Tourism in the Arab World: An Industry Perspective 9781845416157

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Tourism in the Arab World

ASPECTS OF TOURISM Series Editors: Chris Cooper Oxford Brookes University, UK, C. Michael Hall University of Canterbury, New Zealand and Dallen J. Timothy Arizona State University, USA Aspects of Tourism is an innovative, multifaceted series, which comprises authoritative reference handbooks on global tourism regions, research volumes, texts and monographs. It is designed to provide readers with the latest thinking on tourism worldwide and in so doing will push back the frontiers of tourism knowledge. The series also introduces a new generation of international tourism authors writing on leading edge topics. The volumes are authoritative, readable and user-friendly, providing accessible sources for further research. Books in the series are commissioned to probe the relationship between tourism and cognate subject areas such as strategy, development, retailing, sport and environmental studies. The publisher and series editors welcome proposals from writers with projects on the above topics. Full details of all the books in this series and of all our other publications can be found on http://www.channelviewpublications.com, or by writing to Channel View Publications, St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK.

ASPECTS OF TOURISM: 78

Tourism in the Arab World An Industry Perspective

Edited by Hamed Almuhrzi, Hafidh Alriyami and Noel Scott

CHANNEL VIEW PUBLICATIONS Bristol • Blue Ridge Summit

DOI: 10.21832/ALMUHR6140 Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Names: Almuhrzi, Hamed. Title: Tourism in the Arab World: An Industry Perspective/Edited by Hamed Almuhrzi, Hafidh Alriyami and Noel Scott. Description: Bristol; Blue Ridge Summit, PA: Channel View Publications, [2017] | Series: Aspects of Tourism: 78 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017000359| ISBN 9781845416140 (hbk : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781845416164 (epub) | ISBN 9781845416171 (kindle) Subjects: LCSH: Tourism—Arab countries. | Tourism—Social aspects—Arab countries. Classification: LCC G155.A67 T68 2017 | DDC 338.4/79109174927—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017000359 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue entry for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN-13: 978-1-84541-614-0 (hbk) Channel View Publications UK: St Nicholas House, 31–34 High Street, Bristol BS1 2AW, UK. USA: NBN, Blue Ridge Summit, PA, USA. Website: www.channelviewpublications.com Twitter: Channel_View Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/channelviewpublications Blog: www.channelviewpublications.wordpress.com Copyright © 2017 Hamed Almuhrzi, Hafidh Alriyami, Noel Scott and the authors of individual chapters. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the publisher. The policy of Multilingual Matters/Channel View Publications is to use papers that are natural, renewable and recyclable products, made from wood grown in sustainable forests. In the manufacturing process of our books, and to further support our policy, preference is given to printers that have FSC and PEFC Chain of Custody certification. The FSC and/or PEFC logos will appear on those books where full certification has been granted to the printer concerned. Typeset by Nova Techset Private Limited, Bengaluru and Chennai, India. Printed and bound in the UK by the CPI Books Group Ltd. Printed and bound in the US by Edwards Brothers Malloy, Inc.

Contents

Contributors 1

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Introduction Hamed Almuhrzi, Noel Scott and Hafidh Alriyami What is the Arab World? Who is an Arab? Tourism in the Arab World Structure of this Volume Tourism Development and Governance: An Overview of Arab Countries Mohamed Reda Khomsi and Boualem Kadri Governance: Between Perceptions and Practices The Concept of Governance in the Arab World Tourism Governance: Theoretical Concepts Analysis of Governance Structures: Arab Countries in the Maghreb and the Middle East Discussion and Conclusion Developing Event Tourism in Saudi Arabia: Opportunities and Challenges Emad Monshi and Noel Scott Background of the Saudi Tourism Industry Challenges in Developing Event Tourism Government Initiatives to Overcome Challenges and Achieve Potential Opportunities Conclusion Women Empowerment in the Arab Tourism Sector: Case Study of the Sultanate of Oman Galal M.H. Afifi and Nashwa Al-Sherif Women Empowerment in Tourism Women Empowerment in the Omani Tourism Sector v

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Driving and Restraining Force Analysis Conclusion 5

