He is suitable (yarar), hones t (mustakim), upright (salih), and piou s (mutedeyyin), so h e i s appointe d a t 1 0 akce/day . ( 1 27-3 ; gurr e Cumadi I I 1002 )

Official receip t (tezkere) t o kadis of Le f ko§a and Magosa. Veli, mutevelli at 40 akce/day o f th e evka f fo r th e cami c-i §eri f calle d Ay a Sofy a o f th e lat e Sultan Selim Ha n i n Lefko§ a an d Magosa, ha s died. I t is necessar y t o fill this office . Hafiz haci Mehmed $elebi who presently is mu'ezzin and naH hvan (reade r of a eulogy t o th e Prophet ) a t Ay a Sofy a cami c i n Lefko§a , i s upright , pious , and learned (ehl-i vukuf) an d i n ever y wa y suitable . H e i s appointe d startin g 1 4

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November 1594 (1 Rebic 11003). Carry out the duties as they have been done in the past.... Defterda r Bali efendi. (1 141-1 ) Also i n th e self-interes t o f th e donor s wa s th e practic e o f havin g th e Koran rea d i n thei r names—usuall y fo r thei r souls—a t regula r inter vals.16 O f cours e a fee or allowance ha d to be tied to the Koran readers, who man y time s wer e relative s o f th e donor . Th e Kora n wa s rea d i n Arabic; th e cour t require d proo f tha t th e would-b e reade r i n fac t ha d that skill. Haci Hasan bn Yusuf who for 1V2 akce/day recited (tilavet) cuz-i §erif (a thirtieth part of th e Koran ) fo r th e soul o f th e lat e (Hadim ) Ca cfer Pa§ a at Aya Sofy a camic in Le f ko§a of hi s own fre e will renounce s it . Th e present ima m of tha t mosque c Abdut-Tevvab bn Mehmed is a man of learnin g and knowledge (ehl-i Him) an d a man of the Koran (ehl-i Koran). He is appointed. (1 285-2; 29 ZilKade 1002 )

Haci Mehmed (? ) bn Hoca Ke y (?), presently preacher (hatib) o f Ay a Sofya i n Lef ko§a, acknowledges (ikrar) i n the presence of Musliheddin efendi, dismissed (ma'zul) fro m the kaza of Lef ka: The 2400 akce made vakf by the late Ibrahim aga fo r recitin g c amme-i qerif (the shor t verse s fro m th e 78t h sur a on ) an d tebareke (67th sura ) i n th e cami c i s owe d m e b y Musliheddin . No w I have received that aforementioned 240 0 akce in full fro m him. (1 83-3; Muharrem 1003)

The same preacher (hatib) was als o mutevelli o f 700 0 akc e made vakf by that Ibrahim aga for the recitation of yeis-i §erife and tebareke-i §erife (1 284-3 ; H I Zil-Kade 1002) . c Abdi $avu § was appointe d t o recit e on e cuz-i §erif fo r th e lat e Gaz i (Lala ) Mustaf a Pa§a . ( 1 142-3 ; I I Rebi c I 1003) 400 0 akce/yea r o f th e mone y mad e vak f b y janissar y ag a Yusu f aga was to go t o someone wh o prayed (du ca) for him. ( 2 2 2 - 1 ; 1 Receb 1016) Ca cfer Pa§ a b n c Abdul-Mennan tie d fou r akce/da y t o th e imam s and one akce/da y eac h fo r th e muezzins an d for candle s fo r th e mescid s of tw o village s o n conditio n tha t every da y after mornin g prayer (sabah nemaz) the y shoul d perform (tilavet sure-i yeis an d afte r evenin g praye r (salat ul-Hsa) they shoul d perfor m sure-i tebareke. A n additiona l tw o akce/day wa s assigne d t o eac h o f 1 0 me n a t Ay a Sofy a fo r performin g sure-i ana fetiha, fo r readin g on e cuz-i §erif, an d fo r readin g th e whol e Koran (hatim-i §erif) ever y thre e day s ( 2 14—1 ; III Muharre m 1016) . Not onl y wa s Selim e hatun , daughte r o f th e lat e c Ali be§ e bn c Abdullah of Ko^a k village , th e mutevell i o f he r father' s vakf , sh e als o rea d cuz-i §erifior hi m ( 3 3 5 - 2 ; before Zil-Hicc e 1018) .

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Ibrahim efend i b n Mustafa , presen t ima m o f th e mosqu e (mescid) o f Debba g Hane quarte r acknowledge s (ikrar, Hiraf) i n th e presenc e o f Hizi r geleb i b n Hasan beg: The late c,eri basj Husrev beg allotted 200 akce for the imam of the mosque to perform (tilavet) sure-i §erif every morning. I have received money for this. (3 169-1; II §aban 1019) The office o f mutevell i o f larg e evkaf was often remunerative . Administering severa l a t onc e o r supplementin g a n already-goo d salar y with the revenue s a s mutevell i o f a singl e vak f migh t mak e a ma n quit e prosperous. Th e mutevell i o f c Arab Ahme d Pa§ a vakf receive d 1 0 akce / day (o r 3600 akce/year) , as much as the revenue of a small timar (1 2 7 3; gurr e Cumad i I I 1002) . Th e actin g (kaym makam) mutevell i o n th e island fo r th e Lal a Mustaf a Pa§ a evkaf receive d 3 0 akce/da y (o r 10,80 0 akce/year), a lucrativ e su m ( 1 133-1 ; 2 8 Ramaza n 1002 , Konstanti niye). Kapuci Mehmed, who replaced the late kapuci Veli as mutevelli of evkaf o f th e lat e Sulta n Seli m Han , receive d 4 0 akce/da y (14,40 0 akce / year) fo r hi s service s ( 1 189-1 ; 2 9 Rebi c I 1003 , Konstantiniye) . The vakf fo r Aya Sofy a founde d b y mir miran Okc i zade Mehmed Pa§ a paid two akce/da y t o its mutevelli; later that vakf pai d mutevell i Mehme d 4 0 akce/day bu t the n th e evka f coul d n o longe r affor d tha t becaus e i t ha d become extremel y wea k ( 1 236-1 ; I I Ramaza n 1002 . 158/9 9 (12) ; undated). Fou r decade s late r a n oversee r (nazir) o f th e evka f o f Sulta n Selim Han wa s paid six akce/day fro m the income (mahsul) of th e evkaf (4 240-2; 2 6 Rebi c I 1044, Konstantiniye) . Order to Cypru s begle r begi : Yo u sen t a letter makin g know n tha t Mehmed, who was mutevelli of the evkaf of Aya Sofya cami c in Lef ko§a castle (kalce$i) o n the island of Cyprus, has died. That evkaf has become extremely weak; it cannot be registered fo r 4 0 akce . When a new perso n wa s needed , yo u mad e known that haci Kasi m c,avu§ with a 15,245 akc e timar tied to Ic II sancagi i s suitable (yarar) an d you made a petition that the office of mutevelli be given to him with a zfamet. No w it is forbidden fo r the administration of a vakf to be given with a tima r (timar He tevliyet virulmek memnu cdur). Tha t orde r wa s writte n for merly .. . (158/99 (12) #284; undated) A fe w donor s (vakif) o f famil y (evladiye) evka f specificall y enumer ated th e piou s expenditure s t o b e mad e fro m annua l revenue s an d the n stipulated tha t al l remainin g revenue s should g o to their administrators . Those positions undoubtedl y wer e the most lucrative of all . After direct ing the payment o f certai n fixed sums ' to Haremeyn- i §eri f evka f an d t o various functionarie s o f th e Mevlev i Tekk e i n Le f ko§a, hac i Ke y van b n

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3

c

Abdul-Mennan the n specifie d tha t al l the remainin g revenue s shoul d g o for th e expense s o f administratio n an d overseein g (i.e. , tevliyet an d nazaret). H a d Ke y van an d hi s descendants were , of course , the adminis trators ( 2 65—1 ; 1 Cumad i I I 1016) . Tha t vak f wa s judge d no t t o b e necessary (lazim) i n accordanc e wit h th e opinio n o f Imam- i a czam Eb u Hanife an d al l property wa s ordere d returne d t o th e donor ; however , i t was determine d vali d an d necessar y i n accordanc e wit h th e opinion s o f the Imameyn, Ebu Yusu f an d Mehme d b n Hasan e§-§eybani. 17 One vakf of Ca cfer Pa§ a b n c Abdul-Mennan wa s organize d i n quit e a similar way , with certai n specifi c sum s allotte d fo r Haremeyn- i §eri f an d fo r variou s functionaries o f the Mevlevi Tekke and al l remaining revenues, whateve r they ma y be , assigne d t o th e mutevell i an d th e oversee r (nazir); a t leas t the forme r ha d t o b e a descendant o f th e donor . Ca cfer Pa§a' s vakf, too , was a t first judged no t t o be necessary (lazim) i n accordance with Imam i a czam an d al l it s propert y wa s ordere d returned . Whe n th e mutevell i challenged th e kadi' s decision , i t was foun d vali d i n accordance wit h th e opinions o f th e Imameyn ( 2 2 2 - 1; 1 Receb 1016) . It was the duty of kadis to oversee and supervis e the proper adherenc e to the term s of evkaf . Piyero v. Loize and Hiristifani v . Podi (?) of Lefko§a state d (tm) in the presence of c Abdi $avu§ , mutevell i o f th e evka f o f th e lat e Mustaf a Pa§a : Formerl y governor (mir miran) Ahme d Pa§a made vakf 300 0 akce for repairin g the water flowing on th e roa d o f Taht- i Kal ce, whic h ha d 240 0 pipe s (kunk). Formerl y Suleyman su ba§i, who was mutevelli of the evkaf, had spent that money repairing th e wate r o f Hazret- i c Omer, whic h i s o n th e roa d o f Taht- i Kal ce. c Abdi denied that . Whe n proo f wa s requested fro m th e zimmis , Zeyneb b nC AH reis, architect (mfmar), an d Huseyn bn 'Abdullah confirmed them .... ( 1 83-1; Sefe r 1003)

The Favorit e Charitie s o f Cypru s Donor s Within Cypru s th e tw o institution s mos t esteeme d b y donor s (vakif) were first th e Ay a Sofy a cami c an d the n th e Mevlev i Tekk e (dervis h convent) i n Le f ko§a. Th e forme r wa s th e Lusigna n an d Venetia n cathe dral locate d a t th e ver y cente r o f th e roun d walls , whic h fro m 157 1 became th e principa l mosqu e o f th e city . Th e latter , jus t insid e Girniy e gate, wa s buil t befor e 1600 . The c Omeriye cami c i s noteworthy becaus e Lala Mustaf a Pa§ a dedicate d i t t o c Omer, th e secon d calip h o f Islam , i n gratitude fo r hi s miraculous appearanc e durin g th e siege of Le f ko§a.

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i. Ay a Sofya Mosque 18. The evkaf of Sultan Selim Han paid 6 akce/day to the imam of Aya Sofya cami c, 4 akce/day to a muezzin, and 40 akce/ day t o it s mutevelli . Th e mosqu e ha d it s ow n mutevell i t o loo k afte r contributions fro m other evkaf ( 1 84—1 ; Muharre m 1003 . 285—4 ; ZilHicce 1002. 141-1; I Rebic I 1003). Mir miran Okci zade Mehmed Pa§a made vak f a t leas t a sho p (dukkan) for Ay a Sofya , an d other s ha d donated a butcher shop, other shops, and large estates (giftlik) ( 1 236 1; II Ramazan 1002 . Cf . 1 325-1; I Zil-Hicce 1002 . 2 42-4; 1 Receb i o n . 3 63-2; I Receb 1019) . A vakf establishe d b y Ibrahim aga paid Koran readers for reading in Aya Sofya, as did the Sultan Selim evkaf (1 83-3; Muharre m 1003 . 2-84-3 ; M Zil-Kad e 1002 . 151-1,2 ; Rebi c II 1003). The Aya Sofya mutevell i wa s apparently i n charge of arrangin g the transfer of Cyprus evkaf funds worth 40,000 akce annually to Medine-i Munevver e ( 1 197—3 ; HI Cumadi I I 1003). Estate s made vakf by Cacfer Pa§ a b n c Abdul-Mennan pai d Kora n reader s a t Ay a Sofya ; i n particular 1 0 men there were each to be paid two akce/day (2 14-1; II I Muharrem 1016). Even a Jewish vakf paid 120 akce/year for candle wax (revgan-i §emc) for the mosque (2 50-2; I Receb 1016). 2, Mevlevi Tekke (Convent) 19. The deed of foundatio n (vakf name) o f Ca'fer Pa§a bn c Abdul-Mennan fro m 160 7 (1016 ) provide s 180 0 akce/ year fo r dervis h cloak s (hirka) for th e §eyh , imam , muezzin , tarikatci (order members), and other spiritual teachers (pit) of the Mevlevi Hane near Girniye gate (2 14-1; III Muharrem 1016) . According to the deed of foundation of the late Lala Mustafa Pa§a, whoever recites Mesneviy-i §erif in the Mevlevi Hane near Girniye gate in Lefko§a castle should be paid tw o akce/day , while th e imam, muezzin, prayers (du'aci), an d (?) should each be paid one akce/day. In addition, he provided that on the 15th o f ever y §aba n an d o n ever y A§ur e (1 0 Muharrem) , 92 0 akc e should b e provided fo r the poor (fukara) o f th e house (hane). Anothe r 4000 akce/year was allotted for those who prayed (du ca) fo r the donor. Finally, shoul d th e line of th e donor die out, the administration o f the evkaf would fall to the Mevlevi Hane (2 22—1; 1 Receb 1016). The deed of foundatio n (vakf name) o f haci Keyvan bn cAbdul-Mennan provides three akce/da y fo r th e salar y (vazife) of th e §ey h (§heykh ) o f Mevlev i Hane nea r Girniy e gat e i n Lefko§ a castl e fo r recitin g th e Mevleviy- i §erif, two akce/day fo r ine imam of th e tekke, and one akce apiece for its muezzin, prayers (du caci)> orde r members (tarikatci), and cook (a§ci);

Islamic Pious Foundations 5

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another eigh t akce/day was to be divided amon g the poor (fukara) o f th e houses, makin g a tota l incom e o f 1 7 akce/day , t o b e pai d monthly . Keyvan als o provide d tha t i f hi s lin e shoul d di e ou t th e administratio n of hal f th e evka f shoul d pas s t o th e tekk e ( 2 6 5 - 1 ; 1 Cumadi I I 1016) . A vak f t o provid e inexpensiv e housin g fo r th e Jewis h poo r o f Le f ko§a designated th e Mevlevi Tekke to take over the administration o f the vakf in th e absenc e o f Jews ; mor e important , an y incom e beyon d 12 0 akce / year annua l expenditur e an d wha t wa s necessar y t o kee p th e hous e i n repair wa s to go to the tekke ( 2 5 0 - 2; I Receb 1016) . In June, 160 8 (Rebi c I 1017 ) th e incom e o f th e tekk e (Tekye- i §erif ) of Mevlan a a t Girniy e gat e was : 2 akce/da y eac h fo r th e reade r o f th e Mesnevi an d fo r th e dutie s o f du caci dede, plu s a n additiona l 1 5 akce / month, fro m th e vak f o f Ca cfer Pa§a ; 2 0 akce/da y (60 0 akce/month ) from th e vakf o f Sa cdeddin fo r th e reade r o f th e Mesnevi; 2 akce/day fo r readers o f Mesneviy-i §erif, and 1 akce/da y eac h fo r imam , muezzin , prayer (du caci), an d th e communit y (taife), plu s 5 akce/da y (15 0 akce / month) fo r dervishe s (dervi§an) an d thei r kitchen , or , i n total , 33 0 akce / month fro m th e vakf o f Yusu f aga- i yeni^eriyan sabik a (forme r janissar y aga); 51 0 akce/mont h fro m th e vak f o f hac i Keyvan , 3 akc e fo r a Mesnevi reade r an d 1 akce eac h fo r a n imam , muezzin , praye r (du caci), and coo k (a§ci); 1 0 akce/da y (30 0 akce/month ) fro m th e vak f o f hac i Keyvan; 90 0 akce/mont h fro m th e vak f o f Sa cdi $avu§ ; 1 akce/da y (3 0 akce/month) fro m th e coffee hous e (kahve hane) o f the vakf o f Suleyma n beg; an d 5 akce/day (15 0 akce/month ) fo r poo r dervishe s fro m th e vak f of th e lat e Ka t Ibrahi m gelebi . The y wer e collecte d b y Dervi § Yusu f

(2 76-1).

3. c Omeriye Mosque.* Anothe r patronize d b y Ottoma n donor s o f evka f was th e grea t Companio n o f th e Prophe t an d secon d rightly guide d caliph c Omer ( cUmar ib n al-Khattab) . Th e Augustinia n churc h o f Lef ko§a wa s converted t o a mosque an d dedicate d t o him. 20 To Cypru s begle r beg i an d t o Lefko§ a kadi : M y vezi r [Lala ] Mustaf a [Pa§a ] made a petition ( carz) to my Porte. When Lef ko§a castle (kal'esi) was conquered (feth) with the help of God, he made a petition to my Porte that a camic with the patronymic (kunye) cOmer bn cAvs be made where Mustafa mad e his first prayer (nemaz). He buil t (bina) a hama m fo r th e imam , preache r (hatib), and othe r * also called Hazreti- cOmer

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functionaries (murtezikalar) there. Now they have made known that they do not want the hamam to be built. If they build a hamam, every loss (zarar) will occur to the vakf. I order that when my order arrives, you should look and see if there is a need for a hamam like that. If so, let it be built by vakf again. Let the hamam be built by someone from outsid e (haricdan). ( i 204-2 ; III Rebic II 988) The late Gazi Mustafa Pa§ a made an evkaf (ta cyin) fro m hi s own property (mal) for the beautiful plac e of worship (mcfbed-i latife) called Hazret-i c Omer camic-i §erif in Lef ko§a castle on the island of Cyprus. Now it is right and necessary to perform (tilavet) in tha t cami c: afte r mornin g praye r sure-i yeis, afte r mid afternoon praye r (salat-Fasr), sure-i necm (53rd sura) , and afte r nightfal l ( ci§a), suret ul-melek, for each of which two akce/day salary (vazife) is assigned (ta'yin). Mevlana u§-§erif §eyh cAli is upright and religious (salih ve mutedeyyin). (1 2053; 7 Cumadi II 1003) 4. Th e Hol y Citie s o f Mecc a an d Medina . Th e favorit e charitie s o f Cyprus donor s (vakif) beyon d th e islan d itsel f wer e th e Hol y Citie s o f Mecca an d Medin a i n Arabia. 21 Usuall y th e purpos e o f suc h evka f wa s to suppor t th e poo r o f th e Hol y Cities . Fort y thousan d akce/yea r wa s made vak f fo r th e evka f o f Medine- i Munevver e b y th e lat e Ca cfer Pa§ a bn c Abdul-Mennan; late r severa l estate s (qiftlik) wit h unspecifie d reve nues a t othe r village s wer e donated . Clearl y Ca cfer Pa§ a wa s a devote e of Medin a ( 1 197—3 ; III Cumadi I I 1003 . z I 4 ~ I ; HI Muharrem 1016). Mehmed b n Kasi m ag a tie d house s an d garden s a t Girniy e kaz a an d lands (arazi) a t Templo z villag e t o a n exten t tha t th e mutevelli , hi s mother, would b e able to send 100 0 akce every year to Medine-i Munev vere ( 3 1—8 ; H I Zil-Hicc e 1018) . Hac i Keyva n b n c Abdul-Mennan do nated a n estat e a t Incirl u villag e o f Le f ko§a which , amon g othe r chari table institutions , wa s t o provid e 200 0 akce/yea r fo r Haremeyn- i §eri f evkaf ( 2 6 5 - 2 ; 1 Cumad i I I 1016) . Likewis e a n estat e (qiftlik) a t Iliy a village o f Girniy e kaz a wit h 1 3 two-storie d (fevkani) an d single-storie d (tahtani) house s (menzil), tw o undergroun d storag e depot s (mahzen), two oliv e oil presses (zeytun degirmen), an d ove r 29 0 oliv e trees, was t o pay 200 0 akce/yea r t o Medine- i Muneverre ; whe n th e lin e died out , th e entire property wa s to pass to the vakf ( 4 146-2 ; I §evval 1045) . Present janissary ag a o f th e islan d of Cypru s Yusu f ag a b n Pervi z beg made vak f estates (qiftlik) a t Piskob i an d Morf o wit h th e conditio n tha t 16,00 0 akce i n revenue s b e give n annuall y t o Haremeyn- i §eri f an d othe r evka f for reading s fo r th e sou l (ruh) o f th e server-i enbiya an d habib-i huda Muhammed Mustafa ; on e vak f o f Ca cfer Pa§ a require s a simila r annua l

Islamic Pious Foundations 5

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expenditure o f 300 0 akc e fo r th e soul s o f Muhammed , c Ali, an d th e Companions (Eshab) ( 2 22—1 ; 1 Rece b 1016 . 2 14—1 ; III Muharre m 1016). A t on e perio d a tota l o f 422,00 0 akce/yea r wa s bein g collecte d from the treasury (hazine) of Cypru s for the poor (fukara) of Haremeyn i§erif (#160/8 9 [42 ] #24) . 5. Loca l Communities . Urba n quarter s an d village s wer e frequentl y designated beneficiaries o f pious donations. Indeed those two units probably represente d primar y focuse s o f persona l loyalties . §amakl i villag e mosque (mescid), fo r example , ha d a vakf whic h supporte d i t ( 3 85—4 ; after II I Sefer 1019) . S o did the church (kenise) o f Ay e Hurt e (? ) village of Lefko§ a kaz a ( 4 112-1 ; I I Muharre m 1045) . Merdibanl i Husey n quarter of Le f ko§a had a vakf fo r its mosque (mescid) whic h gave c Ayni bint c Abdullah a 3000 akc e loan at 20% interest (4 234-2; 1 8 Ramaza n 1045). The church of Terbiyodu quarter had its foundation, too ( 4 1 3 0 1; II I Rece b 1045) . F° r th e vak f o f th e churc h o f Merik a (? ) villag e mutevelli Veliyatd i (? ) v . Kistinti n purchase d si x donu m o f vineyard s and a hous e (bane) a t anothe r villag e ( 4 132-2 ; II I Rece b 1045) . I n Cyprus nearl y al l th e foundation s organize d tha t wa y explicitl y serve d communal house s o f worship , althoug h elsewher e tha t wa s no t alway s the case. 6. Non-Muslim s (Zimmis) . Althoug h i t i s no t clea r wha t difficultie s Zimmis face d i n establishin g evkaf , the y di d succee d i n establishing them, bot h fo r thei r place s o f worshi p an d fo r thei r ow n communities . Although thre e donu m o f land s (arazi) i n Ay e Hurt e (? ) villag e i n Lef ko§a kaz a ha d belonge d t o th e evka f o f th e churc h (kenise) fo r mor e than 40 years , the late Bavlo v. Zorzi o f tha t village and his descendant s had usurpe d tha t property whe n rahi b Yorg i wa s mutevelli ; th e presen t mutevelli, Mihaye l v . Kistintin , successfull y prove d th e evkaf' s owner ship ( 4 112—1 ; II Muharrem 1045) . Th e vak f fo r th e churc h o f Merik a (?) village acquire d vineyard s an d a house fro m Istav e (? ) bin t Pak a (? ) three years ago for 168 0 akc e (4 132-2 ; III Receb 1045) . Zimmi Mura d v. Eymu r be§e , mutevell i o f th e churc h o f Terbiyod i quarter , asserte d that the vakf was owed 200 0 akc e by the late Ilyas, whose orphan s hav e as guardia n (vasi) thei r mothe r th e Armenia n Moga l bin t Harist o (4 129-3 , I 3 ° - 1 ; H I Receb 1045) .

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Rafayel v . Lazari of Kal ce-i Lef ko§a acknowledges before Hamz e aga, whom he appointed mutevelli : Th e 5 0 two-storie s house s an d si x one-storie d house s a t Zeyn ul-Abidin quarter in the castle, of known boundaries, which I bought fro m the Jew (Yahudi) Iliya, I make a valid vakf (sahih), wit h it s water, well (kuyu), threshing floor (barman), and al l it s dependencie s (cent? tevabiHle), wit h thi s condition (qart): During his lifetime let him be mutevelli, and let that house (dar) be rented t o poor Jews (Yahuda fukarasina). Every year le t 12 0 akce from th e rent (icare) b e given for candlewax (revgan-i §emc) fo r the mosque (camf-i §erif) called Aya Sofya i n Kal ce-i Lef ko§a. Let them repair (ta cmir) th e house with th e money tha t remain s fro m th e rent . Le t it be possessed (mutasarrif) for dervis h lodges. After hi m let the mutevellis be the descendants of the descendants of his descendants (evlad-i evlad-i evlad). After th e shar e fo r th e vak f i s given ever y year, let the rest be possessed for the dervish lodges. After the descendants of the donor possess it, let the mutevelli be appointed (nasb) fro m th e Jewish commu nity (Yahudi taifesinden). Let poo r Jew s liv e i n tha t house . Afte r 12 0 akc e is given every year fo r th e rent of tha t mosqu e for candlewax , let the house (dar) be repaire d wit h th e remainin g money . Afte r tha t I handed ove r (teslim) that house t o th e aforementione d mutevelli . Afte r th e mutevell i confirme d (tasdik) the donor i n his presence . . ., th e vakf wa s foun d necessary . ( 2 50-2; I Receb 1016)

A "Slav e Family " of Wealth y Donor s Conspicuous amon g th e founder s an d administrator s o f evka f wa s th e slave famil y o f " c Abdul-Mennan," Ca cfer, Keyvan , Mehmed , an d Di laver, al l importan t me n i n Cypru s betwee n 159 0 an d 1610. 22 The mos t powerful o f th e family , an d undoubtedl y th e wealthiest , wa s (Frenk ) Cacfer Pa§ a wh o serve d a s governo r (mir miran) o f th e provinc e an d later a s kapuda n o f th e fleet . Ca cfer wa s a generou s patro n o f th e Hol y Cities o f Mecc a an d Medina , Ay a Sofy a cami ci i n Lefko§ a an d th e Mevlevi Tekke . Th e administratio n o f hi s evka f wa s restricte d t o hi s men, amon g who m wer e Mehme d efend i b n c Abdul-Mennan an d c azablar agas i Dilave r ag a b n c Abdul-Mennan, an d the n t o hi s descendant s (2 14—1 ; 2 0 - 3; 22—1 ; 76-1). Hac i Keyva n b n c Abdul-Mennan o f Lef ko§a castl e als o wa s a patro n o f th e Mevlev i Tekk e an d Haremeyn- i §erif, althoug h o n a muc h mor e modes t scal e tha n Ca cfer Pa§a . H e ha d endowed th e forme r wit h 200 0 akce/year , th e latte r wit h ove r 80 0 akce / month. Lik e Ca cfer, Keyva n require d tha t th e administratio n o f th e vak f be confined t o his descendants (evlad) ( 2 6 5 - 1; 76—1). Besides bein g a n administrato r o f evka f o f Ca cfer Pa§a , former defte r kethudasi Mehme d efend i b n c Abdul-Mennan mad e vak f a singl e oliv e tree at Eglence village of Le f ko§a kaza, capable of producing about thre e

Islamic Pious Foundations 5

9

kile pe r year , wit h th e stipulatio n tha t th e incom e b e use d t o repai r a fountain (ge§me) and water channel ($u yoli) whic h h e had created wit h an earlie r vak f ( 2 1 3 - 1 ; I I Muharre m 1017) . Anothe r free d slav e o f Cacfer Pa§ a wa s c Ali beg , mutevell i o f hi s evkaf , wh o supervise d th e annual transfe r o f 40,00 0 akc e t o Medine- i Muneverr e ( 1 197-3 ; II I Cumadi II1003) . A vakfiy e o f presen t Cypru s begle r begi , mi r mira n Ca cfer Pa§ a b n c Abdul-Mennan date d 2 1 - 3 0 Jun e 159 9 ( I Muharre m 1008 ) give s i n detail huge holdings bein g made vakf: six separate estates, (qiftlik), eac h one vast enough to contain land in several villages. They are enumerated by mutevell i c Osman be g b n c Abdul-Mennan i n th e presenc e o f Hare meyn-i §eri f mutevell i Ahme d b n Mehmed . Land s ar e include d i n Lef ko§a, Limosa , an d Tuzl a nahiyes , al l hi s privat e propert y (mulk). On e estate contained 5 two-storied (tahtani) and single-storied (fevkani) houses, 4 houses with fruit trees, 4 gardens, 100 0 donum of fields (tarla), 2 more houses, 4 vineyards, 1 0 yoke of oxen , 60 0 hea d of shee p and goats, and 150 key l eac h o f whea t an d barle y fo r see d (tohum). Anothe r estat e included land s an d pasture s a t severa l villages , 1 1 house s wit h court yards (havli), 1 0 yoke of oxen, 80 0 sheep and goats, along with 20 0 keyl each of whea t an d barley fo r seed . Still anothe r include d 2 0 two-storie d and single-storie d houses , 7 irrigabl e garden s wit h frui t tree s an d oliv e trees, a ne w vineyard , a n oi l mil l (zeytun degirmani), a win d mil l (yel degirmani), an d a wate r mil l (su degirmani), 250 0 donu m o f irrigabl e fields, 20 0 hea d o f shee p an d goats , an d 10 0 key l eac h o f whea t an d barley for seed. From th e revenues , 40,00 0 akce/yea r i s t o b e delivere d t o th e Tom b o f th e Prophet plus another 20,00 0 akce/yea r for the preachers, imams, and muezzins at the Tomb to divide equally among themselves. Another 5000 akce should be used for the purchase of olive oil (revgan-i zeyt) from the island. Six thousand akce cash should go to the mutevelli and the §eyh of the evkaf of kutb ul- carifin Mevlana Hudavendiga r (Celaleddi n Rumi ) i n Konya , t o bu y thei r distinctiv e garb. The mutevelli ought to receive 1 5 akce/day, and whoever is §eyh ul-Islam in Istanbul ought to receive 5 akce/day as overseer (nazir) o f the vakf; a scribe (katib) should receive 8 akce/day and a collector of th e revenues (cabi) 5 akce/ day. Th e remainin g incom e o f th e estate s shoul d remai n th e propert y o f hi s descendants and his freed slaves and their descendants, finally to be joined to the evkaf of Haremeyn-i §erif. (19/80, p. 207-208 #151 ; 16/116, p. 210 #151) Two year s later Ca cfer Pa§ a seemed intent on usin g up what holding s he migh t hav e forgotte n i n 159 8 (1008) , o r perhap s ha d recentl y ac quired: fo r example , 28 0 oliv e tree s an d nin e caro b tree s alon g wit h

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houses at a village of Tuzla kaza. In Magosa, fivetwo-storied and singlestoried houses , fruit trees , gardens with irrigatio n channels , eight shops in variou s places , a coffe e house , tw o gris t mill s (tahuni), a well , an d more were set aside and made a valid vakf to support those in Aya Sofya camic i n Magosa , particularl y thos e wh o pra y fo r hi s soul (ruh-i §erif) on Friday, but als o for th e expenses of a water channe l (su yoli) which brings water to Magosa. As in his other foundations Ca cfer required that the mutevellis be his descendants (16/116, p. 3 1 0 - 3n #152) . In 160 7 (1016) , promoted t o commande r (kapudan) of th e imperia l fleet, Ca cfer Pa§ a founde d ye t anothe r vakf . That vak f constitute d stil l another estat e (giftlik); the mutevelli s wer e agai n suppose d t o b e hi s descendants, and extra revenues again were to accrue to them. From the revenues, 300 0 akce/yea r wa s assigne d t o th e servant s o f th e Tomb of Muhammed. A sum of 640 akce/year was assigned for beeswax (revgani §em c) for Ay a Sofy a cami c i n Lefko§ a an d 180 0 akc e fo r whoeve r related the Mesnevi and whoever was §eyh of the Mevlevi Hane, as well as fo r th e dervishes , thei r imam , an d muezzin . Mor e mone y wen t t o Cacfer Pa§a mosque (mescid), near Baf gate. Regular prayers and Koranreadings were to be made for him (16/116, p. 211-212 #153) . Flexibility an d Pragmatism o f Administrators an d Kadis Under certain strictly controlled circumstances it was possible to circumvent explicit stipulations of the donor (vakif). Vakf property might even be sold if the testimony of experts showed that it was most advantageous to th e vak f t o d o so . Authority t o ac t la y wit h th e kad i i n hi s rol e a s overseer of evkaf. c

Abdi $avu§ bn Yusuf, mutevelli of the evkaf of the late Mustafa Pa§ a in Lef ko§a, set fort h a clai m i n th e presenc e o f Tura k $avu § b n c Omer, zi camet-holder (ezzacim): Th e Pasha's evkaf i s in ruins (harab). Imperia l permission was granted to sell lande d propert y fakar) whic h i s no t beneficia l (muntefi c), namel y seve n single-storied (tahtani) and three two-storied (fevkani) uninhabitable ruined houses (harabe evler) i n the city . To d o s o i s in every way beneficia l t o the evkaf. The y should b e sold to Turak i n accordance with the imperial order (firman) for 700 0 akce. Expert s (ehl-i vukuf) confir m tha t th e estat e (menzil) i s i n ruin s (harabe), not beneficia l t o th e vakf , an d shoul d b e sol d a t th e imperia l marke t (suk-i sultaniye). ( 1 203-1 ; 1 Receb 1003 ) To Cypru s begle r begi , t o Lefko§ a kadi , an d t o Magos a kadi : You , Lefko§ a kadi, sent a letter (mektub) t o my Porte. Some houses (evler) and shops (dukkan-

Islamic Pious Foundations 6 1 lar) of the vakf of the late Mustafa Pa§a , who died while vezir, in Lef ko§a castle and Magosa castle belonging to the mosque (cami'-i §erif) called Hazret-i cOmeriye in Lefko§a castl e are in ruins (harabe). They are not able to be occupied or to b e rented fo r the vakf. When tha t wa s attested t o (muqahede), an d when it was petitione d ( carz) t o exchang e tha t fo r somethin g usefu l fo r th e vakf , i n accordance with the Sharia, an order was made. I order that you investigate the matter in accordance with justice (hakk ve cadl) and see what should be done in accordance wit h th e Sharia. You should d o what i s most usefu l (enfa c) fo r the vakf. No w som e people , exceedin g thei r authorit y (fuzulen), issued a n orde r (emr~i §erif) an d made known that they did not want the hamam to be built. If they build the hamam, every loss will occur to the vakf. (i 204-1 ; II §aban 999) A garden calle d Dizdar Bagc e outside Baf gate, with a water whee l (tolab) an d trees (escar), wa s made vakf fo r a school (mekteb) of the conqueror o f Cyprus the lat e Mustafa Pa§a , and formerly wa s rented ever y year. Now it is in ruins (harabe), it s walls destroyed an d stones falling down. It no longer is of any use to th e vakf. I t is rented fo r nine year s (icare-i tavile) for 400 akce i n advance (mucaccelen) t o Mustafa be§ e on the condition (§art) tha t h e make i t flourish , pay 120 0 akce/year fo r th e school , an d repai r (ta cmir) the wate r whee l an d garden walls. Let that 120 0 akce be paid mont h b y month. (2 63-1; 1 Muharrem 1016 )

Helva usta c Ali of Lef ko§a bought fiveshops of the evkaf of the late Sultan Selim Han fro m presen t mutevell i Husey n aga' s substitut e (kaym makam) mevlan a Mehmed efend i fo r 240 0 akc e fo r nin e year s (i.e. , for 15 0 akce/year) becaus e they are in ruins (harabe). (4 79-1; III Receb 1044) The estat e (qiftlik) of Lakin e (?)/Lakit e (? ) village of Lefko§ a kaza , mad e vakf for c Omeriye mosqu e b y th e lat e Mustaf a Pa§a , conquero r o f th e islan d o f Cyprus, should be taken from thos e who do not pay rent and given immediately for 1 2 years for 38,000 akce/year to zimmis (Christians) Filibo v. Bernardi, Papa Kargi (?) v. Papa Yani, Loizi v. Andreye, and Bernardi (?) v. Covani. They have agreed to expend 20,00 0 akce/year for the renewal of some rooms and a stable and t o provid e 20 0 loads o f fertilize r (gubre) ever y yea r fo r th e fields of the foundation. ( 2 7—1; I Muharrem 1017) If the court coul d b e convinced tha t sellin g the property o r using it in some othe r irregula r wa y would enhanc e it s value, tha t coul d b e done . In particular, emergenc y method s migh t b e taken wher e through neglect , war, or natural hazard s vak f propert y wa s destroyed. 23 Conclusion The predominance o f member s o f the military clas s amon g bot h donor s and administrator s o f foundation s u p t o th e perio d 161 0 is t o b e ex-

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pected. Among the local Muslims, the military would have been the first to hav e ha d salarie s an d othe r incom e i n quantitie s larg e enoug h t o permit such generosity or indeed to have need to fear imperial confiscation. No t onl y wer e the y th e mos t frequen t donors , thei r foundation s were also the wealthiest (excep t for the imperial evkaf, a different category because their founders never went to Cyprus). Military administrators maintained military influence over the evkaf. Nevertheless, until an educated local c ulema (religious class) could be trained, the military were the best-educate d grou p i n th e community ; the y wer e th e onl y grou p capable o f providin g administrator s wh o coul d read , write , an d keep accurate records . (I t would b e interestin g t o lear n whethe r o r no t the sharp decline in the influence of military over evkaf is connected with a corresponding decline in their socioeconomic position.) The sources of income of the foundations of Cyprus were agriculture, urban commercial rent, and interest from lending. Agricultural holdings ranging from small fields,orchards, gardens, or vineyards to huge estates provided b y fa r the greates t proportio n o f al l evka f revenues . Next i n importance wer e th e man y shops , houses, hamams , hans, and covered markets of Lefko§a , an d to som e exten t Magosa . Finally , a few evka f supported themselve s al l o r i n par t b y lendin g ou t mone y grante d t o them for that purpose at interest rates of from 10 % to 20%. The urban commercial evka f provide d a n array of building s t o mee t the needs of the merchan t community, whil e the money-lending evka f provide d the community with much-needed capital at a fair interest rate. Among the pious purposes served by local evkaf were payment of all or par t o f th e salarie s o f mosqu e functionarie s an d th e provisio n o f water for the citizens of Lef ko§a and Magosa. The favorite concerns of Cyprus donors during the period c. 15 80-1640 were the mosque of Aya Sofya an d th e Mevlev i Tekk e i n Lefko§ a an d th e grea t foundation s connected with the Holy Cities of Arabia. Favorite stipulations included the recitation of Korani c passages, or sometimes prayers, for the donor after hi s deat h b y th e administrator s o r b y othe r mosqu e an d tekk e functionaries. Onl y a few foundation s wer e centered in urban quarters or villages, devoted to the interests of thos e communities, as was common in Anatolia, but those that had begun to appear in the 1630 s may perhaps b e considere d harbinger s o f th e future . Som e o f thos e evka f belonging t o Christia n communitie s n o doub t antedate d th e Ottoma n conquest; but perhaps among the Muslims the disparate individuals and

Islamic Pious Foundations 6

3

families, whether a s immigrants fro m scattere d communities i n Anatoli a or a s loca l converts , ha d finally live d togethe r lon g enoug h t o find common interests , to develop mutual trust , and to give for the benefit o f their neighbors. Latin ecclesiastica l propert y seize d a t th e tim e o f th e conques t pro vided a windfall fo r the new Muslim communities in Lef ko§a and particularly i n Magos a wher e th e Lati n churc h establishmen t ha d bee n larg e and ther e wer e fe w Muslim s (o r Gree k Orthodox ) t o clai m it . Whe n local Muslim s petitione d tha t the y neede d anothe r mosque , fine aban doned churche s wer e available ; i f the y lacke d adequat e revenue s t o support thei r mosques , muc h capture d propert y wa s availabl e t o b e s o dedicated. Many donors , particularly wealthie r ones , required tha t the administrators alway s b e their descendants ; sometimes no t just the descendant s of th e dono r bu t indee d descendant s o f hi s free d slave s wer e t o b e administrators i n perpetuity. The absenc e o f surname s prevent s judgin g how tha t wa s practice d excep t i n a fe w case s wher e claim s t o establis h such relationships wer e made before the court; likewise it is not possibl e to discove r whethe r certai n familie s ma y hav e bee n especiall y activ e a s vakf administrators . Suc h evkaf wer e designe d a t least i n part t o secur e the self-interes t o f th e famil y o f th e donor , an d administrator s o f th e larger evka f receive d handsom e salaries . Perhap s th e mos t lucrativ e o f all were the fe w evka f whic h stipulate d tha t all revenues no t specificall y assigned shoul d g o t o th e administrators . However , th e administrator s had t o mee t minima l qualification s se t b y th e court , dependin g o n th e requirements o f th e donors. Sometimes, either in piety or out of concer n that th e vak f migh t no t b e judge d necessary , donor s stipulate d tha t particular revenue s shoul d g o t o th e local kadi , or mufti, o r the §eyh ulIslam in Istanbul. The cour t o f Le f ko§a wa s responsibl e fo r ensurin g tha t th e term s o f the donor s wer e adhere d to . However , th e cour t supervise d wit h a flexibility which permitted o r even encourage d th e evkaf t o pursue thei r own economi c self-interest . Foundation s wit h urba n commercia l prop erty rented to the highest bidder to maximize revenues in good times, for the rents could b e raised whenever a qualified perso n bid more; in order to attrac t renter s durin g time s o f economi c o r politica l instabilit y o r disorder a vak f coul d lowe r rent s an d exten d terms . The ke y questio n was fo r th e court, o r court-appointed experts , to agre e that a particular

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action wa s mos t usefu l fo r th e vakf . Th e cour t an d th e expert s under stood somethin g abou t economi c an d socia l utility ; the y allowe d th e evkaf t o mee t ne w problem s wit h a bi t o f pragmatis m rathe r tha n clinging t o th e letter of text s o f deed s of piou s foundation s (vakf name). So foundations i n Lef ko§a were aided in dealing with problems brough t on by inflation, natural disasters, new competition, or other emergencies.

NOTES i. A comprehensive list of buildings , services, and miscellaneous other benefices connected with various evkaf has been published by Halim Baki Kunter in "Turk Vakiflan ve Vakfiyeleri uzerine mucmel bir ettid," Vaktflar Dergisi i. 1938 . 103-129 . Als o included i s a list of title s of official s obligate d to carry out those duties, who in many cases must also be considered among the "services" supported by evkaf. pp. n iff . 2. Cf . Haim Gerber, who findsa"rudimentary 'public spiritedness' " in Bursa. See hi s pape r "Th e Waq f Institutio n i n 17t h centur y Anatolia n Bursa, " submitted to the International Seminar on the Social and Economic Aspects of the Muslim Waqf, Jerusalem, 24—28 June 1979. One might say the same about Kayseri. 3. O n th e importanc e o f sultani c evka f t o th e urba n economy , se e 6 . L . Barkan, "Social and Economic Aspects of Vakifs in the Ottoman Empire in the 15 th and 16th Centuries," International Seminar.... H . Gerber gives a detailed account of the functioning of such evkaf for the 17th century in the important city of Bursa. International Seminar . .. 4. Wome n do not seem to have played a conspicuous role as founders of evkaf in that period in Cyprus. However, 36% (913 of 2517) of evkaf recorded in the Istanbu l defte r o f 154 6 wer e founde d b y women. Ome r Lutfi Barka n and E . H . Ayverdi , Istanbul Vaktflart Tahrir Defteri 953 (1546) Tarihi. Istanbul, 1970 . p . vii. Likewis e 3 9 o f 15 1 tota l evka f liste d i n Ankara by Ongan were founded by women. Halit Ongan, "Ankara §er'iye Mahkemesi Sicillerinde Kayit h Vakfiyeler, " Vaktflar Dergisi 5.1962.213-222. Rode d and Marcus estimated, respectively, that women founded 41% and 36% of 17th-19th centur y evkaf i n Aleppo. Ruth Roded, "The Waqf in Ottoman Aleppo," International Seminar .. . Abraham Marcus , "Piet y an d Profit : The Waqf in the Society and Economy of 18t h Century Aleppo," International Seminar. . . 5. Accordin g to Akdag they were ayan and e§raf, i.e. , notables. Mustafa Akdag, Tiirkiye'nin tktisadi ve Iqtimai Tarihi. v. II, 1453-15 59. Ankara, 1971. p. 26. Those in Bursa, according to Gerber, were men of state with military titles who had to keep careful records. International Seminar .. . 6. Fiv e out of the 42 evkaf identified in the sicils of Lefko§a were founded by

Islamic Pious Foundations 6 5 non-Muslims. Fo r zimmi evka f i n Kayseri , see R . Jennings, "Zimmi s (Non Muslims) i n Earl y 17t h Centur y Ottoma n Judicia l Records—Th e Shari a Court o f Anatolia n Kayseri, " JESHO 21.1978.276ft . Se e als o "Loan s an d Credit in Early 17t h Century Ottoman Judicial Records—Th e Shari a Cour t of Anatolia n Kayseri, " JESHO 16.1973.204 , 207 , 209 . M . E . Diizdag ha s published ove r a hundre d fetva s fro m Ebu s Suu d concernin g zimmis . §eybulislam Ebussuud Efendi Fetvalart I§tginda 16. Astr Turk Hayatu Istanbul , 1972. pp . 89-107 . Zimm i evka f wer e relativel y uncommon ; fo r example , none ar e liste d i n th e 154 6 evka f defte r fo r Istanbu l publishe d b y Barka n and Ayverd i an d onl y on e o f 10 6 Ankar a evka f liste d b y Onga n fo r th e 16th, 17th , o r 18t h centur y wa s founde d b y a zimmi. H . Ongan , "Ankar a §er'iye Mahkemesi..., " Vaktflar Dergisi (hereafte r referre d t o a s VD) 5.1962.217 (#87) . Akdag , however , report s th e existenc e o f numerou s Christian an d Jewish evka f i n Istanbu l o n th e basi s o f researc h i n Istanbu l judicial records . Tiirkiye'nin . . . , v . 2 , p. 40 . Rode d foun d 10 % of Alepp o evkaf non-Muslim , mostl y fro m th e 19t h century , whil e Marcu s calculate d only 4.5% . "Th e W a q f . . . , " an d "Piet y an d Profit..., " i n International Seminar... 7. Tha t wa s tru e o f contemporar y Kayseri . Accordin g t o Roded , 70 % o f Aleppo evka f ove r a later period wer e identified wit h tow n quarters , p. 12 . Marcus found all but 15 dedicated to causes within Aleppo, p. 10 . For other examples, se e Kunter , "Tur k Vakifla n . . . , " p . 122 , # 3 4 ; p . 123 , # 9 . Barkan indicate s tha t suc h evka f usuall y wer e centere d aroun d mosques . Barkan and Ayverdi, Istanbul Vakiflan . . . , p . xxvii. 8. Numerou s instance s o f credi t offere d i n Kayser i b y evka f ar e cite d i n Jennings, "Loan s an d C r e d i t . . . , " pp . i78f , 203ft . Forty-si x percen t o f th e evkaf (116 1 o f 2517 ) liste d i n th e 154 6 Istanbu l defte r len t mone y a t interest. Barka n an d Ayverdi , Istanbul Vakiflan . . . , p . xxxi. According t o Yediyildiz, 32 % of th e 18th-centur y Anatolia n evka f h e studied len t mone y at interest. B. Yediyildiz, "La Portee Economique des Vaqfs Turcs au XVIIIe siecle," International Seminar .. . According t o Marcus , th e norma l rat e in 18th-century Alepp o wa s 10 % althoug h rate s a s hig h a s 18 % occurred . "Piety and Profit..." Cf . Hali l Inalcik, "Capita l Formatio n i n the Ottoma n Empire," The Journal of Economic History 29.1969 . iooff , 132ft . Akda g also ha s evidenc e o n money-lendin g evkaf . Turkiye'nin . . . v . II , pp. 2 1 if. Mutafcieva consider s evkaf to have been the main institution of credit in the Ottoman empire . "Probleme s fondamentau x d e l'etude du Vakf e n tant que partie de la structure sociale et economique de s Balkans sou s la dominatio n Ottomane (XVe—XIX e siecles), " International Seminar ... Fo r a perspec tive discussio n o f th e origi n an d developmen t o f th e institutio n se e Jon E . Mandaville, "Usuriou s Piety : The Cas h Waq f Controvers y i n th e Ottoma n Empire," IJMES 10.1979.289—308. 9. O n th e basi s o f 16th-centur y Istanbu l judicia l record s Akda g ha s trace d a pattern o f risin g interes t rates , finally reachin g 20 % legally . Turki-

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ye'nin . . ., v . II , pp. 206-214 . A simila r patter n ca n b e trace d i n Kayser i and Trabzon . Cf . Inalcik , "Capita l Formatio n . . . , " p . i32ff . Barka n an d Ayverdi giv e detaile d informatio n o n th e us e o f interest . Istanbul Vaktflan . . . , p . xxxi . Accordin g t o Akdag , Barka n an d Ayverd i (pp . xxxi , xxxviiff), an d Mutafciev a ("Probleme s fondamentaux..." ) interes t rate s became excessiv e an d usur y a severe proble m i n th e latte r par t of th e 16t h century. Fo r furthe r evidenc e consul t M . Akdag , Celali Isyanlari (15501603). Ankara , 1963 . pp . 37ft , 55 . Th e 18th-centur y evka f studie d b y Yediyildiz len t money fo r 15 % interest. "L a Portee . . . " 10. Accordin g t o Marcus 14 % of vak f propert y i n Aleppo was houses an d they provided 19 % o f vak f revenues . "Piet y an d Profit... " I n 18th-19th-cen tury Aleppo the vast majority of evka f wer e small endowments of buildings . Roded, "Th e W a q f . . . " Si x percen t o f th e tota l revenue s o f th e 18th century evka f studie d b y Yediyildi z wer e fro m houses . "L a Porte e . . . " Gerber calculate d tha t 24 % o f th e house s i n lat e 17th-centur y Burs a wer e vakf. "Th e Waqf Institutio n . . . " Cf . Suraiy a Faroqhi , "Th e Tekke o f Hac i Bekta§: Social Positio n an d Economi c Activities, " IJMES 7.1976.183-20 8 and "Vaki f Administratio n i n 16t h Centur y Konya . Th e Zaviy e o f Sadred din-i Konevi, " JESHO 17.1974.145-172 . 11. Thirt y percen t o f th e tota l revenue s o f th e 18th-centur y Anatolia n evka f studied b y Yediyildi z cam e fro m commercia l buildings , especiall y smal l shops. "L a Portee . . . " I n Aleppo Marcus foun d tha t 33 % of vak f propert y and 54 % of revenue s came from tha t source. "Piety and Profit... " 12. Cf . Gonu l Oney , "Buyu k Ha n (Th e Grea t Inn ) an d Kumarcila r Han i (Th e Gambler's Inn ) a t Nicosia, " pp . 277-282 , wit h detaile d groun d plan s an d photographs, i n th e Proceedings of The First International Congress of Cypriot Studies. Ankara , 1971 . Cf . Fikre t (Juhadarogl u an d Fili z Oguz , "Kibris'ta Turk Eserleri/Turkish Historica l Monuments, " pp. i2f , i n Rolove ve Restorasyon Dergisi 2.1975.1-76 . Als o Cevde t £agda§ , Ktbrtsta Turk Devri Eserleru Lefko§a, 1965.p . 11 . 13. A Bosnian educate d in the imperial palace , Lal a (o r Kara, or Gazi) Mustaf a Pa§a (d . 1 5 80) ha d reache d th e ran k o f §a m begle r begi when h e was mad e commander o f th e Cypru s expedition . Late r he was commande r i n the eas t and distinguishe d himsel f b y conquest s i n Georgi a an d Shirvan , finally attaining the rank of vezir . Beki r Kutukoglu, "Mustaf a Pa§a, " Islam Ansiklopedisi (hereafte r referre d t o as M); J. H. Kramers , "Mustafa Pash a Lala, " EL1 14. I n Ottoman societ y free d militar y slave s were ofte n treate d a s family mem bers. Indeed, that was frequently th e case with other slaves too. 15. Se e 2 4 8 - 1 , 5 0 - 2 ; 3 19-2 ; an d 4 146- 2 fo r othe r example s o f evladiye evkaf. 16. Severa l example s o f thi s practic e ma y b e foun d i n Barka n an d Ayverdi , Istanbul Vaktflart ..., pp . xxviif . Cf . Kunter , "Tur k Vakiflan, " # 2 9 , p. 125 .

Islamic Pious Foundations 6 7 17. Th e criteria for the establishment of a valid vakf put forth b y Ebu Hanife were notoriousl y onerous . Eb u Yusuf , o n th e othe r hand , seem s t o hav e considered a vakf valid almost from the moment the words are expressed. For Mehmed §eybani the vakf became established only when the property was handed to the administrator. Unless the vakf is necessary in the opinion of the Imameyn, it is unnecessary in the opinion of the Imam-i c Azam. Ali Himmet Berki, "Hukuki ve Icjimai Bakimdan Vakif," VD 5.1962.12^ Fuad Kopriilii, "Vaki f miiessessesini n hukuk i mahiyet i v e tari h tekamulii," V D 1.1938.1-6. Cf . Diizdag, §eyhulislam . . ., p . 299. Cf. Barkan and Ayverdi, Istanbul Vaktflart..., pp . xxiif. 18. Fo r a complete description and history of the church see chapter 4, "Eglise metropolitaine Sainte-Sophi e d e Nicosie" , pp . 78-141 , 713-715 , i n C . Enlart, UArt Gothique et la Renaissance en Chypre. 2 v. Paris, 1899 . See also George Jeffery, A Description of the Historic Monuments of Cyprus. Nicosia, 1918. 19. Th e Mevlevi Tekke was a convent of th e so-called order of Whirling Dervishes, wit h it s centra l headquarter s i n Konya , wher e th e tom b o f th e founder Mevlan a Cela l ed-di n Rum i is located. Barka n has systematically revealed the role of dervishes in the spread of Islam in the Ottoman empire. "Osmanh tmparatorlugund a bi r Iska n v e Kolonizasyo n Metod u olara k Vakiflar v e Temlikle r I , Istil a devirlerini n Kolonizato r Tur k Dervisjer i v e Zaviyeler," VD 2.1942.278-353. Spero s Vryonis has stressed the key role played b y evka f i n th e competitio n i n Anatoli a betwee n Isla m an d th e Orthodox church . Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization . .. Berkele y and Los Angeles, 1971. p. 352. Mutafcieva has emphasized the importance of evkaf in supporting the presence of dervishes i n th e Balkans . "Probleme s fondamentaux... " R . O'Fahe y ha s stressed the importance of zaviye s and tekkes in the process of conversio n on th e frontie r i n th e Sudan . "Endowment , Privileg e an d Estat e i n th e Central and Eastern Sudan," International Seminar... The Mevlev i wer e on e o f th e mos t prestigiou s order s i n th e Ottoma n empire; their role in the islamization of Anatolia was considerable, although it would b e very difficult t o document a similar role in Cyprus. Abdiilbaki Golpinarh, "Mevlevilik, " M ; Vryonis , Decline ..., pp . 381-396 . T . Yazici, D. S. Margoliouth, and F. de Jong, "Mawlawiyya," EI2. The Mevlevi Tekke in Lef ko§a is mentioned by C. £agda§, who made the tekke into an ethnographic museu m organize d o n a dervis h theme . Ktbrista Turk Devri..., pp . 2 1 f. Cf . F . Qihadarogl u an d F . Oguz , "Kibns't a Tur k Eserleri...," pp. i2f. Okta y Aslanapa, Ktbrtsda Turk Eserleri. Le f ko§a, 1978. 20. Th e church is described by C. Enlart, UArt Gothique .. . , v . 1 , pp. 162 167. 21. A summary of a n order (telhis) o f vezir-i c azam Yemi§cj Hasan Pa§a mentions 640,000 akc e or 36 yuk akce (3,600,000) fro m Cyprus belonging to Haremeyn-i §erif. In 1601 (1010) the total revenue of Haremeyn-i §erif was

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37,144 altun , whic h wa s disperse d a s follows : 880 6 altu n t o Ka cbe-i Mucazzama i n Mecca, 2.5,68 5 altu n to Medine-i Munevvere , and 162 2 altun to Jerusalem (Kuds- i §erif) . Cengi z Orhonlu , Telhisler (1597-1607). Istan bul, 1970 . pp . 28f , 133 . Lal a Mustaf a Pa§ a ha d establishe d a vak f fo r Haremeyn-i §eri f in Jerusalem when he was §am begler begi. See Uriel Heyd, Ottoman Documents on Palestine, 1552-1615. Oxford , i960 , p . 145 . Fo r a detailed stud y o f Harameyn- i §eri f i n a more distant Ottoma n provinc e a t a later time see M. Hoexter' s study of Algiers . "Waqf al-Haramay n an d the Turkish Government i n Algiers," International Seminar . . . 22. Ca cfer Pa§ a was either a palace slave or the slave of som e high officials, an d a convert to Islam. At the same time he seems to have had a slave househol d of hi s own . O n th e subjec t o f slaves ' slave s se e I . M . Kunt , "Kullan n Kullan," Bogaziqi Universitesi Dergisi 3.1975.27-42 . Th e usua l patro nymic taken by converts to Islam was c Abd Allah, slave of God, but as V. L. Menage ha s shown , hig h Ottoma n dignitarie s frequentl y use d on e o f th e beautiful name s o f Go d instead . "Seve n Ottoma n Document s fro m th e Reign of Mehemme d II, " in S. M. Stern , Documents from Islamic Chanceries. Cambridge , 1965 . pp . 112-118 . Ca cfer Pa§ a bn c Abdul-Mennan, calle d Frenk, i s on e suc h official . Possibl y som e o f th e "sons " of c Abdul-Mennan are relatives o f Ca cfer, bu t most likel y the y ar e members of hi s slave household. " cAbdul-Mennan" does no t occu r i n th e records , either a s a personal name o r as a patronymic, excep t i n regar d to the household o f Ca cfer Pa§a. That Ca cfer Pa§ a serve d a s kapudan- i dery a briefl y (1606-1608 ) unde r Ahmed I afte r havin g bee n begle r beg i o f Cyprus . J . vo n Hammer , Ges~ chichte des Osmanischen Ketches, Wien , 1809 . v . 4 , p . 386 . I . H . Dani§ mend, Izahli Osmanh Tarihi Kronolojisi, Istanbul , 1950 . v. 3 , pp. 545 . 23. Accordin g to Gerber the system functioned efficientl y i n 17th-centur y Bursa, particularly becaus e of th e "far-reaching" control an d administration o f th e kadis an d th e hig h c ulema. "Th e Waq f Institutio n . . . " Marcu s reache d similar conclusion s abou t th e court a s "highly pragmati c an d responsiv e t o daily demands, " a s " a realisti c body, " an d a s dynami c an d flexible . "Piet y and Profit. . . " Certainl y tha t conclusio n coul d b e draw n fo r 17th-centur y Kayseri.

THREE

Kadi, Court, and Legal System

The law imposed b y Ottoman la w courts , including that of th e province of Cyprus , wa s th e Shari a (§er c-i §erif), th e sacre d la w o f Islam . Th e court itsel f wa s calle d th e plac e o f assembl y o f th e Shari a (meclis-i §erc or mahfil-i §er c), o r colloquiall y jus t "Sharia " (§er c). In Cypru s durin g the perio d 1571-1640 , a s i n man y othe r place s i n th e empir e a t tha t time, tha t cour t serve d al l th e people , no t jus t Muslims . Althoug h th e masses o f th e island' s Gree k Orthodo x Christian s ma y hav e ha d th e legal righ t t o appl y t o thei r ow n clerg y i n certai n interna l matter s o f a communal natur e involvin g fello w believers , n o record s o f an y suc h courts survive , an d indee d fe w reference s eve n sugges t thei r ver y exis tence. Gree k Orthodo x an d othe r Christian s use d th e Shari a cour t o f Cyprus very frequently , no t just in "mixed" cases but in cases involvin g other members of the same faith. Technically speaking , thre e kind s o f la w wer e applie d a t th e Shari a court o f Le f ko§a: Sharia , kanun, an d c adet o r resim. Kanun i s imperia l law, whic h derive s it s authorit y fro m th e comman d o f th e sultan. c Adet (or resim) is customary law, which existed at the sufferance o f the sultan, but really derive d its authorit y fro m it s alleged antiquity . At other times or i n othe r place s circumstance s ma y hav e differed , bu t i n th e provinc e of Cypru s durin g th e perio d o f thi s stud y th e rol e o f bot h imperia l la w and customary law was extremely marginal. I did not find even five cases at the cour t o f Le f ko§a wher e loca l peopl e mad e claim s o n th e basi s o f kanun, although i n a few instance s the Porte did explicitly bas e imperial orders on such law. Reference s t o customary law in either court cases or 69

70 Kadi,

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correspondence receive d b y th e kad i ar e eve n fewer . (Omitte d i n thi s discussion ar e th e mas s o f document s foun d i n source s othe r tha n th e court registers.) Moreover , eve n i n law case s where reference s ar e mad e to imperial o r customary la w th e method o f usin g such laws is explicitly stated as being in accordance with the Sharia (§er ce gore, §er c mucibince, §erc-i §erifmucibince). People wen t t o cour t t o insis t tha t th e Shari a b e carrie d out . Whe n Hasan geleb i b n Eb u Bekr of Hirsof i mad e a claim tha t Ahme d be§ e bn c Abdullah ha d struc k hi s head with a stone an d injured it , Hasan aske d that Ahme d b e questione d abou t th e matte r an d tha t th e Shari a b e carried ou t (icra-i set*) ( 4 10-2 ; I Ramaza n 1043) . Afte r c Abdul-Baki gelebi b n c Ali o f Le f ko§a claime d tha t Filor i v . Hiristof i o f Peristeron e village o f Morf o kaz a blocke d hi s wa y an d struc k hi m whil e comin g from th e village t o th e city, he asked that the Sharia (tha t is, the law) b e carried out (icra-i §erc) (4 1 5 - 1 ; I §evval 1043) . Pano bint Zako of Kad o Kopiya villag e o f Morf o kaz a aske d tha t th e Shari a b e carrie d ou t because kassa b Husey n be§ e bn c Abdullah had struck an d injured her at the villag e ( 4 171—1 ; I I Cumad i I I 1046) . The femal e broke r Mar o o f Lef ko§a aske d tha t th e Shari a b e carrie d ou t agains t Luk a v . Nikol o o f that city fo r wrongly sayin g that he saw her lying on a mattress with her son-in-law (damadi) ( 4 198-2 ; II §aban 1046) . c Ali beg , administrato r o f th e foundatio n o f Ca cfer Pa§ a i n Le f ko§a, its oversee r Mehme d beg , an d other s asserte d tha t a certai n hous e an d shop o f know n boundarie s nea r th e bazaa r ha d bee n dedicate d t o a pious foundatio n i n accordance with the Sharia ( 1 2 3 - 2 ; I Receb 1002) . Janissary Piyale bn c Abdullah, guardian of the orphan Ibrahim, after due judicial consideratio n (ma crifet-i §er c-i §erif He), ha d preache r (hatib) Mehmed $eleb i o f Girniy e appointe d t o educat e th e bo y ( 1 8 0 - 1 ; Sefe r 1003). Hiristin e o f Pahn a villag e of Evdi m nahiye was ordered i n accordance wit h th e Shari a t o pa y th e deb t o f he r husban d Pera§kog e v . Hiristofi t o c Abdur-Rahman kethud a b n Isma cil ( 4 4 - 3; II I §aban 1043) . Ibrahim oda ba§i bn Emrullah of Lef ko§a made a claim (da cva/tk) against Yusuf beg bn cAbdullah of Girniye: Eight years ago I sold Yusuf 3000 vakiye of coffee, linen (bez)..., an d a musket (tufenk), which was sold by consent of the Sharia (Hltn-i §er ci He)... No w he prevaricates about paying. Let him be forced to pay in accordance with the Sharia (icray-i §er*). ( 4 5-1; II §aban 1043) In legal dispute s on e part y ma y bran d th e behavio r o f anothe r part y as contrary t o th e Sharia, in order to stigmatiz e tha t action as reprehen-

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 7

1

sible. Kom i v . Agost i o f Kat o Defter e villag e o f Le f ko§a kaz a claime d that, contrar y t o th e Sharia , Hasa n $avu § b n Kasi m ha d seized posses sion o f hi s vineyard o n th e outskirts o f th e village becaus e he owed hi m some money ; h e mad e oppressio n an d injustic e ( 4 187—1 ; I I Rece b 1046). Whe n Spah i Mehme d od a ba§ i claimed th e fe e fo r leavin g farm land uncultivate d fro m Mera cin v . £§kur i an d (? ) o f c Arefi villag e o f Mesariye kaza , the villagers asserte d that to demand that tax fro m the m is contrary to the Sharia ( 4 6 7 - 1; III Sefer 1044) . When forma l complaint s wer e mad e a t court , the y wer e almos t al ways mad e i n th e form : I wan t m y complain t t o b e considere d i n accordance with the Sharia. Hasan $avu§ bn Ahmed, in the presence of Mehmed Pa§a, made a claim against janissary Mustafa b n c Abdullah: This Mustafa curse d my mouth an d wife (o r private parts ? c avret) and h e treated m e with contempt . I demand tha t h e be punished i n accordanc e wit h th e Sharia . Nex t Hasa n $avu § mad e a simila r complaint agains t Husey n b n Qoban , als o a janissary : Whil e sittin g i n m y presence he cursed my mouth and my wife (o r private parts? c avret). Twic e he blocked m y wa y wit h a knife . Le t hi m b e punishe d i n accordanc e wit h th e Sharia. (1 4—1, 2; I Ramazan 988) Cemile bint cAbdullah claimed that her husband Mustafa bn cAbdullah had done her a great evi l b y not givin g her dowry an d maintenanc e allowanc e afte r h e divorced her: I want the Sharia carried out. (1 14-6; 17 Ramazan 988) c

Abd ul-Gan i b n haci Sali h o f Lefko§ a claime d tha t present bey t ul-ma l hassa emin Suleyman had not given him inheritance rights to the property of his late father at Hazret-i c Omer quarter: I want my inheritance in accordance with the Sharia. (1 16-3; 21 Ramazan 988) Under the supervision (muba§iret) o f 'Orne r aga acting for governor c Ali Pa§a, Andreye v . Pap a o f Ay a Nisan i (? ) villag e o f Lefk a kaz a claime d tha t spah i Ahmed beg bn cAli had taken his three altun by force to an illegal place. I want it in accordance with the Sharia, asserted Andreye. (1 86-4; Sefer 1003) c Ali bn Veli and Mustafa of Kaymakli village made claims against two brothers of Poliyosim o villag e o f Girniy e kaza, Piyer o an d Ferencesko, son s of Anzilo: They came upon us and injured us. We want that to be considered in accordance with the Sharia. (3 8-1; I Zil-Kade 1043)

The city su ba§i brought Luyi v. Hiristodiye to court with Mariye bint Hiristofi, claiming that Luyi had that woman living in his house and she was not his wife, relative, o r in-law (na-mahretn). Le t it b e investigated i n accordanc e wit h the

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Court, and Legal System

Sharia. Luy i said: Her brothers gave her to me as a servant (hidmetkar), bu t I did not get permission from the Sharia (i.e., the court, izn-i $er*). 'Abdul-Kadir boluk ba§i and Keyvan boluk basj state (ihzarlbm) befor e Luyi v. Hiristodiye, re caya of Ay a Heme (?) place (mevz?) of Ay a Demre village: In his hous e a na-mahren name d Mariy e bin t Hiristof i serve s him . Le t hi m b e asked. Is this permissible in accordance with the Sharia? Luyi says: I did not get permission fro m the court (izn-i §er c) fo r Mariye but her brothers Ciryako and Kosdindi sent her to me to serve me. Ciryako and Kosdindi confirm that. (334 152; II Zil-Kade 1018) c

Abdullah v . c Abdullah, a n Armenia n o f Lefko§a , asserte d tha t h e wanted th e Shari a carrie d ou t agains t Bayra m b n Ridva n wh o ha d blocked his way and struck and injured him with a rock ( 3 156—1 ; Rebi c II 1019) . Hasa n b n c Abdullah o f Ay a Demr e villag e wa s th e objec t o f widespread criticis m fro m withi n hi s village , fo r drinkin g win e al l th e time, an d fo r bein g annoyin g an d oppressiv e t o th e people , contrar y t o the Sharia. Hac i Keyvan , c Abdul-Kadir bolu k ba§ i b n Ahmed, Yusu f b n Mehmed, an d Huseyn b n c Ali, all spahis, and villagers Piyale bn Abdul lah, c Ali be§e bn c Abdullah, Marko v. Kistinti, Yorgi v. Yakimo, Lare (?) bint Qilepo , Hiristin e bin t Yakimo , an d Ver o bin t Zanu c testifie d tha t they did not want him in their village ( 3 146-10 ; II I Cumadi II 1019). An officia l transcrip t o f a la w cas e fro m th e judicia l register s wa s called a canonica l documen t (huccet-i §er ci). Hasa n efend i b n c Ali o f Gilan use d suc h a documen t t o prov e tha t h e an d Viryon i v . Nikol o o f that plac e ha d settle d thei r mutua l deb t claim s year s earlie r ( 4 9 - 1 ; I Ramazan 1043) . Suc h a document was used by Hacedor v. Sari Hizir t o prove tha t hi s lat e fathe r ha d repai d par t o f hi s forme r deb t t o th e lat e kadi Habi b o f Lefk a ( 1 295—3 ; Zil-Hicce 1002) . With such a document Huseyn geleb i showe d tha t he had given certai n propert y a t Aya Demr e village o f Lefko§ a kaz a t o hi s grow n son s Hasa n an d Husey n geleb i (1 144-1 ; 1 Receb 1003) . Guardians (vasi) wer e usuall y referre d t o a s guardian s befor e th e Sharia. Ahme d b n c Abdullah wa s guardia n befor e th e Shari a fo r th e orphans of th e late Ahmed $avu§ of Le f ko§a (1 70—4; Muharrem 1003) . Halil b n Ahme d wa s guardia n befor e th e Shari a fo r Ahmed , Hanim , c Ay§e, and another c Ay§e, minor children (evlad-i sigar) of the late Hasan be§e ( 2 3 3 - 1 ; I Rebi c I I 1044) . Gain e (? ) bin t Gaze l (?) , a n Armenian , was guardian before the Sharia and mother (valide) of a minor son (sigar ogli) of the late Armenian Mosis ( 4 9 - 2; I Ramazan 1043) . c Ay§e hatun, mother o f th e orphan s o f th e lat e Mehme d efend i o f Lefko§a , wa s

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 7

3

appointed befor e th e Shari a fo r th e orphans ; then , whe n sh e died , Nu rullah seleb i b n Hasan kethud a wa s appointe d ( 4 14—1 ; I §evval 1043) . Very frequently imperia l orders sent to the Cyprus court contained an injunction no t t o d o anythin g contrar y t o th e Sharia . Suc h a n orde r t o the Cypru s governor , th e chie f financial officer , an d th e kadi s o f th e island summarizes complaints made by non-Muslims on the island about local abuse s an d concludes : "Whe n m y exalte d decre e (hukm-i §erif) arrives, se e tha t i t is carrie d ou t i n regar d t o thi s matter . I t is m y orde r that th e ta x (harac) b e take n onl y fro m thos e wh o ar e present. D o no t do anything that is contrary to the Sharia or the fetva. I t is oppression t o take fro m thos e wh o ar e no t aliv e an d presen t (mevcud) ( 2 3 6 - 1 ; Konstantiniye, 4 Zil-Hicce 1016) . Even th e officia l fixed price s o n consume r good s wer e note d befor e the court. Nu cman b n c Abdullah, the local muhtesi b i n Lef ko§a, made a claim agains t Ibrahi m o f th e grocers guil d fo r sellin g roasted chick-pea s (leblebi) fo r 1 5 akce/vakiy e whe n th e officia l fixed pric e (narh) befor e the Sharia was only eight akce ( 4 109-3 ; J Muharre m 1045) . Rahib (monk ) Yanaci , canonica l lega l agen t (vekil-i §er ci) o f rahi b abbot (gumenos) Filosef u o f Belikan o (? ) monaster y i n Hirsof i nahiye , testified tha t because th e abbot i s a monk an d does no t ear n money, hi s head ta x (cizye) shoul d b e canceled . The agen t asserte d tha t i t i s no t permissible i n accordanc e wit h th e Shari a t o deman d hea d ta x an d a n agricultural ta x (ispence) from him. ( 4 192 — 1; II Receb 1046) . When deat h o r acciden t occurre d withou t witnesses , an d sometime s under other circumstances , a n investigative committe e wa s immediatel y dispatched fro m th e court . A n ol d woma n fel l an d injure d he r hea d i n Komini (? ) quarte r o f Lefko§a . Behin e v . Zako , Yakim o v . Manuyel , Nikolo v . Zika r (?) , an d anothe r Yakim o v . Manuye l cam e fro m tha t quarter an d reporte d tha t th e woma n ha d falle n an d injure d he r head . They aske d tha t someon e fro m th e Shari a g o an d investigate . Fro m th e Sharia Ibrahim halife bn Ahmed efendi, fro m the governor's office Pekg e £avu§ in supervisio n (muba§iret) for deput y (musellim) Ahmed aga , alon g with the Muslims whose names were listed below went and investigated. When th e woma n confirme d th e assertion s o f th e me n wh o ha d com e from th e quarter , sh e affirme d tha t i f sh e perished , n o clai m shoul d b e made against the people of th e quarter for blood money (dem an d diyet) (4 189-1 ; I I Receb 1046) .

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Other Dutie s o f Kadi s Besides thei r strictl y judicial functions , th e kadi s i n Cypru s seem t o hav e overseen virtuall y ever y group an d institutio n whic h existed . Even militar y officers , fo r example , use d th e cour t th e sam e wa y tha t other peopl e did . Whe n Ahme d b n Hasa n an d Hasa n b n c Abdullah disagreed i n thei r claim s t o th e comman d (agalik) o f th e armorer s (cebeci), th e kadi of Le f ko§a scrutinized th e berats, the imperial orders , an d other document s i n orde r t o determin e tha t Ahme d ha d th e vali d clai m (i 3 1 - 3 ; I §aban 1002) . Spah i Hasa n be g b n Vel i o f Ayr i (? ) villag e o f Pendaye kaz a mad e a claim a t cour t fo r mone y owe d hi m b y villagers of his tima r ( 1 2 5 4 - 3 ; II I §evva l 1002) . O n th e othe r hand , whe n zimm i Ergiro o f Morf o villag e complaine d t o th e Port e abou t injustice s o n th e part o f hi s spahi , a lette r wa s sen t t o th e Le f ko§a kad i orderin g hi m t o consider th e complain t an d mak e sur e tha t justic e wa s don e ( 1 134-2 ; II Cumadi I 999). Kadi s also were notified o f th e assignment o f timar s i n their districts , a s whe n th e kad i o f Le f ko§a wa s notifie d o f th e assign ment o f a n 899 9 akc e tima r i n a villag e i n hi s kaz a t o Hasa n ( 2 4 3 - 2 ; Lefko§a. Rece b 1016) . Disputes involvin g janissarie s als o fel l withi n th e scop e o f th e kadi . By using the cour t Ahme d b n c Ali was abl e to forc e forme r janissar y ag a Ahmed t o return o f som e of his property ( 1 8 9 - 1; Rebi C II1003). Zimmi §imas o f Le f ko§a wa s abl e t o wi n a simila r clai m agains t janissar y hac i Mehmed b n Yusu f ( 1 4 4 - 1 ; II I §aba n 1002) . I n 101 6 th e kadi s i n Cyprus provinc e (eyalet) receive d order s t o carr y ou t a detaile d inspec tion o f th e loca l janissaries , i n orde r t o find ou t ho w man y janissarie s lived i n thei r sphere s o f jurisdictio n an d ye t di d no t trai n o r atten d campaigns . . . ( 2 32—1 ; Haleb, II I §evva l 1016) . Eve n janissar y bolu k ba§i Mem i b n Himme t satisfactoril y settle d hi s clai m agains t janissar y Hizir, when Hizi r paid 600 0 c osmani akce . ( 1 37—1; 16 §aban 1002) . Police officer s als o brough t certai n matter s concernin g thei r dutie s t o the attentio n o f th e court . Cit y muhtesi b hac i Husey n brough t bazarc i Seydi c Ali to cour t fo r sellin g swee t pomegranate s shor t weigh t ( 1 3 1 6 3; 1 Muharre m 1003) . Muhtesi b c Ali brough t thre e breadbakers , al l brothers, t o cour t fo r drinkin g an d no t bein g abl e t o spea k calmly : hac i c Ali bn c Omer, c Omer, an d Mehme d ( 1 2 5 2 - 3, 4 , 5 ; §evval 1002) . Othe r police, th e su ba§is , wh o wer e th e governor' s men , als o relie d o n th e kadi an d hi s authority . Cit y s u ba§ i Mustaf a be g ha d t o repor t t o th e

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 7 5 court that Hasan b n Ahmed had taken Mehmed be§ e bn c Ali from his custody the previous night while he was bringing him to court (3 75-6; III Receb 1019). c Ali su ba§i of Lef ko§a and chief nightwatchman ( cases ba§i) Mustaf a su ba§i came to court in the middle of the night to report that Emine, Rahime, and Fatma, wives of Ma ccunci Mehmed, Yusuf bn c Abdullah, an d kati b Mehme d ^eleb i o f Ay a Sofy a quarter , ha d complained tha t thei r husbands wer e drinking wine together in their presence; people from th e court (§er c) ha d gone to investigate an d found it that way, s o they aske d about the reputations (hal) o f thos e people ( 4 30-1; H I Rebi c I 1044) . Anothe r polic e official , th e chie f cour t summoner (muhzir ba§i) Husre v be g bn c Abdullah, at court renounced his office in favor of present chief summoner cOmer beg bn Turmu§ (3 1054; II Ramazan 1019). Finally, when the imperial government wished to ban all cultivation, use, or sale of tobacco everywhere, orders were sent to local kadis , who were urged to punish offenders severel y an d show no pity on them (4 228-1; Konstantiniye, I Rebic II1044). Along wit h th e governo r an d th e chie f financial officer kadi s wer e responsible fo r genera l supervisio n o f ta x collecting . A n orde r fro m Aleppo in 1607-1608 (1016 ) addressed to the governor, the chief financial officer, an d the kadis of Le f ko§a, Girniye, Mesariye, Magosa, Karpas, Tuzla, Morfo, and Pendaye concerns the allocation of the required levy of grain for that year's campaign (sursat) from each province, which was suppose d t o b e collecte d fro m al l re caya an d delivere d t o pier s (iskele) from where it might be handed over to the army (2 34-1; Haleb, 10 §evva l 1016) . Thos e sam e official s wer e exhorte d t o mak e certain that taxes were only collected from the actual number of people living in each place, so that a current list of all those with such tax obligation had to be compiled (2 36-1; Konstantiniye, 8 Rebic I 1016). An order from the governor of Cyprus to all the kadis reiterates in detail the problems of keeping an accurate assessment and orders them to ensure the accuracy of the list (2 26— I §aban 1016). At the local level that responsibility fell to kadis. Kadis had a special obligatio n t o protec t th e wea k an d vulnerable. Much o f th e relatively secure position o f wome n ma y be attributed t o the concern of various kadis in Lef ko§a and elsewhere on the island of Cyprus who staunchly maintained their legal rights in the face of oppression. Similarl y kadi s protected th e rights of non-Muslim s s o tha t they were able to function effectivley i n Cyprus during the period studied. As

j6 Kadi,

Court, and Legal System

has bee n demonstrate d previously , non-Muslim s relie d o n th e court s frequently eve n for matters involving their co-religionists. All re caya looke d t o th e kadi s fo r protectio n an d defens e o f thei r rights. Whe n experiencin g th e oppressio n o f th e ta x farmers , th e wage laborers (irgad taifesi) o f Piskob i an d Kula § mad e a petition t o Piskob i kadi c Ali efend i becaus e althoug h the y worke d diligentl y throug h th e year the y wer e no t provide d with an y grai n fo r maintenance ; th e ta x farmers did not pay the m enough fo r their services to provide the necessities o f life , s o al l ar e hungr y ( i 2 2 6 - 1 ; I §evval 1002) . Whe n peopl e complained t o Le f ko§a kad i Bal i efend i o f th e steward s (umena) o f th e tax farm s o f th e candl e factor y (§em chane) an d th e offic e o f th e arch bishop (piskoposluk) extortin g excessiv e duties fro m them , the y antici pated tha t h e woul d interven e o n thei r behal f ( 1 134—1 ; Lefko§a , I I Muharrem 1003) . Yet anothe r traditiona l functio n o f th e kad i wa s a s overseer o f piou s foundations. I n Lefko§ a tha t wa s combine d wit h overseein g th e affair s of member s o f th e religiou s clas s ( culema). On e so n o f Mustaf a Pa§ a complained t o the Porte that the current administrator (mutevelli) o f th e foundation o f hi s lat e father , Suleyman , wh o ha d jus t died , ha d no t provided a n accountin g fo r th e past tw o years , s o th e kad i wa s ordere d to correc t th e problem immediatel y ( 1 102-1 ; Konstantiniye , II I Rece b 1002). Mihaye l v . Kistintin , mutevell i o f th e churc h (kenise) i n Ay e Hurte villag e o f Lefko§ a kaza , mad e a clai m a t cour t agains t Mil o (? ) bint Pavl o o f th e villag e wh o supposedl y ha d usurpe d propert y o f th e foundation ( 4 112—1 ; I I Muharre m 1045) . Mevlan a c Abdur-Rahman halife b n c Abdul-Kerim, ima m o f th e mosqu e (mescid) i n To p han e quarter i n Le f ko§a, announce d a t cour t i n th e presenc e o f Ekme l hoc a bn Mahmud tha t h e hoped t o mak e a pilgrimage t o th e Ka cbe that year and woul d leav e Ekme l a s actin g ima m ( 3 135—1 ; 2 8 Rebi c I I 1019) . When th e offic e o f muezzi n o f th e mosqu e o f Sera y (? ) oni quarte r wa s vacant, fro m tha t quarte r Yedek^ i Isma cil, hac i Mehme d b n Yusuf , Mehmed b n Cullah , an d other s o f th e peopl e cam e t o cour t an d an nounced tha t hac i Isma cil b n Husey n wa s uprigh t an d religiou s an d s o they wante d hi m t o b e thei r muezzi n ( 3 140-3 ; 2 8 Rebi c I I 1019 . H e was to be paid 4 akce/day). Haci Isma cil bn haci Huseyn states: While I was muezzin of Sinan Pa§a mosque (mescid) i n Seray oni, Mehmed bn Yusuf pronounced me reprobate (tefcir). Le t him be asked. Mehmed say s that the community o f th e mosque (cema cet) an d

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 7

7

the imam do not want Isma cil. Ima m c Abdur-Rahman, menla Bekr bn cAbdulGani (?) , Ahmed bn 'Abdul-Kerim, and Mehmed kethuda bn cAbdullah say: In truth, Isma cil is lazy and negligent of his duties. We do not want him; we want the aforementioned Mehmed. Registered. (3 142-2; III Cumadi I 1019) Kadis themselves were liable to the judgments o f court s and might be summoned there in the same ways that other people were. 1 Present Magosa kadi mevlana seyyid Ahmed efendi and Mesariye kadi mevlana Musliheddin efend i hav e a disput e ove r jurisdictio n i n eigh t villages . Ahme d claims that they have always been part of Magosa but now Musliheddin tries to usurp them . Fro m th e uprigh t me n ( cudul) Mehmed b n Ca cfer, Husey n b n Ahmed, and others en mass e (cemi c-i kesir) confir m seyyi d Ahmed efend i an d Musliheddin is restrained from interfering. (1 274—3; H Zil-Kade 1002) Mehmed gelebi b n Huseyn an d Huseyn beg, spahis of Akac, e village of Morf o kaza state before Veli efendi, Morfo kadi: Veli went around the district (nahiye) five time s in the last 10 months, claiming provisions and maintenance from the recaya. He took five akce from ever y adult male (nefer) fo r head tax and four akce for tax (vergi). We gave it to him personally. When Veli was asked, he said: I too k fou r akc e apiec e fo r hea d ta x i n tha t village ; I di d no t tak e i t fo r maintenance (nuzul). I went to the recaya twice for business. I did not take other things. (2 69-3; 14 Rebic 11017) Zimmi Ferencesko of Akakc, e village of Morf o kaz a states: We gave the aforementioned Veli Efendi a total of 1 2 akce apiece, including eight akce apiece for head tax. They used to give only five akce to those who came. . .. ( 2 69-4; 14 Rebi c Iioi7) Besides th e arra y o f civi l an d crimina l case s tha t a judg e deal t with , the kadi o f Le f ko§a als o handled othe r matters related to his role as the highest ranking Ottoman official i n the city. Although th e kad i di d no t personall y kee p loca l records , h e wa s responsible fo r seein g tha t record s wer e kep t accurately . Tha t include d in particula r th e not e book s o f detaile d populatio n record s fo r th e province o f Cypru s whic h provide d th e basi s fo r muc h o f th e taxation . For even i f n o censuse s wer e take n durin g the period 1572-1641 , loca l registers listin g al l th e tax-payin g populac e b y nam e ha d to b e kep t up, or at least the names of non-Muslim s wh o paid the head tax. Otherwis e the syste m o f ta x collectio n woul d disintegrate , an d ther e woul d b e n o way t o identif y cit y dweller s wh o ha d illegall y migrate d fro m thei r villages. In al l dispute s th e kad i determine d th e correc t interpretation s o f

78 Kadi,

Court, and Legal System

written documents . Wa s a certai n ma n a lega l residen t o f tha t village ? Did h e pa y a certai n tax ? I s h e obligate d t o pa y tha t tax ? Ho w muc h should h e pay ? Ho w muc h di d h e pay ? Whos e tima r i s that ? Wha t ar e the precise boundarie s o f tha t timar? Whose ta x far m i s that, an d wha t precisely ar e th e obligation s o f th e ta x farmer ? Th e kad i di d no t hav e the authority t o give his own orders regarding such problems, but he did make decisions on the basis of the existing documents. The judicia l record s provid e almos t n o persona l informatio n abou t the kadis , althoug h sometime s curren t o r out-of-offic e kadi s use d th e court a s private citizens . The y participated i n busines s an d owned land , as migh t b e expecte d fro m relativel y high-salarie d an d well-educate d members o f th e Ottoma n elite . Mevlan a hac i Ahme d efend i b n hac i c Osman, kad i o f Tuzla , wa s involve d i n a lon g standin g disput e ove r trade wit h th e abbo t (igumenos) o f a n Orthodo x monaster y ( 4 9 2 - 2 ; I Ramazan 1044) . The followin g yea r tha t sam e mevlan a hac i Ahme d efendi bough t tw o larg e estate s a t c Omeriye quarte r o f Lefko§ a fro m Emine bint haci Idris , one fo r 20,00 0 akce , the other fo r 32,00 0 akc e ( 4 155-1; 1 7 Zil-Hicc e 1045) . A t almos t th e sam e tim e Ahme d efend i bought a ver y larg e estat e a t Zohiy e (? ) villag e i n Morf o nahiy e fro m Mustafa ^eleb i b n c Ali fo r 20,00 0 akc e an d pai d Mustaf a geleb i a n additional 18,00 0 akc e for a half share of 50 0 donum of arabl e fields on the outskirts o f th e village ( 4 155-2 ; I Zil-Hicce 1045) . Within less than a yea r mevlan a hac i Ahme d efend i bough t a very larg e estat e includin g gardens an d wate r mill s a t Lapt a villag e i n Girniy e nahiy e fro m raci l haci Ibrahi m be§ e b n Hizi r o f Lefko§ a fo r 22,00 0 akc e ( 4 187-2 ; I I Receb 1046) . Other kadi s ma y als o hav e bee n wealthy . A larg e estat e o f literall y hundreds o f donum s o f larg e estate s (qiftliks) a t variou s village s wa s designated a s private property for mevlana Ahmed efendi, son of the late Sacd ed-din efendi, of Lef ko§a so that he could make it into a foundatio n (vakf) ( 4 2 3 5 - 1 ; 1 2 Rebi c II 1043, Uskudar). Mustafa $avu § of Cebn i (? or £imi?) villag e of Alaiye kaza owed 8 0 riyali guru§ to former Mesariy e kadi mevlana Mustafa efend i b n Mahmud efendi ( 4 238-2; III Zil-Hicce 1046). Presen t Magosa kad i c Ali efendi, however , owed 32 8 riyal i guru§ to Mus a be§ e b n Mehme d be g o f Belgrad(e) , whic h h e pai d throug h Musa's legal agent (vekil) present Mesariye kadi mevlana Mustafa efend i bn Mahmu d efend i ( 4 215-3 ; I Ramaza n 1045) . Suc h wealt h i n th e possession of kadi s was not obvious at earlier times. Perhaps the passage

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 7

9

of several decades of Ottoma n rule was necessary before well-to-do loca l families produce d wealthy son s who ha d the education an d other qualifications to serve as local kadis. On at least one occasion several kadis of Cypru s may have been guilty of extortion and oppression, although neither the origin of the complaint nor the identity o f th e offender s wa s reveale d i n the imperial orde r sen t to th e governo r an d kadi s o f th e island . Th e kadi s wer e accuse d o f forcing re caya t o sel l hone y (bal), oliv e oi l ( ? zeyt), chicken s (tavuk), carobs (harbot), barle y (arpa), an d wheat (saman) to the m fo r les s tha n half th e official fixed pric e (narh carinun nisfi). When th e people (ahali) wanted certai n leader s (kethuda) appointed , th e kadi s appointe d other s whom th e peopl e di d no t want . Th e kadi s wen t t o village s wher e the y extorted mone y t o suppor t thei r visits. . . . " I order tha t you, governor , and you , kadis , . . . shoul d d o wha t i s necessar y i n thi s matter . Yo u should no t d o anythin g contrar y t o th e Shari a t o th e re caya. I d o no t want t o hea r an y mor e complaint s abou t thi s matter " (162/6 0 (9 ) p . 266, #598KB . In a n orde r fro m th e Port e directe d t o th e governo r o f Cyprus , th e misbehavior of former Baf (Paphos ) kadi mevlana 'Abdullah for all sorts of sin s an d abominations (enva-i kabahat u §en cati), whic h le d the poor of that district (nahiye) to come and demand justice from this oppression (zulm), wa s revealed . Tha t kadi had bee n attemptin g t o fle e to th e main land. It wa s ordere d tha t al l wh o hav e claim s t o mak e agains t hi m (da'vay-i hak idenlerile) shoul d come to court. If he has not been judged in accordance with the Sharia (§erite fasl), and if fifteenyears have not passed, you should investigate in accordance with justice (§er Hie hakk). You should note whether or not he has left any debts. You should register any transgressions of his. (164/75 ( I2 ) 57KE) In a ver y fe w instance s document s preserve d i n th e cour t register s reveal informatio n abou t salarie s o f kadis . Mevlan a c Alaeddin efend i was appointe d t o th e kaz a o f Tuzl a fo r 8 0 akce/da y i n 1593-159 4 (1002) ( 1 101-1 ; undated) . Piskob i kaz a was assigned to mevlana Ahme d for five months a t 8 0 akce/da y startin g 1 1 Septembe r 160 7 (1 9 Cumad i 11016) ( 2 8 6 - 2; HI §aban 1016 , Haleb). Present Magosa kad i mevlan a seyyi d Ahmed efend i an d present Mesariye kadi mevlan a Musliheddi n efend i ha d a jurisdictional disput e ove r eight village s whic h Ahme d claime d ha d alway s bee n par t o f Magos a

8o Kadi,

Court, and Legal System

district bu t Musliheddi n ha d usurped . Witnesse s confirme d Ahmed' s claim ( i 274-3 ; N Zil-Kade 1002) . Even complaints agains t kadis were brought to the kadi to solve. Mehmed $elebi b n Huseyn an d Huseyn beg , spahis of Akag e village of Morf o kaza say before Vel i efendi, Morf o kadi : Veli went to the district (nahiye) five times in 1 0 months, claiming provisions an d maintenance fro m the re caya. He took five akce from every adult male (nefer) fo r head tax (cizye) an d four akce as tax (vergi). We gave i t to hi m personally. Whe n Veli wa s asked , he said: I took fou r akc e apiece fo r head tax (cizye) i n the aforementioned village . I did not tak e grai n fo r militar y supplie s (nuzul). I wen t t o th e re caya twic e fo r business. I did not take other things. (2 69-3; 14 Rebic I 1017) More commo n tha n complaint s abou t kadis , however , wer e com plaints about other officials. Frequentl y the kadi was exhorted to prevent the abuse s o f variou s usurpin g officials . On e orde r repeat s th e com plaints tha t th e ta x farmer s o f th e candl e factor y (§em chane) an d th e office o f th e episcopat e (piskoposluk) illegall y collec t foo d an d mone y from th e loca l peopl e ( 1 134-1 ; I I Muharrem 1003 , Lefko§a) . Anothe r details loca l complaint s agains t spahi s ( 1 134-2 ; I I Cumad i I 999). A third bring s complaint s o f abuse s o f severa l ruthles s messenger s (qavu§es) (1 137-1 ; II I §evval 1002 , Konstantiniye). Ye t another reports of the oppression o f ta x farmer s ( 1 226-1 ; undated , 1002) . Legal Agent s (Vekil) The tradition s o f th e Shari a cour t syste m encourage d litigant s t o com e to th e cour t i n perso n wit h thei r ow n problems . Neithe r ignoranc e no r inexperience wer e held agains t thos e wh o came , since their only respon sibility wa s t o describ e thei r knowledge of , o r concern with , the matter . The Sharia , an d th e cour t o f Lefko§ a betwee n 158 0 an d 1640 , discour aged th e us e o f lega l agents , althoug h permittin g the m whe n a litigan t was ill , absent , o r eve n jus t bus y unde r som e circumstances . Wome n i n particular migh t be excused fro m attendin g court if they wished. Legal agent s (vekil) coul d b e appointed eithe r b y informing th e cour t in perso n o r b y designatin g th e agen t i n fron t o f a t leas t tw o witnesse s who coul d attest to the appointment. A legal agen t never accompanied a litigant t o cour t bu t acte d onl y i n hi s absence . Anyon e appointing suc h an agen t ha d t o giv e hi m ful l powe r o f attorney , o r a t leas t powe r o f attorney fo r th e matte r concerned . Fo r thos e reasons , an d becaus e th e

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 8 1 Table 3. 1 Use of Vekil (Lega l Agents) sicil number 1A 2 3 4

year 1580, 1593-1595 1607-1609 1609-1611 1633-1637

total

%

cases with 2 vekils

total vekil

164

15%

12

176

175 1184 528

7 138 89

4% 12% 17%

5 5 8

12 143 97

2975

398

13%

30

428

total cases

cases with vekil

1088

Relatives o f Vekil s (Lega l Agents ) 1A

2

3

4

total

%

wife sister daughter brother son mother father other

18 0 2 2 2 1 0 1

0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0

45 2 8 2 1 0 2 1

32 8 1 2 1 2 0 1

95 11 11 6 4 3 2 3

70% 8% 8% 4% 3% 2% 1% 2%

total

26

1

61

47

135

(N.B. 12 3 (91% ) involv e femal e relatives )

Women an d Vekils (Lega l Agents) total sicil Muslim number women 1A 19 3 20 4 11

6 3 3 512

Muslim women with vekil

%

78 74 54 206

40% 36% 48% 40%

zimmi total women zimmi with women vekil 61 59 69 189

15 15 15 45

total % women 25% 25% 22% 24%

257 262 182 701

women with vekil

%

93 89 69 251

36% 34% 38% 36%

29% of vekils are for related women— 123 13 % of vekils are zimmis—-54 27% of vekils are for unrelated women— 114 87 % of vekils are Muslims-—374

55%

237

82 Kadi,

Court, and Legal System

courts discourage d it , lega l agent s wer e no t usuall y use d i n conteste d litigation; in such case s i t was almos t essential tha t th e claimant himsel f appear there. (Se e table 3.1) . Of almos t 300 0 lega l case s studie d onl y 13 % involve d on e o r mor e legal agent s (vekil). I n each record book (sicil), with the exception of th e atypical # 2 , th e proportio n range d betwee n 12 % an d 17% . Sinc e al l cases have a t least tw o litigants , it is a safe gues s that only abou t 7 % o f almost 600 0 litigant s use d lega l agents . (Severa l case s involve d mor e than on e agent , bu t probabl y abou t a n equa l numbe r o f case s involve d more tha n tw o litigant s onl y on e o f who m ha d a n agent . Thos e tw o categories mor e or less cancel eac h other out.) Explanations ar e neve r give n abou t wh y a particula r perso n i s ap pointed lega l agen t b y anothe r person . Thirty-si x percen t o f al l wome n using th e cour t (40 % o f Muslim wome n an d 24 % o f zimm i women ) chose legal agent s to represent them. Twenty-nine percent of al l the legal agents were th e husbands o r male relatives of wome n wh o ha d busines s with th e court , an d anothe r 27 % wer e unrelate d me n who m fo r othe r reasons wome n ha d chose n t o represen t them . Although 34 % of al l th e cases involve d non-Muslim s the y use d onl y 13 % o f lega l agents , s o clearly the y attende d cour t muc h mor e frequentl y tha n Muslims. Proba bly men , an d wome n no t represente d b y relatives , a t leas t slightl y pre ferred a s legal agent s men who were of mino r local significance, whethe r in th e militar y o r religiou s classes . Loca l notable s lik e c ulema an d mili tary officer s almos t alway s ha d othe r notable s represen t the m i n thei r absence. Possibl y othe r peopl e aske d friend s fro m thei r quarte r o r vil lage, o r eve n mor e likely , communa l leader s fro m thos e place s wh o might hav e n o statu s beyon d tha t communit y bu t wer e o f gravit y an d moderation. Certainly no smal l cliqu e monopolize d th e office o f lega l agent . Hardl y ever doe s th e nam e o f on e occu r mor e tha n onc e i n a n identifiabl e fashion i n an y on e recor d boo k (sicil). Fro m tim e t o tim e th e perfor mance o f hi s dutie s a s a lega l agen t necessitate d tha t hi s nam e appea r more tha n once , i n settlin g inheritanc e claims , fo r example , o r in transferring property. Otherwise , tha t was rare . Clearly ther e was no class of "professional" lega l agent s (a s sometime s ma y hav e gathere d aroun d other Islamic courts at other times). The lega l agent s wer e no t cour t officers . Ever y adul t wa s eligibl e fo r the office . Anyon e coul d appoin t a lega l agen t wheneve r h e wanted .

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 8 3 Instances occur , fo r example , o f wome n servin g a s agent s fo r men , including husbands . No t onl y coul d Muslim s serv e as agent s fo r nonMuslims but the latter could serve for Muslims. The agent had exactly the same legal duties in court as the person he represented, to give the kadi all the information relativ e to ascertaining the truth. His duty was to represent , bu t no t t o advocate , th e interests o f th e perso n who appointed hi m (muvekkil). Moreover, th e lega l agen t migh t hav e bot h judicial an d nonjudicia l duties , th e latte r o f whic h wer e completel y unrelated to the court. Of 13 5 lega l agent s serving spouses an d relatives, 12 3 (91% ) represented women. Of that 135 70% represented wives, 8% each sisters and daughters, 4 % brothers , 3 % sons, 2 % mothers, 1 % fathers, an d 2% others. Apparently women were much more closely linked to their husbands than to their fathers and brothers, although women who married at an early age may have had little need for the court when they were still living under their fathers' rooves. Compromise (Suit) One o f th e mor e commo n way s o f settlin g dispute s i n 16t h an d 17t h century Ottoman legal procedure was by "compromise" or "reconciliation" (sulh). Th e term compromise (sulh) actuall y included two categories o f actions . Th e first involved th e forma l settlemen t o f a standing disagreement which had previously bee n brough t to court but had not been settle d ther e eithe r becaus e al l th e evidenc e ha d no t ye t bee n submitted or because the evidence did not decisively favor one party. It was hope d tha t som e forma l o r informal mediatio n migh t finally produce a more satisfactory result . The second kind of compromis e (sulh) involved disagreement s no t previousl y brough t t o cour t fo r settlemen t but finally introduced there so that a formal recor d of th e solution can be preserved . I n neithe r cas e di d th e cour t mak e th e settlement . Th e court simply heard and noted the solution, whatever it was. Thereafter, however, an y part y t o th e compromis e migh t complai n t o th e cour t about another party's failure to carry out the terms of the compromise. Such a dispute was heard by the same rules as all other disputes. Generally compromise (sulh) i s formally noted as having taken place through the mediation (tevassut) o f uprigh t people (muslihun). Th e upright peopl e d o no t belong , o f course , t o an y specifi c group . Thei r

84 Kadi,

Court, and Legal System

identity varie d fro m case to case. Settlement of on e case might be by the mediation o f distinguishe d me n attendin g th e court tha t day, in anothe r case b y friends , relatives , o r neighbors . Indee d on e ca n imagin e media tion b y peopl e wh o ar e no t especiall y "upright " ye t wh o nevertheles s might b e s o designate d i n the legal formular y becaus e the y ar e useful i n helping the disputants reach a settlement. With th e mediatio n o f uprigh t peopl e Hizi r $eleb i b n Hasa n (? ) an d c Ali b n c Abdullah compromise d i n thei r disput e ove r garden s a t Ay a Sozemeno villag e ( 3 3 2 - 2 ; I I Zil-Kad e 1018) . Wit h th e mediatio n o f upright peopl e c Ali be§ e b n Yusu f an d Be§e r beg b n c Abdullah compro mised i n thei r disput e ove r whethe r o r no t h e ha d sol d hi m somethin g on th e mainlan d (Ot e Yaka ) ( 3 7 7 - 1 ; III Receb 1019) . Uprigh t person s mediated a compromis e i n th e propert y disput e betwee n raci l Mehme d be§e bn Nasuh o f Kaymakl i villag e o f Le f ko§a kaz a an d Mehmed £avu § bn Ibrahim , agen t (vekil) an d stepfathe r o f Selimiy e bin t Buda k o f Lef ko§a ( 4 5 - 3 ; II I §aban 1043) . The proces s o f compromis e ofte n involve d th e paymen t o f specifie d sums of mone y i n settlement. Mehme d be§ e claimed tha t c Ali boluk ba§ i bn c Abdullah ha d owe d hi s lat e fathe r janissar y c Ali be§ e b n c Abdullah 34 goats , bu t wit h th e mediatio n o f uprigh t peopl e Mehme d be§ e com promised fo r 144 0 akc e ( 3 3 3 - 2 ; I I Zil-Kade 1018) . Rece b claimed tha t Musa's late mother Fatma bint Himmet of Catoz village of Lef ko§a kaza owed his late father 500 0 akce, but after the mediation of upright people a compromis e wa s mad e fo r 200 0 akc e ( 4 134-1 ; II I Rece b 1045) . Compromising i n he r clai m t o a hous e a t c Arab Ahme d quarte r i n Lefko§a, Rahim e hatu n bin t Mehme d accepte d 380 0 akc e i n settlemen t from raci l Dervi § be§ e b n Mustaf a ( 4 149-1 ; I §evva l 1045) . Afte r Kerime bin t Ca cfer specificall y claime d dowry , maintenanc e allowance , and one-eight h o f th e estat e o f he r lat e husban d Vel i rei s o f Hazret- i c Omer quarte r i n Lefko§a , th e wido w compromise d fo r 200 0 akc e ( 2 3 5 - 3 ; uncertain) . Sometimes compromis e followe d a crimina l charge . Ahme d b nC AH asserted tha t Mustaf a be§ e b n c Abdullah ha d struc k him , bu t the n wit h the mediatio n o f uprigh t peopl e (whic h perhap s save d Mustaf a a fine and corporal punishment ) a compromise wa s reache d ( 3 9 8 - 6 ; I §evval 1019).

Under th e supervisio n o f Husey n aga , fro m Ay a Marin a (? ) villag e Mehme d Pa§a, anothe r Mehme d Pa§a , Bostanc i Mehme d beg , zimm i Piyero , Poli , an d

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 8

5

others state (tm) before Hamze beg bn cAbdullah: Of his own volition he set fire to his grain (harman). I t burned and destroyed our property (mulk) an d grain. Hamze denied that. Then with the mediation of upright people (muslihun tevassut), reconciliation (sulh) was made for 5000 akce. (1 79-3; Sefer 1003) Under th e supervisio n o f c Omer ag a fo r th e governo r (mir miran) cAli Pa§a , Andreye v. Papa of Ay aNisani village of Lefka kaza says: This spahi Ahmed beg bn cAli took m y three altun illegally b y force. I want it in accordance with the Sharia. Ahmed denies that. Then, with the mediation of upright people, reconciliation is made for two altun. (1 86-4; Sefer 1003) The Muft i A muft i give s theoretica l lega l opinion s i n answe r t o abstrac t question s put t o hi m i n impersona l terms . Th e muft i consider s onl y impersona l questions of law; he has no investigative authority of his own. He cannot seek ou t litigants , an d he must giv e his answer s only withi n th e contex t provided b y th e on e wh o seek s hi s lega l opinio n (th e fetva). Moreover , he has no role in judicial procedure, for the local kadi is the only officia l who ca n judg e whethe r o r no t a mufti' s lega l opinio n (fetva) fit s i n th e circumstances o f a rea l lega l case . I n a provinc e lik e Cypru s a muft i apparently ha d n o dutie s othe r tha n t o tr y t o provid e th e bes t lega l answers t o th e question s pose d him . Neve r wa s th e muft i o f Cypru s consulted b y a kadi t o explai n th e applicability , o r for tha t matter eve n the rea l meaning , o f hi s lega l opinions . Unlik e th e ubiquitou s kadi , th e local muft i performe d n o service s t o th e provinc e tha t wer e no t o f a strictly legal nature. In the period studie d th e province o f Cypru s apparentl y ha d a single mufti, wh o serve d i n Le f ko§a. I n lega l case s reference s wer e mad e no t infrequently t o th e existenc e o f a lega l opinio n o f a mufti (fetva) i n th e hands o f on e litigan t o r another , bu t onl y rarel y wa s th e complet e tex t of a fetv a given . Eve n mor e rar e wa s t o identif y th e nam e o f th e muft i involved. Nevertheless, the mufti o f Cypru s was appointed by, or through, the Rumil i kad i c asker, wh o reside d i n Istanbul , an d wa s ultimatel y under the §ey h ul-Islam, th e highest officia l o f th e Muslim millet. Whil e the kad i c askers and th e §ey h ul-Islam had a n arra y o f othe r dutie s tha t they performed , an d s o wer e amon g th e mos t powerfu l official s i n th e Ottoman empire , the y als o issue d lega l opinions . Som e o f thei r lega l opinions reached Cyprus. Most ofte n fetva s wer e use d lik e othe r writte n documents , t o settl e

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disputes. Sometime s the y wer e use d b y high-rankin g official s o r othe r officers o f stat e t o substantiat e thei r claims , bu t othe r time s the y wer e used b y townspeople o r villagers agains t such people. Very often a fetva was only on e kin d of evidenc e that a litigant would tr y to present to th e court, alon g wit h th e evidenc e o f witnesses , o r othe r kind s o f writte n evidence. Again, a decision was made by the kadi, who had to determine what "evidence" was relevant in a particular case. Before th e governor' s counci l a fetv a wa s use d b y militar y office r Nasuh be g bn Yusuf t o substantiate hi s complaint o f oppressio n agains t Magosa distric t governo r c Ali beg , wh o unjustl y too k a hors e wort h 12,000 akc e fro m th e claiman t t o settl e a debt which onl y amounte d t o 3000 akc e ( 1 4 9 - 2 ; II I §aban 1002) . A t cour t th e tax-far m superinten dent (iltizam emini) o f th e tax-farms (mukata ca) o f Mesariy e kaza, Ibrahim seleb i b n Ramazan , use d a fetva t o hel p prove hi s claim tha t i n the year 1591—159 2 (1000 ) then-governo r o f th e islan d Nu h Pa§ a ha d collected 50 0 kil e o f whea t an d 30 0 (no t 3000 ) kil e o f barle y whe n documents sho w tha t h e shoul d hav e collecte d onl y 10 0 kil e o f barle y along with that 50 0 of wheat ( 1 2 5 - 5 ; I Cumadi I 1002). Spahi Musa of Vezace village of Le f ko§a says before Ergiro v. Ciryako: Ergiro left th e village fo r anothe r one. I want th e fee fo r leaving a farm uncultivated (gift boazan). Ergiro replies: I have lived in another village for 1 8 years. I have an imperial order (emr-i qerif) and also a fetva. Ergiro's fetva was examined and read. If zimmi claimant Zeyd left his village and went to another 18 or 20 years ago an d settle d ther e permanently , an d i f spah i c Amr seize d Zey d an d too k money fro m hi m callin g i t th e fe e fo r leavin g a far m uncultivated , i s tha t oppression, o r ca n h e tak e tha t fee ? Th e answer : No . S o th e spah i Mus a i s restrained. A documen t o f th e cour t decisio n (huccet) i s give n t o Ergir o i n accordance with the fetva and imperial order in his possession. (1 64-2; Muharrem 1003 )

If Zeyd (i.e., John Doe) (non-Musli m subject, that is) leaves the place where he was born and lives in another village for 1 8 or 2 0 years and has settled there, and if spahi c Amr (Richard Roe) takes money from him which he calls a fee for leaving a farm uncultivated , an d if afte r tha t c Amr oppresses Zeyd , can cAmr demand that fee for every year? The Answer: No. It is oppression. It is necessary to restrain cAmr. (1 13 5-1) Spahi Mahmud bn Mente§ of Kami village of Girniye kaza states before Ahmed bn Seyf i o f tha t village : Ahmed' s brothe r c Omer die d withou t mal e offsprin g (evlad-i zukur). His land at the village is suitable for being assigned to another (tapu), but Ahmed prevents m y taking it. Mahmu d presents a fetva. I n accordance with the fetva, c Omer's fieldis suitable for assigning to another (tapu). ( 3 137-6; Cumadi I 1019)

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Mehmed od a ba§ i of spahi s of Magos a castl e tried illegally to deman d the fe e fo r leavin g a far m uncultivate d fro m Merai cri (? ) v . £akur i o f Lefko§a. Accordin g t o Merai cri (?)' s fetva , i f Zey d doe s no t hav e land s (gift) an d fields (tarla) an d ha s live d i n anothe r villag e fo r 3 5 years, th e spahi canno t deman d th e fee s paid b y land-owning villager s ( 4 67— 1; III Sefer 1044) . A fetva o f c Abdur-Rahman atteste d tha t onc e the legitimate taxes ha d been take n fro m a villager , i t wa s forbidde n t o clai m an y othe r illega l taxes ( 4 238-1) . A n imperia l orde r wa s sen t t o th e governo r an d t o th e chief financial office r an d t o the kadis of th e island of Cypru s in respons e to a petitio n presente d t o th e Port e abou t th e illegalit y o f takin g taxe s from anyon e wh o wa s no t presen t an d aliv e (mevcud). Th e orde r con tained a fetv a fro m §ey h ul-Isla m Sunulla h attestin g tha t i t i s illega l t o try t o tak e taxes , specificall y th e hea d ta x (harac), fo r thos e wh o hav e died or departe d o r converte d (236—1 ; Konstantiniye , 8 Rebi c 11016). The muft i o f Cypru s durin g a t leas t part s o f 1607—160 8 (1016 ) an d 1608-1609 (1017 ) wa s mevlan a Sa cdeddin efendi , wh o a t leas t i n on e instance served a s legal agen t fo r §ey h ul-Islam Mehme d efend i ( 2 5 5 - 1 ; I Zil-Hicc e 1017 . 6 0 - 1 ; Magosa , I I Rebi c I 1016) . A fetv a issue d i n 1593-1594 (1002 ) cam e from muft i Mehme d ( 1 199-2 . Also 193-4) . The Armenia n woma n Moga l bin t Haristo , mothe r an d guardia n o f the orphans o f Ilyas of Terbiyodi quarter , presented a fetva showin g tha t certain propert y whic h th e administrato r o f th e churc h o f tha t quarte r claimed a s vak f coul d neve r b e legall y mad e int o a vak f becaus e sh e owned i t ( 4 1 2 9 - 3 ; H I Receb 1045) . A fetva o f mutft i Mehme d reveale d that i t was no t permissibl e t o tur n imperia l lan d (arazi miri) i n th e for m of fields owned (tassaruf) b y anyone int o vakf lan d ( 1 193-4 ; 1002) . Other fetva s presente d t o th e cour t o f Cypru s deal t wit h problem s concerning renta l property , relationship s an d inheritance , debts , remar riage, assault, an d bloo d mone y ( 1 1 9 5 - 3 ; 1002 . 199-2 ; 1002 . 2 9 9 - 1 ; Zil-Hicce 1002 . 328—1 ; Muharrem 1003 . 9 4 ~2 ; Rebi c I 1003 . 4 5 - 1 ; II §aban 1043 . 10—2 ; I Ramazan 1043) . Written Record s Written document s wer e widel y use d i n Cypru s i n th e perio d 1580 — 1640. Official s use d the m fo r thei r ow n specia l purposes, and th e peopl e got theirs , fro m th e court , th e imperia l government , an d othe r sources , in orde r t o preserv e thei r ow n propert y o r t o protec t thei r rights . Th e

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court had the authority t o review an d evaluate documents , to determin e their meaning, and to decide which of conflicting documents had priority in differen t circumstances . Peopl e o f al l level s o f society , includin g vil lagers, a t leas t sometime s neede d writte n records , no t jus t the educate d classes and businessmen. The names and residences of al l adult males were preserved in officia l record book s (defter) kep t i n th e provinces , alon g wit h thei r fathers ' names. Tha t recor d wa s extremel y importan t fo r th e imperia l govern ment, sinc e i t provide d th e basi s fo r taxation . Mustaf a $elebi , agen t (mubaqir) for governo r (mir miran) Ahme d Pa§a' s administrative office r (musellim) Mustaf a kethuda , hear d a claim o f Mehme d be g b n Abdul lah, spahi o f Ay a Mam e village, agains t Nikola, son of Kalac e v. Korte s (?) of tha t village. Nikol a wa s no t registere d i n the official recor d book s (hark ez defter), althoug h hi s father is a recaya from tha t village. Nikol a then acknowledge d tha t he was th e so n o f a re caya an d himself a re caya (i 210-2 ; II Ramazan 1002) . Indeed, in Cypru s where mos t villages wer e part of th e timar system, the status o f al l cultivabl e land s ha d to b e known an d registered. Ca cfer beg b n Yusuf , superintenden t (emin) o f th e ta x far m (iltizam) o f Bal i ketri villag e o f Lefko§a , mad e a clai m (bm) agains t th e spah i o f tha t village, Ibrahi m be g b n Yusuf , claimin g tith e ( cu§r) fo r a field (tarla) o f known boundarie s i n the possession (tasarruf) o f Yakim o v. Qiryak o of that village. Ibrahi m countered , however , tha t th e place (yer) in disput e had been a garden (bagqe) for a long time: In the copy of the record book (defter sureti) that I possess it is a garden (bagqe). When Ibrahim' s cop y o f th e recor d boo k wa s examined , garde n (bagqe) wa s found registered there. Cacfer beg confirmed that. (1 25-1; Cumadi II1002) Written records were also routinely given to people newly assigned t o offices. Official s prepare d a t leas t tw o documents , on e o f which , th e berat, wa s addresse d t o an d hande d ove r t o th e ne w offic e holde r him self. Anothe r cop y (o r copies ) migh t b e addresse d t o a kad i o r t o loca l officials. Ahmed aga bn Hasan aga of the armorers (cebeci) of Lef ko§a made a claim (tm) against former armorer (cebeci) ag a Hasan bn cAbdullah: The command of the armorers (agalik) wa s granted to me. I have an imperial bera t and an imperial order (emr-i Padi§ah). Whe n in accordance with the berat and the order, I took possession of that office, Hasan rejected the orders. Let the letters of change, the

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berat, an d th e imperia l orde r b e examine d an d rea d i n accordanc e wit h th e Sharia. When the berat and the order in Ahmed's possession were examined and read, it was seen that the office had been granted to him and it was ordered that its revenues go to Ahmed aga. (1 31-3; II §aban 1002) Among th e most importan t writte n record s wer e thos e o f th e courts , which provide d a detaile d summar y o f eac h cas e heard . Thos e record s are calle d religiou s la w judicia l register s (§er ci mahkeme sicilleri). Thei r contents had , of course , immens e importanc e i n the successful function ing of th e legal system . Copie s o f individua l entrie s in the judicial regis ters give n t o privat e individual s fo r thei r ow n us e ar e usuall y calle d huccet. Such records were used especially to settle disputes over land and property holdings , debts , an d inheritance . Thos e record s ha d t o b e signe d and sealed by the kadi of the time, yet still the testimony of eye witnesses might sometimes b e required to ensure their acceptance. Huseyn kethud a b n Hamze o f Le f ko§a states before zimmi s Yakimo v. Pere§coge, Mihali v. Andon, and Piyero v. Bafid of Karpas kaza: At that place a priest (papaz) named Papa Filipo claimed 190 keyl of wheat (bugday) an d 462 keyl of barley (arpa) fro m me, but he has dropped that claim. After that happened, the above-mentioned Zimmis have made the charge again. They said, we make that claim. However , Husey n kethud a presente d a n officia l cop y o f th e judicia l register (huccet-i qeHye). When it was examined, it reveale d that the claim of the priest had been settled. It may not be heard again. (1 33—1; I §aban 1002) Mustafa celebi, son of the late kadi Habib of Lef ka, made a claim (da'va) against Hacedor v. Sar i Hizir: My late fathe r gave Hacedor's fathe r 72,15 0 akce . Let him pay now . Le t Hacedor b e asked. Hacedor acknowledge s th e debt , but he says that part of i t had been paid before hi s father's deat h and the rest at the time of his death. I have a copy of the judicial register (suret-i qefiye). When his huccet was examined, it was accepted. (1 295-3; Zil-Hicce 1002) Yackub bn Huda virdi of Lef ko§a states before Halil bn cAli, who is legal agent (vekil) fo r his wife Ina n Pa§a bint c Ali: Inan Pa§a is my wife. I f she renounces dowry (mehr) an d maintenance allowance given until she is legally determined not to b e pregnant (nafaka'-i Hddet), I will mak e divorce at her request (hut). She accepts that , s o th e issuance o f a huccet for th e divorce (huccet-i hul c) i s ordered. (1 325-2; I Zil-Hicce 1002) A disput e over propert y brough t t o cour t o n I Cumad i I I 104 5 b y Sosite (?) , grown daughte r of th e late Pavla of Ay a Pera§kog e quarter of Lef ko§a and racil c Ali be§e bn Ahmed was settled by a huccet of Lef ko§a kadi Mehme d efend i date d 8 Septembe r 160 6 ( 5 Cumad i I 1015 ) ( 4

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119-2). Likewis e a dispute over a vineyard (bag) in Kato Deftere villag e of Lefko§ a kaz a betwee n Kom i v . Agost i an d Hasa n $avu § b n Kasi m was settle d b y Hasan' s huccet date d lat e Septembe r 161 8 ( I §evva l 1027), signe d b y forme r Lefko§ a kad i Ha d efend i ( 4 187-1 ; I I Rece b 1046). Whe n Miliy e (?) , daughte r o f th e lat e Mustaf a o f Ay a Yorg i Yeros villag e o f Lefko§ a nahiye , wa s give n possessio n b y titl e dee d (tapu) o f th e field (tarla) o f he r late father , a huccet wa s give n to he r ( 4 227—3; Cumadi 11035) . Christian Hiristine , mothe r an d guardian (vast) o f th e mino r childre n (evlad-i sigar) of the late Yasef v. Ilyas of Labta village of Girniye nahiye, makes a claim (dacva/tk) agains t janissary Ibrahi m be§e bn Hizir: A garden (bagqe) an d other ^ property a t th e villag e wa s disputed . Ibrahi m ha s a huccet dated lat e Marc h 1635 ( I §evval 1044 ) signe d b y forme r Lefko§ a kad i mevlan a seyyi d Ya ckub efendi. Hiristine challenges the huccet, bu t cudul-i muslimin Ahmed beg bn cAli and Mustafa od a ba§ i b n c Abdullah confir m Ibrahim . ( 4 143-2 ; II I Ramazan 1045)

Fatma bin t Bayram , widow an d executri x (zevce'-i metrukasi) o f th e lat e c Ali be§e bn Mehmed of Lef ko§a, makes a claim (da'va/tk) agains t Mustafa be§e bn haci Eymu r an d Mustaf a b n Hasa n o f Belabe§ e villag e o f Girniy e nahiye : A house, garden, and other property at the village . .. ar e disputed by the litigants. Fatma claims the property had belonged t o her husband and son. Fatma has a huccet dated late October 162 7 (I I Sefer 1037 ) signed by Girniye kadi mevlana Mustafa efendi . Whe n the Mustafas questio n th e huccet, c udul-i muslimi n c Ali bn cAli, Receb bn Veli, §a cban bn Veli, and Mustafa b n Mehmed confirmed it. (4 121-1 ; I Rebic II 1045 )

A huccet o f mevlan a Hamd i efendi , presen t deputy judg e (na cib §-§er) at the court of Mahmud Pa§a quarter in Istanbul dated 25 Octobe r 163 4 (3 Cumadi I 1044) show s that c Omer $avu§ bn Himmet of Le f ko§a owes 140 riyal i guru § to Mustaf a qelebi b n Isma cil ( 4 126-2 ; I Receb 1045) . According t o a huccet hel d b y raci l Rece b be§ e of Le f ko§a, Qakolek i v . Zorzi of Koremen o (? ) village of Lefk a nahiy e owed him 11,40 0 akc e (4 182—2; I Receb 1046) . A huccet in the possession o f Istefano v. Piro was challenged b y Zorzo v. Yorolimo , legal agen t (vekil) fo r and husband of Ru§hu, bu t th e contents o f tha t huccet wer e confirme d b y Baba Kostin tin, Baba Yorgi v. Polyo (?) , and Piro (4 2 8 - 1 ; II Rebic I 1044). A huccet date d mid-Marc h 163 6 ( I §evva l 1045 ) signe d b y forme r Hirsofi kad i mevlan a seyyi d Mehme d efend i settle d a n inheritanc e dis pute betwee n Yusu f b n Mustaf a o f Pol i villag e o f Hirsof i nahiy e an d

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 9 1 Mustafa be§e bn Ridvan of Androliko (?) village of that kaza (4 151-1 ; II §evval 1045) . Zivani use d a huccet to confirm hi s guardianship i n a property dispute with Mihail (4 7-1; I Ramazan 1043). A huccet was issue d b y th e cour t certifyin g tha t presen t Cypru s treasurer (defterdar) Bal i efend i wa s legal agen t (vekil) for the sultan's teacher (hoca) Mevlana Sa cdeddin b n Hasa n £an , i n accordanc e wit h the testimony of Mustafa $elebi bn Mehmed and Mustafa $avu§ bn cAli. Next a dispute between Sacdeddin and Mehmed £avu§ over Kucuk Hammam in Lef ko§a was settled because the former's huccet proved that it was his property. Finally, the agent Bali efendi sold that hammam, which was the property (mulk) of Sa cdeddin, to Korkud efendi, present timar defterdar, for 60,000 akce (1 302-2, 3; III Zil-Hicce 1002). When Inan Pa§a bint c Ali renounced throug h her legal agen t (vekil) Halil b n c Ali al l clai m t o an y payments fro m he r husband Ya ckub bn Huda Vird i o f Le f ko§a, bot h partie s agree d t o divorc e b y her request and a huccet of hulc was issued (1 325-2; I Zil-Hicce 1002). Present Baf sancagi begi Ahmed and former Baf kadi mevlana Ahmed sent a letter and a copy of a court decision (called suret-i sicil and huccet in different places ) t o th e Port e t o complai n o f th e general oppressio n (zulm ve te caddi) of Bal i ^avu§ . Earlier there had been insufficient evi dence agains t Bal i t o convic t hi m an d a compromise (sulh) ha d bee n made, bu t man y Christian s (zimmis) were fleeing to th e lan d o f th e Franks (Firengistan) . A n imperia l orde r i s sent , then , t o th e Cypru s governor and the new Baf kadi that the matter should be re-investigated if it has not already been settled . .. ( 1 137—1; III §evval 1002, Konstantiniye). Other important documents included title deeds or certificates (temessuk), imperial orders, and money transfers (havale). Title deeds were not used too frequently at the court in Lef ko§a, and it may be presumed that their possession in Cyprus was far from universal. However , Rahim e hatun , wido w an d executri x o f th e lat e Hasa n beg o f Limosa , presente d a titl e dee d (temessuk) i n he r possessio n i n order t o secur e possessio n o f he r lat e husband' s 3 0 donu m o f arabl e fields (tarla) ( 4 78-2; III Receb 1044). When Mustafa ^elebi tried to collect from the steward of the imperial treasury 100,00 0 akc e tha t th e lat e Ba f beg i Mehme d be g owe d hi m from a loan, Mustafa $elebi was unable to substantiate his claim because he lacked a temessuk (1 30-1 ; Rece b 1002) . Kordovan , baylo s of th e

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island of Cyprus , presented a fetva, a temessuk, a huccet, an d an emr t o the court in support of his claim before the island's chief financial officer defterdar Bal i efendi ( i 7 2 - 3 ; Muharrem 1003) . Imperial order s o f tw o kind s migh t b e usefu l t o loca l litigant s o f Cyprus. First , a claimant migh t asser t befor e th e cour t tha t a particular general order is relevant to his own individual business . Second, a claimant migh t directl y o r throug h agent s secur e a n imperia l orde r whic h concerned only his own litigation . Receb b n §a cban kethud a atteste d tha t hi s late fathe r ha d mad e vak f fields an d garden s a t Kitriy a villag e b y mean s o f a n imperia l orde r ( 1 4 6 - 2 ; II I Rebi c I I 1002) . Musa , spah i o f Vezac e villag e o f Lefko§a , unsuccessfully attempte d t o secur e bac k taxe s o f Ergir i v . Ciryak o wh o had lef t tha t villag e fo r anothe r on e 1 8 year s earlie r becaus e Ergir i showed that he had departed in accordance with an imperial order (emri §erif) ( 1 6 4 - 2 ; Muharre m 1003) . Spah i Muhi b b n Mer ci o f Hirsof i dependent o n Yuli (? ) village tried to force th e return of Ziy a v. Istali (?) of tha t village , bu t Ziy a ha d lef t ove r 2 0 year s earlier , an d a n imperia l order required that if he had been absent more than three years he could live in whichever place he chose ( 1 258—67, 1 Zil-Kade 1002) . Mehmed oda ba§i of the spahis of Magosa castle made a claim against two non-Muslim s o f Lefko§ a who , accordin g t o him , ha d illegall y lef t his villag e i n Mesariy e kaz a a fe w year s before . Mehme d claime d that , according to his imperial order (emr-i §erif), i f 1 0 years have not passed, the villager s shoul d b e returne d t o thei r villag e o r the y shoul d pa y th e tax fo r leavin g land s uncultivate d (gift bozan resmi) ( 4 6 7 - 1 ; II I Sefe r 1044). When th e abbo t (igumenos) o f Ay a Mam a monaster y i n Morf o na hiye, th e mon k (rahib) Bab a Eksendri , wen t t o th e Port e t o complai n about a long-standin g disput e h e ha d wit h th e presen t kad i o f Tuzl a mevlana hac i Ahme d efendi , h e wa s give n no t onl y a n imperia l orde r (emr-i §erif) but also a letter (mektub) fro m the Rumeli kadi casker abou t the problem ( 4 92—2; I Ramazan 1044) . Money transfer s o r letter s o f credi t (havale) sometimes passe d throug h the hand s o f th e cour t i n th e routin e proces s o f settlin g dispute s ove r debts. Th e peopl e (mahallesi ahalisi c ammet) o f Mestotor i (? ) quarte r received 4000 akc e owed them by etmekci Mehme d bn Ahmed when the latter provide d muhzi r ba§ i Ilya s ag a wit h a money transfe r (havale) ( 3 161-7; II I Rebic II 1019).

