Reformations in Hungary in the Age of the Ottoman Conquest [1 ed.] 9783666570841, 9783525570845

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Pál Ács

Reformations in Hungary in the Age of the Ottoman Conquest Academic Studies

52

Refo500 Academic Studies Edited by Herman J. Selderhuis In Co-operation with Christopher B. Brown (Boston), Günter Frank (Bretten), Bruce Gordon (New Haven), Barbara Mahlmann-Bauer (Bern), Tarald Rasmussen (Oslo), Violet Soen (Leuven), Zsombor Tóth (Budapest), Günther Wassilowsky (Linz), Siegrid Westphal (Osnabrück).

Volume 52

Pál Ács

Reformations in Hungary in the Age of the Ottoman Conquest With 28 Figures

Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek: The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data available online: http://dnb.de. © 2019, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG, Theaterstraße 13, D-37073 Göttingen All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior written permission from the publisher. Typesetting: 3w+p, Rimpar Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISSN 2197-0165 ISBN 978-3-666-57084-1

Contents

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

9

Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Part One: Erasmian Challenges Chapter 1: Erasmus and the Hungarian Intellectuals of the 16th Century .

21

Chapter 2: The Names of the Holy Maccabees – Erasmus and the Origin of Hungarian Protestant Martyrology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

31

Chapter 3: The Reception of Erasmianism in Hungary and the Contexts of the Erasmian Programme – The “Cultural Patriotism” of Benedek Komjáti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Erasmus and the Epistles of St. Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The achievement of Benedek Komjáti . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

45 45 50 57

Part Two: Protestant Reformations in Cultural Context Chapter 4: Bibles and Books – Vernacular Literature in Hungary . . . .

61

Chapter 5: “Thou shalt not Commit Adultery” – The Metaphor of Paráznaság/Adultery as Applied in the Literature of the Reformation . .

73

Chapter 6: Popular Culture in Reformation Hungary – A Fiddler’s Song before 1580 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Contents

Chapter 7: The Theory of Soul-sleeping at the Beginning of the Hungarian Reformation Movement – Matthias Dévai: De sanctorum dormitione . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 8: Thomas Cranmer’s Martyrdom as Parable – Hungarian Adaptation in Verse of John Foxe’s Martyrology by Mihály Sztárai (1560) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 9: Abrahamic Faith in a Hungarian Market-Town – A History in Verse by Máté Skaricza (1581) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

109

Chapter 10: “Thou art my Son, David” – The Limits of Historical Interpretation in the Unitarian Translation of Psalm 2 . . . . . . . . . .

121

Part Three: The Changing Image of Ottoman Turks Chapter 11: Alvise Gritti and Tamás Nádasdy – The History of a Burnt-Out Friendship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

137

Chapter 12: Andreas Dudith’s Ottoman Brother-in-Law . . . . . . . . . .

149

Chapter 13: Tarjumans Mahmud and Murad – Austrian and Hungarian Renegades as Sultan’s Interpreters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

157

Chapter 14: The Rise and Fall of a Notorious Renegade – The Story of S¸ehsuvar Bey (1580) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

169

Chapter 15: “Pro Turcis” and “Contra Turcos” – Curiosity, Scholarship and Spiritualism in Ottoman Histories by Johannes Löwenklau (1541– 1594) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 16: Iter Persicum – In Alliance with the Safavid Dynasty against the Ottomans? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Death in Persia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . István Kakas (1565–1603): a cosmopolitan from Transylvania . . . . . . The “Grand Turk” and the “Grand Sophi” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The English link . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

201 201 205 207 213

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Contents

Part Four: The Catholic Reforming Movements in the Early 17th Century Chapter 17: The Conqueror of the Ottomans in the Kunstkabinett – Curiosity and the Cult of the Hero in Pál Esterházy’s Poem Egy csudálatos ének (A Song of Wonder) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

221

Chapter 18: Historical Scepticism and Piety – The Revision of Protestant Ideas on History in the Sermons of the Hungarian Jesuit Péter Pázmány . Péter Pázmány: the Jesuit cardinal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Civitas dei – civitas mundi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The destruction of Jerusalem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Protestant apocalypticism as reflected in the Jesuit doctrine of Grace .

243 243 248 249 253

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . Primary sources . . . . . . . . . Secondary literature . . . . . . . Earlier versions of the chapters .

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261 261 270 316

Register . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Acknowledgements

This collection of interrelated studies reappraising the intellectual fabric of the Reformation movement in Hungary represents a personal and a collective international endeavour. The Institute for Literary Studies, Research Centre for the Humanities, Hungarian Academy of Sciences (RCH, HAS) hosted my research and contributed to the increasing international interest for the culture and literature of the Renaissance and the Reformation in Hungary. I wish to thank Robert John Weston Evans (Oxford), Wilhelm Kühlmann (Heidelberg), and Martin Elsky (New York), who helped me in the 1990s to conduct research in many archives and libraries abroad. Various scholarships (Wolfenbüttel, HAB; Florence, Villa I Tatti; Heidelberg, Germanistisches Seminar; Edinburgh, IASH; Wassenaar, NIAS) have made it possible for me to join different European workshops of Renaissance and Reformation studies. Major opportunitites were presented to me through invitations by Nicolette Mout (Leiden), Hans Trapman (The Hague), Howard Hotson (Oxford), Howard Louthan (Minneapolis, Minnesota), Graeme Murdock (Dublin), Arnoud Visser (Utrecht), Mikael Bøgh Rasmussen (Copenhagen), Peter Opitz (Zürich), Herbert Karner (Vienna), Vladimír Urbanek (Prague), Ingrid Ciulisová (Bratislava), Michał Dziewulski (Cracow), Adelin Charles Fiorato and Paul Gradvohl (Paris), Alberto Melloni (Bologna), Evelin Wetter and Robert Born (Leipzig), Martin Mulsow (Gotha), Gerard Wiegers (Amsterdam) to contribute to their research projects, participate in their conferences, and publish my studies (the earlier versions of the chapters of the present volume) in the journals and books edited by them. I owe much to the truly beneficial cooperation with Tijana Krstic´ and Robyn D. Radway (Central European University, Budapest). I am grateful to Nil Palabiyik (Manchester) for her constructive comments in the field of Ottoman cultural history. I enjoyed very successful cooperation with the Esterházy Foundation (Eisenstadt). I cannot conclude without mentioning the productive conversations I have had with my friends and colleagues in Budapest, Gábor Almási, Farkas Gábor Kiss, and Balázs Trencsényi. A special thanks is due to Herman Selderhuis, director of the Refo500 international platform, for his beneficial assistance and wide-ranging support.

10

Acknowledgements

The completion of this volume would have been impossible without the magnanimous aid of Vera Gyárfás (Budapest), who oversaw the English adaptation of most chapters, and Emese Czintos (Kolozsvár/Cluj-Napoca), who carefully read through the entire book and made many valuable suggestions. I am also grateful to the Central European University for the support in the native language proofing of the book, which Christopher Wendt has performed very attentively.

Abbreviations

ADB − Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. BHA – Bibliotheca Hungarica Antiqua. Book series, Budapest. BHL − Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina antiquae et mediae aetatis. 2 vols. Subsidia hagiographica 6. Bruxelles: Socii Bollandiani, 1949. CAAC − Klose, Wolfgang. Corpus Alborum Amicorum. Beschreibendes Verzeichnis der Stammbücher des 16. Jahrhunderts. Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1988. CR – Corpus Reformatorum. CWE − Collected Works of Erasmus. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ELTE – Eötvös Loránd Tudományegyetem [Eötvös Loránd University], Budapest. Encyclopaedia Iranica − Encyclopaedia Iranica. Online edition, available at http://www. iranicaonline.org/. Encyclopaedia Judaica − Encyclopaedia Judaica. Ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007. Encyclopaedia of Islam2 − Encyclopaedia of Islam. Second edition. Ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W. P. Heinrichs. Leiden: Brill. Online edition, available at http://referenceworks.brillonline.com.proxy-ub.rug.nl/browse/en cyclopaedia-of-islam-2. Encyclopaedia of Islam3 − Encyclopaedia of Islam. THREE. Ed. Kate Fleet, Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, and Everett Rowson. Leiden: Brill. Online edition, available at http://referenceworks.brillonline.com.proxy-ub.rug.nl/browse/encyclopae dia-of-islam-3. LB – Leclerc, Jean, ed. Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami Opera Omnia. Leiden: Pieter van der Aa, 1703−1706. LThK – Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche. Ed. Josef Höfer and Karl Rahner. 14 vols. Herder: Freiburg im Breisgau, 1956−1968. MNL OL – Magyar Nemzeti Levéltár. Országos Levéltár [Hungarian National Archives], Budapest. MTA – Magyar Tudományos Akadémia [Hungarian Academy of Sciences], Budapest. NDB – Neue Deutsche Biographie. NySz − Szarvas, Gábor and Simonyi, Zsigmond, eds. Magyar Nyelvtörténeti Szótár a legrégibb nyelvemlékekto˝l a nyelvújításig [Historical dictionary of the Hungarian language from the oldest surviving Hungarian texts to the neology]. Budapest: Hornyánszky Viktor, 1890–1893. 3 vols.

12

Abbreviations

ÖStA, HHStA − Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv. PG − Patrologia Graeca. Ed. Jacques Paul Migne. 161 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Catholique, 1857–1866. PÖM − Pázmány, Péter. Összes munkái [The complete works of Péter Pázmány]. Vol. 1−7. Budapest: Királyi Magyar Tudományegyetem, 1894−1905. RMKT XVI, vol. 1. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. XVI. századbeli költo˝k mu˝vei. Elso˝ kötet, 1527−1546 [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 16th century, vol. 1, 1527−1546]. Ed. Áron Szilády. Budapest: MTA, 1880. RMKT XVI, vol. 4. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. XVI. századbeli költo˝k mu˝vei. Negyedik kötet. 154?−1560 [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 16th century, vol. 4. 154?− 1560]. Ed. Áron Szilády. Budapest: MTA, 1886. RMKT XVI, vol. 5. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k tára. XVI. századbeli magyar költo˝k mu˝vei. Ötödik kötet, 1545−1549 [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 16th century, vol. 5. 1545− 1549]. Ed. Áron Szilády. Budapest: MTA, 1896. RMKT XVI, vol. 7. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k tára. XVI. századbeli magyar költo˝k mu˝vei. Hetedik kötet, 1566−1577 [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 16th century, vol. 7. 1566−1577]. Ed. Lajos Dézsi. Budapest: 1930. RMKT XVI, vol. 9. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. XVI. századbeli magyar költo˝k mu˝vei. Kilencedik kötet 1567–1577 [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 16th century, vol. 9. 1567–1577]. Ed. Béla Varjas and others. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1990. RMKT XVI, vol. 11. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. XVI. századbeli költo˝k mu˝vei. Tizenegyedik kötet. Az 1580-as évek költészete [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 16th century, vol. 11. The poetry of the 1580’s]. Ed. Pál Ács. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó−Orex Kiadó, 1999. RMKT XVI, vol. 13/A. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. XVI. századbeli költo˝k mu˝vei. Bogáti Fazakas Miklós históriás énekei és bibliai parafrázisai [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 16th century, vol. 13/A. Histories in verse and Biblical paraphrases by Miklós Bogáti Fazakas]. Ed Pál Ács, Géza Szentmártoni Szabó, Balázs Pap, and others. Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2018. RMKT XVII, vol. 3. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. 17. század. 3. kötet. Szerelmi és lakodalmi versek [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 17th century. Vol. 3. Wedding songs and love poems]. Ed. Béla Stoll. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1961. RMKT XVII, vol. 6. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. 17. század. 6. kötet. Szenci Molnár Albert költo˝i mu˝vei [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 17th century. Vol. 6. Poetic works of Albert Szenci Molnár]. Ed. Béla Stoll. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1971. RMKT XVII, vol. 12. − Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára. 17. század. 12. kötet [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry. 17th century. Vol. 12]. Ed. Imre Varga and others. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1987. RMNy – Régi Magyarországi Nyomtatványok [Repertory of early Hungarian printed books]. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, vol. 1−4, 1971−2012. RPHA − Répertoire de la poésie hongroise ancienne, ed. Iván Horváth, vol 1−2. Paris: Nouvel Object, 1992. SZTE – Szegedi Tudományegyetem (University of Szeged).

Introduction

Early modern Europeans held sharply different views of divided Hungary. Many thought of Hungary as a distant land inhabited by barbarians, while others maintained it was a “bulwark of Christianity” lying at the boundary of East and West, the defender of Western Christiandom against the Ottoman threat. As the medieval Kingdom of Hungary collapsed and the country was split into three parts after the 1526 Battle of Mohács, learned European men followed Hungarian events “with fear and trembling”. Hungary was perceived as an apocalyptic battlefield where the forces of Christ and the Antichrist clashed. The onset of the Reformation in Hungary was contemporaneous with these dramatic events. Hungary’s military failure and the Reformation were related to each other already in contemporary times. European followers of religious renewal saw this war-torn country also as a battlefield in an abstract sense. The Ottoman Empire, which split the territory of Hungary into pieces by occupying its south-central part, had an unquestioned political, mental and spiritual influence on the ways religion and culture developed. “It is not the word of the Gospel that lures the Turks to Hungary, but the immense idolatry and other monstrosities that have been going on for ages,” writes Melanchthon in his commentary on the Book of Daniel. Luther and Melanchthon, as well as their Hungarian disciples, were well aware that Hungarian Reformation movements gained their true meaning in relation to challenges posed by the Ottoman occupation. * The chapters of the present volume discuss various aspects of the cultural and literary history of the hundred years that followed the battle of Mohács and the onset of the Reformation. The phenomena under review will be placed into the special Ottoman context of the Hungarian Reformation almost without exception. Even before the Protestant Reformation had any major influence, Erasmus’s Hungarian disciples, translating the New Testament into Hungarian according to the Erasmian version of the Bible, carried out kinds of spiritual

14

Introduction

reform. Hungarians who suffered Ottoman attacks identified themselves with an Erasmian interpretation of Christian martyrologies. In line with the historical perspective of Wittenberg reformers, some Protestant authors and sympathisers were convinced that Ottoman destruction was a punishment for the sins of Hungarians. Other Protestant authors rejected the veneration of saints and of the Virgin Mary because these had failed to protect the country against the Ottomans. Clearly, there are two sides to every story. The Reformation spread more easily and freely in the area under Ottoman occupation and in the Principality of Transylvania (a vassal state of the Porte) than in the Kingdom of Hungary under Habsburg rule. Radical trends of Protestantism, Antitrinitarianism and Szekler Sabbatarianism soon started to flourish in Ottoman-occupied Hungary and Transylvania. The Ottoman presence was not merely in name, and it could mean the coexistence of Ottoman bureaucrats and soldiers with the indigenous population even on the village level. Several chapters discuss the culture of occupied areas, the fascinating ways Christians came to terms with Muslim authorities, and how Muslims and Christians co-existed. The stories of renegades converting from Christianity to the Muslim faith, travellers reaching the far end of the Ottoman Empire and Persia, and Christian scholars digging deep into Oriental studies allow us a glimpse into the world of Islam in particular ways. They contribute to a less biased and more positive image of the Ottomans, as opposed to the image of the “archenemy of Christianity”. Such transcultural Ottoman activity, which led to the concept of the “good Turk,” was later embraced by Enlightenment philosophers such as Voltaire and Lessing. Just as some chapters discuss the culture of the Reformation in an Ottoman context, so are Ottomans placed into a Protestant framework. While influential renegade politicians and interpreters (dragomans) came to be involved in debates of Hungarian Protestants both in the occupied areas and Istanbul, Hungarian Protestant poets showed a keen interest in the fate of Christian Hungarians converting to Islam. At the same time, Protestant scholars, studying the history of the Ottoman Empire, also played key roles in missionary campaigns, taking the ideas of the Reformation to the Balkans. * If we look at the map of Hungary (fig. 1) in the time of the Ottoman occupation, we see important land and water routes reaching in all directions. These roads were not only used for military and commercial purposes, but also for the everyday circulation of intellectual goods. The works of famous Western European Reformers arrived in Ottoman Hungary with a speed that sometimes surpassed

Introduction

Fig. 1: Map of Hungary in the second half of the 16th century.

15

16

Introduction

modern postal services, while the books of Hungarian Protestant authors were published by major Western European publishing houses. Despite the Ottoman conquest and political fragmentation, Hungary formed a cultural unit. Books printed in different parts of the country were read everywhere. “If–like the Greeks – we have lost control over most of the territory of our country […], we should at least dedicate our language, history and literature to immortality,” writes a 16th century Hungarian humanist. The educated beys of Ottoman fortresses ordered books from Vienna; German and Greek renegades living in Istanbul read the works of Ottoman converts of Hungarian origin. In terms of language and ethnicity, the opposing garrisons at the Hungarian-Ottoman border were neither purely Hungarian nor Turkish – the enemies often shared the same Southern Slavic language. In the small market towns of Ottoman Hungary, Hungarians, Serbs, Croatians, Italians and Turks often lived side by side. There were also ethnic Greeks, Romanians, Slovaks, Gipsies, Jews, Germans, Italians, Flemish and Poles among them, as well as speakers of different languages and adepts of different religions, including Eastern Orthodox Christians, all who knew each other well. The culture of the early modern Hungarian Reformation is extremely manifold and multi-layered. Historical documents such as theological, political and literary works and pieces of art formed an interpretive, unified whole in the selfrepresentation of the era. Two interlinked ideas define this ideological and cultural diversity. One is the idea of Europeanness, of being tied to Christian Europe. The specific aspects of the Hungarian Reformation gain significance only when compared to Europe, when seen in a European context. All the subjects discussed here, from the interpretation of the psalms through the Protestant critique of the cult of saints to the theory of soul-sleeping, belong to Europe’s common culture. This is valid for the Erasmian movement, the Protestant Reformation and the so-called Catholic Reformation alike. The other unifying idea is in the concept of Reformation itself. The Reformation, despite its constant ideological fragmentation, sought universalism in all its branches. It was re-formatio in the original sense of the word; that is, restoration, an attempt to restore a bygone perfection imagined to be ideal. This was the only point in which all Reformation movements of the era agreed on, including the Catholic Reformation, which is discussed in the last chapters of the book. * I must admit that I love the period I study, and I may tend to idealize life in the 16th and 17th centuries. Of course, I know that this age is not better or worse than any other. These were harsh and cruel times in which chopped heads hung from

17

Introduction

the walls of Ottoman and Christian fortresses as war trophies, and religious opponents would often describe each other as devils springing straight out of hell. We can nonetheless affirm that people living in the age of the Ottoman period of Hungary were quite receptive of each other. The often cruel and violent debaters – Catholics and Protestants, Christians and Muslims – had studied each other’s works for years and lived close to each other also in a spiritual sense. There were lively and intricate commercial relations between the Christian world and Ottoman Hungary. This was not friendship, but a sense of connection. Fides – in the original Latin sense, this word does not mean only faith, but also trust and honesty. In early modern times, the word was still used in its original sense. We cannot yet talk about religious tolerance in this period in the modern sense. Still, there was a flourishing diversity of religious communities that existed side by side under different conditions and circumstances and mostly accepted each other in their diversity. During the one hundred years’ period discussed here, the Hungarian Reformation hardly had any martyrs. Islam also allowed the free religious practice of both Christians and Jews. A basic comparison with other places in Europe helps to understand the idiosyncratic nature of this pre-tolerance state of mind. * Now, as I let my book go, I am aware that the framework or perspective I am offering here will almost immediately become out-dated – and this is the way it should be, as every author composing the last word of a book must face the fact that his or her work, sooner rather than later, will become obsolete. All historical works unavoidably wear out. Neither memory nor scholarship may reconstruct the times of yore as they “really” took place, not only because there never existed a unified and undivided “reality”. Although all books are by the past, they can never leave their own present. Our image of bygone times only registers the moment of the creation of that image. History is nothing, but the past seen from the present.

Part One: Erasmian Challenges

Chapter 1: Erasmus and the Hungarian Intellectuals of the 16th Century

Several excellent studies have already dealt with the influence Erasmus had on the life of the Hungarian humanist intellectuals of the 16th century.1 Thorough analyses treat the significant role Erasmus played in the evolution of the “lingua vulgaris” of Hungarian literature, meaning the Erasmian spirit infiltrating the autonomous Hungarian literary endeavours arising out of the framework of monastic culture, wishing to be free from the tight ecclesiastic control.2 Presently I can only attempt to sum up and systematise these Erasmian literary programmes − with special attention paid to their inherent connections points, similarities and differences. There is no way here to consider all the European humanist intellectuals who conveyed the ideas of Erasmian humanism to the various groups of Hungarian writers of the 16th century. However, at times I will mention the foreign masters and professors of the Hungarian Erasmians, who planted the thoughts of Erasmus in the Hungarian students educated − in the absence of a university in Hungary − at Cracow, Vienna or Wittenberg.3 This system of international 1 Imre Trencsényi-Waldapfel, Erasmus és magyar barátai (Budapest: Officina, 1941); Rabán Gerézdi, “Érasme et la Hongrie,” in Littérature hongroise, littérature européene, études de littérature comparé, ed. István So˝tér and Ottó Süpek (Budapest: Académie des Sciences, 1964), 129–154; Tibor Kardos, “L’esprit d’Érasme en Hongrie,” in Colloquia Erasmiana Turonensia: Douzième Stage International D’Études Humanistes, Tours, 1968. De Pétrarque à Descartes 24, ed. Jean-Claude Margolin (Paris: Vrin, 1972), vol. 1, 187−216; Ágnes Ritoók-Szalay, “Erasmus und die ungarischen Intellektuellen des 16. Jahrhunderts,” in Erasmus und Europa, ed. August Buck. Wolfenbütteler Abhandlungen zur Renaissanceforschung 7 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, ˝ L, vol. 2, 348−352. 1988), 111−128; István Bartók, “Erasmus hatása,” in MAMU 2 József Turóczi-Trostler, “A magyar nyelv felfedezése. Két tanulmány az európai és a magyar humanizmus kapcsolatáról” in idem, Magyar irodalom – világirodalom (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1961), vol. 1, 17–72; Pál Ács, “A magyar irodalmi nyelv két elmélete: az erazmista és a Balassi-követo˝,” in idem, ‘Az ido˝ ósága.’ Történetiség és történetszemlélet a régi magyar irodalomban (Budapest: Osiris, 2001), 13−31. 3 Jacqueline Glomski, Patronage and humanist literature in the age of the Jagiellons. Court and career in the writings of Rudolf Agricola Junior, Valentin Eck, and Leonard Cox. Erasmus Studies 16 (Toronto: University Press, 2007); Ágnes Juhász-Ormsby, “Leonard Cox and the

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Erasmus and the Hungarian Intellectuals of the 16th Century

connections is only being uncovered in its actual depth in the light of recent studies conducted by Hungarian Erasmus scholars in the field of the history of ideas, rhetoric and poetry. The consecutive phases of Hungarian Erasmianism are usually grouped around three topics − especially characteristic of the individual periods. In this view the early period dealt with humanist philology, in the second phase theology and ethics gained preeminence, while the third or late phase was mainly characterised by an interest in “philosophia sacra”. If we concentrate more on the activities of Erasmians writing in Hungarian, we can see that these topics are present from the beginning in all of the literary programmes and create a coherent logical unit. It is well known that the philological, theological and philosophical writings of Erasmus were already around in the libraries of Hungarian humanists previously to the battle of Mohács (1526) − marking a borderline in terms of history and literary history as well. A copy of the Adagia, which played an ever so important part in the creation of Hungarian philology appeared in Hungary in the 1510s.4 The New Testament translations of Erasmus, that gave inspiration to a whole series of Hungarian translations of the Bible, were usually in the hands of Hungarian humanists in the year of their publication: the first publication of the Novum Testamentum graeca et latine in 1516 was used in Sopron,5 the volume of the Paraphrasis in epistolas apostolicas published in 1523 was bound in leather in Hungary around the year of its publication,6 while the volume of the Paraphrases in Novum Testamentum published in 1524 was owned by Miklós Petri, canon of Veszprém, in the year of its publication.7 It is the widely held opinion of researchers of the Hungarian Erasmus-reception that Erasmus’s works most valued by the posterity − and the most original ones − that is, the Laus Stultitiae and the Colloquia, were hardly known to the Hungarian reader.8 A letter of Celio Calcagnini in which the Erasmian of Ferrara relates that he had sent a copy of the

4 5 6 7 8

Erasmian circles of early sixteenth-century England,” in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Upsaliensis, ed. Alejandro Coroleu and Domenico Defilippis (Leiden, Brill, 2012); Farkas Gábor Kiss, “Az elso˝, részben magyar nyelvu˝ nyomtatvány. Melanchthon: Elementa Latinae grammatices, Krakkó, Vietor, 1526,” in MONOKgraphia. Tanulmányok Monok István 60. születésnapjára, ed. Attila Verók and Edina Zvara (Budapest: Kossuth Kiadó), 2016, 375−379. Ottó Kelényi B., Egy magyar humanista glosszái Erasmus Adagiajához (Budapest: Fo˝városi Könyvtár, 1939). See the chapter The reception of Erasmianism in Hungary and the contexts of the Erasmian programme in this volume. Éva Sz. Koroknay, Magyar reneszánsz könyvkötések. Cahiers d’histoire de l’art (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1973), 65. Edith Hoffmann, Régi magyar bibliofilek, ed. Tünde Wehli (Budapest: MTA Mu˝vészettörténeti Kutatóintézet, 1992), 285. Rabán Gerézdi, “Egy magyar humanizmus-történenet margójára,” in idem, Janus Pannoniustól Balassi Bálintig. Tanulmányok (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1968), 193−196.

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1518 new publication of the Laus Stultitiae to his friend, Ferenc Perényi, Bishop of Várad (Nagyvárad, today Oradea, Romania), an excellent humanist who later died on the battlefield of Mohács, may not refute, only slightly modify this opinion.9 Tamás Pelei − canon of Gyulafehérvár (today Alba Iulia, Romania) − betrays a rather comprehensive knowledge of the works of Erasmus. He provided plenty of hand-written notes to his copy of Adagia bought in Buda in 1515. It is apparent from his notes that he was equally familiar with the Familiarum colloquiorum formulae, the Enchiridion militis Christiani and the Paraphrasis super epistolas Paulinas − proving that he was well versed in all three above mentioned Erasmian topics.10 By the time the really influential works of Erasmus were published, humanism in Hungary was over its peak: the poetry of Janus Pannonius, the historical works of Antonio Bonfini and the establishment of the world-famous Bibliotheca Corvina, all belonged to the humanism of the previous 15th century, to the history of the Renaissance court of King Matthias Corvinus.11 No wonder that Erasmus working at the workshop of Aldus Manutius in Venice considered Hungary as the place where the important and good quality manuscripts essential for philological studies could be purchased for good money.12 During the coming decades Erasmus conversed with his Hungarian friends who were familiar with the newest trends in humanism through personal contacts and especially via correspondence that connected and bound together the great family of humanists. From among these friends I shall only mention Jacobus Piso, the excellent poet. They met in Rome in 1509. Their relationship began when Piso, accidentally coming across a bundle of Erasmus’ original letters at a bookseller’s in Rome, bought and presented these to the master. This gesture made Erasmus realise the literary value of his letters and that he should take more care of them.13 Of course it was the humanism of the age of King Matthias Corvinus and the Jagiellonians which created a well-founded basis for the Hungarian reception of Erasmian intellectuality.

9 Trencsényi-Waldapfel, Erasmus és magyar barátai, 56−57; cf. József Huszti, “Celio Calcagnini in Ungheria,” Corvina: 2 (1922): fasc. 3, 57−71; 3 (1922): fasc. 6, 60−69. 10 Kelényi, Egy magyar humanista glosszái, 44. 11 László Szörényi, “Introduzione alla recente storiografia sul rinascimento in Ungheria,” in Italy & Hungary. Humanism and art in the early Renaissance. Acts of an International Conference Florence, Villa I Tatti, 6–8 June 2007, ed. Péter Farbaky and Louis A. Waldman (Florence: Leo S. Olschki, 2011), 45−53. 12 Rabán Gerézdi, “Aldus Manutius magyar barátai,” in Gerézdi, Janus Pannoniustól Balassi Bálintig, 204−266. 13 Trencsényi-Waldapfel, Erasmus és magyar barátai, 20; on Jacobus Piso see László Jankovits, “Jacobus Piso, a Hungarian humanist in Rome,” in Farbaky−Waldmann (eds.), Italy & Hungary, 217−226.

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Erasmus and the Hungarian Intellectuals of the 16th Century

The influence of Erasmus can be traced in three consecutive periods of the vernacular Hungarian literature of the 16th century: first, in the critical thoughts of Hungarian Erasmians working on the translation and propagation of the vernacular Bible; later on, in the literary and aesthetic theory of the spreading Protestant humanism; and finally, in the late Renaissance period of the turn of the 16th and 17th century, in the œuvre of the Stoic intellectuals attracted by the ideas of Justus Lipsius. Indeed, the above literary programmes interpreted the ideas of Erasmus in different ways, always emphasising the thoughts serving their aims. Nevertheless, the Erasmians translating the Bible, the Protestant writers and the Stoic intellectuals all enjoyed dealing with the problems of the literary language, the interpretation of the Bible from a humanist viewpoint and the philosophical foundations of Christianity. “I for myself, would prefer all women to read the Gospel and the letters of Saint Paul. And they should be translated to all possible languages” − Erasmus says in the Paraclesis.14 Actually there were three Hungarian writers who followed this advice in the second half of the 1530s. The first follower of Erasmus writing in Hungarian was Benedek Komjáti.15 He published the Hungarian translation of the epistles of Saint Paul in Cracow in 1533, which was the first book to be printed in Hungarian. Although he did not refer to Erasmus by name, he was working from his translation, took the introductions to the epistles from him and also incorporated the commentaries of Erasmus in his translated text. However crude and timid these trials were, Komjáti’s literary achievement cannot be denied. Gábor Pesti − an intellectual belonging to the circles of the royal chancellery − can take credit for the wholescale development of the Erasmian literary programme. He studied at the University of Vienna where he established good contact with the Erasmian − anti-Lutheran − circle of professors, especially with Johannes Alexander Brassicanus.16 He published two books in Hungarian in Vienna in 1536: the Fables of Aesop17 and the New Testament.18 He translated the fables of the Greek Aesop into simple, clear vernacular − taking the advice of Erasmus concerning the educational usefulness of the “poetarum fabulae”. Two 14 LB, vol. V, 142 E–F, 140 B–C. 15 See the chapter The reception of Erasmianism in Hungary and the contexts of the Erasmian programme in this volume. ˝ L, vol. 9, 145−149. 16 Pál Ács, “Pesti Gábor,” in MAMU 17 Aesopi phrygis fabulae, Gabriele Pannonio Pesthino interprete (Vienna: Singrenius, 1536), and ed. Pál Ács (Budapest: Magveto˝, 1980). 18 Novum Testamentum seu quattuor evangeliorum volumina lingua Hungarica donata, Gabriele Pannonio Pesthino interprete (Vienna: Singrenius, 1536), and facsimile ed. Péter Ko˝szeghy, epilogue Ildikó Hubert. BHA 34 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2002).

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years later Gábor Pesti published also in Vienna his dictionary of six languages.19 Although this collection of words − Nomenclatura sex linguarum − follows the tradition of the glossaries compiled at the end of the Middle Ages, it is much richer than those were. Pesti provided Hungarian interpretations to a dictionary of five languages published in Nuremberg. The most talented and most influential representative of Hungarian Erasmianism was János Sylvester.20 He was the one who established Hungarian linguistics and literary studies. At the University of Cracow from 1527 onwards he belonged to the circle of the English Erasmian Leonard Cox,21 while later in Wittenberg, he became the student of Philip Melanchthon.22 On returning to Hungary in 1534, he entered the service of one of the richest aristocrats, Tamás Nádasdy.23 He organised his Bible translation workshop on the estate of his patron in Sárvár-Újsziget.24 Parallel to translating the New Testament, he also studied the grammatical system of the Hungarian language. His work entitled Grammatica Hungarolatina, which is the first descriptive grammar book of the Hungarian language, was published in 1539.25 When dealing with the phonetic structure of Hungarian, he also made use of his knowledge of Hebrew.26 Recent research renders it possible that this Hungarian grammar book had an effect on the famous German grammar of Marcus Crodelius − the Grammatica Latinogermanica.27 The complete translation of the New Testament published by János Sylvester in 1541 closely follows the translation and commentaries by Erasmus.28 While working on his translation, Sylvester realised that the Hun-

19 Nomenclatura sex linguarum. Latinae, Italicae, Gallicae, Bohemicae, Hungaricae et Germanicae… Per Gabrielem Pannonium Pesthinum (Vienna: Singrenius, 1538), and facsimile ed. József Molnár. Fontes ad Historiam Linguarum Populorumque Uraliensium 2 (Budapest: ELTE, 1975). 20 István Bartók, ‘Nem egyéb, hanem magyar poézis.’ Sylvester János nyelv- és irodalomszemlélete európai és magyar összefüggésekben (Budapest: Universitas, 2007). 21 Farkas Gábor Kiss, “Sylvester János elso˝ verse,” Magyar Könyvszemle 132 (2016): 72–74. 22 Juhász-Ormsby, “Leonard Cox.” 23 On Tamás Nádasdy see the chapter Alvise Gritti and Tamás Nádasdy in this volume. 24 János Balázs, Sylvester János és kora (Budapest: Tankönyvkiadó, 1958), 160−165. 25 Ioannes Sylvester, Grammatica Hungarolatina (Sárvár-Újsziget: Abádi, 1539), and ed. István Bartók. Bibliotheca Scriptorum Medii Recentisque Aevorum. Series Nova 15 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó−Argumentum, 2006). 26 Róbert Dán, Humanizmus, reformáció, antitrinitarizmus és a héber nyelv Magyarországon. Humanizmus és reformáció 2 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1973), 37−46. 27 Bartók, ‘Nem egyéb, hanem magyar poézis,’ 96−99. 28 János Sylvester, Új Testamentum (Sárvár-Újsziget, Abádi, 1541), and facsimile edition and epilogue Béla Varjas. BHA 1 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1960). New facsimile edition and complementary study Edina Zvara. Budapest: Kossuth Kiadó−MTA Könyvtár és Információs Központ, 2017.

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garian language lends itself to metrical poetry: so he put the summary of the books of the New Testament into Hungarian distichs.29 The works of the Hungarian Erasmians spring from a unified, well-considered creative concept, and it is this − among others − that sets them apart from monastic literary works: they wished to establish a cultivated Hungarian literary language on the basis of humanist aspects. First they wanted to make this “vulgar” vernacular language suitable for translating the Bible in terms of grammar and rhetorics, and only when this had been done did they want to attempt to translate the Holy Scripture. All three Hungarian authors agreed with Erasmus on his opinion about historia and fabula.30 They realised that the “false fables” so much detested in the Middle Ages together with the proverbs, similes, parables and metaphors − with which “the Holy Scripture abounds” in János Sylvester’s words − are the most important elements of the Hungarian literary language as well. These must be collected, interpreted and systematised, because this is the precondition of translating the Bible. “God, who at sundry times and in divers manners spake in time past unto the fathers by the prophets, / Hath in these last days spoken unto us by his Son”31 − this quotation from The Epistle to the Hebrews is placed at the beginning of the translations of the Bible by both Gábor Pesti and János Sylvester. All three translators convey the topical, Erasmian message of the New Testament doing away with the linguistic barriers and talking directly to the reader. They wished to create a book “in which the Saviour Christ himself talks in Hungarian.”32 However much opposition the Hungarian translators of the Bible encountered, they strove to establish an independent Christian intellectual lifestyle for themselves following the example of Erasmus. Gábor Pesti, for instance, rejected priesthood despite his theological qualifications and the wish of his family and joined the freer secular intellectuals’ rather uncertain life. “I live a sad life − he says in one of his letters − which would have embittered me long ago, had the holy words − sweeter than honey − of my Christ not consoled me.”33 Perceiving in these words the philosophy of Erasmus professing inner independence, the honour of scholarly work and a personal Christian belief is not difficult. 29 János Horváth, “‘Próféták által szólt rígen,’” in idem, Tanulmányok (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1956), 48–60. 30 Peter G. Bietenholz. Historia and fabula. Myths and legends in historical thought from antiquity to the modern age. Brill’s studies in intellectual history 59 (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 147−149. 31 “Multifarie multisque modis deus olim locutus patribus per Prophetas, extremis autem diebus locutus est nobis per filium.” (He 1, 1−2.) 32 “…in quo Christus ipse humani generis redemptor… hungarice loquitur.” Sylvester, Új Testamentum, [A2]v. 33 Rabán Gerézdi, “Irodalmi nyelvünk kialakulása,” in Gerézdi, Janus Pannoniustól Balassi Bálintig, 324.

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The Bible translators’ loyalty to the Erasmian thought is indicated by the fact that none of them joined the quickly spreading Reformation. This fact is all the more peculiar since the first Hungarian reformers came from the same intellectual environment as the Erasmians. Most reformers studied at the universities of Cracow and Wittenberg, and later on many of them appeared at the court of Tamás Nádasdy in Sárvár. Benedek Abádi34 − the printer and publisher of the New Testament of János Sylvester − learned his profession at the Vietor printing house in Cracow. He participated in publishing both Erasmian and Protestant books, though he was a supporter of Reformation so much so that later on he became a minister himself. The acute differences between Luther and Erasmus appeared only slowly and in a less pronounced way amongst their Hungarian followers. It is a well-known fact that although Erasmus opposed the Reformation, the Catholic Church reorganised after the Council of Trent sharply criticised him for his sceptic theological ideas appearing in his works and put his works on index.35 The books of Erasmus were quickly driven out of Catholic schools. At the same time, however much the newly organised Protestant educational institutions reprimanded his hesitation in the question of Reformation, they could not do without the enormous system of argumentation against Catholicism the master provided in his writings. The text-books of the master were well used by the vernacular programme of the Reformation. Although the question still remains how far the Protestant use wore away the original thoughts of Erasmus. Nevertheless, Protestant printing presses in Hungary published the text-books of the master one after the other beginning with 1539. In Debrecen, the town humorously called “the Calvinist Rome,” and other Protestant printing presses several works of Erasmus were published in Latin-Hungarian bilingual editions for educational use starting with 1591. The abridged edition of the Colloquia, the Selecta was also popular.36 Following in the footsteps of Erasmus, Protestant humanists ceaselessly collected the Hungarian proverbs during the entire 16th century, which were very much needed by the vernacular devotional literature booming in the period. Erasmus created a fashion: we can often meet with systematic collectors of 34 Miklós Kovács, Abádi Benedek. Nyomdász és prédikátor a reformáció ho˝skorában (Szeged: ADG Stúdió, 2012). 35 Silvana Seidel Menchi, Erasmus als Ketzer. Reformation und Inquisition im Italien des 16. Jahrhunderts. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thougt 49 (Leiden: Brill, 1993). 36 István Monok, “The distribution of works by Erasmus in the Carpathian Basin during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Summary of statistical spread;” Gábor Kecskeméti, “Erasmian method, Sturmian source, Amesian intension. Cicero in schools as transmitted by Erasmus and Sturm,” in Republic of letters, humanism, humanities. Selected papers of the workshop held at the Collegium Budapest in cooperation with NIAS between November 25 and 28, 1999, ed. Marcell Sebo˝k (Budapest: Collegium Budapest, 2005), 35−44; 93−106.

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proverbs in the Hungarian private correspondence of the age. The culmination of this work came with the Adagia translation (published in 1598) by the greatly talented János Baranyai Decsi, in which he included many original Hungarian proverbs − used even today − besides the translations and adaptations of the ancient ones.37 Although Reformation viewed the theological works of Erasmus with suspicion and did not utilise the Erasmian Bible translations, they made good use of the Erasmian argumentation of Biblical criticism. Erasmus’ critical standpoint in the question of Trinity was especially popular among radical reformers.38 Martyrology and apocalypticism playing such an important role in the ideological system of 16th century Protestantism was also influenced by Erasmus. The master published the apocryphal 4th book of the Maccabees based on the local traditions of Cologne in 1517. The book entitled De imperio rationis falsely attributed to Josephus Flavius was included in the collected works of Josephus together with Erasmus’ Epistola dedicatoria. The foreword and the book itself − viewing the Catholic cult of saints in a sceptic and allegoric way − came to be very popular in Hungarian Protestant literature: we know of three of its rhymed translations. Protestants living in the territory under Ottoman conquest identified themselves with the example of the “Holy Maccabees” martyred for their faith during the Jewish persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes. Thus in an indirect way Erasmus shaped the aspect of Hungarian Protestant intellectuality by providing the behavioural patterns of readiness to sacrifice, endurance and apocalyptic expectations.39 A need for the Hungarian translation of the philosophy of Erasmus emerged among Hungarian Protestants at the turn of the 16th and 17th century. György Salánki published the complete translation of the Enchiridion militis Christiani in 162740 at the expense of György Rákóczi, the future Prince of Transylvania. The idea of the translation itself came from the Calvinist aristocrat. It is not the literary standard of the book that makes it really significant, but the cultural environment it originates from. This work of Salánki is part of the late Renaissance literature of Hungary influenced by the neo-Stoic ideology of Justus 37 János Baranyai Decsi, Adagiorum graecolatinoungaricorum chiliades quinque (Bártfa: Iacobus Klöss, 1598). 38 Mihály Balázs, “Erasmus und die siebenbürgischen Antitrinitarier,” in Sebo˝k (ed.), Republic of letters, 75−92; Grantley McDonald, Biblical criticism in Early Modern Europe. Erasmus, the Johannine Comma and Trinitarian debate (Cambridge: University Press, 2016), 86−111. 39 See the chapter The names of the Holy Maccabees. Erasmus and the origin of the Hungarian Protestant martyrology in this volume. 40 György Salánki, Rotterdami Rézmánnak az keresztyén vitézséget tanító kézben viselo˝ könyvecskéje (Leiden: Wourdai, 1627); Tibor Klaniczay, “Egy epizód Erasmus utóéletébo˝l: a Magyar Enchiridion (1627),” in idem, Pallas magyar ivadékai (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1985), 129−137.

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Lipsius.41 Lipsius was the Erasmus of the Stoics. Erasmus’s piece of moral philosophy excellently fitted the Enchiridion of Epictetus and the De Constantia of Justus Lipsius in the circles of the “hortus Lipsianus,” that is, in the neo-Stoic literary world. Erasmus gave self-confidence, a “spiritual weapon” to the nobility of the age concerned about the fate of the country. This is the most enduring element of the influence of Erasmus exerted in Hungary: creating the behaviour pattern of inner independence, and thus giving an authentic and prevailing life programme to the intellectuals. While this kind of effect was becoming generally more and more valid, the number of Erasmus’ readers decreased. After a time he was not a challenge any more for the intellectuals, who came to life and acted as he wanted them to. His ideas became timely again when they became endangered. It happened during the dictatorships of Nazism and communism, and it happens nowadays, when humanist gentleness and spiritual intensity, the ideas of Erasmus have been pushed in the background once again.

41 Nicolette Mout, “‘Our people are dedicating themselves to Mars rather than to Pallas.’ Justus Lipsius (1547−1606) and his perception of Hungary according to his correspondence,” in Történetek a mélyföldro˝l. Magyarország és Németalföld kapcsolata a kora újkorban, ed. Réka Bozzay (Debrecen: Prinart-Press Kft, 2014), 398−442.

Chapter 2: The Names of the Holy Maccabees – Erasmus and the Origin of Hungarian Protestant Martyrology

There are three 16th century Protestant poetic works in Hungarian treating one and the same story: the martyrdom of the Jewish priest Eleazar, the seven confessor youths and their mother during the Jewish persecution by the Seleucid king Antiochus IV Epiphanes.1 The sufferings of the nine Jewish martyrs were treated by Mihály Sztárai in a shorter form, by Miklós Bornemisza in a more detailed form, while by Antal Zombori in more than two thousand lines. He related at length how the tyrant attempted to dissuade them from the Law of Moses, how he tried to persuade them to eat pork, first by fair words then by threats, and when they one by one refused him, he submitted them to horrible torture till they all died. The mother of the Jewish youths is taken to the king at the end. She is offered the possibility of rescuing her youngest son from this cruel death by persuading him to reject his faith. Yet, the mother incites him to follow his brothers – so finally they are both executed. All three Hungarian authors name as their source the 6th and 7th chapters of The Second Book of the Maccabees. The story of the martyrs is indeed to be found there. Nevertheless, this book of the Bible cannot be the only source of these martyr stories, as all three verse-chronicles differ from the Bible in several essential aspects. Antal Zombori for example seems to know where the executions took place: according to him the events took place in the “city of Susandron” located in “the province” of Antiochus Epiphanes, which is in Syria. 1 Mihály Sztárai (1546 – RMKT XVI, vol. 1, 317; RPHA № 1194), Miklós Bornemisza (1568 – RMKT XVI vol. 7, 22–36; RPHA № 852), and Antal Zombori (1582 – RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 257; RPHA № 1255). The three authors belonged to three different Protestant denominations. Sztárai (about him see the chapter Thomas Cranmer’s martyrdom as parable in this volume) was Lutheran, Antal Zombori was a Calvinist minister in Paks (cf. László Földváry, Adalékok a dunamelléki ev. ref. egyházkerület történetéhez, vol. 1 [Budapest: Werbo˝czy Nyomda, 1898], 64.), and Miklós Bornemisza was attracted to the Antitrinitarianism (István Botta, “Bornemisza Miklós,” Lelkipásztor 63 [1988]: 527–537.).

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All three poems consider Eleazar the father of the youths. Miklós Bornemisza and Antal Zombori know the exact way the mother was murdered. Antal Zombori says the youths came from the family of the “Machabeans” and he calls their mother “Machabea”. All three Hungarian authors seem to know the names of the martyrs and that of the mother as well. Sztárai says: “Salamana is the name of the mother, / Makabeus is her first son, / Aber, Makir, Akaz, Aret, Iudas, Iakob are called the rest.” There is no trace of these names, the location or the family relation of Eleazar and the youths and of many other important elements of the story in The Second Book of the Maccabees. The description of the tortures and the executions in the Hungarian poems also differ from that depicted in the Bible. These curious variations in the text have raised the attention of Hungarian scholars from the beginning of the 20th century,2 even more so as this is not a simple martyr story, but the archetype of all martyr stories providing a literary pattern of suffering torture and the heroism of martyrs.3 Still, they did not find the source of the poems. Hoping that the names will lead us to the source of the Biblical story, let us search for a tradition including the names of the martyrs, first in the history of the cult of martyrs and their relics, then later among the literary works connected to this cult. As a starting point, the location of the Biblical narrative should be defined. The Second Book of the Maccabees is silent on this point, but the Hungarian stories point toward Syria. Theologians still debate the scene of the executions – Jerusalem4 and Antioch5 being the two possible locations. However, I would say, the question of where and why the cult of the martyrs called the Maccabees was established is more apt. Nothing points to Jerusalem from this aspect, but rather

2 János Horváth, A reformáció jegyében. A Mohács utáni félszázad irodalomtörténete (Budapest: Gondolat, 1957), 446; see the notes to the critical edition of the poem of Miklós Bornemisza, written by Lajos Dézsi, RMKT XVI, vol. 7, 450; Lajos Katona, A magyar elbeszélo˝ költészet a 16. században (Budapest: s. n., 1909–1910), vol. 2, 10–46. 3 Hippolyte Delehaye, The legends of the saints, transl. by Donald Attwater (New York: Fordham University Press, 1962). 4 Elias Bickermann, Der Gott der Makkabäer. Untersuchungen über Sinn und Ursprung der Makkabäischen Erhebung (Berlin: Schocken Verlag, 1937), 121. The review of the opinion of Bickermann’s critics see Albert I. Baumgarten, “Russian-Jewish ideas in German dress. Elias Bickermann on the Hellenizing reformers of Jewish antiquity,” in The Russian Jewish diaspora and European culture, 1917−1937, ed. Jörg Schulte, Olga Tabachnikova, and Peter Wagstaff (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 73−108. 5 Joachim Jeremias, Heiligengräber in Jesu Umwelt (Mt. 23, 29; Lk. 11, 47). Eine Untersuchung zur Volksreligion der Zeit Jesu (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1958), 19.

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to Antioch, one of the capitals of the Hellenistic world.6 This supposition is supported by the fact that Antiochus never returned to Jerusalem after the issuing of the anti-Jewish decree (167 BC) and even left Syria soon after. His presence at the execution is mere fiction. This whole martyr story is a Jewish national, religious propaganda work originating from the time of the persecutions or shortly after.7 In the eyes of the Jews, the persecutions represented the Apocalypse. The persecutors – from Antiochus to Hadrian – were the “ultimate enemy” while the rebels – from Judas Maccabeus to Simon bar Kokhba – appeared as the soldiers of the Messiah king.8 In this scenario the holy martyrs of the faith receive a special role. The worship of the martyrs is closely connected to the expectations concerning the coming messianic age. Jews did not believe in immortality, yet they thought that the spirits of martyrs were immortal. Their death was not final, they only perished to be “cleaned and purified till the ends of times” (Dan. 11, 35).9 This concept appears in Jewish literature for the first time in connection with the persecutions of Antiochus. As Renan put it: “the seven young martyrs and their mother find their strength in the idea that they will be resurrected while Antiochus will not.”10 The Wisdom of Solomon (3, 4–6) refers to them when saying: “for though in the sight of men they were punished, their hope is full of immortality […] They will govern nations and rule over peoples; and the Lord will reign over them for ever.” Resurrection and glorification are the reward of martyrs, the millennial reign in the kingdom of the Messiah. A kind of saint cult emerged around the Maccabean martyrs in Antioch of the late antiquity, the roots of which lay in immortality. It is a fact that the bodies were taken to the synagogue of the Jewish quarter of the city called Kerataion from an unknown place. Tombs were untouchable according to the Jewish laws of cleanliness, however the holy bodies were made approachable by inserting a partition wall or an empty chamber, so the believers could pray and beg for their mediation as did the Christians later on.11 The name of the martyrs’ mother 6 Max Maas, “Die Maccabäer als christliche Heilige,” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 44 (1900): 148. Cf. Glanville Downey, History of Antioch (Princeton: University Press, 2015). 7 Victor Tcherikover, Hellenistic civilization and the Jews (Philadelphia–Jerusalem: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1959), 200. 8 Jan Assmann, Das kulturelle Gedächtnis. Schrift, Erinnerung und politische Identität in frühen Hochkulturen (München: C. H. Beck, 2007), 204−207. 9 Cf. Géza Vermes, Jesus and the world of Judaism (London: SCM Press, 1983). 10 Joseph Ernest Renan, L’antechrist (Paris: Michel Lévy Frères, 1873), 467. 11 Jeremias, Heiligengräber, 127–137; Theodor Klauser, Christlicher Märtyrerkult, heidnischer Heroenkult und jüdische Heiligenverehrung (Köln−Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1960), 34; Johannes Hahn, “The veneration of the Maccabean brothers in fourth century Antioch. Religious competition, martyrdom, and innovation,” in Dying for the faith, killing for the

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appears in post-Biblical Hebrew sources; for example in the Josippon – paraphrasing Josephus – she is called ‘Hannah’, while rabbinical texts mention her as “Miriam daughter of Tanchum”.12 The Christians occupied the synagogue in the 4th century13 and erected a Christian church on top of it; they also built a marthyrion (martyry) for the saints.14 What sort of ornamentation covered the walls? The part of a fresco depicting a martyr scene from about the 5th–6th century uncovered near Antioch in 1938 points to the existence of an early Maccabean cycle.15 The church in Antioch was named after St. Salamona (Ashmunit).16 In the crypt the tombs of Eleazar (Ezra), Ashmunit and the seven youths were represented.17 The Greek legendary known as Ménologion includes the name of St. Salamona.18 The calendars of the Slavic, Arabic and Syrian churches also list her by name.19 Following the terrible 6th-century earthquakes in Antioch, the relics were taken to Constantinople to the Maccabean church located in the district presently called Galata.20 Then, during the time of Pope Pelagius I (556–560), Emperor Justinian presented part of the relics (the bones and ashes of the seven youths) to Rome; however, the bones of Eleazar and Salamona remained in Constantinople. They were worshipped simultaneously in the three cities. The seven youths were placed in the San Pietro in Vincoli church; their tomb was uncovered in 1875 in the crypt of the church under the altar in an early Christian sarcophagus divided

12

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

faith. Old-Testament faith-warriors (1 and 2 Maccabees) in historical perspective. Brill’s studies in intellectual history 206, ed. Gabriela Signori (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 79−104. Cf. “Pour out thy bread on the burial of the just but give nothing to the wicked.” (Tobit 4,17.) On the history of the Christianisation of the Jewish martyrs and the connection between the memorial day of the Holy Maccabees (the 1st of August) and the Jewish Day of Mourning (the 9th of the month of av) see Vilmos Bacher, “Jüdische Märtyrer im christlichen Kalender,” Jahrbuch für jüdische Geschichte und Literatur 4 (1901): 70–85; Albrecht Berger, “The cult of the Maccabees in the Eastern Orthodox Church,” in Signori (ed.), Dying for the faith, 114; Daniel Joslyn-Siemiatkoski, “The mother and seven sons in late antique and medieval ashkenazi Judaism. Narrative transformation and communal identity,” ibid. 127−146. Cf. Encyclopaedia Judaica, see the headwords Antioch, Maccabees, Hannah and her seven sons and Josippon. Maas, “Die Maccabäer,” 153; Bacher, “Jüdische Märtyrer,” 54–55. Klauser, Christlicher Märtyrerkult, 34; Ernst Bammel, “Zum jüdischen Märtyrerkult,” Theologische Literaturzeitung 78 (1953), 119−126; Hahn, “The veneration of the Maccabean brothers,” 95. Roswitha Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein in St Andreas zu Köln (Bonn: Rheinische FriedrichWilhelm-Universität, 1970), 55. Elie Bikerman, “Les Maccabées de Malalas,” Byzantion 21 (1951): 74. Maas, “Die Maccabäer,” 151, 153. PG, vol. 117, 567–568. Nicolaus Nilles, Kalendarium Manuale utriusque ecclesiae Orientalis et Occidentalis, Oeniponte (Innsbruck: Rauch, 1896), vol. 1, 230 (the 1st of August); Bacher, “Jüdische Märtyrer,” 57. LThK, vol. 6, 1318; Maas, “Die Maccabäer,” 154.

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in seven by Phrygian marble tablets.21 The concurrence of the day of St. Peter in Chains and the Memorial Day of the Maccabees (1. August) is undoubtedly connected to the above fact.22 In the Church of Santa Maria Antiqua in the Forum Romanum – used by Greek monks living in Rome – a fresco dating from the 7th century can still be seen with the inscriptions of the names of “Salomone” and “Eleazar,” the names of the youths are not there though.23 The names of all the seven martyrs are listed in old Greek calendars. Nicolaus Nilles says in his Kalendarium Manuale: “in Menaeis [that is in the calendars of] graecis memorantur ss. Machabei sub nominibus propriis: Abeim, Antoniu, Guria, Eleazaru, Eusebona, Acheim, Markellu.”24 Augustin Calmet – a 17th century Benedictine exegete – found these names with slight variations in a codex in Spain,25 while exactly the same names can be found in a codex from Paris dating from the 9th century depicting martyr scenes as the illustrations for the homily of St. Gregory of Nazianzus dealing with the Maccabees.26 Thus, the Jewish martyrs became Christian ones.27 St. Gregory of Nazianzus lists the Holy Maccabees together with the protomartyr St. Stephen.28 This is possible because early Christianity took over the Jewish apocalypse in a just about unchanged form. The second coming of Christ and the millennium provided the sufferings with a purpose.29 As time went by and the “Kingdom of God” still did not come, and as the apocalyptic writings spiteful against Rome became untimely, the martyr cult closely connected to it turned more and more popular. And the initial vigour of the Christian apocalypse lived on as the whole in a part. This is what we know of the Eastern Christian tradition including the names of the martyrs. It also appears that this tradition was not unknown to the west either. Nevertheless, these martyr names well-known to the Eastern Church do not coincide with those appearing in Hungarian Biblical stories.

21 Mariano Rampolla del Tindaro, Del luogo del martirio e del sepolcro dei Maccabei (Roma: Tipografia Vaticana, 1897); Maas, “Die Maccabäer,” 154; Berger, “The cult of the Maccabees,” 106. 22 Johannes Peter Kirsch, Der stadtrömische christliche Festkalender im Altertum. Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen 7−8 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1925), 165. 23 Richard Krautheimer, Roma. Profilo di una città, 312–1308 (Roma: Edizioni dell’Elefante, 1981), 130; Hans Belting, Bild und Kult. Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem Zeitalter der Kunst (München: C. H. Beck, 1993), 133; image 67; Berger, “The cult of the Maccabees,” 110. 24 Nilles, Kalendarium Manuale, vol. 1, 230; Berger, “The cult of the Maccabees,” 114. 25 Augustin Calmet, Commentarius literaris in omnes libros veteris testamenti, latinis literis traditus a Joanne Dominico Mansi (Würzburg: Franz Xaver Rienner, 1791), vol. 5, 818. 26 Bibl. Nat. Paris, ms grec. 510, fol 340r. Cf. Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 54. 27 See the headword “Makkabäische Brüder” in LThK, vol. 6, 1319; BHL, vol. 1, 758–759. 28 Maas, “Die Maccabäer,” 147. 29 Adela Yarbro Collins, Cosmology and eschatology in Jewish and Christian Apocalypticism (Leiden: Brill, 2000); cf. He. 11,35.

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Through the process called translatio of the continual division, distribution and transportation of the martyr relics, the famous Eastern relics reached some quite distant parts of Europe as well. Yet, the way the Holy Maccabees reached the west was different. Their worship was first established in Lyon and Vienne, in the valley of the Rhône. The cult of the Maccabees was connected to the worship of the 48 martyrs executed in Lyon in 177 in the Christian colonies established by Greeks of Asia-Minor.30 “The people honoured” the local martyrs killed on the Memorial Day of the Holy Maccabees31, 1 August, “with the name of the Maccabees,” and dedicated the old churches of Lyon and Vienne to the Holy Maccabees.32 The “real” Maccabean martyrs were never taken to the South of France. So, in this case what happened was name-transformation and not relic-transformation, and it is very much likely that the Maccabean cathedral of Vienne preserved the ashes of the martyrs of Lyon called the Maccabees and not those executed in Antioch. The memory of the Maccabees faded away long ago in these places of southern France.33 It survived though in Cologne. According to the Gero-codex of Cologne dating from the 10th century, the Memorial Day of the Maccabees was celebrated in the city and the records of the year 1150 prove the existence of a “Maccabean street” (platea Machabeorum). Historical traditions of Cologne state that the Maccabees were brought to the city by the archbishop Rainald von Dassel together with the bones of the Three Magi from Milan in 1164 as a present from Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. But there is no trace of the Maccabean relics being taken to Milan.34 So, it is likely that the relics of the Three Magi were transported along the Rhône and the martyrs of Lyon – also called “the Maccabees” – were taken from Vienne to Cologne. There, they were finally laid to rest in the church of the Benedictine nunnery, named after the Holy Maccabees.35 Their fame in the early modern age spread from this nunnery and reached Hungary at the end of an interesting and winding way.

30 Joseph Ernest Renan, L’église chretienne (Paris: Calmann Lévy, 1879), 467−479. 31 Martyres Lugdunenses, the 2nd of June. Eusebius, V. 1–4. 32 Joseph Ernest Renan, Marc Aurèle et la fin de la monde antique (Paris: Calmann Lévy, 1882), 336−344. 33 Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 40. On the Western European cult of saints of the late antiquity see Peter Brown, The cult of the saints. Its rise and function in Latin Christianity. The Haskell lectures on history of religions. New series 2. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1981. 34 Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 39. 35 Anton von Euw, “Spätjüdische Märtyrer der christlichen Heiligenverehrung,” in Monumenta Judaica, 2000 Jahre Geschichte und Kultur der Juden am Rhein. Eine Asstellung im Kölnischen Stadtmuseum, 15. Oktober 1963–15. Februar 1964 (Köln: Stadt, 1963), Handbuch, 783–785; Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 25–26.

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The Benedictine congregation lived the age of revival and reform all over Europe at the turn of the 15th–16th centuries. German humanists conducted synchronised researches into the history of the order to become familiar with and revive the devout traditions concerning the patron saints of the order. The flaring worship of the Maccabees at the beginning of the 16th century was due to the work of Elias Mertz (Helias Marcaeus), an enthusiastic citizen of Cologne.36 The convent almost totally burnt down in 1462, but the Maccabean church remained unharmed. Elias Mertz was appointed archiepiscopal emissary to the convent in 1491. In 1504 the relics were uncovered according to the centuries-old scenario. They were preserved in eight linen sacks, revealed in a hole in the main altar. Mertz then established a foundation for a reliquary for the martyrs. Though it took many years to finish this late Gothic masterpiece, it must have been ready by 1527, the year when Mertz died.37 The reliquary was a pious gesture towards the community, promising protection and the patronage of the saints.38 It is created in the framework of a comprehensive historical, iconographic and literary programme which was organised by Mertz. It meant the creation of a tradition much rather than the revival of one. The martyr scenes still visible at the time on the old frescoes of the church were recreated on tapestries and embroidered curtains. In 1507 Mertz published a long poem on the sufferings of the martyrs, written in Low German.39 His representative Latin anthology collecting almost all literary works concerning the lives of the martyrs was published by Cervicornus in 1517.40 Both publications were illustrated with woodcuts in harmony with the relief of the reliquary. The book contained the theological programme of the reliquary. By 1525, the valuable parchment manuscript was placed above the reliquary at the parish feast. Today it

36 Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 20–27; David J. Collins S.J., “The Renaissance of the Maccabees. Old Testament Jews, German Humanists, and the cult of the saints in early modern Cologne,” in Signori (ed.), Dying for the faith, 211−245. See biography of Mertz in Bietenholz (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus, vol. 2, 381–382. 37 Euw, “Spätjüdische Märtyrer,” 785; Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 20–27. 38 Belting, Bild und Kult, 333. 39 Elias Mertz, Dat lyden der hiliger Machabeen und afflaes tzo Mavyren [mater virorum] (Köln: Johann Landen, 1507), ed. Oskar Schade, Geistliche Gedichte des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts am Niederrhein (Hannover: Carl Rümpler, 1854), 361–395. 40 Flavii Iosepi viri Iudaei peri autokratoros logismoi, ed. Elias “Marcaeus” Mertz (Cologne: Eucharius Cervicornus, 1517). The copy, which I consulted has been located at Köln, Universitätsbibliothek, ADs 27. In the book abounding in woodcuts had been collected the works about the Holy Maccabees written by the Fathers of the Church (Saint Augustine, Saint Ambrose, Saint Jerome, Saint John Chrysostome), the medieval theologians (Hrabanus Maurus, Petrus Comestor, Johannes Beleth) and others. See Schilling (ed.), Monumenta Judaica. Katalog, Kat.-Nr. A42.

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is in the treasury of the Cologne cathedral.41 Both the Latin publication and the parchment manuscript contain the passion to be read at the memorial celebration of the saints. This passion – as it is appropriate in the case of the Maccabees – is a Hellenistic Jewish literary work dating from the 1st century AD, namely the apocryphal Fourth Book of the Maccabees.42 This work is the source of the Hungarian Biblical stories. Not, however, in its original form, but rather in a form it acquired due to the painstaking care of Elias Mertz. The original book written in Greek and constituting part of the Septuagint, was a literary work elaborated with care in terms of rhetoric, a mixture of Stoicism and Judaism,43 a truly Hellenistic piece, Plato’s Gorgias being its philosophical example. The apocryphal book arranges the topic well-known from The Second Book of the Maccabees – the martyrdom of the Maccabean brothers and their parents – around a single Stoic theme: the acts of the confessors prove that firm conviction and the intellect can rule over emotions. The reoccurring, repulsively bloody scenes are followed by enthusiastic speeches, counter-speeches and evasive parts; the tyrant and his victims speak radically different poetic languages: by way of these rhetoric devices the unbelievable becomes believable, reason triumphs over emotions, the martyrs conquer death. “Those who die for God live with God.”44 The title of the book refers to this too: On the supremacy of reason. It was exactly this concept of reason which made this narrative a model for Christian martyr stories.45 41 The codex had been hiding for a long time. It was found by Roswitha Hirner (Handschrift 271, Dombibliothek Köln): Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 27–30. 42 Editions and commentaries: Kurzgefaßtes exegetisches Handbuch zu den Apokryphen des Alten Testamentes, ed. Carl Ludwig Willibald Grimm, vol. 4 (Lepzig: Hirzl, 1857), 294; The Apocrypha and Pseudoepigrapha of the Old Testament in English, ed. Robert Henry Charles (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913), vol. 2, 653–685 (commentaries to the 4 Macc. written by R. B. Townshend; he did not know about the 1517 edition of the book published in the anthology of Mertz); André Dupont-Sommer, Le quartième Livre des Maccabées. Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études 274 (Paris: Champion, 1939); The Third and Fourth Book of Maccabees, ed. Moses Hadas (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1953); The Oxford annotated Apocrypha. Revised Standard Version. Expanded edition containing the Third and Fourth Books of the Maccabees and Psalm 151, ed. Bruce Manning Metzger (Oxford: University Press, 1977), 309– 329. The bibliography of the topic see Andreas Lehnardt, Bibliographie zu den jüdischen Schriften aus hellenistisch-römischer Zeit. Jüdische Schriften aus hellenistisch-römischer Zeit. Band VI. Lieferung 2. Supplementa (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1999). 43 Jacob Freudenthal, Die Flavius Josephus beigelegte Schrift „Über die Herrschaft der Vernunft” (IV. Makkabäerbuch), eine Predigt aus den 1. nachchristlichen Jahrhundert (Breslau: Grass, Barth und Comp, 1869), 115. 44 4 Macc. 7,19; 16,25. The rhetorical analysis of the book see: Freudenthal, Die Flavius Josephus beigelegte Schrift ‘Über die Herrschaft der Vernunft,’ 19–24. 45 Hippolyte Delehaye, Les passions des martyrs et les genres littéraires (Bruxelles: Société des Bollandistes, 1921), 226–227; cf. Jan Willem van Henten, The Maccabean martyrs as saviors of the Jewish People. A study of 2 and 4 Maccabees (Leiden: Brill, 1997).

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With the same ease, the Jewish martyrs became Christian ones, the devout worshipers of the Holy Maccabees overlooked the known fact that the author was a Jew and never doubted the Christian inspiration of the work. This Fourth book of the Maccabees was incorrectly attributed to Josephus Flavius by the Fathers of the Church – Eusebius being the first to do so in his Ecclesiastic History.46 The book was translated into many languages,47 Latin among them, in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. This Latin translation probably dating from the 4th century, known under the title Passio SS. Maccabeorum, differs from the Septuagint in many aspects, as a rather free revision, a Christian interpretation of the story, at places misunderstanding the Greek text.48 The text was preserved in many medieval manuscripts, yet none of them include the names of the Maccabees. There is only one version of this text containing the names of the martyrs, and that is the one appearing in the anthology published by Mertz. The same redaction of the text can be found in the 1525 parchment manuscript, preserved today in the parchment manuscript, preserved today in the Cologne Cathedral Archives. This version of the Pseudo-Josephus work was edited by Erasmus of Rotterdam on the request of Elias Mertz. The 1517 Cervicornus publication begins with the following: The work of Flavius Josephus, a Jew, on ‘peri autokratoros logismu’ that is the triumphant intellect and the famous death of the seven Maccabean brothers and their brave mother, the holy Solomona which was thoroughly revised and corrected by Erasmus of Rotterdam.49

Now, this version of the text contains the names of the Holy Maccabees in the same form as the Hungarian poems of Mihály Sztárai, Miklós Bornemisza and Antal Zombori. Moreover, these poems differ from the Latin and Greek texts in the same way as the Erasmian redaction. Augustin Calmet introduced the names of the Holy Maccabees according to the “vetus versio Latina”50 and the Bollandists also quote from the PseudoJosephus book: “In Josephi de hoc argumento Latina per Erasmum versione, post

46 Eusebius, III. 10. 6. 47 The Fourth Book of Maccabees and kindred documents in Syriac, ed. Robert-Lubbock Bensly (Cambridge: University Press, 1895). 48 Passio SS. Maccabeorum. Die antike lateinische Übersetzung des IV. Makkabäerbuches. Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philolog.-histor. Klasse. Dritte Folge 22, ed. Heinrich Dörrie (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1938). 49 Mertz (ed.), Flavii Iosepi viri iudaei peri autokratoros logismu. Hoc est de imperatrice ratione, deque inclyto septem fratrum Macabaeorum, ac fortissimae eorum matris diuae Solomonae martyrio liber, a D. Erasmo Roterodamo, diligenter recognitus ac emendates, A1r. 50 Calmet, Commentarius, 818.

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jam dictum Machabeum primogenitum, secundus ordine, vocatur Aber, tertius Machiri, quatrus Iudas, quintus Achas, sextus Areth, septimus Iacob.”51 The Erasmian text is somewhere between an edition and a paraphrase, all unclear sections are carefully described.52 He neither mentions his sources, nor the origin of the insertions that are missing from all other Latin texts – the names among others. Erasmus himself describes the circumstances of his editorial work very suggestively in his letter to Elias Mertz: I have pleasure in dedicating to you, most worthy Father, the slight work of a single day, in which I have revised and (so far as I could) corrected Josephus’ book on the martyrdom of the seven Maccabean brethren and their valiant mother. I wish I could have returned a more satisfactory answer to your wishes; but I had no Greek text at hand and had to make several changes (but not a great number) by reconstructing Greek out of the Latin.53

I think we should take this letter of Erasmus seriously when he says he only spent little time – one day – with the book. It must also be true that he only reviewed the already completed work. The interpolations must have come from Mertz. His poem written in German in 1507 also supports this supposition, as the names of the martyrs first appear in this poem – ten years before the “Erasmian” version of the Pseudo-Josephus book. It was probably Erasmus who took the names of the martyrs – as insertions – from Mertz.54

51 Acta Sanctorum Augusti Tomus I (Venetiis: apud Sebastianum Coleti et Joannem Baptistam Alberizzi Hieron, 1750), 5. Concerning the question of the names of the martyrs the Bollandists are referring to a book written by their Irish order-companion Redanus (“noster Redanus”) (op. cit. 6.), treating the subject thoroughly “in grandi suo apparatu a pag. 45, 48”. Pierre Redan [Peter O’Redan, 1607−1651], Commentaria in libros Machabeorum canonicos, historica, aetiologica, analogica… (Lyon: Philippe Borde, Laurent Arnaud, and Claude Rigaud, 1651). 52 Dörrie (ed.), Passio SS. Maccabeorum, 5; Collins S.J., “The Renaissance of the Maccabees,” 233−237. 53 Mertz (ed.), Flavii Iosepi viri iudaei peri autokratoros logismu, A1v. The Correspondence of Erasmus, letters 842 to 992, transl. R. A. B. Mynors and D. F. S. Thomson, annotated Peter G. Bietenholz, CWE, vol. 6 (Toronto: University Press, 1982), № 842. 54 In Roswitha Hirner’s opinion (Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 201.) Mertz took the names from the Pseudo-Josephus-“translation” of Erasmus. That would have been true if the “Erasmian” redaction of the text had been finished before 1507, but there is no trace of it. By the way the parchment manuscript kept in the treasury of the Cologne cathedral contains another, unedited until now, passion of the Maccabees including the names of the martyrs. The Machabeorum Martyrum Agones was written by the humanist Johannes Cincinnius in 1520. The author of this passion could know both writings of Mertz and Erasmus. See Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 29–30, 187–188. (I should express my special thanks to Roswitha Hirner for sending me the photocopy of the manuscript.)

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All the names are real Hebrew names and can be found in various places of the Bible.55 Although two of the names – Aber and Achas – are strikingly like two of the names in the already mentioned Syrian list of names, the rest are different. Roswitha Hirner, the monographer of the reliquary of Cologne, supposes that we are dealing here with an early Cologne tradition.56 However, it is also possible that we are witnessing the creation of a tradition. A patron saint known by name is more conceivable than an anonymous one. At any rate, we have no knowledge of these names before the time of Mertz. Erasmus – who surely sympathised with the spirituality of this Cologne venture – must have given his name to it rather than his work. The participation of Erasmus was essential for the popularity of the Pseudo-Josephus book. Based on Mertz’s anthology of 1517, the book was included in the Latin publications of the collected works of Josephus together with Erasmus’s introduction addressed to Helias Marcaeus. Following the first publication by Cervicornus in 1524, the most famous publishers of the age – as Frobenius, Gryphius, Feyerabend, etc. – also published it many times.57 And although none of the many manuscripts of the translation of the ancient Latin work survived till the time of printing, the “Erasmian” text was exceptionally popular and made a very productive effect on German and Dutch plays from the 16th century till romanticism.58 The literary adaptations of the Maccabean martyr story have not been collected yet, neither has the question of sources been clarified. The Fourth Book of the Maccabees, supported by the authority of Erasmus, was doubtlessly accepted as an authentic text by Josephus Flavius in the 16th century. This is how the Cologne traditions established by Elias Mertz were admitted in the international circulation of the most famous humanist texts.

55 Machir was the name of Joseph’s grandson (Gen 50, 23.), when Ahaz was the 13th king of Judah (2 Kings 16,1–20.). Cf. Augustin Calmet, Dictionnaire historique et critique de la Bible (Paris: Emery, 1722–28). 56 Hirner, Der Makkabäerschrein, 201. 57 See their bibliography in Dörrie, Passio SS. Maccabeorum, 118–120. The Greek text first was published in 1526, in the third volume of the Strasbourg Septuagint. Cf. Freudenthal, Die Flavius Josephus beigelegte Schrift ‘Über die Herrschaft der Vernunft,’ 127. After that time step by step came to light the difference between the original and the Erasmian version. That is because the Frobenius publishing house edited a new Latin translation in 1567, but it was unable to push out the Erasmian text, which had been re-printed in the 17th century many times. 58 The drama-adaptations of Hans Sachs (1552), Zacharias Werner and Otto Ludwig (1852) were popular in Germany. There is a Flemish dramatic treatment as well: A. Flas (?), De martele der seven Machabéen, van hunne Moeder Salamone ende Eleazar. Treurspel (Bruxelles: Zacharias Bettens, 1697). Cf. Gabriel Stoukalov-Pogodin, “The reception of an unread author: Zacharias Werner’s Mother of the Maccabees,” in Signori (ed.), Dying for the faith, 285−301.

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The first Hungarian poet to treat the story of the Maccabean martyrs was one of the forerunners of Hungarian Protestant literature, Mihály Sztárai.59 Sztárai’s interest in Eleazar may have been roused by the Erasmian assistance in the publication of the Pseudo-Josephus book. Sztárai and the other Hungarian writers treating the topic obviously used one of the Josephus publications of the great European publishers; these do not only include the names of the martyrs in the text but in the scholia as well – just like the first Cologne publication in 1517. Antal Zombori’s narrative coincides with this edition even in some minute details. It includes for example the philosophical discussion – though in a rather simplified form – on the “supremacy of reason,” the term that gave the title of the book.60 Both Miklós Bornemisza and Antal Zombori describe the death of the martyrs’ mother in a way presented by the Erasmian text.61 The question of how the characteristically Catholic, hagiographic, medieval treatment of an originally Jewish philosophical work turned into a genuine Protestant parable is inevitable. The answer is to be found in the idiosyncratic symbolism of the story: in the Jewish tradition the martyrs’ mother represent Judea, while the boys stand for the Mosaic Law.62 The parable thus summarised the relationship between the community in extreme peril and God. In other words, this parable was connected to the Jewish and Christian apocalypse from its start.63 Antiochus as the “final tyrant”64 was depicted in medieval codices as the Antichrist, while his victims represented the church – that is the Ecclesia – waiting for the Final Judgement. This idea was also present in the programme of the Cologne reliquary. Mertz calls Antiochus “Antiochus Endekrist” in his poem of 1507.65 It is easily perceivable that Elias Mertz and his humanist friends provided a Christian interpretation to the Maccabees’ passion in the spirit of the devotio moderna of the Low Countries and Erasmus emerging from the idea of imitatio Christi. So, the programme of the Cologne reliquary is not merely interpretatio christiana. It is much more: it is an answer to the challenge aroused by the apocalyptic visions spreading along the Rhine at the time. It was common knowledge that the renowned book of prophecies by Johannes Lichtenberger 59 Tamás Esze, Sztárai Gyulán. A Debreceni Kossuth Lajos Tudományegyetem könyvtárának közleményei 83 (Debrecen: A Debreceni Kossuth Lajos Tudományegyetem Könyvtára, 1973), 124. On Mihály Sztárai see the chapter Thomas Cranmer’s martyrdom as parable in this volume. 60 4 Macc. 6,31. 61 Mertz (ed.), Flavii Iosepi viri iudaei peri autokratoros logismu, D8r 62 Freudenthal, Die Flavius Josephus beigelegte Schrift ‘Über die Herrschaft der Vernunft,’ 94–98. 63 Vermes, Jesus and the world of Judaism. 64 See Mk. 13,14; Mt. 25,15; 2 Th. 2,3–4. 65 Schade, Geistliche Gedichte, 361–395; the 70th line of the poem.

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promised the “great renewal” for 1517. According to the Prognosticatio (Heidelberg, 1488) in this year, the Ottoman sultan as the Antichrist was to march all the way to Cologne where he would be defeated nonetheless, and the millennial reign of Christ was to begin.66 Thus the publication in 1517 that refreshed the Maccabean cult was created in the apocalyptic mood aroused by the Lichtenberger prophecy. This book of prophecies was well known among Hungarians as well. Interestingly, it is precisely the reliquary of the Maccabees martyrs – or rather its theological programme – that is inherited by the Protestant posterity through the Pseudo-Josephus text. We know what feverish end of world expectations accompanied Europe’s turn into the 16th century.67 Both Luther and Melanchthon interpreted the books of the Old and the New Testaments with special receptivity.68 No wonder, the symbolism of the Maccabean story was approached by vivid interest on the part of the reformers as well. Antiochus Epiphanes found his place in Protestant apocalypse right away.69 In the concept of the story shaped by Luther and Melanchthon – which was widespread in contemporary Hungary – Antiochus Epiphanes had a significant role: he rules around the end of the third empire, thus his fall signifies the beginning of the final ages,70 the end of which – that is the Final Judgement – was anticipated by 16th century Protestant denominations for their own time.71

66 Ulrich Andermann, “Geschichtsdeutung und Profetie. Kriesenfahrung und -bewältigung am Beispiel der osmanischen Expansion im Spätmittelalter und in der Reformationszeit,” in Europa und die Türken in der Renaissance, ed. Bodo Guthmüller and Wilhelm Kühlmann. Frühe Neuzeit 54 (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 2000), 29–54. 67 Aby Warburg, Heidnisch-antike Weissagung im Wort und Bild zu Luthers Zeiten. Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften 1919: 26 (Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1920), 34−35; André Chastel, “L’antéchrist à la renaissance,” in idem, Fables, formes, figures (Paris: Flammarion, 1978), 167−180. 68 Despite of his temporary rejection of the Revelation to John Luther accepted the importance of the book “that nicely complemented Daniel”. Robin Bruce Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis. Apocalypticism in the wake of the Lutheran Reformation (Stanford: University Press, 1988), 41; Mihály Imre, “Arbor Hæreseon. A wittenbergi történelemszemlélet ikonográfiai ábrázolása Szegedi Kis István Spaeculum pontificum Romanorum címu˝ mu˝vének 1592-es kiadásában,” in Egyház és mu˝velo˝dés. Fejezetek a reformátusság és a mu˝velo˝dés 16–19. századi történetébo˝l, ed. Botond G. Szabó, Csaba Fekete, and Lajos Bereczki (Debrecen: Református Nagykönyvtár, 2000), 64–72. 69 Martin Luther, Vorrhede auff das Erste Buch Maccabeorum, in idem (ed.), Biblia. Die Propheten (Wittenberg: Hans Lufft, 1534), 62r. 70 Dan. 8.9; 8.23. 71 András Szabó, “Die Türkenfrage in der Geschichtsauffassung der ungarischen Reformation,” in Guthmüller−Kühlmann (eds.), Europa und die Türken, 275–281.