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Tourism Sustainability Planning in the ‘Arab World’: Insights from Egypt Eman Helmy Introduction Sustainable Tourism Development in the Arab World: Myth or Reality? Approaches to Sustainable Tourism Development Planning in the Arab World The Present Tourism Activity in Egypt: A Sluggish Move Towards the Recovery The Egyptian Sustainable Tourism Planning: Achievements and Pitfalls Egyptian Sustainable Tourism Planning: A Revolutionary Vision Towards the Future Egyptian Sustainable Tourism Planning: A Value Chain Approach Conclusion Planning for Tourism in Oman based on Lessons from Dubai: Overviewing Economic, Environmental and Sociocultural Impacts Ammar Abdulrahman AlBalushi and Nicholas Wise Introduction Tourism Development and the Triple Bottom Line Economic Impacts Environmental Impacts Sociocultural Impacts Concluding Remarks The UAE: A Disneyland in the Desert Salma Thani and Tom Heenan Introduction The Disneyfication of the Desert Themed Cities ‘Cathedrals of Consumption’ Brand Dubai and Abu Dhabi Conclusion Halal Tourism: Definitions and Developments Melanie Kay Smith and Clare Hindley Introduction

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The Role of Religion and ‘Religiosity’ in Muslim Travel Definitions and Degrees of Halal Accommodating the Needs of Muslim Guests Challenges of Halal Tourism Conclusions 9

Brand Expectation and Authentic Service Experiences in the Hotel Industry in Dubai Angela Anthonisz and Tim Heap Introduction The Concept of Authenticity The Development of the Dubai Brand The Host–Guest Transaction and the Consumption of the Dubai Brand Conclusion

10 Tunisian Tourism: At the Eye of an Arab Spring Storm Noureddine Selmi Introduction The Potential of Tunisian Tourism Crises in Tunisian Tourism Recommendations for a Rapid Exit from the Crisis Conclusion 11 Destination Brands Dubai and Abu Dhabi: Bitter Rivalry or Strategic Partnership? Laura J. Lawton and David B. Weaver Introduction Rise of Destination Brand Dubai Abu Dhabi Discussion and Conclusion 12 Marketing the Middle East in Times of Political Instability – The Case of Jordan Gabby Walters and David Beirman Introduction The Arab Uprisings 2010–2016 Political Unrest in the Middle East and Jordan’s Tourism Industry Jordan’s Key Tourism Products: Promotional Initiatives and Challenges 2011–2016 Why Tourists are Avoiding Jordan Recommendations for Marketing Jordan as a Tourism Destination Conclusion

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120 120 122 125 126 131 131 135 138 138 142 145 145 146 148 153 157 161 161 162 166 169 175 175 176 177 177 179 180 185

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13 Representation of Egyptian Bedouins in English-Language Tourist Brochures Ahmed Abdel Fattah and Mary Eddy-U Introduction Tourist Motives Cultural Content of Advertising Colonial Print Advertising Methodological Approach The Promise to Meet the ‘Primitive’ and ‘Exotic’ Bedouin Brochures’ Advertising Narratives and Realities Conclusions 14 The Business of Hajj Sulistyo B. Utomo, Noel Scott and Xin Jin Introduction The History of the Business of Hajj Reflections on Modern Hajj 15 Understanding the Motivations and Expectations of Arab Visitors at the Gold Coast, Australia Jamila Abodeeb, Brent D. Moyle and Erica Wilson Introduction Tourist Motivation and Arab Visitors Method Results Discussion Conclusion 16 The Role of Islam in Omani Tourists’ Travel Behaviour Abdulaziz Mohammed Alsawafi Introduction Travel Motivations Destination Choice Conclusion Managerial Implications 17 Exploring the Experiences of International and Domestic Visitors at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo Ahmed Abdel Fattah, David Fisher and Joanna Fountain Introduction What is a Traditional Museum? Experiences of Museum Visitors International and Domestic Visitors at the Egyptian Museum The Egyptian Museum Presentations and Offerings

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International Visitors’ Experiences of the Museum Domestic Visitors’ Experiences at the Egyptian Museum Analysis Conclusion: Theoretical and Practical Implications and Future Research 18 Conclusion Hafidh Alriyami, Hamed Almuhrzi and Noel Scott Themes and Areas for Further Research Index