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Kasim $avu § b n Hayda r wante d a mone y transfe r (havale) fo r th e annual stipen d (saliyane) fro m c Ali b n Seyd i ( 3 9 6 - 1 ; I §evval 1019) . Solimo v. Harito acknowledged having received a havale fo r three of th e five guru§ owed him by Loizo v. Kistintin through the hands of Seli m bn Suleyman ( 3 3 1 - 5 ; I I Zil-Kade 1018) . Ali bn Yusuf states before (ihzar) Yusu f bn Musa: Yusuf has my havale*-i §er c worth 760 akce. He gave 60 akce but still owes 700 akce, which I want. Yusuf denies that. c Isa bn Ramazan and Hamze bn Suleyman testify tha t there was a havale*-i §erc, o f which Yusuf had paid 60 akce and still held the rest. (3 41-4; III Cumadi 11019) c

When a n imperia l orde r announce d th e appointmen t o f a perso n t o an office , a t th e sam e tim e a letter stipulatin g th e nature , ter m (i f any) , and salary of th e office wa s presented t o the new appointee . Tha t letter, a berat , remaine d hi s propert y fo r a s lon g a s h e hel d office . A s wit h other documents , onl y th e kad i ha d th e authorit y t o judg e whethe r o r not a bera t wa s valid . Sometime s ne w appointee s wer e assigne d eve n before th e norma l ter m expired . Sometime s tw o peopl e wer e appointe d to th e sam e office , eithe r i n error or because o f confusio n abou t wh o i n the imperial government shoul d appoin t people t o a particular office . I n either case, the local kad i had to examine the conflicting document s an d determine who the legitimate officeholder was . Ahmed ag a b n Hasan, commande r (aga) o f th e armorer s (cebeci) o f Lefko§a , states (tm) befor e armore r commande r Hasa n b n c Abdullah: Th e comman d (agalik) was granted to me. I have an imperial berat and an imperial order (emr). When, i n accordanc e wit h th e bera t an d emr, I took possessio n o f th e office , Hasan refused t o obey the orders. Let the letters of change , the berat, and the imperial order be examined in accordance with the Sharia. When the berat and the imperial order in Ahmed's possession were examined and read, it was seen that the command of the armorers of Lef ko§a had been granted to Ahmed aga. The office and its revenues were ordered to him. (1 31-3; II §aban 1002) Spahi Mehme d od a ba§ i possesse d a bera t confirmin g hi s righ t t o collect certain taxes from resident s of a village in Mesariye kaza ; he was able t o clai m th e fe e fo r leavin g lan d uncultivate d fro m tw o villager s who ha d absente d themselve s ( 4 6 7 - 1 ; II I Sefe r 1044) . A bera t wa s issued fo r th e castl e warde n (dizdar) o f Lefko§ a ( 4 209-1 ; Konstanti niye, I I Muharre m 1046) . A bera t wa s give n fo r a zi camet i n Lefko§ a nahiye, wort h 50,36 0 akce , an d vacan t fro m th e tim e o f Mustaf a b n Ahmed, was granted to §ahin starting 9 Apri l 163 5 (2 2 §evval 1044 ) o n

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condition o f hi s living in the district (sancak) an d going on campaig n ( 4 219-1, 2 2 0 - 1 ; I Zil-Kad e 1044) . Idri s aga , oversee r (nazir) o f th e foundation o f th e lat e Sulta n Seli m ha n i n Istanbu l i s dismissed , an d Mustafa i s appointe d i n hi s plac e startin g 3 0 Augus t 163 4 (6 Rebi c I 1044) a t a salar y o f si x akce/day , t o b e pai d fro m th e revenue s o f th e foundation (240-2 ; 2 6 Rebi c I 1044, Konstantiniye) . Hiristofi v . Luk a was given a berat confirming tha t he lives in the city and is excused fro m paying the customary ta x due for not cultivating his land ( 1 259—3 ; I Zil-Kade 1002) . A Gree k Orthodo x (Rum Uasl) zimmi slav e name d Petr o v . Hiristof i had an official receip t (tezkire) tha t he had been emancipated fo r serving well ( 1 265-2 ; I I Zil-Kade 1002) . Margarit a bin t Yan o ha d a n officia l receipt (tezkire) that , a s guardia n (vasi) fo r th e orphan s o f th e lat e Yorolimo v . Piyer o o f Terhon e villag e o f Lefko§a , sh e ha d sol d tw o houses (ev) a t the villag e belongin g t o th e children ( 1 304-5 ; 1 Muharrem 1003) . Whe n Marikk a pai d his 500 0 akc e deb t to Vehhab $avu§ of Lefko§a throug h Vehhab' s lega l agen t (vekil) Bal i efendi , h e wa s give n an official receip t (tezkire) whic h h e brought t o th e court to registe r th e matter i n orde r t o ge t a n officia l documen t fro m th e cour t huccet ( 1 318-4; 1 Muharrem 1003) . Proper documentatio n wa s particularl y importan t i n dealin g wit h pious foundations . B y presentin g t o th e cour t th e officia l documen t concerning th e foundatio n (vakf name) o f th e foundatio n o f th e lat e c Arab Ahme d Pa§a , it s administrato r (mutevelli) seyyi d Mehme d b n seyyid Kasi m proved despit e th e contrary clai m b y Husey n $avu § that a certain bread baker's shop belonged to the foundation ( 1 24-5 ; Cumad i II 1002) . Afte r th e documen t concernin g th e term s (vakfiye) o f anothe r foundation ha d bee n observe d fo r 1 9 years , zimm i Hiristof i v . Petr e encroached on its property and had to be restrained ( 1 4 6 - 2; III Rebic II 1002). Th e documen t concernin g th e foundatio n (vakf name) o f th e foundation o f the late Mustafa Pa§ a was in the trust of (emanet) c azablar agasi Hamz e ag a in Lefko§a unti l Suleyma n cam e to examine i t ( 1 2 3 8 3; II Ramazan 1002) . Oaths Oaths wer e use d a t th e cour t o f Lefko§ a onl y i n th e absenc e o f mor e highly esteeme d form s o f proo f lik e confessions , th e testimon y o f tw o

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eye-witnesses, an d certai n writte n evidence . I f th e plaintif f lacke d suc h proof, an d i f n o compromis e coul d b e reached , th e defendan t migh t b e asked t o tak e a n oat h t o suppor t hi s denial . That wa s no t common , fo r over al l only abou t 4 % o f case s involved oat h taking. 2 The Hanef i la w schoo l require d tha t oath s ha d t o b e swor n i n th e name o f Go d a t cour t i n th e presenc e o f th e kadi . That include d Chris tians an d Jews a s well a s Muslims. Sometime s th e latte r woul d b e note d as havin g swor n b y Go d wh o sen t dow n th e Kora n t o Muhammed , while Christian s woul d b e note d a s havin g swor n b y Go d wh o sen t down th e Gospel (Incil) t o Jesus ( cIsa). Oaths a t th e cour t o f Le f ko§a wer e given i n quit e a n egalitaria n way . The kadi s administere d oath s t o me n an d women , Muslim s an d non Muslims i n exactl y th e sam e way . Th e oat h o f ever y mal e an d female , Muslim an d Christian , counte d precisel y th e sam e a s tha t o f everyon e else. Rare instance s o f oath s take n a t th e reques t o f polic e occurred , bu t then th e police were just acting as any kadi, and indee d an y adult, could . For example , whe n Ilya s b n c Ala3 eddi n o f Kuny e villag e die d there , Huseyn beg , agen t (muba§ir) fo r governo r Ramaza n Pa§a' s administra tive office r (musellim) Mustaf a kethud a aske d everyon e i n th e village t o take an oat h o f innocenc e ( 1 4 0 - 4; I I §aban 1002) . Usually oath s wer e reserve d fo r defendants . However , i n circum stances wher e th e defendan t no t onl y denie d th e charg e bu t adde d a positive assertio n o f hi s own, the n i n regard t o the proof o f tha t particu lar statemen t h e becam e th e "plaintiff " wit h th e subsequen t possibilit y that, lackin g proof, h e might deman d a n oat h fro m th e original plaintiff . That wa s uncommon , however . Neithe r wa s i t commo n fo r anyon e t o decline the opportunity t o tak e a n oath . Blood Mone y (Dem Diyeti) In Ottoma n lega l practic e communa l responsibilit y i s intimatel y con nected wit h th e payment o f bloo d mone y (dem diyeti) i n certai n case s of homicide. Polic e officials , whos e salarie s wer e supplemente d b y a frac tion o f th e bloo d mone y payments , wer e n o doub t eage r t o establis h responsibility i n case s o f injur y o r death . Thos e reall y o r potentiall y liable fo r payment s trie d t o provid e proo f o f wh y the y shoul d no t b e held responsible .

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Beyt ul-mal hassa ve c amme superviser (emin) o f th e city and officer (mulazim) Suleyman beg had as agent (vekil) Musl i b n c Abdullah who acknowledged (ik) before Ahme d (bn) Turak an d Mus a b n Mustaf a o f Taht- i Kal ce quarte r i n Lef ko§a castle: An old Christian woman (zimmi) fel l into a well near the houses where they live. She was old; she fell by herself and perished. Blood money (dem diyeti) o f 1 0 altu n wa s received , an d ther e i s n o furthe r claim , ( i 10-5 ; I I Ramazan 988) Halil bn Halil of Perestiyo (?) village of Lef ko§a, his wife Cennet, and his mother Suret are present in the court (meclis-i §er*-i §erife) and say in the presence of the people of the village (ehl-i karye): Ou r daughter Teslime bint Halil disappeared while sh e was sleepin g amon g u s in th e night . W e requested a n investigation. c Ali aga and Ca cfer beg, who were appointed agents (mubaqir) b y cAli Pa§a and superviser (emin) Perviz aga, respectively, were assigned. When they reached that village, th e aforementione d Hali l o f hi s ow n volitio n confesse d (ikrar). Halil said: Satan le d m e astray . I took m y own daughte r Teslim e fro m he r mother with the intention of making blood flow for the people of the village. I drowned her and left her in a ruined well (kuyu). Le t us take the body out. Then cAbdulKerim $avu§ , on e o f th e Muslim s present , pulle d ou t th e bod y wit h a hoo k (cengal). In truth the evidence is certain. Then the aforementioned Cennet, Suret, and Halil renounced claim against the people of the village. That was registered in the court record book (sicil). A copy was written at the request of the people of the village. (1 23-1; Receb 1002) Mustafa ot a ba§ i b n Mehmed , guardia n (vasi) before th e Shari a fo r Mustafa , Ali, an d Fatma , orphan s o f th e lat e Emi r c Ali be§ e of th e Cypru s janissaries, who was killed (maktul) while living in Kakopetriye village of Lef ka kaza, states (tkltm) before Mihaye l v . Tomaz o an d Bab a Vasi l v . Bab a Viryon i o f Galat a village of tha t kaza: The blood money of th e deceased is wanted at the governors counci l (divan-i Kibris) and counci l o f th e Shari a (meclis-i qer*). Als o maintenance (nafaka, kisve) i s necessary for the orphans. I received 14,000 akce from Mihayel and Vasil as guardian. (4 70-1; I Receb 1044) c

When a ma n name d Hasa n i n Le f ko§a bega n t o sho w sign s o f mad ness, a numbe r o f me n summoned hi s so n Ahme d t o cour t t o reques t that the y eithe r leav e th e quarte r o r tak e th e ma n t o a hospital (timar). Ahmed, however, acknowledge d th e madness of his father, saying: If my father perishe s alon e o r fall s i n a well o r get s lost , I have n o clai m fo r blood money agains t the people of th e quarter ( 1 3 4 - 1 ; I §aban 1002) . In some instance s doctor s require d tha t patient s i n thei r care , o r th e closest relative s o f thei r patients, swea r no t t o mak e an y claim s agains t the docto r shoul d h e b e unsuccessful . Tha t wa s th e cas e wit h a villager

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from Eskelo n (? ) village in Le f ko§a kaz a wh o acte d fo r hi s father Toma s (1 147-2 ; I Rebi C I 1003). Maintenance an d Clothin g Allowance s (Nafaka ve Kisve) The cour t ha d th e authority , an d th e responsibility , t o ensur e tha t wome n were adequatel y supporte d b y thei r husbands , an d childre n b y thei r fathers. Eve n afte r bein g divorced , wome n wer e entitle d t o tha t fo r a fixed tim e period . Childre n wh o inherite d propert y fro m decease d fa thers ofte n wer e supporte d b y tha t property , althoug h first th e mothe r or anothe r guardia n ha d t o secur e th e kadi' s permission . Fathers , on th e other hand, unles s impoverished, wer e expected t o support thei r childre n from thei r ow n wealt h withou t usin g th e children' s inheritance s fro m their mothers . Othe r guardians , o f course , coul d no t b e expecte d t o expend thei r ow n resource s o n a n orpha n i f h e ha d inherite d property , although t o d o s o wa s honorable . Th e maintenanc e allowanc e (nafaka) and clothin g allowanc e (kisve) wer e awarde d a s pe r die m allotments , which incidentall y ar e accurate indicators o f th e minimal cos t of living . Cemile hatun bin t c Abdullah, divorced wife of janissary Mustafa, ha s two akce/ day allotted for her maintenance. (iA 5—3 ; 9 Ramazan 988) Siyuze (?) bint Bekr of Aya Sofya quarte r state s (tkltm) at court : I do not hav e enough mone y t o suppor t th e bo y Dervi§ , so n o f m y lat e daughter . I wan t maintenance allowance from his property. Three akce/day is allotted. (2 5-2; III Zil-Hicce 1016) Yusuf $avu § of Le f ko§a state s (tk) at court : Th e orphan so n of th e late §a cban bn Ibrahim need s maintenance an d clothin g allowance. Eight akce/day i s allotted. (2 9-3; I Rebic II1016) Arslan kethuda , guardia n (vast) fo r Mehmed , mino r so n (sagir ogli) of th e late Ahmed Pa§ a wh o die d whil e governor (mir miran), who no w i s Tuzla sancag i begi, states (bkltm) at court: 500 akce per day (ft kul yevm) for maintenance and clothing allowance is sufficient (kifayet) for Mehmed beg. That much is allotted for his servants and dependents. (4 61—3; I Sefer 1044 ) Mehmed be§ e b n Yusuf , guardia n (vasi) of th e mino r daughte r o f th e lat e Mustafa o f Kaymakl i village , state s (bkltm) a t court : No w I hav e becom e

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guardian. Maintenanc e an d clothing allowanc e ar e necessary fro m he r inherite d property (mal). Four akce/day i s allotted. ( 4 7 3 - 2; II Receb 1044 ) Mehmed o f A y a Sofy a quarte r o f Lefko§ a state s (bk) a t court : Whe n mainte nance allowanc e i s necessar y fo r th e mino r Isma cil, fou r akce/mont h (? ) i s allotted. ( 4 77—2; III Receb 1044 ) Halil boluk ba§ i bn c Ali, father of c Ali, minor son of the late Narin bint c Abdullah of Yani k (? ) bagc e quarte r o f Lefko§a , acknowledge s (ikliH) before Hasa n be§ e bn Mehmed , fo r himsel f an d a s a guardian: A house (menzil) i n tha t quarte r i s sold to Hasan fo r 500 0 akc e in order to get maintenance allowanc e fo r the child c Ali. ( 4 9 1 - 1, 2 ; I Ramazan 1044 ) Mehmed b n Suleyman , guardia n (vast) fo r th e mino r so n Ahme d o f th e lat e Ahmed $avu§ of Le f ko§a, states (bk) at court: Since I am guardian, the boy needs maintenance an d clothin g allowanc e fro m th e propert y (mal) h e inherited fro m his late father. Six akce/day is allotted. ( 4 139-4 ; III §aban 1045 ) c

Ay§e bin t Tuvan a (?) , mothe r an d guardia n o f th e mino r childre n o f th e lat e Nebi be§ e of Le f ko§a, acknowledges an d states (ikltk) befor e Ferencesko of La$ e village of Le f ko§a kaza: A house (menzil) a t the village i s sold to Ferencesko fo r 800 akc e i n orde r t o pa y a deb t fo r maintenanc e allowanc e (zaruret-i deyn-i nafakalari iqun) ... ( 4 141-3 ; I Ramazan 1045 )

Receb b n Mustaf a od a ba§i , brothe r o f th e mino r so n o f th e lat e Mustaf a o f Tirahon villag e o f Le f ko§a kaza , says : I am guardia n fo r m y brother , a minor . He need s maintenanc e an d clothin g allowance . Fou r akce/da y i s allotted . ( 4 183-1; I Receb 1046 ) Bedros v . Bola k (?) , a n Armenia n o f Lefko§a , make s a claim (da c va/tk) agains t Manuk, grow n so n o f Bedros ' lat e uncl e ( cammisi) Tom a o f Lefko§a : Whe n Toma died , hi s propert y wa s remitte d cancelin g th e deb t (itlak). H e ha d n o money o r possessions left . Hi s so n Manu k wa s unde r my care (hucr ve terbiye). For 1 3 year s Manu k wa s supporte d b y loan s (karz) fo r five akce/da y fo r hi s maintenance an d clothin g allowance . Forme r Lefko§ a kad i mevlan a Mustaf a efendi presente d a signed official recor d of th e case (huccet) dated I Rebi* I 103 3 (late Decembe r 1623) . Manu k replies : Bedro s allotte d m e maintenanc e an d clothing allowance . Whe n I was smal l I did wor k (hidmet) fo r him . However , Manuk ha s n o proof. When a n oath i s proposed t o Bedros , he takes an oath b y God who sen t down th e Gospel (Incil) to Jesus ( cIsa) that nothing remains of th e inheritance (muhallefat ) o f Manuk's father; all was allotted fo r maintenance and clothing. O f th e 1 3 years , h e wa s a mino r fo r si x years , an d afte r tha t h e wa s able to work. ( 4 174-1 ; II I Cumadi I I 1046 )

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Preemption (§uf ca) It is a n established principl e o f th e Shari a tha t al l lan d owner s hav e th e right to bu y an y lan d immediatel y contiguou s t o thei r property whe n i t is offere d fo r sale , o r eve n afte r i t ha s bee n sol d t o anothe r person , i f they mak e know n thei r desir e immediatel y upo n learnin g o f th e sale . That sam e righ t hold s fo r co-owner s o f propert y offere d fo r sale . Th e price must be a fair market price. Ridvan b n c Abdullah states (tk) before Nikol a v . Yakimo : I bought th e estate (qiftlik) an d house (ev) of Papa Androniko. Now Nikola wants to preempt [the sale] §ufa). (1 5-8; III Ramazan 988) Bali $avu § bn Niyet (? ) of Ay a Ho r (? ) village o f Lefko§ a make s a claim (td) against Ordek ha tun: I bought three houses (evler) fro m her son (sadri ogli) fo r 20 altun. The sale was completed, payment was made, and I took possession. Then she began to seek preemption (§ufa), bu t it was too late. Ordek says that she did not give up her right of preemption. However, c udul-i muslimin Yusuf bn Ibrahim and Mehmed bn Mustafa confirm Bali. (1 254-2; III §evval 1002) Although th e peopl e o f newl y conquere d Cypru s migh t b e expecte d to hav e use d preemptio n ver y frequentl y i n orde r t o preserv e religiou s and ethnic separation, in fact no other instances were discovered beside s the tw o mentione d above . Clearl y eve n i n 158 0 th e court s kne w an d understood preemption. The court records suggest, however, that people rarely claimed the right. Cursing Cursing (§etm) people is a distinct and fairly serious offense i n Anatolian and earl y Ottoma n la w codes . I n th e ol d Dulkadi r crimina l code , th e penalty was corporal punishment o r a fine of 3 0 akce . In early Ottoma n codes th e penalt y fo r cursin g (na me§ru c kelimat) wa s subjectio n t o th e bastinado (ta czir), plu s a n additiona l fine o f on e akc e fo r ever y tw o strokes applied, the number of which was at the discretion of the kadi. 3 Cursing was a social offense i n the criminal law. People usually cursed others i n way s designe d t o provok e o r t o antagoniz e them . Althoug h sometimes curse s ma y b e uttere d wit h quie t derision , cursin g usuall y developed ou t o f virulen t antipathy , ofte n perhap s spontaneously ou t of inflamed arguments . Probabl y cursin g ofte n gre w ou t o f o r le d t o vio -

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lence. Bringin g the matte r immediatel y t o th e attentio n o f th e court wa s a way to minimize conflict . Cursing was no t usually don e i n isolation. Probabl y police did not g o out o f thei r wa y t o ferre t i t ou t bu t care d abou t cursin g onl y whe n complaints wer e made . No t surprisingl y polic e an d militar y officer s themselves appea r t o hav e bee n curse d relativel y frequently . Sometime s that occurre d i n th e lin e o f duty . T o th e exten t tha t the y summone d t o court peopl e wh o curse d them , rathe r tha n resortin g t o violenc e o r counter-taunts, tha t ma y b e a positiv e sign . Anyway , cursin g doe s no t seem to have been a serious social problem in Cyprus. Seyyid Mustafa s u ba§i make s a claim (da cva) agains t raci l Yusu f b n Ibrahim: On the night of 27 June 1594 (8 §evval 1002) Yusuf cursed me (§etm) and called me a pimp (pazenk). Let Yusuf b e asked. When proof wa s needed, seven witnesses and others confirmed Mustafa. (1 248—1; II §evval 1002) Sacdi $avu§ bn Hamze of Lef ko§a makes a claim (da cva) agains t Yusuf bn Kasim of the defenders of the castle of Lef ko§a: Yusuf cursed my faith (iman) an d my mouth (agiz). Yusu f denies that. cUdul Ishak c,avu§, cAbdi bn cAbdullah, Veli bn c Ali, and Cihan gavu§ confirm Sa cdi. (1 269-1; II Zil-Kade 1002) Halil bn Yusuf says before his son Yusuf: Yusuf cursed me. Yusuf denies that. Mehmed b n c Abdullah an d Ilyas bn Piri confirm Halil . ( 1 235-7 ; I I Ramazan 1002)

Rahime bin t Kalayc i o f Citan e (? ) village say s before Maksud : He entered my house, struck me and hit my teeth. Maksud denied that; then he replied: Her son c Abdul-Gaffar cursed my wife ( cavret). Then I struck her (Rahime). (1 241-10; I §evval 1002) Veli say s (ihzar) before Yan i v . Marko : Whil e I wa s buyin g figs (inch) in a grocer's shop (bakkal dukkani) Yani cursed my mouth and my faith. Yani denies that. Ibrahi m b n Begi (? ) and Mahmud b n Mehmed confirm Veli : In truth he cursed Veli in the way described. (3 38—5; III Cumadi I 1019) Mustafa b n Hasa n o f Lefko§ a state s (bm) before Mura d v . Migirdi c (?) , an Armenian: H e curse d m y mout h an d m y faith . I want justic e (ihkak-i hakk). Murad denies that. (3 158-5; III Rebic II 1019) Nasuh, beardless boy (etnredd), says (ihzar) before Ahmed bn Haydar: He struck me. Ahmed acknowledges that but says that he did so after he had been cursed obscenely (%etm galiz). (3 64-8; I Receb 1019)

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 10 1 Receb beg of Lefko§a states (bm) before had Vehhab: Vehhab came to my house and cursed (§etm) my wife and son. Let him be asked. Vehhab denies that. Dervi§ Mehmed bn haci Yusuf and Dervi§ Mustafa bn Ahmed confirm Receb. (3 125 9; II §evval 1019) Papa Bacjsod i v . Loizo , Pap a Manik o (?) , an d othe r priest s (papazlar) say : Panederfo cursed us. Let him be asked. He denies that. Piyalu v. Zaniko (?) and Bernarto (?) v. Nikilo confirm the priests. (3 146-7; III Cumadi II 1019) Mustafa b n Mehmed of Lef ko§a states (bm) before c Abdi $avu§ bn Pir Ahmed: God forbid, c Abdi called me infidel, son of an infidel, (kafir ogli kafir). I do not accept that. I want him asked in accordance with the Sharia, and I want justice done. cAbdi says: Mustafa said let them shit on the governor's head (begler begi hazretlerinun ba§ina yestehlesunlar). The n in reply (tnukabelesinde) I said: You are not a Muslim. You are an infidel. Tha t is registered. ( 3 159-2 ; III Reb c II 1019)

Receb be§ e o f Lefko§ a make s a clai m (td) i n th e presenc e o f Mehme d beg : Mehmed called me Jew (cuhud) Receb . Mehmed denies that. Huseyn bn Memi and Mehmed be§e confirm Receb. (3 177-4; 28 §aban 1019) Mehmed be g o f Kaymakl i villag e o f Lefko§ a kaz a make s a clai m (dacva/tk) against Yaro (?) v. Andreye of the village: The night of this writing he attempted the evil act (fifl-i §enic). I was being vigilant (agah). I screamed. He struck me and cursed m e (galiz He bana §etm eylemu§dur). I want justic e done . Whe n Yaro denies that , Manik o v . Istavriy e an d Fesenc o v . Tomaz o confir m Mehmed : Tonight screamin g wa s hear d fro m hi s hous e (menzil). I was watching . Yar o struck (darb) the house (bane) and female slave (?) of Mehmed and he cursed. (4 104-1; III Ramazan 1044) Racil Ahmed be§e of Pirastiyo village of Mesariye nahiye makes a claim (iddfa/ tk) against zimmi Savu of Mekum a (? ) village: He killed my horse (at) and he cursed me (qutum-i galiz)* Whe n Savu denies that, Ahmed is given a three-day delay to bring back proof. Now 30 days have passed. (4 106—2; I §ewal 1044 ) Salaries o f Kadis , and Kadis i n Economic Lif e Not muc h informatio n i s provide d abou t th e wage s o f kadis . Mevlan a c Alaeddin efend i wa s assigne d th e kaz a o f Tuzl a startin g 2 1 Ma y 159 4 (1 Ramazan 1002 ) a t a salary of 8 0 akce/day ( 1 101—1 ; from kadi c asker of Ru m ili, Sunullah, III §aban 1002) . A decade and a half later the Rum ili kadi c asker assigned that office t o former kadi mevlana Mus a fo r 13 0 akce/day ( 2 17—2 ; 1 Zil-Kad e 1016) . Almos t simultaneousl y Mesariy e

IO2 Kadi,

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kaza, whic h wa s assigne d fo r 8 0 akce/da y t o mevlan a seyyi d Mehme d and Mesariy e kad i mevlan a Resul , afte r on e an d a hal f year s holdin g that office , wa s transferre d t o Hirsof i kaz a fo r a salary o f 7 0 akce/day . Both assignments bega n on 2 November 160 6 ( 1 Receb 1015) . ( 2 1 8 - 1 ; Konstantiniye, 7 Rece b 1015) . A yea r an d a half late r mevlan a Ahme d was assigne d t o Piskop i kaza , the n a t a wag e o f 8 0 akce/da y ( 2 8 6 - 2 ; Haleb, II I §aban 1016) . Tuzla kad i mevlan a Ahme d efendi wa s involve d i n a trade agreemen t with abbo t bab a Eksendr i o f Ay a Mama monaster y i n Morfo distric t ( 4 92—2; I Ramazan 1044) . Presen t Magos a kad i c Ali efend i wa s involve d in lon g distanc e trade , fro m whic h h e had a debt of 32 8 riyal i guru § t o Musa be§ e b n Mehme d be g o f Belgra d ( 4 215-3 ; I Ramaza n 1045) . Mevlana Ahme d efendi b n Sa cdeddin efendi o f Le f ko§a owned hundred s of estate s (qiftliks) i n variou s village s whic h h e chos e t o mak e int o a pious foundatio n ( 4 235-1 ; Uskudar , 1 2 Rebi c I I 1043 . 2.36-1 ; Kon stantiniye, 1 Cumadi I I 1043). Former Tuzla kadi haci Ahmed efendi b n haci c Osman purchased three large estates within a year: one in cOmeriye quarter o f Lefko§ a wort h 32,00 0 akce , a secon d a t Ruh e (? ) villag e i n Morfo distric t wort h 38,00 0 akce , an d th e thir d a t Lapt a villag e i n Girniye distric t wort h 22,00 0 akc e ( 4 155—1 ; 1 7 Zil-Hicc e 1045 . 155~" 2; I Zil-Hicce. 187-2 ; II Receb 1046) . Some kadis were rich. Summary Exactly th e same law wa s applie d al l over the vast Ottoman empire, the sacred la w o f Islam , th e Sharia , whic h equall y applie d ove r th e res t o f the contemporar y Musli m worl d an d whic h ha d bee n applie d i n it s Hanefi for m unde r th e Abbasi d caliphat e startin g i n th e middl e o f th e 8th century . I t wa s th e officia l la w fo r al l o f th e peopl e o f Cypru s immediately startin g wit h th e conques t o f 1570—1 5 71. Tha t wa s th e only know n cour t o f tha t time , an d wa s intende d t o handl e al l th e problems an d concern s o f ever y Cypriot . The procedur e i s alway s de scribed a s "i n accordanc e wit h th e Sharia. " Durin g th e ver y fe w time s when othe r kinds of la w were mentioned, suc h imperial la w (kanun), o r customary la w ( cadet, resim), the y were judged as being within the scope of the Sharia. Having the Sharia implemente d i s always considere d th e exact equivalent o f doin g justice . Sayin g tha t peopl e hav e acte d contrar y t o th e

Kadi, Court, and Legal System 10 3 Sharia i s t o stigmatiz e thei r actio n a s reprehensible . Almos t al l com plaints can be reduced to, He violated the Sharia, and I want the Sharia enforced. Theoretically , a t least , everyon e ha s th e sam e obligatio n t o carry ou t th e Sharia , includin g wome n an d non-Muslims . I t exempt s children, however , becaus e the y b y definitio n d o no t hav e sufficien t intelligence o r understandin g t o obe y th e Sharia . Par t o f growin g u p involves developing such intellectual and moral awareness that one is an adult, and can fully understand (and hence obey) the Sharia. All adults are considered, by definition, fully able to comprehend and obey th e law , an d ar e responsibl e fo r doin g it . Peopl e wh o wer e no t adults often ha d a guardian (vast) t o represent their interest, especially in inheritance or property settlements, although even without such help, it was the duty of the kadi to ensure that all of the rights of the minor, and especiall y a n orphan , wer e full y protected . Kadi s were als o especially charged to make sure that accurate weights and measures and the fair fixedprices of the market place were obeyed, as well as making sure that women were protected, and non-Muslims, too. The official responsibilitie s o f th e kadi s of Cypru s went fa r beyond merely makin g legal decisions . Dispute s betwee n member s of differen t military corp s wer e handle d b y kadis , wh o als o wer e responsibl e fo r determining whose orders were valid, if there were conflicts or disagreements. If police officers o f any sorts had disagreements with people, the court would determine who was right. All disputes regarding the timar system, who shoul d control what timar, or what taxes should be paid, and to whom were also the province of th e kadi. All other elements of the entir e taxatio n syste m wer e unde r th e supervisio n o f th e kadi ; he was th e final authority i n every matter . Als o people coul d mak e complaints of any nature about any people involved in the provincial government. He was also to help and protect the weak and the poor. Kadis were in charge of makin g sure that the people who wished to establish pious foundations wer e acting within th e scope of the Sharia, and hence were valid. Also they were responsible fo r making sure that terms and conditions of th e donors were actually properly carried out. Even complaints against other kadis were occasionally made; they could be made at courts, or people could appeal to the Porte. Many kadis had other position s whic h helpe d supplemen t thei r salaries . Some were involved i n variou s aspect s o f trad e an d commerce ; other s receive d sti pends for carrying out local educational or administrative functions.

104 Kadi,

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The court always strongly urge d people t o come to court in person, make known their complaints directly, and have them be settled immediately. I f a perso n wa s ill , o r ou t o f town , o r ver y busy , h e migh t appoint someon e wit h ful l powe r o f attorney . Th e cour t encourage d people t o com e i n person, an d so i n only 13 % of th e total case s were agents actuall y used . Wome n coul d mor e easil y b e excuse d i n thes e matters, an d s o 36 % o f th e wome n chos e t o us e lega l agents . I t was almost mandatory fo r all parties in cases involving criminal disputes to come in person, unless the y were aged, injured, or disabled. Any adult could act as a legal agent for anyone else. The cour t wa s ver y strongl y devote d t o settlin g al l disputes . No t infrequently peopl e wer e willin g t o compromis e i n thei r disputes with different parties , makin g concession s t o th e exten t tha t bot h partie s agree formally to become reconciled in their dispute. There seem to have frequently bee n such people i n the local tow n quarters or villages who formally go t involve d i n helpin g peopl e solv e disputes . Tha t seem s t o have bee n a n activ e forc e withi n th e communities . Compromis e wa s admired. The mufti of Cyprus had a quite limited scope of authority. He was a legal exper t wh o shoul d b e qualifie d t o giv e a theoreticall y accurat e answer to any legal question posed. He had to confine his answer to the terms tha t wer e pose d him , an d h e ha d n o authorit y t o questio n th e accuracy of the petitioner. People armed with their fetvas (legal opinion) presented the m t o th e kadis , wh o the n judge d thei r relevanc e t o th e claim, makin g thei r decision s o n th e basi s o f al l th e othe r evidenc e presented, too. Great importance was given to having accurate written records. The court ha d it s ow n officia l recor d book , wher e al l o f th e deliberation s were entered i n detail, alon g with verbati m copies of al l official corre spondence reachin g th e court . Th e name s an d residence s o f al l adul t males were supposed t o b e preserved i n a special register . Careful records were kept to reflec t th e operations of th e timar system. Copies of cases hear d a t th e cour t wer e frequentl y use d b y loca l people . Larg e numbers of writte n records concerned inheritance settlements. The Court register wa s als o th e officia l lan d register , an d s o lan d an d propert y transfers wer e entered. Berats also were normally presented in writing. Documents reflecting the operation of pious foundations were frequently

Kadi, Court; and Legal System 10

5

in use , a s were th e origina l vakfiy e o r vak f name , wher e th e ful l tex t i s written. Oaths a t the court of Le f ko§a were onl y use d in the absence o f mor e highly respecte d form s o f proof , suc h a s confessions , tw o eyewitnesses , or written evidence . I f a plaintiff lacke d proof, an d no compromis e wa s reached, the defendant migh t be able to take an oath of innocence . Communal responsibilit y require d the payment of bloo d money (dem diyeti) whe n i t wa s impossibl e t o determin e wh o wa s responsibl e fo r a homicide, on the behalf of tow n quarters, or villages. If a woma n o r chil d wer e unabl e t o suppor t herself , a pe r die m allowance migh t b e establishe d b y th e cour t drawin g o n resource s o f husband or father. The allowance wa s set at a level t o enable the person to hav e no t onl y adequat e foo d bu t adequat e clothing . Sometime s i n emergencies, peopl e wh o wer e no t even relate d migh t b e called upon . If people wer e capabl e o f doin g som e sor t o f remunerativ e work , the y might b e taught ; i n th e absenc e o f famil y the y migh t incu r debt , whic h might b e pai d b y becomin g a n apprentic e o r househol d servant . I t wa s an establishe d principl e o f th e Shari a tha t co-owners , an d owner s o f contiguous propert y ha d th e righ t t o bu y th e land , i f the y announce d that a s soo n a s the y learne d o f a n impendin g sale . Preemption , whic h was no t to o common , provide d a way t o figh t th e fragmentar y tenden cies o f privat e propert y whic h i s aggravate d b y th e Islami c inheritanc e system. Cursing wa s a n offens e i n th e crimina l law . Peopl e usuall y curse d others t o provok e o r antagoniz e them , probably i t often gre w ou t o f o r led t o violence . Bringin g i t t o cour t immediatel y coul d hel p minimiz e conflict. No t surprisingl y a significant numbe r o f case s brough t t o cour t and recorde d involve d polic e officer s o f variou s sort s who lodge d com plaints. Almost nothing is known abou t the salaries of th e kadis in Cyprus.

NOTES 1. Fo r imperial efforts to control the evil actions of kadis, see pp. 75—79 in Halil Inalcik, "Adaletnameler," Belgeler, Turk Tarih Belgeleri Dergisi 2.1965.49145. Tha t stud y reveal s systemati c effort s b y th e centra l governmen t t o

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eliminate abuses in the imperial administration , with the particular concern of bringing just rule throughout the empire. 2. The y changed in frequency from i% to 5% to 7%. 3. Urie l Heyd , Studies in Old Ottoman Criminal Law. ed . V . L . Menage . Oxford, 1973 . P . 71 , n o #53 , 14 2 #39 . 27if . Anothe r Ottoma n cod e required a fineof 40 akce with no strokes.

FOUR

The Military Corps (Janissarie s and Spahis) an d the Police

Very soon after the conquest of the island, the Porte assigned garrisons to castle s locate d i n strategi c places. Al l o f th e castle s excep t Le f ko§a were on the coast. Of course, the presence of fortifications was the main consideration in deciding where to establish new defensive positions, for it wa s fa r cheape r t o repai r an d restor e existin g fortification s tha n t o build new ones. The existing fortifications ha d been constructed on sites the strategic significance o f which was already manifest. An analysis of the allocatio n o f soldier s an d mone y fo r thes e place s i n 1571—157 2 (979—980) reveals much about how the Ottoman government regarded them. Surprisingly the funds allocated for the fortresses and defenses of Tuzla, Lef ko§a, and Magosa were at the same level. A sum of 2,671,28 0 akce was budgeted fo r the defense o f Tuzla. Several classes of soldiers, 1045 i n all, includin g 10 2 canoneers , wer e assigne d there . Among the 1130 soldiers assigned to Lefko§a were 15 2 canoneers; 2,562,502 akce was allocated for the castle. Although a breakdown of kind s and numbers o f soldier s wa s no t provide d fo r Magosa , 2,618,22 2 akc e wa s allocated for its defense. The defense of Baf, which received only about 30% o f th e fund s assigne d t o Tuzla , Lefko§a , an d Magosa , wa s th e responsibility of 310 soldiers with various specialties. The 774,658 akce allocated for Baf was more than twice the 353,110 akce provided for the castle of Girniye, and that was almost twice the 180,738 akc e allocated for the defense of Limosa. The allocation of resources for the defense of those six places tells much about what the Ottomans hoped for them. The most important commercial harbo r on the island was Larnaka, 107

io8 The

Military Corps

or Tuzla , a s th e Ottoman s referre d t o it . Mos t foreig n ambassador s resided there . The castl e (kal ce) officiall y ha d a garriso n o f 3 0 o r 4 0 soldiers (merdan) an d 1 0 o r 1 5 canoneer s (topciyan) t o protec t th e harbor. Betwee n 17,00 0 an d 20,00 0 akc e wa s officiall y allocate d an nually fo r th e soldier s an d betwee n 750 0 an d 850 0 akc e fo r th e can oneers. The Janissary Corp s Originally th e janissar y corp s wa s a n elit e Ottoma n infantr y compose d entirely o f slave s whos e only loyalt y wa s t o th e sultan . Conscripte d fo r life a s childre n fro m Christia n villages , constantl y drilled , converte d t o Islam, an d garrisone d nea r th e roya l palace , the y constitute d on e o f th e two grea t Ottoma n militar y corps . Wit h th e weakenin g o f th e centra l government, thei r disciplin e brok e down , fre e me n wer e admitted , an d their number s increased . The y sprea d t o th e provinces , wher e the y par ticipated in local economies. 1 Starting in the 16th centur y admissio n t o the janissary corps was first opened t o freebor n Muslims . Soo n the practice becam e widespread. Th e changes i n recruitmen t pattern s wer e profound . I n 1593-159 5 onl y 46% o f janissarie s whos e ful l name s ar e cite d a s lega l agent s (vekil), witnesses (§uhud), creditors , an d lender s wer e o f slav e (non-Muslim ) origin. In 1609-1611, that proportion had fallen to 25% , and by 1 6 3 3 1637 i t had reached i6%. 2 Among th e military creditor s an d debtors whose ful l name s are given (that is, the name and father's name, with c Abdullah used where the man is a convert) , 29 % (2 6 o f 91 ) wer e convert s t o Islam , th e othe r 71 % were bor n Muslims . A breakdow n o f th e numbe r o f convert s b y tim e period give s a strikin g indicatio n o f th e ne w origin s o f janissarie s afte r 1620. In both 1593-159 5 an d 1609—161 1 36 % of the military creditors and debtor s whos e ful l name s ar e cited (1 0 o f 2 8 an d 1 2 of 33 , respectively) ar e converts , 64 % bein g nativ e Muslims . However , i n 1633 — 1637 that proportion had fallen by one-third to 12% , versus 88% native Muslims. Obviousl y recruitmen t pattern s o f Ottoma n soldier s o n Cy prus had changed drastically . In the traditiona l Ottoma n syste m th e janissar y corp s wa s pai d sala ries directl y b y th e Porte , whil e th e spahi s wer e supporte d b y stipend s from th e revenue s o f agricultura l taxe s (th e tima r system) . Thos e taxe s

The Military Corps 10 9 were arranged in units of revenue reflecting the rank of the cavalryman and wer e pai d locall y rathe r tha n throug h th e imperia l government . However, in Cyprus on at least a few occasions janissaries actually held timars. A timar worth 6,29 9 a ^ c e * n Le f ko§a nahiy e wa s awarde d t o janissary Sefer be§e bn cAbdullah (2 19—3; 1016). Christian §imas made a clai m agains t hac i Mehme d b n Yusu f o f th e janissaries , wh o ha d a timar (1 44-1; III §aban 1002). Ca cfer Pa§a had awarded a timar to the late Suleyman su ba§i, who was commander (yaya ba§i) of the janissaries of Cypru s ( 1 50-3 ; I Ramaza n 1002) . Suc h practic e probabl y wa s unusual. Janissaries, except in so far as they sometimes were su ba§is, almost never got involved in the apprehension of wrong-doers. Possibly the only exception wa s whe n c Abdul-Kadir bolu k ba§ i an d Keyva n bolu k ba§ i testified that zimmi Luyi v. Hiristodiye of Aya Demre village improperly had an unrelated woman named Mariya living in his house ( 3 34—2 ; I I Zil-Kade 1018). The reason for their involvement then is not clear from the case, although possibly an earlier case, not preserved, could provide an explanation. Throughout the period under study janissary discipline was breaking down. Bot h th e officer s an d th e soldier s themselve s wer e exhorte d t o obey their orders, not always to any avail. Janissaries all over the empire skipped campaigns . Th e necessit y o f attendin g thos e campaign s wa s stressed, for example , i n an undated order to present Cyprus janissary commander (serdar) Vel i gelebi ( 4 223-1) . A charge was made against Huseyn ^orbac i that , whe n a janissar y i n hi s uni t (ota) had gon e t o Anatolia without permission (bila izn) to engage in trade (ticaret), Hu seyn had concealed th e absence, an d contrary t o imperia l la w (kanun) had taken the salary ( culufe) o f the missing man for himself. Th e Cyprus provincial council an d Sharia court had already ordered that the names of any missing corpsmen were to be registered in two places and sent to the Porte , whil e a t th e sam e tim e immediatel y assignin g th e salar y t o other qualified people (4 45-1; II Muharrem). At that very time leaders of si x janissary divisions (boluks) wer e accused in person before governor Cacfer Pa§a of having incited their subordinates to revolt against the governor (45—2; II Muharrem 1044). Although legall y slave s of th e sultan, whose private property would normally pass t o th e Port e afte r the y died , janissaries a t least i n some cases di d pas s propert y b y inheritance . Whe n janissar y Iltima s (? ) bn

n o The

Military Corps

c

Abdullan o f Tarhon e (? ) villag e o f Lefko§ a died , 52,00 0 akce' s wort h of hi s propert y wa s sol d t o Ibrahi m $avu § bn c Abdul-Kadir b y janissar y Davud be§ e b n c Abdullah, wh o ha d bee n appointe d guardia n o f th e minor childre n o f th e decease d ( 1 156—3 ; II Rebi c II 1003) . Presumabl y that sale would provide maintenanc e fo r the orphans.

When Mus a be§ e b n Isma cil die d i n Kaymakl i villag e o f Lefko§a , hi s brothe r c Abdur-Rahim bn Isma'il of A§agi Koy (?) (village) of Kilis kaza on the mainland (Ote Yaka) stated (bm) before janissary Behram su ba§i bn cAbdullah: Behram seized the effects of the deceased for the treasury (miri). Le t him be asked about my brother's effects i n accordance with the Sharia. Behram denies that. cUdul-i muslimin cAbdi $avu§ bn Pir Ahmed aga and cAbdur-Rahim bn cAbdur-Rahman confirm that . c Abdur-Rahim i s Musa' s brothe r fro m th e mainland . ( 3 94-2 ; §evval 1019) When Sefe r be§ e o f th e Cypru s janissaries , fro m Pahn a villag e o f Evdim kaza, died without mal e children (evlad-i zukur), th e fields (tarla) in hi s possessio n wer e suitabl e fo r assignin g titl e (tapu) 3 i n accordanc e with imperia l la w (kanun). However , the y wer e give n t o hi s daughter s Hanim an d Yasemi n fo r 600 0 akc e ( 2 2 5 - 1 ; III §aban 1013) . Although women were not permitted to inherit landed property in some provinces, daughters ther e wh o wer e deeme d capabl e o f operatin g i t wer e give n first optio n to buy such land at a modest price (resm-i tapu). I n any case, whether Sefer' s fields passe d t o hi s daughter s o r t o som e ne w holder , they were not being turned over to the imperial treasury . Nevertheless, a t least in a technical sens e the Porte continued t o treat the propert y o f th e janissarie s a s thoug h the y hel d i t onl y fo r thei r lifetimes, a s wa s th e cas e wit h propert y o f othe r slaves . A lette r t o th e kadi o f Cypru s fro m Mehmed , ag a of th e janissary corps, reminded hi m that th e effect s o f decease d janissaries , conscrip t boy s facemi oglan), cannoneers (topci), an d armorer s (cebeci) belonge d t o th e imperial trea sury (beyt ul-mal) ( 4 2 4 2 - 1 ; I I Rebic I 1044). The evidence is too spars e to permit any conjecture abou t janissaries' inheritance in Cyprus. Popular conception s o f th e janissaries i n the late 16t h an d early 17t h centuries involv e tw o particula r activities : (1 ) a s me n o f violence , an d (2) as artisans and merchants. The court records of Le f ko§a reveal much detail about each of those two aspects. (1) Some janissaries seem always to have been involved in violence. In the presence o f Cypru s governor Mehmed Pa§a , Hasan $avu§ bn Ahmed of hi s messenger s (qavuqes) brought t o cour t an d made separate charge s

The Military Corps 11

1

against janissarie s Mustaf a b n c Abdullah an d Husey n b n §a cban. Mus tafa ha d curse d his mout h an d his wife an d treated hi m with contempt , as had bee n proven b y th e testimon y o f tw o eyewitnesses . Beside s curs ing Hasa n $avu§' s mout h an d wife , Husey n ha d blocke d hi s wa y twic e with a knife, a s was atteste d b y the sam e tw o eyewitnesse s ( i 4 - 1 , 2 ; I Ramazan 988) . Onl y afte r Ahme d b n c Ali ha d sough t th e hel p o f th e court agains t forme r janissar y ag a Ahmed ag a had Ahmed ag a returne d certain movabl e possession s o f Ahmed' s tha t h e ha d take n ( 1 8 9 - 1 ; Rebi c IIioo3). Mehmed b n hac i Resu l o f Ay a Sofy a quarte r o f Lefko§ a state s (tm): At th e market (carsu) o f th e city this afternoon , i n front o f Mustafa' s shop , janissary Mustedam wounde d m y fathe r Hasa n $eleb i i n tw o place s wit h a knife . M y father is not able to move; up until now he has lain wounded in his house. Let a man b e sen t fro m th e court . I want hi s wounds t o b e investigated. Fro m the court mevlana Mustaf a efend i wa s sent, with th e people (cemm-i gafir) whos e names are listed below. They found Mustafa ^eleb i wounded b y a knife on his left arm and on the top of his rightshoulder. When he was asked who wounded him, he answered: Janissary Mustedam. If I die from these blows, my adversary is Mustedam . I hav e n o clai m agains t anyon e els e i n thi s matter . Mevlan a Mustafa efend i cam e to court and gave that information an d it was registered. (1 162-3; 7 Cumadi 11003) Janissaries Ahme d b n Mehme d an d Mustaf a b n Ilya s cam e upo n janissary c Abdun-Nasr b n Yusuf a t the home o f Ramaza n b n Ishak an d struck him with their knives and wounded him (1 240-7; I §ewal 1002) . Janissary (racil ) Bayra m be§ e o f Lefko§ a state s (tm) befor e janissar y scrib e §acban efendi: While playing with a jereed (chit) I threw one at §acban, but I do not know where it hit him. (1 303-2; Zil-Hicce 1002) Huseyn beg of the imperial (dergah-i ali) spahis makes a claim (da cva/tk) agains t racil Receb be§e bn Yusuf of the Cyprus janissaries: Yesterday Receb pulled my beard an d struc k m y left ar m with a knife, woundin g me . Rece b denies that. When Huseyn is asked fo r proof, uprigh t Muslims ( cudul-i muslimin) Mustaf a beg bn Ramazan and cOmer beg bn Mustafa confirm him. (4 49-2; III Muharrem 1044) Cacfer Pa§a , present governor o f th e island o f Cyprus , holds a meeting a t the Sharia court and the Cyprus council (divan). With the aforementioned governor the janissary aga, kethuda, and all of the officers (§orbaciler 3 cavu§, and zabitlar) state (bkltnt) before hac i Mehme d ot a ba§ i from th e 8t h ag a divisio n (boluk), haci Emrulla h ot a ba§ i fro m th e 4t h boluk, Suleyman ot a ba§ i fro m th e 2n d

i i 2 The

Military Corps

boluk, c Ali ot a ba§ i fro m th e 7t h boluk, Sadi $avu§ from th e 3r d boluk. Had Veli ota basj from the 3rd boluk, and had Dervi§: It was heard that three days ago on Friday when the assembly (cemHyet) wa s wanted, they led people astray (or tempted the m t o sin? ) (igva ve izlal) in fron t o f Ay a Sofy a mosque . They said: Cacfer Pa§a oppresses us (tecarruz). When the officers (zevabit) were asked, they said : I n truth o n Frida y whil e w e wer e performing ritua l worshi p a t the mosque, the aforementioned uni t heads (ota ba§is) cam e in our presence. Some did what was heard. (4 45-2; II Muharrem 1044) Janissaries certainl y ha d n o monopol y o n loca l violence , however , and indee d janissarie s sometime s ha d t o g o t o cour t t o see k protectio n from th e abuses of others. Janissary Resu l of Mamoniy e village of Kukl a kaza makes a claim (td) against Serki (? ) v . Linard a (?) : He seize d m y tw o lamb s fro m m y dair y far m i n the village. I want them . Serk i (? ) denie s that . Whe n Resu l wa s aske d fo r proof , Ancoli v. Nikola and Nikola v. Covan (?) confirmed him. (1 191-2; I Cumadi II 1002)

Christians Istefa n v . Yakub , Hiristof i v . Filori , an d Yakim o v . Luk a of Vadel e villag e kille d janissar y Kar a c Ali whe n h e cam e upo n the m drunk an d carousin g wit h a woman ( 1 5-4 ; I Ramazan 988) . Emi r c Ali be§e o f th e Cypru s janissarie s wa s kille d whil e livin g i n Kakopetriy e village o f Le f ka kaza . When Mustaf a ot a ba§ i b n Mehmed, guardian o f the orphan s o f th e deceased , sough t bloo d mone y (dem diyeti) fro m Mihayel v . Tomazo an d Baba Vasil v. Baba Viryoni o f Galat a village, he was given 14,00 0 akc e (4 7 0 - 1; I Receb 1044) . (2) Janissaries, although members of the military elite, frequently use d the cour t o f Lefko§a , wher e i n mos t matter s the y wer e subjec t t o th e same procedures a s other users of th e court. A dispute between Iskende r ^avu§ bn Isfendiya r an d janissary Yusu f b n Mehmed ove r a field (tarla) between Bol i an d Mil o (? ) village s o f Hirisof i kaz a wa s settle d a t th e Sharia cour t ( 1 16-2 ; 21 Ramaza n 988) . Whe n th e administrato r (mutevelli) o f Ca cfer Pa§ a foundatio n i n Lefko§ a conteste d th e claim s o f janissary kethud a Pervan e kethuda , hac i Mehmed , an d Hasa n efend i t o a house an d shop near the market (qarqu), the dispute was settled by the local kad i ( 1 2 3 - 2 ; Rece b 1002) . Likewis e th e cour t record s preserv e evidence o f janissarie s buyin g an d sellin g lan d an d property, givin g an d receiving loans, and otherwise engaging in business of the market place. Almost one-sixth o f al l instances of credi t involved people identifiabl e

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as janissaries: 16 % (abou t 9 6 o f 591) . I t has elsewhere bee n noted tha t janissaries gave twice as much credit as they received. Janissary Hizi r paid a debt of 600 0 c osmani akc e to present janissar y boluk ba§ i Mem i b n Himme t ( 1 3 7 - 1 ; 1 6 §aba n 1002) . Zimm i Lefter i v. Cova n wa s imprisone d fo r mor e tha n si x month s befor e h e pai d th e 1000 akc e he owed janissary Mehmed b n c Abdullah of Le f ko§a ( 1 1 9 2 3; I Cumadi I I 1003). Former Lefko§a kad i mevlana Musliheddi n efend i died leavin g a deb t o f 38 4 (akce? ) t o janissar y Husey n ( 1 222-2 ; I I §aban 1001) . c Ali bolu k ba§ i b n c Abdullah owe d th e lat e janissar y c Ali be§e b n c Abdullah 3 4 hea d o f goat s (keqi) ( 3 3 3 - 2 ; I I Zil-Kade 1018) . Racil Husey n geleb i of th e Cyprus janissaries made a compromise (sulh) with Filozide , wido w o f th e lat e Filor i o f Istefan i villag e o f Ba f nahiye , for 300 0 akc e he r lat e husban d owe d hi m fro m a loa n (mudaraba) ( 4 145-1; II I Ramaza n 1045) . c Omer $avu § b n Himme t o f Lefko§ a stil l owed 5 0 gurus , o f a forme r 14 0 riya l guru § deb t t o Mustaf a $eleb i b n Ismacil of Istanbu l ( 4 126—2 ; I Receb 1045) . The Buyu k Hama m o f th e foundatio n o f th e lat e Mustaf a Pa§ a i n Lefko§a wa s rente d fo r 1 6 year s t o janissar y hac i Mehme d racil , bu t janissary kethud a c Abdur-Rahman an d Bal i $avu § wante d t o rais e tha t rent to outbid Mehmed ( 1 287-6; II I Zil-Kade 1002 . 292-1 ; I Zil-Hicce 1002. 3 0 7 - 3 ; II I Zil-Hicce 1002) . Janissary Yusu f be§ e b n Mehme d o f Mesariye kaza sold 1 3 donem of sown cotton to Piro v. Gasparo for 20 0 guru§ (3 1 2 - 4 ; 1 0 §evval 1018) . Janissary Haci was caught selling barley (arpa) i n exces s o f th e officia l fixed price ; tha t matte r to o wa s brough t to th e Shari a cour t ( 3 7 3 - 3 ; II I Rece b 1018) . O n th e othe r hand , a dispute betwee n raci l Kar a Mehme d be§ e o f Degirmenli k villag e o f Lef ko§a kaza, of th e Cyprus janissaries, and janissary racil Ibrahim be§e over the selling price of European satin (Firenci atlas) was twice heard in the presenc e o f presen t Cypru s governo r (mir miran) c Ali Pa§ a a t th e governor's counci l (divan) an d the Sharia court; possibly th e reason wa s that foreigner s (mustemin) wer e involve d i n other aspect s of th e disput e (4 142—3 ; III Ramazan 1045) . In th e earlie r period s som e janissarie s serve d a s administrator s (mutevelli) o f foundations , includin g janissar y kethud a Pervane , janissar y aga o f Cypru s Yusu f ag a b n Pervi z beg , an d Lefko§ a c azablari agas i Dilaver ag a b n c Abdul-Mennan ( 1 2 3 - 2 ; Rece b 1002 . 2 22 ; 1 Rece b 1016). After about 161 0 that practice declined. A foundation establishe d by someon e identifie d onl y a s Yusuf , ag a o f th e janissaries , provide d a

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small income for the convent of the Mevlevi dervishe s in Lef ko§a ( 2 7 6 1; 1 Rebi c I 1017) .

In severa l instance s case s involvin g janissarie s ar e note d a s havin g been hear d a t th e Cypru s provincia l counci l (divan-i Kibris) and a t th e Sharia court (mahfil-i §erc, meclis-i §er c). From that context it is impossible t o tel l whethe r suc h case s wer e hear d lik e othe r case s a t th e Shari a court, except with representatives o f th e provincial governo r o r even the governor himsel f present , o r whethe r thos e case s wer e hear d a t som e special meetin g plac e o f th e governor's counci l wit h th e kadi als o present. Since those case s are registered in the court records chronologically, lik e all othe r cases , i t seem s likel y tha t th e Shari a cour t wa s th e meetin g place. However , i t i s no t impossibl e tha t th e scrib e wh o recorde d th e cases could hav e attended a session of the governor's counci l outsid e the Sharia cour t an d the n immediatel y thereafte r entere d th e detail s i n th e court record book . It i s eas y t o understan d wh y governo r Ca cfer Pa§ a would hav e sum moned the Cyprus council (divan) and the Sharia court to hear testimony about several corps leaders fomenting rebellion against him, even if there is no indicatio n o f an y differences i n the procedure o f tha t court (445 — 2; I I Muharre m 1044) . Neithe r i s i t surprisin g t o find th e provincia l council the site of janissary forbad hac i Hizir su ba§i bn Karaman hoca's claim agains t Ibrahi m b n Yaku b o f Kur i ko y (village) . Ibrahi m ha d blocked th e wa y o f a zimmi , wh o ha d sough t th e assistanc e o f Hizir' s slave ( cabd-i memluki) Dilave r b n c Abdullah; the n Ibrahi m ha d struc k Dilaver o n th e hea d wit h a roc k (ta§), and onl y th e interventio n o f th e people o f th e villag e ha d save d Dilaver . Janissar y Mehme d be§ e b n c Omer an d c Abdi b n c Abdi ha d als o bee n involve d i n tha t dispute , fo r which the y too were convicted by the testimony of th e same witnesses ( 4 49—1, 50—1 , 2; III Muharrem 1044) . A dispute ove r th e deat h of janis sary Emir c Ali be§e while living in Kakopetriye village of Lef ka kaza and the paymen t o f bloo d mone y (dem diyeti) wa s hear d befor e th e pro vincial counci l an d th e Shari a cour t ( 4 70—1 ; I Receb 1044) . Surel y th e dispute betwee n janissar y raci l Kar a Mehme d be§ e o f Degirmenli k vil lage of Lefko§ a kaz a an d janissary raci l Ibrahi m be§e did not need to be heard a t th e Cypru s counci l an d th e Shari a cour t i n th e presenc e o f governor c Ali Pa§ a excep t fo r th e fac t tha t othe r aspect s o f th e disput e involved non-Musli m foreigner s (mustemin) ( 4 142-3 ; II I Ramaza n 1045).

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Fiscal record s wit h reference s t o th e siz e o f th e janissar y garriso n i n Cyprus exis t fro m a t leas t 159 3 (1002) . Especiall y becaus e o f th e inter nal confusion engulfin g th e empire at that time, their credibility i s moot. Presumably th e roll s o f janissarie s i n Cypru s wer e sometime s inflated , with me n wh o woul d no t o r coul d no t fight. Presumably , too , salarie s were collected b y officers an d other officials i n the name of th e deceased or missing . I n man y place s i n th e empir e janissarie s cam e t o dominat e the guild of butchers . The oldes t surve y foun d indicate s a tota l o f 93 7 janissaries , bu t another fiscal record boo k fro m tha t sam e yea r note s onl y 897 . O f five other notation s foun d betwee n 159 4 (1003 ) a n ^ I ^ ° 2 ( I O I I )> a H bu t one wer e wel l belo w 900 ; tha t wa s i n 159 6 (1005) . A tota l o f 87 8 janissaries wer e recorde d fo r 159 4 (1003) , 87 9 fo r 159 8 (1007) , an d a mere 83 8 fo r 159 6 (1005) . Th e greates t numbe r o f janissarie s recorde d at an y tim e wer e 963 , bot h i n 160 2 (1011 ) an d i n 160 7 (1016) , an d 1003 i n 160 8 (1017) . Operating th e janissary corp s wa s expensive . Th e lowes t level s reache d for thei r expense s ( culufe) durin g th e decad e an d a hal f betwee n 159 3 (1002) an d 160 8 (1017 ) wa s 417,23 3 akc e i n 159 4 (1003) , 434,12 8 akce i n 159 3 (1002) , an d 434,93 4 akc e i n 160 1 (1010) . Th e highes t expenditures wer e 452,83 2 akc e i n 160 2 ( i o n ) , 459,91 3 akc e i n 160 7 (1016), and 462,209 akc e in 160 8 (1017) . According t o fiscal records , th e numbe r o f janissarie s assigne d t o Cyprus betwee n 161 7 (1026 ) an d 163 2 (1042 ) wa s usuall y slightl y i n excess of 900 and the total annual expenses incurred by the corps ranged between 400,00 0 an d 500,00 0 akce . The greatest numbe r o f janissarie s during tha t perio d wa s 96 3 i n 162 0 (1030) , an d 95 6 i n 162 7 (1037) . The smalles t numbe r o f janissarie s o n th e payrol l wa s 89 0 i n 162 6 (1036) an d 877 i n 163 2 (1042) . The greatest total expenses allocated fo r the Cypru s janissarie s wa s 461,64 7 akc e i n 162 0 (1030) , an d 485,34 5 akce i n 162 7 (1037) . The smalles t allocation s discovere d wer e 440,88 2 in 161 7 (1026) , and 418,162 akc e in 163 2 (1042). 3 Spahis The term spahi describe s a large group of cavalryme n statione d i n provinces an d paid throug h th e timar system , whereby agricultura l revenue s due th e Port e fro m village s wer e pai d directl y t o them , a s thei r entir e

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income. The y wer e mad e u p almos t completel y o f fre e Muslim s wh o were required to reside in the provinces where their timars were located, to serv e o n militar y campaign s whe n summoned , an d t o ai d provincia l governors in local law enforcement. 4 Suits an d claim s wer e mad e agains t spahi s jus t as agains t janissaries . In particular villages had broad rights and were able to summon them to court to mak e complaints agains t them. Under the supervision o f c Omer aga actin g fo r c Ali Pa§a , Andrey e v . Pap a o f Ay a Nisan i (? ) villag e o f Lef ka kaza claime d that spahi Ahme d beg bn c Ali had illegally taken his three altun by force ( i 8 6 - 4 ; Sefer 1003) . Mehmed b nC AH of Incirl i villag e acknowledge d (ik) before Mehmed , spahi of the village, and topcular boluk ba§i Mahmud: They gave Yusuf 1 5 donem fields (tarla) a t the village to cultivate, but they are mine. (1 269—3; H Zil-Kade 1002) c

Osman b n Yusuf , a n adolescen t o f Lefko§a , claime d tha t Lefko§ a spahi Bayra m cund i b n c Abdullah ha d collecte d excessiv e mone y fro m his father' s estate , bu t c Osman had no proof ( 1 334-2 ; Rece b 1003) . A fetva o f c Abdur-Rahman mention s a forbidde n lev y calle d "s u ba§ilik " wrongly bein g collecte d b y spahi s ( 4 238—1) . A cas e initiate d b y spah i Uveys kethud a doubtles s stem s fro m hi s concer n wit h rumor s whic h may have been spread about his behavior towards the villagers. Haci Uvey s kethuda o f th e spahis of Or i (? ) village of Lefko§ a kaza , presently azablar kethudasi, states (bm/tk) before Hirsofi, Ciryako v. Ciryako, and Andon v. Simiyo of the re caya of the village: We heard that they claimed that we took fines (cerime) unjustl y and that we struck (darb) an d cursed (§etm) them . They deny that, saying: Uveys is our spahi. He did not take any fines or goods from us. Neithe r di d hi s companions . H e di d no t strik e u s no r curs e ou r families .

c

(4 186-1 ; I Receb 1046 )

Spahis als o ha d a role keepin g la w an d orde r i n th e village s o f thei r timars, althoug h th e cour t record s sho w surprisingl y littl e abou t suc h activities. Probabl y primar y responsibilit y fo r makin g complaint s la y with the villagers, so maybe only exceptional case s reached the spahi. Spahi £aki r be g b n c Abdullah, o n behal f o f Mustaf a kethud a wh o held (zabt) th e village fo r the Cyprus treasurer (defterdar), mad e a claim against Zeyno v. Loiz of Voni village in Lef ka kaza for striking Saguri v. Kostintin wit h a knife. A deput y judg e (naib) an d othe r peopl e wen t i n person t o investigat e wit h Qaki r be g an d the n returne d t o th e cour t t o make thei r repor t ( 1 185-2 ; sel h Cumad i I 1003) . Villag e spahi s hac i

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Keyvan, c Abdul-Kadir bolu k ba§ i b n Ahmed , Yusu f b n Mehmed , an d Huseyn b n c Ali, a s wel l a s severa l othe r me n an d wome n fro m th e village, testifie d tha t a certai n Hasa n b n c Abdullah alway s dran k wine , tormented (rencide) people , an d oppresse d the m (zulm ve te caddi), s o that h e shoul d b e expelle d fro m th e villag e ( 3 146-10 ; II I Cumad i I I 1019). Spah i Mahmu d be g of Eliho d (? ) village o f Lefko§ a testifie d tha t he had heard (mesmu cwn) tha t Pere§kogu of tha t village had had sexua l relations (fi cl-i §eni) with Yan i v. Baba Hiristotoli o f that village ( 4 1 3 7 1; I§aban 1045) . Whether in the interests of loca l villager s or in their own self-interest , Mehmed $eleb i b n Husey n an d Husey n beg , spahi s o f Aka$ e villag e o f Morfo kaza , charge d tha t Morf o kad i Vel i efend i ha d gon e ou t t o th e villages five times in the past ten months, wrongfully claimin g provisions and maintenanc e eac h time , a s well a s collecting excessiv e taxe s ( 2 6 9 3; 1 4 Rebi c 11017). After Mar o bin t Yakim o o f Eglenc e (? ) villag e o f Lefko§ a kaz a ha d failed to prove her claim that Filori v. Istaliyano of the village had struck her an d curse d he r an d h e ha d take n a n oat h t o th e contrary , Filor i asked tha t th e woman' s reputatio n (keyfiyet-i ahvali) b e aske d o f th e spahis o f th e village . The n hac i Hizi r od a ba§ i an d Yusu f bolu k ba§ i testified tha t Maro is malicious (§irre) ( 4 170-1 ; I I Cumadi II 1046). Another function o f Cypru s spahis was seizing and looking after stray animals, fo r whic h th e owner s ha d t o pa y a per die m fe e i n reclaimin g them. Fo r example , Ay a Demr e villag e spah i hac i Keyva n bn c Abdullah held a stray cow (inek) of Pavlo v. Dimitri of Eliyo (?) village of Mesariy e kaza ( 3 166-4 ; I I §aba n 1019) . Od a ba§ i Mehmed , spah i o f Limbiy e and Kakoteri(?) village s of Lefko§a , claime d that allowance (yave) whe n he foun d a cow (inek) ( 3 5 - 4 ; 1 Zil-Hicce 1018) . S o to o Mehme d be g bn Sefer , spah i o f Litrond e villag e o f Le f ko§a, mad e a clai m fo r yave (iA 279-6 ; I I Zil-Kade 1002) . Spahis i n Cyprus , unlik e janissaries , wer e inactiv e i n busines s an d trade. Perhap s thei r "higher " socioeconomic statu s prevente d thei r participation. They were involved in important credit transactions, althoug h about hal f a s frequentl y a s janissaries . Spahi s gav e credi t muc h mor e frequently tha n they borrowed, one and a half times as frequently (2 2 to 15), but that too is less than the janissaries. The proportio n o f convert s amon g peopl e identifie d a s spahi s whos e full name s ar e given an d who appeare d a s legal agent s (vekil), witnesse s

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(§uhud), creditors, o r debtor s i s virtuall y th e sam e a s th e proportio n o f janissaries. Fo r spahis the figure is 47%, while fo r janissarie s i t is 46%. What a strang e phenomeno n tha t equa l proportion s o f janissarie s an d spahis wer e converts . Indeed , th e cycl e fo r spahi s remarkabl y parallel s that fo r janissaries , particularl y i f on e discount s th e middl e period . Fo r spahis th e proportion rise s fro m 46 % i n 1593-159 5 t o 64 % in 1609 1611 befor e fallin g t o 20 % i n 1633-1637 . Comparabl e figures fo r janissaries are 46%, 25%, and i6%. 5 O f course the spahi sample is very small, an d ma y b e distorte d b y no t automaticall y havin g counte d al l those with the title aga as spahis. The conditio n tha t provincia l spahi s mus t liv e i n th e province wher e their timar s wer e i s expressed , fo r example , i n a warran t (berat) fo r a 50,360 akc e zi camet ( a "timar " payin g mor e tha n 20,00 0 akce/year ) assigned t o Mustaf a b n Ahmed ( 4 2 1 9 - 1 ; I Zil-Kade 1044) . Fo r failin g to d o that , o r fo r failin g t o g o o n campaign s whe n required , a spah i might b e reassigne d a tima r o f a lowe r valu e o r eve n fac e outrigh t dismissal ( 4 2 1 9 - 1 ; I Zil-Kade 1044 . 2 5 8 - 1 ; II Ramazan 1013) . Spah i c Omer wa s almos t dismisse d fro m hi s 750 0 akc e tima r whe n h e wa s suspected o f havin g gone t o th e mainland bu t when tha t proved untrue , the tima r wa s confirme d i n hi s nam e ( 1 98—2 ; I Cumad i I 1002 , Lef ko§a). Traditional law s require d tha t timar s b e assigned , removed , an d transferred onl y unde r th e authorit y o f th e Port e or , sometimes , th e provincial governor. 6 Severa l instance s occurre d i n Cyprus , however , where timar-holder s bought , sold , o r trade d timars , publicly registerin g that change at the Sharia court. c Ali bn Ibrahim, for example, renounce d ownership o f hi s 6,666 akc e timar , whic h h e gav e t o Mehme d b n A b dullah fo r 25,00 0 akc e ( 1 154-3 ; I Rebi c I I 1002) . Mustaf a be g b n c Abdullah pai d 35,00 0 akc e fo r a tima r (whic h coul d no t hav e bee n worth mor e than 20,00 0 akce! ) to Huseyn gelebi ( 3 3 7 - 1 , 2 ; I Zil-Hicce 1018. A kilic timar, yet). Hizir beg by Zeynel (? ) states (bm) before Mahmud hoca bn cAbdur-Rahman: Two and a half years ago at Limiyad (?) village of Gilan nahiye I bought a timar worth 6,666 akce fro m Mahmu d fo r 35,00 0 akce ; bu t th e tima r wa s no t a s described in the record book (defter). I t was worth only 5000 akce, so I returned it (muraca'at). Mahmu d replies: I bought that timar as a 6,666 akce timar from kassab Mustaf a b n 'Abdullah , wh o i s here . Mahmu d acknowledge s Hizir' s claim, and the sale is found void (noksan). ( 3 23—9; 7 Zil-Kade 1018)

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Village land the revenues of whic h wer e assigne d t o timar s in Cypru s passed b y inheritanc e t o adul t mal e descendents , o r sometime s othe r relatives, of a deceased tima r holder. Such heirs lacking, cultivated fields (tarla) accrue d t o th e stat e an d were redistribute d b y the spah i t o othe r would-be cultivator s i n retur n fo r th e paymen t o f a one-tim e fixed fe e called resm-i tapu, whic h i s not to be considered a sale price nor a rental fee. The court records are silent about how a would-be cultivator located a tima r holde r wit h uncultivate d lan d assigne d t o hi s timar , an d vic e versa. However, formal lega l agreements had to be concluded. A ver y unusua l circumstanc e occurre d whe n a n architec t (mi cmar) named Andon v. Petre, a non-Muslim, became a spahi: Andon v. Petre, architect, who is spahi of Kilohdere village of Lef ko§a, acknowledges (ik/it) in the presence of Hiristofi v. Petra: When Mehmed beg died without male heir s (evlad-i zukur), fields (tarla) in th e villag e wer e suitabl e fo r titl e registration (tapu), in accordance with imperial law (kanun). Hiristofi took them for 4000 akce resm-i tapu. I confirm his right of possession. ( 1 39-3; II §aban 1002)

Mehmed b n Iskender , canonee r (topciler) commande r (oda ba§i) o f Lefko§a , Mehmed b n c Abdi, an d Hali l b n c Abdullah acknowledg e (ik) before Loiz o v . Petriyo: 16 donem of fields (tarla) at Morfo village are suitable for title registration (tapu) becaus e there are no male heirs. They are assigned to Loizo for 1020 akce. (1 276—1; II §evval 1002) Hizir b n Mehmed , spah i o f Monasti r village , assigne d land s an d houses to zimmis Covan v. Luyi, Pavlo, Petro, and Tomazo for 50 0 akce resm-i tapu ( 1 105-3 ; Rebi c I I 1003) . Spah i Behra m b n c Abdullah o f Lefko§a mad e a clai m agains t Bernard i v . Zoz i fo r no t payin g resm-i tapu ( 3 32.-3 , 5 ; II Zil-Kade 1018) . Spahi Mahmud b n Mente§ of Kam i village of Girniy e kaza made claim against Ahmed bn Seyfi o f the village for refusin g t o pa y resm-i tapu whe n hi s brothe r c Omer die d withou t male heirs (evlad-i zukur) ( 3 137—6 ; after II §evval 1019) . Mehmed od a ba§ i of th e spahi s o f Magos a castl e (kal ce) state s (tkltm) before Dimitri v. £akuri and Eliyondi of Lef ko§a: They are my re'aya, people (ahali) of c Ademi (?) village of Mesariye kaza which I possess with a warrant (berat) of the sultan (padiqah). A few years ago they fledfrom there (terk-i vatan) . . . The y are recaya elsewhere and cause me loss (gadr). Eithe r let them be returned . .. o r let them pay me the tax for leaving their land uncultivated (gift bozan resmi)... ( 4 67-1; III Sefer 1044)

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Practically th e onl y wa y tima r land s coul d b e altere d o r alienate d from a spahi wa s b y makin g them par t o f a pious foundation , a s whe n mevlana Ahme d efend i b n Sa cd ed-di n efend i o f Le f ko§a was permitte d to mak e som e larg e estate s (giftliks) a foundation . Eve n the n th e inter mediary ste p o f makin g the m privat e propert y (mulk) wa s require d (4 2 3 5 - 1 ; 1 2 Rebi c II 1043, Uskudar.berat). When a village r lef t uncultivate d land s whic h wer e par t o f a tima r and move d t o a tow n o r anothe r village , h e wa s obligate d t o pa y annually a fixed sum o f money , calle d gift bozan resmi. If , however , hi s absence wa s unnotice d fo r 1 5 years , o r i f h e evade d th e spah i fo r tha t long, thereafter n o gift bozan resmi was necessary an d he became a legal and legitimat e residen t o f th e ne w place . I n Cyprus , however , tha t penalty was applied only to those who abandoned their fields (tarla), not to those who onl y lef t orchard s an d gardens, which compris e a differen t category of land. Musa spah i o f Vizac e villag e o f Lefko§ a claime d gift bozan resmi from Ergir i v . Ciryako . Howeve r Ergir i replie d tha t h e ha d live d i n another villag e fo r 1 8 year s an d produced satisfactor y evidenc e tha t hi s assertion wa s true , s o Mus a wa s enjoine d fro m seizin g hi m an d takin g his mone y ( 1 6 4 - 2 ; Muharre m 1003) . S u ba§i c Ali Ya r bn Suleyman o f Pendaya villag e o f Lefko§ a claime d gift bozan resmi fro m Yakim o v . Yano, bu t whe n Yakim o demonstrate d tha t h e ha d n o fields (tarla) i n the village , bu t onl y vineyards , i t wa s determine d tha t c Ali coul d no t claim th e mone y ( 1 73—1 ; Muharrem 1003) . Ergir o o f Morf o villag e may hav e gon e al l th e wa y t o Istanbu l t o complai n abou t a spahi wh o wanted t o requir e hi m t o pa y gift bozan resmi afte r h e had bee n absen t 18 year s i n anothe r village ; a lette r expressin g th e injustic e o f suc h behavior the n wa s sen t t o th e Lefko§ a kadi , wh o wa s ordere d t o d o nothing contrar y t o th e Shari a an d imperia l la w (kanun) ( 1 134-2 ; I I Cumadi I 999). Also a fetva was presented a s proof (135-1) . Mihail v . Gaspari of Le f ko§a makes a claim (da cva) against Piri bn c Osman of the Lef ko§a kapuciler: He unjustly claims 60 akce gift bozan resmi from me. Piri says: Mihail's father was my recaya and so is he. Mihail asserts that he has lived in Lefko§a for almost 20 years. (1 165—2; II Cumadi I 1003) Occasionally a timar was assigned to someone no t of th e free cavalry class. The cas e o f th e Gree k Orthodo x architec t Ando n v . Petr e ha s already bee n cited . When spah i Dervi § of th e castle volunteers (gonullu-

The Military Corps 12 1 leri) of Magos a died , his 6666 akc e timar a t Togni villag e o f Mazot o nahiye wa s give n t o Mehme d $elebi , muezzi n o f th e Cam i c i-i §eri f i n Lef ko§a (1 139-1; Sefer 1003). Janissary cOsman bn Emin was assigned a tima r an d becam e a spah i ( 1 24-3 ; I Rece b 1002) . Janissar y ha d Mehmed bn Yusuf also had a timar (1 44-1; III §aban 1002). Police Although polic e ar e stigmatize d b y importan t observer s o f Ottoma n society lik e Mustafa c Ali an d Evliya gelebi, the Ottoman court system, modeled on the Sharia, seems to de-emphasize police power. 7 However cruel polic e ma y have been , an d on thi s Evliy a $eleb i i s very colorful , their legitimat e spher e o f authorit y wa s rigidl y limited . I n almos t al l criminal case s th e initiativ e cam e fro m th e victi m o r hi s family , wh o personally approached the kadi and complained to him. Every Muslim, as well a s every other Ottoman subject, had the right either directly or through a n agen t t o summo n t o cour t anyon e else . Sinc e thos e sum moned t o cour t wer e obligate d t o g o ther e o n thei r ow n a s soo n a s possible, the police needed to use force only infrequently. In Cyprus occasionally someone refused a summons, but the response of the court then was simply to send an official summone r (muhzir) with a written summons . Occasionally , too , police, encountering a crime in progress, intervene d o f thei r ow n volition . Police , i t seems , dealt only with matters of public crime unless someone brought to their attention violations takin g plac e i n secret. Moreover , whe n the y di d investigate crimes, they frequently acte d in the company of a n explicitly delegate d representative of the court, along with other "Muslims" who happened to be available. Force was to be used only as a last resort. The su ba§i, c asses ba§i, muhzir, and muhtesib were typical Ottoman police officers. Th e firsttwo were in the service of the provincial governor, who was charged generally with maintenance of law and order on the island but who almost invariably did so in Cyprus through the chiefs of polic e (su ba§i) an d night watchmen passes ba§i). I n the governor's name the y migh t eve n initiat e lega l case s agains t presume d criminals . They operate d virtuall y autonomousl y i n hi s absence , fo r th e judicia l registers indicat e tha t th e governors ha d scant personal interes t i n the details of maintaining law and order. The office o f muhzir (court summoners, and muhzir ba§i, chief court

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summoner) wa s dependen t o n th e cour t an d independen t o f th e pro vincial governor . Beside s keepin g orde r i n th e court , muhzir s orall y summoned peopl e t o cour t o n behal f o f litigant s wh o wer e themselve s unwilling or unable to do so. In Cyprus, the muhzir ba§is were appointed by loca l kadis , althoug h forma l confirmatio n b y th e Lefko§ a kad i an d the provincial governo r also seem to have been necessary. So kadi c Ali of Magosa notifie d thos e tw o official s tha t he had appointed a man name d Husrev t o th e offic e ( 2 21—1 ; III Cumad i I I 1016) . Tha t muhzi r ba§i , Husrev be g bn c Abdullah, voluntarily renounce d th e office o f chie f sum moner, along with 6000 akce in salary, in favor of c Omer beg bn Turmu§ (3 105-4 ; I I Ramazan 1019) . The summoners did not initiate legal cases against criminals ; probabl y the y lacke d th e authorit y t o us e forc e t o carry out their duties, that belonging to the governor's me n only. Another specia l polic e offic e i n the Ottoma n provinc e o f Cypru s wa s that o f muhtesib . Althoug h amon g th e mos t ancien t an d powerfu l i n Islam, that office mus t have already been introduced t o Cyprus centuries before th e Ottoma n conquest . I n th e Lusigna n perio d th e "mathesep " " . . . wa s inspecto r o f weight s an d measures , street s an d bazaars , al l kinds of trade s and professions. H e could punish with the lash, with th e wand, and with the strapado, and fine up to one ducat." 8 The office ha d been assimilate d int o th e Lati n Crusade r states , whenc e i t passe d t o Cyprus. As patrollers o f bazaars , muhtesibs played a n important rol e in ensuring that businessmen met standards of honesty in their weights and measures and obeyed the official fixed prices. Yusuf sol d cotto n a t a deficien t weight . Writte n a t th e reques t o f muhtesi b §acban. (3 6-5; 1 Zil-Hicce 1018) Haci c Omer b n hac i Cum ca said : I bough t Tirablo s soa p a t th e bazaa r fo r 28 akce/vakiye. I found som e dirt in it. Written at the request of the muhtesib. (3 24-6; I Zil-Kade 1018) Huseyn bn Hasan sold watermelon for more than the official fixedprice. Written at the request of muhtesib §acban. (3 61-5; III Cumadi II 1019) A grocer brought to court by Lef ko§a muhtesib Nu cman bn cAbdullah claimed tha t th e muhtesi b ha d treate d hi m unfairl y b y separatin g ou t some of th e chick-peas h e had for sale, thus making them appear underweight ( 4 109-3 ; J Muharre m 1045) .

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Muhtesib c Ali says: This brea d baker had c Ali bn c Omer is a habitual drinker (igici) wh o is not able to be calm (vekare) an d understanding (anlama). Writte n at the request of the muhtesib. (1 252—3; II §ewal 1002 ) §ehir muhtesibi had Huseyn states (tm) before hazard Seydi Kadi: When sweet pomegranate was 1 akce for 50 0 dirhems, he sold an akce's worth 75 dirhems underweight (eksik). Whe n it wa s weighed a t court, tha t was foun d t o b e so. Registered. (1 316-3; 1 Muharrem 1003) Among th e incom e o f th e Lefko§ a muhtesi b i n 100 3 w a s 10,00 0 akce/year fo r th e candl e wa x factor y (mum hane), whic h muhtesi b hac i Huseyn sol d fo r thre e year s fo r a tota l o f 30,00 0 akc e t o Andrey e v . Pernardi ( 1 3 0 4 - 3 ; Muharrem 1003) . Muhtesibs traditionall y ha d th e authorit y t o punis h o n th e spo t any one wh o acknowledge d hi s guilt ; other s ha d t o b e brough t t o th e kadi , where th e sam e standar d o f proo f wa s demande d a s in othe r litigation . The muhtesib functioned independentl y o f the kadi. Like the police chief and night watchman, but probably unlike the muhzirs (summoners) , the muhtesibs ha d the authority t o arres t and forcibly brin g to court peopl e against whom they themselves had no personal claims . The us e of firearms was strictl y controlle d an d restricted t o member s of th e militar y class , whic h woul d exclud e muhzir s an d muhtesibs . A musket, fo r example , wa s amon g th e effect s o f th e lat e Hasa n s u ba§ i (4 3 7 - 1 ; III Rebic II 1044). When a messenger from th e acting governo r (kaym makam) ha d hi s muske t ou t i n public , tha t wa s considere d a n action necessary to register in the court records. It wa s registere d tha t whe n th e messenge r (qavu§) fro m th e actin g governo r (kaym makam) came at the request of the recaya, he took out his musket (tufenk) in public. (3 146-6; III Cumadi II 1019) Ottoman law forbade carrying in public not just firearms but all other weapons of war as well, including swords, knives, bows and arrows. In Cypru s whe n polic e investigate d charge s o f win e drinkin g an d other immoralit y representative s o f th e cour t sometime s joine d the m i n their investigation . Usuall y th e ground s fo r arres t involve d "public " drunkenness. The private home was sacrosanct . Ali bn Hamze of Le f ko§a and his black ( carab) slav e were apprehended drunk in the middle of the night. (3 8-4; I Muharrem 1019)

c

Mustafa bn Ahmed and cIsa, su basjs of Lefko§a, say (ihzar) before haci Mehmed and Vehhab: They drank wine (qurb-i hamr) i n public ( cala meld* in-nas). Th e

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smell of wine (raiha) wa s present on their breath. It was recorded. (3 57-3 ; III Cumadi II 1019) Za cim ul-vakt Mustafa su basj and night watchman ('asses ba$i) c Ali su ba§i say: We apprehended Armenian Anderik v. Ke§i§ of Terebiyoti (? ) quarter drinking wine (§urb-i hatnr) a t night in the market place (suk) o f that quarter. (3 149-3; III Cumadi II 1019) Public uproa r ove r individua l pattern s o f drunkennes s migh t involv e summoning polic e t o th e quarter o r village t o complai n abou t a n objectionable individua l who m th e polic e b y chanc e ha d no t encountered . Complaints suc h a s the tw o whic h follo w coul d als o b e carrie d directl y to the court. Haci Keyvan , c Abdul-Kadir bolu k ba§ i b n Ahmed , Yusu f b n Mehmed , an d Huseyn b n c Ali, spahi s o f Ay a Demr e village , an d fro m th e villag e Piyal e bn 'Abdullah, c Ali be§e bn 'Abdullah, Marko v. Kistinti, Yorgi v. Yakimo, Lare (?) bint £aliyo (?) , Hiristine bint Yakimo, Vero bint Zanuca (?) , and other people of the village state (bm) before Hasan bn 'Abdullah: Hasan always drinks wine in our village; he torments us (rencide) without cause, and he oppresses (zulm ve te'addi) contrary to the Sharia. We do not want him in our village. Registered. (3 146-10; III Cumadi II1019) Haydar beg, present city su ba§i, and night watchman passes bast) cAli su ba§i state (bm) before c Abdul-Kerim b n Suleyma n o f Ay a Sofy a quarter : 'Abdul Kerim drinks wine in the quarter. He is not free of debauchery. I want the people of the quarter to be asked about his reputation (keyfiyet-i hal) and for that to be registered. Haci Yusuf bn 'Abdullah, Ahmed oda ba§i bn cAbdul-Celil, Piyale bn c Abdullah, Dervi§ , Hayda r b n c Abdullah, and th e peopl e o f th e quarte r (ehl-i mahalle-i c amme) com e to court: In truth, we cannot say he is good. He always drinks win e i n th e quarter . H e i s constantl y involve d i n debaucher y (fisk ve fucur). We do not want him in our quarter. (3 162-5; HI Rebi' II 1019) In two instances wives came to report their husbands drinking in their own house s i n th e compan y o f othe r men . Suc h wa s th e sanctity o f th e private hom e tha t probabl y polic e woul d no t otherwis e hav e entere d there even if they had good evidence that drinking was taking place. The husbands mus t hav e s o infuriate d thei r wive s b y thei r drinkin g tha t a t least in one case the woman lef t her house at night. c

Ali s u ba§ i o f Lefko§ a an d Mustafa s u basj , nigh t watchma n passes baqi) o f Lefko§a, com e t o cour t (mahkerne) i n the middle o f th e nigh t an d state (bk): Maccunci Mehmed and Yusuf bn cAbdullah of Aya Sofya quarter brought Katib Mehmed c,elebi to their house (menzil). Their wives Emine, Rahmine, and Fatma

The Military Corps 12 5 complained that the men were drinking wine. Let people from the Sharia go and investigate. Le t thei r reputatio n (hal) be investigate d an d registered . Katib- i mahkeme Ibrahim halife b n Ahmed efendi an d the Muslims whose name s are listed belo w wen t t o tha t hous e an d observed . Th e aforementione d Mehmed , Yusuf, an d kati b Mehme d c,eleb i testif y tha t win e wa s bein g drun k whe n the women wh o cam e t o cour t (meclis) were there . I t i s recorded . ( 4 30-1 ; III Rebic 11044) c

Ali beg and Mehmed bn cOsman, who are su ba§i and night watchman ('asses baqi) of Lef ko§a, state (bk): A man entered the house (menzil) of Hasan bn Salih of Terebiyoti (?) quarter of Lefko§a, where he was living. His wife Fatma hatun came t o cour t (meclis) t o repor t tha t th e me n wer e drinkin g wine . Le t i t be investigated. Servants (huddam) from the court (mahkeme) of Kadi zade Abdullah beg bn Fazlullah were sent with the Muslims whose names are listed below to the house of Hasan. Although his wife the aforementioned Fatma was present, Hasan was drinking wine with Dervi§ cAli, Yusuf, and another cAli. When they witnessed this , c Abdullah ha d i t registere d a t th e cour t (meclis). (4 110-2; 1 Muharrem 1045) Once a complain t agains t a s u ba§ i wa s mad e b y a woma n wh o succeeded in proving before th e court her own good reputation . Benef§e bint cAbdullah of Lef ko§a says: On Ramazan night when I was visiting with th e wife o f m y neighbor (hem civar) Gavrail a t his house, c Abdul-Kadir, who i s cit y s u ba§i , accused m e of somethin g ba d (tohmet). Let experts (ehl-i vukuf) be asked about my reputation (ahvali). Mehme d bn Hasan, Suleyman bn Nebi, and others say that she is upright (salah), religiou s (diyanet), an d of good behavior (husn-i istikam). Their testimony is accepted and she is acquitted (herd* et). (1 257-2; I Zil-Kade 1002) The police supervise d other matters of publi c morality. I t was forbid den, fo r example , fo r a ma n t o hav e i n hi s hous e a n unrelate d woma n without first gaining permissio n o f th e court. Yusu f b n Kasim an d Luyi v. Hiristodiye were summoned fo r court for having neglected to do that. Sacdi c,avu § of Lefko§ a state s (tm) before Yusu f b n Kasim: Yusu f brough t an unrelated (na mahrem) woma n t o hi s house . Le t him b e asked . Yusu f denie s that. c Abdi b n Mehmed an d c Abdi b n c Abdullah confir m Sa cdi's statement. ( 1 273—1 I Zil-Kade 1002) Luyi v. Hiristodiye was brought before Mariya bin t Hiristofi b y the city police chief, who said: Luyi has an unrelated (na mahrem) woma n in his house. Let it be investigated in accordance with the Sharia. Luyi says: Her brothers gave her to me as a servant (hidmetkar), bu t I did not get permission of the court (izn-i §erc). ( 3 34-1; II Zil-Kade 1018)

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c

Abdul-Kadir boluk ba§ i and Keyvan boluk ba§ i state (ihzar/bm) befor e Luyi v. Hiristodiye, re caya of Aya Tane (?) (mevzf) of Aya Demre village: In his house an unrelated (na mahrem) woma n Mariya bint Hiristofi serve s him. Let that be investigated. Does he have permission of the court (izn-i §erc)? Is that permissible in accordance with the Sharia? Luyi says: I did not ask permission of the court for Mariya but her brothers Ciryako and Kosdindi sent her to serve (hidmet) me. The two brothers confirm that. (3 34-2; II Zil-Kade 1018) From Lef ko§a the su basj and Hasan kethuda state (tm) before haci Hasan bn Yusuf: Previously h e stopped familie s comin g fro m th e hamam. He stopped a group of women with impudence. Hasan replies: In truth I stopped them on the way an d talked to them when they came on horseback. Registered . ( 1 305—1; Zil-Kade 1002 )

Although th e Sharia permitted requirin g different style s an d colors o f dress b y member s o f differen t religiou s group s an d eve n b y classe s o f Muslims, lat e 16t h an d earl y 17t h centur y cour t record s giv e scan t evidence o f lega l case s o n suc h subjects . I n on e instanc e a Muslim repeatedly wore green on his head (presumabl y a green turban) althoug h that color was legally restricte d to a class who clai m direct descent fro m the Prophe t Muhammed. A s usual n o punishment i s mentioned, bu t the court ma y b e presume d t o hav e exercise d patienc e i n dealin g wit h th e culprit. Ahmed bn Ibrahim of Lef ko§a makes a claim (t.d.) against Ahmed bn Muharrem of that city: Ahmed took green for his head. Although he was ordered not to do so, h e wore gree n on hi s hea d again . S o Ahmed is warned no t to wea r green again. (3 8-7; I Muharrem 1019) Conversion t o Isla m wa s a ver y seriou s act , an d an y renegin g o n conversion was of th e utmost concern. c

Omer be§e bn Sefer, lieutenant (yasakci) fro m the city su basj, states (ihzar/bm) in the presence of Loizo v. Zako: The above Zako formerly acknowledged in the presence of Muslims that he was a Muslim. Now he says in public that he is an infidel (kafir). Le t the court be asked. Zako denies that. When proof was asked of c Omer, fro m th e uprigh t Muslims ( cudul-i muslimin) Hamz e boluk ba§ i bn Mustafa and cAbdi be§e confirm 'Omer best's statement that Zako had claimed to be a Muslim. Their testimony is accepted and registered. (3 57-4; III Cumadi II 1019)

Sometimes polic e wer e involve d with privat e individuals i n arrangin g the settlement o f crimina l cases . Lef ko§a police chief (su ba§i) Yusuf be g and hac i Mansu r b n hac i Ahme d jointl y mad e a forma l statemen t a t

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court tha t seven men , al l recognized , ha d entere d Mansur' s sho p i n th e middle o f th e nigh t an d stole n som e thing s ( 3 86-4 ; H I Sefe r 1019) . When Bagda d bin t c Abdi state d a t cour t tha t beardles s (emredd) Mah mud ha d trie d t o rap e he r (tasarruf), tha t wa s registere d i n th e cour t records a t th e reques t o f th e cit y s u ba§ i ( 3 116-2 ; afte r I I Ramaza n 1019)

Su ba§i s als o too k possessio n o f los t propert y an d enumerate d th e estates o f th e deceased. Fo r example , cit y s u ba§ i Hayda r be g an d nightwatchman Carulla h mad e a complete inventor y o f th e estate of th e late Armenia n Mura d wh o die d withou t heir s ( 3 135-6 ; 2 8 Rebi c I I 1019). Whe n th e galleo n o f zimm i Kar a Solak wa s broke n u p of f Cap e Arnavud i n Hirsof i kaza , th e people ther e wanted hel p an d Mehmed s u ba§i was sent to assist in the enumeration of the goods ( 2 6 - 1 ; 1016?) . Sometimes debt s an d other lega l obligation s wer e settle d throug h th e intermediaries o f police. For example, zimmi Panederfo asserted in court that he had given th e 100 0 akc e he owed Bak i $avu § to th e muhzir ba§i (3 121-2 ; after II Ramazan 1019) . Another dut y o f polic e wa s t o participat e i n investigation s o f certai n violent crimes , particularl y whe n a bod y wa s found . A n investigativ e group — constituting on e perso n fro m th e court , on e perso n fro m th e provincial governor' s offic e (usuall y a s u ba§i) , an d whateve r Muslim s happened t o b e presen t a t cour t an d coul d undertak e th e immediat e movement t o anothe r quarte r o r eve n t o a distan t villag e — might b e commissioned. (Th e investigator s the n ar e usually th e instrumenta l wit nesses (§uhud ul-hal) for the case.) Seydi Mustaf a b n Veli , appointe d oversee r (mubaqir) fo r th e matte r fo r th e council (divan) o f Cyprus, states (bk) in the presence of c Ayni bint cAbdullah of Aya Demr e villag e o f Lefko§a : He r six-year-old so n fel l i n a well (kuyu) an d drowned. Let people investigate and see what happened. c Ayni replies: My son fell in the well three months ago. I have no claim against anyone in the village. (3 47-1; I Cumadi II 1019) Present city su ba§i Huseyn says before (ihzar) the zimmis of Aya Ku§ani quarter: At the quarter this bread baker Yakimo v. Zovan was found wounded (mecruh) on his head. I want the marks (eser) o f the wound to be investigated (ke§f). I n truth the zimmi does have a wound on his head. (3 162-1; III Rebic II 1019) Sometimes th e people o f a quarter or of a village had claims t o mak e against resident s o f thei r ow n communities . I n Cyprus suc h complaint s

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were apparentl y mad e through th e city s u ba§i and the night watchman. The cour t ha d th e authorit y t o gran t thei r request s fo r th e expulsion o f such people from thei r communities. Mustafa beg , cit y s u ba§i , an d night watchma n passes ba§i) c Ali s u ba§ i state before Isma cil b n hac i Mustafa : Las t nigh t Isma cil, drun k insid e Ay a Soyf a mosque (cam c-i qerif haremi), grabbe d hold of the beardless boy (emredd) c Abdul-Mennan and attempted the wicked act (fi c-i §enf). Muslims rescued the boy from him . I want Isma cil t o b e aske d i n accordanc e wit h th e Sharia ; I want justice done . Isma cil denie s that . Whe n Mustaf a an d c Ali ar e aske d fo r proo f concerning the correctness (sidk) of their claim, from the upright Muslims ( cuduli muslimin) hac i Sinan bn cAbdullah, Ilyas bn Mursel, Hizir bn haci Emirce (?), and Veli bn c Abdullah confirm Mustafa an d cAli in detail. (3 155-5 ; H & ebic II 1019)

Mustafa be§e , city s u ba§i , and night watchman c Ali s u ba§i state (bm) in the presence of Kahtan be§e bint Mehmed of Aya Sofya quarter: The people say she does many things contrary to the Sharia. I want the people of the quarter to be asked about her reputation (keyfiyet-i halt). Hasa n be§e bn cAbdul-Halim, Yusuf bn cAbdullah, cAbdi bn Huda Virdi, cAbdi gavu§ bn Yusuf, cAli $avu§ bn Ahmed, and other s cam e t o court . The y said : I n trut h w e canno t sa y anythin g goo d concerning her. It is necessary that she be sent away from our quarter. If she is sent out, good . I f not, al l o f u s will continu e t o mov e out. ( 3 156-5 ; Rebi c II 1019)

Summary One o f th e firs t action s afte r th e Ottoma n conques t wa s t o restor e fortifications whic h ha d bee n destroye d durin g th e assaults , especiall y vulnerable one s o n th e coast. That mean t especially Magosa , whic h ha d been taken after such a heavy cost in men and supplies. Tuzla (Larnaka), Baf, Girniye , and Limosa al l had to b e provided wit h garrison s fo r thei r strengthened fortifications . Perhap s Lef ko§a had received the most damage, althoug h becaus e o f it s locatio n inland , th e dange r perceived ther e was less. Traditionally th e Ottoman arm y had been divided into two key units, the janissary corp s and the spahis. Originally the janissaries had been an elite infantry , recruite d largel y throug h th e dev§irm e lev y a s Christia n slaves, convert s t o Islam , wh o wer e garrisone d nea r th e roya l palace , always read y t o hel p th e ruler , an d constantl y drilled , t o counte r th e much large r mostl y Musli m cavalry , th e spahis , wh o wer e require d t o

The Military Corps 12 9 live in the provinces, and were paid through the timar system, and who were supposed to stay away from the capital, but were allowed to marry had have families, and were only a little less awesome than janissaries. With th e weakening o f th e centra l governmen t th e discipline o f th e janissaries began to break down. They were allowed to marry and have families, an d freeborn Muslim s were allowed to enroll . Their numbers increased greatly, an d many were stationed away from the capital, like in Cyprus. By 1593—1595, according to the judicial registers only 46% of th e janissarie s mentione d wer e stil l o f slav e origin , an d b y 1633 1637, tha t proportion ha d falle n t o 16% . Recruitment patterns of th e janissaries in Cyprus had changed drastically. Discipline apparently was breaking down, for many janissaries skipped campaigns to which they were ordered. Although still technically slaves of the Porte, cases occurred of the estates of janissaries' being inherited. Other cases reveal them as landowners. Popular conceptions of janissaries as men of violence and as artisans and merchants, particularly butchers, are reflected i n the judicial registers . Much more attention i s given to their role in the business and commerce of the community, especially in the matter of credit, where one finds them much more prominent as lenders than borrowers. (One percent of all instances of credit involved janissaries, althoug h the y wer e part of th e military elite. ) Immediatel y after th e conques t a numbe r acte d a s director s (mutevelli) of piou s foundations, bu t wit h th e passag e o f tim e tha t becam e les s common . Their numbers ranged between 878 and 1003. Spahis wer e th e calvar y me n statione d i n th e province s an d pai d through th e tima r syste m an d normall y recruite d fro m fre e Muslim s only. Suit s b y an d agains t spahi s wer e mad e jus t a s b y an d agains t janissaries. Spahi s had onl y a very mino r rol e i n keepin g orde r i n the villages connected with their timars. Another function of spahis involved dealing with stray animals. They were hardly at all involved with business or trade. Some gave credit, but much less frequently tha n janissaries. Suprisingly , th e proportio n o f spahi s wh o wer e convert s t o Isla m were almost exactly the same as janissaries. Special taxes had to be paid by villagers who left uncultivated timar lands assigned t o them. On e zimmi, an architect, had a timar assigned him. Many scholar s hav e reporte d tha t fro m earl y i n th e 16t h centur y important change s happene d withi n th e janissary corps . Free Muslims

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were increasingly allowe d t o participate. Marrying, having children, and living outside the barracks were widely practiced ; the corps shifted fro m being a smal l grou p confine d t o th e capita l t o bein g statione d i n a number o f provinces , includin g Cyprus . The y becam e full y par t o f th e local economy . Whethe r the y actuall y becam e corrup t i s harde r t o tell , for in the judicial system they seem to have been acting normally. One of the most fundamental right s given to every adult by the Sharia was t o summo n anyon e else , howeve r important , t o court . Moreover , such a summon s ideall y wa s t o b e accepte d immediately . I t is th e obli gation o f anyon e summone d t o cour t t o g o ther e a s quickly a s possible, whether innocen t o r guilty . I f ignored , a court official , th e muhzir , wa s authorized to intervene, and get him there as quickly a s possible. One finds thre e kind s o f polic e i n Cyprus . (1 ) Firs t muhzirs , wh o work fo r th e cour t an d hav e th e responsibilit y o f gettin g peopl e there , although everyon e wa s suppose d t o g o automaticall y (2 ) The muhtesi b worked t o maintai n la w an d orde r i n th e marke t places , especiall y fo r accurate weight s an d measures , an d fai r prices , apprehendin g peopl e who brok e law s publicly . (3 ) Polic e fro m th e governor' s office , th e s u ba§i, an d th e nightwatchme n ( casses ba§i). All wer e normall y concerne d with public immorality, unless a personal appea l was made as in the case of drunkenness i n a home. They took custod y of lost or stolen property. Firearms an d othe r "weapon s o f war " were forbidde n t o al l bu t th e military clas s in Cyprus , and were normally kep t away eve n fro m them , usually i n th e custod y o f som e sor t o f castl e warden , excep t whe n needed, for military campaigns, or local emergencies . Collective complaints migh t be made by town quarters, or by villages, against peopl e wh o dran k excessively , committe d rape , acte d lascivi ously, or behaved in a rowdy way. It was not rare for people of a quarter or villag e t o mak e a collectiv e reques t tha t a person , o r persons , b e required t o leav e th e communit y permanently . However , peopl e s o ac cused stil l ha d th e righ t t o prov e thei r innocence , o r thei r genera l goo d reputation.

NOTES 1. H . Inalcik , Ottoman Empire . . ., pp . 48 , 51 , 118 , 161 . Man y acte d a s "artisans and traders." They "invested their money in trading ventures and usury." p. 98.

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2. #iA , 1 7 of 37; #3, 1 3 of 53; #4, 1 0 of 62. Lefko§a sicil no. 3. MM D #2437 * *475 > 2.2.2.9 * 3*4, 2.361 , 3020, 914 , 1425 , 934 , 958 , 1189 , 1801. Tapu defter #708. Girniye archival nos. 4. H . Inalcik, Ottoman Empire . . ., pp . 11-181. 5. #1,1 3 o f 28; #3, 21 of 33; #4, 4 of 20. 6. I n some instance s sanca k begi s an d kadis ha d that authority , a t least with smaller timars, but even in those cases the timars were still transferred by the authority of the state. 7. O n the tense relations of the people and the police, see Mustafa Akdag, Celali tsyanlart (1550-1603), Ankara , 1963 . "Ehl-i Orfe Kar§> Sancaklarda Ayaklanmalar," pp. io9ff; "Kadilar ile Reayanin Birle§mesine Kar§i Ehl-i 6rf 'tin Tutumu," pp . ii7ff ; "Ehl- i Orf e Kar§ i Halk m Kendin i Korum a Hakk \ (Birinci Adalet Fermani)," pp. 15off, and passim. On Palestine at that time, see U. Heyd, Ottoman Documents on Palestine 1552-1615. Oxford , i960 , pp. 47, 59ft Se e Heyd,... Criminal Law, "muhzir," p. 236f, "muhtesib," pp. 1, 229-234; fo r "s u basj" , se e index , "authorit y t o execut e sentences, " "restraint of , malpractice s of, " "a s investigator , prosecutor. " Braudel , too , i s convinced of the general "rapaciousness" of Ottoman authorities, p. 693. Cf. Evliy a £elebi on the muhtesib "... b y whom all defaulters in buying and sellin g wer e punished , accordin g t o thei r offences , wit h imprisonmen t and torture; such as covering their heads with the entrails of beasts, or nailing their ear s an d nose s t o a plank. " Likewis e th e c asses ba§ i an d s u ba§i , "... tw o police-officers attende d by executioners, provided with whips and scourges, bu t not with rod s an d stocks (falaka). " p. 53 . I n Istanbul th e su basjs had 600 men who "with sticks in their hands, are an unmerciful set of people; they arrest , execute, strike , and hand." Evliya Qelebi , Narrative of Travels in Europe, Asia, and Africa, tr . by J. von Hammer. London, 1834 . Seyahatnamesi. 1 0 vol. Istanbul, 1896-1938. According to Mustafa c Ali, the continual crimes and oppression of the su basjs provide an embarrasment to th e provincial governor . A. Tietze, "The Poet a s Critique o f Societ y . . . , " Turcica 9.1977.120-160 , esp . 123 , 150 . Cf. Mustafa c Ali*s Counsel for Sultans of 15 81. ed. A. Tietze. pp. 36, 79. 8. Hill , v. 2, p. 54. v. 3, p. 1160. Although Hill believes that the function of the muhtesib i n an Islamic state was even broader, that does not seem to have been the case in Ottoman times, especially in Cyprus, v. 4, p. 5.

FIVE

The Zimmis: Greek Orthodox Christian s and Other Non-Muslims

Zimmis, th e Law , an d th e Cour t In accordance wit h Islami c law, Ottoma n subject s wer e divided int o tw o broad classes : Muslim s an d zimmi s (Arabi c dhimmi, protecte d people) . The la w know s n o Turk , Arab , o r Kurd , onl y thos e wh o hav e com e t o God an d ar e tru e believers , i.e. , Muslims ; likewis e i t know s n o distinc tions betwee n ol d believer s an d ne w converts. 1 Al l non-Muslim s wh o had submitte d themselve s to the authority o f the Ottoman stat e and pai d taxes wer e a s a consequenc e entitle d t o protectio n o f thei r live s an d property an d th e righ t t o practic e thei r ow n religion . I n th e cour t o f Lef ko§a th e nam e Gree k Orthodo x (Rum) wa s neve r used ; tha t grou p were alway s calle d zimmis . Althoug h othe r zimmi s — the minoritie s — were ofte n identifie d a s Armenian (Ermeni), Maronit e (Suryani), o r Je w (Yahudi), thos e distinction s ha d n o significanc e i n regar d t o lega l rights , only fo r administrativ e organization . Popularly , an d eve n i n officia l communications, zimmis may have sometimes been referred t o as infidel s (kafir, pi . kefere), denier s o f God , bu t i n lega l record s almos t withou t exception the y wer e simpl y zimmis . Protectin g thei r interest s wa s on e traditional charg e t o kadis . Ottoman kadi s wer e obligate d t o appl y th e sam e standar d o f justic e for bot h zimm i an d Muslim . True , th e la w di d no t suppos e th e sam e level of honest y an d integrit y o f zimmi s a s of Muslims ; s o the testimon y of zimmi s agains t Muslim s i s suspect . However , eac h zimm i shoul d b e 13*

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3

entitled to the same protection of lif e an d property as each Muslim, an d the cour t shoul d striv e diligentl y t o secur e tha t equality . I n Lefko§ a zimmis use d th e cour t frequently , an d the y mad e th e sam e kind s o f complaints a s Muslims. There an y zimm i coul d mak e a complaint agains t any Muslim, including government officials ; h e could summon t o court , or have summoned there, anyone he wished. He could produce witnesses (who ha d t o b e Musli m i f testifyin g agains t anothe r Muslim) , presen t written evidence , o r tak e a n oat h b y Go d wh o sen t dow n th e Gospe l (Incil) by means o f Jesus ( cala cIsa). Ever y Muslim ha d th e same obliga tion to answer the summons of an d to reply to the charges of a zimmi as those of anothe r Muslim. O f course, no system functions perfectly . Zimmis use d th e Shari a cour t o f Lefko§ a wit h a considerabl e fre quency. O f 280 0 case s i n sicil s o f 158 0 (988 ) an d 1593-159 5 (1002 1003), 1609-161 1 (1018-1019) , an d 1633-163 7 (1043-1046 ) mor e than one-thir d involve d a t leas t on e zimmi . Moreover , 15 % involve d only zimmis (an d no references to zimmi communal court s were found) . Another 19 % of al l th e case s were intercommunal , indicatin g consider able economic and social interaction . Although a superficial attemp t has been mad e t o furthe r subdivid e th e intercommuna l case s int o thos e initiated b y Muslim s (60% ) an d thos e initiate d b y zimmi s (40%) , suc h classifications fai l to distinguish amon g hotly conteste d cases, innocuou s ones, an d notar y registrations ; sometime s i t i s impossibl e t o determin e with who m a case reall y originated . Anyway , th e table show s th e level s of participatio n fo r the three tim e periods to b e relatively constant . Th e table doe s indicat e a small bu t steady increas e i n zimmi participation i n the cour t betwee n 159 3 an d 1637 , althoug h surprisingl y th e highes t level o f participatio n (43% ) wa s i n 1580 . Perhap s th e proportio n o f cases involvin g onl y zimmi s als o increase d significantl y betwee n 158 0 and 1609 . Zimmis used the court for all the same reasons Muslims did. Marko v. Mihal of Le f ko§a acknowledges (ik) before Nikola v. Marko: While my brother-in-law Yan o v. Istefa n was living in Nikola's house (ev), he disappeared. When I made an inquiry abou t him, a ten-day delay (mehl) wa s given and Nikola foun d Yan o wel l an d brough t hi m t o court . I renounce al l clai m against Nikola. (1 84—2; Muh. 1003) Selimo v. Pavla and his mother Horineli (? ) bint Filori of Aya Ku§a quarter of Lefko§a acknowledg e (ik) befor e Paskal i v . Bernarto , Zan o v . Kar^ire , an d

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others: M y fathe r Pavl a too k 1 2 altu n i n capita l (sermaye) fro m th e peopl e o f the village fo r a bread baker y (ekmekcilik). I will b e guarantor fo r th e propert y (kefil bil-mal). Th e people of th e quarter accept that. ( 1 246-4 ; II §evval 1002 ) Zazo v. Zorzi of Fitr e (?) village of Le f ko§a sets forth a claim (td) befor e his son Loizo: I sol d m y so n a co w (inek). I wan t th e money . H e stalls . I want i t i n accordance wit h th e Sharia . Yorg i says , I paid th e mone y t o m y father . I ow e him nothing . Whe n proo f i s sought , fro m th e villag e Teryak o v . Simiy o an d Vasil testif y tha t Zaz o di d receiv e th e mone y fro m hi s son . ( 3 6 - 3 ; 1 Muh . 1019)

Yagob v . c Isa (? ) of Degirmenli k villag e o f Lefko§ a acknowledge s (ikliH) before zimmiye Andrey e bin t Yakim o o f th e village : Garde n (bagge) a t village sol d t o her for 4660 akce . ( 4 4 8 - 1; III Receb 1044 ) Loizo v . Yorg i o f Lefko§ a set s forth a claim (da cva/tk) befor e Yasif : Yasi f owe s me 500 akce from a loan (karz-i $er cj. Now h e delays (te callul). Yasif says: Three years ag o h e offere d m e 50 0 akc e i f I would marr y Kozinl i . . . (?) , unmarrie d girl (bakir zimmiye) o f Seniyo (?) village in Lef ko§a. I sent my mother Firancesko to th e villag e t o arrang e th e marriage . Loiz o gav e m e th e 50 0 akc e a s a gif t (hibe). ( 4 4 9 - 3; III Muh. 1044 ) Istavri v . Andreye , zimm i o f Lefko§a , set s fort h a clai m (td) befor e Isma cil b n Perviz beg , stewar d (emin) o f inheritanc e (beyt ul-mal-i hassa ve c amme): Th e late Zozicuni (? ) v. Makri (? ) of Mareg o (? ) village who died without heirs owe d me 6 7 kirmiz i altu n fro m a loa n (karz). I wan t it . Whe n th e emi n aske d fo r proof, uprigh t Muslims ( cudul-i muslimin) hac i Husey n b n Belal an d Behram bn c Abdullah confir m him . Afte r examinin g th e antecedent s o f th e witnesse s (tezkiye, ta cdil), thei r testimony i s accepted. ( 1 171—2 ; II Cumadi 11003 ) Papa Yan o v . Dimitr e o f Ayo s (? ) villag e o f Lefko§ a acknowledge s (ik) befor e Hasan be g b n Kasim : fou r one-stor y house s (tahtani evler) a t th e villag e wer e sold to Hasan fo r 100 0 akce. (1 277-1 ; I I Zil-Kade 1002 ) Ahturi (? ) v . Yorg i o f Lefko§ a cam e t o cour t an d complaine d o f oppressio n (tazallum): Husey n b n 'Abdullah an d Suleyman bn Mehmed struck me. ( 3 1 5 2 6; II Rebic II 1019 ) Mariye bin t Hiristofi , wife , an d Ancola , daughter , o f th e lat e zimm i Nikol a v . Papa Todor i o f (? ) villag e o f Gila n kaz a acknowledg e (ik/i ct) befor e Ramaza n beg b n c Abdullah: H e ha s unjustl y (fuzulen) take n possessio n o f (tasarruf) th e entire property an d goods we inherited from th e deceased. We want them. With

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the mediatio n o f uprigh t people , settlemen t (sulh) is made . ( 2 117—1 ; Muh . 1018) Land an d Propert y Evidently th e rati o o f Musli m lan d an d propert y holding s t o zimm i holdings wa s quit e constant . Her e "land " refer s strictl y t o fields, gar dens, vineyards , orchards , an d pastures , whil e "property " refer s t o al l land with an y house, shop, mill, or ancillary structure s regardles s of ho w much lan d als o was involved. Zimmi lan d sale s to Muslims were slightl y in exces s o f thei r lan d purchase s fro m Muslims . S o 3 3 % o f th e lan d which cam e u p fo r sal e (3 4 o f 102 ) belonge d t o zimmis , bu t onl y 26 % of tha t lan d (2 7 o f 102 ) belonge d t o the m afte r al l th e intercommuna l transfers ha d bee n completed . Fo r th e zimmis that wa s a n overall los s of 2 1 % , whil e representing a 10 % gai n fo r th e Muslims. Property transfer s were extremel y stable . While zimm i seller s held 32 % o f property pu t u p for sal e (8 7 o f 276) , they stil l hel d 3 1 % (8 6 o f 276 ) afte r th e sale s ha d been completed . Presumabl y i n th e half-centur y betwee n 159 3 (1002 ) and 163 7 (1046 ) th e proportio n o f lan d an d propert y hel d b y zimmi s was stable or perhaps decline d ver y slightly . More problemati c i s what proportio n o f lan d an d propert y Muslim s and zimmi s reall y held. It is inconceivable tha t Muslim s held 70 % o f th e land an d propert y o n th e island , o r eve n i n th e Le f ko§a area . Althoug h the court records were the official registr y of land and property transfers , possibly som e transfer s ma y hav e bee n recorde d a t loca l court s b y loca l judges (naibs). Th e transfer s i n th e sicil s includ e ever y kaz a an d nahiy e in Cyprus , bu t i n fac t thos e fro m remot e district s ar e onl y a smatterin g compared t o th e larg e numbe r fro m Lefko§ a an d it s surroundin g vil lages. Perhaps Muslim s wer e mor e mobil e tha n zimmi s an d cam e t o th e Lefko§a cour t mor e frequently , o r perhap s thei r settlement s clustere d nearer th e capita l an d thos e o f zimmi s wer e i n mor e distan t areas . Maybe a considerabl e proportio n o f zimmi s live d i n mor e isolate d an d conservative environment s wher e propert y wa s onl y passe d b y inheri tance o r marriage , no t b y sale . In an y case , th e eccentri c variation s i n land and property transfers betwee n Muslims and zimmis in the differen t sicils suggest caution. Moreover, th e sicils record transfers , no t holdings , and surel y total zimmi holdings far exceede d thos e of Muslims. The onl y

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solid evidenc e i s tha t 20 % o f th e lan d an d propert y transfer s involve d just zimmis , whil e anothe r 23 % wer e mixed . So zimmi s wer e involve d in 43 % o f al l lan d an d propert y transfer s found , Muslim s i n 81% . Whatever th e proportion s i n whic h the y owne d land , i t i s saf e t o sa y that between 159 3 an d 164 0 those proportions were quite stable. The frequenc y o f intercommuna l lan d an d propert y transfer s point s to the close proximity i n which Muslims an d Christians lived in Lef ko§a and indeed over much of the island. Of all transfers 23 % were intercommunal: 25 % o f th e lan d transfer s an d 22 % o f th e propert y transfers . Thus, eve n i f ther e ha d bee n wholl y Christia n o r wholl y Musli m area s before 159 3 (1002) , almos t a quarte r o f lan d an d propert y eventuall y would hav e bee n i n mixe d o r integrate d areas . Generall y speaking , selling land and property to adherents of another faith did not cause any social stigma . A man wishing to sell land or property doubtless sold it to whomever would pay the most, or, if demand were slow, to anyone wh o would bu y it . Twenty-fiv e o f th e 10 2 sale s o f fields, vineyards , gardens, and orchards were intercommunal , s o th e ne w owners , often indee d th e new neighbors, were of a different faith . Often the neighborhood alread y was integrated . Sixty-on e o f 27 6 sale s o f lan d with fixed building s o n i t were intercommunal . Muc h o r mos t o f tha t propert y include d houses , making Musli m familie s an d Christia n familie s increasingl y intermixed . Indeed, the y successivel y occupie d th e same houses, which mean s eithe r that th e Christia n house s wer e als o buil t t o provid e specia l privac y fo r women o r that the practice was unimportant to some of bot h communi ties. Listing s of th e names of th e owners o f lan d or property contiguou s to that for sale reveal that some neighborhoods alread y were mixed even prior t o th e transfer . Mor e an d mor e Muslim s an d Christian s woul d become neighbors . Althoug h th e sampl e i s modest , i t show s a simila r pattern continuing over four decades: in 1593-159 5 (1002-1003 ) 23 % (39 o f 166 ) o f transfer s wer e mixed , i n 1609-161 1 (1018-1019 ) th e proportion wa s 21 % (18 o f 84) , an d in 1633-163 7 (1043-1046 ) 23 % (29 o f 128) . I f tha t sampl e i s representativ e o f th e whol e period , an d if that practic e reflect s th e situatio n o n th e islan d o f Cypru s a s a whole , then th e Christia n an d Muslim people o f Cypru s in that period live d by their own preference i n the greatest of intimacy — as neighbors. Islamic la w permit s preemptio n (^ufa) whereb y a lan d o r propert y holder had the right to purchase land or property contiguous t o his ow n at a fair market price if the owner should decide to sell it. A co-owner of

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land or property als o had that right. The neighbor had merely to appea r in court as soon a s he learned of th e sale. Thus it was easily possible fo r a singl e individual , severa l neighbors , o r eve n a whol e quarte r t o pre serve the religious, ethnic, or economic characteristic s o f thei r neighborhood i f they wished . I n fact, however, §ufa wa s rare in Cyprus betwee n 1580 an d 1640 . Onl y the two cases below were found . When Ridvan bn cAbdullah wanted to buy the estate (qiftlik) an d house (ev) o f Papa Andreniko, Nikolo v. Yakimo claimed §ufa. (1 5-8; HI Ramazan 988) Bali $avu § bn Niyet (? ) of Ay a Ho r villag e o f Lefko§ a set s fort h a claim (td) before Orde k hatun : I bought thre e houses (evler) fro m he r son fo r 2 0 altun. The transactio n wa s completed ; I had pai d an d take n possession . No w sh e claims qufa, but it is too late. Ordek hatun claims that she did not give up,the right o f §ufa, bu t uprigh t Muslim s ( cudul-i Muslimin) Yusu f b n Ibrahim and Mehmed b n Mustaf a confir m Bali' s clai m tha t sh e did . ( 1 254-2 ; H I §ewal 1002)

Conversion t o Isla m In the decade s followin g th e Ottoma n conques t o f Cypru s man y o f th e island's Christian s converte d t o Islam . Contemporar y observer s an d modern scholar s have usually attribute d that conversion t o official com pulsion, but no contemporary local sources substantiate that view except a few traveller s embarrasse d a t th e circumstance s (a s Venetians , o r a s Christians) wh o ha d n o wa y o f guessin g ho w th e ne w convert s reall y felt. Although the level of conversion cannot be measured precisely, there are severa l indicator s o f it s extent . I n 1593-159 5 (1002-1003 ) 31 % (32 of 102 ) o f th e adult male Muslims whos e name s and fathers' names were cited as legal agents (vekil) were converts, as were 28% (34 of 123 ) of thos e name s a s witnesse s (§uhud, or c udul-i Muslimin) t o lega l case s and 41 % (5 8 o f 143 ) o f thos e name d a s instrumenta l witnesse s (§uhud ul-hal). Mor e tha n a thir d o f suc h Muslim s appearin g a t cour t a t tha t time wer e converts . Wha t th e highes t proportio n eve r reache d wa s o r when it was reached can only be conjectured, but obviously the intensity was temporary . I n 158 0 (988 ) onl y 24 % (4 6 o f 190 ) o f instrumenta l witnesses wer e converts , i n 1609—161 1 (1018-1019 ) th e still-substan tial proportio n o f 23 % o f lega l agent s (vekils) (1 7 o f 75) , 17 % o f witnesses (3 1 o f 179) , an d 30 % (5 9 o f 195 ) o f instrumenta l witnesse s were convert s — almost a quarte r i n all . B y 1633-163 7 (1043-1046 )

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the proportion of convert vekils was down to 18 % (11 of 61) , while that of witnesse s ha d falle n al l th e wa y t o 6% ( 7 o f 112 ) an d tha t o f instrumental witnesse s t o 14 % (1 7 o f 130) . I n th e earlie r decade s th e numbers o f convert s mus t hav e bee n ver y large , fo r ther e reall y i s n o reason wh y a convert woul d b e mor e likely t o carr y ou t those office s a t court tha n a bor n Muslim . Eve n th e presenc e i n th e 1630 s o f 12 % converts amon g th e aforementione d Musli m group s wa s fa r from insig nificant.2 Only a few case s of conversio n t o Isla m ar e recorded in the survivin g sicils, althoug h i n fac t convert s di d hav e t o registe r thei r chang e o f religion a t court if onl y t o adjus t their tax status . The minima l informa tion neede d wa s th e name , plac e o f residence , statemen t o f faith , an d new Musli m nam e adopted . N o instance s o f massiv e conversio n o r indeed anything but individual conversio n have been found . Dimitri v. Yakimo of Aya Yorgi village in Lef ko§a kaza says: I come to the true faith. I leave the infidel religion (kefere dim). After he said, 'There is no God but God; Muhammad i s the messenge r of God ' (la ili a lah u Muhamma d resu l ullah), the name Mehmed was registered for him. (1 6-7; I Ramazan 988) A woman whos e nam e i n th e world o f ignoranc e ( calem-i cahiliye) wa s Horsi became a convert. When she became a Muslim, the woman, called Fatma, named Suleyman bn 'Abdullah as legal agent (vekil) fo r her acknowledgement that she came t o Islam . Hasa n b n c Abdullah an d Kayman b n c Abdullah confirmed th e agency (vekalet). Suleyman came to court and acknowledged (ikliH): Fatma, who made me legal agen t (vekil ) fo r this matter, came to Islam on 3 October 159 4 (17 Muharrem 1003) . She confirms God (Allah) and unity (tevhid) an d hazret-i Muhammed Mustaf a an d Islam . Afte r thi s sh e i s a Muslim e lik e an y o f th e people o f Isla m (ehl-i Islam). I t i s ordere d (hukum) an d recorded . (1 67-3; Muh. 1003) Mustafa b n c Abdullah o f Poyi n (? ) villag e o f Hirsof i i n Lefko§ a says : While formerly called Toydi (? ) v. Zanoci, God made a day for confession (iman ruzi) of faith. God made Islam my lot. No one forced me (tahrik) or compelled (cebr) me. I did so of my own free will (husn-i ihtiyar). Registere d in sicil. (1 230-1; I §evval 1002) Fatima bintcAbdullah of above village says: While formerly called Andreye bint Piyero, God made a day a confession of faith . God made my lot Islam. No one forced or compelled me. I did so of my own free will. Registered in sicil. (1 2302; I §evval 1002)

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Ridvan b n c Abdullah says : Whil e I wa s Loiz e v . Yakim o I cam e t o Islam . Mehmed b n Musteca b an d Muharre m b n c Abdullah confir m this . Thei r testi mony is accepted. ( 1 283-5 ; II I Zil-Kade 1002 ) Cacfer bn Abdullah i s legal agent for acknowledgement o f the former Mariya of the world o f ignoranc e ( calem-i cahiliye) o f Perestiy o (? ) village o f Lefko§ a tha t she ha s becom e a conver t t o th e tru e fait h (muhtediye), tha t sh e ha s com e t o Islam an d taken th e nam e Emin e (ik/i ct): Th e above-mentione d Emine , wh o made m e agent , cam e t o Isla m o n 2 5 Octobe r 159 4 (1 0 Muharre m 1003) . Sh e acknowledges th e unity of Go d (tevhid) an d Muhammad. Afte r that day she is a Muslim lik e al l peopl e o f Islam . Sh e i s give n a cop y (suret) o f this document . (1 319—1 ; I Muh. 1003 )

Nikolo v . Yorg i o f Hirsof i kasab a say s (bm/tm): U p unti l no w I have bee n a n infidel i n error (zalal). I became a Muslim (§eref~i Islamile mu§errefolub). Whe n I sai d th e word s o f fait h (kelime*~i qehadet): Ther e i s n o Go d bu t God ; Mu hammed i s hi s messenger, ' I confesse d (ikrar) clearl y an d eloquently . I turne d from fals e religio n (battle din). I t is ordered that he has entered Islam . When h e turned fro m th e ta x obligation s o f th e infidel s (tekalif-i kefere), this documen t (vesika) was written. ( 4 6 5 - 1; II Sefer 1044 ) Zimmi Totodori , yout h (emredd) o f abou t 1 0 year s old , fro m Ort a Ko y villag e of Le f ko§a kaza : No w I have lef t fals e religio n (din-i batili terk idub) an d hav e been honore d wit h Islam . H e take s the nam e Mustafa . ( 4 178-2 ; H I Cumadi II 1046)

Not onl y adul t me n bu t als o wome n an d childre n wer e amon g th e converts. Obviousl y the y wer e proselytize d carefully . Anyon e o f ag e could convert , eve n a wife o r child , bu t i t wa s th e dut y o f th e cour t t o make certai n tha t th e conversio n wa s voluntary . A woma n whos e ne w modesty fro m he r conversio n t o Isla m prevente d he r fro m comin g i n person migh t designat e a veki l t o brin g he r statemen t o f fait h t o th e court. I n thes e context s th e us e o f th e wor d infide l (kafir) obviousl y springs from the convert, although in fact the statements seem formulaic . Strictly speaking conversion to Islam simply requires a statement of fait h with no legal registration, but the Ottoman bureaucracy needed accurate records of Muslim s an d zimmis for tax purposes, and in any case it may have pleased th e Muslim communit y t o proclaim thei r successes i n public places. Sometimes economic incentives were offered a s well, althoug h they are not completely explicabl e fro m their contexts; what appeal tha t may have had to youths cannot be said. 3

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A girl who was named Filori came to court of her own free will from the hands of Ust a Mehmed an d entered Islam and took th e name Raziye. The aforementioned Mehmed gave three kirmizi altun to present Lef ko§a kadi Perviz efendi, who gave it to her. (i 293—2 ; I Zil-Hicce 1002) Mariya bint Yakimo of Ayos (?) village of Lefko§ a acknowledges (ik/i ct) befor e Kosta v. Petro: I gave my daughter to work for him (hidmet). She fledfrom him. She came to court and of her own wish she became a Muslim. After she became a Muslim she took two kirmizi filorifrom present Lef ko§a kadisi Mevlana Perviz efendi. M y daughter was handed over to be in honorable service . .. ( 1 317-2; I Muh. 1003) Several instance s occurre d wher e onl y on e spous e converted . Usuall y divorce followed . I n fact, that may have been a way fo r zimmiye wome n to find relie f fro m a n unbearabl e marriage . A t an y rate , th e converte d women, whethe r previousl y marrie d o r not , easil y foun d husbands . A few case s sugges t tha t sometime s a zimmiy e woma n migh t hav e con verted i n orde r t o b e abl e t o marr y a Muslim sh e alread y had her heart set on. After Fatma bint c Abdullah of Yon i (? ) village of Hirsofi i n Lefko§a converted, her husband Yano v. Matoliya (?) was invited to submit to Islam, but he did not do so. He says he has no claim against Fatma. (1 240—1; I §evval 1002) Yunus $avu§ bn Ahmed, present Evdim emin in Lef ko§a says (tm) before Mariya bint Araste (?): Mariya came here from Baf kaza with her husband Loize. While they were living at the house of Bali beg, God made Islam her lot. No one forced her or compelled her. After she did so, her husband Loize was invited to submit to Islam , bu t h e di d not . The n sh e marrie d Mustafa . Mariy a ha s becom e a convert to the true faith. Let this be investigated and written in the sicil. When Yunus is asked fo r proof, seyyid c Osman $avu§ bn Arslan and Suleyman qavus, bn Aydogmu§ confirm Yunus. Registered. (1 247—3; II §evval 1002) Karcjre v. Filipo of Cados village of Mesariye kaza sets forth a claim (td) before Musa be§e bn Ahmed: Four months ago Musa be§e took my wife £ako bint (?) by force (cebren) and he has kept possession (tasarruf) of her until now. Let him be asked. I want my rights to be established (ihkak-i hakk). Musa be§e replies that (Jako was honored with Islam before the Muslims at that time; she took the name Fatma. Kar^ire was offered the chance to come to Islam but he declined. A man named §enlik Hoca arranged Fatma's marriage to me (cakd-i nikah). Karcjre claims that Qako had not become a Muslim nor had he been invited to. When she was summoned to court, she said, in truth, I came to Islam at that time and my name is Fatma; my husband Karcjre was invited to Islam. (3 9-7; 1 3 §evval 1018)

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Musa be§e says: When £ako, wife of Karcjre v. Filipo, became a Muslim, he was asked the question, Will you come to Islam? but he refused (iba). (3 10-6 ; 1 4 §evval 1018. Registered the following day) Husna/Husniye (? ) bint Murad, Armenian wife, say s (bm) before he r husband Mergeri (? ) v. Kuluk (?), Armenian: He always treats me cruelly (cefa ve eza). I do not want him. He denies that (munkir). The n Husna becomes honored with Islam. After she takes the name cAy§e, her husband is invited farz) t o Islam but he does not accept, so cAy§e's separation (tefrik) is ordered. (3 25-3; I Zil-Kade 1018).