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The stress shifted from the medieval cult of the saints to following their example, that is, from the relics to the exemplum.72 Erasmus also noted in his letter to Elias Mertz that following the virtues of the brave Maccabees is just as important, if not more so, than the possession of their bodies.73 Of course Protestants did not pray to them or ask for their mediation anymore – but put themselves in their position and thus became one with them. In this way the whole country stepped on the road to martyrdom. As for the time being they thought the martyrdom of the Maccabees was more exemplary than the determination of Judas Maccabeus. The reason why the brave Jewish youths could become ‘Protestant saints’ in Hungary was for one thing that, contrary to Western Europe,74 their cult was not established in Hungary in the Middle Ages.75 The Maccabees’ parable fits well into the Jewish–Hungarian parallel – which was considered a Protestant commonplace76 – already by the means of Josephus Flavius.77 The Hungarians referred to themselves not only the Jewish War, the devastation of Jerusalem, but also the courage of the martyrs. In this position it was the example of the Jews tortured to death, the Maccabees that offered a behaviour pattern, as it meant the following of Christ. A book attributed to the “renegade Jew” Josephus Flavius provided the words for this thought to take shape. The words expressing extreme danger, the texts built upon these words and the behaviour patterns that lay behind proved exceptionally viable. 72 Dömötör Ákos, A magyar protestáns exemplumok katalógusa. Folklór Archívum 19 (Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutatóintézet, 1992), 7–14. 73 The letter first was published in 1517. Mertz (ed.), Flavii Iosepi viri iudaei peri autokratoros logismu, A1v–A2r. See CWE, vol. 6, № 842. It is well known that Erasmus resolutely criticised the formalities of the Christian cult of the saints, for example in the Enchiridion. See Johan Huizinga, Erasmus and the age of Reformation. With a selection from the letters of Erasmus (London: Phoenix, 2002, c1924), 100−108, 139−150; Simon Markis, Rotterdami Erasmus, transl. by János Farkas (Budapest: Gondolat, 1976), 284–287; Johannes Trapman, “Erasmus’s Precationes,” in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Torontonensis. Proceedings of seventh international congress of Neo-Latin Studies. Toronto 8 August to 13 August 1988, ed. Alexander Dalzell, Charles Fantazzi, and Richard J. Schoeck. Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 86 (Binghamton, New York: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1991), 770−779; Silvana Seidel Menchi, Erasmus als Ketzer. Reformation und Inquisition im Italien des 16. Jahrhunderts. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 49 (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 71−72. 74 Anselm Schott, Das Messebuch der heiligen Kirche (Freiburg–Basel–Wien: Herder, 1966), 961. 75 On the same day in Hungary was celebrated Saint Peter in Chains: Sándor Bálint, Ünnepi kalendárium. A Mária-ünnepek és jelesebb napok hazai és közép-európai hagyományvilágából (Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 1977), vol. 2, 141. 76 See János Gyo˝ri, Izrael és a magyar nép történetének párhuzama a 16–17. századi prédikátori irodalomban, in Szabó−Fekete−Bereczki, Egyház és mu˝velo˝dés, 29–52. As a Western European parallel of this Protestant topic see Cornelis Huisman, Neerlands Israël, Het Natiebesef der traditionel-gereformeerden in de achttiende eeuw (Dordrecht: Uitgeverij J. P. van den Tol, 1983). 77 István Borzsák, Az antikvitás 16. századi képe. Bornemisza-tanulmányok (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1960), 200.

Chapter 3: The Reception of Erasmianism in Hungary and the Contexts of the Erasmian Programme – The “Cultural Patriotism” of Benedek Komjáti

Erasmus and the Epistles of St. Paul “Take Paul into your hands, who is no longer a Jew, nor a Greek, but a Hungarian.” This sentence appears in the preface of the Epistles of Saint Paul, the first book to be printed in Hungarian in its entirety.1 The translation of Benedek Komjáti, published in 1533, is a work of symbolic significance in the history of Hungarian culture.2 It is distinctive in that it sets higher rhetoric ambitions on Hungarian literature and commands the interest of a wider readership. Yet while the book’s cultural and related “national” values have understandably left their mark on cultural memory, less research has been done on its distinctiveness in the areas of intellectual history and religion. The public literary perception crystallized around Komjáti’s translation of Saint Paul precisely because his work can be seen – with certain limitations − as the first real manifestation of a “national humanism” in the Hungarian language. The translator, while also consulting the Vulgate, used Erasmus’ bilingual (Greek-Latin) edition of the Bible (Novum instrumentum omne, 1516)3 as well as his paraphrases written to accompany Paul’s epistles (Paraphrases in omnes epistolas Pauli, 1521).4 On the basis of these two texts of Erasmus he created his 1 “Accipite itaque manibus obviis Paulum non iam Haebreum aut Graecum, sed Hungarum”. Benedek Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli lingva hungarica donatae. Az Zenth Paal leueley magyar nyeluen (Cracow: Vietor, 1533), facsimile edition and commentaries ed. Áron Szilády (Budapest: MTA, 1883). 2 Horváth, A reformáció jegyében, 26–30; Rabán Gerézdi, “Az erazmista Komjáti Benedek,” in Gerézdi, Janus Pannoniustól Balassi Bálintig, 331−346. 3 A copy of Erasmus’s Bible translation was in Sopron (Ödenburg) in Hungary two years after its first publication. Cf. Mátyás király öröksége. Késo˝ reneszánsz mu˝vészet Magyarországon. 16– 17. század század. Exhib. Cat. 28. 3. 2008 − 27. 7. 2008, ed. Árpád Mikó and Mária Vero˝ (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Galéria, 2008), № III-2. 4 Erika Rummel, Erasmus’ Annotations on the New Testament. From philologist to theologian (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986), passim; Greta Grace Kroeker, Erasmus in the footsteps of Paul. A Pauline theologian (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2011), 30.

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own Hungarian edition, to which he added Erasmus’ introductions to the epistles. The choice of work to translate was already an Erasmian gesture, as the epistles of Saint Paul essentially determine Erasmus’ Gospel-centric theology.5 It can be argued that this representative piece of early Renaissance Hungarian literature derives from an up-to-date state-of-the-art European work that is also of symbolic value in its original context within Erasmus’ oeuvre. There was a special reason why Quentin Metsys’s portrait showed the master busy with the composition of his paraphrase of the Epistle to the Romans; and there is also a reason why the text of the Saint Paul paraphrase was eventually erased from the painting, which was kept in Rome.6 There was a time when in the eyes of the Holy See Saint Paul was counted as a “Protestant saint”. Thus, when researching the “national implications” of the Hungarian translation of Saint Paul, we must consider the intellectual movements in the force field in which this kind of cultural patriotism was formed. The consecutive phases of Hungarian Erasmianism, as we have already seen, are usually grouped around three topics, humanist philology, theology and ethics, and Pphilosophia Sacra. If we concentrate on Erasmian writings in Hungarian, we can see that these topics are present from the beginning in Komjáti’s literary programme and create a coherent logical unit.7 One cannot find any deliberate attempt at improving the lingua vulgaris in Hungary before the publication of Komjáti’s translation of St. Paul in 1533. It is common knowledge that literature (literacy) in the Hungarian language had existed previously, mainly in monasteries where religious texts considered important were translated for the nuns and monks who did not read Latin.8 However, Komjáti made the first real attempt to develop a Hungarian literary language capable of rendering the Bible. Erasmus’ works stimulated Komjáti to 5 Albert Rabil, Jr., Erasmus and the New Testament. The mind of a Christian humanist (Lanham, University Press of America, 1993), 128−139; Jean-Claude Margolin, “The Epistle to the Romans (Chapter 11) according to the versions and/or commentaries of Valla, Colet, Lefèvre, and Erasmus,” in The Bible in the sixteenth century, ed. David C. Steinmetz (Durham, North Carolina, Duke University Press, 1990), 136−166; Kroeker, Erasmus in the footsteps of Paul, 29– 40. 6 Letter from Thomas More to Pieter Gilles, Calais, 6−7 October 1517.The Correspondence of Erasmus. Letters 594 to 841; 1517 to 1518, trs. R. A. B. Mynors and D. F. S. Thomson, annotated by Peter G. Bietenholz, CWE, 5 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979), 149−151 (letter № 684). See also Contemporaries of Erasmus. A biographical register of the Renaissance and the Reformation, ed. Peter G. Bietenholz (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), vol. 2, 438– 439; Rachel Giese, “Erasmus and the Fine Arts,” The Journal of Modern History 7 (1935): 257− 279; Margolin, “The Epistle to the Romans,” 138. 7 See the chapter Erasmus and the Hungarian intellectuals of the 16th century in this volume. 8 Sándor Lázs, Apácamu˝veltség Magyarországon a XV–XVI. század fordulóján. Az anyanyelvu˝ irodalom kezdetei (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2016).

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lay the grammatical, rhetorical and theological foundations of a Hungarian vernacular literary language (vulgaris illustris). In this sense the Hungarian translation of St. Paul brought about a shift in the process of the development of cultural patriotism.9 First, we must trace the itinerary of Erasmus to Saint Paul, which might allow us to better understand how his modest Hungarian “disciple,” Benedek Komjáti, arrived at his master, Erasmus. Reading and interpreting the epistles of Saint Paul had in fact caused a kind of volte-face in Erasmus’ own intellectual development. Until 1499 he had mostly been concerned with the literature of classical antiquity, but the impressions he received during his stay in England completely transformed his interests.10 John Colet’s enthusiastic lectures in Oxford on the interpretation of Saint Paul’s epistles inspired Erasmus to dedicate his humanist education and his mental powers to the study of the Bible.11 Colet was not a scholar of Greek, so he interpreted Saint Paul according to the Vulgate; however, Erasmus made his own translation and paraphrase based on his knowledge of the original sources.12 In doing so, Erasmus greatly contributed to enlightening the Christian world about the text and theology of the Apostle’s epistles. At the same time, he distilled those basic thoughts from Saint Paul that were to pervade his later works. Indeed, it can be said that Erasmus built up his own philosophy based on the epistles of Saint Paul, which he called the “philosophy of Christ”.13 Erasmus placed a special meaning on the fact that Paul was the “Pagans’ Apostle”. The Paulian mission, in this interpretation, extended to the intellectual culture of paganism. For him, the conversion of pagans meant the consecration of the entirety of antiquity. He was convinced that God did not proclaim himself only for the Jews, but sowed the seeds of the Gospel in the earth of paganism, and thus the germs of the more valuable Christian philosophy were contained in Classical culture.14 It is not accidental that in his letters written at the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries he often refers to the deepening knowledge of bonae litterae, the literature of the antiquity, as “salvation”.15 Thus Erasmian Christian 9 Pál Ács, “A magyar irodalmi nyelv két elmélete: az erazmista és a Balassi-követo˝,” in Ács, ‘Az ido˝ ósága’, 13−31. 10 Huizinga, Erasmus, 29−34; Cornelis Augustijn, Erasmus: His life, works and influence, trs. J.C. Grayson (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995), 31−33. 11 Bietenholz (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus, vol. 1, 323–328; Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 38−46; Margolin, “The Epistle to the Romans,” 151−57. 12 Germain Marc’hadour, “Érasme et John Colet,” in Margolin (ed.), Colloquia erasmiana turonensia, vol. 2,761−769. 13 James D. Tracy, Erasmus of the Low Countries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 104−115; Kroeker, Erasmus in the footsteps of Paul, 7, 147. 14 Augustijn, Erasmus, 84. 15 Huizinga, Erasmus, 203; Tracy, Erasmus of the Low Countries, 152.

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humanism is not merely the application of the liberal arts in Biblical studies, but a two-way consecration serving universal redemption. Erasmus’ world view, it should be noted, was greatly influenced by the exaggerated eschatological expectations of his age.16 Erasmus’ tenets of redemption were based on the New Testament, the Gospel addressed to the whole of humanity. The New Testament, according to Paul’s credo, is sharply set against the Old Testament, the Law proclaimed to the Jews − a view, of course, shared by Erasmus. “For this reason, above all he [Christ] was born and died, to teach us not to act like Jews, but to love,” wrote Erasmus.17 The parallel and contrasted Old and New Testaments – the Law and the Gospel, and the two different, chosen communities that accepted the proclamation – are opposing pairs born at the same time with Christianity. Following in Saint Paul’s footsteps, Erasmus also contrasts “the body of Israel” (that is, Judaism) with spiritual Israel, that is, Christianity, and the Law with the Gospel.18 However, when we talk about Erasmus’ anti-Judaism, we have to interpret it in the original context of his times. The verbal context of late humanism, while not “better” in a moral sense, is essentially different from that of modern anti-Semitism.19 In his eyes – as in the eyes of Saint Paul – Judaism mainly meant the Pharisees’ strict obedience of the law, and in a figurative sense, the Pharisee mentality present in Christian circles. Erasmus wrote: There are also some relevant passages in the Gospel where Christ attacks the Pharisees and scribes and teachers of the Law while giving his unfailing protection to the ignorant multitude. What else can ‘Woe unto you, Scribes and Pharisees’ mean but ‘Woe unto you who are wise’? But Christ seems to have taken special delight in little children, women, and fishermen…20

Erasmus knew well this kind of religiousness, for he had been raised in it.21 As Paul had been struggling to cast off his own Pharisee past, so Erasmus was trying 16 Peter G. Bietenholz, “Millenarismo ed età dell’oro nell’opera di Celio Secondo Curione,” in Millenarismo ed età dell’oro nel Rinascimento. Atti del XIII Convegno internazionale Chiancano-Montepulciano-Pienza (16−17 lulio 2001), ed. Luisa Cecchi Tarugi (Florence: Franco Cesati Editore, 2003), 51–64. 17 Desiderius Erasmus, “Enchiridion,” in CWE, Spiritualia: Enchiridion / De contemptu mundi / De vidua christiana, vol. 66, ed. John W. O’Malley (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1988), 79.LB V 35E 18 Rom. 2,29; cf. Marcel Bataillon, Érasme et l’Espagne. Recherches sur l’histoire spirituelle du XVIe siècle, préface de Jean-Claude Margolin (Genève: Droz, 1998), 638–639. 19 Cornelis Augustijn,“Erasmus und die Juden,” Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis 60 (1980): fasc. 1, 22–38; Simon Peretsovich Markish, Erasmus and the Jews (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986); Zoltán Csepregi, Zsidómisszió, vérvád, hebraisztika (Budapest: Luther Kiadó, 2004), 30–31. 20 Desiderius Erasmus, Moriæ encomium, LB IV 497 A. Praise of Folly, CWE 27, 148. 21 Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 2–6.

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to shake off the bonds of monasticism. His anti-Judaism thus was mainly antinomianism.22 He was not confronting the Jews, he was rather condemning those forms of religious life that he deemed to be of a Jewish character, typical not of the Jews but of rabid Christians, Erasmus’ opponents. As he writes in one of his letters: Nowadays… on the slightest pretext at once they are all crying, ‘Heresy, heresy’. In the old days a heretic was one who dissented from the Gospels… Anything they do not like, anything they do not understand is heresy. To know Greek is heresy; to speak like an educated man is heresy. Anything they do not do themselves is heresy. It is, I admit, a serious crime to violate the faith; but not everything should be forced into a question of faith.23

Erasmus was intent on narrowing the number of the “questions of faith” – in this he was in harmony with Paul’s intentions. “The Lord is spirit. Where the spirit is, there is liberty,” he writes in the Enchiridion.24 However, he always paired the basic tenet of sola fides with active love. He could only imagine the unity of the Christian world based on faith in Christ. This Gospel-based human community was the only social formation whose right to existence he acknowledged: as Christ is the source of life, there must be no human life outside of Christ. Those who belong to this community reach the state of chosenness through God’s mercy and Christ’s expiatory sacrifice.25 In Erasmus’ interpretation, it is not only in God’s, but also in mankind’s power to make a choice: human beings can choose which world they want to belong to.26 Nevertheless there are only two worlds: one is visible, the other is invisible; one is transient, the other is eternal. There are two ways, there is no third one. As he says, “Do not try to divide yourself between the world and Christ. You cannot serve two masters.”27 According to both Saint Paul and Erasmus, the basis of the evangelical community is not Moses’ Law but Abraham’s faith. Abraham did not owe his true state to circumcision – the symbol of the contract made with God − as he had proven his true nature before he ever received the sign. Abraham believed in God above all else, and he was even willing to sacrifice his only son, the token of the 22 Desiderius Erasmus, “Commentarius in psalmum 2,” in CWE, vol. 63, ed. Dominic BakerSmith, trs. Michael J. Heath (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 65–153; Allan K. Jenkins, “Erasmus’ Commentary on Psalm 2,” Journal of Hebrew Scriptures 3 (2000–2001): Article 3 (http://www.jhsonline.org/Articles/article_15.pdf) Accessed 31th May 2008. 23 Letter to Albert of Brandenburg, Louvain, 19 October 1519. The Correspondence of Erasmus. Letters 993 to 1121; 1519 to 1520, trs. R. A. B. Mynors, annotated by Peter G. Bietenholz, CWE, 7 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1987), 115 (Letter № 1033). 24 Erasmus, “Enchiridion,” 78; LB V35 A. 25 Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 52–58; Augustijn, Erasmus, 43–55. 26 John B. Payne, “Erasmus on Romans 9,6–24,” in Steinmetz (ed.), The Bible in the sixteenth century, 119–35. 27 Erasmus, “Enchiridion,” 57; LB V22D.

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promise. His faith was active devotion, free realization and voluntary choice. According to Erasmus’ paraphrases of Saint Paul, Paul’s Abraham was the model to follow for the reborn Christian community. His sacrifice created harmony between God’s eternal mercy and mankind’s unlimited possibilities. As Albert Rabil says regarding Erasmus’ religious consciousness, “Faith here has the double meaning of something received from God [fides qua creditur] and a human response [fides quae creditur]. … Sometimes Erasmus speaks as if trust [fiducia] is the human response to the faith [fides] given by God. […] Obedience to faith means simple and tacit obedience, not that of Jews who demand signs – they should be confronted with the example of Abraham, or of Christians who are more addicted to their ceremonialism than the Jews ever were. […] Trusting God in one’s heart is spiritual worship; demanding from him a sign is carnal worship. Theses two forms of religion are mutually exclusive.”28

The achievement of Benedek Komjáti Benedek Komjáti, the first Erasmian writing in Hungarian, studied at the University of Vienna where he enrolled in the first half of 1527. Erasmus’ influence prevailed at the university, marked now by a stark rejection of the reform of faith after Erasmus openly turned against Luther in 1525. It was during Komjáti’s stay in Vienna, in 1528, that the bishop of Vienna invited Erasmus to the imperial city in the name of Ferdinand of Habsburg, an invitation Erasmus politely declined.29 From “the Ottoman beasts” laying siege to Vienna in 1529 Komjáti fled to Huszt (today Khust in Ukraine) in north-east Hungary. The owner of neighboring Nyalábvár (today near Korolevo in Ukraine), Katalin Frangepán, noticed him and entrusted him with the education of her son. Katalin Frangepán was among the active supporters of Hungarian cultural erudition. On the commission of his patroness, who never mastered Latin, Komjáti undertook the Hungarian translation of St. Paul’s letters.30 Komjáti’s Erasmian humanism is founded on an appropriate choice of sources and a critical treatment of these texts. In his preface to the work, the author tells that there was an earlier Hungarian interpretation of Saint Paul available; however, he did not like it, as it was not only difficult to interpret but difficult even to read: Although Your Ladyship has the epistles of St. Paul translated at Your place, yet You urged and commanded me to see whether they were all, and if in a good way and 28 Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 143–44. 29 Gerézdi, “Az erazmista Komjáti Benedek,” 336. ˝ L, vol. 6, 30–32. 30 Pál Ács, “Komjáti Benedek,” in MAMU

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manner, translated from Latin into Hungarian. After having seen the translation, it did not seem to me that it was translated well, as not only its meaning but even its reading seemed difficult.31

Thus, Komjáti rejected this earlier Hungarianized version of Saint Paul – probably intended for use in monasteries − on linguistic and philological arguments. However, this rejection on principle did not prevail in practice: in effect, Komjáti’s work is a compilation, for he also used a medieval manuscript he found in Nyalábvár.32 Just as Erasmus studied the original Greek text instead of the Vulgate, so the Hungarian translator neglected the medieval vernacular versions of Saint Paul and started work by rendering Erasmus’ Latin paraphrases. The first Hungarian printed book is an erudite philological work that utilized, via Erasmus, the interpretations of Origen and St. Jerome as well.33 In order to fulfill his aim, Komjáti had to speak in a Hungarian language that was worthy to convey the Biblical message; however, the Hungarian language of the time was inadequate to express delicate textuality and rhetorical sophistication.34 Erasmus himself had made serious attempts to widen the parabolic possibilities of the Latin language – his world-famous Adagia, a collection of proverbs and idioms, was a result of this effort.35 Komjáti was the modest but determined disciple of Erasmus in exploring the possibilities of synonyms and figurative speech. A considerable part of the text is interrupted by parentheses, or additions in brackets. In his Preface – a classical dedication building on humanist topoi − Komjáti gives a longer explanation for this practice, which was an attempt to unite translation and Bible commentary,36 whereby he raised the practice of medieval glossators – of putting the synonyms of given words above or below the lines (copia verborum) – to the

31 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 8. 32 This medieval source of Komjáti is lost. It might have been very similar to the pericopes surviving in the so-called Codex Döbrentei. Döbrentei-kódex, ed. Csilla Abaffy and Csilla T. Szabó. Régi magyar kódexek 19 (Budapest: Argumentum Kiadó−Magyar Nyelvtudományi Társaság, 1995). 33 On the Origenism of Erasmus see André Godin, Érasme, lecteur d’Origen. Travaux d’Humanisme et Renaissance 190 (Genève: Droz, 1982); Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 46–52; Payne, “Erasmus on Romans 9,6–24,” 123. 34 Turóczi-Trostler, “A magyar nyelv felfedezése.” 35 On the reception of Erasmus’ Adagia see Adam Fox, Oral and literate culture in England 1500–1700 (Oxford: University Press, 2000), 112–172; Vilmos Voigt, “Paremiology in Europe 400 Years Ago,” in Igniculi sapientiae. János-Baranyai-Decsi Festschrift, ed. Gábor Barna, Ágnes Stremler, and Vilmos Voigt (Budapest: OSZK–Osiris, 2004), 12–30; cf. Ari H. Wesseling, “Latin and the vernaculars. The case of Erasmus,” in Bilingual Europe. Latin and vernacular cultures, Examples of bilingualism and multilingualism c. 1300–1800, ed. Jan Bloemendal. Brill’s studies in intellectual history 239 (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 30−49. 36 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 15–16.

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level of Erasmian philology.37 Through these efforts he fulfilled a goal of Erasmus, who often expressed his desire to make the Gospel available to simple, ordinary people through translations to their mother tongue, and the process of the consecration of languages could be extended beyond the boundaries of the three holy languages (Hebrew, Greek and Latin). Erasmus never really took the time for this kind of work, but his Latin commentaries were written in such a fluent and clear style that it was easy for translators to convey their meaning in other languages.38 The Hungarian translation of Saint Paul also conveyed Erasmus’ theological message. Komjáti’s book is an interpretation of Erasmus that closely follows word, text and subject. Still, there were times when the emphases move from their original places in the new context of the Hungarian vernacular language, and the Erasmian teaching is broadened and modified to a certain extent. It is this transformation that we shall try to elucidate next. Translation has an evangelical mission: passing redemption to the cultures of national languages.39 The fact that the Apostle speaks Hungarian instead of Hebrew, Greek or Latin has a deeper meaning. The Gospel, of course, speaks to the whole body of chosen Christians, but in this case, it addresses a special, separate group which has its own language and history and which is waiting for salvation in both a cultural and spiritual sense. This message is not for the Gentiles, but in a linguistic-cultural sense reaches Hungarians who are about to step on the road to salvation. It strengthens their sense of belonging together and lays a foundation for their sense of chosenness.40 As for Erasmus Christianity becomes the “second Israel,” likewise the Hungarians can become God’s newly chosen people: “Such a hard thing it was to make a Christian out of a Jew.[…] In 37 Shimon Markish, Rotterdami Erasmus, transl. by János Farkas (Budapest: Gondolat, 1976), 221. 38 For example, Erasmus’ paraphrases of Saint Paul were translated into German by Leo Jud, Zwingli’s faithful colleague. Bietenholz (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus, vol. 2, 248–50. 39 Luther made a similar effort in the preface to his edition (1518) of the famous German mystical treatise called Theologia Deutsch: “Where books in the Latin, Greek and Hebrew tongues have failed to lead the German people to God, a book in the German tongue has succeeded.” Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and dissent. Religious ideology and social protest in the sixteenth century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), 20; André Séguenny, “Le spiritualisme de Sebastian Franck. Ses rapports avec le mystique, le lutherisme et l’Humanisme,” in Sebastian Franck (1499−1542), ed. Jan-Dirk Müller. Wolfenbütteler Forschungen 56 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1993), 87−102; Cf. Julie K. Tanaka, “Historical writing and German identity. Jacob Wimpheling and Sebastian Franck,” in Politics and Reformations. Histories and Reformations. Essays in honor of Thomas A. Brady, Jr, ed. Christopher Ocker and others. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions 127 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 155−176. 40 Balázs Trencsényi, “Conceptualizing statehood and nationhood. The Hungarian reception of ‘Reason of State’ and the political language of national identity in the early modern period,” East Central Europe 29 (2002): 1–26; see the chapter Historical scepticism and piety in this volume.

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addition, as the nation of the Jews is so hated, much more than all other nations in this world, […] they too were cursing […] everyone as […] idolaters.”41 The old counterparts of Synagogue and Ecclesia are now filled with national content. Ecclesia, interpreted as the “real Israel,” symbolizes not only Christianity as it acts in the eternal present, but also the eschatological community living to see the end of time. The symbol of Ecclesia represented the community’s existential aim, its mystical walk of life and history of salvation.42 Although Komjáti does not openly identify the “new Israel” of the Paulian letters with the Hungarians, he does so in a covert form. The book was published in Cracow at Katalin Frangepán’s expense in the printing house of Hieronymus Vietor, fittingly designed and richly illustrated with figured initials and wood-cut engravings.43 For some time Vietor considered using German-style Schwabachian or Antiqua characters for the typesetting; there was a pilot-print of at least a part of the Epistle to the Romans in Gothic type, specimens of which were later found in the binding of certain books printed in Cracow;44 but finally the printer opted for classic type. The edition is one of the most richly illustrated books of the period. In the Latin preamble and epilogue, the printer boasts that the first Hungarian printing (prima foetura)45 was produced in his workshop, giving the epistles of St. Paul in Hungarian to the Hungarians. In this he was following Erasmus’ instructions, who had urged “every woman to read the Gospel, to read Paul’s epistles.”46 The title page of the book is illustrated by a strikingly large Hungarian crest bearing the stripes and the cross, symbolizing the power of the Kingdom of Hungary by the inclusion of the coats of arms of Dalmatia and Bohemia. As Vietor always sought to satisfy the taste of his customers, the wood block of the over-sized coat of arms is likely to have been designed specifically for this book, a gesture embracing the ideas of both the author and the commissioner. This woodcut coat of arms reoccurred in Hungarian printings produced in Cracow in the following years.47 It has long been established that the start of Hungarian translations was furthered by the booming “national” tendencies. The Hungarian coat of arms cut in Cracow very probably sought to propagate the “national” ideas of the Erasmian Benedek Komjáti − in this context, the expression of a 41 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 25–26. 42 Hannelore Sachs, Ernst Badstübner, and Helga Neumann, Christliche Ikonographie in Stichworten (Leipzig: Koehler und Amelang, 1988), 110–111. 43 RMNy, vol. I, № 13. 44 RMNy, vol. I, a˛ 12. 45 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 471. 46 Markis, Rotterdami Erasmus, 221, 339. 47 Judit V. Ecsedy, A könyvnyomtatás Magyarországon a kézisajtó korában 1473–1800 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1999), 33.

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desire for peace and tranquillity in a politically divided country ravaged by the Ottomans. As he says in his preface “If the Mighty Lord is postponing my death, and in this crippled (miserable) country there will be peacefulness, I intend more and more to serve in such matters.”48 This kind of overemphasis of the Hungarian sense of mission is obviously a compensation to counterbalance the country’s passed glory, its ruptured political unity and an Ottoman military advance that seemed impossible to contain. We know that Komjáti himself was driven from his homeland by the “pagan Turks”. The more limited the possibilities offered by his country seemed, the more he wanted to enlarge it in his imagination. In the words of a later Hungarian Erasmian János Baranyai Decsi, the translator of Erasmus’ Adagia: “If–like the Greeks – we have lost control over most of the territory of our country […], we should at least dedicate our language, history and literature to immortality.”49 The programme of spreading the Gospel in Hungarian fits into the main spiritual movements of the age, which fundamentally influenced Erasmus himself too. The reason that the Latin prologue of the book emphasizes that not only Cicero but also St. Paul must be read by the Hungarians is that Komjáti regarded as especially significant that God speaks in Hungarian to the Hungarians here: “If M. Tullius, who was equally excellent as philosopher and rhetorician, was right that cultivating erudition makes advantageous things bright and gives asylum in disadvantage, how much more should we hold the same about these letters, which are from Him, whom we profess as our God, and also call him Paracletus, that is consoling” – as Vietor put it.50 Paracletus refers of course to the Holy Spirit. It is a notion – a favourite of Erasmus – which in this context only occurs in the Gospel of St. John and is also kept in Greek in St. Jerome. It is a telling evidence that the Cracow printer considered the publishing of the Hugnarian translation of Saint Paul in line with the programme of Erasmian spiritualism. It was this thought that inspired Komjáti to write in a purified and refined Hungarian language capable of transmitting the message of the Bible. A similar spiritually motivated desire to improve the vernacular languages was expressed in other countries of Europe as well, for example by David Joris for the Dutch language,51 or a decade later, if certain limitations are applied, by Sebastian Franck in his paraphrase to the abovementioned Theologia

48 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 14. 49 Letter to János Telegdi, 5 March 1598. Janus Pannonius – magyarországi humanisták, ed. Tibor Klaniczay (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1982), 809. 50 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 3. 51 Gary K. Waite, “The Holy Spirit speaks Dutch. David Joris and the promotion of the Dutch language, 1538−1545,” Church History 61 (1992): 47−59.

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Deutsch.52As Alastair Hamilton puts it: “It was proof that God spoke wherever He chose, whenever he chose and in whatever language he chose. Indeed, Franck went as far as to suggest that the Almighty spoke with particular effectiveness in German to the Germans, certainly just as well as He had ever spoken to ‘any theologian from the ranks of the Hebrews, Latins or Greeks.’”53 Besides speaking in tongues (glossolalia),54 another sign of divine election was the undertaking of martyrdom, of self-sacrifice.55 Following the example of Erasmus, Komjáti’s longest commentaries are attached to the Epistle to the Romans. He interprets in detail the notion of the “two Israels,” stressing that Paul talks about two Jewries, two circumcisions, two sons of Abraham, two laws (of soul and body), two Baptisms, two deaths and two resurrections – the old and the new.56 The freshly chosen are more advanced than the old not only in time, but also in a moral sense. Paul’s teaching that the original status of chosenness applies by the will of God to other peoples as well, and that the newly chosen are more important than the old, is strongly emphasized here. This is an argument that was to stay at the very centre of Hungarian national consciousness. The poignant contrast of limited space of action and growing desire of glory can be justified by religious arguments. The example of Abraham provides arguments for the Hungarian sense of mission. In harmony with Erasmus, Komjáti pinpoints that those who profess Abraham’s faith as their own according to its essence can be viewed as Abraham’s real sons. In Erasmus’ interpretation, Abraham’s example presents a special form of Christian behaviour. This also includes the theology of “redemption through faith,” as faith is the basic momentum of Christian existence. And Abraham believed in God above all. Many – especially those who followed Luther’s commentaries on Saint Paul – stopped at this point. According to Erasmus’ interpretation, though, Abraham not only believed in God, but he also acted according to his faith and conviction. He forsook the only one in whom he could lay his hopes, and he was even willing to tie up, kill and sacrifice his own son in order to be able to stand as a true man in front of God. According to Erasmus, faith is necessary but not sufficient: man has to follow Christ consciously, from his own will. In this sense, voluntary selfsacrifice becomes the pattern that most verifies the existence of the evangelical

52 Sebastian Franck’s Latin Paraphrase to the German Theology was written in 1541–1542. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, 32. 53 Alastair Hamilton, The Family of Love (Cambridge: Clarke, 1981), 9. 54 Christopher Forbes, Prophecy and inspired speech in early Christianity and its Hellenistic environment (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995), passim. 55 See the chapter The names of the Holy Maccabees in this volume. 56 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 32–33.

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community. Christ’s people must follow the steps of their leader: they have to take up the cross and carry it voluntarily.57 It is well known that the idea of propugnaculum Christianitatis, “the bulwark of Christianity,” was one of the basic symbols of Hungarian patriotism. Of course, this national symbol cannot be considered originally Hungarian: the topos was employed by the humanists mostly in relation to Byzantium, later on it was widely used by the Hungarians, the Poles and the Croats.58 This thought had long preceded the Reformation, but it became widely known during that epoch, as this was also the period when parts of Hungary became subject to Ottoman rule. The Protestant interpretation of the Epistle to the Romans still limited the human possibilities hidden in Paul’s parable of Abraham. According to Luther and his followers, it is only God who is active, whereas humans are passive: man cannot do more than stand in front of God. In contrast, Erasmus represented a position which gave a balanced role to faith and to action, to grace and to free will. Komjáti warns his reader to take note of this. He emphasizes that the Epistle to the Romans is about human merits, divine grace and the free will of man.59 With this, the Hungarian Erasmian movement sought to build a Hungarian national resurrection on pre-Counter-Reformation Catholic theology. Komjáti, who attended university in Vienna, became acquainted with the Catholic version of Erasmianism,60 and this was what he represented later in his translation.61 For all that, it can be said that Erasmian Catholicism is a superficial phenomenon as it appears in his work. The essential inspiration of Komjáti’s translation is neither “Catholic” nor “Protestant,” but rather spiritual.62 Its author was not driven by apologetic intentions. As Vietor’s preface suggests: “Non iam Haebreum aut

57 Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 143–46. 58 Lajos Hopp, “Les principes de l’»antemurale« et de la »conformitas« dans la tradition hungaro-polonaise avant Báthory,” Acta Litteraria Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 31 (1989): 125–40. 59 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli, 31. Clarence H. Miller−Peter Macardle, Erasmus and Luther. The battle over free will (Indianapolis. Indiana: Hackett Publishing Company, 2012). 60 Farkas Gábor Kiss, “Irodalmi útkeresések a katolikus értelmiségben 1530 és 1580 között: négy pályafutás és tanulságai,” in Egyházi társadalom a Magyar Királyságban a 16. században, ed. Szabolcs Varga, Lázár Vértesi (Pécs: Püspöki Hittudományi Fo˝iskola–Pécsi Egyháztörténeti Intézet, 2017), 334, 336. On relationship of Erasmus and the Catholic Reformation see John C. Olin, The Catholic Reformation. Savonarola to Ignatius Loyola. Reform in the Church, 1495− 1540 (New York: Fordham University Press, 1992), 65−89; Michael A. Mullett, The Catholic Reformation (London: Routledge, 1999), 1−28. 61 Ulrike Denk, Das Collegium trilingue des Bischofs Johann Fabri. Ein Konzept zur katholischen Reform an der Wiener Universität (Diplomarbeit, Univ. Wien−Institut für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, 1998). 62 André Séguenny, “Pourquoi Bucer destestait les spirituels? Quelques reflections après la lecture des dialogues de Bucer de 1535,” in Martin Bucer and 16th century Europe. Actes Du Colloque de Strasbourg 28−31 aût 1991, vol. 2 (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 627−634.

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Graecum, sed Hungarum” – or, with other words, “The wind bloweth where it listeth” (John 3,8).

Conclusions Benedek Komjáti finished the translation of the epistles of St. Paul in 1532, during an intensification of European religious conflicts.63 It is very unlikely that he intended to contribute to the inflaming of dogmatic debates, and he carefully refrained from any utterance that could cause scandal on either side. He nowhere so much as mentions Erasmus, although his entire work depended on the edition of the Novum instrumentum. As we have seen, he contrasted the desire for national peace with the Ottoman menace and the internal division. Similarly, he fought against religious division and pointed to the possibility of a Christian unity. In this way, too, he was mediating/furthering Erasmus’ goals. We know that in the same year (i. e. 1532) Erasmus prepared for publication a revised version of the paraphrase of the Epistle to the Romans, from which he left out those references that would have sharpened the tensions between Protestants and Catholics. Moreover, Christian unity, the “sanctorum communion,” cannot be separated from ideas of commitment, self-sacrifice and martyrdom. This attitude was also expressed in Komjáti’s Erasmian patriotism. The Erasmian principle of Christian self-sacrifice originates in the Pauline interpretation of Abraham’s sacrifice and Isaac’s self-sacrifice. This theology urges not the adoption of a passive, accepting, yielding attitude, but the discovery of an active, personal self-awareness. This is what was later forced into the background by Protestant fatalism, and what was cut out of the argumentation system of post-Tridentine Catholic theology. It is not an accident that in the long run Erasmus could offer valid patterns of behaviour to independent intellectuals alone and not to a nation. Nor is it surprising that neither Protestants nor Catholics availed themselves of the Hungarian Bible translation in the Erasmian spirit.

63 Cf. Erika Rummel, “Erasmus and the restoration of unity in the Church,” in Conciliation and confession. The struggle for unity in the age of Reform, 1415–1648, ed. Howard P. Louthan and Randall C. Zachman (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 2004), 62–72.

Part Two: Protestant Reformations in Cultural Context

Chapter 4: Bibles and Books – Vernacular Literature in Hungary

The beginning of the 16th century was marked by profound changes in Hungary’s political, social, and cultural history. The medieval Kingdom of Hungary collapsed in the face of the advance of Ottoman armies. The Catholic Church lost lands, power, and the support of most of the population.1 Writing about this era of reform in Hungary has long been trapped in traditional contexts, and analysis of the history of religion in Hungary has only gradually lost an apologetic and confessional character. Debate has now moved to the study of the origins, character, and development of reform movements, the role of religious orders, landowners, and laity in supporting reform, the reception of reform among different ethnic and social groups, and the impact of reform on social relations.2 In all these areas of analysis, a strange paradox must be addressed: that the political and cultural calamity for Hungary marked by the 1526 battle of Mohács was followed by the spectacular development of Hungarian vernacular literature.3 We should acknowledge that there had been traditions of vernacular literature before the 16th century, although largely confined within religious

1 Ferenc Szakály, “Nándorfehérvár, 1521. The beginning of the end of the Medieval Hungarian Kingdom,” in Hungarian-Ottoman military and diplomatic relations in the age of Süleyman the Magnificent, ed. Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor (Budapest: Loránd Eötvös University−Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1994), 47–76; Géza Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary and the Habsburg Monarchy in the sixteenth century. East European Monographs DCCXXXV, CHSP Hungarian Studies Series 18 (New York: Boulder, distributed by Columbia University Press 2009). 2 Katalin Péter, A reformáció: kényszer vagy választás? (Budapest: Nemzeti Tankönyvkiadó, 2004); Zoltán Csepregi, “Die Auffassung der Reformation bei Honterus und seinen Zeitgenossen,” in Humanistische Beziehungen in Ungarn und Siebenbürgen. Politik, Religion und Kunst im 16. Jahrhundert, ed. Ulrich Andreas Wien and Krista Zach (Vienna: Böhlau, 2004), 1–17. 3 Zoltán Ferenczi, “La lingua volgare nella letteratura ungherese,” Corvina 1 (1921): 53–58; Pál Ács, “A magyar irodalmi nyelv két elmélete;” Mike Pincombe, “Evolutionary experiment in the lyric poetry of Bálint Balassi,” Journal of Northern Renaissance 3 (2011): http://www. northernrenaissance.org/evolutionary-experiment-in-the-lyric-poetry-of-balint-balassi/

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contexts.4 The spread of vernacular printed texts was in part a result of the reception of humanism and the influence of Erasmus in Hungary. However, the accent placed on the vernacular within various programmes of religious reform was certainly closely connected with the growth of literary communication in Hungary and the increasing role of Hungarian in printed literature. We know in some detail that there was a rapid expansion in the production of printed vernacular works in Hungary. The bibliography of 16th-century Hungarian printed works consists of some 869 items, while the repertory of 16th-century verse extends to 1,500 poems.5 Use of the Hungarian language spread rapidly during this period not only in print, politics, and public life but also in private correspondence and personal exchanges.6 Latin had long dominated religious life, scholarship, and literature in Hungary. The transition towards the increasing use of Hungarian was far from seamless. Authors in Hungary, as elsewhere across the Continent, wondered whether their vernacular language was in fact capable of offering accurate and appropriate forms of the sacred languages used in the Bible.7 János Sylvester (c.1504–c.1551), a follower of Erasmus, perceived a struggle between languages glottomachia to discern which was best suited for the task of translating early Church or Classical texts or for creating new works of the same quality as those of ancient writers.8 The degree of influence of Erasmus over Sylvester and others in Hungary can hardly be under-estimated.9 Hungarians had studied Erasmus’s 4 János Horváth, A magyar irodalmi mu˝veltség kezdetei. Szent Istvántól Mohácsig (Budapest: Magyar Szemle Társaság, 1931); Andor Tarnai, ‘A magyar nyelvet írni kezdik.’ Irodalmi gondolkodás a középkori Magyarországon (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1984); Edit Madas, “Írás, könyv és könyvhasználat a középkori Magyarországon, 1000–1526,” in A könyvkultúra Magyarországon a kezdetekto˝l 1730-ig, ed. Edit Madas and István Monok (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1998), 11–16. 5 Madas−Monok (eds.), A könyvkultúra Magyarországon 1730-ig; Gedeon Borsa, “Le livre et les débuts de la Réforme en Hongrie,” in La Réforme et le livre. L’Europe de l’imprimé: 1517− v. 1570, ed. J. F. Gilmont (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1990), 375–392; Judit V. Ecsedy, A könyvnyomtatás Magyarországon a kézisajtó korában, 1473–1800 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1999). RMNy; RPHA; RMKT XVI, 12 vols. 6 Sándor Takáts, “Batthyány Ferencné Bánffy Kata,” in idem, Régi magyar asszonyok (Budapest: Élet, 1914), 30–58. 7 Angelo Mazzocco, “Linguistic theories in Dante and the Humanists,” in idem, Studies of language and intellectual history in late medieval and early Renaissance Italy (Leiden: Brill, 1993), 30–50; Pieter Adrianus Verburg, Language and its functions. A historico-critical study of views concerning the functions of language from the pre-humanistic philology of Orleans to the rationalistic philology of Bopp (Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1998), 123–191; Guy Bedouelle, “Érasme, Lefèvre d’Étaples et la lecture de la Bible en langue vulgaire,” in Lay Bibles in Europe 1450–1800, ed. Mathijs Lamberigts and A. A. Den Hollander (Leuven:University Press, 2006), 55–68. 8 Sylvester, Grammatica Hungarolatina, 115. 9 Trencsényi-Waldapfel, Erasmus és magyar barátai; Ritoók-Szalay, “Erasmus und die ungarischen Intellektuellen”; Kiss, “Irodalmi útkeresések,” 334.

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texts before the battle of Mohács. A second group of Erasmians emerged then after Mohács with an agenda to spread knowledge of the Bible and to translate the Scripture into the vernacular. The first printed book in Hungarian was published at Cracow and was appropriately a translation of the Epistles of Paul, following Erasmus’s work.10 As we turn to consider the significance of this Erasmian legacy and of programmes of religious reform on the production of vernacular texts, we should consider the changing landscape of Hungarian scholarship in this field. From the 19th century onward, literary historians in Hungary suggested that early reformers sought to undermine Catholicism by turning directly to the people and speaking to them in their own language. This conviction nurtured the notion that the age of Matthias Corvinus and of the Jagiellonian kings was an era of Renaissance in Hungarian literature. This was followed by one hundred years of Reformation, which in turn was succeeded by the long reign of the CounterReformation Baroque.11 Some authors have offered a damning verdict about the long-term cultural impact of the Reformation.12 This traditional pattern of Hungarian literary history was finally replaced only during the second half of the 20th century. Scholars then brought together and united what they identified as the progressive movements of the Renaissance and Reformation creating an extended Renaissance period of Hungarian literature that reached into the third decade of the 17th century. According to this scheme, religious literature and secular literature were two branches of the same organic development and were both nourished from ancient sources and from the pure wells of faith and culture. Vernacular secular culture and Protestant literature in Hungary were thus seen to stem from the same roots.13 This view has been rightly disputed by those who point out that the enthusiasm of reformers for the vernacular was primarily a means to an end, and that Protestants did not use Hungarian in print with literary motives in mind.14 10 Komjáti, Epistolae Pauli; see the chapter The reception of Erasmianism in Hungary and the contexts of the Erasmian programme. The ’cultural patriotism’ of Benedek Komjáti in the present volume. 11 Szörényi, “Introduzione alla recente storiografia sul Rinascimento;” Horváth, A reformáció jegyében. 12 Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, all too human. A book for free spirits, transl. Marion Faber and Stephen Lehmann (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 147. 13 Tibor Klaniczay, “Hungary,” in The Renaissance in national context, ed. Roy Porter and Mikulásˇ Teich (Cambridge: University Press, 1992), 163–180; Emese Czintos, “A woman printer and her readers in early modern Transylvania,” Journal of Early Modern Christianity 3 (2016): fasc. 2, 167–199. 14 Iván Horváth, “A magyar vers a reneszánsz és a reformáció kezdetén,” in A magyar irodalom történetei. A kezdetekto˝l 1800-ig, ed. László Jankovits and Géza Orlovszky (Budapest: Gondolat, 2007), 351–362. Bengt Hägglund, “Erasmus und die Reformation,” in Buck (ed.), Erasmus und Europa, 139–148.

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Indeed, some reform-minded preachers attacked “lecherous” secular poetry and directed prophetic diatribes against expressions of Renaissance culture. In their eyes, dancing, music, and the recital of love songs were all forms of “ugliness” that stemmed from the devil. Reformers condemned comedy as an obscene vanity, and likewise denounced colourful forms of dress and decorative styles of architecture.15 Péter Bornemisza was an evangelical author responsible for the first printed work of fiction in Hungarian. In his version of Sophocles’ Electra, Bornemisza offered a moral judgement through his characters with a clear contemporary resonance. Bornemisza’s murderous and lustful Clytemnestra was a typical Renaissance woman who sought only pleasure from life; “she has music played for her…, she feasts…, she dances, has fun.” Bornemisza also condemned Clytemnestra’s “rascal” of a partner, Aegisthus in similar terms. Bornemisza’s Aegisthus described how his “utmost aim is to have numerous lute-players, violinists, pipers, drummers, trumpet-players, to see everyone have fun, to have young people around me enjoying themselves, to see beautiful people dance… and wrap palaces in golden, expensive upholstery and golden velvet.”16 Other reformers retained this strong suspicion of Classical pre-Christian forms of ancient culture. Imre Újfalvi, who compiled a 1602 hymn book at Debrecen, wondered “how [Christ] could love those who sing not to him but to Jupiter, Venus, Bacchus, or Vulcan, all those who were wrongly considered gods by the pagans.”17 Traditional literary scholars in Hungary were aware of the tensions identified by some authors between the values of the Renaissance and the Reformation. Literary historians responded by narrowing the concept of vernacular Renaissance to artistic and courtly literature. Only works by the most brilliant Renaissance poets such as Bálint Balassi (educated by Péter Bornemisza) and János Rimay were seen to fulfil the strict criteria required of Renaissance literature.18 15 See the chapter ‘Thou shalt not commit adultery.’ / ‘Ne paráználkodjál’. The metaphor of adultery/paráznaság as applied in the literature of the Reformation in the present volume. 16 Péter Bornemisza, Tragédia magyar nyelven az Szophoklész Élektrájából (Vienna: Raphael Hoffhalter, 1558), facsimile edition Péter Ko˝szeghy, complementary study Szabolcs Oláh. BHA, vol. 42 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2009), Avi v, Biii r. 17 Imre Újfalvi, Keresztyéni énekek (Debrecen: Rheda Pál, 1602), facsimile edition Péter Ko˝szeghy, complementary study Pál Ács. BHA, vol. 38 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2004), 1a; Bálint Keseru˝, “Der Fall Imre Újfalvi. Die reformierte Opposition in Ostungarn und die Melanchthon-Anhänger in Sachsen,” in Deutschland und Ungarn in ihren Bildungs- und Wissenschaftsbeziehungen während der Renaissance, ed. Wilhelm Kühlmann and Anton Schindling (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2004), 185–197. 18 Armando Nuzzo, “Il Balassa-kódex e le raccolte poetiche di Bálint Balassi e János Rimay,” in ‘Liber’, ‘fragmenta’, ‘libellus’ prima e dopo Petrarca. In ricordo di D’Arco Silvio Avalle, ed. Francesco Lo Monaco, Luca Carlo Rossi, and Nicola Scaffai (Florence: SISMEL − Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2006), 325–348; Pincombe, “Evolutionary experiment.” An outstanding Italian translation of the poems by Bálint Balassi with rich commentary: Bálint Balassi, Canzoni per

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Meanwhile, most 16th-century Hungarian texts were simply not considered Renaissance literature because such books were deemed to have been written “in the spirit of the Reformation”.19 Contemporaries had a very different view. János Rimay was a deeply pious evangelical who wrote a preface to the collected love poems of Bálint Balassi. Rimay collected and wanted to print the complete works of Balassi, but this edition was never published, and only Rimay’s preface has survived. Rimay defended Balassi’s love poetry as aiding the development of Hungarian as a literary language. Rimay also argued that Balassi’s love poems were suited as well as any other poetry to voice wisdom. Rimay’s preface set these remarks in the context of a broader assessment of Hungarian literary and religious history. Rimay noted that the sciences, “manual crafts,” and arts had developed so that they could finally compete with “works of old times”. A similar step had also been taken in the “writing professions”. Finally, “God has given us a beautiful gift, having enriched this era with the perfect manifestation of His Word, the true knowledge of His Holy Son, and the unambiguous revelation of His will.” For Rimay, the achievements of Hungarian humanism pointed directly towards the Reformation. True faith was the light of a “heavenly torch” that had chased away ignorance. The Latin language had been restored to its true nature and “all national languages” had started to speak for themselves. According to Rimay, the result and glorious perfection of this renovation and reform, carried out in accordance with God’s will, was exemplified in Bálint Balassi’s love poetry.20 In Rimay’s eyes, humanism, the Renaissance, the Reformation, and the development of Latin and vernacular languages, were all part of a single, unstoppable process. This process for Rimay, as for all Protestants, was not progressive in the sense of denying the past but rather the recovery of a lost golden age.21 Across the 16th century the volume of printed vernacular texts steadily increased over a range of different genres, forms, and subject matter. While the aesthetic quality of some work falls short of the standard set by Bálint Balassi’s literary circle, they still retain serious literary intent and significance. Protestant writers, some well-known and others anonymous, composed many pedagogic and reproving poems, as well as histories, Biblical chronicles, and folkloric and sometimes humorous odes to newly-married couples. Noteworthy early authors Julia e altre cose, ed. and transl. Armando Nuzzo. Forma di Parole. 24, 4, 2 (Forma di Parole: Bologna, 2004). 19 Cf. Horváth, A reformáció jegyében. 20 János Rimay, Összes mu˝vei, ed. Sándor Eckhardt (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1955), 39–40. 21 Konrad Burdach, “Sinn und Ursprung der Worte Renaissance und Reformation,” Sitzungsberichte der preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Phil.-hist. Klasse 32 (1910): 594–646; Anthony Levi, Renaissance and Reformation. The intellectual genesis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002).

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of vernacular texts influenced by the Reformation include Sebestyén Tinódi who composed histories in verse.22 András Farkas, András Szkhárosi Horvát, and András Batizi were among preacher-poets who often incorporated Biblical parables to write about the imminent end of the world, the papal and “Turkish” Antichrists, and the moral corruption of Catholic priests, oligarchs, and princes. Adopting the voice of Old Testament prophets, they condemned public sins and the false worship of those who adhered to the religion of the pope.23 All these preachers were convinced that the defeat of Hungary at the hands of the Ottomans provided a clear sign of God’s punishment. A 1538 poem by Farkas explored his understanding of the parallel fate of the Hungarians and ancient Israel: “All this was inflicted upon us by God / Because of our many sins and wickedness. / He punished us by the pagan Turks, / And by the Germans and their many allies.”24 Translations of the Psalms also flourished. Prose Psalms by Márton Kálmáncsehi Sánta and István Székely were followed by paraphrases in free verse by preachers including András Batizi, Mihály Sztárai, Gergely Szegedi, and Miklós Bogáti Fazakas. This style gave way to more precise and faithful renditions of the Psalms by Máté Skaricza, Albert Szenci Molnár, and János Thordai.25 Alongside these developing styles and uses of vernacular Psalms, hymns and songs were printed in various hymnals and graduals for use in public worship.26 Several domestic printing houses produced these texts for use in Protestant churches including presses in the towns of Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca, Romania), Nagyvárad (today Oradea, Romania), Debrecen and Bártfa (today Bardejov, Slovakia). The texts of these hymnals were sometimes copied manually by anonymous artisans into richly illustrated manuscript copies.27 Works of po-

22 Sebestyén Tinódi, Cronica (Kolozsvár: Hoffgreff, 1554), ed. István Sugár and Ferenc Szakály (Budapest: Helikon, 1984); Balázs Pap, “Tinódi ‘bibliai históriái’,” in Tinódi Sebestyén és a régi magyar verses epika, ed. Rumen István Csörsz (Kolozsvár/Cluj-Napoca: Kriterion, 2008), 87–98. 23 Tibor Klaniczay, “A magyar reformáció irodalma,” in idem, Reneszánsz és barokk (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Könyvkiadó, 1961), 64–150. 24 Balázs Pap, “Ment o˝ket az Isten Egyiptomból kihozá,” Acta Historiae Litterarum Hungaricarum 29 (2006): 211–219; Brigitta Pesti, “Zwischen Wittenberg und der Hohen Pforte. Konstuktionen von Fremd- und Selbstbildern in der ungarischen Literatur der Frühen Neuzeit,” in Osmanischer Orient und Ostmitteleuropa. Perzeptionen und Interaktionen in den Grenzzonen zwischen dem 16. und 18. Jahrhundert, ed. Robert Born and Andreas Puth (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2014), 123−125. 25 A zsoltár a régi magyar irodalomban, ed. Éva Petro˝czi and András Szabó (Budapest: Károli Gáspár Református Egyetem−L’Harmattan, 2011). 26 Tibor Schulek, “Kurzer Abriß der Geschichte des ungarischen Kirchengesangbuches,” Jahrbuch für Liturgik und Hymnologie 14 (1969): 130–140. 27 Stoll, A magyar kéziratos énekeskönyvek.

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lemical drama also flourished.28 The most famous dramatist of the period was the versatile Mihály Sztárai (Mihajlo Starin). Vernacular print also included dogmatic tracts, polemic works, and collections of sermons including a volume compiled by Péter Bornemisza. The Bible was first translated partially and then in its entirety. Some books of the Bible had been translated by Benedek Komjáti, Gábor Pesti, and János Sylvester. These versions were based on Erasmus’s Novum Testamentum and were not used by later Protestant scholars. While later translators did continue to use the texts of the Septuagint and Vulgate, they relied increasingly on original Hebrew and Greek sources, available Polyglot Bibles, and new translations by Immanuel Tremellius and Peter Martyr Vermigli.29 The quality of this pioneering work steadily improved across the century with texts produced by Gáspár Heltai, Péter Melius, and Tamás Félegyházi.30 The most significant and complete 16thcentury translation of the Bible was printed in 1590 at Vizsoly under the direction of Gáspár Károlyi (fig. 2). Later editions of the Bible by Albert Szenci Molnár (fig. 3) and Miklós Tótfalusi Kis adapted this Vizsoly text, and the Bible was then translated afresh in its entirety by the Hebraist György Komáromi Csipkés.31 The question arises how to analyse this rather considerable corpus of early vernacular literature. These works are undoubtedly significant literary and cultural achievements but in what sense, if at all, can they be classified as Protestant? Did Hungary have a unified Protestant culture or did the Lutheran, Reformed, and Antitrinitarian churches each develop their own identifiable genres of literature? Hungarian intellectuals were of course very familiar with the debates and 28 Mihály Balázs, “Der ‘Reformationsdialog’ und die ungarischen Antitrinitarier,” in Festschrift für András Vizkelety zum 70. Geburstag, ed. Márta Nagy and others (Piliscsaba: Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, 2001), 261–270. Miklós Latzkovits, A drámaírás gyakorlata a 16–17. századi Magyarországon (Budapest: Argumentum, 2007). 29 Mihály Imre, A Vizsolyi Biblia egyik forrása: Petrus Martyr (Debrecen: Tiszáninneni Református Egyházkerület, 2006). 30 István Nemeskürty, Magyar bibliafordítások Hunyadi János korától Pázmány Péter századáig (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1990). Katalin Péter, “Bibellesen. Ein Programm für jedermann im Ungarn des 16. Jahrhunderts,” in Iter Germanicum. Deutschland und die Reformierte Kirche in Ungarn des 16–17. Jahrhundert, ed. András Szabó (Budapest: Kálvin Kiadó, 1999), 7–38; Biblia Sacra Hungarica. Exhib. Cat. 21. 11. 2008.– 29. 3. 2009, ed. János Heltai and Botond Gáborjáni Szabó (Budapest: Hungarian National Széchényi Library, 2008). 31 András Szabó, A rejto˝zködo˝ bibliafordító: Károlyi Gáspár (Budapest: Kálvin Kiadó, 2012); Judit P. Vásárhelyi, Szenci Molnár Albert és a Vizsolyi Biblia új kiadásai: elo˝zmények és fogadtatás. Historia Litteraria 21 (Budapest: Universitas, 2006); György Haiman, Nicholas Kis. A Hungarian punch-cutter and printer (1650–1702) (San Francisco: Jack W. Stauffacher, 1983); Pál Ács, “Biblical studies and Bible translations in Hungary in the age of the Reformation 1540 −1640,” in Martin Luther: A Christian between Reforms and modernity (1517– 2017), ed. Alberto Melloni (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017), 1219–1240; Edina Zvara, “Scholarly translators and committed disputants: The first century of the Hungarian Bible.” Hungarian Studies 31(2017): 2: 271–282.

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Fig. 2: The 1st edition of the “Vizsoly Bible” (also called “Károlyi Bible”), the first complete Protestant Bible printed in the Hungarian language, ed. and transl. by Gáspár Károlyi (Vizsoly: Mantskovit, 1590).

divisions between Lutheran and Reformed theologians in the Empire.32 Nevertheless, we should note that the process of developing distinct Reformed and Lutheran church institutions was relatively slow in Hungary, and the different

32 Peregrinatio Hungarica. Studenten aus Ungarn an deutschen und österreichischen Hochschulen vom 16. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Márta Fata, Gyula Kurucz, and Anton Schindling (Tübingen: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2006).

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Fig. 3: The 2nd, corrected edition of the “Károlyi Bible,” ed. Albert Szenci Molnár (Hanau: Johannes Halbeius, 1608).

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branches of the reform movement did not irrevocably separate until the final decades of the 16th century.33 In addition, we should note that some key authors changed their religious allegiances during this period. The spirituality of István Szegedi Kis had first been formed by the Observant Franciscans of Szeged, but he then supported Lutheran and later Reformed doctrine. Márton Kálmáncsehi Sánta, later known as an iconoclast, began his career as a canon of the cathedral at Gyulafehérvár (today Alba Iulia, Romania). Ferenc Dávid was originally a Catholic priest. In 1557 he became superintendent of the Lutheran church in Transylvania, and then in 1559 he moved to a Reformed position, before embracing Antitrinitarianism in 1566 and then in 1570 adopting a non-adorantist form of Antitrinitarianism. Moving in the other direction, Bálint Balassi became a Catholic in 1585. The affiliation of some figures remains uncertain. Mátyás Dévai was nicknamed the “Hungarian Luther” by some contemporaries, but was considered to have moved in a “Swiss direction” by some, while others saw Dévai as an Anabaptist because of his views on the state of the soul after death.34 There were also difficulties and divisions within churches. For example, in the town of Késmárk (today Kezˇmarok, Slovakia), there were lengthy debates between the Orthodox Lutheran and crypto-Calvinist clergy (Gergely Horváth Stansith and Sebestyén Ambrosius, respectively).35 There were also tensions within churches over the authority of superintendents. A Reformed superintendent, Lukács Hodászi, called for the execution of Imre Újfalvi (who had compiled a 1602 hymnal) because he had rebelled against Hodászi’s authority.36 In what ways did these varied religious trajectories and changing opinions affect the literature of the period? There were certainly no distinct literary or poetic styles or particular use of rhetoric and language that can be connected with any one confession.37 For example, concerning the vernacular Bible, the Vizsoly Bible and early 17th-century translations emerged from a Reformed context, but Lutheran and Antitrinitarian churches used the same translations. The Lutheran 33 Katalin Péter, “Hungary,” in The Reformation in national context, ed. Robert Scribner, Roy Porter, and Mikulásˇ Teich (Cambridge: University Press, 1994), 155–167. 34 Mátyás Dévai created the first Hungarian system of spelling; see Matthias Dévai, Orthographia hungarica (Cracow: Vietor, 1538). Zoltán Csepregi, “A magyarországi reformáció kezdetei. Dévai Mátyás, a ‘magyar Luther’,” História 39 (2009): 26–31. On Matthias Dévai see the chapter The theory of soul-sleeping at the beginning of the Hungarian Reformation movement in this volume. 35 Marcell Sebo˝k, “Sebastian Thököly and his sensibility towards religious questions,” in The man of many devices, who wandered full many ways. Festschrift in Honour of János M. Bak, ed. Balázs Nagy and Marcell Sebo˝k (Budapest: CEU Press, 1999), 583–595. 36 Keseru˝, “Der Fall Imre Újfalvi.” 37 István Bartók, “Rhetoricati sumus. Retorikafelfogások a régi magyar irodalomban,” in Religió, retorika, nemzettudat a régi magyar irodalomban, ed. István Bitskey (Debrecen: Kossuth Egyetemi Kiadó, 2004), 198–211.

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church in Hungary did not complete its own Bible translation until the 18th century.38 The most obvious differences between Protestant texts arise from questions of content but even here we can observe authors adopting different strategies that reflected the complex confessional environment. Hymnals for example included catechism verses, some of which closely reflected a distinct theological position on key issues while others were rather cautious in their treatment of contentious issues. When it came to treatment of the difficult question of Holy Communion in hymnals, one of the most divisive songs, “You are taking Christ’s Communion,” had two completely different texts, one used by Lutherans and the other by Calvinists. Towards the end of the 16th century, hymnals tended to avoid inclusion of contentious texts altogether. Imre Újfalvi’s 1602 hymnal adopted a different strategy. He printed the Reformed text for “You are taking Christ’s Communion” but next to it he placed a song on the Holy Communion that had previously only been printed in Lutheran collections of hymns. The theology of the two texts was obviously contradictory. The first emphasized that Christ’s human body was in heaven, while the other stressed Christ’s ubiquitous omnipresence.39 By the early decades of the 17th century the growing force of confessionalism proved unstoppable. The development of separate Lutheran, Reformed, and Catholic religious cultures was reflected in new and distinct forms of vernacular literature. For example, Reformed students returned from periods of study at Dutch universities and visits to England with a commitment to spread a Puritan style of piety in Hungary. Pál Medgyesi and János Tolnai Dali were among those who returned home having experienced the use of vernacular books as instruments of personal moral reflection and practical divinity in Dutch and English congregations. Hungarian Puritan authors translated morality tracts, conduct books, and other works of practical theology aiming to transplant the same Puritan culture to Hungarian Reformed congregations.40 At the same time some voices continued to be raised in print in favour of religious peace and irenicism. Imre Újfalvi encouraged dialogue between churches, while János Rimay urged that “we must be patient towards differences between religions.” In the end, however, these sentiments in favour of Christian unity, while in line with the original aims of Hungarian reformers, were unable to withstand the growing confessional pressures of the 17th century.41 38 Zoltán Csepregi, “Evangélikus bibliafordítások a 18. században,” in Biblia Hungarica Philologica. Magyarországi bibliák a filológiai tudományokban. A Magyar Könyvszemle és a MOKKA–R Egyesület füzetei 3., ed. János Heltai (Budapest: Argumentum, 2009), 171–184. 39 Újfalvi, Keresztyéni énekek, 35–38. 40 Graeme Murdock, Calvinism on the frontier, 1600–1660. International Calvinism and the Reformed Church in Hungary and Transylvania (Oxford: University Press, 2000). 41 Letter of János Rimay to Justus Lipsius, in Rimay, Összes mu˝vei, 223.

Chapter 5: “Thou shalt not Commit Adultery” – The Metaphor of Paráznaság/Adultery as Applied in the Literature of the Reformation

It would be too longwinded to list all the ideas comprised in the concept of paráznaság by 16th century Protestant writers. Gáspár Decsi, a preacher from Tolna, dedicated a whole sermon to this topic,1 while Péter Bornemisza, after depicting the “unspeakably formidable” sins of the inhabitants of Sodom, Queen Semiramis and contemporary “adulterers” in a separate chapter of his Devilish temptations, begs the forgiveness of the “pious and devout” reader for his outspoken lines.2 Several 16th century minstrels include similar reproofs in their works. Bálint Tolnai Fabricius, a Calvinist poet, attempted to make up a list of parázna (lecherous) offences and types. He made the following, though incomplete, list: “Lust, adultery and defloration, / not living a pious married life, / those living a lewd life, / those going to brothels, / those speaking and thinking hideous things, / those divorcing their spouse without any just cause,” panders, and those who protect rascals, those who endure their wife’s “wickedness” and finally those who are immoderate in their marriage.3 Thus sexuality other than the type exercised under holy matrimony for the purpose of begetting offspring was considered paráznaság – adultery or fornication as the case may be. According to the Calvinist catechism, in the Ten Commandments “God has damned all form of paráznaság – adultery/fornication – and consequently has forbidden all unchaste behaviour, thought, desire, pleasure and everything that would induce some lewd desire in man.”4 All these interdictions were of course based on the word of God, the Bible.

1 Gáspár Decsi, Az utolsó üdo˝ben egynehány regnáló bu˝nökro˝l való prédikációk, tudniillik elso˝ a bu˝nro˝l, második a részegségro˝l, harmadik a paráznaságról, negyedik a táncról (Debrecen: Rodolphus Hoffhalter, 1582); Horváth, A reformáció jegyében, 331–333. 2 Péter Bornemisza, Ördögi kísértetek (Detreko˝: Bornemisza, 1579), ed. Sándor Eckhardt (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1955), 192–194. 3 Bálint Tolnai Fabricius, Szent János látása (1579), in RMKT XVI, vol. 11, № 4. 4 Kis katekizmus, avagy az keresztyén hitre való tanításnak rövid formája, in Szent Biblia, ed. Albert Szenci Molnár (Hanau: Johannes Halbeius, 1608), appendix.

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It is questionable, though, whether contemporary exegetes interpreted the “word” correctly or rather wilfully merged the original Biblical contents included in the concept of “adultery”. In the present study I would like to trace these deliberate distortions and misinterpretations, because I believe it will lead us to one of the principal questions of European and Hungarian Protestant ideology. It is well known that the Torah, among other religious texts, regulated the life of the Jews in terms of sexual interdictions. The various terms of incest, rape (e. g., the defloration of Dina), and sexual pleasure classified as unnatural, such as the sins of Sodom, sexual intercourse with animals, homosexuality, and intercourse with a divorced or menstruating woman, all fell under severe interdiction.5 However, it was acceptable to have slave girls and prostitution was also an accepted institution whereby prostitutes legally followed their trade. The Law punished only non-professional amateurs – that is, whoring or záná.6 The text of the Ten Commandments (Decalogue) is found in two different places of the Bible: Ex 20, 14 and Deut 5, 18. The commandment listed as number 7 according to the Jewish and Calvinist numeration (and as number 6 according to the Catholic and Lutheran numeration) is almost identical in wording and does not include any of the abovementioned sexual interdictions. The commandment unambiguously forbids adultery (ná’af) and can in no way be interpreted to be created for the regulation of sexual life. The meaning of the commandment is quite precise: it forbids a man to commit adultery with another man’s wife, thus defiling his woman.7 It is quite clear that it regulates private property rather than sets the frame of sexual life. This concept underwent a rather peculiar change starting from the 8th century BC. Jewish prophets (especially Hosea, Jeremiah and Ezekiel) began to apply rhetorical forms and poetic allegories in increasing number. Literally speaking, the interdiction stated in commandment number 7 still referred to adultery, but figuratively speaking it meant the religious unfaithfulness of Juda and Israel.8 In his famous allegory Ezekiel calls to the people by saying: “But as a wife that 5 J. Estlin Carpenter and George Harford, The composition of the Hexatheuch (London: Longmans & Company, 1902), 429–431. 6 The conflict of the story about Tamar and Judah in the Bible (Gen 38) is based on this distinction. The childless widow of Onan made approaches to Judah wearing a dress for whores despite of she was not a prostitute. The most beautiful adaptation in literature can be found in the novel of Thomas Mann: Joseph and his bothers. – Cf. Jonathan Kirsch, The harlot by the side of the road. Forbidden tales of the Bible (New York: Ballantine Books, 1997). 7 Eduard Nielsen, The Ten Commandments in new perspective. A traditio-historical approach. Studies in biblical theology. Second series 7 (London: SCM, 1968), 10–25; J. J. Stamm and M. E. Andrew, The Ten Commandments in Recent Research. Studies in Biblical theology. Second series 2 (London: SCM, 1967), 100–101; Roushas John Rushdoony, The institutes of Biblical Law, int. by Gary North (Phillipsburg NJ: P&R Publishing, 1973), 393–401. 8 Nielsen, The Ten Commandments, 107–108.

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comitteth adultery, which taketh strangers instead of her husband” (Ez 16, 32). The prophet’s next sentence gives a similar symbolic meaning to the offence of voluntary whoring: “They give gifts to all whores: but thou givest thy gifts to all thy lovers, and hirest them, that they may come unto thee on every side for thy whoredom” (Ez 16, 33). It was thus through the prophets that adultery was connected with the various categories of sexual offences, and this is how the connection between the two words came about.9 The figurative usage applied by the prophets gave way to the symbolic interpretation of the Decalogue.10 The innumerable Ten Commandments interpretations of the Christian era, starting from Christ and Saint Paul11 through Origen and St. Augustine to Luther and Calvin, all followed the prophetic practice of allegoric interpretation.12 Nevertheless, the various Bible translations strove to demonstrate the difference between adultery and fornication – at least on the level of words. The Septuagint expressed the former with the word moikheuo and the latter with the word porneuo. The Vulgate also uses a Greek expression for adultery. Neque moechaberis expresses the concerned item of the Ten Commandments in Latin, while St. Jerome translated whoring as fornicatio. Luther kept the same tradition when he translated the passage in the Decalogue as Du solt nicht ehebrechen, while he used the German word Hurerei for whoring. Accordingly, 16th century English Bible translators also differentiated between adultery and fornication. So, it seems that the merging of these two concepts in one single word is a peculiarly Hungarian phenomenon. The Hungarian word parázna is of Slavonic origin and in the various Slavic languages and in Hungarian as well it means a whore, a whoring person.13 This is how it appears in both places in the Bible translation of the 1519 Jordánszky codex: Ne paráználkodjál.14 Similarly to the Hungarian text of the Lord’s Prayer,15 the Ten Commandments also preserves the 9 Calum M. Carmichael, The origins of Biblical Law. The Decalogues and the Book of the Covenant (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1992), 39–40. 10 Géza Vermes, The religion of Jesus the Jew (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993); cf. Vermes, Jesus and the world of Judaism; Lajos Blau, “A házasság felbontása az Újtestamentumban,” in idem, Zsidók és a világkultúra, ed. János Ko˝bányai (Budapest: Múlt és Jövo˝ Kiadó, 1999), 307– 319. 11 Rudolf Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament, transl. Kendrick Grobel (Waco, Texas: Baylor University Press, 1951), vol. 2, 218−230. 12 On the interpretation and the philology of the Decalogue in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance cf.: István Werbo˝czy, Decem divinorum praeceptorum libellus (Viennae: Singrenius, 1524), facsimile edition Péter Ko˝szeghy, complementary study Péter Kulcsár and F. György Széphelyi. BHA, vol. 21 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1988). 13 A magyar nyelv történeti-etimológiai szótára, ed. Loránd Benko˝ (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1967–1984), vol. 3, 103. 14 A Jordánszky-kódex, facsimile edition and text-close transcription Sándor Lázs (Budapest: Helikon, 1984), 42, 77, referring to the volume including the transcription. 15 Tarnai, ‘A magyar nyelvet írni kezdik’, 23.

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traces of a much older state of the language – indeed, much older than the Jordánszky codex itself. Why did Hungarian Protestant Bible translators interested in Biblical philology make no attempts to eliminate this “mistake”? Partly, perhaps, because they respected the “old” Hungarian wording of the Decalogue and did not want to change it. But it is more plausible that they did not consider the interweaving of these concepts a mistake. In any case, a change would not have been timely, as the figurative and allegorical interpretation of the Decalogue received new impetus in 16th-century Protestant theology. The most illustrious reformers of the age showed increasing interest in Moses’ tablets, deepening and enriching the symbolism of the Commandments. Mátyás Dévai – nicknamed “the Hungarian Luther” – expounded the twofold nature of paráznaság (adultery) already at the early stage of the Reformation movement: “There are two kinds of paráznaság (adultery), spiritual and physical; spiritual lechery is disbelief, while physical lechery is fornication.”16 This simple but concise wording met the agenda of European Protestantism. This was a stigma in the hands of the followers of the new faith, one that they projected on their enemies as a mark of adultery committed against God – that is, disbelief.17 Contemporary theologians studied the possibilities of metaphoric interpretation of paráznaság/fornication in theological works as well. English theologian Edmund Bunny refers to István Szegedi Kis – a Hungarian theologian popular in England at the time – when he discusses in his treatise entitled Of divorce for adultery and marrying again that “Christ by the figure of metonymia did largely take the name of fornication, and that under the name of whoredom he did include all such crimes, as were as great, or greater than it.”18 16 Mátyás (Matthias) Dévai, A tíz parancsolatnak, a hit ágazatinak, a Miatyánknak és a hit pecsétinek röviden való magyarázatja (Cracow: Vietor, c. 1549). Facsimile edition and complementary study Áron Szilády (Budapest: MTA, 1897), 50. 17 Making a distinction as well as a connection between spiritual and physical adultery/fornication has become a Protestant commonplace: “The North Loch was the place in which our pious ancestors used to dip and drown offenders against morality, especially of the female sex. The reformers, therefore conceived that they had not only done a very proper, but also a very witty thing, when they threw into this lake, in 1558, the statue of St Giles, which formerly adorned their High Church, and which they had contrived to abstract.” Robert Chambers, Traditions of Edinburgh (Cambridge: University Press, 1996, c. 1824), 118. Cf. Schulek, ˝ ze, ‘Bu˝neiért bünteti Isten a magyar népet’. Egy bibliai párhuzam Bornemisza, 386; Sándor O vizsgálata a 16. századi nyomtatott egyházi irodalom alapján. Bibliotheca Humanitatis Historica a Museo Nationali Hungarico Digesta 2 (Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, 1991), 55–57; Christopher Hill, The English Bible and the seventeenth-century revolution (London: Penguin Books, 1994), 253–263. 18 Edmund Bunny, Of divorce for adulterie, and marrying againe (Oxford: J. Barnes, 1610), facsimile edition (Amsterdam: Norwood, N. J., 1976), 114–115. Cf. István Szegedi Kis, Theologiae sincerae loci communes (Basel: Konrad von Waldkirch, 1585), ‘tab. I. de divortio’.

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This interpretation of fornication was generally widespread in Protestant countries. Pars pro toto: the individual commandments indirectly symbolised the tablets of the Law, that is, the covenant between God and his chosen people. Consequently, those breaking the commandments were not ordinary sinners who deserved ordinary punishments, but betrayers or the Law, deniers of the Covenant, whose fate was to be held in contempt by all and complete physical and spiritual annihilation.19 The stigma of adultery/fornication had a historical and philosophical stake: the bearer of this stigma joined company with Satan.20 Adultery/fornication was SIN itself, which could bring destruction and damnation upon a country, a nation, and even humankind as a whole. This act relevant for the “history of salvation” is depicted in many literary allegories around Europe and Hungary. Adultery/fornication taken as a symbol was often connected by many interpreters to murder, because they were both mortal sins punished by death in the Bible. The illustrations in the back of the title page of Péter Bornemisza’s adaptation of Sophocles’ Electra represent such an interpretation, in which David’s adulterous affair with Bethshabe is linked with Cain’s murderous act.21 Several 16th-century Hungarian Biblical stories deal with King David’s “adulterous and murderous” act,22 and George Peele, a contemporary English playwright, presented the topic in the form of a tragedy.23 In the mirror of David’s adulterous and murderous act, we behold the sin of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus, just as the incestuous sin of Hamlet’s uncle and mother. David, Aegisthus and Claudius did not commit simple sexual offences, nor were they adulterers in the Biblical or even in the everyday meaning of the word. Their adultery is an act of apocalyptic significance that leads the course of history in the wrong direction, and, as Shakespeare says: “Heaven’s face doth glow, / Yea, this solidity and compound mass, / With tristful visage, as against the doom, / Is thought-sick at the act.”24 The relentless, even harsh consistence with which this devastating Biblical metaphor is turned against people committing adultery or other sexual offences in the everyday sense of the word is also part of the history of the Protestant metaphor of adultery. Although, for example, Calvin knew perfectly well that the 19 Cf. Hill, The English Bible, 271–283. 20 Nathaniel Hawthorne revived this Protestant heritage in the novel The scarlet letter. The scarlet letter stigmatising the “damned woman” is the first letter of the alphabet, A – its meaning is “Adulteress”. 21 Bornemisza, Tragédia. On the parallelisms of the image in the international iconography see Borzsák, Az antikvitás 16. századi képe, 73–77. 22 The Biblical histories written in Hungarian verse by Gáspár Biai (1544, RPHA № 818) and Gáspár Decsi (1579, RPHA № 289, RMKT XVI, vol. 11, № 2). 23 George Peele’s David and Bethsaba was written in 1590. See Ruth H. Blackburn, Biblical drama under the Tudors (The Hague–Paris: Mouton, 1971), 171–182. 24 William Shakespeare, Hamlet, Prince of Denmark, Act III, Scene 4, 50–53.

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Ten Commandments referred solely to adultery, he still said: “If the Law be a perfect rule of holy living, it would be more than absurd to give a license for fornication, adultery alone being excepted. Furthermore, it is incontrovertible that God will by no means approve or excuse before His tribunal, what the common sense of mankind declares to be obscene, for, although lewdness had everywhere been rampant in every age, still the opinion could never be utterly extinguished that fornication is a scandal and sin.”25 Sexual offences were most seriously and effectively pursued in Protestant countries adhering to Calvinism – for example in Scotland, where it became the established religion in 1560.26 The creed of the Scottish Protestants written by John Knox states: “Since Satan has laboured from the beginning to adorn his pestilent synagogue with the title of the Kirk of God, and has incited cruel murderers to persecute, trouble, and molest the true Kirk and its members, as Cain did to Abel, Ishmael to Isaac, Esau to Jacob, and the whole priesthood of the Jews to Christ Jesus Himself and His apostles after Him. So, it is essential that the true Kirk be distinguished from the filthy synagogues by clear and perfect notes.”27 According to Scottish reformers, their church – The Kirk – represents the chosen people of God, a chaste and holy community that cleanses itself. In the eyes of John Knox, the “clear and perfect signs” of Satan are primarily demonstrated by adultery and the various sexual offences. The offenders were considered “betrayers of the Covenant” who broke the agreement set down in the Testament between God and the chosen people.28 John Knox and several other 16th-century Puritan theologians originally considered women more susceptible to sexual offences than men. The Scottish theologian was notorious for his misogyny, but his disposition was based on ideology and politics rather than firm conviction. He stirred emotions already before the victory of the Scottish Reformation movement in 1560 with his harsh pamphlet criticising political power practised by women. Originally his treatise was directed against Bloody Mary, who sent Protestants to the stakes, but it most offended Elizabeth, who meanwhile acceded to the throne, as Knox called all regimes that accepted the rule of a woman “adulterous” and “bastard” – in other

25 Jean Calvin, The harmony of the last four books of the Pentateuch, see Kenneth M. Boyd, Scottish church attitudes to sex, marriage and the family (Edinburgh: John Donald, 1980), 6, 302. Cf. Sándor Bene, “Limits of tolerance. The topoi of fornication in the Hungarian Reformation,” in Reformed majorities in early modern Europe, ed. Herman J. Selderhuis and J. Marius J. van Raavensway (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015), 49−72. 26 Jasper Ridley, John Knox (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 370–379. 27 The confession of the faith and doctrine believed and professed by the Protestants of Scotland, ed. James Bulloch (Edinburgh: Saint Andrew Press, 1960), chapter 18. 28 Ridley, John Knox, 370–371.

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words, illegal.29 The system of argumentation in Knox’s anti-feminist treatise can be observed in the documentation of the witchcraft trials in Scotland, England, and New England, and also in James I’s poem mocking women and his treatise on witchcraft, the Daemonologie.30 After 1560 John Knox became increasingly determined in his fight against his own queen, the Catholic Mary Stuart.31 He delivered a fiery speech in the cathedral of Edinburgh directed against the horrid adultery taking place in the nearby royal palace, where a ball was being held at the time.32 While the law targeted every Scottish adulterer and also those guilty of sexual offences, it became evident in 1567 to John Knox and the terrorised masses that their queen is an “adulterer and murderer”.33 It was strongly suspected that Mary Stuart had her husband, Lord Darnley, murdered, so that later on she could marry her lover, the Earl of Bothwell. Knox demanded the execution of the “adulterous and murderous” queen in a series of sermons and speeches while the masses howled “Burn the whore”.34 Regicide was in sight. 16th-century Hungarian Protestants did not have such radical political aims. However, in reprimanding sins, the Hungarian preachers did not fall behind their Western contemporaries in any way. Besides idolatry, from among the deadly sins it was adultery that they castigated the most severely. The merging, complex Biblical shades of meaning created an ominous and menacing air around this word. Paráznaság became a twofold, contradictory term, conveying the most secular meanings in form that can never be separated from the sacred realm of the Bible.