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Contributors

Jamila Abodeeb holds a PhD from Southern Cross University. Her thesis was a mixed methods study which explored the motivations and experiences of Arab tourists visiting the Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia. Her research interests lie in tourism marketing, tourism branding, Arabic tourists, and cross-cultural tourism motivations and experiences. Galal M.H. Afifi, PhD, has over 20 years of experience in tourism education and business. He is currently the Head of the Tourism Department at Sultan Qaboos University. Dr Galal has extensive experience in tourism management, business and operation of travel intermediaries, event management, and tourism education. He is a reviewer in several prominent tourism journals such as Tourism Management, Tourism Management Perspectives, Tourism Analysis, and Quality Assurance in Education, Galal has been numerously awarded for his excellence in research. Ammar AlBalushi is a PhD student at Glasgow Caledonian, London. His main research interests are tourism, culture, and development. He worked for four years as a hotel general manager in Oman. He holds a master’s degree in International Management from Strathclyde University and BSc in Computer Engineering from Glasgow Caledonian University. Hamed Al Muhrzi, PhD, is an assistance professor and head of department of International Business Department with the College of Applied Sciences Rustaq, Sultanate of Oman. His research interests focus on visitors’ behaviour and experience, heritage tourism, and Arab/Muslim tourism. Prior to his academic career, Hamed worked as a freelance tourist guide for more than five years as well as well as in a travel agent. Hafdh Alriyami is a Lecturer at the Rustaq College of Applied Sciences, Oman. He holds a Bachelor of Tourism (Dist.) from Sultan Qaboos University, Oman, a Master of Business (International Travel and Tourism Management) xi

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from the University of Queensland, Australia, and has worked for an international tour company in Oman for several years. He is currently undertaking his doctorate at University of Queensland, Australia. His research interests include sustainable tourism development and cross-cultural consumer behaviour. Abdulaziz Alsawafi received his Master and PhD degrees in tourism and hospitality management from the University of Waikato, New Zealand in 2010 and 2013 respectively. He is working currently in the College of Applied Sciences in Rustaq, Oman as Assistant Professor of Tourism and Hospitality Management. His main research interests focus on travel motivations, destination choice, travel and leisure constraints, and travel and leisure negotiation strategies. Nashwa Al-Sherif, PhD, is Associate Professor and Deputy-Director of the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit in the faculty of Tourism and Hotel Management, Helwan University. She was born in Alexandria in February 1971 and graduated from the Faculty of Tourism and Hotel Management Helwan University in May 1993. She was awarded the Masters degree in Tourism Studies in 1998 from the same faculty and completed her PhD studies in the UK where she was awarded a PhD in Tourism Management from the Welsh School of Hospitality, Tourism and Leisure Management, University of Wales Institute, Cardiff (UWIC) in 2005. Her research interests include gender, human rights, and human resources issues in tourism management. Angela Anthonisz is a Senior Lecturer at at Northampton University. She has worked in the UK, Switzerland, Hong Kong and the UAE. Before moving into academia 18 years ago Angela spent a number of years working in the hospitality, tourism and events industry in the UK. She is currently in the final stages of a PhD. David Beirman, PhD, is a Senior Lecturer in Tourism, Management Discipline Group, University of Technology-Sydney. His research speciality is tourism risk, crisis and recovery. Prior to joining UTS in 2009 he had 30 years professional experience in the travel industry. The majority of that professional experience centred on destination marketing and management. He was the National Secretary of the Eastern Mediterranean Tourism Association (Australia) 2001–2012. Mary E. Eddy-U is an English language Lecturer with Institute for Tourism Studies in Macao. With an academic background in psychology and education, her research interests are in motivation, interpersonal communication, and group dynamics in a variety of contexts. Ahmed Abdel Fattah is Lecturer at Institute for Tourism Studies, Macao. Ahmed received his PhD from the Lincoln University, Christchurch,

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New Zealand. Currently, Ahmed is a lecturer at Institute for Tourism Studies (IFT), Macau. He teaches tourism management and heritage courses. Ahmed has practical experience in a variety of hotel/tourism industry and heritage tourism industry in Egypt, US, Australia and New Zealand. David Fisher, PhD, is Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Environment, Society and Design at Lincoln University located in Canterbury, New Zealand. His research interests include the historical development of tourism in the South Pacific, heritage tourism, and host conceptualisation of tourism. Joanna Fountain, PhD, is Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Environment, Society and Design at Lincoln University located in Canterbury, New Zealand. Her research interests include the winery cellar door experience and brand loyalty, Generation Y as wine consumers and wine tourists, communicating environmentally sustainable wine practices to winery visitors, and wine, heritage and terroir in New Zealand and France. Tim Heap, PhD, is University Principal Tutor and Research Manager at the University of Derby, Buxton in the UK and has developed an extensive research profile in the field of tourism and destination management. He currently teaches at undergraduate, postgraduate and PhD level in the UK, and has international teaching experience in a number of countries including Switzerland and Zimbabwe. Eman Helmy is Professor at the Faculty of Tourism and Hotel Management/ Helwan University in Egypt. She got her PhD from the International Center of Tourism and Hospitality Research/Bournemouth University in 1999. She published a set of academic papers in international as well as Egyptian academic journals and contributed as a consultant in significant tourism projects in Egypt. Her major research areas are sustainable tourism development, tourism planning, tourism marketing and ecotourism. Thomas Heenan, PhD, teaches Sports and Australian studies at Monash University’s National Centre for Australian Studies. He has written broadly on sport in the media and academy. Currently he is writing a biographical study of the Australian cricketer, Sir Donald Bradman, with David Dunstan. Clare Hindley, PhD, is Professor at IUBH School of Business and Management, Bad-Honnef Bonn in Germany. She has varied international experience in education and business with language, culture and communication as the guiding lights. Her research work is increasingly focused on the world of hospitality and tourism with particular interest in education, culture and sociology.