Mustafa bn cAbdullah says (ihzar/bm) before his zimmiye wife (zevce* -1 kafiresi) Lena bint Vasil: Three months ago when I became honored with Islam (Islatna mu§erref ollub), I proposed Islam to her but she did not accept. I am a Muslim and I want to divorce her as soon as possible. She admits not accepting Islam. (3 66-3; H Receb 1019) His daughte r Mariy e an d hi s so n Yorgi , wh o ar e 1 0 year s ol d (on ya§inda), become Muslims. They take the names of c Ayni and Ridvan. (3 66-4; II Receb 1019).

Yusuf b n Mehme d o f Lefko§ a [no t eve n a convert] say s (tk) before hi s wif e Meryem bin t Ilyas , zimmiye : M y wif e Merye m i s a n infide l (kafire). Whe n I invited her to Islam, she did not agree (raziye olmadugi), so I divorced her three times. I am divorced. She is a divorcee (mutallaka). ( 3 137-4; 28 Rebic II1019) Muslim "missionaries, " perhaps dervi§es , must have worked har d t o win suc h converts. 4 The conversion s o f th e married women ar e particularly striking , eve n i f on e wa s ou t o f persona l animosit y toward s a husband. Zimmiy e wome n certainl y ha d th e righ t t o conver t o n thei r own volition , an d som e Muslim s mus t hav e worke d particularl y t o convert them . Economi c incentive s migh t hav e appeale d les s t o wome n converts, wh o di d no t hav e t o pa y cizye/harac. Perhap s youth s wer e particularly susceptible , an d the court supervised th e guardianship o f al l orphans an d thei r estates ; usuall y zimmi s acte d a s guardian s (vasis) i n such cases, however. Reversion from Islam to their former faith by converts was absolutel y forbidden. Suc h wa s th e momentu m o f Isla m a t that tim e howeve r tha t apostasy fro m i t must have bee n virtually nonexistent. I n one instanc e a city police official di d make a charge against a man named Zako. c

Omer be§e bn Sefer, yasakci from §ehir su ba§i, stated (ihzar/bm) befor e Zako v. Loiz o [th e text say s Loiz o v . Zako , bu t that mus t be a mistake]: Formerly

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Zako acknowledged in the presence of Muslims that he was a Muslim. Now he says in public that he is an infidel (kafir). Le t the court be asked. Zako denies that (munkir). Whe n proo f i s aske d o f c Omer, fro m c udul-i muslimi n Hamz e boluk ba§i bn Mustafa and cAbdi be§e confirm his claim. Accepted by the court. Registered. (3 57-4; II Cumadi II 1019) Presumably Zak o wa s give n th e choic e o f bein g honore d wit h Isla m again o r execution , bu t cour t record s d o no t explicitl y revea l punish ments. Some time s i t must hav e bee n har d to kee p informe d abou t wh o ha d converted. A zimm i neighbo r o r acquaintanc e migh t appea r on e da y wearing the turban ostensibly reserved to Muslims. Ibrahim b n Ramaza n befor e thi s Hiristof i v . Andon : I sa w Ando n a t nigh t wearing a turban (dulbend). After questioning, he denied (inkar) that. The latter replied, I am a Muslim, I serve in the castle garrison (hisar eri). When proof was asked, c Ali b n Mustafa , Hizi r b n Bali , Ridva n b n 'Abdullah , an d Piyal e b n c Abdullah confirmed Hiristofi. ( 1 223-3; HI Ramazan 1002) There i s som e evidenc e tha t lat e i n thi s perio d th e Orthodo x churc h began t o ac t mor e forcefully , i f stil l surreptitiously , wit h follower s wh o were o n intimat e term s wit h Muslims , particularl y i n th e cas e o f inter marriage. Milu bin t Andon i o f £eliy e (? ) villag e o f Tuzl a nahiy e say s (bk/tm): Up until now like my ancestors I have belonged to the Christian millet (millet-i Nasara). I have not become a Muslim. I am an infidel (kafire). When I wished to perform our false rites (ayin-i batilimuz) at the church (kenise), the monks (rahibler) who were our priests (papaslar) prevente d me from entering saying, 'You married a Muslim (Musliman zevci etmu§ idin).' It i s probabl e (muhtemel) tha t whe n I perish the y wil l no t bur y m e in accordance wit h infide l rite s (ayin-i kef ere). I want a memorandum (tezkere) showin g that I am an infidel (kefere). ( 4 197-1 ; I §aban 1046 )

Zimmi Ciryako of .. . gro (?) vil. of Limosa nahiye says (bk/tm): Up until now I have been a Christian (millet-i Nasara). I was an infidel (kafir), I went to church in m y villag e an d practiced fals e (batil) religion. Whe n I wanted t o ente r the church in the village, the priest (babas) said, 'You are a Muslim.' Now they want to keep me from entering the church. Let it be registered to show that I am one who admit s (muHerif) t o bein g a Christian. ( 4 85-3 ; I §aban 1044 . Compare that with a case of Sefer 1003 when a village priest gave his daughter permission to marry a Muslim, 1 77-5.) When Fr . Jero m Dandin i passe d throug h Cypru s e n rout e t o th e Levant, h e reporte d th e presenc e o f thousand s o f converts . Dandini , a

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philosophy instructo r i n Perugia, wa s sent b y the general o f the Franciscan orde r i n 1596 to the patriarch o f the Maronites. He spent ove r thre e months incognit o i n Cyprus , wher e h e reconnoitere d th e conditio n o f the loca l Maronites , an d othe r Roma n Catholic s a s well . Dandin i be lieved that most of the Muslims were renegades "who turn Mahometans , to rende r thei r live s more eas y and supportable; s o that i t seems an easy task t o recove r thi s isl e . . . fo r th e renegadoes coul d n o sooner se e the Christian soldiers , bu t the y woul d thro w of f thei r turbans , an d put on hats instead , an d tur n thei r arm s agains t th e Turks." 5 Tha t them e i s a common on e no t jus t o f foreig n visitor s t o Cypru s bu t al l ove r th e Ottoman empire , althoug h fo r centurie s i t remaine d a naiv e an d self deluding idea , dangerousl y ethnocentri c an d religiocentric. Thus Cotov icus (1598-1599 ) reporte d tha t th e Ottoman governo r Jafe r pash a wa s hostile to local Christians . Lithgow (1610 ) believe d the people of Cypru s needed rescue , whil e de s Hayes claime d tha t th e people wer e s o impov erished an d oppressed tha t the y hardl y ha d anythin g bu t carobs t o eat. Louis de s Hayes , a Frenc h ambassado r wh o briefl y visite d Cypru s i n 1621, reporte d tha t th e governo r o f Cypru s di d no t wan t th e loca l Christians t o conver t t o Isla m becaus e o f th e attendan t losse s o f ta x revenues. In 167 0 th e Frenc h pilgri m N . Hurte l me t thre e Greek s i n Lef ko§a wh o gave hi m a simila r story : "Ver y man y o f them , unabl e t o bear an y longe r thi s crue l tyranny , wis h t o tur n Turk ; bu t man y ar e rejected, becaus e (sa y thei r lords ) i n receivin g the m int o th e Mosle m faith thei r tribut e would b e so much diminished." 6 The Jews Although traveller s an d pilgrims frequentl y commente d o n th e absenc e of Jew s fro m Cyprus , i n th e early Ottoma n perio d a smal l communit y lived i n Lef ko§a. Occasionall y a zimmi i s identified a s a Jew (Yahudi o r Yahuda taifesi); i f al l Jews ar e identified tha t way , and probabl y mos t were, then bot h thei r number s an d their impac t on the court wer e small . However, on e Jew does stan d out , an importan t ta x farmer (multezim) named Isa k or Ishak . As tax farmer (multezim) o f Istaliye (? ) village of Kukla kaz a wit h his partner (§erik) zimmi Loizo , fo r 300 0 akc e h e gave Mustaf a $avu § titl e deed (tapu) t o fields (tarla) whos e owne r ha d die d withou t mal e off spring (evlad-i zukur). Tha t wa s a righ t generall y limite d t o spahi s o n

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their timars ( i 2 2 - 2 ; Rece b 1002) . Isak and the people around him were involved i n questionabl e activities . Onc e h e sen t Lazar i v . Ando n t o g o to hi s hous e nea r th e harbo r (limon) t o brin g bac k eigh t kil e o f ric e (pirinc). Whe n Lazari returned to Lef ko§a he was summoned to court to account fo r wha t he had done; he took a n oath tha t he had sold th e rice as he had been instructed ( 1 5 4 - 2 ; I Ramazan 1002 . cf. 5 4 - 3 , 5) . Ishak, a Jew, camil, o f Lef ko§a acknowledges (ik) befor e Lazar v. Andon: While Andon was in my service (hidmetumde) I sent him to my wife Polazha (?) at the harbor (limon) t o get eight key Irice (pirinc). H e went and took the rice but I do not know t o whom h e gave it. Laza r acknowledges tha t he took th e rice; but when Isa k wa s imprisone d (habs), I gave i t t o hi s othe r wife (diger zevci) (?) Lazar was asked to take an oath; after he took it, he was given a berat. (1 2093; I Ramazan 1002) Behram b n c Abdullah state s (tm) before abov e Isak : Isa k ha s m y cloth folde d around his waist lik e a n apron (hibak). I want it. Denied . Isa k takes an oath. (1 54-4; I Ramazan 1002) Porta Papaz , Vasi l v . Lariyo , Ziyaresk a (? ) v . Simiyoni , an d man y others o f Kula § villag e o f Piskob i kaz a complaine d tha t Isa k ha d ex ceeded hi s ta x far m (mukata c a) collectin g due s fro m them , an d indee d an orde r fro m th e deput y o f th e provincia l governo r (kethudd* ~i mir miran) t o the kadis of Piskop i an d Kukla draws to their attention claim s that ove r th e pas t thre e year s zimmi s Silostr e an d Isa k ha d take n 23 0 kantar of cotto n (penbe) extr a from tha t tax far m (mukata c a). Finally it was established b y former emin Loize that the total amoun t in error was 260 kanta r ( 1 5 8 - 4 ; same . 1 9 7 - 3; 2 9 Rece b 1002 . Further complaint s followed i n II Ramazan 1002 . 1 220—4). Isak's positio n obviousl y di d no t suffer , however , fo r i n a n entr y o f early Augus t 159 4 (I I Zil-Kad e 1002 ) Magos a beg i c Ali be g acknowl edged tha t h e had receive d i n ful l th e 50,00 0 akc e du e fo r shi p supplie s (kadirga muhimmati) i n 1592-159 3 (1001 ) fro m Isak , tax farme r (multezim) an d agent for th e tax farm s (mukata c at) o f Limos a ( 1 274—4 . c^*74-5)« Vasil v. Iliya of Ayo Kostinti village of Limosa says before Kaprice (?) v. Yorgi: He was a servant (hidmetkar) of the Jew Isak. he stole Liyandi's 19 altun. Then we took it from him. Denied. Mahmud beg, spahi, Tomazi v. Petre, and Vasil v. Andon attest to the truth of VasiPs statement. (1 249-2; II §evval 1002) A man named Bayram v. Ishak of th e Jewish people (Yahudi zumresi) of Le f ko§a, almos t certainl y th e so n o f Isa k th e Jew , wa s involve d i n

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international trade . He had sent Yase f v . Ibrahi m with mone y t o Venic e (Venedik) t o mak e trad e (ticaret). Bayram' s capita l (sermaye) wa s use d to bu y 12 0 vakiy e o f ti n (kalay), on e barre l (varil) o f ti n plate (teneke), one barrel of bras s (sari teneke), an d 420 knive s (gift bicak), whic h wer e delivered t o Ku^u k Ha n i n Lefko§ a a t th e cos t o f 150 0 akc e fo r hi s service (hidmet) ( 1 293—3 ; I Zil-Hicce 1002) . Possibl y anothe r so n (O r is i t Isha k himself ? The readin g i s ver y dubious) . Isha k (?) , th e Jew , owed 20 0 akc e t o §ey h c Abdullah o f Lefko§ a fro m hi s purchas e o f a donkey (e§ek) (3 6 0 - 3 ; III Cumadi II1019) . The name Jew could be used with disapprobrium . Receb be§ e of Lefko§ a make s a claim (td) before Mehme d beg : He called me 'Jew' Receb (cuhud). Mehme d denies that. Huseyn bn Memi and Mehmed be§e confirm Receb's claim. (3 177-4; HI §aban 1019) Perhaps linkin g th e Jew s an d Gypsie s (Kibtan ve Yahuda taifesi) i n later document s regardin g th e collectio n o f cizye/harac wa s als o a n indication of disapprobrium ( 4 229-2; I Muh. 1044 . 4 237-1 ; II I §aban 1045). The Jewish communit y reside d withi n th e wall s o f Le f ko§a. A document o f I Rebi c I I 104 4 refer s t o a Jew name d Yase f v . c Imran, recently deceased, a n inhabitant o f Han- i c atik; his wife (? ) became guardian fo r his mino r daughter s ( 4 32—2 , 3) . A larg e estat e wit h 5 0 two-storie d (fevkani) an d six single-storie d house s (tahtani) withi n th e castle (kal c e) at Zeyn ul- c Abidin efendi quarte r was bought by Refayel v . Lazari fro m the Je w Iliya . Wit h it s water , well , an d threshin g are a (barman), h e dedicated th e hous e a s a foundatio n t o b e rente d a t a low rat e t o poo r Jews wh o live d there . The dono r himsel f wa s t o b e administrato r (mutevelli) durin g his own lifetime , an d thereafter contro l woul d pass to his descendants. Ever y yea r 20 0 akc e o f th e ren t was assigne d t o purchas e candle wax for the camic -i §erif called Aya Sofya i n the castle of Lef ko§a (2 50—1 ; I Receb 1016) .

Besides Le f ko§a Isa k als o ha d a hous e a t th e harbor . Anothe r Jew , Desilno (co? ) v . Yahy a (? ) o f Lefko§a , ha d a house , gardens , an d 12 0 donum arabl e fields (tarla) a t Genose (? ) village of Hirsof i nahiy e whic h he sol d t o c Ali b n c Abdullah, janissary , fo r 84 0 akc e ( 1 277-5 ; H ZilKade: 1002) . I n addition , tw o village s o f Lefk a (Ay a Yorg i an d Ay a Nikola) an d tw o village s o f Girniy e (Koromand i (? ) an d Mamil i (? ) are identified a s havin g Jews ( 2 108-1 ; 1 Rebi c I 1017) . Prio r t o th e Otto -

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man conques t th e onl y Jew s o n th e islan d wer e abou t 2 5 familie s o f Levantine, Sicilian , an d Portugues e Jew s wh o al l live d i n Magosa , ac cording t o Elia s o f Pesar o wh o wa s ther e durin g th e autum n o f 1563 . All live d "comfortabl y withou t exertion " b y mone y lending . "A s soo n as th e Christian s se e a fres h Je w arriv e t o sta y her e the y as k hi m i f h e wants t o len d money. " I f he say s yes , bot h the y an d th e othe r Jews ar e pleased.7 The Armenian s The Armenia n communit y o f Cypru s als o wa s relativel y inconspicuou s during th e earl y years o f Ottoma n rule . If, a s seems t o b e the case, the y may be associated almos t exclusivel y wit h th e name Armenian (Ermeni) or with thei r quarter (Ermeni mahallesi) i n Lef ko§a, their impact on th e community wa s small . Although a fe w live d elsewhere , tha t i s har d t o verify becaus e man y ha d persona l name s whic h canno t easil y b e distinguished fro m Gree k or Turkish ones. Some came originally fro m Anato lia an d maintaine d connection s there . The case s involvin g Armenian s reveal surprisingl y littl e interactio n with th e othe r communitie s o f th e city. Perhap s the y live d i n relativ e isolatio n durin g th e perio d 1580 1640. 8

Among th e Turkis h name s encountere d ar e Murat v . Qoban , Mura d v. c Avs, Kar a Biyik , Tanr i virdi , Alla h virdi , Yunu s v . Kar a Goz , an d feminine Altun and Husna. They do not make up very large a proportion of th e Armenia n persona l name s whic h occur , an d probabl y mos t o f them ha d com e t o Cypru s fro m nearb y part s o f Anatolia . Whe n the y came, or how, a s surgun fo r example, i s unknown bu t some maintaine d connections there . The guardian (vast) of th e late Armenian Abraham v. Tetiyos produce d witnesse s t o attes t t o th e fac t tha t th e decease d ha d a sister in Nigde sancagi , an d the Armenian Temame (? ) bint Gazel/Guzel , as guardia n (vasi) fo r an d mothe r o f th e mino r childre n o f th e lat e Armenian Mosis , sol d hi s hous e (menzil) i n Soz i Hisa r t o Armenia n Kablan v . Serki s ( 1 313-3 ; 8 Muh . 1003 . 4 9 - 2 ; I Ramaza n 1043) . Armenian (? ) v . Ereki l sol d hi s hous e i n Hizi r Ilya s quarte r o f Atan a kasaba to Armenian Yunus (? ) v. Kara Goz ( 3 2 6 - 2 ; 1 0 Zil-Kade 1018) . An imperia l orde r o f 2 6 Septembe r 163 4 ( 3 Rebi c I 1044) fro m Kostan tiniye t o th e Cypru s begle r begisi , t o th e Cypru s cab i defterdari , an d t o the kadi s i n Cypru s concern s collectin g th e cizye o f th e Armenia n com -

The Zimmis 14 7 munity (Ermeni taifesi) fro m Anatoli a scattere d (perakende) o n the island (4 240-1). The only instances of credit given by Armenians were intracommunal: Armenian Yavet v. Kara Biyik claimed Armenian Murad v. Yasef owed him three and a half guru § and Armenian Altun claimed that her husband Armenian Murad owed her 3000 akce (3 33-8; II Zil-Kade 1018. 4 34-2 ; I Rebi c II 1044). Armenian Paresun (? ) v. Mircan owed 616 0 akce to Fatma hatun for two mules and also nine guru§ to zimmi Behine v. Petro, while the Armenian Allah Virdi owed four guru§ to the Muslim woman Zeyneb bint Nebi and 50 akce to Mehmed bn cAbdullah. Armenians Ohan v. Emircan (?) and Yasef b. Tanri Vir(di) owed 40,000 akce to Ganber bn 'Abdullah of Lefko§a from a loan (mtfamele* -1 qerHye) ( 3 1-3; II I Zil-Hicc e 1018 . 3 17-4 ; 2 7 §evva l 1018 . 3 87-3 ; II I Sefer 1019. 3 137—3; 28 Rebi c II 1019. 3 137—2; same). The Armenian Bali owed on e filori to c Ali, ( 3 131-1 , 2 , 3 ; same) an d Ire r (? ) v . Selma n owed Isha k b n Salih 42 0 akc e fo r leathe r (gon) (3 153-9 ; I I Rebi c II 1019). Zimmi Murad v. Eymur be§e, mutevelli of the church (kenise) o f Terbiyodi quarter , claimed that the late Armenian Ilyas of that quarter owed its vakf 200 0 akc e (4 129-3 ; I 3 0 ~ I ; H I Receb 1045) . Murad v. c Avs, Armenian, disappeared leaving a debt of 34 guru§ to Mehmed be§e bn Imam Kuli (3 23-6; I Zil-Kade 1018). Thus it can be seen that, while few instances of credit involved Armenians at all, none had given credit to anyone outside their own community. A few Armenians were in debt to outsiders, however. Of six instances of lan d and property transfers involving Armenians which survive , five involve onl y Armenians. Two instances cited above involved transfers o f propertie s outside of Cyprus . Two mor e involved the sale of houses (menzil) i n the Armenian quarter, one by Hiristofi v . Tomazo t o Hiristof i . . . (? ) v . Piyer o fo r 72 0 akc e an d th e othe r b y Merik/Kazik (? ) v. Ciryako to Yorgi v. Davit for 246 0 akc e (1 106-2 ; Rebic II 1003. 1 265-5; H Zil-Kade 1002) . The fifthwas Habbaz Mansur's sale of his house (menzil) a t Terbiyodi (?) quarter to Baba Filibo v. Yakimo for 7760 akce (3 106—3; 4 Ramazan 1019). In the one instance of purchas e fro m outsid e th e Armenian community, Kar a Goz, having bought a house at a place unspecified from Mehmed be§e bn Imam Kuli for 3 4 guru§ , disappeare d withou t payin g hi s deb t ( 3 23—6 ; I Zil-Kade 1018. Cf. 29-3 ; II Zil-Kade). That also suggests relative selfcontainment among the Armenian community in Lef ko§a.

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Otherwise th e Armenian s wer e relativel y inconspicuous . A n Arme nian woman Husn a bin t Murad apparently converted to Islam to escape her husband Merge d (? ) v. Kulu k (? ) (3 2 5 - 3 ; 9 Zil-Kad e 1018) . Armenian Anderi k v . Ke§i § o f Terbiyod i quarte r wa s arreste d b y za cim ul-vakt Mustaf a s u ba§ i an d c asses ba§ i c Ali s u ba§ i fo r drinkin g win e (§urb-i hamr) a t night i n the marke t (suk) i n the quarter, and Armenia n Murad v. Migirdic was charged with cursing Mustafa b n Hasan ( 3 1 4 9 3; III Cumadi I I 1019. 3 158-5 ; II I Rebic II 1019). Mustafa b n Hasan of Lefko§ a say s (bm) before Mura d v. Migirdic, Armenian: Murad curse d m y mout h (agz) and fait h (iman). I want justic e don e (ihkak-i hakk). Denied . Registered. (3 158-1; III Rebic II1019) c

Abdi bn Mustafa says (bm) before Murad v. Murad, Armenian: He struck me, and imprisoned (habs) me. Denied. (3 138-7; after 28 Rebi c II 1019) c

Abdi b n Mustaf a o f Lefko§ a say s (bm) before abov e Murad , Armenian : He struck me and imprisoned me. Let him be asked and let justice be done. Denied. When cAbdi has no proof, an oath is proposed (teklif) to Murad that he did not do as cAbdi charged. Murad takes the oath and it is registered. (3 138-8; same) A Muslim , o n th e othe r hand , wa s convicte d o f assaultin g a loca l Armenian. c

Abdullah (?) v. cAbdullah (?) Armenian, of Lef ko§a says (bm) before Bayram bn Ridvan: H e blocke d m y wa y an d struc k m e wit h a roc k (ta§) and injure d (mecruh) m y head . I want th e Shari a enforced . I want justic e don e (ihkak-i hakk). Denied. cUdul-i Muslimin Mustafa be§e bn Mehmed andCAH bn Ibrahim confirm the Armenian. (3 156—1; same) In 1636—163 7 (1046 ) a t least one Armenian, Yageb, lived in Koyunli village o f Lefko§ a kaz a ( 4 191—1 ; I I Receb 1046) . N o othe r reference s to Armenians living outside of Le f ko§a were found . The Maronite s (Suryani )

Jerom Dandini , officiall y dispatche d t o th e Maronit e patriarc h i n 159 6 by the general o f th e Franciscan order , must be considered a n expert o n the Maronit e churc h i n Cyprus . Maronite s wer e ther e "i n grea t num bers," an d indee d on e o f onl y thre e Maronit e bishop s outsid e Moun t Lebanon wa s foun d there . Fro m Dandini' s perspectiv e th e Maronite s seem t o hav e bee n a clearly define d community . Although th e Maronit e

The Zimmis 14 9 church in Lef ko§a was "in poor condition," he lists 19 Maronite villages by name, each having at least one parish.9 People identifie d a s Suryan i (Maronite ) use d th e cour t quit e infre quently, although in successive cases Meryem bint Iliyas, divorced wife of Yusuf bn Mehmed of Lef ko§a, was identified a s first"zimmiye" and then "Suryan i taifesi, " s o important evidence abou t them may well be lost (3 137-4, 5; after 28 Rebic II1019). None o f th e Suryani ar e identified wit h towns . Indeed the only two villages the y ar e identifie d wit h i n th e cour t register s ar e i n Lefko§ a district: Hitriya (Kythre a = Degirmenlik ) villag e and Banu Hur§uh (?) of Degirmenlik. In the former Suryani Mariya bint Yasef, as mother and guardian o f he r daughte r Het a (?) , helped settl e th e estat e o f he r late husband Luk a v . Semai l (? ) ( 3 18-8 ; 2 8 §evva l 1018) . I n th e latte r Istefano an d Erlegir o (?) , son s o f Yakim o o f Ban u Hur§u h (? ) sol d a flourishing hous e (hane) an d a ruined one (harabe), trees , and a garden, along wit h wate r rights , t o Yase f v . Hat e (? ) Suriyan i fo r 900 0 akc e (4 26-1; I Rebic 11044). Other Suryan i mentione d includ e Ziy a ( 3 137-5 ; afte r I I Ramazan 1019), Ibra§im (?) v. c Abdullah, Suryani, Ziya v. Yorgi, Suryani, Serkiz, and Musa v . Andoni , Suryan i ( 3 25-4 ; 1 0 Zil-Kade 1018 . 3 32-4 ; II Zil-Kade 1018). Latin Christians (Nasara) The few people indentified as Nasara probably are Latins (Roman Catholics). Behin e v . Ya c ku b wa s on e o f th e Lati n (Nasara ) witnesse s (cudul-i Nasara) i n the settlement of a matter of guardianship involving an Armenia n Gregoria n fro m Nigd e ( 1 313-4 ; 8 Muharre m 1003) . Another wa s zimm i Ciryak o o f Dagir o (? ) villag e o f Limos a distric t (nahiye), wh o had always bee n a Latin Christian (millet-i Nasara) an d remained on e bu t was exclude d fro m hi s villag e churc h b y th e priest (babas)9 wh o accuse d him of bein g a Muslim ( 4 85-3 ; I §aban 1044) . Milu (?Milo? ) bin t Andon i o f Celiy e villag e o f Tuzl a nahiy e wa s ex cluded fro m he r villag e churc h afte r marryin g a Musli m ( 4 197 — 1; I §aban 1046) . Nasraniye Sidilu (?Cendilu?) bint Hiristofi o f Aya Lome quarter of Lapta village of Giriniye district (nahiye) bought a substantial estate (menzil) there fro m Raziy e bin t c Abdullah, includin g tw o two storied an d fou r one-storie d houses , wit h on e an d a hal f donu m o f

150 The

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gardens (bagqe) an d fou r hour s o f wate r ever y marke t da y (Bazar gun) (4 100-2 ; I I Ramaza n 1044) . A Croatia n (Hirvadi l-asl) slav e o f th e Nasara taifesi , wh o presumabl y woul d hav e bee n o f th e Lati n church , fell int o disputes over his emancipation ( 1 279-3 ; II Zil-Kade 1002) . Latins migh t easil y pas s themselve s a s Maronites , an d vic e versa , i f circumstances mandate d it . One might conjecture that immediately afte r the Ottoma n conques t woul d hav e bee n a wise tim e fo r Latin s to tr y t o remain inconspicuous , fo r the y wer e th e enemy , bot h t o th e ne w ruler s and to th e Orthodo x Christia n majorit y o n Cyprus , but Ottoma n source s are silen t o n tha t subject . Wha t littl e evidenc e ha s bee n foun d o n tha t subject, regardin g foreigner s (harbis), Latins , an d Maronites , suggest s that th e situatio n o f th e Latin s wa s no t s o ver y precariou s a s som e scholars have conjectured. 10 Priests an d Monk s Among th e group s o f zimmi s whic h ca n b e identifie d i n th e judicia l records, on e o f th e mos t conspicuou s i s th e clergy , tha t is , priest s an d monks o f towns , villages , an d monasteries . Despit e th e obviou s sacra mental difference s betwee n Christia n clerg y an d Musli m ulema , an d despite the absence of monasticis m i n Islam, the two group s played very similar role s i n th e socioeconomi c system . Mos t o f th e Christia n clerg y were n o les s exemp t fro m havin g t o ear n thei r livin g tha n Musli m religious functionaries . The y share d th e sam e tax-exemp t status . Lik e the ulema, the clergy owned land, or rented it, they engaged in trade and commerce, they lent and borrowed money. Christia n clergy seem to have had no more aversion to dealing with Muslims than other zimmis did. Papa (priest ) Yan i v . Vasi l an d anothe r zimm i fro m Miliy a villag e o f Hirsofi kaz a sol d tw o an d a half kanta r o f cotto n (penbe) t o c Omer b n Ibrahim of th e Lef ko§a "volunteers " (gonulleri), with si x years credit ( 1 15-5; I I Ramazan 988) . Bab a (priest ) Petr o v. Feranc i o f Dal i villag e o f Lefko§a kaz a sol d 5 0 carde d cotton (mahluc penbe) t o janissar y Mehme d be§e ( 4 200-2 ; I I §aban 1046) . Rahi b (monk ) Bab a Eleksendr i wen t al l the way t o th e Sublim e Port e to ge t a n imperial orde r an d a letter fro m the kad i c asker i n orde r t o settl e hi s clai m agains t hi s forme r busines s partner, a kadi. Rahib Baba Eleksendri, abbot (gumonas = igumenos) of Aya Mama monastery in Morfo nahiye acknowledges (ik/i ct) befor e present Tuzla kadisi mevlana haci

The Zimmis 15

1

Ahmed efendi: Formerl y Ahmed and I had a dispute (niza c) ove r business and trade (mu camelat ve ahz ve i c ta). A compromise (sulh) wa s mad e fo r 18,00 0 akce, but when I was no t given th e mone y fo r th e settlement (bedel-i sulh), I went to th e Porte (asitane* -i se'adete), and when I brought u p the aforemen tioned matter , I was given an imperial order (emr-i §erif) an d received a letter (mektub) fro m the Rumili kadi c asker when I went. When I presented the letter and order and again made claim (da cva), a compromise was made for 30 keyi of barley (arpa) an d 20 keyl of whet (bugday). I have no further claim. (4 92-2; I Ramazan 1044) Papa Filip o v . Pap a Tom a o f Ay a Luk a quarte r wa s owe d 12 0 akc e by Yorg i v . Manue l ( 3 34-7 ; I I Zil-Kd e 1018) . Nikol o v . Kirag o an d Yerlovati (? ) v. Mestotori (? ) of Terbiyodi (? ) quarter and others owed a total o f 90 0 akc e t o Bab a Kistinti n v . Pir o o f tha t quarte r ( 4 2 4 7 - 1 ; undated). Pap a Nikol a owe d 120 0 (dirhem) t o janissar y Mehme d be§ e (1 58—1 ; I Ramaza n 1002) . Bab a Petr o owe d zimm i Istavriy e 504 0 (dirhem) ( 3 104-4 , 5 ; 4 Ramaza n 1019) . Pap a Klit o v . Petr o owe d 2 0 sikke t o Lavercx > v. Nikol a ( 3 167-6 ; I I §aban 1019) . Bab a Luk a owe d 80 guru§ to Mustafa od a ba§i (4 244-2; c. II Receb 1044) . Baba Leta (?) v. Andon i o f Degirmenli k villag e owe d 400 0 akc e t o Husey n $avu § ( 4 244-4; II I Receb 1044) . Suleyman, janissary, says: I want two Venedik guru§ from Papa Fote (?), zimmi. Denied. Suleyman has no proof. When an oath is proposed to the priest, he takes it. ( 1 291-3 ; 9 Zil-Hicce 1002 )

Clearly th e clerg y wer e mor e ofte n borrower s tha n lenders . Perhap s that reflects a certain precariousness in their economic status. Papa Lefteri v . Kiryako and Papa Andon v. Kiryak o owned vineyard s at Paligo z (? ) villag e o f Penday e kaz a ( 1 184-2 ; 2 6 Cumad i I 1003) . Papa Nikol a v . Filibo , pries t (papaz) o f Mus a $eleb i villag e o f Le f ko§a was able to sell his three one-story house s (tahtani evler) at the village to racil Mehmed b n c Abdullah for 180 0 akce, and Papa Yano v. Dimitre of Ayos (? ) villag e o f Lefko§ a wa s abl e t o sel l hi s fou r one-stor y house s (tahtani evler) a t th e villag e t o Hasa n be g b n Kasi m fo r 100 0 akc e ( 1 2 1 0 - 1 ; I Ramaza n 1002 . 2 7 7 - 1 ; I I Zil-Kad r 1002) . Pap a Nikol a v . Filipo bough t fou r one-stor y house s (tahtani evler) a t Ay a Pere§cog a quarter in Lefko§a fro m Huseyn b n Yusuf fo r 276 0 akc e ( 1 3 0 1 - 1 ; Zil Hicce 1002) . The monk s (rahibler) wh o live d i n Ay a Yan i Mesolog o monastery bough t som e place s aroun d th e monaster y fro m Poly o v . Kostindin o f Lefko§ a fo r 12,00 0 akc e ( 1 330-3 ; I I §aban 1002) . Hiris -

152 The

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tofi v . Yakimo , rahib o f Elvidos e (? ) quarter, owne d house s (evler) ther e which h e ha d earlie r bough t fro m zimmiy e Len a bin t Kosariv i (? ) fo r 6000 akc e ( 3 51—3 ; I I Cumad i I I 1019) . Bab a Andon i v . Lefter i o f Kalamit (? ) village of Penday e nahiy e sol d his 2 4 donum vineyard s (bag) at the village to Mehmed b n c Abdun-Nebi o f Le f ko§a for 10,00 0 akc e ( 4 3 1 - 2 ; I I Rebi c I 1044) . Bab a Simiy o bough t a garde n (bagqe) at Degir menlik villag e o f Le f ko§a fro m zimmiy e (? ) bint Ergir o for 200 0 akc e ( 4 5 7 - 2 ; I Sefer 1044) . Rahib Argir o (? ) v. Pera§koge of Eskalar i villag e of Lef ko§a nahiy e sol d hi s garde n (bag^e ) wit h one - an d two-stor y house s at Gerb i (? ) villag e o f Morf o nahiy e t o severa l zimmi s fo r 10,00 0 akc e (4 1 0 2 - 1 ; H I Ramaza n 1044) . Bab a Ciryak o v . Sav u bough t a house , courtyard (hane, havlu) etc . a t Temlos/Temblo s villag e o f Girniy e kaz a from Manesk o v . Madyo o f th e villag e fo r 64 0 akc e ( 4 1 9 0 - 1 ; I I Receb 1046). Several clerg y wer e involve d i n dispute s ove r possessio n o f certai n property suc h a s donkeys , oxen, wate r rights , and othe r lan d an d prop erty, usuall y wit h othe r zimmi s ( 1 1 7 - 6 ; 2 1 Ramaza n 988 . 3 148-4 , 5 ; III Cumad i I I 1019 . 3 148-2 ; II I Cumad i I I 1019 . 4 1 6 - 1 ; I I §evva l 1043. 4 1 4 1 - 1 ; I §aba n 1045) . On e pries t wa s struc k b y another , an d several priests were curse d b y a zimmi. Papa £atiy o (?) , zimm i o f evlad- i Sine g (? ) say s (tm) befor e Perat o Pap a v . Sefletiyo (?) : He entered m y house in the night m e and struck m e (darb-i qedid) on the arm. (1 32-4; 3 §aban 1002 ) Papa Bahtyod i v . Loizo , Pap a Manik u (?) , and othe r priest s (papazlar): Pane dorfo v . (omitted) curse d (§etm) us . Let him b e asked. Denied. Piyalu v. Zanko and Zano (?) v. Nikolo confirm th e claimants. (3 146-7; III Cumadi II 1019) Several clerg y wer e accuse d o f theft , on e o f rape , an d on e o f murder . In additio n popula r complaint s wer e raise d agains t tw o others . Nearl y all the complaints originate d amon g zimmis . §ilviya bint Yani, zimmiye of Lakatamiye village says (bm) before Baba Yorgi v. Baba Yani of village: One month ago Baba Yorgi came upon me (uzerime gelub) in the middle of th e night. I was alone. He made fornication (zina). Let him be asked. Denied. (3 66-5; II Receb 1019) Loizo v. Andreye of Lakatamiy e village of Le f ko§a, as agent (vekil) set s forth a claim (td) before Baba Yorgi v. Baba Yani of the village: Previously in the middle of the night Baba Yan i entered th e house of m y son's wife §ilviya and took her

The Zimmis 15 3 by forc e (cebren tasarruf). Le t hi m b e asked . Denied . Whe n Loiz o i s aske d fo r proof, Vinsa s (? ) v . Miste n (? ) an d Zorz i (? ) v . Loic o (? ) cam e t o cour t an d confirmed tha t Baba Yorgi came out of her house in the night, although they did not se e anythin g concernin g (mute c allik) fornicatio n (zina). I t i s registered . ( 3 7 1 - 2 ; I I Receb 1019 ) Above Bab a Yorg i acknowledge s tha t h e borrowe d som e mone y fro m Halic i zade, musellim of Mustafa Pa§ a . .. ( 3 7 1 - 3; same) Huseyn bn Mustafa o f Kuriko y village says (bm) befor e Artimo v. Tomasi, rahib of Urmani (? ) village: He mounted m y donkey (merkeb) an d without my knowl edge h e took i t an d went. I found m y donke y i n fron t o f hi s house . I want hi m asked i n accordanc e wit h th e Sharia . Artim o replies : I n truth , I mounte d hi s donkey, but he cut its tongue. ( 3 153-2 ; II Rebc II1019 ) Above rahi b says : I too k th e donke y an d brough t i t t o m y hous e ( 3 153-3 ; same) Huccet. Husey n b n Mustafa o f Kur i village says (bm) before Pap a Arsimo v. Tomaz, rahib of Le f ko§a: Formerly h e cut out the tongue (dil) of m y donkey , I want justice done (ihkak-i hakk). Denied . Husey n has no proof. When an oath is proposed that he did not do as Huseyn claimed, the zimmi took i t on the Incil. (3 158—6 ; same) Above Husey n acknowledge s (ik) befor e abov e Papa : I claimed (da cva) tha t h e cut the tongue o f m y donkey. I was not able to substantiate (isbat) th e claim. ( 3 158-7; same ) Papa Pacj says (bm) befor e Anzelo v. Yorgi: Starting 1 5 years ago I worked three years fo r hi m an d h e ha s no t pai d me . Th e clai m i s no t heard . ( 3 148-3 ; II I Cumadi II1019 ) Papa Pac j v . Hiristof i o f Dikim o villag e o f Girniy e say s (bm) befor e Anzel o v . Yorgi: I sold hi m an ox (okuz) fo r 840 akce. He delays paying. Denied. Then he acknowledges it . ( 3 148-4 ; same ) Above Anzelo sold above Papa a donkey (merkeb). ( 3 148-5 ; same ) Above Anzel o say s (bm) befor e abov e Papa : H e stol e m y small ru g (kaliqe). Let him be imprisoned (habs). H e has my money also . Denied. ( 3 148—6 ; same) Mustafa ot a ba§ i guardia n (vast), befor e th e Shari a fo r th e orphan s (eytam) Mustafa, c Ali, an d Fatm a o f th e lat e Emi r c Ali be§ e o f Cypru s janissarie s wh o was kille d (maktul) whil e livin g i n Kamosin e (? ) o f Lefk a kaz a say s (bkltm) before fro m th e villag e zimmi s Luy i v . Zorzi , Bab a Luk a v . Luyi , Loiz o v . Tomazo, Andon v . Bab a Filori , an d others: Baba Vasil an d Mihayel kille d Emir

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c Ali be§ e and that was proved at court (divan-i Kibris mahfil-i §er c). I have no claim against the people of the village. (4 71-1; I Receb 1044)

Baba Kostindin v. Piro, rahib of Terbiyoti quarter of Lef ko§a, says (ihzar/tk/tm) before from the quarter Piro v. Andon (?), Vriyoni v. Vriyoni, Mihail v. Marko, Luka v. Yakimo, Zorzi v. Bavli, Arslan v. Eymur §eh, and others: Let my state, or reputation, (hal) b e recorded. I have no desire to drive him from the priesthood (papaslik). ( 4 40-1 I Rebic II 1044) Yakimo v. Vriyoni, Ilyas v. Hiristofi, Tomazo v. Vriyoni, zimmis, and others of Kizilbas. koy i n Lefko§a kaz a claim (iddfa/tk) befor e Bab a Ciryako v. Savu of the village : H e doe s no t suppor t himself . H e curse d u s all . Le t hi s state , o r reputation (hal) be asked. (4 145-3; I §evval 1045) On severa l occasion s clerg y alon e o r wit h other s o f thei r quarte r o r village passe d informatio n o n t o th e court , ostensibl y a s communa l leaders. After th e murderers of janissar y Emi r c Ali be§e were discovered , Baba Luk a wa s amon g thos e villager s informe d tha t n o clai m would b e made agains t th e village fo r bloo d mone y (dem diyeti) ( 4 7 0 - 1; 71—1; I Receb 1044) . Baba Kostintin, Baba Vasil, and Baba Bahtodi were among the zimmis of Terbiyoti quarte r of Lef ko§a who came to court to request an investigation o f th e fata l fal l o f zimm i Yakim o fro m th e castle walls, and th e priest s (babaslar) o f th e Armenia n quarte r o f Lefko§ a wer e among those who aske d the court to investigate the condition of a dying elderly woman i n their quarter ( 4 16-2 ; 4 §evva l 1043 . 4 3 9 - 3 ; I Rebic II 1044) . Bab a Yorg i v . Aleksendr e wa s amon g th e people o f £aluc e (? ) village of Baf kaza who negotiated a compromise (sulh) in a dispute with their spahi Arslan beg (1 6 7 - 4; Muh. 1003) . Clergy were exemp t fro m mos t taxes , althoug h the y would pa y taxe s on lan d the y cultivated . Sometime s i t wa s necessar y t o g o t o cour t t o secure that privilege. Hasan bn Kasim, spahi of Ayos (?) village of Lefko§a: I renounce the cift bozan akce due from Papa Yano v. Hiritim (?) and his son Yakimo. I have no further claim. (1 273—7; I Zil-Kade 1002) Rahib Yanaci, vekil-i §er c of rahib the abbot (gumonos filosofo)of Belikano (?) monastery in Hirsofi nahiy e says (bk/tm): Mariye bint Loizo gave us her threeyear-old son Simiyo eight [years] ago. From then until now he has not been able to support himself (kar u kesb) or to mingle with people (ihtilat). H e became a monk (rahib). They want cizye and ispence from this minor even though he does not support himself o r mingle with people. I want his cizye and ispence t o be

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canceled (sakit). This is true. It is not permissible in accordance with th e Sharia to demand cizye and ispence from him . ( 4 192-1 ; I I Receb 1046 . Cf. 1 311-4 where Papa Kipriyano v. Ferenci is called a recaya to Ahmed aga because of the lands he cultivates. Muh. 1003.) Zimmis a s Local Official s In a fe w instance s zimmi s hel d position s whic h place d the m o n th e periphery o f officia l loca l authorit y i n administration . Th e cas e o f Isa k the Je w ha s alread y bee n introduced . Ofte n a zimm i wa s a ta x farme r (multezim). S o Lefko§ a muhtesi b hac i Husey n b n Bila l transferre d th e revenues due for hi s salary from th e wax factor y (mum bane) t o Andrey e v. Pernard i fo r thre e year s a t 10,00 0 akc e pe r year , a tota l o f 30,00 0 akce for thre e years ( 1 304—3; Muh. 1003) . Girniye sancagi beg i Dilave r beg b n c Abdullah commissione d (sipari§) Sinan efend i b n Mus a o f th e notables (zu cama) t o collec t hi s 120,00 0 akc e salar y (saltyane) du e fo r 1016, bu t th e stewar d (emin) sen t t o collec t th e salar y wa s zimm i Fer endci, who hitherto had onl y received 45,00 0 akc e ( 3 1 2 7 - 1 ; I Ramaza n 1019). c

Ali Pa§a, present governor (valiy-i vilayet) o f the island of Cyprus has Mehmed aga i n hi s plac e fo r th e investigation , wh o say s (ihzar/bk) before taver n ta x farmer (meyhane multezimi) of Lefko§ a Totor i v. Ferencesko and Yorolim o (?) v. Cakuh : Tonigh t zimm i Yakim o wen t t o thei r taver n (meyhane) whic h the y possess a s a ta x far m (iltizam). He dran k win e an d becam e unconsciou s (la ya ckil). H e fell fro m th e castle (hisar) an d perished (helak). Let them be asked. Denied. When proof i s demanded of Mehmed, he had none. When he proposed on oath to the zimmis, they took it. (4 13-2; I §evval 1043) Non-Muslims commonl y deal t wit h matter s concernin g wine ; fo r example, a forme r imperia l win e stewar d (hamr emini), a Je w name d Franko, wa s banishe d t o Cyprus , perhap s unjustl y ( 2 59—1 ; II Sefe r 1016).

Two importan t office s whic h regularl y fel l t o zimmis o n Cypru s wer e those o f translato r an d o f chie f architect . Tw o chie f architect s (mfmar ba§is) were named : Zeyne l b n c Ali in 100 3 an d Pir a v . Luk a i n 104 4 ( 1 304-4; 1 Muharrem 1003 . 3 2 3 - 1; I I Muh. 4 23—2 ; III Sefer 1044) . §a c ban Pa§a , for th e medrese of Suleyma n b n Selim Han, had hi s agent (illegible): The medrese need s repairs (ta^mir). 30,00 0 akc e is given to zimmi s (? ) v. Baba Nikola and Nikola v. Petro to repair it. (3 112—1; II Ramazan 1019 )

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Andon v. Petre, architect (mfmar), who is spahi of Kilohedere (?) vil. of Lef ko§a, acknowledges (ik/i ct) before Hiristofi v . Petra: When Mehmed beg died without male offspring (evlad-i zukur), his fields (tarla) i n the village were suitable for a title deed (tapu), in accordance with kanun. Hiristofi ha s taken it for 4000 akce registration fe e (resm-i tapu). I confirm hi s right of possession. (1 39-3; II §aban 1002. Probably to his brother). The earlies t referenc e t o a translato r (tercwnan) i s Sar i i n 1003 ; thereafter, a translato r migh t b e on e o f th e instrumenta l witnesse s ( 1 6 2 - 2 ; I I Muh. 1003 . cf 2 6 3 - 2; 3 148—3 , 151-5 . Sari ma y hav e bee n a Muslim, bu t th e others wer e Greek Orthodo x Christians) . Order t o Mevlan a Lefko§ a kadis i fro m governo r Mustaf a Pa§a : Sulursi n (?) , who i s i n th e translatio n servic e (tercuman hidmeti) i n Cyprus , presente d a petition ( carz-i hal) here askin g for a letter tha t spahis stop interferin g wit h his collecting customary taxes ( cusr) fro m re caya in accordance with his berat. See if this is so. They should not interfere. (2 63—2; II Cumadi I 1016) Foreigners, Latin s o r Franks, and Foreig n Merchant s Non-Muslims wh o had no t submitted t o the authority o f a n Islamic stat e were considere d t o b e perpetuall y i n a stat e o f wa r (harbi), o r migh t b e labeled infidels . Sometimes , in the interest o f diplomac y o r the economi c benefits o f trade , th e Ottoma n governmen t unilaterall y grante d suc h foreigners a temporar y lega l status , th e privilege s o f whic h wer e define d in capitulation s fahid name). I n th e perio d 1580-164 0 thi s clas s o f protected people , calle d muste*min, consiste d o f a ver y smal l numbe r o f consuls and foreig n merchants , mostly Venetian, bu t als o French, Dutch , and English . Thei r privilege s lapse d wit h th e deat h o f eac h successiv e sultan, wh o migh t interrup t o r alte r the m a t an y moment . Whil e thos e foreigners manage d thei r individua l communa l affair s unde r thei r ow n consuls, thei r busines s dealing s o n Cypru s occasionall y le d t o thei r ap pearance i n court. 11 The Ottoma n conqueror s converte d mos t Lati n churche s int o mosques , although the y hande d ove r severa l t o th e larg e Gree k orthodo x commu nity an d a t leas t on e o t th e Armenia n Gregorians . Dandin i (1596 ) re ported th e presenc e o f a Francisca n monaster y a t Larnak a whic h serve d Italian merchants . In Lefko§ a the y ha d "bu t a smal l church , o r rathe r chapel, which i s well maintained , an d ha s a pries t o f ag e and wealt h fo r a pastor , bu t ver y ignorant. " Cotovicus , whe n h e sa w th e churc h i n

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Larnaka i n 1598 , expresse d relie f a t th e grea t consolatio n i t provide d travelers and pilgrims. 12 What happened i n the twenty-five-year interva l is not clear. Many o f th e Lati n nobilit y eithe r adopte d Isla m an d becam e spahi s or first became Christia n spahi s bu t graduall y wer e islamicized . Other s interacted wit h th e Gree k Orthodo x an d becam e hellenized ; som e o f those even penetrated the Orthodox church . Probably very few lost their lives after th e establishment o f provincial governmen t i n Cyprus. Only a few noble families experienced los s of status. 13 The fat e o f Venetia n an d Lati n propert y a t th e tim e o f th e conques t of Cyprus is not known. Probably Ottoman military commanders confis cated muc h o f i t a s booty , particularl y aroun d Le f ko§a an d Magosa , although i t would hav e bee n unusua l fo r th e militar y t o hav e applie d a single polic y uniforml y over th e whol e island . Soo n a n imperia l orde r was issued authorizing the return of property to harbis. Two cases in the sicils preserve references t o harb i landowners. Bot h dat e from 1580 , the oldest fragment s o f judicia l record s surviving , an d both ar e in damage d condition. I n one a man named Mehme d b n Muhalla (? ) of th e Magos a gediklu presente d a signe d memorandu m (tezkere) o f th e inheritanc e (beyt ul-mal-i c amme) defterdar i Ibrahi m efend i indicatin g tha t h e ha d bought house s (evler) whic h remai n fro m harb i Pertames e (? ) v. Rugen dava (? ) i n Ay a Yorg i quarte r fo r 70 0 akc e an d house s (evler) o f harb i Liracerler (? ) zimmiy e fo r 60 0 akce , a tota l o f 130 0 akc e ( 1 3 - 3 ; 2 8 Ramazan 988 . Zimmiy e harb i i s not define d furthe r an d does no t occu r often bu t i s a strange combination) . Similarl y Ferha d b n c Abdullah sol d vineyards an d garden s a t a villag e o f Lefko§ a whic h ha d bee n th e property o f harb i Pir o v. Pavere t (? ) to zimm i Nazir i (? ) v. Gatil i (? ) fo r 600 akc e ( 1 11—1 ; I I Ramaza n 988 . cf . 12-5 ; 1 6 Ramaza n 988). I t seems that in both cases the property was acquired from the harbis in an orderly fashion . One of the main concerns of muste'mins was protecting their property from entanglement in Ottoman judicial procedures. Kalotiya v . Fesenco , zimmi, merchant (tuccardan) o f Frank s (Efrenc taife$i) o f Lef ko§a, says (tm) before Mavridi v. Yano: The aforementioned Mavrid i came here with m e for trade (ticaret). The n I became sick (hasta) . If I die, I have no claim (hakk) agains t him for money (akce), or movable goods (emval, emtfa). I request that no one be annoyed (rencide). I have no claims against anyone. (1 60—3; Muh. 1003 . Cf. 60-1 , where the same merchant announces that he has

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received in full the cloth (eight §ipka and quka) h e left in emanet with Nikola v. Pay (?)). Kalotiya v. Fesenco, zimmi, one of merchants (tuccar) o f Franks (Efrenc taifesi) in Lefko§a , say s (tm) before Ferencesk o v . Zolfino , zimmi : Ferencesk o cam e with me for trade. Here I became sick. If I die, he owes me no money nor goods nor anything. Let no one trouble him for me. If anyone claims anything, let the court not hear it or accept it. A berat is given to Ferencesko. (1 326-2; 15 Muh. 1003)

Being bot h Efren c an d zimm i a t onc e i s likewis e a strang e combina tion. Apparentl y th e foreig n merchant s wer e residen t i n Lefko§ a unti l some tim e afte r 161 0 whe n the y settle d i n Larnak a an d Tuzla. Bot h o f the abov e document s refe r t o merchant s wh o hav e com e fro m th e out side fo r trade . I f such merchant s died , a share of thei r property wen t t o the treasury (beyt ul mal). Perviz beg bn c Abdullah, who holds a tax far m (iltizam) a s steward (etnin) o f inheritance on the island, acknowledges (ik) before zimmi Bafriqo: Inez (?) bint Ladestiyo (?), widow of the late Pavlo, went to Venice. I want the shares of his estate whic h accru e t o he r an d t o th e treasur y (miri). With th e mediatio n o f upright people (muslihun tevassut) a compromise (sulh) i s reache d fo r 13,00 0 akce. I have received it. (1 83-2; Sefer 1003) Consuls of thre e governments wer e sometimes represente d in Cyprus: Venice, Holland , an d France . The nam e give n thos e consul s (balyosl balyas) i s th e sam e give n t o th e Venetian ambassado r t o th e Porte . A series o f case s an d imperia l order s i n 1593-159 5 (1002-1003 ) involv e a clai m fo r restitutio n o f 180,00 0 akc e i n excessiv e charge s regardin g sale o f over 80 0 kanta r o f cotto n b y th e Cypru s defterda r kethudas i Mehmed t o a Venetia n merchan t name d Kordova n (?) . Th e Venetia n merchants reportedl y ha d confuse d th e Cypru s kanta r with th e heavie r Egyptian (Mist) on e an d fel t cheate d ( 1 72—3 ; Muh . 1003 . 12.6—1 ; §evval 1001 , in Konstantiniye . 126-2 . 127-1 ; 2 6 §evva l 1002 , in Konstantiniye. 128-1) . I n that case orders fro m th e Porte, the treasury, an d the imperia l council , a s wel l a s a fetva , wer e sen t t o th e Cypru s begle r begi, th e kadi , an d th e defterda r kethudas i i n order t o tr y to satisf y th e appeal of the Venetian baylos for justice to the merchant. The assembled Muslim expert s (ehl-i vukuf) certifie d tha t th e defterda r kethudas i wa s right in accordance with the Sharia. The foreigner s wer e merchant s intereste d i n trade . O n Cypru s thei r

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main interest s wer e cotton , sugar , an d local cloth , a s well a s provision s for ships in preparation fo r the return voyage t o th e western Mediterra nean. On e imperia l orde r o f earl y Augus t 159 4 (II I Zil-Kad e 1002 ) addressed t o th e begle r beg i an d defterda r o f th e islan d o f Cypru s responds t o a petitio n fro m th e ta x farmer s (multezim) o f th e suga r factories (qeker hane) a t Piskobi , Kula§ , Kukla , Lefka , an d Hirsof i an d from the baylos o f th e island; certain revenues were specified par t of th e official incom e o f th e begler begi, who presumabl y insiste d on sellin g all his suga r an d cotton—a t a hig h price—befor e other s coul d sel l thei r produce, thus causing los s bot h to ta x farmer s an d to village cultivator s (1 286-1) . Muste'min Yakimoto v. Mile/Moyle, the Dutch consul (Fiyamenk balyasi), says (ihzar/bm) before Erik (?) v. Vesikaro (?), Frank merchant: He and I made some cotton transactions (penbe mu'amelesi); afte r calculation, he owes me 571 sikke altun and $6 akce. I want it. Denied. When Yakimoto is asked for proof, Frank Pavlo v. Vile (?) and Covani v. Eziraste (?) confirm Yakimoto' s testimony. It is registered that it is necessary for him to pay. (3 128-5; I Ramazan 1019) The French consul (Fransiz balyosi) o n the island of Cyprus , an Efrenc named Ilaka (? ) say s (iddi ca/tk) before Bab a Betr o v. Luk a o f Degirmenli k villag e o f Lef ko§a kaza: He and I had transactions (mu c amelat) and trade (ahz u Hta). H e owes me (hakkum) 3 6 riyali guru§. When I wanted it, he stalled (te'allul). I want justice. Betro denies that: the balyos and I had transactions and trade for 193V2 riyali guru§ , which he owed me. I have received them. He (?) acknowledges that in the presence of Lefko§ a kad i seyyi d Ya ckub efendi. ( 4 120-1 ; I Cumadi II 1045)

Although h e muste'min s see m t o hav e preferre d trad e wit h othe r foreigners o r wit h Ottoma n Christia n subjects , th e instanc e o f th e ver y large credi t o f 2222V 2 riyal i guru § b y th e Frenc h merchan t (Fransiz tuccari taifesi) Ferencesk o v . Latik o (? ) na m dom e birin c (? ) t o th e Cyprus begle r beg i Ahme d Pa§ a for Pari s and Merzifon (? ) cloth (quka) has alread y bee n cited . I t wil l b e remembere d tha t Musli m witnesse s upheld Ferencesko' s clai m i n regar d t o th e debt; when h e was aske d b y the representative o f th e deceased Pa§a to take an oath that the debt had not bee n repaid , Ferencesk o swor e o n th e Bibl e (Incil ) ( 4 60—1 ; I Sefer 1044). After 160 0 the growing numbers and new aggressiveness of Europea n pirates threatene d trad e i n th e easter n Mediterranean . Indeed , th e eas e

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with whic h som e vessel s an d crew s passe d bac k an d fort h betwee n commercial respectabilit y an d pirac y prompte d a genera l suspicio n o f foreigners. On e dut y o f th e consul s wa s t o tr y t o mak e legitimat e trad e possible. An interesting cas e of thi s sort survives . Present mesned ni§in £erak (? ) on the island o f Cypru s c Abdur-Rahman efendi , and Sufi zade Mahmud $elebi , Ibrahim s u ba§i, and others of Lef ko§a say (bm) before muste'mi n Antoniyo , veki l an d consu l (balyos) of th e Dutc h (taife-i Fiyamenk) of th e muste'mi n taifes i presentl y i n th e tow n o f Larnak a o n tha t island: Th e Dutc h wh o ar e here with th e kalyon Sant a Kuru z want t o mak e a trip to Tamyat (Dumyat) in their kalyon. They are at Tuzla harbor (iskelesi). Let him b e asked i f tha t kalyo n i s trustworthy. Antoniy o replies : All of th e Dutch (Fiyamenk taifesi) on th e galleon (kalyon) Santa Kuruz a ar e trusted merchant s (tuccar). All are known and trusted. I am guarantor (kefil) fo r the behavior (hal) of the galleon. (4 172-3 ; I I Cumadi II 1046 . Kefils were regularly t o guarantee mal (money, property) an d nefs (personal presence) ; hal is a usag e I have no t encountered previously. Cf. 1 280-4; 3 I 5 I ~5») Perhaps th e identificatio n o f muste'mi n an d harb i i n cour t record s reflects thei r integratio n int o th e Ottoma n system , a t leas t fro m th e Ottoman poin t o f vie w i f no t fro m thei r own . Th e cour t syste m coul d handle suc h disputes , althoug h th e foreigner s probabl y resented , an d sometimes eve n misunderstoo d o r wer e confuse d by , th e procedur e b y which the y wer e settled .

Wine an d Wine Productio n Grape cultivatio n an d win e manufactur e wer e tw o majo r industrie s i n Cyprus, particularly i n the coastal regio n betwee n Ba f an d Larnaka . Th e Ottoman governmen t an d th e Musli m communit y o n Cypru s showe d a sometimes ambivalen t interes t i n controllin g win e productio n an d con sumption, particularl y b y zimmis . Drinkin g win e b y Muslim s wa s n o doubt a subjec t o f som e mora l concern , althoug h tradin g i n i t wa s usually permitted . Publi c drunkennes s wa s a specia l offense , bu t th e privacy o f th e hom e wa s s o sacrosanc t tha t eve n mora l zealot s woul d approach n o close r ther e tha n t o observ e th e entr y an d departur e o f visitors. Drinkin g win e i n tavern s wit h zimmi s apparentl y wa s forbid den, an d a t leas t briefl y durin g th e reign s o f sultan s Ahme d I (1603 1619) an d Mura d I V (1623-1640) al l wine production wa s categoricall y banned. Severa l Latin traveler s gossiped tha t th e people of Cyprus dran k

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wine excessively ; som e sai d the y ha d bee n tol d tha t th e loca l Muslim s drank win e surreptitiously , ofte n i n th e compan y o f Christians . Mos t eagerly exaggerate d Muslim , Ottoman , an d Gree k Orthodo x immoral ity. Cypru s win e wa s notoriousl y strong , s o perhap s man y foreigners , before the y learne d t o dilut e it , projecte d thei r ow n stupo r o n t o th e locals. Another of their stories attributes the conquest of Cyprus to Selim IPs love for the local wine . Spahi Kasim bn c Abdullah had an agreement with zimmis Papa Lefteri v. Kiryako , Vasi l v . K a . . . (?) , an d Pap a Ando n v . Kiryak o o f Pali^o z (?) village o f Penday e kaz a i n his timar : H e collecte d 371/ 2 load s (yuk) of win e (§erab) from th e winer y (§erab bane) ever y yea r when th e win e was sweet , instea d of collectin g the tax c u§r-i §ira (1 184-2 ; 2 6 Cumad i I 1003) . Hac i c Abdi b n Davu d o f Lefko§ a sol d thre e an d a hal f load s (yuk) o f win e t o Sozomen o v . Istavrin o o f Kaymakl i (? ) villag e o f Lef ko§a for one altun apiece; after the sale he sealed them (3 6 7 - 6; II Receb 1019. Cf . 168-2 ; I I §aba n 1019) . Th e sam e c Abdi gav e Pere§kog a v . Mihail of Kaymakli village (? ) one and a half loads of wine to pay a debt (3 168-1 ; I I §aba n 1019 . Cf . 168-2) . Zimmiy e Atos a (? ) wa s i n a dispute wit h Musli m Hamz e ove r whethe r h e had wanted tw o load s o r six loads of wine ( 3 168-9 ; H §aban 1019) . Totori an d Yerolim o (?) , zimmis o f Lefko§a , se t fort h a claim (da c va/tk/tm) before Yorgi v. Kostintin: He tries to sell wine in our houses. Up until now the right t o sel l win e ha s bee n hel d a s a ta x far m (iltizam). Yorgi ofte n sell s i t without permission. Yorgi denies that. When the claimants are asked for proof, two unnamed zimmi witnesses confirm their claim. (4 36-1; I Rebic II1044) Yorolimo v. Cakuri of Lef ko§a says: I took the winery (meyhane) at Balik bazari at the covered market (suk) in Lefko§a from the treasury (miri) fo r 45,000 akce for three years (15,000 akce/year). After I possessed it one year, the present mir miran of Cyprus Ca'fer Pa§a forbade (?) dealing in wine, whether at that winery (meyhane) or in the quarters (mahalle) of Lefko§a.... I paid 15,000 akce to the treasury (miri) fo r one year, and received the winery. When it was necessary in accordance with the Sharia to forbid the drinking and sale (§urb ve beyc) of wine (hamr) . .. ( 4 114-2; I §evval 1044) The effect o f this prohibition on wine production is difficult t o conjecture. Nothin g shoul d hav e affecte d th e cultivatio n o f grapes . Probabl y the prohibitio n wa s short-live d an d ha d littl e impac t beyon d Lefko§ a anyway.14 The evidenc e o f th e sicils doe s no t suggest tha t Cypru s had a

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serious drinkin g problem . Occasionall y polic e official s apprehende d lo cal peopl e fo r vice , an d occasionall y loca l peopl e woul d lodg e a com plaint a t th e court . Th e ba n itsel f wa s th e whi m o f sultans , no t a reasoned attemp t t o dea l wit h specia l problems . c

Abdul-Kadir ogl i Ahmed , su bas j of Le f ko§a, an d Pir i su ba§i , §ehir zabiti, wh o is yay a basj , says : I n th e cit y a t th e hom e o f Gavra cil tw o Muslim s ar e sittin g with Mariya, wife o f tha t Gavra cil, and one or two other infidels ar e there. Let a man b e sen t fro m th e court . Hasa n b n c Abdullah wen t wit h th e Muslim s fro m the quarter whose names are listed below. The aforementioned Gavra cil, another Gavracil v . Lefteri , an d Filib o v. Lefter i wer e found . Bot h Gavra'il s wer e appre hended, bu t th e thir d zimm i fled. They als o foun d Menek§ a hatu n sittin g there. All wer e summone d t o court . Whe n the y wer e brough t t o court , Gavra'i l v . Lefteri said , w e cam e t o drin k wine , bu t Gavra cil ha d alread y com e befor e u s and wa s sitting . The y sa t down . I kne w nothin g abou t them . Tha t Gavra'i l smelled of wine, ( i 222-1 ; Ramaza n 1002 ) Hiristofi v . Yorg i o f Lefko§ a say s (tm): Yakimo , zimmi , alway s drink s win e (§urb-i hamr). Yakim o say s h e wil l no t drin k win e (§urb-i hamr). Hi s fathe r Sozine is guarantor (kefil). (1 328-2; Muharrem 1003 ) Zimmiye Hiristin e say s (bm) befor e Hasa n b n c Abdullah: Hasa n alway s drink s wine i n ou r village . H e infringe s o n th e Sharia . H e doe s anno y (rencide) me . ( 3 146-3; H I Cumadi I I 1019 )

Haci Keyvan, c Abdul-Kadir boluk ba§i bn Ahmed, Yusuf bn Ahmed, and Huseyn bn c Ali, spahis of th e village, an d fro m th e village Piyale b n c Abdullah, c Ali be§e bn c Abdullah, Mark o v . Kistiniti , Yorg i v . Yakimo , Lar e (? ) bin t £elep o (?) , Hiristine bin t Yakimo , Ver o bin t Zanoc a (?) , zimmis , an d othe r peopl e o f th e village sa y (bm) befor e Hasa n b n c Abdullah: H e alway s drink s win e i n ou r village. H e annoy s u s (rencide) withou t cause ; h e treat s u s cruell y (zulm an d te*addi) contrary t o th e Sharia . W e d o no t wan t hi m i n ou r village . Registered . (3 146-10 ; II I Cumadi I I 1019 ) Anderik v . Kesjs, , Armenian o f Terbiyot a quarter , ha s clai m mad e agains t hi m for drinkin g wine (qurb-i hamr) i n the quarter b y za'im ul-vak t Mustaf a s u ba§i and chief nightwatchmen ( cases ba§i) cAli su ba§i. (3 149-3 ; III Cumadi II 1019 ) Mehmed b n c Abdullah says : Kira t (? ) v. Piy u (? ) drank win e (§urb-i hamr). I t is registered tha t h e cam e t o th e cour t (mahkeme) drun k (sarho§). ( 3 161—8 ; III RebicII 1019 ) Yakimo v . Cova n o f Ay a ku§an i quarter : Zimm i Kur t drank win e a t the taver n (meyhane) wit h Mehme d b n c Abdullah. They struck me on the head and injured

The Zimtnis 16

3

me. I want them to be asked in accordance with the Sharia; I want justice done (ihkak-i hakk). Denied. When proof was sought from cudul-i muslimin Yusuf bn Mustafa an d (omitted ) confirme d Yakimo ; thei r testimon y wa s accepted . ( 3 162-3; III Rebic II1019) Yakimo v. Cova n of Ay a Ku§ani quarter acknowledges (ikliH) befor e Loiz o v. Marko, (?) v. Loiz, and other people of the quarter (ehl-i mahalle): Zimm i Kurd and Mehmed bn c Abdullah struck (darb) me in front of m y house and injured my head. I have no claim against the people of the quarter. (3 162—4; same) Loizo v. Nikolo, Bavlo v. Petro, Tomazo v. Yorolimo, Marto v. Eliyodi, Ragosj (?), Zorzo v. Yorolimo, Andoni v. Nikolo, and others of Eliyodi (?) quarter say (ihzar/td/tk) before Yorg i v . Kostintin : H e alway s sell s win e (hamr) in ou r quarter. Most days he fightsand causes trouble (gavga ve fesad). We invited him to come to cour t (da cvet-i §er c idub). When we summoned him (murafa'a), h e did not come. . . . ( ? ) o r he should be killed (katl). He has taken much of our property (mal). He i s alway s disputin g (mu caraza ve munaka$a). H e doe s not have a good reputation (halt degildur). W e want him to be asked and his reply recorded. Denied. When the claimants are asked for proof, Yorgi v. Aleksandri and Nikolo v. Zorzi confirm them. Recorded. (4 34-1; III Sefer 1044) Summary Very fe w Gree k Orthodo x Christian s ha d ful l lega l right s o r economi c opportunities i n Cyprus under the authority o f the Latin Catholic Lusignan dynasty, nor in the Venetian empire. As the judicial records indicate, all non-Muslim s ha d extensiv e opportunitie s t o us e th e cour t legally . Absolutely n o restriction s wer e place d o n th e Orthodo x majority , no r on th e smal l Armenia n o r Jewish communities . Everyon e ha d th e sam e opportunities. Ther e wer e n o restricte d craft s o r trades . Anyon e coul d become a farmer , butcher , sil k weaver , o r moneylender . Probabl y tha t came with the conquest. Ottoman kadi s wer e charge d t o appl y th e sam e standard s o f justic e for zimmi s an d Muslims , althoug h th e zimmi s ha d lega l disadvantage s in testifyin g agains t Muslims . O f th e 280 0 case s foun d betwee n 158 0 and 1637 , 321 , or 15% , involved just zimmis. Fully 953, or 34%, of th e cases involved at least one zimmi. Muslims initiated cases against zimmis in 32 1 cases , or almos t 12% , while zimmi s initiate d agains t Muslim s i n 211, o r 8% , o f th e cases . (Admittedly , tha t doe s no t reall y provid e a clear-cut distinctio n becaus e a ver y larg e numbe r o f al l case s involv e very noncontroversial matters , and also frequently case s initiated by one

164 The

Zimmis

person ma y b e revive d a t late r times b y other individuals. ) A t an y rate , more than a third of al l of the cases studies involved at least one zimmi. Zimmis use d th e cour t t o questio n othe r member s o f thei r families , even a brothe r o r brother-in-la w o r son . The y arrange d marriages , set tled estates, and they transferred lan d or houses fro m one community t o another. The y mad e crimina l complaint s agains t Muslims , a s agains t other zimmis. The kadi' s registe r wa s th e onl y officia l recor d o f lan d an d propert y transfer, althoug h i t would b e very difficult t o estimate what proportio n in Cyprus were ever actually registere d throug h th e years. In both property an d lan d transfers , th e greates t proportion s wer e intracommunal . Thus o f 27 6 recorde d propert y transfer s 15 9 o r 58 % involve d jus t Muslims, an d 5 6 o r 20 % involved zimmis . O f 10 2 recorde d lan d transfers, 5 9 (o r 58% ) involve d Muslims , an d 1 8 o r 13 % involve d zimmis . No scruple s see m t o hav e bee n fel t abou t livin g nea r people s o f othe r faiths, fo r in 3 0 instances Muslims sol d property an d in 9 instances they sold lan d t o zimmis . A s fo r th e zimmis , i n 31 instance s the y sol d prop erty an d i n 1 6 instance s the y sol d lan d t o Muslims . Tha t mean s tha t numerous Muslim s ha d n o objectio n t o livin g o r workin g nea r Chris tians, an d vic e versa . Althoug h permitte d b y Islami c law , preemptio n was very uncommon i n Cyprus at that time. Conversion t o Isla m was ver y commo n i n Cypru s betwee n 158 0 an d 1637. Severa l instance s o f individua l conversion s occurre d bu t nothin g was foun d involvin g smal l groups . Base d o n a perusal o f th e disparat e evidence fro m th e judicia l records , th e amoun t o f conversio n ros e con siderably betwee n 158 0 an d 1593-1595 , bu t by 1609-161 1 th e rate of conversion ha d begu n t o tape r off , an d b y 1633-163 7 i t seems to hav e fallen a lot more. People wer e suppose d t o conver t only o f thei r own fre e will , anothe r responsibility o f th e kadi . Wome n ha d th e sam e right s a s me n i n thi s area. A fe w wome n converte d before , o r after , marryin g Muslims . I n a few marriage s havin g a mixe d marriag e clearl y interfered , althoug h i n other case s tha t wa s no t so . I n a fe w instance s th e Orthodo x churc h seems to have tried to make intermarriage difficult . Although Jew s ma y av e bee n someho w restricte d t o Magos a unde r the Venetians , an d the y d o no t appea r i n surve y o f 1572 , th e judicia l registers mentio n the m in a village, als o having a tax farm , and being in long distance trade . A small numbe r lived in Lef ko§a, one was a thief a t

The Zimmis 16 5 Genose (Kenose ) villag e o f Hirsofi . Also , tw o village s o f Lefk a (Ay a Yorgi and Aya Nikola) an d two of Girniye , Koromadi and Mamili are mentioned. N o indicatio n i s give n abou t wh y Jew s wer e s o widel y distributed i n the island, or what they were doing, bu t we can say for sure that there were no restrictions on their movements, and they were not needed for money lending. The Armenians are known only in regard to their quarter in Lef ko§a where they live d bac k t o Lusigna n times . Some of th e Armenians had Anatolian Turkish names and must have been immigrants. Several can be identifie d a s buyin g o r sellin g houses , o r lendin g money , usuall y within their own communities, although sometimes with local Muslims. Almost nothin g i s know n abou t th e Maronite s excep t tha t sinc e Lusignan times their villages had declined in number, but they still had a small community connected with the Lef ko§a Maronites. The Catholics and the Maronites had in common that they both recognized the pope. Both were at least occasionally associate d with villages, and the Latins with Limosa/Tuzla. One of the most conspicuous groups of zimmi s using the court were priests an d monk s o f towns , villages , an d monasteries . Man y o f the m have faced the same problems of many Muslim ulema, that is of having to support themselves at least partially. They shared the same category of bein g onl y partiall y tax-exempt . I n towns an d villages alike , clergy seem to have no more aversions to dealing with Muslims than did other zimmis. Many owned land, and participated in trade and commerce, but clearly the y were mor e often borrower s the n lenders. A small numbe r were even criminals. Not surprisingly, however, many others were communal leaders. Not surprisingly a few zimmis held local office, a s tax farmers (multezim), as architects, or as translators (tercuman). A special grou p of foreigner s (harbis) acte d as consuls, and in a few cases foreign merchants. In general those people don't seem to have been very important people in Cyprus, although the extent of their documentation may be somewhat surprising, as is the way that they participated in the court. Unfortunately it is really difficult to identify various foreign merchants, or thei r consul s particularl y sinc e som e o f th e people wh o had been important under the Venetian rule or even descendants of the French Lusignan might have felt the need to be discreet in their behavior with the new government. The fate of Venetian or Latin property is not

vs. Muslim zimmi

vs. zimtni zimmis

z-z% % of total vs. of of cases total communal

1580 130 56 43 %1 7 2 81 1 20 %8 % 35 % 1593-1595 _95 8 28 7 30 % _6 0 10 1 12 6 44 % JL3 % 17 % 1A 108 8 34 3 32 % 7 7 12 9 13 7 40 % 13 % 19 % 3 1609-161 1 118 4 41 5 35 % 8 0 13 8 19 7 47 % 17 % 18 % 4 1633-163 7 ,^2 8 19 5 37 % _5 4 _54 J8 7 45 % 16% 20 % Totals 280 0 95 3 34 % 21 1 32 1 42 1 44 % 15 % 19 %

sicilno. year cases

total cases z-z% total involving zimmi zimmis % Muslim zimmi

Table 5, 1 Zimmis (Non-Muslims ) a t Court inter-

z-z z-m

m-z

m-m

total

Land Property z-z

z-m

m-z

m-m

1A 1580

8

_—l total land total & property

, 4 3 4 29 40 2 8 1 6 1 6 66 12 6 16 6 1593-1595 3 1609-161 1 1 4 3 12 20 1 4 8 3 39 64 8 4 7 1 3 9 2 18 42 1 4 7 1 1 54 86 12 8 4 1633-163 Total 1 8 1 6 9 59 10 2 56 3 1 3 0 15 9 27 6 37

sicilno. year

Table 5. 2 Transfers of Property Ownershi p

168 The

Zimmis

Table 5. 3 Total Lan d and Property Transfers: 378 : 10 2 Land + 27 6 Property land at start zimmis owned at end zimmis owned decrease at start Muslims owned at end Muslims owned increase intercommunal transfers

34 (33% 27 (26% 21% 68 (67% 75 (74% 10% 25 (25%

property ) ) ) ) )

87 (32% 86 (31% 1% 189 (68% 190 (69% 1% 61 (22%

total ) ) ) ) )

121 (32% 113 (30% 7% 257 (68% 265 (70% 3% 86 (23%

) ) ) ) )

known. As the cases described indicate, at least a number of them were able to act publicly. Cyprus remained under the Ottomans a n important sourc e of wine. In general, the greatest objections were against those who violated public scrutiny. Public drunkenness was probably often considere d reprehensible. Possibly because of the very strong nature of the local wine drunkenness happened more easily than people might anticipate. Usually zimmis who produced i t were taxed like businesses. Occasionall y Muslim s got involved. Whoever drank only within the privacy of their own homes was much better off . NOTES 1. C . Cahen, "Dhimma, " El 1. J . Schacht, Introduction . . ., pp . i3off , 194 . A. Fattal, Le Statut des Non-musulmans en Pays d'Islam. Beyrouth , 1958 . 2. Figure s fo r lega l agent s (vekil), witnesse s (§uhud), an d instrumenta l wit nesses (suhud ul-hal) wer e al l utilize d fo r thi s study . The y com e fro m th e judicial register s of Lefko§a . 9 8 8 - # i A , pp . 1-20 ; i o o 2 - # i A , pp . 21-40 ; i o i 8 - # 3 , pp . 1-25 ; I O 4 3 ~ # 4 , pp . 1-40 . O n Cyprus, see C. Kyrris, "Symbiotic Element s . . ., " K.L. 8.1976.2 4 5ff. H e ha s importan t perception s about conversio n there , although perhap s h e overstates hi s case a little. For 18th- an d 19th-centur y conversion , se e V . Bedevi , "Kibn s §e r c i mahkem e sicilleri iizerind e ara§tirmalar," First Congress . . ., Ankara , 1971 . pp. i4if , with Englis h summary , pp. i5off . 6 . L . Barkan made a pioneering study of the rol e o f dervishe s an d thei r organization s i n th e perio d o f Ottoma n expansion. "Osman h Imparatorlugund a bi r tskan ve Kolonizasyon Metod u

The Zimmis 16 9 olarak Vakifla r v e Temlikler: I . Istila devirlerini n Kolonizato r Tur k Dervi§leri v e Zaviyeler, " VD 2.1942.278-353 . Vryoni s ha s recentl y writte n a n enlightening study of conversion t o Islam in Anatolia, n t h t o 15t h century . (Decline . . . , pp . 351—402 ) Amon g hi s conclusion s ar e (1 ) tha t i n genera l the people follo w th e religion of th e ruler, and (2 ) that the determination o f sufi missionaries , an d th e similarit y o f thei r preachin g t o muc h o f th e popular belief o f th e Greek Orthodo x Christians , led to widespread conver sion t o Islam . A furthe r extenuatin g facto r wa s th e inability o f th e disorga nized, impoverished , an d ofte n disoriente d Orthodo x churc h t o compet e with th e wealt h an d vigo r o f th e victoriou s politica l an d socioeconomi c forces o f th e Muslims . I n a recen t detaile d stud y o f th e cit y o f Trabzo n based o n defter s H . Lowr y ha s show n tha t 28.6 % o f th e Muslim s ther e were convert s i n 155 3 an d 22.57 % i n 1583 . There onl y afte r mor e tha n a half-century o f Ottoma n rul e did conversion becom e a very dynamic factor , whereas conversion in Cyprus had already begun to decline within that time span. Accordin g t o Lowry , " . . . whil e th e cit y o f Trabzo n wa s wel l o n it s way t o bein g 'Islamicized ' i n 1583 , wit h 53.62 % o f it s resident s liste d a s Muslims, ethnically th e non-Turkish elemen t (includin g the first an d second generation converts ) stil l totale d 70.35 % o f th e tota l population. " "Reli gious Conversio n a s a Variabl e i n th e Religiou s Profil e o f Trabzon : ca . 1486-1583," chapter 6 of Ottoman Tahrir ..., pp . 246f, 23if, 238 . Lowry strongly endorse s Vryonis ' argument tha t the religion o f th e people follow s the religio n o f th e rule r bu t h e point s ou t tha t th e situatio n i n Trabzon , unlike as Vryonis has shown for elsewhere in Anatolia, the church hierarchy was no t wea k an d unabl e t o defen d th e Gree k Orthodo x Christians . Tha t is, th e perio d follow s th e mille t reform s o f Mehme d th e Conquero r whic h greatly strengthene d th e Orthodo x church . Vryonis , Decline . . . , pp . 351 , 500; Lowry , Ottoman Tahrir . . . , pp . 243 ^ 241 . O f course , th e conques t of Cypru s come s lon g afte r thos e mille t reforms . Lowr y attribute s muc h o f the conversion i n Trabzon t o the extra ta x burde n on the Christians, which both Vryonis and Goitein hav e concluded, for Anatolia an d for n t h - 1 3 t h century Cair o respectively , wa s a n onerou s burde n fo r zimmis . Lowry , Ottoman Tahrir . . . , pp . 290ft ; Vryonis , Decline . . . , pp . 359 , 348ft . Goitein, Mediterranean Society . . . , v . 2, pp . 38off ; "Evidenc e on th e Muslim Pol l Ta x fro m Non-Musli m Sources . A Genize h Study, " JESHO 6.1963.278—295, esp . 294f . Fo r lega l case s illustrativ e o f conversio n i n Kayseri, se e Jennings, "Zimmi s (Non-Muslims ) . . . , " JESHO 21.1978.240 246. 3. Kyrris , "Symbioti c Element s . . . , " pp . 245 ^ A possible comparabl e sourc e is J. Schiltberger , wh o mention s a genera l practic e o f collection s fo r poo r converts to Islam. (Schiltberge r and Neumann, pp. 130-132 ; and Schiltberger an d Hakluyt , pp . 74f ; cite d i n Vryonis , Decline . . . , pp . 357 ^ wh o however does not cite further sources.) Exemptio n fro m the cizye/harac wa s an economic incentive of a different sort .

170 The

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4. A larg e Mevlev i conven t (tekke) wa s establishe d i n Lefko§ a soo n afte r th e conquest. Tha t orde r ha d playe d a majo r rol e i n convertin g Anatolia n Christians t o Islam . Se e Vryonis, Decline . . . , pp . 362-402 , especiall y pp . 381-396. (Lowr y supports Vryonis in this. Ottoman Tahrir ..., p . 244. ) Also Barkan, " . .. Kolonizato r Turk Dervisjeri...," VD 2.1942.278-353 . 5. Cobham , pp. i82f ; "A Voyage . . . , " i n J. Pinkerton, v. 10 , pp. 222-304 . 6. Cotovicu s i n Cobham , p . 197 . Lithgo w i n Cobham , p . 204 ; The Totall Discourse . . . , Glasgow , 1906 , p . 167 . De s Hayes , Voiage de Levant . . . Paris, 1624 . p. 328. Hurtel in Cobham, p. 233; from Enlart, L'Art Gothique . . . , p p. 103-109 . According t o C . Kyrri s grea t pressure s t o cooperat e an d b e assimilate d were place d o n th e Christians , particularl y th e Latins . H e estimate s tha t 25,000 peopl e wer e force d t o conver t t o Isla m betwee n 157 0 an d 1632 . "L'Importance social e . . . , " pp . 439 , 499 ; nevertheless , man y Latin s als o were know n t o feig n Orthodoxy , p . 455 . Elsewhere , i n a stud y base d o n local Cyprio t famil y tradition s o f Lati n ancestry , bot h Musli m an d Gree k Orthodox, h e mention s " . . . th e unfixe d numbe r o f Latins , i.e . Venetians , French and others, resident in Cyprus, who to save their life and/or property during and after th e conquering expedition chos e or had to get converted t o Islam." K.L. 8.1978.245 . Fo r Kyrris, the crypto-Christians (Linobambakoi ) were no t jus t a fe w bu t "th e vas t majority " o f Muslim s i n Cyprus , p . 27 1 n38. According t o T . Papadopoullo s th e Ottoma n conques t brough t abou t "the practica l eliminatio n o f th e Frankis h colon y whic h forme d th e domi nant class among the population of th e island"; the survivors were "quickl y assimilated." "Mass conversion " " . . . provide d th e sourc e fo r th e growth " of th e Muslim community . I wonder, however , whether the "exterminatio n and disappearance o f th e Frankish rulin g class" was no t de jure rather than de f a c t o . . .. Population, 3if . The stor y o f Zindanc i Mahmu d kapudan , supposedl y a governo r o f Cyprus i n th e secon d hal f o f th e 17t h century , give s evidenc e o f a fine line between Isla m an d Christianit y throug h whic h certai n Muslim s an d Christians passed bac k an d forth a t will. A s A. Tietze observed, the gulf betwee n Christian an d Musli m corsair s wa s no t great ; i t wa s no t eve n unusua l t o find a Christia n captai n an d partiall y Christia n cre w i n a galle y o f Tunis . Andreas Tietze, "Di e Geschicht e vo m Kerkermeister-kapitan , ei n turkische r Seerauberroman au s de m 17 . Jahrhundert," Acta Orientalia 19.1943.152 210, especiall y p. 158 . 7. Cobham , pp . 74f ; Revue de Geographie 5.1879.222 ^ Bu t suc h service s were not needed after the Ottoman conquest . 8. Man y wer e assimilate d t o th e Orthodo x populatio n befor e th e en d o f Venetian rule . Late r they live d i n Karamanzad e quarte r i n Le f ko§a. Avedi s K. Sanjian, The Armenian Communities in Syria under Ottoman Dominion. Cambridge, 1965 . pp . i6xi. Earl y i n th e 18t h century , accordin g t o Po cocke, ther e wer e a smal l numbe r o f ver y poo r Armenian s i n Lefko§a .

The Zimmis 17

1

Cobham, p . 269 , i n Pinkerton , v . 10 , p. 592 . B y the tim e o f Marit i (1769 ) the Armenian s apparentl y ha d becom e "th e riches t sectio n o f th e inhabi tants." Travels . . . , p . 44. 9. Cobham , p . 182 ; Pinkerton, v . 10 , pp. 277 , 279 , 293 . R . Janin, "Chypre, " Dictionnaire d'Histoire et de Geographie Ecclesiatiques, (Paris , 1953) , v . 12, p. 815 . 10. Accordin g to Costas Kyrris, many of the old Latin rulgin class on the island, sometimes voluntaril y an d othe r time s b y compulsion , adopte d Islam , o r possibly eve n Orthodoxy , an d immediatel y passe d int o th e rulin g class . Halil Inalci k questione d Kyrris ' idea about forced conversion , but acknowl edged tha t thos e wh o converte d t o Isla m migh t hav e entere d th e Ottoma n ruling clas s a s spahis . "L'Importanc e social e d e l a conversio n a PIsla m (volontaire ou non) d'un e sectio n de s classes dirigeantes de Chypre pendan t les premiers siecle s d e Poccupatio n turqu e (1570-fi n d u XVII e siecle, " pp. 437-462, 46 7 i n Actes du premier congres international des etudes balkaniques et sud-est europeennes. v . 3 . Sofia, 1969 . The fat e of th e Latins wh o remained i n Cyprus is not known i n any sor t of detail . To wha t extent they may hav e fel t insecur e an d t o wha t extent , an d when , the y woul d hav e referred publicly and openly to their church is unknown. 11. Late r the y wer e largel y exemp t fro m obligation s t o appea r befor e courts . See H. Inalcik, "Imtiyazat, " EI 2. 12. Dandini , in Cobham, pp 18if ; i n Pinkerton, v. 10 , pp. 277, 279. Cotovicus , in Cobham, p. 191. 13. Kyrri s has amassed importan t evidence on this subject; he asserts that thos e who resiste d assimilatio n face d deat h o r socia l an d economi c degradation , but hi s mos t convincin g conclusio n i s tha t massiv e dissimulatio n b y th e Latins enabled those families to preserve their positions of importance. They readily too k advantag e o f opportunitie s t o advanc e themselves . "L'impor tance social e . . . , " pp . 439 , 453 , 455f , 462 , an d passim. Cf . T . Papado poullos, wh o similarl y refer s t o "th e exterminatio n an d disappearanc e o f the Frankis h rulin g clas s an d th e eliminatio n o f th e Lati n ecclesiastica l influence . . . " whe n th e remainde r o f th e Frankis h peopl e wer e "quickl y assimilated." . . . Population, p . 32 . Christia n spahi s wer e commo n i n th e Balkans a t the tim e o f th e Ottoman conquest . H . Inalcik , "Ottoma n Meth ods of Conquest, " Studia Islamica (hereafter referre d to a s S.I.) 2.1954.103 129. 14. A n Augustinia n mon k name d J. d e Veron a wh o passe d throug h Cypru s i n 1335 sample d local wine: "I f it were drunk nea t the heat of th e wine woul d burn up a man's entrails.... anyon e who would drink it must put one glass of win e t o fou r o f water , an d even s o i t is strong enough." Cobham, p. 18 . Another pilgrim , th e Westphalia n pries t Ludol f vo n Suchen , wa s equall y impressed: " . . . commonl y me n mi x on e par t o f win e wit h nin e o f water . And wer e a ma n t o drin k a whol e cas k h e woul d no t b e drunken , bu t i t would bur n an d destro y hi s bowels . Ye t man y hol d i t wholesome t o drin k

172 The

Zimtnis

this wine neat on an empty stomach. In all the world are no greater or better drinkers tha n i n Cyprus " (after 1336) . Cobham , p . iof . Accordin g t o Elia s of Pesaro , th e wine i s "very strong , an d mus t b e diluted wit h two-third s o f water" (1563). Cobham, p. 75. Tommaso Porcacch i say s of the wine: "On e needed t o drin k bu t a tin y measur e i n a larg e quantit y o f water . I do no t mean that this wine onl y i s rich an d good, bu t al l the wines of Cypru s ma y vie with an y country . . . " Cobham , p . 166 . Seigneu r de Villamont believe d it wa s s o stron g tha t i t shoul d onl y b e drun k i n th e morning . " . . . i f yo u drink onl y tw o peg s o f thi s i n th e mornin g yo u ca n easil y pas s th e res t o f the da y withou t mea t o r drink, s o remarkabl e i s the strengt h an d goodnes s of th e wine . Bu t take n i n exces s i t burn s you u p at last." Cobham, p . 173 . Likewise Corneliu s d e Bruyn , i n 1674 : "Ther e ar e re d wine s an d whit e wines, bot h excellent , bu t s o stron g tha t fo r ordinar y us e yo u nee d t o pu t twice a s muc h wate r a s wine . I d o no t remembe r meetin g wit h stronge r wine." Cobham, p. 243.

SIX

Disastrous Effects o f Locusts, Plague, and Malaria on the Population of th e Island

A few Venetian s who wer e seriousl y concerne d abou t declinin g popula tion urge d easin g th e financial an d economi c burde n o n th e island' s people an d indeed sough t a policy o f encouragin g ne w settlemen t there . While som e officia l effort s wer e made , emigratio n alway s exceede d im migration an d th e problem wa s neve r solved. 1 Restriction s wer e place d on emigration . Hue n (1487 ) reporte d that , eve n thoug h n o on e coul d legally leav e th e island , man y peopl e emigrate d t o nearb y Ottoma n territory t o escap e oppressio n o n Cyprus. 2 Marin von Baumgarte n (1508 ) praised th e extreme fertilit y o f th e islan d bu t notice d tha t the citie s an d villages had extremely lo w populations "a s if it was barre n and a desert place."3 Doubtless see n a s divine retribution , natura l disasters—earthquakes , endemic disease (plague, and reawakened malaria), and locusts—impoverished the towns. O n 2 5 Apri l 149 1 a very severe earthquake di d great damage to Mesariye an d Lef ko§a districts, while knockin g dow n on e o f the tw o seasid e wall s o f Ba f (Paphos ) an d par t o f th e castl e a t Limosa . Very sligh t damag e t o th e islan d wa s don e i n a mino r earthquak e o f 1542, but a much stronger one of 154 6 struck both Lefko§a and Magosa and damaged Aya Sofya church . On 2 5 Apri l 156 7 "shock s were felt throughout Cypru s which laste d for 5 3 day s an d went o n fo r tw o years ; the shocks occurre d a t interval s of 8 , 12 , an d 2 0 day s o r i n alternat e months , five o r eigh t shock s a t a time." Most affecte d wa s Limosa , an d the n Le f ko§a; little damag e wa s 173

174 Disastrous

Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria

done. O n 7 an d 1 3 Octobe r 156 9 severa l sligh t shock s wer e fel t i n Magosa an d Lef ko§a, but no damage was reported. Strong earthquakes began to shake the island late in 1567 , continuin g through December . O n 2 8 Januar y "ver y violen t shock s cause d som e damage a t Limassol, " wher e som e peopl e "wer e drive n t o liv e i n th e open countr y a s the shock s increase d i n numbe r an d intensity. " A tota l of 14 0 wer e recorde d i n one two-wee k period . Som e damage wa s done , but the earthquake was not very powerful. I n 1583 a n earthquake threw down a house in Limosa, although possibly that refers to the earthquake of 1576-1577 . (N o subsequent earthquakes occurred before 1718. ) Although the earthquakes betwee n 149 1 an d 171 8 cause d some moderate damage , th e rea l destructio n tha t the y cause d wa s minimal . Possi bly no lives were lost . However , on e mus t not underestimate th e terrify ing experience of feelin g such tremors. 4 A substantia l demographi c an d economi c declin e i n th e town s o f Cyprus bega n i n th e 14th o r 15th centuries , perhap s initiall y relate d t o the Black Death . Before th e end of th e 15t h century some improvement s had begun . Probabl y th e populatio n double d durin g th e Venetia n cen tury, bu t tha t growt h ma y hav e bee n confine d t o rura l areas , fo r th e towns continue d t o experienc e socioeconomi c setbacks . Hil l ha s se t ou t several estimates for the period which range between 90,000 and 250,ooo. 5 The casualtie s associate d i n wester n source s wit h th e Ottoma n con quest ar e greatl y exaggerated; n o doub t Ottoma n casualtie s wer e over 50,000, bu t i t wa s ver y muc h t o Ottoma n advantag e t o spar e loca l people no t within th e fortresses o f Le f ko§a an d Magosa; anyway, thos e people generally cooperated with the Ottomans. However, literally thousands of people—perhap s ten s of thousands—wer e enslaved . A register dated 7 Octobe r 157 0 ( 7 Cumad i I 978), withi n a mont h o f th e fal l o f Lefko§a, list s th e name s an d sale s ta x pai d o n 13,71 9 newl y enslave d people fro m Cyprus . Although apparentl y n o othe r register s survive , Magosa di d no t fal l unti l Augus t 1571 , whe n slave s enoug h t o fill another registe r mus t have bee n taken . The demographi c effect s o f tha t policy wer e profound , fo r certainl y al l bu t a very fe w slave s were take n away fro m Cypru s (MM D 325 ; asj v 5471) . Taxe s wer e collecte d o n 1,786,678 people . Several estimate s o f th e result s of th e first Ottoman censu s i n Cypru s in 157 1 hav e bee n published. The Ottoma n historia n Kar a £elebi c Abd ul- c Aziz efendi give s the figure of 120,00 0 re caya (whic h in that instance

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 17 5 must als o mea n zimmis). 6 Th e Gree k Orthodo x historia n o f Cypru s Kyprianos (lat e 18t h century ) give s a figur e o f onl y two-third s that , namely c . 85,00 0 taxabl e person s (255,00 0 t o 297,00 0 people). 7 Both Kyprianos and Kara £elebi purpor t to give accounts of tha t first "census." Both their figuresare hard to relate to the Latin estimates. Kyprianos also gives a figureof 196,98 6 from Coronelli's Isolario* Some tax farmers (multezim) of th e tax farm s (mukata cat) o f th e sugar factorie s (§eker haneleri) a t Piskopi , Kula§ , Kukla, Le f ka, an d Hirsofi , an d the Venetian consul (baylos), complained to the Porte that people who are oppressed b y othe r ta x farmer s flee t o Venic e thereb y impoverishin g Cyprus.9 Dandini (1596 ) estimate d only 12,00 0 or 13,000 Muslims on the island , whil e Cotovicu s (1599 ) estimate d 600 0 mal e Turk s an d 28,000 male Christians.10 With fe w exception s foreigner s presume d tha t th e populatio n wa s declining throughou t th e 17t h century . Fo r Calepi o (1573 ) th e islan d was virtually deserted. 11 De Villamont (1589), who described the detail of Ottoman tax registers which enabled the sultan to know the numbers and even names of his subjects, was astonished to findthe island scantily populated, particularl y give n it s fertility. 12 Henr y d e Beauva u (1604 ) believed tha t Cypru s ha d becom e ver y depopulated , althoug h i t ha d been populous at the time of the conquest.13 Olfert Dapper reported the island depopulated from the cruel Ottoman rule.14 The imperia l polic y o f compulsor y populatio n transfer s durin g th e first decad e o f Ottoma n rul e indicates th e perceived nee d fo r ne w settlers. So do the orders prohibiting the transporting of anyon e from the island without official writte n permission. Expressions of imperial concern for the well-being of the local people also indicate a realization that the island was underpopulated. Locusts The plight of the colony Cyprus was well known in Venice in the 16th century. Th e popula r geographica l boo k o f island s o f th e worl d b y Benedetto Bordone , first published i n Venic e i n 1528 , warned : "Bu t among s o muc h good , tha t ther e may b e found nothin g i n this world without its bitterness, the luck of the island has one drawback . .. tha t a vast multitud e o f cavalette or locusts appea r wit h th e youn g wheat" ; those locusts "hide the sun" "like a thick cloud," "and where they light

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they devou r an d consum e no t onl y th e grai n an d grass , bu t eve n th e roots belo w th e ground , s o tha t on e migh t sa y tha t fire had blaste d everything." To destroy them, according to Bordone, people dug out the eggs—some 30,000 bushels (stara)/year, and also they brought a certain water from Syria in which they soaked the eggs of the locusts.15 The German traveler Jodicus de Meggen, who visited Cyprus in 1542, gave a vivid description of the destruction left by the locusts. ". . . there is a plague o f caterpillars , abou t on e i n thre e years , especially afte r a period o f drought ; thes e graduall y ge t bigge r until , b y th e mont h o f March, they ar e the thickness of one' s finger, having grown wings and some long legs, and resemble the locust; they fly about in the wind, in such immens e numbers, that they look lik e a cloud; and any crops on which they may settle are completely devoured, right down to the roots, leaving n o hop e o f blad e o r ear . Tha t i s why , sometimes , ther e i s a woefully ba d harvest. " Consequentl y th e Venetia n governmen t main tained the requirement that villagers be required to turn over a certain specified weight of locusts to the magistrates.16 In the year 154 2 ther e was a great earthquake i n Cyprus and great multitudes of locusts passed over from Syria and remained a long time. Estienne d e Lusignan , wh o reporte d that , wa s o f th e forme r rulin g family, which had been replaced by the Venetians. That Dominican friar wrote a detailed description of the island, which he completed in 1568.17 The English merchant John Locke landed on the island on 12 August 1553 at the port of Limosa. This da y walkin g t o se e th e towne , w e chance d t o se e i n th e marke t place , a great quantiti e o f a certaine vermin e calle d i n th e Italia n tongu e Cavalette . I t is as I can learne , bot h i n shap e an d bigness e lik e a grassehopper, fo r I can judg e but littl e difference . O f thes e man y yeere s the y hav e ha d suc h quantiti e y l the y destroy al l thei r corne . The y ar e s o plague d wit h them , y c almos t ever y yeer e they doe well nie loose halfe their corne, whether it be the nature of the countrey, or the plague of God , that let them judge that best can define. But that there may no defaul t belaie d t o thei r negligenc e fo r th e destructio n o f them , the y hav e throughout th e whol e lan d a constituted order , tha t every Farmo r or husband man (whic h ar e eve n a s slave s bough t an d sol d t o thei r lord ) shal l ever y yeer e pay accordin g t o hi s territorie , a measur e ful l o f th e seed e o r egge s o f thes e forenamed Cavalette , th e whic h the y ar e boun d t o brin g t o th e market , an d present t o th e office r appointe d fo r th e same , th e whic h office r taket h o f the m very straigh t measure , an d writet h th e name s o f th e presenters, an d putteth th e sayd egge s o r seed , int o a house appointe d fo r th e same , an d havin g th e hous e full, the y beat e the m t o pouder , an d cas t the m int o th e sea , an d b y thi s polici e they do e a s muc h a s i n the m liet h fo r th e destructio n o f them . Thi s vermin e

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 17

7

breedeth or ingendereth at the time of corne being ripe, and the corn beyng had away, in the clods of the same ground do the husbandmen findye nestes, or, as I may rather terme them, cases of the egges of the same vermine. Their nests are much like to the keies of a hasel-nut tree, when they be dried, and of the same length, but somewhat bigger, which case being broken you shall see the egges lie much like unto antes egges, but somewhat lesser.18 Following hi s visi t i n 1569 , Lusigna n reporte d tha t grea t multitude s of bird s cam e t o th e islan d fro m Syri a i n flocks . The y crie d ou t ver y loudly an d mad e s o lou d a noise whe n mor e tha n a thousand gathere d in an assembly that they resembled a small army. The Cypriots call them "locust-birds" (oisseaux de sauterelles) becaus e the y subsis t o n locusts . They ar e al l whit e excep t fo r th e bea k an d th e fron t o f thei r stomach , which is black, and they are slightly larger than pigeons. 19 The Dominica n Angel o Calepi o o f Cyprus , lon g superio r o f thei r convent i n Nicosia , writin g i n 1572 , indicate d tha t Cypru s " . . . wa s scourged fo r man y years with suc h swarm s o f locust s that they at e even stems o f trees. " Tha t wa s God' s punishmen t o n th e Orthodo x o f th e island fo r thi s schism , alon g wit h a n earthquak e i n 1556 , a whirlwind , and other awful punishments thereafter. 20 Sir Georg e Hill : "Apar t fro m ecclesiastica l affairs , an d th e relation s of the island with the Western Powers, the history of Cypru s for about a century afte r th e Turkis h conques t i s littl e bu t a recor d o f plague , locusts, drought , famin e an d earthquakes." 21 Hill , europeanophil e i n values, obviousl y wishe d t o belittl e tha t century , bu t h e wa s muc h to o good a historia n no t t o appreciat e th e profoun d effect s o f disaster s o n history. Ulrich Krafft, a German seaman who was enslaved b y Muslims in the Mediterranean betwee n 157 3 an d 1587 , mad e severa l visit s t o Cyprus , beginning i n 1573 . Hi s descriptio n o f locust s an d the locust problem i n Cyprus i s mor e precise an d accurat e tha n an y befor e hi s tim e o r indee d any befor e th e mid-19t h century . Ho w h e coul d provid e suc h accurat e information i s a puzzle, bu t obviously h e did not drea m it. Some peopl e in Cypru s wer e intimatel y informe d abou t th e lif e o f locust s o n th e island. Only in Krafft's precisio n did he err. He sai d tha t locust s ar e calle d "Zuuor " b y th e Turk s o f Cyprus . Previously, befor e th e Turk s too k th e island , locust s frequentl y wer e produced, bu t neve r i n suc h grea t quantitie s an d no t wit h s o muc h damage a s in the past five or six years . According t o Krafft , the y liv e in a yearly cycle as follows: They come out of the ground between 1 and 3

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March, resemblin g smal l ants . I n enormous number s the y craw l o n th e ground unti l 2 3 April , St . George' s day . O n th e nex t thre e day s the y grow wings , an d fro m 2 6 Apri l unti l th e end of June they swar m abou t together and block out the sun. Those that do not have wings are carried by thos e locust s tha t do , unti l the y gro w wing s o f thei r own . The y fly about fro m on e gree n place t o anothe r an d ea t every gree n thing, grass, grains, an d fruits , righ t down t o th e very roots . They ea t trees down t o the hard wood. Every year the Ottoma n governor s giv e very stron g orders that every inhabitant mus t collec t a larg e sackfu l ever y wee k an d bur n i t an d th e worms, although tha t does not make any considerable reductio n in their numbers. As soon a s the last day of June comes, it is time for the locusts to la y thei r eggs. They al l com e dow n t o th e groun d an d put their hin d part half ( a quote) a finger length into the ground, up to their wings, and lay thei r eggs . The n the y die , thei r uppe r portio n decays . The egg s remain i n th e groun d unti l th e followin g year , unti l th e beginnin g o f March. The y gro w i n greate r number s tha n th e previou s year , a s th e new cycl e begins . (Note : Man y ey e witnesse s attes t tha t th e locust s devour everything except colococas, because it is so bitter. 22) The conques t o f Cypru s b y th e Ottoma n empir e i n 157 1 obviousl y did no t affec t th e circumstance s o f th e locusts . The Frenc h pilgri m Seigneur d e Villamon t o f Brittan y entere d th e islan d o n 1 1 Ma y 1589 , nearly time for the grain harvest. According to him, . . . wit h the many blessings which God has scattered over the island there is also one drawback, fo r about the time that the corn is ripe for the sickle, the earth produces suc h a quantity o f cavalettes o r locusts tha t they obscure sometimes the splendour of th e sun. Wherever these pass they burn and spoil all . For this the Cypriot s hav e no remedy , since the more the y destroy the more the earth produces next year. God however raised up a means of their destruction, which happened thus. In Persia, near the city of Cuerch , there is a fountain of water, which ha s a wonderfu l propert y o f destroyin g thes e locusts , provide d i t b e carried in a pitcher in the open air, without passing under roof and vault: and being set on a high an d exposed place certai n bird s follow it , an d fly and cry after the men who carry it from the fountain. These birds are red and black, and fly i n flockstogether, like starlings. The Turks and Persians call them Mahometans. These birds no sooner came to Cyprus, but with their song and flightthey destroyed the locusts which infested the island. But if the water be spilt or spoilt, these creatures disappear. Which accident fell out when the Turks took Cyprus, for one of them going up into the steeple of the Cathedral Church at Famagusta, and finding there a pitcher o f thi s water , he , fancyin g tha t i t containe d som e

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 17

9

precious thing, broke it, and spilt the water: since when the Cypriots have been always tormented by the locusts. Nor have they found anyone willing to journey to Persi a t o fetc h som e o f thi s water , fo r h e mus t needs travers e th e Arabian deserts. Th e Gree k mon k o f Famagust a tol d me , however , tha t a Tur k ha d engaged to go thither for six hundred ducats. So it is that there is nothing in this world, however sweet and pleasant, but is attended by some trouble and bitterness!23 Ioannes Cotovicus, a Dutch knight of the Holy Sepulchre, who visited Cyprus between September 159 8 an d March 1599 , described how expe dient the collection of locusts and their eggs had become. Cyprus suffer s fro m ye t anothe r plague , tha t no w an d the n a certai n insec t infests it. About every third year, if the seasons are dry, they grow slowly in the likeness o f locusts , an d in March, being now winge d an d as thick a s a finger, with long legs, they begin to fly. At once they come down like hail from heaven, eat everything voraciously, an d are driven before the wind in such huge flights that they seem dense clouds. They devour every green herb, and dying at last of hunger leave behind them a terrible stench, which infects the air and the soil and breeds a fearful plague . The natives seek out their eggs diligently, an d destroy them with their nests and lurking places. Unless they di d so the insects would increase in that torrid soil beyond all reckoning or belief.24 Locusts particularly plagued th e island betwee n 161 0 an d 1628 , tha t latter yea r bein g s o sever e a s t o creat e famine . Cypru s archibisho p Matthew Kigal a wante d t o brin g th e hea d o f St . Michae l o f Synnad a from M t Atho s t o counte r th e locusts , bu t th e monk s woul d no t giv e their approval. 25 In his account o f hi s travels written abou t 1645 , the Orthodox patri arch of Antioc h Macarius (Makarios ) mentione d usin g the right hand of St. Michael , bisho p o f Sonada , agains t locusts . B y bringing th e han d t o the place , th e locust s ar e drive n int o th e sea . The y sprinkl e th e hol y water on the fields and dispense it to the populace. Then, by the intercession of th e saint, the locusts are driven into the sea. We have bee n informed, tha t som e years ag o ther e was a great dearth i n the island o f Cyprus , cause d b y a n invasio n o f locust s amon g them , whic h wa s uninterrupted fo r a serie s o f seve n years . The y represented , therefore , thei r condition t o th e Soltan ; an d requeste d a Khatti-sherif , o r imperia l mandate , directing the people of th e above-mentioned convent to grant them the head of the Saint. In consequence of this petition, an Aga was dispatched, from before the Soltan, with the desired mandate; and he repaired to the convent, to ask for the head. It was the custom of the house, and the established rule of old, not to

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suffer thi s holy reliqu e to b e removed fro m thei r precincts, except upon pledges. The Cypriots , therefore , lodge d wit h them , a s sureties , fort y Archons , o f th e most nobl e of th e island, till they had carried the head over to Cyprus , made an Ayiasmos an d sprinkled with it their whole territory:—and, wonderful t o relate! the locusts were instantly expelled from th e island, and drowned i n the sea: and, as votiv e offering , th e island' s peopl e carrie d five thousan d piastre s t o th e convent, on returning with the head, and, having given thanks to God, departed. Thus, it is said, do all the people of Romelia , a s well Moslem s a s Christians: fo r this saint , a t hi s death , amon g othe r requests , mad e thi s on e especiall y t o Almighty God : and this is a subject delightful t o be known. 26 The presen t governo r (begler begisi) a Cypru s Hasa n Pa§ a an d th e kad i o f Lefko§a mevlan a c Ali, you r well-wisher , sen t a petitio n ( carz) concernin g th e problem face d b y the slave s (kullari) o f Zul-Fika r wh o wer e assigne d t o collec t the hea d ta x (cizye) o f th e infidel s o f th e islan d a s calculate d fo r 16 4 7-164 8 (1057). Whe n the y bega n t o gather , al l o f th e holder s o f zi camets an d timar s appeared i n perso n t o th e cour t an d mad e know n tha t i n ou r land s locust s (qekirge) were spreadin g everywher e (mustevli), tha t ther e was n o grain harves t (gilal basil olmiyub), an d that the village cultivators (re cayasi) were dispersed o r had perished . Th e circumstance s (hallari) of th e villager s becam e ver y difficult . We counte d amon g ourselve s man y times . Ever y taxpayin g village r ha s bee n forced t o pay taxes for two or three or in some villages even four people. Fiftee n hundred taxpaying villagers (re c aya) ar e dead or missing and cannot be counted. They mad e know n a reques t t o d o kindnes s i n thi s matte r b y no t takin g wha t was assesse d (tahsil) fro m thos e wh o ar e missin g (gurihteler iqun). From wha t was made known earlier in this matter, the amount of the head-tax of those who are missin g i s 609,00 0 akce , o f whic h th e ta x collector s hav e alread y collecte d 599,680. I t i s m y exalte d wis h (Hnayet-i ricasina) i n tha t matte r t o registe r a s missing those who ar e not registered (tabrir). ... A petitio n ( carz) was sen t t o th e slave s o f Zul-Fika r aga , wh o wer e charge d with collectin g th e hea d ta x o f th e infidel s o f th e islan d fo r 1647—164 8 (1057 ) warning that, on accoun t of scarcit y (kahtlikdan) mor e than half of th e villagers of th e islan d wer e disperse d o r ha d perished . Mor e tha n 4,00 0 o r 5,00 0 han e who pa y hea d ta x (cizye) ar e gone . Whil e perserveranc e i s important , 150 0 taxpayers (haneden) are dead (murdesi), an d from the survivors the taxes of tw o or three or in some village s even fou r people were wrongly bein g collected. Yo u should b e careful t o prevent t h i s . . . . Late in May, 164 7 (1057 ) th e slaves of Zul-Fika r aga were ordered to appear in th e presenc e o f th e governo r Hasa n Pa§ a concernin g th e matte r o f collectin g the hea d ta x fro m th e infidel s fo r 105 7 an d informe d tha t th e religiou s clas s fulema) an d th e piou s (suleba) o n th e islan d an d th e notables (a cyan) an d th e populace (fukara) an d th e zi camet-holders an d th e timar-holders , al l o f th e Muslims (muslimin) e n mass e (cemm-i gafir ve cem'-i kesir) ha d com e t o th e court (meclis-i mezbure) an d mad e know n tha t because o f hunge r (kaht) arisin g from th e attac k o n th e islan d o f locust s (cerad istilasindan) mos t o f th e villag e

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 18 1 taxpayers (re'aya) wer e dispersed or had perished, that more than 4000 thousand had perished (murdesi) an d every single taxpayer (hane) gav e fo r two or three and in some village s fou r others . . . . Th e aforementioned 750 0 dea d or missing should not be registered . . . (lat e May 1647 ; III Rebic II 1057. MMD 3660; arsjv 6268) The Dutc h Orientalis t Corneli s va n Bruyn , wh o visite d th e islan d between 1 9 Apri l an d 2 6 Ma y (th e heigh t o f th e locus t season ) wa s a n eyewitness to the devastations of 1683 . I saw myself in the neighbourhood o f Nicosia a great quantity of these insects, and remarked that the fieldsthey had cropped were burnt as though by fire;my horse too a t every step crushed ten or twelve. Several persons assured me that from time to time certain birds, natives of Egypt and called in Arabic Gor, visit the island. They ar e not unlik e ducks , bu t have a pointed beak . They eat the locusts and thus lessen their ravages. The same thing is said of storks. People i n Cypru s tol d va n Bruy n muc h abou t a n unusuall y sever e plague of locusts which beset the island fifteen year s earlier. In the yea r 166 8 throughou t th e island , bu t especially i n th e countr y aroun d Famagusta, there was such a vast quantity of locusts that when they were on the wing they were like a dark cloud through which the sun's rays could scarcely pierce. This lasted about a month, and the Pasha ordered all the country people to brin g a certai n measur e ful l o f th e insect s t o hi s palac e a t Nicosia , an d afterwards h e ha d hole s du g outsid e th e cit y wher e the y wer e thrown , an d covered wit h eart h les t thei r corruptio n shoul d infec t th e air . Fo r te n day s together the Greeks made processions and prayers to be delivered from a curse so ruinous to the land. They carried too in procession a certain picture of the Virgin Mary with th e chil d Jesus in her arms said to b e the work o f S . Luka. This pictur e i s generall y kep t i n a conven t calle d Chich o (Kykko , th e mos t famous monastery on the island), to which belong some four hundred Caloyers, part of whom are sent to Muscovy and elsewhere on various duties. This convent is buil t o n Moun t Olympus , th e highes t mountai n o n th e island . I n time s of drought th e pictur e i s brough t wit h grea t ceremon y ou t o f th e convent , an d placed on a stage about twenty steps high, with the face turned to the quarter from which they may expect rain. Now it happened that the same ceremony had been observed on account of the locusts, and as soon as the picture had been set on th e stag e ther e appeare d forthwit h certai n bird s no t unlik e plovers , which swooped upo n the locusts an d devoured a great quantity. Moreover , th e next day, when the heat of th e sun forced th e insects to rise from the ground, there arose a might y lan d win d whic h swep t the m befor e it , an d toward s evening , when the sun had lost its power, they all fel l int o the sea, and were drowned. Which was made plain some time afterwards when a sea breeze drove them in heaps on the shore, and thus was the island delivered from this terrible plague.