29 John Knox, The first blast of the trumpet against the monstruous regiment of women (Geneva: J. Crespin, 1558), facsimile edition (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1972), 52. 30 Montague Summers, The geography of witchcraft (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1927), 201–243; Alan MacFarlane, Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England. A regional and comparative study (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970); Chambers, Traditions of Edinburgh, 31−37, 117−118; James I of England, “A satire against woemen,” in New poems by James I of England, ed. Allan F. Westcott (New York: Columbia University Press, 1911), 19–21; King James the First, Daemonologie (1591), ed. G. B. Harrison (London: John Lane The Bodley Head Ltd., 1924); Elizabeth Reis, Damned women. Sinners and witches in Puritan New England (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1997). 31 Ridley, John Knox, 392–434. 32 Michael Lynch, Edinburgh and the Reformation (Edinburgh: John Donald Publishers. 1981), 97. The bibliography of 16th century anti-dance treatises: Ann Wagner, Adversaries of dance: from the Puritans to the present (Urbana−Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997). 33 Ridley, John Knox, 471. 34 Ridley, John Knox, 466.

Chapter 6: Popular Culture in Reformation Hungary – A Fiddler’s Song before 1580

The Hungarian proverb collection by János Baranyai Decsi following Erasmus’ Adagia includes proverbs that have their connections with Hungarian literary works of the 16th century: these proverbs indicate a clear-cut reference to a wider context. However, there is probably only one idiomatic phrase in the book that doubtlessly originates in contemporary everyday Hungarian language (it is not a translation or an adaptation) with a clearly identifiable 16th-century literary background. The phrase Nem jobb o˝ is a deákné vásznánál1 has always been popular since the 16th century. János Baranyai Decsi related it to three different Latin proverbs, but always with the definite aim of explaining the essence of the Latin proverbs with a well-known Hungarian proverb understandable to all. There is no word by word correlation between the Latin and the Hungarian texts.2 Although deákné vászna is mentioned quite often even today, as it is a living and popular phrase, its origin and meaning has become obscure over the course of the centuries. It is no wonder that witty but unfounded etymologies appeared one after the other: Deákné of the proverb was considered to depict women beating or scolding their husbands.3 However, scholars were rather interested in the anecdote hidden behind the proverb, although the origins of the story about the cloth of deákné remained long completely unknown. “Who the certain Mrs Deák (or perhaps the wife of the clerk) was, to whose cloth we compare a reproachable man or someone with a finger in the pie will probably remain a secret. It is certain though that if she was a living person at all, she must have lived before the middle of the 16th century” 1 “Nem jobb o˝ is a Deákné vásznánál.” Approximately: “Not a whit better than anybody else.” Word for word: “Not a whit better than Mrs Deák’s cloth.” Or: “Not a whit better than the cloth of the clerk’s wife.” 2 Baranyai Decsi, Adagia, 204, 395. ˝ se jobb a deákné vásznánál,” Magyar Nyelvo˝r 104 (1980): 105; Mór Jókai, 3 Ferenc A. Molnár, “O Az önkényuralom adomái, vol. 1, 1850–1858, ed. István Sándor (Budapest: Argumentum Kiadó−Akadémiai Kiadó, 1992), № 273.

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wrote Gábor O. Nagy in 1967,4 although the old poem about The cloth of the famous deákné had been known for about 100 years at that time. The poem was copied into a manuscript songbook at the turn of the 18th century.5 The funny, sarcastic poem recounts the fatal marriage of a certain Máté deák partly in the form of dialogue. This Máté went once to the neighbouring village to find a wife. He instantly fell for Ilkó, the beautiful but spoiled daughter of a widow. The beauty of the girl dazzled him so much that he married her immediately. Ilkó arrived with heaps of trousseau to Máté, which they spent during the years and finally became poor, as the terribly lazy and impertinent woman had not learnt to weave or to spin and did not show any inclination to do so even after they became impoverished. At that time, plague was devastating the village. Máté was often invited to funeral feasts, and this gave him the idea of pretending to be dead to test Ilkó. The woman was frightened, not because she thought she had become a widow, but because she knew that “the dead are covered with a shroud in the coffin” and she herself would have to weave this shroud. Catching at every straw, she took the little yarn left from her trousseau and fastened it around Máté’s teeth at the top to his toes at the bottom. Thus, she tried to weave a shroud for him but in the meantime slandered her “dead” husband, saying that he was not even good for a loom. Máté deák “resurrected” at this point and gave the woman a sound drubbing, but even this could not make her start spinning and weaving. Research only established the connection between the poem and the proverb when it was published in a popular anthology in 1982.6 Following the publication of the text by Béla Varjas, Ferenc A. Molnár clarified the connection of the song and the proverb in a thorough article pointing out that this quite comedic poem must have been among the most effective ones in the category of similar songs. The proverb twice recorded by János Baranyai Decsi finds its direct origin in this song.7 Ferenc A. Molnár also indicated that the poem preceded the proverb in time. Similarly to Béla Varjas, he also set the origin of the poem to the middle or the second third of the 16th century. Today we know much more about the origins of both the poem and the funny anecdote lying at its base. We can also accurately identify the literary genres from which the proverb first recorded by János Baranyai Decsi originates.

4 Gábor O. Nagy, Mi fán terem? Magyar szólásmondások eredete (Budapest: Gondolat, 1979), 112–114. 5 RMKT XVII, vol. 3, № 111. 6 Béla Varjas (ed.), Balassi Bálint és a 16. század költo˝i (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1979), vol. 2, 956−969; RMKT XVI, vol. 11, № 24. ˝ se jobb a deákné vásznánál.” 7 A. Molnár, “O

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Obviously, those who could really appreciate the humour of the proverb nem jobb o˝ is a deákné vásznánál had to know the trick of Máté deák and had to know what sort of cloth the female protagonist of the story did or rather did not have. We can assume that János Baranyai Decsi and the other contemporary users of the proverb knew its origins, but we do not have any first-hand proof of this. The Dictionary of Albert Molnár Szenci or the proverb collection of Péter Kisviczay do not add to the text recorded by János Baranyai Decsi and the same can be said of the old literary use of the proverb. István Czeglédi, a 17th century Protestant writer, applied the proverb basically in its present-day form,8 and the foulmouthed “prankish songs” of the 17th century quote it in the same form as well: ˝ véle megnyughatnál, Ha néki Az deákné vásznánál / Zsófi is nem jobb annál, / O szépen szólnál.9 On the other hand, the author of a fiddler’s song dating from 1580 displays thorough knowledge of the literary background of the proverb. Oeconomia coniugalis by János Pécsi was published by the printing house of the widow of Gáspár Heltai in Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca, Romania).10 Only one copy has survived of the publication and even that is fragmentary. The missing one and half leaves at the end of the song, though, is supplied in hand writing, dating probably still from the 16th century. The following stanza can be read in this handwritten, concluding section: Hallottuk régenten Máté deák vásznát, Szu˝k bordában szo˝tték, látá kevés hasznát, Mer az felesége nem gyakorlta magát, Fonással untatá gyenge két szép karját.11

János Pécsi did more than just use the proverb, he also summed up the funny anecdote, providing thus the terminus ante quem (1580) for the poem Az deákné vásznáról, known only from a later copy. This means that János Pécsi had already known the name of the major character of the poem – Máté deák – in 1580 and, more importantly, he was also aware of the point (the punch line) of the story, being that the famous cloth of Mrs Deák had been woven in “a narrow reed,” that is, between the teeth and toes of Máté deák, who was believed to be dead. In 1580 he did not refer to this joke as a new one, as he said hallottuk régenten. The name “Máté deák” in itself suggests the period from which the text could 8 NySz, vol. 3, 1030. 9 Approximately: “Zsófi is not a whit better than Deákné’s cloth, if you told her nice words you could get happy with her.” Béla Stoll, ed., Pajkos énekek (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1984), 186. 10 János Pécsi, Oeconomia coniugalis. Az házasoc életiro˝l valo szép ének (Kolozsvár: Heltainé, 1580); in RMKT XVI, vol. 11, № 7. 11 Approximately: “We have known of Máté deák’s cloth for a long time. It was woven in a narrow reed, there was no use of it because his wife didn’t practice spinning.”

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originate. The Hungarian deák and the Latin literatus (clerk) titles were in widespread use among the citizens of the boroughs of the 16th century; it was not a personal name, but a title designating the secular “intelligentsia” graduating from local schools.12 The poem Az deákné vásznáról was most probably written a couple of decades before 1580, since it was copied into a manuscript song book along with other old fiddler’s songs – this poem comes after the wedding song of András Batizi dating to 1546.13 Based on the above analysis it can be strongly suspected that the poem entitled Az deákné vásznáról belongs to the genre of Protestant wedding songs and originates sometime around the middle of the 16th century. As we have seen, János Pécsi quoted it in a wedding song in 1580 and its later copier recorded it among other wedding songs; thus, it seems reasonable still to consider it today a fiddler’s song, a funny wedding poem. Both its topic – mockery of women – and its goliardic meter list this work as a wedding song.14 This genre lies on the borderline of 16th century Hungarian popular poetry and that of folklore. Partly ecclesiastic, as they are about marriage, and partly originating from goliardic poetry, these poems provide variations on the topics of drinks, women, and revelry. This poem is one of the oldest Hungarian women-mocking songs within the genre of wedding songs. It demonstrates all the characteristics of the old Hungarian trufa genre: it can be performed as a farce, a joke with a punch line, based on mummery and pretence – it provides a parody of a well-known human type.15 It may have been even part of the repertoire of contemporary popular tricksters and jugglers, mocking the wife of Máté deák who was too “lazy to weave”. Although oral tradition has preserved the story of the “lazy wife,” no one identified the character with the Mrs Deák of the proverb,16 unlike in the 16th century, when everyone was familiar with the story. It must have been so popular that by the end of the century – that is, the time of János Baranyai Decsi – it had already been fashioned into a phrase and a proverb, and most probably the mere mentioning of the deákné brought a smile to everybody’s face.

12 Rabán Gerézdi, A magyar világi líra kezdetei (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1962), 32−33. 13 The manuscript song book called Illyés Bálint kolligátuma, whose location is today unknown, was published in 1865 by János Barla Szabó in the Vasárnapi Újság. See RMKT XVII, vol. 3, 111. 14 Zoltán Kodály, A magyar népzene (Budapest: Zenemu˝kiadó, 1952), 50; Bence Szabolcsi, “Magyar vagánsdalok,” in idem, Vers és dallam. Tizenöt tanulmány a magyar irodalom körébo˝l (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1959), 51−66; RPHA № 4018. 15 Tibor Kardos, “A trufa. Egy régi magyar irodalmi mu˝faj jellege és európai összefüggései,” Filológiai Közlöny 1 (1955): 111–196. 16 A magyar népmesék trufa- és anekdotakatalógusa (AaTh 1350–1429*), ed. Gabriella Vöo˝. Magyar népmesekatalógus 7/a (Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutatócsoport, 1986), 65−66.

Chapter 7: The Theory of Soul-sleeping at the Beginning of the Hungarian Reformation Movement – Matthias Dévai: De sanctorum dormitione

“Mátyás was the preacher in Hungarian” [that is, Mátyás Dévai was the first to preach in Hungarian]1 sang the Protestants of the 16th century, and they were right to revere him as the first religious reformer to preach in Hungarian.2 He was also acknowledged as such by Catholics, as demonstrated by a note in the student records of the University of Cracow next to his name: “This Mathias took the Lutheran pestilence to the Hungarians, a man of sin, the son of peril.”3 As part of the research on the beginnings of the Hungarian Reformation,4 it is worth examining the first work of the preacher who was once called the “Hungarian Luther”.5 The very first document of Mátyás Dévai’s work as a religious reformer following his return home from Wittenberg6 was a polemical treatise – a series of articles of faith – hurriedly compiled in 1531 entitled De sanctorum dormitione, or The sleeping of saints.7 “A friend of ours had come to me asking in earnest to put to writing something for him concerning the sleeping of saints. He justified 1 RPHA, № 4046. 2 Jeno˝ Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország. A reformátor kapcsolata hazánkkal haláláig. Magyar Luther Könyvek 4 (Budapest: Magyarországi Luther Szövetség, 1996, c. 1933), 113. 3 Balázs, Sylvester, 94; cf. Károly Schrauf, A krakkói magyar tanulók-háza lakóinak jegyzéke (1493–1558) (Budapest: MTA, 1892), 24; Imre Révész Snr., Dévay Bíró Mátyás elso˝ magyar reformátor életrajza és irodalmi mu˝vei (Pest: Osterlamm Károly, 1863), 7; Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország, 128; István Botta, Dévai Mátyás, a magyar Luther. Dévai helvét irányba hajlásának problémája (Budapest: Ordass L. Baráti Kör, 1990), 63. 4 Ferenc Szakály, Mezo˝város és reformáció. Tanulmányok a korai magyar polgárosodás kérdéséhez. Humanizmus és reformáció 23 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1995), 16. 5 On Mátyás Dévai (or Mátyás Dévai Bíró) see Jan-Andrea Bernhard, Konsolidierung des reformierten Bekenntnisses im Reich der Stephanskrone. Ein Beitrag zur Kommunikationsgeschichte zwischen Ungarn und der Schweiz in der frühen Neuzeit (1500−1700). Refo500 Academic Studies 19 (Göttingen: Vanderhoeck and Ruprecht, 2015), 188−206. 6 Jeno˝ Zoványi, A reformáczió Magyarországon 1565-ig (Budapest: Genius, 1922), 96. 7 On the genesis of ‘De sanctorum dormitione’ see Révész Snr., Dévay Bíró Mátyás elso˝ magyar reformátor életrajza, 27; Imre Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai. Tanulmány a magyar protestáns theologiai gondolkozás kezdeteibo˝l (Kolozsvár: Stief Jeno˝ és Társa, 1915), 6; Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország, 114, 120; Horváth, A reformáció jegyében, 162.

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his request by saying that there were people ardent about the pope [Catholics] who were fighting against our faith with all their might – for whom… I have written down some theses – as I remember only about the sleeping of saints – without much precision,” wrote Mátyás Dévai in a later work.8 The sleeping of saints never appeared in print; however, it circulated widely in manuscript format and had a significant effect on contemporary public opinion. The text of the treatise has not been preserved for us – obviously not by accident – so its content can only be reconstructed based on replies and retorts. Gergely Szegedi – a Franciscan preacher from Várad (Nagyvárad, today Oradea, Romania)9 – accepted the challenge and twice engaged in disputes with Mátyás Dévai; one of his writings appeared in print.10 Dévai attempted to demolish the arguments of his Franciscan opponent and at the same time looked back on the whole course of the polemic in his famous Disputation (Disputatio) published in 1537.11 Thus we are able to draw up the outline of Mátyás Dévai’s first work as a reformer on the basis of these two later publications. The sleeping of saints dealt with the state of the human soul after death based on reformed arguments against Purgatory and the cult of saints, and as such it is directly connected to the early phases of the Wittenberg Reformation, including the disputes concerning parish feasts. Its basic aim was to prove the futility of invoking the help of saints. The Hungarian preacher expressed his opinion about the universal problems of European Reformation, but also adjusted his message to domestic peculiarities since he intended his work for a Hungarian audience.12 Lutheran Church historians recognised long ago how “deeply Dévai was involved with the practice of invoking the help of saints”;13 however, it was clear neither why the preacher set this question in the centre of his programme as a reformer, nor what gave it topicality. I am trying to find the answers to these questions. First, I shall sketch the European context of Dévai’s deduced argumentation. I must emphasise again that we are dealing with a work of which nothing has survived except its title. 8 Quotation from the letter of Mátyás Dévai written to Imre Bebek (Sárvár, 16. 5. 1535); see Révész Snr., Dévay Bíró Mátyás elso˝ magyar reformátor életrajza, 74. 9 Zoványi, Magyarországi protestáns egyháztörténeti lexicon, 583. 10 Gregorius Szegedi, Apologia, after 1531. [lost], ibid., Censurae Fratris Gregorii Zegedini ex ordine divi Francisci, in propositiones erroneas Matthiae Deuai, sed ut ille vocat, rudimenta salutis continents (Vienna: Singrenius, 1535). 11 Matthias Dévai, Disputatio de statu in quo sint beatorum animae post hanc vitam, ante ultimi judicii diem. Item de praecipuis articulis Christianae doctrinae, per Matthiam deuay Hungarum. His addita est expositio examinis quomodo a‘ fabro in carcere sit examinatus (Nürnberg: Johann Petreius, 1537). 12 In the opinion of Imre Révész The sleeping of saints was written in Hungarian but this position is indemonstrable: Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 6. 13 Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország, 120.

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The references in the 1537 Disputation show that Dévai organised his reformed argumentation around three topics in The sleeping of saints that are in close logical connection. These constituted an open challenge to the Catholic belief concerning the state of the soul after death, Hell, and the cult of saints. What was it then that Dévai’s lost manuscript could have said about the fate of souls after death? It is enlightening in this respect to see that although the manuscript version was entitled The sleeping of saints, in his Disputation published in 1537 Dévai totally neglected this title and was evidently careful to evade the term soul-dreaming or the dreaming of the souls, but instead wrote “about the state in which the blessed souls are after life until Doomsday.” The original teaching concerning the dreams of souls had probably been so simple and radical that the author himself strove to cover it up, tone it down, or modify it.14 The fact that Dévai’s original words could have been interpreted to mean that the souls of saints had passed into a death-like dream without showing any sign of life points to this original simplicity and radicalism. In his Disputation published some years later, the preacher endeavoured to clear up this “misunderstanding” when arguing that although the souls were sleeping, they were still alive. As a sleeper is unaware of those alive and their affairs, so are the saints asleep with regard to us (“dormiunt nobis”). They know nothing about us and our affairs with their souls separated from their bodies: “So let them sleep, that is they should not know about us, but live in their own way, live for God.”15 The doctrine known as soul-sleeping, soul-death, mortalism or psychopannychia16 on which Dévai based his argumentation against the invocation of the help of saints did not originate in the age of Protestantism.17 Greek Orthodoxy preaching universal salvation has always accepted the notion that the soul will pass after death into a dream-like state similar to unconsciousness, which only comes to an end with the resurrection of the body on Doomsday.18 Of 14 Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 41. 15 Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 43. 16 Imre Révész, “Deberecen lelki válsága 1561–1571,” Századok (70): 1936, 54–59, 66, 178–179; George Huntston Williams, The radical Reformation. Sixteenth century essays and studies 15 (Kirksville, Missouri: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, 1992), 64–72, 196–198, 837–849, 1266–1277; Alastair Hamilton, “A ‘sinister conceit’. The teaching of psychopannychism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment,” in La formazione storica dell’alterità. Studi di storia della tolleranza nell’età moderna offerti a Antonio Rotondò. Studi e testi per la storia della tolleranza in Europa nei secoli XVI–XVIII 5, ed. Henry Méchoulan, Richard H. Popkin, Giuseppe Ricuperati, and Luisa Simonutti, vol. 3 (Firenze: Olschki, 2001), 1107–1127. 17 Le Goff, Jacques. The birth of Purgatory, transl. by Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 46–48; Alastair Hamilton, The apocryphal Apocalypse. The reception of the Second Book of Esdras (4 Ezra) from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 76–78. 18 Hamilton, “A ‘sinister conceit’,” 1110, 1124; cf. Lilya Berezhnaya, “Sin, fear, and death in the Catholic and Orthodox sermons in the 16th–17th century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

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course, Western Christianity considered soul-sleeping an unacceptable heresy as it would have undermined the Catholic belief in Purgatory and the limbo of those not baptised.19 In the 15th and 16th centuries – due partly to the influence of the tractate of Aristotle entitled De anima20 and partly to a better understanding of the teachings of the Greek Church – the idea of soul-sleeping became popular in the West prior to Reformation.21 The precise relationship between the ideas of Renaissance Aristotelian philosophy on the immortality of the soul and the reformed doctrine on soul-sleeping is not yet clear.22 We know that at the time Dévai wrote his work the doctrine of soul-sleeping was highly popular – for different reasons – among spiritualist and Anabaptist communities and Lutherans, while also for different reasons it was vigorously opposed by Catholics and Calvinists.23 It is still a matter of dispute whether Calvin’s famous Psychopannychia,24 which was written about the same time as Dévai’s work, was compiled against the Anabaptists or Luther. It is a well-known fact that the Anabaptists believed that the soul died together with the body, or rather that it “slumbered” until the day of Final Judgement, when God would resurrect everybody. They based their belief, among other grounds, on the prophecy concerning final judgement in the Book of Daniel, which states: “And many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake,

19

20 21 22

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An attempt at comparison,” in Être Catholique – être Orthodox – être Protestant. Confessions et identités culturelles en Europe, ed. M. Derwich, and M. Dmitriev (Wrocław: Larhcor, 2003), 253–284. Henricus Denzinger, Enchiridion symbolorum definitionum et declamationum de rebus fidei et morum (Freiburg: Herder, 1947), 214–218, 252; Hamilton, “A ‘sinister conceit’,” 1110; Henry Donneaud, “Purgatoire,” in Dictionnaire de Moyen Âge, ed. Claude Gauvard, Alain de Libera, and Michel Zink (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2002), 1161–1162. Aristotle, De anima, ed. W. D. Ross (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956). Paul Oskar Kristeller, Concetti rinascimentali dell’uomo e altri saggi, traduzione di Simonetta Salvestroni. Il pensiero storico 72 (Firenze: La Nuova Italia, 1978), 29–53. Camillo Renato, Opere. Documenti e testimonianze, a cura di Antonio Rotondò (Firenze– Chicago, Sansoni Editore−Newberry Library, 1968), 203–204; Paul Oskar Kristeller, Aristotelismo e sincretismo nel pensiero di Pietro Pomponazzi. Saggi e testi 19 (Padova: Antenore, 1983); Ru˚zˇena Dostálová, “Ein Beitrag zur Diskussion über die Unsterblichkeit der Seele im 16. Jahrhundert. Paleolog’s Traktat ‘De anima’,” in Antitrinitarianism in the second half of the 16th century. Proceedings of the International colloquium held on the 400 anniversary of Ferenc David’s death in Siklós, May 15–19. 1979, ed. Róbert Dán and Antal Pirnát. Studia humanitatis 5 (Budapest–Leiden: Akadémiai Kiadó−Brill, 1982), 35–46, Aldo Stella, “Influssi culturali padovani sulla genesi e sugli sviluppi dell’antitrinitarismo cinquecentesco,” in Dán −Pirnát (eds.), Antitrinitarianism, 203–213; Hamilton, “A ‘sinister conceit’,” 1116. Williams, The radical Reformation, 63–70; Peter G. Bietenholz, “How Sebastian Franck taught Erasmus to speak with his radical voice?” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 62 (2000): fasc. 2, 241. Jean Calvin, Psychopannychia, ed. Walther Zimmerli (Lepzig: Deichert, 1932); cf. Hamilton, “A ‘sinister conceit’,” 1118–119; Gábor Ittzés, “A lélek virrasztása. A Psychopannychia, Kálvin elso˝ teológiai munkája,” Credo 15 (2009): 5−22.

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some to everlasting life, and some to shame and everlasting contempt.”25 Northern Italian Anabaptists probably set up their radical soul-death concept under the influence of the Aristotelian philosophers of Padua.26 On the other hand, however, Luther was led to accept the doctrine of soulsleeping – with restrictions – not by deep philosophical studies, but by his fight against the “papist” custom of indulgence.27 “We will sleep till He comes, knocks on our grave and says: doctor Martin, wake up!” he said in one of his preachings.28 At the same time, Luther turned his doctrine in a mystic-eschatological direction when treating the question from the perspective of time. He thought that from the limited aspect of time there really was a certain interval between death and resurrection, during which souls are in a state of unconscious, deep, and dreamless sleep. But from the perspective of the soul and God, the resurrection of man as a whole and the final judgement occurs right after death, and time collapses in a single, eternal moment.29 To what extent was Mátyás Dévai under the personal influence of the Wittenberg reformers in the question of soul-sleeping? Not much, as in 1530 – when he was studying in Wittenberg – both Luther and Melanchthon were in Augsburg at the Imperial Diet.30 Dévai’s aim was not to burden his fellow countrymen with a mystical exposition. He attempted to argue in favour of the futility of the cult of saints in a more modest way. He realised only later that his simple argumentation was highly similar to the soul-death doctrine of the zealous Anabaptists. The preacher went through similar phases when drawing up his teaching about Hell. It was not enough to outline the state of the soul after death, as he also had to state where the souls were dreaming till Doomsday. Many people considered this teaching inconsistent with the infinite righteousness and kindness of God Almighty. The Catholic Church strove to reduce the doctrine of eternal damnation gradually by referring to the free will of man and the Grace of God. For this reason, they introduced the idea of Purgatory and limbo, which represented hope for the sinners.31 The Reformation primarily attacked this Catholic concept of an intermediate state of souls between death and resurrection, justly saying that Purgatory and 25 Dan 12, 1–2; cf. Hamilton, The apocryphal Apocalypse, 77. 26 Williams, The radical Reformation, 840; cf. Révész, “Deberecen lelki válsága,” 59; Antal Pirnát, “Arisztoteliánusok és antitrinitáriusok. Gerendi János és a kolozsvári iskola,” Helikon 17 (1971): 363–392. 27 Bietenholz, “How Sebastian Franck taught Erasmus,” 241. 28 Williams, The radical Reformation, 197. 29 Paul Althaus, Die letzten Dinge. Entwurf einer christlichen Eschatologie (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1933), 144; Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis, 37, 276. 30 Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország, 114. 31 Daniel Pickering Walker, The decline of Hell. Seventeenth-century discussions of eternal torment (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964), 59–67.

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limbo are “human inventions” alien to the Bible. Protestants thought that the faith of man was fulfilled in his lifetime, so that prayers for the dead were absurd endeavours that questioned the providence of God.32 The idea originating from Origen that Hell cannot be considered eternal and God will abolish it on the final day – “when restoring all things” – thrived due to the influence of Erasmus in the age of the Renaissance.33 Both the official Protestant Churches and the spiritualist communities rejected the idea of Purgatory, but while the former professed immediate salvation or damnation, the “zealous” groups showed an inclination towards the teaching of Origen. Mátyás Dévai must have written in his The sleeping of saints that something like Hell did not exist, by which he probably meant that there was no “intermediate state” or Purgatory. In his later works he seemed to try to reduce the strength of his argumentation and reinterpret it. The preacher in his Disputation and in his commentary to the Ten Commandments written in Hungarian insisted that it was not correct to translate infernus as Hell, because it actually meant pit or grave, as its original meaning was “fundus,” which in Hungarian would be translated as “end” or “bottom”: The Latin word [infernus] should not be interpreted as Hell, but end or bottom. In short it should be understood as follows: a human being is made up of a soul and body and men are either saved or damned. When a man to be saved dies, his body will be put to the ‘bottom’, that is, into a coffin; he will become dust, and his soul will end up with God, and thus be part of eternal life, because for a Christian, God is the ultimate end of eternal life. At the time of the Judgement, the bodies of all are united with their souls; they are resurrected to eternal life and this eternal life will be their ultimate end.34

The preacher was so vehement in his argumentation and use of expressions when attacking the Catholic dogma of Purgatory35 that he came close to the idea of the Anabaptists, according to which the souls of humans return to God when they 32 Imre Révész, Méliusz és Kálvin. Viszonyuk a Stancaro elleni harcban, a szentháromságtani küzdelemben és némely másodrendu˝ teológiai vitakérdésekben (Kolozsvár: Minerva, 1936), 40–46. 33 Walker, The decline of Hell, passim; Bietenholz, “How Sebastian Franck taught Erasmus,” 240–241. 34 Dévai, A tíz parancsolatnak…, 68; cf. Révész Snr., Dévay Bíró Mátyás elso˝ magyar reformátor életrajza, 77; Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 27, 40, 42–43, 135–136, 168–169; Révész, Méliusz és Kálvin, 35–37; Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország, 117–118; on the descensus see Williams, The radical Reformation, 1271–1273. 35 Denying Purgatory was a principal charge of the indictment during the proceedings against Dévai held in Vienna: Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 109. Dévai’s contemporary Lutheran critics (Veit Dietrich and later Martin Chemnitz) realized that the Hungarian reformer preached ideas very close to the Anabaptists: Zoltán Csepregi, “A Dévai-kód,” in Hol van a te testvéred? Tanulmányok a társadalmi nemekro˝l és a testvérszeretetro˝l, ed. Gábor Viktor Orosz (Budapest: Luther Kiadó, 2011) 65–100.

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die, while their bodies rest in the ground, where they are aware of neither good nor bad, but sleep until Doomsday. At this point God revives everybody apart from the evil ones, for whom there is no eternal life. Their final death is “eternal damnation”. This is how to understand the famous thesis of the Anabaptists: “there is no other Hell but the grave.”36 The interpretation of the infernus by Mátyás Dévai is justly considered a “personal invention”.37 By his desperate rejection of the “intermediate state” of the souls, Dévai wished to prove that the souls of the late lamented saints did not and could not have any influence on the affairs of this world; thus, their cult is senseless. If the saints had no notion of us, they could not pray for us and thus they could not be our intermediaries before God.38 It would of course be nonsense to suppose that the articles of Mátyás Dévai’s faith were approaching those of the Anabaptists.39 Nevertheless, it is not easy to form a decisive opinion about the principles and denominational directions of the early phases of the religious Reformation.40 Institutional Protestantism was at times within a hair’s breadth of “zealous” thoughts. We might not be far from the truth if we said that the preacher adjusted the Anabaptist elements of his original series of articles of faith to the official theology of Wittenberg. Nevertheless, we can state that Dévai was exceedingly radical in voicing reformed arguments

36 This proposition had been formulated in 1550 at the synod of the Anabaptists in Venice. Carlo Ginzburg, Il formaggio e i vermi. Il cosmo di un mugnaio del ’500 (Torino: Einaudi, 1976), passim. On the Hungarian aspects of the topic see: László Makkai, “Tamás Arany, il primo rappresentante ungherese dell antitrinitarismo italiano,” in Rapporti veneto-ungheresi all’ epoca del Rinascimento. Convegni di studi italo-ungheresi, 2, Budapest, 20–23 giugno 1973, a cura di Tibor Klaniczay. Studia Humanitatis 2 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1975), 337–346; János Heltai, “Tamás Arany,” in Bibliotheca Dissidentium, ed. André Séguenny, vol. 12. Ungarländische Antitrinitarier 1 (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1990), 35–50. The idea of soul-sleeping became popular among circles of the radical Reformation in Hungary as well. Antal Pirnát, Die Ideologie der siebenbürger Antitrinitarier in den 1570er Jahren (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1961), 95, 135–160; idem, “Néhány adalék Johann Sommer és Melius Péter mu˝veinek bibliográfiájához,” in Collectanea Tiburtiana. Tanulmányok Klaniczay Tibor tiszteletére, ed. Géza Galavics, János Herner, and Bálint Keseru˝. Adattár 16–18. századi szellemi mozgalmaink történetéhez 10 (Szeged: SZTE, 1990), 180–184. 37 Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 169. 38 Ibid., 38. 39 Anabaptism was not highly influential in Hungary. Antal Pirnát, “A kelet-közép-európai antitrinitarizmus fejlo˝désének vázlata az 1570-es évek elejéig,” in Irodalom és ideológia a 16− 17. században, ed. Béla Varjas. Memoria Saeculorum Hungariae 5 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1987), 18–19; Zoltán Csepregi, “‘Lutherani omnes comburantur.’ Legenda, források, rekonstrukció,” in Mártírium és emlékezet. Protestáns és katolikus narratívák a 15–19. században, ed. Gergely Tamás Fazakas, Mihály Imre, and Orsolya Száraz. Loci Memoriae Hungaricae 3 (Debrecen: Egyetemi Kiadó, 2015) 30−40. 40 Cf. Révész Snr., Dévay Bíró Mátyás elso˝ magyar reformátor életrajza, 57.

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against the invocation of saints for assistance and cut off the possibility and right to the cult of saints at its roots.41 According to the memoirs of the historian György Szerémi written in 1543, when the sultan besieged Székesfehérvár, “the rascal town dwellers – who were the cursers of God’s saints – took Peter and Paul from the temple – who were carved from wood and gilded as memorials – tied a rope around their necks, brought them to the town wall and hung them with the help of hooks over the wall and told the sculptures: Now, help us rascals, and we’ll believe in you.”42 The sleeping of saints was compiled in similar circumstances. The radical voice of Dévai was justified by the strained political and religious conditions. The country was not only afflicted by the Ottomans but also by a civil war, and both struggles were influenced by the Reformation, which in Hungary acquired a particular missionary zeal. This land was the stage of an apocalyptic war in which the Ottoman sultan – seen as the bodily incarnation of the Antichrist – fought with the army of the “chosen”.43 The question of help from the Other World received increased emphasis during this “final battle”. According to the view incorporating all of 16th-century Hungarian culture into “the concept of the Reformation,” Catholicism was by that time unable to provide support and consolation to the believers and did not provide answers to the vital questions facing Hungarians. Disputes about Mátyás Dévai somewhat alter this one-sided view. It is not known whether in The sleeping of saints the preacher mentioned the cult of Hungarian saints. It is, however, clearly demonstrated in the debate arising in connection with the booklet that Dévai came up against the Patrona Hungariae idea, the official Virgin Mary cult embodying Hungarian statehood. During the heated debates with Gergely Szegedi, the preacher showed no reverence whatsoever to the patron saint and the first saint-king of Hungary also depicted on the coins of the country.44 “One cannot trust saints,” said Dévai,

41 Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 37. 42 György Szerémi, Epistola de perditione regni Hungarorum. II. Lajos és János királyok házi káplánja emlékirata Magyarország romlásáról 1484–1515 között, ed. Gusztáv Wenczel. Monumenta Hungariae Historica II, 1 (Pest: MTA, 1857). 43 Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország, 103; Mihály Balázs, Az erdélyi antitrinitarizmus az 1560-as ˝ ze, évek végén. Humanizmus és reformáció 14 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1988), 145–146; O ‘Bu˝neiért bünteti Isten a magyar népet’, 85–89; Andermann, “Geschichtsdeutung und Profetie;” Imre, “Arbor Hæreseon;” Pál Ács, Góg és Magóg fiai, in Ács, ‘Az ido˝ ósága’, 161–164; Balázs Trencsényi, “Hungarians as an ‘elect nation.’ Negotiating denominational and national identities,” in idem, Early modern discourses of nationhood. PhD dissertation (Budapest: Central European University 2004), 413–499. 44 Ferenc Soós, “Patrona Hungariae a magyar pénzeken,” Éremtani Lapok 34 (1995): 3–12; cf. Erno˝ Marosi, Kép és hasonmás. Mu˝vészet és valóság a 14–15. századi Magyarországon (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1995), 84–85; idem, “A magyar történelem képei,” in Történelem – kép. Szemelvények múlt és mu˝vészet kapcsolatából Magyarországon. Exhib. Cat. 17. 3. 2000.–

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“as they are mere creations. If Stephen, the first king of the Hungarians, who is so often referred to by Franciscan friars, offered his country to the Virgin Mary, then the king was not aware of the real nature of faith. Because in our faith we only call on God for help and set our eyes only on Christ.”45 The cult of the patron saint of the country was to ensure the existence, unity and future of the statehood of Hungary. It guaranteed a divine presence for a community endangered in its whole existence. It is not by chance that the veneration of Patrona Hungariae ornamented with the iconographic signs of the apocalyptic “Madonna of the Sun” (Virgin and Child on the Crescent Moon) spread especially in the regions threatened by the Ottomans.46 The booklet written by Mátyás Dévai against the Patrona Hungariae idea attempted to sever once and for all the bonds tying the country to her Patron, the Blessed Virgin Mary. It is thus understandable that the author was imprisoned by both reigning Hungarian kings, King Ferdinand Habsburg and King János Szapolyai. His Catholic adversaries did not consider him just a heretic, but also a traitor who dishonoured the “holiest” symbols securing the future of the country. Nevertheless, Dévai had his own ideas about guaranteeing of the country’s future. He was dreaming of a country whose citizens invoked only the help of God, and no one else.

24. 9. 2000., ed. Árpád Mikó and Katalin Sinkó, Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Galéria, 2000, 48– 62. 45 Révész Snr., Dévay Bíró Mátyás elso˝ magyar reformátor életrajza, 78; Révész, Dévay Biró Mátyás tanításai, 44; Sólyom, Luther és Magyarország, 84. – cf. Gyula Szekfu˝, “Szent István a magyar történet századaiban,” in Emlékkönyv Szent István király halálának kilencszázadik évfordulóján, ed. Jusztinián Serédy (Budapest: MTA, 1938), vol. 3, 32; Zoltán Csepregi, “Die Rezeption der deutschen Reformation in ungerländischen Städten und Herrschaften,” in Exportgut Reformation. Ihr Transfer in Kontaktzonen des 16. Jahrhunderts und die Gegenwart evangelischer Kirchen in Europa, ed. Ulrich A. Wien, and Mihai-D. Grigore. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz 113 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2017), 161–189. 46 Sándor Bálint, Sacra Hungaria. Tanulmányok a magyar vallásos népélet körébo˝l (Budapest− Kassa: Veritas−Wiko, 1943), 19–27; Sándor Bálint and Gábor Barna, Búcsújáró magyarok. A magyarországi búcsújárás története és néprajza (Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 1994), 100– 105.

Chapter 8: Thomas Cranmer’s Martyrdom as Parable – Hungarian Adaptation in Verse of John Foxe’s Martyrology by Mihály Sztárai (1560)

Why did Mihály Sztárai, one of the most successful Hungarian reformers of the 16th century,1 call himself a “miserable man” at the end of the 1550s?2 Did he fall into conflict and break with his followers – with the one hundred and twenty Protestant churches that he had founded himself by preaching “the word of the cross?”3 Was he untactfully attacked by his fellow pastors? Did he have a conflict with himself, did he blame himself for some hasty deed that he had bitterly regretted? Did he falter, was his soul shattered and shaken? Was his dignity as a bishop – that he had been so proud of – damaged? Or was he simply swept away by the tempest of Reformation, by the tempest that he himself had created and then tried in vain to appease?4 These questions keep coming up but – in the lack of precise and unambiguous historical data – there is a consensus that only the faithful interpretation of Sztárai’s works may take us closer to the truth. In my essay, I am going to pose – and, inasmuch as possible, try to answer – the above questions through a history in verse hitherto not much studied, Sztárai’s poem about the martyrdom of Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury.5

1 Mihály Sztárai (Drávasztára?, ca. 1510–Pápa, 1575) began his education in Hungary and continued it in Padua, Italy (1543). He was one of the most influential and most active Protestant preachers in Ottoman Hungary: between 1544 and 1551 he founded 120 Protestant congregations. He was the first Lutheran bishop in Ottoman Hungary, on the territories of Baranya County and Slavonia in the 1550s. At that time mostly he worked in Tolna, later he moved to Laskó (today: Lug, Croatia). Sztárai was an outstanding writer. He published paraphrases of the Psalms, as well Biblical and historical works. He wrote his Hungarian verses on Thomas Cranmer at Laskó in 1560. Sztárai left Laskó in 1563 and served as a pastor and preacher in a few different towns in Hungary (Gyula, Tolna and Pápa). 2 Literary self-reference in Sztárai’s Hungarian verse-chronicle entitled Historia de vita beati Athanasii Alexandriae episcopi fidelissimi. RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 209. 3 László Keveházi, ‘A kereszt igéjét hirdetni kezdtem’. Sztárai Mihály élete és szolgálata (Budapest: Luther Kiadó, 2005), 88−105. 4 Esze, Sztárai Gyulán, 106−125. 5 Mihály Sztárai, Historia Cranmervs Thamas erseknek az igaz hitben valo alhatatosagarol…

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The verse-chronicle written in 1560 describes an event that is extremely far geographically but all the more close in time, current, as it were: “Story of archbishop Thomas Cranmer’s faithfulness in the true faith, who was condemned to an awful death in England by Queen Mary for having denied the knowledge of the pope” – so reads the argumentum of the poem. Thomas Cranmer, one of the legendary pioneers of English Reformation, the first senior bishop of the Church of England, was burned in Oxford on 21 March 1556, during the cruel prosecution of Protestants under the instructions of the Catholic Queen Mary Tudor (“Bloody Mary”).6 Mihály Sztárai’s biographers all wondered how news from a faraway island arrived so fast, in less than three years to Laskó, a forgotten corner of Ottoman Hungary.7 Considering, however, the extremely efficient propaganda of international Reformation, as well as the dense European network of Sztárai’s acquaintances,8 this quick reaction is natural.9 It is also self-evident if we take into account the fact that the “great book” serving as Sztárai’s source – John Foxe’s Protestant martyrology written in Latin (Rerum in ecclesia gestarum … commentarii) − had been published in Basel a year before the Hungarian versechronicle was written (fig. 4).10 It is not surprising that Foxius’s work arrived to the Ottoman Empire with record speed because this region was considered a very important Protestant mission area.11 In the swift communication system of the Reformation, books belonging to the theme of Christian martyrology were the quickest to move around.12 Besides several similar Dutch and French writings, John Foxe’s above-mentioned monumental work shaped the basic forms of the then evolving Protestant identity by updating the classics of martyrology (e. g. The history of the Church by Eusebius of Caesarea) in the spirit of the

6 7 8 9 10

11 12

(Debrecen: Rudolphus Hoffhalter, 1582). Unique copy in the British Library: General Reference Collection C.38.e.14. Cf. RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 241–262. Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer. A life (New Haven, Connecticut−London: Yale University Press, 1996). RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 366; 69−70; Horváth, A reformáció jegyében, 69−70; Keveházi, ‘A kereszt igéjét hirdetni kezdtem’, 272−273. Imre Téglásy, “Sztárai Mihály padovai kézirata, a ‘Historia de liberationis… Francisci Perennii’,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 88 (1984): 458–469. Sztárai was well acquainted with a number of European intellectuals among them Francesco Contarini in Venice, Philip Melanchthon, Heinrich Bullinger, Matthias Flacius as well. Johannes Foxius, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, quae postremis et periculosis his temporibus evenerunt commentarii (Basel: Nicolaus Brylinger−Ioannes Oporin, 1559). Cf. Károly Erdo˝s, “Sztárai Mihály Cranmerus Tamásról szóló históriás énekének forrása,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 24 (1914): 215−219. Ferenc Szakály, “Grenzverletzer. Zur Geschichte der protestantischen Mission in Osteuropa,” in Guthmüller−Kühlmann (eds.), Europa und die Türken, 283–306. Brad S. Gregory, Salvation at stake. Christian martyrdom in early modern Europe. Harvard Historical Studies 134 (Cambridge, Massachusetts−London: Harvard University Press, 1999), 142−145.

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Fig. 4: Ioannes Foxius, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum… (Basel: Nicolaus Brylinger/Ioannes Oporin, 1559).

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Reformation.13 As opposed to the traditional medieval cult of the martyrs of faith, emphasis was shifted to the following of their example, from relics to exemplum. The strength of renewed faith was nurtured by the fire of stakes burning all over Europe. The stake became more and more a Protestant symbol, that of the relationship between God and the community facing the ultimate trial. The stories of martyrs, differing in detail but always built on the basic scheme of “steadfastness in faith,” had enormous argumentative power. It is not by chance that besides the English Bible and the Common Prayer published by Thomas Cranmer, the Acts and monuments was the work that definitely made England a Protestant country.14 “Bee of good comfort M. Ridley, and plaie the manne: we shall this daie light suche a candle by Gods grace in Englande, as (I trust) shall neuer be put out.” – legend has it that these had been the words of Hugh Latimer, Cranmer’s fellow martyr in Oxford, before he was burned.15 The Protestant feeling stemming from martyrdom – that later tradition thought to be an original, English peculiarity – took on a literary form on the Continent, among those in exile, heading towards the most important spiritual centres abroad. Foxe himself was employed by the Oporin printing house in Basel until 1569. The works written in exile arrived in England and were translated to English only when the immigrants (among them John Foxe) could return after the death of Mary Tudor (1558).16 In Sztárai’s words: “Cursed Mary had left this world / Her cruel servants and bishops / Had all died.”17 English and Hungarian Reformation were spiritually nurtured by the same major German and Swiss publishers. This led to the strange situation that the Hungarian reception of the Latin Foxius of Basel – Sztárai’s poem – preceded the English one by three years: the first English edition of The book of martyrs was only published in London in 1663. Thus, the question is not how John Foxe’s martyrology found its way to Mihály Sztárai, rather how he adapted and interpreted it. Among all the histories of martyrs, why did he feel that the Archbishop of Canterbury deserved to be 13 John Foxe, Foxe’s Book of Martyrs Variorum Edition Online (version 1.1 – summer 2006): http://www.hrionline.ac.uk/johnfoxe; Mark Greengrass−Joy Lloyd−Sue Smith, “Twentyfirst-century-Foxe. The online variorum edition on Foxe’s Acts and monuments,” in John Foxe at home and abroad, ed. David Loades (London: Ashgate, 2004), 257−270. 14 John N. King, Foxe’s Book of martyrs and early modern print culture (Cambridge: University Press, 2006), 2. 15 The historical genuineness of the legendary sentence is not generally acknowledged. It firstly appeared only in the second 1570 edition of the Acts and monuments. 16 Gregory, Salvation at stake, 169; John S. Wade, “Thanksgiving from Germany in 1559. An analysis of the content, sources and style of John Foxe’s Germaniae ad Angliam gratulatio,” in Loades, ed., John Foxe at home and abroad, 157–222; Anne Overell, Italian Reform and English Reformations, c.1535–c.1585 (London: Ashgate, 2008), 186−187. ˝ kegyetlen szolgái és püspeki, doktori / Mind 17 “Az átkozott Mária világból kimúlt vala, / O megholtanak vala.” RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 262.

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remembered in Hungarian verses? It is obvious that the most general basic elements of the story – the deepening, confession and confirmation of faith – and the important message to be deduced – reinforcing the determination of the faithful – could not in themselves urge Sztárai to adapt Foxius. Beyond the possibility of an abstract moral lesson, the minute details of Thomas Cranmer’s life and death also proved apt to convey a peculiar message, specifically addressing Hungarian readers. Sztárai’s poem on Cranmer is an allegory (fig. 5). When Sztárai wrote the verse-chronicle in question, he had gained longstanding and profound experience in the allegorising methods of figurative storytelling. Fourteen years earlier, in 1546,18 he wrote a poem about the apocryphal Biblical story of the Maccabean martyrs, the Jewish priest Eleazar, seven young faithfuls and their mother who died during the persecution of Jews under the reign of the Seleucid king Antiochus IV.19 Hagiography considers the story of the Holy Maccabees respected like Christian saints a model of all martyrdom. Sztárai wrote the Maccabee story as the court priest of Péter Perényi,20 an aristocrat who supported Reformation. It is highly likely that he used the parable of the determination of the martyrs to comfort his master imprisoned by the emperor Ferdinand I, which means that the sufferings of the Maccabees symbolised the trials facing the Protestant aristocrat. Sztárai could easily have learned the method of allegorical interpretation of Biblical stories – among them that of the martyrdom of the Maccabees – from Péter Perényi. In his Biblical concordance composed in the Wiener Neustadt prison, the Hungarian aristocrat himself mentioned the death of the Holy Maccabees.21 As far as Péter Perényi is concerned, he was in intimate correspondence with Philip Melanchthon, from whom he could have learned the projection upon each other of the stories of the Old and New Testament and their application to the present and the future. Melanchthon turned the allegorising method of the Protestant interpretation of the Bible into the key to interpreting world history.22 John Foxe, the English martyrologist and Sztárai, the writer of Hungarian verse-chronicles both used Melanchthon’s key to explaining stories.

18 19 20 21

Mihály Sztárai, Régen ó törvényben vala Jeruzsálemben… (1546), in RMKT XVI, vol. 1, 317. Ibid. See the chapter The names of the Holy Maccabees in this volume. Keveházi, ‘A kereszt igéjét hirdetni kezdtem’, 26−89. Karsten Falkenau, Die „Concordantz Alt und News Testaments” von 1550. Ein Haupt-werk biblischer Typologie des 16. Jahrhunderts illustriert von Augustin Hirschvogel (Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, 1999); Petrus Pereny und Augustin Hirschfogel, Concordantz des Alten und Neuen Testaments, facsimile edition and epilogue [in Hungarian and German] Imre Téglásy (Páty: Hármashullám Kiadói Kft., cop. 2017).), 82. 22 Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis, 100−140.

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Fig. 5: Mihály Sztárai, De vita Thomae Cranmeri, 1560 (Debrecen: Rudolphus Hoffhalter, 1582).

Mihály Sztárai’s poem follows Foxe’s biography of Cranmer very closely.23 Research concluded one hundred years ago that the entire poem may almost be 23 Erdo˝s, “Sztárai Mihály,” 216.

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followed word by word in the Latin text. There are no personal remarks or comments on the Hungarian circumstances of the age, except for a line mentioning the rule of king Matthias Corvinus.24 On the other hand, there are many expressions and rhetorical solutions – exaggerations, omissions and parables – that already appear in the source but are reinforced with a special emphasis in Sztárai’s text. Among these, I am going to have a look at the emblematic expressions of the taking on of identity and role. Many scholars have noticed the stanza praising Erasmus:25 “In the meantime, Erasmus had written great books, / In beautiful Latin.” We must, however, understand that Sztárai did not only consider Erasmus a great humanist but also the precursor of Reformation: “Priests, monks, weak nuns / He had criticised a lot, / pious Thomas Cranmerus / Liked to read his books.” Thus, the stanza praising Erasmus is strongly connected to the next one, citing the merits of Luther: “Then God sent Martin Luther, / To preach his holy words, / To mock the knowledge of the pope, / To make many hate it: / Thomas Cranmerus was then thirty years of age, / Full of desire to learn.”26

This means that Sztárai interpreted Cranmer’s studies and development as a reformer in the process of the development of the Reformation from Erasmus to Luther. This idea, at least in this form, cannot be found in Foxius’s text. John Foxe characterizes the “humanist” stage of Cranmer’s life by the study of the works of Jacques Lefèvre d’Ètaples (“Fabri”) and Erasmus. According to Foxe the major impact of Luther’s writings on Cranmer was that the latter turned to theology with firm belief and tried to understand the questions of religion from the point of view of both sides, that is, the Protestants and the Catholics.27 The Hungarian poet must have known that the Archbishop of Canterbury had only been Lutheran during a certain phase of his career, leaving behind Lutheran theology at a later stage. As we know, Cranmer, under the influence of Italian and German refugees swarming to England and especially that of Pietro Martire Vermigli (Petrus Martyr), turned to the Swiss Reformation and in his influential pamphlets raised doubts as to the real and bodily presence of Christ in the Holy

24 Sztárai determined the date of the birth of Cranmer (1489) by the time of the rule of King Matthias Corvinus. RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 241. 25 Horváth, A reformáció jegyében, 70; Esze, Sztárai Gyulán, 124; Keveházi, ‘A kereszt igéjét hirdetni kezdtem’, 271. 26 “Azonközben Erasmus szép könveket ír vala, / Kinek o˝ deáksága nagy csodálatos vala, / Papokat, barátokat, az gyenge apácákat / Nagyon gyomlálja vala, / Kinek az u˝ könyveit jámbor Cranmerus Tamás / Igen olvassa vala / […] Ezután Luther Mártont hogy az Isten támasztá, / Ki által szent igéjét nyilván prédikáltatá, / Az pápa tudományát véle megcsúfoltatá, / Sokkal megutáltatá: / Cranmerus Tamás akkor harminc esztendo˝s vala, / És igen tanul vala.” RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 242. 27 Foxe, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, 709.

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Communion.28 During the reign of Edward VI (1547−1553), Cranmer’s Eucharistic theology gradually radicalized. The archbishop’s ideas on condemning the “real” Eucharistic presence appear in the reformed Common Prayer (1549; 1552). He defended his new Eucharistic theology in his famous treatise on the Lord’s Supper based on Vermigli’s and other Italian Protestant refugees’ doctrines.29 Sztárai was well informed about this, since the “great book” lying in front of him unambiguously says that Cranmer and Petrus Martyr worked closely together in the ecclesiastic reformation of the Church of England developing the dogmatic reforms concerning the Holy Communion.30 John Foxe’s martyrology leaves no doubt as to the fact that later, during the re-Catholisation of England, Cranmer had to pay for his Lutheran and Zwinglian principles alike.31 Sztárai only follows the great debate between the Archbishop of Canterbury and Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester as far as it concerns the basic Lutheran principles, namely the veneration of saints, the mass, and the marriage of priests, confession and communion under both kinds. The Latin Martyrology of Foxius deals with the Eucharistic aspects of the dispute mentioning Cranmer’s book written against Gardiner on the above question.32 The Hungarian verse-chronicle consistently omits to mention the most important part of the dispute – centred on the issues of the Holy Communion33 – and it is also silent about the fact that the reformation of the Church of England carried out by Cranmer used both Lutheran and Calvinist elements. This is obviously because Mihály Sztárai steadfastly and consistently followed Luther’s original teaching all his life and

28 Marvin Anderson, “Rhetoric and reality. Peter Martyr and the English Reformation,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 19 (1988): 451−469; Charlotte Methuen, “Oxford. Reading scripture in the university,” in A Companion to Peter Martyr Vermigli, ed. Torrance Kirby, Emidio Campi, and Frank A. James III (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 71–94; Maurice Boutin, Ex parte videntium. Hermeneutics of the Eucharist, in Kirby−Campi−Frank (eds.), A Companion to Peter Martyr Vermigli, 195–208; Peter Opitz, “Eucharistic Theology,” in Kirby−Campi− Frank (eds.), A Companion to Peter Martyr Vermigli, 387–400. 29 Thomas Cranmer, A defence of the true catholike doctrine of the Sacrament of the Body and Bloud… (London: Reynold Wolfe, 1550); Diarmaid MacCulloch, “The Myth of the English Reformation,” The Journal of British Studies 30 (1991): 1–19. 30 Foxe, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, 714; cf. Emidio Campi, “Law and order. Vermigli and the reform of ecclesiastical laws in England,” in Peter Martyr Vermigli and the European Reformations: semper reformanda, ed. Frank A. James III (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 267–290. 31 Foxe, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, 717. 32 Foxe, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, 711, 716; Thomas Cranmer, An answeare unto a crafty cavillation by S. Gardiner (London: Reynold Wolfe, 1551). 33 Anderson, “Rhetoric and reality”; Judith H. Anderson, “Language and history in the Reformation. Cranmer, Gardiner, and the words of institution,” Renaissance Quarterly 54 (2001): 20−51; Overell, Italian Reform.

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never faltered in his Orthodox Lutheranism.34 He turned Thomas Cranmer into a Lutheran martyr, which suited Sztárai’s epic aims more than it suited reality. We may observe a hyperbolical building of text, contrasting with the rhetoric of omission, in the naming of the hero of the verse-chronicle. Sztárai repeats the word Érsek [Archbishop] so often, with such monotony that it can under no circumstances be considered the two-syllable substitution, replacement of the five-syllable name, “Thomas Cranmerus”. The text of the Hungarian poem obviously attaches great significance to the fact that Thomas Cranmer had martyred as the first senior priest of the “national” Church of England. John Foxe also keeps stressing the high rank of the martyr bishop: Thomas, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitan of all England by God’s grace – so reads his official title. All that Cranmer thought, wrote or did came from him as an archbishop, and this rank – regardless of the bearer’s “heretic” person and views – was sacredly respected everywhere, from Rome to London. Cranmer needed this archbishop title to validate Henry the VIII’s (to quote Sztárai based on Foxius’s simile: “king Hercules”)35 divorce and his new marriage with Anne Boleyn, and also to put an end to “the pope’s power in England”.36 In the basic concept of Foxe’s martyrology, however, Cranmer’s title as an archbishop does not have a crucial significance. In The book of martyrs, the trials and public execution of martyrs anticipate the ultimate salvation of the last judgment. And there is no difference in rank between the “latter day saints”.37 Sztárai did not attach much importance to this apocalyptic aspect of martyrology. He was attracted by the possibility of a parabolic interpretation of Cranmer’s story, that is why he emphasised the English martyr’s rank as an archbishop.38 Many signs indicate that he presented himself in Thomas Cranmer’s figure. Sztárai’s being a bishop is a long-standing, still unresolved problem of Evangelical-Lutheran and Reformed church history in Hungary. Lutherans believe that between 1553 and 1558, Sztárai was the head of an enormous episcopacy, comprising half the country under Ottoman and Habsburg rule, with the town of Tolna as a centre.39 The Reformed, however, say that since the Hungarian Protestant church structure has not even been formed at the time, 34 RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 318−322; Esze, Sztárai Gyulán, 109; Keveházi, ‘A kereszt igéjét hirdetni kezdtem’, 131−135. 35 Foxe, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, 710; RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 242. 36 RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 246. 37 Richard Bauckham, Tudor Apocalypse. Sixteenth century apocalypticism, millenarianism, and the English Reformation. From John Bale to John Foxe and Thomas Brightman (Appleford: Sutton Courtenay Press, 1978). 38 See Áron Szilády’s introduction to Sztárai’s poetical works: RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 323. 39 István Botta, Melius Péter ifjúsága. A magyarországi reformáció lutheri és helvét irányai elkülönülésének kezdete. Humanizmus és reformáció 7 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1978); idem, “Sztárai Mihály baranyai püspöksége,” Theológiai Szemle 32 (1989): 150–154.

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Sztárai could not have been more than an “imaginary bishop,”40 the first real bishop of the huge diocese of Baranya being the Reformed Protestant István Szegedi Kis.41 The gesture of Sztárai identifying himself with Thomas Cranmer does not thoroughly settle the debate but strongly supports the Lutheran point of view: the writer of the poem indeed considered himself a bishop, what is more a “real Christian” primate at the same rank with a “Papist” senior priest, “a mirror of true priesthood,” head of a national Protestant Church (fig. 6). It is a completely different issue who hurt him, when and how and in what way did these shocks shape the fate of his “Baranya episcopacy”. He evidently included the story of his own trials in the sad history of Thomas Cranmer.42 Sztárai was interested most in the last, tragic phase of Cranmer’s life. Indeed, this was one of the most famous and most influential parts of the Acts and monuments. In the dramatic struggle of revenge and defencelessness, intrigue and trust, treachery and faith, weakness and strength, the hero dies after awful trials, but in his last moments, he overcomes his greatest enemy: his own despair.43 This dramatic sequence of scenes forms the bulk of Sztárai’s poem, all the other – preceding or subsequent – events play a subordinate role. When the “true Christian” – that is, Protestant – king Edomandus (Edward VI) died young, Sztárai says, a struggle broke out for the throne that was captured by the enemies of Reformation. Edward wanted to prevent the Catholic Mary (who was otherwise the rightful heir) from taking the throne, so he designated his niece, the Protestant Lady Jane Grey as his heir on his deathbed. The welleducated young lady only ruled for nine days, as the Catholic rivals won, Mary took the throne and Lady Jane was executed with her followers.44 The new government destroyed the achievements of the Reformation by physical force. The trials against Protestant senior priests began soon. Cranmer was tricked into openly turning against Mary: “False news were spread about him,” Sztárai says, he was rumoured to have returned to Rome and celebrated a mass. The open denial of the rumour was enough cause to arrest the archbishop. He was sentenced to death for high treason. He was soon taken with other reformed ministers to Oxford where their church trial was held, and they were all sentenced to 40 Jeno˝ Zoványi, “Sztárai Mihály és társai mint képzelt püspökök,” Protestáns Szemle 41(1932): 647−649; Géza Kathona, Fejezetek a török hódoltságkori reformáció történetébo˝l. Humanizmus és reformáció 4 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1974), 220. 41 According to the Reformed historiography the title “episcopus” of Sztárai did not really mean bishop but dean. 42 Cf. Esze, Sztárai Gyulán, 111. 43 It is well-known that John Foxe was a playwright as well. See his Latin drama: Christus triumphans. Comoedia apocalyptica (London: 1551). John R. Knott, “John Foxe and the joy of suffering,” The Sixteenth Century Journal 27 (1996): 721−734. 44 Eric Ives, Lady Jane Gray. A Tudor mystery (Chichester, West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009).

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Fig. 6: The Sztárai chalice made between 1510 and 1520 according to the ecclesiastic tradition employed by Mihály Sztárai. The Ráday Museum of the Reformed Church Diocese of “Dunamellék.” Kecskemét, Hungary.

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death for heresy. Cranmer was put to enormous mental torture. “He was held in the strong prison for two years, / And they tried again and again to make him revert to his faith, / But he would have later been killed for some other reason” – says Sztárai.45 Queen Mary, who could never forgive Cranmer for having separated her mother from her father, Henry VIII, was determined to break the archbishop, she did not want to let him die comforted by his faith, she wanted to force him to deny his Protestant conviction. We know what vile methods the government used: Cranmer had to watch his fellow reformers die at the stake from the top of the Bocardo prison in Oxford.46 After that, his long, strict imprisonment was relaxed a little, he was taken to the house of the dean of Christ Church where he stayed in pleasant intellectual company and was even allowed to play ball games. That is when he was approached by hirelings of the Queen and promised forgiveness in exchange for a declaration of reconversion. Sztárai gives a psychologically authentic account of the process of mental torture, during which the archbishop was completely broken. He wrote several “letters of denial,” recantations in which he signed everything they had asked him to.47 Only the last ceremony remained, the public denial of his faith. Cranmer suddenly suspected that he had been tricked. He unexpectedly turned his last prayer of repentance – cited in tears from the pulpit of the University Church – against his tormentors and said: “I only have one great sin, / And I shall pay for it by putting my right hand in fire”;48 – which means that he decided to put the hand that signed the recantatio in the fire first. Then he denied the pope and all his falsity as the enemy of Christ, that is the Antichrist. He bravely stepped onto the stake. Everyone could see his “long old beard” that witnessed his deepest conviction: he let his beard grow like all the reformers, as a sign of the “true” faith breaking with the past. He held his hand in the fire (fig. 7). Why did Mihály Sztárai identify with the martyrdom of Thomas Cranmer in Ottoman Hungary where Protestants were not prosecuted at all and there were hardly any Catholics? Simply because he felt a similarity between his own fate and that of the English archbishop who feebly denied his faith first, but later regretted his deed. Sztárai was meanly deceived, and those who deceived him could not have been Catholics. He probably gave his signature under strong mental pres45 „Az nagy ero˝s tömlecben két esztendeig tarták, / És minden ido˝ben nagy sokszor megkísérték, / Hogyha valamiképpen véle ezt tehetnének, / Hogy visszatéríthetnék, / Mindazáltal azután más okkal megöletnék, / És dolgok jobban esnék”. RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 251. 46 John N. King, Foxe’s Book of martyrs and early modern print culture (Cambridge: University Press, 2006). 47 Foxius, Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, 717−718; Thomas Cranmer, All the submyssyons, and recantations of Thomas Cranmer (London: Iohannes Cawood, 1556). 48 “Énnekem egy nagy vétkem vagyon, majd megjelentem, / Kiért az én jobb kezem tu˝zben megbüntetem.” RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 259.

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Fig. 7: Cranmer’s martyrdom. Illustration of the 1559 Basel edition of Foxius’ Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, p. 726.

sure to a pact that was against his conscience. Sztárai got to the heart of the matter interpreting Foxius’ low opinion of religious dissimulation (Nicodemism) sharply dividing the 16th century Protestant intellectuals.49 “He was again asked for his signature, / And the Archbishop did all that he was asked, / because he knew, / that if he does not do it / He could not speak freely to the community”50 – he writes about Cranmer. We know for certain that in the years preceding the writing of the Cranmeruschronicle, the author of the poem had troubles with the Reformed Protestantism 49 Gregory, Salvation at stake, 154−162; Overell, Italian Reform, 98–101. 50 “Ismét keze írását az alá kérik vala, / Hogy annak mássát venné, arra is intik vala, / Az Érsek mindezeket megcselekedte vala, / mert o˝ jól tudja vala, / hogyha ezt nem míelné, tahát az község elo˝tt / Szabadon nem szólhatna.” RMKT XVI, vol. 4, 254.

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that spread rapidly in Tolna and Baranya as well.51 The only question is when and how the conflict broke out. According to the Lutheran point of view, the two denominations had lived happily side by side until 1558 when they suddenly quarrelled; that is when Sztárai’s episcopacy was questioned and he was forced to leave Tolna.52 According to the history of the Reformed church, however, the disagreements appeared earlier, in 1554 when Sztárai personally ordained István Szegedi Kis, the future apostle of the Hungarian Reformed church and accepted the decision of the synod appointing Szegedi as the ecclesiastical head of all Baranya County. The Reformed church considers this act the founding of the diocese of Baranya. Lutherans, on the other hand, believe that Sztárai was still bishop at the time and remained one for a long time.53 In these parts, four years is a lot of time. It is obvious that both denominations try to place the offset of the Hungarian Reformed church in Ottoman Hungary according to their own interests. The issue of Sztárai’s bishopness is a taboo on both sides and with good reason: nobody wants to overemphasise the old rivalry between the two Protestant denominations. It is much more interesting to note that Sztárai himself did not choose to openly admit the conflict, he decided on allegorical speech instead.54 This is why the conflict of Sztárai and the Reformed Church was omitted for a long time from the tradition of Hungarian church history. In this respect, the Cranmerus-chronicle seems to confirm the Reformed view. In 1560, Sztárai saw himself as a deceived, failed, “miserable” man, as a bishop who had been removed from his office. By that time, he was so angry with his Reformed Protestant rivals that he was ready to compare them to Bloody Mary, “similar to the devil in Hell”. At the same time, he blamed himself: he would have loved to burn his hand that had signed – what? Unfortunately, we do not yet know. Nevertheless, the parable on Thomas Cranmer strongly suggests that he signed a document he did not agree with. When he did that, he obviously thought that this gesture may save him and the cause he had been serving. In the “miserable year of 1560,”55 however – when the Reformed Protestants became the majority all over the country –, he felt he had signed his own death sentence.

51 52 53 54 55

Esze, Sztárai Gyulán, 121−123. Keveházi, ‘A kereszt igéjét hirdetni kezdtem’, 134. Kathona, Fejezetek, 124−125. Esze, Sztárai Gyulán, 121. Sztárai’s words in the last strophe of the Cranmerus-chronicle.

Chapter 9: Abrahamic Faith in a Hungarian Market-Town – A History in Verse by Máté Skaricza (1581)

In February 1587, Reinhold Lubenau (1556−1631), a German traveller, pharmacist to the tribute carrying imperial delegation, on his way to Istanbul visited Ráckeve, a rich market town of Ottoman Hungary on the island of Csepel,1 where he saw its famous churches and monuments. He was enchanted by the colourful frescoes of the Gothic Eastern Orthodox church of the ethnic Serbs (fig. 8). He was then taken to the prayer room of the Hungarian Protestants, where he was guided by the local preacher. He did not like what he saw. It is not more – he wrote in his diary – than an open house, with nothing but a covered table, chairs covered with carpets and bare walls. No wonder, he remarked, that the Ottomans are most tolerant with this religion, the “Zwinglian” faith.2 This Lutheran eyewitness of Prussian origin, who had strong prejudices against Muslim Ottomans, Orthodox Serbs and Calvinist Hungarians, naturally saw what he wanted to see – the most conspicuous things. He compared the simplicity of Hungarian Protestants to the fascinating luxury of the extremely rich Serbs (‘Rascians’). It is a snapshot demonstrating characteristic stereotypes, yet it is rather superficial. The settlement on the banks of the Danube was considered at the time a flourishing centre of the 16th century Hungarian Reformation.3 The “Zwinglian preacher” guiding Lubenau was none other than Máté Skaricza,4 the learned 1 Csepel ist he largest island on the Danube River in Hungary. 2 Beschreibung der Reisen des Reinhold Lubenau, ed. Wilhelm Sahm, vol. 1 (Königsberg: Ferdinand Beyers Buchhandlung, 1912), 87; cf. Szakály, Mezo˝város, 146; Antal Miskei, Ráckeve története. I. Ráckeve története a kezdetekto˝l 1848-ig (Ráckeve: Önkormányzat, 2003), 209. On Lubenau see Robyn Dora Radway, Vernacular diplomacy in Central Europe: Statesmen and soldiers between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, 1543–1593 (Princeton: University, 2017), 236. 3 Földváry, Adalékok; György Veszprémi Fejes, A ráckevei református egyház és a község története (Tahitótfalu: Veszprémi Fejes, 1927); Szakály, Mezo˝város, 139−141. 4 Máté Skaricza (1544−1591) was an influential Hungarian Protestant intellectual, traveller, theologian, writer, and graphic artist. He was born and educated in a Reformed environment in Ráckeve. He was taught by István Szegedi Kis, one of the leading Reformed ministers of the

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Fig. 8: The Assumption of the Virgin Mary Orthodox Church in Ráckeve (1487).

Reformed preacher of Ráckeve who was counted among the greatest Reformed Protestants in Hungary (along with István Szegedi Kis, Péter Melius, and Gáspár Károlyi) even in distant Heidelberg.5 His one-time fame and the respect shown to him is well demonstrated by the fact that Hungarian psalms evidently written by another author are still attributed to him in Reformed song books.6 He is one of those great figures of Protestantism who is only remembered by his name – we know almost nothing of his deeds and works. “A few poems, a biography and a portrait of István Szegedi Kis (fig. 9): this is all that preserves the memory of his extraordinary creative talent; only promises and unfinished

time. During his academic peregrination, Skaricza spent long periods in Italy, Germany, Switzerland, France, the Netherlands, and England, then returned to his homeland and dedicated the rest of his life to the Reformation in Hungary. László Földváry, Szegedi Kis István élete s a Tisza–Duna mellékeinek reformácziója (Budapest: Hornyánszky, 1894); Lajos Horváth, “Ráckeve és Skaricza Máté históriás verse,” in Tanulmányok Ráckeve múltjából. Ráckevei füzetek 10 (Ráckeve–Szentendre: Nagyközségi Tanács−Pest Megyei Könyvtár, 1986), 5–70; Kathona, Fejezetek, 81−193; 92−171; Szakály, Mezo˝város, 92–171; Gábor Almási, The uses of humanism. Johannes Sambucus (1531−1584), Andreas Dudith (1533−1589), and the republic of letters in East Central Europe. Brill’s studies in intellectual history 185 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 67−68. 5 Abraham Scultetus, Newe Jahrs Predigt. Das ist, historischer Bericht, wie wunderbahrlich Gott der Herr die verschienene hundert Jahr seine Kirche reformiert, regiert und biß daher erhalten (Heidelberg: Jonas Rosen, 1617), 14. 6 RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 459−461; cf. Pál Ács, ‘Elváltozott ido˝k’ – Irányváltások a régi magyar irodalomban. Régi magyar könyvtár. Tanulmányok 6 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2006), 60.

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Fig. 9: Woodcut portrait of István Szegedi Kis based on the drawing by Máté Skaricza. Illustration of Theologiae sincerae by István Szegedi Kis (Basel, 1585).

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works, without hope of completion” – wrote László Makkai.7 We may reformulate this sentiment by saying that there is an enormous gap between Máté Skaricza’s 16th century reputation and his fame today. One of the reasons may be that a significant part of his work is lost or hidden.8 His oeuvre should by no means be considered well researched; what is more, we even tend to misinterpret the sources that we have had access to for a long time. This is the case with Skaricza’s oft-cited (but often misinterpreted) famous poem, History of the town of Kevi,9 written in 1581.10 Reinhold Lubenau’s abovementioned diary informs us that the preacher from Ráckeve – Máté Skaricza − was the most well-informed guide in this spectacular town overlooking the smaller branch of the Danube, which at the time counted about 2000 houses. The history in verse is a description of the market town in poetic form. It is a unique piece of local history: a brilliant source for the cartographic and architectural history of 15th- and 16th-century Ráckeve, as well as for the history of place names on the island of Csepel.11 Skaricza’s poem is still the oldest and most authentic report of the streets, squares and buildings of the once-rich market town. The genre of the poem is an ironic prosopopoeia in which the town itself, the personified Ráckeve, speaks to the readers: “If you want to visit Kevi, / You should first of all know / That you must not be angry / If you cannot walk my streets”12 – goes the ironic first verse. These valuable references have long since been enumerated and processed by researchers of the history of Ráckeve. Literary and cultural history, however, still owes us the interpretation of the poetic and religious message of the poem. It is a work with several voices and tones. “We must take account of people, time and 7 László Makkai, “Pest megye története 1848-ig,” in Pest megye mu˝emlékei. Magyarország mu˝emléki topográfiája 5, ed. Dezso˝ Dercsényi (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1957), vol. I, 103. Hungarian poems of Máté Skaricza see RMKT XVI, vol. 11. 223−248, 456−472. The autobiography of Skaricza is interwoven with the biography of István Szegedi Kis. Máté Skaricza, “Stephani Szegedini vita,” in Kathona, Fejezetek, 90–144. On the woodcut portrait of István Szegedi Kis following the pencil sketch by Máté Skaricza see Géza Galavics, “Személyiség és reneszánsz portré. Ismeretlen magyarországi humanista-portré: Mossóczy Zakariás arcképe,” in Collectanea Tiburtiana. Tanulmányok Klaniczay Tibor tiszteletére, ed. Géza Galavics, János Herner, Bálint Keseru˝. Adattár, 10 (Szeged: SZTE, 1990), 405. 8 Still, a four-volume manuscript of Skaricza’s writings was found in 1629 in the library of the Reformed College of Sárospatak. Hungarian Reformed Protestants then drew suitable arguments from this manuscript for the dispute with the Catholic archbishop Péter Pázmány. Szakály, Mezo˝város, 156−162. On Péter Pázmány see the chapter Historical scepticism and piety in this volume. 9 Kevi was the original 16th century name of Ráckeve. 10 Máté Skaricza, Kevi városáról való széphistória, in RMKT XVI/11, 239−248. 11 Horváth, Ráckeve és Skaricza Máté; Mihály Hajdú, A Csepel-sziget helynevei (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1982); Miskei, Ráckeve története. 12 “Kik Keviben akartok bemenni, / Illik néktek elo˝ször ezt tudni, / Hogy énrajtam nem kell haragudni, / Utcáimon ha nem tudtok járni.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 239.

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place, / If we want to write the truth”13 writes Skaricza, using well-known rhetorical terminology, while also referring to the different layers of meaning of the text. The main layer of local historical data is accompanied by a sub-layer of Hungarian and Southern Slavic historical traditions. The emphasis on topics of special importance – namely the churches of Ráckeve – lends a characteristically Protestant, Biblical symbolism to Máté Skaricza’s poem. The poem is an intertwined chain of different stories of homeland conquests and foundations, mutually interpreting each other. Skaricza quickly points out that Ráckeve is not an ancient Hungarian settlement: “My name does not come from captain Keve,14 / Like many suppose.” “My name was first Kövin, then Kis Kevi / Given by the Rascians,”15 so it is a Southern Slavic, “Rascian” town. It was named by the former inhabitants of Kovin or Keve (first in Keve, then Temes County, today in Serbia on the Lower Danube) after the homeland that they had been forced to leave in 1439 because of the Ottoman invasion.16 Skaricza notes, however, that there had been a Hungarian settlement here well before the arrival of the Rascians. His peculiar logic dictates to start the history of the city with the Hungarian conquest of the land: “So when we want to speak about this, / We must mention the Hungarians as well.”17 According to Hungarian historical tradition, Skaricza writes about “both” homeland conquests of Hungarians, the arrival of Attila the Hun and Árpád, Grande Prince of the Hungarians, alike.18 He starts with Attila’s arrival from Scythia; continues with his conquests, the murder of his brother Buda, his sons’ struggles, and Árpád’s second homeland conquest; and finishes with Prince Csaba’s testament,19 Emese’s dream,20 Grand Prince Géza,21 King St Stephen22 and

13 “Személyt, üdo˝t s helyet kell notálni, / Ha akarunk bizony dolgot írni.” Ibid. 14 Skaricza underlines that the origin of the name of Keve (=Ráckeve) cannot be derived from the name of captain Keve, the (fictitious) Hunnic chief. 15 “Itt kapitány Kevétu˝l nincs nevem, / Mint némellyek itélnek felo˝lem… Kövin, végre azután Kis Kevi, / Lett nevem az rácoktúl Ráckevi.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 240. 16 Horváth, Ráckeve és Skaricza Máté, 10−11; Miskei, Ráckeve története, 55−59. 17 “Azért erru˝l ha mind kezdünk szólni, / Az magyarokat is meg kell látni.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 240. 18 According to long-living medieval traditions, the Hungarians were the descendants of the Huns (identified with the Scythians) and Attila the Hun was considered the first king of the Hungarians. In this view Árpád, Grand Prince of the Magyars, was not the first, but the second founder of the country. See Gábor Klaniczay, “The myth of Scythian origin and the cult of Attila in the nineteenth century,” in Multiple antiquities – multiple modernities. Ancient histories in nineteenth century European cultures, ed. idem, Otto Gécser, and Michael Werner (Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2011), 185−212; Ádám Ábrahám, “The image of Attila in Hungarian historiography of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,” in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Upsaliensis. Proceedings of the Fourteenth Congress of Neo-Latin Studies. Uppsala, 2009, ed. Astrid Steiner-Weber (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 161−166. 19 In the Hungarian historical tradition, Prince Csaba was the youngest son of Attila.

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the saint prince, Emeric (Imre).23 It seems certain that he did not directly use any historical sources in the writing of this part, and instead relied on his memory, which contained unprecise data.24 Skaricza writes a few things that cannot be found anywhere else in the Hungarian historical tradition. One such strange feature is that he ends Attila’s line of heritage with Prince Álmos, deriving Prince Árpád from another tribe. The poem does not pertain here to current affairs, unless we attribute special significance to the fact that during the struggles of Attila’s sons, Rascians (“Rascians, Greeks, Slovakians”) follow Prince Csaba, who leads the pro-east, “national” forces, while others (“Croatians and Germans”) prefer the pro-west prince Aladár. At this point – with a seemingly unbelievable shift – the poem returns to the history of Ráckeve: “I am going to talk about Kevi, / And then end my story.”25 But he still does not turn to the deeds of the Rascians. He first summarizes the history of the settlement in King Sigismund’s era. This part of the poem is a simple falsification of history: Skaricza intentionally blends the history of the two Keves, the one on the Lower Danube and the one on Csepel Island. He enumerates the privileges (the right to run pubs, ferry rights, exemptions from duties and the thirtieth customs, the right to organize fairs and stop merchandise) that King Sigismund of Luxemburg had granted not to Ráckeve, but to its mother town, Keve (today Kovin in Serbia) on the Lower Danube before the Rascians arrived at the island of Csepel.26 It is only at this point, around the middle of the poem, that Skaricza turns to the settelment of the Rascians, to how they fled the Ottomans raging in Syrmia after Emperor Murad II had taken the castle of Szendro˝ (today Smederevo in Serbia), next to Keve (Kovin), on 18 August 1439. We learn how they turned for help to Albert the Magnanimous, King of Hungary, who was kind enough to let them find their new home along the Danube; how they came as far as the island of Szentendre, called at that time the island of Vác, and why they feared the proximity of the Visegrád castle: “An old man said the devil is angry / At those living next to castles.”27 In other words, it was not a good idea to live alongside powerful lords, so they decided to turn back and settle on Csepel Island. This 20 In Hungarian historical mythology Emese was the mother of Grand Prince Álmos; thus, she was an ancestor of the Árpád dynasty. 21 Géza (c. 940–997), also Gejza, was Grand Prince of the Hungarians, father of St Stephen. 22 Stephen I, Saint (ruled 997–1038), Grand Price, later King of Hungary 23 Prince Saint Emeric of Hungary, son of Saint Stephen. 24 Historians Johannes Thuróczy, Antonio Bonfini, István Székely, and Gáspár Heltai all had an impact on Skaricza. RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 466−468. 25 “Én sietek csak Keviru˝l szólni, / És azután abban véget vetni.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 243. 26 King Sigismund of Luxemburg granted privileges to Keve (Kovin) on the Lower Danube in 1405, 1428, and 1435. 27 “Monda egy vén, ördöggel veto˝dik, / Aki várnak ellenében látszik.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 245.