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Xin Jin, PhD, is Senior Lecturer at Griffith University in the Department of Tourism, Sport and Hotel Management where her primary research interests focus on event tourism and destination marketing. Her doctoral thesis won the Highly Commended Award of the 2011 Emerald/EFMD Outstanding Doctoral Research Award in the hospitality and tourism field. Dr Jin has authored or co-authored a number of publications in top tier tourism, hospitality and event journals. She sits on the editorial board of the Journal of Convention & Event Tourism, Journal of China Tourism Research and International Journal of Hospitality and Event Management. She also serves as a reviewer for a number of international refereed journals. Boualem Kadri, PhD, is Professor in the Department of Urban and Tourism Studies, the School of Management. His research focuses on the relationship between the city and tourism issues metropolization and governance in the Mediterranean cities of the Arab world, and the epistemology of tourism research. It is also associate researcher at the International Centre for Research on Heritage and Tourism of the School of Management. Mohamed Reda Khomsi, PhD, is Professor in the Department of Urban and Tourism Studies at the School of Management at the University of the Quebec at Montreal. His research fields is on governance of destination, smart cities and the role of big event in tourism development especially on metropolises. It is also researcher at center for research on cities and regions around the world. Laura Lawton, PhD, is Associate Professor within the Department of Tourism, Sport and Hotel Management at Griffith University, Australia. She specialises in resident perceptions of tourism, special events, cruise ship tourism, and sustainable tourism. She is the co-author of the textbook Tourism Management and publishes regularly in high tier tourism journals. Laura is also a Board Member and accreditation auditor for the International Centre of Excellence in Tourism and Hospitality Education (THE-ICE). Emad Monshi has worked in research and management positions in three major organisations: King Saud University and Saudi Arabian Monetary Agency in Saudi Arabia, and Flinders University in Australia. He has two higher education degrees in event and tourism management from the University of Queensland. His research interests are Saudi tourism, event design, management and evaluation, and entrepreneurship event management. Brent D. Moyle, PhD, is Research Fellow at the Griffith Institute for Tourism, Griffith University and an Adjunct Fellow in the School of Business and Tourism at Southern Cross University, Australia. Dr Moyle's research concentrates primarily on two established research streams, visitor management in

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natural and protected areas and the sustainable development of tourism destinations. Within each of these streams Brent’s research takes an interdisciplinary approach, applying a range of quantitative and qualitative methodologies. Noel Scott, PhD, is Professor in the Griffith Institute for Tourism at Griffith University, Gold Coast, Australia. His research interests include the study of tourism experiences, destination management and marketing, and stakeholder organization. He is a frequent speaker at international academic and industry conferences. He has over 210 academic articles published including 11 books. He has supervised 18 doctoral students to successful completion of their theses. He is on the Editorial Board of five journals. Noureddine Selmi has a PhD from the Université Savoie Mont Blanc, Chambéry, France. He is Associate Professor of Marketing at ESC Troyes (France) and IHEC Carthage (Tunisia), teaching marketing and tourism. His current research interests focus on tourism strategy and yield management. His work has appeared in international conferences and international academic journals such as the Journal of Travel Research. Melanie Kay Smith, PhD, is Associate Professor in the Department of Tourism, Leisure and Hospitality at the Budapest Metropolitan University of Applied Sciences in Hungary where she specialises in cultural tourism and health tourism. Some of her most recent work focuses on cross-cultural issues in hospitality and tourism, especially in a spa and wellness context. Salma Thani is a doctoral candidate at Monash University, Australia. Her thesis focuses on the diversification of oil wealth into the industries of sport, tourism and aviation in the United Arab Emirates. Salma is a teaching associate at the School of Philosophical, Historical and International Studies, Monash University. Sulistyo B. Utomo is a PhD student at Griffith University, Australia. His research interests focus on consumer experiences and his thesis examines the experience of Indonesian Hajj to Makkah, Saudi Arabia. He is a lecturer at the Indonesia School of Economics (STIESIA) Surabaya and completed his Bachelor of Business Administration in Marketing and Master of Arts in Economics at Wichita State University, USA. Prior to his academic career he worked at the Hyatt Regency and T-Mobile Telecommunication in the US. He was awarded a PhD Bursary to attend the Council for Australasian Tourism and Hospitality Education (CAUTHE) in 2016, and has a PhD scholarship from the Directorate General of Higher Education (DIKTI), Indonesia. Gabby Walters, PhD, is Senior Lecturer with the University of Queensland Business School. Her research interests focus on tourist behaviour and over