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The birds which ate the locusts, the story adds, had never been seen before, nor were ever seen again. But the Pasha had forbidden them to be killed, under pain of death.27

Plague In a recent semina l stud y Michae l W . Dol s examine d th e impact o n th e Middle East—particularly th e Arab part—of th e Black Death and other plagues o f th e 14t h an d 15t h centuries . Plague , reall y a disease o f rat s and simila r rodents , passe d t o human s b y thei r fleas , i s endemi c t o th e central Asia n steppes , especiall y Mongolia , Turkestan , an d Manchuria , but roote d itsel f s o deepl y i n th e Middl e Eas t tha t fo r centurie s i t remained endemi c there . Frequentl y ne w plague s hav e foun d thei r wa y to th e Middl e East , an d Cyprus , vi a lan d an d se a route s fro m centra l Asia or India. 28 After documentin g th e catastrophi c consequence s o f th e Black Deat h (1347-1348) o n th e populatio n an d econom y o f Egyp t an d Syria , h e presents evidenc e o f th e continuin g occurrenc e ther e o f plagues , whic h kept population a t low levels or reduced it even further. Dols asserts that the resul t wa s no t improve d livin g standard s fo r th e survivors , eve n i n rural area s (th e effec t ofte n presume d i n Lati n Europe) , bu t rathe r a weakening o f bot h governmen t an d economy b y reducing ta x revenues , lowering th e demand fo r luxury goods, and gradually impoverishin g th e economy. Fo r Dol s th e plague , rathe r tha n th e hithert o suppose d "op pressive rule " of th e Mamluks , brough t Egyp t an d Syri a int o economi c decadence. Cypru s i s a neighbor o f Syri a an d Egypt, i n intimate contac t by trade , an d fo r centurie s a Mamlu k vassal . Magos a a t tha t tim e wa s the emporiu m fo r th e lon g distanc e an d loca l Levantin e carryin g trade ; surely Cyprus was vulnerable to the very same problems. Both Hil l an d Cobha m mak e frequen t reference s t o th e effect s o f plague. Th e bod y o f source s mos t abundantl y availabl e fo r Cyprus — Frank merchant s an d pilgrims—correlat e wit h Dols ' explanatio n fo r Egypt an d Syri a fro m Arabi c sources : " . . . th e drasti c destructio n o f Muslim population an d the subsequent impoverishmen t o f Muslim soci ety b y plagu e epidemics." 29 Accordin g t o Dols , ". . . th e Blac k Deat h initiated a series of plague recurrences that substantially reduce d Middl e Eastern population. This prolonged reductio n o f th e population wa s th e

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 18 3 fundamental event in the social and economic history of Egypt and Syria during the later Middle Ages."30 One o f th e grea t disaster s regularl y strikin g Cypru s fro m th e mid13 th century onwar d throug h the end of th e 17t h was plague. George Hill paid careful attentio n to such occurences. In the period before the Ottoman conquest , h e mention s plagu e i n 1268 , 1349 , 1362-1363 , 1392-1393, 1410 , 1419 , 1420 , 1422 , 1438 , 1470 , 1494 , 1505 , an d

1533. Michael Dols lists several of those and an additional one in 146 0 (865 AH). Although all estimates of mortality are conjectural, the Black Death which reached Cyprus in 1348 is considered the most severe. Based o n hi s stud y o f th e sources , Hil l says : "I t was sai d t o hav e carried off half to two thirds of the population. As we have already seen, the mortalit y cause d b y the plague wa s give n i n 1 3 51 a s a reason fo r stopping the preaching in Cyprus of the Crusade against the Truks."31 Dols says, "The Black Death struck Cyprus in 1348 and was particularly devastating, according to Latin and Arabic sources."32 "In a n accoun t o f th e islan d o f Cypru s durin g th e pandemic , a n Arabic chronicler testified that the Christian Cypriots 'feared that it was the end of the world.' "33 The 15th century Cypriot chronicler Leontios Machaeras said: "And in the year 1348 God sent a great plague for our sins, an d the hal f o f th e islan d died . . . . An d i n 136 3 anothe r plague came upo n th e children , an d (th e greate r par t of ) th e islan d wa s de stroyed."34 "Whe n the Turks heard that the plague had wiped out the men of Cyprus, and the king was in France, all the Turks together fitted out twelv e galley s an d appointe d a captain calle d Mahome t Reis , and came to Cyprus and landed at Pentayia and raided many people: and he carried the m of f prisoner s an d went awa y (t o Turkey)." 35 I n 139 2 a third plague came , lastin g t o the followin g year , an d the king ordered that many priests "carry (all) the icons (in the town) in a circuit of two miles roun d th e city; an d a procession wa s mad e from th e keep, (and they went out from the bishop's palace and outside St. Paraskevi and by the Lower Gate) and so went to St. Therapon, and there they sang mass and preached." All where barefoot.36 According to F. Amadi, the plague of 139 2 wa s a very terribl e one , bu t th e kin g generousl y reduce d th e taxation of the people so that they could endure (and urged landholers to be kind).37 Machaeras wrote: "And in the year 1410 after Christ there came another plague, which lasted more than a year."38 D. Strambaldi

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adds tha t tha t plagu e wa s accompanie d b y locusts. 39 Anothe r grea t plague laste d fro m 141 9 t o 1420 , an d anothe r cam e i n 1422. 40 "An d from th e beginnin g o f June 143 8 afte r Chris t a (great ) plagu e fel l upo n Lefkosia an d th e villages , an d ther e wer e man y death s i n al l part s o f Cyprus; an d i t laste d seventee n months." 41 Dol s mention s on e mor e i n 1460 (86 5 AH). 42 I n 147 0 plagu e bega n again , followin g famin e th e previous year, lasting 2V 2 years and killing a third of th e people, according t o Georg e Boustronios . "An d th e kin g too k thos e h e though t fit t o Akaki. H e too k muc h car e o f them , an d of the m no t on e die d . . . An d when th e plagu e ha d passed , al l cam e bac k t o Lefkosia." 43 I n th e summer and autumn of 1494 , plague struck again. 44 In th e summe r o f 149 4 plagu e wa s ragin g i n Lefko§a . The Italia n pilgrim Pietr o Casol a wa s forbidde n b y th e captai n o f hi s shi p t o visi t the island's capital city . "As the captain heard that at Nicosia, one of the principal citie s o f Cyprus , peopl e wer e dyin g (o f th e plague ) h e mad e a general exhortatio n t o th e pilgrims, an d advise d the m no t t o g o t o tha t city." There were , however , som e impatien t Germans , who , whe n the y heard that the captain had to stop there some time, went to see the island at their pleasure . Late r on, when the y reache d Rhodes , word cam e tha t people were dying of plague in Limosa and elsewhere, and people nearly were prevented from disembarking there, because of fea r of the plague. 45 In 1505 , accordin g t o a lette r fro m th e Venetia n governo r (luogo tenente) o f Cypru s Pier o Balbi, plague kille d mor e tha n a quarter of th e citizens of Girniy e (Zerines). 46 On 2 8 Marc h 153 3 th e governo r (luogo tenente et Consieri) i n Lef ko§a Marc o Antoni o Trivixa n an d hi s counci l reporte d t o Venic e tha t the plagu e ha d entere d Famagusta , comin g b y wa y o f Syria , an d mor e than 20 0 people ha d already died. A letter of 5 May fro m that governor informed th e Venetian governmen t tha t a ver y sever e plagu e rage d i n Syria, that locusts were devastating all the grain around Famagusta, an d that 80 0 people ha d died from th e plague. Three days earlier, Francesc o Bernardo, captain (capitanio) o f Famagusta, had sent a dispatch advisin g Venice tha t plagu e continue d t o afflic t th e people , wh o wer e i n grea t misery, reduced to living by begging. Everywhere was contaminated an d of 900 0 inhabitants , 200 0 ha d fled. Th e res t endure d i n poverty , espe cially th e women an d girls; five soldiers ha d died. The governor an d the other official s ha d take n refug e i n a village . Throug h th e purveyo r

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 18 5 general (proveditor zeneral) provision s wer e bein g turne d ove r t o th e city, to comfort and console the people. 25 0 measures (moza) of wheat (formento) wa s received . Appeal s fo r hel p wer e mad e i n "Mesaria , Saline, Limiso, Baffo, and Nicosia." Also th e purveyo r genera l (proveditor zeneral) o f Cypru s Stephan o Tiepolo sent letters dated 4 and 5 May from Nicosia which made known that 550 0 peopl e i n Famagust a wer e dead , wome n an d children , an d that locusts were ravishing the countryside. On 26 May Bernardo, captain o f Famagusta , i n a secon d letter , informe d th e authoritie s tha t plague had continued there for 5 months and over 1072 people had been killed; man y soldier s wer e infected , too , an d locusts wer e devastatin g Mesaria and Carpasso. In a letter of 4 June Stefano Tiepolo, who was raised to the governorship, informed the Venetian government that over 1100 people had died in Famagusta, as well as about 10 0 soldiers. The governor an d counci l aske d fo r extraordinar y power s t o dea l wit h an accompanying crim e wave which seem s to have broken out in the Famagusta area. 47 I n a letter of 2 2 June Bernardo, the captain o f Famagusta, praised the role of the governor in handling the plague, which had affected thousand s o f people . O n th e sam e day , th e governor Tiepol o and counselors (consieri) Bernardi n Venier and Segondo da Pexaro wrote from Nicosi a tha t the plague had ceased in Famagusta, bu t that 200 0 people had died form it, including 150 soldiers. The villages of Tricomo, Trapasa (Karpas?), and Pomodadamo also had been infested by plague. The pilgrim Jodicus de Meggen (1542 ) reporte d that the island was somewhat susceptible to plagues and blights.48 The Jew from Pesaro who settled in Magosa as a moneylender wrote in a letter of 1 8 October 1563 that the people of the city were "... ver y well behave d an d clean, carefu l t o protect themselves fro m contagion , especially from the plague, which is common enough in the neighbouring parts of the Levant. Their precautions are very thorough, as in Italy, and no person arriving from an infected o r suspected locality can enter the town befor e h e ha s bee n detaine d fort y day s i n th e harbour. " People there were also susceptible to ophthalmia, which lasted from the longest day of the year to the vernal equinox. It began with a fever and two or three days of violent headaches.49 There is much less testimony abou t plague i n Cypru s in the second half of th e century. That may have been a general Mediterranean-wid e

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trend; evidence fro m Cypru s ex silentio support s tha t conjecture; nevertheless, severe epidemics still occurred. On e people may be simply distinguishing descriptions o f malari a fro m those of plague. Braudel assert s tha t i n th e 17t h centur y ther e wa s a "recurrenc e o f outbreaks o f plague, " durin g whic h tim e probabl y n o Mediterranea n cities completely escape d it. 50 He furthe r assert s that " . . . a quarter or a third of th e inhabitants o f a town coul d suddenl y vanis h a t a time whe n imperfect knowledg e o f hygien e an d medicin e afforde d littl e protectio n against infection." Towns were mos t threatened, man y of the m virtually emptying durin g th e insalubriou s summe r plagu e season . Thos e i n th e eastern Mediterranea n suffere d mos t durin g thi s period . "Thi s preva lence o f epidemic s mad e a significan t contributio n t o th e insecurit y o f life in the towns . . ." 51 An imperia l orde r dated Decembe r 157 3 (Rece b 981 ) wa s sent to th e governor (begler begi) an d th e chie f financial office r (defterdari) of Cyprus in response to the governor's early letter in which he notified the Porte that their money to pay the salaries ( culufe) of th e janissaries wa s inadequate becaus e s o man y taxpayer s ha d die d fro m th e plagu e (hayli recayacun murd olmakla) tha t i t becam e impossibl e t o pa y th e janis saries. The Port e had earlier pointed ou t to the governor the importanc e of buildin g a castl e a t Baf , orderin g tha t i f mor e tha n 50,00 0 filori remained fro m th e ta x revenue s du e th e treasur e (miri), i t shoul d b e spent on that castle. "Many villages are hungry (garas). However , infide l ships (gemi) cam e and freely pillaged the coasts. It will b e very beneficia l to buil d a castl e a t Baf . I f an y mone y remain s fro m th e expenses , i t i s ordered t o buil d tha t castl e a s stron g a s necessary " (161/7 1 (19), 3 #37*). The Frenc h pilgri m Seigneu r d e Villamont , chevalie r d e POrdr e d e Hierusalem, entere d Cypru s o n 1 1 Ma y 1589 . Firs t landin g a t Ba f (Baffo), nearl y uninhabite d o n accoun t o f malaria , hi s vessel the n saile d along th e coas t t o Limos a an d the n Larnaka . A t Larnak a h e change d ship fo r anothe r destination , determinin g t o sai l t o Jaff a withou t first stopping a t Tripol i (Trablus ) where , h e ha d learned , 12 0 peopl e a da y were dyin g o f plague . A t Larnaka , also , h e learne d o f condition s i n Magosa, "wher e th e plagu e ha d lon g bee n raging , an d it s inhabitant s and those of th e country round were nearly all dead." Six days earlier in Magosa a

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7

. . . Turk , dancing and jumping about the square said, "Rejoice all of yo u and dance with me, for I announce that in half an hour I shall die on this spot, and immediately after my death the plague shall cease.' They wondered at his words, and waited to see the issue, but when the moment came for the Turk to visit the abode o f Plut o hi s bod y fel l star k o n th e square . Grea t wa s th e alar m an d wonder of all, which increased yet more when the plague ceased. The news was carried forthwith to the Pasha, who gave thanks to Mahomet and ordered that a grand tomb should be built for the dead man, around whose body was a great procession, the Pasha himself joining in with much devotion. On 1 7 Ma y d e Villamont' s shi p lef t fo r Jerusalem , wher e h e wa s dubbed a knigh t o f th e Hol y Sepulchre . O n hi s return , h e reache d Limassol o n 1 8 September , il l wit h fever , an d remaine d ther e unti l 6 October.52 According to the English traveler George Sandys (1615 ) Cypru s "is in the Sommer exceeding hot, and unhealthy; & annoye d with serpents," 53 while th e Frenc h consu l a t Alepp o (1623-1625) , whos e spher e o f au thority include d Cyprus , stated : "Cypru s i s completel y abandone d o n account of the plague, which has made the island deserted." 54 Plague on Cyprus is mentioned fo r 1624. 55 Hil l mention s a serious plague of 164 1 when th e growing miserie s o f th e people le d t o emigration t o Crete , th e Morea, and Corfu. 56 One o f th e mos t sever e plague s wa s i n 1692 , whe n som e source s report tha t 2/ 3 o f th e population died. 57 C . von Bruyn , who visite d th e island tha t year says that the ai r there is unhealthy fo r th e three or fou r hot months of summer . The pirate Mr. Robert (1696 ) mention s how th e island is "subject to contagious Distempers," and accordingly that Tuzla (Salina) wa s abandone d i n 1693 ; 400 0 peopl e wer e "cu t of f b y th e Plague" in three months. 58 Ottoman records tell of one severe plague of the mid-17th century : Let it be registered. The petition of the slaves (kullarinun) of vezir Mehmed Pa§a, who is in defense of Cyprus. The religious class ( culema)t th e pious (suleha), th e zicamet-holders, the timar-holders, and other notables (a cyan-i vilayet) wh o are in Cypru s cam e t o th e Cypru s counci l (divan) and mad e a petitio n ( carz), requesting that, since there ar e 15,00 0 head-ta x payin g (bane) infidel s o n that island who pay head tax (cizye), but 300 0 hav e been missin g (gurihteleri) fo r three or four years, only 12,000 head-tax payers should be registered (tahsil), By the decree of God , plague (ta cun) ha s bee n prolonged fo r th e past yea r and a half; the number of decease d wa s excessive, an d it was determined t o register them again. Let it be registered (tahrir) as 12,000 hane.

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The religious class, the pious, the zicamet-holders, the timar-holders, and other notables who were situated in the island of Cyprus gathered at the Cyprus divan, and they made known the circumstances as follows: There were 15,000 infidels on that island who pay head tax, and 3000 missing. For the past three or four years, onl y 12,00 0 han e hav e bee n registered , an d the y canno t endur e mor e because, by the decree of God, plague (ta'un) is widespread. In the past year and a half more than half of the 12,000 head-tax payers (hane) have died. Very many of the villages are vacant and ruined. It is necessary to register them again. Let there be pity from the exalted sultanate for the circumstances of the poor. I order that they should be registered as 12,000. (22 September 1656/3 Zil-Hicce 1066. MMD; Ar§. 9839)

Malaria Oddly, althoug h malari a i s a ver y sever e diseas e o f lon g standin g i n Cyprus, Hill , Cobham , Dawkins , an d man y other s simpl y ignor e it . A s has bee n mentione d earlier , certai n coasta l area s o f Cypru s becam e malarial, mos t notabl y Magosa . Afte r it s pestiferou s natur e becam e known i n th e 14t h centur y (o r wheneve r i t becam e pestiferous) , i t de clined rapidly . O f th e town s o n th e island , onl y Lefko§ a an d Girniy e (Kyrenia) see m fre e fro m malaria , an d o f cours e peopl e sufferin g fro m the disease moved bac k and forth aroun d the island. Braudel ha s pointed ou t tha t i n the 16t h centur y th e inlan d plain s o f the Mediterranean wer e largel y depopulate d becaus e of malaria , including thos e o n th e island s o f Corsica , Sardinia , an d Cyprus . Malari a emerges afte r floodin g durin g th e rain y season . "T o aver t disaste r thei r inhabitants mus t tak e precautions , buil d dam s an d bi g channels. " Nei ther Venetian no r Ottoman rulers undertook suc h projects in Cyprus. In Cyprus , larg e sal t lake s nea r Limos a an d Larnak a fe d b y winte r rainfall an d sno w i n the Troodos ha d dimension s whic h fluctuate d wit h the season . Sinc e they wer e use d fo r commercia l sal t gathering, on e ca n be sure that they were spread over as wide but shallow an area as human ingenuity woul d allow . Thos e bot h involve d relativel y limite d hinter lands, cu t off b y the mountains , bu t the vast swamp y are a an d marshe s in th e Mesariy e wes t o f Magos a affecte d a muc h mor e extensiv e area . The easter n Mesariy e i s ver y flat , makin g drainag e int o Magos a ba y extremely slow , an d through there meanders the only river of an y length on th e island , th e Pediyas . Tha t regio n ha s smal l lake s an d seasona l streams whic h als o contribut e t o it s swamp y nature . Sinc e n o attempt s

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 18

9

were made to keep the mouths of streams clear, and the land was so flat, they silted up, causing inland water to build up even more. Malaria ha s greate r an d lesse r period s o f virulence . Accordin g t o Braudel, th e late 1 5 th century was on e of particula r virulence, an d then there wer e fres h outbreak s o f virulenc e lat e i n th e 16t h century , whe n virtually al l o f th e Anatolian an d Syrian ports were malarial, an d Iskenderun (Alexandrette) , th e port o f Aleppo , wa s abandoned . Magosa , th e port o f Le f ko§a, faced virtuall y th e sam e fate . Malari a " . . . i s a disease that directl y result s fro m th e geographica l environment . Plague , carrie d from Indi a an d China b y long-distance travellers , although greatl y to be feared, i s only a passing visitor t o the Mediterranean. Malari a i s permanently installed there." 59 As early a s 139 4 th e pilgrim N . Marton i foun d Magos a locate d nea r a marsh and, hence, "wholly destroyed." "And it is held that on accoun t of tha t marsh , and the great number of courtesans , a bad air affects th e men who dwell in that city."60 Even earlier the royal family, the nobility, and th e wealth y merchant s ha d move d fro m ther e t o Le f ko§a, becaus e the latter was more healthful, accordin g to Ludwig von Suchen (1350). 61 The first good accoun t of th e malaria problem in Cyprus was writte n by Pero Tafur, th e Catala n adventure r wh o travele d betwee n 143 5 an d 1439 an d sufficiently impresse d the Lusignan ruler that he sent Tafur o n a specia l embass y t o th e king' s overlord , th e Mamlu k sulta n i n Cairo . Tafur saile d t o th e islan d fro m Rhodes , first reachin g Ba f (Paphos) , which h e foun d uninhabite d becaus e o f it s "ba d ai r an d water" ; Ma gosa, the n unde r Genoes e control , wa s depopulated becaus e o f ba d ai r and water also. Lef ko§a, the capital, was one of th e healthiest places o n the island , althoug h th e tin y por t o f Girniy e (Cerina ) actuall y wa s th e healthiest o f al l becaus e it was exposed t o th e west wind. Tafur claime d to b e pleased wit h th e young king: "Withou t doubt , i f his country wer e not s o unhealthy , I should hav e bee n gla d t o plac e mysel f a t his servic e for a time , bu t i t i s almos t impossibl e fo r a strange r t o liv e i n suc h a wretched country . . . 62 Another pilgrim , a gentlema n fro m Padu a name d Coun t Gabriel e Capodilista, i n 145 8 visite d a villag e wher e th e Venetian Corne r (Cor naro) famil y ha d established mode l agricultura l cultivation , particularl y sugar cane . Ther e the y disembarke d ". . . a t thi s plac e Episcopi a (Pis kopi); th e ai r ther e i s ver y bad , an d the y al l go t ill , on e o f a fever , another of a flux, except M. Gabriel e who remaine d well; but for fifteen

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Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria

days hi s ches t an d stomac h suffere d fro m nause a fro m havin g imbibe d that foul an d almost pestiferous air; and some of his companions died." 63 When th e Dominica n mon k fro m Ul m Feli x Fabr i visite d Magos a i n 1483, h e found tha t " . . . rui n threatens the city an d all that is in it. I t is said that no man can stay long there on account of the corruption of th e air."64 The Germa n pilgri m Sebal t Riete r o f Nuremberg , wh o visite d th e island i n Jul y 1480 , reache d Ba f (Waffa) , wher e th e ai r wa s bad , an d Limosa, ". . . where we lay all night on the galleys because of the bad air which i s on th e lan d o f th e island. " That pilgrim, too , ha d encountere d malarial seaports. 65 Han s Tucher (1479) , a near-contemporary Germa n pilgrim, foun d ba d ai r in Baf. 66 A Jew travelin g fro m Ital y to Jerusalem visited Magosa fo r three days beginning 2 9 August 1495 ; there he foun d "the air is very bad and the water unwholesome." 67 When th e Italia n pilgri m Cano n Pietr o Casol a toure d th e extensiv e ruins o f Limos a (1494) , h e wa s surprise d t o find i t virtuall y empty . "When I asked wh y th e Signoria di d not see k t o repopulat e it , standin g as i t doe s o n th e sea , h e tol d m e tha t peopl e d o no t car e to settl e ther e on accoun t o f th e earthquakes , an d als o becaus e i t i s a very unhealth y place. Th e inhabitant s hav e i n trut h a n unhealth y appearance . The y al l appear to be ill. True there are only a few of them." 68 Attestation o f th e precariou s conditio n o f Magos a i n th e decade s before Ottoma n rul e came from the English merchant, John Locke. Locke (1553 ) wrote : "The aire of Famagust a is very unwholesome, as they say , b y reaso n o f certai n maris h groun d adjoynin g unt o it . The y have also a certaine yearely sicknesses raigning in the same towne, above all the rest of th e Island: yet neverthelesse, the y have it in other townes, but no t s o much . I t i s i s certain e redness e an d pain e o f th e eyes , th e which i f i t be e no t quickl y holpen , i t taket h awa y thei r sight . . . eithe r of one eye or both . . ." 69 In an introductor y chapte r o n th e island , th e Venetia n Antoni o Gra ziani, who live d ther e before th e Ottoma n conquest , wrote : "Its Ayr, in truth, i s no t answerabl e t o th e goodnes s o f it s Soyl ; immoderat e heat s rendring th e whol e Islan d unhealthy , an d i n som e part s contagious , s o that i t seem s a s i f it s Malignit y woul d ravis h fro m th e Cypriots th e pleasure o f a long enjoymen t o f Nature s Favours ; fe w o f the m arrivin g to great maturity of Years." 70 The Frenc h pilgri m Seigneu r d e Villamont , whe n h e reache d Ba f

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 19 1 (Paphos) o n 1 1 May 1589 , found i t " . . . hal f ruined , s o that i t profit s little b y the beaut y o f it s sit e an d th e frutifulnes s o f th e soil . . . . al l is nearly uninhabite d no w o n accoun t o f th e unhealth y climate : s o grea t are the vicissitudes of things!" 71 The Dutch seama n Jan Some r of Middleburg h (1591-1592) , thoug h impressed wit h th e fortification s an d agricultur e o f Magosa , knew tha t the place had pestilential air and was very dangerous, so what was eaten should b e boiled. 72 To Cotovicu s certain places had unhealth y air. 73 de Stochove (1630) heard that Lef ko§a still had the best air on the island. 74 The forme r Frenc h ambassado r Loui s de s Haye s (1621 ) reporte d tha t the hea t wa s unpleasant , th e land lo w lying, the water dangerous , an d there were so many marshes that the air became corrupt, and a sojour n there was uncomfortable. 75 The Dutch Orientalis t C . von Bruy n (1692 ) learne d tha t th e ai r was unwholesome during the three or four hot months of the year, especially for foreigners. People have pale and sickly looks which last all their lives; some die from this , and others have violent fevers . The presence of thi s sickness on the island influenced vo n Bruyn to end his stay in Cyprus. 76 The Corsair Mr. Robert (1696) said Larnaka was "subject to contagious Distempers."77 Observations on the Patterns of the Population of Ottoman Cyprus, 1571-1640 The first Ottoman budget , from 1571-1572 (979-978) , mentions 23,00 0 payers o f th e hea d ta x (cizye-i gebran), who wer e al l adul t mal e non Muslims (zitnmis), married an d unmarried , whic h wit h familie s mean s between 70,00 0 an d 80,00 0 non-Muslim s o n th e island . Th e detaile d tax survey and sensus of November 157 2 (10 Cumadi II 980) gives very reliable figures, but fo r village s and urba n quarter s only ; tallying the m all, even b y districts, was not feasibl e a t th e archive, although presum ably the total was close to the 23,000 figure,plus a small number exempt because of age, disability, or performance of a particular military service. Scattered i n village s throughou t th e islan d wer e n o mor e tha n twenty five Muslim adul t males , mos t o f who m wer e convert s t o Islam , wh o were also registered a s re caya. Since the bureaucracy fo r makin g officia l assessments ha d barel y bee n established , on e migh t conjecture tha t th e figure 23,00 0 represented at least a slight undercount. Remote or moun-

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tainous areas might be undercounted. Moreover , man y were slain in the sieges of Le f ko§a an d especially Magosa , an d since at least in those tw o cities larg e number s wer e enslaved , an d sinc e numerou s Latin s fled th e island, one might expect the population t o be far below normal . The non-Musli m populatio n probabl y gre w steadil y fo r mor e tha n three decades , nearl y reachin g 31,00 0 taxpayin g adul t male s (inter changeably calle d nefer and hane, even in official documents) : 30,10 0 i n 1604 (1013) , 30,12 0 i n 160 6 (1015) , and 30,56 9 i n 160 7 ( IOI 6)> repre senting a peak o f betwee n 93,00 0 an d 110,00 0 non-Muslims . Undoubt edly the island's population growth somehow was intimately linked with the Mediterranean-wid e populatio n growt h o f th e 16t h century , bu t i t also must have depended on the establishment of law , order, and justice. Other Mediterranea n populatio n bega n t o decreas e lat e i n th e 16t h or earl y 17t h century , dependin g o n th e place . I n Cyprus , b y 161 2 (1021) th e numbe r o f payer s o f hea d ta x (cizye) ha d falle n t o 26,840 , representing betwee n 80,00 0 an d 95,00 0 non-Muslims . Withi n anothe r decade thei r number s ha d falle n t o 22,50 0 adul t mal e non-Musli m taxpayers (67,50 0 t o 79,00 0 peopl e i n 162 4 (1034)) , an d b y 162 6 (1036) thi s ha d falle n t o 20,000 . Eithe r i t remaine d a t that level , o r the need t o reduce i t further wa s ignored . Althoug h i n some other Ottoma n provinces fiscal surveys provide more precise population figures, those in Cyprus usually seem to have intended only rough approximations . In any case , a decad e late r i n 163 6 (1046 ) thousand s o f re caya wer e said to have fled or died on account of excessive taxation and oppression on the part of th e governor. A t that time the number of head-ta x payer s was reduce d t o 17,00 0 (betwee n 51,00 0 an d 60,000) . Wit h bette r rule , despite th e sever e plague , locusts , an d famin e o f 1641 , thei r number s rose t o abou t 18,00 0 i n 164 3 (1053)—54,00 0 t o 63,00 0 people . A series o f disaster s necessitate d a new assessmen t o f 164 7 (1057) , whic h found tha t ove r 150 0 re caya ha d perishe d o r becom e disperse d becaus e of a ne w wav e o f locusts , reducin g th e head-ta x payin g populatio n t o about 17,84 8 (betwee n 54,00 0 an d 63,000) . Alread y havin g falle n t o 15,000 i n 1655 , a serious plagu e o f som e tenacit y kille d approximatel y 3000 head-ta x payers , leavin g onl y 12,00 0 aliv e (betwee n 36,00 0 an d 42,000 non-Muslims ) i n 1656 . In 1572 , whe n virtuall y th e onl y Muslim s i n Cypru s wer e th e con quering Ottoma n army , th e on e plac e i n th e islan d with an y clai m t o being a n urba n center , accordin g t o th e fiscal surveys , wa s Magosa ,

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 19 3 which ha d 174 1 registere d adul t males , o f who m al l bu t 11 3 wer e taxpayers. A tota l o f 27 % o f th e taxpayer s wer e unmarried—mostl y young men—while the remainder were married men with families (hane). If one estimates the population on the basis of the total number of adult males, it ranged between 5300 to 6100; based on the number of families one might conjecture between 6000 and 6600. The capital, Lefko§a, was a run-down place of 23 5 males , of whom 94% (221 ) were married with families . Calculatin g on the basis of the number of taxpayers , the population ranged between 700 an d 825; on the basi s o f familie s i t was betwee n 110 0 an d 1225 . A t that time the northern por t an d fortres s Girniy e ha d 19 8 adul t mal e taxpayers , o f whom a quarter (49) were unmarried. Calculating from the number of taxpayers, on e get s a population betwee n 60 0 an d 700 ; from familie s one gets 735 an d 800. Tuzla (Larnaka ) had only 63 adult male taxpayers, of whom 94% (59) were married (hane); its population was between 200 and 225, or between 300 and 325. The southern port Limosa had a mere 17 7 adul t males, virtually al l married (164 , 93%); its population in 157 2 probably range d either between 55 0 and 625 o r between 82 0 and 900 . Th e southwester n por t Ba f ha d 27 4 adul t mal e taxpayer s registered, o f who m 13 % (35 ) wer e unmarried ; Ba f populatio n wa s between 825 and 1000 or from 1200 to 1300. Villages for which districts were named, even without any histories as towns, ofte n wer e large r i n population . Mountainou s Gilan , fo r ex ample, had 523 adult male taxpayers, of whom 77% (404) were married with families. Karpas, on the notheastern peninsula, had 399 taxpayers, of whom 74% (297) were families. Lef ka, on the other hand, only had 159 taxpayers, of whom 81 % (128 o r 129 ) were families, Pano Evdim had onl y 14 0 (89 % with families—123) , an d Morfo merel y 8 7 adul t male taxpayers (93 % or 81 with families). Such places were not distinguished fro m othe r village s i n th e ta x surveys , an d whil e som e wer e large, man y other s wer e quit e modes t i n size . Onl y infrequentl y wer e they the largest villages in their districts. By 1606 a substantial Muslim minority had appeared in Cyprus, from banishment an d conversion , althoug h o f wha t proportio n ther e i s n o useful Ottoma n evidence. Surely the Muslim population was not negligible, an d it was, as it alway s remained , somewha t disproportionatel y concentrated in the towns. There is, unfortunately, no way of determining in a satisfactory wa y the religio-ethnic mix of these places. Presum-

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ably, by that time at least a majority of the inhabitants of Le f ko§a and Magosa wer e Muslims , bu t o f othe r place s eve n tha t i s problematic . Some villages may have had absolutely n o Muslim, while others had a handful o f Muslim s an d a fe w ha d Muslim s exclusively . Th e officia l registers givin g populatio n afte r th e 157 2 surve y ar e concerne d wit h determining onl y th e numbe r o f adul t mal e non-Muslim s wh o wer e liable to pay the head tax (cizye). In 1606 the population of Ottoman Cyprus neared its zenith (at least until th e middl e o f th e 19t h century) . Th e islan d stil l ha d virtuall y nothing approximating urban life, even if one fancies the Muslim population o f Lefko§ a an d Magos a t o hav e bee n doubl e tha t o f th e non Muslims. Certai n villages stil l ha d more payers of th e head tax (cizye) than an y "town " excep t Magosa . O f th e towns , onl y Magos a ha d a population i n exces s o f 200 0 non-Muslims . Althoug h th e numbe r o f non-Muslims ha d dropped 58 % since 1572 , there remained 73 0 adul t male taxpayers: between 2200 and 2600 people. At tha t time , th e onl y othe r "town " wit h mor e tha n 100 0 non Muslims was Baf, wher e 349 taxpaying adult males (between 105 0 and 1225 non-Muslims ) lived, an increase of 27 % over the firstsurvey. The non-Muslim population grew a scant 12% to 263 taxpaying adult males (only 800 or 900 in number!), but the non-Muslim population of Limosa dropped 20% , to 14 1 taxpayin g adul t males (hane), betwee n 42 5 an d 500 people. As in 1572, some of the largest villages were the places after which th e district s ar e named . Adul t mal e non-Musli m taxpayer s i n Gilan increased 3 % to 541 , a community in the neighborhood of 160 0 to 1900 . Lefk a droppe d 14% , to 136 . The non-Muslim populatio n of Karpas, on the other hand, plummeted 27% to 291 adult males, Morfo 25% to 65, and Pano Evdim 46% to 26. The larges t district s i n 160 6 (1015 ) wer e Lefk a wit h 281 6 non Muslim adul t males in 8 7 villages (betwee n 845 0 an d 9900 non-Muslims) an d Mesariye wit h 285 1 (betwee n 850 0 an d 10,000) , als o i n 8 7 villages. Next followe d Lefko§ a wit h 263 6 non-Musli m adult males in n o village s and Baf with 261 6 in 78 villages. Their non-Muslim populations mus t have range d betwee n 780 0 an d 9300. Muc h the smallest district in number of non-Muslims was Morfo, with 969 taxpaying adult males (betwee n 290 0 an d 340 0 people ) i n 3 8 villages. Kukl a had only 32 village s wit h n 2 0 non-Musli m taxpayer s (335 0 t o 3900 ) (MM D 1702, ar^iv. no. 5094).

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 19 5 The followin g yea r i n 160 7 (1016 ) a n increas e fro m 30,12 0 (o r 30,169) non-Musli m payers of the head tax to 30,569 was noted, most of that growth occurring inexplicably in Magosa district, where 321 new non-Muslim taxpayers were added, although apparently eliminated before 1623 . Whil e severa l district s increase d i n numbers betwee n 160 6 and 1607 , betwee n 160 7 an< 3 I ^ 1 1 ever y single district except Morfo, the smallest, declined. In the fiveyears between 1606 and 1611, the nonMuslim population i n Lefko§a distric t decline d b y 5% , in Magosa b y 6%, in Karpas by 11% , in Lefka b y 12% , in Piskopi b y 13% , and in Hirsofi by 25%. In the tw o decade s betwee n 160 6 an d 162 3 Magos a remaine d th e "town" with b y far the largest numbe r of non-Muslims . Nevertheless , their numbers declined 7% to 676 non-Muslim taxpayers (between 2000 and 240 0 i n numbers) . Lefko§ a gre w steadily , becomin g thei r secon d largest concentration , it s populatio n growin g 57% t o 41 4 head-ta x payers (between 1250 and 1450 people). Although non-Muslim taxpayers in Baf fell 20 % (to 279—850 t o 950 people), Limosa grew rapidly by 70 % t o 24 4 (75 0 t o 125 0 people) . O f villages , th e non-Musli m population i n Karpa s remained stead y a t 29 1 taxpayers , whil e Morf o increased slightl y t o j6. However , Gila n los t one-third o f it s numbers (down t o 36 2 non-Musli m taxpayers—105 0 t o 125 0 people) , Hirsof i declined 28% to 71, Kukla 17% to 88, and Pano Evdim 13% to 65. All the towns declined between 1623 and 1643 except Lefko§a which became the one with by far the greatest number of non-Muslims. There their numbers grew by 37% in the two decades, to 649 head-tax payers. At that point th e people lived in 1 0 quarters, the largest of whic h was Terbiyodi (th e Armenia n one) , wit h 22 0 taxpayers . On e quarte r ha d seven adult male Suryani Maronites, another nine Armenians (an d 18 2 additional Armenian s dispersed i n rural area s (haymana), althoug h attached t o Lefko§a) . Betwee n 160 6 an d 164 3 ^ e non-Muslim s ther e increased by almost 150%, by over 175% compared with 1572. The non-Muslim population of Magosa, which remained second largest in towns, declined by 53% after 1623 , to 321 head-tax payers (950 to 110 0 people) , nearl y a third of who m (103 ) wer e unmarried. Since 1606 the non-Muslim population declined by 56%, by 80% since 1572. Although afte r 161 2 th e populatio n o f Ba f droppe d b y 32 % t o 19 1 head-tax payers (45% since 1606), it rose in rank to third among towns. Baf had eight non-Muslim quarters , the largest of which was Aya Cin-

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diye (? ) with 4 3 head-ta x payers ; the town ha d between 57 5 an d 675 non-Muslims in 1643 . The next two places had virtually the same nonMuslim populations: Limosa with 152 head-tax payers, Tuzla with 140. In the former plac e 16 % (25 ) wer e unmarried, 25 % (35) i n the latter. Despite a sharp drop in numbers after 1623 , Limosa still had 8% more non-Muslims tha n i n 1606 ; non-Muslim s live d i n fou r quarters , th e largest o f whic h wa s Katelogi , wher e presumabl y 7 4 Lati n head-ta x payers lived . Limos a an d Tuzl a bot h ha d betwee n 45 0 an d 55 0 non Muslims. Althoug h the y decline d 43 % between 162 3 an d 1643 , they still occupied three quarters; Tuzla's largest quarter was Aya Yani with 53 payers of head tax. The decline in the villages after which districts were named was even more severe than that of the towns. Gilan fell to 15 5 head-tax payers in 1643, a decline of 57% since 1612, 71% since 1606. Hirsofi fell by twothirds betwee n 162 3 an d 1643 , t o a mer e 2 3 head-ta x payers ; tha t means a decline of 77% fro m 1606, or 93% from 1572 , more than any other plac e considered . Kukl a fel l b y 22 % afte r 1623 , b y 35 % afte r 1606, to 69 payers of head tax. At 41 head-tax payers, Lefka had fallen by 70 % sinc e 1606 , b y 74 % sinc e 1572 . Th e fortres s o f Girniy e fel l 44% between 1612 and 1643, t o I O ° head-ta x payers (16 unmarried), a decline o f 49 % sinc e 1572 . Th e non-Musli m head-ta x payer s i n th e village o f Karpa s decline d 48 % betwee n 162 3 an d 1643 , 62 % below 1572, to 150 . With 10 8 head-tax payers (25 unmarried) in 1643, those in Piskopi had fallen 58 % in three decades, 78% is seven. Non-Muslim head-tax payers in Pano Evdim fell to 26, 60% below 1623, 81% below 1572. In 164 3 (1053 ) onl y 5 of th e 1 6 district s stil l ha d mor e tha n 100 0 non-Muslim taxpayers . B y fa r th e larges t distric t wa s Lefko§a , whic h had actually grown 23% since 1606 , to 3248 payers of the head-tax; it numbered betwee n 970 0 an d 11,40 0 non-Muslims . Next followe d Baf (1714), Mesariye (1629) , and Lefka (1557) , bunched together in a group, with between 4700 and 6000 non-Muslims. Although Baf's population declined 35% , it rose in rank from 4th to 2nd . Lefka plunged 45%, as it fell from 2nd to 5th, while Mesariye fell 43%, from 1s t to 3rd. Much the smalles t distric t wa s Kukla , wit h 52 4 taxpayin g non-Muslims — probably merely between 1600 and 1800 people. Then followed Magosa with 606 (betwee n 180 0 and 2100), a 49% drop, and Morfo with 684 (between 2000 and 2400), which dropped 29%.

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 19 7 The hea d ta x (cizye) is a ta x require d o f non-Musli m subject s o f Islamic states. The tax only applies to free, adult males who are of age (i.e., have reached puberty, never later than 15 lunar years in the Hanefi law supported by the Ottomans) an d capable of supporting themselves. Thus th e sick , th e disabled , th e elderly , an d the very poor, a s well a s slaves, are exempt from this tax. Keeping lists of adult non-Muslims was required. Peopl e entere d i n thos e register s ar e no t t o b e considere d families (hane), fo r each of who m demographically ther e might be five or five and a half individuals; rather they are to be considered simply as adult males (nefer), for each of whom one might anticipate three or three and a half individuals. Ottoman bureaucrats mixed the terms nefer and hane i n confusing ways , but it must be understood that, in the context of discussing people bound to the head tax in Cyprus, the sources always mean non-Muslim adul t males. In detailed tahrirs lik e that of 157 2 all free adult males are listed by name and residence, and those tax-exempt are explicitl y identifie d a s blind , o r elderly , o r ver y infrequentl y a s cannoneers or architects in fortresses. Head tax registers, however, simply report those zimmis (non-Muslims) who are bound to pay that tax. Probably, a t that time, in a place like Cyprus, even counting slave s no more than 5% of the non-Muslim men were exempt from the head tax. Up till this time Ottoman archival sources have not provided anyone with any insight into the non-Muslim population. The Venetian churchman Cotovicus (1598) includes a good deal of authentic-sounding observations and data in his account. His assertion that the island, "according to th e statement s worth y o f credit, " a t tha t tim e ha d 28,00 0 non Muslims i s remarkabl y clos e t o th e 27,50 0 head-ta x payer s Ottoma n sources mention fo r 1604 . If we assum e that he simply misunderstoo d the meanin g o f th e categor y (sinc e h e show s littl e understandin g o f Ottoman practices) , an d that a t tha t tim e th e island ha d 28,00 0 non Muslim adul t males, then perhaps we ca n also accep t a s authentic his figure o f 6000 adult male Muslims. That would suggest at that time the Muslim population of Cyprus constituted 18 % of the population of the island, interestingl y almos t exactl y th e proportio n i n recen t years . By 1598 th e policy o f populatio n transfer s fro m Anatoli a ha d ended , but much evidence of further conversion to Islam among local Cypriots has been presented . Probabl y frequen t conversio n t o Isla m amon g loca l Cypriots continue d fo r th e nex t tw o decade s thereafte r slowin g dow n considerably.78

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Table 6. 1 The Non-Musli m Populatio n o f Cyprus , Accordin g to Ottoma n Archiva l Record s 979 980 1012 1013 1015 1016 1017 1021 1026 1027 1030 1032 1034 1036 1038 1040 1041 1046 1051 1053 1057 1065 1066

1571 1572 1604 1604 1606 1607 1608 1612 1617 1618 1621 1623 1624 1626 1628 1630 1631 1636 1641 1643 1647 1655 1656

23,000 23,000 27,500 30,071 30,120 30,569 29,616 26,840 26,500 25,450 25,000 22,500 22,500 20,000 20,000 20,000 20,000 16,500 17,000 18,050 17,848 15,000 12,000

hane hane nefer (also 30,100) hane (also 30,069) nefer (?) (also 30,717) hane

hane hane hane hane hane hane hane hane1 nefer (also 17,848) nefer hane hane

1. Include s 50 0 presume d fo r Kukla, for which figures are missing

There i s muc h authenticit y i n Cyprianos ' discussio n o f th e post Ottoman period , particularl y i n regar d t o initia l attempt s t o rul e well , but th e loca l government' s finally becomin g blatantl y oppressive , an d along wit h locusts , plague, an d famin e forcin g large-scal e emigration . I f the figure of 25,00 0 re caya tha t h e mentions fo r 164 0 reall y refer s t o th e tax-paying populatio n an d no t jus t non-Muslims , i t probably refer s t o a detailed ne w censu s an d fiscal survey reportedl y ordere d fo r 164 1 (noth ing survive s excep t a detaile d head-ta x register). 79 I t i s conceivabl e tha t in 164 1 the island ha d abou t 25,00 0 adul t males , of who m 17,00 0 wer e non-Muslims an d 800 0 Muslims . Tha t woul d mea n th e populatio n o f Cyprus ha d becom e 32 % Muslim , althoug h becaus e o f thei r greate r concentration i n town s an d i n accessibl e flat areas , undercoun t o f th e

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 19 9 Table 6.2 The Non-Muslim Populatio n o f the Districts of Cyprus , According to Ottoman Archiva l Record s 1013 1015 1016 1020 (1604) (1606) (1607) (1611) 2636 1846

2636 1846

2702 1957

1586

1586

1578

Girniye 1595 Lefka 2816 965 Morfo (Omorfa) 2851 Mesariye

1595 2816

1592 2782

2851

2868

2684

2012 2435 1744

2024 2435 1745 1120 2616 1582 1196 1346 1706

2007 2435 1739 1140 2616 1628 1517 1338 1673

1805 2076 1569

Lefko§a Tuzle (Tuzla) Pendaye

Karpas Limosa Gilan Kukla

Baf

Evdim Magosa Piskopi Hirsofi

2616 1583 1196 1346 1716

969

997

1033 (1623)

2499 2495 hane 1741 1721 (or 1741) 1490 1440 (or 1490) 1512 1514 2468 2467 1031 1031

866

2120 1411 1117 1167 1275

2672 (or 2683) 1805 missing missing missing missing missing missing missing missing

1052 (1643)

1053 (1643)

2850 1248

3248 1359

796

845

920

1451

631

(Amorfe) 1546

838 939 726 p

1538

527 528 624 842

975

1557

684

1629

894 985 806 524

1714

587 606 694 943

Muslims would have been much less likely. It is not very satisfactory t o base importan t point s lik e this o n singl e pieces of evidence , sometime s tenuous. Otherwise , however , nothin g ca n b e sai d o f th e number s o f Muslims. Summary Venice, concerned abou t the island's declining population, long worked to encourag e ne w settlement . Doubtles s see n usuall y a s divin e retribu tion, natural disasters—earthquakes , endemi c diseases (plagu e and ma laria), an d locusts—improverishe d th e people . A considerabl e demo graphic declin e too k plac e i n th e 14t h an d 15t h centuries , probabl y initially relate d t o th e Blac k Death ; bu t durin g th e Venetia n centur y

65

06

7 10 76 5 10 16

1 291

88

2 36

4 24

6 (Tuzla ) 8

6

76

64

Lefka 13

Girniye 17 Morfo 65 Piskopi 25 Kitriya 65 (Lefko§a) (wit KatoLefkare 8

1 29

65

87

Hirsofi 9

PanoEvdim 75 (Evdim) (wit Karpas 29

1 36

Gilan 54

68

1 12

Limosa 14

Kukla 10

9 27

Baf 34

17

676

0 676

Magosa 73

9 27

6 or 6

76

Tuzla 24

3 41

3 30

9 23

15

2 15

4 15

9 19

8

26

15

86

12

0 39

5 52

2 17

1 27

0 (wit h 1 6 muc. ) 19

1 (wit h 7 muc.) 15 9 (12 9 or 128

(with 1 6 muc.) 0 h 6 muc. ) (12 3 hane ) 9

8 (14 7 hane ) 7 (8 1 hane) 8 (wit h 25 muc. ) 48 2 (428 hane) 48 1 h 1 8 muc. ) (7 2 hane ) 9 25 9

14

9

3 34

(1572)

hane)

(297 hane )

(with 17 8 muc. ) (22 1 hane) 3 h 35 muc. ) (5 9 hane ) 1 (with 103 muc. ) (119 3 hane ) 4 (with 41 muc. ) (23 6 hane ) 7 (with 25 muc. ) (16 4 hane ) 3 (with 25 muc. ) (40 4 hane) 0 (111 hane )

5

(1623) 1053 (1643) 980

9 14 06 (Larnaka) (wit 32 1 174

4 64

(1612) 1033

Lefko§a 26

1016 (1606) 1021

Table 6. 3 Non-Muslim Populatio n o f Selected Town s an d Villages , Accordin g t o Ottoma n Archiva l Record s

Malye 5 (Piskopi) (11

Derine 55

Tirikomi 15 (Karpas) (wit Manelogi 6 (Limosa) KatoFoka 8 (Gilan) (8 Filuse 6 (Kukla) (wit Daliye 7 (Baf) Daly Malye 9 (Evdim) (11 AyaSergi 10

Tembriya 9 (Lefka) (130 Akaci 6 (Morfo) (wit Peristerona 14 Lefkoniko 17 (Mesariye) (wit Yenagre 7

Kormakidi 18 (Girniye) (wit Vasiliya 8

0 13

52

52

55

5 10

66

0 66

7 10

65

05

1 (Maliye ) 9

97

77

1 14

26

4

1 13

13

64

9 10

3

0

1 15

0 13

1 10

9 (Tridomi ) 11 8 20

2 11

46

05

99

35

9 13

17

35

4 14

47

2 15 08

27

27

1 15 0 16

4 11

0 12

5 11

5 12

85

3 17

0

9

3

44

0

(with 7 muc.)

0 3 hane ) (Evdim)

6 hane )

3 hane )

e (112 hane )

4 or 85 hane )

(113 hane )

) (Pendaye )

5 o r 15 4 hane )

0

(224 or 217 hane )

5 or 11 2 hane )

3 o r 2 hane ) 4

5 (with 1 4 muc.) (8

h 6 muc.)

8

8 (Limosa )

0 h 1 7 muc.) (15

h 6 muc.) (14

h 7 muc.)

h 5 muc. ) (4 4 (with 2 muc.) (11 0

4 2 hane )

202 Disastrous

Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria

population doubled , althoug h mostl y i n th e villages . Th e Ottoma n at tempts t o impos e compulsor y populatio n transfer s i n the first decad e o f Ottoman rul e indicate s tha t they , too , believe d th e islan d neede d mor e people. The bes t wa y t o dea l wit h th e locus t proble m wa s t o di g u p an d destroy th e eggs , th e turnin g i n o f whic h wa s actuall y require d o f th e villages b y th e Venetia n government . Apparentl y th e Ottoma n govern ment wa s eve n mor e effectiv e i n dealin g wit h locusts , fo r i t gav e ver y strong order s tha t everyon e wa s t o collec t an d bur n a sackfu l a wee k when they were in season. While som e people deal t with the locusts in a rational fashion , others sought to assuage evil spirits. Towns wer e th e mos t threatene d b y plague , man y bein g virtuall y unihabitable durin g summe r seasons . Plagu e regularl y struc k i n Cypru s as i t mad e it s wa y throug h th e Mediterranea n world , meanderin g it s way around . Malaria, too , wa s a diseas e o f th e town s o f th e island . Ver y littl e i s known about its appearance or spread, but townspeople took great cares to avoi d it . I t reall y contribute d t o genera l decline, too , althoug h mos t villages wer e muc h les s affected . Malari a seem s t o hav e period s o f greater and lesser virulence. I t was mos t deadly i n Magosa, Limosa, and Larnaka. The number of non-Muslim s o n the island seem to have grown stead ily, a t leas t throug h th e first decade s o f Ottoma n rule , fro m 23,00 0 zimmi taxpayer s t o 30,00 0 o r 31,000 , althoug h th e lac k o f th e norma l precision whic h on e migh t expect t o find in Ottoma n document s make s one quit e wary . I t might b e possible t o pi n thes e grea t fluctuations int o actual changin g socia l an d economi c circumstances . Immediatel y afte r the Ottoma n conquest , th e town s al l ha d strikingl y lo w populations . Only th e cour t record s giv e an y indicatio n o f th e presenc e o f Muslim s there, fo r th e onl y populatio n surve y wa s take n immediatel y afte r th e conquest. APPENDIX Order (hukm) to Cypru s governo r (begler begisi) and kad i (kadisine): Th e taxpayers o f th e islan d o f Cypru s (Kibris re'ayasi) presente d a petition ( carz-i hal) to m y exalted presence (rikab-i humayunum). Formerl y they were 20,00 0 payers o f hea d ta x (i.e. , adul t mal e non-Muslims , her e calle d bane but mor e

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 20 3 Defters. Ankara, Tapu ve Kadastro Dairesi, Kuyud-i kadime ar§ivi. Cyprus: 10 Cumadi II 980 (Nov . 1572) . Istanbul, Ba§bakanltk ar§ivi. Maliyeden Mudevver Katalogu. kat.tnu. 1702 1996 2516 3653 2557 3805 3701 3660 3296 3703 1569 2437 2475

arq.nu. 5094 5084 14634

279

16112 8428 17716 9839 6268 2772 16543 20093

524

12842

2229

12782

2971 3020

3922 16114 5168 4399

324

1801

1015 (1606). cizye defter-i icmal. 1021 (1612). cizye icmal defteri. 1032-1041 (1623-1631) . cizye. 1051-1053 (1642-1644) . cizye defteri. 1033 (1623). cizye. 1053 (1643). cizye defteri. 1052 (1643). zimmi tahrir defteri. 1066 (1656). 1057 (1647). muhasebe defteri. 1046-1049 (1636-1639) . ahkam defteri, p. 2. 1052 (1643). zimmi tahrir defteri. 1013 (1604). muhasebe defteri, p. 8,10. 1030 (1621). muhasebe defteri, p. 25. 1031-1037 (1622-1628). varidat/mesarif defteri, p. 40. 1026-1027 (1617-1618) . varidat/mesarif defteri,/ p. 5,42 . 1040 (1630-1631). muhasebe, p. 62,110. 1041 (1632). varidat/mesarif defteri, p. 15,18. 980 (1572). muhasebe defteri, p. 7. 1017 (1608). irad ve masraf muvacib defteri, p. 16?

A sicil o f I Cumadi I I 104 6 mention s collectin g certai n expense s fro m 14,35 1 bane o n th e island , bu t that is not explicitl y sai d to constitut e al l non-Muslim taxpayer s ( 4 173-1) . An imperial orde r require s collecting cizye from 30,71 7 nefer zimmis in 101 7 ( 2 52-1; undated).

properly nefer), bu t on account of the abundance of taxes (kesret-i tekalif) and the weight of oppression (siklet-i te'addiden) a few thousand taxpayers (re caya) fled an d abandoned the country (terk-i diyar), Although only 16,50 0 head-tax payers (hane) remai n in their places, those who are charged with collecting the head tax (haraqqiler) say that 20,000 hane is written in the new register (mucedded defterde). Th e collectors of the head tax are oppressive to the 16,500 headtax payers (hane) concernin g the 3500 missing (gurihte) ones . They collect 720 akce from every head-tax payer (hane), a total of 116,00 0 guru§. 80,000 guru§ they sen d t o th e Porte , an d the y spen d (harq ve sarf) 30,00 0 gurus , in tha t province fo r salarie s (saliyane) an d othe r importan t expenses ; th e remainde r belongs to the collectors of head-tax.... They made an announcement of the circumstances: Thus, if ther e is no compassio n (merhamet), an d if ou r taxes (tekalif) and

204 Disastrous

Effects

of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria

head tax (haraqimuz) is not reduced, we will no t be able to endure any longer. It is certai n tha t al l o f u s wil l becom e disperse d o r wil l peris h (perakende ve periqan).... I n accordance with the register (defter) I order that head tax shoul d be taken onl y fro m 16,50 0 head-ta x payer s (hane), an d n o mor e than 56 0 akc e apiece should b e collected. Ever y year 60,00 0 guru § should b e sent to m y Porte, 30,000 guru § for th e salarie s (saliyane) specifie d i n Cyprus , an d 200 0 guru § fo r the collector s o f th e hea d tax . No t on e akc e mor e shoul d b e taken. . . . 1 6 June 1635 ( IZ Muharre m 1046) . (MM D 3296 ; arsjv 2772 , p. 2)

NOTES 1. Hill , v . 3 , pp. 64on , 729 m Althoug h Venic e refuse d t o allo w emigratio n t o Cyprus fro m othe r Venetia n territories , dissatisfie d Gree k Orthodo x fro m the More a wer e encourage d t o migrat e an d th e governmen t agree d t o hel p finance the transportation t o Cyprus of "mercenaries " from Italy. 2. Cobham , pp. 5if . 3. Cobham , p. 55 ; Travels . . ., p . 441; Peregrinatio . . ., p . 139 . Peregrinatio. . . . an d Travels. ... ar e variants of Baumgarten . 4. Cypru s ha s a "reputation a s one o f th e mos t seismati c part s of th e Easter n Mediterranean. . . . " Eve n there , however , n o earthquake s i n th e 16t h o r 17th centur y appear s t o hav e ha d devastatin g effect s anywher e o n th e island, neve r min d causin g los s o f life . I n compariso n wit h th e effect s o f locusts, plague , o r malaria , earthquake s apparentl y ar e o f minima l conse quence. N . N . Ambraseys , "Th e Seismati c Histor y o f Cyprus, " Revue de rUnion Internationale de Secours 3.1965.25-48 . Se e als o page s 25 , 3off , 38f. Cf . "Valu e of Historical Records of Earthquakes," Nature 232.1971.375 — 379. Cf . Hill , v. 2 , pp. i9n , i57n , i77n ; v. 3 , pp. 818-821, 645 L 5. Hill , v . 3 , p . 787 . Cf . M . W . Dols , The Black Death in the Middle East, pp. vii, 4, 302 , and passim. Th e earlier estimates ar e consistently lowe r than the late r ones , an d althoug h Hil l i s to o cautiou s t o sugges t anythin g mor e than "some " population increase , i n fac t th e 106,00 0 estimat e o f a deputation t o Venice , th e 110,00 0 estimate d b y th e Lieutenant , an d th e 90,00 0 estimated b y the Syndic (1490 , 1504 , 1504 ) precede d estimate s o f 180,00 0 for 156 2 b y Savorgna n an d 200,00 0 i n 157 0 b y A . Graziani . Althoug h admittedly imprecise , th e source s presente d b y Hil l suppor t BraudeP s con tention tha t doublin g o f populatio n wa s Mediterranean-wid e i n th e 1480 1580 period. The 250,00 0 reporte d by Accidas fro m figures supplied b y the Archbishop o f Cypru s had the purpose o f convincin g th e Duke of Savo y t o participate i n a military adventur e an d s o ma y b e dismissed alon g wit h th e 400,000 Cypriot s mentione d b y th e gran d vezi r i n a lette r t o Charle s I X announcing the conquest of Cyprus . Hill, v. 3 , pp. 778f. In his recent study o f Ephesu s Cliv e Fos s has identified malari a as one of the factors i n the complete deca y of Ottoma n Ephesus . "With the decline of prosperity, th e swamps produce d b y the silting were no longer drained an d

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 20 5 gave ris e t o malaria , whic h furthe r reduce d th e population." Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City. Cambridge , 1979 . p. 168 . Cf . pp . 175 , 178 . Althoug h Fos s acknowledge s th e genera l paucit y of sources for that period, he believed that occurred because silt was allowed to buil d u p when th e harbor fel l ou t of use . Certainl y tha t was no t the case for Magosa . Whil e malari a wa s becomin g firml y entrenched , th e island' s Venetian master s too k extraordinar y measure s t o encourag e Magosa' s de velopment. I n any case , th e developmen t o f malari a ther e (an d probably a t Baf, Limosa , an d Larnaka ) antedate d Venetia n rul e i n Cyprus , o r eve n th e beginning of Ottoma n rule in Ephesus (1425). In Magosa malari a develope d late i n th e Lusigna n perio d whe n th e cit y ma y hav e experience d it s busies t trade an d greates t prosperit y ever , no t decline . Possibl y th e reason s fo r th e development of malari a were not strictly local phenomena. Possibl y malari a in the eastern Mediterranean had entered a period of growing virulence. 6. Ruzat ul-abrar, p . 450, cited by G. Hill, v. 3 , p. 788n. If it means adult male zimmis who pay taxes, that might mean 360,000-420,00 0 people . 7. Hill , v. 3 , p. 788n. Cobham , p. 345 . 8. 1696 . v. 2 , p. 292 , from Hill, p. 787 m 9. 1 286—1; emr-i §erif of HI Zil-Kade 100 2 (Augus t 1594) . 10. Fr . Jerom Dandini , A Voyage to Mount Libanus . . . , i n John Pinkerton , A General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels ... London , 1811 . v . 10 , pp . 279 . Cobham , p . 182 . Accordin g t o C . Niebuhr (1766 ) 80,00 0 Gree k Orthodo x pai d harac . Reisebeschreibung . . . , v . 3 , p. 26 . 11. Cobham , p. 158 . 12. Cobham , p. 173 . 13. Relation Journaliere . .. 1608 , p. 116 ; 1619 , p. 89. Cobham, p. 209 . 14. Naukeurige Beschryving . . . , pp . 25 L C . Niebuh r (1766 ) was , if anything , even mor e negativ e abou t th e impact o n populatio n o f Ottoma n rule , indicating that many Christians either converted to Islam or emigrated to escape harac. Carsten Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung nach Arabien und andern umliegenden Landern. v . 3 , p. 26 . Hamburg, 1837 . 15. Isolario, f . LXV , LXVI. Venetia, 1534 . Quotin g Cobham, p. 62. 16. Mogabgab , Supplementary Excerpts . . . , v . 3 , p . 152 ; cf . Hill , v . 3 , p. 8i9n . Relic s wer e sometime s use d t o driv e of f th e insects . Jodicus' s description i s pretty accurat e excep t fo r th e fac t tha t ther e i s n o three-yea r cycle of locust s and drought by itself is not stimulus to their breeding. Cf. L . F. H. Merton, a warm, moist February is best; high, well-distributed rainfal l may increas e numbers . Studies in the Ecology of the Moroccan Locust (Dociostaurus maroccanu s Thunberg) in Cyprus. Anti-Locust Bulletin 34. London, 1959 . p. n o . 17. Description de Toute ITsle de Cypre .. ., f . 211 . Paris , 158 0 (reprinte d Famagouste, 1968) . Presumabl y th e locust s fro m Syri a woul d hav e bee n desert locusts, although the Moroccan species also occurs in Syria. Of course Lusignan's claim s abou t their coming fro m Syri a cannot b e presumed accu -

2 o 6 Disastrous

Effects

of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria

rate, althoug h h e wa s wel l informe d abou t loca l events . I n any case , i f th e locusts reachin g th e islan d wer e fro m anywher e othe r tha n possibl y south ern Anatolia, they would probabl y be the highly mobile desert locusts. Very likely ther e was a n upsurge i n desert locust s fo r a few years , enabling som e to move far beyond their normal range . On the periodicity o f deser t locusts, Z. Waloff point s out that there have been n o majo r swarm s i n Cypru s sinc e 191 5 (writin g i n 1966) . "Al l majo r plagues on which adequate historical data is available have lasted for several consecutive years, and have been characterized by numerous reports of bot h swarms an d gregariou s hoppe r infestations. " Deser t locusts hav e a flying speed o f abou t 1 2 mp h an d wha t sh e characterize s a s "considerabl e flying endurance." Desert locust s ofte n travers e "thousand s o f kilometere s befor e they encounte r condition s i n whic h the y ca n endur e an d breed. " The Upsurges and Recessions, pp . 22 , i5f . 18. Richar d Hakluyt , The Principal Navigations Voyages Traffiques & Discoveries of the English Nation, v . 5 , pp. 85f. Glasgow , 1903 . Cobham, pp. 68f . The dat e 1 2 Augus t i s to o lat e i n th e yea r t o find swarmin g locust s i n Cyprus. Presumably Lock e went to the marketplace an d observed the locus t eggs whic h peopl e brough t t o mee t thei r ta x obligations . Possibl y a fe w o f the specimens survived alive. If Morocca n locust s wer e no t endemi c t o Cypru s prio r t o th e mid-16t h century, they must have been by then. Most years the farmers of Cypru s lost almost hal f thei r grai n cro p (whic h wa s th e stapl e i n th e die t an d henc e almost universall y cultivated , eve n i n village s wher e orchard s o r vineyard s predominated); man y year s the y los t al l thei r grain . Peopl e di d no t stan d back passivel y an d watc h th e locust s ac t destructively ; an d th e colonia l Venetian governmen t mad e a concerte d effor t agains t them , b y closel y overseeing the collection an d destruction of thei r eggs. Beating th e locus t egg s int o powde r befor e throwin g the m int o th e se a was essential , fo r otherwis e mos t o f the m woul d survive , throw n u p o n t o the shor e b y passin g storms . Nea r coasta l area s th e pulverize d egg s migh t be thrown int o the sea, but in many places that would not be possible. 19. Description de Toute I*Isle . . ., f . 212 . Cf . Hill , v . 3 , p. 1147 . Th e hop e o f somehow attractin g sufficient bird s to consume enough swarming locusts t o reduce thei r number s i s a n ol d one . That , indeed , wa s th e underlying hop e from th e locus t wate r i n Persia . Althoug h doubtles s man y bird s greatl y enjoyed havin g a surfeit o f locusts , ther e i s n o har d evidenc e o f swarm s o f locusts ever having been decimated b y birds. Cf. a 191 5 Report on the Great Invasion of Locusts in Egypt in 1915 and the measures adopted to deal with it published by the Egyptian Ministry of Agriculture . "Mos t bird s ea t th e youn g ver y readily . The mos t energeti c at thi s work , however , were:—(1 ) A smal l bir d calle d Ombah b y th e Bedouins. Thi s littl e bird , abou t a s larg e a s a n averag e hous e sparrow , seemed t o liv e practicall y entirel y o n th e nymph , (th e creste d lark ) (2 ) Th e Anas, (th e stork ) "Thi s bir d wa s ver y energetic , bu t unfortunatel y wa s

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 20 7 rather rare. It is a large bird , with th e wing-spread o f a kite, white, with black wing-tips . Lon g legs. " p. 64 . Cairo , 1916 . Tha t migh t b e th e bird described by Lusignan. Z. Waloff says that small swarms or groups might be eliminated by birds such a s kites , kestrels , vultures , an d stork s i n eas t Africa . On e thousan d locusts wer e foun d i n th e alimentar y cana l o f a marabou stork , 30 0 i n a white stork; hence 10 0 white storks might "have a disruptive effect whic h could hel p break u p small swarms. " "... whe n locus t breedin g was both heavy an d widespread th e availabl e predatory bird s could no t contro l a n infestation, b u t . . . smal l bands resulting from scattered layings were completely eliminated." The Upsurges and Recessions . . ., pp . 72f. Cf. C. Ashal and Peggy E. Ellis, Studies on Numbers and Mortality of Field Populations of the Desert Locust (Schistocerca gregaria For skat), Anti-Locust Bulletin 8. London, 1962. pp. 50ft 20. Cobham , p. 143 . A Latin ruling clas s had rule d Greek Orthodo x Cypru s since th e 3r d Crusade. Th e aristocrac y an d the rulin g class, of Frenc h or Italian origin, long worked unsuccessfully t o lead Cypriots to acceptance of the Papacy.

21. v . 4, p. 67.

22. Han s Ulric h Krafft , Reisen und Gefangenschaft. ed . K . D . Haszler . Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart 61.1861.296f. Oberhummer, p. 339 . Th e policie s o f th e Ottoma n governor s resembl e thos e o f thei r Venetian predecessors , excep t perhap s i n orderin g th e dail y collectio n o f eggs and warms they were showing mor e zeal tha n had ever been shown before. It seems plausible tha t the first year s of Ottoma n rule could have been distinguished by unusual swarms of locusts, since such periods can occur at any time—there is no regular periodicity. That statement is identified with the year 1577. If Moroccan locusts were becoming endemic to the island in the mid-16t h century , tha t woul d explai n muc h abou t the authenticity o f Krafft's reports. Krafft described the yearly cycle perfectly, except for assigning to specific days phenomen a whic h occu r ove r a perio d o f weeks , th e actua l day s ultimately depending on the weather. L. F. H. Merton, Studies in the Ecol°gy - • • > passim. J. P. Dempster, The Population Dynamics of the Moroccan Locust (Dociostaurus maroccannus Thunberg) in Cyprus. Anti-Locust Bulletin 27. London, 1957. passim. Dempster, Observations on the Moroccan Locust..., Anti-Locust Bulletin 10, passim. The statement that their numbers increase every year is a superstition. Either Krafft had some special informant or that information was "common knowledge" to some people. 23. Cobham , p. 177 . Oberhummer, p. 338 . The belief tha t however many are destroyed, mor e wil l reappea r the followin g yea r is no t a surprising one, considering the capacity of the locusts to reproduce themselves. Indeed the Moroccan locust s i n Cypru s lay their eggs in places an d ways that might

2o8 Disastrous

Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria

influence other s t o agree . Th e particularl y favore d egg-layin g area s ar e o n "islands" o f uncultivate d barre n spot s o n th e flat, intensivel y cultivate d central plain . "Thos e 'islands ' o f undisturbe d soil , wit h shor t gras s cover , appeared t o b e particularl y suitabl e fo r th e breedin g o f th e locust , whic h occurred mostl y i n concentrations." B. P. Uvarov, "Cyprus Locust Researc h Scheme," p. i i n Dempster, Observations on the Moroccan Locust (Docios taurus Maroccanu s Thunberg) in Cyprus, 1950. Anti-Locust Bulletin 10. London, 1951 . Accordin g t o L . F . H . Merton , egg s ar e lai d o n "irregula r patches o f bar e soil , usuall y 1- 4 fee t across. " "The breedin g area s . . . ar e in contac t with , o r surrounde d by , arabl e lan d . . . " Studies in the Ecology of the Moroccan Locust ..., pp . 9f, 11 , 26ff. De Villamont believe s tha t the locusts ar e not consumed b y the birds but are destroyed b y their song and flight. Possibly tha t is part of th e account o f his monk-informan t fro m Magos a (Famagusta) , bu t i s seem s mor e likel y that he somehow misunderstoo d wha t he was told and distorted it. 24. Ioann e Cootwijk, Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum. Antverbiae , 1619 . p. 112 . Quoting Cobham, p. 201. Oberhummer, p. 339. The wind is very important in the movements of Morocca n locusts . If the wind is strong, they simply d o not move . Otherwis e the y fly wit h it . I f i t lead s the m t o th e sea , the y ar e destroyed, of course . The stenc h o f million s o f dea d locust s wa s al l to o eviden t t o thos e wh o visited the island in August or September like Cotovicus. 25. Hill , v. 4, p. 67. 26. Travels of Macarius. ed . F . C . Belfour . London , 1836 . v . 2 , p . 349 . Cf . Machaeras, Recital concerning . . . , v . 2 , pp . 348f . I n Aleppo , t o comba t locusts, Muslims , Christians , an d Jew s "combin e i n supplication " usin g icons o r hol y wate r an d "eve n shar e the sam e procession." F . W. Hasluck , Christianity and Islam under the Sultans. Oxford , 1929 . v . 1 , pp . 66n. Cf . Hill,v. 4 , pp. 68, 353 . 27. Reizen van Cornelis de Bruyn Door de vermaerdste Deelen van Klein Asia ... Delft , 1698 . Quoting Cobham, pp. 24if. Oberhummer , p. 339 . De Bruy n arrive d a t jus t th e righ t tim e t o se e th e locus t hopper s gro w into adult s an d reac h thei r ful l growth . L . F . H . Merton , Studies in the Ecology o f th e Morocca n Locust s . . . , pp . 38 , n i f . Littl e rai n woul d fal l in the season when adul t locusts were swarming, so if the insects were thick enough t o clou d th e sky , th e sk y wa s brigh t an d clear. Roundin g u p locus t or catchin g locus t hopper s i s a relativel y eas y task , bu t collectin g larg e quantities of adults , as the governor ordered in 1668 , was a formidable tas k despite their ubiquity. Apparently d e Bruy n neve r sa w th e bird s i n action . Bot h incident s i n regard t o whic h h e mention s birds , however , concer n thei r eatin g locusts . Possibly tha t wa s jus t hi s "scientific " explanation . Fo r stork s an d othe r birds, see Z. Waloff, The Upsurges and Recessions . . . , pp . 7if an d Report on the Great Invasion . . . in 1915, p . 64. 28. The Black Death in the Middle East. Princeton , 1977 . pp. 68ff, 42 L For the

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 20 9 history of earlier plagues in the region, see pp. 13—34 . See also E. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages. Berkele y and Los Angeles, 1976 . pp. 87 , 911", 1701", 219, 238 , 2771" , 290, 30iff . 29. The Black Death . . . , p . vii. 30. The Black Death . . ., p . 4 . "Later , ther e wa s a revival o f trad e becaus e o f the resurgence o f th e international spic e trad e in the middle o f th e fifteenth century, bu t populatio n an d agricultura l productivit y continue d t o declin e due t o successiv e epidemic s o f plague , famines , foreig n campaigns , an d domestic insecurity." p. 185 . 31. v . 2 , p . 307 . H e doe s poin t ou t J. C . Russell' s warnin g tha t th e deat h tol l from that plague was probably not over 20%. 32. The Black Death . . . , pp . 58f . Cf . p . 192 . 33. The Black Death . . . , p . 290 . 34. Recital concerning ..., v . 1 , p. 61. That plague began in March, p. 119 . 35. Recital concerning . . . , v . 1 , p. 121 . Hill, v. 2 , p. 323. 36. Recital concerning . . . , p . 611 . Hill , v . 2 , pp . 441 , 446 . Dols , The Black Death . .,, p . 308. That lasted until 1393 . 37. Chronique d'Amadi. ed . R . d e Ma s Latrie . Paris , 1891 . p . 495 . Cf . D . Strambaldi, Chronique . . . ed . R. de Mas Latrie. Paris, 1893 . PP- 2.60L 38. Recital concerning . . . , p. 623 . Hill , v . 2 , p . 464 . Dols , The Black Death . . . , p . 309 . 39. Chronique . . . , p . 265. 40. Machaeras , Recital concerning . . . , v . 1 , p. 627. Hill, v. 2 , p. 465. 41. Machaeras , Recital concerning . . . , v . 1 , p . 683 . Dols . The Black Death . . . , p . 311. Oberhummer says 1 7 years. 42. The Black Death . . . , p . 311. 43. The Chronicle of George Boustronios, 1456—1489. tr . R . M . Dawkins . Melbourne, 1964 . p. 31 , 92, 94. 44. Hill , v. 3 , pp. 82of; Oberhummer, pp. 240-243 . 45. Canon Pietro Casola's . . . , 293 , 305; Mogabgab, v. 1 , pp. 4if, 47 . 46. Marin o Sanuto , J Diarii. ed . G . Berchet . Venezia, 1881 . v. 6 , p. 212 . Lette r of 1 3 Augus t 1505 . Hill misrea d that as half the population o f Lefkosha . v . 3, p. 821. 47. Sanuto , J Diarii. ed . G . Berchet, N. Barozzi , and M. Allegri . Venezia, 1903 . v. 58 , pp. 187 , 25if , 589 , 682, 720, 733f. Hill, v. 3 , p. 821. 48. Mogabgab , v. 3 , p. 152 . 49. Cobham , p. 73 ; R. de G . (1879) , P- ZZ2 ~ 50. Braudef , Mediterranean . . ., v . 1 , pp. 259, 289 , 332 , 334. 51. O n th e subjec t o f plague s i n Cyprus , se e Oberhummer , pp . 24off . O n th e more general subjec t see also W. H. McNeill , Plagues and Peoples. Oxford , 197752. Cobham , pp. i7of , i75f , 178 . 53. Travels. London , 1615.P . 221 . 54. Gedoy n "L e Turc", Journal et Correspondance de Gedoyn "Le Turc" Consul de France a Alep (1623—1625). ed . A. Boppe. Paris, 1909. p. 186 .

n o Disastrous

Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria

55. Hill , v . 4 , pp . 68f , fro m Ricaut , Present State of the Greek and Armenian Church, 1679 , p. 9 1 56. v . 4, pp. 68f . 57. Hill , v. 4, p. 6711. 58. Mr. Robert*s Adventures and Sufferings amongst the Corsairs of the Levant . . . , p . 17 3 i n William Damier , A Collection of Voyages. London , 1729 . v. 4. 59. Braudel , v . 1 , p . 44 , 6z((. O n malari a i n Cyprus , se e als o Oberhummer , pp. 237ff an d Leonard J. Bruce-Chwatt an d Julian de Zulueta, The Rise and Fall of Malaria in Europe. A Historico-epidemiological Study. Ne w York , 1980. pp . 54-60 . The y attemp t t o lin k th e sprea d o f malari a wit h defores tation, an d the y conceiv e o f a long-ter m growt h i n th e severit y o f th e disease. Cf . pp . 17-2 7 an d passim. Cf . J . d e Zulueta , "Malari a an d Medi terranean History," Parassitologia 15.1973.1-15 , esp . p. 9. According to F. F. Cartwrigh t th e 17t h centur y wa s a perio d whe n malari a wa s unusuall y widespread i n Europe . Disease and History. Ne w York , 1972 . p . 142 . Braudel suggest s th e possibilit y tha t colder , wette r weathe r i n the Mediter ranean startin g jus t befor e 160 0 ma y b e responsibl e fo r frequen t flooding and the spread of swamps , and consequently o f malaria , v. 1 , pp. 27of . 60. Cobham , p. 22 ; R. O. L., pp . 628f. 61. Cobham , p. 20 ; Stuttgart, pp. 32f; d e Mas Latrie , v. 2 , pp. 213f . 61. Travels and Adventures ..., pp . 64f, 103 , 105 ; Cobham, pp. 3 iff. 63. Cobham , p. 35 ; ITtinerario di..., pp. ij$L 64. Cobham , p. 45; Stuttgart, v. 3 , p. 236 . 65. Mogabgab , v. 1 , p. 35 ; Stuttgart, v. 168 , p. 51. 66. Reise in das gelobte Land. Augburg , i486 , (n o pagination) . S o di d N . l e Huen (1487) . Cobham, p. 51. 67. Mogabgab , v. 3 , p. 134 . 68. Canon Pietro Casola's . . . , p . 215 ; Mogabgab, v. 1 , p. 41. 69. Cobham , p . 71 ; Hakluyt, v . 5 , p. 96 . Cypru s i s somewhat liabl e t o plagues and blights , accordin g t o anothe r pilgrim , Jodicus d e Meggen . Mogabgab , v. 3 . p. 152 . 70. The History of the War of Cyprus, tr . Robert Midgley. London , 1697 . p. 5 . 71. Cobham , p. 171 . 72. Beschrijvinge van een Zee ... , p . 11. 73. Cobham , p. 201 ; Antverbiae, p. 113 . 74. Cobham , pp. 216f . 75. Voiage de Levant..., pp . 326 L 76. Reizen ..., p . 378 . 77. Adventures and Sufferings ..., p . 173 . 78. Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum, p. 109L Cobham , pp. i97f ; Cotovicu s surel y did not want to overestiamte the number of Muslim s on the island. 79. Cobham , p . 350 . O n th e populatio n o f Ottoma n Cyprus , se e H . Inalcik , "Kibns'ta Turk Idares i altinda Nufus," pp. 27-58 ; Hill, v. 4, pp. i7ff , 3iff , 42, 46 ; T . Papadopoullos , Social and Historical Data . . . , passim. Th e

Disastrous Effects of Locusts, Plague, and Malaria 21 1 Venetian noblema n Ambrosi o Bembo , who visite d Cypru s for 1 6 day s in 1671, says, "The kingdom is almost entirely destroyed and with few inhabitants. The majority of these are Greeks, about twenty-thousand, while the Turks are about six-thousand." That is consistent with the earlier findings. Michael D. Willis, "A New Document of Cypriote History. The Journal of Ambrosio Bembo," Anatgiosis ek ton Kiriakon Spogdon 1978.35-46, esp. p. 38.

SEVEN

Forced Population Transfers an d the Banishment of Undesirable s

Forced populatio n transfer s wer e a n importan t par t o f Ottoma n socia l and economi c policy , particularl y fro m th e tim e o f Mehme d th e Con queror. Muc h o f th e Muslim Turkis h populatio n o f Rumel i resulte d from th e compulsory transfera l o f thousand s of nomadi c Yuruk familie s from wester n Anatolia , a polic y whic h lon g antedate d Mehmed . The early growt h o f Istanbu l wa s spurre d b y policie s requirin g widesprea d migrations o f families , especiall y fro m centra l Anatoli a an d th e Blac k Sea littoral . Losse s o f populatio n throug h willin g an d unwillin g migra tion o f Orthodo x Christian s fro m Trabzo n t o Istanbul , a s wel l a s th e disproportion o f Christian s ove r Muslim s i n tha t city , influence d th e Ottoman governmen t t o mov e it s Musli m familie s fro m th e district s o f Tokat, Amasya , £orum , an d Bo z O K i n th e are a betwee n th e ben d i n the Kizilirmak rive r and the Black Sea mountain range. 1 The policy o f banishmen t to Cyprus , then, was just another aspect of such populatio n policies . Th e lo w populatio n o f th e islan d ha d s o con cerned Venic e tha t substantia l energ y ha d bee n devote d t o encouragin g immigration there . Sometime s th e Ottoman s ha d grandios e dream s o f making Magos a (Famagusta ) an d Le f ko§a (Nicosia ) a s brilliantl y wealth y as they ha d bee n i n the 14t h century ; the y envisione d a province whic h included no t jus t th e islan d bu t als o th e adjacen t littora l o f souther n Anatolia t o th e nort h a s wel l a s Tripol i t o th e east . The y imagine d Muslim townspeople , villagers , an d nomad s fro m Anatoli a a s settlers , and even Jews from Safed . The policie s o f force d populatio n transfer s t o Istanbu l an d to Rumel i 212

Forced Population Transfers 21 3 were brilliantly successful. Instanbul quickly became splendidly wealthy, not a little because of the skills and diversity of the immigrants; the final proof, o f course , i s th e rapi d growt h o f tha t city . Rumel i gaine d a substantial nomadic and agricultural Turkish Muslim population which not onl y forme d th e nucleus o f larg e "colonies " of immigrant s whos e interests usually lay closer to those of the ruling class than to the Christian subjects, but also fulfilled th e more basic requisite of repopulatin g empty countryside. Perhaps to some extent the Straits barred the return of the dissatisfied, bu t then Cyprus inexplicably faile d to hold so many of thos e banishe d ther e eve n thoug h it s closes t port s wer e abou t 10 0 kilometers fro m th e closes t Anatolia n ports . Rumel i provide d ampl e grazing land and arable fields for those banished there, while residence in the new capital entitle d on e to a privileged tax status with unparalleled economic opportunities. Cyprus has a much hotter climate than the home lands of virtually all the migrants; pasture land is scarce and dry farming is difficult. Perhap s the agricultural land available there was not as attractive as that in Anatolia, where most of the migrants came from. Of course, if Anatolia wa s overpopulated, fo r most migrants the move should have bee n a blessing. Perhaps the migrants were not treated as well as in Istanbul and Rumeli, but the documents do not indicate that, and anyway the whole project was organized and overseen by the same central government that had succeeded in Istanbul, Rumeli and Trabzon. Perhaps i f a larg e proportio n o f thos e move d t o Cypru s wer e poor , unskilled, o r eve n criminals , the y ma y hav e mad e lif e unpleasan t fo r more desirable immigrants and families. One wonders how widespread was Cyprus' reputation in recent centuries of bein g an unhealthy place, an obstacle that neither Rumeli nor Istanbul had to face in the 15th or 16th centuries. Whatever the reasons, the Ottoman policy o f compulsory population transfers to Cyprus was at best moderately successful. Undoubtedly a number of the immigrants from Anatolia did remain in Cyprus with their families, where they were settled i n town s an d village s throughou t th e island . A s always , a lo t more imperial attention needed to be given to those who resisted than to those who obeyed. What proportion of the immigrants were satisfied is a mystery. Of course, some had come voluntarily to start with. The one Cyprus censu s cam e to o earl y t o provid e an y evidence o f thei r actual places o f settlemen t o n th e island . Indeed , evidenc e concernin g thei r residence is almost totally lacking.2

214 Forced

Population Transfers

Latin emigratio n fro m Cypru s wa s no t infrequen t i n th e decade s before the Ottoman conquest in 1571 , but it reached its greatest intensity i n the decade afte r th e Ottoma n conquest . Som e Greek Orthodo x also emigrate d t o Venic e an d elsewhere , particularl y intellectuals , al though in general they applauded the overthrow of the Venetians.3 If the numbers were never too great, the mercantile and intellectual skill s lost may have been serious. Conversely, certai n Cypriot s i n Venice petitioned th e Ottoman government fo r permissio n t o retur n t o thei r homes , an d no t onl y wer e granted permission but also promised help in expediting their move.4 The problem of the underpopulation of Cyprus in the Venetian period has been well documente d by Sir George Hill, who was sensitive to the importance of population. Special efforts aime d to encourage disenfranchised Latin s al l over the Levant, i n the face of Ottoma n advances , to take up residence on the island. The Venetian government contemplated means o f attractin g settler s ther e fro m it s ow n territorie s an d certai n other part s o f Italy . Som e combinatio n o f diseas e (bot h plagu e an d malaria), locusts , periodi c earthquakes , widesprea d piracy , an d a n exploitative colonia l economi c syste m cause d th e problem . Cypru s di d benefit from the virtually Mediterranean-wide population growth of the first three-quarter s o f th e 16t h century, bu t not enough. The Ottoman conquest cost many lives. The best evidence of Ottoman concern about building up the population of Cypru s (presumabl y t o mak e it flourish, fo r I consider a lower priority the idea that the Ottomans wanted to change the religious and ethnic balance) lies in the voluminous imperial correspondence emanating from the Porte, firstto begin the necessary preparations and then to ensure that the orders were carried out fairly. When the Porte initiated the policy of banishin g criminals to Cyprus, then of cours e the amount of correspondenc e ha d t o b e eve n greate r fo r i t ca n tak e a s muc h paperwork t o banish one person as a hundred. Suffice i t to say that the transfer o f peopl e t o Cypru s was a very important aspec t of Ottoma n internal policy in the period between 1570 and 1590. The firstOttoman Muslim to establish themselves in Cyprus undoubtedly were soldiers. After the conquest, 100 0 janissaries and a very small force of 277 9 connoneers and various unmarried volunteers were left to garrison the island's five castles. Perhaps some already had wives at that time, an d undoubtedl y other s too k Christia n Cyprio t women a s wives

Forced Population Transfers 21 5 or concubines, althoug h agai n we do not know in what numbers. Furthermore, the district of Canik was required to provide Muslim Turkish brides fo r som e unmarrie d Ottoma n soldiers . Unfortunately , onl y th e orders to local authoritie s in Canik survive. No evidence is provided of why Cani k wa s chosen , o r how loca l peopl e reacted , o r how man y if any brides were provided. In June 157 1 (lat e in Muharrem of 979) three orders on this subject were sen t t o Cani k district-governo r Memi § beg i regardin g providin g unmarried Musli m wome n fo r unmarrie d victoriou s Ottoma n soldier s resident i n Cyprus . Memi § beg i wa s reminde d tha t a t a n earlie r time unmarried girls (bakire kizi) from his territories had been requested for the janissaries (kul taifesi) i n Cyprus: The Porte orders (emr) young girls (kizlarinuz), however many are unmarried, for the janissaries (kul taifesi) in Cyprus. It seems that some kadis were hurrying to marry these unmarried women to poor men (fukara) (probabl y in order to protect the local women from banishment) with the consequence that the women received only very small dowries (nikah akcesi y c akar). Everywhere deputy kadis (naibler) wer e required to register their names in detailed registers. The Porte was quite alarmed that kadis would usurp their dowries. Doubtless, transporting numbers of unmarried girls to Cyprus safely was a matter of grav e concern. Memi § begi wa s also put in charg e of girls banished from Surkut (?) and Huseyn Abad kazas in Zul-Kadriye province. H e wa s instructe d t o tak e the m int o custody , registe r them, imprison them, and send them to Cyprus for their dowry. He was further instructed to make certain that none of the girls disappeared (gaybet) on the way. They were to be sent in the custody of reliable people (p . 12; selh Muharrem ^79. p. 13, selh Muh. 9J9. p. 13, 25 Muh. 979)/ The Port e consistentl y too k th e positio n tha t n o member s o f th e military class banished to Cyprus should get military salaries again, and that n o banishe d re'ay a shoul d b e admitte d t o th e militar y class . The frequency with which those commands had to be issued suggests, however, that local pressures to admit such people were often intense. Some recaya mus t hav e gotte n mixe d i n with th e arm y o f conquest , a t least with the irregular forces. Members of the military class who were banished usually were only temporarily out of favo r and often expecte d to have regular salaries soon (jus t as virtually all dismissed kadis or spahis did). Whe n the name s o f suc h people wer e discovere d registered , they were t o b e remove d immediatel y (118/5 8 (12) ; 8 §aba n 985 . 123/8 8

216 Forced

Population Transfers

(43); undated. 140/5 7 (8) ; 2 2 (? ) (98})$. 160/8 8 (61) ; 986? . 160/8 8 (64); 7 Sefe r (98? ) 5 . 161/7 1 (13) ; 8 §aba n 985 . 7 Sefe r (98? ) 5 . 2 0 Muharrem 986) . A fundamental aspec t of th e process of settlemen t i n Cyprus was tha t every Ottoma n re caya wa s full y entitle d t o go ther e to receiv e fre e land . Banishment wa s not punitive. Indee d i t was th e duty of loca l official s t o encourage emigration . No t surprisingly , however , loca l official s an d military, whos e incom e wa s mor e o r les s dependen t o n th e numbe r o f economically activ e people i n their vicinity, sometime s strongl y discour aged emigratio n o f re caya. Nevertheless , i t wa s th e firm polic y o f th e Porte that any interference with emigration constituted a serious offense . Order to district governors (sancak begleri) an d kadis in Anatoli and Karaman provinces. Present Cyprus governor emir ul-umera Ca cfer sent a letter and made known tha t whe n som e peopl e (ba cz kimesne) i n you r sphere s o f rul e (taht-i hukwnetunde) wanted to rise up of their own free will (rizasile kalkub) and pass to Cyprus, some spahis and others prevented (man?) the m saying, 'You are not banished* (surgun degilsin). Now the prohibition (men cyok) against their passing of their own will to the island of Cyprus is wrong. I order that you should not let any spahi or other person interfere (dahl ve te'arruz) with anyone who of his own wil l want s t o pas s t o tha t islan d fro m you r sphere s of rule . You should write the names of an y who interfere (man?), contrar y to my order, and make them known. If a spahi does that, let his timar be taken; if other people do, let them be punished, (p. n; 2 4 (?) 983) Although th e genera l order s regardin g th e banishmen t o f peopl e t o Cyprus ar e addresse d t o provincia l governor s an d distric t administra tors, i n fac t th e actua l administratio n wa s primaril y th e dut y o f loca l kadis, wh o eithe r supervise d o r eve n personall y directe d th e actua l im plementation o f thos e orders . Forme r Antaliy a an d Kizi l Kay a kadi s supervised (mubaqiret) i n accordanc e wit h th e order s whic h arrive d fo r banishing re caya t o Cypru s (138/8 8 (2) ; 9 Zil-Kad e 981) . Th e I c I I district governor was ordered to inquire about the reputations (ahval) of certain evildoer s fro m th e loca l (toprak) kadi s (p . 2 ; selh Zil-Hicc e ?)) . The Pal u kad i reporte d th e detail s o f banishin g re caya fro m certai n villages i n hi s distric t which , althoug h i n Karama n provinc e someho w were administrativel y dependen t o n Hudavendiga r distric t (p . 11 ; 1 6 Zil-Hicce 981) . Thos e sam e loca l kadi s (toprak kadileri) oversa w th e sale a t fai r marke t price s o f th e movabl e an d immovabl e propert y o f banished re caya (138/8 8 (6); 1 0 Cumad i I I 983). Whe n som e peopl e i n Egridur an d Antaliy a district s extorte d bribe s fro m othe r peopl e wh o

Forced Population Transfers 21 7 did not want to be banished but then banished them anyway, the local kadis had to investigate to prevent recurrence of tha t abuse (145/60 ; 9 Zil-Kade 981. p. 11; 9 Zil-Kade 981). As the documents indicate, local kadis supervised, and in some cases actually directed , th e proces s o f banishmen t fro m th e provinc e t o th e port of embarkation for Cyprus. The kadi possessed record books which listed th e names of al l the adult males in the province, town b y town, village b y village , noma d pastur e b y noma d pasture . Eac h kad i wa s responsible, then, to ensure that one-tenth of all those registered should be notified o f thei r impendin g banishment . I n the cas e o f Cyprus , the banished were to include a cross section of th e whole community ; certainly fro m among the heads of urba n quarters, villages, and tribes, as well a s othe r loca l notables , h e coul d collec t tha t informatio n rathe r easily. Although th e poor an d landless migh t b e expected t o voluntee r fo r banishment, probabl y fe w othe r peopl e would . I t i s wel l know n tha t many people in Turkey today feel very close ties to their native districts (mernleket), ofte n leavin g ther e onl y wit h grea t reluctance ; eve n th e economically mos t activ e segment s o f th e society , wh o ma y liv e fo r decades awa y fro m thos e districts , usuall y tr y t o mak e periodi c visit s there and continue t o conside r themselve s a s being "from " that place. Presumably residents of Anatolia in the i6the century felt the same sort of ties to their native districts. Banishment meant leaving relatives, neighbors, and community, as well as unique local commercial or agricultural conditions, an d goin g t o a n entirely ne w plac e wher e one' s economi c skills might no longer be sufficient. Smal l wonder how strong the resentment an d bitternes s fel t b y thos e wh o wer e banished . N o wonde r s o many resisted, or later escaped to return home. Lists of those banished were compiled in triplicate by the local kadis, who forwarde d on e cop y t o th e Porte , and sent the other copy t o the governor of Cyprus (begler begi), whose agents met the banished at the port of Silif ke, signed documents that the individuals had entered their charge, an d the n placed them on boat s fo r Cyprus , where they woul d again be registered and assigned new homes. Those who accepted banishment, as well as those who volunteered for it, made their way at their own pace, with their families and movable property, to Silif ke. They did not need supervision, although sometimes they needed protection from brigands.

2i8 Forced

Population Transfers

The kadi' s jo b wa s no t don e eve n afte r peopl e fro m hi s distric t reached Cyprus. He had to retain copies of the list of banished people to ensure tha t non e o f the m returne d illegally . Shoul d the y d o so , the y would have to be sent with police supervision to Silif ke, involving more paper work, as would those who refused to go on their own. By 24 September 1572 (13 Cumadi I 980), 15 months after the policy of settlin g onl y first clas s re caya o n th e islan d o f Cypru s ha d bee n initiated, that policy was changed to make possible the inclusion of less desirable element s o f Anatolia n society . Apparentl y th e failur e o f th e policy of population transfers as originally conceived, because recaya did not wan t i t an d becaus e Ottoma n official s di d no t suppor t it , ha d necessitated lowering the minimal threshold of acceptability. 6 The order is addresse d t o th e kadi s o f al l bu t easternmos t Anatoli a (Anadolu , Karaman, Rum , an d Zulkadriye ) regardin g a lette r th e Port e ha d received fro m Sinan , the second governor (begler begi) of Cyprus . Sinan informed th e Port e tha t man y region s o f th e islan d wer e suitabl e fo r cultivation bu t ha d bee n devastate d durin g th e conquest . Vineyards , gardens, and sugar cane flourished there; grains grew so profusely that a single measure of seed produced 5 0 or 60 measures of grain. Therefore, Cyprus could quickly regain its former prosperity if people occupied the towns and villages.7 Sinan furthe r adde d tha t Cypru s enjoye d a mos t moderat e climat e and that security was guaranteed by the presence of a suitable number of soldier s garrisone d i n th e fortresses . N o on e neede d fear ; complete security wa s established . Consequently , i t becam e necessar y fo r ne w settlers to colonize Cyprus and to restore its prosperity. The Porte ordered, therefore, tha t one household of 1 0 from al l the villages an d al l th e town s i n thos e province s shoul d b e deporte d t o Cyprus, with an adequate escort, before winter. Moreover, the migrants were to be excused for two years from the tithe and all other taxes. They were to bring their tools, beasts of burden, and farming implements. They will b e chosen fro m among the people. Those who have unfertile lands and rocky soi l wil l b e selected first. Next wil l b e brigands an d other evildoers , thos e whose names are not listed on the most recent provincial censu s (and their sons), recent emigrant s fro m othe r places , an d subject s wh o d o no t ow n thei r ow n farm lan d bu t rent . That als o include s thos e wh o fo r a lon g tim e hav e claime d full ownership of pastures, vineyards, gardens, or plains and whose litigation has not ye t bee n settled ; villager s who , afte r havin g abandone d thei r villages , hav e

Forced Population Transfers 21 9 established themselve s i n citie s an d towns ; an d thos e unemploye d i n towns , villages, an d citie s wh o liv e a s vagrants . Finall y som e craftsme n an d artisan s were required: shoemakers (papugqu), maker s of coarse shoes (ba§mak$i), tailors (derzi), hatmaker s (takyeci), weaver s (kembaci), spinner s o f goa t hai r (mutaf), wool-carders (hallaq), silk manufacturer s (kazaz), cook s (a§&), cook s o f sheep' s heads (ba§qi), candlemakers (mumcu), packsaddl e makers (semerci), blacksmith s (nalbant), grocer s (bakkal), tanner s (debbag), blacksmith s (demirci), carpenter s (dulger), stonemason s (ta§qi), goldsmith s o r silversmith s (kuyumcu), copper smiths (kazanci), etc . You mus t requisition on e heart h in 10 , particularly villager s known fo r thei r crimes an d malevolence , thos e wh o ar e no t registere d i n th e cadastra l register s and who hav e neithe r household s no r positio n bu t tak e lan d b y lease ; usurers; villagers wh o a t court contes t amon g themselve s th e ownershi p o f land . Peopl e who mee t thos e condition s an d wh o posses s lan d o r othe r movabl e propert y should have it sold to the highest bidder at a price equal t o cost price. You shal l give the m th e proceed s o f th e sal e an d the n sen d them , wit h onl y th e briefes t delay, to Silif ke, where they will embark fo r Cyprus. You mus t als o secur e one i n 1 0 of th e aforementioned artisan s and laborers; they mus t be vigorous an d capable of working . Yo u shoul d direct them, too, t o Cyprus vi a Sili f ke. Yo u mus t b e sur e tha t non e o f th e artisan s o r villagers sta y back i n thei r town s an d villages . Yo u mus t tak e measure s t o ensur e tha t al l th e land an d immovabl e propert y o f th e emigrant s i s sol d a t a ver y jus t price , without causin g los s o r damage . Yo u mus t recor d i n a registe r whethe r th e emigrants ar e cultivator s o r artisans , a s wel l a s thei r names , descriptions , an d the names o f thei r villages o r places of origin . Yo u mus t also calculat e the tota l number of beasts of burden of the cultivators and tools of the artisans. You must make a registe r wit h thre e copies , on e fo r m y Porte , on e fo r th e governo r o f Cyprus, an d on e t o remai n a t you r courts . Thos e whos e name s ar e o n thi s lis t who do not go voluntarily will be found an d deported. The overseer s (muba§ir) assigne d shoul d tak e specia l car e t o ensur e tha t al l that is done properly; they should not threaten to deport to Cyprus anyone wh o does no t give them presents o f money . The overseers mus t give the kadis certifi cates attestin g tha t the y hav e no t accepte d mone y fro m anyone . Whe n th e registers ar e bein g draw n up , the y mus t includ e th e name s o f al l th e town s o r villages o f origi n o f thos e deeme d fit fo r emigration , an d als o th e name s an d descriptions o f thei r guarantors (kefil) . Yo u shoul d be vigilant. Yo u shoul d tak e every precautio n t o ensur e tha t n o unnecessar y constraint s ar e exercise d o n those wealthy wh o nee d not be transfered to Cyprus. You shoul d encourag e emigratio n an d mak e know n tha t accordin g t o m y orders tw o years ' exemptio n fro m taxe s wil l b e grante d thos e wh o settl e i n Cyprus. If anyone registered in the register who is directed towards Cypru s with his livestock escape s to a strange country, contrary to my sacred orders, he shall be executed there where he is discovered. You wh o ar e kadi s o f m y provinces , i f on e o f th e emigrant s come s t o find

22o Forced

Population Transfers

refuge in your district, imprison him immediately and make that known to my Porte s o tha t justic e ma y quickl y b e done . Sen d t o Silifk e immediatel y thos e designated to be deported in a way that they are immediately able to pass to the other shore where the governor of Cypru s will settle them in the places that he judges mos t favorable . A cop y o f th e registe r shoul d g o t o th e governo r o f Cyprus, and a copy of the discharge should be sent to my Porte. You should carry out my noble orders with great diligence. If anyone wishes to hinder the departure of those assigned to be deported, if others are deported in their places, contrary t o m y orders, and those complaints reach my Porte, I will punish them in an exemplary fashion. You should put a stop to all intervention on their part; if they persist in their evil designs you should send their names and ranks to me.8 In organizing populatio n transfer s th e Porte seem s to hav e been caugh t between a desire to ensure high quality emigrants and a competing desire to give preference t o the poor and weak. The latter impulse was humanitarian, th e forme r reflecte d th e intensit y o f imperia l desire s t o buil d a flourishing Cyprus . Initiall y th e Port e required emigrant s who wer e highly capable, bu t soo n compromise s wer e required . Chroni c litigants , usur ers, newcomers to districts, and people who had avoided being registered in the tax roll s becam e eligible, an d soon eve n criminals. If migration t o Cyprus ha d bee n a t all a n attractive prospect , s o many compromise s o n moral standards would no t have been needed. 9 One o f th e mos t attractiv e incentive s hel d out t o immigrant s wa s th e period o f ta x exemption . (Presumabl y tha t exemptio n woul d no t hav e included th e cizye , o r hea d tax , o f non-Muslims , bu t the n fe w i f an y non-Muslims d o appea r amon g th e banished. ) Initiall y th e Port e prom ised ta x exemptio n fo r thre e years , bu t subsequently , an d undoubtedl y retroactively, tha t perio d wa s reduce d t o tw o years . Wh y th e chang e occurred i s not indicated , bu t the counsel o f thos e wh o wante d t o buil d Cyprus int o a prosperous an d populous regio n was preempted b y shor t sighted officials wantin g quick profits . The earlies t order s t o th e governo r o f Cyprus , t o th e Nigd e distric t governor, an d t o th e kadi s o f Konya , Larende , Kaysariye , an d Nigde , mandate tha t ever y immigran t t o Cypru s shoul d b e exemp t fro m al l traditional an d extraordinary taxe s (hukuk, rusum, an d tekalif) fo r three years (141/57 (las t page); undated, p. 15 , undated). Then an order to the governor an d defterda r o f Cypru s date d 1 1 July 157 5 ( 2 Rebi c I I 983 ) informed the m tha t taxe s (hukuk ve rusumlari) shoul d no t b e taken fo r

Forced Population Transfers 22 1 two year s fro m al l thos e wh o practic e agricultur e (zira cat ve hiraset); people wer e exemp t (mu caf) for tw o years , bu t afte r tha t thos e taxe s were t o b e collecte d i n accordanc e wit h th e Sharia , kanun , an d th e record books (defter) (116/66 (8); 2 Rebic II 983). The three Ottoman historians who have done pioneering work on the economic history of the empire in the 16th century, Barkan, Inalcik, and Akdag, all agree, at least loosely, with BraudePs assessment about population growt h an d overpopulation i n the Ottoma n empire . Eac h presumes overpopulatio n i n Anatolia , reachin g a dangerou s stag e i n th e second half o f th e 16t h century when lawlessness an d brigandage (and immorality, for Akdag) swept the countryside, leaving villagers increasingly unabl e t o suppor t themselves . Overcrowde d cultivator s occupie d marginal and even poor lands, and many migrated to cities where they formed a restless, unemployed class . (Personally , I think tha t Anatolia, like Cyprus , wa s generall y underpopulate d an d coul d hav e benefite d from continued population growth at that time.) Barkan an d Inalci k hol d tha t populatio n transfer s t o Cypru s wer e designed to help alleviate the land shortage in Anatolia. If that were so, one might expect people lining up waiting at Silif ke to go to Cyprus. Of course, not all the landless and poor would have been so economically motivated, bu t surel y fre e transportation , fre e land , an d tw o o r three year's exemption from taxes would have provided a strong incentive to thousands of landless, hungry people, if they really were there. Likewise, if the Anatolian countryside was overpopulated, local officials an d timar holders woul d hav e encourage d th e superfluou s t o leave , bu t thos e in charge of the population transfers complained that they got no help and indeed protested that officials an d timar holders protected and sheltered locals whom they did not want to go. Meanwhile, throughout the whole period the population of Cyprus remained dismally low. To wha t exten t th e order s o f banishmen t coul d b e carried ou t i s a serious question which unfortunately canno t be answered satisfactorily. Barkan knew al l th e details, but the materials are too fragmentar y fo r him o r anyon e els e t o sugges t wha t proportio n o f th e banishe d ar e mentioned in the records; since the Porte changed orders several times, sometimes mentionin g othe r place s lik e Hale b (Aleppo) , w e ar e lef t confused abou t imperia l goals . That, however, i s not completel y inappropriate, for the Porte had no consistent goals. 10 % of the population

222 Forced

Population Transfers

of Alepp o woul d hav e bee n a large number , bu t sinc e Kony a an d Kay seri, the othe r large citie s i n the area fro m whic h peopl e wer e banished , were exempt, perhaps only Aleppo province was intended. A registe r o f 157 2 list s 168 9 familie s read y fo r transfera l t o Cypru s from th e followin g districts : Aksaray , 225 ; Bey§ehir , 262 ; Seydi§ehir , 202; Endugi , 145 ; Develihisar , 197 ; Urgup , 64 ; Ko^hisar , 88 ; Nigde , 172; Bor , 69 ; Ilgin , 48 ; Ishakli , 87 ; Ak§ehir , 130. 10 A t leas t b y 1574 , however, some people were so desperate to escape deportation tha t they would pay 10 0 alti n for a substitute. 11 Eight adul t male s wer e banishe d fro m th e small tow n o f Be g §ehri in Karaman province . O f tha t number , hal f volunteered . Each , a Muslim , had t o produc e tw o guarantor s (kefil) who pledge d tha t i f th e banishe d one did not leave, they would go in his place (52/39 ; undated). Among nomadi c tribe s me n banishe d t o Cypru s wer e A t $eke n an d other Yuruks from Karaman, Ak §ehir, and Koq Hisar areas of Karama n province, but most especially fro m the district of I c II along the Mediterranean littoral who were transferred t o the province of Cyprus. 12 An orde r o f 6 Ma y 157 2 t o th e governor , kadi , an d defterda r o f Cyprus urge s tha t n o har m shoul d b e don e t o th e r e c aya o f th e newl y conquered island , that they should be treated with justice, in accordanc e with th e Sharia , s o tha t th e islan d ma y "rever t t o it s former prosperou s state.. . . Those responsible for scattering the re caya through oppressin g them an d imposin g to o heav y taxe s o n them , shal l b e chastized." 13 O n 19 Cumad i I I 97 9 ( 9 Octobe r 1571 ) a n orde r wa s sen t t o th e ne w governor Sinan Pa§a to order a tax survey (tahrir). That would for m th e basis fo r provincia l organizatio n an d taxation . (Th e require d taxes woul d be based on an average of the revenue of the past three years.) Barkan has estimated tha t 30 % of thos e banished had volunteered o r cooperated voluntarily. Tha t mad e th e us e o f forc e ver y necessary. 14 Barkan ha s als o estimate d tha t 7 % o f th e head s o f familie s (bane) banished to Cyprus were criminals of one kind or another. 15 A neglecte d facto r i n analyzin g th e dat a i s mortality . I f man y o f th e banished die d i n Cyprus , particularl y withou t leavin g record , Ottoma n registers woul d hav e bee n seriousl y throw n off . Official s woul d the n tend t o underestimat e th e numbers actuall y banished . O f course , death s of r e c aya wer e suppose d t o b e registered . I n an y case , i n 157 5 th e Venetian B . Sagred o reporte d tha t th e Ottoman s wer e alway s sendin g

Forced Population Transfers 22 3 new familie s t o liv e in Cyprus because mos t o f the m died in the great heat.16 Two question s aris e i n regar d t o possibl e connection s o f Jews with Cyprus. On e involve s th e rol e o f Josep h Nas i i n th e conques t o f th e island an d its possible us e a s a place o f settlemen t fo r Marran o Jews. The other concerns population transfer s o f Jews from Safed t o Cyprus after the Ottoman conquest. Nasi's lif e i s surrounde d b y a mas s o f myths . I n a recen t stud y P. Grunebaum-Ballin has rather deftly shown that the supposed great influence of Nas i ove r Seli m II is largely fanciful , tha t there is no evidence that the two ever discussed matters of state policy, and that there is no evidence tha t Nasi ha d more interest i n Cypru s than anywher e els e in the empire.17 Although Jews in the Latin Christian parts of the Mediterranean worl d ma y hav e acutel y neede d a refuge , an d althoug h man y places in the empire were used to meet that need, it was against Ottoman policy to concentrate immigrants so as to make a decisive demographic impact on a single place, and even more important, high-ranking Ottomans simply never conceived of Cyprus as a Jewish refuge. The Ottoma n governmen t issue d order s fo r th e transfera l o f 100 0 Jewish families from Safed in 1576 and 1577, soon after the conquest of Cyprus. Preceding that, however, was an order of August 1573 responding to a petition b y members of th e Jewish community i n Safed about "several Jewish thieves and scoundrels" who commit "corrupt deeds . . . and are receivers o f stole n goods. " The Port e replied : ".. . sen d these men who are not upright and law-abiding, but rather receivers of stolen goods, thieve s an d scoundrel s whos e corrup t deed s hav e bee n discov ered, immora l an d villainous , guarde d b y appropriat e men , togethe r with a cop y o f th e registe r concernin g them , t o Cyprus." 18 The n i n October 157 6 a n order was issued for the expulsion of "100 0 wealthy Jews, togethe r wit h thei r familie s an d possessions, fro m Safe d an d its environs t o Famagusta , i n Cypru s . . . " I n Augus t 157 7 order s wer e issued fo r th e expulsio n o f anothe r 50 0 families , t o b e settle d o n th e same island. However , th e following year , before eithe r group had actually been sent, the Jews of Safed got those orders "canceled" because of possibl e economi c effect s o n th e district . "I f i t is decided t o deport them t o Cyprus , th e Publi c Revenu e wil l los e th e abov e mentione d amount of money and the town of Safed will be on the verge of ruin."19

224 Forced

Population Transfers

The Porte decided not to deport them at that time. In 1579 10 0 Jewish families entered Magosa on their way from Salonika to Safed and were detained t o b e settle d there , t o whic h th e Port e a t leas t initiall y con sented.20 The logi c fo r transferrin g Jewish settler s t o Cypru s fro m Safe d wa s consistent with the current Ottoman scheme. Safed is contiguous to the Mediterranean lik e Tirablu s an d Aleppo . Cypru s ha d firs t bee n con ceived as a grand province including other points on the mainland to the east an d north . Th e Safe d regio n itself , however , wa s als o shor t o f population. Mor e important , high-rankin g official s i n Damascu s an d Aleppo wh o profite d fro m it s prosperit y doubtles s brough t t o bea r in Istanbul al l th e influenc e tha t they coul d muste r to preserv e the status quo. Although Jewish settlers from Safed province were part of the original plan fo r settlement , non e actuall y reache d Cyprus . Th e notio n tha t making Cypru s int o a Jewish colon y wa s eve r seriously considere d by the Porte seems extremely unlikely. Equally unlikely is the idea of Kyrris and Papadopoullo s tha t Gree k Orthodo x an d Armenia n Gregoria n Christians fro m Anatoli a wer e the primary target of th e official order s for banishment from Anatolia. To some extent the confusion rise s from unfamiliarity wit h th e ol d us e o f r e c aya t o includ e al l th e taxpayin g populace, Musli m an d Christian . I n any case , whereve r th e name s of banished individual s ar e given , Christian s (zimmis) are conspicuousl y lacking. Wh y th e Ottoman s chos e t o banis h s o fe w Christian s i s unknown, for at earlier times thousands had been transfered to Istanbul. Another par t o f th e misunderstandin g come s fro m th e notio n o f Kyrris and Papadopoullo s tha t banishmen t wa s punitive, an d so more likely t o b e impose d o n Christia n subjects . I n fact , th e banishmen t (surgun) firs t impose d o n Ottoma n Cypru s had absolutely n o implications o f mora l impropriety . Perhap s i f choosin g betwee n tw o possibl e surgun, a kadi migh t permit the morally bette r one to stay in his local community. However, surgun by itself had absolutely no moral implications. If an order said "evildoers," then "evildoers" could be sent; if an order jus t sai d "people, " then absolutel y n o mora l connotation s wer e involved. Indeed , th e origina l order s fo r banishmen t t o Cyprus , a s t o Rumeli, to Trabzon, and to Istanbul, presumed that the banished would move to better circumstances than they had at that time. Although some evidence exists of banishing non-Muslims to Cyprus,

Forced Population Transfers 22 5 such banishment was virtually unknown. Zimmi Nikilo of (? ) kaza was banished to Cyprus for acting contrary to the Sharia; Nikilo was to be transferee! there via th e Rhodes district governor (162/6 0 (1) ; undated. Another zimmi was banished to Rhodes. 120/5 5 W ; 1 5 Sefer 987). The Cyprus kadi sent an inquiry to the Porte regarding the status of a zimmi named Nikol a (? ) o f tha t kaz a wh o wa s banishe d t o Cypru s b y a n imperial orde r (emr-i §erif). The court ultimatel y ha d to determin e his status (p. 13; 19 Sefer 990). "Some offences (ba *z kabahati) appeared in zimmi Nikofor , wh o wa s seekin g th e patriarchat e (patriklik); then he was ordered released, and now a second order has been sent out to that effect" (160/89 (41); 13 Sefer 994). In any case, no record books (defter) detail their settlement into particular villages on Cyprus, or even collectively as residents of Cyprus villages.21 Keeping th e banishe d i n Cypru s onc e the y go t ther e wa s a dee p Ottoman concern. Reluctant emigrants showed remarkable vigor in finding means of escape. Some used force, others bribery. Even 100 kilometers of Mediterranean did not make a very effective barrier. Orders were sent to the governors of Cypru s and Karaman concerning a letter for m th e forme r complainin g tha t som e of thos e banishe d (surgun taifesinden) ha d seized piers (iskeleler) an d escaped back to the other side (beru yaka) in ships. The Porte ordered that such boats, along with thei r owners , shoul d b e seize d (116/6 6 (10) ; 2 1 Cumad i I 983). High-ranking officers o f the c Ala* iye district governors were to be sent to Cyprus to prevent such flights (138/8 8 (12) ; 13 Muharrem 983). The Ic II district governor was under strict orders to return to Cyprus everyone who escape d fro m ther e (146/4 0 (2) ; selh Zil-Hicc e 98 3 (?) . p. 2; selhZil-Hicce(?)). The Porte regularly exhorted th e governor of Cypru s to prevent escape: It must not be possible (mumkun) fo r anyone to go to the other side (ote yaka) without permission (icazetsuz) . . . I f anyone flees(firar), it i s fro m you r carelessnes s i n defense (muhafazada) (164/7 5 (23) ; 2 9 §evval 98 6 (?)) . The governo r wa s warne d repeatedl y tha t i t wa s no t permissible fo r anyon e wh o wa s banishe d t o Cypru s t o pas s bac k t o Anatolia (beru yaka), contrary to that order; harbor agents (iskele em~ inleri) had t o b e force d t o ac t firmly and carefull y (124/6 5 (7) ; 2 4 Muharrem 985) . Al l o f th e banished , accordin g t o on e account , wer e fleeing t o their homelands (vatanlarina) b y ships (gemiler) whic h came close to the shore everywhere; again the governor was exorted to take

226 Forced

Population Transfers

every precaution an d to b e sure to registe r in full everyon e who reache d Cyprus (161/7 1 (16) ; 8 §evva l 988 ) Cf . 161/7 1 (20) ; 2 5 Zil-Hicc e 98 1 (?)). Order t o Cypru s begle r begi . Yo u sen t a lette r tha t som e o f thos e wh o ar e banished t o Cypru s maintain connections falakalari) with thei r native regions (vatan-i asillar). The y have property (mulk) whic h they did not sell. Some even live in those cities, although they are not supposed to go there for any reasons other than trade. They went to the mainland (ote yaka) for trade in many ships (gemi), puttin g up guarantors (kefiller) fo r their return. I order that you should make permanently settled (temekkun) i n castles (kal 'elerde) thos e who want to make trade (ticaret) lik e that . Yo u should no t give permission t o anyone who was banishe d t o pas s bac k t o th e mainlan d (beru yaka). (138/8 8 (10) ; 1 0 Muharrem 981-12 May 1573) An orde r t o th e governo r o f Cypru s present s th e magnitud e o f th e problem: Sinc e th e conques t o f Cypru s (Kibri s fetih), ther e hav e bee n 12,000 familie s (hane) banishe d (surgun). Yo u mad e a petitio n ( carz) saying tha t ther e ar e now 80 0 adul t male s (nefer) registered i n the ne w register (defter-i cedid), an d a t presen t onl y hal f o f the m remai n i n Cyprus. O f course , th e Port e gav e th e stronges t order s t o recor d th e names an d villages of al l thos e wh o ha d been banished , a s well a s thos e who hav e already escaped an d are missing (gaybda idenler), an d to send them to the Porte (163/70 (17) ; undated). 22 Sometimes the banished protested to the Porte that the services which they performed i n their native districts wer e so importan t or useful tha t they should not be banished. Re caya from c Ayntab district, for example, complained (§ikayet) to the Porte that they are useful (yarar) and protect the distric t (hifz ve hiraset) (124/6 5 (1) ; 1 8 Muharre m 985) . The y als o struck the court summoner (muhzir) wit h a sword and injured him when he trie d t o induc e the m t o com e t o court . Anothe r tim e five me n wer e exempt fro m bein g banishe d t o Cypru s whe n the y becam e lieutenant s (kethuda) o f th e governo r o f Yeme n provinc e (2 5 Cumad i I I (? ) 988) . Objections t o order s fo r banishmen t wer e handle d jus t th e sam e a s al l other personal appeal s for justice and imperial intervention . Many peopl e i n the districts of Egridu r and Antaliye apparentl y wer e willing t o pa y substantial sum s of mone y t o escap e banishmen t (145/6 0 (?); 9 Zil-Kad e 981) . Th e Nigd e distric t governo r an d th e kadi s o f Konya, Larende , Kayseriye , an d Nigd e complaine d t o th e Port e tha t local people did not wish (murad) b y their own choice (ihtiyar He) to live

Forced Population Transfers 22 7 on the island of Cyprus. The Porte exhorted them to compel to migrate those wh o ha d no t ye t settle d i n an d t o remin d th e banishe d o f it s advantages (p . 17; undated). Cyprus governors continually had to send letters to the Porte to request imperial help. Local people had not wished to g o t o Cypru s fro m Konya , Larende , Nigde, an d Kaysariye district s (141/57 (las t page); undated). The Porte complained that some of those people banished to Cyprus had kept connections ( calakalari) wit h their native regions (vatn-i asillar). Som e held property (mulk) which they did not sell . Som e actually live d agai n i n their native cities, althoug h they were legally forbidden to go back there for any reasons other than trade (138/89 (10); 10 Muharrem 981). Resistance t o banishmen t wa s considerabl e a t ever y stage . Thos e banished complained and prevaricated, and some simply refused t o go. They fled their homes, or they failed to appear at the ports of embarkation. Sometime s the officials wh o supervise d th e migrations discovered that people whose names were registered on the official list s never appeared a t th e port s o f embarkation ; sometime s hardl y anyon e fro m a certain distric t appeared . Othe r peopl e disappeare d afte r reportin g t o the local supervisers at the ports of embarkation, either at sea or before the transpor t vessel s eve r lef t port . Stil l other s escape d afte r reachin g Cyprus, presumabl y b y buyin g transportatio n bac k t o th e mainlan d legally or even illegally from sailors. Although harbor officials i n Cyprus had stric t instruction s no t t o le t anyon e withou t specia l authorizatio n leave th e island , forge d documents , bribery , o r goo d luc k permitte d numerous unhapp y migrant s t o retur n t o th e mainland ; unscrupulou s seamen also contributed to the problem. Some who escaped from Cyprus were apprehende d i n transi t b y harbo r official s o n th e mainland , al though probabl y tha t wa s a smal l proportio n o f thos e wh o fled the island. The banishe d probabl y behave d s o boldl y becaus e penaltie s fo r refusal to comply were nonexistent. The security of their persons, families, and property wer e guaranteed . Th e penalty fo r refusin g t o compl y a t any stag e o f th e banishmen t merel y mean t subjectio n t o th e proces s again. A ma n wh o fled hi s tow n o r villag e t o escap e banishmen t t o Cyprus, if apprehended, was subjected to the same conditions of banishment as those who had complied immediately. A man who escaped from Cyprus and returned to his home, if apprehended, was simply banished to Cyprus like everyone else. No corporal punishment was administered,

228 Forced

Population Transfers

nor crimina l charge s brought , no r eve n fines levied. Compulsor y popu lation transfer s o f innocen t individual s violate s th e Sharia ; Ottoma n officials charge d with handlin g the process were exhorted t o all possible delicacy an d gentleness . Official s wer e warne d t o protec t th e banished , their families , an d thei r propert y a t ever y stag e o f th e process , fro m beginning to end; those who faile d i n that charge faced corporal punishment, o r eve n dismissa l fro m office . Generall y speaking , then , recalci trant migrants had little to lose if they tried to escape banishment . What proportion o f th e migrants resisted is no better known than the number of migrants. The Ottoma n purpos e i n banishin g s o man y undesirable s t o Cypru s is unfathomable , eve n rememberin g it s lo w population . O f course , a s a large islan d fairl y remot e fro m th e mainlan d an d quit e remot e fro m other islands , th e Ottoma n governmen t ma y hav e considere d Cypru s a safe, secur e plac e t o sen d criminals . Walle d fortresse s lik e Magos a o r Girniye coul d hol d eve n th e mos t dangerou s convicte d criminals , bu t very few wer e confined there . Doubtless most simply settled into villages and towns ; nevertheless , the y wer e forcibl y separate d fro m friends , al lies, or relatives around their homes. Although a fe w o f th e convict s ma y hav e bee n pett y criminals , mos t were not. Their arrival must have scandalized Cypriot society, for merely forcibly transferin g the m t o Cypru s wa s no t likel y t o refor m them . Probably mos t continue d th e sam e illega l o r unsavor y activitie s i n Cy prus. Tha t threa t mus t hav e reduce d th e attractivenes s o f th e islan d t o more desirabl e immigrants , whethe r the y cam e voluntaril y o r not , an d must have dissuaded many potential immigrant s from moving there. The document s provid e n o informatio n abou t wher e th e criminal s settled, whethe r o r no t the y cam e wit h families , o r ho w lon g the y remained there . The settlemen t o f convicte d criminal s i n Cypru s wa s antithetical t o the ideals expressed about restoring prosperity and implementing justice there. Members o f th e religiou s clas s i n Maras , and Mimariy e (? ) accuse d Kalende r o f oppression an d illici t act s (zulm ve te c addi), convictio n o f whic h coul d lea d t o his banishment to Cyprus if 1 5 years had not passed. (117/3 0 (10) ; 8 Sefer 985 ) Sefer b n Seyd i c Ali, Yusu f b n Ilyas , an d Sefe r b n c Osman wer e ordere d banished becaus e the y wer e brigand s an d evildoer s (ehl-i fesad ve haramzade). (120/55 (6) ; 15 Sefer (? ) 987)

Forced Population Transfers 22

9

Brigands (eqkiya) i n Hami d distric t (sancagi) wer e banishe d afte r attackin g Muslims. (124/65 (17); 996) In Elmalu, Ramazan, who was not good (kendu halinde), committed oppression (rencide). (137/6 9 (21); undated) Evildoers (ehl-i fesad) in Atana raped the wives of two spahis, killing one and kidnapping th e other ; they wer e t o b e banished t o Cyprus . (137/6 9 (42) ; undated) £akir di d evi l i n Mente§ e an d als o owe d th e Sar u Ha n distric t governo r 50,000 akce ; h e was banishe d wit h hi s famil y (ehI ve c ayal). (138/88 (5) ; 1 9 §evval 983) Another evildoer (ehl~i fesad) wa s banished from Rhodes to Cyprus. (158/99 (4); 29 Rebi Orhonlu, "Th e Ottoma n Turks . . . ," pp . 96, 103. 12. Faru k Surner , Oguzlar (Turkmenler). Ankara , 1967 . pp . 177 , 179 . A n important part of today's Turkish Cypriots trace their origin to Ic II Yuruks. 13. H . Inalcik, "Ottoma n Polic y and Administration i n Cyprus after the Conquest," p. 63, p. 61, from A. Refik, Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Mecmuast 5.1926.7 1 (document 47). 14. Barkan , "Les deportations . . . , " p . 98. T. Papadopoullos, Social and Historical ..., pp . 25f . fro m A . Refik , Edebiyat Fakiiltesi Mecmuast 5.1926 , no. 32. 15. Barkan , "Le s deportations..., " p . 98 . Papadopoullo s wrongl y call s thi s 70%. Social and Historical..., p . 26. 16. d e Mas Latrie, Histoire . . ., v . 3, p. 560. Hill, v. 4, p. 19m 17. Joseph Naci due de Naxos, pp. 134ft , i38f , 142 , i5of . A Galante and C. Roth have urged the view that Joseph Nasi rivaled Sokollu Mehmed Pa§a in influence ove r Selim II, who supposedly wa s indebted t o Nasi bot h financially and for Cyprus wine he provided. Roth attributed the Ottoman attack on Cypru s t o Nasi' s hatre d fo r Venic e an d suggeste d tha t h e ma y hav e wanted to open Cyprus for the settlement of Jewish refugees and even hoped to becom e governor of th e island. A. Galante, Don Joseph Nassi. Due de Naxos . . ., passim. C. Roth, The House of Nasi. The Duke of Naxos, pp. 17ft, 22f , 4if , 4$f , 5of , i4off , 145 , 154 . P . Grunebaum-Balli n patientl y refutes the whole basis of that viewpoint. 18. U . Heyd , "Turkis h Document s Concernin g th e Jews o f Safe d i n th e Sixteenth Century," p. 11 2 in M. Ma'oz., ed., Studies on Palestine during the Ottoman Period, Jerusalem, 1975. 19. U . Heyd, "Turkish Documents . . ., pp . ii2f. C . Roth, The House . . ., pp . 98ff. 20. U . Heyd, "Turkish Documents . . . ," p . 115. 21. Kyrri s and Papadopoullos both hold that largely Christians were banished. C. Kyrris , "Symbiotic Element s . . . , " pp . 243 L T. Papadopoullos , Social and Historical..., pp . 24f. Th e exemption from banishment afforded th e family o f th e grea t architec t Sina n an d thei r villag e Agirna s i n Kayser i district is taken by Kyrris, Papadopoullos, and even Hill (v . 4, pp. i8f an d n) as further evidence of punitive banishment of Christians. The document constitutes one of very few pieces of evidence, and it was issued as a special favor i n advance , not a s a reactio n t o order s o f banishmen t t o Agirna s

Forced Population Transfers 23 9 villagers. Since early in the 16th century western and central Anatolia had a Christian minorit y (Gree k Orthodo x an d Armenia n Gregorian ) o f onl y yV2%, fe w of the m would have remained had they borne the brunt of the banishment policy . Indeed , a t leas t i n Karama n province , thei r number s increased rapidly through the 16th century. General exemptions were given to the two large urban centers in Karaman province, Kony a an d Kayseri . That policy i s consisten t wit h general Ottoman policy favoring such places. 22. Orhonlu , "The Ottoman Turks Settle ...," pp. 97, 103, 7 January 1581. Orhonlu refers t o this document fro m the Miihimme defteri, nu. 43, s. 134, hiikiim 241 but wrongly gives 8000 adult males rather than 800 (sekiz yiiz nefer). If thi s documen t i s t o b e date d 1 0 year s afte r th e Ottoma n invasion of the island, and the figuresare reasonably accurate , the banishment was a disastrous failure , fa r worse tha n I can conceive . I f Orhonl u amended the figure in the text as obviously wrong, I can sympathize with that feeling, but surely there is absolutely no evidence anywhere to suggest that yiiz wa s wrongl y writte n i n place of bin by the scribe; one might as easily posit a missing initial bin or alti bin. However, I cannot accep t the idea, without additional documentary evidence, that less than 7% of those ordered banishe d actuall y eve r reache d Cyprus—o f who m onl y hal f re mained. (However , I do feel comfortable wit h the idea that a good half of those banished may have escaped back home.) Perhaps this document is the basis for Barkan's assertion that 7% of the banished heads of families had committed crimes. Had the banishment policy faile d so overwhelmingly, i t seems doubtful that the imperial bureaucracy would have even bothered to suggest that the governor might attempt to make a complete list of all those who were still in Cyprus. 23. Ahme t Refik, Anadolu'da Turk A§iretleri (996-1200). Istanbul , 1930 . pp. i5f, #29 ; 26 Sefer 980. 24. A . Refik, Turk A§iretleri..., pp . 26f, #50 . 26 ca 984. 25. M . Akdag, Celali tsyanlart..., pp . 85-108 an d passim esp. 87ft, 104^ 26. 6 . L . Barkan, "... surgunler, " 228f. Bekir Kiitukoglu, Osmanlt-tran Siyasi MiinasebetlerL v. 1, 1578-1590. Istanbul, 1962. p. 9. Usually Kizilba§ who had relations with the Safavids were banished to Cyprus with their families and isolated. C. M. Imber, "The Persecution of the Ottoman Shi'ites according to the muhimme defterleri, 1565—1585, " Der Islam 56.1979.pp . 250— 272.