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small village soon “became a town first called Little Kevi, / then Ráckevi, / famous in other countries, too.”28 The linking of the two stories of homeland conquest is conspicuous and telling. One evidently explains the other. Hungarians were the first to be there, but the glory is shared by the Rascians. The Rascians inherit the Hungarians’ rights deriving from their being first on the land, while the richness and glory originating from the diligence of the Rascians is reflected on the Hungarians. Using the method developed in the practice of humanist historiography, Skaricza jumps back and forth in the story: the events of the prehistory prefigured later events, while the latter re-evaluate what happened earlier.29 All this forms the contours of a divine plan. The Hungarian Protestant readers of the poem definitely recognised the oft-cited parallel between the fates of Hungarians and Jews: just as God had led the Jews out of Egypt, so had he taken the Hungarians from Scythia. And just as he had taken Hungarians from Scythia to Pannonia,30 so he gave a new homeland to the Rascians on the island of Csepel. This predetermined thought – which only reaches its goal slowly, through the maze of history – creates the real religious context of different histories of homeland conquests. This sacral space opens to the reader in the story of the foundation of the churches of Ráckeve and is gradually filled with components of the historical view of Hungarian Reformation. On the old veduta of Ráckeve we see three churches, and Skaricza mentions three too.31 The Assumption of the Virgin Mary Orthodox Church, which may still be seen in its old form and luxury, was built by the Rascians for themselves and was consecrated in 1487, during the reign of King Mathias Corvinus.32 Serbs “were so rich” that the profit of one single family – the Borbás’ – from one single commercial journey was enough to build a new church, the later Holy Cross Catholic Church, while another of their journeys led to “the making of a tower,” according to the poem.33 The Holy Cross became the Catholic church of the town,

28 “Várassá lo˝n, és Kis Kevi neve, / Azután lo˝n Ráckevi o˝ híre, Kit sok egyéb nép is öregbíte.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 245. 29 Pál Ács, “‘Apocalypsis cum figuris.’ A régi magyar irodalom történelemképe,” in Ács, ‘Az ido˝ ósága’, 153−154. 30 Pap, “Ment o˝ket az Isten”; Dénes Dienes, “Farkas András: ‘A zsidó és a magyar nemzetro˝l’ c. mu˝vének teológiája és kortársi párhuzamai,” Sárospataki Füzetek, 11 (2007): 65–78. On the ‘Hungarian-Jewish historical parallel’ see the chapter Historical scepticism and piety in this volume. 31 Gizella Czenner-Wilhelmb, “Ráckeve látképe és a Csepel-sziget térképe a 17. század végéro˝l,” Studia Comitatensia 1 (1972): 129−134. 32 Miskei, Ráckeve története, 78−79. In 1587 Reinhold Lubenau admired the frescoes of the church and the figures of the saints, especially the figure of St. Nicholas. He also mentioned that he saw Greek books. Sahm (ed.), Beschreibung, 87. 33 RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 246.

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also used by the rich migrants from Ragusa who settled in Ráckeve, called “Latin people” or “Italians”.34 The third church of the town, named after Saint Abraham the Patriarch, seemed an insignificant house beside these imposing buildings. Skaricza nonetheless talks most about this church, “Abraham’s tiny church,”35 and describes it in the warmest tones. Why?

Fig. 10: Unknown artist, 19th century: The view of Ráckeve with her three churches – the Catholic, the Reformed, and the Serbian Orthodox church.

Certainly, because after the construction of the Assumption of Mary Church, this tiny chapel, older than any church in Ráckeve, became the Hungarian 34 Hajdú, A Csepel-sziget helynevei, № 2787. The Holy Cross Catholic Church of Ráckeve was built in 1517 and was demolished in 1796. Kathona, Fejezetek, 133; Szakály, Mezo˝város, 132, 140. The Holy Cross Catholic Church was probably used by the members of the rich Ragusan colony of Ráckeve. Horváth, Ráckeve és Skaricza Máté, 39; Miskei, Ráckeve története, 126− 127; On the history of the Ragusans in Hungary see Antal Molnár, Eine Handelsgesellschaft aus Ragusa im osmanischen Ofen. Geschichte und Dokumente der Gesellschaft von Scipione Bona und Marino Bucchia 1573−1595 (Budapest: Hauptschtädtisches Archiv, 2009). 35 RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 245.

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church.36 And Hungarians living in the market town already followed the Swiss Reformation in the second half of the 16th century. This means that Saint Abraham became the Reformed church (fig. 10). Skaricza also liked this chapel because it kept the old, original name of Ráckeve. The cult of Saint Abraham the Patriarch, respected as a Christian saint, a precursor of Christ, had been strong in the region since the 12th century. King Béla III invited Greek-rite canons of Saint Abraham’s order from the Hebron Valley, and they used the medieval Saint Abraham Monastery, which used to stand where the church ruins are now at the northern end of Ráckeve. The monastery’s patrocinium was the village called Szentábrahámteleke (Saint Abraham’s plot) where the church was named after Abraham the Patriarch.37 The 1440 founding documents of Ráckeve state that King Władisław (Ulászló) I placed the town near the church named after Saint Abraham, patriarch of the Old Testament. The old name of Ráckeve was Szentábrahámteleke.38 In Skaricza’s poem, the foundation stories of the different churches repeat and emphasize the stories told in the homeland conquest legends. The glory of the luxurious Serbian buildings constructed later is not diminished; on the contrary, it highlights the modest splendor of the small church of Saint Abraham. The poet starts his imaginary town tour from here, from the small building in the centre of the town. This is more natural since it was his church where he preached and gave Communion to his followers. It would be strange if Skaricza did not mention his own church in the poem. It was the church where – according to his proud account in his biography of his master István Szegedi Kis – the Ráckeve debate took place in 1565 between his master and the Franciscan monk Seraphinus Panthanus, in which representatives of all three religions of the town participated.39 The old church of Saint Abraham, from which the whole settlement derived, belonged to the well-to-do Hungarian Protestants proud of their city – in other words, to the poet Máté Skaricza.

36 According to Skaricza, before the completion of the Virgin Mary Greek Orthodox Church, Serbs and Hungarians used together the small Saint Abraham Church. 37 A long debate has developed about the whereabout of the Saint Abraham Church. Some scholars think that this chapel was outside the city, at the abovementioned ancient Saint Abraham monastery. Horváth Ráckeve és Skaricza Máté, 51−52; see Hajdú, A Csepel-sziget helynevei, № 2004. However, Skaricza’s poem clarifies that the Saint Abraham Church stood in the very middle of the town, where the Reformed Church stands today. The simple, old, small Saint Abraham Church was demolished in 1909. The new Reformed Church was built from 1909 to 1913 in the same place. 38 Hajdú, A Csepel-sziget helynevei, № 2117; Horváth, Ráckeve és Skaricza Máté, 16. 39 Kathona, Fejezetek, 133.

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Calvinist believers of more modern times may find it disturbing that a 16th century Protestant church was named after a “saint” who had been, on top of it all, a Jewish patriarch. Máté Skaricza, however, is a child of “old Protestant” times, before the Puritanism that re-evaluated all traditions. He was not bothered by it. On the contrary, he deeply respected Abraham who was considered a forefather by Christians, Jews and Muslims alike (especially by Protestants),40 According to Saint Paul, the pure evangelical community – consisting of the chosen ones – is not founded on the laws of Moses but on Abraham’s faith.41 The reason for this is that Abraham was not righteous because of the sign of his association – his circumcision – but solely because of his faith that he had proven before receiving the sign: “Abraham believed God, and it was credited to him as righteousness” (Romans 4, 3). The alpha and omega of Máté Skaricza’s concept of history, local history and the Protestant history of salvation was this small church of Abraham where Protestant Hungarians gathered – the community of the “righteous”. They proudly denied the accusation of “being like the Turks,”42 a charge also formulated by Reinhold Lubenau when visiting Ráckeve. They knew that others hardly distinguished their church from Ottoman mosques, but they still believed that this purity was in line with the true teachings of Christ, and that these teachings were identical with the faith of patriarch Abraham, according to Saint Paul.43 Máté Skaricza was a Reformed preacher in a town under Ottoman occupation with many nationalities and religions. Walking on the zig-zagging streets of Ráckeve – while thinking of the motto of the town promoting agreement, concordia44 − he wondered how to create unity in this diversity: “First we were all faithful / All my citizens agreed, / Now there is hatred and envy, / I am very worried about this.”45 He knew that Ráckeve had been founded by Serbs, but he was also certain that this late conquest of homeland had been the result of Attila’s and Árpád’s conquests. The two determining ethnic groups, Serbs and Hungarians, thus depended on one another. He also saw that Serbs, Hungarians, Italians, Jews and 40 Encyclopaedia of Islam, see the headword Ibra¯hı¯m. 41 Payne, “Erasmus on Romans 9, 6–24,” 119–135. See the chapter The reception of Erasmianism in Hungary and the contexts of the Erasmian programme in this volume. 42 Nicolette Mout, “Calvinoturcismus und Chiliasmus im 17. Jahrhundert,” Pietismus und Neuzeit, 14 (1988): 72–73. 43 Peter A. Lillback, The early Reformed Covenant paradigm. Vermigli in the context of Bullinger, Luther, Calvin, in James (ed.), Peter Martyr, 70–96. 44 VITA MIHI CHRISTUS RERUM CONCORDIA FISCUS. Horváth, Ráckeve és Skaricza Máté, 23−24, 33−35; RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 472; Miskei, Ráckeve története, 81−84. 45 “Eleitu˝l fogván az nagy hu˝ség, / Polgárimban lakott nagy egyesség, / Mostan penig gyu˝lölség s irigység, / Szivemet szakasztja sok nagy ínség.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 248.

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Ottomans all followed a different faith. He still felt that the “pure” Christianity of Hungarian Protestants – preached by himself in the oldest church of the town – could be accepted by all religions with clear conscience, because this teaching followed the original divine revelation that was given to Abraham, after whom the town and the church were named.

Chapter 10: “Thou art my Son, David” – The Limits of Historical Interpretation in the Unitarian Translation of Psalm 2

In August 1588, during the famous colloquy between the Reformed Protestant Máté Skaricza1 and the Antitrinitarian György Válaszúti2 in Pécs, one of the cultural centres of Ottoman Hungary, the opposing parties went deeply into the interpretation of psalms.3 The debaters attached great importance to the classical problems arising in the theology of the Book of Psalms. The assumed references of the so-called Messianic Psalms4 were especially emphasized. They gave special attention to verse 7 of Psalm 2, profoundly analysing the part that is formulated thus in the Vulgate: filius meus es tu, ego hodie genui te. (“Thou art my Son; this day have I begotten thee.”) We all know that this line refers to Jesus Christ in both the Acts of the Apostles (13, 33) and in the Epistle to the Hebrews (1, 5; 5, 5). It is important to note that these two texts in the New Testament cite Psalm 2 as an argument to different theological concepts. Acts of the Apostles simply wanted to prove the miracle of resurrection. In Peter’s speech, Jesus is just a man who has been justified by God through miracles (Acts 2, 22). The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews, however, used the Psalm to prove the divinity of Jesus, his “preexistence” and his presence in the act of creation.5 This latter view became generally accepted in the Early Christian Church. As Saint Augustine writes in his Confessions: “Thy years are one day; and Thy day is not daily, but To-day, seeing Thy To-day gives not place unto to-morrow, for neither doth it replace yesterday. 1 On Máté Skaricza see the chapter Abrahamic faith in a Hungarian market town in this volume. 2 György Válaszúti (c. 1550 – c. 1614) was a Unitarian minister and later bishop in Ottoman Hungary. S. Katalin Németh, “Gyögy Válaszúti,” in Bibliotheca Dissidentium, ed. André Séguenny, vol. 23. Ungarländische Antitrinitarier, ed. Mihály Balázs, vol. 3 (Baden-Baden– Bouxviller: Valentin Koerner) 2004, 161–193. 3 György Válaszúti, Pécsi disputa, intr. and notes Róbert Dán, ed. Katalin Németh S. Régi Magyar Prózai Emlékek 5 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1981), 44. Máté Skaricza named several psalms as evidence of the pre-existence of Jesus (Capita Argumentorum Matthei Scharicai, pro aeterni filio). During the Pécs colloquy the interlocutors returned again and again to the interpretation of psalms. 4 Helmer Ringgren, Psalmen (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1971), 113–117. 5 Géza Vermes, The changing faces of Jesus (London: Penguin Books, 2000).

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Thy To-day, is Eternity; therefore didst Thou beget The Coeternal, to whom Thou saidst, This day have I begotten Thee.”6 The early Christian Church used the pesher (“solution”) type Jewish method for interpreting the Bible and justifying the fulfilment of prophecies when it interpreted David’s psalm in the sense that the resurrected Jesus was the promised Messiah, son of God.7 This meaning was reinforced by the important role of psalm citations in the Christmas liturgy of the Roman Church.8 The historical and theological significance of the second psalm is also increased by the fact that it was probably the first one according to the original order. One of the manuscript traditions – ignored in most modern translations – of the Acts of the Apostles names Psalm 2 as the “first psalm;” Erasmus already emphasized this.9 The real subject of the abovementioned dispute in Pécs was whether psalms should be read literally or spiritually. Orthodox Christian churches, including the Protestant ones, argued for the latter interpretation. Máté Skaricza also interpreted the Messiah references of the Messianic Psalms as referring to Jesus Christ, and at the same time as supporting the dogma of the Holy Trinity. In the second Psalm, discussing the relationship between Yahweh and the Chosen One, the Ráckeve preacher, Skaricza – in line with the millennium-old tradition of Christian exegesis – saw the proof that the Son-God “was born from eternity”: “You are my son, today I have become your father. As if he had said: I, the Father God, confess, Son-God, that you are my son. Because I gave birth to you today, from eternity.”10 Skaricza’s Antitrinitarian opponent promoted a literal or “historical” interpretation of the psalms.11 György Válaszúti thought that the Messiah references of the so-called Messianic Psalms do not refer to the eternally existing Son-God, nor to the historical Jesus, but to King David: “I say that according to history, this psalm is about David who is said to have been born of God. Not to prove that he is 6 Augustinus, Confessiones 11.13.16 (“Anni tui dies unus, et dies tuus non cotidie sed hodie, quia hodiernus tuus non cedit crastino; neque enim succedit hesterno. Hodiernus tuus aeternitas; ideo coaeternum genuisti cui dixisti, »ego hodie genui te«.”) 7 Vermes, The changing faces. 8 The introitus of the Christmas Midnight Mass begins: “Dominus dixit ad me: Filius meus es tu, ego hodie genui te”. Schott, Das Messebuch, 44. 9 Acts 13, 33. Hans-Joachim Kraus, Psalmen. Biblischer Kommentar. Altes Testament, 15 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlagsgesellschaft, 1978), vol. 1, 144; R. Gerald Hobbs, “Hebraica veritas and traditio apostolica. Saint Paul and the interpretation of the Psalms in the sixteenth century,” in Steinmetz (ed.), The Bible in the sixteenth century, 90–92. 10 Válaszúti, Pécsi disputa, 301. 11 The sensus litteralis and the sensus historicus are not synonymous phrases, but already the first Christian exegetes used them as analogous concepts sharply distinguished from the figurative, spiritual levels of the Scripture. Harry Caplan, “The four senses of scriptural interpretation and the mediaeval theory of preaching,” Speculum 4 (1929): 282–290.

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Son-God but to prove that he became king not of his own strength and wisdom but due to the grace and intention of God who saved him from many miseries.”12 Válaszúti understood “this saying is applied to Jesus by Apostle Paul” in the Epistle to the Hebrewss. However, the Unitarian preacher calls this “application with similarity”13, which does not refer to Christ’s divinity. On the contrary, it proves that Jesus, just like David, became what he became with God’s help. Thus, György Válaszúti clearly and unambiguously excluded all interpretations that tried to support faith in the Holy Trinity with Biblical arguments taken from the psalms. This overtly dogma-critical attitude may suggest that the Unitarian psalms expanded the Holy Trinity struggles with Orthodox Protestants to the text and hermeneutics of the Psalter. Calvinist debaters accused their opponents of stealing their religious songs and “erasing” and “replacing” praises of the Holy Trinity.14 However, it was something different. Singing psalms was of primary spiritual significance for all denominations. It is thus highly unlikely that a psalm translation rested purely on the criticism of texts and dogmas. It is evident that those who “deleted” a traditional theological concept from the Psalter did this to replace it with another idea. When Unitarians omitted Christological elements unacceptable for them from the psalms, they also validated their own religious principles and ideas. Their radical concepts regarding the psalms – beyond rejecting ideas they believed to be flawed – represented the hopes and expectations of the community. We know that the Unitarian psalm interpretation of the Pécs colloquy of 1588 followed a well-worn path: it basically used the arguments that the Transylvanian Unitarian poet Miklós Bogáti Fazakas had already used in 1582–83, in his tract on the Epistle to the Hebrews and his Hungarian translation of the psalm.15 According to Róbert Dán’s seminal monograph, “Bogáti translated this Biblical book ‘on the basis of the meaning of old histories’ and this in itself means that he only looked at psalms in relation to the Jews of the Old Testament.”16 This means that Bogáti used his methods of textual criticism and his consequently applied “historical” interpretation to serve the purposes of a radical criticism of dogmas, and at the same time rejected the Christological arguments based on psalms. In the frame text (introductory stanzas) of Psalm 2, the translator indeed makes it clear that the psalm entitled God and the Messiah refers to the historical King

12 13 14 15

Válaszúti, Pécsi disputa, 183. Ibid., 184. István Melotai Nyilas, Speculum Trinitatis (Debrecen: Rheda Péter, 1622), 9–10. Róbert Dán, “Források és adatok Bogáti Fazekas Messiás-képzetéhez,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 81(1977): 356. 16 Dán, Humanizmus, reformáció, 169; RMKT XVI, vol. 13/A, 447.

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David.17 In the world of the poem, “David,” “Messiah,” “Christ,” and “crowned king” are synonyms. In Bogáti’s historical interpretation, God’s Messiah – kristos or Christ in Greek – is King David.18 In the famous verse 7, we read about David’s praise: “When I was crowned, he said to me: / Thou art my son, David, this day I have begotten thee / I saved thee from all enemies, / Do not be afraid of anything.” He is the chosen king, “Christ,” who oppresses all earthly kings due to God’s strength: “Be wise now therefore, o ye kings, / I am telling you God’s words / Do not insult the One who was made Christ, / Listen to every word he says.”19 It is also clear, however, that Bogáti accepted the possibility of a Messianic interpretation. We may conclude that he did not wish to delete Christology, understood as faith in Messiah, in Psalm 2, but rather its traditional Christian concept. In the mirror of Róbert Dán’s analyses of Bogáti’s theological concept, the historical interpretation of the Unitarian poet appears as a precondition or at least companion of rational Bible criticism and radical dogmatic thinking. “David’s fate and glory can not be interpreted as suffering and glorification of Christ,” he writes in the complementary study to the edition of Bogáti’s Hungarian Psalter.20 It is easy to see that this idea is not completely valid. It is indeed true that medieval Jewish and Christian commentators of psalms, Rashi (1040–1105)21, David Kimhi (1160–1235),22 Nicholas of Lyra (c. 1270–1349)23 and many others 17 According to many commentaries, the second Psalm was a royal psalm used at the coronation of the Judean king. “I have begotten you” is metaphorical language; it implies that a “new birth” of a divine nature took place during the coronation. James K. Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt. The evidence for the authenticity of the Exodus tradition (Oxford: University Press, 1996), 89. 18 RMKT XVI, vol. 13/A, 13, 342−343. 19 Miklós Bogáti Fazakas, Psalterium. Magyar zsoltár, ed. Géza [Szentmártoni] Szabó and Gábor Gilicze, epilogue Róbert Dán (Budapest, Magyar Helikon, 1979), 9–11; cf. Géza [Szentmártoni] Szabó, “A Hungarian Antitrinitarian poet and theologian, Miklós Bogáti Fazakas,” in Antitrinitarianism in the second half of the 16th century, ed. Robert Dán and Antal Pirnát (Budapest− Leiden: Akadémiai Kiadó−Brill, 1982), 215−230. 20 Bogáti, Psalterium, 252. 21 Rashi’s commentary on Psalms, ed. Mayer I. Gruber. The Brill reference library of Judaism 18 (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 178, 182. 22 The longer commentary of R. David Kimhi on the first Book of Psalms, ed. Rowland George Finch and George Herbert Box (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1919), 15−16. David Kimhi’s psalm-commentaries became known among the Hungarian Antitrinitarians (and their Calvinist interlocutors) through the mediation of Miguel Servet. Dán, Humanizmus, reformáció, 84–85, 104–105, 111–112, 208–209; cf. Korai szombatos írások, ed. Réka Újlaki-Nagy. Fiatal Filológusok Füzetei. Korai újkor 7 (Szeged: SZTE, 2010), 18. 23 Nicholas of Lyra was a Franciscan Biblical exegete. In his interpretations he relied on rabbinical sources, for example on Rashi’s commentary. He was considered a follower of Rashi, who always gave priority to the literal sense. Of course, he wanted to exploit this knowledge for Christianity. Lyra’s main work (Postillae perpetuae in universam S. Scripturam) was published in 1471 in Rome and contained a figurative explanation as a supplement. Lyra had a

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already tried to put an end to infinite allegorization or “Origenism,” as this method had been named after its developer, Origen, who lived in Alexandria in the 2nd to 3rd century.24 Medieval Jewish exegetes of psalms and their followers in the 16th century, among them Matthias Vehe-Glirius (who also influenced Hungarian Unitarians), had a right to argue that Jews had never used the allegorical (drash or “interpretative”) method of explanation when they wanted to convince their opponents. They always applied literal (peshat or “simple”) interpretation, as they knew that allegorizing could not prove anything, and that it may simply decorate the things that could not be clearly demonstrated from pure words.25 This, however, was not due to rational causes. When, as a counter to Saint Thomas Aquinas’ speculative allegories, the literal, historical interpretation of psalms gained force, it simply opened the possibility for a new kind of spiritualism, different from that of Saint Thomas Aquinas. Luther also consistently argued for sensus litteralis, but for him this was and remained sensus litteralis profeticus, as he explained in his Operationes in Psalmos (1519–1521).26 In his eyes, the Old Testament was nothing but a prophecy that came true in the New Testament. “The Psalter ought to be precious and dear, were it for nothing else but the clear promise it holds forth respecting Christ’s death and resurrection, and its prefiguration of His kingdom and of the whole estate and system of Christianity, insomuch that it might well be entitled a Little Bible,” he wrote in the preface to the Psalter.27 The glorification of the Protestant principle of sola scriptura was a victory of the literal sense. Melanchthon also promoted the primacy of a literal, grammatical and historical meaning, declaring that the theology of the Scripture cannot be interpreted without its grammatical explanation.28 Martin Bucer29 and Calvin felt a profound aversion for the old

24 25

26

27 28

significant impact upon the 16th century exegetes, including Luther. As the proverb said: “Si Lyra non lyrasset, Lutherus non saltasset.” Csepregi, Zsidómisszió, 23. On Origenism in the Renaissance see Godin, Érasme; Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 46–52. Róbert Dán, Matthias Vehe-Glirius. Life and work of a radical Antitrinitarian with his collected writings. Studia humanitatis, 4 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1982); Újlaki-Nagy (ed.), Korai szombatos írások, 53–54; Réka Újlaki-Nagy, “Sabbath-keeping in Transylvania from the end of the 16th century to the early 17th century,” in Sabbat und Sabbatobservanz in der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Anselm Schubert (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2016), 167−200. Martin Luther, Operationes in psalmos (1519–1521), ed. Gerhard Hammer. Archiv zur Weimarer Ausgabe der Werke Martin Luthers 2 (Köln: Böhlau, 1981); cf. Uwe F. W. Bauer, “AntiJewish interpretations of Psalm 1 in Luther and in modern German Protestantism,” Journal of Hebrew Scriptures (University of Alberta, Canada) 2 (1998–1999): http://www.jhsonline.org/ Articles/article8.pdf Martin Luther, “Vorrhede auff den Psalter,” in Luther, Biblia. Das dritte Teil des Alten Testaments, 17r. Clyde Manschreck, “The Bible in Melanchthon’s philosophy of education,” Journal of Bible and Religion 23 (1955): 202–207.

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allegoric and mystic interpretations in their commentaries on the psalms; however, they did not deny that there were spiritual, prophetic or Evangelic layers of meaning as well behind the literal sense of Old Testament texts. In his commentary on Psalm 2, 7, Calvin used ingenious dialectics to reject medieval allegorizing. He left ample space for what he considered to be the only authentic interpretation, the prophetic one: This passage, I am aware, has been explained by many as referring to the eternal generation of Christ; and from the words this day, they have reasoned ingeniously as if they denoted an eternal act without any relation to time. But Paul, who is a more faithful and a better qualified interpreter of this prophecy, in Acts 13, 33, calls our attention to the manifestation of the heavenly glory of Christ of which I have spoken. This expression, to be begotten, does not therefore imply that he then began to be the Son of God, but that his being so was then made manifest to the world. Finally, this begetting ought not to be understood of the mutual love which exists between the Father and the Son; it only signifies that He who had been hidden from the beginning in the sacred bosom of the Father, and who afterwards had been obscurely shadowed forth under the law, was known to be the Son of God from the time when he came forth with authentic and evident marks of Sonship.30

This interpretation on the basis of Calvin’s exegesis found its most mature literary form in Milton’s Paradise Lost (V, 614–620): “This day I have begot whom I declare / My onely Son, and on this holy Hill / Him have anointed, whom ye now behold / At my right hand; your Head I him appoint; / And by my Self have sworn to him shall bow / All knees in Heav’n, and shall confess him Lord.”31 The theological interpretation of psalms also had consequences for genre theory. Reformers would have wanted to prevent anyone from reading the poetry of the Bible as a fictional fabula due to their interpretations.32 That is why Luther said that allegories were “overdecorated whores,”33 and that is why many others tried to prove that the abstract contents expressed in the tropes and figures of the psalms belong to the literal layer of meaning. All the trends of the Reformation accepted these fundamental methodological results in Christian Humanism: 29 R. Gerald Hobbs, “How firm a foundation. Martin Bucer’s historical exegesis of the Psalms,” Church History 53 (1984): 477–491. 30 Johannes Calvinus, In Librum Psalmorum commentaries, in CR 59, Opera Calvini 31, 21; Jean Calvin, Commentary on the Book of Psalms, transl. from the original Latin, and collated with the author’s French version by James Anderson (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1845–1849.) http://www.ccel.org/ccel/calvin/calcom08.ii.html; cf. Herman J. Selderhuis, Calvin’s theology of the Psalms. Texts and studies in Reformation and post-Reformation thought (Baker Books: Grand Rapids, MI, 2007), passim. 31 Charles Dahlberg, “Paradise Lost V, 603, and Milton’s Psalm 2,” Modern Language Notes 67 (1952): 23−24. 32 Bietenholz, Historia and fabula, 224. 33 Martin Luther, Tischreden, ed. Joachim Karl Friedrich Knaake (Weimar: Böhlau, 1912), vol. 1, 607.

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Biblical criticism and exegesis. The difference between denominations was expressed in the relevant spiritual interpretations attached to the literal meaning.34 Thus, the faltering of scholasticism at the beginning of the 16th century was not a “rational” turn. Nobody challenged the idea that the Bible is a text carrying literal and spiritual layers of meaning. The great hermeneutical change occurred in the second level of explaining the Scripture: the mystic interpretation was replaced by the prophetic one. This was true at the beginning of the Reformation and – in a modified form, adapting to different conditions – it basically remained true in the best years of the Hungarian radical Reformation, in the psalms of Miklós Bogáti Fazakas. Róbert Dán also noticed the peculiar Antitrinitarian feelings behind the interpretation based on rational principles, but he did not elaborate on his observations. He saw the novelty of the psalm concepts of György Válaszúti and Miklós Bogáti Fazakas as a fact that this view “provides a theoretical possibility to replace old theological combinations with new ones, despite the fact that they were looking for the clearest, most literal interpretation.”35 The theoretical and practical possibilities of the new combinations were provided by the Biblical hermeneutics of the radical Swiss reformer, well-known among Hungarian Antitrinitarians and also cited by Miklós Bogáti Fazakas: Sebastian Castellio.36 Castellio published his Bible translated into the eloquent Latin prose of humanists in 1551.37 In his preface to the book, he clearly separated human and divine spheres within the Holy Writ. He also differentiated between real and probable things. To correctly understand and judge the former, says Castellio, direct perception and human common sense are enough, whereas the latter are insecure prophecies without a unified and eternally valid solution. He

34 Rabil, Erasmus and the New Testament, 100–103. 35 Dán, Humanizmus, reformáció, 169–170. 36 On the influence of Sebastian Castellio on the radical Reformation in Hungary see Pirnát, Die Ideologie der siebenbürger Antitrinitarier, passim; Balázs, Az erdélyi antitrinitarizmus, 61; Balázs, “Erasmus,” 186, 189; cf. Hans Rudolf Guggisberg, Sebastian Castellio, 1515–1563. Humanist and defender of religious toleration in a confessional age, transl. Bruce Gordon, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), 245–246; Mihály Balázs, Ungarländische Antitrinitarier IV. Ferenc Dávid. Bibliotheca Dissidentium 26 (BadenBaden–Bouxwiller: Valentin Koerner, 2008), passim; idem, “Szent vagy profán? Adalék Sebastian Castellio erdélyi recepciójához,” in In via eruditionis. Tanulmányok a 70 éves Imre Mihály tiszteletére, ed. István Bitskey and others (Debrecen: University Press, 2016), 106−114. 37 Biblia, ed. Sebastien Castellion (Basel: Jakob Kündig [Jacobus Parcus], 1551); cf. Guggisberg, Sebastian Castellio, 49–72; Peter Stotz, “Castellios neues lateinisches Sprachkleid für die Bibel. Was hat es dem sermo piscatorius voraus?” in Sebastian Castellio (1515–1563) – Dissidenz und Toleranz. Beiträge zu einer internationalen Tagung auf dem Monte Verità in Ascona 2015, ed. Barbara Mahlmann-Bauer. Refo500 Academic Studies 44 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018), 103–130.

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placed Biblical similes referring to Christ and the book of the Book of Revelation in the latter category.38 One of the special features of Biblical criticism in the Late Renaissance was the way it tried to extrapolate from tangible arguments to intangible spiritual content.39 Castellio did not try to “rationalize” this practice, either. The distinction between realities justified by experience and historical facts on the one hand and insecure but probable Biblical prophecies on the other hand did not imply the rejection or neglect of one or the other plane of reality.40 The novelty of Castellio’s hermeneutics was that he was much stricter than others in applying the principle of “reason” and historicism in the “human” sphere of the Bible41, and at the same time allowing an interpretation with regard to the “divine” spheres. Castellio’s Bible modestly but definitely suggests that some references of the psalms concern Jesus Christ,42 namely the references that were interpreted this way in New Testament texts.43 His critical remarks do not exclude the Evangelical interpretation of the text. In his commentaries on Psalm 2,44 Castellio mentions both the historical explanation referring to David and the prophetic allusion concerning Christ. He believes that Psalm 2 is a prophecy of Christ. When translating verse 7, he basically keeps the Vulgate text: “Narrabo Iovae decretum, qui mihi dixit: Tu filius meus es, ego te hodie genui.” The doubts of Castellio were not intended to dissuade people’s faith: on the contrary, they opened and li38 “Sunt autem res aliae humanae, aliae divinae. Humanas voco, quae humano ingenio, etiam sine fatidico spirito possunt intelligi. Cuismodi sunt ceremoniae, et Mosis tabernaculi descriptio, et templi Solomonis ac Ezechielis, et vatum visiones, et CHRISTI similitudines, et Apocalypsis tota.” (Ad lectorem admonitio). 39 Bietenholz, Historia and fabula, 220–269. 40 Debora Kuller Shuger, The Renaissance Bible. Scholarship, sacrifice, and subjectivity (Berkely: University of California Press, 1994), 32. 41 In his 1554 edition of the Latin Bible, Castellio inserted between the Old and New Testaments a series of extracts from Flavius Josephus’ Bellum Judaicum, thus ensuring the continuity of history. Biblia interprete Sebastiano Castalione una cum eiusdem annotationibus. Totum opus recognovit ipse, et adjecit ex Flavio Josepho historiae supplementum ab Esdrae temporibus ad Machabeos itemque a Machabeis usque ad Christum (Basel: Oporin, 1554); cf. Irena Backus, “Moses, Plato, and Flavius Josephus. Castellio’s concenptions on sacred and profane in his Latin versions of the Bible,” in Shaping the Bible in the Reformation. Books, scholars and their readers in the sixteenth century, ed. Bruce Gordon and Matthew McLean (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 143−166. 42 Castellio, even before his first edition of the Bible, published a separate volume of annotated translations of the Psalms: Psalterium, reliquaque Sacrarum Literarum carmina et precationes, cum argumentis et brevi difficiliorum locorum declaratione Sebastiano Castalione interprete (Basel: Oporin, 1546). 43 See Ps 22: “Christi languentis imago”; Ps 49: “Mortalium adhortatio ad verbum. Christi imago”; Ps 68: “Christus filius dei”; Ps 69: Christi Regnum; Ps 97: Christi restauratoris Regnum. Gentium laetitia propter Christum. Idolatrae damna, Israelis laudata,” etc. 44 See Ps 2: “Tyrannorum in Deum coniuratio. Ad reges David uti Deo sint audientes. De Christo vaticinium.”

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berated the way to the sources of faith. It was not yet time for rationalism to turn from a tool (from the way to a more authentic, more precise explanation and interpretation of Scripture) into a goal in itself, an ultimate judge. This is an event that probably occurred much later – and I am not even sure that (despite his rhetoricism) it happens with Descartes. But even if it does, Descartes came about one hundred years after Castellio.45 We know that Hungarian Antitrinitarians did not follow all the aspects of Castellio’s dialectic and optimistic hermeneutics. They interpreted it in a slightly distorted, rigid way. They got rid of all Christological references because, as Mihály Balázs pointed out, they felt the “interpreter must act in a way that his presence in the interpretation equals to getting rid of himself.”46 According to Róbert Dán, Gáspár Heltai’s preface to his Antitrinitarian pamphlet, The net, reflects the Christological interpretation of Psalm 2, applying the classic counterarguments by David Kimhi: “They insist on the eternally born Son and they keep repeating this eternal birth to all people. But they cannot provide an answer when we ask how it is possible that the Son is eternal and without a beginning but still born from a Father.”47 We still have no reasons to doubt that the Hungarian psalm interpreters of the radical Reformation also found prophecies on Christ in Psalm 2 in their own way. Naturally, they saw God not as an eternal, double-natured divine figure but as a real man who cannot be adored with the adoration only God deserves. It is not by accident that in verse 12 – extremely problematic because of an ambiguous word in the Hebrew text – both Castellio and Bogáti avoid the version “Kiss the Son” which the Protestants always insist on. “Kiss this Son sent to you,” writes the Reformed Bible-translator Albert Szenci Molnár.48 The example for a translation not referring to the adoration of Christ was not only Castellio, as already Erasmus had used the Unitarian concept,49 although in his 1522 commentary on Psalm 2, he had interpreted the prophetic words as referring to Christ.50 He was very clear in stating that he did not think much of the

45 Carla Gallicet Calvetti, Sebastiano Castellion il riformato umanista contro it riformatore Calvino. Per una lettura filosofico-teologica dei Dialogi IV postumi di Castellion, con la prima traduzione italiana di Carla Gallicet Calvetti. Pubblicationi della Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 1989), 124–148. 46 Balázs, Az erdélyi antitrinitarizmus, 64. 47 Gáspár Heltai, Háló, ed. Zsuzsanna Tamás, notes, epilogue Péter Ko˝szeghy (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2000), 17; cf. Dán, Humanizmus, reformáció, 107. 48 RMKT XVII, vol. 6, 20. 49 Marc Leinhard, “Die Radikalen des 16. Jahrhunderts und Erasmus,” Siegfried Wollgast, “Erasmianer und die Geschichte des Nonkonformismus: Aspekte,” in Erasmianism. Idea and reality, ed. Nicolette Mout and others (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1997), 91−104, 105−126; Balázs, “Der ‘Reformationsdialog’”; Balázs, “Erasmus;” Újlaki-Nagy (ed.), Korai szombatos írások. 50 Erasmus, “Commentarius in psalmum 2.”

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so-called “Judaizing” interpretations like that of Rabbi Shlomo.51 In his eyes, the Old Testament reached its true form in the light of the Gospels, so that the second psalm refers to the sufferings of Jesus. Quoting Saint Paul (2 Corinth 3,6) and Origen, Erasmus declared that “the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life, meaning that the historical explanation is useless: David is Jesus, while Zion is not a peak but the teaching of the Gospel itself. Erasmus’ interpretation of Psalm 2 is unique because he takes the Christian interpretation of the text – the one identical to the traditional, allegoric understanding – literally.52 Erasmus did not reject but renamed and reassessed the tradition of Christian allegorization.53 This seemingly insignificant change resulted in a further, much more radical transformation of the interpretation of the Bible. Since the Hebrew word bar in verse 12 of Psalm 2 may be interpreted either as “son” or “purely” according to Saint Jerome,54 Erasmus, who did not know the Hebrew language very well, created a combination of the two possible meanings by merging adorate pure and adorate filium. He took this verse to refer to those who allegedly do not adore the Son “purely” and, like the Jews, make Salvation dependent on human deeds.55 This is a characteristically Erasmian irony with respect to the unnecessary speculations on the dogma of the Holy Trinity, and functions similarly to the ironic view of the old monk in The praise of Folly who deduces the secrets of the Holy Trinity from the fact that the name of Jesus has only three grammatical cases.56 Erasmus’ Psalm commentary is quite far from preaching the non-adoration of Christ; however, his stand against the “Judaizing” prayer forms he deemed inadequate makes him a precursor of Unitarian non-adoration.57

51 The literal sense had been criticised as “Judaizing” by many Renaissance exegetes: Róbert Dán, Az erdélyi szombatosok és Péchi Simon. Humanizmus és reformáció 13 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1987), 11–26; Hobbs, “Hebraica veritas,” 83–99; G. Sujin Pak, The Judaizing Calvin. Sixteenth-century debates over the Messianic Psalms (Oxford: University Press, 2010), passim. 52 Like other Christian humanist exegetes, Erasmus’ famous counterpart, Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples rejected an interpretation that portrays King David as a historian, rather than a prophet. Instead, he considered a literal sense, so to speak, which is in line with the teachings of the Holy Spirit. Hobbs, “Hebraica veritas,” 96. 53 Jenkins, “Erasmus’ Commentary on Psalm 2.” 54 This interpretation is not accepted by modern Biblical philology. Hermann Gunkel, Die Psalmen. Göttinger Handkommentar zum Alten Testament II/2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1926), 12. 55 In his commentary on the psalms, Erasmus followed Jerome, his favourite author, who had confronted the difficulties of the translation of Psalm 2. Jerome, Apologia contra Rufinum, I, 19. See Jenkins, “Erasmus’ Commentary on Psalm 2.” 56 Erasmus, “Moriæ encomium,” chapter 54. 57 Trapman, “Erasmus’s Precationes.”

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The Unitarians denying the “eternal” birth of the Son-God could have avoided the use of the word genui, since in the text Greek and Latin translations take the literal meaning of the figurative words of the original Hebrew text. This is a sacred appointment of ancient Eastern kings – e. g., the pharaohs, considered “sons of God”58 – which modern translations formulate thus: “I made you my Son today.” Castellio, Bogáti and György Válaszúti consciously insisted on the form “I gave birth to you” (I begot you). Giving birth and begetting – just like being born or, more precisely, reborn – played a significant role in the theology of the radical Reformation.59 One of the fundamental texts of Transylvanian Antitrinitarianism of the 1560s, De falsa et vera, interpreted the “giving birth” passage of Psalm 2 as the death and resurrection of Christ, true to the apostolic tradition: “The complete revelation of Christ with God was completed with the resurrection… In Psalm 2,7 Paul is right to interpret David’s ‘I begot you today’ as referring not to the birth of the eternal but to the resurrecting Christ, since by then he had clearly declared that the son of God earned salvation from the cross.”60 When Máté Skaricza asks in the Pécs colloquy how it is possible that the apostles take this passage to refer to Christ, his opponent replies: “Paul applies this sentence (You are my son, I gave birth to you today) to Jesus who was killed and resurrected in order to show how Christ inherited all the peoples. Or to let everyone know that Jesus, from the seed of David, is the Jesus Christ and son of God, loved and helped by God who resurrected him from death… Because just like God made David a king after all his miseries, so he elevated Jesus after his misery, after his death and revealed him. Because Jesus is his sacred son, his sacred Christ, a seed from his promise.”61 The vacuum of Unitarian psalm texts purified from Christological references is penetrated by the promise of an apostolically inspired dogma of salvation, based on the death and resurrection of a Christ known as a human being. If he had not been a man, his death could not have been real,62 and this miracle could not have happened. The apostles’ faith in Christ consisted of the belief – among other things – that Jesus would bring resurrection to them, too.

58 Gunkel, Die Psalmen, 7; Kraus, Psalmen, vol. 1, 151; cf. Barry J. Kemp, Ancient Egypt. Anatomy of a civilization (London: Routledge, 2006), 261. 59 See the chapter The theory of soul-sleeping at the beginning of the Hungarian Reformation movement in this volume. 60 De falsa el vera unius Dei Patris, Filii et Spiritus Sancti cognitione Libri Duo (Albae Iuliae: 1568). Facsimile edition, intr. Antal Pirnát. Bibliotheca Unitariorum 2 (Budapest−Utrecht: Akadémiai Kiadó−De Graaf, 1988), 303. 61 Válaszúti, Pécsi disputa, 304. 62 Pál Ács, “Holbein’s ‘Dead Christ’ in Basel and the radical Reformation,” Hungarian Historical Review 3 (2013): 68–84.

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When Unitarians interpreted Psalm 2 as a prophecy on the death and resurrection of Christ as a human being, they returned to the devotional practice and spiritualism of the great apocalyptical movements before the Reformation. The ideal of “following Christ” did not only include the trials of bearing the cross, but also the promise of rebirth.63 Spiritualists raised on mystical traditions did not insist on the sensus litteralis, because the Spirit was more important to them than the Word deprived of its allegoric layers of meaning. They believed that the Scripture could not have been created without the Spirit. In their eyes, this inspiration, independent from what is written in the Bible, was always superior.64 According to the dogma of radical Reformation, the Scripture, especially the psalms, is God’s soul talking to people, giving them a chance to answer. They believed that this mysterious transition or transformation takes place by the breeze of God’s soul. In his manuscript De arte dubitandi, based on the Epistle to the Romans (11, 17–24), Sebastian Castellio uses the example of a tree cut back and injected, he even made drawings of the rebirth of men and the world. Just like the wild tree is turned into a fruit tree if it is cut and injected, so the old, sinful person becomes a new, moral creature. This healing graft that launches healthy processes in a person is Christ’s soul. The sequential phases of cutting back, injecting and bearing fruit – as allegories of Reformation – are an allegory to the transformation process of the soul accepting the Scripture.65 The steps of Biblical hermeneutics lead to salvation. Some of Castellio’s followers preferred cutting back branches to injection, but they also had a purpose with cutting. In his translation of Psalm 2, Miklós Bogáti Fazakas talks about the relationship between God and the Messiah. This father-son relationship burdened 63 Many efforts of the radical Reformation can be explained by the surviving ideas of late medieval spiritualism. See Giles Constable, “The ideal of the imitation of Christ,” in idem, Three studies in medieval religious and social thought (Cambridge: University Press, 1995), 145−248. The Imitation of Christ of Thomas à Kempis edited by Sebastian Castellio was very popular in the 16th century. De imitando Christo contemnendisque mundi vanitatibus libellus, authore Thoma Kempisio, interprete Sebastiano Castellione (Basel: Oporin, 1563). Castellio contributed to the Latin and French translations of Theologia Deutsch, the seminal book summarizing the fundamental teachings of medieval German mysticism. Ozment, Mysticism and dissent, 39–45; Hamilton, The Family of Love, 7, 96; André Séguenny, “Religions en contacts. Le problème du transfert des idées: Moyen âge, Renaissance et Réformes protestante et catholique,” in L’Étude de la Renaissance ‘nunc et cras.’ Actes du colloque de la Féderation internationale des Sociétés et Instituts d’Étude de la Renaissance (FISIER), Genève, septembre 2001, ed. Max Engrammare and others (Genève: Droz, 2003), 257–273. 64 Hamilton, The Family of Love, 4. 65 Sebastian Castellio, De arte dubitandi et confidendi, ignorandi et sciendi, intr. and notes Elisabeth Feist Hirsch. Studies in Medieval and Reformation thought 29 (Leiden: Brill, 1981), 147–149; cf. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent, 197; Guggisberg, Sebastian Castellio, 228–229. Gallicet Calvetti, Sebastiano Castellion, 137–138, 396–417; eadem, Il testamento dottrinale di Sebastiano Castellion e l’evoluzione razionalistica del suo pensiero (Milano: Vita e Pensiero, 2005), passim.

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with theological problems fundamentally influenced the life of a community accepting and answering psalms. Unitarians sang psalms “according to history,” but they nevertheless interpreted them “by applying similarities.” Since they believed that God’s soul “was given to the faithful through the Son,”66 those who heard the words “you are my son, I gave birth to you today” could apply the message to themselves. The Son-God, chased in the name of literal sense, was replaced by man with whom – and nobody else – the miracle of resurrection and rebirth “really” takes place.

66 Ferenc Dávid, Rövid magyarázat (Gyulafehérvár: Hoffhalter, 1567), facsimile edition, text and notes Márton Pálfi (Kolozsvár: Ellenzék Nyomda, 1910), Kijv; cf. Balázs, “Ferenc Dávid,” 187−192.

Part Three: The Changing Image of Ottoman Turks

Chapter 11: Alvise Gritti and Tamás Nádasdy – The History of a Burnt-Out Friendship

In 1547, the Dalmatian humanist Tranquillo de Andreis informed Tamás Nádasdy,1 perhaps the most powerful and richest aristocrat of the Kingdom of Hungary, and at the time, after several shifts of allegiance, once again and ultimately faithful to King Ferdinand I Habsburg, that “Paolo Giovio published a new book on the portraits of famous men among whom he briefly mentions your name, as soon as it is copied, I will take it to you, even I can’t get hold of the book itself.”2 This piece of information, besides showing that the era’s most popular historian, Paolo Giovio,3 was interested in Hungarian affairs,4 naturally places 1 On the life and cultural patronage of Tamás Nádasdy see: Mihály Horváth, Gróf Nádasdy Tamás élete, némi tekintettel korára (Buda: A Magyar Királyi Egyetem betu˝ivel, 1838); József Bessenyei, “Nádasdy Tamás a politikus és államférfi,” in Nádasdy Tamás (1498–1562). Tudományos emlékülés. Sárvár, 1998. szeptember 10–11, ed. István Söptei. Nádasdy Ferenc Múzeum kiadványai (Sárvár: Nádasdy Ferenc Múzeum, 1999), 9–28.; Géza Pálffy, Nádasdy Tamás, a Dunántúl fo˝kapitánya, ibid. 29–54; Katalin Péter, Beloved children. History of aristocratic childhood in Hungary in the early modern age (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2001), passim; eadem, “Nádasdy Tamás,” in eadem, Magánélet a régi Magyarországon (Budapest: MTA Bölcsészettudományi Kutatóközpont, Történettudományi Intézet, 2012), 97−114; József Bessenyei, A Nádasdyak (Budapest: General Press, 2005); Katalin FazekasToma, Gróf Nádasdy Ferenc országbíró politikusi pályaképe, 1655–1666. PhD dissertation (Budapest: ELTE, 2005), 30−31; Noémi Viskolcz, A mecenatúra színterei a fo˝úri udvarban. Nádasdy Ferenc könyvtára (Szeged−Budapest: SZTE−Historia Ecclesiastica Hungarica Alapítvány 2013), 19−29; Márta Fata, “The Kingdom of Hungary and Principality of Transylvania,” in A companion to the Reformation in Central Europe, ed. Howard Louthan and Graeme Murdock. Brill’s companions to the Christian tradition 61 (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 97. 2 “Paulus Jovius recens edidit librum de imaginibus clarorum virorum inter quos et nomen tuum breviter perstrinxit, quod ut perscriptum est, ad te merum afferam, si librum ipsum ferre non puto.” MNL OL Nádasdy-missiles, 26. 3. 1547. See Gábor Barta, “Un umanista senza successo nel 16 secolo: Tranquillo Andreis,” Rivista di Studi Ungheresi 10 (1995): 90. 3 T. C. Price Zimmermann, Paolo Giovio. The historian and the crisis of sixteenth-century in Italy (Princeton: University Press, 1995). 4 Tamás Nádasdy − inter alia − corresponded with Paolo Giovio, Bishop of Nocera and friend of Vasari, who was not only a famous historian, but an expert of historical iconography. Giovio’s world-famous portrait collection in Como contained images of illustrious people of the past and his time. In a surviving letter addressed to Tamás Nádasdy, Giovio asked for him to send

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both the addressee and the writer of the letter in the cultural atmosphere of the Italian spirit shaped by Hungarian and Dalmatian intellectuals who visited Italy at the beginning of the 16th century. The two correspondents, Tamás Nádasdy – who had studied in Bologna, Padua and Rome – and Tranquillo Andreis, born in the Dalmatian town of Trau (today Trogir, Croatia), undoubtedly belonged to this circle. This must have strongly reminded Tamás Nádasdy of the famous Venetian, a friend of Giovio’s and Andreis’s, who used to be a strong ally of Nádasdy himself when he had been an enemy of the Habsburgs a decade before. When Tamás Nádasdy read this letter, he must have thought of Alvise Gritti,5 the Istanbul-born Venetian governor-general for Ottoman affairs of János I (Szapolyai), King of Hungary, even if this thought was extremely unpleasant for Nádasdy at the end of the 1540s. The author of the letter, Tranquillo de Andreis, was Gritti’s Latin secretary between 1529 and 1534,6 whereas Nádasdy was his Hungarian deputy (locumtenens gubernatoris) 7, from 12 January 1531 to 15 October 1532, authorized to act in all issues. Tamás Nádasdy was fully aware of the fact that Paolo Giovio, a collector of portraits of illustrious people of the era, deeply respected Gritti, about whom Nádasdy did not even want to think after so many years.8 The irony is that Gritti’s portrait may still be seen in the museum of Como,9 as the only portrait with Hungarian connections of the once famous but by now de-

5

6 7 8 9

the portraits of renowned personalities of the Kingdom of Hungary, the images of Janus Pannonius, Fülöp Móré, István Brodarics, Ferenc Frangepán, and Giovanni Statileo. Luigi Rovelli, L’opera storica ed artistica di Paolo Giovio, comasco, vescovo di Nocera. Il museo di ritratti (Como: Tipografia Emo Cavalieri, 1928), 142. Heinrich Kretschmair, “Ludovico Gritti. Eine Monographie,” Archiv für Österreichische Geschichte 83 (1896): 1−104; Gábor Barta, “Ludovicus Gritti magyar kormányzósága, 1531 −1534,” Történelmi Szemle 14 (1971): 289−319. Ferenc Szakály, Lodovico Gritti in Hungary 1529−1534. A historical insight into the beginnings of Turco-Habsburgian rivalry (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1995); Gizella Nemeth-Papo and Adriano Papo, Ludovico Gritti un principemercante del Rinascimento tra Venezia. I Turchi e la Corona d’Ungheria (Friuli: Edizioni della Laguna, 2002). Barta, “Un umanista senza successo,” 78. Barta, “Ludovicus Gritti,” 301−307. Zsófia Gál-Mlakár, “Verancsics Antal korának humanista hálózatában. Vázlat egy kapcsolati háló modellezéséhez,” Publicationes Universitatis Miskolcinensis. Sectio Philosophica 14 (2009): fasc. 2, 119–125. Today, the portrait of Alvise Gritti is in Como, in the Museo Storico Giuseppe Garibaldi (No. 140). Oil on canvas, 41 × 58 cm, in good condition, the painter is unknown. The picture hardly belonged to the original Museum Jovianum of Giovio. It was probably made in the 17th century. It could be a copy of the well-known engraving of Gritti: Paulus Jovius, Elogia virorum bellica virtute illustrium (Basel: Pietro Perna, 1596), 303. See Collezioni Giovio. Le immagini e la storia. Catalogo della Mostra Paolo Giovio, a cura di Rosanna Pavoni (Como: Musei Civici, 1983), 47; Bruno Fasola, “Per un nuovo catalogo della collezione gioviana,” in Atti del Convegno Paolo Giovio. Il Rinascimento e la memoria, Como 3−5 giugno 1983 (Como: Società a Villa Gallia, 1985). I express my special thanks for these data to my colleague, Zsuzsa Kovács.

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stroyed and scattered Museum Jovianum (fig. 11). The other Hungarian paintings have been lost. *

Fig. 11: Unknown painter, 17th century (?): Portrait of Alvise Gritti. Como, Museo Storico Giuseppe Garibaldi.

The figure of Governor-general Alvise Gritti went down in Hungarian historical memory as a malevolent adventurer seeking to destroy Hungary, as a Levantine merchant who found financial gain in the crisis of the country. Many people were of the view that the Ottomans placed him in Hungary as a “third king” besides János (Szapolyai) and Ferdinand (Habsburg).10 It would be interesting to know how this unambiguous rejection came to be. Had he been disliked from the very beginning or were there people who accepted him? Or was he defamed only after his death? Only Hungarians who knew him as closely as Tamás Nádasdy could answer these questions. Nádasdy had a highly controversial connection with Gritti: the Hungarian aristocrat ended his friendship with the Venetian merchant very abruptly and spectacularly, in almost theatrical circumstances. I would here 10 Péter Kasza and Géza Pálffy, Brodarics-emlékkönyv. Egy különleges pártváltás a mohácsi csata után (Budapest: Magyar Országos Levéltár, 2011), 24.

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like to reinterpret the meaningful cooling off of this friendship in light of old Hungarian and recent international research. The history of the relationship of Gritti and Nádasdy is richly documented, and Hungarian scholarly literature has tried to analyse it several times.11 It seems, however, that a better understanding of the problem has been prevented by the scarcity of research on Gritti and its over-enclosure into Hungarian national tradition. Gábor Barta (author of an excellent biography of Gritti) explicitly states that his research does not include the extra-Hungarian events of the Venetian adventurer’s life.12 This – although to a more limited extent – is also true for the rest of the Hungarian studies on Gritti. The Hungarian historical era that may be characterised by Gritti’s name can hardly be understood without the analysis of more extended, international connotations. I hope that certain aspects of recent Italian and especially Turkish research – now concentrating only on the episodes of the relationship between Gritti and Tamás Nádasdy – will shed new light also on Gritti’s role in Hungary. The beginning and the end of the cooperation of Gritti and Nádasdy are marked by two symbolic, exciting and almost novel-like events. Both were often retold by many; nevertheless, the complicated logic of the ensuing events makes it necessary to visit them again. In the summer of 1529, the armies of Sultan Süleyman I arrived in Hungary, and the Ottoman ruler enthroned King János Szapolyai, occupied Buda and set out to Vienna. As a commander of King Ferdinand I, Tamás Nádasdy defended the fortress of Buda, and allegedly showed his determination by hanging a pitchcovered coffin on the top of the castle, meaning to say that he would rather die than surrender.13 The German mercenaries, however, handed the castle over despite the commander’s order, so that the commander had to flee – but where could he go? He sought refuge with Gritti – who had just arrived with the armies of the sultan – who saved his life, hid him in his tent for days and persuaded him to join him and King János.14 Nádasdy’s excellent knowledge of Italian, his smarts and quick adaptability would not have been enough for him to reconcile so fast and efficiently with his former enemies. There clearly must have been a very deep agreement on the current political status in Gritti’s tent between the Hungarian aristocrat and the Italian politician and former merchant-financier.

11 Péter Kasza, “Nádasdy Tamás és Brodarics István levelezése,” in Söptei (ed.), Nádasdy, 55−66. 12 Barta, “Ludovicus Gritti,” 289−290. 13 Tibor Kardos, “A Nádasdyak reneszánsz udvara,” in idem, Az emberiség mu˝helyei (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1973), 341. 14 Nicolaus Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis libri XXXIV (Köln: Antonius Hierat, 1622), 156; Kretschmair, “Ludovico Gritti;” Barta, “Ludovicus Gritti,” 291; Szakály, Lodovico Gritti in Hungary; Kasza, “Nádasdy Tamás és Brodarics,” 59−60.

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And now, let us jump ahead in time. In December 1532, right after the sultan’s new campaign against Vienna had been ultimately stopped at the small castle of Ko˝szeg (Güns)15 and most of the Ottoman army had left the country, Tamás Nádasdy and his followers in Buda mercilessly ridiculed Gritti, who was in Belgrade at the time. His tax-collector was captured and Gritti’s already low reputation was damaged by a noisy trufa.16 According to an almost contemporary account by György Szerémi, “news was spread that the Turkish emperor had given orders to have the governor skinned in Constantinople, then had his skin stuffed with straw and hung from a tower.”17 In his now classic, ingenious study on Gritti, Tibor Kardos comments that the essence and turning point of the Buda trufa (magnus ludus) must have been the defamation of a straw figure depicting Gritti, publicly ridiculing the Italian habits of the governor. We know that when Gritti returned to Buda, he cruelly took revenge for the practical joke, while Nádasdy himself fled. Although Nádasdy officially only returned to King Ferdinand on 6 August 1534 (not long before Gritti’s execution in Medgyes/Medias,), the 1532 magnus ludus in Buda put an end to the once promising friendship of Gritti and Nádasdy. The phases of their friendship between these two significant events have been rather well explored by Hungarian research, minutely describing Nádasdy’s gradual movement away from, then his more and more definite aversion to Gritti’s personality and politics. Nádasdy’s changes of allegiance are usually counted among the known behavioural patterns of Hungarian aristocrats oscillating between János and Ferdinand. However, Nádasdy’s case is special: no matter how many times he changed fields, he never lost his extremely huge political influence, rank or fortune. Along with Tamás Nádasdy, Hungary itself and – it is not an exaggeration – the whole contemporary world made a very big turn. We cannot understand this shift without deeper knowledge of Gritti’s role in international politics. * Hungarian scholarly literature knows Alvise (or Lovise or Lodovico) Gritti, born in Istanbul as the illegitimate son of the Venetian doge Andrea Gritti and a Greek mother, had studied in Padua but later returned to his birthplace, where he 15 Ko˝szeg ostromának emlékezete, ed. István Bariska (Budapest: Helikon, 1982). 16 Tibor Kardos, “Dramma satirico carnevalesco su Alvise Gritti, Governatore dell’Ungheria, 1532,” in Venezia e Ungheria nel Rinascimento, ed. Vittorio Branca (Firenze: Olschi, 1973), 397−427. Others say that the mockery of Tamás Nádasdy can only be seen as a play in a transmitted sense. Cf. Szabolcs Barlay Ö., Romon virág. Fejezetek a Mohács utáni reneszánszról (Budapest: Gondolat, 1986), 32–35. 17 Szerémi, Epistola, 309.

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managed to impose his extreme influence on the Porte as a very rich merchant of jewellery. His Italian friends, Pietro Aretino and the above-mentioned Paolo Giovio, constantly praised his culture and intelligence.18 Gritti was fluent in Italian, Turkish and Greek, but he also had deep knowledge of Latin culture.19 In Galata – a quarter of the Ottoman capital inhabited by Christians – he had a pompous palace of Italian tastes, with many slaves, a harem and wonderful stables.20 In his residence, he directed popular Italian plays.21 He held luxurious receptions where he invited Christians and Ottomans alike. As a favourite of the famous Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha22 – also of Greek origin, from the Venetian Terraferma – Gritti played an increasing role in the Western politics and occupation plans of the Ottoman Empire. Rumour had it that the Grand Vizier Ibrahim was completely under Gritti’s influence. Of course, it was vice versa: Gritti served Ibrahim’s policy in all respects. Ibrahim Pasha was named Grand Vizier in 1523, the year when Alvise’s father Andrea Gritti became the doge of Venice. From that point on, Alvise was nicknamed Beyog˘lu23 (son of the Prince of Venice) in Istanbul. Gritti primarily represented Venetian interests at the Porte, but in the 1520s it became obvious that he was the only way to the sultan.24 Sultan Süleyman himself was a frequent guest in Gritti’s palace. The sultan was an admirer of luxury and the arts and he increased his famous collection of ancient gems with the help of Gritti.25 Gritti was considered a half-Turk by many,26 claiming he followed Ottoman habits and wore Ottoman-Turkish clothes.

18 Papo−Papo, Ludovico Gritti, 23−42. 19 Ebru Turan, The sultan’s favorite. Ibrahim Pasha and the making of the Ottoman universal sovereignty in the reign of Sultan Süleyman I (1516−1526). PhD Thesis (Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago, 2007), 294. 20 Szakály, Lodovico Gritti in Hungary. 21 Kardos, “Dramma satirico.” 22 Hester Donaldson Jenkins, Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizir of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent (New York: Columbia University Press, 1911); Pál Fodor, “A Bécsbe vezeto˝ út. Az oszmán nagyhatalom az 1520-as években,” in Két tárgyalás Sztambulban, ed. Gábor Barta. Régi Magyar Könyvtár. Források 5 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1996), 63−96; Turan: The sultan’s favorite, passim. 23 Beyog˘lu, the district of Istanbul (the former Pera or Ghalata), took its name from Alvise Gritti, who was called Beyog˘lu. Encyclopaedia of Islam2. 24 Robert Finlay, “Al servizio del Sultano. Venezia, i Turchi e il mondo Cristiano, 1523−1538,” in ‘Renovatio Urbis’.Venezia nell’eta’ di Andrea Gritti (1523−1538), ed. Manfredo Tafuri (Roma: Officina Edizioni, 1984), 78−118; Szakály, Lodovico Gritti in Hungary. 25 “Süleyman was an avid collector of rare gems. His childhood training as a goldsmith contributed not only to his unprecedented patronage of local goldsmiths and jewellers attached to the court workshops, but also to a lively jewel trade with Venice in which Alvise came to play an important role.” Gülru Necipog˘lu, “Süleyman the Magnificent and the representation of power in the context of Ottoman-Hapsburg-Papal Rivalry,” The Art Bulletin 71 (1989): 405. 26 Bietenholz (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus, vol. 2, 135.

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However, he was a faithful Christian who went to church regularly, and even signalled this status with his typical Italian baretta (ghibellin hat).27 It is less known in Hungary that following his father’s Francophile politics, Alvise Gritti was in contact with all European powers willing to oppose the evergrowing force of the Habsburgs.28 The Porte was very worried by the defeat of the League of Cognac29 and the Treaty of Cambrai, and so the Ottoman Empire – at the peak of its power – prepared an attack of unseen force against the Christian world. The Christian world watched in tense expectation the preparations of “emperors of the East and the West” to acquire world domination and form the Universal Monarchy.30 They planned to simultaneously attack Austria through Hungary and Italy via the sea. Following the Ottoman victory, Italy would have been divided in two under an Ottoman protectorate, the northern part would have belonged to the French King, Francis I,31 while an Ottoman vassal state would have been created in the South under the governance of Alvise Gritti himself.32 The European enemies of the Habsburgs and the “pro-Christian” leaders – Ibrahim Pasha and Alvise Gritti – determining the politics of the Ottoman Empire envisioned a new reformed Roman Empire, cleansed of religious differences, organised from Istanbul, the “second Rome,” and ruled by the Ottoman sultan. The “Christian Turks,” like Ibrahim and Gritti, who enjoyed a strong influence in Istanbul and Venice and looked for new intellectual and political paths, began to adhere to the religious universalism of the radical Reformation. We know that Alvise Gritti was in a good relationship with Bartolomeo Fonzio, the heretical Biblical scholar in Venice.33

27 Papo−Papo, Ludovico Gritti, 33−38. 28 Robert Finlay, “Fabius Maximus in Venice. Doge Andrea Gritti, the war of Cambrai, and the rise of Habsburg hegemony,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 988−1031; Elvin Otman, The role of Alvise Gritti within the Ottoman politics in the context of the ‘Hungarian question’ (1526−1534). MA thesis (Ankara: Bilkent University, 2009); Emrah Safa Gürkan, Espionage in the 16th century Mediterranean. Secret diplomacy, Mediterranean go-betweens and the Ottoman−Habsburg rivalry. PhD dissertation (Georgetown University: Washington, DC, 2012), 177−178, 372−375; Maria Pia Pedani, “Gritti, Alvise,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam3. 29 Ágnes R. Várkonyi, “V. Károly Magyarországon,” in eadem, Europica varietas – Hungarica varietas (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1994), 20. 30 Christine Woodhead, “Perspectives on Süleyman,” in Süleyman the Magnificent in early modern world, ed. Metin Kunt and eadem (London: Longman, 1995), 164−190; Fodor, “A Bécsbe vezeto˝ út,” 377−378; Gábor Ágoston, “Ideológia, propaganda és politikai pragmatizmus. A Habsburg−Oszmán nagyhatalmi vetélkedés és a közép-európai konfrontáció,” in idem, Európa és az oszmán hódítás (Budapest: Hadtörténeti Intézet és Múzeum, 2014), 45−52. 31 Gábor Barta, La route qui mène à Istanbul, 1526−1528, transl. Júlia Mányik (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1994). 32 Necipog˘lu, “Süleyman the Magnificent,” 411. 33 Papo−Papo, Ludovico Gritti, 39; Turan, The sultan’s favorite, 300.

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However, the sea attack against Italy never took place – it would not have served the interests of either Venice or the French – but Europe, living in apocalyptic dread, experienced the threatening Ottoman military preparations as a real danger.34 Many people, among them such intellectuals as Paolo Giovio and Pietro Aretino,35 saw Gritti as the future prince of Italy. The plan was an embodiment of the peculiar concepts and secret wishes of Grand Vizier Ibrahim and Gritti. Venice had long since lost its former status as a significant power, and with its land territories (the terraferma) threatened by the Habsburgs, it leaned more and more on the Ottoman Empire in its foreign policy.36 The Signoria of Venice had a cautious and duplicitous policy, and it did not mind regaining its Mediterranean influence with the help of Ottoman arms and victories. Gritti’s regency in Hungary was one of the branches of this enormous military plan including half of Europe.37 The sweeping Ottoman attack against Austria took place indeed in 1532.38 The military campaign was presented as truly menacing and impressive through exceptionally rich forms of power representation.39 Research unknown or hardly known in Hungary by Gülru Necipog˘lu has explored the history and precise iconography of the beautiful headpiece made in 1532 by Venetian goldsmiths for the sultan and put on display on the Rialto.40 The Ottoman sultan’s treasury paid 144 400 ducats for the crown decorated with 50 diamonds, 47 rubies, 27 emeralds, 49 pearls and a gigantic turkey stone. The huge and extremely rich headpiece tried to outweigh the crowns of all other nations and powers in beauty and glory. The four crowns attached to it clearly referred to the wish that the three crowns of Mehmed the Conqueror be accompanied by a fourth on the sultan’s head. The form of the headpiece unmistakably and simultaneously suggested the papal 34 Muslims and Christians alike believed that one of the rival emperors would soon defeat the other, and after the final victory the winner would unite mankind in a universal monarchy. Pál Fodor, “The view of the Turk in Hungary. The apocalyptic tradition and the ‘red apple’ in Ottoman–Hungarian context,” in Les traditions apocalyptiques au tournant de la chute de Constantinople, ed. Benjamin Lellouche and Stéphan Yerasimos. Varia Turcica, 33 (Paris− Montréal: L’Harmattan, 1999). 99–131; Turan, The sultan’s favorite, 291. 35 Papo−Papo, Ludovico Gritti, 39−42. 36 Finlay, “Fabius Maximus in Venice.” 37 Turan, The sultan’s favorite, 269−279. 38 Barta, “Ludovicus Gritti,” 305. 39 Günsel Renda, “Renaissance in Europe and sultanic portraiture,” in The Sultan’s world. The Ottoman Orient in Renaissance art, ed. Robert Born, Michał Dziewulski, and Guido Messling. Exhib. Cat. Brussels, Centre for Fine Arts, 27. 01.− 31. 05. 2015. − Krakow, The National Museum, 26.06.−27.09. 2015 (Brussels: Bozar, 2015), 20−23. 40 Necipog˘lu, “Süleyman the Magnificent.” The helmet-crown of Süleyman can be seen on many contemporary depictions; however, the headpiece is lost. Otto Kurz, “A gold helmet made in Venice for Sultan Sulayman the Magnificent,” Gazette des beaux-arts 74 (1969): 249− 258.

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tiara and the Holy Roman emperor’s mitre-crown.41 The Venetian-made Ottoman helmet-crown played a significant role in the triumphal processions of ancient tradition organised in all the bigger towns on the way to Vienna to honour Süleyman the Magnificent.42 The peak of these events would have been the sultan’s entry into Vienna – which never took place because of the failure in Ko˝szeg (and several other reasons). One of the most interesting and – as far as we are concerned – most important observations of Necipog˘lu is that the idea, plan and artistic programme of the headpiece was entirely Alvise Gritti’s inventione (to use Paolo Giovio’s expression).43 Thus, Gritti was not only first-class in shaping world politics, but also as an artist of the representation of power. * What can we say considering the above-detailed friendship of Gritti and Nádasdy, which soon turned to discord? In 1529, hiding in Gritti’s tent,44 talking to the doge’s son for several days, Nádasdy must have himself believed that the governance of the Venetian merchant would soon make the most beautiful dreams of Hungary and Italy come true: Hungary would reunite – even if with the help of Ottoman arms – Venice would get rid of the dreaded Habsburgs and perhaps both countries would be ruled by Gritti, the Renaissance prince. Most probably, Nádasdy was already offered the office of vice-governor, which seemed highly promising from this perspective. Probably neither of them had much respect for King János Szapolyai, and they certainly did not believe that the country could reunite under his crown. And they were not mistaken. Although Gritti had many enemies in Hungary at this point, many people apart from Nádasdy also placed high hopes in him.45 In the circles of the hu41 Born−Dziewulski−Messling (eds.), The Sultan’s world, 177; Peter Burke, “Präsentation und Re-Präsentation. Die Inszenierung Karls V,” in Karl V. 1500–1558 und seine Zeit, ed. Hugo Soly (Köln: DuMont Literatur und Kunstverlag, 2000), 393–476; Annick Born, “The ‘Moeurs et fachons de faire de Turcs.’ Süleyman and Charles V. Iconographic discourse, enhancement of power and magnificence, or two faces of the same coin?” in The Habsburgs and their courts in Europe, 1400–1700. Between cosmopolitism and regionalism, ed. Herbert Karner, Ingrid Ciulisová, and Bernardo J. García García (Leuven: PALATIUM e-Publications, 2014), 283− 302. http://www.courtresidences.eu/index.php/publications/e-Publications/. 42 Necipog˘lu, “Süleyman the Magnificent,” 407−408. 43 Jovius, Elogia virorum, 304. 44 Kasza, “Nádasdy Tamás és Brodarics István,” 59−60. 45 Szakály, Lodovico Gritti in Hungary; Papo−Papo, Ludovico Gritti, 49−64. Besides Tamás Nádasdy, another leading figure of the Hungarian pro-Gritti party was Orbán Batthyány, who also had a deeply humanistic education in Padua. In the mirror of his career one can see a better image of the intellectual character of the Gritti party. Mária Révész, Romulus Amasaeus. Egy bolognai humanista magyar összeköttetései a 16. század elején. Doctoral thesis. Szeged: SZTE, 1933.

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manist prelate-politicians, István Brodarics among others steadfastly believed that the governor wanted the best for the country.46 Despite the fact that he spent most of his short regency in Istanbul, he produced spectacular economic results, invested in the Hungarian mining industry47 and achieved brave military and political deeds. For instance, he personally took part in the defence of Buda against Habsburg attacks,48 and allowed serfs to move.49 It is worthwhile to mention that even the often biased György Szerémi writes in his memoirs that Gritti wished to develop the Hungarian capital “with commerce, so that Buda could become one of a kind.”50 Everyone was fascinated when Gritti went somewhere in Buda behind his bodyguards dressed in tight Renaissance clothing and elegant hats full of feathers.51 In Gritti’s plans, Buda was to be almost an “ideal city” of the Italian Renaissance, glittering with gold.52 Let us create another small Italy in Buda, one similar to that of Matthias Corvinus’s – this idea must have thrilled Tamás Nádasdy for a moment. By the time of the magnus ludus in December 1532, Nádasdy’s enthusiasm was completely gone. The whole country witnessed the sultan’s latest spectacular failure at Ko˝szeg, near the city of Vienna. In Hungary, the Ottoman sultan stopped organising triumphal processions in the ancient spirit and the Ottoman army approached Vienna via unusual military routes.53 Gritti’s helmet-crown was evidently saved for celebration following the final victory. We can only guess whether Nádasdy heard of the crown designed by Gritti. It is sure, however, that he was aware of the reasons that caused Gritti’s crown to evoke bad memories for the Ottomans − that is why the headpiece never became a part of the sultan’s official representation.54 The magnus ludus did not make fun of the doge’s son for his failures in Hungary, but suggested that the Venetian may soon lose the Porte’s friendship. And this was indeed true. Many scholars have analysed the reasons of the 1532 failure of the Ottoman army in Ko˝szeg, but few looked for internal reasons – besides the external ones – to explain why the sultan renounced the final battle with the Habsburgs. By that time, the Ottoman enemies of Grand Vizier Ibrahim and Alvise Gritti had be46 Kasza, “Nádasdy Tamás és Brodarics,” 59. 47 It is well known that Gritti’s Transylvanian mining companies strongly violated the interests of the Fugger family. Tamás Nádasdy, navigating between Ottoman and German economic policies, supported the Porte first, but later stood more and more firmly by the Fuggers. Barta, “Ludovicus Gritti,” 302. 48 Szerémi, Epistola, 289. 49 Szakály, Lodovico Gritti in Hungary. 50 Szerémi, Epistola, 340. 51 Ibid. 311−312. 52 Ibid. 339−340. 53 Ibid. 252−254. 54 Necipog˘lu, “Süleyman the Magnificent,” 418; Ágoston, “Ideológia, propaganda,” 53−62.

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come very strong at the Porte.55 This was not a simple inner fight at the Divan. It was rather about the fact that the Ottoman opponents to Gritti’s politics were unwilling to help strong, Christian, anti-Habsburg, princes reach the throne at the border of the Empire. This would have endangered the Islamic character and religious aims of the Ottoman Empire and caused political insecurity. The Ottoman leaders in Istanbul must have thought that the Ottoman Empire had dangerously achieved too many victories. They did not want to hand over the fruits of the glorious campaign of Islam to renegades and Giaours, “Turkish Italians,” as the historian György Szerémi called them.56 In Istanbul, Gritti’s helmet-crown was not even considered an Ottoman symbol of power – its form, character and message only conveyed Gritti’s and Ibrahim Pasha’s political concepts, expectations and plans to the Christian world. Not many people noticed that in the winter of 1532 this plan already belonged to the past. It is not by chance that Gritti and Ibrahim were primarily blamed in Istanbul for “Christianising” the court.57 One of the important reasons for Ibrahim Pasha’s downfall was the fact that the Grand Vizier’s representation of power was considered anti-Islamic. It is well known that Ibrahim placed the Renaissance statues, taken from the Buda palace of King Matthias Corvinus, in the Hippodrome of Constantinople.58 His enemies wrote and distributed a pasquin on him: “Two Abrahams came into the world / The one destroyed idols, the other set them up.”59 Recent Turkish research suggests that this gesture, countering Islamic traditions, was suggested by Alvise Gritti who – as a Venetian – was well aware of the significance of similar symbolic thefts of works of art (spolia). He knew very well that Venice had stolen the famous bronze horses decorating the pediment of Saint Mark’s basilica from Constantinople during the 1204 crusade.60 The Grand Vizier had less and less space to breathe. As Ibrahim Pasha was slowly pushed into the background and fell out of grace, Gritti’s failure was also inevitable. In 1534, the Venetian merchant made a last attempt to create an Eastern-European Christian empire from King János’ Hungary and the Romanian principalities. He would have given the crowns of Moldavia and Wallachia to his sons, Antonio and Pietro, and he would have taken the Hungarian crown himself. The Porte made no movement to prevent the allied armies of the three countries involved to entrap, overcome and behead the Venetian adventurer.61 * 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

Jenkins, Ibrahim Pasha, 109−119. “Gritti, qui est Turcus Italus.” Szerémi, Epistola, 334. Jenkins, Ibrahim Pasha, 110. Árpád Mikó, “Imago historiae,” in Mikó−Sinkó (eds.), Történelem – kép, 42−46. Fighani Chelebi, the poet of the satire, was captured and executed in 1532. Turan, The sultan’s favorite, 297−298, 313. Szerémi, Epistola, 337−338; Otman, The role of Alvise Gritti, 160; Pedani, “Gritti”.

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Tamás Nádasdy recognised all this very early. Even if he had believed that Gritti would be capable of recreating the Hungarian Renaissance, these dreams quickly evaporated. He had to realise that the Ottomans had no interest in reuniting Hungary; he also understood that his country would remain divided for a very long time and that he had to stay with the Habsburg ruler where he belonged by his personal ties, family relations and domains: in the western part of the country. Nádasdy was among the first to realise that Hungary needed clever, rich and experienced aristocrats like him to stay alive. Renaissance ideals had not entirely disappeared from his life, they simply transformed or narrowed. They were enclosed within the gardens of country homes, among the flower beds. But as Tamás Nádasdy tasted the octopus, frozen fish, caviar, lemon, olives, figs and pistachio-flavoured Malvasia wine ordered from Italy,62 and as he read Paolo Giovio’s book, he must have thought of his former governor, the Venetian Alvise Gritti, especially if he had been benevolently warned to do so in a letter.

62 On the letters of Tranquillo Andreis written to Tamás Nádasdy, see Barta, “Un umanista senza successo,” 88.

Chapter 12: Andreas Dudith’s Ottoman Brother-in-Law

Recently there has been an increasing interest in both German and Hungarian historiography in the Ottoman interpreters of the sultan in the 16th century.1 All of these dragomans were renegades and were employed by the Serai. People of Polish, Hungarian, Greek, Jewish and German origin can be found among them.2 They were ambassadors or diplomats of the Ottoman court throughout Europe rather than just ordinary interpreters. At home in Istanbul their job implied the reception of foreign ambassadors, the translation of their speeches in the council of the sultan (that is, the Divan), and literally the selling and buying of political information. The distinguished dragoman Ibrahim, Polish by origin and nobleman – his Christian name is Joachim Strass (d. 1571)3 – is a person of special interest to us: he was one of the close relatives, probably the uncle of Regina Straszówna, Andreas Dudith’s first wife. This relationship is mentioned in turkological studies by Franz Babinger and József Matuz, and as well as in one of Lech 1 Franz Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch Murad und seine Schriften,” in Literaturdenkmäler aus Ungarns Türkenzeit, ed. Franz Babinger, Robert Gragger, Eugen Mittwoch, and J. H. Mordtmann. Ungarische Bibliothek 14 (Berlin-Leipzig: W. de Gruyter, 1927), 33–54; József Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher zur Herrschaftzeit Süleymans des Prächtigen,” Südost-Forschungen 34 (1975): 26–60; Ferenc Szakály–Lajos Tardy, “Nyomozás egy magyar származású szultáni tolmács után,” Keletkutatás 1989: autumn, 60–67; Ferenc Szakály, “A Hungarian spahi in the 16th century. The mysterious ‘Andreya Litteratus’ of Esztergom,” Acta Orientalia Scientiarum Hungaricae 47 (1994): fasc. 1–2, 181–196; Szakály, Mezo˝város; Gábor Ágoston, “Birodalom és információ. Konstantinápoly mint a koraújkori Európa információs központja,” in Ágoston, Európa és az oszmán hódítás, 110−139; Tobias P. Graf, The sultan’s renegades. Christian −European converts to Islam and the making of Ottoman elite, 1575−1610 (Oxford: University Press, 2017); Radway, Vernacular diplomacy in Central Europe. 2 See Pál Fodor, “An anti-Semite Grand Vizier? The crisis in the Ottoman-Jewish relations in 1589−1591 and its consequences,” in idem, In quest of the golden apple. Imperial ideology, politics, and military administration in the Ottoman Empire. Analecta Isisiana 45 (Istanbul: Isis Press, 2000), 191−206. 3 See the item “Strasz (Strotsch, Stracius) Ibrahim” of the Bibliografia Polska. 15.−16. stulecia, ed. Karol Estreicher (Warszawa: Artystyczne i Filmowe, 1977–1978).