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recent years she has focused on how crises and disaster affected destinations can manage negative perceptions that are likely to be held by tourists following a significant event. David Weaver, PhD, has published more than 120 journal articles, book chapters and books. His specialties include sustainable destination management, ecotourism, and resident perceptions of tourism. He is a Fellow of the International Academy for the Study of Tourism and has delivered numerous invited keynote addresses on innovative tourism topics. Erica Wilson is Deputy Head and Director of Teaching and Learning in the School of Business and Tourism at Southern Cross University. Erica holds a PhD on women’s solo travel constraints, a postgraduate diploma in environmental studies, and a first-class honours degree in tourism administration. Erica's research publications and conference papers have focused on women’s travel and leisure, leisure constraints/negotiation, sustainable tourism and tourism in protected areas, critical pedagogy and reflexive/qualitative/ feminist research methodologies. Nicholas Wise is Assistant Professor in the Department of Leisure and Recreation Management at Asia University in Taiwan. Trained as a geographer, much of his tourism research and publications focus on image, identity, competitiveness and regeneration. Nick earned his PhD in 2012 from Kent State University, Ohio, and before working in Taiwan he worked at Glasgow Caledonian University.

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Introduction Hamed Almuhrzi, Noel Scott and Hafidh Alriyami

Tourism in the Arab World: An Industry Perspective provides the first collection of papers that explore tourism in the Arab countries from a business viewpoint. Its focus is on different aspects of business such as planning, management and marketing destinations, which are crucial for the industry stakeholders and areas that have been neglected in the tourism literature in general (Ballantyne et al., 2009; Swarbrooke & Horner, 2001). These arguments appear even more relevant in relation to the context of the Arab world as past research has focused on sociological, geographical, religious and anthropological studies (Daher, 2007; Jafari & Scott, 2014). Given the limited tourism literature about tourism in the Arab region in general and about the business perspective of tourism in this region in particular, it is vital to understand the region’s tourism industry in terms of planning, management, marketing and visitors’ views (Jafari & Scott, 2014). Understanding these concepts will enhance our knowledge about the tourism industry in the Arab world and its inbound and outbound travel flows.

What is the Arab World? Before discussing tourism industry in the Arab World, it is necessary to define what is meant by the Arab World and clarify the term ‘Arab’. ‘Arab’ is widely accepted as an ethno-national term (Darity, 2008) that labels Arabicspeaking nations. From a political and organisational perspective, it is associated with ‘The League of Arab States’, which was founded in Cairo in 1945 by six Arab states and which currently has 21 members. These countries are: Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates and Yemen. The League recently suspended the membership of Syria. As a regional organisation of Arab states, the League aims to promote and facilitate cooperation in relation to social, cultural, political and economic affairs between its members. However, there

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is no concise definition in the League’s membership articles on what an Arab state is or who is an Arab. Geographically, Arab States stand on two continents: Asia and Africa. The geographical area of the Arab League stretches from the Indian Ocean and Somali Peninsula (Horn of Africa) in the South East to the Mediterranean Sea in the north; and from the Arabian (Persian) Sea in the east to the Atlantic Ocean in the west. Table 1.1 provides an overview on population in Arab countries and its growth from 2010 to 2013. There are two related geographical terms that create confusion alongside that of the Arab World: the Muslim World and the Middle East. Ben-Dor (1999: 1) borrowed two terms, ‘ethnoreligiousness’ and ‘ethnoregionalism’, to clarify this confusion between religious and other identity determinants. ‘Ethnoreligiousness’ describes the overlaps between religious identity and other identities Table 1.1 Population indicator for Arab countries Country name United Arab Emirates Bahrain Comoros Djibouti Algeria Egypt, Arab Rep. Iraq Jordan Kuwait Lebanon Libya Morocco Mauritania Oman Qatar Saudi Arabia Sudan Somalia Syrian Arab Republic Tunisia Yemen, Republic Plantain (mainly West Bank and Gaza) Source: The World Bank, 2015.