EIGHT

Slaves and Slavery

Slavery wa s a n importan t institutio n i n th e Mediterranea n world . I n long distanc e trad e fe w good s coul d hav e rivale d slave s i n volum e o r profitability.1 I n Cypru s colonia l power s lik e Geno a an d particularl y Venice established extensive slave plantations for sugar cultivation starting as early as the second half of th e 14t h century. Places on the south coast of the island like Piskopi, Kolossi, and Kouklia became centers of sugar production . Sometime s colonist s importe d slave s fo r thos e purposes. Ruthless use of slaves, in combination with advanced techniques of irrigatio n an d mills , produce d better , cheape r sugar . Whe n slav e plantations in Madeira and the Canaries began to produce even cheaper sugar, th e colonia l plantation s i n Cypru s switche d t o cotton . I n th e eastern Mediterranean slaver y continued to thrive throughout the 16t h century, eve n i f i t wa s mor e importan t i n th e Ne w Worl d an d South Asia.2 The Ottoman conquest brought profound consequences in the nature and exten t o f slaver y i n Cyprus . Accordin g t o th e testimon y o f wide spread sources , Venetia n an d otherwise , th e statu s o f th e parici , wh o made u p ove r 80 % o f th e island' s population , wa s virtuall y tha t o f slaves. The Ottoman conquest instantly freed virtually that entire class, and if remnant s survived for a decade or more, those too disappeared. Agricultural slavery virtually disappeared. The Ottomans , i n th e proces s o f conquest , enslave d thousand s o f Venetian soldiers. Many of them were immediately sold to slave markets 240

Slaves and Slavery 24

1

in Syri a an d Anatolia , whic h reportedl y becam e flooded temporarily ; others ma y hav e remaine d i n Cypru s wit h thei r ne w masters . So th e revolutionary chang e i s tha t a hug e "slave " class , almos t exclusivel y Greek Orthodo x i n faith , becam e fre e villag e landholder s whil e a larg e part of th e former Lati n ruling class was a t least temporarily reduce d t o slavery. The latter , o f course , wer e onl y a smal l proportio n o f th e population; the y serve d i n town s an d cities , presumabl y a s househol d servants, fo r unde r Ottoma n rul e neithe r agricultura l no r industria l slavery ever took roo t on the island. Cyprus i n the 16t h an d 17th centurie s di d not resembl e th e Mediter ranean societ y o f hal f a milleniu m earlie r s o wel l describe d b y S . D . Goitein i n which slave s playe d importan t role s i n trade an d commerce , frequently actin g in cooperation wit h thei r owners, and sometimes trav eling alon e ove r th e entir e Mediterranea n world. 3 Suc h relation s wer e not unknow n either , however . Belal , blac k slav e (zengi l-asl gulam) o f the merchant haci c Omer, sold a musket (tufenk) t o janissary Arslan be§e bn Hasa n ( 4 1 1 - 1 ; II I Ramaza n 1043) . Husey n an d hi s slav e (kul) bought 18 0 key l of whea t fro m Suleyma n be g bn c Ali beg of Lefko§ a ( 4 173-2; I I Cumadi II 1046). Haci Yusuf of Lefko§a owed his slave (cabdi memluk) Ridva n 7000 akc e ( 3 133-3 ; after 2 8 Rebi c II1019) . Some founders o f piou s foundations (evkaf) ordaine d that their free d slaves an d thei r descendant s shoul d serv e a s administrator s (mutevelli) of thei r foundations. When Suleyman su ba§i, administrator of th e foundation o f th e lat e Mustaf a Pa§a , died , th e Paga' s free d slav e (i c tak) Sarikci Ca cfer be g replace d hi m ( 1 2 2 5 - 1 ; II I Ramazan 1002) . Bevva b Hamze, a free d slav e o f th e lat e Mustaf a Pa§a , replace d anothe r free d slave, Piyale , a s administrato r o f tha t foundatio n ( 2 4 8 - 1 ; I §evva l 1016). Whe n Kasi m wa s remove d becaus e o f hi s treacher y fro m th e office o f administrato r o f th e foundatio n o f th e lat e Ahme d Pa§a , fro m among th e Pa§a' s free d slave s Mura d b n c Abdullah wa s appointe d ( 1 2 7 - 3 ; H I Receb 1002) . Za c im Perviz beg, present superviser of the public treasury (beyt ul-mal l amme ve basse emin)> state s (tm) before c Omer kethuda, lieutenan t (kethuda) o f th e late Mehmed be g who die d while Ba f sancak begi : His femal e slav e (cariyesi) and treasurer (bazinedar) Rahime bint 'Abdullah, who came to Lef ko§a, brought four loads (yuk) of jewels , goods, and money. The kassam-i c asker (wh o fixed shares of inheritance of soldiers), and Hasan beg, who was agent (in mubaqiret)

242 Slaves

and Slavery

for the founder of the foundation, had letters registered and sent to me. Then he demanded her and the money that she took from the treasury (miri). That cOmer came t o th e femal e slave . The n defte r kethud a Mustaf a too k he r an d al l th e goods by force, (i 38-5 ; §aban 1002) Perviz be g b n c Addullah agai n state s (tm) before c Omer kethuda : Yo u too k 15,000 filoriworth of the property of the deceased. Why have you not turned it over to the treasury (miri)? I want an answer before the court. c Omer kethuda replies: Go d forbi d tha t I took it . Hi s treasure r (hazinedar), th e femal e slav e Rahime bint c Abdullah, knows where it is. Ask her. (1 38-6; §aban 1002) The above Pervi z be g states (tm) before th e above-mentione d c Omer kethuda: 15,000 altun was brought to Lefko§a by a slave named Rahime, but she did not give it to the Pa§a's administrative officer (musellim) Mustaf a kethuda. I have a claim against her, but she has fled. cOmer replies: Yes, we brought it to Rahime. Now defter kethudasi Mustafa has fledwith her. (1 38—7; I §aban 1002) Judging fro m th e cour t record s a n overwhelming proportio n o f bot h slave owner s an d slave s wer e Muslims . Virtuall y n o non-Muslim s (zim mis) appea r t o hav e hel d slaves , an d virtuall y n o zimmi s wer e slaves . Possibly Orthodo x Christia n tradition s di d no t permi t holdin g slaves , but there was no reason that Muslims could not own suc h slaves. Undoubtedly slave s i n Cypru s constitute d onl y a ver y smal l propor tion o f th e population . Probabl y female s worke d a s househol d servant s and looke d afte r children , i n som e case s als o servin g a s concubines . Besides thos e fe w male s i n th e militar y clas s wh o wer e slave s o f th e imperial government , a few mal e slaves must have worked in trades and crafts, bu t th e evidenc e fo r tha t i s slight ; the y to o serve d primaril y a s household servants. 4 There ar e enough similaritie s betwee n Cypru s an d the well-documented cas e of Cair o to conjecture tha t slaves there generally were treate d with respec t and affection, almos t lik e members of th e family, bu t ther e reall y i s to o littl e evidenc e abou t Cypru s itsel f t o demonstrate tha t convincingly. Emancipating slave s i s a goo d work extolle d bot h i n th e Kora n an d in th e Sharia . Emancipatio n wa s prope r a t an y time , bu t i t wa s mos t common a t the death of th e slave holder. 5 Kadin Pa§ a bint Mehmed, wif e o f th e lat e merchan t (tacir) Musl i of Lefko§a , says th e 18-year-ol d blac k (Habe§i l-asl) slave (kul) of th e decease d i s fre e (mutlak). Let him be like all Muslims. (1 234-1, 2 ; §ewal 1002 )

Slaves and Slavery 24 3 Petro v . Hiristofi , Gree k Orthodo x (Rum ul-asl) zimmi , says : Previousl y I wa s freed fo r servin g well. I was give n this receip t (tezkire). Le t no on e interfere . ( 1 265-2; I I Zil-Kade 1002 ) Baf beg i Mustaf a be g has a s agent ( vek.il) for the matter Ridva n be g b n 'Abdul Mennan wh o state s (tm) befor e slav e (gulam) Hova t (? ) v . Nikol a o f Croa t origin (Hirvadi l-asl) of th e Lati n Christia n communit y (Nasara taifesi), wh o i s 35 year s old : Hovat (? ) worked fo r six year s in Lefko§a . No w h e is freed, afte r having done his service (hidmet). H e has a document from the court (huccet). ( 1 279-3; I I Zil-Kade 1002 ) Za c im 'Al i c,eleb i b n Mus a say s befor e hi s blac k (Habe§i l-asl) slav e ( cabd-i memluk) Turmu § bn c Abdullah: I have free d hi m ( i 'tak). ( 1 327-2 ; 1 5 Muhar rem 1003) . Racil Halil c,elebi bn Hizir su ba§i, of the imperial infantry commanders (dergahi ali yaya ba§is), acknowledge s (iklit) befor e blac k slav e gir l farab cariyesi) Mercane bin t 'Abdullah : I inherited her (intikal) fro m m y late father . I free her . (2 2 7 - 2; 1 4 §evval 1016 ) Haci Yusu f b n 'Abdulla h o f Lefko§ a acknowledge s (iklit) befor e blue-eyed , blondish Hungaria n (Macari l-asl) slave ( cabd-i memluki) Ridva n b n 'Abdullah : He i s my slave ; he is my property. I free him . Le t him b e like all fre e people . ( 3 139-6; after 2 8 Rebi c II1019 ) Yasemin bin t 'Abdulla h o f Le f ko§a ha s a s agen t (vekil), accordin g t o th e testi mony o f tw o witnesses , Mustafa od a bas j bn 'Abdullah, who acknowledge s (ikl it): Th e perso n wh o appointe d m e agen t (vekil), o f he r own fre e will , free s thi s tall, fai r eyebrowe d (aqik kaqlu) Russia n femal e slav e (cariye) Gulista n bin t 'Abdullah. ( 4 6 - 2; II I §aban 1043 ) Dervis, Kadri bn Ugurli of Lef ko§a acknowledges (iklit) before blond eyebrowed, blondish Russia n slav e ( cabd-i memluki) Yusu f b n 'Abdullah: I have free d him . (4 2 3 - 4 ; I Rebi' 11044) Mevlana Hasa n efend i b n 'Abdul-Fetta h o f Le f ko§a free s hi s blondis h Russia n female slave of mediu m height Satime bint 'Abdullah. ( 4 6 6 - 2; III Sefer 1044 ) Kumari zade Ibrahim beg bn Nasuh, presently superviser of the imperial treasury in Cypru s (beyt ul-mal c amme ve hassa emin), acknowledge s (iklit) befor e tal l (uzun boylu) Circassi n ((Jerkesi l-asl) slave ( cabdi-i memluki) Dilave r bn 'Abdullah: I free my slave Dilaver. ( 4 195-1 ; II I Receb 1046 )

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Sometimes circumstance s force d a forme r slav e t o demonstrat e t o th e court tha t h e reall y ha d bee n emancipated. 6 Mercan b n c Abdullah, slave (kul) of Suleyma n s u basj, states (tm) befor e Laleza r bintcAbdullah, guardia n (vasiye muhtar) o f th e orphan s o f th e lat e Suleyman : Suleyman free d m e while he was alive. Now Laleza r has made m e a slave again. Let this be investigated. Laleza r denies that Mercan had been freed . When proo f was wanted, from upright Muslims ( cudul-i Muslimin) Pervan e kethuda, Mustaf a bn c Abdullah, c Ali Ba§ a b n Bali , Ahme d b n Nasuh , an d Husey n b n c Abdullah confirm tha t Mercan truly had been freed, ( i 40—1 ; II §aban 1002 ) Mustafa Kethuda , administrativ e office r (musellim) o f governo r (mir miran) Ramazan Pa§a, has Haydar aga, who appear s before Cema l b n Mahmud: Cema l said, I am not a slave, I am the son o f a n c Arab. I am fro m Suleymaniy e quarte r in Damascu s (§am) . I served wit h Tanner' s (tebbaklar) §ey h hac i Mehmed . M y mother's nam e i s Fatma, m y uncle' s nam e i s Mehmed, an d m y father' s nam e i s Mehmed. Whe n th e cour t me t agai n fakd-i nteclis), Cema l said : No , I a m a Georgian (Gurci) fro m Simav . M y fathe r wa s Meky o (?) , m y mothe r Burhan , and my name is Bolad. Cemal is returned to his owner. ( 1 5 0 - 1 ; III §aban 1002 ) Cennet bin t Ca cfer state s (bm) befor e Ahme d od a ba§ i b n c Abdi: I a m th e daughter (sulbiye kizi) o f Ca cfer of Seydi §ehr town; my mother's name (validem) was Sati . Formerl y whe n I wen t t o Alepp o (Haleb ) wit h m y husban d (zevc) c Acem c Ali, brigands (e§kiya) came upon us, killed my husband, and brought me to Sili f ke. Then c Ali Pa§ a came an d too k m e to Cezire , where h e sold m e to th e above-mentioned Ahmed . I have witnesse s tha t I am fre e bor n (hurre l-asl). Le t them b e asked . Ahme d denie s that . Whe n Cenne t i s aske d fo r proof , Hamamc i Mehmed ded e b n Hasa n an d Ahme d b n Gulab i confir m her : Sh e wa s bor n i n Kara Hisar villag e o f Seyd i §ehri . Her husband wa s Mercan , slave ( cabd~i memluk) of a merchant (tacir) named Qaylak Sefer . ( 3 8 9 - 1 ; III Sefer 1019 ) Meryem bin t Mubarek , unmarrie d gir l o f At a (? ) villag e o f Sili f ke kaz a o n th e mainland (Ot e Yaka ) state s (tk) befor e Husey n b n hac i Ilyas : I a m fre e bor n (hurre l-asl). M y father' s nam e wa s Mubarek . M y mothe r wa s a free d slav e (mutlak) name d Dondi . He r brothe r (? ) c Ali too k m e b y forc e an d sol d m e t o Huseyn saying I was a slave girl. Mustafa b n haci Ramazan, who is here, bought me. No w I want m y freedom . Husey n say s h e ha s n o evidenc e tha t Merye m i s free born. ( 3 162-6 ; II I Rebic II 1019 ) Huseyn b n hac i Ilya s o f Silifk e o n th e mainlan d (Ot e Yaka) , no w o f Girniye , acknowledges (ik/it) befor e Merye m bin t Mubarek , a n unmarrie d gir l (bakire): Meryem i s a slave gir l (cariye). I bought he r from c Ali of At a (? ) village. No w I have learned that she is of fre e birth . In place of 360 0 akc e that I paid for her, I have received 120 0 akce for Meryem and drop my claim. I have no further claim

Slaves and Slavery 24

5

against her. If any are raised, they should not be heard. ( 3 129-4 ; z % Rebic II 1019)

As wit h an y othe r purchase , th e buye r of slave s coul d specif y specia l terms regarding the condition of th e slaves and then return the purchase to th e seller if the condition wa s not met. Several cases occurred regarding femal e slave s (cariye) wh o faile d t o mee t th e specification s an d consequently were returned. That may indicate that such purchases were not normally inspected in public. Anyway, all the cases found at Lef ko§a involved female slaves. Racil Mehme d b n Husey n o f Lefko§ a says : I bought a femal e slav e (cariye) named Faide from Ibrahim bn Mustafa for 6000 akce. But there is an old defect (marazi kadim) in her foot (ayak). Let this be referred to court. Place her for safe keeping (emanet) with Ahmed bn Nurullah. (1 253-3; III §evval 1002) Then Mehmed stated that there was an old wound (marazi kadim) o n the black female slave ( carab cariye) Faid e when I bought her. Ibrahim countered that the defect had been there when he bought her. (1 253—4; III §evval 1002) Finally, following the mediation of upright people, Ibrahim returned 100 0 akce of the purchase price and their dispute was settled. (1 253-5; HI §evval 1002) Bekr gavu§ of Le f ko§a makes a claim against c Abdi bn Mahmud of Lefko§a : I bought a female slave from cAbdi. She was defective. I want to return her. cAbdi says: When I sold the female slave, she was well (sag salim). Registered . (3 7-2; 29 Zil-Hicce 1018) Ahmed bn Mustafa state s (bm) before Mehmed bn Ibrahim: I bought a female slave on condition tha t she have no defects (bila cayyib); now she has become defective (ma c yuba). (3 63-7; I Receb 1019) Mehmed bn cAli states (bm) before Mustafa be§ e bn cAli: Tonight I bought this foreign black ( cacemi c arab) femal e slave on condition that she have no defects (bila cayb). However, sh e is injure d (mecruh) o n he r neck. ( 3 73-4 ; I I Receb 1019)

Of 4 4 slave s whos e origi n I coul d discove r exactl y hal f wer e blac k (siyah, c arab, habeqi %engi). Th e nex t larges t grou p wer e Russia n (Rus, including one Moskovi) wit h nine, followed by Circassian (Qerkez, Qerkes) and Hungarian (Macar) with fou r each. 7 None were of Gree k Orthodo x Cypriot origin . 57 % (25 ) o f th e slave s wer e male . Althoug h 1 2 ou t o f 22 blac k slave s an d 4 ou t o f 9 Russia n slave s were female, a disproportion o f othe r slave s wer e male . A tota l o f 4 2 o f thos e 4 4 slave s wer e

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Muslims (onl y th e Gree k Orthodo x an d th e Croatia n slave s wer e non Muslims). Virtuall y al l th e muc h large r numbe r o f slave s mentione d i n the cour t record s whos e origin s ar e no t give n wer e als o Muslims . Th e regular influ x o f foreig n slave s contribute d t o th e continuin g racia l intermixture o f Cyprus , whic h ha s bee n a notabl e meltin g po t sinc e antiquity. Probabl y th e assimilatio n o f slave s int o th e society would no t have bee n a s rapi d a s tha t o f fre e people , bu t fre e Musli m male s ha d female slave s who m the y use d a s concubines . Slave s to o mus t hav e intermarried, an d gradually man y of thos e ma y have been emancipated . Probably th e Russians , Circassians , an d Georgian s wer e faire r tha n th e local norm , whil e th e black s woul d hav e ha d ski n o f a muc h darke r color tha n th e norma l rang e foun d i n Cypru s then , whateve r tha t was . The introductio n o f slave s lik e tha t must , ove r a lon g perio d o f time , have had a considerable impac t on local hue of skin and physiognomies.

Summary Slavery wa s a n importan t institutio n i n th e Mediterranea n world . I n Cyprus unde r Lati n dominatio n (Lusignans , the n Venice ) agricultura l slavery wa s introduce d a s a wa y o f enhanc e colonia l revenues . A fe w outsiders, mostl y black , ma y hav e bee n acquire d outsid e th e island, bu t the vas t majorit y o f th e agricultura l slave s wer e almos t certainl y Gree k Orthodox Cypriots . There is little evidence of how freein g those agricul tural slave s too k place . Whe n i t occurred , littl e i f an y slav e agricultur e continued. In the process o f th e Ottoma n conquest , thousand s an d thousands o f Venetian soldier s wer e captured , an d carrie d awa y fro m Cyprus , t o b e sold as slaves. Few slave s i n Cypru s seem s t o hav e engage d i n artisana l wor k o r i n other aspect s o f trad e an d commerce. Mos t wer e involve d i n househol d tasks. Almos t al l see m t o hav e bee n Muslims , an d owne d b y Muslims ; none of the local Greek Orthodox Christian s seem to have owned slaves. Most slave s worke d a s househol d servants . A fe w me n o f th e militar y class were slave s of th e imperial government . Emanicipatin g slave s were always considered a very pious action. Of 4 4 slave s mentione d i n the sicils, half wer e black ; th e next larges t group, with nine, were Russians.

Slaves and Slavery 24 7 NOTES 1. Braudel , The Mediterranean . . . , pp . 7$4^ W. Heyd, Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen Age. tr. Furc y Raynaud . Amsterdam , 195 9 (Leipzig , 1885-1886). v. 2 , pp. 555-563. H . Inalcik, "Servile Labor in the Ottoman Empire," pp. 25-52 in Abraham Ascher, Tibor Halasi-Kun, and Bela Kiraly, eds., The Mutual Effects of the Islamic and Judeo-Christian Worlds, the Eastern European Patterns. New York, 1979. 2. W . McNeill, Venice ... , pp . 54 , 76 . Braudel, The Mediterranean . . . , pp . 154L W. Heyd, Histoire ..., v . 2 , pp. 689L J. Heers, Genes . .., pp . 39if, 487,494^ 3. Se e S. D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society . . . , v . 1 , pp. 130-147, "Slave s and Slave Girls." R. Brunschvig, "Abd," EI 2. Halil Inalcik found that slavery predominated i n th e thrivin g sil k industr y o f Bursa , althoug h fe w othe r industries operated that way. "Servile Labor . . . ," pp . zjii. Littl e evidence for such activities in Cyprus was found . Cf . R . Jennings, "Black Slaves and Free Black s i n Ottoma n Cyprus , 1590-1640, " JESHO 30.1988.286-302. Moreover, i n the Cairo of th e 18t h centur y described by A. Raymond that phenomenon was hardly evident. 4. Cf . Goitein, v. 1, pp. 13 iff, 147 . 5. Goitein , v. 1, pp. 144^ 175^ R. Brunschvig, "Abd," EI 2. H. Inalcik, "Servile Labor . . . ," pp . 34f. 6. Goitein , v. 1, pp. i36f. H. Inalcik, "Servile Labor ...," passim. 7. Als o identifie d wer e tw o Wallachia n (Eflak), and on e eac h o f Georgia n (Gurci), Greek Orthodo x (Rum), and Croatia n (Hirvad). J . Heer s list s the origin, age, and price of 29 female slaves bought in Chios between 144 9 and 1467. Genes ..., tabl e XIX . W . Hey d give s th e relativ e sellin g price s o f slaves of different origins in Cairo at a slightly earlier time. v. 2, pp. 558f. H. Inalcik gives the prices of several slaves in Bursa during the second half of the 15th century. "Servile Labor . . . ," pp. 43f.

NINE

The Cities and Towns

The Citie s an d Town s Ever sinc e Hellenisti c time s Cypru s ha s bee n note d fo r it s highl y devel oped urba n life . Becaus e o f natura l problem s lik e diseas e an d insects , and becaus e o f genera l socia l an d economi c problem s facin g th e island , drastic decline s bot h i n th e populatio n an d i n th e qualit y o f urba n lif e had occurred b y the beginning of Venetian rule . Probably sometim e afte r the Lusignan s ha d rule d fo r ove r a centur y problem s bega n t o appea r which unsettle d lif e i n th e citie s an d town s o f Cyprus . Ho w th e siz e o f cities an d th e qualit y o f urba n lif e unde r th e Lusignan s compare s wit h these unde r th e Roman s i s no t a t al l certain , bu t i t i s indisputabl e tha t urban lif e decline d startin g lat e i n th e 14t h centur y an d tha t ver y fe w positive developments ca n b e perceived betwee n the n an d th e 1650s , our end. Traditionally, fro m antiquity , Cypru s ha s ha d si x towns , o r "cities" : Lefko§a, Magosa , Girniye , Larnaka , Limosa , an d Baf . Al l bu t th e firs t are seaports , s o muc h o f thei r rol e i n ancien t an d medieva l histor y ha s been connecte d wit h th e wa y the y serve d tha t function . Th e por t town s are disperse d almos t equidistantl y fro m eac h other , excep t tha t th e lon g western thir d o f th e islan d fro m Girniy e t o Ba f lack s an y goo d ports . The sol e inlan d locatio n i s Le f ko§a, whic h usuall y ha s bee n th e capital . So centrall y locate d i s Lefko§ a tha t i t ca n b e serve d abou t a s wel l b y ports i n Larnaka , Magosa , o r Girniye . 248

The Cities and Towns 24 9 All o f th e town s depende d o n th e existenc e o f walle d fortresses , a t least since the Latin crusading Lusignan family established itself as ruler over th e largel y Orthodo x islan d afte r th e Thir d Crusade . Fortifie d towns protecte d th e Lusignan s fro m bot h externa l an d domesti c ene mies. The Venetian empire took this system over almost intact. Whatever town and "urban life" means in Ottoman Cyprus is little different from what i t mean t in Venetian Cyprus . These places ar e towns o r cities in the administrativ e parlanc e o f th e governments . Fo r the Venetian empire, Lef ko§a and Magosa were important centers of a powerful empire; Larnaka and Lef ko§a played similar roles in Ottoman Cyprus. Towns Larnaka. O f th e fiv e o r si x town s onl y Larnak a an d it s por t Tuzl a (Salines) wer e no t noticeabl y poore r an d smalle r afte r a centur y o f Venetian rule . Th e ruine d conditio n o f th e port wa s observe d b y Fra Suriano (1484), N. le Huen (1488), J. le Saige (1518), D. Possot (1533), and G . Affagar t (1534). * Partl y becaus e o f efficien t Venetia n manage ment o f th e loca l sal t industr y an d partl y becaus e i t wa s replacin g Magosa as the port of call on Syrian voyages, the village became transformed into the "busiest port on the island." 2 Martin von Baumgarten (1508) extolle d th e salt as the best found anywhere , bein g exported t o Syria, Greece , and Italy. 3 L e Saige (1518 ) an d John Locke (1553 ) als o praised the quality of the salt and marveled at the ease with which it was gathered.4 By 1529 Larnaka was considered "fairly large and populous," and although it lacked a strong tower it was growing daily because of its convenient harbor; Locke (1553) called it "a pretie Village."5 Jodicus de Meggen (1542 ) foun d a n immens e quantit y o f sal t produced , givin g great profits to Venice.6 Limosa (Limassol). The decline of Limos a dates back to the early 14t h century when constant earthquakes and floods from the mountains laid the once-fai r cit y t o waste. 7 B y th e en d o f tha t centur y i t ha d bee n destroyed by the Genoese and became mostly uninhabited; they attacked it agai n i n 1407 . Mamluk s attacke d fo r thre e successiv e year s (1424 1426), twice taking the castle and sacking the town. 8 In 1459 the Latin

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bishop resigne d hi s pos t becaus e piratica l devastation s ha d lef t th e sit e quite deserted. In 148 2 Joos van Ghistele described the place as a village of only thirty or forty houses; in that same year Paul Walther found onl y a singl e churc h stoo d there , alon g "wit h a fe w hovels." 9 Feli x Fabr i (1483) describe d a barre n por t whic h nevertheles s ha d a goo d harbo r and excellen t wines , an d Fr a Surian o (1484 ) reporte d th e plac e "i n ruins" and "entirely destroye d b y earthquakes." 10 Eve n at that time the air was believe d s o unhealthfu l tha t Lati n merchant s an d pilgrims slep t on thei r ships. 11 Afte r th e earthquak e o f 149 1 Pietr o Casol a (1494 ) found al l th e churche s bu t on e i n ruin s an d n o goo d house s anywhere . The few people appeared ill. Because of the earthquakes and malaria, no one coul d b e induce d t o settl e there . Venic e ha d plan s t o rebuil d an d fortify th e place but never carried them out. 12 Nevertheless , a n immense amount o f suga r and carobs wer e shippe d t o Venice, an d production o f cotton an d melon s wa s als o substantial . Excellen t wate r could b e foun d there.13 Th e sal t lak e temporaril y reverte d t o fishery because th e retur n on sal t wa s s o small . Finall y i n 153 9 Turkis h pirate s nearl y destroye d Limosa.14 Whe n Lock e (1553 ) sa w th e plac e a s hi s shi p too k o n win e and carobs , h e observe d th e tin y marke t plac e an d th e "grasshoppers " which destroye d abou t hal f th e year' s grai n crop. 15 Calepi o (1573 ) reported anothe r earthquake of 1556. 16 Limosa was no town at all. Baf. I f Ba f ha d les s misfortun e tha n othe r town s durin g th e Venetia n century, th e reaso n i s simpl y tha t a n earthquake o f 122 2 s o completel y destroyed th e tow n an d it s castl e tha t peopl e virtuall y abandone d it . Even th e harbo r drie d up . Accordin g t o Ludol f vo n Suche n (1350 ) th e place ha d experience d frequen t earthquakes. 17 Marton i (1394 ) reporte d that nearb y village s ha d bee n destroye d b y th e Turk s an d wer e lef t deserted.18 Tafu r (1435 ) foun d th e place very unhealthy an d quite uninhabited.19 Devastation s accompanie d th e Venetian-Genoes e struggle s an d the Mamlu k attacks , bu t seriou s damag e wa s avoide d whe n i t surren dered to th e Genoese in 1460 . Still Baf remained a miserable place; only ships i n distres s use d th e harbor. 20 Capodilist a (1458) , Fabr i (1483) , Suriano (1484) , an d l e Hue n (1480 ) al l poin t ou t it s miserabl e ruine d condition.21 Hue n an d Sebal t (1480 ) kne w th e insalubriousnes s o f th e place, althoug h th e forme r point s ou t tha t th e soi l i s good an d fertile. 22 Martin vo n Baumgarte n (1508 ) allude d t o desolatio n an d rui n o n ac count o f earthquake s an d ba d air. 23 Affagar t (1534 ) reported , accord -

The Cities and Towns 25 1 ingly, that no one lived there. 24 Nevertheless, sugar and cotton cultivation were important.25 The Venetians decide d to abandon the two castles for economy and because the y were considere d useless ; indeed, on e had collapsed i n an earthquake o f 1491 . Althoug h the y stil l existe d i n 1529 , the y wer e useless for defense, the town was "all ruined" with few inhabitants, and the harbor was used only by some small ships. Since there were no other harbors i n th e southwes t o f th e island , Ba f neve r die d ou t entirely . A Venetian report of about 1540 identifies the population as around 2000.26 However, the climate was considered so dangerous that those who were able moved inland, up to Ktima. The fort near the sea was built by the Venetians o n a Lusignan tower which wa s late r repaired by th e Ottomans.27 Girniye (Kyrenia). Although Girniye was a town of no consequence, its fortifications wer e noteworthy. The town walls were not very formidable, bu t th e citadel , unti l finally surrendered throug h treachery , ha d resisted a Genoese siege late in the 14t h century as well a s a four-year siege b y Mamluks an d a faction o f Lusignan s startin g i n 1460 . Tafu r (1435) sa w i t a s a smal l bu t stron g castl e wit h a good harbo r whic h could be closed by a chain; in addition it was the healthiest part of the island. T o Pir i Rei s i t ha d th e onl y harbo r an d fortres s i n th e north . Jodicus de Meggen (1542) too considered the fortress very strong. Soon the fortifications woul d nee d improvements t o withstand cannons , but the Venetians either could hardly afford th e necessary changes or were behaving wit h typica l frugality . Pete r Sanud o reportedl y asserte d tha t Girniye wa s th e ke y t o master y o f th e island , althoug h it s positio n actually is quite isolated.28 One population estimate for about 1540 was 950 people including the garrison; a slightly later one was 600.29 Apparently th e fortification s wer e almos t tor n dow n i n 157 0 whe n i t wa s feared that they would be unable to withstand an Ottoman assault.30 Lefko§a (Nicosia) . Earl y i n th e Lusigna n perio d Lefko§ a ha d alread y become an important commercial an d administrative place. So in 121 1 the pilgrim von Oldenburg observed its newly built fortifications. "I t has inhabitants without number, all very rich, whose houses in their interior adornment and painting closely resemble the houses of Antioch."31 Even when Magos a temporaril y emerge d a s th e premie r cit y o f th e island ,

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Lefko§a o n it s fin e ope n extensiv e plai n stil l appeare d a grea t cit y t o Ludolf vo n Suche n (1350) . I n fact, becaus e o f it s healthy climate , it had become th e residenc e o f th e king, bishops , prelates, nobles, barons, an d knights, wh o i n Cypru s ar e the richest i n the world; merchant s o f ever y nation wer e t o b e foun d there. 32 Marton i (1394 ) calle d th e cit y large r than Aversa, with man y fine houses, gardens, and orchards which mad e the place appear sparsely inhabited. The gardens led him to compare the place wit h Alisia. 33 B y th e visi t o f Tafu r (1435 ) Lefko§ a wa s agai n th e preeminent city : "Thi s i s th e greates t an d mos t health y cit y o f th e kingdom where the kings and all the lords of th e realm always live." 34 Soon after it fell to Venice it was extolled by the pilgrims Fabri (1483 ) and Surian o (1484) . Th e forme r calle d Lefko§ a " a grea t cit y . . . sur rounded b y fertile an d pleasant hills" where are found "merchant s fro m every par t o f th e world , Christian s an d infidels, " wher e everythin g wa s cheap, an d wher e dye s an d perfume s o f th e islan d an d th e Orien t wer e sold.35 Althoug h nearl y destroye d b y a n earthquak e i n 1480 , includin g palaces, houses, and churches, the town was "twice as big a Perugia." 36 Although l e Saige (1518 ) considere d th e city still ver y large , he coul d "see tha t a t som e forme r tim e i t wa s a gran d thing; " i t ha d tw o larg e castles but the houses were mostly of adobe. 37 Jodicus de Meggen (1542 ) and John Locke (1553 ) note d the importance of th e place although thei r impressions were mixed. The former mentions "quite a large town" with lots o f ruin s withi n th e wall s an d inadequat e fortifications. 38 The latte r was impresse d b y the extensive garden s with date palms an d pomegranates. Althoug h al l th e nobilit y o n th e islan d live d there , th e unpave d streets made him think the place rural despite the presence of many good buildings.39 Fure r von Haimendor f (c . 1566 ) observe d tha t many o f th e nobles "ar e greatl y give n t o amusements , especiall y huntin g an d hawk ing . . ., " t o game s an d banquet s o f "grea t cos t an d splendour. " The y kept thei r vassal s (parici) lik e slaves. 40 Calepi o (1573 ) considere d th e city t o hav e bee n a grea t prize : "A s the y themselve s owned , the y en riched themselves to such an extent that never since the sack of Constantinople had they won so vast a treasure, as well of things sacred, as those of commo n use." 41 Lusigna n (1573 ) hel d a simila r view : "I n thi s cit y lived al l th e nobility o f Cyprus , Barons, Knight s an d Feudatories . . ." 42 Graziani calle d i t "th e mos t wealth y an d importan t plac e o f al l th e Country."43 Although Lefko§ a suffere d les s fro m diseas e an d natura l calamit y

The Cities and Towns 25 3 than the other towns, during the 1 5 th century its economy was weakened and its society unsettled. The Lusignan capital of the 14th century had walls four, seven, or nine miles in circuit, a huge area even though full of gardens.44 The consequences of rioting over the Genoese-Venetian rivalry in the late 14t h and early 1 5 th centuries were not so serious as elsewhere, and the Genoese never occupied the city. Although the Mamluk armies occupied Lefko§a fo r a few days in 142 6 (fro m where 200 0 people reportedl y wer e carrie d of f t o Egypt) , th e destructio n ma y no t have been too great since the Lusignans fled the city without resistance, leaving those citizen s wh o chos e no t to flee to submi t in as pleasant a way a s possible. 45 B y th e beginnin g o f th e 15t h centur y Lefko§ a ha d become the major trading emporium in the eastern Mediterranean. Probably it s prestig e decline d steadil y afte r tha t unti l Alepp o unsurpe d it s position sometim e afte r th e Ottoma n conques t i n 1517 . Reliabl e esti mates of the population place it in the range of 15,00 0 to 20,000 people in the 16th century. Reports o f th e earl y 16t h centur y describ e th e shrunke n city : Peter Mesenge in 150 7 reporte d the city only one-fourth inhabited , but with walls in excellent repair. In 1529 Mini o found the walls old and weak, although the city was not undistinguished by finedwellings and gardens. The wealthy had no independent incomes but engaged in trade or farmed estates.46 A dispute raged over whether Lef ko§a or Magosa was more fit to b e capital o f th e territory: those who supporte d Lef ko§a pointed to its central location, plentiful goo d water, and pure air; opponents criticized th e unpave d streets , dust y an d dirty . I n 156 7 Venic e bega n a n economic an d militar y reentrenchmen t i n the capital. Th e walled area was reduce d t o a round, moder n defensiv e fortificatio n thre e mile s in circuit, with low thick walls and a deep moat, and all the buildings and walls outside the fortified are a were leveled, including reportedly some eighty churches.47 Magosa (Famagusta). In the 14th century Magosa was one of the largest, wealthiest, an d most prosperous cities in the entire Mediterranean world. John Mandeville (afte r 1322 ) calle d it "on e of th e principal haven s of the sea that is in the world; and there arrive Christian men and Saracens, and me n o f al l nations." 48 A n anonymou s Englishma n (1344-1345 ) found it "a paradise of delight " with beautiful building s and churches, high wall s an d a dee p moat , an d irrigate d plantation s an d gardens .

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"There reside in it merchants of Venice , Genoa , Cataloni a an d Saracens from th e soldan's dominions , dwellin g i n palaces which ar e called 'Log gias,' livin g i n th e styl e o f count s an d barons ; the y hav e abundanc e o f gold an d silver . Al l th e preciou s thing s o f th e worl d ma y b e foun d i n their hands." 49 Ludol f vo n Suche n (1350 ) calle d Magos a " a concours e of merchant s an d pilgrim s . . . I t i s th e riches t o f al l cities , an d he r citizens ar e th e riches t o f me n . . . I dar e no t spea k o f thei r preciou s stones and golden tissues and other riches, for it were a thing unheard of and incredible . I n thi s cit y dwel l man y wealth y courtesans , o f who m some posses s mor e tha n 100,00 0 florins . I dar e no t spea k o f thei r riches."50 Th e pilgri m Marton i (1394 ) extolle d i t too : "Th e cit y o f Famagusta i s large, as large, I reckon, as the city of Capua , an d has fine squares an d house s ver y muc h lik e thos e o f Capua , bu t a greater part , almost a third , i s uninhabited , an d th e house s ar e destroyed , an d thi s has bee n don e sinc e th e dat e o f th e Genoes e lordship . The sai d cit y ha s finer walls tha n I have see n i n an y town , hig h wit h broa d alley s roun d them, an d man y an d hig h tower s al l round. " The fine harbo r wa s protected fro m ever y wind , an d a grea t amoun t o f camle t wa s mad e there. Formerl y Magos a wa s larg e an d prosperou s wit h 200 0 hearths , but no w i t i s "wholl y destroyed , s o tha t ther e i s no t on e soun d house , and not one person live s there." The unhealthiness was commonly blame d on a nearby swamp . "An d i t is held tha t on accoun t o f tha t marsh, an d the grea t numbe r o f courtesans , a bad ai r effects th e me n wh o dwel l i n that city." 51 The fat e o f Magos a wa s tragic . Th e "riches t o f al l cities " whos e citizens wer e "th e riches t o f men " becam e a "hotbe d o f rioting " an d violence between Venetians, Genoese, and their supporters. The city then had t o endur e a vengefu l 91-yea r occupatio n startin g i n 137 3 whe n a Genoese nava l forc e too k Magos a throug h trickery . To tha t occupatio n falls much of th e blame for Magosa's decline. The monopoly establishe d by th e Genoes e drov e othe r foreig n merchant s t o Larnak a wher e th e Lusignans offered som e concessions. O f cours e the frequent attempt s by kings o f Cypru s t o recove r th e cit y furthe r accelerate d th e destructio n and furthe r undermine d trade . Siege s o f 1404-140 6 an d 1407—141 0 failed, an d th e cit y wa s surrendere d t o th e Mamluk s i n 142 5 t o avoi d pillage. As early a s 144 1 attempt s were mad e to secur e the migration o f some Armenian s i n Syri a an d Anatolia. 52 B y th e 15th centur y Magos a had los t muc h o f it s brilliance . A repor t b y th e Venetia n Loreda n i n

The Cities and Towns 25 5 1476 called Magosa "the key and heart of Cyprus," which was becoming deserted and so the rest of the island was going to ruin as a consequence. Venetia n plan s t o settl e a fe w nobl e familie s ther e cam e t o naught, as did considerations of settling Christian refugees from Scutari (Uskudar), Morea, an d Corfu. I n 148 9 Venic e offere d fre e transportation an d cas h benefit s (thre e ducats ) t o an y inhabitant s o f Corf u an d Morea who would move to Magosa. At the same time people banished from Cyprus for homicide were still to be permitted to live in Magosa. Indeed, peopl e banishe d fro m othe r Venetia n territorie s wer e t o b e allowed t o settl e there, an d ultimately Magos a wa s use d a s a place of banishment. A t the end of th e century serious consideration wa s being given to transferring the capital to Magosa in order to revive it.53 Even a 10-year tax exemption fro m corvee and a 2 5-year exemption from salt tax were approved. These seem to be acts of desperation. People knew Magosa's unhealthiness , which Hill consider s "largel y responsible" for the decay. Apparently no one would settle there. According to Pero Tafur (1435) Magosa wa s depopulate d becaus e of ba d air and bad water aroun d a nearby lake.54 Felix Fabri (1483) indicated that, despite the good harbor, the place had lost its fame: "Our brethren have a convent there, but it is almost a wreck, for ruin threatens the city and all that is in it. It is said that n o ma n ca n sta y ther e o n accoun t o f th e corruptio n o f th e air." Once Magosa had "a crowd of all nations and tongues. But day by day all these things are vanishing."55 According to Locke (1553), an English merchant, and Elias of Pesaro (1563), sickness resulting in blindness was rampant amon g thos e wh o live d i n th e marsh y area. 56 Consequently , although th e harbo r wa s excellent , th e fortification s formidable , an d food chea p and abundant, the town failed. 57 Elias praised the bread as the best he had ever eaten anywhere and enumerated other quality crops. The houses wer e fine and well built , th e road s well kep t up . . . " an d fountains of running water are found at every street corner." The townspeople wer e ver y clea n an d particularl y carefu l t o protec t themselve s from the plague, which is common elsewhere in the Levant. 58 Between the period 151 0 and 156 0 Venetian estimates of the population ranged between 6000 and 8000. 59 Piri Reis knew it as the only large harbor on the island, with a beautiful castle. Fiirer von Haimendorf (1566) admired the fortifications an d harbor of the town, which was not very large; he noted the use of oxen and wheels to draw water. 60 Lusignan also men-

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tioned the water wheels. 61 The water supply never failed there. The port, however, ha d becom e choke d u p because th e Signory "take s n o car e of j*. » 62

Towns an d Village s Whic h Bea r the Sam e Names a s Districts, According t o th e Ottoma n Censu s an d Tax Surve y Lefko§a. S o thoroug h wa s th e destructio n o f Lefko§ a i n 157 0 tha t i n November 157 2 whe n a survey of populatio n an d property i n the onceresplendent cit y wa s take n onl y 23 5 adul t male s live d there . O f tha t number 1 1 (5% ) wer e unmarrie d (mucerred), on e blin d (a cma), to o elderly t o pa y taxe s (pir-i fani), an d on e (Piyer o (? ) Nikola) wa s canno neer (topci) o f the men of the castle. No priests of any kind were evident. The population probably range d between 110 0 an d 1200 . The tw o smalles t o f th e seve n survivin g quarter s o f Lefko§ a wer e occupied b y members of religio-ethni c minorities: Armenians and Jacobites, wh o togethe r constitute d som e 11 % o f th e survivin g population . Possibly ther e were 90 t o 95 (1 8 hane, 1 mucerred) o f th e former, 3 0 t o 35 ( 7 hane, 1 mucerred) o f the latter. They al l lived in separate quarters, the quarter of the Armenians (Ermeniyan) an d the quarter of the Maronites (Yakupi). A t leas t i n thei r name s th e Armenian s wer e completel y hellenized, usin g names lik e Nikola Zorzi , Hiristof i Toma , Yan i Andon , and Loiz o Istavriye . No t on e Turkis h nam e appeared . Th e remainin g 89% o f th e populac e the n presumabl y wer e Orthodo x Christians . Th e five quarters they occupied sheltere d between 2 2 an d 8 2 familie s (hane). Nearly 37 % o f al l th e inhabitant s (an d 42 % o f th e Orthodox ) live d i n Tripyone (? ) quarter. The tota l revenue s comin g fro m th e town amounte d t o only 147,00 0 akce annually , o f whic h a mer e 5 % cam e fro m hea d ta x (cizye). (A n alternative accountin g give s 155,39 0 akc e including a n additiona l 839 0 akce from the tax farm of the annual dues paid to timar holders (ispence) and unpredictabl e incom e (bad-i heva) o f th e Gypsie s (Kibtiyan) o f th e entire island , fe w i f an y o f who m reall y reside d i n th e walle d cit y o f Lef ko§a.) Commerc e an d industry were of smal l consequence. A total of 10% (15,00 0 akce ) o f th e revenues cam e fro m winerie s (meyhane), an d 1% apiec e (150 0 akce ) fro m a dy e factor y (boya hane) an d place s fo r processing head s (ser) an d trip e (§ikem). Anothe r 15 % cam e fro m th e tax far m o f marke t due s (bac-i bazar), th e ihtisab , an d taxe s fro m th e

The Cities and Towns 25 7 sale of sheep, cattle, and horses (bac bay-i agnam u kav u esb)y and the market tax on slaves (esara) withi n the town. Another 2 % of th e revenues (2500 akce) came from the tax on gardens (resm-i bustan) outsid e the walled city. The three largest sources of revenues from Lef ko§a were: (1) the tax far m of th e gates of th e walled city (ebvab-i kal ce) 35,000 akce (24%) ; (2 ) unpredictabl e income , bloo d mone y (dem), offence s (cinayet), an d marriage tax (resm-i c arusane) o f th e men of th e castles and the re caya, and the wine tax (baq-i hamr), 34,000 akce (23%); and (3) the tax farm of the public treasury (beyt ul-mal), lost property (mal-i gayb ve mal-i mefkud), runaway slaves (yave ve kaqkun ve murdegan-i c abd-i abik), 27,50 0 akc e (19%) . Obviousl y th e Ottoma n conques t o f Lefko§a, beside s decimatin g th e population , ha d a t leas t temporaril y bereft the place of its economic significance. Girniye (Kyrenia). Because of the surrender of the town's small fortress, the Ottoman army had no need to remain long in the vicinity of Girniye. The port was of very small consequence, so Ottoman forces did not land in that area. Since the town had relatively few Latins, the populace was probably affected les s than other towns. I n 1572 three quarters of Orthodox Christians lived outside the citadel walls (varo§), fo r that reportedly was forbidden to them. Another indication of relative continuity is that each quarter had its own priest: Baba Filipo Bernardo, Baba Piyero Enadam (?) , and Baba Maniko (v. ) Baba Zako. Girniye had a total of 198 adul t males , an d it s quarter s range d betwee n 6 0 an d 76. Beside s 147 married taxpaying males (hane), th e town had 49 unmarried adult males (mucerred), 1 blind , an d 1 cannoneer . Als o include d wa s on e kethudaM Girniye Parlat (?), who lived in Aya Yorgi quarter. Probably the town had between 735 and 810 inhabitants. Largely a s a consequence o f th e minimal destructio n whic h Girniye saw durin g the Ottoma n conquest , i t paid over 50 % more taxes than Lefko§a. Clearl y th e predominate urba n functio n o f Girniy e wa s a s a port. A total of 59,00 0 akce of th e 90,500 akc e annually paid in taxes by the townspeople wen t for a single tax, identified a s the tax far m of the pier (iskele) an d the harbor customary dues (hakk-i liman) an d the customary anchorag e due s (resm-i lenker). Another 400 0 cam e fro m revenues o f fishing fro m enclosure s o f net s fixed o n pole s use d fo r catching fish (talyan-i mahi). Thus 69 % o f al l revenue s cam e fro m Girniye's positio n o n th e sea : 65 % fro m th e harbo r an d 4 % fro m

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fishing. Anothe r 3 % (250 0 akce ) cam e fro m th e urba n functio n o f th e tax far m o f th e market place (bac-i bazar), ihtisab, butcher shop s (kassabhane) an d processin g shee p head s {set bane). Nearl y 2 % o f th e revenues cam e fro m wate r fo r arabl e land s aroun d th e Platan e strea m (mac -i mezra c a). The remaining 26 % (23,50 0 akce ) i n revenues cam e from th e two sequences identified a s "unpredictable incomes " and "th e public treasury." Hirsofi (Khyrsokhou). Except for its designation as a town (nefs), Hirsofi was indistinguishabl e fro m villages . Ther e 14 1 adul t males , includin g i n wit h families (bane), 14 unmarried (mucerred), an d 1 widow (bive) occupied two quarters, Kiyutole (?) and Ayo Nikola. Villagers produced 225 kanta r o f cotto n annually , wort h 67,50 0 akce ; tha t amounte d t o 28% o f the total produce. Over half o f the town's produce was derived from grain . 600 0 key l o f whea t wort h 72,00 0 akce , an d constitutin g 30% o f all agricultural produce were cultivated, as well as 4725 keyl of barley (wort h 33,35 0 akce , 14 % o f al l produce). In addition, 94 0 keyl of lentils worth (11,70 0 akce, 5% of all produce) and 625 keyl of broad beans (worth 6,250 akce, 3%) were grown. Other crops in much smaller amounts wer e produced , includin g olives , sisam , an d flax . A tota l o f 8150 akc e wort h o f othe r fruit s an d vegetable s wer e produced (3 % of production) an d 450 0 akce worth o f fish were caught. Since the people of Hirsof i pai d 47,95 5 akc e i n taxe s annually , thei r tota l agricultura l produce probably was worth around 220,00 0 akce. Baf (Paphos) . Becaus e o f it s location , Ba f probabl y experience d littl e destruction fro m th e Ottoma n conquest . Nevertheless , th e tow n pai d only 56,05 9 akc e i n taxe s annuall y despit e a populatio n o f 110 0 o r 1200, virtuall y th e sam e a s Lefko§a . Th e registere d taxpayer s i n th e town include d somewher e betwee n 23 6 an d 24 7 marrie d adul t male s (muzevvec, instead o f th e usua l bane), between 3 1 an d 3 5 unmarrie d adult male s (mucerred), and 3 blind. Possibl y th e notatio n unmarrie d was omitted fro m som e names which thu s ma y b e considered married ; only th e name s o f 6 8 marrie d me n ar e liste d i n Asomat o quarte r eve n though th e scrib e indicate s 78 . Baf ha d five quarters i n 1572 , ranging from Pan o Domat i (? ) with 3 3 adul t male s t o Asomat o wit h 90 . Each quarter had a priest, and Pano Domati (?) indeed had four . The people of Baf paid 34 % of all their taxes (19,300 akce) for a tax

The Cities and Towns 25 9 farm connected with the customs of the pier (gutnruk-i iskele), weighing grain (kabban-i dakik), selling sheep (bag bay-i agnam), th e customary anchorage dues (resm-i lenker), an d the selling of slaves (pencik-i esara). No other tax rivaled that one. Of all the taxes 7% went for market dues (bac-i bazar), ihtisab, an d win e due s (390 0 akce) . Anothe r 75 0 akc e went fo r dyehouse s (boya bane). Three percent were paid by revenues from th e saltwork s (memleha) o f th e distric t (195 0 akce ) an d another 3% (137 5 akce ) fro m fishing (mahi). Agricultura l taxe s included 450 0 akce (i.e., 8%) for customary taxes on acorns (resm-i bellut), indicating an acorn crop worth some 22,500 akce. Eleven percent of tax revenues (30,000 akce ) cam e fro m 250 0 key l o f whea t an d 7 % (19,50 0 akce ) from 325 0 key l o f barley . Othe r grain s wer e produce d i n ver y smal l amounts. A total of 135 0 akce (3% of the taxes) came from the customary tax on fruits and vegetables (resm-i meyve u bosatin) an d 900 akce for pigs. Eleven percent of taxes went for the series of taxes labeled the tax farm of the public treasury and another 7% for that labeled unpredictable income. Pano (Upper) and Kato (Lower) Evdim (Evdimon). Although these two villages passed their name to the district of Evdim (nahiye), i n fact they are listed as villages rather than towns. Their tax obligations indicate no connection wit h distric t administratio n no r an y othe r kind s o f urba n functions. The lower village was a large and very prosperous one with a diversified economy , whil e th e uppe r villag e wa s o f mediu m siz e an d probably below average in its wealth. Pano Evdim village had 14 0 adult male residents, of whom 1 4 were unmarried an d 2 blind . Perhap s it s populatio n wa s 60 0 o r 650 . Th e villagers paid 49,583 akc e in taxes annually (o r 40,583 akc e according to another entry); undoubtedly they produced crops worth over 220,000 akce. Th e leadin g crop s were cotto n an d grains, which amounted , respectively, to 39% and over 36% of total produce. A total of 320 kantar of cotto n wa s produced , wort h 96,00 0 akce , an d 550 0 key l o f whea t and 3250 of barley were cultivated, worth 66,000 akce and 19,500 akce respectively. Anothe r 8 % of agricultura l taxe s cam e from carobs ; 535 kantar worth 18,72 5 akc e were produced. In addition, 3% (1500 akce) of taxes came from wineries (meyhane), with produce worth 7500 akce, and 2% (957 akce) from 435 kanta r of olives, which were worth 4785 akce.

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Kato Evdi m o n th e othe r hand , ha d onl y 25 0 t o 30 0 villagers ; the y paid taxe s o f 465 0 akc e on agricultura l productio n tha t may hav e bee n worth 14,00 0 akce . The register noted 61 adul t males , of who m 5 were unmarried. The leadin g cro p i n Kat o Evdi m wa s carobs , whic h ac counted fo r 15 % of village taxes, wheat, which accounted fo r 14% , and barley, 8% . Villager s produce d 10 0 kanata r o f carob s annually , wort h 3500 akce , alone with 27 0 keyl of wheat worth 324 0 akc e and 31 0 keyl of barle y worth i86 0 akce . Limosa (Limassol) . I n 157 2 Limos a wa s a ver y smal l tow n wit h 17 7 adult males , includin g 1 3 unmarrie d (mucerred). Probabl y i t ha d be tween 80 0 an d 85 0 people , divide d int o thre e quarters . On e o f thos e i s named quarte r of th e Catholic s (? ) (Katelogi), s o presumably a t least it s 63 marrie d an d 6 unmarrie d adul t male s belonge d t o th e Churc h o f Rome. Possibl y other s i n Ayanb e ( ? Atyabe? ) o r Ay o Mam a quarter s were als o Catholic , althoug h mos t likel y jus t th e nearl y 40 % o f th e population i n the quarter of Catholic s were. However modes t it s size, Limosa reall y did serve important function s as an urban port. Nearly two-thirds of the taxes paid by the townspeople dealt wit h suc h functions . A tota l o f 63 % (27,00 0 akce ) o f th e 42,95 7 akce i n taxe s pai d locall y wen t fo r th e ta x far m o f th e custom s o f th e pier (gumruk-i iskele) an d th e weighin g o f flou r (kabban-i dakik). An other 3 % (1400 akce) went for the bazaar dues (bac-i bazar) and ihtisab. Some 15 % o f taxe s wen t fo r grains , includin g 10 % fo r whea t an d 4 % for barley . Villager s produce d 187 5 key l o f wheat , wort h 22,50 0 akc e annually, and 195 0 keyl of barle y worth 870 0 akce, as well as numerous fruits and vegetables in very small quantities . Larnaka, dependent on Tuzla. Although designated as town (nefs) rather than village , i n every othe r wa y Larnak a exactl y resemble d th e villages. With 6 3 adul t males , 3 of who m wer e unmarrie d (mucerred) (an d 1 of whom ha d a defective memor y (nasiye) ), th e town had between 29 0 and 3 20 people. Larnaka wa s simpl y a grain-growing village , wher e a disproportionate amount o f barle y was produced. Abou t half, 51% , of al l taxes cam e from grai n cultivation , an d 207 0 akc e o f th e 593 4 akc e i n agricultura l taxes cam e fro m barley , a s Larnak a produce d 172 5 key l wort h 10,35 0 akce. Anothe r 38 5 key l o f whea t wa s produced , wort h 462 0 akce . Thi s

The Cities and Towns 26 1 meant 35 % of th e revenue s cam e fro m barley , 16 % from wheat , an d 5% fro m flax, o f whic h 75 0 bunche s (demet) worth 150 0 akc e wa s produced. In all the townspeople produced less than 17,500 akce worth of agricultural crops. No populatio n figures appeared fo r Tuzla, bu t revenues of 100,00 0 akce came annually from the tax farm of the saltworks (memleha) an d 12,500 akce came from the customs duty of the pier (gumruk-i iskele), weighing flour (kabban-i dakik), customary taxe s of th e bazaars (bac-i bazar), and ihtisab. Pano (Upper ) an d Kat o (Lower ) Lefkare . Althoug h a Mazot o villag e existed it clearly was a place of small consequence, for it only had about 40 peopl e ( 5 marrie d adul t males) . I f an y villag e i n Mazot o distric t (nahiye) had any administrative significance, that would be Lefkare. Pano Lefkare villag e ha d 3 5 o r 3 6 unmarrie d adul t males ou t o f a total of 259 adult males, meaning a population between 1225 and 1275. Villagers were divided into some six quarters, half of which had priests. The larges t quarter , Istavr o Kateloko , comprisin g 20 % o f th e villag e population, presumably was occupied by Latin Christians. To the extent that taxation represents wealth, Pano Lefkare was not an unusuall y wealth y village , althoug h i t di d produc e a t leas t smal l quantities of a great number of crops. Of the taxes of the villagers 43% (12,800 akce) came from wine. They produced 1600 keyl worth 64,000 akce. A further 10 % of revenues came from olives; of them the villagers produced 1300 keyl, worth 14,300 akce. Another 12% of revenues came from grains, of which 9% was from wheat. The villagers produced 1100 keyl o f that , wort h 13,20 0 akce , an d 65 0 key l o f barle y wort h 390 0 akce. Tota l villag e taxe s wer e clos e t o 30,00 0 akc e annuall y (no t the 18,613 erroneousl y recorded) , meanin g agricultura l productio n mus t have bee n wort h ove r 100,00 0 akce . Th e villag e eve n ha d a tannery (debbag hane) which paid taxes of 15 0 akce. Kato Lefkar e villag e ha d 9 1 adul t male s (includin g 4 unmarried) , making a total populatio n betwee n 45 0 an d 475. The village had two quarters, one of which had a priest. Villagers paid taxes of 11,29 2 akce on their agricultural produce, of which 42% came from wine, 8% from olives, an d 7 % fro m wheat . Th e villager s produce d 60 0 key l o f win e worth 24,000 akce, 40 keyl of olives worth 4400 akce, and 350 keyl of

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wheat wort h 420 0 akce . Kat o Lefkar e wa s apparentl y slightl y riche r than Pano Lefkare. Pendaye. Penday e wa s on e o f th e wealthies t village s o n th e islan d o f Cyprus, but despite bearing the same name as a district, it was clearly registered a s a villag e an d ha d n o urba n o r commercia l significance . Forty-three adult males lived in the village, of whom eight were unmarried and three widowers (hive). That means the village had a population of betwee n 160 0 an d 2000 . Almos t thre e quarter s o f villag e revenue s came fro m grains , including 72 % wheat, 10 % barley, an d almost 1% lentils. Villagers produced 450 0 key l o f whea t annually, worth 54,00 0 akce, 1250 keyl of barley, worth 7500 akce, and 45 keyl of lentils worth 585 akce . Anothe r 3 % of th e revenue s cam e fro m 2 0 key l o f olive s worth 220 0 akce . Villager s pai d 15,10 2 akc e i n taxe s o n agricultura l produce worth some 67,500 akce. Karpas. The village of Karpas was one of the wealthier villages in Cyprus in 1572, and one of the largest ones. Like most other villages from which districts too k thei r names , th e plac e serve d n o urba n function s a t all. Having 10 2 unmarrie d adul t male s an d 29 7 marrie d ones , th e village probably had a population of between 1475 and 1500. Karpas was strongly a grain-growing village, more than two-thirds of its agricultura l ta x revenue s comin g fro m suc h crops , includin g 37 % from wheat, 19 % from barley, and 11 % from lentils. Karpas produced 12,750 key l o f whea t wort h 153,00 0 akce , 13,00 0 key l barle y worth 78,000 akce , and 350 0 key l o f lentil s worth 45,50 0 akce . In addition, 5% of the tax revenues came from sheep tax and 1% (1200 akce) from wineries. Karpas also produced an array of goods in smaller quantities. In all it may have produced agricultural goods worth 330,000 akce. (In one plac e 80,00 0 akc e i s use d fo r th e tota l taxes , i n anothe r 47,88 6 akce; the latter seems to be only a slight undercount.) Magosa. Interestingly , whil e Lefko§ a seem s t o hav e bee n utterl y de stroyed i n the conquest , th e fal l o f Magos a i n 157 1 doe s not see m to have had consequences quite so devastating. Although the population of Lefko§a in the 1560s must have been at least double that of Magosa, in November 1572 Magosa had fiveor even six times as many inhabitants. Although Lefko§ a ha d bee n th e economi c hear t o f th e islan d i n th e

The Cities and Towns 26 3 15 60s, wit h Magos a reduce d t o nava l an d por t service s s o tha t eve n Limosa was beginning to challenge it, Magosa i n November 157 2 was able to pay nearly three times as much in taxes as Lef ko§a. Whatever its circumstance, Magosa was the only place on the island with an y claim to bein g a commercia l center . Apparentl y account s o f it s destructio n have bee n exaggerated . No r ca n populatio n transfer s accoun t fo r th e circumstances, fo r n o indicatio n i s give n tha t an y wer e fro m othe r places, and clearly none were Muslims. Magosa had 20 quarters, the largest of which were Ayo Yani Gopoz (?) with 14 3 adul t male s (includin g 3 4 unmarried , 4 widows (bive), 1 disabled (maHuc), 1 ol d man , 1 imperia l architec t (benncf-i hass), 1 aquaduct worker (su yolci), and 1 priest. Second largest was Aya Nikola with 12 0 adul t males , includin g 3 1 unmarrie d an d n widows . Eigh t other quarters had at least 10 0 adult males, the smallest quarters were Ayo Ana with 3 8 adult males (including 1 0 unmarried and 3 widows), Ayo Anton with 47 ( n unmarried , 3 widows), and Ayo Mama with 49 (12 unmarried, 2 widows). Magosa had between 1621 and 1628 taxpaying adult males in 1572. A total of 162 1 people are listed as paying ispence but 1628 name s are entered in the register. Of the 1628 names listed, 1193 were married and 435 unmarried. An additional 11 3 are listed as tax-exempt adult males, including 1 5 blind , 89 widows, 1 disabled (mcfluc), 1 elderly, 1 water channel supervise r (su yolci), 1 imperial architect , 1 paralyzed (kuturum), an d 3 cannoneer s (topci-i kal ce) (?). Magos a ha d a populatio n between 595 0 an d 6300 , whic h probabl y wa s littl e change d fro m th e 15 60s. Among th e populatio n wer e si x marrie d an d on e unmarrie d mal e Jews who live d no t in a single quarter but dispersed. They had names like §imail Abraham, Abraham David, and Musa Abraham. Residents of Magosa paid 418,250 akc e in taxes annually, of which 60,000 went to the governor of the subprovince (mix liva-i Magosa) an d the remainde r t o th e imperia l governmen t (th e padi§ah). Magos a wa s quite a commercial city , influence d primaril y b y its position a s a port but also in an important way as an important commercial center. A total of 18,00 0 akc e came from fishing with rope s and nets (talyan-i mabi), 4% of the total revenues. Another 6750 akce (2%) came from title deeds for slave s (pencik-i esara), the customar y harbo r due s (hakk-i liman), and the customary dues for anchorage (resm-i lenger). I n addition, 4500

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akce (1% ) cam e from taxes on dye houses (boya bane), an d another 50 0 akce fro m tanneries . Th e su m o f 450 0 akc e cam e fro m custom s o n sheep, cattle , an d place s fo r processin g head s an d tripe , an d butche r shops (baq bay~i agnatn u kav u l?a§hane u §ikem bane). A tota l o f 25,500 akc e (6% ) of th e revenues came from the tax farm of ihtisab and the custom s o n slave s (baq bazar-i esara ve baq-i esir), an d 47 % o f al l the revenues—195,000 akce—annuall y cam e fro m th e tax farm s of th e customs dutie s o f th e harbo r (gumruk-i iskele) o f th e walle d cit y o f Magosa, weighin g flou r (kabban-i dakkik), an d th e custo m o f th e gate s of th e city walls (baq-i ebvab-i kafe). Anothe r 18 % (75,00 0 akce ) cam e from th e windfal l serie s whic h include d customar y ta x o n win e (baq-i hamr) an d revenues from wineries (mahsul-i meyhane).

Gypsies (cema cet-i taife-i Kibtiyan-i perakende der cezire-i Kibns) In 157 2 20 7 adul t male s scattere d acros s o n th e islan d o f Cypru s wer e classified a s Gypsie s (Kibtiyan) . Eac h Gyps y pai d 3 0 akc e a s hi s mai n agricultural ta x (ispence); beside s 621 0 akc e ispence , th e Gypsie s pai d another 218 0 akc e fo r unpredictabl e income , bloo d money , an d s o on , adding a total o f 839 0 akc e annually to the revenues fo r the sultan fro m Lefko§a. Thirteen o f thos e adul t mal e Gypsie s ar e identifie d a s Muslims , th e largest singl e grou p o f Muslim s i n th e whol e ta x survey . Nin e o f the m are identifie d a s convert s t o Islam , s o possibl y the y live d i n Cypru s before th e Ottoma n conquest , althoug h equall y possibl y the y ma y hav e accompanied th e ne w conqueror s i n hop e o f booty . Sinc e the y hav e typical Musli m name s lik e Mehmed b n 'Abdullah, Yunu s b n c Abdullah, Huseyn b n c Abdullah, and Ahmed b n c Ali, it is impossible to guess thei r ethnic o r linguisti c origin . Moreover , sinc e the y ar e identifie d onl y a s adult males (nefer), their total number s may be anywhere fro m 1 3 to 6 5 or 70 . Apparentl y i n 157 2 thei r taxation remaine d a s i t ha d bee n prio r to their accepting Islam, hardly an inducement to conversion. Among th e non-Musli m Gypsie s on e count s 19 4 adul t male s (nefer), of whom some 3 0 were unmarried, meaning a total of about 850 people. Like th e Armenian s o f Le f ko§a, th e island' s non-Musli m Gypsie s wer e probably quit e hellenized . Mos t o f the m ha d typica l Gree k Cyprio t names lik e Yorg i Kiryako , Mihai l Yani , Filip o Andon , Kiryak o Zako ,

The Cities and Towns 26 5 and Mihail Ergiro. No hint is given of their ethnic, religious, or linguistic origins, either. Magosa after 157 1 Surely the Ottoman conquerors regarded Magosa with enthusiasm, but to them also fell th e burden of its defense. They could not easily forget the cos t i n live s an d mone y o f subduin g th e place . I f i t wer e los t t o enemy hands it might be recovered only with the greatest difficulty, and indeed be used to terrorize them. The Ottomans competently rebuilt and restored th e damaged fortifications. Althoug h occasionall y attempt s were made to seize Magosa, they were never serious threats. Certain traditions report a panic in Magosa in February 1572, when a few ships appeared offshore. Supposedl y th e wall s wer e i n rui n an d th e Ottoman s feare d that the ships were the vanguard of a Latin fleet, so they put on Cypriot dress, fledto Lef ko§a, or made terms with the Cypriots, but this smacks of Latin Christian optimism projected in the enthusiasm after the Ottoman defeat a t Lepanto. 63 I n 159 0 Cyprio t Mar k Memm o o f Ba f proposed the conquest of Magosa with a single merchantship, 200 Italians, 50 Cypriots , an d bribery. 64 O n may 24 , 160 7 a small Tusca n fleet of eight galley s an d nin e galleon s appeare d a t Magos a an d faile d i n a n attempt to seiz e it, withdrawing wit h heavy casualties. 65 Thereafter although plotting remained frequent, no more real attempts followed. Magosa remaine d an enigma. The Ottomans neglected to utilize the advantages o f th e positio n i n eithe r commercia l o r nava l strategy . By excluding foreig n merchants , by locating the governor in Lef ko§a, and by lettin g th e foreig n merchant s an d thei r consul s collec t i n Larnaka, they seriousl y weakene d th e positio n o f Magosa . Ship s occasionall y stopped there to collect cheap supplies for their westward journeys, but hardly anyone else visited Magosa. Greek Orthodox Christians had been allowed to remain there, or indeed to move into the walled city after the conquest; the y continue d t o us e thei r cathedral , St . George's , an d the nearby chapel of St. Simeon until 1573-157 4 whe n suddenly they were forced t o sell their property and to move outside the walls. 66 Within a decade o r tw o afte r th e conquest , whe n th e Ottoman s ha d los t th e impetus of being on the offensive i n the Mediterranean, they simply sat back in defense. Piracy against Ottoman shipping in the eastern Mediterranean agai n becam e rampant . Whil e th e fortres s wa s no t threatened,

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the Ottoman s neve r utilize d th e potentia l o f Magos a t o collec t a fleet and strik e thos e pirate s wh o passe d nearby , a s the y ha d i n Algiers , fo r example. Palerne (1581 ) regarde d Magosa a s one of th e most beautiful harbor s in the world, although neglected by the Ottomans. The fortress was very small, bu t i t wa s on e o f th e stronges t an d mos t beautifu l h e ha d eve r seen (guarde d b y 5 0 Turks , 5 0 janissaries , an d 5 0 others) . Christian s were no t allowe d t o liv e withi n th e walle d city , an d th e mai n churche s had becom e mosques. 67 Accordin g t o Calepi o (1573 ) Magos a wa s i n ruins an d defenseless ; i t ha d suffere d fro m a whirlwin d i n 156 6 an d eight or 1 0 earthquakes in 1569. When the townspeople had surrendered they suppose d tha t thei r propert y woul d b e guaranteed , bu t man y o f them were drive n out b y the conquerors; they were allowe d th e right of preemption i f Turks wanted t o sell. The Greek Orthodo x go t possessio n of thei r cathedra l an d th e churc h o f St . Simeon , a s wel l a s house s no t possessed b y th e Turks , an d th e Latin s coul d onl y liv e a s Orthodo x there, so they were compelled to dissemble. 68 Zvallar t (1586 ) discovere d that Tuzla (Salines ) wa s the new port for export s becaus e the Ottoman s rarely allowe d foreigner s t o Magos a les t the y seiz e th e fortress. 69 D e Villamont (1589 ) hear d that nearly all the inhabitants had died from the plague ragin g there . H e reporte d tha t th e pash a usuall y live d ther e a n account of the "fine harbor and incomparable fortress." 70 Thevenot (15 90) challenged th e report s o f Ottoma n brutalit y an d massacres : "An d stil l you see the Greeks and others live in entire liberty." 71 Bu t he was awar e of th e grea t Ottoma n losse s i n th e siege . I n th e sam e yea r Some r foun d the area prolific i n sugar, olive oil, an d cotton, bu t with such pestilentia l air tha t th e capita l ha d t o b e move d t o Le f ko§a. Still , th e tow n wa s a s great i n are a (wesen) a s Amsterdam , althoug h no t s o populous . Th e town fo r hi m was a beautiful one , inhabite d b y both Turks and Greeks. 72 Magosa the n wa s th e onl y rea l harbo r o n th e island. 73 Te n Christia n refugees fro m a 159 7 revol t i n Magosa wer e picked u p on Caste l Ross o (Meis ada) ; th e revol t supposedl y ha d faile d becaus e th e rebel s lacke d leadership.74 The Englis h merchan t Joh n Sanderso n (1598 ) considere d Magosa " a ver y stron g citi e an d por t fo r thei r gallies." 75 Cotovicu s (1599) calle d th e harbo r "remarkabl e an d mos t safe" ; th e tow n wa s "fairly spaciou s an d populous, " althoug h th e wall s wer e neglecte d an d had breeches. 76 The clockmake r Thoma s Dalla m (1600 ) though t Ma gosa " a grat e an d larg e towne." 77 Fo r Henr y d e Beauva u (1604) , al -

The Cities and Towns 26 7 though it s harbo r wa s to o smal l fo r som e vessels, it an d Rhode s wer e the best fortresses i n the empire, and Magosa was one of Cyprus ' capitals.78 Pedro Teixeira (1605 ) a ' s o identifie s Magos a a s one of two capitals, both shadow s o f thei r forme r selves. 79 Lithgow (1610 ) considere d Rhodes and Magosa the strongest fortresses in the empire. He mentioned an unsuccessful attac k b y Ferdinand, duk e of Florence with five galleys in 1607. 80 Sandys (1610 ) als o mentione d th e Florentine attac k o n tha t "very strong citie." 81 Des Hayes (1621 ) gav e a good descriptio n o f th e city an d harbor , wit h a map. The town , h e said, was pretty larg e an d well built, with a small narrow harbor an d straight roads, uncommonly handsome, in fact. Christians were not allowed to live there.82 De Bruy n (1683 ) ha d a ba d experienc e i n Magosa . H e wa s no t allowed t o ente r th e walle d cit y o r eve n approac h th e oute r walls . H e reports o n sil k an d mulberrie s i n loca l village s an d als o o n locusts. 83 Olfert Dapper (1688), however, was able to describe the port and harbor in some detail. He was very impressed b y the walls. He considered th e town prett y larg e and well built, with ver y straight roads , although th e harbor was small and narrow. Christians could not live in the town. The region produced the best of cotton.84 For Van der Nijenburg the Magosa area ha d th e worst ai r on th e island an d wa s extremely unhealthy ; th e town wa s small, most of th e residents being Turkish soldiers , although in the suburbs there were houses with gardens. 85 Richard Pococke (1738) considered th e plac e sparsel y inhabite d wit h ver y littl e trad e althoug h extremely cheap provisions.86 Larnaka and Tuzla after 157 0 Larnaka an d Tuzla (Salines ) seem to have been burned in the process of Ottoman conquest. 87 When Leonhart Rauwolf f an d his business associates landed there in 157 3 to get water and to ask about friends workin g for a German firm, they were met by three armed, mounted Turks an d an Italia n interprete r wh o interrogate d the m abou t thei r busines s pur poses and about conditions in Europe. Later they found th e market area was still i n ruins fro m 157 0 bu t th e saltworks wer e flourishing.88 London merchant Laurenc e Aldersey (1581 ) described Tuzla as "a ruinate d citie" with only seventeen inhabitants. 89 Jean Zvallart (1586) , chevalier du Sainct Sepulchre, found Tuzl a (Salines ) the port for exportin g sugar, cotton, and other goods because the Ottomans rarel y admitte d foreign -

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ers to Magosa. I n fact the place really did not have a port like Limosa or Tripoli i n Syri a fo r a beac h prevente d approachin g land. 90 Whe n d e Villamont arrive d i n 158 9 h e foun d tha t th e churc h o f St . Lazaru s ha d been bough t fo r 300 0 asper s (e.g. , abou t 31 gol d crowns ) jus t tw o months earlier an d was agai n being used by both Lati n and Greek rites; another churc h ha d bee n converte d t o a mosque. 91 Ther e wa s plentifu l salt production, an d abundant wheat. 92 D e Villamont mentione d signal ing th e kad i t o ge t permissio n t o land ; Cotovicu s (1599 ) visite d an d offered th e "customar y gifts " t o th e "emir. " Accordin g t o Cotovicus , salt productio n ha d decline d unde r th e Ottoman s becaus e o f thei r ne glect. Larnak a had small hut s where visitors could stay, and also a small Latin chapel of the Minorites, whose work he extolled, adding that every Venetian vessel paid them a ducat. There was also a small Greek chapel. 93 Because, whethe r throug h piou s intentio n o r benig n neglect , th e Ot tomans timidl y limite d th e us e o f Magos a t o militar y an d nava l con cerns, Larnaka an d its port Tuzla (Salines/Scala ) manage d to avoid tota l decay. Larnak a wa s furthe r blesse d b y th e unwillingness o f th e Porte t o have consul s an d foreig n merchant s residen t i n Magosa , whil e the y themselves refused to reside in Lef ko§a, far from the sea and easily under the thumb o f th e governor (beglerbegi). O f course , lif e expectancy mus t have been short, with malaria rampant around the salt lake and swamps. John Sanderson passe d tw o month s i n Larnaka i n 159 8 waitin g for a ship t o b e loade d wit h salt. 94 Accordin g t o Henr y d e Beauva u (1604) , Tuzla ha d becom e th e mai n por t fo r exportin g th e cotto n an d othe r produce o f th e island ; coppe r an d Karama n carpet s wer e als o exporte d from there , wher e th e Frenc h consu l resided. 95 The smal l for t bein g erected in 160 5 when Pedro Teixeira passed there, for fear of the Spanish or Maltese , wa s o f n o grea t significance , bu t doubtles s enable d th e garrison t o hol d ou t unti l hel p coul d b e mustere d i n Le f ko§a an d Ma gosa; P . dell a Vall e (1625 ) describe d i t a s smal l an d o f littl e impor tance.96 Larnaka , accordin g t o Teixeira , ha d abou t 30 0 house s o f mu d and stone, poo r an d small , with terrace d roofs . Th e port was good an d safe, bu t larg e ship s ha d t o ancho r hal f a leagu e offshor e i n 1 2 t o 1 5 fanthoms o f sea. 97 Loui s des Hayes Courmeni n (1621 ) mention s Saline s as a large town near the sea with a tower and some cannon commandin g the shore where trade in cotton, wine, and carobs was carried on. Tuzla had become the leading port on the island. 98 The por t wa s th e principa l an d mos t frequente d landin g plac e i n

The Cities and Towns 26 9 Cyprus, surrounded b y a large bay, according to P. della Valle (1625). Tuzla i s a "small roadstea d with a small fort , square , with a platform and a fe w piece s o f artillery. " Mos t o f th e Frank s live d a t Larnaka , including th e Venetian merchant s an d consul. The place was "hal f destroyed" because o f th e neglec t o f th e Ottomans. " Christia n corsair s approached there to take on water or dispose of prizes, but they waited at a distance at firstto see whether a white flagor a red one was flying. 100 C. de Bruyn pointed out that all the European merchants (mostly French) lived there. Although th e village wa s of lo w quality , the salt pits were flourishing an d new salt was gathered every day. 101 Dapper (1688) also reported the presence of merchant s and consuls, and that all trade was handled there; he viewed the salt pans half a mile away and reported on a great decline in salt production and sugar cultivation under the Ottomans.102 Mr. Robert (1696) held that disease made the main port dangerous.103 Two early 18th-centur y travellers , van der Nijenberg (1720 ) and Pocock e (1738) , als o emphasize d th e unhealth y location . Fo r the former i t ha d th e wors t ai r i n Cypru s becaus e o f th e sal t pan s an d swamps.104 Nevertheless Larnak a remained the chief port of th e island until the 20th century. Teixeira mentioned consulates of Venice, England, France, and Flanders.105 At the conquest the Ottomans had seized the Latin church of St. Lazarus, but in 1589 they sold it to the Greek Orthodox for the nominal sum of 300 0 asper s (c . 2 5 Italia n ducats) . The Latins were allowed in courtesy to use the church for two annual processions. In 1593 the Friars Minor were allowed to build a convent, although they were not allowed to construct a church before 1596 ; in 1605 the Venetian merchants had a small chapel with a Franciscan friar, later probably replaced by Capuchins.106 Limosa after 157 0 De Villamont carefully observed the Limosa region in his visit of 1589 . The "village " was locate d o n a beautiful plai n of olive , fig, and carob trees; the thinly populated plain was planted with wheat and barley. An earthquake five year s earlie r ha d destroye d man y houses , whic h ha d been rebuilt in a slovenly fashion; they were of earth covered with rushes and fascines, wit h lo w door s t o preven t Turks fro m enterin g them on horseback. The wine was strong and cheap but "corrosive." The Turks

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wore roses , violets, an d other flowers on thei r turbans and frequente d the baths daily. 107 A s de Villamont's vessel had to send to the kadi for permission to enter, so did that of Cotovicus. A mosque and public bath are mentioned, an d a small Gree k church . The Ottoman s ha d a small fortress in the middle of the village, with a cannon and some janissaries to protect against pirates. Cotton was produced in great quantity; other crops included grapes, shrubs, garden produce, figs, olives, carob trees, melons, pumpkins, gourds, and fine bananas. Most of th e people were Greeks, who were usually engaged in commerce or agriculture, while a few Jews were involved in trade and "the Turks are sunk in sloth." 108 Dandini (1596) had reported that there was no church for his retinue to worship in , bu t presumably h e would no t hav e counte d a n Orthodo x church.109 Henr y d e Beauva u (1604 ) observe d th e smal l fortres s an d pointed out the good quality of the surrounding land, where cotton and other crops were grown.110 Des Hayes described the place, like Larnaka, as a large town wit h a tower an d a cannon, wher e cotton , wine , and carobs were cultivated and exported.111 To della Valle (1625) the town was "fairly large and populous."112 Olfert Dapper (1688) pointed to the good cotton , a s wel l a s t o wine , carobs , oranges , an d lemons . Th e janissary garriso n i n the castl e was stil l necessar y t o guard agains t pirates. The Greek s an d Jews, who mostl y wer e merchants , lived i n the same quarter and the Turks in another; the Turks had a small mosque and the Orthodo x a church. 113 Th e vineyards o f th e smal l plac e were praised by R. Pococke (1738) , as was the cheap food. B y that time the Orthodox had two churches and the Muslims a dervish convent.114 Both Pococke an d Tollo t (1731 ) emphasiz e th e continuin g nee d t o b e o n defense against pirates.115 Baf (Paphos) after 157 0 When Zvallar t visite d th e well-watered village s i n Ba f i n 1586 , grain, cotton, sugar, and good water were abundant.116 O. Dapper (1688) also praised th e goo d cotton. 117 D e Villamon t (1589) , Cotovicu s (1599) , Henry d e Beauva u (1608) , d e Bruy n (1683) , an d Pocock e (1738 ) al l attest to the town's ruined condition and small population.118 Girniye (Kyrenia) after 157 0 Girniye continued to be an important fortress. Since it had surrendered, no repairs were needed. The few visitors who got to Girniye in the early

The Cities and Towns 27 1 Ottoman period describe it as the most prosperous, healthiest, and bestfortified plac e on the island. 119 For example, Porcacchi (1576 ) calle d it the coolest and healthiest place on the island and extolled the wonderful fertility of th e nearby Lapta (Lapithos) region. 120 Cotovicus (1599 ) called the fortress impregnabl e an d reported that the place had many inhabitants.121 Sandys (1610) called the fortress very strong.122 Stochove (1631) found th e tow n prett y ruined , but the small harbo r all righ t fo r small vessels; mos t o f th e peopl e wer e Gree k Orthodox , an d th e Turk s al l spent the night in the castle.123 A memorandum of 1668 presented to the Duke of Savoy by Peter Senni of Pisa relates that Girniye could easily be conquered.124 Hurtel (1670) was unimpressed with the dwellings, mostly inhabited by Greek Orthodox, but de Bruyn thought the fortress pretty strong.125 O. Dapper (1688) found the small market town pleasant, with the castle very strong and inaccessible; the site was the healthiest on the island. He also learned of trade from Karaman and Payas.126 R. Pococke (1738) mentione d tha t trade, and the presence of a church and five or six Christian families.127 Lefko§a after 157 0 The destruction of the conquest of Lef ko§a is dwelled upon by Calepio (1573), who was there, Graziani (1571?), and Lusignan (1573). According to thos e account s wholesale massacr e and enslavement too k place, no one being spared.128 The earliest visitor after the conquest was Zvallart, (1586) , wh o sa y littl e excep t tha t ther e wer e churche s o f man y nations and monasteries of man y orders to be found there. 129 Dandini, who spent several days there on his way to the Maronite patriarchate as a papa l legate , calle d th e cit y "larg e an d fair, " wit h a t leas t 30,00 0 inhabitants, o f who m 400 0 o r 500 0 were Turks. The city had a small Latin churc h wit h a n ol d pries t an d als o a Maronite churc h i n poo r condition. The Greeks there very much hated the Latins, insulting them, boxing their ears, and punching their noses.130 De Beauvau (1604) found the place well fortified. 131 Fo r Teixeira (1605 ) Lefko§ a wa s merely one of tw o capitals , an d a shado w o f it s forme r self. 132 Lithgow , whil e observing that most of its greatness was gone, called Lef ko§a a "strong handsome city," and the principal one on the island. Gedoyn (c. 1623 ) calle d it a rich and beautiful city ; he and de Beauvau both agreed that the Ottoman governor and the French vice consul resided there. 133 Sandy s (1610 ) describe d the formidable circula r walls

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and the residence there of al l the French factors. "Th e buildings are low, flat rooft, th e entrance s little , fo r th e mos t par t ascende d b y staire s fo r the mor e difficul t entry. " Onc e Lefko§ a wa s "no t yeeldin g i n beaut y (before deface d b y the Turke) unt o th e principall citie s of Italy." 134 Fo r Stochove (1630 ) Lefko§ a i s "a most delightful place " with the best air in Cyprus, an d th e residenc e o f th e Frenc h consul . "Th e cit y i s ric h i n gardens chiefl y o f dat e palms : th e numbe r o f crow s i s incredible , th e trees ar e blac k wit h them; " the Turk s woul d no t kil l the m no r counte nance others ' disturbin g them . The gate s o f th e fine bu t then-neglecte d fortifications close d a t sunset . The house s wer e Venetian ; som e wer e large an d o f fine cu t stone , bu t th e street s wer e narrow. 135 Sebastia n Manrique (1643 ) wa s ambivalen t o n th e subject . O n th e on e han d h e describes hi s arriva l a t " . . . what ha d i n day s gone b y been th e lovel y and famous town of Nicosia. But nowadays, although it retains the same name, mos t o f it s greatnes s ha s disappeared , sav e ruin s an d trace s o f what once was." Still it had a "strong handsome Cit y wall." 136 Several European s visite d Lefko§ a lat e i n th e 17th century . Fo r Va n der Nijenburg (1684 ? Heyma n 1720 ) Lefko§ a wa s a "pretty handsome" place eve n thoug h th e fortification s ha d bee n neglected. 137 Dappe r de scribed th e fertile , well-watere d plai n o f Mesaoria , with fou r Gree k churches, tw o Lati n (on e Italian , th e othe r French) , an d one Armenian , and the best cotton anywhere. 138 Hurte l sa w th e town a s "pretty large " on a "vas t plain " wit h beautifu l gardens , wid e an d handsom e streets , and house s (reportedl y Venetia n i n origin ) o f goo d cu t stone. 139 Fo r de Bruyn (1683 ) th e town an d its houses were pretty mediocre and not well cared for . Althoug h h e coul d no t ente r St . Sophi a mosqu e h e wa s al lowed t o loo k a t th e outside . The Greek s ha d thei r ow n quarte r an d occupied almos t hal f th e town . Ver y goo d sil k stuf f an d dimitie s wer e made there. 140 The pirat e Rober t ha d hear d tha t th e cit y wa s ver y populous an d wel l fortified. 141 Pocock e (1738 ) goe s i n detai l abou t th e fine qualit y cotto n stuffs , dimities , an d hal f satin s produce d i n abun dance there. 142 Pococke , Sonnin i (century , referre d t o i n LeSaige) , Cor ancez (pre-1816) , Clark e (1812) , an d the Archduke Loui s Salvator (1881 ) praise the abundance and quality of th e town's water supply. 143

The Cities and Towns 27 3 Summary All of Cyprus's traditional cities, Lef ko§a, the capital, Magosa, Girniye, Larnaka, Limosa, and Baf were in relative decline starting at least from the earl y 16t h century , unde r Venetia n rule . Al l excep t th e centrall y located capita l benefite d fro m bein g ports, although ofte n wit h dismal facilities, th e most important factor in their viability was the degree to which they were, or could be, fortified. The Lusignans, like the Crusaders, depended on fortresses for protection from hostile locals. Lef ko§a, with its great wealth, had a relatively healthy location in the interior, and was a major trading emporium until it lost out to Aleppo. Its once ver y formidabl e fortifications , base d o n ver y hig h wall s wer e inadequate becaus e o f th e increasingl y powerfu l cannon s o f th e 16t h century, and so city walls were reduced to three miles of very thick but low walls, additionally protected by a deep moat. The great emporium and manufacturing cente r of Magos a suffered terribl y from malaria by the 16th century, so that it seemed to get worse daily. It had an excellent harbor surrounded b y very formidabl e walls , alon g with a more-thanadequate water supply. The destruction of Lef ko§a by the Ottomans was of very high magnitude. Immediatel y afte r th e conques t a survey was take n which foun d only 23 5 adul t mal e taxpayer s remaining . Withi n th e wall s a smal l number o f Armenian s an d Maronite s survived , eac h wit h thei r ow n church, but over 90% of the survivors were Greek Orthodox. Commerce and industry were of smal l consequence, mostly wineries, a dye house, places fo r processin g anima l heads , and tripe. Obviously th e Ottoma n conquest had not only decimated the people, but also bereft the place of its real economic significance. Girniye, on the other hand, had surrendered; probably it suffered few adverse consequences, an d continued t o operate a s a port, paying customs and anchorage taxes, for net fishing,and a market place. Although Baf, becaus e of its location, probably experienced little destruction during the conquest, it had a very small population, and paid very little in taxes, much of which was connected with agriculture; only minor revenues came from its customs duties and market dues, although it did have a dye house, and fishingfacilities. Limosa, although it only had 177 adult males according to the survey of 1572, did seem to function as an urban port. Nearly two-thirds of the

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taxes involve d th e customs o f th e pier and weighing flour; also enumer ated wer e bazaa r due s an d a muhtasib . Larnaka , dependen t o n Tuzla , with 6 3 adul t male s was no t easil y distinguishabl e fro m a village i n th e taxes it paid. No populatio n is given for Tuzla, although it paid 100,00 0 akce annuall y fro m th e ta x far m o f th e sal t works, an d anothe r 12,50 0 akce from combined customs, weighing flour and market taxes. Lef ko§a apparentl y wa s utterl y destroyed whe n i t was conquered. A t the time of th e survey o f 157 2 Magosa' s populatio n wa s a t least doubl e that o f th e provincia l capital , despit e th e fac t tha t Le f ko§a ha d becom e the economic hear t of th e island b y the 1560s . Magos a apparentl y pai d three times what Lefko§ a paid ; it had 2 0 quarters , for its 162 1 o r 162 8 taxpayers, whic h probabl y mean t a littl e change d populatio n afte r th e Ottoman conquest . I t was importan t fo r it s port, bu t also as a commercial center , wit h fishing, harbo r dues , dy e houses , tanneries , butche r shops, an d flour mills , an d wineries . Afte r 1572 , Magos a wa s the n turned int o som e sor t o f fortress , fro m whic h eve n th e loca l Gree k Orthodox wer e excluded , an d al l o f it s lon g distanc e trad e wa s ended , so i t wa s reduce d t o bein g almos t useles s strategically , an d militarily , despite the advantageous locatio n an d fortification . After 157 0 Larnak a an d Tuzla , despit e th e fac t tha t the y reall y di d not have a good harbor, were the only places where the Ottomans would allow an y foreig n merchants , fo r the y wer e forbidde n i n Magosa . For eign merchant s an d consul s wer e ver y strongl y encourage d t o liv e i n Tuzla; so it soon becam e th e leading port on th e island. Limosa becam e almost totally a plac e give n ove r t o agriculture , an d wa s onl y infre quently visited by foreigners. As fo r Baf , man y source s attes t t o it s smal l populatio n an d ruine d condition a s late as the early 18th century. Girniye continued to have an important fortress , an d remaine d ver y fertile , an d on e o f th e healthies t places o n th e island . The handfu l o f Muslim s ther e reside d withi n th e fortress. Despite th e ver y grea t destructio n whic h Lefko§ a underwen t a t th e time of the conquest in 1572 , at least by c. 160 0 it seems to have become restored, an d t o b e agai n th e principal urba n cente r on th e island, wit h its larg e Gree k Orthodo x population , it s smalle r Muslim population , and tin y Armenian , Maronite , an d Lati n communities . Th e wall s wer e well preserved , an d foreig n merchant s wer e a t leas t occasionall y t o b e

The Cities and Towns 27

5

found there . Eventuall y muc h o f th e commerc e an d industr y mus t hav e been restored, too.

NOTES 1. Suriano , II Trattato . . ., p . 242 ; Cobham, pp. 49, 52 ; once a city, now a village, Voyage . . ., pp . 57, 136 ; ruined port near Larnaka, Cobham, pp. 64, 65. 2. Hill , v. 2 , pp. 17 , 473. v. 3, pp. 813, 863. W. Heyd, Histoire . . ., v . 2 , p. 426. de Mas Latrie, v. 3, p. 489. 3. Cobham , p. 54; Travels . . ., p . 440; Peregrinatio . . ., p . 137. 4. Voyage... , p. 60; Cobham, pp. 60, 69; Hakluyt, v. 5, pp. 93L Cf. Zeebout (1481), p. 224; Pietro Casola (1494); Mogabgab, v. 1 , pp. 44f; Newett , p. 293, an d Jean Palern e (1581 ) wh o wa s wit h a shi p tha t purchase d salt , Peregrinations, p. 327. 5. Hill , v. 2 , p. 17 . v. 3 , pp. 8i3f, 863 . Estimates of Venetian revenues from the salt range between 100,000 and 800,000 ducats annually, Hill favoring about 300,000. Cobham, p. 71; Hakluyt, v. 5, pp. 96f. 6. Mogabgab , v. 3, p. 142. 7. Hill , v . 2 , pp . 3o6n , 16 . Loredan o reporte d 200 0 death s i n 1330 . Mo gabgab, v. 1, p. 40; Newett, p. 383. Ludolf von Suchen (1350), in Cobham, p. 19; Stuttgart, pp. 3 if; d e Mas Latrie, v. 2, pp. 212f. 8. Hill , v. 2, pp. 16, 458, 470, 473, 477. O. d'Anglure (1395), in Cobham, p. 28; Paris, 1878, p. 81, #290; de Mas Latrie, v. 2, p. 430. Khalil, son of ezZaheri, mention s a n immens e booty . Mogabgab , v . 3 , pp . 7off ; d e Mas Latrie, v. 2 , pp . 506-514 . Enguerran d d e Montsrelet's chronicle , i n Mogabgab, v. 2, pp. 60, 64. 9. Hill , v. 2, p. 16. Mogabgab, v. 1, p. 38; Itinerarium . . ., v . 192, pp. 95^ 10. Cobham , pp. 37, 45f; Stuttgart , v. 1 , p. 43 v. 3 , pp. 24of. 7/ Trattato, pp . 24if; Cobham, p. 48f. Cf . Santo Brasca, Viaggio . .. (1480) , p. 63, #46. n . Sebal t (1480), in Mogabgab, v. 1, p. 35; Stuttgart, v. 168, p. 51. 12. Hill , v. 2, p. 16. v. 3, pp. 814, 835f, 863. Mogabgab, v. 1, pp. 4of; Newett (Casola), pp. 2i4f. Pir i Reis knew of a ruined castle. Kitab'i Bahriyye, v. 2, pp. 28of. 13. Mogabgab , v. 1, pp. 41, 46. Newett (Casola), pp. 2i4ff, 29 $L 14. Jodicu s d e Megge n (1542) , i n Mogabgab , v . 3 , p . 141 . Cf . Joh n Lock e (1553), in Cobham, p. 68; Hakluyt, v. 5, pp. 99f. 15. Cobham , pp. 68, 72; Hakluyt, v. 5, pp. 99I. 16. Cobham , p. 143 . Not in the version of Calepi o published by de Lusignan, Description . . ., p . 211. W. Heyd, Histoire..., v . 2, p. 426. de Mas Latrie, v. 3, p. 488.

276 The

Cities and Towns

17. Hill , v . 2 , p . 18 . Cobham , p . 18 ; Stuttgart , p . 30 ; d e Ma s Latrie , v . 2 , p . 211.

18. Cobham , p. 28 ; R.O.L., p . 637 . 19. Cobham , p. 33 ; Tafur (Letts) , pp. 68, 103 . 20. Hill , v. 2 , pp. 18 , 39of. v. 3 , p. 565 . 21. Cobham , p . 35 ; Viaggi, v . 4 , p . 177 , #36 ; d e Ma s Latrie , v . 3 , p . 76 . Cobham, p . 45 ; Stuttgart , v . 3 , p . 240 . J / Trattato, p . 242 ; Cobham , pp . 48ff,5i. 22. Cobham , p. 51 . Mogabgab, v. 1 , p. 35 ; Stuttgart, v. 168 , pp. 5if . 23. Cobham , p. 55 ; Travels . . . , p . 400; Peregrinatio . . ., p . 138 . 24. Cobham , p. 67, 244 . 25. Cobham , p. 67, 243 . Cf. A . Zeebout (1481) , L'voyage ..., p . 295 . 26. Hill , v. 3 , p. 78711; de Mas Latrie, V. 3 , p. 534 . 27. Hill , v. 2 , pp. i8ff . v . 3 , p. 862. Palerne (1581), p. 337 . 28. Hill , v . 2 , pp . 405 ^ 409 , 434 . v . 3 , pp . 562 , 565 , 850 , 955 . Cf . Tafu r i n Cobham, p. 34 ; Letts, p. 105 ; Jodicus, in Mogabgab, v. 3 , p. 146 . 29. Hill , v. 3 , p. 787; de Mas Latrie, v. 3 , p. 534 , "Memoirs of Francois Attar," and "Memoir s o f th e Coun t of Tripoli." Piri Reis, Kitab'i Bahriyye, v . 2 , p. 43i. 30. Hill , v. 3 , p. 955. 31. Cobham , p . 14 . Cf . Jacobu s d e Verona (1335) , i n Cobham, p . 17 ; R.O.L., pp. i76f . 32. Cobham , p. 20; Stuttgart, p. 33; de Mas Latrie, v. 2 , pp. 2i4f . 33. Cobham , p. 26 ; R.O.L., pp . 634^ 34. Cobham , p . 32 ; Letts , p . 64 . Andanqas e Viajes . . . , pt . 1 , p . 67 . Cf . O . d'Anglure (1395) , " a ver y goodl y city , an d fai r an d great, " in Cobham , p . 29; Paris, 1898, p. 84, #299; de Mas Latrie, v. 2, p. 431. Nompar II (1418), "a great city," Cobham, p. 30. 35. Cobham , pp. 4iff; Stuttgart , v. 3 , p. 230 . 36. Suriano , // Trattato, pp . 2i9n, 242 ; Cobham, pp. 48f . 37. Voyage ..., pp . 137ft ; Cobham , pp . 58 L Cf . Marti n vo n Baumgarte n (1508), in Cobham, p. 55 ; Travels . . ., p . 441; Peregrinatio . . . , p . 139 . 38. Mogabgab , v. 3, p. 143 . 39. Cobham , p. 71; Hakluyt, v. 5 , p. 97. 40. Cobham , p. 78f; Reis-Beschreibung . . ., pp . 302f . 41. Cobham , pp. i4of ; Lusignan , Description . . ., p . 262. 42. Cobham , p. 120 ; Lusignan, Chorograffia. 1573 . 43. Graziani , pp. 12f . 44. Hill , v. 2 , p. 13 . 45. Hill , v. 2 , pp. 400, 461, 483. 46. Hill , v. 3 , pp. 8o8ff . 47. Hill , v. 3 , pp. 808-813 . 48. Cobham , p. 21 ; Mandeville (Letts) , pp. 19 , 242 ; Mandeville (Seymour) , pp. 22-23. Mandeville' s travel s may b e dated t o the second quarter of th e 14t h century. See Letts, pp. xvii-xxvii.

The Cities and Towns 2 7

7

49. Mogabgab , v . 2 , pp. $6i( ; Anonymou s Englishma n (Golubovich) , v . 4 , pp . 43i>437*. 50. Cobham , pp. i9f ; Stuttgart , pp. ^zi; d e Mas Latrie, v. 2 , pp. 2i3f . 51. Cobham , pp. 22ff; R.O.L., pp . 628f, 6 3 if. 52. Hill , v . 2 , pp. i4ff , 288 , 290 , 292f , 312 , 316 , 382f , 394 , 4i2ff , 424 ^ 434 , 458ff, 471 . v. 3 , pp. 503^ 506L 53. Hill , v. 3 , pp. 727ft, 732 , 8o6ff . 54. Cobham , p. 31 ; Letts, p. 64; 55. Cobham , p . 45 ; Stuttgart , v . 3 , p . 236 . Cf . Pietr o Casol a (1494) , i n Mo gabgab, v . 1 , pp . 4if ; Newett , p . 215 . Anonymou s Je w (1495) , i n Mo gabgab, v. 3 , p. 134 . 56. Cobham , p . 71 ; Hakluyt, v . 5 , p. 96. Cobham , p . 73f ; R . de G . (1879) , p . 222.

57. Surian o (1484) , J/ Trattato, p . 242 ; Cobham, p. 49. Anonymous Jew (1495) , in Mogabgab, v . 3 , p. 134 . Marti n von Baumgarte n (1508) , i n Cobham, p. 55; Travels . . . , p . 441 ; Peregrinatio . . . , p . 139 . L e Saig e (1518) , wh o praises the produce i n the surrounding area . Voyage . . . , p . 135 ; Cobham, p. 57 . Affagar t (1534) , i n Cobham , p . 66; Relation Journaliere . . . , pp . 298f. Lock e (1553) , th e cheapest price s i n Cyprus. Cobham , pp. 7of ; Hak luyt, v. 5 , p. 96. Jodicu s de Meggen (1542) , in Mogabgab, v. 3 , p. 45. 58. Cobham , p . 73 ; R. de G . (1879 ) pp . 22 1 f. The y use d quarantine s o f u p t o 40 days. 59. Hill , v. 3 , p. 7 8 7^ Cf . d e Mas Latrie, v. 3 , p. 534 . 60. Cobham , p. 77 ; Reis-Beschreibung . . . , pp . 298f . Kitab'i Bahriyye, v . 2 , p. 283. 61. Cobham , pp. 12 1 f. 62. Cobham , pp . i2if . W . Heyd , Histoire . . . , v . 2 , pp . 425 L "Repons e d u doge Augustin Barbarigo a une supplique des habitants de Famagouste..., " de Mas Latrie, v. 3, pp. 485-492 . 63. Hill , v. 4, p. 38 . 64. Hill , v. 4, pp. 42L 65. Hill , v. 4, pp. 48ff. 66. Hill , v. 4, pp. 21, 3o8f. 67. Peregrinations, pp . 332f, 344f . 68. Cobham , pp. i43f , i6off ; Lusignan , Description . . . , pp . 288f . 69. Anvers , pp . 165ft ; Roma , pp . 9off . Anver s an d Rom a ar e variant s o f Zvallart. 70. Cobham , p. 175 . 71. Cobham , pp. 178,180 . 72. Beschrijvinge . . . , p . 11. 73. Dandin i (1596) . Cobham , p . 183 ; Pinkerton , v . 10 , p . 280 . Cf . Porcac chio (1576) , i n Cobham , p . 164 ; L'Isole . . ., 157 2 ed. , p . 21 ; 162 0 ed. , p. 146 . 74. A . Teneti, Piracy and..., pp . 40L 75. Travels . . . , p . 63.

278 The

Cities and Towns

76. Cobham , p . 195 ; Ioann e Cootwijk , Itinerarium Hierosolymitanum. Ant verpiae, 1619 . pp. 102.L JJ. Early Voyage . . . , p. 28 . 78. Cobham , pp . 85 , 90 ; Relation Journaliere . . ., 1619 , pp . 83 , 89 , ma p o n 92. 79. The Travels . . ., pp . i35f . Cf . Stochov e (1631) , wh o chos e no t t o ente r the place becaus e o f rumor s about th e malevolence o f th e pasha. Cobham , p. 217 .

80. Cobham , pp. 203 , 204; The Totall Discourse . . . , pp . 160,164 , 168 . 81. Cobham , p. 206 ; Travels, p . 219 . 82. Voiage . . ., pp . 328ff, wit h a good ma p of th e harbor. 83. Cobham , pp. 236 , 241 ; Reizen . . ., pp . 365ff, 374 . 84. Naukeurige Beschriyving . . . , pp . 28 , 30 , 52 . 85. Cobham , pp. 246 , 248 . 86. Cobham , p. 255 ; Pinkerton, v. 10 , pp. 577ff . 87. Hill , v. 3 , p. 960 . 88. Dannenfeldt , Leonhard Rauwolf . . ., pp . 4off . S9. Hakluyt , v . 5 , p. 213 . 90. A n vers, p. 165 ; Roma, pp. 92f . 91. Cobham , p . 176 . Cf . Marti n vo n Baumgarte n (1508) , i n Cobham , p . 54 ; Travels . . . , p . 440; Peregrinatio . . ., p . 137 . 92. Cobham , p. 175 . 93. Cobham , pp. i9off . Laurenc e Aldersey (1581) , in Hakluyt, v. 5 , p. 213. 94. Travels of. .., p . 16 . 95. Cobham , p. 209 ; 160 8 ed. , p. 114 ; Nancy, 1619 , p. 90. 96. Hill , v. 4, pp. 47, 52n ; The Travels . . ., p . 136 . Hill, v. 4, p. 52n; Cobham, pp. 2 1 if; Viaggi, 184 3 ed. , p. 881 ; Viaggi, 1667 , pt. 3 , p. 440. 97. The Travels . . . , pp . 135 ^ 98. Voiage . . ., pp . 33of . 99. Cobham , pp . 2ioff ; Viaggi, 184 3 e d-> PP - 88of ; Viaggi, 1667 , v . 4 , pp . S3 6ff. 100. Earle , Corsairs of. .., p . 144 . 101. Cobham , p. 240; Reizen . . ., pp . 373f. Cf. Chevalie r d'Arveux, Memoires, p. 483 . 102. Naukeurige Beschryving . . . , pp . 23, 33, 35. 103. Adventures and Sufferings . . ., pp . i72f . 104. Cobham , pp. 244, 246 . Cobham, p. 252; Pinkerton, v. 10 , p. 576 . 105. Ther e i s n o independen t confirmatio n o f a n Englis h consulat e (actuall y a vice consulat e unde r Aleppo ) unti l 162 6 o r a regula r consu l unti l 163 6 Nor i s ther e evidenc e o f a Frenc h consulat e befor e 1673 . Hill , v . 4 , pp . 63 f. Possibl y th e Dutc h wer e first . A . H . d e Groot , The Ottoman Empire . . ., pp . 90, 2i6f . 106. Hill , v. 4, p. 360 . 107. Cobham , pp . i7if , 178 . Jea n Palern e (1581 ) reporte d th e purchas e o f cotton, pitch, and carobs there. Peregrinations, pp . 3 27f.

The Cities and Towns 27 9 108. Cotovicu s (1599), in Cobham, pp. i88f; Antverpiae, p. 95. 109. Cobham , p. 181; Pinkerton, v. 10, p. 277. n o . Cobham , p. 209; 1608 ed., p. 114; Relation Journaliere . . ., 1619 , p. 90. i n . Voiage . . ., pp . 33of. 112. Cobham , p. 214; Viaggi, 184 3 ed., pp. 89off; Viaggi, 1667 , v. 4, pp. 544^ The Venetian consul resided there. 113. Naukeurige Beschriyving . . . , pp . 45f, 52 . Cf. d e Bruyn (1683), i n Cobham, p. 243; Reizen . . ., p . 379. 114. Cobham , pp. 25iff; Pinkerton, v. 10, p. 57$. 115. Nouveau Voyage . . ., pp . 2i8ff. 116. Zvallar t Anvers, pp. i6if; (Roma), pp. 9of. 117. Naukeurige Beschryving..., p . 52. 118. Cobham , p. 171. Cobham, p. 193; Antverpiae, pp. ioof, 106 . Cobham, p. 209; Relation Journaliere . . . , 1608 , p . 115 ; 1619 , p . 86 . Cobham , p. 241; Reizen . . ., p . 374. Cobham, p. 265; Pinkerton, v. 10, p. 587. 119. Eve n Nompar I I (1418) ha d called Girniy e the stronges t fortres s o n the island. Cobham, p. 30. 120. Cobham , p. 175; L'Isole . . ., 157 2 ed., p. 21; 1620 ed., pp. 147^ 121. Cobham , pp. i93f; Antverbiae, p. 107. 122. Cobham , p. 207; Travels . . ., p . 220. 123. Cobham , pp. 215ft 124. d e Mas Latrie, v. 3, pp. 578-580. 125. Cobham , p. 232. Cobham, p. 241; Reizen . . ., pp . 369ft 126. Naukeurige Beschryving..., p . 42. 127. Cobham , p. 261; Pinkerton, v. 10, pp. 583^ 128. Cobham , pp . 125ft , 148 ; Lusignan , Description . . ., pp . 237ft , 269f t Graziani, pp. i n, 74f t Cobham , pp. 120ft A register of the taxes paid on slaves taken from Cyprus lists, by name and price, 13,719 people enslaved. Since tha t registe r i s date d 7 Octobe r 157 0 ( 7 Cumad i I 978), withi n a month of the fall of Lef ko§a, presumably most of the enslaved came from there. The demographic effects of such a policy must have been profound, for presumably al l bu t a few were carried elsewhere; indeed, many were sold at Galata in Istanbul. (Th e official incom e fro m the sale of jus t that group o f slave s wa s 1,786,67 8 akce. ) Magos a fel l onl y th e followin g August; slaves from there presumably filled a different, bu t much smaller, register, for the Ottoman conquest did not reduce its population very much (MMD 325; archiv 5471, muhasebe defter 978/1570). 129. Anvers , pp. 173ft Not in Roma version. 130. Cobham , pp. 18if; Pinkerton , v. 10, pp. 277ft 131. Cobham , p. 209; Relation Journaliere . . ., 1608 , pp. ii7f; 1619 , pp. 88f, with map of city. 132. The Travels . . ., pp . 13 sf. 133. Lithgow , The Totall Discourse . . . , pp . 163ft ; Cobham, p. 202. Gedoyn, Journal . . ., p . 157 . I n 160 6 (1015 ) 1 5 o f th e 26 3 cizye-payer s wer e Armenians and 5 Maronites; both had their own quarters.

280 The

Cities and Towns

134. Cobham , p. 207; Travels, p . 220 . 135. Cobham , pp. 216f . 136. Travels . . . , v . 2 , pp. 384ff. Frenc h consul a t Larnaka. 137. Cobham , p. 248 . 138. Naukeurige Beschryving . . . , pp . 3if, 52 . 139. Cobham , pp. 23 21*. French consul a t Larnaka. 140. Cobham , p. 239 ; Keizen . . . , pp . 37if . 141. Adventures and Sufferings . . ., p . 172 . 142. Cobha m pp. 260, 268 ; Pinkerton, v. 10 , pp. 581 , 592. 143. Cobham , p . 260 ; Pinkerton , v . 10 , p . 581 ; Voyage . . . , pp . io3f ; ltineraire . . ., p . 232 ; Levkosia . . ., p . 2.

TEN

Loans and Credit

The impact of Ottoma n rule , particularly th e legal system, on credit and money lendin g i n Cypru s i s al l to o eviden t i f on e consider s th e lette r written in 156 3 fro m Magos a b y the Jew Elias of Pesar o to a brother or friend in Italy inviting him to come there. People who want to borrow money come here. This money-lending busines s is really remarkable. One lends to no one except on a thoroughly sound security. No trus t o r credit. I f th e pledge i s of gol d o r silver th e interest i s twenty per centum: if o f wool , threa d or silk twenty-fiv e pe r centum.... A s soon a s the Christians see a fresh Jew arrive to stay here they ask him if he wants to lend money. If he says yes, they are kindly towards him, and he need not fear that the other Jew s wil l loo k askanc e a t hi m a s thoug h h e wer e poachin g o n thei r preserves. The country is big enough to feed them all. Some loan s reache d 50,00 0 ducats . Sometimes , wit h brokers ' fee s " . . . th e borrowe r pay s a s muc h a s fort y pe r centu m interest : bu t no body cares." 1 Ottoma n rul e mus t hav e revolutionize d th e busines s o f credit and money lending in Cyprus. Credit was a common featur e o f th e socioeconomic orde r of Le f ko§a and indeed o f Cypru s durin g the period 1571-1640. 2 Peopl e freel y len t and borrowed what usually were small to moderate sums. In the absence of banks , lendin g eve n fro m a ver y smal l surplu s wa s quit e normal . Creditors an d debtor s wer e no t tw o rigidl y separate d classes ; presum ably man y me n wer e bot h a t once , an d man y mor e woul d b e bot h a t least once in their lives. The rich and powerful borrowe d a s well a s lent, and s o di d townspeopl e an d villagers . I n 1580/1593-159 5 19 % o f al l 281

282 Loans

and Credit

judicial case s involve d matter s o f loan s an d credit ; i n 1609-161 1 th e proportion wa s 22 % and in 1633-163 7 20% . If 20% of al l the judicial cases examine d (59 1 o f 2975 ) involve d variou s form s o f credi t an d debts, then some 120 0 to 150 0 people must have been involved. Lef ko§a was the center of loca l busines s and commerce on the island. Regular dail y busines s activities , i n th e absenc e o f saving s an d lendin g institutions, benefite d fro m and , indeed , require d th e us e o f larg e o r small cas h surpluse s whic h peopl e temporaril y ha d i n hand . Th e docu ments sho w tha t moneylender s wer e n o smal l clas s o r clique ; rather , anyone who temporaril y acquire d a little surplus money, if only throug h inheritance, migh t b e expecte d t o pu t ou t par t o f i t i n credit . A shoe maker o r butche r migh t exten d credi t to hi s customer, a military office r to anothe r militar y officer , a residen t o f a n urba n quarte r o r villag e t o other residents there. The court system guaranteed repayment, and moderate profit s o f 20 % interes t wer e legal . Tha t interes t rate , th e on e sometimes mentioned i n judicial registers, ought to have been high enough to ensur e a plentiful suppl y o f credi t o n th e market, othe r than in time s of severe inflation o r flagrant debasement of coinage . The court recordes sho w clearl y tha t bot h givin g an d receiving credi t —under th e forma l sanctio n o f a cour t representin g th e sacre d la w o f Islam—were considere d respectabl e behavior . Amon g th e man y credi tors an d debtor s ar e found th e names of peopl e o f th e highest classe s o f society: leading ulema, military officers, an d merchants, as well as craftsmen, villagers, and even women. Many donors of evka f prescribed lending thei r capita l fo r interest, 3 an d estates o f minor s wer e use d similarl y by guardians . Probabl y dealin g i n credi t maintaine d respectabilit y be cause of th e absence of chronic poverty amon g the borrowers. The cour t record s us e th e term karz fo r a formal loan , usually i n th e form karz-i hasen, a good o r just loan, or less often karz-i §&*, a loan in accordance wit h th e Sharia . Th e usur y (riba) categoricall y forbidde n i n the Kora n was obviousl y considere d i n 16th an d 17t h century Ottoma n interpretations t o refe r t o excessiv e o r unjus t profit s rathe r tha n t o al l interest. Consequently , credi t an d mone y lendin g wer e no t a t al l th e province o f undesirable s an d socia l outcasts , whethe r som e smal l unsa vory grou p o f Muslim s o r som e "immoral " infidels, bu t were practice d by hundred s o f uprigh t Muslims . The interes t rat e charge d wa s con sidered fai r b y a consensu s o f al l th e contemporar y lega l an d politica l

Loans and Credit 28

3

institutions. The raret y o f bankruptc y ma y b e considere d a tes t o f it s fairness.4 Interest o n debt s i s rarel y mentione d i n th e sicils , althoug h presum ably that was th e main inducement t o giving credit. I t was no t a subject that th e court s wishe d t o b e secretiv e about ; indeed , credi t fo r interes t was widely give n throug h muc h of th e Ottoma n empir e in the 16t h an d 17th centuries. The usual rate of interes t was 20 % per annum, althoug h before abou t 160 0 15 % o r eve n 10 % wer e th e rule. 5 Som e Cypru s vakfiye stipulate d th e lendin g o f foundatio n mone y a t 10 % interest , a s does at least one judicial case. Suleyman beg bn cAbdullah acknowledges (ik) in the presence of c Abdur-Rezak halife, nazir (overseer of the guardian) fo r the children (sagiran) Suleyma n and Saliha o f th e lat e Merye m bin t c Abdullah: I received 265 6 akc e wit h interes t (akce?-i murabaha) from 'Abdur-Rezak, from the money of the orphans, at 10% interest (onda on bir hesabi uzere). I acknowledge b y debt. ( 2 113—2 ; 4 Sefer 1017)6

Haci Huseyn bn cAbdullah, vasi for minor son Mehmed of the late haci Huseyn of Lefko§ a acknowledge s (ik/i ct) in the presence o f Kur d $elebi b n haci c Ali: I sold Kur d 10 0 hea d o f goat s an d sheep whic h th e orpha n inherite d fro m hi s mother Hadice, for 105 akce apiece. Then I lent him 5500 akce of that money at 20% interest (onin on iki hesabi uzere mu'amele). (3 11-3; 10 §evval 1018) Haci Dervi§ be§e bn Mustafa of Lef ko§a sets forth a claim (d/tk) i n the presence of hac i Yusu f ot a ba§i , vasi befor e th e Shari a fo r th e mino r childre n (evlad-i sigar) of th e lat e Husey n bolu k ba§ i o f Lefko§ a wh o die d i n Cair o (Misr-i Kahire): I gave th e decease d 2 0 riyal i guru § i n principa l (asl-i mal) at 20 % interest (10 for 12) for one year. I had not received the 20 riyali guru§ and the 4 riyali guru § (interest) befor e h e left. Whe n he died in Egypt (Misr), I was still owed 24 guru§. Let the aforementioned loan be inquired about. I want that from his property (mal). Whe n Dervi§ is asked for proof, Ibrahim ota ba§i bn Emrullah and Huseyn be§e bn cAbdun-Nasir confirm him. When an oath is proposed by the vasi that Dervi§ had not received the money, Dervi§ took it. Then he was paid the 24 riyali guru§ in full. (4 i n - 1; II Muh. 1045) C

AH, called (Jelenk, of Karama n on the mainland (Ote Yaka) acknowledges (ik/ tk) in the presence of Gavrayel v. Zor (?), Marko v. Zozi, Yorgi, and Solimo of Lefko§a: Whe n the y wer e i n a stat e o f wealt h (kudretleri (?) halt) on th e mainland, I gave then 23 8 riyal i guru § to g o t o Cyprus . Now whe n th e term (va'de) ha s expired, 42 riyali guru§ is added, making a total of 28 0 riyali guru§. They acknowledge this debt. (4 190—3; II Receb 1046)7

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c

Ayni bint cAbdullah of Merdibanli $e§me quarter says: I took 3000 akce at 20% (10 for 12 ) interest from Ibrahim beg, administrator (mutevelli ) of the mosque (mescid) of the quarter, saying I will pay 3600 akce at the end of a year. (4 234 — 2; 18 Ramazan 1045. Another case refers to 7000 akce being due from the 4800 originally owed from the purchase of 220 vakiye of soap (sabun), but the term is not given, unfortunately. 3 94-3; I §evval 1019) Unless har d pressed debtor s thre w themselve s upo n th e merc y o f th e court t o negotiat e a reasonabl e dela y i n payment , th e claim s o f unpai d creditors mus t hav e reduce d the m t o misery. 8 However , onl y tw o case s of bankruptc y were found, so that may not have been a problem. A copy of the certificate of bankruptcy of zimmi (Christian) Lefter is published: Lefter v . Cova n owe s janissar y Mehme d b n 'Abdullah o f Lefko§ a 100 0 akc e from a loan (karz). After i t happened that a claim was made against hi m and evidence presented (istishad-i feri), i n the presence of janissary, from the upright Muslims ( cudul~i Muslimin) Husey n (?) bn Ahmed and Mehmed bn Hasan who were present at the court (haziran) testifie d saying : That zimmi is poor (fakir); he is supported by the charity of the charitable (muhayyirun sadakatindan). H e is not capable of any other liability (mes'uliyet). It is in every way most beneficial (enfac) t o release him from imprisonment (habs) in order to make it possible for him to support himself (kar u kesb) and to pay the debt (eda). Whe n they gave evidence testifyin g i n tha t way , i t wa s ordere d t o releas e (itlak) Lefter fro m imprisonment and that he was bankrupt/insolvent (iflas). ( 1 192-3; I Cumadi II 1003)

Ahturi v. Ziya of Degirmenlik village of Lef ko§a states: I owed a debt (deynum) to Ibrahim bn Ridvan of that village. I was imprisoned for the 50 previous days and wa s release d (itlak) when I gave u p al l m y propert y (mal). Since I had nothing, I wa s no t abl e t o pa y (iktidarum olmadugina). Consequentl y the y released me from jail (habs), but since I was also indebted to a few other people, they said he is not free from malice. I asked that people present at the assembly (meclis) b e asked about my good reputation and act accordingly. I do not want to be imprisoned again. When the Muslims whose names are listed below came and investigated his reputation (hal), the y said: He has released all his property except his clothes (libas). He has no other possessions at all. He is truly insolvent (bankrupt? iflas). That is recorded. (4 24-1; I RebicI 1044) Although a fe w individual s becam e considerabl e debtors , eve n i n those instance s eithe r the y o r thei r heir s settle d th e debt s easil y an d routinely. So c Abdi c,avu§ owed 4000 akc e to Hizir su ba§i, another 400 0 to Ulak (? ) Ahmed of the Cyprus janissaries, 2000 akce in Dowry (mehr) to his wife Hatuniye , 300 0 akc e to the foundation (evkaf) o f Sefe r Pa§a,

Loans and Credit 28 5 20 keyl barle y to Isma cil be§e , 2400 akce to another woman, 30 0 akce to bezazista n kethudas i Mehmed , 100 0 akc e t o hi s janissar y captai n (boluk Ba§i), 900 akc e t o th e kad i fo r a baggag e hors e (bargir), an d 2000 akc e t o hi s mother-in-la w ( 1 145—4,5,6 ; 146-2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9 ; II Rebic I 1003). The 13, 958 akc e debts of the late Mevlana Musliheddin efendi include d 630 0 akc e t o th e vak f o f c Abdi gavu§ , 38 4 akc e t o janissary Huseyn, 5 4 to the Lefka kadi, 162 0 to Kasim gavu§, 2000 to janissary c Ali be§e , an d 360 0 t o Hasa n kethud a ( 1 222—2 ; II §aban 1001). When zimmi Kargire v. Zazo borrowed 25,200 akce for 30 days from racil yasakci Memi be§e bncAbdullah, he still owed 10,000 akce to the multezim o f hi s village i n Mesariye kaz a ( 1 308-8 ; 3 Muh. 1003 . 310-2; III Zil-Hicce 1002) . The late cAli bn Kasim left debts of 19,45 0 akce to nine different individuals including two women and four military officers; th e smalles t debt s wer e 240 , 240 , an d 36 0 akce , th e larges t 12,000 akc e t o Hamz e ag a an d 300 0 akc e to a woman ( 3 130-6 ; 2 8 RebicII 1018) . Zimmi (^akolek i (? ) v. Zorz i o f Koremen o (? ) village of Lefka nahiye reduced his 10 debts amounting to 27,110 akce to a mere 9000 akce ; formerly h e had owed 11,40 0 akc e to raci l Rece b be§ e of Lefko§a, 430 0 akc e to Mustaf a Hoca , 200 0 akc e to Halil bolu k ba§i, 4000 akce to Ahmed be§e, and so on (4 182—2; I Receb 1046). The debts o f th e lat e Hali l Pa§ a zade Ahme d Pa§a, who die d while governor (mir miran) o f Cyprus , were extraordinary no t only fo r their size but even more so for the diversity of economic interests that the late governor ha d pursued. Bea r in min d tha t his estat e handle d hi s debt s with no problems. The Pa§a owed his man Ismacil tayi 13,28 0 akce for 166 vakiy e coffe e (findik kahvesi). He owe d Mahmu d $eleb i 50,00 0 akce for sable furs. He had owed his aga Asian aga bn Mehmed 79,524 akce from a loan (karz) plu s 9920 akce for 12 4 vakiye coffee, a total of 89,444 akce, although later he had managed to repay some 20,000 akce. However, Ahme d Pa§ a owed stil l anothe r 255 0 riyal i guru § to Arslan aga, who ha d borrowed fro m Cypru s cizyedar Mustafa aga . H e owed mumci haci Ramazna of Lef ko§a 2200 akce for beeswax. He owed 2713 akce for olive oil (revgan-i zeyt), onions, raisins, and grape juice (§ire) to bakkal hac i Habi b be§e , racil , an d 80 0 akc e fo r fines (cerime) and fugitive slaves (abik) t o kawaf hac i Ru 3s bn Ismacil. In addition Ahmed Pa§a had a debt of 2222V 2 riyali guru§ for Paris and Morroccan (Moralkun) broadcloth (quka) to a Frenc h merchan t name d Firancesk o v . Lanko (?). He owed 838 0 akc e for sheep and goats to kassab §ahdi of

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Lefko§a an d ioo o akc e t o ha d Yusu f o f Lefko§ a fo r gu m labdanu m (aksam ul-ban). The Pa§ a ha d onl y repai d 10,50 0 akc e o f th e 16,67 6 that h e owe d raci l Neb i be§ e fro m th e purchas e o f oliv e oi l (revgan-i zeyt). H e owe d hac i Hizi r s u ba§ i b n Karama n hoc a o f Lefko§ a 900 0 akce, 600 0 fo r c istani (? ) an d 300 0 fo r 15 0 vakiy e hone y ( casl). More over, he owed hi s chief tailo r (terzi ba§i) zimmi Musa 3 6 riyali guru§ for six clot h pillows/cushion s (yasdik kuma§,) an d h e owe d mone y fro m loans (karz) to two of his own seaman (gemi yolda§lari), 10 0 riyali guru§ to Ibrahim and 21,84 0 akc e to c Ali kapudan. The lat e Ahme d Pa§ a als o owe d 11,16 0 akc e fo r brea d (etmek) t o etmekci Loizo , a zimm i (Christian ) o f Lefko§a , an d 11,15 0 akc e t o Zimmiye femal e broke r (dellale) 9 Mar o bin t Karid e (? ) o f Lefko§ a fo r silk shirt s (harir gomlek), suga r (§eker), and handkerchief s (makrama). Of th e 910 9 akc e owe d zimm i Viryon i (? ) o f Lefko§ a fo r 1 3 whol e pieces (top) o f Cypru s clot h (kuma§) fro m th e loom , weighin g 303 6 dirhem, he had paid onl y 400 0 akce . Similarl y h e owed Arsla n kethud a of Be§ikta§ of Galata 856 0 akce for 10 7 vakiye coffee an d more for cloth of Rumeli . He still owed 12,80 0 akc e of th e 22,800 du e Hasan ^elebi bn Mehmed o f hi s cour t (divan) fo r 22 8 vakiy e coffee ; an d h e owe d hi s man Ibrahi m b n c Ali 856 0 akc e fo r 10 7 vakiy e coffe e (findik kahvesi). Finally, h e stil l owe d 50 0 o f hi s deb t o f 400 0 riyal i guru § t o Mustaf a aga, collector o f cizy e on th e island (cizyedar) ( 4 19-2 , 3 , 2 1 - 1, 2 , 5 8 3, 5 9 - 2 , 3 , 6 0 - 1 , 2 , 6 2 - 1 , 2 , 6 3 - 1 , 2 , 6 4 - 1 , 2 , 6 6 ~ i , 6 7 - 3 , 6 8 - 1 , 85-2). Th e debts of Hali l Pa§ a zade Ahmed Pa§a provide a cross sectio n of th e local economy . H e owe d paymen t o n thre e very large cash loans. He lef t five separat e debt s fo r coffee , som e extremel y large . Coffe e i n transit through Cypru s fro m th e Yeme n t o the capital mus t have bee n a profitable ite m of trade , and the island itself ha d several coffe e houses. 10 Another five debts involve d variou s kind s o f clot h whic h wer e mad e o n the islan d o r trade d ther e i n loca l an d internationa l trade , while other s were fo r sugar , beeswa x an d honey , oliv e oil , grap e an d garde n prod ucts, shee p an d goats , an d grain , al l importan t product s o f th e loca l economy. Onl y th e sabl e fur , th e coffee , probabl y th e gu m labadanum , and som e o f th e clot h product s wer e strictl y good s o f trade ; th e res t were importan t loca l produce . I f Ahmed Pa§ a was involve d i n purchasing larg e quantitie s o f brea d ove r a perio d o f time , h e ma y hav e at tempted t o contro l th e pric e o f bread , th e stapl e o f ever y die t o n th e island, bu t possibl y tha t deb t cam e simpl y fro m supplyin g hi s larg e

Loans and Credit 28 7 household. O f cours e much bread and other food wa s consumed thus. Undoubtedly i t wa s eas y fo r a provincial governo r with a high salary and many retainer s t o borro w extensivel y fro m loca l people . Man y of Ahmed Pa§a's debts were to his own dependents, like Ismacil tayi, Arslan aga, cizyeda r Mustaf a aga , hi s chie f tailo r Musa , hi s nava l officer s Ibrahim and c Ali kapudan, Hasan $elebi of the Cyprus council (divan), and his man Ibrahim. Maybe giving credit under such circumstances was not entirely voluntary, but the profits probably were good. The men mentioned more than once as creditors do not rival the most conspicuous debtors in the volume of their lending but nevertheless some examples are worth considering. Zimmi Behine v. Petro (?) of Lefko§a is a creditor mentioned in 1580 (988), 1593 (1002) , and 1609 (1018) . He had given two loads (yuk) of wine (hamr) t o Ciryako v. Yorgi of Kazuniye (? ) villag e o f Penday a kaz a fo r a two-mont h perio d (va cde) and eight altu n t o janissar y Mehme d b n c Abdullah fo r a n eight-month period. Behine sold Ergiro v. Yako of Nisu village of Lef ko§a three kantar of carde d cotton (mahluc penbe) for 7 3 kirmiz i filori which ha d to be paid. He lent Ferenci v. Zeyno 39^ 2 altun for making bread (ekmekcilik), the latter's wife being guarantor (kefil-bil-mal). Tomazi v. Zendil of Dikimo village of Girniye kaza, who had borrowed 73 kirmizi filori for a period o f 18 0 days , then pai d his debt t o Behin e with thre e Cyprus kantar o f carde d cotto n (mahluc penbe). Sixteen year s late r Filib o v . Pernardi owe d Behin e 2 0 kirmiz i guru § an d Armenia n Parsu n (? ) v . Mircan owe d hi m nin e guru§ . The evidenc e suggest s tha t Behin e wa s probably not a large scale lender but a merchant who over three decades repeatedly mad e medium-sized loans ( 1 6-3; I Ramazan 988. 9-7 ; 1 4 Ramazan 988. 242-1; I §evval 1002 . 248-4, II §evval 1002 . 253-1; III §evval 1002. 3 5-6; 2 9 Zil-Hicce 1018. 17-4; 27 §evval 1018). Another persisten t give r o f credi t wa s janissar y Mehme d be§ e b n c Abdullah, a t tha t tim e yasakc i a t th e Lefko§ a court . H e len t 120 0 (akce?) to the priest Papa Nikola, he also lent 2500 akce (karz-i hasen) for 2 0 day s to zimmi s Peydro v. Luy i and Marko v. Zano of Agy a (?) village of Baf kaza for them to pay their head tax (harac). Mehmed lent 27,296 akc e fo r a one-month perio d (va cde) to Nikol a v . Veledat i o f Lef ko§a. Besides lending 420 akce (or seven altun) to Kostendin v. Zorci and Ohturi v. Yakimo, he gave a loan (karz-i hasen) o f 25,20 0 akce to Karcire v. Zazo of Lefkoga for 30 days (1 58—1; I Ramazan 1002. 9 44; I Rebi c I 1003. 157-3 ; 1 9 Rebi c I I 1003 . 273-3 ; I Zil-Kade 1002 .