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Szczucki’s studies4, but there was no special interest dedicated to it, whereas in Hungary the above-mentioned relationship is almost unknown. From the very little data one cannot, and indeed should not, draw far-reaching conclusions, yet these data are worth knowing and confronting, since they are connected to the main turning point of Dudith’s career, his marriage, and his break with the Catholic Church.5 Andreas Dudith, Bishop of Pécs (Quinque Ecclesiae), arrived at the Polish court as the ambassador of the new emperor, Maximilian II (r. 1564–1576). His commission was to act as a go-between in the conflict of Sigismund II Augustus (1520–1572), king of Poland, and his wife, Catherine of Austria.6 The last Jagiellonian king did not have any successor even from his third marriage. Dudith tried in vain to keep the Queen from leaving for Austria, while at the court of her Majesty in Radom he became acquainted with one of her ladies-in-waiting, Regina Straszówna. Their first meeting was embellished to a romance by Dudith himself – love at first sight – and the early biographies of Dudith are full of sweet exaggerations; for example, the “legend” that before their first meeting Regina saw Dudith as her would-be husband in her dream. To tell the truth, the bishop had plenty of time to make acquaintance with the not quite good-looking and poor-in-health lady-in-waiting. There is scarce information about Regina’s family. What is certain is that she came from a noble, but poor family. It appears that Regina and her mother lived on the annuity given by the Polish ruler to their relative, Ibrahim, who was serving at the sultan’s court as the chief-interpreter.7 That was not unusual in those days. For example, the Hungarian-origin interpreters Ferhad and Murad received a similar salary from Stephen Báthory, prince of Transylvania,8 while the interpreter Mahmud and the abovementioned Murad did from the Habsburg emperor.9 For their services the interpreters were also paid by different Christian embassies in Istanbul.10 4 Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch Murad,” 38; Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 46–48; Lech Szczucki, “Ars dissimulandi. Andrzeja Dudycza rozstanie zˇ Kosciolem,” in Kultura polska a kultura europejska. Prace ofiarowane Januszowi Tazbirowi w szescdziesiata rocznice urodzin, ed. Maria Bogucka and Jerzy Kowecki (Warszawa: Pan´stwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1987), 189–204. 5 Pierre Costil, André Dudith humaniste hongroise, 1533–1589. Sa vie, son oeuvre et ses manuscrits grecs (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1935), 117–136; Gábor Almási, “Andreas Dudith (1533– 1589). Conflicts and strategies of a religious individualist in confessionalising Europe,” in Between Scylla and Charybdis. Learned letter writers navigating the reefs of religious and political controversy in early modern Europe, ed. Jeanine De Landtsheer and Henk Nellen. Brill’s studies in intellectual history 192 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 161−184. 6 Andreas Dudithius, Epistulae, vol. 1 (1554–1567), ed. Lech Szczucki and Tibor Szepessy (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1992), № 64. 7 Szczucki, “Ars dissimulandi,” 192. 8 László Szalay, Erdély és a Porta 1567–1578 (Pest: Lauffer és Stolp, 1862), 57–59. 9 RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 141–153, 424–428.

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As Bernardo Navagero, the Venetian ambassador, reported: “Ibrahim bey would do anything for money.” It might be true, because the Ottoman officials’ main object was piling up money.11 The importance of dragomans at the Saray can be considered from the fact that John Sigismund, the prince of Transylvania, commissioned the interpreter Mahmud – originating from Vienna, Austria – as his ambassador to Paris to propose marriage to Margaret Valois.12 Mahmud was “only” the subordinateinterpreter – in rank he was preceded by one of Dudith’s relatives, the Polishorigin dragoman Ibrahim, who served between 1551 and 1570 and was the summus interpres or maximus interpres, that is, chief interpreter. He was also called Muteferriqua, which is the name of guards who were attached to the person of the sultan, having important public and political missions.13 As an Ottoman diplomat responsible for the Polish affairs, Ibrahim played an important role in the restoration of Queen Isabella Jagiellon and her son John Sigismund to the throne of Transylvania.14 Ibrahim accompanied the sultan on his 1566 campaign in Hungary;15 he was present when the sultan accepted John Sigismund’s paying homage, and he worked as the military interpreter at Szigetvár. At the Habsburg court he became well-known for representing Süleyman the Magnificent as his orator (ambassador) in Frankfurt am Main, where at the coronation of Maximilian, son of Ferdinand, he gave a speech in 1562.16 According to Miklós Istvánffy’s report, Ibrahim’s performance was some of the greatest attractions of

10 Szakály, Mezo˝város, 256–257. 11 Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 48. 12 György Bánffy, Második János… török császárhoz menetele, ed. József Bessenyei. Régi Magyar Könyvtár. Források 2 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1993), 150; see the chapter Tarjumans Mahmud and Murad in this volume. 13 Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 47; József Matuz, Az Oszmán Birodalom története (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1990), 74, 79; Michel Lesure, “Relations vénéto-ottomanes, 1570– 1573,” Turcica 8 (1976): fasc. 1, 119; see the item “Muteferriqua” in the Encyclopaedia of Islam2. 14 Endre Veress knows that Ibrahim, as a young boy, was captured by the Tartars marauding on Polish territory, and after being educated among the Ottomans, he converted to the faith of Islam: Endre Veress, Izabella királyné 1519–1559 (Budapest: Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 1901, 376. 15 Ferenc Forgách, “Emlékirat Magyarország állapotáról,” transl. István Borzsák, in Humanista történetírók, ed. Péter Kulcsár (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1977), 851–854; Bánffy, Második János, 150. 16 Károly Kertbeny, Ungarn betreffende deutsche Erstling-Drucke (Budapest: Verlag der königl. ungarischen Universitäts-Buchdruckerei, 1880), № 703, 704. “The printmaker Jost Amman commemorated (with much exaggeration) such a lavish event in his large-scale woodcut depicting the entry of ambassador Ibrahim Bey and his retinue into Frankfurt for the Coronation of Maximilian II as King of the Romans in 1562.” Radway, Vernacular diplomacy in Central Europe, 108−109, 290.

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the terrific series of ceremonies.17 Those who met him in Istanbul considered him “the most dangerous, most cunning and most deceitful enemy of Christianity,”who moreover was very vengeful – he caused a German ambassador to be exiled to Kaffa in Crimea because he called him a billy-goat in one of his letters.18 As Lech Szczucki suggests, Dudith hardly thought of marriage during his first legation, and not in the least of apostasy.19 He applied for the rank of the Hungarian vice–chancellor of the court, but according to Giovanni Michiel, the Venetian ambassador to Vienna, he was the candidate of the archbishopric in Esztergom (Gran), the primate of Hungary.20 Until 1565, in spite of his church career, he might have thought of getting married, as celibacy was the subject of debate between the pope and the emperor at the Council of Trent, where Dudith was present as a delegate.21 It may be true that Dudith’s church career was broken in two by the election of Pius V.22 The former inquisitor on the throne of the Holy See was not really promising to the Dudith-like liberal prelates. Dudith’s legation was not successful, he did not get the desired Hungarian position, and it is sure that despite the large amount of money that the emperor gave him he had financial difficulties: he sold off some golden and silver devotional objects, and he even pawned his episcopal lappet (infula).23 These circumstances made him think of moving to Poland for good, and so he resigned his bishop’s title and ambassador rank and finally got married.24 Regina Straszówna’s mother had an important role in his decision.25 The question is: what might Anna Straszówna, the mother of Regina, have thought about the young couple’s future? They could count only on moderate support from the Polish ruler. For long months, they kept their marriage a secret 17 Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis, 422. Márton Berzeviczy mentions the speech of Ibrahim in his oration given in Paris: Endre Veress, Berzeviczy Márton (Budapest: Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 1911), 36. 18 Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 48. 19 Szczucki, “Ars dissimulandi,” 194. 20 Szczucki, “Ars dissimulandi,” 201–202. 21 Andreas Dudithius de Horehoviza, “Oratio de connubio sacerdotum,” in idem, Orationes in Concil. Trident. habitae, ed. Quirinus Reuter (Offenbachi: Kopffius, 1610); Costil, André Dudith, 109. 22 Pope Pius IV died on December 9th, 1565. His successor, the Dominican Michele Ghislieri (Pope Pius V) was elected as the pope on January 7th, 1566. 23 The Holy Orders lodged a complaint against Dudith to Emperor Maximilian II. See Sándor Takáts, “Abstemius Bornemissza Pál,” in idem, Hangok a múltból (Budapest: Athenaeum, 1930), 15–16; Pál Ács, “Katolikus irodalom és kultúra a reformáció századában,” Vigilia 64 (1999): fasc. 5, 373. 24 Szczucki, “Ars dissimulandi, 199–200; Almási, The uses of humanism, 291−296. 25 “non dirò al matrimonio mio del quale non ho voluto far consapevole anima nata, eccetto mia moglie con la madre sua etc.” Dudithius, Epistulae, vol. 1, № 198.

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from Maximilian, Dudith’s main patron. Their worries about their uncertain future could not have been forgotten by the enthusiastic praise of Polish poets and intellectuals such as Jan Kochanowski, among others.26 However, for a while they lived on what they got from the Ottoman uncle. Later, as we know, Maximilian’s anger with Dudith abated, and the former bishop’s new scope of duties started to take shape, as he soon became the emperor’s half-secret agent and informer. We do not know whether in this new job he used his relationship with his brother-in law in Istanbul, and how intensively they kept in touch. Very likely, Dudith received information from the Polish king via Ibrahim. This information could have been sent to the emperor. And supporting this, we have relevant evidence in the correspondence of Dudith. On the 18th of March 1569, he noted the military preparations of John Sigismund, the Prince of Transylvania: “Og et Magog contra maiestatem vestram sacratissimam movere dicuntur.” This piece of news was reinforced by Ibrahim Bey, himself the Ottoman ambassador, upon his arrival in Lublin in May.27 By no means had Dudith boasted about his distinguished Ottoman relative. The scandal of the bishop’s heretic wife was flagrant anyway, and his Ottoman brother-in–law would have been the last straw. After all it can be proven that they knew each other and that they did not keep their relationship secret. Johannes Praetorius, the well-known professor of mathematics at the Altdorf University, lived at Dudith’s house for a while as the private teacher of his child. Praetorius had an important role in constructing Dudith’s biography, in collecting his correspondence and arranging the biography by Jacques de Thou.28 In March 1607 he wrote a letter to Georg Michael Lingelsheim, councillor of the elector of the Palatinate,29 who wrote the introduction to Thou’s biography. In his letter touching on the family of Dudith’s first wife, relying on his memories, Johannes Praetorius writes: Fuit illa quidem ex nobili familia, cuius matrem uidi in Polonia, frequenter filiam suam uisitantem; frater item saepius occurrit; familia Strass ducta fuit, non magnae famae; alter eius frater Bassa fuit in Turcia potentissimus, qui in iuuentute forte captus fuerat.30

26 Costil, André Dudith, 129. 27 Andreas Dudithius, Epistulae, II (1568–1573), ed. Lech Szczucki and Tibor Szepessy (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó−Argumentum, 1995), № 23; cf. Almási, The uses of humanism, 261. 28 Costil, André Dudith, 34–35; András Szabó, Respublica litteraria, Régi Magyar Könyvtár. Tanulmányok 2 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1999), 65, 87, 94. 29 On his life and Hungarian relations see József Turóczi-Trostler, “Szenci Molnár Albert Heidelbergben,” Turóczi-Trostler, Magyar irodalom – világirodalom, vol. 2, 118–139. 30 Costil, André Dudith, 127.

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Thus, it is obvious that Dudith’s friends were well informed about the Ottoman relative, except for his exact rank. It was the same with Ibrahim Bey, whose acquaintances knew about his wellknown relative, even when the scandals of the marriage and apostasy were brand new. In 1567, Marcantonio Pigafetta, the officer of the engineer corps, the brave commander, the military consultant of Antal Verancsics (Antonius Verantius), Bishop of Eger (Agria) arrived in Istanbul as member of the Habsburg Embassy to the Supreme Porte.31 In his Itinerario published in 1585 in London,32 Marcantonio Pigafetta reported on his experiences of his travels. The book is famous for describing Central-European and Balkan cities, towns and castles. In his travelogue Pigafetta mentions he had met Ibrahim in Istanbul and had heard from him about Andreas Dudith. Li dragomani, come s’è detto, sono gl’interpreti delle lingue. Di questi non vi è numero determinato, ma sono quattro, cinque, sei et più secondo che ve ne hanno copia. Costoro secondo il loro valore, et secondo il favore, che hanno, ascendono in essistimatione et riputatione appresso gl’huomini. Hebraino, che tra questi tiene il primier loco, è di natione Polono, et natto nobile, et secondo che egli dice parente hora di Andrea Dudicio, huomo celebre, il quale in Polonia ha preso per moglie una stretta parente di costui. Intende la lingua italiana, latina et tedesca, ma niuna come si deve.33

Consequently, what Dudith only told his close friends, Ibrahim had no intention of hiding. The fact of having an Ottoman relative made Pigafetta’s Catholic compatriots terribly angry, and Ibrahim was quite pleased to provoke them. We have no more evidence about Dudith and Ibrahim’s relationship. Even a careful reading of the sources reveals nothing more than that they were relatives and that in some way both cultivated the relationship. It should also be considered that their jobs were similar in many ways. Christian ambassadors described Ibrahim as an extremely influential Ottoman politician who spoke around seven languages. Both lived – and not very badly, either – on loyally serving their highest-ranked patrons, the one the sultan, the other the Habsburg emperor. There are also reasons why neither Ibrahim nor the rest of the dragomans ever suffered for 31 Radway, Vernacular diplomacy in Central Europe, 108−109, 210. 32 Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches (Pest: Hartleben, 1827– 1835), vol. 3, 517, vol. 10, 57, 336; Peter Matkovic´, “Putovanja po Balkanskom poluotoku XVI. vijeka. Putopis Marka Antuana Pigafette, ili drugo putovanje Antuna Vrancˇic´a u Carigrad 1567 godine,” Rad, fasc. 100 (1890): 65–168; Florio Banfi, “Pigafetta Marcantonio, Veranzio Antal katonai szakérto˝je’,” Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 37 (1936): 58–74. 33 Peter Matkovic´, “Putopis Marka Antuana Pigafette u Carigrad od god 1567. Itinerario di Marc’Antonio Pigafetta, gentil’huomo vicentino,” Starine na sviet izdaje jugoslavenska Akademija znanosti, 12 (1890): 143.

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giving away information to political rivals.34 Pigafetta wrote about Ibrahim that “questi dragomani debbono essere huomini molto fidati, perchè in tutte l’attioni che passano con principi christiani, è necessario, che vi intervenga l’opera di costoro.”35 There is no doubt of Andreas Dudith’s loyalty to Maximilian II. Not only did he admire his ruler, but he also loved him. This is also proven by how he named his children with Regina Straszówna:36 the first was named after himself,37 the second after his mother and the third after the emperor.

34 35 36 37

Szakály, Mezo˝város, 257. Matkovic´, “Putopis Marka Antuana Pigafette,” 143. Dudithius, Epistulae 2, № 352. Lech Szczucki, “Magna indole puer,” in Mu˝velo˝dési törekvések a korai újkorban. Tanulmányok Keseru˝ Bálint tiszteletére, ed. Mihály Balázs, Adattár 16–18. századi szellemi mozgalmaink történetéhez 35 (Szeged: SZTE, 1997), 555–560.

Chapter 13: Tarjumans Mahmud and Murad – Austrian and Hungarian Renegades as Sultan’s Interpreters

Living human beings were possibly the most valuable commodities in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century. Because of the sultan’s European campaigns, large masses of captives were driven into the Empire.1 Christian boys captured by the Ottomans could avoid cruel captivity, which often meant the fate of galleyslaves, only by circumcision − i. e., by turning into renegades, or “Turks”.2 That was the rule in Hungary’s territory under Ottoman occupation as well as in Istanbul, the capital. A letter written by a Hungarian-born Ottoman scribe is a good example of the way to escape captivity: “I am a Christian, caught by the Turks as a child, together with my father. He redeemed himself on money, and I was made a Turk. Then I was sent to a Turkish school where I learnt it, too (i. e. the language).”3 Scribe János of Buda, author of the letter, was educated by Arslan, Pasha of Buda, for service at the chancery. The scribes and secretaries of the pashas at Buda were recruited from Hungarian renegade penmen like himself.4 To be sure, the best of young renegades educated at Enderun (the palace school for Janissaries) had much brighter careers than the literates of similar fate, who served at the peripheries of the Empire in the Ottoman border fortresses and 1 Sándor Takáts, “A török és a magyar raboskodás,” idem, “A pribékek,” in idem, Rajzok a török világból, vol. 1 (Budapest: MTA, 1915), 160−303, 304−335; Lajos Tardy, Rabok, követek, kalmárok az Oszmán Birodalomról (Budapest: Gondolat, 1977); Pál Fodor, “Adatok a magyarországi török rabszedésro˝l,” Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 109 (1996): fasc. 4, 133−142; Géza Pálffy, “A rabkereskedelem és rabtartás gyakorlata és szokásai a 16−17. századi török−magyar határ mentén. Az oszmán−magyar végvári szokásjog történetéhez,” Fons 4 (1997): fasc. 1, 5 −78. 2 Takáts, “A török és a magyar raboskodás,”168−170, Takáts, “A pribékek,” 306−308; Ferenc Szakály, “Magyar diplomaták, utazók, rabok és renegátok a 16. századi Isztambulban,” in Szigetvári Csöbör Balázs török miniatúrái, 1570. Complementary study (Budapest: Európa, 1983). 3 The letter published: A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése (1553–1589), ed. Sándor Takáts, Ferenc Eckhardt, and Gyula Szekfu˝ (Budapest: MTA, 1915), 17−18 (№ 19; 27th October 1565). 4 Sándor Takáts, “Oroszlán basa,” in idem, A török hódoltság korából (Budapest: Genius, sine anno [1928], 75; idem, “A magyar és török íródeákok,” in idem, Mu˝velo˝déstörténeti tanulmányok a 16−17. századból, ed. Kálmán Benda (Budapest: Gondolat, 1961), 173.

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garrisons.5 Referred to as “dragomans” or “tarjumans,” the renegade interpreters of the sultan enjoyed high esteem in the court; they played important parts in Ottoman diplomacy far beyond the function of translators. The sultan’s dragomans were regarded as foreign officers of the highest rank: they received the European diplomats, they led the large Ottoman missions and delegations; reasonably, they were key members of Ottoman intelligence agencies acting nearly always as double agents.6 The shift in religion and the high-ranking position in the sultan’s service set their careers for life; none of them is known to have been unfaithful to the Muslim religion or the sultan.7 Nevertheless, it is a remarkable challenge to follow their attitudes to their vernaculars, and their knowledge (if any) of their native lands’ history, literature and culture. Studying their religious expositions is none the less exciting. They knew more than any other Ottomans about the religious struggles dividing Christianity. The question is whether they joined the theological controversies in their native lands. * In what follows, the essay outlines the parallel careers of two diplomat-interpreters active in Istanbul. The two had German and Hungarian as vernaculars, respectively. Born in Vienna, tarjuman Mahmud had originally been named Sebold von Pibrach,8 and dragoman Murad, born in Nagybánya (today Baia Mare, Romania), had been called Balázs Somlyai.9 Their literary works belong to the crucial documents of Ottoman-Hungarian cultural relations in the 16th century. Written in Turkish language, Mahmud’s Hungarian Chronicle (Tarih-I Ungurus) has for long been a challenge to Hungarian historians and literary scholars.10 Dragoman Murad gained fame in the history of literature as the only

5 Matuz, Az Oszmán Birodalom, 73; János Szabó B. and Balázs Sudár, “A hatalom csúcsain. Magyarországi származású renegátok az Oszmán Birodalom poltikai elitjében,” Korunk 25 (2015): fasc. 11, 24−30. 6 Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch Murad;” Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher;” Szakály−Tardy, “Nyomozás;” Szakály, “A Hungarian spahi;” Szakály, Mezo˝város; Gürkan, Espionage; Ágoston, “Birodalom és információ.” 7 Szakály, Mezo˝város, 257. 8 Veress, Izabella királyné, 301; Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 49−51; Ernst Dieter Petritsch, “Der Habsburg-osmanische Friedensvertrag des Jahres 1547,” Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 38 (1985): 49−80; Radway, Vernacular diplomacy in Central Europe, passim. 9 Varjas (ed.), Balassi Bálint és a 16. század költo˝i, vol. 2, 1014. 10 György Hazai (ed.), Die Geschichte der Ungarn in einer osmanischen Chronik des 16. Jahrhunderts. Tercuman Mahmuds Tarih-i Ungurus. Edition der Handschrift der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenscheften (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2009); idem (ed.), “Nagy Szü-

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known Ottoman poet who wrote verses in Hungarian. Furthermore, his Hymnus is the only Ottoman religious document of the 16th century that comments on the theological controversies of Hungarian Christians from the Islamic side.11 Both Mahmud and Murad are the subjects of several Hungarian, German and Austrian monographs, yet nobody has paid attention so far to the fate they shared, their personal communications and frequent co-operations. To be sure, sources refer to them very scarcely, and the data must be interpreted with great circumspection. Ottoman persons are, naturally enough, referred to by single names in the original sources − often mixed up, misunderstood or written incorrectly.12 No wonder that there is great confusion about the identification of the protagonists of the Ottoman era even today. Nevertheless, based on recent research on Mahmud (primarily) by Ernst Dieter Petritsch and Ferenc Szakály, some assumptions may be made in connection with their personal contacts. Tarjuman Mahmud has been found only recently to have been the son named Sebold of a Jewish merchant in Vienna, Jacob von Pibrach.13 According to Petritsch’s study, which has cleared up several misunderstandings, it is still unclear when and for what reasons Sebold had been caught by the Ottomans. Petritsch exhibits an extremely critical attitude toward the author of Itinerario, Marcantonio Pigafetta, a member of the Habsburg emperor’s embassy to Istanbul, which gives a vivid description of the sultan’s dragomans, including the elderly “dragoman Mahometto,” a former “German nobleman” with an excellent knowledge of Latin and other languages. Pigafetta also relates that the dragoman had been a page of Louis II, King of Hungary, caught by the Ottomans in the battle of Mohács and taken to the Saray.14 Notwithstanding the inaccuracies, it is evident that Pigafetta met the famous Ottoman politician himself. Mahmud is mentioned as early as 1541 to have been a diplomat in the Ottomans’ service for long;15 thus, it is possible that he had been caught in the battle of Mohács in 1526.

11

12 13 14

15

lejmán udvari emberének magyar krónikája. A Tarih-I Ungurus és kritikája, idem, Vámbéryinspirációk (Dunaszerdahely/Dunajska Streda: Lilium Aurum, 2009). Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch Murad,” 33−54; Iván Horváth, “Egy kiaknázatlan mu˝fajtörténeti forráscsoport: 16. századi kéziratos versgyu˝jtemények,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 87 (1983): 80. For a critical edition of Murad’s Hungarian poem see RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 139− 153, 424−428. Szakály, Mezo˝város, 256. Petritsch, “Der Habsburg-osmanische Friedensvertrag,” 60−61. “Mahometto dragomano [i. e. tarjuman Mahmud]: Ma per esser favorito da Mahometto bassa, oltra la grossa entrata, ch’egli ha, è anteposto a Mahometto, pur anc’egli dragomanno, nobile Tedesco, et di maggior età et di più prontezza nel parlar delle lingue. Parla benissimo latino, et è huomo che dimostra haver giudizio, et essere destro ne maneggi. Costui essendo paggio di Lodovico, re di Ungaria, dopo la rotta di Moacch fù preso da Turchi, et posto nel serraglio.” Matkovic´, “Putopis Marka Antuana Pigafette,”143; cf. Matkovic´, “Putovanja,” 65− 168; Banfi, “Pigafetta Marcantonio,” 58−74. Petritsch, “Der Habsburg-osmanische Friedensvertrag,” 60.

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Oddly enough, the origins of interpreter Murad, Hungarian by birth, have also been revealed only recently. Professor Béla Varjas, the prominent literary historian, found clues on his research trip to Wolfenbüttel about an entry in an unspecified album which provides evidence of the fact that the renegade Murad Bey was born in Nagybánya. His name was Balázs Somlyai, a boy of seventeen at the time of the Mohács battle.16 The album amicorum containing Murad’s Turkish, Hungarian and Latin entries has also been found recently by András Szabó in Heidelberg.17 It is a copy of Andrea Alciati’s Emblemata (Frankfurt am Main, 1566) which later on served as the “Stammbuch” of Arnold Manlius, a Flemish diplomat and later professor of medicine in Cologne.”18 The owner of the book was a member of a Habsburg delegation to Constantinople led by Karel Rijm (Carl Rhym de Estebeck, Charles Rym, seigneur de Bellem), where he met Murad Bey in 1571.19 Murad wrote in Arnold Manlius’s friendship album (fig.12): Dominus Muratus interpres curie excellentissimi Cesaris turcorum, Sultani Selimi [Selim II. ruled from 1566 till 1574], olim in Hungaria Blasius Somlyay de Rivulo Dominarum [i. e. Asszonypataka, i. e. Nagybánya] ungarice Szathmar Banya vocata civitate.20

Murad himself relates in his Muslim Catechism that he had been caught by the Ottomans after the Mohács battle, and then turned Muslim.21 Stephan Gerlach, a 16 Varjas (ed.), Balassi Bálint és a 16. század költo˝i, vol. 2, 1014; Szakály, “Magyar diplomaták,” 11; Szakály−Tardy, “Nyomozás,” 64. 17 Heidelberg Hs. 487, CAAC, 63−64. 18 Sibylle Penkert, “Zur systematischen Untersuchung von Emblematik-Stammbüchern: Am Beispiel des Kölner Professors der Medizin Arnoldus Manlius, phil. et med. dr. (gest. 1607),” in Stadt − Schule – Universität. Buchwesen und die deutsche Literaturim 17. Jahrhundert, ed. Albrecht Schöne (München: Beck, 1976), 424–432. In his friendship album Manlius reported in detail about his dispute with Murad regarding the difference between Islam and Christianity. Pál Ács and Gábor Petneházi, “Késre meno˝ vita 1571-ben Murád dragomán (Somlyai Balázs) és Arnoldus Manlius között,” in Verók−Zvara (eds.), MONOKgraphia, 39−45. 19 Franz Babinger, “Der flämische Staatsmann Karel Rijm (1553−1584) und sein verschollenes türkisches Tagebuch,” Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil. Hist. Klasse 7 (1965): 11−65; Radway, Vernacular diplomacy in Central Europe, passim. 20 Heidelberg Hs. 487, 26v. 21 Coequalitas faciei versus Deum, cf., Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch Murad,” 35, 40. On the Muslim catechism by Murad see Tijana Krstic´, Contested conversions to Islam. Narratives of religious change in the early modern Ottoman Empire (Stanford: University Press, 2011), 100 −110. In his recent study Martin Mulsow argues that both Adam Neuser, the renegade German Antitrinitarian living in Constantinople, and Jacobus Palaeologus, the renowned Greek heretic theologian and philosopher, examined Murad’s Muslim catechism. Martin Mulsow, “Antitrinitarians and conversion to Islam. Adam Neuser reads Murad b. Abdullah in Ottoman Istanbul,” in Conversion and Islam in the early modern Mediterranean. The lure of the other, ed. Claire Norton (London: Routledge, 2017), 181−193. Cf. Mihály Balázs, “Közel az Iszlámhoz? Újabb kutatások a kora újkori unitarizmus és a muszlim hit viszonyáról,” in idem,

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Fig. 12: Entry of dragoman Murad (Balázs Somlyai) in Arnold Manlius’ friendship album. Heidelberg Hs. 487, 26v.

member of the escort of David Ungnad, envoy to Istanbul, met Murad in 1573 and learnt that Murad “had been a student in Vienna.”22 Accordingly, it may be assumed that the two young boys of roughly the same age became the Ottomans’ captives together at the same time. Moreover, it cannot be excluded either that they had been schoolmates in Vienna or joined King Louis’ entourage together. Their joint visit to the lodging of David Ungnad’s delegation points to subsequent close co-operation between them. Gerlach also remarked that the interpreter of German descent (i. e., Mahmud) was the senior one. Apparently, the

Hitújítás és egyházalapítás között. Tanulmányok az erdélyi unitarizmus 16−17. századi történetéro˝l (Kolozsvár/Cluj-Napoca: Magyar Unitárius Egyház), 2016, 168−169; Martin Rothkegel, “Jacobus Palaeologus in Constantinople, 1554−5 and 1573,” in Osmanli ˙Istanbulu. IV. Uluslararası Osmanlı ˙Istanbulu Sempozyumu Bildirileri 20−22 Mayıs 2016, ˙Istanbul 29 Mayıs Üniversitesi, ed. Feridun M. Emecen, Ali Akyıldız, and Emrah Safa Gürkan (Istanbul: Gök Matbaacılık, 2016), 977−1004. 22 Stephan Gerlach, Tage-Buch (Frankfurt: Zunners, 1674). Hungarian edition: Ungnád Dávid konstantinápolyi utazásai, transl., complementary study by József László Kovács, notes by László Fenyvesi and József László Kovács. Magyar ritkaságok (Budapest: Szépirodalmi, 1986), 144; Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 53; Szakály, Mezo˝város, 256.

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Hungarian Murad Bey was an intimate co-worker of lower position than Mahmud, a high-ranking officer of the sultan’s diplomatic body.23 It is unclear whether Murad escorted Mahmud in his European legations. Mahmud led a few diplomatic missions to Vienna,24 Transylvania,25 Poland,26 Italy, and France27 over the years between 1541 and 1575. He died, too, on such a mission, in Prague.28 It is highly presumable that Mahmud and Murad were cooperating after 1550 in managing the Sublime Porte’s affairs in Transylvania; they were making efforts to realise the political intentions of Grand Vizier Rustem Pasha. At that time the Ottomans wished to drive a wedge between Transylvania and the Kingdom of Hungary (united under the rule of the Habsburgs), by trying to bring John Sigismund, the son of King John I (Szapolyai) and Queen Isabella Jagiellon, back to the throne of Transylvania.29 As a diplomat responsible for the Hungarian and Transylvanian affairs of the Sublime Porte, Mahmud led negotiations with Emperor Ferdinand in Vienna in March 1550. At the same time, he was spying on the contacts between the king and Frater Georgius (Friar George) Martinuzzi.30 Later, in the summer of 1550, heading the legation of the Ottomans, he took the sultan’s command condemning Martinuzzi and supporting John Sigismund to Transylvania. As the prime representative of the Porte’s policy in Transylvania, he was a familiar figure; the Hungarian poet Sebestyén Tinódi also mentions him several times in his versed history of the era.31 Murad − who was imprisoned for thirty months by the Habsburg army after George (Friar) Martinuzzi was murdered − also went to Transylvania a year later.32 However, he was not the only Ottoman prisoner there. The sources mention several imprisoned chiausis, including Chief Chiausi “Mehmed”.33 Since 23 Gerlach, Ungnád, 144. 24 Petritsch, “Der Habsburg-osmanische Friedensvertrag,” passim. 25 Eudoxiu Hurmuzaki, Documente privitóre la istoria Romanânilor, vol. 2/1, ed. Neculai Iorga (Bucuresti: Academia Româna˘, 1900), passim. 26 Veress, Izabella királyné, passim. 27 Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 49−51. 28 Sándor Takáts, “Török követjárás a hódoltság korában,” in Takáts, Rajzok, vol. 2, 367−370. In his letter to Tamás Jordán, Sir Philip Sidney also relates Mahmud’s arrival to Prague: Sir Philip Sidney, Prose works, ed. Albert Feuillerat (Cambridge: University Press, 1962), vol. 3, 102. Cf. Radway, Vernacular diplomacy in Central Europe, 94. 29 Szakály, Mezo˝város, 207. 30 Veress, Izabella királyné, 301; Petritsch, “Der Habsburg-osmanische Friedensvertrag,” 63; Teréz Oborni, Az ördöngös Barát: Fráter György (1482–1551) (Budapest: Kronosz Kiadó– Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 2017), 181−182, 184. 31 Tinódi, Cronica, 109−110; 114, 516. 32 Lajos Kropf, “Terdsüman Murad,” Századok 15 (1897): 387−390. 33 Georg Pray, Epistolae procerum Regni Hungariae, vol. 2 (Pozsony: Belnay, 1806), 343, 352, 367.

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the names Mehmed and Mahmud were frequently mixed up, Mahmud and Murad may have been caught together by General Castaldo’s troops. Besides, the sources are silent about Mahmud over the years 1550 to 1553. The scholars believed to identify Murad as the famulus of the arrested Chief Chiausi (referred to as the “dervish”).34 Murad was ransomed from captivity by Rustem Pasha himself, who introduced him to Sultan Süleyman. The sultan appointed him as the Porte’s interpreter and translator of Latin and Hungarian texts.35 Thus Murad had not been employed as the sultan’s interpreter before 1553. It is more than likely that his appointment was due to Mahmud, his former student mate in Vienna, after their joint escape from captivity. * The close contacts between the two Ottoman dragomans point to a plausible inference: their historical and literary works left to us were the results of a definite degree of co-operation. Apart from them, no Istanbul Ottomans are known to have carried out any activity in the fields of Hungarian literature and history in the 16th century.36 Mahmud wrote his famous Hungarian historical work, the Tarih-I Ungurus, in the 1540s. According to a recent assumption he availed himself of an assistant who had fluent Hungarian knowledge.37 Particularly remarkable are from this point of view are the comments, put down in Arabic characters, in the Chronicon Pictum (Illuminated Chronicle), the most famous codex in the history of Hungarian chronicles, which had been preserved in Vienna.38 The assumption has been made that the marginalia were written by Mahmud; he visited Vienna in connection with the compilation of his work.39 However, those notes are written in Hungarian, which points rather to a consultant of Hungarian vernacular. It would not be a great surprise to find out that the assistant in question was Murad 34 Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, vol. 3, 724; Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch Murad,” 36−37. 35 Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, vol. 4, 111. See Murad’s preface to his Hymnus written in three languages: Babinger−Gragger−Mittwoch (eds.), Literaturdenkmäler, 143−146. 36 Even at his old age Mahmud ordered books from Vienna. We know he was sent two “Theatrum orbis[es]” and some other books that he ordered. Takáts, “A magyar és török íródeákok,” 179; Zsuzsa Barbarics-Hermanik, “Books as a means of transcultural exchange between the Habsburgs and the Ottomans,” in International exchange in the early modern book world, ed. Matthew McLean and Sara K. Barker. Library of the Written World 51 (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 105−123. 37 Hazai (ed.), “Nagy Szülejmán udvari emberének Magyar krónikája,” 19. 38 Zsinka, Ferenc. “A bécsi Képes Krónika török bejegyzései,” Magyar Könyvszemle 30 (1923), 248−250. 39 Hazai (ed.), “Nagy Szülejmán udvari emberének Magyar krónikája,” 25.

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Bey, alias Balázs Somlyai.40 He is known to be the author of Hungarian words put down in Arabic characters.41 As we know, Murad himself translated historical works. At the age of 75 he became acquainted with Philipp Haniwald and Johannes Löwenklau, members of the imperial delegation in 1584−85. Löwenklau describes Murad Bey as an educated man speaking several languages (Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Latin, Hungarian and Croatian); he also says that the elderly interpreter was dismissed from his job for his excessive love of wines. It may be asked, however, whether Murad’s disgrace was not due to the death of Mahmud, the influential mentor. Most probably this was what happened, as the well-known diplomat’s contemporary colleague “Old Murad” asked for David Ungnad’s intercession with the sultan because he and his children remained without any position and income.42 Dragoman Murad then attempted to sell his literary and historical knowledge to the Western legates − and he managed to do it. He was paid a considerable sum of money for his Latin translation of an Ottoman chronicle, the most important part of which was Neshri’s historical work. Löwenklau made use of that codex (codex Hanivaldanus) in his famous work in German and Latin, the Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum. Only a few people know that this book − which was for a long time a favourite reading of Western readers curious about Ottoman history and customs − had come to existence through the contribution of a Hungarian renegade.43 * Contemporary politicians, in the West as well as in the East, could not avoid encountering the problems of religion. The Ottomans had, as a rule, a pragmatic attitude towards the religious struggles of the conquered Christian countries. If they could, they refrained from taking a stand in religious disputes; if not, they took sides with the party whose victory they thought to be desirable in terms of local political interests.44 Yet it is an unquestionable fact that the doctrines of the Reformation were spreading rapidly under the Ottomans’ rule, as the specific

40 Sándor Papp’s latest research conclusively proves that dragoman Murad made the entries in the Chronicon Pictum. Sándor Papp, A Képes Krónika, Thuróczy János krónikája és a Tárih-I Üngürüs kapcsolata. Volt-e ‘török fogságban’ a Képes Krónika? Szeged: 2017, manuscript. 41 Bodleyan Library, Oxford, Marsh 179. Robert Gragger, “Der magyarische Text von Murad’s ‘Glaubenshymnus’ mit deutscher übersetzung, in Babinger−Gragger−Mittwoch (eds.), Literaturdenkmäler, 55–69. 42 Gerlach, Ungnád, 195. 43 See the chapter Pro Turcis and contra Turcos in this volume. 44 Lajos Fekete, Budapest a törökkorban. Budapest története 3 (Budapest: Királyi Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda, 1944), 158−159.

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religious tolerance of Islam accepted even the most radical Protestant sects. The Muslims kept aloof from the theological disputes of the Christians.45 This general conclusion cannot be applied to the renegade Ottoman diplomats. They were in permanent contact with the “intelligentsia” of their former homelands; they were not characterised by Muslims’ overall distrust towards the Christians. Although a rarity, it is not by chance that both Mahmud and Murad were involved in the disputes between Christians. We know that after a stopover in Transylvania, some radical Protestant thinkers ultimately settled in Istanbul, where a kind of a Unitarian “lobby” was formed in the 1570s. Adam Neuser,46 a heretic refugee from Heidelberg, was by far the most famous Antitrinitarian in Istanbul, whose spiritual development ended in his conversion to Islam. According to a recent discovery, Neuser was lodged in Mahmud’s house; Mahmud was, in general, a supervisor of (mostly German) dissident Protestants in Istanbul.47 Mahmud may have occasionally supported the Unitarians in their fierce struggle with Calvinists. In 1574, the Calvinists under Ottoman rule sentenced to death György Alvinczi, their Unitarian opponent in the dispute, at the Nagyharsány Council, using the pretext that Alvinczi had made derisory comments on the Quran.48 The desperate Unitarians then sought the Porte’s support for their revenge − which they indeed received, in the letter of “the powerful sultan’s interpreter” who even encouraged them to take revenge on Calvin’s adherers.49 Some ponder who that influential interpreter might have been.50 Others claim he was Adam Neuser himself,51 but Neuser had never been the sultan’s interpreter. Although he was “at home” in Istanbul’s various circles, he never had the power to give such an important authorisation or encouragement to anybody.52 It is much more plausible to assume that tarjuman Mahmud, Neuser’s supervisor and patron, was the author of that letter. He was powerful enough to proceed in that matter. This 45 Szakály, “Grenzverletzer.” 46 Christopher J. Burchill, “Adam Neuser,” in Bibliotheca Dissidentium, ed. André Séguenny, vol. 11. The Heidelberg Antitrinitarians. Bibliotheca bibliographica Aureliana 120 (BadenBaden–Bouxwiller: Valentin Koerner, 1989), 85−124. For the recent bibliography on Neuser see: Mulsow, “Antitrinitarians and conversion to Islam;” cf. Balázs, “Közel az Iszlámhoz,” 161 −162. 47 Szakály, Mezo˝város, 317, 321. 48 Ferenc Szakály, “Volt-e református−unitárius hitvita 1574-ben Nagyharsányban?” in A Ráday Gyu˝jtemény Évkönyve 7 (1994): 14−31; Mihály Balázs, Teológia és irodalom. Az Erdélyen kívüli antitrinitarizmus kezdetei. Humanizmus és reformáció 25 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1996), 45−64. 49 Válaszúti, Pécsi disputa, 106. 50 Szakály, “Volt-e református-unitárius hitvita 1574-ben,” 45; Balázs, Teológia és irodalom, 58. 51 Antal Pirnát’s examiner’s report on Mihály Balázs’s doctoral thesis (Balázs, Teológia és irodalom). 52 Gerlach, Ungnád, 149, 153, 157, 162, 169; Szakály, Mezo˝város, 319−322.

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is more likely because Mahmud was staying in Hungary at the time (February 1575). He was on his way to Prague, the final station of his delegation.53 Murad’s oeuvre left to us represents literature of Islamic piety. His writings, in prose and poetry, were intended for Christian readers to “arouse their minds towards Islam,” as he wrote.54 Several attempts had been made to re-convert him to Christianity during his long imprisonment in Transylvania, but he remained a faithful Muslim. He claimed to have written the Hungarian version of his Hymnus55 during his captivity, between 1550 and 1553. However, the extant version of that poem (written in three languages − Latin, Hungarian and Turkish) was dated much later, to the early 1580s. Essentially, it is a standard Islamic theological text in harmony with the Gospel and the Torah. Lacking any aggressiveness, superciliousness or missionary zeal, the poem emphasises the importance of a pious way of life as the basis of religion. Islam is presented here as a universalistic religion that can be safely accepted by monotheists keeping aloof from dogmatism, including Christians as well. The unequivocally Protestant argument of the poem56 is remarkable: And Gospel says you can’t know God/Until you know thyself/When we know our trifle being/It is only He who exists, nothing else, we know that” or “Deeds carry no salvation / But God’s gift does so…, etc.57

Murad was already known to be a pious Muslim by his Catholic guards in Transylvania, who called him a türk papashi, i. e., an Ottoman priest who was familiar with the Torah, the Psalms and the Gospel.58 It is, however, not certain whether he defended his “true faith” (as he called it already at that time, using the treasury of Hungarian Protestant phraseology).

53 Takáts–Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák, 72−76. – 5th February, 20th February, 30th March 1575, № 68, 69, 71. From the letters it comes out, that Mahmud, the sultan’s “main man,” on his way from Vienna to Prague stayed in Buda (1st February) where he discussed several actual questions with Sokollu Mustafa Pasha. From Buda he travelled towards Prague through Esztergom, Komárom (3rd February), Somorja (9th February), Pozsony (11th February). See Takáts, Rajzok, vol. 2, 367−370; idem, “Török-magyar társadalmi érintkezés,” in Takáts, A török hódoltság korából, 30−31; Matuz, “Die Pfortendolmetscher,” 51. 54 Babinger−Gragger−Mittwoch (eds.), Literaturdenkmäler, 143−146. 55 A new, very detailed literary analyse of the poem see Ágnes Drosztmér, Images of distance and closeness. The Ottomans in sixteenth-century Hungarian vernacular poetry. PhD dissertation (Budapest: CEU, 2016), 150−156. 56 Krstic´, Contested conversions, 105. 57 Horváth, “Egy kiaknázatlan mu˝fajtörténeti forráscsoport,” 80. 58 Very likely Murad was a member of one of the dervish orders. From those the bektashi order closely connected with Janissaries was extremely important. The famous Gül Baba tekke in Buda also belonged to them. Balázs Sudár, “Bektashi monasteries in Ottoman Hungary (16th−17th centuries).” Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 61 (2008): fasc. 1−2, 227−248.

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This is not impossible, but not very likely either. The universalist character of his poem and his intention to make Islam popular and acceptable with the Hungarians and other Christians would have been encouraged rather from the Antitrinitarian intellectual surroundings of 1570s’ Istanbul, to which we know he belonged (together with his superior Mahmud and the renegade Unitarian Neuser). On the other hand, the message of that poem may be conceived in a different way, too − as a response to the Christians’ efforts to unite religions.59 In other words, Murad holds that only one single type of universalism (Islam) has a place on Earth. Mahmud and Murad had unusual lives. They were participants in, and active protagonists of, the great popular, linguistic and religious movements of the 16th century. Like men going between peoples, languages and religions, they had particularly rich knowledge of those movements. Unfortunately, only fragments of that knowledge have been left to us.

59 Lech Szczucki, Két eretnek gondolkodó (Jacobus Palaeologus és Christian Francken). Humanizmus és reformáció 9. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1980, 70−71; Szakály, Mezo˝város, 312−314; Martin Rothkegel, “Iacobus Palaeologus und die Reformation. Antireformatorische Polemik in der verlorenen Schrift Pro Serveto contra Calvinum,” in Radikale Reformation. Die Unitarier in Siebenbürgen, ed. Ulrich A. Wien, Juliane Brandt, and András F. Balogh (Köln−Weimar−Wien: Böhlau, 2013), 91−134.

Chapter 14: The Rise and Fall of a Notorious Renegade1 – The Story of S¸ehsuvar Bey (1580)

After his appointment in September 1578, Kara Üveys Pasha was discharged from Buda under so far unclarified circumstances in May 1580.2 Could he have been an obstacle for someone? The aged Ottoman politician was − to quote Sándor Takáts, the renown historian of the Ottoman Hungary − “like the pea planted by the footpath. Trodden down now, and then repeatedly revived, its tendrils wound themselves round even a strong tree trunk […]. He knew he’d better only talk under the cloak, for if he spoke his mind straightforward, he would break his neck. He had his enemies do in each other, let dog bite dog,” yet he was given the sack.3 The ambassador of the “Viennese king” (i. e. the Habsburg emperor) to the Porte, Joachim Sinzendorf attributed the sudden fall of the beylerbeyi of Buda, earlier chief treasurer of the Ottoman Empire, to “intrigues in Constantinople”.4 A different story was told here, in the Turkish and Hungarian marches: a successful plot by the beys of the Ottoman-ruled Hungarian territory underlay, allegedly, his rapid fall out of favour. Conspiracy, a plot, finally dismissal − all could, of course, be steps in a logical story line. What could have been the underlying truth? Apparently, certain events in the period of the “wartime peace years” (1568– 1591)5 were perpetuated most meticulously and suggestively by literary sources, and a Hungarian-language versified story may help answer the questions so 1 I am much indebted to Anna Szilágyi-Horváth and Géza Pálffy for assisting my work with a store of data. 2 Antal Gévay, A budai pasák (Vienna: Strauss, 1841), 11–12; Géza Dávid, “Incomes and possessions of the beglerbegis of Buda in the sixteenth century,” in Soliman le Magnifique et son temps. Actes de Colloque de Paris. Galeries Nationales de Grand Palais 7–10 mars 1990, ed. Gilles Veinstein (Paris: La Documentation Française, 1992), 389. 3 Sándor Takáts, “Kara Ovejsz basa,” in idem, A török hódoltság korából. Rajzok a török világból, vol. 4 (Budapest: Genius, sine anno [1928]), 135–136. 4 Ambassador Joachim Sinzendorf ’s reports to Archduke Ernest of Austria (26 May and 8 June 1580). Cf. Takáts, ‘Kara Ovejsz basa’, 149. 5 About the concept see Géza Pálffy, A tizenhatodik század története. Magyar Századok 6 (Budapest: Pannonica, 2000), 45–46.

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cautiously evaded by Sándor Takáts. The embroilments around the fall of Üveys Pasha are re-examined here with the help of a versified account of the Ottoman menace at Nádudvar in 1580, the Historia cladis Turcicae ad Naduduar, written in the manner of Sebestyén Tinódi’s epic poems.6 Relatively few Hungarian letters by the pashas of Buda about the events of the territory under Ottoman rule survive from the year 1580. One reason is that after Kara Üveys left, the new governor Kalaylikoz Ali Pasha appointed on 3 June only arrived with great delay,7 and the Buda chancery did not function with the usual intensity during the interregnum.8 On 21 April 1580, the Hungarian and German warriors of the forts of Ónod, Szatmár (today Satu Mare, Romania) and Eger − reportedly around 5,000 in number − organized a major raid on the town of Hatvan, which was occupied by the Ottomans.9 The surprise attack, in which the greatest Hungarian poet of the age, Bálint Balassi10 was also involved as a cavalry lieutenant of the fort of Eger, 6 RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 157–172, 429–443. On Sebestyén Tinódi, the “Hungarian bard” see Peter Burke, Popular culture in Early Modern Europe (Farnham−Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2009), passim. 7 Ali Pasha received his appointment as beylerbeyi on 3 June 1580: Géza Dávid, Török közigazgatás Magyarországon. Doctoral thesis (Budapest: Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 1995), 213–215. For a biography of Ali Pasha see Sándor Takáts, “Vezír Kalajkiloz [sic!] Ali basa,” in Takáts, A török hódoltság korából, 153–179; Pál Fodor and Balázs Sudár, “Ali pasa házassági históriájának történeti háttere és török vonatkozásai,” in Ámor, álom és mámor. A szerelem a régi magyar irodalomban és a szerelem ezredéves hazai kultúrtörténete, ed Géza Szentmártoni Szabó (Budapest: Universitas, 2002), 325–358. 8 On the activity of the Buda chancery at that time see Takáts–Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák, 216. Between № 186 and № 187, that is, 3 May and 1 December there is no issuance of letters. Since the relevant archival sources in Vienna are not yet fully explored, the military events of the summer and autumn of 1580 have been reconstructed from Miklós Istvánffy’s chronicle and the reports of Friedrich Breuner, envoy of the Habsburg court to Buda. László Szalay, Magyarország története, vol. 4 (Leipzig: Geibel, 1854), 376; Ferenc Salamon, Magyarország a török hódítás korában (Pest: Heckenast, 1864), 94; Sándor Takáts, Régi magyar kapitányok és generálisok (Budapest: Stádium, 1922), 163–164; Idem, Rajzok a török világból, vol. 3 (Budapest: MTA, 1917), 169; József Nagy, Eger története (Budapest: Gondolat, 1978), 105–108; Csaba Csorba, Várak a Hegyalján. Szikszó–Ónod–Szerencs (Budapest: Zrínyi, 1980), 84; József Kelenik, “A kézi lo˝fegyverek jelento˝sége a hadügyi forradalom kibontakozásában. A magyar egységek fegyverzete a tizenötéves háború ido˝szakában,” Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 104 (1991): 31. 9 This Ottoman stronghold supervised the route from Upper Hungary to Pest-Buda. Mór Kárpáthy-Kravjánszky, Vác és Hatvan a hosszú török háború idejében. Offprint from the bulletin of the grammar school of the Premonstratensian monastery of Jászóvár for 1935/36 (Budapest: Egyetemi Nyomda, 1936), 5, 9. 10 Lajos Dézsi, Tinódi Sebestyén (1505?–1556). Magyar Történelmi Életrajzok (Budapest: Athenaeum, 1912), 192; Sándor Eckhardt, Balassi Bálint. Magyar írók (Budapest: Franklin, sine anno [1941]), 78−80; idem, Az ismeretlen Balassi Bálint (Budapest: Magyar Szemle Társaság, 1943), 95; István Bitskey, “Balassi Bálint egri éveiro˝l,” Agria. Az Egri Dobó István Vármúzeum Évkönyve 33 (1997), 630; idem, “‘Eger, vitézeknek ékes oskolája’. Balassi Egerben,” in Bitskey, Virtus és religió, 106.

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achieved considerable Christian success. As the minstrel narrates in the poem, the attackers withdrew richly laden with treasures, leading Ottoman women and “high-ranking Turkish captives” on chains, and in the stronghold of Eger “the bargaining immediately began”. In one of his last letters from Buda, Üveys Pasha bitterly complained to Archduke Ernest of this “horrible” breach of peace, suspecting that the action had been carried out with the consent of the Viennese war command.11 The Ottoman fiasco at Hatvan was the beginning of the fall for the Ottoman governor. According to the epic poem, Üveys pasha had already thought of the worst − “fearing he would end up strangled”12 − as he remembered the sad fate that befell his immediate predecessor, governor of Buda, Sokollu Mustafa Pasha, whom the sultan had strangled in autumn 1578.13 The beys in the occupied territory blamed the pasha for the failure and convened in May to get rid of him. To cite the minstrel: “Stealthily, the beys sat in conference / To ponder about their immense disaster. / But all they could conclude / was the incompetence of the Pasha. // They immediately wrote to the emperor, / Reporting on the disaster of his army, / They accused the fortune of the Pasha, / Blaming him for the great disaster. // The emperor grew furious, / He let the pasha be dismissed from Buda / and sent to Constantinople.”14 * For the time being, the plot against the Pasha of Buda can only be known from this historical song, but source materials of the Ottoman central administration will most probably substantiate the statements occurring in the narrative.15 The author of the epic poem does not make it explicit, but insinuates who the mastermind behind the letter informing against Üveys Pasha was: it cannot have been 11 Takáts−Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése, 215. István Szamosközy also deemed the rich loot of the Hungarians in the outer fortress of Hatvan worth mentioning: “Praeda ingens asportata pecudumque ingens numerus. In his XXV cameli.” In Szamosközy István történeti maradványai, ed. Sándor Szilágyi, vol. 1. Monumenta Hungariae Historica. Scriptores 28 (Budapest: MTA, 1876), 210. 12 RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 162. 13 Gévay, A budai pasák, 11; Sándor Takáts, “Vezír Szokolli Musztafa basa (‘A nagy Musztafa’),” in Takáts, Atörök hódoltság korából, 118; Gyula Káldy-Nagy, Harács-szedo˝k és ráják. Török világ a l6. századi Magyarországon. Ko˝rösi Csoma Kiskönyvtár 9 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1970), 99; Fodor−Sudár, “Ali pasa házassági históriája,” 345. ˝ nagy romlásokról gondolkodának, / De egyebet benne 14 “Alattomban bégek tanácskozának, / O nem találának, / Hanem szerencsétlenségét basának. // Azért mindjárt írának az császárnak, / Megjelenték veszedelmét hadának, / Igen vádlák szerencséjét basának, / Okát mondák lenni az nagy romlásnak. // Császár azért mindjárt igen haragvék, / Basát hagyá, hogy Budából kivetnék, / És Konstancinápolyban beküldenék.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 163. 15 On research possibilities in this field see Dávid, Török közigazgatás.

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anyone but the protagonist of the epic poem, the “strong man” of the Ottomans in occupied Hungary, the commander of Szolnok renowned for his cruelty, S¸ehsuvar Bey. The poem says − unsupported by other sources − that “nobody was pasha by then, […] but S¸ehsuvar Bey acted in his behalf.”16 This means that the violent Bey of Szolnok acted as executive in Buda (kaimakam) until the new pasha (Ali) arrived. The poet apparently suggests that S¸ehsuvar, who “could not find anyone on par with himself” wished to occupy the governor’s chair, and he was not mistaken: that was undoubtedly S¸ehsuvar’s ultimate, lifelong goal. But who was he? Lajos Dézsi proposed that the poem about the onslaught on Nádudvar be renamed “the story of S¸ehsuvar Bey,” for he is the real protagonist of the narrative.17 A key figure of the Ottoman-ruled territory at the time, S¸ehsuvar Bey was the most hated leader of the occupying Ottomans in the “peace period” of the 1580s. His biography is unwritten, his person hardly known.18 His original Turkish name was S¸ehsuvar, but in the contemporaneous Hungarian sources the name was distorted to “Sásvár” or “Sasvár” through folk etymology (“Sásvár” and “Sasvár” are Hungarian place-names).19 He himself used this name for his correspondence in the Hungarian language.20 Only those who were more familiar with the Turkish language, for example Bálint Balassi, wrote the dreaded Ottoman commander’s name correctly (Saszuvar).21 Rather than having been transferred from remote areas to the westernmost marches of the Ottoman Empire, that is, the Ottoman-ruled Hungarian territory, S¸ehsuvar had been brought up in the Hungarian Great Plains, in Szolnok − according to the historian Miklós Istvánffy − under the care of the famous sancakbeyi Mahmud, who held the famous protestant preacher, István Szegedi Kis captive.22 S¸ehsuvar spent his childhood and youth in the border area between 16 “[I]mmár basa senki nem vala, […] csak képében Sásvár bég vala.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 163. 17 Dézsi, Tinódi, 194. 18 Géza Dávid’s study based on recently explored sources only discusses the last phase of his life. Géza Dávid, “Szigetvár 16. századi bégjei,” in Tanulmányok a török hódoltság és a felszabadító háborúk történetébo˝l. A szigetvári történész konferencia elo˝adásai a város és a vár felszabadításának 300. évfordulóján, ed. László Szita (Pécs: Baranya Megyei Levéltár – Magyar Történelmi Társulat Dél-dunántúli Csoportja, 1993), 159–191. 19 Zsuzsa Kakuk, A török kor emléke a magyar szókincsben. Ko˝rösi Csoma Kiskönyvtár 23 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1996), 334. The rhymes of the story of S¸ehsuvar Bey tend to support the Sásvár name variant: “Ezek között mind híresebb az Sásvár, / Kit csak azért szeret vala a császár” [Most famous of them is S¸ehsuvar, / Who is favoured by the emperor…], RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 158. 20 Takáts, “Vezír Kalajkiloz Ali basa,” 179. 21 Balassi Bálint összes mu˝vei, ed. Sándor Eckhardt, vol. 1 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1951), 368. 22 Miklós Istvánffy mentions several times that S¸ehsuvar was the alumnus, pupil of Mahmud Bey. Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis, 416, 489–490, 526. On the Aranid Mahmud

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the Danube and the Tisza, constantly fighting. He and his younger brother, Baba Hassan, were heroes of the clashes around Eger.23 As far as we know, he first distinguished himself in 1562, in defence of the Ottoman occupied Szécsény, as adversary to János Balassi, captain-general of the mining towns (1555−1562), whose ignominious failure caused his fall as well.24 Later he fought valiantly against György Karácsony, who hurled Debrecen into a “spiritual crisis”; he fought without arms, relying on the power of God, but S¸ehsuvar dispersed the troops of the fanatic Anabaptist rebel, called the Black Man, at Balaszentmiklós (today Törökszentmiklós) in 1569.25 S¸ehsuvar is then temporarily lost from sight only to return as the sancakbeyi of Szolnok in 1580, which the minstrel of the epic poem attributes to his excellent local knowledge. He “boasted to the sultan as follows: / Give me the post of bey of Szolnok / and I will give you, sultan, Hungary! // I’ll smash the gate of Tokaj with one foot / That of Kálló with the other, / With my brigade I’ll stop the people of Ecsed, / I’ll make the whole population surrender to you.”26

23 24

25 26

Bey, known from Máté Skaricza’s biography of István Szegedi Kis, see László Földváry, Szegedi Kis István élete s a Tisza–Duna mellékeinek reformácziója (Budapest: Hornyánszky, 1894), 175–188; Géza Kathona, Fejezetek a török hódoltsági reformáció történetébo˝l. Humanizmus és reformáció 4 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1974), passim; János Belitzky, “Adatok hídépíto˝ Mahmud bég életéhez,” Jászkunság 12 (1966): fasc. 3, 132–138; Szakály, Mezo˝város, passim. On the origins and military stations of Mahmud Bey see Géza Dávid, “Mohács–Pécs 16. századi bégjei,” in Pécs a törökkorban,” ed. Ferenc Szakály and József Vonyó. Pécsi Mozaik 2 (Pécs: Kronosz Kiadó−Pécs Története Alapítvány, 2012), 109−111. Mahmud Bey was transferred from Pécs to Szolnok in 1562 and was the commander there until 1564. Takáts–Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése, 193. As the deputy of Mahmud Bey, S¸ehsuvar successfully defended the fortress of Szécsény against the troops from the frontier forts of the Kingdom of Hungary in 1562. In 1566 he was still at the side of Mahmud Bey, then the commander of Székesfehérvár. Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis, 416–417, 489–490. Cf. László Bártfai Szabó, Ghymesi Forgách Ferenc (1535–1577). Magyar Történelmi Életrajzok (Budapest: Athenaeum, 1904), 68, 102. Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis, 526. Friedrich Lampe and Pál Debreceni Ember, Historia Ecclesiae Reformatae in Hungaria et Transylvania (Utrecht: J. van Poolsius, 1728), 280. Révész, “Debrecen lelki válsága,” 194. “Császár elo˝tt ilyen szókkal kérkedett: / Adjad nekem a szolnaki bégséget, / Néked adom, császár, Magyarországot. // Egyik lábommal kapuját Tokajnak, / Az másikkal betészem az Kállónak, / Dandárommal megállatom Ecsednek / Népét, mind meghódoltatom az földnek.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 15. The fort of Szolnok was an important Ottoman stronghold and river crossing at the confluence of the Tisza and the Zagyva built in 1550 by the Christians against intensifying Ottoman incursions and expansion. János Illésy, “Adatok a szolnoki vár építéséhez és elso˝ ostromához,” Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 6 (1893): 635–666. Imre Szántó, Küzdelem a török terjeszkedés ellen Magyarországon. Az 1551–52. évi várháborúk (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1985), 184. On the construction of the stronghold see Bernardo de Aldana magyarországi hadjárata (1548–1552), ed. Ferenc Szakály, transl. László Scholz. Bibliotheca Historica (Budapest: Európa, 1986), 54, 116–128. A strategically important military road − and the route taken by Ottoman tax collectors − led through Szolnok. See Gábor Ágoston, “A

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Innumerable complaints against S¸ehsuvar Bey can be found in the correspondence of the pashas of Buda. Hardly any Ottoman raids, ambushes, assaults on markets, or pillaging, fires started without the involvement of S¸ehsuvar Bey. The Hungarians branded him a cruel marauder, violator of peace, “breaker of the truce,” while in Ottoman circles he was seen as a power-hungry careerist. Meanwhile, the Ottoman troops within his jurisdiction and in his retinue loved S¸ehsuvar Bey devotedly: “He was granted Szolnok as his post, / He gathered great many Turks around him / Who loved the bey as their father” − to cite the narrative poem again.27 His success rested on this military personnel, whose members depended on him personally.28 He could be far more indulgent with the local troops than, for example, Üveys, the Pasha of Buda who, having been chief tax collector, tried, counter to general practice, to fill rather than “fleece” the sultan’s treasury.29 Not only the Hungarian soldiers but also the Ottomans lamented the arrears in pay and clothes incessantly. Nearly all the revolts of Ottoman troops in occupied Hungary broke out, because − as they put it − their superiors “had eaten their money”.30 Nobody accused S¸ehsuvar Bey of such offences. He shielded his men, who would have followed him to hell and back. He owed them his meteoric career.31

27 28

29

30 31

szolnoki szandzsák 1591–92. évi adóösszeírása, I–II,” Zounuk. A Szolnok Megyei Levéltár Évkönyve 3 (1988): 221−296, 4 (1989) 191–288. The Szolnok fort was the centre of the sancak of Szolnok, thus the occupied area beyond the Tisza, the theatre of constant warfare, belonged to the jurisdiction of the bey of Szolnok. In the nahiye of Debrecen, which was a part of the sultan’s domain (has), he was entitled to collect the tax and forward it to Buda. Debrecen története, ed. István Szendrey, vol. 1 (Debrecen: Megyei Városi Tanács, 1984), 137. “Adták vala néki hellyül Szólnakot, / Gyu˝jtött vala mellé nagy sok töröket, / Kik szeretik mint atyjokat az béget.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 159. The households of pashas and beys had a great appeal for volunteers serving in the Ottoman army, since the senior dignitaries offered a sure living for their loyal subordinates, sometimes even granting prebends. There was a tight relationship of dependency between the local military elite and its retinue. Pál Fodor, “Making a living on the frontiers. Volunteers in the sixteenth-century Ottoman army,” in Ottomans, Hungarians, and Habsburgs in Central Europe. The military confines in the era of Ottoman conquest. The Ottoman Empire and its heritage, ed. Géza Dávid and Pál Fodor. Politics, society and economy 20 (Leiden–Boston– Köln: Brill, 2000), 243–247. Notorious for his severe monetary policy and austerity measures, Kara Üveys held the title of chief treasurer of the Ottoman Empire three times. He pursued a similar tax policy even as the pasha of Buda. Takáts, A török hódoltság korából, 141–142. Fodor, “An anti-semite Grand Vizier?,” 201; idem, “Üvejsz pasa hagyatéka. Pénzügypolitika, vagyonelkobzás és az oszmán hatalmi elit a 16. század végén,” Történelmi Szemle 44 (2002[2004]): fasc. 3−4, 209–253. Lajos Fekete, Budapest a törökkorban. Budapest története 3 (Budapest: Egyetemi Nyomda, 1944), 136. Cf. Magyarországi török kincstári defterek 1543–1699, ed. Antal Velics and Erno˝ Kammerer, vol. 1 (Pest: Athenaeum, 1886–1890), 144, 357, 350–351, 356, 369–370, vol. 2, 561, 563, 565–566, 573.

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In 1583 S¸ehsuvar tried to seize the post of the beylerbeyi of Temesvár (today Timis,oara in Romania) − with support from the chancellor of Transylvania Farkas Kovacsóczy among others − but failed. In 1585, however, he acquired the title of pasha by becoming the governor of Bosnia. Though he only occupied the post for a mere eight months, from this time on he tended to call himself − and have himself called − S¸ehsuvar Pasha.32 Whenever the chair of the pasha of Buda became vacant, S¸ehsuvar was always included among the candidates and the self-nominees, even as he loudly voiced his competence. After the death of Ali Pasha, certain of his impending appointment, he signed one of his letters as “S¸ehsuvar Pasha, Chief Governor of the Turkish Emperor and Protector of Hungary by will of the Lord God.”33 But his ambitions were not realized, he had to be content with the post of the bey of Szigetvár.34 32 Báthory István király levélváltása az erdélyi kormánnyal, 1581–1585, ed. Endre Veress. Monumenta Hungariae historica 1. Okmánytárak 42 (Budapest: MTA, 1948), 105–106, 114, 177, 189, 201, 206, 239, 281. Takáts−Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése, 326. According to Ottoman sources, S¸ehsuvar was the pasha of Bosnia from March to October 1585. Dávid, Szigetvár 16. századi bégjei, 186. 33 The letter written to Emperor Rudolf on 7 March 1587 is cited: Takáts, “Vezír Kalajkiloz Ali basa,” 179. 34 He was removed from the head of the vilayet of Bosnia because of the objections against him for breaching the peace. He could not resign himself to the estate of lower value, or to the lower rank: he wished to be the pasha of Buda, and almost succeeded. In 1585 he also called attention to himself by plundering the villages under Ottoman rule, which had refused to pay the imposed tax. Takáts–Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése, 362, 364. In 1586 it was again he who ran the administration in Buda in the interregrum between the leave of Sinan Frenk Jusuf and the arrival of Ali Pasha, and did his utmost to secure the soon vacated chair of Ali for himself. He had to retreat again and rest content with the post of the bey of Szigetvár. Gévay, A budai pasák, 13; Takáts, “Vezír Kalajkiloz Ali basa,” 174, 178; Dávid, “Szigetvár 16. századi bégjei,” 186, 90; Elo˝d Vass, “Szigetvár város és a szigetvári szandzsák jelento˝sége az Oszmán–Török Birodalomban, 1565–1689,” in Szita (ed.), Tanulmányok a török hódoltság és a felszabadító háborúk történetébo˝l, 203. From Szigetvár too he kept inciting the neighbouring beys “against the alliance” only to be finally defeated next to Kanizsa in the battle of Kacorlak on 9 August 1578 by the joint forces of György Zrínyi, Boldizsár Batthyány, and Ferenc Nádasdy. It was the most famous “battle” of the peacetime, two of the participating sancakbeyis being captured (one of them, of Pécs, was the son-in–law of the sultan) and one killed. S¸ehsuvar, however, managed to escape through the swamp of nearby Sárkánysziget. The sultan ordered his arrest, but by sacrifising his wealth he obtained grace. He allegedly tried to throw the responsibility for the defeat upon the pasha of Buda. By contrast, the Ottoman historiographer Mustafa Selaniki thinks that he owed his rescue to Jusuf Pasha. Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis, 576–580; Salamon, Magyarország a török hódítás korában, 100; Takáts–Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése, 401–402, 406, 413, 457; Takáts, Rajzok, vol. 2, 153, vol.3, 147, 171; idem, “Szeinán Frenk Juszuf,” in Takáts, A török hódoltság korából, 202–204. “Neue Zeitung” about the same event: RMNy, vol. 1, № 599. Dávid, “Szigetvár 16. századi bégjei,” 171. There is a hoard of unprocessed material about the battle of Kacorlak in Vienna: Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, Wien, Haus- Hof- und Staatsarchiv, Hungarica, Allgemeine Akten Fasc., 119–120; Géza

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S¸ehsuvar generated vitriolic hatred in Hungarians throughout his life. The imperial envoy David Ungnad von Sonnegg opined that “S¸ehsuvar, the mastermind and leader of all wickedness” had to be severely punished, “he would have to be strangled by the sultan’s rope as he had long deserved to be.”35 Although the Hungarians must have seen many looting, ravaging Ottomans apart from him, the passions elicited by the bey did not subside even years after S¸ehsuvar’s death: “S¸ehsuvar Pasha had an only son, whose head was put up on the main gate,” as Bálint Prépostvári wrote in 1592.36 S¸ehsuvar Bey’s son was killed at the time of the battle of Szikszó in 1592, and his head kept as a highly valued trophy. What had lashed passions up around S¸ehsuvar to such heights? The song about the Peril of Nádudvar may suggest some explanation. The notorious Ottoman bey was not always called S¸ehsuvar − sometime in the past he had a name that rang more familiar to Hungarian ears. He was born into a simple Christian family and must have been converted to become a “Turk,” that is, Muslim in his childhood.37 Hungarian poets usually had a lot of insight into Ottoman “domestic affairs”. What was presumably a known fact at the time in Hungary − namely that S¸ehsuvar Bey was one of the famous renegades also tagged “henchmen” (Hung. pribék)38 − can be learned today only from the historical song about him. “S¸ehsuvar issued from peasant ancestors, / From a Christian he turned into a cruel pagan. / His anger against us grew enormously, / For otherwise he wouldn’t have won the bey’s post.”39 What does it mean, when it is said that he could not have become the bey of Szolnok otherwise? S¸ehsuvar Bey spoke Hungarian, and the poem also makes clear that he was not only of Christian, but also of Hungarian origin. His career was not customary at all: Hungarian renegades, rarities in the Ottoman Empire on the whole, would seldom if ever be appointed to Ottoman-ruled Hungarian territories.40 Hun-

35 36 37 38 39

40

Pálffy, “Egy szlavóniai köznemesi família két ország szolgálatában. A Budróci Budor család a 15−18. században,” Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 115 (2002): 946–947, with further references. Not much later S¸ehsuvar Bey died under unclarified circumstances. Bálint Balassi, who reported on the event to Sándor Kapy noted “it is rumoured, though it is not sure, that he was poisoned”. Eckhardt, Balassi Bálint összes mu˝vei, vol. 1, 368. Takáts–Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése, 406. Sándor Takáts, “Balázsdeák István,” in idem, Bajvívó magyarok (Budapest: Móra, 1979), 116. Krstic´, Contested conversions to Islam. See the chapter Tarjumans Mahmud and Murad in this volume. Takáts, “A pribékek.” “Paraszt nemzetségbo˝l Sásvár származott, / Keresztyénbo˝l kegyetlen pogánnyá lött, / Rajtunk való dühösségért úrrá lött, / Mert különben nem nyerheté bégségöt.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 157. This is the only piece of information suggesting that S¸ehsuvar Bey was a Christian, and presumably a Hungarian renegade. It is overlooked by the historical community, although Lajos Dézsi discussed it at length a long time ago. Dézsi, Tinódi, 191. Szakály, “Magyar diplomaták,” 45–46.

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garian-born S¸ehsuvar, brought up in Szolnok and other Ottoman frontier forts, must therefore have won the bey’s post in Szolnok in recognition for his extraordinary merits: “He was granted the fort of Szolnok as his post / So that the Magyars would fear more in this land.”41 Angrily renouncing his Hungarian origins − as the narrative would have it − S¸ehsuvar sets the superiority of the Islamic faith against the bond of “blood,” thereby revealing his real roots: “Were but a single drop of Hungarian blood in me, / I would cut it out, I swear to great Allah, / For I would not wish it to lure me from the faith.”42 * This episode prompts the chronicle to leave the grounds of factual historical narrative and rise to the sphere of Protestant religiosity interlaced with moralizing propaganda. It recently turned out, in the course of annotations added to the Régi Magyar Költo˝k Tára [Repertory of ancient Hungarian poetry] that the present poem was written by a Protestant minister − as were nearly all historical songs of the 1580s−1590s. Most probably, the acrostic of the poem, “SEEPESI” alludes to the preacher of Mezo˝túr, György Szepesi.43 It is easy to understand why the parallels between the destiny of Jews and Hungarians, as well as the divine providence implied in their fate are included in nearly every event of the historical poem. As deus ex machina, it is God who inflames the Hungarians against the Ottomans, walking ahead of them and acting towards the Magyars as he had acted toward his chosen people, Israel. The “wicked” and “cruel” S¸ehsuvar Bey is the protagonist of a Protestant Biblical parable. It conjures up the renegade Jewish traitors of the Maccabean revolt44 who caused “greater damage to the Jews” than the pagan enemy. While on one side of the coin, the Christian side, there are palpable, realistic episodes, on the other, Ottoman side appear fictitious motifs supported by Biblical parables. One may rightly wonder whether the religious order of values and great degree of ideologization of the work impaired its historical authenticity. Yes and no would be a diplomatic answer, but it seems more accurate to say that in this versified chronicle turned into a Protestant parable even the 41 “Tisztöl néki adattaték Szolnok vár, / Hogy ez földen inkább félne az magyar.” RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 158. 42 “Ha magyar vér csak egy csepp bennem volna, / Kimetszeném, mondom az nagy Allahra, / Nem akarnám, hogy ez hitbo˝l kivonna.” Ibid. 43 On the authorship of the poem in more detail see RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 429–430. Biographical data on György Szepesi has been compiled by András Szabó, Johann Jacob Grynaeus magyar kapcsolatai. Adattár 16–18. századi szellemi mozgalmaink történetéhez 22 (Szeged: SZTE, 1989), 163. 44 RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 434.

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driest facts assume allegorical meanings, and the tendentious, incredible moments also have some ties to reality. It appears credible that − to avenge the Hungarians’ sack of Hatvan − S¸ehsuvar Bey’s troops ransacked the village of Maklár, within Ottoman-occupied territory, capturing and slaying the local Calvinist minister along with the local teacher.45 This report, however, immediately turns into a parable. The author encourages the inhabitants of Hungarian villages not to pay tax to the Ottomans. In practice, it was hardly possible to refuse to pay the dues to the Porte, while it frequently occurred that catching sight of marauding Hungarian soldiers, “the villagers rang the alarm-bells and the Ottomans came to their help attacking the Hungarian intruders.”46 It is also realistic that, to withstand unbearable Ottoman plundering, the Christians had to join forces. First, the German mounted gunners of Upper Hungary beat back S¸ehsuvar at the earthwork of Rakamaz.47 Then the Castellan of the fortress of Diósgyo˝r, Ferenc Geszthy joined the forces marching against the bey, as is mentioned in Miklós Istvánffy’s chronicle.48 It is hard to believe, however, that the joint forces awaited Geszthy “like the angel,” or the way the Jews awaited Moses, to choose Geszthy their commander with the exclamation: “To you we subject ourselves as second only to God.” The historical song massively exaggerates the martial merits of the commander of Diósgyo˝r − the German song of the battle of Nádudvar does not even mention his name.49 Miklós Istvánffy claims that the battle was decided by the gunfire of the German cuirassiers.50 The versifying minister of Mezo˝túr wished to please Geszthy, the landlord of Mezo˝túr at that time. The dwellers of Mezo˝túr frequently complained to the pasha of Buda about the commander of Diósgyo˝r fortress, who harrowed them with the practice of “double taxation”.51 György Szepesi extols his patron 45 46 47 48

Ibid, 163–164. Takáts, “Kara Ovejsz basa,” 146. RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 166–167, 439–440. For the biography of Ferenc Geszthy see ibid, 430–431. For his military career see Géza Pálffy, “A veszprémi végvár fo˝- és vicekapitányainak életrajzi adattára (16–17. század),” in Veszprém a török korban, ed. Péter Tóth G. Veszprémi múzeumi konferenciák 9 (Veszprém: Veszprém Megyei Múzeumi Igazgatóság, Laczkó Dezso˝ Múzeum, 1998), 140. 49 Contemporaneous with the Hungarian historical poem, the German narrative poem printed in Prague tells the story of the battle “between the Hortobágy and the Tisza” on 16–17 July 1580, that is, the battle of Nádudvar. Ein news liedt dem Scharmützel und Niderlag, so fast einer Schlacht zuvergleichen, wider den Blutdürstigen Türcken geschehen in Ober Hungern den 16. und 17. Tag Julii (Prague: Michael Peterle, 1580). The colophon says it was written by Caspar Bschlagngaul (lit.: ‘shod horse’) in Eger. On the poet possibly of Tyrolean origin, see Bitskey, “Balassi Bálint egri éveiro˝l.” The historical comparison of the Hungarian and German poems, see RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 433–443. 50 Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis, 555. 51 It is known that in 1575 the estates of the Dercsényi family in Mezo˝túr were acquired by the

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Geszthy to the height of an epic hero like Homer’s Achilles and compares his own poetic role with that of Virgil in relation to Octavian.52 Thus, two superheroes clashed at Nádudvar, the angelic and the diabolic (“God did unto S¸ehsuvar Bey no differently / Than unto Sennacherib, / He had his army defeated by a few men, / As in times of yore by a single angel”).53 The bey is sent fleeing by the first thrust of Geszthy, his troops are smashed, while he himself and his horse trudge home to Szolnok “choking on tears,” across the reedy puddles of Sárrét region. “The cruel infidel” S¸ehsuvar Bey is simply called “wicked Satan” by the author,54 which corresponds to the customary but undifferentiated representation of the Ottomans in historical songs.55 This time, however, reality apparently coincides with fiction. So, it seems that this Hungarian peasant turned Ottoman pasha actually resembled or wanted to resemble this far- from-realistic image of the Ottomans. His restless, confrontational behaviour must certainly be attributed to his being a renegade, and to his service in his native country. His figure incurred two-fold hatred on the part of the Hungarians and two-fold mistrust on the part of the Ottomans. This led him to constantly prove his worth, displays of force against the Hungarians and shows of competence to the Ottomans. Quoting Miklós Istvánffy’s apposite words: “he spent his life in cruel wars − fired by his cruel hatred of the Christians: although fate thwarted his weapon during his life, he picked it up stubbornly each time, but was always defeated and beaten back, and eventually he won the reward his savagery deserved.”56 The tree sprung from the lands under subjugation could not reach to the skies in Ottoman-ruled Hungary, either: however hard he may have tried to satisfy the great Ottoman power occupying Hungary, a Hungarian renegade with his “alien heart” could not become the highest Ottoman dignitary on his native Hungarian soil.

52 53 54 55 56

castellan of Diósgyo˝r (and a judge in Eger) Ferenc Kövér of Csomor. János Gyo˝zo˝ Szabó, “Az egri vár fo˝kapitányainak rövid életrajza,” Az Egri Vár Híradója 17 (1982): 10; Zoltán Bodoki Fodor and Zsigmond Bodoki Fodor, Mezo˝túr város története, 1. (896–1944) (Mezo˝túr: Magyar Hirdeto˝, 1978), 14. The inhabitants of Mezo˝túr repeatedly complained to Mustafa, Pasha of Buda of the predatory commander of Diósgyo˝r. Takáts, Rajzok, vol. 1, 133–134; Takáts– Eckhardt−Szekfu˝ (eds.), A budai basák magyar nyelvu˝ levelezése, 146. No doubt this practice of Ferenc Kövér was resumed by his successor Geszthy as the commander of the fortress. Cf. Diósgyo˝r vára és uradalma a 16. században. Források, ed. József Bessenyei. Tanulmányok Diósgyo˝r történetéhez 2 (Miskolc: Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén Megyei Levéltár, 1997). As can be read in the Latin distich eulogizing Ferenc Geszthy at the head of the historical poem: RMKT XVI, vol. 11, 157. “Nem különben Isten az Sásvár béggel / Cselekedék, mint a Szennáheribbel, / Levágatá hadát csak kevés néppel, / Miként annak régenten egy angyallal.” Ibid, 171. Ibid, 172. József Jankovics, “The image of Turks in Hungarian Renaissance literature,” in Guthmüller −Kühlmann (eds.), Europa und die Türken, 267–273. Isthvanfi, Historiarum de rebus Ungaricis, 580.

Chapter 15: “Pro Turcis” and “Contra Turcos” – Curiosity, Scholarship and Spiritualism in Ottoman Histories by Johannes Löwenklau (1541–1594)

It is still partially unexplained why, in 16th–17th-century Hungary – as opposed to Western countries – Ottoman history was not processed in an authentic and scholarly way. Why is it that intelligent Western reports of the Ottoman Empire and its history had no echo in Hungary, even though these reports wrote about, and to, Hungarians?1 We will aim to answer the above questions when talking about Johannes Löwenklau, one of the most excellent 16th-century experts in the Ottomans. Every Western European from the 17th to the 20th century who was seriously interested in the Ottoman Empire read and appreciated the works of this extremely talented German humanist.2 It is all the more surprising that Hungarian historians hardly turned to Löwenklau’s books, even though his works arrived in Hungary almost immediately, at the turn of the 17th century.3 It is a strange but not unique 1 The grand question had been discussed by Ágnes R. Várkonyi, Búcsú és emlékezet. A török képe a magyar közvéleményben, in Várkonyi, Europica varietas, 158–182; Fodor, “The view of the Turk in Hungary.” On the simplified negative stereotypes of “typical” Ottomans in ancient Hungarian literature see Jankovics, “The image of Turks;” Karl Vocelka, Das Türkenbild des christlichen Abendlandes in der frühen Neuzeit, in Österreich und die Osmanen. Prinz Eugen und seine Zeit, ed. Erich Zöllner and Karl Gutkas. Schriften des Institutes für Österreichkunde 51/52 (Wien: Österreichischer Bundesverlag, 1988), 20–31. 2 There is no monograph on the life and work of the German humanist Johannes Löwenklau (Leunclavius) though he was considered one of the most significant scholars of Ottoman history in the 16th century by contemporary and later critics. It is worthy of note that Löwenklau’s Ottoman history in Latin was the main source of Richard Knolles’ essential, effective and several times re-edited Generall historie of the Turks (London: Adam Islip, 1603). Cf. Victor Louis Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans. The sources and development of the Text. London Oriental Series 16 (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), xiii. On Löwenklau’s biography, see Melchior Adam, Vitae Germanorum philosophorum, qui seculo superiori, et quod excurrit, philosophicis ac humanioribus literis clari floruerunt (Frankfurt am Main – Heidelberg: Nikolaus Hoffmann, 1615), 379–381; Adalbert Horawitz, Johannes Leunclavius, in ADB, vol. 18, 488–493; Dieter Metzler, Johannes Löwenklau, in NDB, vol. 15, 95–96. 3 An exception that proves the rule is that Miklós Zrínyi the poet (1620−1664) not only possessed the works of Löwenklau but used them for his heroic poem Obsidio Szigetiana (1651) written in Hungarian. Cf. Gábor Hausner and others (eds.), A Bibliotheca Zriniana története és állo-

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paradox that a leading Western author – who is familiar with Hungarian intellectuals and is open to Hungarian culture – raises suspicions in Hungarian minds and is never talked about. This is exactly what happened in Johannes Löwenklau’s case. It is worthwhile examining the background to this paradox. If we take a closer look at Löwenklau’s Ottoman histories – with special regard to Hungarian sources and aspects – and pay attention to current intellectual trends present in the works, we might more easily recognise the obstacles to the Hungarian acceptance of Löwenklau’s histories. Löwenklau’s books paint an alternative image of the Ottomans, one that does not match the commonplaces of antiturcica literature on the ancient enemy of Christianity,4 and one that is also distinct from the monstrous figure who – as the scourge of God – is destined to revenge crimes according to the apocalyptic historical vision of the Wittenberg Reformation.5 The untiring, exceptionally diligent German Humanist6 wanted to write an authentic Ottoman history on the basis of authentic Ottoman sources. His works on Ottoman history in Latin and German, published between 1588 and 1591, are still of priceless historical value and are essential for every researcher into the history of the Ottoman Empire.7 Löwenklau was a professional humanist, editing Greek and Latin texts – works by Xenophon8 and Antonio Bonfini9 among many others – and he only turned

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mánya. Zrínyi-könyvtár 4 (Budapest: Argumentum−Zrínyi Kiadó, 1991), 181, 313, 376; Tibor Klaniczay, Zrínyi Miklós, Budapest 1964, p. 143. On the humanist literatura antiturcica in Hungary see Tibor Klaniczay, “A kereszteshad eszméje és a Mátyás-mítosz,” in idem, Hagyományok ébresztése (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1976), 166–190; Klára Pajorin, “Antiturcica negli anni quaranta del ‘400. Le epistole di Francesco Filelfo, di Poggio Bracciolini e di János Vitéz,” Camoenae Hungaricae 3 (2006): 17–27. One of the most complex collections of early modern antiturcica orations related to Hungary is Nicolaus Leorinus Reusnerus, Selectissimarum orationum et consultationum De bello Turcico variorum et diversorum auctorum voluminaquatuor (Leipzig: Heining Groß, 1595–1596). For analytical description of the book see István Monok, A Rákóczi család könyvtárai 1588–1660 (Szeged: Scriptum Kft, 1996), 49. Cf. Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis; Andermann, Geschichtsdeutung und Prophetie; Ács, “Apocalypsis cum figuris;” Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann, Philosophia Perennis. Historical outlines of Western spirituality in ancient, medieval and early modern thought. Archives internationals d’histoire des idées 189 (Dordrecht: Springer, 2004), 392–408. Löwenklau subordinated his personal life to his scholarly career; he always lived alone and never married. Franz Babinger, “Herkunft und Jugend Hans Lewenklaw’s,” Westfälische Zeitschrift. Zeitschrift für vaterländische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 48–49 (1949): 124. Franz Babinger, “Johannes Lewenklaws Lebensende,” Basler Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Altertumskunde 50 (1951): 8. The outstanding scholar of Ottoman manuscripts and sources Victor Louis Ménage praises Löwenklau’s “admirable” Latin history that frequently helps to clarify the obscurity of the original Ottoman sources. Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans, xvi. Xenophontis… Omnia quae exstant opera. Joanne Levvenklaio interprete, cum annotationibus ejusdem et indice copioso (Basel: Thomas Guarinus, 1569). There had been fierce debates about the Xenophon edition between Löwenklau and the rival editor Henri Estienne (Ste-

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towards Ottoman history at the height of his career, when he started collecting the necessary manuscripts and knowledge during his 1584–85 voyage in Constantinople.10 After that, he researched in the Court Library and private collections of Vienna.11 It is remarkable that all the three main sources used for his books are directly or indirectly related to Hungary (fig.13). They are worth examining. Löwenklau’s first volume on Ottoman history, Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum12 published in 1588, was not completely unknown to the contemporary reader. The Turkish codex that served as its basis was brought from the Orient in 1551 and later donated to the imperial library by the famous Austrian traveller and art collector, Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldsdorf 13 who was the

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phanus), the famous French Hellenist. See Marie-Pierre Burtin, “Un apôtre de la tolerance. L’humaniste allemand Johannes Löwenklau, dit Leunclavius,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 52 (1990): 561–570. Antonio Bonfini, Symposion Trimeron. Sive De Pvdicitia coniugali & uirginitate Dialogi III, ed. Johannes Leunclavius, Basel 1572. Löwenklau’s preface to Bonfini’s Symposion see in Gábor Almási and Farkas Gábor Kiss (eds.), Humanistes du basin des Carpates II. Johannes Sambucus. Europa Humanistica 14 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2015), 162−165. Löwenklau took part in an embassy to the Sublime Porte headed by Heinrich von Liechtenstein. The aim of the legation was to present a gift of peace from the Habsburg ruler to the Ottoman emperor. The embassy report by Melchior Besolt tells about István Révay, a Hungarian member of the legation: Reiss auff Constantinopol im 1584, in Hansen Lewenklaw, Neuwe Chronica türckischer Nation, von Türcken selbs beschrieben (Frankfurt am Main: Wechel, 1590), 515−531. See Babinger, “Johannes Lewenklaws Lebensende,” 7−8; Paola Molino, “Usi e abusi di una biblioteca imperiale. Il caso della hinterlassene Bibliothek di Vienna fra corte e Respublica literaria. (1575−1608),” Erebea. Revista de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales 2 (2012): 152. Burtin, “Un apôtre de la tolerance,” 566−567. The imperial librarian, Hugo Blotius, compiler of the famous Turcica collection and catalogue, later accused Löwenklau of plagiarism, and he brought the news that the German historican had stolen important manuscripts from the Imperial Library of Vienna. Molino, “Usi e abusi di una biblioteca imperiale,” 153−154. Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum usque ad annum 1588. Ed., augm., trad. Johannes Leunclavius. Cum aliis opusculis (Frankfurt am Main: Wechel, 1588 [2d edition ibid. 1596] 4°), 519 p. The book consists of five parts: 1. Dedication to Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldsdorf; 2. Latin translation of the shortened version of the Ottoman manuscript chronicle in the possession of Hieronymus Beck; 3. Supplementum Annalicum, i. e. complementary continuation of the chronicle up to 1587 from different sources; 4. Pandectes Historiae Turcicae, i. e. commentary to the Annales; 5. Account of the siege of Vienna by the Turks in 1529. Löwenklau edited this book in a revised and enlarged German version: Lewenklaw, Neuwe Chronica türckischer Nation, 2°, 535 p. The disposition of the book follows the order of the one in Latin but is much broader. It is dedicated to Christian I, Elector of Saxony. The material of the Supplementum and the Pandectes is enriched from new, largely Hungarian sources. The author added to the issue an account of the legation of Heinrich von Liechtenstein to the Supreme Porte and a report on the marriage of Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizier of Süleyman the Magnificent. Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldsdorf (1525−1596) learned in Padua and during his European tour he travelled in France, the Netherlands, England, Spain and Italy. Later he reached the Middle East: Cyprus, Arabia and Egypt. There he collected valuable Oriental manuscripts. Cf.

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Fig. 13: Buda and Pest during the Ottoman conquest. Illustration in Johannes Löwenklau’s Neuwe Chronica türckischer Nation (Frankfurt am Main: Wechel, 1590).

member of the Privy Council. The manuscript called Annales Beccani was a shortened version of the yearbook compilation of an Ottoman historian, Mehmed Muhjí al-Dín14 who died in 1550. The author reviewed the history of the Ottoman house from the beginning to his own era. The German translation of the book was published as early as 1567,15 but Löwenklau used the valuable original Wilhelm Kubitschek, Das Lapidarium des Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldsdorf (Vienna: K. K. Zentral-Kommission für Erforschung und Erhaltung der Kunst- und Historischen Denkmale, 1912); Carl Ausserer, “Zur Frühgeschichte der osmanischen Studien,” Der Islam 12 (1922): 226–231, 226; Georg Heinz, “Das Porträtbuch des Hieronymus Beck von Leopolsdorf,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 71 (1975): 165−311; Lajos Tardy, Rabok, követek, kalmárok az Oszmán Birodalomról (Budapest: Gondolat, 1977), 26, 46. 14 Mehmed Muhjí al-Dín was an Ottoman historian of the time of Selim I and Süleyman the Magnificent. His historical work entitled Tarik-il Al-i Othman is a collection of anonymous Ottoman chronicles from the beginning of the Ottoman Empire up to his age (until 1549). Friedrich von Giese (ed.), Die altosmanischen anonymen Chroniken (Breslau: self-published, 1922). Cf. Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans, passim; Th. Menzel, Muhyil-Dı¯n Meh˙ ˙ medb.ʿAla¯ʾ al-Dı¯nʿAlı¯ al-Dj̲ama¯lı¯, in Encyclopaedia of Islam 2. ¯ 15 Hans Spiegel (Gaudier) (trans.), Chronica oder Acta von der Türckischen Tyrannen herkommen vnd gefürten Kriegen aus Türkischer Sprachen verdeutschet (Frankfurt an der Oder: Johan Eichorn, 1567). See Ausserer, “Zur Frühgeschichte der osmanischen Studien,” 226, 228−231; Klaus Kreiser, Der osmanische Staat 1300−1922, Oldenbourg Grundriss der Geschichte 30 (München: R. Oldenbourg, 2008), 80.

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codex with the help of a Hungarian interpreter, István, who had knowledge of Turkish, Arabic and Persian.16 Löwenklau tells us that during the time he was working on the translation the manuscript disappeared, but Beck soon managed to get hold of another copy with the help of the Ottoman interpreters of the French ambassador in Constantinople.17 This was a very complicated and extremely helpful gesture, indicating a close friendship between the art collector and the historian. The collectors had an interest in worthy humanists publishing the rarities they had collected.18 Löwenklau had already become Hieronymus Beck’s confidant; in 1577, he dedicated to him his first Oriental publication, Apomasaris Apotelesmata, the translation of the dream-book falsely attributed to the 9th century Abu Masar.19 Löwenklau published this book, along with most of his works, on the basis of the manuscript collection of a Hungarian humanist living in Vienna, Joannes Sambucus.20 Löwenklau and Sambucus were well-acquainted with Hieronymus Beck, who was the senior commissariat officer (Oberster Proviantmeister) of Hungary. 16 The story is told by Löwenklau himself in the preface of the Annales dedicated to Hieronymus Beck. Leunclavius, Annales2, 4; Cf. Tardy, Rabok, követek, 6, 43−44. 17 Johannes Heinrich Mordtmann, “Mitteilungen zur osmanischen Geschichte,” Der Islam 13 (1923): 155. 18 Almási, The uses of humanism, 218. 19 Apomasaris Apotelesmata, sive de significatis et eventis insomniorum, ex Indorum, Persarum, Aegyptiorumque disciplina. Depromptus ex Io. Sambuci bibliotheca liber, Jo. Leunclaio interprete (Frankfurt am Main: Wechel, 1577). In the preface of the book Löwenklau reminds Hieronymus Beck of the harmony of the different religions in the East, as it is proven by “Apomasar”. The name “Apomasar” is a corruption of the name of the famous Persian astronomer Abu Ma’shar (787−886) who had in fact written an oneirocriticon which has been lost. Löwenklau actually translated from imperfect Greek manuscripts the famous Oneirocriticon of Achmet, a Christian Greek adaption of Islamic material originally written in Arabic, mostly by Muhammad Ibn-Sı¯rı¯n (653−728). Löwenklau later recognized his false ˙ popular German translation of the book appeared also under the attribution. Although the name of “Apomasar”: Traumbuch Apomasaris. Das ist: Kurtze Außlegung vnnd Bedeutung der Träume nach der Lehr der Indianer, Persianer, Egypter vnd Araber. Erstlich auß Griechischer Sprach ins Latein bracht durch Herrn Johann Lewenklaw. Jetzund aber dem gemeinen Mann so das Latein nicht verstehet zum besten verdeutschet… (Frankfurt am Main: Kämpffer, 1645); David Pingree, “Abu¯ Ma’sˇar,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica; T. Fahd, “Ibn Sı¯rı¯n, Abu¯ Bakr Muhammad,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam2; Steven M. Oberhelman, The Oneir˙ ocriticon of Achmet. A Medieval Greek and Arabic treatise on the interpretation of dreams (Lubbock, Texas: Texas Tech University Press, 1991); Maria Mavroudi, A Byzantine book on dream interpretation. The Oneirocriticon of Achmet and its Arabic sources (Leiden: Brill, 2002); Nigel F. Palmer and Klaus Speckenbach, Träume und Kräuter. Studien zur Petroneller ‘Circa Instans’-Handschrift und zu den deutschen Träumbüchern der Mittelalters. Pictura et Poesis 4 (Köln−Wien: Böhlau, 1990). Burtin, “Un apôtre de la tolerance,” 566; Almási, The uses of humanism, 164; Almási−Kiss, Humanistes, 243. 20 According to the researches of Gábor Almási, Löwenklau translated and edited nine Greek manuscripts from the collection of Sambucus. Almási, The uses of humanism, p. 224.

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The scholarly elaboration of the Ottoman history named after Beck is closely related to the establishment of the Turcica, the collection of Oriental manuscripts and paintings of the imperial city.21 Löwenklau was not only a writer; he also painted water-colours of Ottoman subjects. His paintings and drawings depicting life in Ottoman Hungary belong to the so-called codex Löwenklau which was made for Hieronymus Beck and arrived in the imperial library as an appendix to Beck’s famous album of portraits.22 It was probably with the help of Sambucus that Löwenklau got hold of and copied for Beck the picture book of the Constantinople ambassador, David von Ungnad.23 The Viennese codex Löwenklau is mostly a copy of David Ungnad’s lost Türkenbuch.24 Löwenklau purchased and enriched with his own drawings a copy of this magnificent Türkenbuch for Hieronymus Beck because he applied to the influential courtier for the support of his Ottoman studies.25 The codex Löwenklau26 is a huge and voluminous manuscript full of particular hand-painted pictures displaying the people, life and environment of the Ottoman capital. Löwenklau intended to illustrate his histories with these paintings but he did not have enough subsidy to have the woodcuts made.27 Thus there is only one printed illustration in his history, reproducing a drawing of the codex Löwenklau.28 It must have been Sambucus who made Ottoman historical research possible by introducing Löwenklau to Ungnad, who was highly familiar with Hungarian and Ottoman matters, as well as to Beck who had a deep knowledge of Oriental

21 Howard Louthan, The quest for compromise. Peacemakers in Counter-Reformation Vienna (Cambridge:University Press, 1997) 75−80; Paola Molino, ‘Die andere Stimme.’ La formazione di un intellettuale erasmiano nell’Europa del tardo Cinquecento: Hugo Blotius (1534–1574. Tesi di laurea (Firenze: Università degli Studi di Firenze, 2005), 177–178. 22 Rudolf H. W. Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch des Hieronymus Beck von Leopoldsdorf. Bildnisse orientalischer Herrscher und Würdenträger in Cod. Vindob. 8615,” Jahrbuch der Kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 95 (1999): fasc.1, 189–207; further literature:http://www.bildarchivaustria.at/Pages/Ausstellung/Ausstellungen.aspx?AusstellungID=12187471 23 David von Ungnad was the Permanent Representative of the Habsburg Empire to the Supreme Porte from 1573 to 1578. Gerlach, Ungnád; Cf. Gábor Ágoston, “Information, ideology and limits of imperial power,” in The early modern Ottomans: remapping the empire, ed. Virginia H. Aksan and Daniel Goffman (Cambridge: University Press, 2007), 84. 24 Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch des Hieronymus Beck,”192. 25 Ausserer, “Zur Frühgeschichte der osmanischen Studien,” 227−228. 26 Manuskript Lewenklau 1586. ÖNB Cod. Vindob. 8615. − Paper, 185 p. 493 × 365 mm. The manuscript contains numerous water-colours depicting Ottoman rulers, foreign representatives to Istanbul (among them a distinguished unknown Hungarian envoy), soldiers, courtiers and commoners from different parts of the empire, famous buildings of the antiquity and of the Ottoman times. 27 Ausserer, “Zur Frühgeschichte der osmanischen Studien,” 227−228. 28 Stichel, “Ein Nachtrag zum Porträtbuch des Hieronymus Beck,”192.

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studies. It came about quite naturally that a German humanist involved in Ottoman studies mobilized his Hungarian acquaintances for a scholarly purpose. The second fundamental Turkish source published and processed by Löwenklau is the one that in Ottoman studies is called codex Verantianus.29 This text is a longer version of Mehmed Muhjí al-Dín’s compilation of histories.30 Löwenklau first translated three of the thirty books into German,31 then eighteen into Latin.32 The German translation of the remaining books was finished and published in 1595 by an unknown colleague after the historian’s death.33 Löwenklau tells us that he obtained the manuscript from the collection of the Archbishop of Esztergom/Gran, Antonius Verantius,34 with the help of the Archbishop’s nephew, Faustus Verantius.35 He used the Italian translation made from ancient Greek (interpres Verantianus) to interpret the original Turkish codex.36 It is not surprising that Löwenklau found his way to the heritage of Antonius Verantius, since the Archbishop, who died in 1573, had been one of the greatest Ottoman experts of his time.37 He went to Turkey twice as the ambas29 Mordtmann, “Mitteilungen zur osmanischen Geschichte,” 55−156; Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans, 31. 30 Paul Wittek, “Zum Quellenproblem der ältesten Chroniken (mit Auszügen aus Nesˇrı¯),” Mitteilungen zur Osmanischen Geschichte 1 (1921−1922): 141. 31 Hansen Lewnklaw, Neuwer Musulmanischer Histori Tu¨rckischer Nation, von ihrem Herkommen, Geschichten und Thaten, drey Bu¨cher die ersten unter dreyssigen (Frankfurt am Main: Wechel, 1590). 32 Johannes Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, de monumentis ipsorum exscriptae libri XVIII. Commentarii duo cum onomastico gemino, Frankfurt am Main 1591, 2°, 898 p., dedicated to the German Electors. The unfinished work includes an Ottoman onomasticon and various apologetic epistles as well. The first epistle is written to Julius Salm von Neuburg, patron of Löwenklau, a well-known figure of Hungarian history and literature, the second remained without dedication, and the third is an Italian-Latin exchange of letters between Löwenklau and Giacomo Malpietro, a Venetian gentleman, on the use of Ottoman studies and the pre-eminent erudition of Süleyman the Magnificent. 33 Hansen Lewnklaw, Neuwer Musulmanischer Histori Tu¨rckischer Nation… auch ihrer Sultane oder Keyser Leben… bisz auf Suleiman den andern dieses Nahmens achtzehn Bücher… ausz dem Latein verteutscht… gestellt, Frankfurt am Main 1595. In the preface to the book, the heads of the publishing house Wechel in Frankfurt, Claude Marne and Jean Aubri, commemorate the author, who died in the recent past. 34 Antal Verancsics, also Antun Vrancˇic´, Antonius Verantius, Antonio Veranzio (1504–1573), Dalmatian-Hungarian Humanist, diplomat, traveller, Archbishop of Esztergom/Gran. 35 Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, p. 31. Faustus Verancsics, also Faust Vrancˇic´, Fausto Veranzio (c.1551–1617), nephew of Antonius Verantius, a Dalmatian-Hungarian polymath and inventor. 36 Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 42; Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans, 30. 37 Lajos Tardy, Régi magyar követjárások Keleten. Ko˝rösi Csoma Kiskönyvtár 11 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1983), 110−135; Hans Dernschwam’s Tagebuch einer Reise nach Konstantinopel und Kleinasien. 1553–1555, ed. Franz Babinger, transl. into New High German Jörg Riecke (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 2014); Hans Dernschwam, Erdély, Besztercebánya, törökországi útinapló, ed. Lajos Tardy. Bibliotheca Historica (Budapest: Európa, 1984).

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sador of the Habsburg king, Ferdinand. During his journeys he acquired valuable antique manuscripts.38 He completed his diplomatic mission with archaeological research for his own pleasure: it is a well-known fact that he discovered Emperor Augustus’ famous testament in Ankara. It is less known, however, that Löwenklau also received the text of a fantastic archaeological finding, Monumentum Ancyranum from Faustus Verantius and published it – although he was not the first to do so – in 1588, in his book entitled Pandectes historiae Turcicae.39 As a Greek expert, Löwenklau had previously worked on Byzantine history40 and law41 and published several Greek manuscripts. It is obvious that – carrying on the thinking of the 15th century Italian humanists, especially of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini – he tried to recognise the remaining, visible traces of Roman virtue and greatness in the Ottoman Empire seen as the successor of the Eastern Roman Empire.42 One of Löwenklau’s remarks is often cited: namely, that the Ottomans did not destroy ancient monuments; in fact, Emperor Süleyman himself greatly admired the old Roman buildings destroyed by the Goths.43 The confrontation of 38 Dernschwam, Erdély, Besztercebánya, törökországi útinapló, 51. 39 Leunclavius, Annales2, 108−111; Lajos Tardy and Éva Moskovszky, “Zur Entdeckung des Monumentum Ancyranum (1555),” Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 21 (1973): 383, 384, 387. 40 Löwenklau matriculated at Heidelberg in 1562 where he became a pupil of the professor of Greek language Wilhelm Xylander. As editor of a 6th century Byzantine author, Stephanus Byzantinus Xylander carried out studies in Byzantinology and transmitted his enquiry to his pupil. Löwenklau’s main editions in this field are: Operum Gregorii Nazianzeni tomi tres […] Quorum editio […] qua interpretationem, qua veteres ad libros collationem, elaborata est perJoannem Leuvenklaium (Basel: Hervagius, 1571); Annales Michaeli Glycae siculi, qui lectori praeter alia cognitu jucunda & utilia, Byzantinam historiam universam exhibent. Nunc primum latinam in linguam transcripti & editi per Io. Lewenclaium, ex Io. Sambuci V.C. Bibliotheca (Basel: Episcopios, 1572). See Almási−Kiss, Humanistes, 165. 41 Joannes Leunclavius, Juris Græco-Romani, tam Canonici quam Civilis, tomi duo ex variis bibliothecis eruti, latineque redditi, nunc primum editi cura M. Freheri, I–II, Francofurti 1596 [New edition: Farnborough: Gregg International Publishers, 1971]; Douglas J. Osler, “Homer dethroned,” Journal for History of Law 13 (1994): 202−218; Bernhard H. Stolte, “The lion’s paws. Observations on Joannes Leunclavius (1541–1594) at work,” Journal for History of Law 13, 1994: 219–233; Constantin G. Pitsakis, “Leunclavius Neo-Graecus,” Journal for History of Law 13 (1994): 234–243. 42 On Aeneas Sylvius’ Epistola ad Mahometem (1461) see Johannes Helmrath, “Pius II. und die Türken,” in Guthmüller−Kühlmann (eds.), Europa und die Türken, 114−117; László Szörényi, “Emlékbeszéd Mátyás királyról,” in idem, Harmóniára teremtve. Tanulmányok Mátyás királyról (Budapest: Lucidus, 2009), 66−74. 43 E. g. “Soliman, says Leunclavius, paused at Troas and admired the remains of stately edifices which the eruptions of the Goths had ruined.” Thomas Thornton, The present state of Turkey. A description of the political, civil, and religious constitution, government, and laws, of the Ottoman Empire (London: Joseph Mawman, 1807), 8. The British merchant in the Levant Thomas Thornton spent 15 years in Istanbul and supported the Ottoman Empire in the topical question of Greek independence. It is well known that Lord Byron, admirer of Greece, grievously resented Thornton’s friendship with the Ottomans in the notes to his poem Childe Harold. Cf. Drummond Bone, The Cambridge companion to Byron (Cambridge: University

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ancient treasures and the barbarism of the Goths is a peculiarity of the Renaissance spirit.44 The extension of this idea to the Ottomans is a peculiar application, belonging to a greater historical concept. The fact that Löwenklau worked on Verantius’s heritage and integrated it into his material on Ottoman history is a typical manifestation of Löwenklau’s basic principles as a historian. The third and perhaps most special Ottoman historical source was procured by Löwenklau himself in Istanbul where he met a Silesian nobleman, Philipp Hanivald von Eckersdorf, councellor of the Habsburg Archduke, Ernst.45 Hanivald introduced him to the then elderly imperial interpreter of Hungarian origin from Nagybánya/Rivulus Dominarum, Murad Bey – original name Balázs Somlyai – who knew Arabic, Persian, Ottoman-Turkish, Latin, Hungarian and Croatian.46 It is with Hanivald’s help that Löwenklau got hold of Murad Bey’s Latin manuscript, the bey’s own work, which was mostly the annotated translation of Mehmed Neshri’s 15th century Ottoman history.47 Ottoman experts have shown that Murad had used other histories as well, for instance The crown of histories by Saadeddin (1536−1599), a contemporary author of literary significance.48 Before the 20th century, Neshri had not appeared in print in Europe

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Press, 2004). One of the most important sources of Thornton was a book many times edited in Holland: Turcici imperii status seu discursus varii de rebus Turcarum, ed. Giovanni B. Montalbani (Leiden: Elzevir, 1630). In this widely read anthology can be found a selection from the Ottoman history by Löwenklau: Series Imperatorum Turcicorum; ex annalibus Turcicis a Leonclavio editis, atque aliis scriptoribus. Cf. Daniel Traister, The Elsevier Republics: Guide to the Microfiche Edition (Bethesda, Maryland: Congressional Information Service, 1988), 35. The Turcici imperii status was well known in Hungary as well: Monok, A Rákóczi család könyvtárai 1588–1660, № 246. Erwin Panofsky, Renaissance and renascenses in Western art (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksells, 1960), 19−20. Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 31; Mordtmann, “Mitteilungen zur osmanischen Geschichte,” 156; Babinger, “Pfortendolmetsch Murad,” 39; Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans, 31. There are no further data on Philipp Hanivald von Eckersdorf. József Thúry falsely affirms that he was a secretary of the Habsburg Embassy to the Supreme Porte in 1570. József Thúry, Török történetírók, vol.1 (Budapest: MTA, 1893), 31. Thúry confuses Philipp Hanivald with Bartholomaeus Hanniwaldt; the latter did in fact hold the office Caesareae Mtis Vrae secretarius at that time but died in 1571. (ÖStA, HHStA, Staatenabteilungen, Türkei I. Karton 27. Konv. 5. 1571. IX. 30. Konstantinopel.) Cf. Bertold Spuler, Die europäische Diplomatie in Konstantinopel bis zum Frieden von Belgrad (1739). Teil 3. Jahrbücher für Kultur und Geschichte der Slaven 3–4 (Breslau: Priebatsch, 1935), 313–366. Another member of the family, Andreas Hanniwald, belonged to the inner circles of the Emperor Rudolf II. See the chapter Tarjumans Mahmud and Murad in this volume; cf. Ágoston, “Information, ideology,” 84. Franz Babinger, Die Geschichtsschreiber der Osmanen und ihre Werke (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1927), 38; Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans, see the chapter ‘The Codex Hanivaldanus’, 31−40; Christine Woodhead, “Nes̲h̲r¯ı,” in Encyclopaedia of Islam2 Hoca Efendi Sadeddin, Tâcü’t-tevârih, vols 1−5, ed. I˙smet Parmaksızog˘lu (Ankara: Kültür Bakanlıg˘ı, 1974–1979); Cf. Gabriel Piterberg, An Ottoman Tragedy. History and Historiography at Play. Studies on the history of society and culture 50 (Berkeley – Los Angeles:

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or Turkey49 – however, the Latin translation was already published in the 16th century, thanks to the efforts of the Hungarian Murad Bey and Löwenklau. Löwenklau mentioned the “barbarian” Latin of the elderly Murad dragoman several times, but it soon became clear that he simply conveyed Murad’s apologies who attended the Latin school in Vienna many years earlier, before the battle of Mohács. The bey was nevertheless a very cultured man,50 one of the very few Istanbul intellectuals who ignored the barrier of the traditional Ottoman isolation and entered into contact with similar Christian intellectuals.51 Murad’s manuscript – which is known in Ottoman studies as the codex Hanivaldanus thanks to Löwenklau – is the main source of Löwenklau’s most significant history (Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum). Löwenklau continually compared the codex Hanivaldanus with the text of the codex Verantianus, and he always indicated Murad Bey’s comments, thus leaving us the work of a Hungarian author who had become Ottoman.52 It is obvious that Löwenklau purchased the Ottoman manuscripts essential for his historical synthesis through the mediation of his Hungarian acquaintances Antonius Verantius and Faustus Verantius, and the Hungarian-born Murad Bey alias Balázs Somlyai. The three main text sources of the humanist historian looking for Istanbul manuscripts are characteristic of the development during which the eclectically Renaissance interest in antiquities of Constantinople53 led to Ottoman studies of critical aim.54 In the 16th century, Hungary fell apart and

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University of California Press, 2003), passim; B. Flemming, Kh̲o¯d̲j̲a Efendi, Saʿd al-Dı¯n b. ¯ Hasan Dj̲a¯n b. Ha¯fiz Muhammad Isfaha¯nı¯, in Encyclopaedia of Islam2 ¯ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ Mehmed Nes¸ri, Kitâb-i Cihan-nu¯mâ (Nes¸ri Tarihi), I, ed. Faik Res¸it Unat and Mehmed A. ˘ iha¯nnüma¯: die altosmanische Köymen (Ankara: Tu¨ rk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, 1949−1957); G Chronik des Mevla¯na¯ Mehemmed Neschrı¯, ed. Franz Taeschner (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1951− 1955). On the sources, mistakes and values of the Neshrí editions see Ménage, Neshrı¯’s History of the Ottomans, xiii−xvi. Murad translated Cicero’s De senectute into the Ottoman Turkish language: Ettore Rossi, “Parafrasi turca del de Senectute. Presentata a Solimano Il Magnifico dal bailo Marino de Cavalli (1559),”Rendiconti della R. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 6 (1936), fasc.12, , 680−756. “Is Constantinopoli qua in urbe cum dignitate vixit aliquot, Muratem begum, natione Vngarum, primarium superioribus annis Osmaneae Portae Dragomanum, mihi notum in itinere meo, linguarumque plurium, Arabicae, Persicae, Turcicae, Latinae (sed barbarae, quod adolescens in servitutem abductus, apud barbaros consenuisset), Vngaricae, Crovaticaeque peritum, largitionibus cottidianis impulit.” Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 31. Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 193, 215, 241, 342, etc. Anja Grebe, “Pilgrims and fashion: The functions of pilgrims’ garments,” in Art and Architecture of Late Medieval Pilgrimage in Northern Europe and the British Isles. Ed. Sarah Blick and Rita Tekippe. Studies in Medieval and Reformation Traditions 104. Leiden: Brill, 2005, 3− 28. Cf. Brigitte Hoppe, “Kunstkammern der Spätrenaissance zwischen Kuriosität und Wissenschaft,” in Macrocosmos in microcosmo. Die Welt in der Stube. Zur Geschichte des Sammelns

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there was no royal court, so it was impossible to conduct such deep studies, although they would have served the country’s interests. It is thus not surprising that the learned synthesis of sources of Hungarian origin was made by a German humanist. However, in Löwenklau’s case the deepening of historical knowledge – as was usual in the era – was not self-contained but formed in harmony with the author’s spiritual motives. We know that he was brought up in a Protestant environment, was born in Westphalia, near Münster55 with its revolutionary past,56 and spent his childhood in Lübeck and faraway Livonia.57 He later studied “at Melanchthon’s feet” in Wittenberg,58 then taught Greek in Heidelberg and lived for a while in Basel and Savoy.59 In the absence of a biographical monograph, we cannot make estima-

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1450 bis 1800, ed. Andreas Grote (Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1994), 243−264; Alastair Hamilton,“‘To divest the East of all its manuscripts and all its rarities.’ The unfortunate embassy of Henri Gournay de Marcheville,” in The republic of letters and the Levant, ed. idem, Maurits H. van den Boogert, and Bart Westerweel. Intersections. Yearbook for Early Modern Studies 5 (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 123−150. After his travel to Constantinople in 1585 Löwenklau changed his name to Hans Lewenklaw von Amelsbeuren (Ioannes Leunclavius nobilis Angrivarius). Amelsbüren is eleven kilometres from the centre of Münster in Westphalia, nowadays inside the township. The use of the noble title and the name Angrivarius was arbitrary. The author came from a lower-class family living in the service of the cathedral chapter. The actual place of birth of Löwenklau was Coesfeld, a little town thirty kilometres to the west of Münster. In his youth he had written his name in the form of Johannes Lunenklo (Lewenclaius or Leunclaius) Cosfeldianus. The new form of his name Leunclavius, referring to the lion’s paws, is a self-definition of the famous scholar professing the vera nobilitas acquired by his deed. His enemies, Henri Estienne and Hugo Blotius, frequently mocked the bizarre “metamorphosis” of Löwenklau. By the ring of his name, Blotius rumoured that actually Löwenklau is a secret Jew (de tribu Levi). Babinger, “Herkunft und Jugend Hans Lewenklaw’s,” passim; NDB, vol. 15, 95; Burtin, “Un apôtre de la tolerance,” 567. Between 1532−1535 the city of Münster became the centre of what was known as the “Anabaptist Kingdom”. Melchior Hoffman and his followers here founded the “New Jerusalem.” After the riot was quelled, the sect altered. Many of Melchiorite Anabaptists joined the confessional churches and started to conceal their actual religious views. Hamilton, The Family of Love, 14−17. Löwenklau was born six years after the catastrophe of Münster and there is no trace of his Anabaptist relations. In the last years of his life he belonged to the Bohemian Brethren. The teacher of his youth, Heinrich Henning, basically determined his intellectual development and Protestant religious sentiments. In the entourage of Henning, he reached Livonia on the route of the Hanseatic League. Münster belonged to the organisation of the Hanseatic League. Babinger, “Herkunft und Jugend Hans Lewenklaw’s,” 118. He befriended Thomas Rhediger, the famous humanist collector of manuscripts, and Caspar Peucer, son-in–low of Melanchthon, the head of the German “Philippists”. Babinger, “Herkunft und Jugend Hans Lewenklaw’s,” 121. Löwenklau spent two years in the Duchy of Savoy. He was present at the death of EmanueleFiliberto and the enthronement of Carlo-Emanuele in 1580. He was well-acquainted with the Italian humanists, among them the famous historian Carlo Sigonio (Carolus Sigonius), scholar of Ancient Roman and Jewish history. Franz Babinger, “Johannes Lewenklaws Lebensende,” 6; on Sigonio see Almási, The Uses of Humanism, 47.

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tions about the actual size of his extended network of relations, but he was obviously well-rooted in the Protestant circles of the respublica litteraria. He spent most of his time with the representatives of Philippist, Calvinist and Crypto-Calvinist intellectuals in Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Austria, Silesia and Moravia: Joachim Camerarius, Carolus Clusius, Jacobus Monavius, Johann Jacob Grynaeus – just to name the most important.60 As a private intellectual and wandering humanist, he needed the help of rich patrons all his life. His employers were also mostly Protestants, although his most important protector was a Roman Catholic aristocrat, Lazarus von Schwendi, Emperor Maximilian II’s general, one of the greatest military experts of his time, Hungary’s military commander – also known for his outstanding religious tolerance.61 Yet, it is obvious that his tolerance worked in a very restricted way. It is well known that during his service in Hungary he firmly defied the infiltration of Antitrinitarianism to the Kingdom of Hungary.62 Researchers into Löwenklau’s biography all emphasize that the German humanist interested in Hungarian and Ottoman matters was fundamentally governed by his close relationship with Lazarus Schwendi.63 Nobody mentions, however, that the young Löwenklau met the infamous adventurer of the Protestant mission heading to the Ottoman Empire, the freethinking despot, Jacobus Heraclides,64 who ascended the throne of Moldavia in 1561 with the help of the Habsburgs, especially Archduke Maximilian. 60 A few of the epistles of Löwenklau have been collected by Babinger in his above-mentioned two articles. In the huge bulk of the printed works by Löwenklau can be found a lot of letters, dedications, prefaces etc. including useful data on the life and network of the scholar in the Republic of Letters (Respublica literaria). See Almási−Kiss, Humanistes, passim. 61 August von Kluckhohn, Lazarus Freiherr von Schwendi, in ADB, vol. 30, 382−401; Kaspar von Greyerz, “Un moyenneur solitaire. Lazarus von Schwendi et la politique religieuse de l’Empire au XVIe siècle tardif,” in Frömmigkeit und Spiritualität. Auswirkungen der Reformation im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, ed. Matthieu von Arnold and Rolf Decot. Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, Abteilung für Abendländische Religionsgeschichte 54 (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2002), 147−160; Louthan, The quest for compromise, 13−23, 106−122; Géza Pálffy, “Egy meghatározó kapcsolat Európa és Magyarország között a 16. század második felében: Lazarus Freiherr von Schwendi (1522–1583),” in Egy emberölto˝ Ko˝szeg szabad királyi város levéltárában. Tanulmányok Bariska István 60. születésnapjára, ed. László Mayer and György Tilcsik (Szombathely: Ko˝szeg Város Önkormányzta and others, 2003), 101−120. 62 András Szabó, “Egri Lukács “megtérése.” Az antitrinitarizmus Északkelet-Magyarországon 1565−1574,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 88, 1984: 543−557. 63 Burtin, “Un apôtre de la tolerance,” 564−566. 64 Jacobus Heraclides was born on the island of Chios. He reached the West as a Hessian soldier of Emperor Charles V. He exchanged letters with Melanchthon and matriculated at the University of Wittenberg in 1557. Heraclides was an adventurer of excellent genius, having outstanding gift for languages. He was able to persuade the European Protestant intelligentsia concerning his mission for the liberation of Greece from Ottoman suppression with the help of the Western countries. Antal Pirnát, “Der antitrinitarische Humanist Johannes Sommer

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I, Hans Lewenklau, met this Jacob Despot before he went to Poland, when I was young. He had an honest face, he was not very tall, with a stubby figure, strong hands, black hair, eloquent speech, great diligence, aristocratic appearance and movements. He spoke Greek, Latin, Romanian and French. I could say a lot about him, but I will stop here as he is not the subject of this history,

he writes in his Annales,65 deeply outraged at the cruelty of the “ungrateful” and “barbarian” Wallachians who did not like the world-saving religious reforms of the Protestant Moldavian Voivode and murdered him. The only time Löwenklau could meet Jacob Despot was 1555 when both were students at Wittenberg.66 Afterward Heraclides went to Poland where he began to organize political activity, with the help of the Protestant Olbracht Łaski, cousin of the famous reformer Jan Łaski, against the Ottoman vassal state Moldavia.67 The description of Heraclides given by Löwenklau – which could be part of a panegyric – is very telling. It proves without doubt that from a young age, Löwenklau was part of the colourful, intellectually extremely exciting Protestant mission whose ultimate aim – sometimes distant, sometimes appearing indeed very close – was the religious union of Eastern and Western Christianity end of the Muslim world.68 Löwenklau was highly familiar with the most important books urging the reestablishment of a world union, among them Guillaume Postel’s Ottoman-subject works that he openly cited.69 In addition to the confrontation with the Ottomans

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und seine Tätigkeit in Klausenburg,” in Renaissance und Humanismus in Mittel- und Osteuropa, ed. Johannes Irmscher (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1962), 49−60; Lore Poelchau, “Johannes Sommer (1542−1574),” Humanistica Lovaniensia 46 (1997): 182−239; Barnabás Guitman, “Héraklidész Jakab és a moldvai konfesszionalizáció kísérlete,” in Eszmetörténeti tanulmányok. Dolgozatok a 2012. november 10-én, Piliscsabán rendezett konferencia elo˝adásaiból, ed. Anita Bojtos and Ádám Novotnik (Budapest–Piliscsaba: Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, 2016), 27–43. “Diesen Jacob Despot hab ich Hans Lewenklaw in meiner Jugendt gesehen und kennt und ehe dann er in Poln sich begeben. Hett ein freyes Gesicht, war nicht gross von Person, jedoch wol untersetzt und starker Gliedern, schwartz von Haaren und trefflich beredt. Hatte durchauss in allem thun und lassen ein Fürstlichs Ansehen und Geberd. Kundte gut Griechisch, Lateinisch, Wällisch und auch Frantzözisch. Wiste viel von ihm zumelden, so ich doch beleiben lasse, weils sich zu diesr Histori nich reimet.” Löwenklau, Neuwe Chronica türckischer Nation, 60−61; Löwenklau, Annales2, 38. Babinger, “Herkunft und Jugend Hans Lewenklaw’s,” 20. Guitman, “Héraklidész Jakab,” passim. On the history of the Protestant mission to the Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire see Szakály, Mezo˝város, 66−91. “Catalogus oder Register aller deren alten und newen Scribenten und Bücher so bevor ab im Pandectae werden angezogen.” Lewenklaw, Neuwe Chronica türckischer Nation, iij v. The catalogue includes the name of “Guilelmus Postelus” as well. Some assertions by Löwenklau are similar to Postel’s famous book: Guillaume Postel, De la Republique des Turcs (Paris: Enguilbert II de Marnef, 1560). As is well known, Guillaume Postel, who believed in the final union of all the religions in the world, was involved in Oriental studies and millenarianism. Marion Leathers Kuntz, Guillaume Postel: prophet of restitution of all things. His life and

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and the idea of the Crusade, a desire for universal peace clearly appeared. There had been very different, sometimes controversial, contexts of writing and thinking about the “Turk” in the period between the Renaissance and the Enlightenment.70 It was the millenarian ideal of the Eastern Protestant mission that formed Löwenklau’s objective view of the Ottomans. Like the passionate affection towards the rarities and curiosities of the East, Protestant spirituality also advanced the Ottoman studies. Löwenklau clearly saw Heraclides Despota as an ideal, showing him as the martyr of the religious union. The Voivod’s Moldavian entourage – Humanists, travellers, intellectuals speaking many languages71 – consisted of the most significant figures of the radical Reformation. The young Löwenklau liked this heterogeneous, free-thinking movement, and he continued to live and work according to this idea even when the aims of the movement were washed away, and “revolutionary” thoughts were better kept as a secret. Many signs indicate that Hans Löwenklau belonged to a group of moderate free thinkers (the Nicodemites) who mostly tried to hide their real – radical – religious and philosophical views.72 Yet he did not conceal his conviction that even pagans had human values. He never took part in theological debates – yet, he was qualified as a “main heretic” in Rome and all his books were banned.73 Of course, if we consider that in his most famous work, the preface to the antiChristian book of the Byzantine Zosimus Historicus74 (four years before Mon-

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thought (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1981), 98; cf. Hartmut Bobzin, Der Koran im Zeitalter der Reformation. Studien zur Frühgeschichte der Arabistik und Islamkunde in Europa (Beirut– Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1995), 161−274; Paul Widmer, “Bullinger und die Türken. Zeugnis des geistigen Widerstandes gegen eine Renaissance der Kreuzzüge,” in Heinrich Bullinger: life–thought–influence, ed. Emidio Campi and Peter Opitz, Zürcher Beiträge zur Reformationsgeschichte 24 (Zürich: Theologischer Verlag Zürich, 2007), vol. 2, 593−623. Thomas Kaufmann, “Aspekte der Wahrnehmung der ‘türkischen Religion’ bei christlischen Autoren des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts,” in Wahrnehmung des Islam zwischen Reformation und Aufklärung, ed. Dietrich Klein and Birte Platow (München: Wilhelm Fink, 2008), 9−26. Among them was János Belsius, former associate and fellow-traveller of Antonius Verantius. Belsius was the first to copy the famous Monumentum Ancyranum. Tardy−Moskovszky, “Zur Entdeckung des Monumentum Ancyranum,” 390−394. Carlo Ginzburg, Il nicodemismo. Simulazione e dissimulazione religiosa nell’Europa del ’500 (Turin: Einaudi, 1970); Perez Zagorin, Ways of lying. Dissimulation, persecution, and conformity in early modern Europe, Cambridge, Mass.−London, Harward University Press, 1990); Toon van Houdt, “Word histories and beyond. Towards a conceptualisation of fraud and deceit in early modern times,” in On the edge of truth and honesty. Principles and strategies of fraud and deceit in the early modern period, ed. idem, Jan L. Jong and others. Intersections 2 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 1−32; Erika Rummel, The confessionalization of humanism in Reformation Germany (Oxford: University Press, 2000), 102–120. “In the Index librorum prohibitorum Löwenklau had been put to the auctores primae classis.” Babinger, “Herkunft und Jugend Hans Lewenklaw’s,” 124; Burtin, “Un apôtre de la tolerance,” 569−570. “Erant in Iuliano multa maximarum, non adumbrata sed expressa signa virtutum” etc. −

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taigne’s famous essay on Julian),75 he defended Julian the Apostate, “the enemy of Christ” in the name of humanitas – this comes as no surprise. We know that during the tolerant reign of Maximilian II even some members of the highest circles of the Habsburg Empire shared Löwenklau’s more liberal principles, among them Lazarus Schwendi, the most important patron of the author.76 The Wechel publishing house in Frankfurt provided reading for this heterogeneous, constantly moving tolerant circle of intellectuals. One of the most important aims of the publishing house founded by Huguenots – following the traditions of the Eastern Protestant mission – was the spiritual “embracement” of Eastern Europe, including the occupied territory of Hungary.77 One of the “stars” of the Wechel house – along with Justus Lipsius – was Hans Löwenklau, whose books on Ottoman and other subjects were republished several times in corrected and extended versions. Schwendi’s famous Kriegs-Discurs, edited by Löwenklau, was also published by the Wechel house.78 However, the last decade of the 16th century brought great changes all over Europe. The throne of the Holy Roman Empire was occupied by Rudolph II whose Catholicism differed from that of Maximilian II or Lazarus Schwendi who had sought religious peace.79 The Wechel house published Löwenklau’s main work, Historia Musulmanae Turcorum, in 1591 (fig. 14), the year that Melanchthon’s followers started to be persecuted in Saxony after the death of Christian I, Elector of Saxony, a great patron of the Philippists.80 The Wechel house also had

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Joannes Leunclavius, “Apologia pro Zosimo adversus Euagrii, Nicephori Callisti et aliorum acerbas criminationes,” in Zosimi… Historiae novae libri VI, numquam hactenus editi. Zosimi libros Jo. Leunclaius primus ab se repertos de graecis latinos fecit (Basel: Petrus Perna, 1576). Critical edition of the text see in Almási−Kiss, Humanistes, 215−231. “Ils ont aussi eu cecy, de prester aisément des louanges fauces à tous les Empereurs qui faisoient pour nous, et condamner universellement toutes les actions de ceux qui nous estoient adversaires, comme il est aisé à voir en l’Empereur Julian, surnommé l’Apostat. C’estoit, à la vérité, un tres-grand homme et rare, comme celuy qui avoit son ame vivement tainte des discours de la philosophie, ausquels il faisoit profession de regler toutes ses actions.” Michel Eyquem de Montaigne, De la Liberté de Conscience, in idem, Essais de messire Michel Seigneur de Montaigne (Bordeaux: Millanges, 1580), vol. 2, chapter 19. Montaigne presumably developed his positive view on Julianus the Apostate under the influence of Löwenklau. See Burtin, Un apôtre de la tolerance, 570; Almási−Kiss, Humanistes, 219. Louthan, The quest for compromise, see the chapter “From confrontation to conciliation: the conversion of Lazarus Schwendi,” 13−23. Robert John Weston Evans, The Wechel Presses. Humanism and Calvinism in Central Europe 1572–1627, Past and Present Supplement 2 (Oxford: University Press, 1975), 20−37. Lazarus von Schwendi, Kriegs Discurs von Bestellung dess gantzen Kriegswesens und von den Kriegsämptern, vorrede Hans von Lewenklaw von Amelbeurn (Frankfurt am Main: Wechel, 1594). Cf. Robert John Weston Evans, Rudolf II and his world: A study in intellectual history 1576− 1612 (Oxford: University Press, 1973), see the chapter “The religion of Rudolf,” 84−115. Keseru˝, “Der Fall Imre Újfalvi,” 185−197.

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Fig. 14: Johannes Löwenklau, Historia Musulmanae Turcorum (Frankfurt am Main: Wechel, 1591).

to flee from Frankfurt am Main to Hanau.81 Many people felt the premonitory signs of the upcoming Great War against the Ottomans. Löwenklau finishes his book by applying to his own age an old prophecy made for the Hungarian king Matthias Corvinus by the 15th century Ferrara astrologer, Antonio Torquato: he 81 Evans, The Wechel Presses, 4−5.

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says that the ultimate battle between the Christian and the Muslim world will start in 1594.82 In the dedication of the book, which addresses among others Christian I, Elector of Saxony, who was then still alive, Löwenklau does not simply call for the union of Christian forces preparing against the Ottomans but also lists the “pro Turcis” arguments that show the Ottomans in a favourable light. The picture painted of the Ottomans in Prooemium is rooted in Erasmus, and is at the same time the forerunner of the topos of the “good and honest Turk”83 that is to become fashionable during the Enlightenment: The Muslims belong to a single common religion. The form of religious service and the rituals do not differ; they are the same in each part of this vast empire. It is also very important that the followers of differing views – whether they are in groups or silently withdrawn solitary individuals – are not at all punished, arrested or searched. Their religious conscience does not allow them life sentences, tortures, traps or sewing into sacks; it does not allow cruelty against otherwise sinless people… For these barbarians possess a kind of intelligence which is not barbarian at all. Their wisdom comes from habits and from remembering things. The grand viziers, the secret councillors of the ruler, show obvious signs of this habit in governing the empire. Books and the memory of the past witness to this wisdom and these two are identical with history. Thus, the people are not fooled. These books are not compiled of mere bootlicking but of memorable things and the habits of the state – so they do not conceal the old crimes of the sultans.84 82 Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 842. Cf. Marjorie Reeves, The influence of prophecy in the later Middle Ages. A study in Joachimism (Oxford: University Press, 1969), passim; Kenneth Meyer Setton, Western hostility to Islam and prophecies of Turkish doom (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1992), 25−27; Fodor, “The view of the Turk in Hungary.” 83 The topic of the “good and honest Turk,” appearing for instance in Lessing’s Nathan the wise, Mozart’s Il Seraglio and Voltaire’s Candide, has a remarkable prehistory. Löwenklau very likely played an important role in the story. Cf. Friedrich Niewöhner, Veritas sive varietas. Lessings Toleranzparabel und das Buch Von den drei Betrügern. Bibliothek der Aufklärung, 5 (Heidelberg: L. Schneider, 1988); Matthew Dimmock, New Turks. Dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in early modern England, London: Aldershot, 2005; Paula Sutter Fichtner, Terror and toleration. The Habsburg Empire conforts Islam, 1526–1850, London: Reaktion Books, 2008, 21–72; Pál Ács, “‘The good and honest Turk.’ A European legend in the context of sixteenth-century Oriental studies, in Karner−Ciulisová−García García (eds.), The Habsburgs and their courts in Europe, 1400–1700,, 267−282; Roberto Celada Ballanti, La parabola dei tre anelli. Migrazioni e metamorfosi di un racconto tra Oriente e Occidente (Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 2017), 204−210. 84 “Faciunt igitur a Musulmanis (sic auent adpellari) religionis unius et eiusdem inter ipsos vinculum, nec ullis divisa sectis sententia, cultusque numinis, et cerimoniae, tam lato in regno, prorsus eaedem. Magnum et illud momentum habet, a superstitionis suae propagandae nimium quantum stusiosis nullos alioqui subditos, hoc nomine dissentienses a se, vel singulos, vel quietos puniri, nullos extrahi, nullos inquiri: tantum abest, út carceribus perpetuis, ferro, laqueris, culleis, flammis, in homines ceteroqui non sceleratos, religiosae consciensciae causa, saeviatur […] Est in hisce barbaris et prudentia quaedam minime barbara, tam ex usu, quam memoria rerum comparata. Manifesta magni praebent usus

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Wise experience and history suggested to Löwenklau that the unavoidable Ottoman war would not bring about the victory of the Christian religious union that Lazarus Schwendi dreamed about but on the contrary: it might be a great opportunity to put an end to religious heterodoxy. The war indeed started, as had been predicted by Löwenklau, and at the same time conflicts between different European intellectuals strengthened. He did not live long enough to witness the result of the battles. In 1594, he joined the army of his last patron, Karel the Elder of Zˇerotín85 (patron of the Bohemian Brethren) and went to Esztergom (Gran) which was defended by the Ottomans. He fell seriously ill in the camp. It is a strange turn of fate that the philologist who showed so much sympathy for the Ottomans ended his life in the fifteen-year war in Hungary, during the siege of Esztergom/Gran.86 He was dying when he was taken to Vienna where he died in the arms of his Protestant brothers-in-faith. Hungarian historians never mentioned Hans Löwenklau as one of the heroes of the struggle against the Ottomans. His books were used, read, even plagiarized,87 but his views were refused. This is understandable, since his view of iudicia Vezires in administratione regni, qui principi sunt a consiliis secretioribus. Nec memoria rerum, quae historia est, gentem destitui, testes hi libris unt, de monumentis ipsorum hausti, quae non ad gratiam fuere composita, sed ex usu reipublicae: vitiis quoque Sultanorum nequaquam silentio praeteritis.” Leunclavius, Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum, 4; idem, Neuwer Musulmanischer Histori Tu¨rckischer Nation, ii v. 85 On the participation of Karel the Elder of Zˇerotín in the battles of the Fifteen Years War in Hungary see: Peter Ritter von Chlumecký, Carl von Zierotin und seine Zeit: 1564–1615 (Breslau: A. Nitsch, 1862), 184−185; Tomásˇ Knoz, Karel starsˇí ze Zˇerotína. Don Quijote v labyrintu sveˇta (Prague: Vysˇehrad, 2008), 66−69. In the last years of his life Löwenklau was a close confidant and protégé of the Moravian magnate. Due to this friendship Löwenklau’s Ottoman history appeared in the Czech language as well. The true story of the last days and death of the German humanist was first told in this Czech book: Johannes Leunclavius, Kronyka nowá o národu tureckém, na dwa djili rozdelena, trans. Ján Kocín z Kocinétu and Daniel Adam of Veleslavín (Prague: Daniel Adam z Veleslavina 1594); Cf. Milan Kopecký, Daniel Adam z Veleslavína, Prague 1962, p. 57; Tomásˇ Rataj, Obraz Turka v raneˇ novoveˇké literaturˇe z cˇeských zemí (Prague: Scriptorium, 2002), 86−87; Milosˇ Mendel, Bronislav Ostrˇanský, and Tomásˇ Rataj, Islám v srdci Evropy. Vlivy islámské civilizace na deˇjiny a soucˇasnost cˇeských zemí (Prague: Academia, 2007), 196−203. 86 The true story of the last period of Löwenklau has been cleared up and told by Franz Babinger. A letter written to Johann Jacob Grynaeus on 2 September 1594 says that Löwenklau became seriously ill in the camp near Esztergom/Gran. He was carried to Vienna, to the house of the Eberbach brothers, members of the Bohemian Brethren. Löwenklau died in the arms of his brothers-in-faith of the Bohemian Brethren. Babinger, “Johannes Lewenklaws Lebensende,” 14−15. It is remarkable that at that time the Hungarian poet János Rimay also served Karel the Elder of Zˇerotín as a secretary. Maybe Löwenklau and Rimay arrived together in Esztergom in May 1594 and both were witnesses of the heroic death of Bálint Balassi, Rimay’s master in poetry. See the diary of Zˇerotín copied by János Rimay, praising Löwenklau: Arnold Ipolyi (ed.) Rimay János államiratai és levelezése (Budapest: MTA, 1887), 4, 33. 87 József László Kovács, “‘Molesta mea peregrinatio.’ Rimay János diplomáciai levele 1608-as követjárásáról,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 109 (2005): 547.

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faith and his religious tolerance is rather distant from that of the Christian majority, whereas it is significantly closer to the point of view of his Istanbul friend, Murad dragoman who was of Hungarian origin: “It is much better to have an enemy than a friend who does not agree with you.”88

88 An entry of Tarjuman Murad in Hungarian in the album amicorum of Arnold Manlius. Heidelberg Hs. 487. 26b. See the chapter Tarjumans Mahmud and Murad in this volume.

Chapter 16: Iter Persicum – In Alliance with the Safavid Dynasty against the Ottomans?

Death in Persia Recent discovery in the British National Archives uncovered a tattered, rare English translation of a German secretary’s travelogue depicting a Transylvanian Hungarian’s diplomatic embassy to Persia on behalf of Habsburg Emperor Rudolph II in 1603.1 This chapter examines how the curious 1603 embassy came about, and its consequences for diplomatic contacts within Europe and between Europe and Persia. On 27 May 1603, distinguished foreign guests arrived in Astrakhan, a port on the northern shore of the Caspian Sea. They were the ambassadors of Rudolph II, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Hungary. The travellers were seeking to reach the south-western shore of the Caspian Sea. They were heading to the court of ‘Abbas I (1587–1627), the Persian shah,2 to hand him a letter by the Habsburg ruler. In his letter, Rudolph expressed his amity towards the shah, assuring him that he was determined to continue the war against their mutual enemy, the Ottoman Empire; thus, Persia could still count on the alliance of Christians. After negotiations between the shah and the Habsburgs, the emperor decided to send an embassy to Persia. The delegation was led by a 38-year-old Hungarian nobleman, István Kakas of Zalánkemény,3 well experienced in diplomacy. He was 1 Account of the journey via Moscow to Persia of Stephen Kakasch von Zalonkemeny, ambassador of the emperor Rudolf II, by George Tectander, a member of his staff, who took charge of the embassy after Kakasch’s death at Lanzan in Armenia on October 25th 1603. The National Archives, Kew, State Papers, 9/206/3 (special thanks for István Monok for the copy of the manuscript). 2 Sheila R. Canby, Shah ‘Abbas. The remaking of Iran (London: British Museum Press, 2009); David Blow, Shah Abbas, the ruthless king who became an Iranian legend (London: I. B. Tauris, 2009); R. M. Savory, “‘Abba¯s (I),” in Encyclopaedia Iranica; Rudolph. P. Matthee, “Shah ‘Abbas I,” in Christian-Muslim relations: A bibliographical history 1500–1900 (CMR 1900), vol. 10, ed. David Thomas and John Chesworth. Ottoman and Safavid Empires 1600–1700 (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 549–561. 3 Kakas’s official rank in the diplomatic sources of the Persian embassy is ‘Kaiserlicher Ge-

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accompanied by his young German secretary, Georg Tectander from Saxony, who kept a diary of the important events of the journey.4 They waited for almost two months in a Russian town in the swampy delta of the Volga River, inhabited by Tartars, for the necessary ships to be equipped for their sea journey. On 22 July, they could at last set sail in the company of a polyglot Polish nobleman and a Persian interpreter commissioned for them by the Russian Tsar Boris Godunov.5 The journey was long and uncomfortable. They expected to sail for eight to ten days, but instead suffered for three weeks. Most of the time, there was almost no wind, while at other times tempests tormented them at will. When they finally reached the port of Langeron in Gilan Province, they were exhausted and almost out of supplies. However, their fate turned even worse. During their long journey, they had to drink the water of the Caspian Sea. This gave them all a severe intestinal infection (probably dysentery). They were also not used to the local food and drinks and could not buy wine because of Islamic religious prohibition. Their Polish companion was the first to die, which frightened and depressed them. Shortly afterwards, István Kakas also became ill, and even careful treatment could not make him better. He had no hopes of recovery and handed all his belongings and the further fate of the mission to his secretary, Tectander. He only had a few days to live. He was still alive when the personal commissioner of Shah ‘Abbas I, the Englishman Robert Sherley found them.6 The special confidant of the Persian ruler tried everything to save the life of the seriously ill Hungarian envoy. Sherley sent him to Lahijan (two miles away) on a stretcher, but Kakas died there on 25 October. He was buried according to his last wish, in the shadow of a beautiful, leafy tree. The mission was still a success. Although several others died of the infection, the strong physique of the 21-year-old German secretary overcame the sickness. He met the shah who received him and Emperor Rudolph’s letter with great ceremony in the old seat of the Safavid Empire, Tabriz. Shah ‘Abbas I was extremely satisfied with the Christian ruler’s message and expressed his hope that Rudolph’s words would be followed by actions. The shah chose this town as a

sandter/Legat.’ The only monograph on István Kakas is in Hungarian: Endre Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István (Budapest: Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 1905), repr. ed., Budapest 2005, available at http://mek.oszk.hu/05600/05652/html/ index.htm 4 Iter Persicum, ou description du voyage en Perse, enterpris en 1602 par Étienne Kakasch de Zalonkemeny, envoyé comme ambassadeur par l’empereur Rodolphe II, à la cour du grand-duc de Moscovie et celle de Châh Abbas, roi de Perse relation rédigée en allemand et présentée à l’empereur par Georges Tectander von der Jabel, trans. and ed. Charles-Henri-Auguste Schefer (Paris: Leroux, 1877). 5 Ibid., 40–41. 6 Ibid., 42.

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venue deliberately: for Persians, Tabriz, lost and regained several times, symbolised the struggle against the Ottomans for a century.7 A long return journey of many vicissitudes awaited Georg Tectander, but he managed to get back to Prague and report to the emperor. He used his ambassador’s diary, his own memories, the instructions received from his master István Kakas, and other official documents of the delegation to compile a German booklet, entitled Iter Persicum (fig. 15). The first edition of the work was published in Leipzig in 1608 without the author’s permission, in a pirated edition. The later editions in 1609 and 1610, illustrated with engravings, were made with Tectander’s permission.8 Subsequently, the book’s memory faded until it was rediscovered centuries later by German and French orientalists.9 The travelogue was then translated and published in Russian (Moscow 1896). German historians likewise rediscovered it (Reichenberg 1889; Prague 1908), since it was the first Persian travelogue in German. Hungarian cultural history also owes a great deal to the young Saxon diplomat, as it is through his book that the world became acquainted with the details of István Kakas’s Persian embassy.10 There must have been other Hungarians who made their way to Persia earlier,11 but Kakas was the first Hungarian traveller in Persia of whom authentic, precise and detailed sources survived. Iter Persicum clearly describes the official 7 Shah ‘Abbas recaptured Tabriz from the Ottomans only one month before: Blow, Shah Abbas, 76–77. 8 Georg Tectander], Iter Persicum, Kurtze, doch auszführliche vnd warhafftige beschreibung der Persianischen Reisz: Welche auff der Röm. Kay: May: aller gnedig. Befelch, im Jahr Christi 1602. Von dem Edlen vnd Gestrengen Herren STEPHANO KAKASCH VON ZALONKEMENY vornehmen Siebenbürgischen vom Adel, angefangen: Vnd als derselbig vnterwegen zu Lantzen in Medier Land todtes verschieden: von seinem Reisz beferten GEORGIO TECDANDRO von der Jabel vollends continuiret vnd verrichtet worden Beyneben fleissigen verzeichniss aller gedenckwürdigen sachen, welche jhnen, so wol vnter wegen, in Polen, Littaw, Reussen, Moscaw, Tartarey, Cassaner vnd Astarcaner Land, vnd auff dem Caspischen Meer: Alsz auch in Persien, vnd Armenien, auch andern Provintzen Asiae vnd Evropae hin vnd wieder begegnet vnd zugestanden: Wie solcks durch obgemelten Herrn GEORGEN TECTANDER von der Jabel, zu seiner nach Prag widerkunfft auffs Pappier gebracht, vnnd höchstgedachter jhrer Keys. May. Anno 1605. den 8. Ianuarij. vnterthenigst ist vbergeben worden… (Altenburg in Meissen: Grossen, 1609). 9 Friedrich Adelung, Übersicht der Reisenden in Russland bis 1700, deren Berichte bekannt sind, vol. 2 (Saint Petersburg: Kray, 1846), 127–136; Schefer, ed., Iter Persicum. 10 The first complete Hungarian translation by György Mary was published in Magyar utazási irodalom 15–18. század, ed. Sándor Iván Kovács and István Monok (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1990), 313–359. The first Persian translation was published in 1972 in Tehran. 11 On the anti-Ottoman alliance and envoys sent by Matthias Corvinus in 1472–1473 to Uzun Hassan (Aq Qoyunlu Turkoman ruler of western Iran) see Tardy, Régi magyar követjárások Keleten; Alexandru Simon, “Crusading between the Adriatic and the Black Sea. Hungary, Venice and the Ottoman Empire after the fall of Negroponte,” Radovi. Zavod za hrvatsku povijest 42 (2010): 195–230.

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Fig. 15: Georg Tectander’s Iter Persicum (Altenburg in Meissen: Grossen, 1609).

István Kakas (1565–1603): a cosmopolitan from Transylvania

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programme and aims of the 1603 Persian delegation. Still, the question arises: Did this extremely difficult journey with such a tragic ending make sense, what were the political stakes, and did it produce diplomatic results? To answer these questions, we must first examine the figure of the Hungarian ambassador, István Kakas, and explore his interests, relationships and political views.

István Kakas (1565–1603): a cosmopolitan from Transylvania István Kakas’s life can be traced from Endre Veress’s 1905 thorough biographical monograph.12 The biography, based on sources of broad scope, draws the portrait of a multifaceted, exceptionally well-informed Transylvanian Hungarian diplomat with a serious humanist education and wide-ranging relationships. Kakas was born in the Principality of Transylvania, separated from Hungary since 1541, in Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca, Romania), a city considered the spiritual capital of the country, where he spent most of his life.13 It is a well-known fact that in the 16th century, under Ottoman rule, Transylvania enjoyed relative autonomy and was an exceptionally hot melting pot of languages, cultures and religious movements.14 This multilingual, multicultural atmosphere gave the region’s elites a cosmopolitanism excellently exemplified by figures such as Kakas. He came from a Hungarian family but his lifestyle and culture was German-oriented: he spoke and wrote German as well as his native language, and used Latin and Italian fluently too.15 His Latin oratios, written with literary attention, were a resounding success in the circle of his contemporaries.16 He spent more time than usual, ten years, at foreign universities, first in Vienna, then in Padua17 where he received his doctorate. Kakas was proud to tell people that he was the only real Master of Law in Transylvania, and what is more, he achieved this result at the best and most liberal university of contemporary Europe. His high legal qualifications earned him the position of assessor in the princely court of Transylvania from 1589, then in 1590 he was named a high-ranking judge. In 1593, he also worked as the prince’s secretary. He was raised in the Unitarian religion − more 12 13 14 15 16

Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István. Schefer, ed., Iter Persicum, xiv–xv. Cf. Balázs, “Ferenc Dávid.” Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István, 4. On his planned but never presented Latin oratio addressed to Shah ‘Abbas I, see: Tectander, Iter Persicum, 147–180. 17 The University of Padua played a special role in the intellectual training and development of the Transylvanian elite in the 16th century: Pál Ács, “‘Spirito’ e ‘intelletto.’ Rapporti francoungheresi nel ‘500,” in La circulation des hommes, des oeuvres et des idées entre la France, l’Italie et la Hongrie: XVe–XVIIe siècles, ed. Amedeo Di Francesco and Adelin Charles Fiorato (Naples: M. D’Auria Editore, 2004), 137–147.

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and more popular among Hungarians in Transylvania18 − but later converted to Catholicism under the influence of Viennese Jesuits. Although it was rather unpopular in Transylvania, he remained faithful all his life to this religion, keeping and preserving his links with Jesuits.19 This did not prevent him from choosing his first wife from the prominent Unitarian family of the renowned bishop, Ferenc Dávid. However, Kakas’s second wife, Zsuzsanna Römer, was an ardent Catholic, and real Tyrolese lady − a maid of honour in the court of Princess Maria Christierna of Austria’s wife − who turned Kakas even more towards German culture.20 A 1601 full-figure portrait of István Kakas and his Austrian wife was recently unearthed in Italy, in an art shop in Milan.21 Before that, we had no information on István Kakas’s appearance and date of birth. The high-quality portrait shows Kakas as a handsome, educated man who turned out to be much younger than previous research had supposed: according to the inscription, he was 36 years old in 1601 (which means he was only 38 when he died). We see an elegant, stately and sensible diplomat, as opposed to the thickly moustachioed artisan − a decoration on the Wolphard-Kakas house in Kolozsvár − that scholars used to identify as István Kakas’s portrait.22 The portraits were bought and recently restored by the Hungarian National Gallery (fig. 16). Kakas was the richest citizen of Kolozsvár, paying the highest amount of tax;23 the prince of Transylvania used to stay in one of Kakas’s beautifully furnished houses when he visited the town. The remains of one of his palaces, the famous Wolphard-Kakas house, can still be seen in Kolozsvár and is one of the finest examples of Transylvanian Renaissance architecture.24 As a lawyer and diplomat, he was always faithful to the Transylvanian princes of the Báthory

18 Mihály Balázs, “Early Transylvanian Antitrinitrianism 1567–1571. From Servet to Palaeologus,” trans. György Novák, in Bibliotheca Dissidentium, ed. André Séguenny. Scripta et Studia 7 (Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1996). 19 Klára Jakó, Erdélyi könyvesházak I. Az elso˝ kolozsvári egyetemi könyvtár története és állományának rekonstrukciója 1579–1604. Adattár XVI–XVIII. századi szellemi mozgalmaink történetéhez 16/1 (Szeged: SZTE, 1991), 51; Cf. Antal Molnár, Lehetetlen küldetés? Jezsuiták Erdélyben és Felso˝-Magyarországon a 16–17. században (Budapest: l’Harmattan, 2009). 20 Kálmán Benda, Erdély végzetes asszonya: Báthory Zsigmondné Habsburg Mária Krisztierna (Budapest: Helikon, 1986); Tamás Kruppa, “Báthory Zsigmond válása. Adalékok egy fejedelmi frigy anatómiájához,” in A Báthoriak kora. A Báthoriak és Európa, ed László Dám and Attila Ulrich (Nyírbátor: Báthori István Múzeum Baráti Kör, 2008), 106–112. 21 Eniko˝ Buzási, “Kakas István és felesége portréi. Adalék a 16–17. századi portré-mecenatúra történetéhez,” in Stílusok, mu˝vek, mesterek. Erdély mu˝vészete 1690–1848 között. Tanulmányok B. Nagy Margit emlékére, ed. János Orbán (Marosvásárhely/Târgu Mures,−Kolozsvár/ Cluj-Napoca: Maros Megyei Múzeum−Erdélyi Múzeum-Egyesület, 2011), 29–40. 22 Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István, 72, image 20; Tardy, Régi magyar követjárások, image 13. 23 Buzási, “Kakas István és felesége portréi,” 32. 24 András Kovács, Késo˝ reneszánsz építészet Erdélyben 1541–1720 (Budapest−Kolozsvár/ClujNapoca: Teleki László Alapítvány−Polis, 2003), 157–164.

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family, and supported whenever he could the Transylvanian policy of the Habsburg dynasty. These two, traditionally conflicting interests − that of the Transylvanian prince and the Habsburgs − seemed to intersect more and more at the end of the 16th century. The often-failing programme of a Christian alliance against the Ottomans was again on the agenda. Countries that used to live in peace with the Ottomans or were under Ottoman rule − like Transylvania and the Romanian principalities − also wanted to join the alliance.25 István Kakas, like many others, believed in the Prophet Muhammad’s alleged prophecy that his kingdom would last for a thousand years.26 Only a few years remained until that time, the year 1600 according to the Christian calendar. István Kakas’s diplomatic career started in 1593, the year the Long Ottoman War (Fifteen Years’ War, 1591/93–1606) erupted between the Habsburgs and the Ottomans. Several countries sent ambassadors to Transylvania. They wanted to ascertain the political intentions of the Principality. István Kakas was almost always responsible for receiving and guiding the envoys and for preparing the negotiations. The long-lasting conflict with several theatres of operation and ever-changing fortunes reminds us of modern wars in several respects. As more and more countries became involved, it strongly reshaped previous systems of alliances and even influenced the politics of such remote empires as Persia. Hungary and Transylvania paid more and more attention to the Islamic power on the eastern borders of the Ottoman Empire as a potential ally. In a still unpublished, almost political memoir-like oratio, István Kakas expressed his opinion that the Ottoman expansion must be stopped near Vienna and on the borders of Persia at the same time.27

The “Grand Turk” and the “Grand Sophi” The possibility of a Christian–Persian alliance had interested European powers since the 15th century. Among others, the Hungarian kings Matthias Corvinus and Louis II sent ambassadors to Persia.28 The Habsburgs also sought the 25 Gábor Várkonyi, “Angol békeközvetítés és a lengyel–török tárgyalások a tizenöt éves háború ido˝szakában (1593–1598),” Aetas 18 (2003): fasc. 2, 44–62. 26 Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István, 122. 27 Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, fondo mss. Ottoboniani Latini 2421/II, 626–636. Cf. Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István, 118–126. 28 Tardy, Régi magyar követjárások, 81–93. On the irrationally expensive and usually futile Persian embassies see Pál Fodor, “The impact of the sixteenth-century Ottoman–Persian wars on Ottoman policy in Central Europe,” in Irano-Turkic cultural contacts in the 11th–17th centuries, ed. Éva Jeremiás. Acta et Studia 1 (Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern Studies, 2003), 41–51.

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Fig. 16: Tyrolean painter, beginning of the 17th century: Portrait of István Kakas of Zalánkemény, 1601. Oil on canvas, 200 × 127.5 cm. Budapest, Hungarian National Gallery, 2008. 4 M.

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friendship of the Persians, the more so since their European enemy, France, was an ally of the Ottomans. Christian missionaries and travellers had long spread the news of religious conflicts, dividing the Islamic world,29 between Ottomans and Persians (and, believed to be an identical conflict, between Sunnites and Shiites).30 Christian expectations connected to the Persians were reinforced after 1501 when the Qizilbash movement (created in the 15th century between Turkoman tribes living in Anatolia, Azerbaijan and the western parts of Iran) formed the Safavid dynasty.31 (The name “Grand Sophi,” given to the shah in the Christian world, does not refer to the wisdom of the shah nor to the mystical Sufi order but is a distorted version of the name of the dynasty’s founder, Shaykh Safi al-Din.32) Europeans tried to interpret the Shiite teachings on the saving of mankind in a Christian spirit. The reports of European ambassadors gave an account of the eschatological expectations of the Qizilbash movement connected to the last and twelfth imam, said to be hiding, and tried to harmonise it with the Christian apocalypse. Since the Qizilbash Sufi Order considered the leaders of the movement − the Safavid shahs − to be the spiritual representatives of the Saviour (Mahdi, identified with the twelfth “hiding” imam by the Shiites) returning together with Jesus at the end of time,33 Christians could easily “recognise” the 29 Michele Bernardini and Anna Vanzan, “Italy iv. Travel Accounts,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica. 30 “Hence the confrontation between Ottomans and Safavids, following the rise of the latter dynasty, was not as much of the Sunni Ottomans against the new Shii state in Iran, but rather it was an Ottoman reaction to the political ambitions of the Safavids who nurtured expansionist designs with regard to Anatolia.” Adel Allouche, The origins and development of the Ottoman–Safavid conflict 906–962 /1500–1555. Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 91 (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1983), 147. 31 Roger M. Savory, Iran under the Safavids (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); H. R. Roemer, “The Safavid period,” in The Cambridge history of Iran,vol. 6: The Timurid and Safavid periods, ed. Peter Jackson and (the late) Laurence Lockhart (Cambridge: University Press, 1986), 204–214; Andrew J. Newman, Safavid Iran. Rebirth of a Persian Empire (London: I. B. Tauris, 2006), 13–25; Laurence Lockhart, “European contacts with Persia 1350–1736,” in The Cambridge history of Iran, vol. 6, 373–411; Pál Fodor, “The formation of Ottoman Turkish identity. Fourteenth to seventeenth centuries,” in Identity and culture in Ottoman Hungary. Studien zur Sprache, Geschichte und Kultur der Türkvölker 23, ed. idem and Pál Ács (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag), 2017, 46−49. 32 Safi al-Din Ishaq (1252–1334) founded the Safavid dervish order in Ardabil. Biancamaria Scarcia Amoretti, “Religion in the Timurid and Safavid periods,” in The Cambridge history of Iran, vol. 6, 636; Guy Le Strange, Don Juan of Persia. A Shi’ah Catholic 1560–1604 (New York: Harper, 1926), 107; Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 116–118. 33 Roger M. Savory, “The Safavid administrative system,” in The Cambridge history of Iran,vol. 6, 368; Hossein Nasr, “Religion in Safavid Persia,” Iranian Studies 7 (1974), 271–286; Krisztina Kehl-Bodrogi, Die Kızılbas¸ /Aleviten. Untersuchungen über eine esoterische Glaubensgemeinschaft in Anatolien. Islamkundliche Untersuchungen 126 (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1988); Kathryn Babayan, “The Safavid synthesis. From Qizilbash Islam to Imamite Shi’ism,” Iranian Studies 27 (1994): 135–161; Balázs Sudár, “Alevik Törökországban,” in Elo˝adások a mai iszlám világáról, ed. László Tüske (Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Institute of

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Persian shah as a world emperor creating the unity of faith. According to the general belief at the time, the Shiite Persian shah was willing to convert to Christianity. The element of truth in this belief is that some Safavid rulers seemed to be more tolerant towards Christians and Jews than towards Sunnite Ottoman Muslims whom they persecuted cruelly.34 This persecution was an answer to the massacre of 40,000 members of the Qizilbash order committed on the orders of the Ottoman emperor in 1511. The bloody battle of Chaldiran in 1514 between the Ottoman emperor and the Persian shah, the “Grand Turk” and the “Grand Sophi,” eternally inhibited peace between the two Islamic empires.35 Everything indicates that the conflict of the two Islamic realms was originally a question of power and geopolitics, and was only later filled with religious content. Ottoman–Persian wars broke out regularly and the news spread even to remote Hungary. The Hungarian poet Sebestyén Tinódi wrote a history in verse in 1546 to describe the bloody battle between the Ottoman Emperor Süleyman I and the Persian Shah Tahmasp I (1514–1576), named in Hungarian “Kazulbasha” (=Qizilbash), and enriching it with legendary elements.36 The Hungarian poem clearly voiced Hungarian political expectations linked to the Persians.37 In the 16th century, battles between Christian Europe and the Ottoman Empire mostly took place in and around Hungary.38 However, the Ottoman’s expansion had spatial limits. There are several reasons why the Ottoman Turks could not go west beyond Hungary. Besides the Christian alliance, the bravery of Hungarian soldiers, and supply-line/logistical challenges, the Ottomans were in a difficult position because they fought constant wars at their eastern borders with their enemies, the Safavid rulers. In the bloody Ottoman–Persian battles of the 16th century, neither party could overcome the other, and for a long time, both empires seemed equally strong. This state of affairs started to change at the time of the beginning of the Fifteen Years’ War in Europe, when ‘Abbas I took the throne in Persia. ‘Abbas grew up in the most tormented years of the Safavid Empire. His uncle, Shah Ismail II (1576– 1577) executed all the members of his family, with the exception of ‘Abbas’s half

34 35 36 37 38

Middle Eastern Studies, 2007), 169–177; Colin P. Mitchell, The practice of politics in Safavid Iran. Power, religion and rhetoric (London: I. B. Tauris, 2009), 19–67. In fact, the Persian shahs constantly urged and often forced the conversion of the Jews and Christians to the Shiite Islam. Rula Jurdi Abisaab, Converting Persia. Religion and power in the Safavid Empire (London: I. B. Tauris, 2004), 53–88. Allouche, The origins, 100–145. Sebestyén Tinódi, “Szulimán császár Kazul basával viadaljáról” (1546) [The battle of Sultan Süleyman and Kazulbasha], in Tinódi, Cronica,413–425. Iván Szántó, Safavid art and Hungary. The Esterházy appliqué in context. Piliscsaba: The Avicenna Institute of Middle Eastern Studies, 2010), 26–28. It could be argued that this is chiefly true of the later 16th century; and North Africa was also a bloody frontier.