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288-1; II I Zil-Kade 1002 . 308-8 ; 3 Muh. 1003) . Mehmed's specialty was straight short-term loans. He was wealthy enough to provide some very large loans while still dealing with minor ones. Helvaci Mehmed bn cAli of Lef ko§a had several debts due him from matters connecte d wit h hi s trad e fro m a youn g ma n (emred) named Ahmed bn Mahmud. First Ahmed owed fiveguru§ for some goods (mal). Next he acknowledged a debt of 1 5 guru§ from a personal loan (karz-i hasen). Helvaci Mehme d the n receive d nin e guru § fo r som e busines s concerning sugar (§eker i§i). Whe n Mehmed claimed that Ahmed owed him 43 guru§ for 120 vakiye of helva, Ahmed claimed to have paid three guru§. Immediatel y thereafte r i t wa s determine d tha t only seve n guru§ remained for Ahmed to pay Mehmed (3 21—1,2,3,4,5:1 Zil-Kade 1018). Mehmed's credi t wa s o f a moderat e scale , an d presumabl y i t al l wa s ancillary to his work in his own shop. He was no wealthy merchant. Cyprus collecto r o f cizy e (cizyedar) Mustafa ag a wa s owe d 255 0 riyali guru§ from a loan (istikraz) t o Arslan aga which finallywas paid after si x months ; Arsla n ag a stil l owe d hi m anothe r 50 0 riyal i guru § from a 4000-akce loa n ( 4 22-2 , 23-1 ; III Sefer 1004 . 85-2 ; I §aban 1044). Racil Receb be§e of Lefko§a made a 33-guru§ loan (karz-i §er') to racil Mehme d Be§ e b n c Abdullah a s wel l a s on e fo r 11,40 0 akc e t o Qakoleki v . Zorz i o f Koremen o (? ) village o f Lefk a nahiy e ( 4 35-3 ; I Rebic II 1044. 182-2 ; I Receb 1046) . When former Lefka kad i Musliheddin efendi died , his brother c Ali efendi mad e a claim that Mahmud bn cAbdur-Rahman still owed 200 0 of the 7000 akce he had borrowed from the deceased; 274 akce owed the late Musliheddin by Luyi v. Papa Yano was paid by Solimo v. Nikola who was guarantor (kefil), an d then Solimo claimed the money from Luyi (1 237-4; II Ramazan 1002. 2676; II Zil-Kade 1002) . I n fact, fe w peopl e gave credit to more than one person. Althoug h man y me n ha d enoug h resource s t o mak e a n occasional loan, apparently few had resources adequate for lending to more than one person at a time.11 Some of the credit was on a very large scale, but much was on a small scale. There ar e substantia l number s o f loca l zimmis , loca l Musli m mer chants and artisans, and local ulem a amon g the creditors and debtors, although the military achieve a certain predominance. A third of all the instances o f credi t involve d me n who ca n be identifie d a s members of the militar y class . Their credi t matter s were handle d b y the cour t like any others. The military were half agai n more likely to be creditors as

Loans and Credit 28 9 debtors. Thus, 16 % (9 4 cases) o f al l credit examined was by members of th e militar y clas s t o civilians , whil e onl y 10 % (60 ) wa s give n t o military b y civilians . Sinc e bot h partie s wer e militar y i n a n additional 7% (42 ) o f al l instance s o f credit , 23 % of al l credi t originate d wit h members of the military class and they received 17%. Like everyone else the military were often involve d with modest or even petty amounts of credit, bu t i t seem s a fai r presumptio n tha t the y wer e involve d wit h bigger than average credit even if one excludes the huge sums that a few pashas dealt in. Most o f th e militar y clas s involve d wit h credi t ca n b e divided int o two distinc t groups , janissaries (includin g al l thos e calle d be§e, cavu$, racil, oda ba§i, an d boluk ba§i) an d spahis (those called beg and cundi). In dealing with other members of the military class, both corps gave and received credit in about equal proportions. Twice as many janissaries as spahis (118 to 57) were involved in credit. Members of both corps gave more credi t t o civilian s tha n the y received , th e janissaries b y twic e a s much (64 to 32), the spahis by one and a half times (22 to 15). The men of thos e tw o traditiona l corp s provide d a continuou s sourc e o f loca l credit and capital. Another easily recognizable group of creditor s and debtors are nonMuslims (zimmis) . Credi t fro m zimmi s t o othe r zimmi s accounte d fo r 16% (9 6 to 591 ) o f al l instances of credi t registered in the sicils (court record books). (Withi n the three sicils the proportion fluctuatederratically, perhaps meaninglessly, from 14 % to 21% to 10%). Since 54% of all credi t remained entirely within the Muslim community, 70 % of al l credit was given along sectarian lines. The remaining 30% was intercommunal. A s the tabl e indicates , intercommunua l credi t i n Ottoma n Cyprus gre w steadil y fro m 23 % o f al l credi t i n 1593-159 5 t o 31 % in 1609-1611 an d 38% in 1633-1637. (Oddly , 33% was the figurein the small sample of 1580). In intercommunal credit the creditors overwhelmingly were Muslims, the borrower s Christians . Durin g th e perio d 1593—159 5 instance s o f credit from Muslims to zimmis were more than 12 times as frequent as from zimmis to Muslims (37 to 3), while in the small sample from 158 0 such credit was 4.5 times as frequent (9 to 2); by 1609-1611 tha t figure had fallen to 2.8 time s as frequent (5 9 to 21), but in 1633—1637 it still remained 2. 4 time s a s frequen t (2 9 t o 12) . O f al l know n instance s o f credit in 1580/1593-1595 22 % was given from Muslims to zimmis and

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only 2 % from zimmi s t o Muslims . O f al l credi t give n i n 1609-1611 , 23% wa s give n b y Muslims t o zimmis , while tha t given b y zimmis to Muslims ha d reache d 8 % of al l credit . By 1633-163 7 intercommuna l credit of Muslim origin had increased to 27 % of all cases while that of zimmi origin had increased to 11 %. As the proportion of intercommunal credit slowly increased between 1593 and 1637, the proportion given by zimmis gre w ver y slightly . Althoug h th e proportion o f intercommuna l credit o f zimm i origi n experienced a significant growth , Muslim creditors remaine d predominant . I n al l ther e wer e 13 5 instance s o f credi t from Muslims to zimmis compared with only 38 instances from zimmis to Muslims . O f al l credi t registered , 77% (45 7 cases ) originate d wit h Muslims and 22% (134 cases) with zimmis. The Muslim community of Cyprus was overwhelmingl y th e source o f credi t on Cyprus ; doubtless the zimmis were considerably in debt.12 Ameliorating th e circumstances o f th e zimmis was the prevalence in Cyprus of a kind o f credi t which reall y was a commercial partnershi p (commenda) in which one party put up the money while the other party pledged t o fulfil l certai n service s amon g whic h migh t b e t o engag e in trade or commerce. 13 Zimmi s with economic, merchantile, or commercial skills participated in that sort of partnership not unfavorable to the borrower. Of course Muslims carried out those roles, too. But one may imagine tha t since th e Musli m community , o r part of it , had a virtual monopoly on the sources of wealth in the new provincial administration (including all the bureaucrats and military); many who had no mercantile o r commercia l skill s o r interests , a t first anyway, woul d eagerl y provide capital in a commenda partnership for a local zimmi or Muslim with such experience and skills. Zimmiye Filozide , mothe r an d vasi (guardian ) befor e th e Shari a o f th e mino r daughter Hiristine of the late Filori of Istefan i (? ) village of Baf nahiye, acknowl edges an d state s (ik/tk) befor e raci l Husey n seleb i o f th e Cypru s janissaries: H e gave m y lat e husban d Filor i mone y b y mean s o f a commend a (mudaraba) fo r sustenance (zindelik haline). Wit h bot h hi s own mone y an d the aforementione d money m y husban d bough t coars e leathe r (gon), a shir t (gonlek= gomlek, o r gunluk -frankin-cense, myrrh?) , an d othe r good s o f commerc e (mata*) which Huseyn took . Afte r Husey n make s claim s o f hi s own , a compromis e (sulh) i s made for 300 0 akce , which the woman receive s in full befor e th e court. ( 4 1 4 5 1; III Ramazan 1045 ) Veli ot a ba§ i b n Suleyma n o f Le f ko§a make s a clai m (d/tk) agains t hac i Yusu f ota ba§i , guardian (vasi) fo r th e childre n (evlad-i sigar) o f th e late Hasa n bolu k

Loans and Credit 29

1

basi who died in Cairo (Misr Kahire): Whe n the deceased went to Egypt I gave him a loan (mudaraba) of 50 riyal guru§. I want it from his effects. Yusuf denies this. When Veli is asked for proof, upright Muslims (udul-i muslimin) Yusuf beg bn Musa and Mehmed aga confirm his claim. (4 115-2; II Muh. 1045) Mustafa b n c Abdullah of Daly a (? ) village acknowledges (ik) before Cuney d v. Kiryako: I gave him 51 filori for cotton (penbe) in (mudaraba). He still owes me 16V2 filori.(1 6-6; I Ramazan 988) Until 161 1 (1018 ) betwee n 15 % an d 20 % of th e civilian mal e Mus lim creditors an d debtors whose ful l name s ar e used were identifiable a s converts t o Islam . Presumabl y thos e were Orthodo x o r Latin Christian s of Cypru s converte d t o Islam . Tha t grou p len t mone y wit h exactl y th e frequency tha t the y borrowed . I n 1593-159 5 1 1 o f th e 7 2 civilia n Muslim mal e creditors (15% ) whos e ful l name s are given were converts, as were 1 2 of 6 8 o f th e debtors (18%) ; in 1609-161 1 1 5 of the 8 0 such creditors (19% ) wer e convert s an d 1 1 o f 7 1 debtor s (15%) . The tota l for th e tw o volume s wa s 2 6 o f 15 3 creditor s (17% ) an d 2 3 o f 13 9 debtors (17%) , indicating that the behavior of th e Muslim convert s wa s remarkably lik e tha t o f th e grou p a s a whole . B y 1633-1637 , whe n conversion ha d slowe d considerably , tha t grou p ha d disappeare d com pletely; non e ar e identifiabl e amon g th e civilia n creditor s an d debtors , because conversion had slowed down so much. Women, frequentl y propert y holders , playe d a not-insubstantia l rol e in th e Cypru s communit y bot h a s creditor s an d a s debtors , th e concis e reports i n th e sicil s ofte n preven t distinguishin g whethe r th e woma n i s indeed the original credito r or lender, whether she has inherite d a claim or liability , o r whethe r th e clai m involve s propert y tha t originall y wa s part o f he r dowr y an d s o canno t b e considere d outstandin g credi t eve n if a man owe s i t t o her . Wome n frequentl y arrange d estat e settlements , either fo r themselve s o r a s guardians fo r mino r children . They collecte d debts du e t o th e estat e an d pai d it s outstandin g debts . I t is unfortunat e that mor e canno t b e learne d abou t th e rol e o f wome n i n thos e settle ments. It may be useful t o look in detail at a few suc h cases. The debt s o f th e janissar y office r c Abdi $avu § hav e alread y bee n referred to . The y include d a 2000-akc e deb t t o hi s wif e Hatuniy e fo r dowry (mehr), 240 0 akc e t o th e wif e o f Monl a Pir i (?) , and 200 0 akc e to his mother-in-law (kayin anasi) ( 1 146-1,5,9 ; II Rebic 11003) . Hadice bin t c Abdullah o f Lefko§ a ha s a vekil fo r th e matte r Yusu f $avu § bn 'Abdullah who sets forth a claim (t.m.) in the presence of Sakina bint Mustafa

292 Loans

and Credit

of Lefko§a : Whe n I wanted t o collec t Sakina' s 13,711-akc e deb t t o th e woma n who appointed me her agent (my muvekkile), a settlement (sulh) for 10,71 1 akc e was mad e wit h th e mediatio n o f uprigh t people. Ther e ar e no furthe r claims . ( 1 i63-i;IIIRebi c IIioo3) Demirlu b n A y van say s i n the presenc e o f Rece b b n Hasan , racil : M y daughte r was hi s servan t (hidmetkar); h e owe s he r money . Rece b say s h e paid he r thre e altun. Demirlu denies that. When an oath is proposed to Demirlu that the money was not paid, he takes it. (1 239-6 ; I §ewal 1002 ) Hadice bin t Murad of Le f ko§a sets forth a claim (t.d.) agains t Ibrahi m $avu§ bn Veli: I have been without maintenanc e (nafaka) from m y husband c Abdus-Selam for tw o years . Ibrahi m c,avu § owes m y husband money . Le t maintenance fo r the amount o f hi s deb t b e pai d t o m e fro m hi s hous e (menzil) i n Lefka . Ibrahi m admits tha t th e deb t exists . However , h e say s befor e leavin g her e he r husban d said, i f I do no t retur n withi n si x months , let m y wife Hadic e b e divorced fro m me thre e times . I t is no w mor e tha n tw o year s sinc e h e left . I f this i s s o the n I need not give her one akce. Hadice denies this. When Ibrahim is asked for proof, from the upright Muslims ( cudul-i Muslimin) §a cban $avu§ and Receb bn Abdullah confir m hi m i n regar d bot h t o th e conditio n o f divorc e an d t o th e absenc e for tw o years . After tezkiye an d ta'dil, thei r testimon y i s accepted. ( 1 155-2 ; II Rebi c IIioo3) Ayla bin t Suleyma n o f Le f ko§a acknowledge s (ik) i n th e presenc e o f Habi b b n Ebul-Hayr o f Le f ko§a: Habib owe d m e 10 0 gurus,. Now h e has paid me in full . ( 2 4 - 5 ; II I Zil-Hicce 1018 ) c

Ayni bin t Yunu s o f Le f ko§a set s fort h a claim (td) i n the presenc e o f Mehme d beg: H e owe s 200 0 akc e t o Saliha , th e orpha n o f th e lat e Mehmed . Mehme d says he has paid this in full. Registered . ( 3 7 - 4 ; Muh . 1019 )

Elif bin t c Abdi o f Le f ko§a ha s a s legal agen t (vekil) fo r th e matte r c Ali b n Fazl i who state s i n th e presenc e o f Mura d b n (sic ) Elyo d (?) , Armenian : Elif , wh o made m e he r agen t (muvekkile), gav e 3 4 guru§ , to Armenia n Kar a Goz. Mura d was guaranto r o f th e mone y (kefil bil-mal), an d I have receive d th e amoun t i n full fro m him. I have no further claim. ( 3 2 9 - 3 ; II Zil-Kade 1018 ) Fatma bin t Ahmed o f Lefko§ a ha s a s agent he r husband Itil i (? ) bn Ahmed: She wants 60 0 akc e fro m Cum calu b n Ahmed. H e claim s h e has paid, but he has no proof, so his is ordered to pay. ( 3 6 3 - 6 ; I Receb 1019 ) Mehmed bn haci Ahmed acknowledges (iklit) in the presence of his sister Raziye: I took a 3000-akc e loa n (karz-i ser^i) fro m her . No w I owe he r tha t much . ( 3 152-2; I I Rebic II 1019 )

Loans and Credit 29

3

Receb, appointe d guardia n (vast) befor e th e Sharia fo r his minor brothers , the orphans of the late Mustaf a be g of Degirmenlik villag e of Lef ko§a, sets fort h a claim (d/tk) i n the presence of Musa, grow n son of the late Fatma bint Himme t of Cato z village of Lef ko§a. Musa's late mother owed my late father 500 0 akce. I want it from he r estate. With the mediation of upright people (muslihun) sulh is made for 2000 akce. (4 134-1; III Receb 1045 ) Hanim bint Mehmed of Lef ko§a sets forth a claim (d/tk) i n the presence of racil Ahmed be§e : He owes me 4000 akce . When I asked for it, he delayed (te'allul). then he struck me (darb). I want justice done (ihkak-i hakk). Ahme d denies that. When Hani m ha s no proof, Ahme d take s an oath tha t he did not strike her. (4 179-3; 1 Rece b 1046)

Summary Until th e Ottoma n conquest , credi t an d moneylendin g seem s t o hav e been very much unde r the control o f a small group of Jews. As the onl y source o f credit , the y wer e eagerly welcome d b y businessmen an d othe r people needin g cash . Unde r th e Ottomans , tha t syste m change d drasti cally, fo r unde r th e Sharia , lendin g mone y a t a fai r interes t rat e wa s i n no way reprehensible. Suddenl y one finds people of al l faiths involved in lending mone y fo r interest . Especiall y i n th e absenc e o f banks , this wa s very important fo r th e community. Peopl e often len t money ou t of thei r surpluses. Amon g th e peopl e givin g o r receivin g credi t wer e numerou s janissaries and spahis, especially the former . In th e sicil s th e sam e peopl e i n busines s ar e ofte n note d a s bot h lenders and borrowers to meet their changing circumstances. All sorts of townsmen, an d villager s too , wer e deepl y involved . I n a norma l yea r about one-fift h o f al l case s involve d credi t o f som e sort . Leadin g mem bers o f th e loca l communitie s wer e activel y givin g credit , usuall y a t a rate of 20% . Even some pious foundations participate d in this. Sometimes people i n bankruptcy benefitte d fro m th e mercy of others . Hard-pressed debter s ofte n coul d depen d o n th e generosit y o f th e loca l kadis. The cour t record s giv e n o evidenc e o f ver y poo r debtors , o r very wealthy creditors . An d mos t al l o f th e case s involv e relativel y mino r amounts o f credit . Althoug h man y me n ha d enoug h resource s t o mak e an occasiona l loan , mos t loan s wer e o n a smal l scale , a s wer e mos t o f the debts. The proportio n o f intercommuna l credi t ros e steadil y betwee n 159 3

Total 32

1A 12 2 1607-160 3 1609-161 4 1633-163

Lefkosa Year 27 %2 6 % 3 7 21 %3 2

%3 9 %2

%3 3 7 15 % 17 5

to

2 54

% 13

5 23

%3

86

%9

6 16

% 59

1 ( = 20% of 2975)

7 61 % 46 22 % 5 2% 3 0 14 % 20 8 ( = 19% of 1088) 91 3 1 0 0 1 4 ( = 8 % of 175) 1 12 6 48 % 59 23 %2 18 % 55 21 % 26 1 ( = 22% of 1184) 7 56 52% 29 27 %1 2 11 % 11 10 % 10 8 ( = 20% of 528)

9

Muslim to Muslim to zimmi to zimmi % zimmi % Muslim % zimmi % Total

1580 1 9 58% 1593-1595 10 8 62

Muslim

Table IO.I Gases of Loans an d Othe r Credit

Loans and Credit 29

5

and 1637 . Ofte n i t i s difficul t t o distinguis h betwee n credi t an d inheri tance. O f al l credi t 54 % was Musli m t o Muslim , an d 16 % wa s zimm i to zimmi . Anothe r 23 % wa s Musli m t o zimmi , whil e onl y 6% wa s zimmi to Muslim. The zimmis were falling in debt, relatively. Under th e Ottomans , a larg e numbe r o f peopl e becam e involve d i n lending thei r surplu s capital , althoug h normall y thos e amount s wer e minor. Peopl e wh o foun d themselve s shor t o f cash , o r i n debt , coul d borrow small amounts without having to get deeply in debt. Lef ko§a wa s th e economi c an d commercia l cente r o f Ottoma n Cy prus, especially i n the first century of Ottoma n rule , or at least the court records indicate that, when one considers the many people who used the court from outside th e capital. A number of respectable people served in provincial offices , includin g provincia l governor s an d kadis , whic h sug gests tha t ther e wa s n o stigm a agains t eithe r lendin g o r borrowing , a s long as one acted in a fair way. Engaging in business activities, including lending an d borrowing , wer e bot h praiseworth y activities , eve n whe n dealing with people of other religions. As long as the rate of interest wa s considered fair in accordance with the Sharia, it was acceptable. Not infrequentl y wome n ar e mentione d i n th e judicia l register s a s lenders an d borrowers , especiall y th e forme r althoug h th e questio n o f where th e wome n go t thei r mone y i s ofte n obscure d b y inheritanc e settlements. Widowe d an d divorce d wome n frequentl y acte d o n behal f of their minor children.

NOTES 1. Cobham , p. 74; R. de G. 5.1979.223. 2. O n interest and profit incentive, see 6. L . Barkan, pp. 30-46, Edirne Askeri Kassamma ait Tereke Defterleri (1545-1659) i n Belgeler. Turk Tarih Belgeleri Dergisi. 3.1966 . Cf. pp. xxx-xxxviii. 6. L . Barkan and E. H. Ayverdi, Istanbul Vakiflart Tahrir Defteri 953 (1546) Tarihli. H . Inalcik , "Capita l Formation in the Ottoman Empire," Journal of Economic History 29.1969.90, 101,126,130,134. R. Jennings, "Loans and Credit..." On the restrictions of th e traditiona l Sharia , se e Hedaya, pp. 289-293 ; d'Ohsson , v . 6 , pp. io2ff. Andre Raymond, Artisans et Commercants au Caire au XVIIIe siecle. pp. 28off. 3. O n the matter of vakf s lending money for interest, see Jon E. Mandaville, "Usurious Piety : Th e Cas h Waq f Controvers y i n The Ottoma n Empire, " IJMES 10.1979.289-308 . Cf . Barka n an d Ayverdi , pp . xxxvff ; Inalcik , "Capital Formation . . . ," p . 134.

296 Loans

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4. O n exploitativ e interest , se e 6 . L . Barka n an d Ayverdi , p . xxxvii. Se e als o H. Inalcik , "Capita l Formatio n . . . , " p . 139 , regarding exploitative interes t charged b y th e military i n th e period 1596—1610 . Th e evidence o f Lefko§ a judicial record s does not permit such a conclusion, despit e their importanc e as lenders . Se e als o M . Akdag , Celdli Isyanlart . . . , pp . 37ft ; M . Cezar , Levendler, pp. 6zt Fo r 17th - an d 18th-centur y Cair o se e A . Raymond , Artisans et Commerqants . .., pp . 28if . 5. A t tha t tim e lega l interes t rate s commonl y range d betwee n 10 % an d 20 % per year . Beside s specifi c example s cite d i n th e work s mentione d above , N. Steensgaar d mention s mone y len t b y Armenia n merchant s t o Dutc h merchants i n Isfaha n i n 1637-163 8 a t 20 % interest . Generally , whe n th e lender an d borrowe r staye d i n th e sam e town , th e interes t wa s 3/4 % pe r month; otherwis e i t migh t b e more . Carracks, Caravans and Companies: The Structural Crisis in the European-Asian Trade in the Early ijth century, pp . 376 , 392 , 26 . The Venetia n Mariti , a careful observe r o f Cyprus , wrote in 176 9 tha t 12 % had long been the local interes t rate there. According t o Mariti , th e loca l Muslim s engage d i n mone y lendin g bu t alway s disguised th e interes t b y combinin g i t wit h th e principa l i n al l lega l docu ments. Travels . . . , p . 124 . Cf. A . Raymond, Artisans et Commerqants ..., pp. 28off . Normall y th e rat e o f interes t i n Cair o i n th e 17t h an d 18t h centuries was 12% . At about that time M. d'Ohsso n wrot e that a 12% rate and tha t sor t o f concealmen t wer e genera l i n th e empir e a s a whole. Con cealment was not practiced in Lefko§a betwee n 158 0 and 1640 , however. 6. Murabaha, o f course , i s th e Korani c riba whic h i s forbidden , a n unusua l choice o f words . A fetva cite d i n a case of I I §aban 104 3 incidentall y refer s to riba a s an acceptable form of interest. 4 5 - 1 . 7. I n tha t cas e th e rat e o f interes t migh t b e estimate d t o b e abou t 18 % pe r annum, but the term is not specified . 8. O n imprisonment fo r debt, see d'Ohsson, v . 6, pp. i04ff . 9. S . D. Goitein , A Mediterranean Society, v . 3 , p. 330 . A. Raymond , Artisans et Commerqants . . . , pp . 274ft . 10. Increasingl y throug h th e 17t h century coffe e becam e a major good o f trad e in th e easter n Mediterranean . A . Raymond , Artisans et Commerqants . . ., pp. 175f t an d "cafe " i n inde x fo r detaile d informatio n abou t th e coffe e trade. 11. O f cours e a complet e se t o f sicils , rathe r tha n th e fragment s tha t surviv e from the period, would make identifying multiple lenders and debtors easier. 12. Unfortunatel y i t ha s no t bee n possibl e t o spea k precisel y o f th e changin g proportions of Muslim s and Christians in Cyprus, or even in Lef ko§a where the court operated. 13. A . Udovitch, Partnership and Profit in Medieval Islam. Princeton , 1970 . pp. 170-248. Goitein , v.i, pp . 169-179 . v.3 , p. 294 . J. Mandaville, "Usuriou s Piety . . . ," pp . 294L 6 . N . Bilmen , v. 7, pp. 101-12 2 (muzarabe).

ELEVEN

The Economy as Seen through Western Sources

Cyprus has often been renowned for its agriculture, industry, and commerce. The Arab Muslim geographer al-Muqaddasi (985 ) believe d that Cyprus was " . . . ful l o f populou s citie s an d offers th e Muslims many advantages i n their trade thither, by reason of grea t quantities of merchandise, stuff s an d goods , whic h ar e produce d there." 1 Geoffre y d e Vinsauf, in his chronicle of the 3rd Crusade, asserted that all the wealth of Croesu s wa s t o b e foun d there. 2 John Mandevill e (afte r 1322 ) ob served that pilgrims always stopped in Cyprus "to buy things that they need for their living." 3 and Ludolf von Suchen (1350) reported Cyprus ".. . an island most noble and fertile, most famous and rich, surpassing all th e island s o f th e sea , an d teemin g wit h al l goo d thing s . . . I t is productive beyond all other lands." 4 Referring to the years 1359—1360 the Cypriot chronicler Leontios Makhairas wrote: "And the riches which they had are beyond my power to describe for the merchant ships of the Christians which came from the west did not venture to do their business anywhere els e bu t i n Cyprus ; (an d al l th e trad e o f Syri a wa s don e in Cyprus)."5 Anthoine Regnault (1449) described the salt industry at Larnaka. Salt congealing over the water was simply removed; "The said Salines furnish all th e countrie s i n th e Levant—eve n Italy , Calabria , Apuli a an d Romania—with salt ; an d it i s esteemed th e fairest i n Christendom." 6 Le Saige (1518) praises the quality and expresses surprise how it comes "of itself" without labor from "a great frozen marsh" four leagues around.7 Pietro Casol a (1494 ) considere d th e sal t fre e becaus e i t wa s acquire d 297

298 The

Economy through Western Sources

with s o littl e effort . Seame n simpl y cu t whateve r quantit y the y wishe d and loaded tha t on thei r vessels; by the next mornin g a new supply wa s ready.8 Locke (1553) indicate d that the salt was a tight Venetian monopoly; he was impresse d a t how th e salt accumulated withou t th e use of a still.9 N o shi p coul d leav e fo r Venic e withou t sal t fro m Tuzl a i n it s hold. 10 Cyprus salt was a major source of Venetian revenues. The win e o f Cypru s wa s drun k cautiousl y b y th e Latins . Regnaul t calls the wines good and potent, despite a smell of pitch. 11 The wine was very stron g bu t goo d i f mixe d wit h lot s o f water. 12 Accordin g t o th e popular historia n Porcacch i (1576 ) th e wine s o f Cypru s wer e "ver y luscious an d handsome" ; " . . . al l th e wine s o f Cypru s ma y vi e wit h those o f an y country , an d the y ar e appreciate d accordingl y i n Venic e and Rome , whereve r indee d the y reach." 13 Perhap s the bes t grapes an d wine were to be found i n Piskopi. In suga r productio n to o Piskop i wa s prolific . Estate s ther e belonge d to th e Corne r (o r Cornaro ) family. 14 Pietr o Casol a (1494 ) viewe d th e great sugar plantation o f th e Venetian patrician Do n Federic o Corner in Piskopi, wher e the y mad e s o muc h suga r tha t i t seeme d enoug h fo r th e whole world . Coars e an d fine suga r wer e manufacture d i n hug e caul drons b y over 400 workers . Supposedly th e best sugar went to Venice. 15 By th e mid-16t h centur y suga r productio n ha d decline d considerably . According t o Porcacch i (1576 ) suga r formerl y wa s on e o f th e chie f products "bu t the cultur e o f th e can e was abandone d fo r tha t of cotto n as being more profitable." 16 An accoun t o f Cypru s b y Aenea s Sylviu s (1509 ) mention s hug e squashes, abundant wine and oil, much grain and sugar cane, and particularly clot h o f goats ' hair, called camlet . Th e island exported muc h an d imported littl e bu t ha d a n unhealth y climate. 17 Pau l Walthe r (1482 ) praised the "sweet and good waters" of the island, very cheap lamb, and abundant wine , wheat , oil , milk , honey , wax , pomegranates , carob , cassia, flax, an d cottonwool , a s wel l a s salt , metals , an d timber . Fo r Walther th e islan d wa s "exceedingl y fertil e bu t ver y hot." 18 Pietr o Ca sola (1494 ) single d ou t th e sugar, cotton, an d carob trees: "I like everything on the island except fo r the reisonous taste of the wine." 19 Piskop i had impressed Capodilista (1458) , not only for its sugar plantations, but for it s lovel y an d well-watered garden s o f oranges , citrons , carobs , an d bananas.20 Whil e al l th e town s bu t Le f ko§a an d Magos a appeare d ru ined t o Surian o (1484) , i n th e countrysid e ther e wa s plent y o f sugar ,

The Economy through Western Sources 29 9 good cotton, plenty of cheese, laudanum, honey, wool, the finestcamlets known, an d samite ; mea t wa s o f poo r quality , thoug h abundan t an d cheap. When there were no locusts the grain harvest was adequate fo r four years. However, the "inhabitants are few and lazy."21 Martin von Baumgarten (1508 ) contraste d the fruitfulness o f th e land with the exploitation of the cultivators. Grain, silkworms, silks, oil, sugar, and wine were abundant, and the countryside was most beautiful. "Ye t not withstanding this fruitfulness an d pleasantness, neither its cities nor villages are muc h frequented , bu t a s i f i t wa s barre n an d a deser t plac e i t i s inhabited by a few people that live in cottages." "Besides all the inhabitants of Cypru s are slaves to the Venetians . . ." The y pay one-third of all their income in taxes, work fo r the state two days a week, an d pay other taxe s "wit h whic h th e poo r commo n peopl e ar e s o flayed and pillaged tha t the y hardly hav e wherewithal t o kee p sou l an d bod y together."22 Pir i Rei s knew th e extraordinary islan d a s very green, with lots of runnin g water and sugar refineries. Fo r Bordone (1528 ) Cypru s was the "most noble island, which yields to none other in merit, where wine, oil , wheat , barley , sugar and cotton greatl y aboun d an d there is just one 'drawback,' that locusts appear at the time of young wheat."23 For D. Posso t (1533 ) Cypru s was "hot , ric h and fertile i n produce, and cheap , wit h th e bes t wine s possibl e . . . " "Ther e i s goo d wheat , whereof is made bread which is sweet and wonderfully good." Although the meat was bad tasting, and there was pestilence every summer, sugar, cinnamon, silk, and mulberry trees were abundant. "In Cyprus the water of the springs is such that if a man drink of it as much as he will it never does him harm." 24 Affagar t (1534) , however, feare d t o eat food there because of the "tainted and poisonous air." 25 Jodicus de Meggen (1542) left a valuable account of how the water is used, for the sugar and cotton need "assiduous irrigation" in the summer and the people " . .. spar e no expense to achieve it." There were "... ver y deep and wide wells from which plentiful spring s of water are drawn up and poured into the dry fields b y means o f chain s o f earthenwar e jar s driven roun d b y wheels operated by a draft horse." "The Cypriot race is addicted to good living and sensual gratification . . ." 26 T o J. Palerne (15 81) the abundance of grains and vineyards was impressive, and the cotton was the best in the Levant. Thoug h mountainou s th e plac e wa s ver y fertile , indee d bein g called th e little Franc e by the "Persians an d Romans." 27 According to Graziani (c . 1571 ) a third of the grain harvest is more than enough for

300 The

Economy through Western Sources

the loca l people , prodigiou s quantitie s o f fruit s ar e produced , an d th e land is very fertile, though often shor t of water. Other products included olives, honey , wax , saffron , flax, an d medicina l herb s an d drugs . "Th e Gentry live d i n a s grea t splendo r a s Prince s . . . " an d th e lowe r classe s hated the m becaus e the y treate d the m badly . Therefor e becaus e o f thei r own desperation , th e people supporte d th e Turks i n the war. The ai r is very unhealthy , s o few Cypriot s live d t o a n ol d age. 28 Th e popula r account o f Porcacch i (1576 ) enumerate s th e agricultura l productio n o f the mid-16t h century : larg e blac k raisins , whea t an d barle y "i n abun dance," an d al l kind s o f vegetables , includin g cauliflowers , cabbages , colocasia, an d oranges , lemons , an d citron s "o f suc h a quantity a s fe w other countrie s ca n surpass. " Also saffron , sesame , coriander , sumach , lentisc seed , hone y (fro m hives , sugar , an d carobs) , an d man y more . Cotton wa s th e staple , replacin g sugar . " . . . I wil l shortl y sa y tha t Cyprus certainly deserve s t o b e ranked with thos e lands that produce in most abundan t measur e al l tha t i s necessar y fo r man' s use . An d i f th e inhabitants wer e mor e industrious , o r les s sluggards , especiall y i n th e way o f increasin g thei r wate r supply , thei r fields woul d b e eve n mor e fertile still ; bu t s o grea t i s th e profi t whic h a very littl e labou r win s fo r them fro m cotto n an d wool , tha t othe r produc e i s generall y ne glected."29 Although bot h Zvallar t (1586 ) an d Some r (1590 ) believe d tha t a decline ha d take n plac e i n th e econom y an d populatio n o f th e island , exactly when that decline began is by no means clear to them. According to Zvallart some traces of the former great cities and wealth remained. 30 Somer though t tha t populatio n ha d decline d sharpl y fro m a time whe n there wer e supposedl y 1 5 town s an d 85 0 villages , fo r currentl y peopl e were livin g o n fruits , beans , an d carob s whil e payin g 2 0 gulden/yea r annual hea d tax. 31 Accordin g to de Villamont (1589) , the wines, wheat , barley, cattle , salt , oil , sugar , cheese , flax, fine wool , shee p (wit h 25 pound tails) , capers , pomegranates, swee t an d bitte r oranges, dates , cucumbers, melons , fruits , an d particularl y cotto n o f Cypru s wer e al l excellent, althoug h locust s often ruine d harvests. Around Limosa peopl e caught falcons an d sold them to the pasha. De Villamont observed sugar cane bein g crushe d b y wheel s turne d b y wate r an d th e liqui d bein g boiled t o mak e sugar . Th e loca l orange s wer e twic e th e siz e o f thos e i n Italy. He was told tha t people concealed the existence of mine s from the Ottoman authorities , an d tha t th e taxatio n syste m di d no t allo w fo r

The Economy through Western Sources 30

1

increase or decrease i n the amount o f taxe s paid as population changed. 32 Dandini (1596 ) praised the fruit of the mountains and the plains, "which renders the country fertile and plentiful." This isl e abound s i n whea t a s wel l a s wine , an d othe r excellen t viands , an d supplieth othe r countries ; th e su n an d soi l rende r th e wine s ver y stron g an d agreeable, but after they are put into pitched vessels, they receive such a gust as is not pleasing to those that are not accustomed thereto, nevertheless all agree they ar e goo d fo r th e stomach . Yo u wil l find ther e al l manne r o f puls e i n abundance; barley , dates , mulberries , oranges , lemons , citrons , an d al l othe r fruits, excep t cherries , chestnut s an d sorb-apples . Ther e i s n o wan t o f sugar , saffron, coriander, sesamun [sesame], lintel-feed [linseed], honey, and sometimes manna; th e Egyptia n bea n [th e carob] , th e her b whose ashe s serve s t o mak e sous, and that with which they wash camblets and other cloths. There may be had rhubarb, turpentine, and scamony, and other things that are valuable. "Besides, there i s so grea t a quantity o f cotton , tha t the inhabitant s no t only cloath themselves , an d mak e al l sort s of cloth s therewith , bu t the y furnish als o Italy, and other parts; it is that which make s their principal revenues." Salt , capers , an d fat-taile d shee p wit h good-qualit y mutto n are als o important . "Finally , w e ma y say , tha t thi s isl e aboundet h wit h all delicacies: befor e the y becam e subjec t t o the Turks, they live d splen didly, and in freedom, but sensual."33 Geor g Rauwolff, brothe r of Leonart, died in 1573 whil e loading cotton in the heat in Magosa after having drunk to o muc h heav y wine ; th e bes t bay-sal t wa s stil l foun d a t Tuzl a (Salina) at that time. 34 Cotovicus (1598 ) to o praised th e fertility o f th e island. Well-watere d grain, cotton , an d suga r fields wer e foun d i n Cither a (Kythrea ) an d Couclia (Kouklia) . Lapheto (Lapithos or Latta) had the most fruitful soi l on the island, producing cotton, sugar, lemons, and oranges. "It abounds in silk, cotton, flax, wool, grain, oil, honey, cheese, and wine of excellen t quality." (Formerl y th e Venetians too k 50,00 0 scud i fro m sal t an d tha t much agai n fro m othe r commerce. ) Raisin s an d suga r wer e abundant . "One coul d hardl y exaggerat e th e richnes s o f th e soi l . . . , " whic h i s very well irrigated. "On this matter they spare neither money nor labour, for whe n th e river s o r torrents fai l the y hav e dee p an d wide well s fro m which, b y mean s o f larg e wheel s drive n b y horses , the y dra w u p i n earthen vessels abundance of water for the use of their fields." Minerals, spices, herbs, and vegetables ar e enumerated in detail. Although famou s for its agriculture and other wealth, "town s and villages lie desolate an d

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forgotten . . . " an d muc h o f th e islan d i s no w "uncultivated , neglecte d and deserted." 35 Th e Englis h merchan t Joh n Sanderso n (1598 ) passe d two or three months i n Cyprus while his ship was being loaded with sal t at Larnaka ; h e kne w abou t th e marketin g o f Cypru s woo l i n Aleppo. 36 The Englis h clockmake r Thoma s Dalla m (1600 ) said , "Thi s Han d is the moste pleasant e o f an y tha t hethert o I di d eve r see." 37 The Levan t Company chapli n William Biddulp h (1600—1608? ) describe d Cypru s as "a famou s an d fruitful l Island " wit h muc h "cotton-wool l growing, " "exceeding goo d wine, " an d "th e bes t dimetey " anywhere. 38 Henr y d e Beauvau (1604 ) reporte d tha t th e Port e receive d 300,00 0 crowns/yea r from th e island , whic h i s a fifth of th e revenues . "I t is very fertil e i n al l kinds of grain , olive trees, grapes, lemons, carobs, capers, salt and other necessary products." But the island was very underpopulated. 39 I n 160 5 Teixeira's vesse l too k o n a loa d o f cotton . Som e 500 0 bags/yea r o f cotton wer e exported , a s well a s 300 0 bag s of ver y fine wool, som e sil k and sugar, much excellent wine, some cheese, and other produce. " . .. i t is fertile , an d it s produc e al l o f excellen t quality , bu t non e o f grea t amount, no r a t al l equa l t o wha t wa s yielde d t o th e Venetians. " "Th e trade was great in former days, but has much fallen off sinc e the Turkish conquest."40 Fo r Lithgo w (1610) : "I t yieldet h infinit e cane s o f Sugar , Cotton wooll , Oile , Honey , Cornes , Turpentine , Allom , Verdegreece , Grograms, stor e o f Metal s an d Salt ; beside s al l othe r sort s o f frui t an d commodities i n abundance." "Scarcity o f water " and "scorching heate" were th e tw o greates t problems , an d "unspeakabl e i s th e calamin e o f that poor e afflicte d Christia n peopl e unde r th e terro r o f thes e Infidel s . . ." 41 Sandy s (1610 ) to o detail s the rich produce of th e island: ".. . the staple commodities ar e cotton wooles (th e best of the Orient), chamolets, salt an d sop e ashes." 42 Accordin g t o de s Haye s (1621 ) th e mos t fertil e part o f th e islan d wa s th e north , wher e th e orange s wer e o f ver y hig h quality. The whol e islan d ca n produc e a grea t abundance , bu t i t i s marshy, swampy, an d unhealthful. The Turks have ruined it, now everyone lives on carobs. 43 Delia Valle (1625 ) to o believed that the Christians neglected th e mine s an d th e Turk s coul d no t operat e them . 10,00 0 piastres i n revenue s cam e fro m th e sal t flats. "Th e Turk s ar e to o negli gent to clean and clear it properly, and every day it gets smaller, and will eventually b e filled up. 44 De Bruy n (1683 ) foun d ver y goo d wines , th e stronges t h e ha d eve r tasted, whic h h e mixe d wit h tw o part s water . Peopl e wer e fe w bu t

The Economy through Western Sources 30 3 agriculture wa s good ; whea t wa s ver y good ; cotto n ha d completel y replaced th e forme r suga r cultivation ; mulberr y tree s an d silkworm s were abundant , bu t th e ai r wa s extremel y unwholesom e fo r thre e o r four month s o f th e year. However, " a man may Travel a s securely all over the island as he may do in his own House." 45 A catalog of Cyprus products i n Van der Nijenburg (1684? ) single s ou t wool , a quarter of which was exported a t very low prices, cheese of goat's milk "in great request all over the Levant," and floweredsilks and cotton "little inferior to thos e o f th e Indies" , whic h wer e th e mai n trade. 46 Accordin g t o Dapper (1688) the once-populous and wealthy villages were now depopulated unde r th e crue l Turkis h rule . Th e bes t cotto n wa s grow n a t Lef ko§a and Magosa, although much also came from Baf and Limosa; the cotton was the best in the whole Levant. Still the fertile Mesarye had abundant grain crops.47 Venetians wer e eage r t o demonstrat e tha t revenue s accruin g t o th e government decline d abruptl y unde r th e Ottomans . Fo r example , ac cording to the supposed testimony of two Cypriot gentlemen he recently had encountered Bernar d Sagredo asserte d that in 157 5 th e Ottoman s derived a revenu e o f 140,00 0 ducat s fro m th e island ; th e gentleme n asserted that the island had fallen into a miserable state under Ottoman rule. Many inhabitants had abandoned their homes and fled, and more were leavin g daily . Th e Ottoman s ha d ha d t o rel y o n settler s the y brought from their own territories, and because of the great heat, few of those survive d long; there were 100 0 cavalry an d 800 0 footsoldier s t o defend the whole island. In 1585 Sagredo reported from similar sources that revenues from th e island had declined from 940,000 ducat s under the Venetian s t o 208,00 0 ducat s unde r th e Ottomans . I n particula r revenues from the saltworks of Larnaka had plummeted from 300,00 0 ducats to 8000. The revenues of 60 villages in Girniye (Kyrenia, Cerines) district declined fro m 30,00 0 ducat s t o 8000 , thos e o f 12 0 village s o f Mesariye (Mesaoria) fell from 70,000 to 18,000, those of 12 4 villages of the Vicomte (Lefko§a ) fel l fro m 70,00 0 ducat s to 22,000 , those o f 2 2 villages of Larnaka (Salines), from 25,000 ducats to 4000, and those of 119 village s o f Limos a fro m 70,00 0 ducat s t o 24,ooo. 48 I n 156 6 th e total revenue s o f th e Signory ha d been 546,00 0 ducats , of whic h onl y 184,331 ducat s were neede d t o mee t the expenses o f th e military and civil institution s o f th e island; the excess of 361,66 9 ducat s fel l t o the Signory. (Ottoman revenues came from the saltworks, a tithe on grains,

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vineyards, an d animals , an d th e harac (kharaj) whic h i s a sequi n o r a ducat fo r ever y inhabitan t o f th e islan d fro m 1 5 t o 60. ) Sinc e th e Ottomans spen t 276,00 0 ducat s o n th e islan d now , the y ha d a los s o f 68,000 ducat s ther e ever y year . Perhap s th e Venetian s wante d t o boas t about th e efficac y o f thei r administratio n an d eve n abou t th e island' s wealth. Indee d Sagred o raise d th e possibilit y o f convincin g th e Port e t o lease th e islan d fo r Venic e t o exploi t i n retur n fo r a larg e annua l pay ment.49 Nevertheless , eve n if some revenues were lost through decline in population, villager s mus t have been delighte d b y the lower taxe s unde r the Ottomans. According t o moder n historians , Cypru s ha d bee n immensel y profit able t o th e Venetians . Large-scal e suga r productio n bega n i n Cypru s from abou t 1368 , wit h irrigation , importe d slav e labor , an d improve ments in processing; " . .. full-blow n plantatio n agriculture increased the supply o f suga r fro m Cypru s and , t o a lesse r extent , fro m Crete. " The Corner family becam e the richest in Venice. "Massive capital investmen t in suga r mills , irrigatio n systems , an d slave s pai d of f handsomely , fo r there wa s a vigorou s deman d fo r suga r i n Europ e an d th e Nea r East , and Corner's large-scal e method s produce d a cheaper as well a s a better product."50 Cypru s becam e increasingl y importan t fo r th e Venetia n economy. Bot h th e numbe r o f vessel s an d volum e o f trad e wit h Syri a and Cyprus fa r exceeded thos e headed fo r the Atlantic or for Constanti nople and the Black Sea. 51 There is a local shif t in trade center from Syria to Cyprus for in 155 8 t o 156 0 there were almost no clearances for Syria, whereas in 1450 Cyprus had been of secondary importance . Apparentl y cotton , whic h i n th e fifteenth century fur nished the bulk of the cargo of the ships from Syria, was in the sixteenth century produced in Cyprus, whose suga r plantations, famou s i n the fifteenthcentury, had meanwhile bee n ruined b y the competition o f th e new Portugues e possessions in the West. While, however, Cyprus furnished the bulk of th e freight in the sixteenth century, Venetians were still activ e in Syria and some part of the ship cargoes may have come directly or indirectly from the mainland.52 Early i n th e 1 5 th centur y Genoes e cotto n export s fro m Cypru s an d the wes t coas t o f Anatoli a compete d wit h thos e o f Venic e fro m Syri a and Palestine ; b y lat e i n tha t centur y Venic e ha d wo n contro l o f tha t trade.53 Under Venice cotto n productio n i n Cyprus increased three-fold , and hug e profit s accrue d t o it s merchant s an d nobility , rescuin g th e economy o f th e islan d "jus t a t th e tim e whe n Portugues e suga r wa s

The Economy through Western Sources 30 5 driving down the price".54 Much of the wheat of Venice also came from Cyprus; much of the revenues of Venice came from the salt of Cyprus, and wine also was a very important commercial product.55 Cyprus' population never recovered from the blow of the Black Death in the mid-14th century and the re-emergence of malaria in the mid-15 th century. Considerabl e immigratio n contribute d t o wha t probabl y wa s rapid growth o n th e island , especiall y i n th e late 1 3 th an d early 14t h centuries. Thereafter , an d especiall y durin g the 40 0 year s o f Venetia n and Ottoman rule, Cyprus is a conspicuous exception to BraudePs idea that all the islands "exported their people."56 As he himself points out, Cyprus had a very small population even in 1570. 57 No better evidence of tha t underpopulation i s to b e found tha n the official an d unofficia l attempts of first Venice an d then th e Ottoma n empir e to buil d u p the local population . Nevertheless , excep t fo r th e brie f perio d whe n th e Ottomans organized compulsory migrations (surgun) fro m adjacent Anatolian regions, immigration was rare. Clearly, more than anything else the problem was disease. The late 15th century apparently was a period of growin g virulenc e o f malaria ; beside s th e virtua l abandonmen t o f Magosa and Baf, there was the temporary abandonment and tiny population at Iskenderun/Alexandrette, bes t port of Aleppo, and the general dread with which Europeans regarded the Levant littoral. The Ottoman system wa s no t capabl e o f organizin g an d maintainin g th e kin d o f elaborate drainage systems requiring long years of forced labor such as Venice, Medici Florence, and Rome accomplished. There simply were no grounds fo r legall y requirin g suc h service , an d eve n i f a n occasiona l official migh t arbitrarily require it, in the long run such illegal behavior could no t prevail . Neithe r coul d th e Ottoman s successfull y forc e vil lagers or townspeople, especiall y Muslims , to live at unhealthy sites or to drain swamps.58 Venetian, Genoese , an d other Italian landowner s organize d efficien t plantation systems in Cyprus. As Braudel has pointed out, such monocrop cultures o f cotton , sugar , and vines often becam e responsible fo r famine. Whe n on e cro p failed , o r whe n th e marke t fo r a crop failed , then th e poo r cultivator s suffered. 59 Wholesal e failure s o f tha t cro p impoverished cultivator s wh o otherwise woul d hav e been cultivating a variety of crops, including most of their own food. 60 The Venetian and Genoese aristocrac y o n Cypru s profite d immensely , livin g i n luxur y while exploiting the local people. They forced serfs to cultivate whatever

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they wanted . Althoug h the y enriche d bot h themselve s an d Venice , the y were singularl y unpopula r i n Cyprus . "S o th e Turkis h conques t un leashed a socia l revolution." 61 The Ottoma n syste m simpl y wa s no t organized t o permi t suc h exploitation . La w an d society wer e no t elitist . Coercion o f th e poo r an d weak wa s despised . Lega l right s an d obliga tions applie d t o everyone . Ottoma n la w di d no t permi t landowner s t o force villagers to cultivate what they wanted, when the y wanted, or how they wanted . Th e taxe s tha t spahi s coul d collec t wer e limite d b y law . Although ther e wer e restriction s o n villager s leavin g tima r land s uncul tivated, the penalties wer e slight, particularly when inflatio n wa s severe . So i f indee d cotton , sugar , an d sal t productio n di d declin e afte r th e Ottoman conquest , the n a s Braudel says : "Bu t this doe s no t necessaril y mean th e declin e o f Cyprus . Ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t Turkish rul e le d to a fal l i n livin g standard s fo r th e inhabitant s o f th e Island." 62 A n exploitative clas s was eliminated , wealth wa s better distributed, an d the villagers wer e liberate d fro m a n onerou s serfdom . (Onl y late r di d th e Ottoman syste m ther e becom e corrupt , o r ineffective , leavin g th e vil lagers vulnerable to a new exploitation. ) The problems of maintainin g adequate foo d supplie s for the populace are another set which have particularly intereste d Braudel. He maintain s that the proble m o f ho w t o liv e within loca l resource s i s common t o al l islands, an d s o tha t Corfu , Crete , an d Cypru s wer e "constantl y threat ened b y famine " i n th e secon d hal f o f th e 16t h century. 63 Elsewher e h e states tha t th e Mediterranea n worl d wa s "alway s o n th e verg e o f fam ine." 64 Ottoma n Cyprus , however , seem s t o hav e bee n bles t wit h a comfortable livin g standard . Al l o f th e evidenc e point s t o a ver y smal l number o f import s compare d wit h th e ric h abundanc e o f food s locall y produced an d consumed. 65 European s foun d prices low an d fruits, vegetables, an d mea t widel y available . However , Cypru s i s i n som e way s "exceptional," for although only one-twentieth o f th e land on the island was cultivated, "the wheat yield was 6 to i , barle y 8 to i." 66 Another chroni c problem wa s defens e agains t piracy . Musli m pirate s terrorized th e islan d unde r Venetia n rule , an d Christia n pirate s fille d their voi d afte r th e Ottoma n conquest . Defens e agains t the m wa s n o easy matter . Defensiv e bastion s wer e buil t a t place s lackin g them , lik e Larnaka an d Ba f an d Limosa , bu t everywhere th e suburb s la y exposed , and none of th e rest of th e coast line could b e defended securely . O n the one hand , pirate s plundere d wit h impunity ; o n th e othe r hand , the y

The Economy through Western Sources 30 7 appeared b y prearrange d signa l t o rendezvou s an d sel l thei r loot . O n Cyprus, a t least , th e raid s see m t o hav e bee n confine d t o th e coasta l littoral; such adventures did not advance much inland even though the flat centra l plateau may have appeared vulnerable.

Summary The island of Cypru s was noted for its fertility, it s diverse agricultural, commercial, and industrial skills, much of which was exploited through monopolies which had been established unde r Venetian rule especially. The island's production o f salt , wine, an d sugar were renowned . Als o very importan t wer e cotton , raisins , an d carobs . Man y contemporar y observers point to the exploitation of Cypriots who were not part of the ruling class. Venetians wante d t o sho w tha t they ha d exploited th e resources of the islan d bette r tha n th e Ottoman s had . Perhap s the Ottoman s wer e naive, fo r they never really considered bein g exploitative. Usuall y they were mor e concerne d wit h creatin g a situation wher e th e people wer e able t o flourish because the y lived unde r a more just rule. It was only infrequently a n Ottoman policy to require village cultivators t o engage in any kind of force d labor, or require that commercial crop s be cultivated intensively, even if done before the conquest. According t o man y moder n historians , Cypru s had bee n immensely profitable to the Venetians, with full-blown plantation agriculture, once in sugar , an d late r cotton , enrichin g man y Venetians , especiall y th e Corner family. Even most of thei r wheat started to come from Cyprus. Requiring fixedservices was not normally Ottoman policy. Likewise, the Ottomans could not force people, particularly Muslims, to live in places which were believed to be unhealthy. Ottoman law permitted people to cultivate wha t the y wanted . A n exploitative clas s wa s eliminated , an d wealth was much better distributed. At least some were blessed with a comfortable living standard. Cyprus never recovered from the continuing blows to its population of the Black Death and malaria. Neither Venetians nor Ottomans were able to bring about any significant migratio n to the island, even though it certainly was in their best interest to do so. Cyprus suffered al l of the disadvantages of underpopulation . Neither Venetians nor Ottomans were

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capable o f drainin g swamp s o r creatin g othe r condition s beneficia l t o population growth , despit e all the talk expende d o n tha t subject .

NOTES i. Cobham , p. 5. Description of Syria . . ., tr . G. Le Strange, p. 82, in Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, v. 3. London, 1896. 2. Mogabgab , v. 1, p. 15. 3. Cobham , p. 21; Letts, p. 21. 4. Cobham , p. 18; Stuttgart, v. 25, pp. z$l; d e Mas Latrie, v. 2, pp. 2iof. 5. Recital ..., v . 1, p. 81 . 6. Mogabgab , v . 3 , p. 160 . Martin vo n Baumgarte n (1508 ) calle d i t the best salt anywhere . Cobham , p . 54 ; Travels, p. 440; Peregrinatio . . . , p . 137 . Noribergae, 1594. 7. Cobham , p . 60; Voyage .. . , pp . 143 L Cf . Jodicu s d e Meggen (1542) , in Mogabgab, v. 3, p. 147. John Sanderson, The Travels .. . , p . 238. 8. Mogabgab , v. 1, p. 45; Newett, p. 293f. According to J. Palerne (1581) and Graziani the value of the salt to Venice had been 300,000 crowns or ducats a year. Peregrinations, pp. 330L Graziani, p. 4. 9. Cobham , p. 69; Hakluyt, v. 5, pp. 93 f. 10. Fiire r von Haimendorf, Reis-Beschreibung . .. (1566) , pp. 297L n . Mogabgab , v. 3, p. 160 . Cf. Jacobus de Verona (1335) , in Cobham, p. 18. von Baumgarte n (1508) , in Cobham , p . 55 ; Travels, p. 441 ; Peregrinatio .. . , p . 139. Cf. Jodicus de Meggen (1542), in Mogabgab, v. 3, p. 148. 12. Fiire r von Haimendorf , Reis-Beschreibung . . . (1566) , p. 306. Graziani (c . 1571), p. 4. J. Palerne (1581), Peregrinations, p. 329L 13. Cobham , p . 166 ; L'Isole . . . , p . 21 , Venetia , 1572 ; p . 148 , Padova , 1620.

14. Gabriel e Capodilista (1458) , in Cobham, p. 35; Itinerario, p . 178 ; de Mas Latrie, v. 3, pp. 76f. 15. Mogabgab , v . 1 , p . 42 ; Newett , pp . 212 , 216 . Cf . Jodicu s d e Megge n (1542): The sugar of Couclia is taller than a man, and the canes are thicker than three fingers.Mogabgab, v. 3, pp. 147, 155L 16. Cobham , p.166; Ulsole . . ., pp . 2if, Venetia , 1572; pp. 146-149, Padova, 1620.

17. Mogabgab , v. 2, p. 78; Cosmographia, p. 78. 18. Mogabgab , v. 1, p. 38; Itinerarium . . ., v . 192, p. 93. 19. Mogabgab , v. 1, p. 42; Newett, p. 216. 20. Cobham , p. 35; Itinerario, p. 178; de Mas Latrie, v. 3, p. 76. 21. Cobham , p. 49; II Trattato .. . , p . 242. 22. Cobham , p. 55; Travels, p. 441; Peregrinatio, p. 139. 23. Cobham , p. 61; Libro di. . . , p . LXVII. Kitab'i Bahriyye, v. 2, p. 278. 24. Cobham , pp. 63f .

The Economy through Western Sources 30 9 25. Cobham , p. 67; Relation . . ., pp . 39f, 243 L 26. Mogabgab , v. 1, pp. 147^ 152,155L 27. Peregrinations, pp. 328ft. 28. Graziani , pp. 22f, 73. 29. H e mentions the parici, who ar e " a kind of slave s boun d fo r lif e t o their masters." Cobham, pp. 164 , i66f; L'Isole . .., p . 2if. Venetia , 1572 ; pp. 147—150, Padova, p. 1620. 30. Anvers , p. 160. 31. Beschrijvinge . . ., pp . iof . 32. Cobham , pp. i73f, i76f . 33. Cobham , p. 183; Pinkerton, v. 10, pp. 28of. 34. Dannenfeldt , pp. 4of. 35. Cobham , pp. 19 31*, 199ft. 36. The Travels . . ., pp . 16,130. 37. "Th e Diary . . . ," p . 28. 38. The Travels . . ., p . 35. 39. Cobham , p. 209; Relation . . ., 1608 , pp. nsf; 1619 , pp.88f. 40. The Travels . . ., pp . 134& 41. Cobham , pp. 202f; The Totall Discourse . . ., pp . i64ff. 42. Cobham , p. 208; Travels, p. 221. For soap, see also Earle, p. 199. 43. Voiage . . ., pp . 326ft 44. Cobham , pp . 2i2ff ; Viaggi, 1843 , v - 2 > PP- 885ft; v . 4 , p . 536 , Venetia, 1667. Ottoma n la w an d tradition did not permit the sort of force d labo r that flourishedunder the Lusignans and Venetians, so at that time people only needed to cultivate as they wanted. 45. Cobham , pp. 241ft; Reizen . . ., pp . 367, 373, 377f. 46. Cobham , pp . 247 ^ 250 , 24of . H e report s th e Englis h consul' s lendin g money for 20% interest, or 30% against their future harvests. 47. Naukeurige Beschryving . . . , pp . 23 , 25f , 5if , 92 . B y th e 18t h centur y Cyprus' economic importanc e was largely a s a point of transit . Foo d and other provision s wer e abundan t ther e an d coul d b e procure d extremel y cheaply, so it remained an important stop for European vessels. In addition, illegally, grain, cotton, wool, and madder could be procured there, as well as what Pococke considered the only good cheese in the Levant. Taxes were not exorbitant, an d people coul d liv e in plenty, bu t the oppression of th e musellims wa s suc h tha t man y peopl e lef t fo r Cilicia . Richar d Pocock e (1738), in Cobham, pp. 255, 260, 267; Pinkerton, v. 10, pp. 59off. Alexander Drummond (1750), in Cobham, pp. 28if; Travels ..., pp . 155ft, 146ft . London, 1754 . C . S . Sonnini , Voyage . . ., pp . 6off , 76ft . Paris , 1801 . E. Clarke , Travels . . ., pp . 3i2f , 315 ^ 340 . L . Corancez, Itineraire . . . , p. 239 . Van der Nijenberg, in Cobham, pp. 247k Mr. Robert's Adventures and Sufferings . . . (1696) p . 172 . Th e long-ter m populatio n trend s ar e discussed in ch. 6. Disease and locusts were the main causes, of course, but even in the 17th century after few Europeans were willing to give Muslims credit for much of anything.

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48. d e Mas Latrie, v. 3, pp. 56off. Doubtless the debasement of coinage and the inflation affect such estimates. 49. d e Ma s Latrie , v . 3 , p . 563 . Revenue s calle d "seigneur s proprietaires " amounted to 394,000 ducats and "seigneurie" was 546,000 ducats. 50. McNeill , Venice . . ., pp . 76, 54. 51. Lane , "Venetian Shipping . . . ," p . 24. 52. Lane , "Venetian Shipping . . . ," pp . 17, 38. Cf. McNeill, Venice . . ., p . 76. 53. Lane , Venice. A Maritime Republic, p. 298. "Even after Cyprus was lost to the Turks in 1571 , its cotton was still fo r some decades marketed through Venice." 54. Lane , Venice. A Maritime Republic, pp . 297^ Cf. McNeill , Venice . . . , p . 76: "Cotton was a second new plantation crop of increasing importance; it later escaped the plantation production pattern and became a major peasant-produced cash crop in Syria, Anatolia, and the southeastern Balkans." 55. Lane , Venice, A Maritime Republic, pp. 305 , 324 . McNeill , Venice ..., p. 52. 56. The Mediterranean ..., v . 1, p. 158. 57. The Mediterranean ..., v . 1, p. 156. 58. I n fact, Venetia n attempt s t o organiz e drainag e i n Cypru s me t wit h onl y minimal success , an d eve n th e drainag e effort s i n Ital y wer e o f limite d success. The Mediterranean .. ., v . 1, pp. 67-82. 59. The Mediterranean .. . , v . 1, pp. i54f. 60. The Mediterranean ..., v . 1, pp. 155^ 61. The Mediterranean . . ., v . 1, p. 156. 62. The Mediterranean . . ., v . 1, p. 156. 63. The Mediterranean . . ., v . 1, p. 152. 64. The Mediterranean . . ., v . 1, p. 244. 65. Cf . Richard Pococke (1738), in Cobham, pp. 252, 266f, 268f; Pinkerton, v. 10, pp . 575 , 59of , 592 , and passim. According to Sieur de Mont, "Provisions ar e s o incredibl y cheap , that , a s th e Frenc h consu l assur' d me , the greatest Lover of his Belly cannot... spen d Forty Piasters a Year in Eating and Drinking." A New Voyage to the Levant.... 3r d ed. London, 1702 . pp. 199L 66. Braudel , The Mediterranean ..., v . 1 , p. 426 . BraudeP s observation tha t islands are isolated worlds between poles of archais m and innovation (pp. 147, 150 ) seems particularly apt in regard to Cyprus. Under the Lusignans Cyprus wa s locate d o n importan t trade , military , political , an d pilgri m routes and became a marvelous center of innovation. Regular contacts with Venice, Genoa, Constantinople, Cairo , and the Levant assured that. Ottoman rule, in turn, brought with it archaism and isolation, partly because of changes in trade routes and in goods of trade as the empire became increasingly a n exporter o f agricultura l good s an d an importer of manufacture d goods, and partly as a result of Ottoman policies. Island villagers probably were littl e affecte d b y such changes , profound a s they ma y be on townspeople.

TWELVE

The Economy a s Seen through Ottoman Sources

The agricultura l produc e o f Cypru s was ric h an d varie d i n th e centur y after th e Ottoman conquest . That variety impressed and often surprise d merchants an d othe r traveler s wh o visite d th e island . Eithe r ou t o f curiosity or to inform merchant s and other countrymen, some listed the crops in detail. So inexpensive were foods an d supplies that by the mid17th century European ships regularly provisioned there for their return voyages t o th e wester n Mediterranean . Incidenta l case s i n th e judicia l records, and even more important the few complete or partial lists of the maximum lega l marke t price s (narh) of agricultura l good s sho w th e nature of agricultura l produce. At the markets is Lef ko§a a rich variet y of local fruits, vegetables , dairy products, and meats was available year round; so too were numerous imported goods. Despite the immeasurable impact o f th e irregularit y o f winte r an d rainfal l an d th e regularit y o f locusts and malarial mosquitoes, the island of Cyprus produced in abundance foods needed for a healthful diet .

Urban Revenues, Order in the Marketplace, and the Muhtesib Three imperial orders of 23 Sefer 979 (17 July 1571), after the fall of the island excep t Magosa , requir e tha t th e governo r o f th e provinc e o f Cyprus loo k afte r (nazar) all o f th e imperia l wealt h o f th e island . I n particular the governor should protect all that wealth (emval-i tniri) an d oversee th e preparatio n o f detaile d (mufassal) and summar y (icmal) 3ii

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registers o f th e islan d an d o f th e mainlan d sanca k o f I c I I (K B 161/7 1 (i2)/m.d.). Some of th e most important revenues fro m urban Lef ko§a accrued t o the muhtesib . The larges t o f thes e wa s tha t o f th e tanner s factor y (debbag hane-tabak hane) whic h i n 160 7 (1016 ) wa s give n t o hac i Piyal e and Yase f o f Lefko§ a a s a ta x far m (iltizam) fo r 35,00 0 akce/yea r ( 2 4 3 - 3 , 7 1 - 2 ; I Zil-Kade 1016) . Anothe r importan t urba n revenu e wa s the factory o f th e dyers (boya hane). Tha t amounte d only t o 1 0 filori i n 1607 ( 1oi6)^ eve n wit h tha t o f Girniy e joine d t o Lefko§ a ( 2 9 - 2 ; I Receb 1016) . El-fakir Mehmed, el-muhtesib bi-Lefko§a, 2 5 Rebi c II 1016. Since the conquest of Cyprus the dye factory of Girniye has been joined to that of Lef ko§a (nefs-i Lef ko§a). I gave the Girniye dye factory to another person, but Huseyn presented a receipt (temessuk) showin g that Girniye dye factory has always been joined to Lefko§a, so he again possesses it (2 16-1). Boyaci Mehmed qorbaci, know that: Formerly th e dye factory (boya hane) wa s a tax far m (ikta*) fo r 20,00 0 akce/ year, held by you. Then kapi kuli serdari Veli selebi raised the payment by 5000 akce to 25,00 0 akce , which was accepted. Finally you offered 100 0 akce more to the treasury (miri), or 26,000 akce/year. That has been accepted. Take possession of the dye factory for 26,000 akce/year. (4 217-1; 7 Rebic 11045) Another jo b o f th e muhtesi b wa s supervisin g th e weight s an d mea sures of th e merchants i n Lefko§a. I n September—October 159 4 muhte sib hac i Husey n apprehende d brea d bake r (etmekci) Solim o v . Luy i fo r selling bread (ekmek) 2 5 dirhe m too ligh t (eksik) an d bazarci Seydi kad i for sellin g swee t pomegranate (tatlu enar) 7 5 dirhem s to o ligh t ( 1 3 1 1 5, 3 1 6 - 3 ; Muharre m 1003) . I* 1 March, 161 0 muhtesi b Sa cban foun d Ibrahim's soa p (sabun) whic h wa s sol d a s weighin g 5 0 tara k actuall y weighed 28 , an d Yusu f sol d cotto n tha t was of deficien t weigh t ( 3 3 - 6 ; III Zil-Hicce 1018 . 6—1 ; 29 Zil-Hicc e 1018 ) Cf . 11—6 ; 16 §evval 1018) . Likewise §a cban apprehende d Husey n b n Hasan fo r selling watermelon s (karpuz) abov e th e officia l pric e ( 3 61—5 ; II I Cumad i I I 1019) . Some times th e charg e migh t b e mad e b y a private citizen , a s when Isha k b n c Osman o f Magos a claime d tha t Fethulla h b n Husey n sol d hi m some thing underweight ( 3 34—6 ; after II Zil-Kade 1018) . The testimon y o f a muhtesib usuall y wa s presume d correct . I t migh t have been difficult t o refute his claim. Nucman b n c Abdullah o f Lefko§a , wh o i s muhtesib , make s clai m an d state s (dacvaltk) before Ibrahim of the grocers (zumre* -i bakkalan) of that marketplace

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 31

3

(suk): Whil e the maximal fixed price (narh) fo r a vakiye of roaste d chick-peas (leblebi) wa s fixed at the court as eight akce, Ibrahim sold a vakiye for 15 . Let him be asked. I want justice. Ibrahi m acknowledges : I n truth, I gave Nu cman chick-peas (leblebi) for 15 akce/vakiye when the official price was eight akce, but the muhtesi b wa s hostil e (garaz) t o me . He separate d out (ifraz) som e o f th e aforementioned chick-pea s (i.e. , h e surrepitiousl y remove d som e o f th e chickpeas before weighing them). Fifteen akce was right. When an oath was proposed to Nucman, he took an oath that he did not separate out any and that he did not make deception (hile). ( 4 109-3; 1 Muh. 1045) Some o f th e case s involve d fairl y sophisticate d trickery , suc h a s on e involving imported French and Venetian satin. In the presence of present governor (mir miran) of Cyprus cAli Pa§a, at the Sharia court racil Kar a Mehmed be§ e of Degirmenli k villag e o f Le f ko§a kaza, of th e janissaries o f tha t island , make s a clai m an d state s (iddi ca/tk) before raci l Ibrahim be§e of the janissaries: formerly cour t was held before the governor in the presence of the notables and merchants ( cayan-i vilayet ve e§raf-i memleket ve tuccar ta* ifesi) and trustworthy people. Fo r every sort of clot h (akmi§e ve quka) a n official pric e (narh) wa s give n accordin g t o wha t i t could bea r ( cala vech ut-tahammul). When I wished to buy enough European satin (Firenci atlas) to make a garment (tonluk) fo r Huseyn at the official price (narh), althoug h the official pric e for French satin was 25 riyali guru§, Ibrahim took 2 8 riyali guru§ for Venetia n (Venedik) satin , which i s a different satin . I want justice (ihkak-i hakk). Ibrahim acknowledges that. The aforementioned people testify that Mehmed bought the aforementioned sati n from Ibrahim for Huseyn for 2 8 riyal i guru§. For every cubit (zira*) Ibrahi m took an extra 10 0 akce. He did injury (zaruret). It is registered. (4 142-3; III Ramazan 1045)

Prices Prices occur i n two forms : (1 ) actua l marke t prices an d (2 ) legall y fixed official maxima l prices . (Whe n th e syste m wa s functionin g effectively , the two coincided. ) Inadequat e dat a prevents a definitive stud y o f price s in Cyprus . An y generalization s mus t b e attempte d wit h grea t caution . There i s virtually n o informatio n abou t seasona l effect s o n foo d prices . There is too little data to coordinate prices with the even sparser data on good o r bad harvests o r with disaster s like plagues an d the swarming of locusts. Presumabl y officia l polic y i n th e provinc e aime d t o hol d price s as stabl e a s possible , althoug h i n a tim e o f debasemen t o f coinag e an d inflation tha t would b e an elusive goal.

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Grain an d Brea d The legall y fixed pric e (narh) o f bread , th e singl e mos t importan t food , varied erratically , althoug h ther e i s too littl e evidenc e t o documen t tha t fluctuation adequately . Th e pric e i n 163 6 (1046 ) wa s 33 % t o 4 3 % higher tha n i n 159 3 (1002) . On e akc e bough t 30 0 t o 35 0 dirhem s o f bread (etmek-i somun, pan) i n 159 3 (1002 ) bu t onl y 27 5 dirhem s i n 1594 (1003) . Althoug h a n akc e agai n bough t 30 0 dirhem s i n 160 7 (1016), i t coul d b y onl y 20 0 dirhem s o f brea d i n 163 6 (1046). 1 Othe r bread products , lik e Firenk etmegi, qorek, borek, kahi, beksemed, kirde, simid, tabe boregi, nohud etmegi, an d halka c-i beyaz, wer e availabl e fo r sale, but al l were more expensive than plai n bread . I n 159 3 (1002 ) whe n one akc e bough t 30 0 t o 35 0 dirhem s o f plai n bread , i t bought onl y 25 0 to 30 0 dirhem s o f fanc y Firen k etmegi. 2 (Jorek 3 (a t 17 0 dirhems fo r on e akce) wa s twic e th e pric e o f plai n bread . Kirde 4 wa s eve n mor e expen sive (13 0 dirhem s fo r on e akce) , whil e kahi 5 (8 0 dirhems) , simid 6 (8 0 dirhems), an d borek 7 (6 0 dirhems ) wer e fiv e o r si x time s a s costl y a s plain bread . I n 160 7 (1016 ) whe n plai n brea d (pan) wa s 30 0 dirhem fo r one akce, 10 0 dirhems o f hubz, 8 8 0 dirhems o f hub z $akilli, 9 40 dirhem s of halka 3 - i beyaz, 10 an d 2 5 dirhem s o f tab e boregi 11 al l sol d fo r on e akce. (Reference s t o thos e brea d product s occu r to o infrequentl y t o permit tracin g pric e trends. ) A considerabl e arra y o f brea d product s were sold i n the market s of Le f ko§a. In 159 3 (1002 ) officia l price s for a kile of wheat range d betwee n 21V 3 akce an d 5 0 akce , althoug h th e latte r perhap s wa s th e lates t an d i s consistent wit h a doublin g o f price s b y th e followin g year . In 159 3 th e prices 2 4 an d 2 5 akce/kil e eac h occurre d twice , 2 6 akc e an d 3 0 a t leas t once. I n 159 4 (1003 ) officia l price s o f 6 0 akc e an d 5 0 akce/kil e wer e noted a t th e imperia l marke t (suk-i sultaniye). I n 160 9 (1018 ) th e pric e was 50 % t o 100 % highe r tha n i n 1594 ; price s o f 9 0 akce , 1 altu n ( = 11 8 akce ) an d 2 guru§ (= 15 6 akce ) occurred . Slightly lower prices of 70 akc e an d 8 0 akc e wer e foun d i n 163 3 (1043) . Possibl y th e pric e reached 18 2 akce/kil e i n 163 6 (1046 ) (althoug h possibl y I misrea d th e 182). Clearl y th e pric e o f whea t behave d erratically , a n evidenc e o f th e great variations i n the volume of annua l production . Clearly th e pric e o f barley , too , wa s mercurial . (Barle y commonl y sold fo r abou t hal f th e price of wheat i n Anatolia an d Cypru s durin g th e period unde r study. ) Fo r example , i n 159 3 (1002 ) officia l price s o f 8 ,

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 31 5 10, an d 2 4 akce/kile , a s well a s .1 4 altun , wer e note d i n th e judicial records; the following year prices of 28 and 30 akce/kile occurred at the imperial market (suk-i sultaniye). In 1609 (1018), obviously a dear year, the pric e reache d 60 akce/kile . Anothe r shar p ris e occurre d betwee n 1633 (1043 ) a n d I *>34 ( I O 4 4 ) whe n the official pric e of barle y soared from 3 0 akce/key l t o 7 2 an d 8 0 akce . Perhap s i t i s saf e t o sa y th e "range" of barley prices increased about three-fold. This eccentricity in prices, reflecting variation s i n harvests, is well known in contemporary Cyprus an d th e Middl e East , wher e on e yea r out o f fou r o r five may have very reduced rainfall. The legall y fixed pric e o f brea d (narh) rose i n sequenc e wit h th e market price of wheat. The fixed price of wheat , 5 0 or 60 akce/kile in 1594 (1003), had risen between 33% and 40% to 70 or 80 akce in 1633 (1043). I n 160 9 (1018 ) th e selling price ranged between 1 ( = 78 akce) and 2 guru§ or altun ( = 118 akce ) per kile. The price of barley , which was 28 or 30 akce in 1593 (1003), was exactly the same in 1633 (1043). Apparently the price of barley was stable, a boon for the poorer people, and even the price of wheat had increased moderately. Indeed, between 1593 (1002 ) an d 163 6 (1046 ) inflatio n mor e tha n cancele d ou t th e absolute valu e o f an y increase. Nevertheless, grain s were the most important crops , overwhelmingl y s o o n th e flat central plateau . I f grain prices did not rise, villagers as consumers might have had less to spend for those goods which increased substantially in price. Since grains were the most important crops on Cyprus, and bread was the most important food, th e Porte tried to regulate closely thei r prices. Policy favore d the consumer ove r th e producer : th e pric e o f grain s wa s hel d lo w o n th e principle that bread really was the staff o f life . The socioeconomic and political consequence s o f doin g otherwis e wer e potentiall y dangerous . Therefore, grai n prices in th e Ottoma n empir e were lower tha n in the lands to the west. In order to keep grain supplies plentiful an d to hold prices down Ottoma n policy often forbad e al l exports of grain. 12 That caused severe distress in places like Venice which hitherto had gotten the bulk o f thei r suppl y i n th e easter n Mediterranea n an d Aegean . Bot h Ottoman subjects and foreigners sometime s circumvented official Otto man polic y b y bribin g custom s officer s o r b y engagin g i n clandestin e commerce with local merchant s or farmers in isolated areas. Officially , however, the government operated exclusively at the fixed prices. Local officials implemented those prices in the markets and bazaars of Lef ko§a

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during th e perio d 1 5 80-1640, s o th e price s o f grai n an d bread s wer e kept inexpensive. Perviz be g of Lefko§ a state s (tm): For this yea r 159 2 (1002 ) o n th e island of Cyprus what shall the official fixed price (narh cart) b e on wheat (bugday) an d barley (arpa) at th e imperia l marke t (suk-i sultaniye)? Le t i t b e asked , an d registered in the sicil. Experts (ehl-i vukuf) say, For 1592 (1002) wheat shall buy and sell fo r 60 akce/kile and barley for 3 0 akce. (1 168-3 ; s em Rebi c II 1002) Ibrahim $avu§ bn Veli, for the governor (mir miran), state s (tm): The governor has ordered (tenbih) sayin g he has appointed someone to see that barley is sold at the official fixed price (narh car), because he has had to pay more. It should be sold a t that price at every storehouse (mahzen) an d at the imperial market (suk-i sultani). A supervisor (mubaqir) wil l be appointed, and from the Muslims c Abdur-Rahman kethuda 5 -i boluk-i yenigeriyan, Hasan kethuda5 -i boluk-i yeni$eriyan, Piri kethuda5 -i boluk-i yeni^eriyan, Hizir bn Himmet, and others of the people (cemm-i gafir and cemc -i kesir) are ordered to carry out the order. (1824; Sefer 1003) The cause of writing is this: There is a possibility (ihtimal) that the grain (zahire) which i s in the Lefko§ a storag e place (anbar) wil l ro t (qurumek). Le t the new harvest b e store d (der anbar). Distribute (tevz?) th e ol d grai n fo r th e poo r (fukara) b y means of credi t (karz) t o th e bread bakers (etmekciler). Previousl y when this memorandum (tezkere) was commissioned (sipari§) for Huseyn $elebi, 760 keyl of barley (§a c ir) and 145 keyl of wheat (bugday) i n that granary were taken out. This memorandum (tezkire) wa s written and given to him. (2 38-2; IIIZil-Kadeioi6,HaIeb)13 In Cypru s grain s an d brea d wer e als o th e mos t commo n good s o f commerce. Som e baker s an d merchant s trade d o n a smal l scale , other s on a large one. Mustaf a $avu § b n c Abdullah sol d Zorz a v . Istepave n (? ) 190 kil e o f whea t an d 46 2 kil e o f barle y fo r 900 0 akc e ( 1 4 4 - 2 ; II I §aban 1002) . Husa m efend i o f Mesariy e claime d tha t Oha n (? ) v. Emi r §ah owed hi m for 16 4 kil e of wheat ( 2 2 - 4; II I Zil-Hicce 1018) . Ahme d sold c Ali be§e 42 kil e of barle y for 6 altun ( 1 241—8 ; I §evval 1002) . c Ali bn Mehmed sol d Suleyma n b n Selim 3 6 kil e of whea t a t 3 0 akc e apiec e (1 242-3 ; I §evval 1002) . The late c Abdul-Latif had sold Papa Luka 10 7 kile of barle y ( 1 294—4 ; HI Zil-Hicce 1002) . The late Kupe giyim Yusu f bn c Abdullah sold 100 0 akce worth of wheat to Lefter v. Covan (1 3 0 3 5; Zil-Hicce 1002) . Keyvan boluk ba§i bn cAbdullah sold Armenian Bedr v. Tanri vird i fou r kil e of whea t fo r 9 0 akc e apiece ( 3 3 3 - 1 ; II Zil-Kade 1018). Janissary Yusu f be§ e bn Mehmed sol d 2 0 kile of wheat to Piro v. Gasparo for two guru§ each ( 3 13—1 ; 18 §evval 1018) .

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 31 7 Mehmed gelebi bn cAli beg of Lef ko§a states (bm) befor e Fatma bint Suleyman, wife and guardian (vast) fo r the minor children of the late Hamze aga, who has as legal agen t (vekil) cAbdur-Rahim c,eleb i bn Mehmed: I gave the deceased 5 kite of wheat for 1 altun each, 10 kile of barley for 60 akce apiece, and 4 kile of common vetch (burqak) fo r 1 guru§ apiece. Nineteen gurus, is owed me. I want it. Fatm a denie s that . Qemsi d od a ba§ i b n 'Abdulla h an d c Ali b n Abdulla h confirm Mehmed. (3 165—1; 13 §aban 1019) Ahmed bn c Abdullah states (tm) before Ahmed bn Ahmed: I gave Ahmed i9*/2 kile of wheat for 26 akce apiece. Ahmed says it was 1SV2 kile for 24 akce apiece. The former acknowledges that. (1 270-2; II Zil-Kade 1002) Bakers wer e value d member s o f th e society . Possibl y the y wer e i n short supply . Severa l instance s occurre d o f loca l communities ' offerin g credit or cash bonuses to a baker who would serve them. Solimo v. Pavl i and his mother (? ) bint Filori of Ay a Ku§a quarter of Lefko§ a acknowledge (ik) before Paskali v. Bernarto, Zano v. Kar^ere , and others: My father Pavl i too k 1 2 altu n i n capita l (sermaye) fro m th e people o f th e village from bread baking (ekmekcilik). I will b e guarantor fo r the property (kefil bilmal). The people of the quarter accept. (1 246-4; II §evval 1002) Above Solim o an d (? ) o f th e aforementione d plac e say : Beside s th e 1 2 altu n already mentioned, a 300 akce loan (karz-i hasen) was taken from Paskali, Zano, and the others of the quarter. Registered. (1 246-5; same) Andreye v. Luka of Aya Luka quarter, Andon v. (?), Lucjyo v. (?) make a claim (dac va) against (? ) v . Covan : H e wa s appointe d (ta c yin) baker (etmekci) t o make bread in our quarter. We gave him 16 altun in capital (sermaye). Now he is not doing that and we want the money back. He acknowledges that. (1 2499; II §evval 1002) Zimmis o f Ay a Luk a quarte r say : Previousl y w e gav e 120 0 akc e a s capita l (sermaye) t o ekmekci Lefter. He fled.Now we give 1800 akce capital to Ziya v. Zanetoye to make bread (ekmek). He accepts. (1 259-2; I Zil-Kade 1002) People of Aya Luka quarter say (bm) before Yasef (?) v. Kara Goz: We gave him 3000 akce to make bread (etmek) in our quarter for three years starting 28 July 1610 ( 7 Cumadi I 1019). At the end of three years the money becomes his for his service. No one should interfere. He acknowledges that. (3 133—8; 28 Rebic II1019) Zimmi breadbake r (etmekci) Loiz o o f Le f ko§a claime d tha t th e lat e Ahmed Pa§a, who died while governor of Cyprus, had owed him 11,16 0

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akce fo r brea d (etmek), whic h obviousl y represente d a hug e quantity . Loizo's oat h wa s accepte d a s proof o f hi s claim ( 4 64—1 ; II Sefer 1044) . c

Avs bn Musa and haci Mehmed bn haci Mehmed of Lef ko§a had an agreement to buy together for their bakeries. (1 74—2; Muharrem 1003 )

The breadbakers of the city (§ehir habbazlar) have made Tuesday (selase) a nonwork da y (ta c til dutub). I t i s registered tha t the y ar e ordere d no t t o sel l stal e (bayat) bread. (3 11-5; 16 §evval 1018) 14 Farm Animals an d Mea t Except fo r liv e sheep and goats , the prices of far m animal s (oxen , mules , donkeys, cattle , an d horses ) wer e quit e stable , a s wer e th e price s o f freshly slaughtere d meats . The marke t price s of shee p (koyun) an d goat s (keqilkeci) ros e fro m 2 5 t o 3 0 akc e apiec e i n 1593-159 4 (1002-1003 ) to slightly ove r 10 0 akce in 160 9 ( I O I 8 ) , an d i n 163 6 (1046 ) th e marke t price wa s stil l 10 0 akce . Donkey s (merkeb, har), o n th e othe r hand , which sol d fo r 33 0 akc e an d 40 0 akc e i n 159 3 (1002 ) an d 30 0 akc e i n 1594 (1003) , sol d fo r a slightl y lowe r averag e o f 20 0 t o 30 0 akc e i n 1609 ( lc>iS), bu t i n 163 3 (1043 ) th e pric e agai n wa s 40 0 akce . Fiv e oxen (okuz) wer e sol d fo r 100 0 akc e eac h i n 1593-159 4 (1002-1003) , the sam e pric e a s on e i n 163 6 (1046) ; i n th e interva l price s o f 80 0 an d 840 akc e occurre d fo r wha t ma y hav e bee n inferio r animals . Cattl e (inek) ha d littl e prestige. They sol d fo r les s than donkey s (18 0 akce , 27 5 akce, 30 0 akce) . N o pig s wer e mentioned . B y fa r th e mos t costl y stoc k animal wa s th e mul e (katir). In 159 3 (1002) , on e mul e wa s sol d fo r 2520 akc e an d anothe r fo r 222 0 akce , whil e tw o other s fro m a n estat e were estimated t o b e 200 0 akc e apiece in value. In 160 7 (1016 ) on e sol d for onl y 80 0 akce , undoubtedly o f lowe r quality . In 160 9 (1018 ) a mul e sold fo r 200 0 akce , an d i n 163 3 (1043 ) an d 163 4 (1044 ) tw o sol d fo r 20 guru § (abou t n o akce ) an d 1 5 guru § (abou t 12 0 akce ) respectively . In 1593-159 4 (1002—1003 ) si x horses were sold, all but one fo r fa r les s than th e cos t o f mules : a colt (tay) fo r 100 0 akce , two mare s (kisrag) fo r 1520 akc e an d 30 0 akc e respectively , an d thre e stallion s (at) fo r 1200 , 1500, an d 200 0 akce . Althoug h th e pric e o f horse s vacillate d greatly , apparently i n Cypru s th e hors e wa s no t th e prestig e animal , a s migh t have bee n expected; only one reached th e value of th e cheaper mules. 15 The officia l fixed price s o f freshl y slaughtere d meat s actuall y decline d

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 31 9 slightly between 160 7 (1016) and 163 5 (1045). A vakiye of lamb (lahmi kuziy kebab-i koyun) declined from eight akce in 1593 (1002) and 160 7 (1016) to six and seven akce in 1634—163 5 (1044-1047 ) — seven akce without th e hea d (ba§siz/kuzi). Goat mea t (lahm-i keqi, kebab-i keqi) declined from si x akce/vakiye to five akce. Preserved sun-cured or smoked meats (pasdirma an d sucuk) remaine d a t virtuall y th e sam e price s throughout th e period , eve n whe n ther e wer e som e variation s i n th e products. Some pasdirma and sucuk could be bought for 1 8 akce/vakiye in 159 4 (1003 ) and 160 7 ( I Q I ^); sucu k could be bought fo r a s little as 12 akce, while that of an estate was valued at 1 0 akce/vakiye. In 1635 1636 (1045-1046), imported pasdirma was 24 akce and sucuk 12 akce.16 Dairy Products The official fixed price (narh) of dairy products remained very stable. In 1593-1594 (1002-1003 ) th e price of bot h a n earthenware pot (qanak) of yogur t (yogurd) and a n earthenwar e ju g (gomlek, de§ti) ranged be tween tw o an d thre e akce ; in 160 7 (1016 ) th e range was between tw o and fou r akce ; in 163 3 (1043 ) a n earthenware pot o f yogurt was three akce an d i n 163 6 (1046 ) tw o akce . Neithe r di d th e pric e o f chees e increase. Although variou s cheese s wer e sold , th e officia l lis t doe s no t always specify whic h were meant. In 1594 (1003) cheese (peynir/beynir) sold for 1 2 akce/vakiye while Karaman cheese (either a cheese imported from Karama n immediatel y t o th e north, or a type of chees e typical of Karaman that was produced in Cyprus) sold for 1 4 akce/vakiye. In 1609 (1018) chees e made in skin (tulum peynir) sold first for 1 2 akce/vakiye and the n 1 6 akce while regular chees e (ba§ peynir) was only 8 . Cheese was still 1 2 akce/vakiye in 163 6 (1046) . Butter generally ran a t slightly more tha n twic e th e pric e o f cheese . The officia l pric e o f butte r (sade yagi, tere yagi) declined from 3 0 akce/vakiye in 159 3 (1002 ) to 2 8 akce in 159 4 (1003 ) t o 2 6 akc e i n 160 9 (1018 ) befor e risin g to 3 2 akc e i n 1636 (1046). In 1593 (1002) a large quantity of butter sold for 2 3 akce/ vakiye while the estimated value of that of an estate was 30 akce/vakiye. Fruits an d Vegetables Cyprus, particularl y th e souther n coasta l region , produce d bountifu l grapes, the cheapest of which were very inexpensive. Between 159 4 and

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1635 th e rang e o f fixed price s wa s quit e steady . I n 159 4 (1003 ) fancie r grapes range d fro m 8 akce/vakiy e fo r Balbe k grape s (uzum-i Balbek, from th e Lebanes e mountains ) t o 1 2 t o 1 4 akce/vakiy e fo r grape s fro m Syria (uzum-i §am), althoug h blac k grape s (siyah) sol d fo r onl y 4 akce / vakiye an d a vakiy e o f fres h loca l grape s (yas uzum) fo r a s littl e a s 1 akce. Estimate d value s o f grape s belongin g t o a n estat e settle d i n 159 3 (1002) include d 3 akce/vakiy e fo r blac k grape s (kara uzum), 6 akc e fo r a small seedles s (? ) grape (ki§ni§ = ki§mi§?) an d red grapes (kizil), an d 1 0 akce/vakiye fo r grapes of a n unspecified type . When fres h grapes were 3 or 4 akce/vakiy e i n 160 7 (1016) , a vakiy e o f blac k grape s wa s 8 akc e and on e o f re d grape s wa s 1 3 o r 1 6 akce . I n 163 5 (1045 ) th e pric e o f black grape s remaine d a t 8 akce/vakiye an d the red ones were 12 , while local raisins were available for 5 akce/vakiye. Another abundan t an d inexpensive frui t was figs. Fresh figs (incir, or taze incir) sol d fo r 1 or 2 akce/vakiye i n 159 3 (1002) , while Galat a figs (incir-i Galata) sol d fo r onl y 3 akce . B y 160 7 (1016 ) th e pric e o f th e latter ha d rise n t o 8 akce/vakiye , althoug h othe r figs wer e stil l 2 o r 3 akce. I n 163 3 (1043 ) figs wer e 6 akce/vakiye ; i n 163 5 ( I O 4 5 ) f res h figs (sulu inciri) were 6 akce but all others were 4 akce. One akce , which bough t 20 0 dirhem s o f apple s (elma) in 159 4 (1003) , bought 30 0 dirhe m i n 163 5 ( I O 4 5 ) ; * n 160 7 (1016 ) the y had sold fo r 3 akce/vakiye. Eve n slightl y cheape r tha n apple s wer e pomegranates . I n 1593 (1002 ) swee t pomegranate s (enar tatlu o r leziz) sol d fo r 1 o r 2 akce/vakiye o r 50 0 dirhems fo r 1 akce, while the sour ones (enar ek§i or tur§) sol d fo r 50 0 o r 60 0 dirhem s fo r 1 akc e o r 3 akce/vakiye . Th e following yea r swee t pomegranate s wer e 2 akce/vakiy e o r 40 0 dirhe m for 1 akce, while th e sou r sol d 50 0 dirhe m fo r 1 akce or 1 akce/vakiye. In 160 7 (1016 ) 45 0 dirhem s o f swee t pomegranate s sol d fo r 1 akce a s did 30 0 dirhems of sou r pomegranates. In 159 4 (1003) , 160 7 (1016) , an d 163 5 (1045 ) th e officia l pric e o f roasted chick-pea s (leblebi) wa s 8 o r 1 0 akce/vakiye , althoug h i n 163 5 the pric e reache d a s hig h a s 1 2 akce ; i n 159 3 th e estimate d valu e o f roasted chick-pea s o f a n estat e wa s 6 akce/vakiy e an d abou t 8 akce / vakiye. Onion s (sogan, basal), 1 akce/vakiye i n 159 3 (1002) , wer e 30 0 dirhems fo r 1 akc e i n 159 4 (1003) , 30 0 dirhem s fo r 1 akc e o r 2 akce / vakiye in 160 7 (1016) , and 1 0 akce/vakiye in 163 5 (1045) , a ver Y sever e increase. Grap e pekmez (pekmez-i uzum, grap e juic e boile d t o a sugary solid o r heav y syrup ) sol d fo r 1 0 or 1 2 akce/vakiy e i n 160 7 (1016 ) an d

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 32 1 8 akc e i n 163 5 (1045) , whil e caro b pekmez (pekmez-i harnob, carob juice boiled to a heavy syrup) sold for 5 and 6 akce in 1607 (1016) and 5 akc e in 163 5 (1045) . Ri ce> apparentl y alway s importe d fro m Egypt, was one of the most expensive goods available. The price of 50 akce/kile is mentioned in 1593 (1002). Rice from Rashid (pirinc-i Re§id) (Rosetta ) sold fo r 4 0 t o 4 5 akce/kil e i n 159 4 (1003) , whil e tha t fro m Dimya t (pirinc-i Dimyat) (Damietta) sold for 45 to 50 akce. In 1607 (1016 ) the price o f ric e ranged betwee n 5 0 an d 8 0 akce , bu t in 163 6 (1046 ) th e official price returned to 50 akce. Olive trees predominated in much of th e Cyprus landscape, particularly in dry and hilly areas. The official fixed price of olive oil (zeyt yagi, revgan-i zeyt) increased substantially from 10 to 12 akce/vakiye in 1594 (1003) to between 1 6 and 28 akce in 160 7 (1016) . By 1634 (1044 ) the price had reached 1 8 t o 2 0 akce ; in 163 5 (1045 ) i t stayed at 2 0 akce/ vakiye. In 40 years the price had doubled. Market prices of olive oil in 1609 (1018 ) an d 163 4 (1044 ) range d between 22V 2 akce and 28 akce, and an instance of 2 8 akce/lidre (lodra) occurre d in 1609 (1018) , when Marko v. Kostint i o f Ay a Demri village o f Le f ko§a bought 7 4 lidr e of olive oil fro m Ferencesko v. (? ) and Ferenci v. Ahturi for 207 0 akce (3 28-2, 3 ; II Zil-Kade 1018). The officia l pric e o f hone y ( casl, bal) ros e sharpl y betwee n 159 4 (1003) and 1607 (1016), before it began to decline a little. Twelve akce/ vakiye in 1594 (1003) , ft w as s e t variousl y at 20 akce, 27 akce, and 30 akce in 160 7 (1016) . However, the price set for 163 5 (1045 ) wa s only 20 akce/vakiye , an d th e followin g yea r tha t fel l t o 1 6 akce . Sale s o f honey fo r 1 5 akce/vakiy e i n 163 3 an d 2 0 akce/vakiy e i n 163 4 (1044 ) were recorded. Sugar As certai n contemporar y traveler s indicate , th e Ottoman s experience d disappointments an d losses in the cultivation and preparation of sugar, an imperia l monopol y intende d exclusivel y fo r th e palace larders . An order o f 2 9 June 1575 , fo r example , require d th e Cypru s begle r beg i (provincial governor ) an d defterdar (chief financial officer) t o sen d all the sugar present there (mevcud) to the Porte immediately, as if unaware how much sugar there was or should have been. A pair of orders dated 6 Apri l 157 7 t o th e Cypru s begle r beg i an d th e Rodo s beg i (distric t

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governor) requir e th e forme r t o dispatc h al l th e suga r h e ha s o n ship s (gemiler) t o Rhode s i n chest s (sunduklar), wher e th e distric t governo r would accep t th e sugar , giv e hi s receipt , an d forwar d th e suga r t o th e Porte. Less than a decade later the situation had become desperate. True, an order of 2 9 Septembe r 158 6 t o the Cyprus defterdar an d to the kadis of Lefko§ a an d Gulna r (? ) reveale d tha t a Jew (Yahudi) name d § a c ban wanted t o rais e th e ta x far m (iltizam) o f th e suga r factorie s (mukata c a -i §eker hane) from 600 0 filori to 16,00 0 filori/year. However, tw o letter s addresse d jointl y t o th e Cyprus begle r beg i an d defterdar o n 1 4 Marc h 158 8 sho w th e sa d conditio n int o whic h th e sugar industr y ha d fallen . On e point s ou t tha t sinc e th e conquest o f th e island thos e tw o official s ha d been assigne d t o ensur e that all sugar was prepared (tedarik) wit h car e an d delivere d t o th e imperia l pantrie s (kilar). Althoug h suga r ha d no t com e properl y fo r a fe w year s (bir kaq seneden beru), i n 158 6 no t on e kanta r ha d entere d th e pantrie s an d i n 1583 onl y 68 kantar had reached there. The beglerbegi and the defterdar then were exhorted not to be deceitful (gadr ve bahane) an d to send 50 0 kantar o f suga r withou t fail , a s i n othe r years . I n th e secon d orde r th e Porte spells out its indignation i n detail: When I heard that the sugar factories (§eker haneleri) o n that island are ruined (harab) an d that they were barren ( curyan) becaus e water (su) wa s not in places as it used to be ( cadet-i kadime uzre) an d that sugar did not come at all because of neglect (ihmal), I ordered that you are responsible in that matter. Now do not be negligen t (gaflet). You shoul d se e t o i t personally . D o no t trus t anyone . Henceforth you should give complete attention to the sugar and sugar factories, and you should make the water flow (icra) a s it used to. It was ordered that you should make repairs fully an d that the sugar should be sent in full. I order that you should have all the sugar factories looked after (gordurdub) and you should make know n i n ful l wha t th e reaso n wa s fo r tha t suga r no t comin g t o m y imperial domai n (hassa* - 1 bumayunum iqun). Yo u should write the truth as it happened and present it ( carz). (164/7 5 (29 ) #673,674. 123/8 9 (29) #281, 282. 160/89 (37 ) #487 , (39 ) #484 . 122/9 8 (46 ) #34, (55 ) #487 . 162/6 0 (4 ) #234 . 117/30 (12 ) # 2 0 )

In 159 3 (1002 ) th e procedur e whic h le d t o injustic e bot h t o ta x farmers (multezims) an d to cultivator s i n the selling of cotto n ta x farm s (mukata c at) wa s als o practice d wit h suga r ( 1 2 8 6 - 1 ; II I Zil-K . 1002 . Cf. 226-1) . I n 160 9 (1018 ) Mehme d b n c Ali and c Ali bn Mahmud deal t with nin e guru§ worth o f suga r ( 3 2 3 - 3 ; I Zil-K. 1018) . I n 161 0 (1019 ) c Omer gavu§ was cultivating at the Kukla sugar factory (§eker hane) with

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 32

3

the consent o f th e superviser o f ta x farme r (emin), althoug h possibl y h e was cultivatin g cotto n ( 3 3 8 - 4 ; II I Cumad i I 1019) . I n 163 4 (1044 ) zimmiye broke r (delale) Maro sol d some sugar to Ahmed Pa§a (4 6 4 - 2 ; II Sefer 1044). 17 Saltpeter Among the first concerns of th e Ottoman governmen t after the conques t of Cypru s was to locate the supply of saltpeter known to be there and to begin minin g it . Saltpeter , essentia l t o th e manufactur e o f gunpowder , had lon g bee n scarce . B y lat e 157 1 a n inspecto r o f saltpete r (guhercile naziri) c Ali $avu § ha d reache d Cypru s wit h order s t o begi n producin g saltpeter wit h th e labo r o f son s o f spahi s (sipahi zadeler) fro m I c I I province, wh o wer e obligate d t o carr y out tha t service . When th e latte r failed t o carr y ou t thei r duties , th e inspecto r complained . Ne w order s then wer e sen t t o bot h Cypru s an d Karama n governors . O n 1 9 Marc h 1572 on e suc h orde r wen t t o th e Cypru s begle r beg i an d defterda r reminding the m tha t whe n th e Port e ha d hear d o f th e saltpete r o n th e island i t ha d ordere d the m t o g o wit h expert s (ehl-i vukuf) an d usefu l people who know (bilur yarar kimesneler) th e nature (ahval) of gunpow der t o th e saltpete r mine s (guhecile ma c denleri) an d t o loo k ove r th e situation. If in truth saltpeter was found and if it was possible (mumkun) to min e it, then it should b e produced. Those order s obviously wer e no t carried ou t wit h th e anticipate d diligence , fo r a n imperia l orde r o f November, 157 3 t o th e Cypru s governo r an d defterda r make s ver y emphatic th e disappointmen t o f th e Porte . Althoug h i t was wel l know n that befor e th e conques t a sufficien t amoun t (kefayet) o f saltpete r ha d been prepare d o n Cyprus , peopl e gav e u p (feraget) producin g tha t an d so a n inadequat e amoun t o f gunpowde r wa s available . Therefore , th e Porte immediatel y sen t expert s (ustad) t o ensur e th e preparatio n o f a sufficient amoun t o f gunpowde r fo r th e island (138/8 9 (20 ) #254 . 118 / 58 (37 ) #1026 . 161/7 1 (19 ) # 3 7 i ) . 1 8 Salt Hasan $avu§ , superviso r (muba§ir) o f loadin g sal t (tuz) a t Limos a pie r (limon iskelesi) reporte d t o Yakim o Mavr i (di) , zimm i captai n (re* is), the loadin g o f sal t (tuz) o n 3 2 ship s (gemi); Yakim o acknowledge d

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accepting 150 0 Istanbu l kil e in freight (navlun) ( 1 9 3 - 1; I Rebic 11003). Between 159 0 (999 ) an d 159 2 (1001 ) th e villag e o f Qet e ( ? = Kiti?) o f Tuzla distric t (nahiye) paid 60,00 0 akce/yea r fro m sal t fo r th e salar y o f the Baf begi ( 1 294-3 ; Zil-Hicce 1002 . Cf. 1 114-1; 1 8 Ramazan 1002 . 116-1; II I Zil-Kade 1002) . Fo r 160 8 (1017 ) som e villager s i n Mesariy e district wer e require d t o pa y fou r akce/nefe r sal t ta x (resm-i milh), among othe r taxe s ( 2 5 2 - 1 ; 1 4 §evva l 1016). I n 163 5 ( I O 4 5 ) forme r beyt ul-ma l c amme ve hass a emin i Kumar i Zad e Ibrahi m be g bn Nasu h was supervisor (nazir) for collecting the revenues of villages the revenues of whic h accru e t o th e Port e (havass-i humayun), namel y Bal i Ketri , Pano Horu§ , Kat o Horu§ , an d Trahoni . Amon g th e taxe s h e collecte d wee thos e o n salt . I n tha t positio n Ibrahi m be g receive d 1 0 ta c yi n (rations?) o f sal t (milh) from th e notables ( cayan) of Le f ko§a. He was t o pay them 150,00 0 akc e within 3 0 days ( 4 122-2 ; I Receb 1045 . 221-2 ; Lefko§a, I I Rebi c I I 1045) . I n 159 4 (1003 ) th e official fixed pric e of on e vakiye of salt was 2/ 3 c osmani. In 1607 (1016 ) price s of five akce and 1 2 akce/vakiye were recorded. 19 Soap Cyprus produce d it s ow n soap , bu t th e highes t qualit y soa p wa s im ported from the Levant. So in 159 4 (1003 ) th e official fixed price of soa p (sabun) mad e i n Cypru s (Kibris sabuni) wa s 1 0 akce/vakiye , whil e Bey rut (? ) sabun i sol d fo r 1 2 akce/vakiy e an d tha t o f Trablu s (sabun-i Trablus) (Tripoli ) sol d fo r 1 4 t o 1 6 akce.I n 160 7 (1016 ) soa p o f a type not specificall y designate d sol d fo r betwee n 2 4 an d 3 4 akce . A produc t simply called soap sold about 2 2 akce/vakiye in 160 9 (1019) ; soap fro m Trablus sol d fo r betwee n 2 0 an d 2 8 akce/vakiye , tha t fro m Jerusale m (sabun-i Kudus) fo r betwee n 3 0 an d 4 0 akce . I n 163 6 (1046 ) th e fixed price o f soap , no t furthe r identified , wa s liste d a s 2 4 akce/vakiye . Th e price o f soa p ros e sharply , doublin g betwee n 159 4 (1003 ) an d 160 7 (1016); although b y 163 6 (1046 ) th e price had declined some, soap was still far costlier than 40 years earlier. 20 Wood A documen t o f th e lat e 16t h c . indicate s tha t lumberin g continued i n Cyprus a s a n occupation. 21 Th e Cypru s governo r wrot e a letter t o th e kadi of Le f ko§a.

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5

c

Ali Pa§a' s lette r (mektub) to Lefko§ a kadi : Kno w that , i n accordanc e wit h custom, wood (odun) is needed here from villages in mountainous districts (dag semti). We sen d $avu § kethuda Hasa n ag a t o ge t the wood an d send i t here. Purchase it a t the current official fixed price (narh ruzi) when i t arrives. Take whatever th e amoun t is , as in the past, an d send it righ t away . ( 1 161-2 ; III Rebic II1003) In 1607-160 8 (1016 ) th e head (§eyh) of th e woodcutters (tahtaciler) was a janissary conver t t o Islam , Mehmed be§ e bn c Abdullah; like other craftsmen, th e woodcutter s ha d a se t o f officia l fixed price s tha t the y maintained ( 2 1-2,3 ; 1016) . At th e tim e o f th e establishmen t o f Ottoma n provincia l rul e i n Cy prus, however, i t was presumed tha t there was no timber. An order of 7 May 157 2 t o th e Cypru s begle r beg i an d t o th e kadi s i n Tarsus sancak , for example , pointe d ou t th e nee d fo r board s (taht) fo r gu n stock s (kundaklik) t o supply th e local arsena l (tophane muhimmati), a s well a s for mast s (direk), palisade d mas t tops (kulek), an d railings (parmaklik). Since adequat e woo d wa s no t availabl e i n Cyprus , i t ha d t o b e trans ported ther e fro m Tarsus . Thre e order s o f 1573-157 4 t o th e Cypru s begler begi, the Cyprus defterdari , an d the Izmir begi detail th e need fo r lumber (kereste) fo r mast s (direkler), spar s (serenler), an d other lumbe r (kereste) necessar y fo r th e imperial galley s and transport ships (kadirgalar, kalyete, at gemileri) i n Cyprus . Although the y were ol d an d neede d new board s (taht), ther e wa s n o lumbe r (kereste) i n tha t place . Sinc e there wa s lumbe r i n Izmi r sancagi , th e Izmi r beg i ha d t o hav e tha t cu t for wages by day laborers (akce He rencber taifesine kesdurub). The n the Cyprus defterdar had to pay the Izmir begi for the lumber after it arrived and wa s inventorie d an d inspecte d (yokliyub) (161/7 1 (21 ) #253,254 ; (22) # 2 5 2 ) .

Cotton Trade i n cotto n exceede d tha t o f al l othe r noncomestibles , bot h b y volume an d i n cash value. Cotto n wa s sol d i n three units of weight : th e lidre (lodra), th e sack (quval), and th e kantar. I n 158 0 (988 ) Pap a Yan i v. Vasi l an d Ergir o v . Pavl i sol d zVi kanta r o f cotto n t o c Omer b n Ibrahim for six years, each worth 1 4 filori (1 15-5 ; II Ramazan 988). In 1592 (1001 ) th e official fixed pric e for one Cypru s kantar of cotto n wa s 800 akce . Loiz o sol d Gavra 3 i l 11 7 lidr e o f cotto n fo r 1 8 altu n (abou t

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.15 altun/lidre ) i n 159 3 (1002 ) ( 1 226-3 ; H Ramazan 1002) . I n 159 4 (1003) Ba f sancagi beg i Mustaf a be g was owed 22,95 0 akc e in revenues from cotto n i n Lefko§a fo r hi s salary (saliyane); 21 kanta r an d 8 6 lidr e were received , eac h kanta r value d a t 105 0 akc e ( 1 163—2 ; III Rebi c I I 1003. 163-3 ; I Cumadi I 1003 . 166-1 ; sel h Rebi c I I 1003) . A sal e i n excess o f th e officia l 80 0 akce/kanta r t o th e Venetia n merchan t Kor dovan (? ) wa s als o note d ( 1 126-1,2 ; §evva l 1001 , Konstantiniye) . I n 1610(1019) Mehme d geleb i b n c Ali sol d Mustafa be g bn c Ali two sack s (quval) of cotto n fo r thre e years for 10,00 0 akce , that is 500 0 akce/sac k (3 4 7 - 6; I Cumadi I I 1019). Yakim o v. Pavla bought 2 0 sacks of cotto n from Istavriy e v . Fesenc o fo r 2 5 altun , abou t 1. 2 altun/sac k ( 3 8 4 - 1 ; 9 §evval 1019) . Filib o v. Bernardi of (? ) village of Le f ko§a bought 2 5 lidr e of cotto n fro m Ziy a (? ) v. Simiyoni (? ) for 900 akce , that is 36 akce each (3 101-5 ; 9 §evva l 1019) . Kom i v . Agost i o f Kat o Defter a villag e gav e Hasan $avu § bn Kasim one kanta r of cotto n fo r 192 0 akc e ( 4 187-1 ; II Receb 1046). 22 Occasionally th e cotton was identified a s having seeds (qiyyidlulceyyidili = qigit)s althoug h usuall y n o suc h designatio n wa s given . Nikol a v . Liyo bought 6 7 lidr e of ra w cotton (ciyyid) a t 1 8 akce/lidr e and 5 7 lidre at 2 0 akce/lidr e fro m Piyer o v. Gasparo , havin g i t delivered b y his ma n Loizo v . Mihail , calle d Mente § zade ( 3 9 - 2 ; 1 3 §evva l 1018 . Cf . 12-3 ; 18 §evva l 1018 . 13—2) . Th e youn g ma n (emredd) Husey n b n Vel i o f Makoka (? ) village i n Mesariye kaz a inherited , amon g othe r things, 3V2 vakiye cotton with seeds ( 3 21-6 ; 2 Zil-Kade 1018) . The for m i n whic h cotto n (penbe) wa s mos t commonl y sol d wa s carded (mahluc)P In 159 3 (1002 ) a kanta r o f carde d cotto n sol d fo r abou t 2 5 kirmiz i filori, twice th e price of uncarde d cotton . Ergir o v. Yak o of Nis u villag e of Le f ko§a sol d thre e kanta r o f carde d cotto n t o Behin e v . Petr o fo r 7 3 kirmizi filori, an d the n Tomazi v . (? ) of Dikom o villag e o f Girniy e kaz a sold Behine another three kantar for the same price; Mustafa b n Abdullah bought a kantar for 2 5 kirmiz i filori from Petr o v. Nikola ( 1 242-1 ; I §evva l 1002 . 2 5 3 - 1 ; II I §evva l 1002 . 244—1 ; I §evva l 1002) . The following yea r Luka v. Elistodiro (? ) of Lefko§ a sol d 10 5 lidr e of carde d cotton t o Zenit o v . Ganbe r (? ) for a price identifie d a s 4 2 kirmiz i altu n or 504 0 akce . That means , 48 akc e or .4 altun/lidr e ( 1 156-2 ; 1 5 Rebi c II 1003) . ' n 160 9 (1018 ) Kame r bin t Piri , the widow o f th e late Pi r cAli beg and guardia n (vasi) o f hi s orphans , mad e a claim fo r tw o kanta r o f

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 32 7 carded cotton for which her late husband had paid 9000 akce in advance (that is, 4500 akce/kantar ) ( 3 24-7 ; I Zil-Kade 1018) . Zimm i Nikol a also paid in advanc e fo r 1 0 lidre of carde d cotton. Sinc e he paid fou r kirmizi altun, that means the price per lidre was .4 altun (3 28-5; II ZilKade 1018). In 1610 (1019) Bali $avu§ sold 50 lidre of carded cotton to Nikola v. Vasil of Temriye village of Lef ka kaza for 25 altun, a price of Vz altun per lidre (3 171-1; II §aban 1019). Frequent interrelationships between Muslims and non-Muslims characterized th e cotto n business , particularl y carde d cotton . O f a smal l sample of 1 5 cases involving carded cotton seven were mixed communally; in two instances zimmis sold to Muslims and in five instances vice versa. cOmer bn Ibrahim bought 2V2 kantar of cotton at 14 filori/kantar from Papa Yani v. Vasil and Ergiro v. Pavli (1 15-5 ; II Ramazan 988). A transaction o f 159 4 (1003 ) involve d 104 Vz kanta r of carde d cotton sold fo r 15,00 0 akc e t o th e lat e zimm i merchan t {tacit) Kordovan by zacim Halil ag a bn c Abdul-Mennan ( 1 189-3 ; 2 ° Cumad i 1003) . Halil aga in turn owed former ag a of th e harbor Memi ag a 36 filori for 4V2 kantar of carded cotton ( 1 190—2; 20 Cumadi II 1003). Ergiro v. Yako (?) of Nisu village of Lef ko§a sold Behine v. Piro three kantar of carded cotton for 73 kirmizi filori (1 242-1 ; I §evval 1002 . Cf. 253-1) . Mustafa b n c Abdullah o f Le f ko§a bough t a kantar o f carde d cotto n fro m Petro v. Nikola of Lapta (Laputa) village of Girniye kaza for 25 kirmizi filori. (1 244-1 ; I §evval 1002) . Hasa n $avu § o f th e counci l (divan- i Kibris) gavu§es sold Zazo v. Zozi o f Pano (? ) village 45 filori worth of carded cotton ( 3 145—2 ; III Cumadi II 1019). Istavrito v. Mi^elli (? ) of Dimiyo (?) village of Lefko§a sold carded cotton to the late Hamze aga for 30 altun which is still outstanding (3 164-4); 13 §aban 1019). 24 Cotton processin g an d marketing was widespread, involving all elements of th e community, civilia n an d military, Muslim, Christian, and foreign. Som e transactions involve d sum s as large a s any found i n the records, while others involved only small amount of cotton. 25 The revenues (mahsul) accruin g of Ba f district governor (sancagi begi) Mustafa beg from the tax farm (mukata ca) o f Lefko§a in 1593 (1002 ) amounted to 22,950 akce. That came from 21 kantar and 86 lidre of cotton, each kantar worth 105 0 akce. (1 163-2; III Rebic II 1003. 163-3; I Cumadi I 1003. 166-1; I Cumadi I 1003). Mustafa $avu§ and beyt ul-mal emini Perviz be g sold to muteferrik a Mustaf a be g bn Pa§a ogli 7 0 kanta r of cotton which came to them as the revenue of an estate (qiftlik) ( 1 163 -

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4; I Cumadi I 1003). Ramaza n b n Hamz e acknowledge d hi s debt o f 2 0 vakiye of cotto n to Hamze bn Husrev ( 1 2 4 6 - 3 ; II §evval 1002) . Davud beg b n c Omer of Mesariy e kaz a sen t 42 4 lidr e o f cotto n t o Yerolim o v . Filipo o f Tuzl a ( 3 11—7 ; 1 6 §evva l 1018) . Seyyi d Mehme d b n seyyi d c Osman owe d topcila r bolu k ba§ i Hamze bolu k ba§ i 15 0 lidr e of cotto n from his estate (qiftlik) ( 3 28-8 ; II Zil-Kade 1018) . Marko v. Ciryako of (?) village of Mesariy e kaz a owed Nikolo v . Ciryak o one sack (quval) of cotton, an d Yakim o v. Pavl o was owed 2 0 sack s b y Istavriye v. Fesenc o (3 7 2 - 9 ; I I Rece b 1019 . 3 8 4 - 1 ; II I Receb) . Foreigne r (muste'min ) Yakimoto wa s owe d 57 1 altu n an d $6 akc e fo r hi s dealing in cotton ( 3 128-5; H §evval 1019) . Hac i Eymu r v. Ahmed gav e (? ) v. Gug e (? ) 60 0 akce worth of cotto n (kutn) ( 3 163-13 ; III Rebic II 1019). Yusuf be§e bn Mehmed, janissary of Inaktine (?) village of Mesariye kaza makes a claim (da'va) agains t Piro v. Gasparo: I sold Piro 13 donum of planted cotton (ekilmu§ penbe) at (? ) fo r 20 0 guru§ . He pai d 2 4 guru§ ; 17 6 guru § remained unpaid. I want it. Denied by Piro, who says, I paid it all in cotton. (3 12-4 ; 18 §evval 1018). Kargere v. Nikolo makes a claim (t.d.) against Kosdindi v. Filipo: I gave him 16 lidre of cotton seeds (penbe qekirdegi) at 10 akce apiece. Kosdindi acknowledges that. (3 33-10; II Zil-Kade 1018) Because o f th e large revenue s t o b e gained, th e government exercise d closer contro l over cotto n (an d suga r t o a lesse r extent ) tha n othe r agricultural cultivation . When abuses occurred, the Porte expressed genuine concern for the weak an d helpless. Imperial order (emr-i qerif) arrive d for emir ul-umera Cyprus governor (cezire*-i Kibris begler begisi) and Cyprus defterdar: When my imperial order (emr-i §erif) arrives, know that: The tax farmers (multezim) o f the tax farms (mukata cat) o f the sugar factories (§eker bane) a t Piskobi, Kula§, and Kukla and the farmers of tax farms of Lefko§a an d Hirsofi i n Cyprus and the baylos on the island sent a petition ( carz-i hal) t o my Porte: The aforementioned tax farms used to be given for ready cash (nakdiye). That condition (§art) for giving sugar and cotton causes suffering (iztirab) to the tax farmers. Now every year the governor and defterdar are not able to sel l cotto n (hasil-i penbe) at the official fixe d pric e (narh cart). They make trade (ticaret) an d distribute it for their own benefit, so they exceed the official pric e and do great harm to the poor and weak. For a few years those who ar e oppresse d (paymal) have bee n fleein g t o Venice , causin g los s t o th e treasury (miri). For the tranquility of the poor, the tax farmers should sell cotton according t o th e officia l fixed price an d los s shoul d no t b e caused t o th e tax farms. I order that: When my imperial order (hukm-i §erif) an d Cyprus deputy

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 32

9

(Kibris kethudasi) Mustaf a kethud a arrive , carry ou t m y order. I f it i s best fo r the recaya, do what is best for the re caya. Be careful no t to cause loss of revenue (mal), and do not do harm to the recaya. Ask the doorkeepers (kapuci), stewards (emin), and collectors of tax-farm revenue s ( camil) about the matter. Take down the names of any who interfere. (1 286-1; III Zil-Kade 1002) Petition ( carz) o f Piskob i kad i c Ali efendi. Da y laborers (irgad taifesi) i n service of Piskobi and Pula§ came to my court (kaza) an d made a complaint of oppression (tezallum): When w e perform th e servic e of plantin g (fidana hidmet) an d when we work th e cotton (penbeye hidmet) in cotton time, they do not give us enough fo r ou r service s to suppl y th e necessitie s o f lif e (kefaf-i nefs), and the y give n o grai n (tereke) for subsistenc e (nafaka). Our familie s ar e starvin g wit h hunger (ac ve zelil). If w e miss one da y the y treat u s with oppression . Le t our condition (ahval) be known . .. ( 1 226-1; undated 1002).