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blind father Shah Muhammad Khudabandeh (1577–1587), considered inept to rule, who followed Shah Ismail II on the throne. Prince ‘Abbas became the governor of the province of Khorasan at the age of seven. During his father’s tenyear reign, the Ottomans occupied significant Safavid territories: the Caucasus, Kurdistan, Luristan and in 1585, Tabriz. In 1587, the Qizilbash tribes, considered the most important powers in the empire, made the shah resign and elected his son ‘Abbas. His main objective was to regain the shattered authority of the empire.39 He introduced new, centralised ruling methods, tamed the Turkoman tribal leaders of the Qizilbash movement − the founders of the Safavid Empire − and relied heavily on his converted ghulams (slaves from the Caucasus)40 and on foreigners, among them non-Muslim Europeans, the Dutch and later mainly the English. He had lively relations with Moscow and India as well. He modernised and centralised his empire and his army and opened a window to the world. In the background of his openness towards Europe, there were of course strong political and economic interests. Shah ‘Abbas I, known as the rejuvenator of the Safavid Empire, therefore spent all his life in the shadow of the struggle against the Ottomans. He sought links to the European Christian powers to unify their forces against their mutual enemy, the Ottoman Empire.41 Understandably, the Christian world held high hopes in the reign of Shah ‘Abbas. This is well illustrated in the representation of Safavids in European art. European painters had quite precise information on the external appearance and dress of the Safavids. In the Palazzo Ducale in Venice, there is an oil painting by Carlo and Gabriele Caliari (painted after 1595) depicting the doge receiving the ambassadors of Shah ‘Abbas I.42 The painters demonstrate conspicuous realism in the representation of the special headpiece of the Safavid Sufi Order, a piece that is the religious symbol and identifying emblem of the Qizilbash movement: it is a long, sloping, twelvetimes gored, vermilion cap (this is the qizilbash, the number of gores referring to the twelve imams of the Shiites) around which a turban is wrapped. Venice had 39 Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 16–19; Blow, Shah Abbas, 15–64; Savory, “‘Abba¯s (I).” 40 In 1603−1604, the shah forced the entire population of the Caucasian Armenian city Julfa to relocate into the inside territory of the empire. The Armenians established New Julfa near Isfahan in 1606. The Armenian citizens of the Safavid Empire played a significant role in the silk trade. Susan Babaie and others, Slaves of the shah. New elites of Safavid Iran (London: I. B. Tauris, 2004). 41 Roemer, “The Safavid period,” 262–278. 42 Oil on canvas, 367 × 527 cm, Venice, Doge’s Palace, Sala delle Quattro Porte. Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 26; Mario Casari, “Italy ii. Diplomatic and commercial relations,” in Encyclopaedia Iranica; Giorgio Rota, “Safavid Persia and its diplomatic relations with Venice,” in Iran and the world in the Safavid age, ed. Willem Floor and Edmund Herzig (London: I. B Tauris, 2012), 149−160; cf. the recent exposition in Venice: I doni di Shah Abbas il grande alla Serenissima. Relazioni diplomatiche tra la Repubblica di Venezia e la Persia Safavide, ed. Elisa Gagliardi Mangilli, Venice, Palazzo Ducale, 28 Sept. 2013−12 Jan. 2014 (Venice: Marsilio, 2014).

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long had an interest in trading with the Safavids. Juan Tomas Minadoi in his famous book History of the war between the Turks and the Persians (1587) minutely described the visible symbols of the Qizilbash movement: “cheselbas detto […] dal segno rosso, che portano quelle genti nel turbante, volendo dire, chesel rosso, et bas capo” (“They are named Qizilbash after the red sign that they wear under their turban, that is: qizil: red, bash: cap”).43

Fig. 17: Dominicus Custos: Portrait of Shah ‘Abbas from the Atrium heroicum Caesarum (Augsburg: M. Manger, J. Praetorius, 1600−1602), copper engraving on paper.

By contrast, a 1602 Augsburg engraving of ‘Abbas I by Emperor Rudolph II’s court artist, Dominicus Custos, shows the Safavid ruler in a way that has nothing to do with reality (fig. 17).44 Research has demonstrated that this image was made on the basis of the portraits of Ottoman emperors well known in Europe, and that the German artist was not acquainted with the real symbols of Safavid rulers; this is especially true of the crescent-shaped sceptre which is evidently an Ottoman emblem, not a Safavid one. In Custos’s engraving, the shape of the shah’s turban does not resemble the Safavids’ headpiece; it is more of an Ottoman type. We may add to this that in the engraving, ‘Abbas I wears a cap topped with a crown under his turban, and this cap was traditionally known in European art as the headpiece of Byzantine emperors.45 We do not know whether this is mere ignorance, as was 43 Giovanni Tommaso Minadoi, Historia della guerra fra Turchi et Persiani (Rome: Iacomo Tornerio, & Bernardino Donangeli, 1587); cf. Roemer, “The Safavid period,” 207. 44 Dominicus Custos, Portrait of Shah ‘Abbas from the Atrium heroicum Caesarum (Augsburg: M. Manger, J. Praetorius, 1600−1602), engraving on paper, 18 × 11.6 cm; Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 257–258 (cat. no. 125). 45 Lisa Jardine and Jerry Brotton, Global interests. Renaissance art between East and West (London: Reaktion Books,2000), 25–26.

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previously thought, or a conscious use of symbols. The latter theory is supported by the Latin inscription on the engraving, comparing ‘Abbas, the enemy of the Ottomans, to the great ancient emperors, Cyrus and Darius. Dominicus Custos may have been presenting to the shah, in anticipation of actual victory the crown of the Byzantine Palaeologus dynasty that the Ottoman sultan had been wearing since 1453. Thus, the Flemish engraver may not have known much about ‘Abbas I, but he understood the shah’s main objective perfectly well. The engraving tried to support European hopes of the shah’s victories, a successful Christian–Persian alliance and the imminent failure of the Ottoman Empire, increasing ‘Abbas’s fast-growing European reputation by symbolic means.

The English link These aspects undoubtedly played a role in shaping the 1603 Persian mission. However, they do not provide enough explanation as to why István Kakas was appointed as the leader of the delegation. In Kakas’s correspondence and notes, there is no sign of a serious interest in Persia, apart from the above-mentioned general remark. Still, we may easily answer the question with a careful reading of Georg Tectander’s account on the circumstances of Kakas’s death. The English gentleman, Robert Sherley, who went to see the dying Hungarian ambassador on request of Shah ‘Abbas I, knew exactly who he was visiting, and Kakas was also aware of the identity of his visitor.46 The reason for this is that the whole idea of the mission was invented by this English gentleman and his brother Sir Anthony Sherley.47 The English were fundamentally interested in the launching of official diplomatic relations between the shah and the Habsburg emperor, and so the embassy was prepared by the English, and the Habsburg delegation found its way to Persia through Poland and the Grand Duchy of Muscovy on the trail of English merchants. The evermore profound English–Muscovite friendship facilitated the creation of the English commercial company, the Muscovy Company (alias Russia Company), in 1555.48 The merchants left the White Sea port of Arkhangelsk, reached the Volga River via Moscow, and then sailed to Astrakhan and to Persia 46 Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István, 159–161. 47 Franz Babinger, Sherleiana (Berlin: Reichsdruckerei, 1932); E. Denison Ross, Sir Anthony Sherley and his Persian adventure (London: Routledge, 1933); Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 56–59, cat. № 15–18. 48 Lockhart, “European contacts with Persia,” 383; Rudolph. P. Matthee, The politics of trade in Safavid Iran. Silk for Silver 1600–1730 (Cambridge: University Press, 1999), 31–32; Stefan Troebst, “Sweden, Russia and the Safavid Empire. A mercantile perspective,” in Floor−Herzig (eds.), Iran and the world in the Safavid age, 253−258.

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on the Caspian Sea. England’s foreign policy and diplomacy had always concentrated on the defence of commercial routes. Through the success of the Muscovy Company, the English realised that their country was interested in preserving a strong Persian empire, friendly towards them and Muscovy. It is a well-known fact that the cause of the Persian English mission was primarily supported by the Earl of Essex, Robert Devereux, Queen Elizabeth’s famous favourite. The earl trusted the Sherley brothers, who consecrated their lives to the forming of English–Persian links.49 They arrived in the shah’s court in 1598, accompanied by only twenty-five people. The brothers soon gained extraordinary influence in the shah’s court. Although they were considered adventurers throughout Europe, they were typical figures of Elizabethan England. They recognised the political and economic possibilities connected to the Fifteen Years’ War and tried to exploit them for their own and their country’s interests.50 While England was officially at peace and friendship with the Ottoman Empire, Anthony Sherley and a large Persian delegation visited the European centres of the anti-Ottoman league and promoted Christian unity and the necessity of continuing the anti-Ottoman war amidst spectacular performances and huge scandals.51 They passed through Prague, Munich and Italy to Spain. In Rome and Prague, Anthony Sherley urged the pope and the emperor to provide all the help possible to his ruler and commissioner, the Persian shah, in order to surround the Ottomans. In the meantime, Robert Sherley − who had stayed in Persia (as a hostage according to Tectander)52 − advised Shah ‘Abbas I to modernise his armed forces, especially the gunnery. Thus, England continuously transported arms to Persia, invested intellectual and financial capital in the reform of the Persian army and − to achieve success − promoted war propaganda in Christian Europe.53 It is almost certain that when the reciprocation of the Persian embassy led by Anthony Sherley was decided in Prague, the head of the delegation had to be someone whom the Englishman sufficiently trusted. István Kakas was precisely such a diplomat. Ten years previously, in 1593, at the breakout of the war, he had already visited England and was personally received by Queen Elizabeth I. His task was to place Transylvania, threatened by the Ottoman–Habsburg conflict, 49 Ross, Sir Anthony Sherley, passim; Enríque García Hernán, “The Holy See, the Spanish Monarchy and the Safavid Persia in the sixteenth century. Some aspects of the involvements of the Society of Jesus,” in Floor−Herzig (eds.), Iran and the world in the Safavid age, 181− 206. 50 Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 56. 51 Schefer (ed.), Iter Persicum, x–xiii; Le Strange, Don Juan of Persia, 7; Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István, 126–128; Matthee, The politics of trade, 79. 52 Tectander, Iter Persicum, 76. 53 Newman, Safavid Iran, 61; Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 57.

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under the support of England. His official negotiations yielded few results, as Transylvania soon became involved in the war on the side of the Habsburgs. Nevertheless, István Kakas built very important relationships in England. Apart from creating mutual good feelings between himself and the queen, he had meetings with the two most influential English politicians, the chief minister responsible for foreign affairs and secret diplomacy, William Cecil, Baron Burghley, and with the Earl of Essex. He made a good impression which was surely not achieved simply through his nice manners and humanist education. He must have offered services that the Englishmen needed very much.54 There was a significant commercial route to the Black Sea from the North Sea through Poland, Transylvania and the Romanian principalities. It was via this route that Kakas arrived in England and − later − an English delegation reached Transylvania. The Englishmen wanted this route to remain secure even in times of war. Of course, they wanted to mask this basically economic interest as a “Christian” mission, willingly taking on the role of the defender of the small Christian states threatened by the Ottomans. They always played on two boards, on one with Islam, on the other with Christianity.55 As Lord Palmerston’s famous saying goes, England does not have “eternal allies, nor perpetual enemies,” only “eternal and perpetual interests,” and constantly sought out reliable partners such as István Kakas. The seriousness of the English interests, the “English links” connected to the 1603 Persian embassy led by István Kakas is attested by the recent discovery of the (virtually) contemporaneous English translation of Georg Tectander’s Iter Persicum. The work never made it to print but this somewhat tattered old copy survived in the collection of the British National Archives; a copy has recently been bought by the Hungarian National Széchényi Library (fig. 18).56 The manuscript (apart from a comment on the Sherley brothers: fol. 171[19]r) is a faithful English translation of Tectander’s German book.57 We know that the 1603 Persian mission was launched because Anthony Sherley practically forced Emperor Rudolph to order it and the emperor finally agreed. The often-cited motto of Christian unity was worth that much for him. After all, he was the richest ruler in Europe. In reality, the Prague court was a little bit fed up with the Englishmen and the Persians and especially with the fact that England often profited off the Christian war achievements against the Ottomans. Rudolph was well aware that while one English company (the Muscovy Com-

54 55 56 57

Veress, Zalánkeményi Kakas István, 46–56. Várkonyi, “Angol békeközvetítés.” See fn. 1 At the beginning of the manuscript, six pages are missing or partially torn. The translation does not contain Kakas’s above-mentioned Latin oratio (see fn. 16).

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Fig. 18: The description of the meeting between István Kakas and Robert Sherley in Persia in the English translation of Iter Persicum by Georg Tectander. The National Archives, Kew, State Papers, 9/206/3.

pany) armed the shah, their other company of merchants (the Levant Company) did business with Constantinople.58 This reservation towards the English may have been one of the reasons that the Habsburg emperor did not pay much attention to the shah’s message, brought to him by his ambassadors from Persia, and considered ending the war as soon as possible instead of continuing it. Nevertheless, the shah made a very definite and rather spectacular gesture to the Habsburgs. ‘Abbas I demonstrated his relentless hatred towards the Ottomans in a peculiar way. At the official audience organised in Tabriz for the delegation led by Georg Tectander, he ordered two swords and had an Ottoman prisoner led in. He seized one of the swords and beheaded the prisoner with one single cut. Georg Tectander could hardly suppress his nausea: he was afraid of being the next victim. But the shah gave him relief with a friendly smile and later handed him the other sword, thus encouraging Rudolph to do the same with every Ottoman.59 The Habsburg court did not wholly trust the shah60 and the English in his service very much. The Habsburg–Safavid alliance never came up after the Peace 58 Matthee, The politics of trade, 78–84. 59 Tectander, Iter Persicum, 90–91; Szántó, Safavid art, 42, 59. 60 “The Ottoman–Habsburg treaty of Zsitvatorok [today Zˇitavská Tônˇ, Slovakia] of 1606 and the warning […] that the European powers secretly wished to see the mutual destruction of the Ottoman and Safavid states must have convinced the Safavid ruler once and for all that he

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of Zsitvatorok that ended the Long War between the Habsburgs and the Ottomans. Rudolph II probably had no idea of the great opportunity he had. Shah ‘Abbas I launched a sweeping attack against the Ottomans a few months later. He celebrated decisive victories over the Ottomans in Azerbaijan, the main area of the Safavids, as well as in the whole of Caucasia,61 and later expanded the borders of his empire to Baghdad. Through his conquest of the Caspian provinces, he was able to control the silk-production areas.62 In the east, he overthrew the power of the Uzbeg khan, while in the south − with the help of the English − he chased the Portuguese from the Strait of Hormuz (1622).63 He thus put an end to the Portuguese monopoly of Eastern trade and freed the way for the ships of English merchants that transported arms for the shah in exchange for silk. Naturally, all this served the interests of the East India Company, England’s more and more significant new trade company founded in 1591. For many, the question may arise: if Emperor Rudolph had indeed accepted the shah’s sword, might Hungary have been liberated from Ottoman occupation more than eighty years earlier? This hardly would have been the case. The reason that this could not have happened in 1603 was not due to the Persians or the diplomats, but the rivalry of European powers and many other historical factors. The events of the Long Ottoman War have shown that the military force of Shah ‘Abbas I far exceeded the forces of the Habsburg emperor. The alliance with the Safavid dynasty against the Ottomans remained a symbolic political gesture.

could expect little more than empty rhetoric from the West.” Matthee, The politics of trade, 79; Szántó, Safavid art, 59. 61 Colin Imber, “The battle of Sufiyan 1605. The symptom of Ottoman military decline?,” in Floor−Herzig (eds.), Iran and the world in the Safavid age, 91−102. 62 There was no real commercial war between the Ottomans and the Safavids because the Ottoman silk industry was heavily dependent on the Persian raw silks. Szántó, Safavid art, 46; Linda K. Steinmann, “Shah ‘Abbas and the royal silk trade 1599–1629,” Bulletin (British Society for Middle Eastern Studies) 14 (1987): 68–74; Ina Baghdiantz McCabe, The shah’s silk for Europe’s silver. The Eurasian trade of the Julfa Armenians in Safavid Iran and India (1530– 1750) (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1999). 63 Blow, Shah Abbas, 113–130; Canby, Shah ‘Abbas, 41 (cat. no. 4).

Part Four: The Catholic Reforming Movements in the Early 17th Century

Chapter 17: The Conqueror of the Ottomans in the Kunstkabinett – Curiosity and the Cult of the Hero in Pál Esterházy’s Poem Egy csudálatos ének (A Song of Wonder)

Fidelitatis industriaeque exemplum – this is the line written on the wall of the Esterházy castle in Forchtenstein (Hung. Fraknó / Croat. Fortnava).1 The Esterházy family – which had left the ranks of the smaller nobility at the beginning of the 17th century – was indeed an example of loyalty and diligence: it became one of the most illustrious and richest aristocratic families in Hungary during the Baroque era. Their ever-increasing influence was due to their faithfulness to the Habsburgs and Catholicism, to their achievements in the fight against the Ottoman conquerors as well as to their excellent marriage strategy. They possessed great treasures and were the richest and most powerful landowners in early modern Hungary. Their ambitions, however, were never satisfied by war and politics alone. No aristocratic family supported culture (mainly the arts) as much as they did. The long-lived Pál Esterházy (1635–1713)2 was unique even among his culture-minded relatives (fig. 19); as the son of Nicholas (Hung. Miklós) Esterházy (1583–l645),3 the founder of the family’s power, his loyalty and diligence matched that of his father who had the above-mentioned line written on the castle wall. His steadfastness – apart from following his father’s exemplar – was rooted in personal reasons. Four male members of the family, including Pál’s older brother Ladislav (Hung. László, 1626–1652), the head of the Esterházy family, had died in the 1652 battle of Nagyvezekény (today Velˇké Vozokany,

1 Zsigmond Bubics and Lajos Merényi, Herczeg Esterházy Pál nádor 1635−1713 (Budapest: Magyar Történelmi Társulat, 1895), available in http://mek.niif.hu/05600/05600/05649/html/ index.htm (28. 2. 2009). 2 Andreas Angyal, “Fürst Paul Esterházy (1635−1713),” Südostdeutsche Forschungen 4 (1939): 339−370; Emma Iványi, “Esterházy Pál,” in Pál Esterházy, Mars Hungaricus, ed., transl., and notes Emma Iványi, intr. Gábor Hausner. Zrínyi-könyvtár 3 (Budapest: Zrínyi Kiadó, 1989), 429−463. 3 László Szalay and Ferenc Salamon, Gr. Esterházy Miklós nádor, vol. 1−3 (Pest: Lauffer and Stolp, 1863−1870); Csaba Csapodi, Esterházy Miklós nádor: 1583–1645 (Budapest: FranklinTársulat, 1942); Katalin Péter, Esterházy Miklós. Magyar história. Életrajzok (Budapest: Gondolat, 1985).

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Slovakia).4 The 17-year-old Esterházy who had been contemplating a religious career and artistic plans was suddenly forced to take the heavy responsibilities of the head of the family (fig. 20).5 From this moment on, he spent all his life on the political stage, in the public sphere. Nevertheless, he never gave up his private ambitions. As the most generous patron in the country, continuously enlarging the collection and the treasury he had inherited from his father,6 he facilitated the creation of numerous works of art7 and was himself experienced in music8 and 4 Géza Galavics, “Fürst Paul Esterházy (1653−1713) als Mäzen. Skizzen zu einer Laufbahn,” Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 45 (1992): 121−142; András Szilágyi, “Thesaurus Domus Esterhazyanae. Fejezetek a gyu˝jtemény történetébo˝l,” in Esterházy-kincsek. Öt évszázad mu˝alkotásai a hercegi gyu˝jteményekbo˝l, ed. idem. Exhib. Cat. Budapest, Museum of Applied Arts 12. 12. 2006–31. 12. 2007 (Budapest: Museum of Applied Arts, 2006), 34−35; Zsuzsanna J. Újváry, “‘De valamíg ez világ fennáll, mindenek szép koronája fennáll’. A vezekényi csata és Esterházy László halála,” Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 119 (2006): 943−972; Mu˝tárgyak a fraknói Esterházy-kincstárból az Iparmu˝vészeti Múzeum gyu˝jteményében, ed., intr. András Szilágyi. Thesaurus Domus Esterhazyanae 1 (Budapest: Museum of Applied Arts, 2014), 111− 115. See Pál Esterházy’s memories about his youth in Esterházy, Mars Hungaricus, 318. 5 Bubics−Merényi, Herczeg Esterházy Pál; Szilágyi, “Thesaurus Domus Esterhazyanae,” 36; Noémi Viskolcz, “Az Esterházyak temetkezéseiro˝l a 17. században,” Mu˝vészettörténeti Értesíto˝ 58 (2009): 245−269. Pál Esterházy lived under the care of his guardian György Homonnai Drugeth until 1655. Then he reached his majority, married and became the head of the family. Géza Pálffy, “Die Türkenabwehr in Ungarn im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert – ein Forschungsdesiderat,” in Anzeiger der philosophisch-historischen Klasse der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 137 (2002): fasc. 1, 99–131; idem, “Der Aufstieg der Familie Esterházy in die ungarische Aristokratie,” in Die Familie Esterházy im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert. Tagungsband der 28. Schlaininger Gespräche 29. September – 2. Oktober 20. Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten aus dem Burgenland 128, ed. Wolfgang Gürtler and Rudolf Kropf (Eisenstadt: Amt der Burgenla¨ ndischen Landesregierung, 2009), 13–46. 6 At the time of Miklós Esterházy the treasury was only in the course of formation. Pál Esterházy shaped it into a high-quality collection of art. Angéla Héjj-Détári, “A fraknói Esterházykincstár a történeti források tükrében,” in Magyarországi reneszánsz és barokk. Mu˝vészettörténeti tanulmányok. Az MTA Mu˝vészettörténeti Kutató Csoportjának kiadványa, ed. Géza Galavics (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1975), 473−549; András Szilágyi, Az Esterházykincstár (Budapest: Helikon, 1994); Szilágyi (ed.), Mu˝tárgyak a fraknói Esterházy-kincstárból; Erika Kiss, “A fraknói tárház, ahogy Esterházy Pál megalkotta,” in Esterházy Pál, a mu˝kedvelo˝ mecénás. Egy 17. századi arisztokrata-életpálya a politika és a mu˝vészet határvidékén, ed. Pál Ács and Eniko˝ Buzási (Budapest: Reciti, 2015), 151−174; Dalma Bódai, “Mecenatúra, reprezentáció és tezauráció. Esterházy Pál fraknói kincstárának funkciói,” in Paletta. Vol. 2. Koraújkori-történeti Diákkonferencia. Tanulmánykötet, ed. eadem and Bence Vida (Budapest: ELTE BTK Középkori és Kora Újkori Magyar Történeti Tanszéke, 2015), 153−176. 7 Géza Galavics, “Fürst Paul Esterházy (1653−1713) als Mäzen. Skizzen zu einer Laufbahn.” Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 45 (1992): 121−142; idem, “Hol keressük a Hesperidák kertjének földi mását? Esterházy Pál és a festo˝ Carpoforo Tencalla ‘vitája’ és a folytatás a kismartoni Esterházy-rezidencia dísztermének mennyezetképén, 1674,” in Mu˝vészet és mesterség. Tisztelgo˝ kötet R. Várkonyi Ágnes emlékére, ed. Ildikó Horn and others (Budapest: L’Harmattan, 2016), 279−362; Stefan Körner and Margit Kopp, “Die Bilderwelten des Fürsten Paul I. Esterházy. Gemälde und Bildprogramme,” in ‘Ez világ, mint egy kert…’ Tanulmányok

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Fig. 19: Jacob Hoffmann: Pál Esterházy in the year 1681. Copperplate. Budapest, Magyar Történeti Képcsarnok, Cat. № 55.1337.

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Fig. 20: Philipp Jacob Drentwett: The “Vezekény Platter.” Augsburg, 1654. Budapest, Iparmu˝vészeti Múzeum, Cat. № E 60.3.

poetry.9 He was a “lover of the arts” in the traditional and at the same time “noble” sense of this expression. (Words such as “amateur” and “dilettante” had originated in the context of pleasure and entertainment – “delectare,” “dilettare” – and gradually took on a negative connotation, thereby changing the perception of collectors like Pál Esterházy into old-fashioned characters).10 His interest covered several artistic genres; his sensibility and the range of activities in which he engaged were so diverse that later generations were fascinated by his personality. However, it has rarely been supposed that the truly Baroque university of his artistic and creative activities was the expression of a coherent world view. The intention of the art collector and the poet may appear different on the surface, yet they originate from a similar mindset. The artistic programme of the Esterházy patronage might help to interpret his literary works and vice versa: the Galavics Géza tiszteletére, ed. Orsolya Bubryák (Budapest: MTA Mu˝vészettörténeti Kutatóintézet−Gondolat, 2010), 215−248. 8 Pál Esterházy, Harmonia caelestis 1711, ed. Ágnes Sas. Musicalia Danubiana 10 (Budapest: MTA Zenetudományi Intézet, 2001). 9 Sándor Iván Kovács, “Koboz és virginál. Esterházy Pál költészetéro˝l,” in idem, ‘Eleink tündöklése.’ Tanulmányok, esszék (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1996), 67−76. 10 Sir Ernst Hans Josef Gombrich, “The museum. Past, present and future,” Critical Inquiry 3 (1977): fasc. 3, 449–470.

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meticulous reading of the poems may provide us with a closer insight into the underlying concept of his collection of works of art. One of Pál Esterházy’s early manuscripts is an epic poem entitled Egy csudálatos ének (A song of wonder) whose contents are enigmatic and difficult to understand.11 The precise date of its writing is unknown; all we know for certain is that it formed part of his first collection of poems assembled in 1656. Some scholars question its authorship since later, in 1670, Esterházy again copied all his poems into another collection, but for some reason omitted this particular one.12 Nevertheless, there is no valid evidence to argue against his authorship, as the contents, form and especially the genre of the text are similar to his other poems. The author’s favourite genre was the “catalogue poem” which listed and itemised the various phenomena of nature and life. In this way he described precious stones, flowers, fish, birds, and terrestrial animals, the amusements of hunting beasts and fowl.13 The 112 stanzas of A song of wonder are also assigned to the genre of catalogue poems, yet its topic is not the natural but the supernatural. The poem lists mythical warriors with unique, almost semi-divine skills. However, these fantastic heroes live in the real world, in different parts of the globe, which are described with an almost cartographic preciseness. The fictitious elements of the poem thus interpret reality; as a kind of theatrum mundi, they try to capture, represent and to some extent model the world known in a geographical sense. As if a hand were spinning the globe while the eyes are travelling all over the world in the reader’s imagination, the warriors leave Hungary and suddenly find themselves in Scythia, the legendary land of the Hungarians’ origin; with unexpected and unrealistic leaps, they wander across familiar as well as hardly known regions of the four continents. They travel to more than forty countries, including Moscow, Iceland, Greenland, the Baltic countries, Persia, India, China, North and South America, and even to the Maluku Islands in the Pacific Ocean. The last stop is the “beautiful country” of Adaea, the legendary Hadya, i. e. Ethiopia, identified as earthly paradise. A seminal study of Pál Esterházy’s poem by Sándor Iván Kovács was published more than twenty years ago, interpreting it on the basis of the martyrdom of the Esterházy heroes killed by the Ottomans in the battle of Vezekény and the tradition of 17th-century Hungarian epic poetry.14 The analysis demonstrated the 11 12 13 14

RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 598−617 (№144). RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 796−799. RMKT XVII, vol. 12, № 124, 125, 126, 127, 130, 143. Sándor Iván Kovács, “Kik Marsnak merészségét követik. Esterházy Pál Zrínyi-élménye az ‘Egy csudálatos ének’ tükrében,” in Esterházy, Mars Hungaricus, 409−427. A new analysis has also been published after the present study has been completed. The source of the poem was not found this time either. Éva Knapp and Gábor Tüskés, “Esterházy Pál Egy csudálatos

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models of some parts of the poem, revealing in particular convincing textual parallels to Miklós Zrínyi’s (Croat. Nikola Zrinski) famous anti-Ottoman epic Obsidio Szigetiana (Siege of Sziget).15 The crucial impact of this work is beyond doubt as Pál Esterházy had idolized Miklós Zrínyi since his youth.16 It is also obvious that throughout his long life Esterházy went to great lengths to enhance the fame of the “martyrs” of his family who had been killed in action against the Ottomans; this aim formed part of his efforts to bolster the power and glory of the Esterházys, and therefore the heroes’ deaths at Vezekény were highly significant.17 Less successful were Kovács’ attempts to identify some of the poem’s heroes with famous Hungarians of the era, such as Miklós Zrínyi (1620– 1664), Péter Zrínyi (Croat. Petar Zrinski, 1621–1671), László Esterházy, and the poet himself. These allusions are possibly correct, but not enough to formulate an allegorical narrative of the epic poem. The heroic character of the poem is obvious anyway, since the mythical heroes fighting all over the world are characterised by frequently repeated attributes; and by way of magnifying the strength of their fantastic opponents, the heroes themselves become giants: “they measure the sky”.18 Last but not least, the genre of the poem, the catalogue, is also of epic nature. However, in difference to the enumerations usually encountered in this literary genre, Esterházy’s work is a universal catalogue, embracing the entire world. A catalogue is a constituent literary form of genre leading us to the very source of the ideas of the poem. The almost incomprehensible curiosities of the narrative are to a large extent defined by the underlying formal components of the “catalogue” genre. Apart from his commitment to Christianity, the Hungarian nation, and his family, Pál Esterházy pursued one other passion: the enrichment of his art collection. Therefore, his catalogue poems – among them the Song of wonder – should be approached from the point of view of a collector. This leads to the question as to what types of sources Pál Esterházy used when he wrote the poem. It is certainly not a mere product of bold fantasy, yet it can be stated without doubt that it is a rich, unique composition as far as Hungarian aspects19 are concerned. Unfortunately, we do not know the direct textual an-

15

16 17 18 19

énekének keletkezéséhez és poétikájához,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 121 (2017): 61−84. See László Szörényi, “Der Fall von Sziget im historischen Kontext des europäischen Heldenepos,” in Militia et Litterae. Die beiden Niklaus Zrínyi und Europa, ed. Wilhelm Kühlmann and Gábor Tüskés (Tübingen: Niemeyer Verlag, 2009), 185–197; Sándor Bene, “Miklós Zrínyi in post World War II scholarly literature in Hungary. The past and present of interdisciplinary research,” ibid., 411–432. Bubics−Merényi, Herczeg Esterházy Pál. Galavics, “Fürst Paul Esterházy;” Szilágyi, Az Esterházy-kincstár. “Hogy az eget ezek mérik.” RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 598. In the further parts of the essay it will be made clear that there are parts of the poem referring

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Fig. 21: Abraham Ortelius: Presbiteri Iohannis, sive Abissinorum imperii descriptio. Antwerp, 1603.

tecedents of the poem. As Esterházy composed the work at a young age, he might have been inspired by sources such as geography textbooks,20 maps, and Mappae Mundi which would have been accessible to him in the Jesuit schools of Nagyszombat (today Trnava, Slovakia) and Graz.21 However, he did not make use of them in a straightforward way, as Jesuit geography operated on a level transcending the bonds of medieval perspectives,22 whereas Esterházy’s poem demonstrates an opposite trend: it depicts the parts of the world unsystematically and does not refrain from employing geographical myths.23 Although the cartography

20 21 22 23

to Hungarian history (e. g. Miklós Zrínyi), some other parts are borrowed from foreign sources. Paul F. Gehl, “Religion and politics in the market for books. The Jesuits and their rivals,” Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 97 (2003): 435−460. Bubics−Merényi, Herczeg Esterházy Pál; Emma Iványi, “Esterházy Pál,” in Esterházy, Mars Hungaricus, 432−434. Lloyd Arnold Brown, The story of maps (New York: Dover Publications, 1979), 158. Jean Delumeau, History of Paradise. The Garden of Eden in myth and tradition (New York: Continuum, 1995), 39−70.

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of the era advanced quickly, it did not break entirely with the traditions of mythical geography. These were even reinforced in the decorative elements of the increasingly elaborate atlases. The new, illustrated maps of Mercator and Ortelius were extremely popular (fig. 21).24 They often represented the personified winds, elements, the wonders of the world, planets and seasons,25 fictitious and realistic animals.26 Other maps showed the characteristically dressed inhabitants and rulers of distant countries or great figures of history, such as the Roman emperors or the personifications of the four points of the compass. The latter were usually represented sitting on animals typical of the regions in question, on camels or crocodiles. On Claes Janszoon Visscher’s world map, entitled Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis Geographica and published in 1652 in Amsterdam, the Indian figure representing America is sitting on an armadillo. Pál Esterházy knew this picture, because he owned the engraving (the reproduction of a painting of the Antwerp painter Marten de Vos)27 that had served as model for the illustration of the map that is still part of the Esterházy collection at Forchtenstein (fig. 22). The young Pál Esterházy must have seen similar allegoric representations in the collections of the Viennese Hofburg.28 He also had the chance to admire material

24 In the Library of the Esterházy family (today in the Library for Foreign Literature, Moscow, founder M. I. Rudomino) can be found: Gerardus Mercator, Atlas sive Cosmographicae meditationes de fabrica mundi et fabricati figura. Galliae tabule geographicae; Belgii inferiores geographicae tabulae; Germaniae tabulae geographicae. Duisburg [1585–1595]. Inv. 627965; Descriptio ac delineatio geographica detectionis freti, sive, transitus ad Occasum, supra terras Americanas, in Chinam atque Japonem ducturi… (Amsterdam: 1612). Bound in one with Michael Potier, Gnorismata hermetico-philosophica … [Köln: ca 1634?]. Inv. 612693–9; Giorgio Ponza, La science de l’homme de qualité, ou l’idée generale de la Cosmographie, de la Cronologie, de la Geographie… (Torino: 1684). Inv. 612750. See Bücher aus der Sammlung der Fürsten Esterházy in Moskauer Bibliotheken. Katalog, ed. Karina A. Dmitrijeva, Nikolaj N. Subkov, and others (Moscow: Rudomino, 2007). 25 For example: Willem Janszoon Blaeu, Nova totius terrarum orbis geographica ac hydrographica tabula (Amsterdam: 1635). 26 See, for example, the map of Iceland by Abraham Ortelius (Antwerp: 1585). In Tony Campbell, Early maps (New York: Abbeville Press, 1981), 88−89. 27 Federschmuck und Kaiserkrone. Das barocke Amerikabild in den habsburgischen Ländern. Exhib. Cat. Schloßhof im Marchfeld 10.5.–13. 9. 1992. ed. Friedrich Polleross (Wien: Bundesministerium für Wissenschaft und Forschung, 1992), № 3.10; idem, “Der Wandel des Bildes. Entstehung, Verbreitung und Veränderung der Amerika-Allegorie,” ibid., 24, 26; idem, “‘Joyas de las Indias’ und ‘Parvus Mundus.’ Sammlungen und Bibliotheken als Abbild des Kosmos,” ibid., 40 and 43. Special thanks to Eniko˝ Buzási (Hungarian National Gallery, Budapest) and Theresia Gabriel (Esterházy Privatstiftung zu Eisenstadt) for their help and advice with regard to this topic. 28 Cf. Prag um 1600. Kunst und Kultur am Hofe Kaiser Rudolfs II. Exhib. Cat. Essen, Villa Hügel 10.6.−30. 10. 1988; Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum 24. 11. 1988−26. 2. 1989, ed., transl. Petra Kruse (Freren: Luca-Verlag, 1988), 2 vols. The Vienna Kunstkammer was initially located in the building erected as residence of the later Emperor Maximilian II next to the core of the Hofburg later known as the ‘Stallburg.’ The core of the collection was formed around

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souvenirs of distant countries and exotic works of art when – during his travels in Germany – he was a guest of the Bavarian elector, together with his brother-in– law, the famous art collector Ferenc Nádasdy.29

Fig. 22: Allegory of America sitting on an armadillo. Etching based on Marten de Vos. Esterházy Privatstiftung Eisenstadt, Forchtenstein.

It is a well-known fact that the great Austrian and Bavarian collections visited by Esterházy differed substantially from today’s museums. They did not only 1650 from objects owned by Archduke Leopold Wilhelm (1614−1662) with an emphasis on works of art rather than marvels of nature. 29 Pál Esterházy and Ferenc Nádasdy travelled to Germany in 1653 on the occasion of the diet of Regensburg at which Emperor Ferdinand III succeeded in having his son Ferdinand (IV.) elected King of the Romans. During their journey they visited Munich, where Esterházy frequently attended the church and gymnasium of the Jesuits and admired the Electoral Collection. On the Kavalierstour of Pál Esterházy see: Ildikó Horn (ed.), “Pál Esterházy: Itinerarium ad Germaniam 1653,” Sic itur ad astra 4−5 (1989): 21−48; Katalin Toma, “Nádasdy István európai tanulmányútja 1669−1670,” in Ido˝vel paloták… Magyar udvari kultúra a 16−17. században, ed. Nóra G. Etényi and Ildikó Horn (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2005), 192−214; Gábor Kármán, “Identity and borders. Seventeenth century Hungarian travellers in the West and East,” European Review of History 17 (2010): 555–579; Péter Király, “Itinerarium in Germaniam 1653. Nádasdy Ferenc és Esterházy Pál regensburgi útja az újabb ismeretek tükrében,” in Ács−Buzási (eds.), Esterházy Pál, a mu˝kedvelo˝ mecénás, 417−434.

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contain works of art but also objects representing the past, naturalia of the present, minerals, fossils, or archaeological treasures. Furthermore, they assembled a huge variety of old and new creations of human hands and spirit: ancient statues; coins; paintings; treasures made of gold, silver, precious stones, ivory and other costly materials; books; weapons; instruments; watches and other automatic machines.30 The gardens with their plants and animals also formed an integral part of the collections. Capturing the entire cosmos within a microcosm, this type of collection was called Kunstkammer from the mid-16th-century onwards.31 Their was a common denominator to the Weltanschauung of the encyclopaedic world maps – known as theatrum – and the early museums – known as “chambers of wonder”.32 In Forchtenstein and Eisenstadt (Hung. Kismarton) castles, Pál Esterházy assembled one such “wonderful” collection, majestic even by to the tastes and measures of the era.33 In one of his wills, he encouraged his heirs to enlarge the collection further, and instructed them to keep all the artefacts, tapestries, furniture, pictures, mirrors etc. unchanged.34 The art collection that can partially still be experienced in situ conforms to all the characteristics of a Kunstkammer 30 Thomas Dacosta Kaufmann, “From treasury to museum. The collections of the Austrian Habsburgs,” in. The cultures of collecting, ed. Roger Cardinal and John Elsner (London: Reaktion Books, 1994), 137−155; Die Münchner Kunstkammer. Abhandlungen, ed. Dorothea Diemer and others. Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 129. 3 vols (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2008); Philipp Blom, Sammelwunder, Sammelwahn. Szenen aus der Geschichte einer Leidenschaft. Die andere Bibliothek 229 (Frankfurt am Main: Eichborn Verlag, 2004); Kulturkosmos der Renaissance. Die Gründung der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, ed. Claudia Bubenik, Béatrice Hernad, and Cornelia Jahn. Katalog der Ausstellung zum 450-jährigen Jubiläum 7.3. −1. 6. 2008 und der Schatzkammerausstellung ‘Musikschätze der Wittelsbacher’ 9.6.−6. 7. 2008. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. Ausstellungskataloge 79 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2008). 31 Horst Bredekamp, The lure of antiquity and the cult of the machine. The Kunstkammer and the evolution of nature, art and technology (Princeton. Markus Wiener Publishers, 1995), 30− 36; Macrocosmos in Microcosmo. Die Welt in der Stube. Zur Geschichte des Sammelns 1450 bis 1800. ed. Andreas Grote. Berliner Schriften zur Museumskunde 10 (Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1994); Kunstkammer, Laboratorium, Bühne. Schauplätze des Wissens im 17. Jahrhundert, ed. Helmar Schramm, Ludger Schwarte, and Jan Lazardzig (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2003); Curiosity and wonder from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment, ed. Robert John Weston Evans and Alexander Marr (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2006). 32 Horst Bredekamp, “Leibniz’s theater of nature and art and the idea of a universal picture atlas,” in The artificial and the natural. An evolving polarity, ed. Bernadette BensaudeVincent and William R. Newman (Cambridge, Massachusetts−London: MIT Press, 2007), 211−223. 33 Szilágyi, “Thesaurus Domus Esterhazyanae,” 31−42. Pál Esterházy placed the treasury in Forchtenstein castle, and the Kunst- und Wunderkammer in Eisenstadt. Kiss, “A fraknói tárház;” Eniko˝ Buzási, “Vonzások és választások a gyu˝jto˝ Esterházy Pál mecenatúrájában,” in Ács−Buzási (eds.), Esterházy Pál, a mu˝kedvelo˝ mecénás, 117−150. 34 Simon Meller, Az Esterházy képtár története (Budapest: Museum of Fine Arts), 1915, XVII. Special thanks for Borbála Gulyás for the data in Simon Meller’s book.

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Fig. 23: Mobile Bacchus automat. Augsburg ca 1600. Esterházy Privatstiftung Eisenstadt, Esterházy Schatzkammer, Forchtenstein, Cat. № K170.

with its elaborate stones, natural rarities, or the mobile Bacchus automaton (fig. 23)35 which remains a completely unique piece. Automata were basic components of the early museums. It is known that, in 1696, an art-dealer offered to purchase a talking head for Pál Esterházy, reminding the nobleman that one year previously he had sold him a special and sophisticated calendar as well as a portrait depicting Esterházy himself.36 The celebrated artefacts of the Esterházy treasury now on display in Hungary once formed part of the Forchtenstein Schatzkammer, too. The characteristic pieces include a goblet made of motherof-pearl (fig. 24),37 the table ornament devised from an ostrich egg,38 and especially the fine goblet showing mining scenes (fig. 25): This object illustrates the essence of the Kunstkammer spirit, namely the process of cleansing the metal brought to the surface, that is, ennobling the treasures of nature and thereby connecting naturalia and artificalia.39

35 Szilágyi (ed.), Esterházy-kincsek, №106; Peter Mclaughin, “Die Welt als Maschine. Zur Genese des neuzeitlichen Naturbegriffes,” in Grote (ed.), Macrocosmos in Microcosmo, 439−452. 36 Meller, Az Esterházy képtár története, XVI. 37 Szilágyi (ed.), Mu˝tárgyak a fraknói Esterházy-kincstárból, № I.8. 38 Szilágyi (ed.), Mu˝tárgyak a fraknói Esterházy-kincstárból, № V.2. 39 Szilágyi (ed.), Mu˝tárgyak a fraknói Esterházy-kincstárból, № I.14.

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Fig. 24: Hans Petzolt: Ornamental goblet with allegoric figure of Prudence. Nürnberg, ca. 1580. Budapest, Iparmu˝vészeti Múzeum, Cat. № E 60. 15.

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Fig. 25: Ornamental goblet with mining scenes. Selmecbánya (Banská Sˇtiavnica, Slovakia), 1650. Budapest, Iparmu˝vészeti Múzeum, Cat. № E 68.2. 1–2.

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In his will written in 1664, Esterházy explicitly named his collection of art a Kunstkammer.40 Towards the end of his life, in 1695, he wrote: “Habeo etiam aliquas raritates, uti dicitur Cabinetum, seu Kunstkammer.”41 However, he must have embraced the fashionable organising principle of European art collections – the concept of Kunstkammer – from his youth onwards. Several aspects of A song of wonder testify to this. The above-mentioned genre of the catalogue poem does not only relate to an epic context but – self-evidently – to the concept of the Kunstkammer as well. Although the poem defines itself as “chronicle,” it cannot be interpreted as a continuous story. The historic aspect of the poem is not a sequence of individual events but a cosmic history of development: step by step, in space and in time, it gradually registers the changes taking place in nature. In this sense, it is the catalogue of a universal Kunstkammer,42 since contemporaries used to call the world “God’s Kunstkammer”.43 All this is closely related to the title of the poem. The Hungarian word “csudálatos” means “pretty,” “beautiful,” “admirable,” but in this case it obviously also means “rich in miracles,” “full of wonders,” “about miracles” (of course also referring to miracles happening in the poem: the powerful warriors overcome even the most terrifying enemy). And the most conspicuous trait of the Kunstkammer is the rich collection of natural miracles: remains of exotic plants, fossils of extinct animals, taxidermy specimens of distant creatures such as armadillos, the tusk of the narwhal that people thought to be the unicorn: in short, mirabilia.44 The poem lists similar natural miracles as the enemies of the mythical heroes.45 The extraordinary strength of one of the warriors is illustrated by the fact that he can even destroy marble. Another hero appears in a treasury holding 40 Eniko˝ Buzási, “Portrék, festo˝k, mecénások. A portré történetéhez a 16−17. századi Magyar Királyságban,” in Mikó−Vero˝ (eds.), Mátyás király öröksége, vol. 2, 27, 47. 41 Pál Esterházy, Inventárium Thesauri Cels(issimi) S(acri) R(omani) I(mperii) Princ(iois) Pauli Esteras… in Arce sua Frakno existentis, Anno 1696. MOL, Budapest. Az Esterházy-család hercegi ágának Levéltára. Sign: P. 108. Rep. 8. Fasc. C. Nr. 37/NB. 42 On the Kunstkammer as microcosm see: Polleross, “Der Wandel des Bildes,” 40−52; Grote (ed.), Macrocosmos in Microcosmo; Weltenharmonie. Die Kunstkammer und die Ordnung des Wissens. Exhib. Cat. Braunschweig 20.7.−22. 9. 2000, ed. Susanne König-Lein and Alfred Walz (Braunschweig: Herzog Anton Ulrich-Museum Braunschweig, 2000). 43 Eberhard Werner Happel, Thesaurus Exoticorum. (Hamburg: Thomas von Wiering, 1688); Bredekamp, The lure of antiquity, 73. 44 Bredekamp, The lure of antiquity, 65−67. 45 Jacques Le Goff, Héros et merveilles du Moyen Âge (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 2005), 130−143. The geographical discoveried during the Renaissance and the changing geographical worlviews did not put an end to the medieval practice of demonization and diabolization of nonEuropean peoples in the 17th century. Ildikó Sz. Kristóf, “Missionaries, monsters, and the demon show. Diabolized reprezentations of American Indians in Jesuit libraries of seventeenth and eighteenth-century Upper Hungary,” in Exploring the cultural history of continental European freak shows and ‘enfreakments,’ ed. Anna Kérchy and Andrea Zittlau (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2012), 38−73.

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great treasures, precious stones. The heroes slay birds, beasts, bears, lions, elephants, tigers, and wild bulls. They struggle with “miracles,” “wonders” (in Hungarian the word “csuda” is used, from which “csudálatos” is derived), “beastly crocodiles,” asps, vipers, or whales. One of them, as we learn, “has fought many wild creatures, / Even terrifying animals, / Struggled with fish of the sea, / With beastly whales.”46 One of the heroes kills an “earthly wonder… a miraculous animal” in Scythia, measuring “Hundred spans in length, / Nine yards in width.”47 Some of the heroes have to face angry dragons, even demons and spirits: “As I say, he faced Furies, / Or rather Harpies, / He fought with the Fates, / And a hundred witches.”48 The warriors also fight bloody battles with the “pagans” (that is, the Ottoman Turks) who are in the same league with monsters. The word “pagan” is referring evidently to the Ottomans,49 whilst the allusions to Scythia point to the Hungarians. The heroism of Esterházy’s work evokes that of the epic poem written by Miklós Zrínyi. However, the larger part of the Song of wonder is taken up by a universal battle between good and evil. All these characteristics relate to the idea of the Kunstkammer. Of course, the comparisons imply a sophisticated allusion to the struggle against the Ottomans informed by various humanist sources.50 Members of the lower nobility, such as Ferenc Wathay,51 operated from a lesser level of education and were not interested in devising a symbolism related to the own family, as Esterházy did. The case of Esterházy is characteristic for the 17th century, an era which witnessed the rise in affluence and power of “new” aristocratic families. The poem presents itself as if the reader were contemplating pictures on a cabinet, depicting the wonderful fauna, the strange creatures of the four points of the compass, the decorations of a Kunstkammerschrank (1664/1665), a genre that is perhaps represented best by the cycle of paintings by Jan van Kessel the Elder in the Alte Pinakothek in Munich (Germ. München) – from about the same age as Esterházy’s poem.52 In line with the speculations associated with the Kunst46 “Volt már közi sok vadakkal, / So˝t rettento˝ állatokkal, / Vívott tengeri halakkal, / Rettenetes cethalakkal.” RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 603. 47 “Hibernusok egy havasban, / Rettenetes vak barlangban, / Havas, jeges Scythiában, / Földi csudát ölvén abban.” RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 603. 48 “Mondom, bizony Fúriákkal, / Avagy inkább Hárpiákkal, / Kegyetlenkedett Párkákkal, / Egyszersmind száz boszorkánnyal.” RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 607. 49 Géza Galavics, Kössünk kardot az pogány ellen. Török háborúk és képzo˝mu˝vészet (Budapest: Képzo˝mu˝vészeti Kiadó, 1986). 50 See Lisa Jardine and Jerry Brotton, Global interests. Renaissance art between East and West (London: Reaktion Books, 2000). 51 Ágnes Drosztmér, “Self-fashioning in the song book of Ferenc Wathay, ideas and ideals of authorship in Ottoman captivity,” in Türkenkriege und Adelskultur in Ostmitteleuropa vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert, ed. Robert Born and Sabine Jagodzinski. Studia Jagellonica Lipsiensia 14 (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2014), 237−252. 52 Jan van Kessel d. Ä. (1626–1679): Die vier Erdteile. Exhib. Cat. Munich, Alte Pinakothek

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kammer, all the creatures mentioned in Esterházy’s poem are real miracles, natural wonders or distortions. According to Horst Bredekamp, “although they do not comprise species in and of themselves, they attest to nature’s striving for its own development, and even if they remain monstrous, they verify the condition for all evolution via the interaction of time and chance of which they are evidence.”53 The poem depicts the monsters, curiosities and miracles emanating from “God’s laboratory” in a peculiar perspective, which should be considered when carefully reading the beginning and the end of the poem. The last stop of the imaginary journey around the world is Adaea, “The most beautiful country in the world, / The earthly paradise.”54 The precise place of the country at one end of the earth is said to be an unrevealed secret, but the poet is obviously thinking of Ethiopia, which was during the 16th century associated with the mysterious empire of “Prester”55 John, the priest-king, and with the earthly paradise.56 The travel stories published in 1540 by the Portuguese envoy to Ethiopia, Francisco Álvares (c. 1465−c. 1541), familiarised a wider public with the edifying story of the marriage of the Ethiopian emperor, Zar‛a Ya‛qob (1399–1468)57 to the Muslim-born South Ethiopian princess Helena.58 Queen Helena, called Queen Adaea in Esterházy’s poem, was a distinguished ruler, a major figure of Ethiopian history who had died in 1522. Hadya and Ethopia were unified during her reign, a time of peace and flourishing in the African empire which saw Muslims and Christians living together in harmony.59 According to Pál Esterházy, everybody in this country is virtuous and pious, although they “believe in God in many ways”. It is this story upon which he projects the medieval legend – known all over

53 54 55 56 57 58

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08.05.–30. 09. 1973. Sonderausstellung. Alte Pinakothek, Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen 3, ed. Ulla Krempel (München: Alte Pinakothek, 1973). Bredekamp, The lure of antiquity, 65. “Világnak legszebb országa, / Az földnek paradicsoma.” RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 610. “Prester” is an old abbreviation to “presbyter.” A. H. M. Jones and Elizabeth Monroe, A history of Ethiopia (Oxford: University Press, 1974), 59−107; Salvadore Matteo, The African Prester John and the birth of Ethiopian-European relations, 1402−1555 (London: Routledge, 2016). Emperor Zar‛a Ya‛qob ruled from 1434. Andrzej Bartnicki and Joanna Mantel-Niec´ko, Geschichte Äthiopiens. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1978), vol. 1, 58−60. Bartnicki−Mantel-Niec´ko, Geschichte Äthiopiens, 90−96. Francisco Álvares, The Prester John of the Indies: a true relation of the lands of the Prester John, being the narrative of the Portuguese Embassy to Ethiopia in 1520, ed. C. F. Beckingham and G. W. B. Huntingford, 2 vols. Works issued by the Hakluyt Society. Second series 114–115 (Cambridge: University Press, 1961); idem, La historia d’Ethiopia, ed. Osvaldo Raineri (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, 2007). The first edition of Álvares’ book was published in Lisbon in 1540: Ho Presto Joam das Indias. Verdadera informaçam das terras do Preste Joam das Indias. Ernst Hammerschmidt, Äthiopien. Christliches Reich zwischen Gestern und Morgen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1967), 58−59; Bartnicki−Mantel-Niec´ko, Geschichte Äthiopiens, 88−90.

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Europe60 and developed into a Hungarian poem in the 16th century61 – evoking the country of Prester John, the crown, the court, the palace of the Oriental Christian priest-king.62 The poem depicts this country as the Garden of Eden, representing divine creative force in all its perfection and harmony. The most hidden secrets of creation – the ability of flying, magnetism, the mechanism of winds and volcanoes, and the changes of physical conditions – illustrate the original perfection of the world. This “rich country full of treasures” is the real homeland of the heroes scattered all over the globe: “When they are in this country, / They feel happy for a short time, / They enjoy life together, / Even make good friends with each other. // But as soon as they are out of this place, / They miraculously change, / They ruin everything, / And fight each other.”63 Thus, looking back from the Garden of Eden at the end of the poem, the real world appears as a realm of monsters and hideous beasts. The hero’s task is to fight against them. From the perspective of the beginning of the poem, a heroic battle is taking place across the globe. In this sense, The song of wonder is indeed an epically inspired text. At the same time, it follows precisely the ideas of Kunstkammer theory in the sense of making a bond between human creative force and its products, between ars and artificalia.64 Thus, the creative process imitating 60 Delumeau, History of Paradise, 88−96. 61 András Valkai, János pap-császár birodalma (1573), in RMKT XVI, vol. 9, 187−203. The main source of Valkai’s poem was the 18th volume of Historia sui temporis by Paulus Jovius. See József Turóczi-Trostler, “János pap országa,” in Turóczi-Trostler, Magyar irodalom – világirodalom, vol. 1, 217−264. 62 In the first decades of the 16th century, European intellectuals – Catholics and Protestants alike – showed increasing interest in Ethiopian culture, religion and history. The Portuguese humanist Damião de Gois, an adherent of Erasmus, wrote a famous treatise entitled Fides, religio moresque Ethioporum (1540). This expressly tolerant book was popular in Protestant circles. Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, Damião de Gois. The life and thought of a Portuguese humanist, 1502−1574. Archives internationales d’histoire des idées 19 (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1967), 146− 159. At the same time the Jesuits, beginning with Ignacio de Loyola himself, initiated a lasting mission to Ethiopia. Jones−Monroe, A history of Ethiopia, 88−101. In the middle of the 17th century, Ethiopian scholarship and the idea of Kunstkammer went hand-in-hand. Ernest I, Duke of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg from 1652 onwards started to support Hiob Ludolf, the most illustrious representative of Ethiopian studies, with the aim of enriching his famous Kunstkammer with Ethiopian objects. Dominik Collet, “Johann Michael Wansleben (1635−1679). Von Gotha nach Äthiopien,” in idem, Die Welt in der Stube. Begegnungen mit Außereuropa in Kunstkammern der Frühen Neuzeit. Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 232 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007), 132−165; Jan Loop, Johann Heinrich Hottinger: Arabic and Islamic studies in the seventeenth century (Oxford: University Press, 2013), 84−90. 63 “Mido˝n ez országban vannak, / Kevés ideig mulatnak, / Egymással szépen vigadnak, / Kedvesen is barátkoznak. // De mihelt onnét kijutnak, / Csuda dolog, mint változnak, / Mindent o˝k öszverontanak, / Egymással is megharcolnak.” RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 611. 64 Bredekamp, The lure of antiquity, 11−19.

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evolution in practice, producing artefactae – such as the most beautiful pieces in the Esterházy treasury – elaborates upon, and completes, natural objects. Pál Esterházy’s poem features only one person possessing artistic virtues as well as superhuman force, admired both by the god Mars and the Muses. It is a Hungarian who writes poems in his spare time. The character might have been inspired by a real person, presumably Miklós Zrínyi.This eminent strategist and poet was deeply admired and deified by Pál Esterházy.65 What is more important, though, is that this character’s artistic nature interprets the struggle fought in the rest of the poem in a peculiar way. This hero is the inversion of the negative distortions of nature: he is a miracle himself, distinguished as he is by the characteristics of natural miracles, the lion, the wild goat, and the furious bear. This is also true for all the other heroes as well: they are like deers, vultures, or wild wolfs who are “repulsions in nature’s eyes”.66 The heroic perspective in this special case is undoubtedly a Hungarian phenomenon. In a Hungarian poem based on some foreign geographical sources, this aspect might possibly be the poet’s own contribution. But it must be emphasized that the poem is a mixture of “Hungarian” – that is, anti-Ottoman – heroic elements on the one hand and geographical, artistic, Kunstkammer-like features on the other. In Esterházys poem, heroes usually fight lions and dragons, just like the greatest of all heroes, Hercules. Maybe it is not too far-fetched to suppose that Pál Esterházy – who saw the struggle against the Ottomans as a national and familial mission – employs the topos of Hercules in his poem, a topos often applied to Hungarians fighting the Ottomans from the 15th century onwards.67 Literary scholarship has shown that the efficacy of the Hercules Hungaricus topos was such that Süleyman the Magnificent – following his victory – was not satisfied until he had the three Hercules statues from Buda castle transported to Constantinople and erected in chains [!] by the tomb of emperor Theodosius.68 When he was old, Pál Esterházy also had a statue of himself erected.

65 Bubics−Merényi, Herczeg Esterházy Pál; Kovács, “Kik Marsnak merészségét követik.” 66 “Az természet iszonyodik.” RMKT XVII, vol. 12, 604. 67 It was a widespread idea among Hungarian humanists. Matthias Corvinus favoured this reference to the mythical hero in his cultural representation. Even Philip Melanchthon identified Hercules as the mythological ancestor of the Hungarians. Imre Téglásy, “Hercules Hungaricus. Egy Sambucus-embléma elo˝története és utóélete,” in A reneszánsz szimbolizmus. Ikonográfia, emblematika, Shakespeare, ed. Tibor Fabiny, József Pál, and György Endre Szo˝nyi. Ikonológia és mu˝értelmezés 2 (Szeged: JATEPress, 1987), 193−201; Árpád Mikó, “Divinus Hercules and Attila Secundus. King Matthias as patron of art.” The New Hungarian Quarterly 31 (1990): 90−96. 68 Sándor Bene, “Az ‘Erény múzeuma.’ Az irodalmi és politikai nyilvánosság humanista modellje,” Beszélo˝ 4 (1999): fasc. 7–8, 166–180; cf. Mikó, “Imago historiae,” 43. To put it more precisely, ‘one of the statues represented Hercules, the other two appear to have been male figures, as late 16th-century Ottoman miniatures depicting the Hippodrome suggest.’ Neci-

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This characteristic equestrian statue, following a type established for the ruler representation of Louis XIV, depicts the ruler as a hero defeating the Ottomans. Géza Galavics has highlighted the contradictions inherent to this unusual statue. At the time of its erection, Pál Esterházy was the Palatine of Hungary, deputy of the king. However, the political influence of this office was still quite limited. By depicting himself as a viceroy, Esterházy presumably desired to compensate the actual weakness of his position. Regarding the political implications of this type of monument, the placement of the equestrian statue in the enclosed courtyard of Forchtenstein castle should also be taken into consideration as a deliberate choice (fig. 26). It is highly significant that the base of the monument is decorated with reliefs showing Ottoman captives.69 The setting of the statue is explained by the poem on the one hand and the specific decoration of the castle gate with a mounted crocodile on the other (fig. 27). Pál Esterházy bought a crocodile for his Forchtenstein collection and instructed the castellan to place it under the gate vault, where it can still be seen today. He made precise arrangements concerning the position of the crocodile. The tail was to point towards the courtyard and the head towards the exterior.70 The statue and the crocodile – the defeated apocalyptic dragon, sign of the Antichrist and the Turk – show a menacing face towards the supposed Ottoman aggressors. However, from a different perspective, this scene is more bizarre than terrifying. We see a crocodile – primarily an object arising curiosity – and a hero riding his horse, enclosed within the thick castle walls. We know that Forchtenstein was the seat of Esterházy’s Kunstkammer, a fact clearly signified by the crocodile.71 Our eyes then move from the beast to the heroically depicted owner pog˘lu, “Süleyman the Magnificent,” 419, 423. See the chapter Alvise Gritti and Tamás Nádasdy in this volume. 69 The artist of the equestrian statue was Michael Filser (Felser). Ács−Buzási (eds.), Esterházy Pál, a mu˝kedvelo˝ mecénás, 174. One should bear in mind the programmatic allusion to Hercules was very popular at the Habsburg and Wittelsbach courts. On the other hand, the equestrian statue was a type of monument with a particular imperial connotation; cf. Ulrich Keller, Reitermonumente absolutistischer Fürsten. Staatstheoretische Voraussetzungen und politische Funktionen. Münchner kunsthistorische Abhandlungen 2 (Munich−Zürich: Schnell und Steiner, 1971). 70 Letter of Pál Esterházy to Ádám Bezerédy, castellan of Forchtenstein – 30. June 1706. Esterházysche Privatarchiv Forchtenstein. Fürstenbriefe am Bezerédy 1680–1728, ohne №. – Special thanks to Ferenc Dávid for his permission to use this unpublished document. 71 The dragon-like crocodile (draco rufus: Rev 20, 1−3) was a symbol of evil referring to the heretics, the enemies of Christendom, the Ottomans and an indispensable ingredient of the earliest Kunstkammer. The turn of the dragon-symbol had a meaning of victory over the Ottomans. Jardine−Brotton, Global interests, 13−22; Julius von Schlosser, Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern der Spätrenaissance. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Sammelwesens. Monographien des Kunstgewerbes N. T. 11 (Leipzig: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1908), 17, 19; Polleross (ed.), Federschmuck, 233−234; Johannes Tripps, “‘Reliquien’ vom Halberstädter Drachen und seinen Artgenossen,” in ‘Ich armer sundiger mensch.’ Heiligen- und Re-

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Fig. 26: Michael Filser: Equestrian statue of Pál Esterházy 1691, Forchtenstein.

of the cabinet of wonders. The whole arrangement is a pictorial metaphor denoting the lord of the castle as an art collector with heroic virtues. For Esterházy, the cause of liberating the country did not differ much from the creative contemplation of the structure of the world within the laboratory of his Kunstkammer. For his contemporaries, however, fighting the Ottomans was a much more ordinary and vital matter. It formed the common way of life, challenging society and individuals with fundamental, essential problems and real dangers for a period lasting 150 years. Yet by 1691, when Esterházy erected his equestrian statue, the Ottomans had been expelled from Hungary and were no longer a real liquienkult am Übergang zum konfessionellen Zeitalter. Vorträge der II. Moritzburg-Tagung Halle/Saale vom 8. bis 10. Oktober 2004. Schriftenreihe der Stiftung Moritzburg, Kunstmuseum des Landes Sachsen-Anhalt 2. ed. Andreas Tacke (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2006), 74 −99.

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Fig. 27: Crocodile over the entrance to Forchtenstein.

threat to the country. The elderly Pál Esterházy must have felt nostalgia for his “heroic” youth, being only too aware of the fact that he did not actually play a significant role in the Ottoman wars. The equestrian statue is a substantial part of his artistic representation symbolising the “era” of his early years when the struggle against the Ottomans was of paramount importance. The heroes of the poem written in his youth also move about in the space of an ideal, virtual Kunstkammer. By their involvement in a gradual and constant struggle against nature’s distortions, they perform Hercules’s tasks.72 A wellknown type of Renaissance painting depicts the collector of art as Hercules, imitating the ancient hero on the crossroads of virtus and voluptas, supporting both virtue and art.73 Thus, the Hungarian hero at the very beginning of the poem is both a poet and artist who restores the original, paradisiacal state of the country.

72 Giovanni Battista Nicolosi, Hercules Siculus sive Studium geographicum, 2 vols (Roma: 1670– 1671) Esterházy Library, Nizhny Novgorod, Russia. Inv. 625996. Dmitrijeva−Subkov (eds.), Bücher aus der Sammlung der Fürsten Esterházy. 73 Erwin Panofsky, Hercules am Scheidewege und andere antike Bildstoffe in der neueren Kunst. Studien der Bibliothek Warburg 18 (Leipzig−Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1930). Lorenzo Lotto, Portrait of Andrea Odoni (1527). Royal Collection, Hampton Court. Interpreted by Péter Meller (1923–2008) in his public lecture at the Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest, 2000.

Chapter 18: Historical Scepticism and Piety – The Revision of Protestant Ideas on History in the Sermons of the Hungarian Jesuit Péter Pázmány

Péter Pázmány: the Jesuit cardinal Hungarian Catholicism, reviving at the beginning of the 17th century, set up a struggle with Protestantism that over the time gained predominance not only in matters of religion and theology, but also in the more extended fields of culture and intellect. The denominational arguments included general and particular historical questions as well.1 Nevertheless, certain questions emerge still: did the arguing parties have their own clearly distinguishable concept of history?2 If yes, how did these concepts of history appear in the various forms of piety in general and in the sermons in particular? What historical expectations were formed in the sermons of the age concerning apocalyptic topics? My paper is going to deal with a Jesuit review of the 16th century Protestant view of history. Péter Pázmány (1570–1637), elected cardinal of Hungary, was a Jesuit and the greatest figure of the Hungarian Counter-Reformation movement (fig. 28).3 Although born into a Transylvanian Protestant family, he was educated by the Jesuits from his early years.4 The Jesuit fathers had a decisive effect on him, 1 István Bitskey, Konfessionen und literarische Gattungen der frühen Neuzeit in Ungarn. Debrecener Studien zur Literatur 4 (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1999), 59−82. 2 István Bitskey, “Pázmány Péter Korán-cáfolata,” in idem, Eszmék, mu˝vek, hagyományok. Tanulmányok a magyar reneszánsz és barokk irodalomról. Csokonai könyvtár. Bibliotheca Studiorum Litterarium 7 (Debrecen: Kossuth. Egyetemi Kiadó, 1996), 179−194. 3 Péter Tusor, Pázmány, a jezsuita érsek. Kinevezésének története, 1615−1616 (Budapest: Gondolat, 2016). General works on Pázmány: Vilmos Fraknói, Pázmány Péter (Budapest: Franklin Társulat, 1886); Sándor Sík, Pázmány, az ember és az író (Budapest: Szent István Társulat, 1939); István Bitskey, Pázmány Péter (Budapest: Gondolat,) 1986; Emil Hargittay, Filológia, eszmetörténet és retorika Pázmány Péter életmu˝vében. Historia Litteraria 25 (Budapest: Universitas Kiadó, 2009); Rona Johnston, Howard Louthan, and Tadhg Ó hAnnracháin, “Catholic reformers: Stanislas Hosius, Melchior Chlesl, and Péter Pázmány,” in Louthan−Murdock (eds.), A companion to the Reformation, 195−222. 4 Pápai szemináriumok magyarországi alumnusai, ed. Mihály Balázs and István Monok. Peregrinatio Hungarorum 7 (Szeged: SZTE, 1990), 13−14, 19. On the history of the Hungarian Jesuits before Pázmány see Antal Molnár, “A jezsuita rend a 16. századi Magyarországon,”

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Fig. 28: Unknown artist: Portrait of Péter Pázmány. Pannonhalma Archabbey.

Vigilia 64 (1999): 348−359; idem, Katolikus missziók a hódolt Magyarországon, vol. 1. (1572 −1647). Humanizmus és reformáció 26 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2002), 152−160; idem, Lehetetlen küldetés. On the Protestant origins, childhood and family of Péter Pázmány see Péter Tusor, Péter Pázmány’s process of enquiry. His family, catholization, missions. (With the papers of the Pázmány–Tholdy Archives.) Collectanea Vaticana Hungariae. Classis II. Tom. 6 (Budapest–Rome: MTA-PPKE Vilmos Fraknói Vatican Historical Research Group, 2017), 419–460.

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as a result of which he catholicised at the age of thirteen.5 The zealous intellectual atmosphere of the renowned Jesuit school at Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca, Romania) caused him to join the Jesuit Order at the age of seventeen. He spent his novitiate in Poland, at Cracow and Jaroslaw, where he was an ardent listener of the passionate sermons of Piotr Skarga, the “Polish Chrysosthomus”.6 His superiors recognised his talent at a very early age and provided him with the best education possible at that time. First, he studied at Vienna, and later in the Roman College headed by Roberto Bellarmino, where he acquired his doctorate in theology. Then he taught scholastic theology at the Jesuit University of Graz.7 Shortly after he returned to his homeland to dedicate his whole life to the Catholic revival of Hungary.8 In recognition of his outstanding success in the religious reformation of Hungary, he received the highest ecclesiastic rank and became the cardinal of Esztergom (Gran) in 1616. As a prerequisite, for a while Pázmány had to formally leave the Jesuit Order: on the order of the pope, the head of the Hungarian Church pro tempore entered another monastic order (that of the “Sommascha Congregation” of Italy).9 This way Pázmány was able to continue his ecclesiastical, political and literary carrier. Nevertheless, he never definitely left the Society of Jesus. As cardinal and archbishop, he established new educational institutions – a university at Nagyszombat (today Trnava, Slovakia), and a seminary, the so-called Pázmáneum, in Vienna, where the Jesuits had a leading role. Although the tasks he took up surpassed the otherwise wide spectrum of the Jesuit Order, in his body and soul he remained a Jesuit: when he died his body was laid in state with a Jesuit biretta on his head.10 Pázmány made use of the strength of words and not that of weapons when reconverting a significant part of the country’s population to the Roman Catholic faith. The huge volumes of his works in Hungarian and Latin mainly comprised his polemics with the various Protestant churches.11 His theological treatises and apologetic works awakened deep interest within and outside the boundaries of 5 Péter Tusor, “Kortársak vallomásai Pázmány Péterro˝l. Itáliai adatok származásához, felekezetváltásához, misszionálásához,” in Viszály és együttélés. Vallások és felekezetek a török hódoltság korában, ed. Gábor Ittzés (Budapest: Universitas, 2017), 183−194, here 188. ˝ ry, Pázmány Péter tanulmányi évei (Eisenstadt: Prugg, 1970), 63. 6 Miklós O 7 Paul Richard Blum, “Péter Pázmány als Philosophieprofessor,” in Pázmány Péter és kora, ed. Emil Hargittay. Pázmány Péter irodalmi mu˝hely. Tanulmányok 2 (Piliscsaba: Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, 2001), 35−49. ˝ ry, “Kardinal Pázmány und die kirchliche Erneuerung in Ungarn,” Ungarn-Jahr8 Miklós O buch. Zeitschrift für die Kunde Ungarns und verwandte Gebiete 5 (1973): 76−96. 9 Fraknói, Pázmány, 76. 10 Fraknói, Pázmány, 316. 11 PÖM; Péter Pázmány, Opera omnia. Series Latina, tom. 1−6 (Budapest: Királyi Magyar Tudományegyetem, 1894−1904).

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Hungary. Though his Latin was excellent, he wrote many of his works in Hungarian. Being a sophisticated stylist even in Hungarian, he is one of the greatest reformers of Hungarian as a literary language. He turned the weapons of the Protestants against themselves by preaching in the vernacular. He even published his immense theological synthesis – the Kalauz (Hodoegus) – in Hungarian.12 The Lutherans of Hungary did not take up this gauntlet: they rather had the book translated into Latin, so that Professor Friedrich Balduin – the renowned theologian of the University of Wittenberg – could answer it.13 Pázmány also made significant contributions to the various devotional genres. His repeatedly published Imádságos könyv (Book of Prayers)14 was so popular that even the Protestants published it in a “pirate edition”.15 His translation of The imitation of Christ by Thomas à Kempis is considered one of the pearls of Hungarian prose.16 It is well known that this work had a significant role in the spiritual education of the Jesuits. Independently of Pázmány, but almost around the same time, another Jesuit – Gergely Vásárhelyi – also made a translation of it.17 Thomas à Kempis was quite popular in Protestant circles as well. Though the outstanding talent of Pázmány overshadowed in some ways the works of his contemporaries, it is important to emphasise that the cardinal organised around himself an excellent team of authors, some of whom were Jesuits:18 György Káldi, a well-known preacher of his time, who translated the Vulgate into Hungarian;19 Gergely Vásárhelyi, the translator of Peter Canisius, who excelled in the spiritual genres;20 Sándor Dobokay, the publisher of the works of Edmund Campion in 12 Péter Pázmány, Isteni igazságra vezérlo˝ kalauz (Pozsony [today Bratislava, Slovakia]: Typographia Archiepiscopalis, 1613); PÖM, vol. 3−4. 13 Friedrich Balduin, Phosphorus Veri Catholicismi (Wittenberg: Heyden, 1626). For the replies of Péter Pázmány written in Hungarian see PÖM, vol. 5. 471–823; cf. A Thurzó család és a wittenbergi egyetem, ed. János Herner. Fontes rerum scholasticarum 1 (Szeged: SZTE, 1989). 14 Péter Pázmány, Keresztyéni imádságos könyv (Graz: Georg Widmanstein, 1606). Facsimile edition Péter Ko˝szeghy, epilogue Sándor Lukácsy. BHA 28 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 1993); PÖM, vol. 2, 1−267. Cf. Rita Bajáki,‘Csak az tud jól élni, a ki jól tud imádkozni.’ Pázmány Péter Imádságos könyvének szövegkritikai vizsgálata. PhD dissertation. Piliscsaba: Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, 2009. 15 The “pirate edition” was published in 1609 in Bártfa (today Bardejov, Slovakia) by the Lutheran János Mihálykó. 16 Thomas Kempis, Christus követéséru˝l, transl. by Péter Pázmány (Vienna: Formica, 1624); PÖM, vol. 1, 201−370. 17 Thomas Kempis, Christus követéséru˝l, transl. Gergely Vásárhelyi (Kolozsvár: Heltai, 1622). On Gergely Vásárhelyi see Béla Holl, “Vásárhelyi Gergely pályája (1560−1623),” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 87 (1983): 150−162. 18 Tibor Klaniczay, “A magyar barokk irodalom kialakulása,” in idem, Reneszánsz és barokk (Budapest: Szépirodalmi Kiadó, 1961), 376. 19 Csilla Gábor, Káldi György prédikációi: források, teológia, retorika. Csokonai könyvtár. Bibliotheca Studiorum Litterarium 24 (Debrecen: Kossuth Egyetemi Kiadó, 2001). 20 Csilla Gábor, “A katolikus áhítati irodalom Erdélyben a 17. században,” in idem, Religió és retorika (Kolozsvár: Komp-Press, 2002), 235−256.

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Hungarian;21 and György Forró, a Jesuit preacher and the provincial leader of the Jesuit Order in Austria, were all members of this team.22 Péter Pázmány was the most important and influential preacher of Hungarian Catholicism of all time: he provided Hungarian vernacular preaching with an excellent format. His sermons constituted part of the homiletic curriculum of the seminaries even in the 20th century. Pázmány always kept in mind the regulations drawn up for Jesuit preachers and composed his sermons for “the spiritual benefit” of the believers, avoiding superfluous rhetorical ornaments and useless rarities.23 He began his preaching career in 1601. Contemporary reports testify that his sermons were attended by both Catholics and Protestants in great numbers.24 He worked for decades on his Book of Sermons, composed of 100 of his homilies.25 The cardinal was more restrained in his polemics in the sermons than in his theological treatises and apologetic works. However, he did not allow the slightest concession to Protestant ideas, not even in cases when these were related to the greatest questions of the Hungarian nation’s existence. It is rather striking that Pázmány repeatedly returns to the problem of interpreting history in his works of different genres – theological treatises, polemical treatises, polemical writings, prayers and sermons. He was mainly interested in the history of the institution of Papacy, the establishment of the Ottoman Empire26 and the catastrophes and turning points in Hungarian history.27 All three areas were amply discussed in 16th-century Hungarian Protestant literature. The Papacy, the reasons for the Ottoman devastation and the destruction of the medieval Kingdom of Hungary (1526) were all included in Protestant apocalyptical and antichristological works rooted in the Wittenberg concept of history, which expressed teleological and eschatological ideas on history.

21 Bálint Balassi and Sándor Dobokay, Campianus Edmondnak tíz okai (Vienna: Formica, 1607). Facsimile edition Emil Hargittay, epilogues Ildikó Bárczi, Ferenc Csonka, Emil Hargittay, and Tamás Kruppa (Budapest: Universitas, 1994). 22 Klaniczay, “A magyar barokk irodalom kialakulása,” 375−376. 23 István Bitskey, Humanista erudíció és barokk világkép. Pázmány Péter prédikációi. Humanizmus és reformáció 8 (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1979), 44−48; cf. La ‘Ratio studiorum.’ Modelli culturali e practiche educative dei Gesuiti in Italia tra Cinque e Seicento, ed. Gian Paolo Brizzi (Roma: Bulzoni, 1981). 24 Fraknói, Pázmány, 71. 25 Péter Pázmány, Minden vasárnapokra és egynehány innepekre rendelt prédikációk (Pozsony: Typographia Sosietatis Jesu, 1636); PÖM, vol. 6−7. 26 Orsolya Varsányi, “A ‘Mahomet vallása’ és az ‘Vytoc’ Pázmány Péter Kalauzában,” in Ittzés (ed.), Viszály és együttélés, 155−182. 27 For a relatively complete bibliography see: Pázmány Péter-bibliográfia (1598–2004), ed. Judit Adonyi and Ibolya Maczák (Piliscsaba, Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, 2005).

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Civitas dei – civitas mundi The concept of history of Greco-Roman antiquity – that is, the idea of eternal time revolving, and eternal return – was gradually pushed into the background from the 1st century onward by the concept of a finite time, the eschatological notion of a goal-oriented concept of the historical process,28 and the notion that life has an irrevocable end and will never begin anew.29 Jewish apocalypticism,30 early Christian and early medieval eschatology and medieval Franciscan mysticism – having deep roots in Hungary as well – all represented this tradition.31 It was St. Augustine who most effectively formulated the concept of history that later became the official concept of the Christian Church.32 Augustine said that a divine plan concerning the world runs through history, in which there are two principia: the divine and the secular. The history of civitas dei follows the same pattern as human life: it reaches the Final Judgement – which is followed by the millennial reign of Christ and eternal life – from infancy through childhood, puberty, adolescence, all the way to growing old and finally senescence. Civitas mundi is similar to the story of the four empires described in the Book of Daniel. The final catastrophe is preceded by decline, senescence, extenuation, and deformation in both cases.33 Ill omens appear, “the signs of time” indicating final destruction, of which the “inundation of evil” is considered the most important sign.34 Only true believers, the chosen ones can survive this doomsday. Reformation first and foremost resulted in the inner transformation of people being filled with new expectations. The desire for a reformation carried out in capite et membris (in the head and members) of the world and the church and the idea of Millennium were closely related ideas. It is well known that the concept of history of the outstanding personalities of the Middle Ages was decisively influenced by the questions of apocalypticism. The worldviews of Saint Francis of Assisi, Saint Peter Damian, Joachim of Fiore (1132–1202) and in his footsteps Dante, Nicholas of Cusa (1401–1464), the great 28 Karl Jaspers, Vom Ursprung und Ziel der Geschichte (Zürich: Artemis, 1949). 29 János Lotz, A történelmi világkép. Az ember az ido˝ben (Pécs: Kultúra, 1936), 23–30; JeanClaude Carrière, Jean Delumeau, Umberto Eco, and Stephen Jay Gould, Entretiens sur la fin des temps (Paris: Arthème Fayard,1998). 30 Géza Vermes, The Dead See scrolls. Qumran in perspective (London: SCM Press, 1994); David Flusser, Judaism and the origins of Christianity (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1988). 31 Jeno˝ Szu˝cs, “Ferences ellenzéki áramlat a magyar parasztháború és reformáció hátterében,” Irodalomtörténeti Közlemények 78 (1974): 409–435; cf. Pál Ács, “Falsorum fratrum rebellio. Jeno˝ Szu˝cs’s essays on the peasant revolt of György Dózsa 40 years after,” in Armed memory. Agency and peasant revolts in Central and Suothern Europe (1450−1700), ed. Gabriella Erdélyi. Refo500 Academic Studies 27 (Göttingen: Vanderhoeck and Ruprecht, 2016), 137−146. 32 De civitate Dei libri XXII. 33 Lotz, A történelmi világkép, 26−27. 34 Szu˝cs, “Ferences ellenzéki áramlat.”

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figures of Renaissance and humanism, the Platonists of Florence, Savonarola, Michelangelo, Leonardo, Dürer, Reuchlin and Erasmus were formed by the eschatological Christian tradition. Protestantism also adopted the concept of history worked out by St. Augustine – Luther himself was a monk of the Augustine Order in the beginning.35 It is thus understandable that the scope of Hungarian historical thinking in the age of Renaissance and the Baroque was defined by this very tradition. It is obvious that a large number of literary works emerging from the various circles of Protestant churches – an unending series of commentaries on the Revelation to John, and descriptions of Heaven – were related to the inexhaustible topic of the Final Judgement; however, Catholic works and secular poetry were also influenced by these ideas.36 The literary theme of the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 has symbolised the end of history from the 1st century onward. Now I will concentrate solely on this story with apocalyptic meaning.

The destruction of Jerusalem The idea that God predetermined the time of all historical events and the history of the world, which progresses in well-defined periods towards its end, the Messianic age, spread gradually among the Jewish communities of the 1st century A. D.37 This conviction led to a whole series of calculations.38 Most people expected the end of the sufferings of the Jews prophesised in the Book of Daniel to take place in the near future.39 According to Josephus Flavius, the fanatical faith of the rebel Jews was reinforced by the various Messianic prophecies. These prophecies mostly originated from the mystic calculations based on the Book of Daniel.40 The devastations afflicting Judea were taken as favourable indications: exegetes thought to recognise “the Messiah’s pains of labour” in the increasing horrors.41 Josephus Flavius saw and displayed the events from a peculiar point of view. He belonged to the pro-Roman party and participated in the final siege on the 35 36 37 38

Ács, “‘Apocalypsis cum figuris.’” RMKT XVI, vol. 11. Vermes, Jesus and the world of Judaism. István Hahn, “Josephus és a Bellum Judaicum eschatologiai háttere,” Antik Tanulmányok 8 (1961): 212. 39 Dan 9,22 40 Hahn, “Josephus,” 207−210. 41 Hahn, “Josephus,” 216. For a historical analysis of the prophecies described by Josephus Flavius see: Robert Karl Gnuse, Dreams and dream reports in the writings of Josephus. A traditio-historical analysis. Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 36 (Leiden: Brill, 1996).

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side of the Romans, yet he did everything in his power to present his people in a favourable light in the eyes of Emperor Vespasian and the Romans. As he himself was skilled in explaining prophecies, he interpreted the obviously ominous signs in a totally different way than those false prophets, who interpreted them in a positive light. Josephus and the members of the peace party thought that the final destruction of Jerusalem could have been prevented, had the Jews recognised the bad omens that came one after the other, according to the rabbinic tradition, in the forty years preceding the destruction of the sanctuary.42 Josephus’s Bellum Judaicum has presented posterity with two continuous but diametrically opposed interpretations. According to one, a set term of the unalterable plan of God is manifested in the prophecies preceding the destruction. The other says that the Jews caused their own downfall, which could have been prevented even in the final moments. Christian interpretations of the writings of Josephus incorporated both points. Medieval chiliasm received new impetus in Wittenberg.43 Luther and Melanchthon were both susceptible to mystic chronologies and apocalyptic calculations. The prophecies included in Bellum Judaicum were incorporated into the historical conception of Luther and Melanchthon.44 This approach exerted enormous influence in 16th-century Hungary. Protestant apocalypticism and the idea of national remorse were joined into a unified, fully developed concept of history. Hungarian Protestants thought to recognise the “spiritual” Antichrist as the pope, and the physical one as the Ottomans.45 Hungary was viewed as the apocalyptical battlefield, where the “chosen people” of God – the Hungarians – suffered and did penance because of their sins under the strikes of the “final enemy” – the Ottomans.46 In such a context the mere mentioning of Jerusalem evoked eschatological visions: “Sodom, Jerusalem, Hungary” – this is the brief summary of the whole idea.47 Péter Pázmány formed his own view on history in opposition to this Protestant concept.48 In his endeavour he relied on all the knowledge he acquired in the Jesuit institutions of Transylvania, Poland, Vienna and Rome, and his most

42 The forty years of God’s patience mentioned by Pázmány can be found in the apocalyptic writings preserved in the ‘Dead See Scrolls’, in the Gospels and in the rabbinic tradition: Hahn, “Josephus,” 216. 43 Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis. 44 Heinz Schrenkenberg, Bibliographie zu Josephus Flavius. Arbeiten zur Literatur und Geschichte der hellenistischen Judentums 1 (Leiden: Brill, 1968). 45 Szabó, “Die Türkenfrage.” 46 Andermann, “Geschichtsdeutung und Profetie,” 29−54. 47 Schulek, Bornemisza, 200−204, 280−290. 48 For the Protestant sources consulted by Péter Pázmány see: PÖM, vol. 1, 585−588, vol. 4, 696−699.

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thorough studies he conducted into the works of the reformers.49 He rejected all the forms of Protestant antichristology: he considered neither the pope nor the Ottomans to be the Antichrist, while he did not see Hungarian history as “the beginning of the end” but a divine warning. He also considered the destruction of the country as something that could be stopped and even reversed. Pázmány’s concept of history is represented in a clear and concise form in one of the Hungarian sermons published in his Book of Sermons in 1636.50 The Catholic Church traditionally commemorates the destruction of Jerusalem in A.D. 70 on the 9th Sunday following Whitsuntide (Pentecost).51 The sermon takes as its starting point the 19th chapter of the Gospel according to Luke (19:41): “And when he was come near, he beheld the city and wept over it,” etc. Péter Pázmány’s sermon for the day – “The final destruction of Jerusalem and the Jewish nation” – is an adaptation of Josephus Flavius.52 Pázmány presents a complete narrative within the framework of the genre. This is not the usual exemplum of the sermons, and it is neither merely part of the argumentation nor an element of rhetoric decoration. It is not a historical argument to support some moral philippic, but an idea of history expounded by literary means.53 Pázmány wished to present his weighty and deep message in a grand allegory reaching all the way through his one-hour sermon.54 Pázmány considers the destruction of Jerusalem a tragic closure of a historical age. Based on Josephus’s work, Pázmány takes the horrors of the destruction one by one: at the end of the war that had been going on for four years, at Easter of the year 70, the Roman general Titus blockaded Jerusalem. The besieged rebels broke up into factions, plundered and killed each other and set the food stocks of the city on fire. Bodies were piled up in heaps while the living fled to the enemy. After five months of siege, the city finally fell, and the temple was burnt to the ground:

˝ ry, Pázmány Péter tanulmányi évei, passim; Grazer philosophische Disputationen von Péter 49 O Pázmány, ed. Paul Richard Blum. Pázmány Irodalmi Mu˝hely. Források 3 (Piliscsaba: Pázmány Péter Katolikus Egyetem, 2003). 50 Pázmány, Minden vasárnapokra és egynehány innepekre rendelt prédikációk. 51 Schott, Das Messebuch der heiligen Kirche, 516−519; Karl-Heinrich Bieritz, Das Kirchenjahr. Feste, Gedenk- und Feiertage in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Berlin: Union Verlag, 1986), 150− 151. 52 PÖM, vol. 7, 292−307. Nándor Bendi, Pázmány Péter prédikációi és az ókori klasszikusok (Székesfehérvár: Egyházmegyei Könyvnyomda, 1910). On the Latin translations and adaptations of Flavius Josephus see: Borzsák, Az antikvitás 16. századi képe, 183−214; Magyar nyelvu˝ halotti beszédek a 17. századból, ed. Gábor Kecskeméti (Budapest: MTA Irodalomtudományi Intézet, 1988), 425. 53 Katalin Benedek, “A prédikációs exemplum a régi magyar irodalomban,” in A magyar népmesék trufa- és anekdotakatalógusa (AaTh 1430–1639*), ed. Marja Vehmas and Katalin Benedek. Magyar népmesekatalógus, 7/b (Budapest: MTA Néprajzi Kutatócsoport, 1988), 23. 54 Cf. Bietenholz, Historia and fabula, 1−20.

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“though Titus tried to put out the fire with all his might, he could not stand up against God.”55 According to Pázmány, the national, historical existence of the Jews came to an end by this occurrence: “Not only was the ungrateful city that washed itself in the blood of Christ destroyed, but it was destroyed in a way that, as it had not been rebuilt in these past one thousand and almost seven hundred years, it will never become a city again. The desolation of the city and the temple will remain so till the end of times, because there is no power that could ever rebuild it.”56 There is no resurrection from death for this nation. A long series of prophecies are thus fulfilled, said Pázmány. However, it was not only Isaiah, Ezekiel, Jeremiah or Christ himself who foresaw the horrors of the final days. According to Josephus Flavius, a burning sword was seen above Jerusalem for a whole year before the occupation. On the night of Easter, the area of the Temple and the altar was covered in light as bright as if it were day. In bright daylight carts and huge armies were seen around the city. Jewish priests on their way to the Temple before daybreak on Whit Sunday (Pentecost) heard great fidgeting in the Sanctuary while hearing the following words: “Come on, let’s move out of here.” This means that the guardian angels and God himself had forsaken the Temple. A commoner called Jesus continually walked the streets of Jerusalem before the occupation crying: “Woe betide you, Jerusalem!” He did not stop wailing for seven years, when he cried, “and woe betide me!” just before a stone thrown into the city by the Romans struck him dead.57 According to Pázmány, devastation is terrible, but it is not part of the irrevocable plan of the avenging God shaping history: “The God of great mercy will not do such a thing. He does not want anyone to perish, but wants everyone to attain salvation.”58 The Jews could have escaped their fate had they recognised the 55 “Titus minden tehetségével igyekezett a tu˝zoltásra, de ellene nem állhata az Istennek.” PÖM, vol. 7, 299; cf. Bellum Judaicum, V, 2−VI, 4. 56 “Nemcsak elromlott a Krisztus vérében mosdott háladatlan váras, hanem úgy romlott, hogy amint eddig ezer és közel hétszáz esztendo˝ forgásában soha meg nem építtetett, úgy ezután is… soha váras nem lészen, soha meg nem épül…, a váras és templom pusztasága… világ végéig marad, mert semmi ero˝ azt soha fel nem építheti.” PÖM, vol. 7, 300. 57 “A szállás elo˝tt egész esztendeig Jeruzsálem felett tüzes kard látszott. Húsvét napján éjszaka olly fényesség volt fél óráig a templom és oltár körül, mint nappal… Fényes nappal az egen szekerek és roppant seregek látszottak a váras körül. A papok pünkösd napján virradta elo˝tt a templomba menvén nagy indulást hallottak a Szentegyházban, ilyen szózattal…: jertek, költözzünk ki innen; mellyel jelentetett, hogy az o˝rzo˝angyalok, so˝t, Isten o˝maga veszni hagyák a Templomot. Egy Jésus nevu˝ közember a váras szállása elo˝tt utcákrúl utcákra járván csak azt kiáltotta…: Jaj Jeruzsálemnek.” A jajveszékelést hét évig nem hagyta abba – ekkor ezt kiáltotta: “jaj immár nékem is; azon szó közben a római vitézektu˝l béhajított ko˝ agyonütötte.” PÖM, vol. 7, 296; cf. Bellum Judaicum, VI, 5. 58 “Nem cselekszi ezt a nagy irgalmú Isten, mert o˝, Nolens aliquem perire. Omnes vult salvos fieri »2Pet 3,9; 1Tim 2,4«.” PÖM, vol. 7, 293.

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Saviour: “the swallow and the stork feel the coming of the spring, but the Jews could not recognise the visit of the Messiah.”59 It was not forty days of grace they got – as in Nineveh – but 40 years. The Great Flood, the Assyrian conquest, and the Babylonian captivity could all have been avoided. The final destruction of Jerusalem would not have come true had the Jews recognised and accepted Jesus Christ.60 Pázmány did not take into consideration the fact that the apocalyptic prophecies quoted in the text of the sermon originated from distant ages, and evaluated the perils lurking behind the Jews in different ways.61 Isaiah walked about naked in the market place of Jerusalem trying to make the Jews realise the gravity of the Assyrian threat. Jeremiah tied himself up in iron chains when preaching about the Babylonian captivity. Ezekiel ate bread smeared with dung in Babylon when trying to urge the Jews to do penance.62 However, the author of the sermon was searching exclusively for the way to avoid final destruction through these examples: he only heard the warning voice of God from these prophecies.

Protestant apocalypticism as reflected in the Jesuit doctrine of Grace The very same events concerning the destruction of Jerusalem had been told many times by many people before Pázmány, and even similar morals had been drawn. Neither the style of the narration, nor the interpretation can be called original. However, in the first third of the 17th century in Hungary it carried a peculiar new meaning. These new thoughts appear in dealing with the questions of sin, punishment and the apocalyptic evaluation of the problem. Pázmány, in this sermon, revived the much-favoured parable of the 16th century reformers, that is, the “Hungarian-Jewish historical parallel”63: “And not to look farther, the more beautiful and better part of our dear country is kept in subjection. God had not shown favour towards the Jews, neither will he favour you, whoever you are, if you indulge in the sins of the Jews, you will have to suffer the devastation of the Jews.”64 59 “A fecske és gólya eszébe veszi a tavasz közel voltát, de a zsidók nem ismerték a messiás látogatását” PÖM, vol. 7, 302. 60 PÖM, vol. 7, 293. 61 Siegfried Herrmann, Geschichte Israels in alttestamentlicher Zeit (Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1981), 282−300, 332, 342−344. 62 Is 20.2; Jer 27.2; Ez 4.12−15 63 Horváth, A reformáció jegyében, 315; Klaniczay, “A magyar reformáció irodalma,” 76−82; Balázs Trencsényi, “Conceptualizing statehood and nationhood. The Hungarian reception of ‘reason of state’ and the political language of national identity in the early modern period,” East Central Europe 29 (2002): part 1−2, 1−26. 64 “És hogy messze ne nézzünk, a mi édes hazánk szebb és jobb része rabságra jutott, to˝sgyö-

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The destruction of Jerusalem was already considered an allegory of the destruction of Hungary by 16th-century Protestant preachers. Péter Bornemisza, a Lutheran author, had already treated the mentioned chapters of Bellum Judaicum with an elaborateness equalling that of Pázmány’s.65 The destruction of Jerusalem often appeared in other Protestant sermons as well, as an example in the course of the preaching. István Magyari, a Lutheran preacher, also listed the main episodes of the destruction of Jerusalem and warned his listeners that these were “to serve as a mirror to remember the growth of our depravity.”66 Poetic adaptations of the topic are also well known. András Farkas uses the theme of the perils of Jerusalem in his poem entitled Az zsidó és magyar nemzetro˝l (On the Jewish and Hungarian Nations),67 András Szkhárosi Horváth also refers to the example of Jerusalem in his own age,68 while Mihály Madai and András Csegedi recited the destruction of Jerusalem in separate poems on the basis of the Latin revision of the work of Josephus Flavius.69 References to their own age are not lacking from these works either: “The wrath of God shows on them [that is, the Jews], / Until the judgement his great vengeance, / His great wrath at the sin, / His vengeance for the loathsome lives.”70 Pázmány however did not outline the same situation as described earlier based on the Wittenberg concept of history.71 From the great similarity in the argumentation we cannot conclude an essential similarity in meaning. Pázmány’s allegorical estimation of the situation is in distinct opposition to the Wittenberg concept of history. According to the reformers, the destruction of Jerusalem and Hungary was brought about by “terrible and dreadful sins” and, in the wake of Melanchthon, they considered the downfall of Jerusalem and Hungary a punishment for the sin

65 66 67 68 69 70 71

keres, nagy, úri és régi nemes nemzetségek a föld színéru˝l eltöröltettek, a nyomorult község nagy részre pogány igájában nyomorog, a hátramaradott kevés nemesség óránként fejére várja a sulykot…, ha a zsidóknak nem kedvezett Isten, néked sem kedvez, akar ki légy, ha a zsidók vétkeit követed, a zsidók romlását szenveded.” PÖM, vol. 7, 305. Péter Bornemisza, Prédikációk (Detreko˝–Rárbok: Bornemisza, 1584), fols. CCCCIXIII −CCCCCIV. Facsimile edition Péter Ko˝szeghy, epilogue Szabolcs Oláh. BHA 33 (Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2000). “Az Jeruzsálem veszedelme tükörül romlásunknak nevekedéséro˝l való emlékezet volna.” István Magyari, Az országokban való sok romlásoknak okairól (Sárvár: Manlius, 1602), ed. László Makkai (Budapest: Európa Könyvkiadó−Magyar Helikon 1979), 104. Varjas (ed.), Balassi Bálint és a 16. század költo˝i, vol. 1, 393−394. Cf. Pap, “Ment o˝ket az Isten.” For the poem by András Szkhárosi Horváth see Varjas (ed.), Balassi Bálint és a 16. század költo˝i, vol. 2, 497. RMKT XVI, vol. 5, 33−35; 153−187. “Megtetszik rajtok Istennek haragja, / Ítéletig o˝ nagy bosszúállása, / Az bu˝n ellen való o˝ nagy haragja, / Fertelmes életért bosszúállása.” András Csegedi, Historia de expugnatione Urbis Ierusolimitanae, RMKT XVI, vol. 5, 183. Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis, 100−140.

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of idolatry. “It is not the word of the Gospel that lures the Turks to Hungary, but the immense idolatry and other monstrosities that have been going on for ages” – writes Melanchthon in his commentary on the Book of Daniel.72 Following Melanchthon, the Bible translator Gáspár Károlyi explains in his Két könyv (Two Books) the ruin of Jerusalem and that of Hungary to be a punishment of the sin of idolatry.73 Besides “idolatry” and the persecution of Christians, the Protestants considered public offences amounting to intolerable measures as the origin of God’s anger. In contrast to this, Pázmány defined only heresy – that is, the spread of Protestantism – as the cause of God’s vengeance:74 “It is thus great folly to threaten the people with the wrath of God and the fear of damnation“ – says Pázmány in his Öt szép levél (Five nice letters) written against the Reformed preacher Péter Alvinczi, referring to the resolutions of the Council of Trent. He continues: “For this reason we believe that the Lord All Mighty grants eternal life to those who really serve him for ever” – that is, those who abide by the only true Catholic faith.75 The idea that “God is punishing the Hungarian nation because of her sins” – which has a Protestant tinge to it, though of much earlier origin76 – had already been confronted by Pázmány in a polemic dating back to 1602. He turned the arguments of his rivals to his own use, as was his usual habit: “That it is not us, but you, who are the real cause of the destruction of the country can be proved easily. God’s scourge strikes us either because of other sins or because of erring in the ways of faith. It is undeniable that the eyes of men were opened to all evil and sacrilege since you brought the new knowledge to the world. So, the scourge of God can be considered the fruit of your work as well.”77 72 “Non vox Evangelii attraxit Turcas in Pannoniam, ut de proximis exemplis dicam, sed ingens longi temporis eidolomania, et alia multa scelera.” Philipp Melanchthon, In Danielem Prophetam Commentarius, in idem, Opera quae sunt omnia, ed. Carolus Gottlieb Bretschneider. CR, series 1, vol. 13 (Halle: C.A. Schwetschke, 1846), 960. 73 Gáspár Károlyi, Két könyv (Debrecen: Török Mihály, 1563), ed. in Károlyi Gáspár, a gönci prédikátor, ed. András Szabó (Budapest: Magveto˝, 1984), 64−66. 74 Tibor Klaniczay, Zrínyi Miklós (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1964), 102; József TurócziTrostler, “Az országokban való sok romlásoknak okairól. Forrástanulmány Magyari István könyvéro˝l,” in Turóczi-Trostler, Magyar irodalom – világirodalom, vol. 1, 152−155; Ágoston Keisz, “Magyari és Pázmány vitája,” in Hargittay (ed.), Pázmány Péter és kora, 219–249; Trencsényi, “Conceptualizing statehood,” 11−12. 75 “Bolondság tehát az Isten haragjának és az kárhozatnak félelmével rettegtetni az embereket… Annakokáért hisszük azt, hogy az Úr Isten örök életet ád azoknak, akik mindvégig igazán szolgálnak néki.” PÖM, vol. 2, 595−596. ˝ ze, ‘Bu˝neiért bünteti Isten a magyar népet.’ 76 O 77 “Hogy penig nem mi, hanem ti légyetek nagyobb okai, az ti újonnan toldozott-foldozott, sok régen kárhoztatott eretnekségekbo˝l öszvetataroztatott vallástokkal, mely (mint az viperakígyó-fiakról szokták mondani) megemészti azokat, akik o˝tet szülték és tartották, igen könnyu˝ megmutatnunk. Mert ez az Istennek ostora avagy az egyéb rendbéli bu˝nökért vet-

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The logic of the sermon on Jerusalem is similar: “What was then the cause of the downfall of the Jews? Saint Paul gave two reasons for this in clear wording: First: infidelity… second a decrease in charity.”78 There is a cause and effect relationship between the two reasons here too: “Because where true faith flourishes, there the country endures. And where erring thoughts suppress truth, there the people are in peril.”79 The main reason thus is infidelity from which the decrease in charity originates. And as we have seen, this is the opposite of the Protestant conception.80 The argumentation of Pázmány obviously has a solid theological foundation.81 In his tractate on sins written in Latin – following in the footsteps of St. Thomas Aquinas – he argues that sin is not a positive category, but the result of the absence of something: peccatum est privatio.82 This general philosophical standpoint can be applied to Pázmány’s concept of history as well. Pázmány – joining in the disputes of the Jesuits concerning the Grace of God – discarded the idea according to which God All Mighty is the “reason for sin” withal.83 This means that he joined forces with adherents of Jesuit political theory – following the teachings of Aristotle and Aquinas – who did not consider secular authority of holy origin.84 Cardinal Pázmány allowed for no concessions in respect to Protestant ideas, even if they were related to questions of the national existence of Hungary.85 He did not accept Protestant apocalypticism manifesting itself in the idea of “the scourge of God,” while he rejected the reformed antichristology, firmly asserting that the servants of the Antichrist were not the popes but Luther and Calvin.86 The

78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86

tetett mireánk, avagy az hit dolgaiban való tévelygésért… Tagadhatatlan dolog, hogy miúta ti ez világra hoztátok az új tudományt…, azúta felnyittaték az emberek szeme minden gonoszságra és istentelenségre… Isten ostorit is ti gyümölcsötöknek nevezhetjük.” Péter Pázmány, Felelet (Nagyszombat: Typographia Capitulis Strigoniensis, 1603), ed. Emil Hargittay, Pázmány Péter Mu˝vei 1 (Budapest: Universitas, 2000), 239. “Vajon mi volt oka a zsidók romlásának? Szent Pál »Rom. 11.20« világos szókkal két okát adja annak. Elso˝: Propter incredulitatem fracti sunt, a hitetlenség; másik: Si non permanseris in bonitate, excideris, a jóság fogyatkozása.” PÖM, vol. 7, 305−306. “Mert ahol az igaz hit virágzik, ott állandó a birodalom, ahol pedig a hamis tévelygés elnyomja az igazságot, veszedelem követi az országot.” PÖM, vol. 7, 306. Emil Hargittay, “A politikai elmélet Pázmány tevékenységének hátterében,” in Pázmány Péter emlékezete. Halálának 350. évfordulóján, ed. László Lukács SJ and Ferenc Szabó SJ (Rome: Tipografia Ugo Detti, 1987), 405−448. Ferenc Szabó SJ., A teológus Pázmány (Budapest: Magyar Egyháztörténeti Enciklopédia Munkaközösség, 1998), 90. Péter Pázmány, Tractatus de peccatis, in Pázmány, Opera Omnia. Series Latina, vol. 4, 127. ˝ ry SJ, Pázmány kegyelemvitája a grazi egyetemen, in Lukács−Szabó (eds.), Pázmány Miklós O Péter emlékezete, 9−98; Szabó, A teológus Pázmány, 48. Imre Bán, “A jezsuita államelmélet,” in idem, Költo˝k, eszmék, korszakok. Csokonai könyvtár. Bibliotheca Studiorum Litterarium 11 (Debrecen: Kossuth Egyetemi Kiadó, 1997), 149. István Bitskey, “Pázmány és Zrínyi,” in Bitskey, Virtus és religió, 185−205. Pázmány, Kalauz, PÖM, vol. 4, 311−358. On the European reformed antichristology see

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symbolism of the destruction of Jerusalem was connected to the question of apocalypticism from the beginning: for every Christian and Jew it symbolised the last judgement, doomsday, the end of times, and it was included in all sorts of eschatological ideas.87 Pázmány himself makes references to this in another of his sermons: “When will be the time of the devastation of the temple of Jerusalem? What signs will indicate the end of times? Both questions were answered by the Christ, when he showed the signs of the destruction of the Temple, the Last Judgement and the end of the world.”88 Let us now see how the ideas of sermons concerning the destruction of the Temple and Jerusalem and the Last Judgement are related. No one doubted the unavoidable Last Judgement, but people thought differently about the wish of God manifesting itself in history and about whether man can have insight into this plan.89 Pázmány’s sermon was written almost a century after the emergence of Wittenberg apocalypticism. We can see that Pázmány shared the standpoint of Josephus. He believed that the punishment of God could have been averted from the Jews just as from the Hungarians – and he considered the faith of Jerusalem tragic precisely because of this reprehensible neglect. Pázmány supported his notion that God would forgive all sins except the lack of true faith with the example of the damned fig-tree: “in one word, by losing their true faith, which is the foundation and door of the good of the soul and the hope of eternal happiness, the Jews became like that damned fig-tree about which the Christ said that it will never bear any fruit.”90

87

88

89 90

Christopher Hill, Antichrist in seventeenth-century England (London–New York: Verso, 1990). A Lutheran antichristology written by Aegidius Hunnius, professor in Wittenberg, was translated into Hungarian by Tamás Eszterházi and István Kürti (Sárvár: Manlius, 1602). On the origins of the reformed antichristology in Hungary see: Imre Révész, Krisztus és Antikrisztus. Ozorai Imre és mu˝ve (Debrecen: Városi Nyomda, 1928). Hahn, “Josephus,” 199−219. The most characteristic episodes of the Bellum Judaicum had been quoted in almost all the apocalyptic treatises of the age, for example, in the writings of English authors examined at that time in Hungary as well. John Foxe interpreted the fall of Jerusalem as the first trumpet-sound of the Apocalypse: Eicasmi seu meditationes in sacram Apocalypsin (London: Byshop, 1587), 74; William Perkins characterized the immense patience of God in the same sense: The Lord had tolerated the “Jewish rebel” endlessly and gracefully. He was obliged to use the apocalyptic punishment only for the stubbornness and obduracy of this nation: A treatise of Gods free grace and mans free-will (Cambridge: 1605), 870; cf. Bryan W. Ball, A great expectation. Eschatological thought in English Protestantism to 1660. Brill’s Studies in the History of Christian Thought 12 (Leiden: Brill, 1975). “Mikor lészen az a romlás? Micsoda jelei lésznek a világ végének? Megfelelt mindketto˝re a Krisztus. És a mái evangéliomban a Templom pusztulásának, az advent elso˝ vasárnapi evangéliumban az utolsó ítíletnek és világ végének elöljáró jelenségit adta.” − Sermon on the 24th Sunday following Whitsuntide (Pentecost). In PÖM, vol. 7, 653. Bietenholz, Historia and fabula, 118−126. “Egyszóval, elvesztvén a zsidók az igaz hitet, mely fondamentoma és ajtaja a lelki jóknak és örök boldogság reménségének, olyanokká lettek, mint amaz átkozott fügefa, melyru˝l azt

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This concept of history harmonises with the author’s resolute anti-Ottoman policy.91 He accepts that the Ottomans ravage the Christians in accordance with the will of God, but he rejects the eschatological interpretation of the devastation of Hungary: “We do not know whether God has… ordered this war for our total devastation, or just as a trial… God’s judgement is abysmal that we cannot penetrate.”92 The allegory of Jerusalem’s devastation was perfectly suitable for Pázmány to give a comprehensive historical evaluation of the situation of Hungary ravaged by the Ottomans. Pázmány evaluated the arguments raised by the Protestants in a new light. He pointed out the didactic character of the Protestant view on history by way of a scepticical and ironic form of conceptual analysis. He set the rationalistic view of new Scholasticism against the Protestant apocalyptic tradition applying the methods of Humanism. Of course, this “modern” Jesuit argumentation giving a rational impression served the aims of tendentious apologetics: every single word of the author was intended to support the Catholic faith.93 When discussing the reasons of the destruction of Hungary, Pázmány turned the arguments developed by the Protestants against themselves by emphasising the impenetrability of the plans of the Merciful God instead of the apocalyptical interpretation of the destruction: God nolens aliquem perire. Omnes vult salvos fieri.94 According to Pázmány, history is not formed exclusively by the foreordained and irrevocable wish of God. The cardinal did not believe that God “as the Lord of history” had a universal plan concerning every little detail. In accordance with the Jesuit concept of the Grace of God, the Hungarian theologian attached great importance to the free will of man; thus, in history he saw the free cooperation of the creator and his creation.95 This anti-apocalyptic view of history was a great novelty to the Hungarians – mainly Protestants – living under the pressure of the Ottoman Empire. Pázmány rejected the Protestant conception of a Jewish−

91 92

93 94 95

mondotta Christus: Numquam ex te fructus nascatur in sempiternum »Mt 21,19«.” PÖM, vol. 7, 305. Emil Hargittay, “Balásfi Tamás és Pázmány Péter politikai nézetei,” Irodalomtörténet 12[62] (1980): 134−147. “Nem tudjuk, ha Isten… ezt a hadat teljes romlásunkra rendelte-e vagy csak próbánkra… Judicia Dei abyssus multa »Ps 35,7« Az Isten ítíletinek feneketlen mélysége vagyon, által nem érthetjük.” − Pázmány’s first sermon on the third Sunday after Epiphany. PÖM, vol. 6, 337−338. There had been serious disputes among the Hungarian Protestant denominations concerning calculations about the precise time of the Doomsday as well: Révész, “Deberecen lelki válsága,” 165−169; Balázs, Az erdélyi antitrinitarizmus, 180−182. Blum, “Péter Pázmány als Philosophieprofessor,” 35−49. As note 56 Szabó, A teológus Pázmány, 283−287.

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Hungarian parallel. In the meantime, this change of attitude also resulted in emphasising benevolence and personal piety, since in the interpretation of Pázmány it is the individual – who finds himself within the framework of the Catholic Church – and not the apocalyptic community expecting the Final Judgement who will find salvation.

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Earlier versions of the chapters Chapter one: “Hungarian friends of Erasmus in sixteenth-century and today.” In In search of the republic of letters. Intellectual relations between Hungary and the Netherlands 1500−1800. Ed. Arnoud Visser. Wassenaar: Study Centre on the Republic of Letters in Early Modern Period, NIAS, 1999, 21−28. Chapter two: “The names of the Holy Maccabees: Erasmus and the origin of the Hungarian Protestant martyrology.” In Sebo˝k (ed.), Republic of letters, 45–62. Chapter three: “The reception of Erasmianism in Hungary and the contexts of the Erasmian program. The ‘cultural patriotism’ of Benedek Komjáti.” In ‘Whose love of which country.’ Composite states, national histories and patriotic discourses in early modern East Central Europe. Ed. Balázs Trencsényi and Márton Zászkaliczky. European History and Culture 3. Leiden: Brill, 2010, 75−90.

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Chapter four: Howard Louthan and Pál Ács. “Bibles and books. Bohemia and Hungary.” In Louthan−Murdock (eds.), A companion to the Reformation, 390−411. Chapter five: “‘Thou shalt not commit adultery.’ ‘Ne paráználkodjál.’ The metapor of adultery/paráznaság as applied in the literature of the Reformation.” In Der Mythos von Amor und Psyche in der europäischen Renaissance. Ed. Katalin Németh, S. Studia Humanitatis 12. Budapest: Balassi Kiadó, 2002. 11−17. Chapter six: “‘Nem jobb o˝ is a Deákné vásznánál.’A Hungarian fiddler’s song before 1580.” In Igniculi sapientiae. János-Baranyai-Decsi Festschrift. Symposium und Ausstellung zum 400. Jahrestag des Erscheinens der Adagia von János Baranyai Decsi in der Széchényi Nationalbibliothek. Ed. Gábor Barna, Ágnes Stremler, and Vilmos Voigt. Budapest: OSZK−Osiris, 2004. 149−157. Chapter seven: “The theory of soul-sleeping at the beginning of the Hungarian Reformation movement. Matthias Dévai: ‘De sanctorum dormitione.’” In Centers and peripheries in European Renaissance culture. Essays by East-Central European Mellon fellows. Ed. György Endre Szo˝nyi and Csaba Maczelka. Szeged: JATEPress Kiadó, 2012, 95−103. Chapter eight: “Thomas Cranmer’s martyrdom as parable. Hungarian adaptation in verse of John Foxe’s Martyrology by Mihály Sztárai (1560).” In The myth of the Reformation. Ed. Peter Opitz. Göttingen: Vanderhoeck und Ruprecht, 2013, 260−275. Chapter nine: “Honfoglalók Ráckevén. Protestáns patriotizmus Skaricza Máté várostörténeti költeményében [Conquerors in Ráckeve. Protestant patriotism in a poem on local history by Mátyás Skaricza].” In Kálvin hagyománya. Református kulturális örökség a Duna mentén [The heritage of Calvin. Reformed cultural heritage along the Danube]. Exp. Cat. 30. 9. 2009 − 15. 2. 2010. Ed. Péter Farbaky and Réka Kiss. Budapest: Budapesti Történeti Múzeum, 2009. 37−41. Chapter ten: “‘Én fiam vagy, Dávid…’A historikus értelmezés korlátai a 2. zsoltár unitárius fordításában [‘Thou art My Son, David.’ The limits of historical interpretation in the Unitarian translation of Psalm 2:7]. In A zsoltár a régi magyar irodalomban [The psalm in ancient Hungarian literature]. Ed. Éva Petro˝czi and András Szabó. Budapest: Károli Gáspár Református Egyetem−L’Harmattan, 2011, 61−76. Chapter eleven: “Alvise Gritti és Nádasdy Tamás − egy elhidegült barátság történeti háttere [Alvise Gritti and Tamás Nádasdy. The history of a burnt-out friendship].” In Horn (ed.), Mu˝vészet és mesterség. Vol. 2, 133–147. Chapter twelve: “Andreas Dudith’s Ottoman brother-in–law.” Camoenae Hungaricae 3 (2006): 59−64. Chapter thirteen: “Tarjumans Mahmud and Murad. Austrian and Hungarian renegades as sultan’s interpreters.” In Guthmüller−Kühlmann (eds.), Europa und die Türken, 307− 316. Chapter fourteen: “The rise and fall of a notorious renegade. The story of Sásvár/S¸ehsuvar Bey, 1580.” In Fodor−Ács (eds.), Identity and culture, 209−222. Chapter fifteen: “‘Pro Turcis’ and ‘contra Turcos.’ Curiosity, scholarship and spiritualism in Ottoman Histories by Johannes Löwenklau (1541−1594).” Acta Comeniana 25 [XLIX] (2011): 25−46. Chapter sixteen: “Iter Persicum. In alliance with the Safavid dynasty against the Ottomans?” In A Divided Hungary in Europe. Exchanges, networks and representations, 1541–1699. Vol. 2. Diplomacy, information flow and cultural exchange. Ed. Szymon

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Brzezin´ski and Áron Zarnóczki. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014. 31−50. Chapter seventeen: “The conqueror of the Turks in the Kunstkabinett. Curiosity and the cult of hero in Pál Esterházy’s poem ‘Egy csudálatos ének’ (A song of wonder).” In Born−Jagodzinski (eds.), Türkenkriege und Adelskultur, 253−265. Chapter eighteen: “Historischer Skeptizismus und Frömmigkeit. Die Revision protestantischer Geschichtsvorstellungen in den Predigten des ungarischen Jesuiten Péter Pázmány.” In Jesuitische Frömmigkeitskulturen. Konfessionelle Interaktion in Ostmitteleuropa 1570–1700. Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropa 28. Ed. Anna Ohlidal and Stefan Samerski. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2006. 279−294.

Register

‘Abbas I, Shah of Persia 201, 202, 210– 214, 216, 217 Abádi, Benedek 27 Abel 78 Aber, Maccabee martyr 40, 41 Abraham the Patriarch 50, 55–57, 116, 117, 147; Abrahamic Faith 49, 109, 118, 119 Abu Ma’shar; Apomasaris Apotelesmata; Oneirocriticon of Achmet 185 Achilles 179 Acts of the Apostles 121, 122, 126 adoration and non-adoration of Christ 129, 130 adultery 73–79 Aegisthus 64, 77 Aesop 24 Africa, North 210 Ahaz (Achas), Maccabee martyr 40, 41 Ahaz, King of Judah 41 Albert of Brandenburg 49 Albert the Magnanimous, King of Hungary 114 Alciati, Andrea 160 Aldus Manutius 23 Ali, Kalaylikoz, Pasha of Buda 170, 172, 175 allegorization 28, 74–77, 90, 99, 108, 125, 126, 130, 132, 178, 226, 228, 251, 254, 258 Almási, Gábor 9, 185 Álmos, head of the Hungarian tribes 114

Altdorf 153 Álvares, Francisco 236 Alvinczi, György 165 Alvinczi, Péter 255 ambassadors, diplomats 149–154, 158–160, 162, 164, 165, 169, 185, 186, 188, 201, 203, 205–207, 209, 211, 213, 216; orators 151 Ambrose, Saint 37 Ambrosius, Sebestyén 70 Amelsbüren 191 America 225, 228, 229; American Indians 228 Amman, Jost 151 Amsterdam 9, 228 Anabaptism and Anabaptists 70, 88–91, 173, 191 Anatolia 209 Andreis, Tranquillo de 137, 138, 148 Ankara; Monumentum Ancyranum 188 Antichrist 13, 42, 43, 66, 92, 106, 239; spiritual and physical 250; antichristology 247, 251, 256, 257 antinomianism 49 Antioch 32–34, 36 Antiochus IV Epiphanes, Seleucid ruler 28, 31, 33, 42, 43, 99 Antitrinitarianism; Unitarianism; radical Reformation 14, 67, 70, 91, 121–125, 127, 129–133, 143, 160, 165, 167, 194, 205, 206 Antwerp 227, 228 apocalypticism; Final (Last) Judgement 13, 28, 35, 42, 43, 77, 88–90, 92, 93, 103,

320 132, 144, 182, 239, 243, 247–250, 253, 254, 256–259 Aquinas, Thomas, Saint 125; peccatum est privatio 256 Arabia 183 Aret (Areth), Maccabee martyr 32, 40 Aretino, Pietro 142, 144 Aristotle 256; De anima 88; Aristotelianism 89 Arkhangelsk 213 Armenia, Armenians 211 Árpád, Grande Prince of the Hungarians 113, 114, 118 Arslan, Pasha of Buda 157 artificalia 231, 237 Asia-Minor 36 Assyria 253 Astrakhan 201, 213 Attila the Hun 113, 114, 118 Aubri, Jean 187 Augsburg 212, 224, 231; Imperial Diet 89 Augustine, Saint 37, 75, 121, 248, 249 Augustus Caesar (Octavian) 179, 188 Austria 143, 144, 150, 151, 157, 159, 183, 192, 206, 229, 247 automata 231 Azerbaijan 209 Babinger, Franz 149, 192, 198 Babylonia 253 Bacchus 64, 231 Baghdad 217 Balassi, Bálint 64, 65, 70, 170, 172, 176, 198 Balassi, János 173 Balaszentmiklós (today Törökszentmiklós) 173 Balázs, Mihály 129, 165 Balduin, Friedrich 246 Baltic countries 225 Baranya County 95, 104, 108 Baranyai Decsi, János 81–84; Adagia 28, 54, 81

Register

Baroque art, literature, music and culture 221, 224, 249; Counter-Reformation 63, 243 Barta, Gábor 140 Bártfa (today Bardejov, Slovakia) 66, 246 Basel 96–98, 107, 111, 191 Báthory, family 206 Báthory, Stephen, prince of Transylvania, King of Poland 150 Batizi, András 66, 84 Batthyány, Boldizsár 175 Batthyány, Orbán 145 Bavaria, Bavarians 229 Bebek, Imre 86 Beck von Leopoldsdorf, Hieronymus 183, 185, 186; Annales Beccani 184 Béla III, King of Hungary 117 Beleth, Johannes 37 Belgrade 141 Bellarmino, Roberto 245 Belsius, János 194 Benedictine congregations; ~ Order 35–37 Berzeviczy, Márton 152 Besolt, Melchior 183 Bethshabe 77 Bezerédy, Ádám 239 Biai, Gáspár 77 Bible (see also under Septuagint, Vulgate, and the single books) 13, 22, 24–28, 31, 32, 41, 45, 46, 54, 57, 61–63, 67–71, 73–77, 79, 90, 98, 99, 122, 124–130, 132, 255; Old Testament 43, 48, 66, 99, 117, 123, 125, 126, 128, 130; Pentateuch (Torah) 74, 166; Decalogue (Ten Commandments) 73–76, 78, 90; New Testament 13, 22, 24–27, 43, 48, 99, 121, 125, 128; Gospel 13, 24, 46–49, 52–54, 130, 166, 250, 251, 255; Lord’s Prayer 75; Polyglot Bibles 67; Hungarian translations: Medieval (Jordánszky codex) 75, 76; Erasmian 21–29, 45–57; Protestant 61–71; English Bible 75, 98 Black Sea 215 Blotius, Hugo 183, 191

Register

Bogáti Fazakas, Miklós 66, 123, 124, 127, 129, 131, 132 Bohemia 53; ~n Brethren 191, 198 Boleyn, Anne, Queen of England 103 Bollandists 39, 40 Bologna 9, 138 Bonfini, Antonio 23, 114, 182 book printing, printing houses, printmakers 16, 24, 27, 45, 51, 53, 54, 62– 68, 71, 83, 86, 98, 186 Borbás family 115 Born, Robert 9 Bornemisza, Miklós 31, 32, 39 Bornemisza, Péter 64, 67, 73, 254; Electra 64, 77; Devilish temptations 73 Bosnia 175 Bothwell, James Hepburn, Earl of 79 Brassicanus, Johannes Alexander 24 Bredekamp, Horst 236 Breuner, Friedrich 170 Brodarics, István 138, 146 Bschlagngaul, Caspar 178 Bucer, Martin 125 Buda (Bleda), brother of Attila the Hun 113 Buda 23, 140, 141, 147, 157, 166, 169– 172, 174, 175, 178, 179, 184; as “ideal city” 146 Bullinger, Heinrich 96 Bunny, Edmund 76 Buzási, Eniko˝ 228 Byron, George, Lord of Newstead 188 Cain 77, 78 Calais 46 Calcagnini, Celio 22 Caliari, Carlo 211 Caliari, Gabriele 211 Calmet, Augustin 35, 39 Calvin, John 75, 77, 125, 126, 256; Calvinism 27, 28, 31, 71, 73, 74, 78, 88, 102, 118, 123, 124, 165, 178, 192; CryptoCalvinism 70, 192; Reformed Protestantism 67, 68, 70, 71, 103–105, 107–110, 112, 116–118, 121, 129, 255; Psychopannychia 88

321 Cambrai, Treaty of 143 Camerarius, Joachim 192 Campion, Edmund, Saint 246 Canisius, Peter 246 Canterbury 95, 98, 101, 103 Caspian Sea 201, 202, 214, 217 Castaldo, Giovanni Battista 163 Castellio, Sebastian; ~s Latin Bible translation 127–129, 131; De arte dubitandi 132 Catherine of Austria, Queen consort of Poland 150 Catholicism 16, 28, 42, 56, 57, 70, 71, 74, 79, 85–88, 90, 92, 93, 96, 101, 104, 106, 112, 115, 116, 166, 192, 195, 206; Catholic Church 27, 61, 63, 66, 77, 89, 150, 154; Catholic Reformation 16, 219–259; conversion to ~ 70, 206, 210, 244, 245 Caucasus, Caucasia 211, 217 Cecil, William, Baron Burghley 215 Cervicornus, Eucharius 37, 39, 41 Chaldiran 210 Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy 191 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor 192 Chemnitz, Martin 90 China 225 Chios 192 chosenness 48, 49, 52, 55, 77, 78, 92, 118, 177, 248 Christian I, Elector of Saxony 183, 197 Christology 123, 124, 129, 131 Chronicon Pictum (Illuminated Chronicle) 163 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 54; De senectute 190 Cincinnius, Johannes 40 Ciulisová, Ingrid 9 Claudius, uncle of Hamlet 77 Clusius, Carolus 192 Clytemnestra 64, 77 Cognac, League of 143 Colet, John 47 Cologne 28, 36–43, 160 Communion (Holy), Lord’s Supper 71, 101, 102, 117 Como 137, 138

322 confessionalism 71 Contarini, Francesco 96 Copenhagen 9 copia verborum 51 Covenant (Biblical) 77, 78 Cox, Leonard 25 Cracow 9, 21, 24, 25, 27, 53, 54, 63, 85, 245 Cranmer, Thomas 95–108; Common Prayer 98, 102; ~s recantations 106 Croatia, ~ns 16, 95, 114, 138, 164, 189 crocodile 228, 235, 239, 241 Crodelius, Marcus; Grammatica Latinogermanica 25 Csaba, prince, son of Attila the Hun 113, 114 Csegedi, András 254 Csepel Island 109, 112, 114, 115 cult and invocation of saints 16, 28, 32, 44, 86, 87, 89, 92, 93, 98, 117 Cusa, Nicholas of 248 Custos, Dominicus 212, 213 Cyprus 183 Cyrus (Kyros) II, King of Persia 213 Czeglédi, István 83 Czintos, Emese 10 Dalmatia 53, 137, 138, 187 Dán, Róbert 123, 124, 127, 129 dance; anti-dance attitudes 64, 79 Daniel, Book of 13, 43, 88, 248, 249, 255 Dante Alighieri 248 Danube River 109, 112–114, 173 Darius I, King of Persia 213 Darnley, Lord (Henry Stuart, Duke of Albany), king consort of Scotland 79 Dávid, Ferenc, art historian 239 Dávid, Ferenc, Unitarian bishop of Transylvania 70, 206 Dávid, Géza 172 David, King of Israel and Judah 77, 121–124, 128, 130, 131 Debrecen 27, 64, 66, 173, 174 Decsi, Gáspár 73, 77 Dercsényi, family 178 dervish orders 163, 209; bektashi ~ 166

Register

Descartes, René 129 descensus 90 Dévai, Mátyás 70, 76, 85−93; De sanctorum dormitione 85; Disputatio 86; commentary to the Ten Commandments 90 Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex 214, 215 devotio moderna 42 Dézsi, Lajos 172, 176 Dietrich, Veit 90 Dina 74 Diósgyo˝r 178, 179 Dobokay, Sándor 246 dragomans, chiausis, tarjumans, muteferriquas (Ottoman interpreters) 14, 149, 151, 154, 155, 158, 159, 161–165, 190 dramas, plays, playwrights, theatrical performances 41, 67, 104, 139; trufa 84, 141 drash (Biblical exegetical method) 125 dream-books 185 Drentwett, Philipp Jacob 224 Dublin 9 Dudith, Andreas 149−155 Dürer, Albrecht 249 Dziewulski, Michał 9 East India Company 217 Eastern (Greek) Orthodoxy 16, 35, 36, 87, 88, 109, 193 Eastern Protestant mission 194, 195 Eberbach brothers 198 Ecsed (today Nagyecsed) 173 Edinburgh 9, 79; North Loch 76 Edward VI, King of England and Ireland 102, 104 Eger (Agria) 154, 170, 171, 173, 178, 179 Egypt 115, 183 Eisenstadt (Hung. Kismarton) 9, 228– 231 Eleazar (Ezra), Jewish priest 31, 32, 34, 35, 42, 99 Electra 64 Elizabeth I of England 78, 214 Elsky, Martin 9

323

Register

Emeric (Imre), prince, Saint, son of Saint Stephen 114 Emese, mother of Grand Prince Álmos 113, 114 Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy 191 Enderun School 157 England 47, 71, 76, 79, 96, 98, 101, 110, 183, 214, 215, 217; Church of ~ 102, 103 Enlightenment 194, 197 Epictetus 29 Erasmus, Desiderius; Erasmianism 13, 14, 16, 21–29, 31, 39–42, 44–57, 62, 63, 67, 90, 101, 122, 129, 130, 197, 237, 249; Adagia 22, 23, 28, 51, 54, 81; Colloquia 22, 27; Enchiridion militis Christiani 23, 28, 44, 49; Familiarum colloquiorum formulae 23; Laus Stultitiae 22, 23; Novum instrumentum omne (Novum Testamentum graece et latine) 22, 45, 57, 67; Paraphrases in Novum Testamentum 22; Paraphrasis in epistolas apostolicas 22; Paraphrasis super epistolas Paulinas 23; Selecta 36 Ernest I, Duke of Saxe-Gotha-Altenburg 237 Ernest of Austria, Archduke 169 Esau 78 eschatology (see also under apocalypticism) 48, 53, 89, 209, 247–250, 257, 258 Esterházy, László 226 Esterházy, Miklós 221, 222 Esterházy, Pál; A song of wonder 221– 241 Estienne, Henri (Stephanus) 182, 191 Eszterházi, Tamás 257 Ethiopia (Hadya, Adaea) 225, 236, 237 Eucharistic theology 102 Eusebius of Caesarea 39, 96 Evans, Robert John Weston 9 exegesis, exegetes 74, 122, 124–127, 130, 249 exemplum 44, 98, 251 Ezekiel, prophet 74, 128, 252, 253 Farkas, András

66, 254

Félegyházi, Tamás 67 Ferdinand I, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Hungary 50, 93, 99, 137, 139–141, 151, 152, 162, 188 Ferdinand III, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Hungary 229 Ferdinand IV, King of the Romans, King of Hungary 229 Ferhad, dragoman 150 Ferrara 22, 196 Feyerabend, Sigmund 41 fiddler’s song 81–84 Fifteen Years War 198, 207, 210, 214 Fighani Chelebi 147 Fiorato, Adelin Charles 9 Flacius, Matthias 96 Flas, A. 41 Flavius Josephus 34, 39, 44, 249, 251, 252; Bellum Judaicum 123, 250, 254, 257; Pseudo-Josephus: De imperio rationis (see also under Maccabees IV) 28, 39–43 Florence 9 Fonzio, Bartolomeo 143 Forchtenstein (Hung. Fraknó / Croat. Fortnava) 221, 228–231, 239–241 fornication 73, 75–78 Forró, György 247 Foxe, John; Rerum in ecclesia gestarum… commentarii; Acts and Monuments (The Book of Martyrs) 95, 96, 98–104; Eicasmi seu meditationes in sacram Apocalypsin, 257 France 36, 96, 110, 132, 143, 144, 162, 183, 185, 193, 203, 209 Francis I, King of France 143 Francis of Assisi, Saint 248 Franciscans 70, 86, 93, 117, 124, 248 Franck, Sebastian 54, 55 Frangepán, Ferenc 138 Frangepán, Katalin 50, 53 Frankfurt am Main 151, 160, 195, 196 Frederick I (Barbarossa), Holy Roman Emperor 36 free will 56, 89, 258 friend books, alba amicorum, Stammbücher 160, 161

324 Frobenius family 41 Fugger family 146 Gabriel, Theresia 228 Galavics, Géza 239 Gardiner, Stephen 102 gemstone collections 142 Genesis, The Book of 41 Gentiles 52 Gerlach, Stephan 160, 161 Germany (Holy Roman Empire) 41, 110, 145, 192, 195, 201, 229 Gero, Archbishop of Cologne 36 Geszthy, Ferenc 178, 179 Géza, Grand Prince of the Hungarians 113, 114 ghulams 211 Giles, Saint 76 Gilles, Pieter 46 Giovio, Paolo (Paulus Jovius) 137, 138, 142, 144, 145, 148, 237 Gipsies 16 glossolalia 55 Godunov, Boris, Tsar of All Russia 202 Gog 153 Gois, Damião de 237 Gotha 9 Goths 188, 189 Grace of God 89, 256, 258 Gradvohl, Paul 9 grammar books 25, 26 Graz 227, 245 Greece, Greeks, Greek (ancient and modern) language, literature, and culture 16, 24, 34, 35, 38−41, 45, 47, 49, 51, 52, 54, 55, 67, 75, 87, 88, 114, 115, 117, 124, 131, 141, 142, 149, 160, 182, 185, 187, 188, 191–193 Greenland 225 Gregory of Nazianzus, Saint 35 Grey, Jane, Lady, Queen of England 104 Gritti, Alvise (the Beyog˘lu) 137–148 Gritti, Andrea, Venetian doge 141, 142 Gritti, Antonio 147 Gritti, Pietro 147 Grynaeus, Johann Jacob 192, 198

Register

Gryphius, Sebastian 41 Gulyás, Borbála 230 Gyárfás, Vera 10 Gyula 95 Gyulafehérvár (today Alba Iulia, Romania) 23, 70 Habsburgs 14, 50, 61, 93, 103, 137–139, 143–148, 150, 151, 154, 159, 160, 162, 169, 170, 183, 188, 189, 192, 195, 201, 207, 213–217, 221, 239 Hadrian, Roman emperor 33 Hague, The 9 Hamilton, Alastair 55 Hamlet 77 Hanau 196 Haniwald von Eckersdorf, Philipp 189; codex Hanivaldanus 164 Hanniwald, Andreas 189 Hanniwaldt, Bartholomaeus 189 harem 142 has (sultan’s domain) 174 Hassan Baba, brother of S¸ehsuvar Bey 173 Hatvan 170, 171, 178 Hawthorne, Nathaniel 77 Hebrew language 25, 34, 41, 52, 55, 67, 129–131 Heidelberg 9, 43, 110, 160, 161, 165, 188, 191 Helena (“Adea”), wife of Zar‛a Ya‛qob, Ethiopian emperor 236 Hell 87, 89; infernus 90, 91, 108 Heltai, Gáspár 67, 83, 114; The Net 129 Henning, Heinrich 191 Henry VIII, King of England and Ireland 103, 106 Heraclides, Jacobus, Voivode of Moldavia 192–194 Hercules; Hercules Hungaricus 238, 239, 241 hermeneutics 123, 127–129, 132 heroes, heroism, heroic virtues 32, 179, 181, 198, 225, 226, 234, 235, 238–241 heterodoxy, religious 198 Hirner, Roswitha 38, 40, 41

Register

historia and fabula 26 Hodászi, Lukács 70 Hoffman, Melchior; Melchiorites 191 holy languages 52 Homer 179 homiletics, homilies 35, 247 Homonnai Drugeth, György 222 Hormuz, Strait of 217 Hortobágy 178 Horváth Stansith, Gergely 70 Hosea, prophet 74 Hotson, Howard 9 Hrabanus Maurus 37 Huguenots 195 Hunnius, Aegidius 257 Huszt (today Khust in Ukraine) 50 Ibn-Sı¯rı¯n, Muhammad 185 ˙ Ibrahim Pasha (Joachim Strass), Ottoman dragoman 149–155 Ibrahim Pasha, Grand Vizier 142–144, 146, 147 Iceland 225, 228 idolatry 13, 79, 128, 255 Ilkó, wife of Máté deák 82 imitatio Christi 42 India 211, 225 interpretatio christiana 42 Iran (see under Persia) irenicism 71 Isaac the Patriarch 57, 78 Isabella Jagiellon, Queen consort of Hungary 151, 162 Isaiah, prophet 252, 253 Isfahan 211 Ishmael 78 Islam 14, 16, 147, 159, 160, 167, 177, 185, 202, 207, 209, 210, 215; Islamic piety 166; conversions to Islam 16, 151, 165, 166, 176 Ismail II, Shah of Persia 210, 211 Israel; second ~, spiritual ~, real ~, new ~, two ~s (see also under chosenness) 48, 52, 53, 55 Istanbul (Constantinople, Byzantium) 14, 16, 34, 56, 109, 138, 141–143, 146, 147,

325 149, 150, 152–154, 157–162, 165, 167, 169, 171, 183, 185, 186, 188–191, 199, 216, 238; “Second Rome” 143; Galata 34, 142; the Hippodrome 147, 238 István, Hungarian interpreter 185 Istvánffy, Miklós 151, 170, 172, 178, 179 Italy, Italians, Italian language 16, 89, 95, 101, 102, 110, 138, 140–148, 154, 162, 183, 187, 188, 191, 205, 206, 214, 245; Ragusans called “Italians” 116, 118 Iudas, Maccabee martyr 32, 40 Jacob (Iacob), Maccabee martyr 32, 40 Jacob the Patriarch 78 Jagiellonian dynasty 23, 63, 150 James I, King of Great Britain and Ireland; Daemonologie 79 Janissaries 157, 166 János I Szapolyai (Zápolya), King of Hungary 93, 138–140, 145, 162 János, Ottoman scribe of Buda 157 Janus Pannonius 23, 138 Jaroslaw 245 Jeremiah, prophet 74, 252, 253 Jerome, Saint 37, 51, 54, 75, 130 Jerusalem 249–258 Jesuits 206, 227, 229, 234, 237, 243, 245– 247, 250, 253, 255, 256, 258 Jesus (Yeshua), inhabitant of Jerusalem 252 jewellery 142 Jews 16, 17, 28, 31, 33–35, 38, 39, 42, 44, 45, 47–50, 52, 53, 55, 74, 78, 99, 118, 122– 125, 130, 149, 159, 178, 191, 210, 248– 253, 256–258; conversion of the ~ to the Christianity 52; conversion of the ~ to the Shiite Islam 210; parallel between the fate of the ~ and the Magyars 66, 115, 177, 254 Joachim of Fiore 248 John Sigismund Szapolyai (Zápolya), Prince of Transylvania 151, 153, 162 Jordán, Tamás 162 Joris, David 54 Josippon 34 Jud, Leo 52

326 Judah, son of Jacob the Patriarch 74 Judaism, anti-Judaism, Judaizing 38, 48, 49, 130 Judea 42, 124, 249 Julfa (Caucasian Armenian city); New Julfa in Iran, near Isfahan 211 Julian (the Apostate), Roman emperor 195 Jupiter 64 Justinian I (Great), Eastern Roman emperor 34 Jusuf, Sinan Frenk, Pasha of Buda 175 Kacorlak 175 Kaffa in Crimea (today Feodosiia, Ukraina) 152 kaimakam 172 Kakas, István, of Zalánkemény 201– 203, 205–208, 213–216 Káldi, György 246 Kálló 173 Kálmáncsehi Sánta, Márton 66, 70 Kanizsa (today Nagykanizsa) 175 Kapy, Sándor 176 Karácsony, György 173 Kardos, Tibor 141 Karner, Herbert 9 Károlyi, Gáspár 110; Vizsoly Bible 67, 68; Two Books 255 Kempis, Thomas à 132, 246 Kerataion 33 Késmárk (today Kezˇmarok, Slovakia) 70 Kessel, Jan van, the Elder 235 113 Keve, fictitious Hunnic chief Keve, Temes County (today Kovin in Serbia) 113 Khorasan, province of Iran 211 Kimhi, David 124, 129 Kings 2 41 Kirk (Church of Scotland) 78 Kiss, Farkas Gábor 9 Kisviczay, Péter 83 Knox, John 78, 79 Kochanowski, Jan 153

Register

Kolozsvár (today Cluj-Napoca, Romania) 10, 66, 83, 205, 206, 245 Komárom 166 Komáromi Csipkés, György 67 Komjáti, Benedek; Epistles of Saint Paul 24, 45–47, 50–57, 67 Ko˝szeg (Güns) 141, 145, 146 Kovács, Zsuzsa 138 Kovacsóczy, Farkas 175 Kövér, Ferenc, of Csomor 179 Krstic´, Tijana 9 Kühlmann, Wilhelm 9 Kunstkammer 230, 131, 234, 235, 237– 241 Kurdistan 211 Kürti, István 257 Lahijan, Persia 202 Langeron, Gilan Province, Persia 202 Łaski, Jan 193 Łaski, Olbracht 193 Laskó (today: Lug, Croatia) 95, 96 Last Judgement (see under apocalypticism) Latimer, Hugh 98 Lefèvre d’Ètaples, Jacques 101, 130 Leiden 9 Leipzig 9, 203 Leonardo da Vinci 249 Leopold Wilhelm, Archduke of Austria 229 Lessing, Gotthold Ephraim 14, 197 Levant Company 216 Lichtenberger, Johannes 42, 43 Liechtenstein, Heinrich von 183 Lingelsheim, Georg Michael 153 Lipsius, Justus (Joest Lips) 24, 71, 195; De Constantia 29 literati 84 Livonia 191 London 98, 103, 154 Louis II, King of Bohemia and Hungary 159, 207 Louis XIV, King of France 239 Louthan, Howard 9 love poetry 65

Register

Low Countries; Flemish people 16, 41, 42, 160, 213 Low German language 37 Löwenklau, Johannes 164, 181–199; codex Löwenklau 186; Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum 183; Pandectes historiae Turcicae 184, 188; Historiae Musulmanae Turcorum… 164, 187, 190 Loyola, Ignacio de 237 Lubenau, Reinhold 109, 112, 115, 118 Ludolf, Hiob 237 Ludwig, Otto 41 Luke the Evangelist 251 Luristan 211 Luther, Martin 13, 43, 50, 52, 55, 56, 67, 89, 101, 125, 126, 246, 249, 250; Operationes in Psalmos 125; Lutheranism and Lutherans 24, 27, 31, 68, 70, 71, 74–76, 85, 86, 88, 95, 101, 103, 104, 108, 109, 254, 256, 257; Evangelical-Lutheran Church 103 Lyon 36 Lyra, Nicholas of 124, 125 Maccabees, 2 31, 32, 38 Maccabees, 4 (see also under Flavius Josephus) 34, 39, 41 Maccabees, Holy 28, 31–45, 99 Machabeus, Maccabee martyr 32, 40 Machir, Joseph’s grandson 41 Machir, Maccabee martyr 32, 40 Madai, Mihály 254 Magog 153 Magyari, István 254 Mahdi (see also under the Shiites) 209 Mahmud Bey, Aranid, sancakbeyi of Szolnok 172, 173 Mahmud Tarjuman (Sebold von Pibrach) 150, 151, 157–159, 161–167; Tarih-i Ungurus 158, 163 Makkai, László 112 Maklár 178 Malpietro, Giacomo 187 Maluku Islands 225 Manchester 9 Manlius, Arnold 160, 161, 199

327 Mann, Thomas 74 mappae mundi 227 Margaret of Valois, Queen consort of Navarre 151 Maria Christierna of Austria, Princess consort of Transylvania by marriage to Sigismund Báthory 206 Marne, Claude 187 Mark, Gospel of 42 Mars 238 Martinuzzi, George (Friar George, Frater Georgius, Juraj Utjesˇinovic´) 162 martyrs, martyrdom, martyrology (see also under heroes, heroism, heroic virtues) 14, 16, 28, 31–44, 55, 57, 95, 96, 98, 99, 102, 103, 106, 107, 226 Mary I, Queen of England and Ireland 78, 96, 104, 106, 108; Marian exile 98 Mary, György 203 Mary, Queen of Scots 79 Máté deák 82–84 Matthew, Gospel of 42 Matthias I (Corvinus), King of Hungary 23, 63, 101, 115, 146, 147, 196, 203, 207, 238 Matuz, József 149 Maximilian II, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Hungary 150–153, 155, 192, 195, 228 Medgyes, today Medias, in Romania 141 Medgyesi, Pál 71 Mehmed II (the Conqueror), Ottoman sultan 144 Melanchthon, Philip 13, 25, 43, 89, 96, 99, 125, 191, 192, 195, 238, 250, 254, 255; Philippism 191, 192, 195 Melius, Péter 67, 110 Melloni, Alberto 9 Mercator, Gerardus 228 Mertz, Elias (Helias Marcaeus) 37– 42, 44 Metsys, Quentin 46 Mezo˝túr 177–179 Michelangelo Buonarroti 249 Michiel, Giovanni 152 Milan 36, 206

328 millennium, millenarianism 33, 35, 43, 193, 194, 248 Milton, John 126 Minadoi, Juan Tomas; History of the war between the Turks and the Persians 212 Minneapolis, Minnesota 9 mirabilia 234 misogyny 78, mockery of women, women-mocking songs 79, 84 Mohács, battle of 13, 22, 23, 61, 63, 159, 160, 190 Moldavia 147, 192–194 Molnár, Ferenc, A. 82 Monavius, Jacobus 192 Montaigne, Michel Eyquem de 194, 195 Móré, Fülöp 138 More, Thomas 46 Moscow 203, 211, 213, 225, 228; Grand Duchy of Muscovy; Muscovy Company (Russia Company) 213 Moses 178; Mosaic Law 31, 49, 76, 118, 128 Mout, Nicolette 9 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus 197 Muhammad Khudabandeh, Shah of Persia 211 Muhammad, Prophet 207 Muhjí al-Dín, Mehmed 184, 187 Mulsow, Martin 9 Munich 214, 229, 235 Münster 191 Murad II, Ottoman sultan 114 Murad, dragoman (Balázs Somlyai) 150, 157–167, 189, 190, 199 Murdock, Graeme 9 Muslims (see also under Islam) 14, 17, 109, 118, 144, 158, 160, 165, 166, 176, 193, 197, 210, 211, 236 Mustafa, Sokollu, Pasha of Buda 166, 171, 179 Nádasdy (II.), Ferenc 175 Nádasdy (III.), Ferenc 229 Nádasdy, Tamás 25, 27, 137–148 Nádudvar 170, 172, 176, 178, 179

Register

Nagy, Gábor, O. 82 Nagybánya (today Baia Mare, Romania) 158, 160, 189 Nagyharsány 165 Nagyszombat (today Trnava, Slovakia) 227, 245 Nagyvárad (Várad; today Oradea, Romania) 23, 66, 86 Nagyvezekény (Vezekény; today Velˇké Vozokany, Slovakia) 221, 224–226 nahiye 174 naturalia 230, 231 Navagero, Bernardo 151 Necipog˘lu, Gülru 144, 145 Neshrí, Mehmed 164, 189, 190 Netherlands, the; Dutch people 41, 54, 71, 96, 110, 183, 192, 211 Neuser, Adam 160, 165, 167 New England 79 New York 9 Nicholas, Saint 115 Nicodemism, Nicodemites 107, 194 Nilles, Nicolaus 35 Nineveh 253 North Sea 215 Nuremberg 25 Nyalábvár (today near Korolevo in Ukraine) 50, 51 Onan 74 Ónod 170 Opitz, Peter 9 Origen of Alexandria; Origenism 51, 75, 90, 125, 130 Ortelius, Abraham 227, 228 Ottoman Empire; Ottoman studies, Ottoman history 9, 13–17, 28, 43, 50, 54, 56, 57, 61, 66, 92, 93, 95, 96, 103, 106, 108, 109, 113, 114, 118, 119, 121, 135–217, 221, 225, 226, 235, 238–241, 247, 250, 251, 258 Oxford 9, 47, 96, 98, 104, 106 Pacific Ocean 225 Padua 89, 95, 138, 141, 145, 183, 205 Palabiyik, Nil 9

Register

Palaeologus dynasty 213 Palaeologus, Jacobus 160 Palatinate 153 Pálffy, Géza 169 Palmerston, Viscount (Henry John Temple) 215 Pannonia 115, 255 Panthanus, Seraphinus 117 Pannonhalma 244 Pápa 95 Paraclete (the Holy Spirit) 54 Paris 9, 35 Passio SS. Maccabeorum (see also under Flavius Josephus and Maccabees IV) 39 patronage of arts and culture 25, 50, 137, 142, 187, 192, 195, 198, 222, 224 Paul, Saint, the Apostle 24, 45, 46–52, 54, 55, 57, 75, 92, 118, 130, 256; Epistle to the Romans 46, 48, 53, 55–57, 132; 2 Corinthians 130; 1 Timothy 252; 2 Timothy 42; To the Hebrews 26, 121, 123 Pázmány, Péter 112, 243–259; Kalauz (Hodoegus) 246; Imádságos könyv (Book of Prayers) 246; The imitation of Christ (Hungarian translation) 246; Five nice letters 255; Book of sermons 247, 251 Pécs (Fünfkirchen, Quinque Ecclesiae) 121, 122, 173, 175 Pécs colloquy 123, 131, 150, 175 Pécsi, János; Oeconomia coniugalis 83, 84 Peele, George 77 Pelagius I, Pope 34 Pelei, Tamás 23 Perényi, Ferenc, Bishop of Várad 23 Perényi, Péter 99 Perkins, William 257 Persia, Persian language, literature and culture (see also under Safavid Empire) 14, 185, 189, 201−217, 225 peshat, exegetical method 125 pesher, exegetical method 122 Pest 184

329 Pesti, Gábor 24–26, 67; Fables of Aesop 24; New Testament 24; Nomenclatura sex linguarum 25 Peter Damian, Saint 248 Peter, Saint 35, 44, 92; Second Epistle of Peter 252 Petri, Miklós 22 Petritsch, Ernst Dieter 159 Petrus Comestor 37 Petzolt, Hans 232 Peucer, Caspar 191 Pibrach, Jacob von 159 Pibrach, Sebold von (see under Mahmud, Tarjuman) Pigafetta, Marcantonio 159 Pirnát, Antal 165 Piso, Jacobus 23 Pius II, pope (Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini) 188 Pius IV, pope 152 Pius V, pope (Michele Ghislieri) 152 Plato; Gorgias 38; Platonism 249 Poland; Polish people 16, 149–152, 162, 193, 202, 213, 215, 245, 250 Pope; papacy 86, 96, 101, 103, 106, 152, 214, 245, 247, 251, 256; ~ as “Antichrist” 66, 250 popular culture 81–84 portraits, portraiture, portrait collections 46, 110–112, 137–139, 186, 205, 206, 212, 231, 241 Portugal 217, 236, 237 Postel, Guillaume 193 Pozsony (today Bratislava, Slovakia) 9, 166 Praetorius, Johannes 153 Prague 162, 166, 178, 203, 214, 215 pre-existence of Christ 121 Prépostvári, Bálint 176 Prester John 236, 237 propugnaculum Christianitatis (the bulwark of Christianity) 13, 56 prosopopoeia 112 prostitutes 74–76, 79 proverbs 26–28, 51, 81–84, 125 Prussia 109

330

Register

Psalms, Book of 16, 66, 95, 110, 121–133 Purgatory and limbo 86, 88–90 Puritanism 71, 78, 118 Qizilbash Sufi Order Quran 165

209–212

Rabil, Albert, Jr. 50 Ráckeve (Keve, Kevi, Szentábrahámteleke) 109–119 Radom 150 Radway, Robyn D. 9 Ragusa (Dubrovnik) 116 Rainald of Dassel 36 Rakamaz 178 Rákóczi I, György, Prince of Transylvania 28 Rashi (Shlomo Yitzchaki) 124 Rasmussen, Mikael Bøgh 9 Real Presence 101, 102 rebirth 132, 133 recantations 106 Reichenberg 203 Renaissance; art, music, philosophy, literature, and culture 23, 24, 28, 46, 63– 65, 88, 90, 125, 128, 130, 145–148, 189, 190, 194, 206, 234, 241, 249; ~ and Reformation 9, 63, 64, 65; ~ and humanism 249; ~ and Baroque 249 Renan, Joseph Ernest 33 renegades, pribéks 14, 16, 147, 149, 157, 158, 160, 164, 165, 167, 169, 176, 179 respublica litteraria 192 restitution of all things (apokatastasis) 90 Reuchlin, Johannes 249 Révay, István 183 Révész, Imre 86 Redan, Pierre (Peter O’Redan) 40 Revelation, Book of 43, 128, 249, 257 Rhediger, Thomas 191 rhetoric 22, 26, 38, 45, 47, 51, 54, 70, 74, 101, 103, 113, 129, 217, 247, 251 Rhône 36 Ridley, Nicholas 98

Rijm, Karel (Carl Rhym de Estebeck, Charles Rym, seigneur de Bellem) 160 Rimay, János 64, 65, 71, 198 Roman Empire 143; Eastern Roman Empire 188 Romanian principalities (see also under Moldavia and Wallachia) 147, 207, 215; Romanians, ~ language 16, 193 Rome 23, 34, 35, 46, 103, 104, 124, 138, 194, 214, 250; the Holy See 46, 152; Roman College 245 Römer, Zsuzsanna, wife of István Kakas of Zalánkemény 206 Rudolph II, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Hungary (Rudolph I) 175, 189, 195, 201, 202, 212, 215–217 Rustem Pasha, Grand Vizier 162, 163 Sabbatarianism (see also under Jews) 14 Sachs, Hans 41 Sadeddin, Hoca Efendi; The crown of histories 189 Safavid dynasty; ~ Empire (see also under Persia, Iran, and Qizilbash Sufi Order) 201, 202, 209–212, 216, 217 Safi al-Din Ishaq, founder of the Safavid dynasty 209 saints, cult, veneration, and invocation of 14, 16, 28, 34, 37, 38, 44, 85−87, 89 −92, 99, 102, 115 Salamana (Salamona, Ashmunit, ‘Hannah’, “Miriam daughter of Tanchum”), mother of the Holy Maccabees 32, 34 Salánki, György 28 Salm von Neuburg, Julius 187 Sambucus, Joannes 185, 186 Sárvár-Újsziget 25, 27, 86 Savonarola, Girolamo 249 Savoy 191 Saxony 183, 195, 197, 202, 203 Schatzkammer 231 Schwendi, Lazarus von 192, 198; KriegsDiscurs 195 Scotland 78, 79

Register

scourge of God 182, 255, 256 Scythia 113, 115, 225, 235 S¸ehsuvar Bey 169−179 Selaniki, Mustafa 175 Selderhuis, Herman 9 Selim I, Ottoman sultan 184 Selim II, Ottoman sultan 160 Selmecbánya (today Banská Sˇtiavnica, Slovakia) 233 Semiramis (Shammuramat), Assyrian queen 73 Sennacherib, King of Assyria 179 sensus litteralis, literal (“historical”) interpretation 122, 124−126, 130, 132, 133 Septuagint 38, 39, 41, 67, 75 Serbs (“Rascians”) 16, 109, 113–118 Servet, Miguel 124 Shakespeare, William 77 Sherley, Anthony 214, 215 Sherley, Robert 202, 213–216 Shiites 209–211 Sidney, Philip, Sir 162 Sigismund II Augustus, King of Poland 150 Sigismund, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Hungary 114 Sigonio, Carlo (Carolus Sigonius) 191 Silesia 189, 192 silk production and silk trade 211, 217 Simon bar Kokhba 33 Sinzendorf Joachim 169 Skarga, Piotr 245 Skaricza, Máté 66, 109−119, 121, 122, 131, 173; History of the town of Kevi 112 Slavonia 95 Slovaks 16 Sodom 73, 74 sola fides, the principle of 49 Solomon, King of Israel 128 Sommascha Congregation 245 Somorja (today Sˇamorín, Slovakia) 166 Sophocles 64, 77 Sopron (Ödenburg) 22, 45 soul-sleeping (psychopannychia) 16, 85−93

331 Spain 35, 183, 214 spiritualism, spiritualists 54, 88, 90, 125, 132, 181, 191 spolia 147 Statileo, Giovanni 138 Stephanus Byzantinus 188 Stephen, Saint, King of Hungary 93, 113, 114 Stephen, Saint, protomartyr 35 Stoicism 38, neo-Stoicism 24, 28, 29 Strasbourg 41 Strass, Joachim (see under Ibrahim Pasha) Straszówna, Anna 152 Straszówna, Regina 149, 150, 152, 155 Süleyman I (the Magnificent), Ottoman sultan 140, 142, 145, 151, 163, 183, 184, 187, 188, 210, 238; ~s helmet-crown 144 Sunnites 209 Susandron 31 Switzerland 110, 192 Sylvester, János 26, 62, 67; Grammatica Hungarolatina 25; New Testament 27 synagogue (in Antioch) 33, 34 Synagogue and Ecclesia 53, 78 Syria 34, 41 Syrmia 114 Szabó, András 160 Szakály, Ferenc 159 Szamosközy, István 171 Szatmár (today Satu Mare, Romania) 170 Szczucki, Lech 150, 152 Szécsény 173 Szegedi Kis, István 70, 76, 104, 108−112, 117, 172, 173 Szegedi, Gergely, Franciscan preacher 86, 92 Szegedi, Gergely, Reformed Protestant poet 66 Székely, István 66, 114 Székesfehérvár 92, 173 Szenci Molnár, Albert 66–68, 129 Szendro˝ (today Smederevo in Serbia) 114 Szentendre 114

332 Szepesi, György 177, 178; Historia cladis Turcicae ad Naduduar 170 Szerémi, György 92, 141, 146, 147 Szigetvár 151, 175 Szilády, Áron 103 Szilágyi-Horváth, Anna 169 Szkhárosi Horváth, András 66, 254 Szolnok 172−174, 176, 177, 179 Sztárai, Mihály (Mihajlo Starin) 31, 32, 39, 42, 66, 67, 95−108 Tabriz 202, 203, 211, 216 Tahmasp I, Shah of Persia 210 Takáts, Sándor 169, 170 Tamar, the daughter-in–law of Judah 74 Tartars 151, 202 Tectander, Georg; Iter Persicum 202– 204, 213–216 Tehran 203 Telegdi, János 54 Temesvár (today Timis,oara in Romania) 175 Ten Commandments (see under Bible; Decalogue) theatrum mundi 225 Theodosius I (Great), Roman emperor 238 Theologia Deutsch 52, 55, 132 Thordai, János 66 Thornton, Thomas 188, 189 Thou, Jacques de 153 Thuróczy, Johannes 114 Thúry, József 189 Tinódi, Sebestyén 66, 162, 170, 210 Tisza River 173, 174, 178 Titus, Roman emperor 251, 252 Tobit, Book of 34 Tokaj 173 tolerance, religious 17, 165, 192, 199 Tolna 73, 95, 103, 108 Tolnai Dali, János 71 Tolnai Fabricius, Bálint 73 Torquato, Antonio 196 Tótfalusi Kis, Miklós 67 translatio (translation of relics) 36

Register

Transylvania, Principality of 14, 28, 70, 123, 131, 146, 150, 151, 153, 162, 165, 166, 175, 201, 205–207, 214, 215, 250 Trapman, Hans 9 Trau (today Trogir, Croatia) 138 Tremellius, Immanuel 67 Trencsényi, Balázs 9 Trent, Council of 27, 152, 255 tricksters and jugglers 84 Trinity, question of 28, 122, 123, 130 Troas 188 Turcica collection 183, 186; antiturcica literature 182 Turkoman tribes 203, 209, 211 Turks (see also under antichristology) 13, 16, 54, 66, 118, 135−217, 235, 255; “Christian Turks” 143; “good Turk” 14, 197 Tyrol 178, 206, 208 Ubiquity 71 Újfalvi, Imre 64, 70, 71 Ungnad, David, von Sonnegg 161, 164, 176; Türkenbuch 186 universal monarchy 143, 144; ~ salvation 48, 87; ~ peace 194 universalism (religious) 16, 143, 166, 167 Urbanek, Vladimír 9 Utrecht 9 Üveys, Kara, Pasha of Buda 169–171, 174 Uzbegs 217 Uzun Hassan (Aq Qoyunlu Turkoman ruler of western Iran) 203 Vác 114 Válaszúti, György 121–123, 127, 131 Valkai, András 237 Várad (Nagyvárad, today Oradea, Romania) 23, 66, 86 Varjas, Béla 82, 160 Vásárhelyi, Gergely 246 Vasari, Georgio 137 Vehe-Glirius, Matthias 125

333

Register

Venice 23, 91, 96, 143−145, 147, 203; terraferma 142, 144, Rialto 144; Palazzo Ducale 211 Venus 64 Verancsics, Antal (Antun Vrancˇic´, Antonio Veranzio) 154, 187; codex Verantianus (see also under Mehmed Muhjí alDín); interpres Verantianus 187, 190 Verancsics, Faustus (Faust Vrancˇic´, Fausto Veranzio) 187 Veress, Endre 151, 205 Vermigli, Peter Martyr 67, 101, 102, vernacular literature 24, 26, 27, 51, 52, 54, 61−71, 158, 163, 246, 247; lingua vulgaris 21; vulgaris illustris 47 Vespasian, Roman emperor 250 Veszprém 22 Vienna 9, 16, 21, 24, 25, 50, 56, 90, 140, 141, 145, 146, 151, 152, 158, 159, 161– 163, 166, 170, 175, 183, 185, 190, 198, 205, 207, 245, 250; Hofburg 228 Vienne 36 Vietor, Hieronymus 27, 53, 54, 56 Virgil 179 Virgin Mary, cult of 14, 110, 115, 117; Patrona Hungariae 92, 93; “Madonna of the Sun” (Virgin and Child on the Crescent Moon) 93 Visegrád 114 Visscher, Claes Janszoon; Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis Geographica 228 Visser, Arnoud 9 Vizsoly (see also Károlyi, Gáspár) 67, 68, 70 Volga River 202, 213 Voltaire (François-Marie Arouet) 14, 197 Vos, Marten de 228, 229 Vulcan 64 Vulgate 45, 47, 51, 67, 75, 121, 128, 246

Wallachia, Wallachians 147, 193 Wathay, Ferenc 235 Wechel family and publishing house 184, 187, 195, 196 wedding songs 84 Wendt, Christopher 10 Werner, Zacharias 41 Westphalia 191 Wetter, Evelin 9 White Sea 213 Wiegers, Gerard 9 Wiener Neustadt 99 Winchester 102 Wisdom of Solomon 33 witchcraft 79 Wittelsbach dinasty 239 Wittenberg 14, 21, 25, 27, 85, 86, 89, 91, 182, 191–193, 246, 247, 250, 254, 257 Władisław III, King of Poland and Hungary (Ulászló I) 117 Wolfenbüttel 9 Xenophon 182 Xylander, Wilhelm

188

Zagyva River 173 Zar‛a Ya‛qob, Ethiopian emperor 236 Zˇerotín, Karel the Elder of 198 Zombori, Antal 31, 32, 39, 42 Zosimus Historicus 194 Zrínyi, György 175 Zrínyi, Miklós, poet and military leader; Obsidio Szigetiana (Siege of Sziget) 181, 226, 227, 235, 238 Zrínyi, Péter (Petar Zrinski) 226 Zsitvatorok (today Zˇitavská Tônˇ, Slovakia), Peace of 216, 217 Zsófi, whore 83 Zürich 9 Zwingli, Huldrych, Zwinglians 52, 102, 109