Wool an d Woolen Clot h Unlike cotton, wool wa s not a t al l an articl e of commerce. 26 Possibly th e cotton clot h industr y wa s de-centralized , wit h separat e cultivators , car ders, and weavers, while wool ma y have been spun and turned int o clot h within household s o f shee p raisers . A t an y rate , i n Lefko§ a fine an d coarse woo l clot h wa s frequentl y bough t an d sold , bu t n o evidenc e wa s found o f commerc e i n raw wool . The woo l clot h trade d mos t frequentl y wa s a goo d qualit y one , a broadcloth calle d £uk a (quha). Althoug h n o usefu l informatio n abou t prices is given, some of th e transactions involve d larg e sums of money . Keyvan bn cAbdullah acknowledges (ik) in the presence of Emine bint cAbdullah, who as guardian (vast) of the orphans of the late janissary Mehmed has as agent (vekil) haci Ca cfer: Th e lat e Mehme d owe d m e 480 0 akc e an d 96 0 akc e fo r woolen cloth (quka). Emin e admits that and is given one year to pay. (1 332-4; 1002)

Yakimo v. Ferencesko claimed that, a t the order o f Luk a v. Zorzi, he gave cAli beg a measur e o f woole n clot h (quka) adequat e fo r makin g a veil (peqelik). ( 3 43—4; 3 Cumadi II1019) Zimmi c Abdullah (? ) v . Ilya s claime d t o hav e give n Esma cAli be§ e woolen clot h (quka) wort h 15,00 0 akc e ( 3 77—6; III Receb 1019) . Istof i (?) v . Ferencesk o wa s owe d 160 0 akc e fo r woole n clot h b y anothe r zimmi ( 3 1 6 3 - 1 3 ; III Rebic II1019) .

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Maro bin t (bn , sic ) Loizo , wido w an d executri x (zeve'-i metruke) o f th e lat e Yorolimo v . Ferencesko , an d guardian (vast) fo r hi s children state d (bm) befor e Hiristofi v . Ferencesko : Hiristof i owe d th e deceased 300 0 akc e for woolen clot h (quka) and kuma$. ( 3 105-1 ; 4 Ramazan 1019 ) Maro bin t Loizo, widow an d executrix (zevce*-i metrukesi) o f th e late Yorolim o v. Ferencesko , an d guardia n (vasi) fo r hi s childre n state d (ihzar/bm) befor e c Omer be§ e b n c Ali: c Omer ha d bough t 1 0 cubit s (zira c) o f purpl e woole n clot h (mor quka) fro m th e decease d fo r 20 0 akc e apiece . H e owe s th e money . c Omer denies that but has no proof. Mar o takes an oath that the debt exists. ( 3 164—4 ; 13 §aba n 1019 )

Yayci Mehme d ag a o f Le f ko§a acknowledge s (iklft) befor e Melamot o v . Dol fino: He owe s m e 31,00 0 akc e fo r woolen cloth . H e paid 1 0 gurus, less than the official fixed pric e (narh cart) for each kantar. ( 3 150-4 ; III Cumadi I I 1019. Cf . 151-1) Ferencesko v . Lanik o (? ) of th e Frenc h merchant s (Fransiz tuccari tafifesi) made a clai m (da cva/tk) agains t Arsla n kethuda , guardia n (vasi) befor e th e Sharia fo r the mino r so n Mehme d be g o f th e lat e Ahme d Pa§ a wh o die d whil e governo r (mir miran) o f Cypru s . . .: H e still owes m e 2222V 2 riyali guru§ from Pari s and Merzifon (? ) woole n clot h (quka). Le t th e guardia n b e asked . Arsla n kethud a denies that . Whe n Ferencesk o i s aske d fo r proof , uprigh t Muslim s ( cudul-i Muslimin) Yusu f s u ba§ i b n c Abdul-Mennan an d Ridva n kethud a b n c AbdulVehhab confir m him : I t happened i n ou r presence . Whe n a n oat h o n th e Bibl e (Incil) was proposed to the claimant, he took it . (4 6 0 - 1; Sefer 1044 ) Arslan kethud a o f Besikta § i n Galat a bough t clot h fro m Rumel i fo r 8 0 akce / vakiye from Ibrahi m bn c A l i . . . ( 4 6 7 - 2; III Sefer 1044 ) Seyyid Ahme d $eleb i b n Rece b o f Lefko§ a mad e a clai m (da'va/tk) agains t Kumari zade Ibrahim be g bn Isma cil, present inheritance superviso r (beyt ul-mal c amme ve hassa emini): Ibrahi m owes me (hakkum) 20 0 riyal i guru§ from a loan (karz). O f tha t I have received 169V 2 riyali gurus, worth of cloth (quka) and cash. I am stil l owe d 3iV 2 riyal i guru§ ; he delay s (te callul). Ibrahi m claim s h e paid i n full, but he also has no proof. When Ahmed is asked to take an oath, he does. (4 113-1; I I Muharrem 1045 ) Coarse woole n clot h ( caba) wa s markete d i n bolt s (top), a s whe n Ahmed be§ e b n c Osman gav e Suleyma n be g b n c Abdullah 2 5 to p coars e white woole n clot h (beyaz c aba) ( 3 7 3 - 5 ; II I Receb 1019) . Cacfer b n 'Abdullah o f Le f ko§a states (tm) i n the presence of seyyid Mehmed bn Mustafa: I gave hi m 14 0 to p o f whit e coars e woole n clot h fo r 4 5 sikk e filori altun. I want the money fo r the cloth (kuma§). (3 126-7 ; I I §evval 1019 )

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 33

1

Vriyoni o f Lefko§ a make s a claim (da cva/tk) agains t Arslan kethuda, guardian (vast) fo r the minor son of th e late Ahmed Pa§a: I sold the Pa§a 13 rolls (?) of Cyprus cloth (Kibrisi kuma§) fo r 303 6 dirhe m or 9108 akce . I received 400 0 akce; 5108 akc e is still due me. I want it from his effects . .. ( 4 66-1; III Sefer 1044) Katib Ibrahim selebi bn haci Hasan of Lef ko§a makes a claim (da cva/tk) against Mustafa b n Yusuf, heir of the late Ermenaki zade Hasan ^elebi: This Mehmed bn Ahmed of th e people of th e covered market (bezasten ahalisi) ha s owed me 120 akce of cloth (kuma§ bahasi) fo r one and a half years. When we wished to go to the mainland (Ote Yaka) this debt was transferred (devir) to the late Hasan $elebi... ( 4 165-2; I Rebic II1046) Coffee First introduce d t o Istanbu l aroun d 155 0 fro m Egyp t o r Syria , coffe e won grea t favo r there , i n fashionabl e circle s a s wel l a s popula r ones . Coffee caugh t on fast. Coffe e house s spread not only all over the capital but also in provinces like Cyprus, often i n the possession of foundations . The earlies t survivin g reference s t o coffe e i n th e Lefko§ a sicil s concer n trade i n coffee , first betwee n Mehme d b n Ahme d an d Husey n b n A b dullah, an d then , fo r 1 0 vakiy e coffee , betwee n Hasa n an d Ust a Pir i of (?) villag e ( 3 7 6 - 2 ; II I Rece b 1019 . 106-2 ; 4 Ramaza n 1019) . B y th e 1630s coffee ha d become one of the key goods of trade. 27 Ibrahim od a ba§ i b n Emrulla h o f Le f ko§a claime d that , alon g wit h other goods, he had sold Yusuf beg bn cAbdullah of Girniye 300 0 vakiye of coffe e a t 8 0 akc e eigh t year s earlie r an d stil l ha d no t collecte d th e 240,000 akc e du e him ( 4 5—1 ; II §aban 1043) . When Ahme d Pa§ a died while stil l provincia l governo r (mir miran) i n Cyprus , h e lef t a deb t o f 13,280 akc e to his man Isma cil tayi for 16 6 vakiye of coffe e (a t 80 akce/ vakiye) ( 4 1 9 - 2 ; II I Sefer 1044) . Amon g Ahme d Pa§a' s debts t o his ag a Arslan ag a b n Mehme d wa s 992 0 akc e fo r 12 4 vakiy e o f coffe e (a t 8 0 akce) ( 4 2 1 - 1 ; III Sefer 1044) . When a vakiye of clot h (quha) in Rumel i was 8 0 akce , an d a vakiy e o f coffe e wa s 8 0 akce , Arsla n kethud a o f Besikta§ i n Galat a gav e Ibrahi m b n c Ali 10 7 vakiy e o f coffe e bean s (findik kahvesi) fo r 10 7 vakiy e clot h ( 4 6 7 - 2 ; H I Sefer 1044) . Hasa n $elebi b n Mehme d sol d 22 8 vakiy e o f coffe e t o th e lat e Ahme d Pa§ a when th e pric e wa s 10 0 akc e each ; Hasa n celebi , scrib e o f th e pa§a' s council (divan katibi), ha d received 10,00 0 akc e of th e 22,80 0 akc e du e

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him an d claime d th e res t ( 4 6 7 - 3 ; II I Sefe r 1044) . Anothe r o f Ahme d Pa§a,s men , Ibrahi m b n c Ali, ha d sol d th e Pa§ a 10 7 vakiy e o f coffe e beans fo r 856 0 akc e whe n th e pric e ha d bee n 8 0 akce/vakiy e ( 4 6 8 - 1 ; III Sefer 1044) . I n 163 3 an d 163 4 th e fre e marke t pric e o f a vakiye o f coffee wa s almos t alway s 8 0 akce ; alternately , 1 akc e bough t 30 0 dir hem of coffee i n 164 5 (1045) . The existence of several coffee house s (hahve hane) is known throug h documents concernin g th e establishmen t o f piou s foundation s (vakfiye) and judicial case s involvin g thei r rental fo r foundations . A coffee hous e in the walled town of Magos a wa s among property dedicate d as vakf b y Cacfer Pa§ a in 160 1 (1010 ) (16/116 , p . 310-311 , #152 ; I Receb 1010) . Coffee house s wer e amon g th e propert y i n Le f ko§a mad e vak f b y tha t same Ca cfer Pa§a (2 2 0 - 3 ; I Ramazan 1016) . A coffee hous e of th e vakf of Suleyma n be g rente d fo r fou r akce/da y o r 12 0 akce/month , th e reve nues going to the Mevlevi Tekke ( 2 7 6 - 1; 1 Rebic 11017). Another vakf coffee hous e i n th e marketplac e (qarsu) of Lefko§a , wa s rente d fo r 1 5 akce/day to kahveci Dervi§ cAli bn Mehmed ( 3 4 7 - 5; I Cumadi II1019) . Coffee house s probabl y wer e becomin g muc h frequente d i n th e first decades o f th e 17t h century . Deman d fo r coffe e i n Cypru s ha d becom e considerable b y the 1630s . Urban Rental s Renting commercial facilitie s was an important business in Lef ko§a. The most expensiv e o f thes e wer e hamams (publi c baths) , hans (larg e com mercial buildings) , an d candl e factorie s (mum hane), whic h rente d fo r anywhere betwee n 4,00 0 akce/yea r an d 28,20 0 akce/year . Mos t wer e the propert y o f piou s foundations . A ha n belongin g t o tha t o f th e lat e Sultan Seli m Ha n (calle d Biiyu k Han ) rente d wit h it s eigh t rooms , 1 2 shoe stores (kavvaf), coffe e house , and borek oven fo r 28,20 0 akce/yea r for thre e years to Perviz , who agree d to pa y 2,30 0 akce/mont h ( 1 2 8 0 4; I Zil-Kade 1002) . I n 160 7 th e old Ha n (han-i c atik) wa s rented , wit h shops an d coffe e houses , fo r 21,00 0 akc e b y th e foundatio n o f th e lat e Cacfer Pa§a , t o Ya ckub od a ba§ i ( 2 2 0 - 3 ; 1 Ramaza n 1016) . Buyu k hamam of th e late Mustafa Pa§ a rented for 17,00 0 akc e in 1593 bu t that was raised to 20,00 0 fo r the following yea r ( 1 2 9 2 - 1 ; I Zil-Hicce 1002 . 8 5 - 1 ; Sefe r 1003) . In that same period the rent of th e Kucuk hamam of the late Mustafa Pa§ a declined from 14,00 0 akce/year to 12,00 0 ( 1 2 4 4 -

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 33

3

7; I I §evva l 1002 . 245-2. ; same . 8 5 - 4 ; Sefe r 1003) . Korku d efend i rented hi s Kucu k hama m t o Mehme d Ded e b n Hasa n fo r 11,00 0 akce / year ( 1 3 0 6 - 1 ; II I Zil-Hicce 1002) . The Hamam- i Cedi d of th e founda tion of th e late Mustafa Pa§a , which had been rented to had Bayra m fo r 4000 akce/year , wa s raise d 50 0 akce/yea r fo r thre e years , t o b e pai d monthly ( 2 2 1 - 2; II I §aban 1016) . Sometimes rent s fluctuate d sharply . Propert y owner s ha d t o reduc e rents whe n deman d decreased , althoug h i n goo d time s the y migh t in crease the m considerably . Sometime s eve n th e possessio n o f a writte n lease b y th e rente e coul d no t preven t th e administrator s fro m awardin g the propert y t o th e highes t bidder . I n th e cas e o f foundatio n propert y the term sol d (furuht) was sometime s use d almos t interchangeabl y wit h rent (icare) to describ e th e right to us e the property fo r a specific lengt h of time in exchange fo r regular payments. Present Lefko§ a muhtesi b hac i Husey n b n Belal state s (tm) before Andrey e v. Bernardi: I gave Andreye my candle factory (mum hane) fo r three years starting in 1594—for 10,00 0 akce/year, a total of 30,000 akce. Andreye accepts that. (1 304-3; Muh. 1003) Haci Huseyn, present muhtesib of Le f ko§a, states (tm) before Bernardi v. Yakimo: I sold (furuht) Andrey e v. Bernardi the candle factory (mum hane) i n the city fo r 10,00 0 akce/yea r for three years. Now Bernard i has offered tw o akce/ year more, a total of 36,000 akce for three years. Will Andreye accept this? No, Andreye renounces his claim, so it is sold to Bernardi, who accepts it. (1 312-3; 1 Muh. 1003) Shop (dukkan) mad e vakf for Aya Sofya cami c by the late Sultan Selim, next to the shop s o f Filip o an d o f Loizo , wa s rente d b y zimm i Paskali . Th e forme r administrator (mutevelli) Hidayetulla h ^eleb i sol d i t (furuht) t o Sale b ogl i fo r 1200 akce; now Paskal i pays 1 0 akce/month mor e rent (icare) t o the vakf. He has a title deed (temessuk). ( 2 42—4; 1 Receb i o n ) Maro bint Nikolo of Aya Andoni quarte r sets forth a claim (t.d.) against Kato (?) v. Yakumi of Degirmenlik village: Formerly my guardian (vast) rented (icare) my mill (degirmenlik) t o him for 24,000 akce for three years. Every six months he should pay 4000 akce rent. He delays paying (tecallul). Kato (?) acknowledges that. (4 244—5; HI Receb 1044) Numerous shops , includin g som e privat e property , wer e rente d t o merchants an d artisan s o f Lefko§ a o n a pe r die m basis . Mehme d b n Mehmed rente d a bread sho p (ekmek dukkan) a t the bazaar (qar$u) fo r

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three akce/day , whil e ha d c Ali rente d a storehouse fo r shee p head s an d trotters, or an eating house (ba§ hane) in the castle fo r si x akce/da y an d Ibrahim b n Mem i rente d a barbersho p (berber) ( i 84-4 ; Sefe r 1003 . 144—2; 1 Receb 1003 . 239—3 ; I §evval 1002) . Hidayet $elebi , present administrato r (mutevelli) o f th e foundatio n o f th e late Sultan Selim Han, acknowledges (iklkiH) befor e sagir (deaf) c Ali, butcher (kassab): The butcher shop of th e foundation i n Lefko§a i s rented for 1 0 years at one akce/day to cAli. cAli accepts that. (1 323-1; III Cumadi I 995) Among other rental shops identified wit h specific trade s were a weaver's shop of th e foundation o f th e mosque (mescid) o f th e late Mahmu d ^elebi i n Nobe t han e quarte r whic h wa s rente d fo r si x month s t o Ust a bn Veli fo r 2 5 akce/mont h an d a tailor's sho p rente d b y hayya t c Ali b n c Abdullah of Le f ko§a to Murad v. Eymur be§e. TailorC AH b n c Abdullah of Le f ko§a makes a claim (da cva/tk) against Murad v. Eymur be§e: A shop (dukkan) a t Bezistan gate in Lef ko§a was rented to Murad for eigh t akce/month . Mura d ha s agree d t o giv e 2 2 akc e more , a total o f 3 0 akce/month, for a period of 1 0 years. It has been in his possession (tasarruf) fo r 14 months. Murad must pay 3 0 akce/month fo r tha t time. Murad denies that claim. When cAli has no proof, an oath is proposed to Murad and he takes it. (4 131-2; III Receb 1045; 3 I55~^5 H Rebi c II 1019) Long Distanc e Trad e Merchants fro m Cypru s travele d regularl y i n Anatol i an d Karama n provinces, t o Alepp o (vi a Trabulu s o r Iskenderun) , an d t o Egyp t (a t Iskenderiya, Dumyat , an d particularl y Cairo). 28 Likewis e merchant s fro m those place s reache d Cyprus . Trad e wit h Istanbul , Salonika , an d eve n Venice wa s no t unusual . The merchant s wer e bot h Muslim s an d Christians; man y wer e janissaries . Dispute s ove r trad e brough t the m t o th e court a t Lefko§a , a s di d settlin g estate s o f decease d tradin g partners . Such case s giv e a glimps e o f th e natur e o f tha t trad e i n th e easter n Mediterranean. Yakimo, zimmi of Lef ko§a, sets forth a claim (td) against haci cAli bn c Abdullah, merchant of Aleppo (Haleb tacir): Formerl y I took 48 vakiye of incense (buhur) from c Ali a t 10 0 akce/vakiy e an d loade d i t i n bag s (keyse) o n donkey s (bar). After I received it , I opened ever y bag . Someone ha d take n a little ou t o f th e bags. I want it returned in accordance with the Sharia.C AH acknowledges (ik): When Yakimo bought them he looked in one bag, not in the rest. Experts (ehl-i

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 33 5 vukuf), whe n the y receive word of the deficiency (kemlik) o f incense , say that all of it must be returned. ( 1 170-3 ; II Cumadi I 1003) Haci Hali l b n c Ali cam e t o court . Afte r h e mad e a claim (da cva) an d testimon y was asked for, from th e upright Muslims ( cudul-i Muslimun) Mustaf a b n §uceyb, Mehmed b n c Abdullah, Mehme d b n c Avs, an d Mus a b n Nebi testify : Formerl y c Isa b n Mehmed o f Hoc a Mahmu d quarte r near Imla c ed-din's house s (evler) i n Larende, wher e h e i s now , too k a loa n (karz-i hasan) o f 5 5 filori fro m th e claimant hac i Halil . The n h e wen t t o Egyp t (Misr ) fo r trad e (ticaret iqun). A t that tim e h e owe d money . Afte r ascertainin g th e antecedent s an d characte r (tacdil, tezkiye) o f th e witnesses, their testimony i s accepted. c Isa has no lette r of credit (havale) t o present . Afte r Hali l too k a n oat h (yemin billah), tha t wa s ordered an d registered i n th e record boo k (sicil). Then a copy (suret) ma s mad e to presen t t o th e presen t Larend e kad i an d t o other s there . ( 1 2 3 1 - 3 ; I §evval 1002)

Bayram b n [sic ] Isha k o f th e Jewis h communit y (yahudi zumresi) i n Lefko§ a makes a clai m (da cva) agains t Yase f b n [sic ] Ibrahim , wh o cam e fro m Venic e (Venedik) wit h good s o f trad e (meta*): Formerly I gave hi m som e mone y (nice akce) an d sent him in trade. Let him be asked. Why did he use my money? Yase f admits havin g take n th e mone y an d capita l (sermaye): I brought 12 0 vakiy e o f tin (kalay), 1 barrel of ti n plate (teneke), 1 barrel of bras s (sari teneke), an d 42 0 knives (gift bicak). No w the y are in Kucuk Han, bought with the money he gave me. Al l ar e his, but he owed m e 150 0 akc e for my service. I have made a clai m (dacva) agains t him. ( 1 293-3 ; I Zil-Hicce 1002 ) Luka re'i s v . Mark o [states ] befor e Hasa n be§ e b n Ilyas : W e agree d (? ) tha t I would brin g a shiploa d (navlun) fro m Selani k t o Cypru s fo r 10 0 filori . [Th e amount of] 325 0 akc e was paid in cash (nakd) an d now h e has paid 1 kantar of grapes. (3 154-6 ; I I Rebic II1019 ) Luka v . Marko , captai n (re*is), states (bm) befor e Hasa n be§ e b n Ilyas : A t th e city (kasaba) o f Selani k Hasa n gav e m e a loa d (navlun) t o brin g t o Cypru s fo r 100 sikke . O f tha t h e pai d 325 0 akc e i n cas h (nakd) an d 1 kanta r o f blac k grapes. He owe s m e the rest. Hasan denie s that: In truth I came from Selani k t o Cyprus b y the shi p (gemi) o f th e captain (re'is), but I paid him everything I owe him. Luka has no proof. When Hasan was asked for an oath that he did not ow e anything, he took it. (3 1 5 5 - 1; same ) Kumari zade Ibrahim beg bn Nasuh, presently superviser of inheritance (beyt ulmal c amme ve basse emini) in Cyprus, makes a claim and states (iddfa/tk) befor e Ahmed od a ba§ i b n Gaz i o f Lefko§a , wit h §a cban ag a i n th e offic e o f agen t (mubaqiret) fo r th e provincial counci l (divan-i Kibris): Soht e Yusuf, who die d in Anatoli, cam e her e 1 0 year s ag o i n trad e (ticaret tarikile). H e place d a whit e

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slave (gulam) an d 60 0 riyal i guru § i n trus t (emanet) wit h th e aforementione d Ahmed ot a ba§i . Sinc e Yusu f ha s n o heir s (varis), th e 60 0 riyal i guru § an d th e slave belon g t o th e stat e treasur y (miri). Ahme d denie s that . Whe n Ibrahi m ha s no adequat e proof , Ahme d i s allowe d t o tak e a n oath . ( 4 9 3 - 1 ; I Ramaza n 1044) Had Dervi § be§ e bn Mustaf a o f Le f ko§a set s fort h a claim an d states (da'va/tk) before hac i Yusu f ot a ba§i , guardia n (vast) befor e th e Shari a o f th e mino r children (evlad-i sigar) o f th e lat e Hasa n bolu k ba§ i o f Lefko§ a wh o die d i n Cairo (Misr- i Kahire) : I gave the deceased 2 0 riyali gurus, in principal (asl-i mal) at 20 % interes t (1 0 fo r 12 ) fo r on e year . I had no t receive d th e 2 0 riyal i guru § or the 4 riyal i guru § before h e left. Whe n he died i n Egypt I was owed 2 4 guru§. Let the aforementioned loa n (karz) be inquired about. I want it from his property (mal). Whe n Dervis . i s aske d fo r proof , uprigh t Muslim s ( cudul~i muslimun) Ibrahim ota basj bn Emrullah and Huseyn be§e bn c Abdul-Nasir (?) confirm him. When a n oath i s proposed tha t he did not receiv e it , Dervi§ takes it. He receive s the 2 4 riyal i gurus, in full. ( 4 111—1 ; II Muh. 1045 ) Veli ot a ba§ i b n Suleyma n o f Lefko§ a set s fort h a clai m an d state s (da cva/tk) before hac i Yusu f ot a ba§i , guardian (vast) fo r the minor children (evlad-i sigar) of th e lat e Hasa n bolu k ba§ i wh o die d formerl y i n Cairo : Whe n th e decease d went t o Egypt , I gave hi m 5 0 riyal i guru § in a commenda (mudarebe). I want i t from hi s effects . Yusu f denie s that . Whe n Vel i i s aske d fo r proof , uprigh t Muslims Yusu f be g bn Musa an d Mehmed ag a confirm Veli . ( 4 115-3 ; H Muh. 1045) Racil hac i Ibrahi m be§ e o f th e Cypru s janissarie s (cezire*-i Kibris yeniqerileri) makes a claim an d state s (iddi ca/tk) befor e presen t bey t ul-ma l c amme v e hass a emini seyyi d Mehme d geleb i b n seyyi d Ahmed : hac i Mustaf a o f th e merchant s (tuccar taifesi) vi a Jerusalem (Kuds- i §erif ) formerl y sen t m e 1 0 sacks (quval) of soap (sabun) fro m Dimya t (Damietta) . Whil e th e 1 0 sack s o f soa p wer e place d with the seal (muhr) of haci Veli of Magosa castle , Mehmed seized (ahz ve kabz) them contrary to the Sharia. I want the Sharia carried out. Mehme d denies that: haci Mustaf a die d 1 0 months ago in Dimyat, accordin g to c udul-i muslimin hac i Mehmed b n Ibrahim an d Ahmed tayi b n Mustafa. Th e soa p was seized becaus e the decease d ha d n o heir , o n accoun t o f testimon y befor e mevlan a Suleyma n efendi relate d to present Tuzla kadi Ahmed efendi b y the above witnesses; it was seized fo r th e stat e treasur y (miri). Th e documen t (huccet), date d mid-Januar y 1636 (I I §aba n 1045) , signe d b y mevlan a Suleyma n efendi , wa s presented . Ibrahim was prevented (men c) from makin g his claim. (4 144-2 ; III Ram. 1045 ) Ancelo v . Gavraye l o f th e merchant s (tuccar td*ifesi) in Le f ko§a make s a clai m and state s (da cva/tk) befor e Yerolim o (?) , (?) , Mihayel , Nikolo , an d Ziya : A t a pier (iskele) calle d (? ) i n th e emporiu m o f Dimya t (bende r Dimyat ) on e an d a

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 33

7

half month s ag o I appointe d thi s Melemad o (? ) v . Ferencesko , wh o i s presen t here, a s my agen t (vekil) t o brin g 2 3 coars e wate r buffal o skin s (camus goni) t o the vessel (sunbak) o f this Nikolo re'i s and then to my father Gavraye l who live s in Limosa. I made this Melemado (? ) v. Ferencesko my agent. The ship (sunbak) was brought to Magosa pie r (iskelesi) in Cyprus. This Kumari zade Ibrahim be g bn Nasuh, presently bey t ul-mal c amme ve hassa emini, presumed (zu cum) tha t I had died and he took th e 2 3 wate r buffalo skin s from th e possession o f th e ship (gemi). H e sol d the m t o Ahmed aga . The other s reply : We bought ou r 2 1 hide s (gun) fro m th e aforementioned Ahme d aga . W e ha d n o informatio n abou t Ancelo ownin g them . Whe n Ancel o i s aske d fo r proof , uprigh t Muslim s Rece b be§e b n Mustaf a an d infide l (kefere) (? ) v . (? ) confir m him . Thei r testimon y i s accepted. Ibrahi m i s ordere d t o giv e th e 2 1 hide s t o Ancelo . ( 4 161-1 ; I Muh. 1046) Zimmi Ziya of Lefko§ a make s a claim and states (iddfaltk) befor e Zorzi, zimmi: Formerly I made a tri p (sefer) t o Istanbu l wit h Zorzi . W e mad e a partnershi p (i§tirak) dividing equall y ( cala s-seviye) an d bough t tw o towel s (napkins? ) (pe§kir) fo r 60 riyal i guru§ . I n Istanbul , apar t fro m ou r principa l (asl-i mal), h e received 60 riyal i guru§ profit (fa*ide). I want my 3 0 gurus, profit (faHdesi). TLOTTA denies that . Whe n Ziy a i s aske d fo r proof , h e ha s none . Whe n a n oat h i s proposed t o Zorzi , h e take s the oat h b y Go d wh o sen t dow n th e Gospe l (Incil) by Jesus ( cIsa). Ziya i s prevented (men 1) from makin g a claim (da cva). ( 4 180-2 ; I Cumadi 11046 ) From th e merchant s (tuccar taPfesi) o f th e emporiu m (bender) o f Iskenderiy e haci Mehmed b n haci Suleyman makes a claim and states (iddi ca/tk) befor e Bab a Yasef v . Yorg i o f th e poo r an d destitut e (nam gureban), brothe r o f th e lat e Habib (? ) re'i s o f (? ) villag e o f Trablu s kaza : Formerl y I placed 120 0 hea d o f Cyprus (helium? ) chees e (ba§ Kibris beyniri) o n th e shi p (gemi) o f th e decease d Habib (? ) a t Limos a pie r (Limo n iskelesi). Whil e a t sea (ruy-i derya), a n infide l ship (kuffar gemi) wa s encountered . They made Umit Mehmed an d me prisoner (esir). Yase f too k m y 120 0 hea d o f cheese . I want it . Le t th e Shari a b e carrie d out (icray-i §er c). Yase f denie s that . Whe n Mehme d i s aske d fo r proof , h e ha s none. Whe n a n oat h i s propose d t o Yasef , h e take s it . ( 4 181—2 ; I Cumad i I 1046) c

Ali, calle d Qelenk , o f Karama n o n th e othe r shor e (Ot e Yaka ) acknowledge s and state s (ikltk) befor e Gavraye l v . Zor , Mark o v . Zozi , Yorgi , an d Selim o o f Lef ko§a: When the y wer e i n a bad situation (kudretleri hali) on th e other shor e (Ote Yaka) , I gav e the m 23 8 riyal i guru § t o g o t o Cyprus . Now , wit h tim e (vacde) 4 2 riyal i guru § i s added , makin g a tota l o f 28 0 riyal i guru§ . The y acknowledge that . ( 4 190-3 ; II Receb 1046 ) The Ottoma n governmen t impose d man y sanction s o n trad e wit h foreigners, bot h i n good s o f trad e an d i n w ho legitimat e tradin g partner s

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were. Th e restriction s wer e proclaime d i n imperia l order s issue d regu larly, sometimes in response to reports fro m frustrate d officials . On 1 9 §evval 98 0 (2 3 February 1573 ) a n order ha d bee n sen t to the governo r and chief financial officer o f Cypru s reminding them tha t neither grai n (tereke) nor cotto n (penbe) may b e sold t o foreigners . However , carob s (habob), wine (bamr), salt (tuz), olives (zeytun), and olive oil (revgan-i zeyt) from th e harvests of th e islan d (mahsul) may b e sold, bu t onl y t o infidel s (kefere) wh o com e in French ships (Firance gemiler), a s in the past. If it is not sold to them, it is not to be sold to anyone. It is not permissible to sell them to the abode of war (dar ulharb). Sugar (qeker), ginge r (zencebil), an d hem p (kendir) should b e loaded o n ships a t th e nava l arsena l (tersane). Formerl y the y wer e sent to Finek e harbor , but since many ships raid there now it is not safe (broken). (164/75 (6) #300) Two day s late r a n imperia l orde r o f 2 1 §evval (2 5 February ) addresse d t o th e district governo r o f Aydi n (Aydin begi) berated hi m becaus e a larg e galle y (barqa) ha d com e t o th e pie r o f Cypru s an d picke d u p forbidde n good s b y claiming to have in their possession an imperial order which they did not show. The ship was seized with leather (sahtiyan), beeswax (bal mumi), cotton (penbe), and othe r good s whic h ar e forbidde n t o sel l t o th e Lati n worl d (Firengistan). Apprehended wit h th e ship' s illici t good s wer e Mustafa , Muharrem , c Osman, and Huseyn , wh o claime d tha t the y wishe d t o establis h relation s wit h th e foreigners i n orde r t o rescu e (helas) Musli m prisoner s (esirler) there . (158/9 9 (13) p . 114 , # 2 7 5 )

According t o a lette r receive d b y th e Port e fro m forme r Tuzl a kad i mevlana Mustafa , th e financial office r (cabi) of th e ta x far m (mukatcfa) of th e lat e Sulta n Seli m ha n foundatio n i n tha t distric t (kaza), Nuralla h ogli Ibrahim , ha d entere d int o a conspirac y wit h a zimm i captai n (reis) named (? ) Palav i (? ) ogl i t o smuggl e forbidde n good s an d sel l the m t o the infidel . Th e captai n cam e wit h hi s 3 5 cubi t (zira c) shi p (gemi) t o various place s i n th e kadi' s spher e o f authority . H e secure d foodstuff s (zahair) includin g whea t (bugday), beeswa x (bal mumi), cotto n threa d (ritfe^-i penbe), almond s (badam), fish {balamud, o r th e fruit s o f a tre e used fo r tanning) , an d gallnut s (mazo). Fo r nin e year s thi s went o n (78 / 34(33)KVK#i238). Local Trad e Within Cypru s a vigorous loca l trade existed. The small size of the islan d permitted townspeopl e an d villager s t o visi t th e bazaar s an d market s o f Lefko§a eve n i f th e roa d syste m wa s no t ver y wel l developed . Smal l

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 33

9

caravans o f camel s an d donkey s passe d bac k an d fort h frequently . N o place o n th e islan d i s mor e tha n 7 5 mile s fro m Lefko§a , an d th e graingrowing heartlan d o f th e islan d i s a rathe r flat plai n extendin g fro m Magosa (Famagusta ) ba y t o Morf o (Morphou ) bay , bounde d b y th e high Trodos to the south and the Kyrenia range to the north. In addition, the testimony o f travelers , some of the m admittedl y i n the late 17th an d 18th centuries , bear s witnes s t o smal l mercantil e communitie s a t Ma gosa, Larnaka , Limosa , an d Girniy e wher e loca l agricultura l produc e was distributed . Villager s brough t th e surplu s o f thei r produce t o thos e places to trade. Numerous legal cases illustrate the nature of the relationship o f th e villager s an d towns , particularl y Lefko§a , althoug h fe w details of the actual commerce are given. Ramazan b n Hasa n o f th e muleteer s (mugari) state s (bm) in th e presenc e o f Arslan bn Ibrahim: He agreed to bringing rice (pirinc) from Tuzla pier (iskelesi) to Lefko§a for 3V2 akce/kile. Now he delays (te'allul) in paying me. Arslan says: I offered zVi akce/kile. When proof i s asked for, there is none. When Arslan is asked to take an oath that he accepted zVi akce, he does. (3 161-5 ; HI Rebic II 1019)

Davud beg bn cOmer of Mesariye kaza sets forth a claim (td) against Yerolimo v. Filip o o f Tuzla : Two year s ago I sent Yerolimo 42 4 iidr e cotton (penbe). I have no idea what happened to it. Yerolimo denies having received it. Registered. (3 11-7; i6§evval 1018 ) Suleyman $avu§ of the council of Cyprus (divan-i Kibris) an d Nasuh bn Yunus state (bm) befor e Ilya s b n Ahmed : W e bough t 5 0 donke y load s o f carob s (harnob) i n partnership (i§tirak) i n Ote Yaka (on the other side, i.e., Karaman). We sent it to Ilya s for security. H e sold it. Ilyas denies that. When an oath is proposed to Ilyas, he takes it. (3 153-1; II Rebic II1019) Covana bin t Fezenc o (?) , zimmiye o f Miliy e (? ) villag e o f Karpa z kaz a state s (bm) i n the presence of c Abdun-Nebi bn Musa and Hasan bn £elab virdi of the village: Twenty days ago they bought plums (erik) i n partnership (isti§rak) wit h my husband Ciryako v. Yorgi. They went together to sell them in the Lefko§a area (canib). The y hav e returned . Wh y has my husband Ciryak o no t come ? I want it asked in accordance with the Sharia and registered. When cAbdun-Nebi and Hasan were asked, they said: In truth we bought plums in partnership with the aforementione d Ciryako , loade d the m o n a donke y (merkeb), and wen t together t o th e Lefko§ a area . Whe n w e cam e t o (? ) villag e o f Lefko§ a kaza , Ciryako gav e th e donke y t o u s fo r saf e keepin g (emanet). H e la y dow n an d rested by a bridge near that village. What happened to him since then we do not know. (3 158-3; HI Rebi c II1019)

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Rahib Baba Eksendi, abbot (gemonos = igumenos) o f the monastery (manasteri) of Aya Mama in Morfo nahiye acknowledges (ikliH) befor e present Tuzla kadi mevlana hac i Ahme d efendi: Ahme d and I had a dispute (niza c) ove r business and trade (mu'amelat ve ahz ve Fta). Formerl y a settlement (sulh) was made for 18,000 akce , but when h e did not give that (bedel-i sulh), I went to the Porte (asitaneKi se'adete). Whe n I brought up (ilka) th e aforementioned matter, I was given an imperial order (emr-i §erif), an d I received a letter (mektub) an d order (emr) and agai n I made a clai m (da'va). Then a settlemen t (sulh) wa s agai n made, for 30 keyl barley (arpa) and 20 keyl wheat (bugday). I have now received in ful l fro m Ahme d th e aforementione d 3 0 key l barle y an d 2 0 key l whea t in accordance with the settlement and I have no further claim. (4 92-2; I Ramazan 1044)

Summary The agricultura l produc e o f Cypru s i n th e centur y afte r th e Ottoma n conquest wa s ric h an d varied, and not only that , but prices were so lo w that European ship s regularly stopped ther e on return voyages for cheap foods. The officia l pric e list s indicat e clearl y th e variet y an d th e lo w prices: loca l fruit s an d vegetables , dair y products , meats , a s wel l a s breads, and other grains, which provided fo r a potentially healthful diet . The muhtesib playe d a n important rol e overseeing marketplaces , an d preventing illega l busines s practices , a s well a s supervisin g weight s an d measures. Ofte n h e seems t o hav e brough t peopl e t o th e kadi' s court t o be tried. Although importan t list s o f maximu m fixed price s hav e bee n found , they are too fe w t o give more than broad hints. Barley wa s no t a s highly esteeme d a s wheat o r at least i t always sol d for hal f th e pric e o f wheat . A limite d numbe r o f varietie s o f brea d products wer e know n i n Cyprus , i n addition t o brea d itself . Unfortu nately to o littl e evidenc e survive s t o giv e an y genera l understandin g o f fluctuating prices . Th e ver y importan t figures tha t Raymon d collecte d for Cair o provid e a model fo r comparison , wheneve r peopl e ar e able t o find adequat e price s elsewhere . Th e eccentricit y o f price s i n Cypru s reflect variation s i n harvests, where on e yea r in fou r o r five may hav e a reduced rainfall . The y wer e ofte n th e mos t importan t good s o f trade . Muslim an d non-Musli m brea d baker s wer e bot h ver y widesprea d i n Cyprus. Sheep, goats , donkeys , oxen , cattle , an d horse s al l ha d thei r role s i n

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 34 1 the local economies, certainly, although little is known about it; but even less is known with certainty about how frequently sheep and goats were used, or what they were used for. One can say little beyond consuming meat was b y no mean s unknown . Likewis e nothing ca n be said about the role or importance in the diet of yogurt, cheese, or butter. Probably th e most important frui t was grapes, which could b e used fresh, dried , a s sugar syrup, and wine, an d at least i n small quantitie s could be cultivated over much of the island, in various styles, and even some came from abroad. Figs, which could be consumed fresh or dried, were widespread , a s wer e apple s an d pomegranates . Chickpeas , rice , carobs, onions , an d olives wer e also widespread ; they were consume d dried an d also mad e into a n oil. I n the 16t h an d 17t h centuries many local varieties seem to have been preserved. By the time of the conquest sugar factories probably were declining in importance as part of th e annual produc e assigned to the government; apparently peopl e foun d othe r sources . Althoug h saltpetre , use d fo r gunpowder, was a well-known attraction for the Ottomans in conquering, making it must have been very unpleasant, or difficult, becaus e for a while anyway, it was not produced. Very little is known about the fate of the once-important salt production of Tuzla and Limosa, although in that case Ottomans had many other possible sources. Some could affort to import fancier soaps. The island was lucky that it had enough timber or scrub wood to satisfy th e need of cooking and warmth; ships had to be repaired across the Straits in Tarsus. Merchants came from Anatoli and Karaman provinces in Anatolia, Aleppo, and Iskenderiya. At leas t base d o n numbe r o f cases , cotto n exceede d al l othe r non comestibles, bot h i n volume an d cas h value. I t was sold wit h seed , or without, an d carded . I t wa s ver y importan t fo r bot h Christian s an d Muslims. Wool and woolen cloth also were widespread, and coffee was almost a s important . Cotto n an d woo l see m t o hav e bee n produce d entirely by local people, bu t coffee wa s always imported. Demands fo r coffee was increasing in the 1630s. The main rental properties in Lef ko§a were baths, bans, and candle factories in that order. Sometimes rent s fluctuated sharply. Merchant s fro m Dumyat , an d especially Cairo , frequently ha d business in Cyprus; Istanbul, Salonika and Venic e wer e clos e behin d i n th e importanc e o f thei r trade . Mer chants migh t b e eithe r Muslim s o r Christians . Withi n Cypru s itsel f a

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vigorous loca l trad e existed. Th e smal l siz e of th e islan d enable d lot s o f people t o utiliz e th e bazaar s an d market s o f Le f ko§a. Villagers brough t the surplu s o f thei r often-varie d production . Also , ther e wer e smal l communities o f merchant s i n Magosa , Larnaka , Limosa , an d Girniye , because o f th e centra l locatio n o f th e provincia l capital . Camel s an d donkeys were vital t o trade.

NOTES i. Andr e Raymond has shown clearly how between 162 0 and 1800 the price of wheat fluctuatedgreatly from year to year (pp. 54ft, table 5 following p. 68). Th e eccentri c variation s o f annua l rainfal l i n th e Middl e Eas t make such fluctuationcommon. The Ottoman government carefully regulated the collection and distribution of wheat, so that when the year's grain production fel l drasticall y i n one region, it could be supplemented b y grain from another. Cf . L . Glider , XV7-XVZ J astrlarda Ostnanh tmparatorlugunda Hububat Meselesi ve Hububattan AUnan Vergiler. Istanbul , 1964 . pp. 7ff . Possibly in Cyprus officials held the fixedprice relatively stable. Possibly the paucity of evidence just prevents such variations from showing up. 2. Europea n style, or Frankish, bread. 3. A round, sweetened cake. 4. A kind of round cake. 5. A three-cornered pastry puff. 6. A ring-shapedroll of bread. 7. Flak y pastry with thin layers of filling. 8. Brea d (?) 9. Brea d baked on hot pebbles. 10. Ring-shape d plain biscuit. 11. Borek made on a flat,iron plate. 12. I n the hug e Ottoma n empir e every yea r som e region s ha d unusually ba d harvests while others had unusually good ones. According to L. Gu$er, the Ottomans began managing the sale and distribution of grain because of the frequent problems of grain scarcity, not only in large cities but also particularly in areas where drought, locusts, or other natural disasters had struck. That practice becam e an important element of Ottoma n economi c policy. L. Gii^er, Hububat Meselesi..., pp . 38f. Als o Le commerce interieur des cereales dan s PEmpir e Ottoma n pendan t l a second e moiti e d u XVIem e siecle," Revue de la Faculte des Sciences Economiques de I'Universite d'Istanbul 11.1949—1950.166,168,169 ^ I n 155 5 fo r the first time the Ottoman empir e forbad e th e expor t o f grai n t o foreigners , o n accoun t o f internal needs ; according t o M . Aymard , tha t policy wa s the n frequentl y implemented until the end of the century, when the problem ceased. Venise,

The Economy through Ottoman Sources 34 3 Raguse et le Commerce du Ble pendant la seconde moitie du XVIe siecle. Paris, 1966 . pp . 124-140 , esp . pp . 125 , 139 . Hi s ma p fo r 155 0 note s Cyprus as an important source of grai n for Venice, pp. 4of. Cf . Hill , v. 3, pp. 8i5f. The eastern Mediterranean had a sizeable grain surplus. According to Braude l Ottoma n territorie s ha d "plent y o f grai n t o sell " to Ital y "i n good years"; the price of grai n was two o r three times as high there, pp. 583ff, 59iff , 1090 . Cyprus , fo r example , supplie d Venice . Onc e i t ha d supplied bot h Venic e an d Genoa . J . Heers , Genes au XVe siecle. Paris, 1961. pp . 342 , 373 . F. C. Lane, Venice. A Maritime Republic. Baltimore , 1973. pp. 305^ On the problem of smuggled grain illegally sold to Europe, see als o Mustaf a Akdag , "Osman h Imparatorlugunu n Kurulu § ve Inki§afi devrinde Turkiye'nin Istisad i Vaziyeti, " Belletin i4.i95o.389ff; U . Heyd , Ottoman Documents on Palestine 1552-1615, Oxford , i960 , pp . i28ff , 82f; P . Earle, Corsairs of Malta and Barbary, Annapolis , 1970, p. 144. See also S . J. Shaw , Ottoman Empire..., v . 1 , p . 172 . Braudel , pp . 583ft , 592f, 875ff. Inalcik , "Capital Formation in the Ottoman Empire," Journal of Economic History 29.1969.119f ; "Impac t o f th e Annales School o n Ottoman Studies and New Findings," Review 1.1978.69-96. 13. Fo r grain, see also 1 8-6, 30-1 , 62-2, 3, 5, 303-5, 308-7, 311-1,2, 3183; * 55-i; 3 i3"i> **-6> 48-5i 5i-5 > 5i-9 , 73-3, i5*-7; 4 92.-2, 2301,2, 231—1 , 233—1 . Kile and keyl ar e variant form s o f th e sam e uni t of weight. 14. Fo r bread see also 1 84-4, 248-4, 259-3, 280-4, 311-5; 3 S6-$y 161-7. 15. I n 1625 (1035) a va kf w a s estimate d to own the following animals: 500 sheep worth 2 5 akce piece 8 donkeys 80 0 17 buffalo (kara sigir) 100 0 4 mares 120 0 akce According to Braudel, a great many mules were found in Cyprus from the 1550s, leading to a drop in the number of horses. Mules carried heavy loads over bad roads, pp. 284L 16. Th e price of mea t in Bursa was fairly stabl e between 161 6 and 1633 . If a gradual decline in meat consumption i n the Mediterranean world was underway, Cypru s wa s immune . Pasdirm a wa s highl y prized . Braudel , pp . 35of, 459 , 518 . I n th e form s sucuk dudi an d cevzi sucuk sweetmeats i s meant. 17. I n the Venetian period a monoculture of sugar plantation is based on slave labor (sometime s imported ) sprea d ove r th e mor e accessibl e region s o f Cyprus. Unti l cheape r source s o f suga r appeare d i n th e Atlantic , Cypru s supplied Venic e an d Genoa . Braudel , pp . i54f , 1082 . W . McNeill , Venice ..., pp . 54, 76. J. Heers, Genes . . ., p . 342. W. Heyd, v. 2 , pp. 680693. Early in the 17t h century the amount of suga r to be turned over to the Porte from Egypt ranged in value between a low of 32,600 paras and a high

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Ottoman Sources

of 191,53 9 paras . Betwee n 157 2 an d 158 6 80 0 kanta r o f suga r (= 28,00 0 Istanbul okk e o r vakiye) wa s require d annuall y b y the Porte ; then tha t wa s raised to 140 0 kanta r (= 42,60 0 okke) . Shaw, Financial and Administrative Organization . . . , pp . i76f , 273 L Cf . Raymond , p. 62. 18. Simila r order s wer e als o sen t concerning Palestin e i n 1571 . U. Heyd , Ottoman Documents . . . , pp . 129 , 137 L Saltpete r was a central par t of Englis h trade in the eastern Mediterranean. Braudel, pp. 622f. 19. O n th e great importance o f Cypru s salt to Venice i n the 16t h century, a s to Genoa i n th e 15th , se e Braudel , pp . 312 , io82f . Cf . W . McNeill , Venice .. . , p . 52 . J. Heers , Genes . . . , pp . 342 , 376 L Indirec t taxes fro m tha t salt provide d a major sourc e o f Venetia n revenues . F . Lane, Venice . . ., p . 3*420. Th e price of soa p in Cairo in 162 1 wa s 166 0 para/kantar. Raymond , p. 63. Prices betwee n 168 2 an d 179 9 als o ar e given. O n 18th-centur y soa p trad e from Syri a an d especiall y Palestine , se e pp . 190 , 477f . Se e als o pp . 173 , 337f,478f. 21. Timbe r was scarce in the Mediterranean world , although th e Taurus mountains in southern Anatolia ha d extensive forests. Cf. Braudel , pp. 23 8f. 22. I n 168 7 cotto n sold for 27 8 para/kanta r in Cairo. Raymond, pp. 63ff . 23. Cf . 3 171-5 ; 6 - 1 , 24-7 , 171-1 . 2 8 , 9 7 - 3 . 4 178-3 , 200-2 . Cf . 3 2 - 8 , 6 - 1 , 2 4 - 7 , 1 7 1 - 1 , 5 . 4 178-3 * 200-2 . 24. Fo r other cotton see 1 240-2, 246-3 , 7 5 - 2 . 3 38-4, 4 8 - 4 , 1 0 1 - 5 , 103-1 , 104-6. 25. Fo r centuries cotton had been a major export of Cyprus . J. Heers, Genes . . . , pp. 157 , 342 , 392 L F . W . Lane , Venice ..., p . 298 . W . Heyd , v . 2 , pp . 611—614. B y the 16t h centur y cotto n plantation s ha d replace d suga r plantations there , an d the y provide d larg e quantitie s fo r Venice . Mos t o f tha t was ra w cotto n rathe r tha n cloth . Braudel , pp . 155 ^ 287 , 300 , 312 , 613 . W. McNeill, Venice . . ., p . 176 . F. W. Lane , "Venetian Shipping during the Commercial Revolution, " pp. 37f i n B. Pullan, ed. Crisis and Change in the Venetian Economy ... London , 1968 . Fo r decade s afte r th e fal l o f Cypru s in 157 1 Cyprio t cotto n continue d t o b e markete d throug h Venice . F . W . Lane, Venice . . ., p . 298 . 26. I n the 14t h and 15t h centuries, at least, Cyprus produced fine woollen cloth. J. Heers, Genes . . . , p . 377. W. Heyd, v. 2 , pp. iof . 27. Raymond , pp . 69-72 , 131—133 , an d graphiqu e 6 . Se e als o C . va n Aren donk, "Kahwa, " EI 1. Braudel , p. 762 . Fo r coffee house s in Palestine, see U. Heyd, Ottoman Documents . . . , pp . 152 , i6off . 28. "Th e raison d'etre o f lon g distance trade is that it connects, sometimes wit h difficulty, region s wher e good s ca n b e bough t cheapl y wit h other s wher e they ca n b e sold fo r high prices," Braudel, pp. 44 iff. Cf . " . . . I am incline d to think tha t Mediterranean trad e had reached a large volume by the end of the century . Ho w coul d piracy , which i s reported t o hav e bee n a profitabl e occupation, otherwise have prospered(?)" pp. 292, 286f .

THIRTEEN

The Sea: Navies, Trade, Smuggling, and Piracy (Linking Cyprus to the Mediterranean World)

Cyprus ha s a n idea l locatio n fo r a nava l base , fo r lon g distanc e trade , for smuggling, an d fo r piracy. Ha d th e Ottoman s chose n t o d o so , the y could hav e mad e eithe r Lefko§ a o r Magos a th e kin d o f internationa l trading emporium tha t Aleppo was fast becoming in the 1570s , and that Izmir becam e i n th e mid-17t h century . Indeed , Lusigna n Cypru s ha d played that sort of role in the eastern Mediterranean; only the exclusionary policie s o f th e Mamluk s an d the n particularl y th e Ottoman s hin dered Venic e fro m that . Whe n th e Ottoman s cam e t o dominat e ever y inch o f th e easter n Mediterranea n an d Aegea n littorals , the y obviousl y could hav e chose n t o reviv e Cyprus . Indeed , a n importan t grou p o f Ottoman policymakers intended to return Cyprus to that very role. Only other and perhaps conflicting Ottoma n trade policies, the acumen of th e people o f Aleppo , the rapid spread of pirac y i n the 1580s , an d the entry into the Mediterranean of the sailing ship, with heavy cannon, prevented that from happening . Making eithe r Le f ko§a o r Magos a int o th e grea t Levantin e entrepot was n o impossibl e scheme . The Lusignan s ha d mad e Magos a serv e tha t role splendidly. Whe n disease and temporary Genoes e occupation o f th e port mad e chang e advantageous , Le f ko§a won th e role o f entrepot . N o port between Rhodes and Lebanon had the advantages that Magosa ha d even fo r sailin g ships. Aleppo wa s well ove r twice the distance fro m th e sea a s Le f ko§a, require d passag e ove r roug h mountainou s terrain , and , despite Iskenderun , Lazikiye, an d Trablus lacke d the facilitie s o f a good port. 345

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The profits that the Venetians had exacted from Cyprus were proverbial: Sokollu Mehmed Pa§a was right if he compared its loss to cutting off an arm of Venice. Of course, since Venetian Cyprus had very powerful Muslim neighbors , colonial Venic e did not dare use the island as a naval bas e for full-fledged crusade s all over the Levant, as some Lusignan rulers had. Even under Venetian rule, however, it provided an ideal haven for Latin pirates, who harassed Muslim commerce from the Mamluk and Ottoman empires. Although the true "mix" of reason s fo r the Ottoman occupatio n i n 1570-157 1 ma y b e elusive , ther e ca n b e n o doubt that regular use of the island by pirates had long aggravated the Ottomans.1 Halil Inalci k ha s wisely written: "The conquest of Cypru s in 1570 71 was the last great Ottoman military success . .. Thi s victory, achieved by the cooperatio n o f th e arm y an d the fleet , wa s th e greates t fea t of Ottoman arms . . ." I n that same sentence, however, he asserts that their very victory led to a decisive anti-Ottoman alliance in Europe: "but the creation of a Christian alliance during the course of the campaign was a realization of the Ottomans' greatest fears." 2 There Inalcik perhaps can be faulted, fo r that fleeting allianc e of Venice, Habsburgs, and Papacy, which produce d nothin g excep t a victor y a t Lepanto , ca n onl y ver y loosely b e considered a "Christian alliance. " True, the Habsburgs controlled th e mos t extensiv e empir e wes t o f th e Ottomans , bu t o n their many front s wit h th e Habsburg s tha t empire had fo r decade s bee n on the defensive, i f no t i n outrigh t retreat . Th e rising Ottoma n stat e had stripped Venice of all its colonies outside the Adriatic sea except Crete. The Papacy was no longer a formidable militar y power; it had lost so much of it s moral authority that it could hardly persuade any monarch to undertake a crusade, even though Pius V (1566—1572), Gregory XIII (1572-1585), Sixtu x V (1585-1590) , an d Clemen t VII I (1592-1605 ) were virulently anti-Ottoma n popes who preached Christian crusades. 3 Indeed "Latin " Europe wa s divide d b y th e reformation . Howeve r re spectfully the y migh t hav e entertaine d papa l ambassadors , n o othe r European state s see m likel y t o hav e joine d a n anti-Ottoma n alliance . Indeed, France, England, and some German territories more likely would have joined with the Ottomans than against them.4 After th e conques t o f Syri a and Egypt in 1516-1517 , ^ e Ottoma n fleet remaine d unchallenged in the Aegean and in the eastern Mediterranean. Since the late 1520s the Ottoman fleet had frequently made spring

The Sea 34 7 expeditions, no t just into the Ionian and Adriatic seas, but beyond the straits of Messina, into the Tyrrhenian sea, and into the western Mediterranean. Ottoma n galleys , alon g wit h thei r associate s fro m Nort h Africa, pillage d th e coast s o f Sicil y an d the Italian mainland , reaching even as far as the littoral of France, an Ottoman protege, and Habsburg Spain. Accordin g t o Guilmartin , Ottoma n an d wester n galley s wer e about the same quality but the Ottoman ones were slightly better, particularly in sailing efficiency. 5 True, th e Lati n victor y a t Lepant o wa s a n overwhelmin g one , bu t clearly it was an anomaly. Losing a great battle, however decisively, to a brave an d competent adversar y canno t b e of momentou s consequenc e unless someho w followe d up . Within the year the reconstructed Otto man navy burst into the central Mediterranean, sailing around the coast of the Morea and into the Ionian sea, virtually to Lepanto, with a force which exactly matched the one it had been sending regularly—but under new leadership, Kili?, cAli Pa§a. If it did not precisely match the fleet of 1571, there is no way of knowing, for no Latin alliance again dared to challenge Ottoman galleys.6 Temporary desperation had influenced bot h Habsburg and Venetian participation i n the alliance . Neithe r truste d the other i n 1571 , nor in 1572 o r 1573 . The Venetians wer e so vulnerable to the Ottoman s because not only did Venice depend on trade with the Levant, particularly in luxury goods, for most of the wealth that pervaded is aristocracy, but also Venice depended on wheat and other grain of the Levant to feed its populace. By that time the Ottomans had come to control virtually every dot of rea l estate on th e Mediterranean littoral , from nort h of Ragus a nearly to Fiume in the upper Adriatic to west of Algiers. There was no way that Venice could challenge that tight Ottoman hold. Even in alliance with the Habsburgs an d the Papacy it seems unlikely that at that time Venice could have secured, through any kind of show of force, the goods o f trad e it needed . Venic e desperatel y neede d th e Ottoma n empire.7 The Ottomans, on the other hand, possibly neede d "a " Venice, but they certainl y di d not nee d Venice. Venetia n merchant s ma y have had special mercantile an d maritime skills. So too, however, did the people of Marseilles, who had been admitted to the Ottoman realms as trading partners since 1517 . Likewise the Ragusan merchants had the requisite skills. Marrano Jews from Spain had excelled at that trade in the middle

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of th e 16t h century. I n the 1580 s English merchants , and in 161 2 Dutc h merchants wer e admitte d unde r specia l term s a t time s whe n th e Otto man government judge d them of possible utilit y to the empire. Terms of trade, including customs duties, were manipulated to serve the economic and diplomatic interest s of th e Sublime Porte. Ottoman powe r an d ambitio n wer e undiminishe d b y th e los s a t Le panto i n 1571 . Tha t single , isolate d victor y o f th e Habsburg s di d littl e to interrupt the momentum o f Ottoman success against them, continuing in Tuni s i n 1574 , an d soo n thereafte r i n Morocco , unti l relieve d b y a truce whic h th e Ottoman s bestowe d o n the m i n 1580 . A s the y ha d fo r decades before , the y continued t o carr y th e battl e t o thei r enemies . Venice, i n orde r t o retur n t o thei r goo d graces , agree d t o pa y extensiv e reparations (100,00 0 ducats) . The Ottoman s los t thousand s o f skille d seamen an d marines , a s wel l a s mos t o f thei r galleys . I n th e siege s o f Lef ko§a an d especially Magos a Ottoma n force s too k ver y heavy casual ties. Rapi d 16th-centur y advance s i n fortificatio n an d artiller y cos t th e Ottomans heavily , fo r thos e benefite d defender s whil e slowin g dow n conquerors. Suc h casualtie s were , fo r th e Ottomans , th e sores t conse quence of the battle of Lepanto. 8 Some local circumstance s combine d with the external influenc e o f th e development o f Alepp o t o stifl e th e pla n t o mak e Cypru s a behemoth . Ottoman official s wer e reluctant to join to Cyprus the contiguous Medi terranean littoral. The Levantine littoral fro m Mei s island and Finike on the west t o Trablus an d Beyrut on the east could have made Cyprus on e of th e wealthiest o f provinces, whose governors would have been among the mightiest o f Ottoma n warriors , bu t that would hav e encroache d o n Aleppo's development . Ha d Magos a bee n mad e th e capital o f th e prov ince, rathe r tha n Lefko§a , the n circumstance s migh t hav e force d th e governors t o conside r th e se a more . I f th e Ottoman s ha d trie d t o us e Magosa commerciall y an d a s a n offensiv e nava l base , rathe r tha n jus t protecting it , the n the y woul d hav e bee n force d t o improv e sanitar y conditions an d to provide clean water. Resident s of Magos a woul d hav e been healthier , an d foreig n merchant s migh t onc e agai n hav e bee n en couraged t o settl e there. Larnaka (Tuzla ) had little possibility o f becom ing a n importan t por t o r commercia l center , bu t Magos a ha d grea t possibilities eve n fo r fleets o f ships . The presenc e o f Ottoma n an d for eign merchants would have stimulated the production of luxur y goods. While i t i s tru e tha t muc h o f th e valu e o f Cypru s fo r th e Latin s ha d

The Sea 34 9 been as a safe offshore island, long distance trade in the Levant remained quite importan t t o Ottoman s a s wel l a s Europeans , eve n afte r 1571 . Iskenderiye was so defenseless a s to be vulnerable even to a single bold ship. Whil e Magos a ha d first-class fortifications alread y constructed , Iskenderiye was a tiny place with no fortifications, and if anything it was even mor e vulnerabl e t o malaria , plague , an d othe r virulen t disease s than Magosa. Not even English or Dutch ships could threaten Magosa, although gettin g good s ther e fro m th e Syria n coas t wa s fraugh t wit h difficulty. The introduction o f th e Atlantic ship, replete with it s powerful can non, int o th e easter n Mediterranea n wa s fa r mor e grievou s fo r th e Ottoman navy than any loss of men and materials during the galley wars could have been. No one ever built and operated galleys more effectively than th e Ottomans . Disaste r eventuall y cam e t o th e Ottoma n nav y in the Mediterranean only because it continued so long to rely on galleys; the fates experienced by other countries using galleys in the Mediterranean were even more terrible than that of the Ottomans. The slowness of th e local Mediterranean states , and particularly the Ottomans, to copy th e sailing ships introduced into the Mediterranean by English an d Dutch merchant s (an d pirates) undercu t the naval preeminence o f th e northeaster n Mediterranea n world . No t onl y di d the sailing ship s outru n galley s i n man y instances , bu t the y als o carrie d heavier canno n an d s o outsho t them . Since , i n addition , th e Atlanti c ships usuall y carrie d heavie r load s o f cargo , the y wer e i n ever y wa y advantageous.9 Fro m 159 5 Englis h ship s dominate d no t jus t th e lon g distance trad e o f th e Levan t bu t als o th e loca l carryin g trade . Soo n a strong Dutch presence also was felt. Goods which once had been carried on Venetia n an d Ottoma n commercia l vessel s the n preferre d Englis h ships, whic h additionall y provide d securit y fro m th e pirates . Indee d many sailing ships seem to have been used indiscriminately as merchant ships and for piracy as opportunities appeared. In the 1 5 50s and 1560 s Ottoma n galleys fearlessly penetrate d every quarter of th e Mediterranean. By the 1590 s the navy had fallen on the defensive, unsure , for example, of eve n being able to protect the coasts of Cyprus. From sending out hundreds of galleys of the highest quality, crewed b y disciplined an d fearless oarsme n an d marines, the Ottoman navy of th e Mediterranean wa s reduced t o merely dozens o f mediocr e galleys, sometime s wit h timi d commander s an d unreliabl e crews . No t

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just Cypru s wa s affecte d b y that , o f course . Commerc e ove r th e entir e Levant wa s affected . Foreig n ship s o f Atlanti c origi n too k u p virtuall y all the burden of transportation t o the Latin Mediterranean an d beyond. While Egyp t an d particularly Syri a had alternat e lan d route s withi n th e Ottoman empir e tha t the y coul d exploi t fo r trade , Cypru s ha d n o suc h possibilities. Withou t regula r connection s wit h Antalya , Silifke , Aya§ , Iskenderun, Trablus , Beyrut , Damietta , an d Alexandria , Cypru s los t many o f th e advantage s o f bein g part of a large empire. Althoug h som e limited trade with th e south coas t of Anatoli a an d with th e Syrian coas t continued, th e economi c an d commercia l situatio n o f Cypru s mus t b e considered grave . Increasingl y Ottoma n merchants , lik e Venetia n ones , began t o depen d fo r securit y o n Englis h ships , eve n fo r shor t distanc e hauling in the eastern Mediterranean . Already plague d b y diseas e an d locusts , Cypru s los t an y hop e o f entering th e mainstrea m o f Levan t commerce . I n effect , i t becam e a "backwater," wher e loca l peopl e probabl y ha d increasingl y t o produc e more an d mor e o f wha t the y consume d and , give n th e populatio n de cline, find only a small deman d fo r artisana l craft s an d trade . Sinc e th e soil o f Cypru s was s o ric h an d the climat e s o productive , food s wer e o f good qualit y an d thei r price s strikingl y cheap , a t leas t i n th e vie w o f foreign merchant s an d travelers. By late in the 17t h century man y European ships stopped there to take on provisions fo r their return across the Mediterranean.10 Smuggling In the 16t h century the Ottoman empire succeeded in controlling exports to benefi t it s ow n politica l an d economi c needs . Onl y merchant s fro m certain countrie s wer e permitte d t o operat e i n Ottoma n territories , an d only certai n goods coul d b e traded with them . Moreover, th e Ottoman s applied suc h policie s whe n an d how the y wanted , leavin g Venice, France , later England and Holland, among others, little choice but to acquiesce. In th e 16th century , th e trad e o f th e Atlanti c worl d wa s growin g rapidly. Althoug h completel y ne w trad e route s wer e developin g aroun d southern Africa to the Indian ocean, and across the Atlantic ocean to the New World , market s bot h fo r domesti c Levantin e good s an d fo r good s from Sout h an d Eas t Asi a an d Persia , carrie d t o Levan t ports , wer e growing. Despit e the opening of ne w route s never before use d by Atlan-

The Sea 35 1 tic Europe , th e ol d route s o n whic h Cypru s ha d lon g bee n a ke y poin t continued t o b e important , eve n thoug h th e entrepot s o f Cypru s wer e almost completel y replace d b y Aleppo , wit h it s port s Iskenderu n an d Trablus. Cyprus ceased , then, to provide larg e quantitie s o f artisana l good s o r imported silk s an d spice s i n th e luxur y trade , althoug h silk , wool , an d particularly cotto n clot h productio n neve r completel y los t thei r attrac tion. I t did continue t o produce comestibles, particularly fine wheat an d barley. Sinc e i t wa s Ottoma n polic y t o hol d foo d price s unde r stric t control a t a level well below prices in Italy, and since Cyprus remained a place of remarkabl e fertility , excep t when locusts or drought intervened, those policie s encourage d smuggler s i n th e easter n Mediterranea n t o perfect their skills. It was impossibl e t o polic e th e entir e Aegea n an d eastern Mediterra nean agains t smugglers . The coastlin e wa s s o long , wit h man y isolate d places. There wer e countles s islands . Cypru s itsel f ha d remot e bay s an d promontories where smugglers could operate safely and effectively. Cyp riot cultivators frequently sol d their crops illegally to both domestic an d foreign smugglers , o r sometime s the y sol d t o middl e men . I n an y case , smuggling was particularly profitable fo r those who could carry grain to Venice or elsewhere in the northwest Mediterranean . As Braudel ha s pointed out , the piracy rampant in the Mediterranea n did no t en d trad e altogether . Rathe r th e continuin g existenc e o f tha t brisk trade encouraged pirates, who preyed on it. 11 Some smuggling was destructive t o loca l cultivation , bu t more commonly producer s willingl y sold their own produce, either to smugglers along the coast or to middl e men. The middle men and smugglers both might be Ottoman subjects or foreigners, Christian s or Muslims. Of course , man y smuggler s mus t hav e bee n ruthles s pirates , whil e many other s probabl y combine d act s o f smugglin g wit h act s o f pirac y when the y foun d themselve s stron g enoug h t o d o so . Surel y villag e cultivators coul d no t complai n t o authoritie s whe n th e smuggler s use d violence agains t them . I n general , however , tha t smugglin g mus t hav e produced a very attractiv e supplemen t t o norma l far m incomes , buyin g their grain at twice the legal price in Cyprus—or eve n more—for smug gling to foreign markets. Since Cypru s la y o n suc h importan t shippin g lanes , pirate s naturall y were very active in the area. Especially between Cypru s and Rhodes, but

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also wes t o f Rhode s t o Cret e an d nort h o f Rhode s t o Chios , wer e th e areas i n whic h pirate s wer e mos t active . Man y moder n historian s hav e noted that , a s di d seamen , merchants , an d traveler s o f tha t time. 12 The Venetian Dandin i (1596 ) particularl y mentione d Englis h pirates. 13 P. Teixeir a (1605 ) notice d a fea r o f pirate s afte r passin g Rhodes , al though, whe n pirate s finall y bese t hi s ship , the y wer e bough t of f wit h talk an d pistachios . Teixeir a als o pointe d ou t tha t th e governo r o f Cyprus wa s buildin g a stron g bu t no t ver y larg e fortres s a t Larnak a against pirates. 14 The Englis h travele r Georg e Sandy s (1615 ) reporte d the alar m t o shi p passenger s tha t th e imminenc e o f pirate s aroused. 15 The shi p o f th e gentleman-travele r d e Stochov e (1631 ) wa s pursue d b y pirates a t th e en d o f it s overnigh t voyag e fro m Anatoli a t o Girniye. 16 That situatio n ha d no t change d b y midcentury , whe n J . d e Theveno t (1656) reporte d condition s a t leas t tha t bad. 17 d e Bruy n (1683 ) wa s delayed o n th e islan d o f Rhode s an d the n a t Limos a b y warning s o f pirates a t Baf , an d finally experience d anguis h i n th e gul f o f Antaly a when a Greek shi p was mistake n fo r a pirate one. 18 A t least by the time of R . Pococke' s detaile d an d accurate account of 173 8 lan d near the sea was uncultivated becaus e of thos e pirates. 19 Although fo r various reasons, some valid bu t others fraudulent, som e scholars hav e treate d th e situatio n o f trad e afte r th e Ottoma n conques t with a certain superciliousness , th e stat e o f tha t trad e wa s certainl y no t dismal. Accordin g t o F . C. Lane, fo r example, Venetia n ship s continue d to trad e with Cyprus , the "bul k o f th e cargo" being in cotton. 20 G . Hil l points ou t i n som e detai l ho w trad e wit h th e northwes t Mediterranea n soon resumed, despite the position of Roma n Catholics in Cyprus at that time. Hill refers particularly to the salt trade and to the establishment o n the islan d o f foreig n consula r official s fro m Venice , England , France , and Holland b y 1605. 21 Accordin g to D . Jenness, "soon after th e expulsion o f th e Venetians , ship s o f man y nation s bega n t o pu t in " t o Baf , Limosa, an d Larnaka, "vying" for the island's commerce; the commerc e in sal t an d cotto n wit h Venic e an d Hollan d resumed , th e caro b trad e flourished, an d th e Ottoman s "vigorously " encourage d sil k produc tion.22 Th e Gree k historia n A . E . Vacalopoulos foun d tha t b y th e 17t h century Le f ko§a ha d becom e a n important cente r of commerce , wit h it s silk, cotton , salt , wine , an d oliv e oi l productio n an d merchant s fro m England, France , an d Holland. 23 Eve n th e Frenc h historia n P . Masson , who believe d the island was ruined in 163 0 becaus e of inadequat e food ,

The Sea 35 3 noted importan t 17th-centur y Frenc h trad e i n sugar , cotton , wheat , wine, olive oil, turpentine, safran, an d beans, as well as silk.24 The mos t importan t source s fo r tha t trad e ar e contemporarie s lik e Dandini (1596) , papal agen t t o th e Maronites , wh o foun d Italia n mer chants at Larnaka and reported a flourishing Cypriot cotton cloth industry which not only clothed th e local people but was widely sold in Italy and elsewhere.25 John Sanderson (1598), who spent two or three months with a ship loading salt in Larnaka, mentioned the availability of Cyprus wool i n Aleppo. 26 G. Sandys (1615 ) foun d th e island "aboundin g wit h all things necessary for life, " and particularly th e best raw cotton in the eastern Mediterranean , a s wel l a s prolifi c i n oil , grain , wine , an d rai sins.27 Whe n th e Portugues e merchan t Pedr o Teixeir a (1605 ) visite d Larnaka tw o Venetia n vessel s an d on e Dutc h shi p wer e i n th e harbo r loading cotton. Besides exporting much salt to Venice, he reported tha t the island exported 500 0 bags of cotton (a t about 20 Castillian arrobas), 3000 bag s o f "ver y fine wool, " silk , muc h wine , cheeses , an d othe r things.28 According to Richard Pocock e (1738) , a particularly thoroug h source, " . . . i t i s a surprizin g thin g t o se e Cypru s maintai n it s ow n people i n suc h grea t plenty , an d expor t s o man y thing s abroad. " Po cocke singles out th e wheat sold to the Latin Mediterranean, cotton (t o Holland, England , Venice , an d Livorno , woo l (t o Ital y an d France) , cotton cloth, and raw silk (sold to London). 29 The Ubiquity of Piracy Until th e adven t o f sailin g ship s i n th e hand s o f Englis h an d Dutc h pirates, th e mai n pirate s i n th e Levan t afte r th e Ottoma n conques t o f Cyprus wer e fro m Malt a an d Livorno . Particularl y afte r 157 4 the y entered th e Levant seas. 30 By that tim e galleys from Ital y could mak e a round trip to Rhodes and Cyprus and back in 29 days.31 Even then there was "n o clea r distinction" betwee n "pirac y an d commerce, " and "reli gious motivation " furthe r cloude d th e problem. 32 Unde r cove r o f thei r own artillery , galley s coul d "giv e a n effectiv e cove r t o a landing part y either i n the assault o r withdrawal phas e of a raid. The key point her e was tha t a galley coul d b e maneuvered wit h precisio n righ t u p agains t the shorelin e t o brin g it s gun s t o bear." 33 "Small-scal e raidin g opera tions could be launched from improvised bases in bays and along beaches." Then the raiders needed places to dispose of their booty. 34

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Pirates swarme d i n the seas around Cyprus , or sometime s s o it seems. In April 157 1 th e distric t governo r (Rodo s begi) wa s ordere d t o captur e and punis h infide l galley s (kadirgalar) whic h cam e to Cypru s (118/5 8 (8 ) # 4 7 ; 2 4 Zil-Kade (? ) 978). An order o f 1 5 December 157 1 points out t o the distric t governo r o f Iskenderu n (Iskenderiy e begi) tha t h e ha d bee n sent 2 0 galley s (kadirga) t o brin g t o justic e th e infide l ship s (kuffar gemileri) aroun d Cypru s (118/5 8 (27) ; 2 7 Rece b 979) . I n Augus t (? ) 1573 th e governo r o f Cypru s wa s ordere d no t t o b e negligen t o f th e tricks o f th e infide n pirate s (kuffar korsanlari), bu t t o operat e wit h th e spahis whic h th e distric t governor s (begler) o f Tarsus , I c II , Sis , an d c Alaiye wer e bringin g (164/7 5 (29 ) # 6 7 2 ; 1 1 Rebi c I I (? ) 981) . Ba f district governor Mustaf a beg , who was ordered t o transport gunpowde r (barut) fro m Trablu s §a m t o Istanbul , ha d t o dela y carryin g ou t hi s orders becaus e o f "fea r o f th e infidels " (kuffar havf) o n th e hig h sea s (160/89 (76 ) # 2 7 7 ; undated) . Anothe r Ba f distric t governo r (sancagi begi) wa s ordere d t o brin g supplie s (muhimmat) fo r a n imperia l cam paign fro m th e Blac k se a (Kara deniz) t o th e Mediterranea n (Ak deniz) so tha t pirat e ship s (korsan gemileri) shoul d no t har m Musli m pilgrim s (92/53 KAS K 6/1-4 5 #67; undated) . I n July 159 1 Magos a distric t gov ernor wa s warne d t o prepar e himsel f becaus e pirat e ship s (korsan gemileri) ha d reache d th e regio n o f Cypru s (121/5 7 (28 ) # 2 6 5 ; befor e 2 3 Ramazan 999). On 1 3 September 157 5 th e Porte responded t o a letter of inquiry fro m the Cypru s governo r (begler begisi), wh o ha d quizze d th e Port e abou t what t o d o wit h a badl y ruine d galle y whic h ha d reache d Tuzl a (Lar naka). That wa s th e shi p (gemi) of commande r (kapudan) c Ala ed-din o f the imperial arsenal , which ha d bee n moore d a t Abukir harbo r whe n criminals (mucrimler) attacke d i t and drove it to Limosa in Cyprus, where they took o n water ; finally they wer e drive n upo n lan d nea r Tuzla . Al l th e cre w perished, an d al l th e weapon s an d good s an d som e oar s wer e lost . I t need s repair. Cutting sufficient woo d (ague) i n Anatolia to repair the galley is ordered. The wood must be brought to Payas, from wher e it may be shipped to Tuzla so that the ship can be repaired. (116-66 (4 ) #642; 7 Cumadi II 983) 35 Building an d Repairin g Castle s One o f th e bes t defense s agains t pirat e raid s wa s castles . Th e thre e walled citie s hav e bee n discusse d elsewhere . Whil e th e wall s o f Le f ko§a

The Sea 35 5 and Magos a neede d considerabl e an d expensiv e repai r t o th e damag e which th e Ottomans ha d inflicte d durin g the sieges, Girniye surrendered , so its walls were untouched. Som e urgency was fel t abou t fortifyin g Baf , although tha t proces s was delaye d becaus e local revenues were expecte d to pay for th e construction. In November 157 3 an imperial order dealin g with tha t proble m wa s sen t t o th e governo r (begler begi) an d chie f financial office r (defterdar) o f Cyprus . I t seem s tha t formerl y i t wa s ordered t o buil d Ba f castle , partl y fro m loca l funds . Then , however , many re caya died fro m th e plague, leaving too little money to pay for th e construction. Consequentl y infide l ship s (gemiler) wer e pillagin g tha t area (garet ve hesaret). Th e Port e reminde d th e governo r an d financial officer o f th e importance o f buildin g a castle there an d urge d doin g so a s soon a s the y ha d enoug h mone y (161/7 1 K B (19 ) # 3 7 2 ; 8 Rece b 981 . Cf. 137/6 9 (29) ; undated, fo r repair s o f othe r necessar y walls) . Accord ing t o Cotovicu s (c . 1598 ) a smal l for t ha d bee n buil t i n th e middl e o f Limosa (Limassol ) t o protec t i t "fro m th e raids o f pirates." 36 Accordin g to va n de r Nijenber g (1684 ) Tuzl a (Salina ) ha d a smal l "ravelin " wit h eight cannon fo r us e against th e pirates. 37 Nature o f Piratica l Operation s Some pirates wer e i n ver y intimat e relationshi p wit h loca l peopl e o f th e areas whic h the y frequented , an d s o coul d mak e profit s fro m occasion ally pillaging an d occasionall y trading . O n th e othe r hand , i t mus t hav e been exceedingl y difficul t t o distinguis h loca l fortification s erecte d fo r protection fro m othe r construction s erecte d t o facilitat e smuggling . An imperial order of 2 3 October 157 0 to the Delvine district governo r (begi) made that problem ver y clear : Now som e peopl e i n Delvin e distric t (sancagi) buil t stable s (mandralar) an d towers (kuleler) i n places near the coast (yaliye karib). It was made known tha t by means o f the m the y mak e commerce (mu camele) wit h infidel s an d the y sell grain by sea to the infidels. I order that places near the coast like that, whether towers or stables, should be knocked over (def've refc). After that, no one should be permitted t o buil d stable s an d tower s nea r th e coast (yalilere). Yo u shoul d write down the names of any who do what is forbidden (metnnif); make known their salaries (dirlikler) an d banish them to Cyprus, (roll #20, p. 126, #275; 23 Cumadi I 978) An imperia l orde r t o th e governor (begler begisi) of Cypru s regardin g a lette r t o th e Port e b y Mehmed , commande r o f th e Ba f volunteer s

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(gonuller agasi), concerne d a rebellion (fesad ve §ena cat) of infidel (kafir) Pero Pavlo and some of hi s followers . He wa s a make r o f intrigu e (fitne). He cause d los s t o Fran k captai n (Firenk kapudan) Filibo. Pero Pavlo met secretly (hafyeten) with a Venetian (Venediklu). He should be taken into custody and executed. (154/63 KP G 6/4-217 #308 ; 5 Ramazan 979 (21 January 1572)) On 2 7 June 157 3 th e Port e dispatched a letter to the kadi o f Manav gat, in response to a letter that kadi had sent previously. Infidel ship s (kuffar-i haksar gemileri) com e into harbors (limanlar) calle d Eski Antaliya and Kugla, which are by the sea in that district (kaza). They pillage and plunder the flocksand other property of re caya, and they take prisoners (esirler). They are not free of oppression. The people (ahalisi) an d spahis should come in turn t o protec t th e harbor s (limanlari). No w tha t distric t (liva) is joine d t o Cyprus. This year the infidels hav e done harm and destruction beyond limit to the Muslims. The y hav e enslave d man y people.. . (rol l #5 , p . 96 , #198 ; 2 7 Sefer 981) On 1 5 July 157 5 a n imperial orde r was dispatched to the governor of Cyprus i n respons e t o a letter receive d fro m Veli , I c II district governo r (sancagi begi). Three infidel (kafir) ships (gemiler) appeared opposite cAlaiye in the middle of the night. After they took one cargo (rencber) shi p (gemi), the y came to Baliyaz (?) off Silind i distric t (kaza) dependent on I c II district. Order s were issued t o the local people to beware. Still the infidels encountered a couple of farmers (ekincilet). They struck blows, killing two Muslims, and a few infidels were wounded. Then anothe r battl e was fought , an d again two Muslim s died and some more infidels were wounded. The infidel ship has not been prevented from appearing. They seize garden produce (bostan) an d cotton (penbe) fro m the produce peddlars (rencber taifesi). Ther e is great fear along the coast (yali). The infidel ship has watered in 10 or 15 places on the coast of Ic I I . .. What is the cause of their not being brought to justice?. .. (116/6 6 (12) #285; 6 Rebic II 983) The Port e sen t a respons e t o a lette r requestin g hel p fro m I c I I subgovernor and the Silif ke kadi. When A k Lima n i n you r distric t (liva) was unprotected , tw o infide l galley s (kadirgalari) cam e t o tha t harbor , seize d tw o carg o ships (rencber gemi), and chased a few ships (gemiler) aground. They pillaged Kuri Ta§ village near the sea (sahil-i deryada) an d captured 23 men (nefer adam). I order that you should go immediately with 3 0 spahis to defend that harbor (liman). Yo u should protect that region (memleket ve vilayet) from infidels an d other brigands. Those (spahis) should not be sent in defense of Cyprus. (138/89 ( n) #613 ; undated)

The Sea ^S7 In thos e year s th e adjacen t sout h Anatolia n coas t wa s th e spher e o f the governor o f Cyprus . The governor complained i n a letter to the Port e that th e previou s yea r whe n th e spahi s wer e o n campaig n infide l ship s (gemiler) ha d cause d losse s t o merchan t ship s (tuccar gemilerine) a t th e pier (iskele) o f a place calle d Selend i i n I c II district (sancagi), th e pier o f Karaman provinc e (vilayet). The governor was ordered to protect that place. He was to assign timars of 2000 akce, 2500 akce, or 300 0 akce to 60 spahis in that district (liva). Night and day those spahis should work to protect everyone. (160/89 (24) #572.; undated) In Decembe r 159 0 th e Port e sen t th e I c I I distric t governo r (begi) a response to his letter complainin g abou t infide l ship s (gemiler) which captur e re caya alon g th e coas t (yali) and seiz e Muslim s passin g t o th e island of Cyprus and enslave them . .. Wher e are the spahis of that district (liva) who ar e supposed t o defen d an d protec t thos e areas , as in th e past(?) (137/6 9 (40) #77; befor e 16 Muharrem 999) Lefko§a kad i mevlan a Zey n ul- cAbidin wrot e a lette r t o th e Port e about th e grav e insecurit y whic h muc h o f Cypru s live d in , promptin g replies addresse d t o th e governo r (begler begisi) an d t o al l th e kadi s o n the island . Spahi s an d othe r notable s o f tha t islan d ( cayan-i vilayet) ha d come to court (meclis-i $er ce). Infidel ship s (harbi kuffar gemileri) came upo n ou r villages , t o th e harbor s (liman), and t o othe r place s o n th e shore s o f Cyprus , causin g great loss . They plundered th e property (emval ve erzaklari) an d flocks (tavarlari) o f th e re caya, and they carried off and enslaved re caya. The lands of Islam (tnemalik-i Islamiye) are not fre e fro m attack . They join with infidel s wh o wish to bring destructio n to th e islan d an d th e state. Man y martyr s (§ehid) ar e mad e an d man y slave s taken. I order t h a t . .. yo u should bring order . .. (159/5 7 (10); undated)

Organization o f Defensiv e System s Although suc h effort s obviousl y foun d onl y limite d success , the imperia l government worke d t o organiz e a defensiv e syste m tha t woul d effec tively resis t th e surpris e incursion s o f pirates . Defensiv e effort s usuall y had t o b e made with smal l numbers o f ships . An imperia l orde r wa s sen t t o Magos a distric t governo r §a c ban i n response to a message delivered t o th e Porte by a man o f presen t Cypru s

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governor (begler begi) Ca c£er. The Port e pointe d ou t th e necessit y o f bringing order (hifz ve hiraset) t o the sea (derya) . . . Ther e are a total of four ships in your possession, counting your own galley (kadirga). Yo u are appointed leader and ordered to bring order to the island of Cyprus and its shores (sevahil). I order that as in the past the aforementione d ships (gemileri) shoul d be loaded with implements of wa r (edevat-i barb). You must deal with the pirate ships (korsan gemileri). (154/6 3 KP G 6/4—234 #107 ; undated) The sort o f proble m wa s als o discusse d i n a n imperia l orde r writte n to the governor of Cypru s in response to a letter from that same §a cban, who the n wa s als o commande r o f th e fleet o f th e islan d (kapudan-i cezire'-i Kibris). The governor was urged, whenever all the sea around Cyrpu is not free of (bali) pirate galleys (levend ve korsan kadirgalari), to bring security (hifz ve hiraset) to the lands (memleket). B e on the sea (derya) i n summer and winter. (162/6 0 (5) #348; undated) In March 157 4 a n order was sent to Ic II district governor in response to his own letter to the Porte about providing men from the castles (hisar erlerin) dependen t o n I c II . Whil e th e Port e recognize d th e strategi c importance o f place s lik e Akc e Kal ce, i t stil l ha d t o orde r sendin g t o Istanbul certai n o f th e weapon s fro m thos e palace s (161/7 1 (26 ) #38 ; i6Zil-Kade98i). Tarsus distric t governo r sen t a lette r t o th e Port e informin g i t tha t certain weapon s take n fro m I c I I fo r us e b y Tarsu s spahi s wer e neve r registered (mukayyed) (161/7 1 (27 ) #768 ; 1 7 Zil-Kad e 98 3 (1 7 Febru ary 1576) . In respons e t o a letter receive d fro m th e governo r o f Cypru s Ahme d regarding th e depositio n (takrir) o f th e imperia l fleet, a n orde r date d September 157 9 wa s sent from the Porte to the Rhodes district governor urging him not to neglect (gaflet) the infidels. You shoul d carefull y searc h out infide l ship s (gemilerin) an d those i n alliance with them (yekdil ve yekcihet)... Yo u should always be aware of the infidels . . . (137/69 (2) : 20 Receb 987 )

Ahmed bn Cacfer beg of the sons of spahis (sipahi oglanlari), an d timar holders (erbab-i timar) Gazanfer, Mehme d bn Karaca, and (illegible) wer e banished to Cyprus, but during an 'infidel scare' (kuffar havfi) they were confined to Rhodes castle. Now , i n August (? ) 1588 , accordin g t o a n imperial orde r addressed t o

The Sea 35 9 Rhodes district governor Receb Pa§a, they must be sent to Cyprus. (122/98 (44 ) #512; 1 0 Ramazan (?) 1588) An orde r o f 159 1 t o th e Rhode s distric t governo r tha t pirat e ship s (korsan gemileri) had agai n com e an d tha t wit h th e distric t governor s o f Sigl a (?) , Mytilene (Midillu) , an d Magos a h e i s charge d wit h defens e . . . The y shoul d gather at Rhodes and go in defense of the sea . .. (rol l #5, #185, undated (999^) Although th e "J a^er'Captain" i s a work o f fiction fro m th e las t quarter of th e 17th century , some half-century afte r th e terminus of thi s study, it reflects faithfully th e problems of piracy which Cyprus endured. The scen e i s th e pirate-infested easter n Mediterranean , aliv e wit h pirat e ships o f divers e origin s wh o ofte n preye d o n eac h other , seizin g on e another's prizes , o r enslavin g crews . On e pirat e shi p fro m Tuni s fel l upon a Christian vesse l fro m Cypru s carryin g a cargo o f hides , vinegar, wool, an d cotto n bu t refraine d fro m plunderin g i t whe n it s captai n provided intelligence of an impending circumcision party in a village just inland fro m Magosa , wher e 1 5 o r 2 0 hig h official s an d ric h aga s wer e sure t o appear . A t tha t tim e th e vesse l ha d a cre w o f 5 3 Muslim s an d only 1 7 Christians , althoug h clearl y som e Muslim s wer e onl y superfi cially convert s t o Isla m wh o feigne d t o b e Christian s i f i t suite d thei r circumstances. Obviousl y man y Cypriot villagers and even townspeople , especially thos e nea r th e sea , wer e vulnerable , fo r i t ha s bee n demon strated how man y lived in great insecurity at least from the 1590 s to the 1730s. During all that time opportunities existed fo r profiting through illegal dealings with pirates. Most boot y onl y had value if it could b e sold; the sooner i t could b e disposed of , th e more quickly the pirates could strik e again. The abilit y t o sel l plunde r quickl y an d clos e a t han d mad e i t possible for pirates to flourish . Since man y o f th e pirate s woul d no t rob , murder , o r plunde r th e homes o f co-religionists , al l bu t the mos t devou t believer s wh o fel l int o the hands of enthusiast s of othe r faith s would hav e been sorely tempte d to pas s themselve s of f a s member s o f an y appropriat e faith . N o doub t recent converts t o Isla m coul d d o tha t with particula r facility . Tha t i s a message o f th e "J a^er"Captain." Pirate s of a particular fait h migh t als o be expected t o trea t with amelioration , o r even t o emancipate , crew s o f co-religionists whos e vessel s the y subdued , jus t a s the y migh t enslav e others. A s th e stor y indicates , th e lin e betwee n Musli m an d Christia n pirates was also often a fine one.38

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Revolts an d Uprising s Evidence about loca l revolts in Cyprus in the period u p to 164 0 is sparse. Numerous claim s o f incident s ma y simpl y reflec t widesprea d opinio n that th e Port e rule d b y oppressio n an d consequentl y mus t hav e incite d revolts. Bot h local s wit h particula r grievance s an d foreigner s wh o occa sionally wishe d t o induc e th e ruler s o f thei r countrie s t o interven e stresse d popular readines s fo r revolt . Th e tacti c adopte d wa s t o emphasiz e th e wealth o f Cyprus , th e hig h proportio n o f Christian s amon g th e popu lace, and th e small expense s necessar y fo r success . Of cours e Venice had th e best claim t o Cypru s of an y European state . No on e ha d t o remin d Venetian s ho w profitabl e ownin g th e islan d ha d proved. Whatever th e vicissitudes o f Ottoma n powe r betwee n 157 1 an d 1640, Venice' s fortun e wa s eve n mor e uncertain . B y an d large , Venice , which stil l ha d a profitabl e relationshi p wit h th e Ottoma n empire , ha d reason t o believ e tha t a s tim e passe d i t wa s eve n les s likely t o recaptur e Cyprus tha n i n 1573 . However rapidl y Venice' s Levan t trad e ma y hav e withered fro m th e 1620 s on , i t stil l booste d th e Venetia n economy . Indeed th e onl y "serious " tal k o f Venetia n dream s involve d "renting " the islan d fro m th e Ottoma n empir e fo r a n annua l fe e whic h wa s large r than th e empir e wa s abl e t o secur e i n taxes , becaus e o f Venice' s sup posed superio r administrativ e skills . One potentia l meddle r i n Cypru s affair s wa s th e Medic i stat e o f Tuscany. Th e Medici duke s dreamed o f becomin g kings, and on e way o f achieving tha t woul d b e t o secur e Cypru s an d resurrec t th e Lusigna n title. Although th e ruler s o f Tuscan y mad e considerabl e profit s fro m th e Levant b y makin g Livorn o a fre e por t an d b y establishin g ther e a pseudo chivalric order , mostl y o f foreigners , whic h preye d o n Musli m shipping , decades of quie t intrigu e cam e to n o avail . Certainly Tuscan y lacke d th e resources t o tak e o n th e Ottoma n empire , eve n i n cooperatio n wit h th e crafty Druz e emi r Fahreddin , wh o fro m hi s bas e i n th e Lebanes e moun tains twic e mad e himsel f autonomou s o f Ottoma n power . (Othe r scheme s of th e Medic i include d seizin g Jerusale m an d muc h o f Syri a wit h th e help o f Fahreddin , wh o woul d the n becom e independen t o f th e Otto mans.) The thir d stat e involve d wit h revolt s i n Cypru s wa s th e duch y o f Savoy, whic h ha d dream s o f grandeu r simila r t o thos e o f th e Medici . Savoy, too , ha d claim s t o th e Lusigna n titl e "kin g o f Cyprus " an d

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aspired t o tha t rank , bu t i n th e perio d 1571-164 0 Savo y wa s fa r les s likely even than th e Medici t o threaten th e Ottoma n empir e in an y way . Venetians see m t o hav e take n som e sor t o f pleasur e fro m claimin g that Cypru s wa s muc h mor e wealth y unde r thei r rul e tha n unde r Otto man rul e an d tha t Ottoma n rul e wa s oppressive , leavin g th e peopl e o f the island, who had i n general welcomed th e beginning of Ottoma n rule , in despair . Tuscan y an d Savo y als o sough t informatio n abou t Cyprus ; they hear d tha t whil e th e Musli m populatio n wa s miniscule , th e Chris tian populac e woul d i n a momen t ris e u p an d fight th e Ottoman s b y themselves i f onl y the y ha d weapons . Par t o f th e appea l mad e t o th e ambitious nort h centra l Mediterranea n states , wit h quit e limite d re sources, wa s tha t the y woul d no t hav e t o carr y th e ful l burde n them selves. Evidence abou t thei r adventure s i s sparse , whic h probabl y indicate s that the y wer e o f littl e substance , rarel y risin g abov e th e leve l o f bein g vague hopes. Similarly i t suggests tha t betwee n 157 1 and 164 0 revol t i n Cyprus was never, or hardl y ever , imminent. Probabl y nearl y al l of wha t is considered "revolt " wa s in fact loca l criminal activity .

Savoy an d Ottoma n Cypru s In aroun d 160 0 Charle s Emmanue l I , duk e o f Savo y (1580-1630) , began t o demonstrat e a n interes t i n advancin g hi s family' s century-ol d claim t o Cyprus , a n interes t whic h persiste d a s lon g a s h e lived . Th e Lusignan quee n Charlott e inherite d th e thron e fro m he r fathe r Joh n I I (1432-1458) an d assume d th e rul e immediately . He r husban d Loui s was fro m th e rulin g famil y o f Savoy , which gav e her som e suppor t afte r the Mamluk arm y had establishe d b y force a s king her illegimate brothe r James I I (1406-1473) . Charlott e refuse d t o surrende r th e title , an d i n 1462 mad e a forma l agreemen t wit h th e duk e o f Savo y tha t th e titl e would pas s t o hi s famil y i f sh e die d withou t heirs . In 148 5 sh e formall y relinquished he r titl e t o th e kingdo m o f Cyprus , whic h sh e ha d onl y ruled fo r tw o years . Th e rulin g famil y o f Savo y wa s ver y eage r t o wi n the titl e o f king ; i n 148 8 gran d duk e Charle s I unsuccessfull y sough t Mamluk recognitio n fo r hi s line. 39 A s Hil l ha s pointe d out , eve n th e settlement ove r Cypru s betwee n Venic e an d th e Ottoma n empir e o n 7 March 157 3

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did no t mea n th e cessatio n o f schemin g b y thos e wh o fancie d tha t the y ha d rights t o th e Kingdo m o f Cyprus , o r o f effort s o n th e par t o f th e Christia n subjects of the Sultan to induce them to undertake expeditions against the island. Such efforts me t with mos t sympathy fro m th e Dukes of Savoy, who continued to cherish hope s of 'recovering ' th e Kingdom for somethin g like a century afte r it was lost. Charles Emmanuel I seems at first to have entertained th e design of submitting himsel f a s a tributar y t o th e Porte , an d holdin g th e islan d a s th e Sultan's vassal.40 The ruler s of Savo y badl y wanted a royal title . Negotiations too k plac e betwee n agent s o f Charle s Emmanue l I an d the Orthodo x archbisho p o f Cypru s abou t th e duke' s intervenin g b y sending a forc e o f 300 0 o r 400 0 men . Then th e loca l Christian s wer e t o rise up , massacr e al l th e Turks , an d welcom e th e duk e a s thei r ruler . Such negotiation s continue d al l throug h 160 1 when , fo r unknow n rea sons, the y ceased. 41 Perhap s inadvertently , th e first agent , Franci s Acci das, becam e acquainte d wit h th e Orthodo x patriarc h o f Jerusalem. Th e locals sorely underestimate d th e numbers o f Muslims , and probably als o the suppose d readines s o f th e Gree k Orthodo x peopl e t o rebel . In 158 3 a Cyprio t i n exil e had advise d th e duk e o f Savo y to clai m th e right t o b e invested b y th e sulta n wit h a fief, an d th e duk e seem s t o hav e bee n credulous enoug h a t leas t t o hav e sen t a specia l ambassado r t o th e Porte. 42 I n 160 8 th e duk e o f Savo y receive d furthe r letter s abou t th e ripeness o f th e situatio n i n Cyprus . Thi s tim e h e supposedl y ha d con tracts wit h th e first recorde d dragoma n o f Cyprus , Pier o Guneme . Ac cording to Hill the duke " . . . b y 160 8 had spen t more than 30,00 0 scud i in makin g gift s t o suc h people , an d defrayin g thei r expenses." 43 Simila r letters reache d th e duk e i n Octobe r 160 9 an d Apri l 1611. 44 I n 163 2 duke Victo r Amedeu s I o f Savo y receive d a lette r o f appea l fro m th e abbot o f a monaster y i n Macedoni a wh o claime d t o b e a nephe w o f th e archbishop o f Cyprus . That lette r beseeche d th e duke t o rescu e Cypriot s from Ottoma n oppressio n wit h 2 5 warships , 25,00 0 men , an d arm s fo r 10,000 peasants. Again n o actions followed, bu t the following yea r duk e Victor Amedeu s I proclaimed himsel f kin g o f Cyprus , a n ac t doubtles s unnoticed b y th e Ottomans , althoug h i t infuriate d Venice , whic h brok e off diplomati c relation s fo r 3 0 years. 45 Tuscany an d Ottoma n Cypru s Two importan t event s o f th e 16t h centur y prio r t o th e Ottoma n con quest o f Cypru s helpe d determin e th e rol e tha t Tuscan y playe d i n th e

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eastern Mediterranean: opening Livorno a s a free port and founding th e knights of St . Stephen. Livorno grew into a large city with a thriving sea trade, largely replacing Venice because it was opened to the English an d Dutch ships which dominated more and more of th e trade of the eastern Mediterranean startin g i n th e 1580s , althoug h tha t aspec t o f it s devel opment wa s almos t exclusivel y i n th e hand s o f foreigners . Th e knight s of St . Stephen , founded b y Cosimo d i Medici, were formall y authorize d to seiz e th e ship s an d good s o f an y state s whic h wer e no t Roma n Catholic. The y wer e a n international , multinationa l organizatio n lik e the knight s o f St . Joh n o f Malt a excep t tha t the y wer e no t s o wel l disciplined. Operatin g ou t o f Livorno , the y considere d themselve s cru saders.46 According t o R . C . Anderso n change s cam e abou t i n th e natur e o f naval warfare . "Whateve r th e reasons , th e nava l histor y o f th e Easter n Mediterranean shrink s for some time to a mere chronicle of raid s by the Turks o n souther n Ital y an d o f isolate d exploit s b y the riva l Knight s o f St. Stephe n an d St . John." Indeed , i n 157 4 th e gran d duk e o f Tuscan y gave u p his officia l fleet, doubtles s a s too costl y fo r him , bu t sold som e of hi s galley s t o th e knight s o f St . Stephen. 47 I n 157 5 th e fou r Tusca n galleys i n th e Levan t barel y escape d th e Ottoma n fleet. I n 157 7 the y cruised with th e four galley s fro m Malt a an d "made a good profi t fro m their captures." 48 B y 158 4 thos e fou r Tusca n galleys , stil l profitabl y cruising the eastern Mediterranean, ha d been joined by five galleys fro m Malta.49 On 2 February 157 6 a n imperial orde r was sent to the district governor of Rhode s (Rodo s begi) informin g hi m o f destructio n tha t the duk e of Tuscany (Filorvine dukasi) di d with four ships (gemiler). They are evil-doing pirates (ehl-i fesad korsan-i kafir). He sends them to the land of Islam. They are not free from evil-doing (fitne ve fesad). Last year they took ships (gemiler) i n the districts of Egypt and Trablos . .. Yo u should bring them to justice . .. (120/5 5 (5 ) #550; 2 Zil-Kade 983) The first major endeavo r o f th e knight s o f St . Stephen was a surprise night attac k o n th e islan d o f Chio s i n Ma y 159 9 b y five galley s wit h about 30 0 me n wh o a t first seized th e harbor , whic h the n wa s retake n quickly b y it s Ottoma n guard , wh o drov e of f th e attacker s wit h ver y heavy losses. 50 Interes t in raiding held firm, and when a raid on Cypru s in May 159 7 provided informatio n tha t Christia n slaves in Magosa ha d recently revolted, no doubt Cyprus began to appear ripe for attack. 51

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In 160 2 Ferdinan d I (1587-1609) o f Tuscan y purchase d his first two sailing ship s (berton), th e sam e yea r tha t Malt a purchase d it s first one. By 160 4 hi s fleet include d severa l suc h ships . "A s a matte r o f fact , th e Grand Duk e o f Tuscan y wa s equall y read y t o exten d hi s patronag e t o almost an y adventure r wh o propose d t o ac t agains t th e Turks." 52 I n 1603 tri e gran d duke of Tuscany, eager to advance himself economicall y and militaril y i n th e Mediterranean , ha d establishe d contac t wit h a n ambitious erstwhil e Ottoma n governo r wh o wa s actin g wit h increasin g autonomy an d expandin g hi s authorit y i n Syria. 53 I n 160 4 si x galley s were sen t no t jus t t o wi n boot y bu t als o t o ai d th e rebels . Ottoma n vigilance prevente d a n intended landin g in the gulf o f Antalya , bu t afte r they cruise d aroun d Cypru s an d pas t Iskenderu n (Alexandretta) , the y took som e small prizes before returnin g home. 54 In 160 5 a Venetia n name d Raphae l Cacciamar i recommende d t o Ferdinand tha t he immediately occup y th e Holy Land , and take the title king o f Jerusalem . The projec t commence d i n 1607 , whe n a small Tus can fleet embarked fo r Cyprus. 55 Meanwhile, i n May 160 6 thei r squadron intercepte d the "Alexandri a caravan" off th e sout h coas t o f Anatolia , takin g muc h boot y an d 100 0 prisoners. O n 31 Ma y they attacked Anamur castle, and on 1 6 June they took a caramursa l nea r th e castl e o f Finika. 56 Cypru s becam e a majo r interest of Tuscany , whic h no t only ha d growing connection s wit h Fah reddin th e Druze emir but also with c Ali Canbulad , who ha d establishe d himself i n th e district s o f Aleppo , c Azaz, an d Kilis , t o th e nort h o f Fahreddin's territories . While th e seven Tuscan ship s sailed elsewhere i n the Levant i n the summer of 1606 , the six galley s struck that part of th e Anatolian coast which was part of Cypru s province. 57 In 160 7 " . . . Charles Emmanuel' s rival , Ferdinan d I (1587—1609) , Grand Duke o f Tuscany , conceive d a plan fo r a grand expedition t o the Levant, which would include in its objects the conquest of Cyprus. From Cyprus, i f h e conquere d it , a s a bas e h e woul d b e abl e t o establis h himself a s rule r o f Syria , wher e h e ha d alread y entere d int o a n allianc e with Jambula d an d th e Emi r o f th e Druses , Fah r ed-Din , wh o wer e i n open revol t agains t th e Sultan. " Wit h eigh t galley s an d nin e (o r 10 ) galleons an d a mixed arm y of 220 0 soldiers , the Tuscan forc e unde r the Marquess Franci s de l Mont e arrive d a t Magos a o n 2 4 Ma y expectin g that 600 0 Gree k Orthodo x Cypriot s woul d revolt . Accordin g t o Hill , the forces were "insufficient fo r his purposes," and the fortifications ha d

The Sea 36 5 been "improved." "The garrison had been reinforced by 400 Janissaries, and excellent order had been taken to keep the Greeks and other Christians quiet." 58 Moreover , th e momen t th e Port e learne d o f th e agreement, it crushed cAli Canbulad. Tuscany was powerless to interfere.59 Ferdinand I, who requested a special investigative report from a wellknown Norma n corsair , wa s informe d tha t hi s commander s ha d no t performed well . A ne w attemp t wa s recommended , i n winte r whe n nights were longer, but involving only 170 0 soldiers and 800 sailors. 60 Also i n 160 7 Tusca n agent s ha d trie d t o negotiat e wit h Fahreddi n an agreement that, if he aided them in conquering Damascus and Jerusalem, they would help him against his enemies. 61 By the time that report had come ou t th e Tusca n expeditio n o f 160 8 ha d alread y saile d fo r th e Levant unde r Willia m d e Bauregar d wit h eigh t vessels . Afte r visitin g Tyre and Sidon, Fahreddin's ports, they came across an Ottoman convoy from Alexandria near Cape Kelidonya (Khelidonia ) at the western edge of the gulf of Antalya, just beyond the frontier of Cyprus province. On 21 Octobe r 160 8 the y capture d tw o larg e vessel s an d severa l smalle r ones, of 42 Ottoman vessels, along with 700 prisoners and two million ducats.62 The year 160 7 was a bad year for grand duke Ferdinand's erstwhile allies i n Syria . Janbulad' s force s wer e crushe d o n 2 4 Octobe r 1607 . Fahreddin's territorie s wer e reduce d t o Beirut , Sidon , an d Kisrawan . Cosimo II (1609—1621) immediatel y renewed his alliance with Fahreddin, bu t he droppe d th e plan t o attac k Cyprus. 63 Apparentl y th e new grand duke refused to believe further reports of th e difficult condition s and readiness fo r revolt, for no further attempt s were made to interest rulers of Tuscan y for almost 2 0 years. 64 Raids to the east continued at least unti l 1610 , whe n Beauregar d an d fou r galleon s wintere d i n th e Levant; th e followin g sprin g h e encountere d a n Ottoma n fleet of 2 1 galleys an d on e galeass , losin g heavil y i n th e exchange . H e reache d Livorno in April 161 1 wit h only 21 5 captives , having himself los t 40 0 killed or wounded. That was " . .. th e last expedition of Tuscan sailing ships fo r som e years." 65 A t th e sam e time , accordin g t o Guarnieri , another Tuscan force, under Guadagni, reached Sidon and reconfirmed in the name of th e grand duke of Tuscan y the treaty of commerc e and alliance with emir Fahreddin. Subsequently that squadron raided along the south Anatolia n coast , disembarkin g me n who pillage d vigorousl y and exterminate d man y Turks . The y als o mad e a n importan t actio n

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against the fortress of Girniye (Cerine) in Cyprus. Even the appearance of a n Ottoma n fleet with 4 3 galley s (galere) an d three galeass did not discourage th e knights , althoug h the y di d retur n t o Livorn o i n sprin g 1611.66

Nevertheless, expeditions of galleys to the Levant did not cease. The same J. Inghiram i wh o le d the 160 5 expedition , an d indeed was commander of th e Tuscan galleys between 160 2 and 1623 , commanded an expedition to the Levant in 1613. His six galleys, which he temporarily joined with four Maltese galleys, made an unsuccessful attemp t to land near th e islan d o f Samo s (Sisam) . The n Inghiram i separate d hi s forc e when he "heard that a large sum of mone y from the tribute of Cyprus was at Agha Liman on the mainland north of that island." Although he took the place on the night of 17 May, along with two Ottoman galleys, the losses wer e heavy an d the booty "disappointingl y small." 67 Thereafter Tuscany was not interested in Cyprus. Interest in the Levant continued, however , particularly th e commercial relationship s whic h had been established wit h Fahreddin. Tuscany was unabl e t o giv e Fahreddi n an y protection . Finally , a n attac k b y Ottoman lan d and sea forces force d th e Druze emir to flee fo r his life. Fahreddin passed fiveyears in exile, mostly in Florence, where he unsuccessfully plotted his return supported by Latin Christian armies—all to no avail . H e onl y returne d t o Lebano n i n 1618 , afte r h e successfull y persuaded Ottoma n official s t o allo w hi m t o tak e th e province s o f Nablus an d c Ajlun. S o n o longe r di d h e ge t Lati n Christian s involve d with Cyprus.68 Interest in Cyprus did not die out completely, for in 1628 a local Cypriot named Maximilian Tronchi urged grand duke Ferdinand II that 10,00 0 Christian s and 8000 Turks and renegades were ready to revolt, tha t th e island ha d no fortification s o f consequenc e ready , and that 10,000 men, 20 ships (navi), and 6 galleys could, with arms for the Christians, subdue the island. 69 Fo r whatever it is worth, however, fo r the first time i n man y years (becaus e they had been busil y involve d in the centra l an d wester n Mediterranea n an d Nort h Africa ) si x Tusca n galleys toure d th e Levant, althoug h wit h n o successes. 70 Probably that expedition was not unconnected with the letter of Tronchi.

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Popular Revol t o r Brigandage ? George Hill carefull y chronicle d ever y so-calle d uprisin g concernin g whic h he discovere d eve n th e weakes t evidence , bu t stil l treate d the m wit h a touch o f sanguinity . The histor y o f th e abortiv e revol t wa s t o repea t itsel f man y times ; a serie s of appeals by the Cypriotes to the western Powers, with optimistic but unconvincing calculations of the degree of support which would be forthcoming fro m th e Christian population in the case of an invasion; and, consequently, unwillingness of those Powers to involve themselves in speculative undertakings, or, if they did so, to equip them efficiently. 71 Kyrris, o n th e othe r hand , think s th e revolt s hav e higher , eve n sym bolic meanings . H e consider s the m numerous : "A s fo r th e uprisings , which occurre d frequently , almos t ever y decad e betwee n 157 2 an d abou t 1670, the y wer e organize d b y bot h an d carrie d ou t b y th e Christia n armed force s o f th e island—mainl y Greek , bu t als o includin g som e remnants o f Albanians , Armenians , Italian s an d Maronites , especiall y those settle d o n th e nort h coas t an d mountai n r a n g e . . . " "Th e basi c characteristics o f tha t transitor y ag e wer e a fluidity i n ethnic , religiou s and administrativ e concept s an d institution s an d a n oscillatio n betwee n Christianity an d Islam , collaboratio n an d revol t agains t th e Ottoma n regime i n 'secret ' contac t wit h Wester n states . . . . S o a n elemen t o f symbiosis betwee n th e remnant s o f th e stil l Christia n ol d rulin g classe s and th e conquero r wa s converte d int o a n elemen t o f frictio n whic h i n fact involve d th e moslemized sectio n o f th e former." 72 Kyrris feel s tha t th e mor e stalwar t element s o f th e societ y demon strated thei r vitality b y revolting and b y plotting wit h Europea n foreign ers. "As for th e revolts and uprising s which occurre d i n the first hundre d years o f Ottoma n rul e the y wer e instigate d b y a sectio n o f th e muslim ized an d non-muslimize d ol d rulin g classe s playin g a doubl e gam e an d by som e wester n powers , an d i n fac t reflecte d a n interestin g struggl e within th e ranks of th e mixed rulin g classes of th e island." 73 Since no t everyon e coul d stan d th e pressure s o f th e ne w situation , those unabl e t o resis t converte d t o Isla m an d becam e crypto-Christians , mostly Armenians , Maronites , an d Albanian s i n th e norther n mountai n range an d alon g th e nort h coast , particularl y a t Tellyria , Kambyli , Ayi a Marina Skillouras , Platani , an d Kornokepos . "Bu t thei r consciousnes s

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remained 'Cypriote' , roote d i n the spirit o f coexistenc e . ..", s o n o con flicts occurred between the Muslim an d non-Muslim loca l population. 74 To me , th e interna l situatio n seem s t o hav e bee n rathe r quiet . Al though popula r feelin g ma y sometime s hav e supporte d insurrection , there i s preciou s littl e evidenc e o f an y successes . Indeed , i n a perio d characterized b y insurrectio n i n th e contiguou s area s o f Anatoli a an d Syria, when first religious students, then demobilized soldiers, and finally thousands o f villager s revolte d e n mass e an d whe n thousand s mor e participated i n "a great flight" to Istanbul and Ottoman Europe, Cyprus seems almos t a mode l o f decorum , althoug h th e peopl e stil l face d de struction fro m th e incursions o f pirates. One of th e more puzzling revolts took place in 1578 . Venetian agents, according t o Hill , instigate d a number o f disgruntle d janissarie s t o joi n in a revolt wit h th e Gree k Orthodo x Christians . Governo r (begler begi) c Arab Ahme d Pa§ a was kille d b y hi s ow n soldiers , who m h e reportedl y had brutalize d an d neglecte d t o pay. 75 Late r janissaries kille d th e newl y dispatched governo r a s well . Finally , althoug h th e janissarie s mixe d i n with th e Christians , raise d flag s o f Spain , Venice , an d th e pope , an d notified th e governo r o f Crete , thei r appeal s receive d n o respons e an d the revolt collapsed. 76 Unfortunately littl e is known of that revolt. c Arab Ahmed Pa§a was district governor of Rhode s at the time of the conques t of Cyprus ; afte r Lepant o whe n Kili c c Ali Pa§ a wa s transferre d fro m Algiers to comman d o f th e fleet, c Arab Ahmed took th e governorship o f Algiers.77 Another caus e o f revolts , accordin g t o Kyrris , was th e dev§irme levy . He says : " . . . th e threa t o f imposin g th e devshirme o r tith e i n youn g boys mad e lif e desperat e fo r th e reayas" H e refer s t o dev§irm e levies in 1570, 1580 , 1606 , 1609 , 1611 , etc., which wer e very unpopular. 78 I t is difficult t o find authentic sources for this, since no dev§irme levies at any time ar e mentione d i n Cypru s i n standar d studies. 79 Moreover , b y th e 15 80s use of th e dev§irme had been dramatically reduced by introducing first son s of janissaries and then free Muslims into the corps. Hill allude s to the threat of the dev§irme levy but not to its actual use. 80 Since no one has foun d an y Ottoma n archiva l reference s t o suc h a levy , it s existenc e is highly unlikely . Kyrris also mentions revolts by "Greco-Albanian captains" like Petros Renessis in 1590 , Jeronymos Ereless a in 1613 , and Petros Aventanios i n

The Sea 36 9 1606-1613, whic h al l wer e abortiv e becaus e wester n state s di d no t provide arms and supplies.81 The supposed alar m in Magosa whe n a few ship s appeared in 157 2 and were feared to be the vanguard of a Christian fleet,which influenced the Ottoman garrison to make terms with the local people, then put on Cypriot clothes , an d flee to Lefko§a , fo r whic h Kypriano s i s th e only source, seems rather unlikely.82 Although th e fleet of Habsbur g Sicil y wa s no t ordinaril y o f conse quence t o Cyprus , fo r abou t a decade i t mad e summe r cruise s t o th e Levant. I n 161 6 occurre d wha t Anderso n call s "th e first regular fleet action between galleys and sailing ships." Six ships from Sicily with 191 guns passed by the north side of Cyprus, searched in vain for prey at Baf and Limassol , bu t foun d 1 0 merchantme n anchore d a t Larnak a an d took si x o f them . Fiv e Ottoma n pirat e ship s (corsairs ) too k refug e i n Magosa harbor. The ships then returned to near Cape Kelidonya, where they encountered the Ottoman fleet of 5 5 galleys with some 250 or 300 (presumably smaller ) guns . I n th e three-da y fight whic h ensued , th e Sicilian ships experienced heavy casualties, although they lost no ships; 10 Ottoman galleys were badly damaged and perhaps 20 disabled.83 It is difficul t t o decid e how muc h credence to give these claims, for seeking outside assistance is a perfectly normal way to try to change any situation which one does not want. The complaint of three people from Baf migh t epitomiz e th e complaint s o f th e entir e island . However , i t might also reflect only the feelings of thre e people with grudges and so tell nothing at all about local circumstances. The people who sent letters to Savo y o r Tuscany , o r Spai n o r Venic e hav e thei r ow n self-interes t which they are looking after. I f they really sought outside intervention, probably the y would minimiz e th e size and capability o f th e Ottoma n military forces, and even the size of the Muslim populace, while exaggerating th e number s an d militar y prowes s o f th e Christian s an d other s who had grievances. When Dandini , a Venetian, visite d Cypru s i n 1596 , h e wa s o n a n intelligence-gathering operatio n fo r th e Papacy , whic h stil l supporte d crusades. Probably the central purpose of hi s embassy was to establish contacts wit h th e Maronite s an d thei r patriarch ; h e eve n me t wit h Maronites i n Le f ko§a. He returned with a report that there were only 12,000 or 13,00 0 "Turks " on the island, and most were converts who

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had converte d t o preserv e famil y propert y an d socia l influence , " . . . s o that i t seem s a n eas y matte r t o recove r thi s isl e fro m unde r th e tyrann y of th e Turks, and re-establis h i t in the Christian faith , fo r th e renegadoe s could n o soone r se e th e Christia n soldiers , bu t the y woul d thro w of f their turban , an d pu t o n hat s instead , an d tur n thei r arm s agains t th e Turks." 8 4 Dandini , however , di d no t kno w Gree k o r Turkis h an d s o found himsel f a t a rea l disadvantag e i n tryin g t o understan d loca l cir cumstances. Sinc e h e represente d th e islamophob e Papacy , hi s visi t ha d to b e concealed . Whil e h e wa s doubtles s a piou s an d wis e man , h e wa s at th e merc y o f hi s guide s t o explai n whateve r h e saw . I t woul d b e surprising i f the element of th e local population mos t favorabl y dispose d to a n anti-Ottoma n Lati n Christia n crusad e di d no t see k hi m ou t an d influence hi s perceptions . N o doub t Dandin i ha d th e abilit y an d deter mination t o prepar e a n accurat e accoun t o f condition s i n Cypru s i f h e were given informatio n i n a clear an d unbiase d way . Of cours e al l observers had thei r limitations .

Venice an d Ottoma n Cypru s An imperia l orde r o f 1 8 Januar y 157 2 t o th e governo r o f Cypru s re quired th e executio n o f a n infide l name d Propavl o an d hi s follower s fo r their secre t dealing s wit h Venice . Whether o r no t thi s ca n b e "schemin g by thos e wh o fancie d tha t the y ha d right s t o th e Kingdo m o f Cy prus . . . , " however , i s questionable . Althoug h bot h Hil l an d Kyrri s suppose tha t thi s involves a plot "fo r restorin g th e island t o Venice . . . " , those me n probabl y belon g more in the class of brigand s than rebels. 85 A lette r date d 2 1 Januar y 157 2 immediatel y followe d whic h give s much mor e detaile d information . Sinc e th e orde r wa s writte n onl y si x months afte r th e surrende r o f Magosa , an d i t involve d a repl y t o a n official lette r fro m th e hea d o f th e volunteer s (gonulluler agasi) of Baf , a rugged mountainou s provinc e wher e enem y soldier s coul d safel y hav e taken refuge , i t hardly seem s likely that an y kind o f revol t was going on . Pero Pavl u an d som e othe r infidel s dependen t o n hi m di d mak e a rebel lion (fesad ve §ena cat) an d cause d har m t o captai n (kapudan) Filib o an d to othe r wanderin g Latin s (gezer Firenkler). Indee d i t seem s tha t the y made a secre t contrac t (mu camelesi hifzen; c akd-i bey c; c akden mu'amelesi) with som e Venetian s whic h interfere d wit h th e livelihood s (kar ve kes-

The Sea 37 1 blerinde) of some recaya. The Porte wanted increased precautions (ziyade ihtiyat) taken about the livelihoods of re caya. Although a sizabl e Venetian minorit y live d i n Cypru s a t th e time of the Ottoma n conquest , i n th e firs t year s o f Ottoma n rul e whe n thei r position was ambiguous, when security of both life and property was in doubt, man y lef t Cyprus . Likewise , man y Cypriot s lef t th e island . C. Kyrri s observed : "I t i s wel l know n tha t a considerabl e numbe r o f Cypriotes emigrate d t o Venic e o r Venetia n territor y o r elsewher e i n Europe previou s to , during , an d followin g th e Ottoma n conques t o f Cyprus (1570—71)." 86 Eventuall y the y wer e assimilate d int o Venetia n culture, althoug h the y di d "maintai n clos e connections" wit h Cyprus . According to Kyrris, "many" were in professions: law , medicine, teaching, theology, copying, art, th e priesthood; other s were in banking an d shipping.87 The Knights of St. John of Malta and Cyprus The knight s o f St . John were , b y mid-16t h century , a n ancien t order . Founded in Jerusalem prior to 108 0 as a hospice for pilgrims, the order won prestige during the crusades, first as a hospital and then ultimatel y for fighting. Whe n i t wa s chartere d a s a n independen t orde r b y th e papacy in n 13 , it was charged to care for the poor and sick. Gradually it becam e involve d i n militar y activities , especiall y afte r 1206 . Head quartered first in Jerusalem, then in Acre until its fall in 1291 , and then in Limosa , Cyprus , thei r conques t o f Rhode s a t th e beginnin g o f th e 14th centur y offere d th e possibilit y o f autonomy. 88 Unti l 1522 , whe n they surrendere d t o besiegin g Ottoman s o n term s o f bein g allowe d t o evacuate th e islan d wit h thei r weapons , th e knight s acte d a s pirate s against Muslim shipping in the Levant—something the y did with grea t success because of Rhodes ' excellen t harbo r an d eve n more becaus e of its position astride major sea-lanes. In about 1531 the knights of St. John established themselves in Malta, where they took u p the same calling that the y had followe d a t Rhodes . Even at the end of the 16t h century they still were recruited exclusivel y from nobilit y and still took vows of chastity and obedience. Most of the recruits wer e fro m France , an d economicall y an d politicall y th e orde r depended increasingly on France, which sometimes embarrassed Franc e in its relationship with the Ottoman empire. 89

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The gran d maste r issue d "privateerin g commission s t o individua l knights." Such corsair ships sailed "under the flag of the order subject to an impos t o f nin e pe r cen t o f th e boot y captured. " Apparentl y "nobl e birth" was th e onl y requirement , fo r the y d o no t see m t o hav e behave d any les s reprehensibl y tha n th e othe r Mediterranea n pirates . Neithe r Muslim live s no r propert y wer e saf e fro m thei r relentles s plundering . According to P. Cassar, "piracy attracted the most restless and turbulent characters amon g th e knight s who , unde r th e pretex t o f defendin g th e Christian faith , range d th e Mediterranea n t o pillag e an d plunder." 90 John F . Guilmarti n viewe d th e orde r wit h dee p skepticism : "Wer e th e Knights o f St . John o f Rhode s an d Malt a crusaders , o r pirates? A goo d case ca n b e mad e fo r either . Th e sam e sor t o f consideratio n applie s t o the ghaz i seafarer s o f Nort h Africa..." 9 1 Accordin g t o P . Earle , " . . . particularl y i n the early seventeent h centur y the y behave d very like corsairs, if not pirates, in their rampages through the seas of the Levant." 92 While th e Ottoma n nav y disdaine d th e us e o f sailin g ships , Malt a developed a particularl y effectiv e tacti c o f usin g a galle y an d a shi p i n coordination. The ships , whic h wer e fitted ou t fo r five year s a t a time , could attac k summe r an d winter . The ship s o f Malt a permitte d smalle r crews tha n thos e o f Barbary ; they wer e of heavie r constructio n becaus e of thei r extra dependenc e o n gunnery an d artillery, althoug h thei r speed was correspondingl y diminished . Despit e thei r advantag e i n firepower, the ships could no t equa l galley s wit h oar s fo r velocity i n a quick chase , nor enter shallow water . When a ship and a galley worked together , th e galley migh t to w a becalmed sailin g ship . Except fo r the inability o f th e galleys to function during the stormy winter, that was an effective plan. 93 Muslims an d Musli m propert y wer e thei r onl y legitimat e prey , s o often the y use d Frenc h an d othe r Europea n ship s fo r security . Als o us e might b e mad e o f Gree k Orthodo x vessel s t o concea l Musli m property . Greek shippin g wa s harasse d b y th e knight s o f Malta , an d sometime s Greeks woul d ac t i n decei t abou t transportin g Muslim s an d Musli m cargo; sometimes Muslim s would pretend to be Greek Orthodox. In any case, lega l appeal s migh t b e mad e t o Malt a o r t o Rome , althoug h th e chance was a long one. 94 Pirates from Malt a cruise d into the Levant seas almost every summer, and wintering there was not uncommon fo r the ships. As R. C. Anderson said o f 1588 , "Th e galley s o f Malt a wen t o n thei r usua l raid s i n th e Levant..." Hi s b y n o mean s definitiv e tabulatio n o f th e action s b y

The Sea 37 3 Maltese vessels in the Levant include 158 7 ( 5 galleys), 1589 ( 3 galleys), 1596, 159 9 ( 5 galleys) , 160 1 ( 5 galleys , an d tha t wa s th e yea r the y bought thei r first sailing ship) , 160 4 ( 3 ships) , 160 9 (ships) , 161 1 ( 5 galleys), 161 2 (galleys) , 161 5 ( 5 galley s an d 6 ships, indicated a s their regular forc e "disturbin g th e Levant") , 1616 ( 3 galleys) , 161 7 ( 5 gal leys), 161 8 ( 3 ships, 2 galleys), 1621, 1624 ( 3 galleys), 1626 (6 galleys), 1630 ( 4 galleys) , an d 163 4 (6 galleys). 95 A s Guilmarti n sa w it , "Th e perpetual wars of the Knights of St. John on Muslim shipping and coasts (and almost anything else if times were lean) played a central part in the struggle between Habsburg and Ottoman at sea."96 Presumably such forces passed around Cyprus almost every year, even if sometimes they did not penetrate Cypriot waters. Often in the earlier decades the y looke d fo r th e Alexandri a caravan . O f course , throug h most of tha t period even larger forces fro m Istanbu l an d North Afric a were causin g simila r distres s i n Italy. Sometime s Maltes e vessel s acte d for part or all of a season in conjunction with other small naval force s from Sicily, the western coast of Italy, or Spain, but most agglomerations probably were formed in the central are a of th e Mediterranean, where Ottoman vessels were most feared.97 Summary Magosa reall y ha d a n excellent locatio n a s a naval base , fo r lon g distance trade, smuggling, and piracy. When the Ottoman government did not make much effort to turn it into a naval base, hard discussions must have occurred. Ultimately Magosa was virtually ignored as a port. Because Venice ha d become s o vulnerable t o th e Ottomans , despite the brie f interlud e whic h le d t o th e Ottoma n defea t a t th e battl e o f Lepanto, i t i s ver y difficul t t o conceiv e o f an y effectiv e anti-Ottoma n alliance in Latin Europe. The old Ottoma n policy of encouragin g long distance trad e withi n al l it s realm s ha d alway s bee n beneficial . Th e problems arising from dealing with the pirates and the failure to develop a fleet of sailin g ship s wer e th e greates t obstacle s tha t th e Ottoman s faced in the Levant, and especially in Cyprus. Ottoman vessels were less used for local commerce. Smuggling enriched many different kinds of people, allowing them to make enormous profits. Trade continued to boom, which made possible the depredations. The main centers of piracy against the Ottomans were

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Malta an d Livorno . The y ha d t o find ways t o dispos e o f th e booty . Sometimes loca l peopl e showe d n o hesitatio n i n buyin g thei r booty , especially whe n attractivel y priced . Sometime s peopl e involve d wer e reticent, or even reluctant converts. Still others were interested in doing anything which would benefit themselves. Some pirates deftly stayed on good term s with certai n loca l people , wit h who m the y alway s traded. Whether city people or villagers, many developed lasting enterprises. Frequently in Latin Europe, especially on the Italian peninsula, it was believed that, because of an imagined cupidity, or laziness, that Ottoman security was extremely lackadaisical, an d so that provinces like Cyprus were eas y prey . Venic e wa s alway s eage r to hav e Cypru s back . Partl y connected wit h thei r desire s t o becom e kings , an d partl y becaus e o f other policies, dukes of Tuscany and dukes of Savoy manipulated ineptly to have Cyprus under their control. Any ideas of Savoy's getting Cyprus through generou s payments , o r even bribes , seems farfetched . Perhap s being totally blocked on all other fronts led to such a farfetched scheme. Perhaps partisans o f Savo y worke d fo r suc h a scheme, bu t absolutel y nothing was ever achieved. By the bold steps of making Livorno a free port and by establishing a new crusading order, the knights of St. Stephen, the Medici of Tuscany had certainly enhanced their position in the Levant. Soon Tuscany was too poo r t o suppor t a regula r nav y o f it s own , bu t pirate s fro m th e Atlantic worl d foun d ampl e opportunitie s t o enric h themselve s there . Often alone , bu t als o togethe r wit h th e knight s o f Malta , first using galleys, bu t the n operatin g i n conjunctio n wit h sailin g ships , the y advanced Tuscan interests, and even got some booty in their "holy wars." Efforts t o cooperat e wit h Druz e leade r Fahreddi n wer e mos t hopeful , from the Tuscan point of view, but Fahreddin was not powerful enough to resis t concerted Ottoma n efforts. A t least they got enough booty to make the scheme profitable; eas y prey in the wide Levant seas encouraged them. One o f th e mos t difficul t task s fo r a historian i s t o judg e t o wha t extent peopl e reporte d a s ready fo r revol t actuall y were . Usually such people turn out not to be really oppressed, unhappy, or ready to revolt. To what extent were large numbers of people taking every opportunity they coul d find t o oppos e loca l governmen t officials ? Eve n th e ver y important revolt involving provincial governor 'Arab Ahmed Pa§a is too

The Sea 37 5 little known to make any proper judgments. It is difficult t o guess what part of the population might have joined such revolts. Some Venetians of Cyprus , along with their dependents, returned to Venice, or to differen t Venetia n possessions, where some a t least were successful i n trades an d crafts, o r more learned professions, whil e preserving certain of thei r old contacts with the island. The knights of St. John o f Malt a an d th e knight s o f St . Stephen , althoug h legitimatel y entitled to interfere only with Muslim property, frequently acted beyond the limits of their charges. They often enriched themselves and others as well, especiall y agains t Orthodo x Christians . Temporar y desperatio n along with papal imprecations had influenced the Habsburgs and Venetians into a n uneasy alliance . The Ottomans ha d shrewdly encourage d proteges, such as France, with Marseilles, Marrano Jews, Ragusa, England, or the Dutch, who benefitted from Ottoman protection. Not jus t ship , bu t shi p wit h canno n wer e th e problem . Ottoma n merchants increasingl y ha d troubles , an d frequentl y relie d o n foreig n ships for security. While Cyprus lost its preeminent role in the luxury trade of silks and spices under the Ottomans , trade in other cloths, especially th e locally manufactured cotto n clot h continue d t o b e a n esteemed par t o f trad e and commerce. Cottons, especially cloth, wool and wool cloth, silk and silk cloth, olives, olive oil, grapes, wine, raisins, carobs, and salt continued to be important local products after the Ottoman conquest. Wheat and barley remained highly esteemed. Much attention was devoted not only to repairing old fortresses like Magosa, Lefko§a , an d Girniye , bu t new one s wer e established i n Baf , Limosa, an d Tuzla . The y wer e par t o f th e policie s designe d towar d resisting pirates . Many , bu t b y no mean s all , peopl e woul d spar e the lives of co-religionists; but a large body of the people readily embraced Islam o r Christianit y i f i t woul d sav e thei r lives , o r ofte n onl y thei r property. Although th e Ottoman s ma y hav e disdaine d sailin g ship s i n som e ways, the y alway s gav e grea t importanc e t o artillery , includin g nava l artillery. The artillery o f thei r galleys was alway s the match of tha t of other galleys . Th e proble m gre w a s sailin g ship s increase d th e siz e of their artillery.

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NOTES i. Ottoma n chronicle s mentio n pirac y a s a reaso n fo r th e attac k o n Cyprus . Among thos e o f hig h qualit y an d closes t proximity t o th e events i s Ibrahim Pegevi (1574-1649) , wh o assert s tha t ther e wa s n o wa y t o maintai n peac e with th e Venetian s i n 157 0 (978 ) becaus e brigand s fro m Cypru s alway s were attackin g Ottoma n ships , travelers , merchants , an d pilgrims goin g t o Egypt. Tarih. Istanbul , 1x83 . v. 1 , pp. 486L Tha t view i s followed b y Katib (Jelebi (1609-1658 ) i n hi s nava l history , wh o mention s th e interference o f pirates (bu cezire e§kiyasindan), particularl y fro m Mesin e (Messina ) an d Malta. Tuhfet ul-Kibar ft Esfar l-Bihar. Istanbul , 1329 . p. 95. Accordin g t o Muneccim Ba§ i (Dervi § Ahmed efendi ) (d . 1702 ) ther e was n o way t o kee p the agreement that Sultan Suleyman had about Cypru s because infidel ship s violated i t by attacking an d plunderin g Ottoma n ships . Sahaif ul-Abbar. tr . Nedim beg . Istanbul , 1280 . v . 3 , p. 523 . The chronicle r Selanik i (d . 1599) , a contemporar y o f th e conquest , take s th e lin e tha t th e invasio n o f Cypru s was prompte d directl y b y loca l plunderin g o f th e propert y o f Selim , whil e still a prince, when a vessel bearing property of his was forced to take refug e there from a storm. Tarih. Istanbul , 1281 . p. 100 . Apparently th e devastatio n wa s no t al l one-sided , however , fo r i n hi s book o f th e se a (1521 ) i n whic h h e give s a detaile d descriptio n o f th e Mediterranean littoral , Ottoma n admira l Pir i Rei s describe s the islan d a s a very wealthy plac e o f 700 0 villages , which hav e now bee n reduce d to 400 0 because ship s o f th e padi§a h hav e begu n t o reac h there . Bahrije, Berlin , 1926. v. 1 , p. J69. 2. Ottoman Empire, p . 41. 3. L . vo n Pastor , The History of the Popes, v . 18 , pp . 63f , 258f , 353 ^ 368 , 441. v . 19 , pp . 323 , 326 . v . 22 , pp . i45f , 148 . (Som e believe d tha t Sixtu s might lead a crusade in person.) O n several occasions there were diplomati c efforts aime d at involving the Safavid empire. See also v. 25 , pp. 363, 365 ^ 4. L . von Pastor, v. 18 , p. 13 . Spain opposed alliances against the Ottomans in 1566, fearin g the y woul d antagoniz e Franc e an d th e Germa n Protestants , while making conditions i n the Low Countrie s more difficult . 5. Joh n F . Guilmartin , Gunpowder and Galleys. Changing Technology and Mediterranean Warfare at Sea in the Sixteenth Century. Oxford , 1974 . pp. 2o6f. 6. I . H. Dani§mend , Izahh Osmanh Tarihi Kronolojisi. Istanbul , 1948 . v.2 , p. 414. Ther e was als o a cruise i n 1573 . Se e A. Hess , "Th e Battl e of Lepant o and it s plac e i n Mediterranea n history, " Past and Present 57.1972.53-73 . According t o Hes s th e Ottoma n strategi c positio n i n th e Mediterranea n improved betwee n 156 9 an d 157 1 despit e th e loss a t Lepanto. p. 62 . Cf. A . Hess, The Forgotten Frontier. A History of the Sixteenth-Century IberoAfrican Frontier. Chicago , 1978 . pp . 9of , 92 L Cf . Ibrahi m Pegevi , v. 1 , pp. 449f. Althoug h Ottoma n chronicler s diffe r greatl y abou t th e numbe r o f

The Sea 37 7 Ottoman vessels at the battle of Lepanto in 1 5 71, they all stress the fact that the Ottoman fleet replaced all its losses and sailed out on time the followin g spring with a fleet tha t the enemy were unwilling t o confront. I t is true that Ibrahim Pec,ev i maintain s tha t th e Ottoma n flee t als o wa s unwillin g t o confront th e enem y o n accoun t o f wha t happene d th e previou s year . Th e history o f th e Rumania n Demitr i Cantemir , base d o n Ottoma n sources , asserts, however , tha t Kili c c Ali Pa§ a vigorousl y attacke d th e enem y flee t until nightfal l necessitate d thei r separation . Selaniki , Tarih, pp . 104-107 . Pe^evi, Tarih, v.i , pp . 499 ^ Kati b £elebi , Tuhfet ul-Kibar. .., pp . 95 ^ Muneccim Ba§i , Sahaif ul-Ahbar, v . 3 , pp. 528—530 . Demetriu s Cantemir , The History of the Growth and Decay of the Ottoman Empire, tr . N . Tindal. London, 1734 . pt. 1 , pp. 223-216 . 7. Ottoma n tradin g polic y shifte d Venetia n trad e fro m Syri a t o Cyprus . I n 1450 Mamlu k Syri a wa s th e mai n poin t o f Venetia n trade , Cypru s "o f secondary importance. " Durin g 1558-1560 , however , afte r Syri a wa s al most half a century unde r Ottoma n rule , Venetian vessel s made "almos t n o clearances" for Syria; nearly all then went to Cyprus. F. C. Lane, "Venetian Shipping durin g th e Commercia l Revolution, " i n Venice and History. The Collected Papers of Frederic C . Lane. Baltimore , 1966 . pp . 37 k According to Lane , Venetia n trad e beyon d th e Adriati c "probably " wa s th e greates t ever i n th e mid-16t h century . O n th e Papacy' s vie w o f Venice' s specia l interests i n th e Levant , se e L . von Pastor , The History of the Popes, v . 19 , pp. 332, 344. Cf. v . 22, pp. 148 , 273f, where it is suggested that Venice may up to a certain degree even support the Porte in claims against Christendom . Clement VIII, however, wante d Venice secretl y to betray the Ottomans. Cf . J. F. Guilmartin, Gunpowder and Galleys . . . , p . 21. "To Venice protracted war wit h th e Ottoma n Empir e mean t certai n economi c rui n whic h coul d hardly be balanced by strategic and territorial gains." 8. Hes s suggests that, if Cyprus had fallen more easily, they might have shifte d more to th e western Mediterranean . A . Hess , "Th e Moriscos: An Ottoma n Fifth Colum n i n Sixteenth-Centur y Spain, " AHR 74.1968.1 6 n . 60 . Guil martin stresse s th e importanc e t o th e Ottoman s o f th e heav y losse s the y experienced i n th e conques t o f Cypru s an d th e battl e o f Lepanto , particu larly th e "traditionall y traine d manpower. " That , h e argues , cause d th e "end o f th e golde n ag e o f Ottoma n powe r a t sea. " Gunpowder and Galleys ..., pp . 25if. Th e spread of heav y bronze artillery also required changes in fortifications , o f bot h o f whic h Venic e ha d becom e maste r b y the 1530s . Gunpowder and Galleys ..., pp . 253 , 260 . Cost s o f canno n soared , an d sieges becam e muc h mor e difficult . Elsewher e Guilmarti n reveal s tha t th e improvements i n artiller y towar d th e mid-16t h centur y increase d th e firepower o f galley s but , sinc e large r vessel s wer e needed , thei r spee d an d maneuverability wer e reduced . Gunpowder and Galleys..., p . 221 . B y 1600 th e "grea t fleet s o f wa r galleys wer e i n declin e an d thei r port s wer e beginning t o decay. " Gunpowder and Galleys . . . , p . 1 . G . Hill' s detaile d description an d analysi s o f Venetia n applicatio n o f th e ne w principle s o f

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artillery and fortification a t Lef ko§a and Magosa is excellent, v. 3 , pp. 844— 849 (Lefko§a) , pp. 850-886, 990-993 , ii35 f (Magosa) . 9. Accordin g t o Tenenti , Englis h an d Dutc h ship s (bertoni) wer e especiall y formidable agains t Mediterranea n galley s becaus e o f th e 2 0 o r 3 0 canno n which they carried when engaged in piracy. Their high sides made it difficul t to conside r rammin g an d boardin g them , th e typica l Mediterranea n galle y tactics. Indeed , thei r hig h side s actuall y conceale d whethe r th e shi p wa s devoted t o commerc e o r heavil y arme d fo r fighting, unti l a galle y wa s already withi n th e rang e of it s artillery . Fo r a number of reason s th e Venetians di d no t buil d sailin g ships , s o b y 161 5 Venic e wa s "ver y frequentl y forced t o rel y on foreig n ships , even fo r Levantin e trade. " Alberto Tenenti , Piracy and the Decline of Venice 1580-1615. tr . J. & B . Pullan , Berkele y and Lo s Angeles, 1967 . p . 55 . Nevertheless, b y the end of th e 16t h centur y nearly al l Mediterranea n pirate s ha d adopte d sailin g ships , pp . 53ft , 64ff , n8ff, an d passim. Guilmarti n particularl y emphasize s th e impac t o f th e "heavy an d powerful" cannons . Gunpowder and Galleys . . . , p . 39 . Heav ier artillery , however , require d heavie r galleys , whic h wer e mor e expensiv e to build , an d mor e marine s an d rowers , p . 266 . Th e galley s stil l ha d th e advantages, however, of precisio n i n movement an d ability to come close t o the shore, pp. 81, 97. 10. Richar d Pococke , A Description of the East (1738) , i n Joh n Pinkerton , A General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels..., London , 1811 . v . 10 , p . 592 ; als o i n C . D . Cobham , Excerpta Cypria, p . 268 . Van der Nijenburg (earl y 18t h century), in Cobham, p. 247 , says: "This renders everything cheap here, so that vessels frequently put into Cyprus to tak e in provisions fo r their voyage." Cf. Mr . Robert , Adventures and Sufferings amongst the Corsairs of the Levant (1696) , i n Willia m Damier, A Collection of Voyages. London , 1729 . v. 4, p. 172 . 11. Braude l says : " . . . whe n ther e wer e n o merchan t vessels , ther e wer e n o pirates." Prosperit y i n th e Mediterranea n continue d a t leas t unti l 1648 . "One i s boun d t o conclud e tha t pirac y canno t hav e ha d th e disastrou s results describe d o r suggested b y the chorus o f contemporar y account s an d complaints, sinc e thi s prosperit y endure d despit e th e increase d threa t fro m corsairs. Ther e wa s i n fac t a clos e connectio n betwee n trad e an d piracy : when th e forme r prospered , privateerin g pai d of f correspondingly. " The Mediterranean .. ., p . 883. It " . .. require d a market for its spoils." p. 870 . Mediterranean pirac y increase d afte r 1580 , assert s Braudel. p.873. Fo r him piracy i s " . . . simpl y anothe r for m o f agression , preyin g o n men , ships , towns, villages, flocks; it meant eating the food o f others in order to remai n strong." p. 869 . Fo r Tenent i on e o f th e grea t strength s o f th e Englis h an d Dutch sailin g ships after the y entered the Mediterranean betwee n 157 5 an d 1580 la y i n thei r combinin g trad e an d piracy : " . . . thei r originalit y la y i n their merchantmen bein g as fully equippe d fo r war as for trade." They als o were "mor e ruthles s an d dangerou s tha n an y others. " Piracy and the Decline of Venice ..., pp . xvi , 61 , 83 . Tenenti , too , point s t o a n increas e i n

The Sea 37 9 piracy in the Mediterranean; he feels it proliferated in the firsttwo decades of the 17th century pp. 43**, 52. Venice at that time was the least able of any of th e naval powers to resist piracy, pp. i07ff . Fo r Guilmartin piracy was "the central fact of her existence." Gunpowder and Galleys . . ., pp . 82L 12. Se e R . C . Anderson , Naval Wars in the Levant, 1559-1853- Liverpool , 1952. pp. 6${, 79, 86 , i22ff . A . Tenenti, Piracy and the Decline..., pp . 29, 34 , 4of , 48 . Pete r Earle , Corsairs of Malta and Barbary. Annapolis , 1970. pp. 144 , 149 , 162 , 138 . Earle points out that even under Ottoman rule Christia n pirate s ofte n foun d refug e i n Cyprus . Cf . Andrea s Tietze , "Die Geschicht e vo m Kerkermeister-Kapitan , ei n Turkischer Seerauberroman aus dem 17. Jahrhundert," Acta Orientalia 19.1943.152-210 . P« Masson, Histoire du Commerce Franqais dans le Levant au XVIIe siecle. Paris , 1896. p. 394 , regarding the 17t h century. Cf . F . Braudel, The Mediterranean . . ., pp . 149 , 153 . "The Levant was easily the most rewarding hunting-ground for Christian privateers." A "steady stream" took "rich prizes" on the Rhodes-Alexandria route , v. 2 , p. 875. The 15th-century chronicler Makhairas observed that the Mamluk empire endured similar piratical depredations from Cyprus . Recital concerning the Sweet Land..., v . 1 , pp. 629ft 13. Fr . Jerom Dandini, A Voyage to Mount Libanus; wherein is an account of the Customs and Manners, &c. of the Turks. Also, a Description ofCandia, Nicosia, Tripoli, Alexandretta, &c. (originally in Italian), in John Pinkerton, A General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels ... London , 1811 . v. 10 , p. 301 . The Dutch travele r J. Somer (1591), however, reporte d bein g trouble d ther e b y "Turkish " pirates. Beschrijvinge . .. Amsterdam , 1649. p. 7. 14. Pedr o Teixeira , The Travels of Pedro Teixeira. tr . W . Sinclair . London , 1902 (Hakluyt). pp. 136, i39f. 15. Travels. London, 1615. pp. 92, 209. 16. I n Cobham, Excerpta Cypria . . ., p . 215. 17. Jea n d e Thevenot, Reisen in Europa, Asia und Africa... Franckfur t a m Mayn, 1693. pp. 52, 65, 161, 309^ 313^ 18. Reizen van Cornelis de Bruyn Door de vermaerdste Deelen van Klein Asia, De Eylanden Scio, Rhodus, Cyprus ... Delft , 1698 . pp. 377^ 19. Pocock e reported that pirates infested the Karpas peninsula and made "constant depredations." A Description of the East..., v . 10 , pp. 58of , 592 ; Cobham, Excerpta Cypria..., pp . 257 , 269 . Th e Frenc h travele r Tollot (1731-1732) reporte d that at Limosa two fires customarily were burned as people watche d fo r pirates . Nevertheless , tw o Maltes e ship s ha d recently appeared there , lande d 2 5 o r 3 0 men , an d carried of f thre e ship s ful l o f wheat an d othe r merchandise . L e Sieu r (Jea n Baptiste ) Tollot , Nouveau Voyage fait au Levantes annees, 17 31 & 1732. Paris, 1742. pp. 2i8ff. O f course, it should not be thought that piracy was new to the Ottoman period, for i t wa s frequentl y widesprea d prio r t o 1571 . M . L . D e Ma s Latrie , Histoire de Pile de Chypre. Paris, 1852-5 5 (Famagouste , 1970 ) v . 2 , p.

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506. M . Margare t Newett , Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the Year 1494. Manchester , 1907 . pp . 55 , 2 1 z(, 216-219 . S . N. Fisher , The Foreign Relations of Turkey, 1481-1512. Urbana , 1948 . p. 54 . Joseph Hacohen, The Veil of Tears, tr . Harry May. The Hague, 1971 . pp. nof . A . Hess, "Th e Moriscos . . . , " p . 15.1 . H. Uzunc,a§ili , "Kibn s Feth i il e Lepan t (Inebahti) Muharebes i sirasind a Tur k Devletil e Venedi k v e Muttefiklerini n Faaliyetine Dair Bazi hazinei evrak kayitlan," Turkiyat Mecmuast 3.1935.2591*. S. J. Shaw , History of the Ottoman Empire . . . , v . 1 , pp. 1771* . G. Hill , v . 3, pp . 834 f fo r Lati n Christians , an d p . 88 4 fo r Muslims , especiall y fro m Rhodes. A half-centur y befor e th e Ottoman s adde d Cypru s t o thei r empir e they ha d detaile d an d accurat e informatio n abou t al l it s harbors , waterin g spots, and fortifications, jus t as they did of thei r own coasts . Such maps and atlases could be used in naval warfare, fo r piracy, or even to counter enem y pirates. Piri Reis, Kitab'i Bahriyye. ed . Y. Senemoglu. Istanbul, 1973 . 20. "Venetia n Shipping . . . ," p . 38. 21. The History . . . , v . 4, pp. 61 ff. 22. Diamon d Jenness, The Economics of Cyprus. A Survey to 1914. Montreal , 1962. pp. 59 , 56 , 76f, 89 , 193 . 23. The Greek Nation, 1453-1669. The Cultural and Economic Background of Modern Greek Society. Ne w Brunswick , 1976 . p. 273. 24. Histoire du Commerce Francais .. . , pp . 393ff . 25. A Voyage to Mount Libanus ..., pp . 277, 281 . 26. The Travels of John Sanderson in the Levant 15 84-1602. ed . Si r Willia m Foster. London , 1931 . p . 16 , 130 . O n th e sal t se e als o J. Palern e (1581) , who als o mention s pitch , sugar , an d carobs . Peregrinations. Lyon , 1606 . pp. 327 , 330 . Somer also mentions carob s and fruits. Beschrijvinge ..., pp . icf. 27. Travels, p . 221 . Olfer t Dappe r als o regarde d Cypru s cotto n a s th e bes t i n the Levant . Naukeurige Beschryving der Eilanden in de Archipel der Middelantsche Zee. Amsterdam , 1688 . p. 92. 28. The Travels of..., pp . 132 , 134 ^ 137 . J. Zuallard o (1586 ) call s Larnak a the ne w expor t port . / / devotissimo viaggio . . ., Roma , 1587 . pp . 9of . D e Bruyn (1683 ) consider s tha t plac e th e residenc e o f Europea n merchants , most of who were French. Reizen . .., p . 373. 29. A Description of the East. .., v . 10 , p . 592 . Compar e th e earl y 18th century observatio n o f Va n de r Nijenburg , wh o asserte d tha t Cypru s pro duced one-thir d mor e tha n i t consumed. Cobham , Excerpta Cypria . . ., p . *4730. Braudel , The Mediterranean . . ., v . 2 , pp. 875 , 877 . 31. Braudel , The Mediterranean . . ., v . 2 , p. 877 . 32. J . F. Guilmartin, Gunpowder and Galleys ..., p . 23. 33. Guilmartin , Gunpowder and Galleys ..., p . 81. 34. Guilmartin , Gunpowder and Galleys ..., p . 97. 35. Fo r example s o f genera l piracy , se e als o 137/6 9 (43 ) #185 ; undated . 137 / 69 (LL ) #119; 3 Sefer (? ) 983 (1 4 Ma y 1575) . 120/5 5 (5 ) # 5 5 ° ; z Zil-Kad e

The Sea 38 1 983 ( 2 Februar y 1576) . Rol l #19 , #336 ; 2 3 Ramaza n 99 9 (Jul y 1591) . Fear at sea aroun d Cypru s did not en d in 1640 , of course . Fo r a striking parallel involvin g Knight s o f Malta , se e Andrea s Tietze , "Di e Geschicht e vom Kerkermeister-Kapitan , ei n Turkische r Seerauberroma n au s de m 17 . Jahrhundert," Acta Orientalia 19.1943.152-210 . 36. Cobham , Excerpta Cypria..., p . 189 ; Antverbiae , pp . 95f . O . Dapper , Naukeurige Beschryving..., p . 45. 37. Cobham , Excerpta Cypria . . ., p . 244. 38. A . Tietze, "Di e Geschicht e vo m Kerkermeister-Kapitan... " Accordin g t o Tietze the story was written between 167 3 anc ^ I ^95- ft is "... ei n legendiges und treues Bild des tiirkischen Seefahrer un d Seerauberlebens im 17. Jahrhundert." The author is well informe d abou t trade by sea an d knows the condition s o f th e Mediterranea n an d Nort h Africa ; an d i t wa s no t unusual for the captain and part of the crew of a galleon from Tunis to be Christian. 39. Hill , v. 3, pp. 548-586, 587, 61 if, 614L 40. Hill , v. 4, p. 37. 41. Se e Hill, v. 4, pp. 44-47. Kyrris , "The Role of th e Greeks . . . ," pp . 156 , 164, who mentions that two converts of 1570 , Memo and Mustafa, would revert to Orthodoxy. 42. Hill , v. 4, pp. 4if; tex t in de Mas Latrie, v. 3, pp. 566ft, 57off, 574ft . 43. Kyrris , "The Role of the Greeks . . . ," p . 164 . "Cypriot e Scholars in Venice . . ." p. 74. Hill, v. 3, pp. 41, 53f. 44. Hill , v. 4, p. 54; text in de Mas Latrie, v. 3, p. 576. 45. Hill , v. 4, pp. 56L de Mas Latrie, v. 3, pp. 576f. 46. Cf . A. Tenenti, Piracy . . ., pp . xiii, 58 , 85. See also pp. 17, 34f, 37f , 4off , 53> 57> 93* 1° 1562 Cosimo I (1537-1574) had founded the order; throughout his reign he encouraged the development of Livorno. Francesco I (1574— 1587) opene d th e por t t o pirates . Se e als o F . Braudel , The Mediterranean . . ., v . 1 , pp. 46, 122 , 139 ; v. 2 , pp. 870, 1148 . After 157 4 Tuscan galleys to th e east increased, p . 877 . Gin o Guarnieri, J Cavalieri di Santo Stefano nella storia Marina Italiana (1562-1859). 3r d ed. Pisa, i960. 47. Naval Wars ..., pp . 57f. G. Guarnieri, / Cavalieri ..., passim. 48. R . C. Anderson, Naval Wars . . ., p . 58. 49. Anderson , Naval Wars . . ., p . 60 . G . Guarnieri , I Cavalieri ..., p . 117 . Francesco Medici (1574-1587) trie d to negotiate simultaneously with Portugal and the Ottoman empire in order to win control of at least one spice route. Braudel, Mediterranean . . ., v . 1, p. 570. 50. Phili p Argenti, The Expedition of the Florentines to Chios (1599) described in contemporary diplomatic reports and military dispatches. (London) , 1934. pp. x—xxii . G . Guarnieri , / Cavalieri..., pp . i29f . Anderson , Naval Wars..., pp . 65f. Interestingly , th e advisers and instigators had oversimplified the situation and minimized possible opposition. 51. Tenenti , Piracy . .., pp . 4of. The y also heard of a revolt which supposedly occurred in June 1591. p. 165m

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52. Anderson , Naval Wars . . . , pp . 68f . 53. G . Guarnieri , / Cavalieri ..., p . 123 . K . Salibi , "Fakh r al-din, " EI 2. Ade l Ismail, Histoire du Liban du XVIIe Steele a nos jours, v . 1 . Le Liban au Temps de Fakhr-ed-din II (1590-1633). Paris , 1955 . PP - 48, 77 f° r c o m " mercial privileges and activities. 54. Anderson , Naval Wars . . . , p . 70 . P. P. Carali, Fakhr ad-din II principe del Libano e la Corte di Toscana 160 j-1635. 55. Ismail , Histoire du Liban . . .; P . Carali , Fakhr ad-din II principe del Libano e la Corte di Toscana . . . Roma , 1938 . v. 2 , pp. 18if . 56. G . Guarnieri , J Cavalieri.. . , p . 137 . 57. K . Salibi, "Fakh r al-din." R. C. Anderson, Naval Wars . . . , p . 71. 58. G . Hill , A History . . . , v . 4, pp. 48k Th e explosives faile d t o open the gate and the scaling ladders were far too short. A Venetian source stated that the duke wishe d t o conque r th e island, clai m th e titl e king , an d then eithe r sel l Cyprus t o Venic e o r ced e i t t o Spai n fo r certai n favors . A n Englis h sourc e conjectured tha t h e wa s flattered b y hi s earlie r successes , wante d a roya l title, wante d t o monopoliz e th e cotto n trade , o r wante d t o establis h hi s knights o f Sa n Stefan o there . Hill , v . 4 , pp . 48f . R . C . Anderson , Naval Wars . . . , pp . 72f. A n Armenian chronicler of limite d credibility, Kriko r of Taranagh, reporte d tha t th e loca l Armenians , arme d b y th e Ottomans , helped pu t down a Greek Orthodo x revol t i n 1606 . Avedi s K . Sanjian, The Armenian Communities in Syria under Ottoman Dominion. Cambridge , 1965. p . 163 . Cf. Hill , v. 4, p. 5on . The Englishman William Lithgow , wh o spent a lon g perio d o f tim e i n Cyprus , wrot e i n th e 161 4 editio n o f hi s travels tha t Ferdinan d ha d sen t five galleon s an d 500 0 soldiers . Whe n th e navy entere d th e wron g ba y an d wer e becalme d an d discovered , Gree k Orthodox Cypriot s helpe d defen d Magosa . H e sai d tha t 40 0 Gree k Ortho dox of Baf did revolt but were massacred. The Totall Discourse . . . , p . 168 . Hill, A History ..., v . 4 , p . 50 . Accordin g t o G . Guarnier i i n / Cavalieri .. ., Do n Anton i d i Medic i commande d th e well-arme d squadro n o f eight galleys (galera) and nin e ship s (bertoni) sen t t o conquer , whil e Cont e Alfonso Montecuccol i commande d th e landin g force . Sinc e th e Ottoman s had been informed i n advance of th e entire plan, they resisted and launche d a counteroffensive . Nevertheles s th e cavalieri fough t bravel y an d coura geously, pp . i38f . Cf . G . Marit i (pub . 1769) , Travels in the Island of Cyprus, ed . C. D. Cobham. 59. A . Ismail, Histoire du Liban ... , p . 77; Carali, v. 2 , pp. 168,171 . 60. G . Hill, A History ... , v . 4, p. 50 . G. Mariti, Travels ... , p . 147 . 61. K . Salibi, "Fakhr al-din." 62. G . Hill, A History . .., pp . 5of. G . Mariti, Travels . . ., p . 148. G. Guarnieri refers t o a magnificen t victory . / Cavalieri ..., pp . 139 L R . C . Anderson , Naval Wars . . . , p . 73. Anderson said de Bauregard had eight sailing ships; Hill an d Guarnieri mention two galleons and six galleys. 63. G . Hill, A History . . ., v . 4, p. 51 . K. Salibi, "Fakhr al-din." 64. G . Hill, A History .. . , v . 4, pp. 5if .

The Sea 38 3 65. R . C . Anderson , Naval Wars..., pp . y6t. Accordin g t o Guarnieri , th e vessels ha d taken o n water both i n Cyprus and near Iskenderun (Alexan dretta). J Cavalieri..., pp . 154L 66. G . Guarnieri, J Cavalieri..., pp . 155ft*, 159L He reports the capture of 12 vessels, and the taking of 15 0 prisoners while killing 700 Turks. 67. R . C. Anderson, Naval Wars . . ., pp . 78f, 1 1 of. Salvator e Bono, / cor sari barbareschi. Torino, 1964. pp. 128-131. Guarnieri, on the other hand, says Inghirami returne d i n 161 4 wit h 24 3 prisoners , afte r havin g free d 23 7 Christians. / Cavalieri .. . , pp . 137^ i24ff, 164 . 68. K . Salibi, "Fakhr al-din." A. Ismail, Histoire du Liban . . ., pp . 54ft. 69. G . Hill, A History . . ., v . 4, pp. 5 inf. G . Mariti, Travels . . ., pp . i48f. 70. R . C. Anderson, Naval Wars . . ., p . 113. 71. Hill , v. 4, p. 40. 72. "Symbiotic, " p. 254. 73. "Symbiotic, " p. 249. 74. "Symbiotic, " pp. 255, 257. 75. Hill , v. 4, p. 39. Kyrris, "Symbiotic . . . ," p . 252. 76. H e wa s a black slave , th e protege o f gran d vezir Sokoll u Mehme d Pa§a. Hill, v. 4, p. 39. Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, 22 June 1578 no. 32; 19 July 157 8 no . 95 . J. von Hammer , Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, Pest, 1829, v. 4, p. 45, from Ali and S. Gerlach, Tagebuch, p. 480. See Hill, v. 3, p. 963n for cArab Ahmed Pa§a. 77. I . H. Dani§mend , Osmanh Tarihi..., v . 2 , p. 397 . Charles-Andr e Julien, History of North Africa. Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, tr. J. Petrie; ed. C. C. Stewart. London, 1970. p. 301. Algiers begler begi, 1571-1574. Peqevi lists him among well-known governor s (mir miran) o f Seli m II, attributing his murder by the janissaries (Kibrts kullari) to vile fate. Tarih . . ., p . 446. 78. "Symbiotic, " pp. 252, 255. 79. E.g. , I. H. Uzun$ar§ih, Osmanh Devleti teskilatindan Kapukulu Ocaklart, 2 v. Ankara, 1943, an^ &• D. Papoulia, Ursprungand Wesen der 'Knabenlese' im osmanischen Reich. Munchen, 1963. 80. v . 4, p. 2. 81. "Symbioti c . . . ," p . 254. 82. Kyprianos , in Cobham , pp . 349 . Hill , v . 4 , p . 38 . Hill als o mention s th e revolt of a Vittorio Zebeto, who killed a few Turks and fled. v. 4, pp. 54L 83. Anderson , Naval Wars . .., pp . 86ff. 84. J . Dandini, A Voyage to Mount Libanus .. . , p . 279. C. Kyrris, "The Role of the Greeks . . . ," p. 165. 85. Hill , v . 4 , p . 38 . Hil l give s th e dat e 7 February , bu t th e Islami c dat e 2 Ramazan is indeed 18 January. Kyrris, "Symbiotic .. ., " p. 252. 86. 'Th e Cypriote Family of Soderini and other Cypriotes in Venice (XVI-XVII Centuries)," Neo-Hellenika 1.1970.58. 87. "Cypriot e Family..., " p . 59 . Franc e wa s almos t alway s th e all y o f th e Ottoman empir e an d s o rarel y wa s involve d i n plottin g agains t it . Afte r 1631, however, Richelieu actively encouraged the pope to try to arrange a

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crusade which would involve Tuscany, Savoy, and the Austrian Habsburgs. A. Ismail, Histoire du Liban . . ., pp . 94L 88. Jonatha n Riley-Smith , The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus c. 1050-1310. London , 1967. pp. 37, 38**, 401*, 43ft", 53, 198-226. 89. P . Earle, Corsairs..., pp . iooff . Pau l Cassar, "The Maltese Corsairs and the Order of St. John of Jerusalem," Catholic Historical Review 46. i960.141. He says Malta was given as a fiefin 1530. 90. Pau l Cassar, "The Maltese Corsairs . . . ," pp . 141, 151. 91. Gunpowder and Galleys . . ., p . 23. 92. Corsairs .. . , p . 106. 93. P . Earle, Corsairs .. . , pp . 133, 136. According to Guilmartin, English and French pirate s bega n t o us e oared galley s i n th e ne w worl d becaus e they could approac h shor e s o easil y wit h them , an d the n Spai n transporte d galleys of its own there to protect its commerce and possessions. Gunpowder and Galleys ..., pp . 8iff. 94. P . Earle, Corsairs . . ., pp . ii2ff. Cf. P. Cassar, "The Maltese Corsairs . . . , " "All Christia n vessels , excep t thos e sailin g withou t th e licens e o f thei r government, wer e immune from assaul t b y Maltese pirates .. ." ; violators might b e excommunicated . Likewis e th e propert y o f Jew s wa s t o b e respected. Although the case of Greek Orthodox Christian s was complicated by thei r sailin g unde r th e "Turkis h flag, " thei r propert y wa s technicall y inviolable. Interestingly , Englis h maritim e commerc e wa s considered "fai r game" because they supplied the Barbary states with arm s and goods, pp. i44ff. Braude l say s tha t Spanish , Tuscan, an d Maltes e pirate s "scoured" "merchant vessels " an d seize d "an y merchandis e belongin g t o Jew s ... " They als o plundered property of Christians . The Mediterranean . . ., v . 1 , pp. 64iff. Cf . v. 2, pp. 878, 880. 95. Naval Wars . . ., pp . 61, 62, 64, 65, 66ff, 69f, 75 , 77, 78, 83, 85, 106, n o , i n f , 113 , 114 .

96. Gunpowder and Galleys . . ., p . 82. Braudel wrote that after 157 4 Maltese pirates "virtually abandoned the Barbary coast to make expeditions into the eastern seas." The Mediterranean . . ., v . 2, p. 877. 97. Cf . R. C. Anderson, Naval Wars . . ., P . Earle, Corsairs . . ., John B. Wolf, The Barbary Coast. Algeria under the Turks 1580-1830. Ne w York, 1979.

Conclusions

By th e tim e tha t a n extensiv e fragmen t o f cour t record s i s available , within 25 years of the conquest (1593-1595), large numbers of women from Le f ko§a an d th e surrounding village s wer e activ e participant s a t the court. On the basis of the small fragment from 1580 , probably that was tru e eve n then . Th e protectio n o f Islami c law , particularl y fro m their traditional protector s the kadis, was available to all women, even the Gree k Orthodo x majorit y fo r who m i t wa s probabl y ofte n no t mandatory. Isla m places great emphasis on personal an d family morality. Islami c legist s strov e t o mak e th e la w permeat e th e live s o f all . Undoubtedly the Ottoman conquest revolutionized the position of women at least as much as it did the lower level of village serfs under Venetian rule. Almost a quarter of nearl y 3000 cases involved at least one woman. 65% of the time those women handled the matters themselves, in person at court, without legal agents . They could make serious charges of any kind agains t an y man , an d the y wer e full y obligate d t o defen d them selves in court against serious charges made against them. Women frequently serve d a s guardian s o f mino r children . The y acte d a s lega l agents, usually fo r other women but sometimes for men. Intermarriage of Musli m me n and Greek Orthodo x wome n was not uncommon, but never Christia n me n an d Musli m women . Polygam y wa s almos t un known. Women in Lef ko§a, and Cyprus, became important property holders. Twenty-two percen t (8 4 o f 378 ) lan d an d property transfer s involve d 385

386 Conclusions women. The y sol d fou r time s a s muc h a s the y bought , becaus e the y accumulated throug h inheritanc e an d dowries . A s Islami c inheritanc e and marriag e rule s becam e mor e entrenched , an d perhap s a s wome n became mor e use d t o kadis , thei r shar e o f involvemen t increase d fro m 14% i n 1593-159 5 t o 26 % in 1609-161 1 t o 30 % in 1633-1637 . As the society an d economy o f Cypru s develope d unde r the influenc e of Ottoma n institutions , th e positio n o f wome n wa s enhanced . Th e traditional syste m wa s oriente d t o providin g wome n wit h a reasonabl e level o f support , whethe r married , widowed , o r divorced . Dowrie s ha d to b e pai d t o wome n whe n the y married , althoug h th e amount s varie d greatly. Divorc e wa s no t uncommon , particularl y i n a for m a t th e re quest o f th e wif e (o r b y mutua l agreement) . Frequentl y wome n ha d t o seek th e support of th e kadi t o protect their property fro m men , but the court seem s t o hav e provide d firm suppor t o r maintenanc e allowance s necessary fo r thei r livelihoods , t o secur e thei r personal property , an d t o complain of physica l violence of one kind or another. Pious foundation s ar e amon g th e mos t importan t o f Islami c institu tions. The y represen t irrevocabl e donation s i n perpetuity fo r piou s purposes which benefi t th e community. Tha t included the building or maintenance o f mosques , salarie s o f functionaries , o r eve n regularl y readin g parts o f th e Kora n fo r th e sou l o f th e decease d donor . Th e foundatio n had t o hav e a n administrato r wh o wa s capabl e o f carryin g ou t th e stipulations o f th e donor , eve n i f the y wer e complex , althoug h i t wa s permissible t o stipulat e that administrators o f th e foundations ha d to be chosen fro m amon g th e descendant s o f th e donor . Ever y aspec t wa s under the close surveillance of the kadi of Le f ko§a. Donations coul d b e o f land , buildings , o r cash . Land , whic h wa s easiest to maintain , was rented to the highest bidder for short periods of time. Buildings such as shops, houses, or mills were rented to the highest bidder; they were les s permanent tha n land, needing maintenance . Cas h in Cypru s wa s len t fo r 10 % t o 20 % annua l interest , dependin g o n th e stipulations o f th e dono r (whic h wer e vulnerabl e t o th e debasement s o f coinage tha t sultans were carrying out late in the 16t h century and early in the 17th) . Normally piou s foundation s wer e exclusively Islami c institutions, but sometimes, for reasons which ar e not specified, certai n one s dedicated to and run by local Cyprio t Christians were approved. The court s see m t o hav e determine d tha t preservin g th e goal s o f th e donor wa s eve n mor e importan t tha n slavis h adherenc e t o exac t term s

Conclusions 38 7 and conditions. When a house or mill was in ruins it was rented for a long time at a low rent on promise that the renter would then restore it. If the location o f a rental house becam e undesirable, tha t house might be sold for another house or building which could then be rented more satisfactorily. Pragmatism and flexibilitywon out. As wit h othe r Ottoma n courts , th e la w enforce d i n th e cour t o f Lef ko§a was the Sharia , the sacre d la w o f Islam . Even Christians and Jews used that court for important personal an d business matters. The proceedings of the court were always explicitly noted as being in accordance wit h th e Sharia . Whe n people mad e claim s abou t violation s o f their personal rights , they insisted that the Sharia be carried out. They criticized others acting contrary to the Sharia. The imperial government ordered that the kadis should not do anything contrary to the Sharia. Neither ignoranc e no r inexperienc e wer e suppose d t o interfer e i n implementing justice, so everyone involved was encouraged to come in person. Legal agents were not a professional class , and when they were used it was in the absence of th e person they were representing. Kadis were conceive d t o hav e a specia l obligatio n t o protec t widow s an d orphans. They were also protectors of women and non-Muslims. Kadis received th e complaint s mad e agains t ta x collectors , militar y officers , and even other kadis, and they judged the veracity o f writte n records, whether imperial , provincial , o r private. Likewis e the y determine d the relevance for real cases of the hypothetical opinions of muftis. Zimmis had the same rights as Muslims in property ownership, making or refuting complaints, and taking oaths. Their most serious disability was that the testimony o f tw o zimmi eyewitnesses agains t Muslims did not constitute sur e proof, a s it did with Muslims. Women had the same rights as men in property ownership, in making complaints, refuting complaints , an d takin g oaths . Their main disabilit y wa s i n limitations of their ability to serve as eyewitnesses against men, in inheritance, where the y usuall y inherite d hal f o f wha t me n did , an d i n marriage , where women have no right to divorce. Compromise, or reconciliations, was greatly esteemed in those cases where the right and wrong were not absolutely clear. Based on the evidence studied, police power was not used arbitrarily in Lefko§a an d Cyprus. Voluntary complianc e wit h summon s wa s expected. If market inspectors, nightwatchmen, and chiefs of police acted effectively, the y also were subject to the law of the state. In general, the

388 Conclusions privacy an d sanctit y o f th e home were highly esteemed , an d police wer e most concerne d wit h publi c violations, particularly i n the are a of mora l law. Both o f th e traditiona l Ottoma n militar y corps , th e janissarie s an d the spahis , continue d t o pla y importan t an d usefu l role s i n Cyprus . N o longer a n elit e infantr y corp s restricte d t o th e capital , betwee n 80 0 an d 1000 janissarie s wer e statione d o n Cyprus , a major budgetar y expense . In Lef ko§a man y acted as merchants and artisans, owned buildings, and lent money frequently . The spahi cavalrymen continued to be paid through the tima r system , whereb y th e revenue s o f village s wer e assigne d t o them. Spahis who accumulate d wealt h di d so as landholders rathe r than as artisans and merchants. Villagers could complai n i n court about their abuses, and spahis had to summo n th e recalcitrant t o court. A large but diminishing proportion o f bot h corp s in Cyprus consisted o f convert s t o Islam. Recent studie s hav e show n tha t man y member s o f th e Lati n nobilit y of Cypru s foun d way s t o preserv e thei r famil y status . Man y becam e Ottoman spahis , eithe r b y convertin g t o Isla m immediately , o r b y re maining as Christians for a brief time, becoming spahis nevertheless, and gradually becom e islamized . Alternately , the y migh t pas s a s Orthodo x and immediatel y find way s t o attai n hig h positions withi n tha t community. Few Latins lost their lives, contrary to earlier notions. Priests an d monk s regularl y use d th e courts , sometime s fo r religiou s matters, bu t mos t ofte n fo r thei r busines s dealings , sinc e mos t o f the m had t o b e self-supportin g a s Musli m imams , muezzins , an d kadi s were . Grape cultivatio n an d wine production , whic h th e Christian s consume d and use d i n their liturgy , continue d unimpeded , especiall y i n the moun tainous region of Baf , Limosa , and Larnaka districts. Foreigners (harbis), whethe r Latin s o r Frank s wer e surprisingl y inte grated int o th e socia l an d economi c orde r an d th e lega l system , despit e the fac t tha t virtuall y al l other writings o n th e subject maintai n tha t the class of foreign merchants and consuls operated exclusively within extraterritorial spheres . Havin g foreigner s calle d "harbis " us e th e cour t i n person an d disposin g o f propert y i s almos t unique , bu t i t probabl y indicates tha t th e pressure s whic h hav e previousl y bee n imagine d fo r Latins t o find securit y i n a ne w lega l identit y i n fac t wer e no t a t al l insurmountable. The practic e foun d i n Cypru s indicate s tha t som e for -

Conclusions 38 9 eign merchants and others of different nationalities did readily submit to the authority of an Ottoman court and obey its decisions. Conversion to Islam has been one of th e most controversial subject s in the study of thi s period. From a tabulation of the names of Muslims using the court at those three times, 34% were converts in 1593-1595 , 24% in 1609-1611, and only 12 % in 1633-1637, indicating that conversion ha d becom e exceedingl y rapi d withi n tw o decade s afte r th e Ottoman conquest, it had slowed down by at least a third within another 15 years , an d b y 16 3 3-163 7 th e rat e wa s two-third s belo w tha t o f 1593—1595. Certai n foreigner s reporte d tha t th e conversio n wa s no t sincerely felt by masses of th e converts, and that given the chance they would gladly return to Christianity. Conversio n had to be registered at the cour t t o mak e i t legitimate , an d t o chang e th e ta x statu s o f th e converts officially , wh o the n ha d mor e lega l right s an d wer e exemp t from the head tax. Onl y a few scattered incidents of individual conversion, sometime s connecte d wit h marriage , have been found i n the Lef ko§a cour t records , bu t a t som e poin t ther e mus t hav e bee n massiv e conversion tha t wa s no t recorde d o r els e ther e woul d b e n o wa y t o explain the huge proportion of converts at large in the 1590s. The Ottoma n kadi s o f Lefko§ a wer e obligate d t o appl y th e sam e standard of justice for Muslims and for zimmis, and zimmis do not seem to have felt any qualms about consulting the kadis. Over a third (34%) of all of the cases studied involved at least one zimmi, and possibly that proportion ha d bee n increasin g slowly . Clos e integratio n o f Muslim s and Christians in the social and economic order is evidenced by the fact that $6% o f th e cases involving zimmis were intercommunal. N o markets or professions were reserved for specific groups, but rather all were open to anyone. Zimmis made complaints at court against the abuses of Muslims i n th e sam e wa y tha t Muslim s complaine d abou t injustice s done b y zimmis . Peopl e o f eac h religio n sol d lan d an d even shop s or houses t o thos e o f th e othe r religion . Rathe r tha n consultin g outsid e mediators, monks , or the Christia n clergy , 44% of th e cases involvin g zimmis involved othe r Christian s a s well, s o they must have had some sort of confidence in the kadis and their courts. Since we have no idea about the population of Lef ko§a, because there is n o soun d evidenc e showin g th e number s o f th e Muslims , i t i s no t possible to compare the proportion of Muslim and Christian users of the

39° Conclusions court with their proportion of the total population. Probably Christian zimmis made up 75% to 80% of the population of Cyprus, but since the number o f Christian s i n Lefko§ a wa s s o smal l an d ye t i t remaine d a vigorous center of the island, Muslims probably made up well more than half (60%? , 70%). That is an unsettling factor in trying to compare the proportions of members of the different faiths in Lef ko§a. Neither the Muslim population of Lef ko§a nor of the island contains any factions or segments into which it can be subdivided. The zimmis do have other elements to consider. In Lef ko§a, Armenian Christians, Maronite Christians, Latin Christians, and Jews probably made up at least 10% o f th e city' s population , i n tha t orde r o f importance , althoug h possibly the Latins were able to remain a large faction under the Ottoman rule. When considering the island as a whole, probably the Maronites wer e larges t becaus e o f th e existenc e o f man y o f thei r villages ; probably the Armenians and particularly the Jews had very little numerical strength outside of th e capital; hardest to speculate is the numbers and residences of Latins, for much of the same reason as in the capital. The usual Ottoman sources for detailed population registration in the 16th and early 17th century are sorely lacking for Cyprus, except for the one taken just after the process of conquest had been completed, when there wer e merel y a handfu l o f Muslim s outsid e o f th e conquerin g armies. After that none of the later registers give information about the numbers o r location s o f Muslims . T o mak e matter s eve n worse , th e figures tha t are given for non-Muslims, which usually concern payers of the head tax, lack the kind of precision and accuracy that one has come to expect from registers, often being rounded off to whole hundreds, or even thousands. Since Islam, through immigration and conversion, was very unequally spread throughout the island, one cannot conjecture that growth o r decline of Christian s in particular districts actually i s paralleled b y simila r result s amon g Muslims . Moreover , sinc e widesprea d conversion t o Isla m was occurrin g a t very different time s and rates in towns and villages within those districts, there is no connection between the changing patterns of growth and decline of the Christians with those of the Muslims. Lef ko§a and Magosa, especially the former, endured a terrible depopulating a s a result of thei r tenacious resistance t o the besieging Ottoman armies , leadin g t o death , o r t o widesprea d enslavement . I f th e figures fo r the non-Muslims can be accepted as accurate, we may conjee-

Conclusions 39 1 ture that the population gre w by about 20 % between 157 2 an d 1604 , that it peaked at about 25 % greater than in 157 2 for about five years shortly after that, and then steadily dropped so that in 1612 it was less than in 1604. Declining slowly, in 1621 it still stood about 10% greater than in 1572 . By 1623 it had dropped slightly below the level of 1572 ; by 1616 it had fallen to almost 15% below 1572 but stayed at that level until at least 1641. It grew a little between 164 1 and 1647, but then by 1655 i t had fallen by more than a third. The figurefor 16$6 was set at 25% belo w 1655 , whic h mean s nearl y 50 % belo w 157 2 an d 1623 . Beset by severe problems, the towns and districts showed erratic fluctuations in their numbers of Christian populace. Although occasionall y respondin g with healthfu l period s of growth , the populace o f th e island suffere d intermitten t demographi c tragedie s throughout the 16t h century and the first half o f th e 17t h century. N o one can sort out the impacts of plague, malaria, and locusts, for they are so closely interrelated. Each, in its time, could make people more vulnerable to the others by weakening or sickening them. Sporadic oppressive rule unde r th e Ottoman s ma y occasionall y hav e ha d dir e effect s o n Cypriots, a s Venetian rul e frequentl y had , bu t such probabl y wa s th e exception rather than the rule. Certainly there is no evidence that standards of public health or resistance to locusts changed after 1572 , and between 157 0 an d 165 0 th e Venetians di d not develo p better ways to deal wit h thos e problems . Migratio n coul d no t solv e thos e problems . The immense loss of life resulting from the incursions of locusts, plague, and malaria required frequent recounts of the surviving population so as to reduce the numbers of taxpayers . From year to year tragedy threatened, bringing uncertainty to everyone. Locusts darkened the skies. Governments required villagers to gather and tur n int o th e loca l official s specifie d weight s o f locusts . Farmer s regularly lost half or more of their grain because in most seasons locusts are just at the right stage of maturation for eating grain when it becomes ready for harvest. Hans Ulrich Krafft, a German seaman enslaved in the Mediterranean, wh o visite d Cypru s severa l time s betwee n 157 3 an d 1587, give s a very precis e descriptio n o f thei r lif e cycl e an d breedin g habits, adding that every Ottoman governor gave orders that each week every inhabitant must collect a sackful and burn it. Plague, a disease of rats passed to humans by their fleas,rooted itself in the Middle East for centuries, leading to drastic reductions in numbers

392 Conclusions and the n th e impoverishmen t o f society . Fro m th e mid-i3t h centur y t o the en d o f th e 17t h plagu e struc k a t Cypru s wit h disastrou s regularity . Almost an y wher e o n th e islan d coul d b e reache d b y plague , an d i t became endemi c i n several . Effort s wer e mad e t o isolat e victim s an d prevent thei r movements , an d Magos a harbo r ofte n ha d traveler s wait ing for 40 days. Earliest report s o f malari a com e a t the very en d o f th e 14t h century , particularly a t Magosa . Lefko§ a an d Girniy e wer e largel y fre e o f ma laria, bu t Ba f suffere d sometimes . The dreade d center s o f malari a wer e Magosa, Larnaka , an d Limosa , th e latte r tw o i n close proximity t o sal t lakes, and the former in an extremely marsh y area. As t o populatio n transfers , a t firs t a cross sectio n o f th e communit y was ordered . Volunteer s wer e calle d fo r t o occup y fre e lan d i n Cyprus , where the y woul d b e exemp t fro m taxe s fo r thre e years , an d Cypru s would b e mad e a large , wealth y provinc e includin g extensiv e land s i n coastal Anatoli a an d Syria , an d hig h qualit y migrant s wer e t o b e re cruited. Fe w peopl e seeme d incline d t o go , an d so mor e forc e was used . The policies followe d b y the Ottoman government suggest that probably not al l element s i n th e governmen t approve d o f th e scheme . Numerou s districts briefl y assigne d t o Cypru s were reassigned to forme r places, the tax-free perio d wa s reduce d t o tw o years , an d peopl e wh o wer e sus pected o f bein g immora l o r dishones t an d the n eve n criminal s wer e banished to Cyprus. Although th e Ottoman s ha d use d force d populatio n transfer s ver y effectively i n many places, for Cyprus that policy was a dreadful failure , a fac t tha t ha s no t ofte n bee n appreciated . Unforsee n problem s wer e encountered. Repeatedl y th e local official s ha d t o dea l with peopl e wh o had escaped deportatio n b y bribery or trickery or who fled from Cypru s after thei r arriva l there . Th e hotter , mor e ari d climat e an d unhealth y reputation o f th e islan d probabl y bot h wer e importan t factor s workin g against the cooperation of thos e who receive d orders to move with their families. Order s t o banis h hundred s o f criminals , whe n the y becam e known, mus t als o hav e contribute d t o th e unpopularit y o f th e place . Finally, ther e is evidence tha t many o f th e cooperative migrant s die d en route to Cyprus , or soon afte r they arrived. Almost al l o f th e intende d force d migrant s wer e Anatolia n Muslims . Whether o r not souther n an d western Anatoli a wer e actuall y overpopu lated is a moot point (certainly Christians constituted a tenuous minority

Conclusions 39 3 there), bu t clearl y Cypru s wa s seriousl y underpopulated . Rathe r tha n build up Cyprus with more Orthodox Greeks, the Ottomans would have benefitted mor e by introducing Muslim Turks into religiously homogeneous areas, as they had in the Balkans and in Trabzon. Likewise they would no t hav e wante d t o mak e th e islan d exclusivel y Jewish. I n any case, Joseph Nasi had had no special access to the sultan, and so could not have enticed the sultan to conquer Cyprus, and no Jewish migrants reached there. Virtually no Christians are listed among those transferred to Cyprus. Although one set of order s permitted executing people who refused t o b e moved , virtuall y al l th e order s tal k abou t finding those who d o no t cooperat e wit h th e authoritie s an d making sur e that they arrive an d sta y there . Usuall y thos e wh o resiste d face d n o wors e fat e than bein g delivere d t o Cyprus . Th e moderatio n o f tha t punishmen t certainly would not have discouraged recalcitrant people. Slavery was a very important Ottoman institution. Many slaveholders adopted the practice of patronizin g their slaves. Sometimes they did so by bestowing prestigious positions on them like administrators of pious foundations, bu t often the y woul d emancipat e th e slaves, immediatel y or conditionally for a later time. Sometimes even when emancipated they preserved great loyalty fo r the families o f thei r former owners. One of the important benefit s fro m th e Ottoma n conques t o f Cypru s was the emancipation of the large proportion of Venetian serfs who were practically slaves. Within a short time, virtually all of the agricultural slavery in Cyprus was ended, turning people into village cultivators whose status was at least equal to the more favored classes in the Venetian system. It has frequently bee n asserted that Ottoman rule brought with it an immediate end to urban life in Cyprus, or at least severely reduced it to a low level. Contemporary observers and archival sources reveal, in fact, that the firstseven decades of Ottoman rule brought little if any decline to urban life. Pilgrims , merchants, and other travelers give descriptions of th e town s unde r Venice tha t remarkabl y paralle l thos e unde r early Ottoman rule. True, the status of Magosa did change abruptly, and for the worse, under Ottoman rule when the Ottomans initiated the policy of changing it from its former role as an international port, but in that case th e Ottoman s implemente d a policy whic h ha d bee n started even before Venetian rule began, of moving commerce out of Magosa because of healt h problems . Indee d Larnaka , whic h i s close r tha n Magos a t o Lef ko§a, had already found new users late under Venetian rule.

394 Conclusions Little b y littl e th e Ottoman s develope d a policy whic h le d t o closin g Magosa t o foreign merchants and then even to local Christians . Precisely why the y carrie d ou t thi s polic y i s ver y obscur e bu t ma y b e connecte d with the great cost in lives and money which went into taking that place. As sailin g ship s wit h heav y cannon , especiall y i n Englis h an d Dutc h ownership, too k th e initiativ e i n th e Mediterranea n fro m th e galley using Mediterranea n empires , th e Ottoman s see m t o hav e bee n conten t to neutralize Magosa. Diseas e remaine d a crucial facto r in all the towns, although Girniy e and Lef ko§a had marginally better environments. The Ottomans wisely an d effectively manage d the harbors of Cyprus . Magosa wa s extensivel y repaire d an d carefull y maintained , bu t neede d little in improvements. It remained a fine naval fortress. The other strong coastal fortres s wa s Girniye , whic h ha d surrendere d an d s o wa s lef t intact. A smal l ne w fortres s wa s buil t i n Baf , previousl y defenseless . Fortifications wer e als o repaire d an d strengthene d a t Limosa , a t leas t enough t o provid e mor e securit y fro m pirat e attacks . Larnak a ha d it s fortifications completel y rebuilt by the Ottomans and became the leading commercial por t o n th e island , an d afte r a time , th e residenc e o f mos t foreign consul s an d many foreig n merchants . Larnak a greatl y benefitte d from Ottoma n rule. No substantia l evidenc e wa s foun d abou t th e religiou s o r ethni c composition o f th e towns , bu t they al l ha d larg e number s o f Christian s and Muslims (th e latter probably having a slightly disproportionate edg e in towns , i n compariso n wit h villages) . Tin y number s o f Armenia n an d Maronite Christians as well as unknown numbers of Latins and Muslims and Christian Gypsie s lived i n Lef ko§a. Latins were als o involved i n the trade of Larnaka . If other towns were not necessarily jus t Orthodox an d Muslim, nothing is known about them. Credit was a very importan t part of th e economy o f Le f ko§a an d the rest o f Cyprus , a s i s mirrore d i n th e fac t tha t 20 % o f al l o f th e cour t cases studie d involve d it . Unde r th e Venetians , credi t wa s somewha t scarce an d loan s wer e regularl y give n a t excessiv e rates . Unde r th e protection o f th e Ottoma n court , credit was regularl y offere d b y an d to a broa d spectru m o f people , no t just merchants. Moderat e profit s o f u p to 20 % pe r annu m wer e legal . Smal l loan s wer e mos t frequent , bu t occasionally merchants , members of the military, or of the religious class might give or receive very large loans.

Conclusions 39 5 It has often bee n wrongly imagine d that Muslims do not give loans for interest, and that Christians predominate in business and commerce with Muslims , bu t th e officia l Ottoma n cour t ha d a kad i wh o wa s responsible fo r enforcin g th e Sharia, the religious law of Islam , and all of it s action s were scrutinize d a s being in accordanc e with th e Sharia. Some Islami c objections concer n no t "interest " but rather "excessive " interest. Mone y lending does not appear to have been the activity of a narrow group of ver y wealthy men . Borrowing doe s not seem to have involved desperately poor men, very few people got hopelessly into debt, and bankruptcy was quite unusual. As for the intercommunal credit, of 173 instance s discovered , 13 5 wer e offere d b y Muslim s t o Christian s whereas there only occurred 3 8 instances of Christian s giving credit to Muslims. Cyprus was a land renowned for its fertility and for both the diversity and wealt h o f it s harvest s becaus e o f it s ver y favorabl e environment . Cyprus was immensely profitable t o the Venetian empire , which introduced full-scale plantation agriculture in certain favorable places, firstin sugar, an d late r i n cotton . Ottoma n rul e brough t quic k relie f t o th e cultivators fro m muc h o f th e oppressio n o f th e plantatio n system . As Braudel ha s pointe d out , no t onl y di d th e Ottoman s unleas h a social revolution in rural Cyprus but they did so without causing any decline in local living standards. Ottoman law and society were not elitist, but fairly egalitarian. Agriculturalists largely could grow the crops that they chose, under methods that they chose. Ottoman policy favored the consumer, by encouraging low prices and by fixing prices tha t coul d b e afforded . Maximu m price s were se t fo r foods, services , an d craft s i n conjunctio n wit h th e vendors , unde r the supervision of the courts. Inspectors oversaw the markets and bazaars in Lef ko§a, to ensure fair business practices and prices. Considerable diversity existed , eve n thoug h whea t an d barle y probabl y wer e th e mos t important foods everywhere. A rich variety of fruits and vegetables were produced, especially grapes and olives. Sugar and coffee were very popular. Commercial crop s like cotton, flax, and carobs were produced in many villages and extensive cotton and wool cloth industries flourished. A wide arra y of renta l facilitie s serve d th e people o f Lefko§a . Withi n Cyprus, mos t villager s ha d nearb y town s o r market s tha t wer e easil y accessible, with their camels, mules, and donkeys, and certain townsmen

396 Conclusions went out to villages. Cypriot merchants frequently saile d to nearby ports in Anatolia , Syria , an d Egypt , an d merchant s fro m al l o f thos e place s could reach Cyprus easily by boats. Cyprus had an ideal location fo r a naval base , for long distance trade, for smuggling , an d fo r piracy . Lefko§ a coul d easil y hav e bee n turne d into a n internationa l tradin g emporium . The por t o f Magos a stoo d almost uniqu e i n the entire Levant. Cypru s truly enriched the Venetians, especially afte r i t became their colony. It was not nearly as important fo r the Ottoman empire , for th e Ottomans b y that time controlled al l of th e land trad e routes , an d coul d hav e continue d t o bypas s tha t islan d i f necessary. Sinc e th e Levan t trad e contribute d s o muc h t o th e wealt h o f the Venetia n empire , an d sinc e th e Ottoman s ha d com e t o contro l th e entire Levant , an d sinc e th e Ottoma n empir e was muc h mor e powerful , Venice depende d absolutel y o n it s good will . While th e Venetians migh t provide a ver y goo d tradin g partner , i n th e lat e 16t h an d earl y 17t h centuries th e Ottoman s migh t jus t a s wel l have , an d did , choos e Mar seilles, Ragusa , Marran o Jews , an d Englis h o r Dutc h Protestants ; an y enemy of the Habsburgs would do. The conques t o f Cypru s i n 1570-157 1 wa s th e las t an d greates t Ottoman victory . Ottoman s wer e o n th e offensiv e a t ever y frontier , against Habsburgs , Venetians , an d th e Papacy i n the Latin west. Impor tant 16th-centur y advance s in fortifications benefitte d defenders , makin g sieges lik e thos e o f Lefko§ a an d Magos a frightfull y costl y i n me n an d money. Nevertheless , th e Ottoman s wer e stil l unchallengeabl e a t se a i n galley warfare . Howeve r soundl y thei r flee t ma y hav e bee n defeate d a t Lepanto, that did not affec t Ottoma n momentu m i n the Mediterranean . Cyprus wa s no t threatened ; Ottoma n fleets di d no t suddenl y los e thei r technical superiority ; there was n o chang e i n the balance o f power ; an d it did not lea d to an y advance s o n th e Latin side. All o f th e galley-usin g states o f th e Mediterranea n continued t o us e them . Venic e pai d hug e reparations. Th e battl e o f Lepant o draine d th e Ottoman s o f wealth , vessels, and seamen, but only in a limited way. Much mor e importan t t o th e Ottoman s an d to th e balanc e o f powe r in th e Mediterranea n wa s th e ne w sailin g ship . Onl y tha t le d to drasti c changes. Sailin g ship s o f th e English , ver y large , an d arme d wit h heavy , powerful cannon , an d wit h thei r ver y grea t carryin g capacitie s starte d having drasti c effect s i n th e regio n fro m th e 1570s . B y th e 1590 s th e Ottomans wer e on the defensive; their flee t ha d declined i n both qualit y

Conclusions 39 7 and quantity. B y 1595 , Englis h ship s too k ove r no t jus t lon g distanc e but even domesti c loca l carryin g trade . Communication s wit h Cypru s were endangered. Increasingly the islanders fell outsid e the mainstream of Levan t commerce . Slownes s o f loca l Mediterranea n states , particularly the Ottomans, to adopt ships undercut their preeminence, although that di d no t cos t the m an y territories . Apparentl y th e shi p wa s no t preferable in every way, however. The Habsburgs of Spain had a great fleet of sailin g ship s tha t the y use d i n th e Atlantic , bu t the y persisted with galley s i n the Mediterranean . Likewise , sinc e Ottoma n vassal s in Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli mastered the sailing ship at a very early time, and th e Ottoman s ha d hithert o bee n a t th e cuttin g edg e i n technica l advances, so they must have consciously chosen to stay exclusively with galleys (which they even used in the Indian Ocean). The 16t h centur y was marked by great advances in world trade for both Venetians and Ottomans. Both practiced restrictive policies in Cyprus. Becaus e o f it s fertilit y an d the intelligent method s of cultivation , prices were quite low. The Venetians strictly imposed monopolies. The Ottomans als o made restrictions o n external trade , although onl y i n a few goods. Ample trade in cotton, silk, salt, wine, olive oil, carobs, and grains all flourished.Besides Ottoman subjects, Venetians, English, French, and Dutch trade d there . Th e Ottoma n stat e implemente d a system o f low prices favoring the consumers. So piracy and smuggling thrived. Smugglers, both Ottoman and foreign, coul d easil y find isolated place s t o lan d in Cyprus, buy goods at local prices, and then a month or two later sell them for two, four, or 10 times as much in Latin or Protestant Europe. With the growth of piracy and smuggling , th e bes t metho d wa s t o buil d defensiv e fortifications . The Ottoman s di d tha t wit h aplomb , t o resis t surpris e incursion s o f pirates. Sinc e certai n pirate s an d smuggler s woul d no t plunde r o r kill their co-religionists, some people were tempted to pass themselves off as the sam e fait h a s th e pirates. Th e lin e betwee n Christia n an d Muslim pirates sometimes was very thin. Evidence of local revolts or uprisings before 164 0 or 165 0 is sparse. The Medic i family , wh o wante d t o b e kings , worked t o expan d thei r power and influence in the Levant by establishing a free port at Livorno and by creating the order of St. Stephen to develop a fleet.None of their activities actually threatened the Ottomans or won and wealth for Tuscany, although if they had coordinated campaigns with the Druze emir

398 Conclusions Fahreddin a t th e heigh t o f hi s powe r i n Syria , the y migh t hav e struc k threatening blows against the Ottomans. The duchy of Savoy also tried to claim the Lugsignan title of king, but despite al l o f thei r machinations , the y di d no t strik e a single soli d blo w against th e Ottoman s o r fo r Cyprus . The Knight s o f St . John o f Malt a gave privateering commissions to individual knights, mostly of the noble class, from France. They were especially effective o n Ottoman shoreline s when the y combine d ship s an d galleys . Thei r annua l cruise s t o Levan t seas benefitted th e Habsburgs. Enemies o f th e Ottoman s o f al l sort s speculate d ho w Cypru s migh t be particularl y ope n t o revol t becaus e o f it s grea t wealth , th e hig h proportion o f Christians , an d th e lo w cos t o f a revolt . I n fac t ther e i s surprisingly littl e evidenc e o f revolt s i n Cypru s a t tha t time . Compare d with th e religiou s students , demobilize d soldiers , an d maraudin g vil lagers o f Anatoli a o r Syri a unde r Fahreddi n an d othe r rebels , Cypru s seems a bed of tranquility . Almos t al l of th e so-called revolt s seem to be known throug h singl e sources . Painfull y littl e i s know n o f th e revol t against governo r c Arab Ahme d Pa§ a an d hi s successor . Protest s agains t dev§irme levies never taken are perplexing. Venice did not really hope to regain Cyprus , despite secret talks . Some of th e Venetian minorit y ther e did leav e Cypru s fo r Venic e afte r 1571 . Venice , however , wa s fallin g behind faster than the Ottomans were. Many foreigner s ha d great difficulties understandin g wha t was goin g on o r wha t government policie s were . Hardl y an y kne w Turkish , al though som e ha d persona l dealing s wit h Muslims . Man y di d no t kno w Greek either. Some were honest and sincere, others blindly prejudiced or ignorant or inexperienced. Even honest an d sincere people can err. In general, fairl y goo d relation s betwee n Gree k Orthodo x an d Mus lims occurred . O f cours e tha t should no t b e considered surprisin g sinc e observers o f th e 19t h centur y hav e generall y pointe d t o fairl y positiv e relationships there . The existence o f numerou s crypto-Christian s i s easy to document fro m that time period. Possibly tha t community wa s established righ t fro m th e ver y beginnin g i n Cyprus , a s som e scholar s hav e argued, and then continued as communities right down to modern times. However th e evidenc e availabl e fo r tha t i s onl y partl y convincing . I t seems to me at least as likely, or slightly more likely, that the appearance of mos t o f th e crypto-Christian s mus t b e date d t o late r tim e periods , under different circumstances .

Conclusions 39 9 Part of the continuity that the Ottoman government provided allowed Cyprus to remain a central part of the Mediterranean world. In general, the same crops continued to be produced, and in the same places, only the system of landholding and cultivation changed, with the overthrow of serfdom . Cypriot s continue d t o cultivat e good s whic h ha d a strong demand outside of their island and to prepare artisanal products which also remaine d i n demand . Merchant s fro m Cypru s continue d t o see k their fortunes elsewhere in the Levant, and particularly the Levant trade. Merchants fro m Ottoma n territorie s an d th e wester n Mediterranea n continued to visit Cyprus, although the entry and thriving of merchants from Atlantic Europe did, of course, bring some striking changes. Transition from Venetian to Ottoman rule in Cyprus was in general rapid an d smooth . Th e provincia l governmen t wa s quickl y fashione d into an effective institution . The new Ottoma n government did not act heedless of concern for its new subjects but quickly established a different system of law and order and justice which better considered the longterm benefits o f th e people. Ofte n tha t government acte d effectively b y making decisions which helped people through thei r troubles. Whether or no t the y wer e aware , practica l benefit s woul d accru e t o th e stat e through a flourishingtreasury if circumstances were created which provided people with security so that they could thrive. Probably the Ottoman empire was much more favorably concerne d abou t the well-being of the populace of Cyprus than its predecessor, the Venetian empire, or, for that matter the Lusignan family which Venice had overthrown.

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Archival Source s Ottoman judicia l register s (§er' i mahkeme sicilleri) fro m Le f ko§a are preserved in Lef ko§a at the Etnografya Miizes i an d the Evkaf Dairesi . Microfilm document s ar e in th e Kibri s Tur k Mill i Ar§iv i i n Girne . Althoug h the archiv e hold s virtuall y n o origina l document s befor e th e 19t h century , th e founder and director of the archive, Mustafa Ha§i m Altan, built the archive afte r having spen t months o n trip s t o Turkey, collectin g material s o n microfilm . No t only did he receive the full cooperatio n o f archivist s in Istanbul and Ankara, but he wa s als o allowe d t o searc h o n hi s ow n throug h uncataloge d materials . H e sought an y documen t whic h ha d eve n th e slightes t relevanc e t o Cyprus . Sinc e Altan i s a skille d Ottomanis t an d Arabist , an d i n recen t year s h e ha s mad e similar trip s t o othe r librarie s i n Austri a an d Germany , virtuall y everythin g known can be found i n a single place, Girne. This is a unique archive for anyon e interested in Cyprus. Aigen, Wolffgang . Sieben Jahre in Aleppo (1656-1663). ed . A . Tietze . Wien , 1980. Beihefte 10 , Wiener Zeitschrift fu r die Kunde des Morgenlandes. c Ali, Mustafa. Counsel for Sultans of1581. ed . A. Tietze. pt. 1 . Wien, 1979 . . Mustafa c Alt's Description of Cairo of 1599. v . 120 . Wien, 1975 . Amadi, F. Chronique d'Amadi. ed . R. de Mas Latrie . Paris, 1891. Anglure, O. d \ Le Saint Voyage de Jherusalem du Seigneur d'Anglure. v . 52. ed. F. Bonnardot & A . Longnon . Paris , 1858 . Ancien s Texte s Frangais . L e Saint Voyage d e Jherusalem. (1360-1413) . (Oger, seigneu r d'Anglure) . pp . 430 f i n d e Ma s Latrie , v . 2 . (Cypru s only). . The Holy Jerusalem Voyage of Ogier VIII, Seigneur d'Anglure. ed . 6 c tr. R. A. Browne. Gainesville, 1975 . Anonymous Englishma n (1344-1345) . Itinerarium ciuisdam Anglici Terram Sanctam et alia loca sancta visiantis (1344—45) . text, pp. 435-460, intro , pp. 401

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Index of Origina l Sources

Anonymous Englishma n (pilgrim , 1344 — 1345), 25 3 c Arab Ahme d Pa§a , 4 1 - 4 2 , 44 , 47 , 4 9 51, 76 , 84 , 94 , 368 , 37 4 f. , 38 3 n . 7 5 and 76 , 39 8 Baumgarten, Marti n vo n (Dutc h traveller , 1508), 173 , 248, 250 , 29 9 Beauvau, Henr y d e (baron , Frenc h travel ler, 1608) , 175 , 270, 30 2 Biddulph, Willia m (Levan t compan y chap lain an d traveller , 1600-1608) , 30 2 Bordone, Georg e (popula r Venetia n geog rapher, 16t h c ) , 17 5 f. , 29 9 Boustronios, Georg e (Cyprio t chronicler , 1456-1489), 184 , 18 5 Bryun, Corneliu s va n (17t h c . Dutc h Ori entalist an d traveller) , 15 , 18 1 f. , 187 , 191, 267 , 269 , 2 7 1 - 7 2 , 302 , 35 2 Calepio, Angel o (lon g Dominica n superio r in Lefko§a , 1573) , 175 , 177 , 250 , 252 , 266, 27 6 Capodilista, Gabriel e (gentlema n o f Padua, 1458) , 18 9 f. , 250 , 29 8 Casola, Pietr o (Italia n cano n an d pilgrim , 1494), 184 , 190 , 250 , 297-9 8 Clarke, Edwar d (Englis h traveller , 1812) , 272 Cotovicus, Ioanne s (Dutc h knigh t o f th e Holy Sepulchre , 1598-1599) , 156 , 175 , 191, 197 , 266 , 2 7 0 - 7 1 , 301 , 35 5

Dallam, Thoma s (Englis h clockmake r wh o visited th e Ottoma n court , c . 1600) , 302 Dandini, Fr . Jerom (papa l envo y t o th e Maronites, 1596) , 14 2 f. , 156 , 175 , 2 7 0 - 7 1 , 301 , 353-54, 36 9 Dapper, Olfer t (Dutc h traveller , 1688) , 175, 267 , 269-72 , 30 3 Elias o f Pesar o (16t h c . Italia n merchant) , 15, 146 , 185 , 255, 28 1 Evliya, (Jeleb i (17t h c . Ottoma n traveller) , 121 Febri, Feli x (Dominica n mon k fro m Ul m and pilgrim , 1483) , 190 , 250 , 252 , 25 5 Geodyn l e Turc (Frenc h consu l i n Aleppo , 1623-1625), 27 1 Graziani, Antoni o (16t h c . Venetian) , 190 , 271-72, 282 , 29 9 Haremeyn-i §erif , 4 1, 44, 50 , 5 2 - 5 3 , 56 f. , 5 9 - 6 0 , 6 2 Haimedorf, Fure r vo n (c . 1566) , 252 , 25 5 Hayes, Loui s de s (Frenc h ambassado r i n 1621), 191 , 267, 270 , 30 2 Huen, N . l e (1488) , 173 , 2 4 9 - 5 0 Katib Qeleb i (17t h c . Ottoma n scholar ) 11 f . 419

420 Index

of Original Sources

Krafft, Ulric h (Germa n seama n enslave d between 157 3 an d 1587) , 17 7 f. , 39 1 Lala Mustaf a Pa§ a (16t h c . Ottoma n gov ernor an d official) , 41 , 46, 49 , 5 1 - 5 3 , 55 f. , 6 0 - 6 1 , 133 , 24 1 Lithgow, Willia m (Scottis h traveller , 1610), 267 , 30 2 Locke, John (merchan t an d pilgri m i n 1553), 17 6 f. , 190 , 249-50 , 252 , 255 , 271 Ludolf o f Suche n (Germa n pries t an d pil grim, 1350) , 15 , 189 , 250 , 252 , 254 , 297 Lusignan, Estinn e d e (Dominica n friar , from th e forme r rulin g family , 1568) , 166-176,252,255,271 Macarius (Makarios ) (Orthodo x patriarc h of Antioch , 1645) , 17 9 f., 18 3 Machaeras, Leontio s (th e first Cypriot chronicler, 15t h c ) , 183 , 29 7 Mandeville, Joh n (Englis h traveller , 1322) , 253, 29 7 Manrique, Sebastia n (friar , 1643) , 27 2 Martoni, Nicola s d e (pilgrim , 1 3 9 4 1395), 15 , 189 , 252 , 25 4 Medine-i Munevver , 26 , 41 , 44, 49 , 55 f. , 59-60, 6 2 Meggen, Jodicus d e (Germa n traveller , 1542), 176 , 185 , 249 , 251-52 , 29 9 Muneccimbasj (18t h c . Ottoma n chroni cler), 11-1 2 Mustafa Al i (16t h c . Ottoma n chronicler) , 11, 12 1 Nijenburg, va n de r (1684) , 267 , 269 , 272 , 303, 35 5

Piri Rei s (16t h c . Ottoma n seaman) , 251 , 255, 29 9 Pococke, Richar d (Englis h traveller , 1738), 1 5 f. , 269-70 , 272 , 352-5 3 Porcacchi, Tomaso (Italia n popula r geog rapher, 1576) , 298 , 30 0 Robert, Mr . (Englis h travelle r an d sea man), 187 , 269 , 27 2 Sanderson, John (Englis h merchant , lat e 16th c ) , 268 , 302 , 35 3 Sandys, Georg e (Englis h traveller , 1615) , 187, 266-67 , 271 , 302, 352-5 3 Selaniki (16t h c . Ottoma n chronicler) , 1 4 Selim Han , Sultan , 4 1 - 4 2 , 44 , 4 6 - 4 7 , 50 , 52, 61 , 94 , 155 , 332 , 334 , 33 8 Somer, Jan o f Middleburg h (seaman , 1591-1592), 191 , 30 0 Strambaldi, D . (16t h c . Cyprio t chroni cler), 18 3 f . Stochove, d e (1631) , 271 , 35 2 Suchen, Ludol f of . See Ludolf o f Suche n Suriano, Francesc o (Venetia n patrician , 1484), 15 , 249-50 , 252 , 29 8 Sylvius, Aenea s (Italia n humanist , 1509) , 298 Tafur, Per o (Catala n adventurer , 1435 1439), 189 , 250 , 252 , 25 5 Teixeira, Pedr o (Catala n traveller , 1600 1601), 2 6 8 - 6 9 , 271 , 302, 352-5 3 Thevenot, Jea n d e (17t h c . Frenc h travel ler), 266 , 25 2 Valle, Pietr o dell a (Roma n traveller , c . 1625), 271 , 30 2 Villamont, Seigneu r d e (Frenc h pilgrim , 1589), 177 , 17 8 f. , 18 6 f., 190 , 266 , 269-70, 30 0

c

Oldenburg, va n (pilgrim , 1211) , 25 1 Omeriye (Hazret- i £ Omer), 45, 47 , 53 , 55 f. , 61 , 71 , 78 , 8 4

Walther, Pau l (Germa n mon k an d pilgrim , 1482), 250-9 8

Palerne, John (Frenc h traveller , 1581) , 266, 29 9

Zvallart, Jean (Dutc h chevalie r d u Sanc t Sepulchre, 1586) , 266 , 270 , 30 0

General Index

Aleppo (Haleb), 189 , 221-22, 224, 244, 253, 302, 305, 334, 341, 345, 348, 350-51,353 Arabia: Mecca, 56-59, 62 , 179; Medina, 56-59, 62 , 179 ; Yemen, 226, 236 Aristocracy, local, 6-7, 14-15 , 30, 41, 157, 180, 189, 202, 214, 251-52, 300, 305 f., 307 , 347, 367, 399 Armenian, Gregorian Churc h (Ermeni) , 7 f., 19-20 , 24, 30, 45, 57, 72, 87, 98, 100, 124 , 127, 132, 141, 146 ff., 148 , 154, 156 , 162, 164-65, 195-96, 224, 254, 264, 272, 274, 292, 365, 367, 387, 390, 392-93; church, 147 ; priests (babaslar), 154 ; Terbiyodi quarte r of Lefko§a, 28 , 45, 57-58, 87, 124, 146 47, 154 , 162, 195 Atlantic Ocean, 304, 349, 350 f., 374 , 399 Baf (Paphos) , 7, 79, 91, 107, 113, 128, 140, 154 , 160, 173, 185-86, 190-91 , 193-94, 19 5 f., 241 , 243, 248, 250, 258 f., 265 , 270, 273-74, 287, 303, 305-6, 324 , 327, 342, 353-54, 369 70, 375, 388, 392 Barley (arpa), 1, 13, 59, 79, 86, 89, 113, 258-62, 285, 297-300, 306, 314-17, 340, 351, 375 , 395, 397 Bees and honey ( casl, bal), 285-86, 299 300, 321, 332

Black Sea (Kara Deniz), 212, 215, 304, 354; Canik (Samsun) , 215; Tana, 7 ; Trabzon, 212-13, 224, 236 Braudel, Fernand, 8, 186 , 188-89, 221, 235, 305-6, 310 n. 66, 342 n. 13, 343 n. 15-16 , 351, 378 n. 11 , 395 Breadbaker(s) (qehir babbazlar), 74 , 123, 134, 286-87, 312, 314-15, 317-18, 329, 333, 340 Butcher(s), 298-99, 334 Butter (sade yagi, tere yagi), 319-20, 34 0 Byzantine Empire, Eastern Roma n Empire, 2-3, 14f. , 30-31,40 , 95 , 248 Cairo, 242, 253, 283, 291, 334, 336, 350, 353, 356; Damyat (Damietta) , 321, 334, 336; Resjd (Rosetta) , 321, 334; Egypt, 331, 334-37, 341, 350, 363-64, 395 Candlemaker(s) ($em c bane, mum bane), 76, 80, 123, 155, 332, 341 Carob(s) (barnob), 13 n. 59, 79, 123, 250, 260, 270, 298, 300-302, 307, 320-21, 338-39, 341, 352-53, 375, 395, 397 Castles and fortifications , 3 , 4 f., 52 , 55, 107-8, 119 , 128 ff., 145 , 155, 214, 218, 226, 250-52, 253, 256-57, 263, 265-66, 271-73 , 306, 348-49, 35560, 371, 373-75, 393-94 , 396-9 7 Census(es), 213, 217-20, 222, 226, 235, 256-65, 39 0 421

422 General

Index

Cilicia (Kilika) , 2 ; c Alaiye, 78 , 354 , 356 ; Atana, 146 , 229 ; Antaliya , 216 , 230 ; Finika, 338 , 348 , 364 ; Silifke , 17 , 230 , 244, 3 1 9 - 2 1 , 356 ; Tarsus , 325 , 341 , 354, 35 8 Cities an d towns , 248-75 , 281-95 , 297 , 338, 342 , 375 , 391-95 , 39 7 Coffee, 70 , 285-86 , 33 1 f. , 351 , 34 4 n . 27, 395 ; coffe e hous e (kahve hane) y 47 , 60, 70 , 286 , 33 1 f . Colocasia (kulkas), 30 0 Commercial crops , 1 f., 3 , 14-15 , 47-48 , 6 0 - 6 1 , 160 , 174-75 , 189-91 , 240 , 250-51, 258 , 271-73 , 281 , 297-98 , 301-3, 305-7 , 311 , 317-29 , 330-35 , 338-39, 346 , 351 , 360 , 374 , 395 , 39 7 Compromise (sulh), 20 , 24 , 8 3 ff. , 91 , 104, 154 , 38 7 Constantinople (Konstantiniyye) , Istanbul , 49, 51 , 59, 63 , 73 , 75 , 80 , 85 , 9 0 - 9 1 , 93-94, 102 , 146 , 158 , 212 , 224 , 2 3 5 36, 304 , 320 , 326 , 335 , 337 , 354 , 358 , 368, 373 , 388 ; Galata-Besiktas , 286 , 320, 3 3 0 - 3 1 ; Uskudar , 78 , 102 , 12 0 Conversian, 16 , 19 , 3 0 - 3 1 , 5 8 f. , 63 , 126 , 137, 143-48 , 157 , 164 , 17 1 n . 10 , 291 , 325, 359 , 367 , 369-70 , 374 , 388-90 , 398; ib n c Abdullah, 26 , 2 9 - 3 0 , 5 3 - 5 4 , 58 ff. , 60 , 63 , 7 0 - 7 1 , 75 , 77, 84 , 88 , 95, 97-100 , 137 , 139 , 147 , 151 , 155 , 162-64,241,331 Cottom, cotto n clot h (penbe, kutn), 1 , 7 , 26, 113 , 122 , 144 , 150 , 158-59 , 240 , 250, 258-59 , 266-67 , 270 , 272 , 285 , 287, 291 , 298-307 , 31 0 n . 54 , 322-23 , 325-29, 338-39 , 341 , 34 4 nn . 22 , 25 , 351-53, 356 , 359 , 375 , 39 5 Covered marke t ($uk), 47, 33 1 Credit, loan s (karz), 17-20 , 2 1 f. , 24 , 26 f. , 33 , 34 , 40 , 4 2 - 4 7 , 62 , 70 , 72 , 79, 84 , 87-89 , 93 , 98 , 105 , 108 , 112 , 117, 127 , 129 , 134 , 147 , 151 , 159 , 163, 165 , 185 , 218-19 , 281-95 , 317 , 326-31, 333 , 335 , 337 , 340 , 39 4 f. ; bankruptcy, 284 , 337 , 386 , 388 ; inter est, 45 , 62 , 2 8 1 - 8 3 , 293 , 30 9 n . 46 ; karz-serc an d hasen, 24 , 44 , 134 , 147 , 288, 317 , 33 5 Crime(s): assault , 111 , 148 , 163 , 229 ,

293; beating , 19 , 70 , 72 , 84 , 87 , 1 0 0 101, 112 , 118 , 163 , 226 , 228 , 2 3 0 - 3 1 , 234; celali , 20 , 218 ; cruelty , 20 , 71 , 79 , 153, 222 , 2 2 8 - 3 1 ; cursing , 71 , 9 9 ff. , 105, 116 , 148 , 152 , 154 ; dem diyet (blood money) , 73 , 87 , 9 5 ff. , 10 5 n . 2 , 114, 154 , 256 ; drinking , 7 4 - 7 5 , 12 4 f. , 148, 155 , 160-63 , 168 ; enslavement , 356-57; murder , 112 , 152 , 356 ; rape , 127-28, 152-53 ; robbery , 20 , 79 , 8 6 87, 111 , 147 , 153 , 21 7 f. , 230 , 238 , 244, 356-5 7 Crusade(s)/crusader(s), 2 f. , 4 , 14 , 30 , 249, 273 , 297 , 346 , 363 , 3 6 9 - 7 1 , 376 n . 3 Customary practice(s ) Cadet, resim), 69 , 102 Divorce (talak), 2 , 25 , 27-28 , 31 , 3 4 f. , 89, 94 , 97 , 141 , 149 , 292 , 385 , 387 ; hul\ 20 , 28 , 3 4 f. , 89 , 91 , 38 6 Donkey (merkeb, bar), 152-53 , 318 , 334 , 339, 392 , 39 5 Dowry (mebr), 2 1 - 2 2 , 25 , 2 7 f. , 31 , 3 3 34, 71 , 84 , 89 , 98 , 215 , 284 , 291 , 38 6 Dye factor y (boya bane), 256 , 264 , 273 , 312 Earthquake (zelzele), 17 3 f. , 176-77 , 196 , 204 n . 4 , 214 , 249 , 250-52 , 26 6 Evdim (Evdhimou) , 110 , 194-96 , 25 9 f. ; Pahna (village) , 25 , 70 , 110 , 14 0 Experts (ehl-i vukuf), 26 , 158 , 290 , 33 4 f . Fahreddin th e Druze , 360 , 364-66 , 374 , 398 Fertility o f Cyprus , 1 f., 3 , 173-75 , 1 8 9 90, 218 , 272-74 , 281 , 297-307 , 346 , 350, 360 , 374 , 395 , 397 ; agricultura l wealth, 3 , 6 , 173 , 218 , 272 , 281 , 2 9 7 306, 311 , 325-26 , 346 , 350-51 , 360 , 374, 395 , 39 7 Fixed price s (narh, narb cart), 73 , 79 , 103, 113 , 216 , 219 , 311-15 , 318-34 , 338-39, 351 , 39 5 Flax (keten), 1 , 258 , 261 , 39 5 Foreigner(s) (mustemin), 113-14 , 1 5 6 60, 165 , 269 , 272 , 274 , 328 , 330 , 338 , 346-48, 350 , 352-53 , 355-56 , 3 5 9 -

General Index 42 3 63, 367-71, 373, 375, 388-89, 393 94, 396, 398; harbis, 150 , 156-58 , 160, 165 , 338, 348, 388; French, 156 59, 165 , 269, 272, 274, 285, 313, 330, 338, 346 f., 350 , 352-53, 356, 363, 369, 371-73, 375, 388, 396-98 ; Dutch, 156 , 158-60 , 165 , 269, 274, 346, 348, 350, 352-53, 363 , 369, 375, 391, 396-97; English, 156 , 165 , 269, 274, 346, 348-50, 352-53, 369 , 375, 394, 396-9 7 Genoa, 189 , 240, 249, 251, 254, 304, 345 Gilan (Kilani), 20, 118 , 134 , 194-96 ; Menagri, 2 0 Girniye (Kyrenia) , 1 , 4, 7, 26, 50, 56, 70 71, 76 , 78, 86 , 90, 107 , 119 , 128 , 145, 153, 155 , 165 , 188-89 , 193 , 196, 228, 248, 251-52, 27 0 f., 273-74 , 287 , 303, 312, 327, 331, 339, 342, 352, 355, 369, 375, 391, 392; Belabe§e, 90; Dikomo, 153 , 287; Kami, 29, 86, 119; Lapta (Lapithos), 7, 47, 78, 90, 102, 149, 270, 327; Temlos (Temblos) , 56 Goats (kegi), 59 , 113 , 283, 285, 297, 300, 302-4, 318-19 , 340-4 1 Governor (mir miran, sancagi begi), 19, 23, 27, 30, 41-42, 46-49, 51 , 52, 54 55, 58-61, 70-76 , 79-80 , 85-89 , 94 97, 99-101, 103 , 105, 107-18 , 120 , 126-27, 129-30 , 144 , 146, 153 , 155 59, 162 , 18 0 ff., 184-85 , 188 , 191, 215-21, 225-26 , 228-29 , 232 , 24144, 246, 266, 282, 285-300, 303 , 306, 311, 313, 317, 321-25, 327-28 , 330 31, 338, 352, 354-55, 357-59 , 368 70, 374, 387-88, 391 , 394 Grapes (uzum), 1, 13, 54, 123 , 152, 160 63, 168 , 218, 272-73, 285, 298 f. , 301-2, 31 9 f., 335 , 341, 375, 388, 395; wine, 47, 57, 59, 123 , 124 f., 152 , 157, 160-63 , 168 , 17 1 n. 14 , 218, 250, 256, 259, 261, 264, 273, 287, 297-98 , 301-2, 305-7 , 338, 341, 352-53, 375, 388, 397; grape juice, 285, 341; raisins, 285, 300-301, 307, 341, 375 Guardian(s) (vast), 2 4 f., 26 , 29, 31, 3 334, 73, 87, 90-91, 94, 96-97, 103 ,

112, 145-46 , 149 , 153 , 243, 283, 289-91, 293 , 317, 326, 329-31, 333, 385,387 Hemp (kendir), 1 , 338 Hirsofi (Khrysokhou) , 70 , 73, 90, 102, 112, 127 , 138-40 , 145 , 150 , 154 , 165, 175, 195-96 , 258 , 328; Genose (?), 145, 165 ; Miliya, 150 ; Poli, 90, 11 2 Ic II sancagi, 52, 216, 222, 230, 312, 323, 354, 356-5 8 Islam, Muslim (general) , 2—3, 7-8, 14 , 16-19, 2 1 f., 24-27 , 29-36 , 4 0 f., 42 62, 64, 69-105, 108 , 110-26 , 128 , 130, 132-65, 168 , 173-75 , 177-78 , 180-81, 187-88 , 192-95 , 197-200 , 202, 212, 214, 217-20, 222-25 , 228 36, 240-45, 247-49 , 253 , 264-65 , 273-74, 281-95 , 305-7 , 30 9 n. 47, 313, 330, 332, 334, 336-39, 341 , 353, 356-59, 363 , 367-68, 370 , 372-75 , 385-90, 392-99 ; dervish, 42, 44, 45, 49-50, 52-53 , 55, 60, 62, 114 , 141, 160, 17 0 n. 4, 243, 332, 368, 386; 'ulema, 41-44, 51-52 , 55 , 57, 59-60 , 62, 76, 78, 82, 88, 150 , 155 , 165, 180, 231, 282, 288, 293, 368, 386, 394; Ebu Hanife (Ab u Hanifa), 53, 19 7 Islamic institutions: Mosque (mescid), 40 41, 50-52, 54-57 , 59-63 , 70 , 76-77 , 150, 155 , 234, 284, 333-34, 368 , 386, 388; imam, 41-44, 51-52 , 54-57 , 59 61, 76-77, 150 , 231, 234, 368, 388, 394; medrese, 41, 56, 61, 150, 156, 284, 368, 386 Janissaries, 28, 42-44, 46 , 49, 51-52, 55-56, 58 , 61 f., 70-71 , 74, 84, 86, 90, 93, 96-99, 103 , 107-9, 112-16 , 118, 121 , 128-30, 140 , 142 , 145, 150-51, 153-54 , 157 , 186-88 , 191 , 215, 218-19, 241-45 , 266 , 270, 282, 284-85, 287-91 , 293, 312-13, 316 , 325, 327-29, 334 , 336, 339, 365, 368-69, 387-88 , 39 4 Jew(s), Jewish (Yahudi), 7-8 , 31 , 49 f. , 55, 58, 95, 101 , 132, 143-46 , 155 , 163-65, 185 , 190 , 212, 223, 234, 263,

424 General

Index

Jew(s) {Continued) 270, 281 , 293 , 323 , 335 , 34 7 f. , 375 , 387, 390 , 393 , 39 6 Kadis: thei r multifacete d jobs , 16-17 , 19-22, 2 4 - 3 1 , 3 3 - 3 6 , 4 0 f. , 42-48 , 50-64, 69-106 , 108-30 , 132-65 , 168 , 180, 187-88 , 191-98 , 212 , 215-36 , 240-46, 281-95 , 311-15 , 318-40 , 355-58, 363 , 385-90 , 392-95 , 39 7 Kafir (kefere, infidels) , 132 , 138-39 , 1 4 1 42, 156 , 162 , 337-38 , 354-58 , 363 , 370 Kanun, 69 , 99 , 102 , 109-10 , 119-20 , 155, 22 1 Karpas (Karpasia) , 89 , 185 , 193-96 , 262 , 339; Miliya , 33 9 Kayseri, 23 , 212 , 220 , 222 , 226-2 7 Konya, 59 , 212 , 222 , 226 ; (Larende) , 216, 218-19 , 225-27 , 229-30 , 233 , 383, 319 , 323 , 334-36 , 341 ; evka f o f Mevlana Hudavendiga r Celaleddi n Rumi, 59 ; Mud , 22 9 Koran, 5 1 - 5 2 , 5 9 - 6 0 , 62 , 95 , 243 , 282 , 386; Kora n readers , 5 1 - 5 2 , 60 , 62 , 38 6 Kukla (Kouklia) , 7 , 112 , 143-44 , 159 , 195-96, 198 , 322 , 328 ; Mamoniye , 112 Larnaka (Larnaca) , 156-58 , 160 , 186 , 188, 191 , 193 , 243 , 248-49 , 26 0 f. , 265, 26 8 f. , 270 , 273-74 , 297 , 3 0 2 - 3 , 306, 339 , 342 , 348 , 352-53 , 388 , 392-93 Latins (Nasara , Roma n Catholics) , 3 - 6 , 8, 1 4 f. , 30 , 47 , 63 , 137 , 142-43 , 149 f. , 156-60 , 165 , 17 0 n . 6 , 17 1 n . 10, 175 , 182 , 214 , 223 , 235 , 243 , 2 4 5 46, 249-50 , 250 , 255 , 266 , 271 , 2 7 3 74, 338 , 346-50 , 352 , 354 , 356 , 3 5 8 59, 363-65 , 367-70 , 374-75 , 388 , 390, 39 6 Lefka, 27 , 51 , 7 1 - 7 2 , 85 , 89 , 96 , 112 , 116, 245 , 153 , 159 , 165 , 175 , 193-96 , 285, 288 , 290 , 327 ; Galata , 96 , 112 ; Kakopetriye, 96 , 112 , 285 ; Tembriye , 327; Voni , 11 6 Lefko§a (Nicosia ) th e city , 4 - 5 , 16-20 , 22-28, 31 , 44 , 4 5 ff. , 50 , 52-58 , 60 ,

62, 6 3 f. , 69-76 , 78 , 80 , 88-89 , 9 1 93, 96-98 , 100-101 , 107 , 109-14 , 119, 122-23 , 126 , 132-34 , 140-42 , 144, 150 , 152 , 155-57 , 160 , 164-65 , 173-74, 180-81 , 183-85 , 188-89 , 191-96, 212 , 241-45 , 248-49 , 25 1 f. , 256 f. , 258 , 262-65 , 271-74 , 281 , 283, 285-86 , 288 , 291-92 , 298 , 303 , 315, 317-18 , 321-22 , 324 , 326 , 3 2 8 31, 338-39 , 341-42 , 345 , 348 , 354 , 357, 360 , 375 , 385-90 , 392-96 ; quar ters: c Arab Ahme d Pa§a , 29 , 44 , 84 ; Aya Sofya , 23 , 44 , 47 , 50-54 , 58 , 60 , 62, 75 , 9 7 - 9 8 , 111-12 , 124 , 128 , 145-47, 173 ; Debba g Hane , 52 ; Gir niye gate , 23 , 5 4 - 5 5 ; Hayda r Pa§a , 19 , 47; Kizi l Kule , 23 ; Merdibanl i Huseyn , 37; c Omeriye (Hasret , c Omer), 71 , 78 , 84, 102 ; Seray , 23 ; Sinan Pa§a , 76 ; Taht-i Kal'e , 48 , 53 , 96 ; Terbiyodi, 28 , 45, 5 7 - 5 8 , 87 , 124 , 146 , 154 ; Lefko§ a as a district (nahiye), 45 , 59 , 71 , 75 , 84, 99 , 117 , 119 , 134-35 , 137-40 , 149, 151 , 153-54 , 156-57 , 175 , 321 , 324, 326—27 ; village s include : Ay a Ma riye, 24 ; Ay e Yolof i (?) , 71 ; Baliketri , 88, 324 ; Kat o Deftere , 9 , 316 ; Degir menlik, 46 , 113-14 , 134 , 149 , 151-52 , 159, 293 , 313 , 333 ; Demre , 72 , 99 , 138; Eglence , 58 , 117 ; Kaymakli , 84 , 97, 101 ; Lace , 98 ; Lakatamiya , 152 ; Nisu, 326-27 ; Ort a Koy , 26 , 139 ; Ter hone, 94 , 324 ; Vezace , 86 , 92 , 120 ; Yeros, 9 0 Legal agent(s ) (vekil), 17-18 , 23-28 , 32 , 78, 8 0 - 8 3 , 89 , 91 , 94 , 96 , 104 , 108 , 110, 117 , 137-39 , 152 , 160 , 16 8 n . 2 , 243, 284 , 2 8 9 - 9 1 , 317 , 329 , 337 , 385 , 387 Lepanto, 5-6, 11 , 265, 346-48 , 368 , 373, 37 3 nn . 1 , 6 , 39 6 Levant (Levantine) , 3 , 7 , 1 4 f., 182 , 185 , 197, 214 , 251 , 253 , 297 , 303 , 305 , 324, 345-50 , 360 , 363-66 , 369 , 3 7 1 74, 37 9 n . 12 , 396-9 9 Limosa (Limassol) , 7 , 107 , 128 , 142 , 144 , 149, 173-74 , 17 5 f. , 184 , 187-88 , 190, 193-96 , 202 , 248 , 24 9 f. , 265 , 273, 300 , 303 , 306 , 323 , 337 , 339 ,

General Index 42 5 341-42, 352 , 354 , 385 ; village s o f Li mosa: Kolo s (Kolossi) , 7 , 240 ; Piskop i (Episkopi), 7 , 56, 76 , 79 , 102 , 144 , 159, 175 , 189 , 195 , 240 , 369 , 371 , 375, 388 , 39 2 Locusts fcekirge), 173 , 175-82 , 184 , 192 , 198-99, 202 , 20 5 nn . 16 , 17 , 20 6 nn . 18, 19 , 20 7 nn . 22 , 23 , 20 8 nn . 24 , 26 , 27, 214 , 248 , 250 , 267 , 299-300 , 311 , 313,350-51,391 Lusignan, 3 , 4 f. , 6 - 7 , 14-15 , 30 , 163 , 165, 176 , 183-84 , 189 , 246 , 248 , 251-55, 273 , 297 , 307 , 30 9 n . 44 , 345-46, 3 6 0 - 6 1 , 374 , 398-9 9 Magosa (Famagusta) , 4 - 5 , 15 , 31 , 34 , 48 , 50, 6 0 - 6 3 , 75, 77-78, 79 f. , 86-87 , 92, 102 , 107 , 119-20 , 122 , 128 , 145 , 157, 164 , 174 , 178-79 , 181-82 , 1 8 5 86, 188-92 , 194-96 , 202 , 212 , 223 , 228, 232 , 248-49 , 251 , 254-56 , 262 ff. , 26 5 ff. , 273-74 , 281 , 290 , 301 , 303, 305 , 312 , 332 , 336-37 , 339 , 342 , 345, 348-49 , 354-55 , 357 , 359 , 3 6 9 70, 373 , 375 , 390 , 392-94 , 396 ; quar ters o f Magosa : Ay a Nikolo , 48 ; Ay a Sofya ca m c ii, 60 , 178 ; Sa n Sasko , 48 ; waters o f Magosa , 6 0 Maintenance allowanc e an d clothin g al lowance (nafaka ve kisve), 2 6 - 2 8 , 31 , 33 f. , 71 , 80 , 84 , 89, 96, 97 ff. , 292 , 386 Malaria, 173 , 188-91 , 199 , 202 , 21 0 n . 59, 214 , 248 , 250-55 , 268 , 272-73 , 299, 3 0 2 - 3 , 305 , 3 0 7 - 8 , 311 , 345 , 349, 3 9 1 - 9 2 Malta, an d Knight s o f St . John of , 353 , 363-64, 366 , 369 , 37 1 ff. , 374-75 , 384 n . 94 , 39 8 Mamluks, Mamlu k Empire , 3 f. , 182 , 249, 251 , 2 5 3 - 5 4 , 345-46 , 36 1 Maronite(s) (Maruni), 132 , 14 8 f. , 165 , 195, 256 , 271 , 2 7 3 - 7 4 , 352 , 365 , 367 , 369 f. , 39 0 Mazoto, 7 , 121 , 261 ; Lefkar a village , 261; Togn i village , 12 1 Mediterranean sea , 1 , 2 , 6—8 , 14 , 159 , 182, 18 5 f. , 188-89 , 192 , 202 , 214 , 222, 224 , 235 , 2 4 0 - 4 1 , 246 , 253 , 266 ,

281, 297 , 30 6 f. , 311 , 315 , 334 , 34 4 n . 28, 3 4 5 - 5 1 , 353-54 , 356 , 359 , 3 6 3 64, 366 , 372-73 , 38 1 n . 38 , 391 , 394 , 396-97, 39 9 Merchant(s), 2 , 14-15 , 28 , 42 , 47 , 60 , 62, 70 , 78 , 87 , 157 , 160 , 165 , 189 , 235, 241 , 244 , 249-50 , 252 , 254 , 256-57, 265, 281 , 287 , 304 , 311 , 312-13, 327-28 , 330 , 334 , 336-37 , 341-42, 347 , 350 , 352-53 , 357, 375, 388-89, 393-94 , 39 5 f „ 39 8 Mesariye (Mesaoria) , 19 , 71 , 75 , 7 7 - 7 9 , 86, 9 2 - 9 3 , 101 , 113 , 117 , 119 , 173 , 185, 188 , 196 , 285 , 303 , 316 , 324 , 326, 328 , 339 ; village s includ e Cado s (?), 39 , 140 ; Harcodiy e (?) , 19 ; Pirastiyo, 10 1 Morfo (Morphou) , 17 , 56 , 70 , 7 4 - 7 5 , 77-78, 80 , 92 , 102 , 119 , 150 , 152 , 194-95, 339 ; Ay a Mam a monastery , 339 ff. ; Akakc e village , 17 , 80, 117 ; Zodive, 7 8 Mufti, 45 , 73 , 8 5 ff. , 91 , 104 , 116 , 387 ; fetva, 45 , 48 , 73 , 8 5 ff. , 92 , 104 , 116 , 120, 158 ; kad i c asker, 85, 92 , 101 , 150 f.; §ey h ul-Islam , 85 Muhtesib, 74 , 121 , 12 2 ff. , 130 , 13 1 n . 8 , 155, 256-57 , 274 , 311-13 , 333 , 340 , 387, 388 , 39 5 Mule (katir), 147,318,39 5 Muslim/Christian interrelationships , 1 8 20, 2 4 - 2 6 , 29 , 32 , 36 , 40 , 45 , 4 7 - 4 9 , 57, 61 , 69 , 7 1 - 7 2 , 7 5 - 7 6 , 78 , 8 1 - 8 2 , 86, 8 8 - 9 1 , 93-96 , 99 , 101 , 108 , 113 , 116, 119 , 123 , 134-42 , 144 , 147 , 149-51, 154-55 , 157 , 160 , 162-68 , 224, 234 , 267 , 270 , 284 , 2 8 6 - 9 1 , 293 , 305, 316 , 323 , 3 2 5 - 3 1 , 333-36 , 3 3 8 41, 351 , 359 , 367-68, 371 , 385, 38790, 395 , 397 , 39 9 Musket (tufenk), 70, 123 , 129 , 134 , 24 1 Navies an d shipping , 3 , 5 , 14 , 5 5 f. , 5 9 60, 127 , 34 6 ff. , 349-50 , 352-60 , 362-66, 369 , 371-72 , 374-75 , 3 9 6 99 Nigde sancagi , 146 , 149 , 212 , 220 , 2 2 6 27

426 General

Index

Oath(s) (yemin billah), 2 4 f. , 29 , 9 4 f. , 98 , 105, 117 , 133 , 144 , 159 , 291-92 , 330 , 334-37, 339 , 387 ; b y Christian s (b y God wh o sen t th e Incil t o Jesus), 95 , 98, 133 , 159 , 330 , 377 ; b y Jews, 14 4 Official cour t summoner(s ) (muhzir), 75 , 92, 12 1 f. , 123 , 130 , 133 , 226 , 38 7 Olives (zeyt), 24 , 47 , 50 , 56, 59 , 258 , 261, 270 , 297 , 299-300 , 307 , 321 , 341, 375 , 395 , 397 ; oliv e oi l (revgan-i zeyt), 24 , 56, 59 , 266 , 285-86 , 297 , 299, 302 , 321 , 328 , 341 , 352 , 375 , 39 7 Orthodox Christian(s) , 2 f. , 14 , 40 , 69 , 90, 94 , 108 , 111 , 16 9 n . 31 , 173 , 179 , 212, 248 , 362 , 372 ; Orthodo x Chris tians i n Cyprus , 2 - 4 , 6 - 8 , 14-20 , 22 , 24-25, 3 0 - 3 1 , 33 , 4 0 - 4 1 , 44-48 , 57 f. , 61 , 63 , 6 9 - 7 0 , 7 2 - 7 4 , 7 5 f. , 78 , 80-94, 9 6 - 9 9 , 101-3 , 108-9 , 112 , 114, 116 , 119-20 , 126-27 , 129 , 1 3 2 45, 147 , 150-68 , 175-77 , 180-83 , 189, 191-98 , 202 , 214-20 , 222 , 2 2 4 25, 235 , 2 4 1 - 4 3 , 245-46 , 248-52 , 256-64, 266-74 , 281 , 283 , 2 8 5 - 9 1 , 297-99, 3 0 2 - 3 , 307 , 313 , 315-16 , 321, 323 , 325 , 327-29 , 332-34 , 3 3 7 39, 347 , 353 , 356 , 359-60 , 362 , 3 6 5 70, 373-75 , 385-90 , 392-9 9 Orthodox Christia n religiou s classe s i n Cyprus: churche s an d priests , 45—48 , 57, 63 , 69 , 76 , 78 , 80 , 89 , 92 , 101-2 , 150-55, 157 , 165 , 179 , 181 , 18 3 ff. , 271, 287 , 340 , 388-89 ; monk s an d monasteries, 44 , 57 , 69 , 73 , 78 , 80 , 89 , 102, 150-55 , 157 , 165 , 179 , 181 , 183 , 271, 340 , 388 , 389 ; archbishop , 179 , 362; keniseleri n evkafi , 1 , 5 7 Ote Yak a (th e othe r side) , 20 , 84 , 110 , 225-26,244,331,337,339 Ottomans, th e Ottoma n Empire , 1-8 , 11 n. 16 , 21 , 26 , 30 , 34 , 4 0 f. , 4 4 - 4 5 , 47-49, 5 2 - 5 3 , 55, 6 0 - 6 3 , 69-105 , 107-30, 132-65 , 168 , 173-75 , 17 7 f. , 179-81, 185 , 187 , 191-93 , 195 , 1 9 7 203, 212 , 214-32 , 234-36 , 240-46 , 2 4 9 - 5 1 , 253-54 , 256-66 , 269-74 , 281-95, 300 , 3 0 2 - 9 , nn . 44 , 47 , 3 1 1 15, 3 1 7 - 3 1 , 3 3 5 - 4 1 , 347-53 , 355-67 , 369-70, 372-75 , 385-9 9

Ottoman Shari a courts , 7 f., 16-20 , 22 , 24-36, 4 0 f. , 4 2 - 5 3 , 55 , 5 7 - 6 4 , 6 9 130, 132-65 , 168 , 187-88 , 191-98 , 215-36, 240-46 , 257-58 , 281 , 2 9 5 340, 355-5$, 385 , 387-90 , 392-97 , 399 Palestine, 1-3 , 179 , 212 , 223 , 304 , 360 , 365; Acr e (Akka) , 3 , 371 ; Holy Land , 3, 6 , 15 , 179 , 187 , 360 , 364 , 371 ; Jerusalem (Kuds-§erif) , 2 , 187 , 324 , 331 , 360, 3 6 2 - 6 3 ; Safed , 223-24 ; Sidon , 365 Pasdirma ( a loca l an d importe d preserve d meat), 319 , 34 3 n . 1 6 Pendaye (Pendayia) , 74-75 , 151-52 , 262 ; Kefale village , 7 ; Baligo , 15 1 Pilgrim(s)/pilgrimage(s), 2 , 14-15 , 30 , 76 , 143, 157 , 182 , 184 , 189 , 250-52 , 254 , 297, 371 , 393 , 39 8 Pious foundation s (vakf/evkaf), 16 f. , 34 , 4 0 - 6 8 , 70 , 76 , 78 , 87 , 92-94 , 103 , 113, 120 , 145 , 147 , 169 , 172 , 241-42 , 283, 285 , 293 , 331-34 , 338 , 34 3 n . 15 , 381 f. , 393 ; Christian , 4 7 f. , 57 , 62 , 147, 386 ; Jewish, 55 , 58 ; famil y (evladiye), 42 , 4 9 - 5 2 , 55 , 5 7 - 6 1 , 6 2 f. , 38 6 Pirates, piracy , 5 , 1 1 f. , 159 , 214 , 250 , 265, 269-70 , 306-7 , 345-46 , 349 , 351-52, 35 3 ff. , 356-66, 368-75 , 376 n . 1 , 37 9 nn . 13 , 19 , 38 0 n . 35 , 396-98 Piskobi (Episkopi) , 76 , 79 , 102 , 144 , 159 , 175, 189 , 195 , 240 , 328-2 9 Plague (ta'un), 173-89 , 192 , 198-99 , 202, 20 4 n . 5 , 20 8 nn . 28 , 30 , 20 9 n . 51, 214 , 248 , 250 , 252-55 , 266 , 272 , 299, 3 0 2 - 3 , 305 , 307-8 , 313 , 345 , 349, 355 , 391-9 2 Polygamy, 29 , 36 , 144 , 38 5 Pomegranates (nar), 298 , 300 , 312 , 32 0 Population, 173 , 17 4 f. , 179-81 , 18 2 f. , 185-99, 202 , 21 0 n . 79 , 212 , 214 , 217-36, 242 , 246 , 248-63 , 271-73 , 300-301, 307 , 338 , 347 , 350 , 375 , 3 8 9 - 9 1 , 394 ; growth , 173 , 192-97 , 199, 216-18 , 30 0 ff. , 391 ; decline , 173-75, 180-81 , 18 2 f. , 185-87 , 1 8 9 99, 202 , 214 , 216-18 , 235 , 248-49 ,

General Index 42 7 255, 299 , 30 0 f. , 305 , 307 , 350 , 390 , 397 Population transfer s (surgun); i n Rumeli , 212 f. , 234 , 392 ; i n Istanbul , 21 2 f. , 224, 234 ; i n Trabzon , 21 2 f. , 234 , 293 ; in Cyprus , 212-36 , 303 , 305, 355, 392-93 Porte, The , 55 , 79 , 9 1 - 9 2 , 107 , 115 , 129 , 150-51, 158 , 186 , 214-16 , 2 1 8 - 2 1 , 224-27, 230-32 , 235-36 , 305 , 315 , 321-24, 328 , 338 , 340 , 348 , 354-58 , 360, 362 , 365 , 37 1 Preemption ($ufa), 99 , 105 , 136-3 7 Recaya, 72 , 75-77 , 7 9 - 8 0 , 87-88 , 116 , 120, 123 , 155-56 , 180-81 , 186 , 1 9 1 92, 198 , 215-16 , 218 , 222 , 224 , 226 , 229, 257 , 329 , 355-57 , 368 , 37 1 Registration fe e (resmi-i tapu), 2 2 - 2 3 , 33 , 86, 90 , 92 , 94 , 110 , 119 , 129 , 143 , 15 6 Rhodes (Rodos) , 16 , 184 , 189 , 225 , 229 , 267, 321-22 , 345 , 351-54 , 358-59 , 368, 37 1 Rice (pirinc), 144 , 321 , 339 , 34 1 Salt (tuz), 188 , 248 , 255 , 258 , 261 , 269 , 297 f. , 300 , 3 0 1 - 3 , 305-7 , 32 3 ff. , 341, 352-53 , 375 , 397 ; th e sal t lake s of Cyprus , 32 3 f. , 338 , 341 , 34 4 n . 19 , 392 Saltpeter (guhercile), 323, 34 1 Savoy, 36 0 ff. , 379 , 39 8 Sheep (koyun), 59 , 281 , 283 , 285 , 300 , 3 0 2 - 4 , 318-19 , 334 , 340-4 1 Silk (ipek), 1 , 27 , 267 , 272 , 281 , 3 0 2 - 3 , 351-53, 375, 397 Slaves an d slavery , 7 , 19-20 , 49 , 94 , 101 , 108, 114 , 123 , 128-29 , 150 , 174 , 176 , 180, 187 , 192 , 215 , 231 , 240 , 246 , 247 nn . 3 , 7 , 259 , 271 , 285 , 304 , 309 n . 29 , 357 , 363 , 366 , 393 ; ib n A b dullah, 25 , 51 , 108-10 , 113 , 118-19 , 122, 127 , 134 , 138 , 142 , 147 , 149 , 242-44, 264 , 2 8 3 - 8 4 , 287 , 292 , 316 , 327, 329 , 399 ; emancipation , 24 2 f. , 244, 29 3 Soap (sabun), 31 2 Spahi(s), 2 2 f. , 27 , 30 , 33 , 4 2 - 4 4 , 49 , 51 , 60, 6 1 f. , 7 1 - 7 2 , 74 , 77 , 80 , 86-88 ,

90, 9 2 - 9 3 , 9 8 - 9 9 , 103 , 107-8 , 112 , 115-21, 124 , 189-90 , 140 , 143-44 , 154-57, 162 , 180 , 187-88 , 191 , 2 1 5 16, 218-19 , 221 , 241 , 243-44 , 282 , 288-89, 306 , 322-23 , 325 , 327 , 354 , 356-59, 368-69, 387-88 , 39 4 St. Hilarion' s castle , 4 Su bas i (police) , 25 , 27 , 29 , 32 , 36 , 41 , 43, 45 , 49 , 70 , 7 1 f. , 7 4 - 7 5 , 95 , 100 , 103, 105 , 107-9 , 111-12 , 114 , 116 , 120, 121-28 , 130-31 , 141 , 148 , 160 , 162, 218-19 , 241 , 244 , 282 , 284 , 288-89, 306 , 327 , 330 , 370 , 387-88 , 395 Sugar (§eker), 1 , 6 , 7 , 13 , 27 , 157 , 175 , 218, 240 , 250 , 266 , 269 , 286-87 , 298-307, 32 1 ff. , 328 , 341 , 34 3 n . 17 , 353, 395 ; canes , 1 , 7 , 47 , 218 , 240 , 250, 300 , 304 , 305 , 32 1 ff. , 34 1 Taxes (general) , 4 , 6 , 16 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 71 , 73 , 75, 77-78 , 80 , 86-87 , 89 , 92 , 94 , 132 , 138-39, 141 , 145-46 , 154-56 , 174 , 176, 180-82 , 18 3 f. , 186-87 , 191-92 , 194-98, 202 , 215 , 218-20 , 224 , 2 3 4 35, 256-64 , 270 , 27 3 f. , 285-87 , 2 9 8 304, 327-28 , 359-60 , 387-90 , 392 ; cizyey sometime s harac (headtax) , 13 , 77, 80 , 138-39 , 141 , 145-46 , 154 , 180, 187 , 193-97 , 202 , 220 , 256 , 28 6 Traveller(s), 2 , 14-15 , 30 , 137 , 143 , 157 , 176, 182 , 187 , 311 , 321 , 339 , 350 , 352, 393 , 39 8 Tripoli (Trablus) , 212 , 214 , 232 , 305 , 324, 334 , 337 , 341 , 345 , 348 , 3 5 0 - 5 1 , 354, 363 Trodos (Troodos ) mountains , 1 , 188 , 33 9 Tuscany, 305 , 353 , 360 , 362-66 , 369 , 374-75, 38 2 n . 58 , 39 7 f . Tuzla (Salines) , 5 9 - 6 0 , 75 , 78 , 101-2 , 107-8, 128 , 142 , 149-50 , 158 , 160 , 165, 187 , 193-96 , 249 , 260 , 266 , 274 , 301, 324 , 328 , 3 3 9 - 4 1 , 348 , 354 , 375 c

Udul ( eadil), 19 , 77 , 291-92 , 330 , 38 6

Venice, Venetians , 1 , 3-5, 6 f. , 14-15 , 20, 30 , 137 , 145 , 151 , 156-58 , 162 , 164-65, 173-74 , 17 5 f. , 184 , 186 ,

428 General

Index

Venice (Continued) 188-91, 199 , 202 , 212 , 214 , 22 2 f. , 235, 240 , 246 , 2 4 8 - 5 1 , 253-56 , 269 , 272-74, 281 , 293 , 298-305 , 307-8 , 309 n . 44 , 313 , 315-16 , 321 , 328 , 334-35, 341 , 34 4 n . 19 , 345-48 , 3 5 0 53, 356 , 360-64 , 368-72 , 373-75 , 378 n . 9 , 385 , 391 , 393-9 9 Venus (Aphrodite) , 1 4 f. , 3 0 Villager(s), village(s) , 4 , 6 f. , 19-20 , 2 2 23, 25 , 27 , 31 , 41 , 43, 4 5 - 4 6 , 5 0 - 5 1 , 57, 5 9 - 6 2 , 70-74 , 76-80 , 82 , 84-88 , 90, 9 2 - 9 4 , 96-98 , 100-102 , 104-5 , 108-10, 112 , 114-20 , 124 , 126-27 , 129, 134-35 , 137-38 , 140 , 142-45 , 148-52, 154 , 156-57 , 159 , 162 , 1 6 4 65, 173 , 176 , 180-81 , 183-85 , 1 8 8 89, 191 , 194-96 , 202 , 21 , 217-19 , 222, 226-29 , 231 , 235 , 241 , 244 , 249-50, 258-62 , 267 , 269-70 , 274 , 281-82, 284-85 , 287-88 , 2 9 0 - 9 1 , 293, 299-301 , 303-7 , 313 , 315 , 317 , 321, 324-28 , 333 , 337-39 , 342 , 351 , 356-57, 359 , 362 , 368 , 370 , 374-75 , 385, 388 , 390-91 , 393-9 6

Water, 1 , 6 , 1 3 n . 23 , 40 , 42 , 46 , 55 , 59 , 61-62, 79 , 91 , 145 , 14 9 f. , 152 , 250 , 253, 257-58 , 272-73 , 298-302 , 305 , 311, 313-14 , 322 , 354 , 36 8 ff. ; bat h (bamam), 41 , 46 , 53 , 5 5 f. , 61 , 91 , 230 , 244, 332-34 , 341 , 38 6 f. ; mills , 1 , 16 , 59, 322 , 333 , 38 6 f. ; irrigation , 6 , 41 , 59, 61 , 14 9 f. , 272 , 300 , 304 ; water wheels (dolab kuyusi), 47 , 59 , 61 , 29 9 Wheat (bugday), 1 , 59 , 79 , 86 , 89 , 151 , 175, 177-78 , 180 , 218 , 241 , 258-62 , 298-300, 3 0 5 - 6 , 314-18 , 340 , 34 2 n . 1,347,351,353,375,395,397 Women, 14-39 , 4 2 - 4 3 , 50 , 57 , 7 0 - 7 3 , 75, 80-84 , 87 , 9 0 - 9 1 , 95 , 98-100 , 103-5, 109-10 , 113 , 117-18 , 124-27 , 133 f. , 137-41 , 146-47 , 149 , 152-54 , 158, 162 , 164 , 184-85 , 214-15 , 230 , 241-45, 282-87 , 290-93 , 317 , 326 , 329-30, 333, 339, 361 , 38 5 f. , 387 ; handkerchiefs, 15 , 3 0 - 3 1 ; veils , 15 , 31 ; Muslim-Christian intermarriage , 24 , 29 , 36, 149 , 16 1 f . Wool (cuka, cuba) t 26 , 30, 3 0 1 - 2 , 329 ff. , 341,351 , 359 , 375 , 39 5

About the Author

Ronald C. Jennings is Professor o f Histor y a t the University o f Illinois, Urbana. He taught for two years at the Maarif Kole j in Samsun, Turkey, where he developed his interests in Cyprus and Turkey.

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