Population 2010 8,441,537 1,251,513 683,081 834,036 37,062,820 78,075,705 30,962,380 6,046,000 2,991,580 4,341,092 6,040,612 31,642,360 3,609,420 2,802,768 1,749,713 27,258,387 35,652,002 9,636,173 21,532,647 10,549,100 22,763,008 3,811,102

2011 8,925,096 1,292,764 700,216 846,646 37,762,962 79,392,466 31,760,020 6,181,000 3,124,705 4,382,790 6,103,233 32,059,424 3,702,763 3,024,774 1,910,902 27,761,728 36,430,923 9,907,903 21,961,676 10,673,800 23,304,206 3,927,051

2012 9,205,651 1,317,827 717,503 859,652 38,481,705 80,721,874 32,578,209 6,318,000 3,250,496 4,424,888 6,154,623 32,521,143 3,796,141 3,314,001 2,050,514 28,287,855 37,195,349 10,195,134 22,399,254 10,777,500 23,852,409 4,046,901

2013 9,346,129 1,332,171 734,917 872,932 39,208,194 82,056,378 33,417,476 6,459,000 3,368,572 4,467,390 6,201,521 33,008,150 3,889,880 3,632,444 2,168,673 28,828,870 37,964,306 10,495,583 22,845,550 10,886,500 24,407,381 4,169,506

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determinates (i.e. ethnic, culture background, mother-tongue), whereas ‘ethnoregionalism’ describes the overlaps between national and others identity specifications. The confusion between Arab World, Muslim World and Middle East is an example of differences between ethnoreligiousness and enthnoregionalism descriptions. Such confusion can be regularly witnessed in the media as well as in academic discussions. Past scholars have pointed to the confusion that a researcher may face to differentiate between Arab world, Islamic World (Jafari & Scott, 2014) and Middle East (Feghali, 1997). Whereas Islam is the main religion in many Arab and non-Arab societies (i.e. Persian, Turkish, and Kurdish society), it is not correct to consider these societies as having identical cultures (Hassan, 1991; Hourani, 1992). In fact, there are many cultural differences between Arab-Islamic and non-Arab-Islamic societies in their way of living and societal traditions (Hassan, 1991; Hourani, 1992). Jafari and Scott (2014: 2) emphasized that ‘within the global Muslim community there is diversity from the blending of religion, culture, politics and historical influences. The Muslim world embodies both a common set of religious beliefs as well as a complexity that rewards investigation and rejects any simple label or categorization’. Although Islam originated on the Arabian Peninsula, Arabs are a minority within the Islamic World today. Among the 1.6 billon people that recognized themselves as Muslims, only 20% are located within the Arab League States. In fact, the largest five Islamic countries today are non-Arab speaking states: Indonesia (209 million), India (176 million), Pakistan (167 million), Bangladesh (133 million) and Iran (74 million) (Jafari & Scott, 2014). This highlights the needs to differentiate between the Islamic World and Arab World when a tourism phenomenon is under investigation. Beside the Muslim World, the Arab World is also often confused with the term Middle East. Unlike the Muslim World (religion) and the Arab World (ethnic), the Middle East has a more geopolitical connotation. Perhaps this is understandable if the historical root of the term to be known. Similar to other terms such as ‘The East’, ‘Far East’ and ‘Near East’, the Middle East was born in a European-centric world between the First and Second World Wars at the end of the colonisation era (Beaumont et al., 1988). There is some agreement that the Middle East term initiated from within the military-political discourse (Beaumont et al., 1988; Held, 2000; Ian, 1972), although the frontiers of the Middle East were unclear. During the Second World War, the term included Kenya (Ian, 1972), demonstrating how its usage and connotation has been stretched and shrunk arbitrarily (Beaumont et al., 1988). Held (2000: 7) writes: the Fertile Crescent is the core of the Middle East is universally accepted, and that region comprises the general area from north-east Africa to south Asia is also widely approved. There is, moreover, a broad consensus that the Middle East extends from the western border of Egypt to the eastern border of Iran and from the Black Sea to the Arabian Sea.

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However, the precise limits of the region are still variously conceived by scholars and media. Thus, the terms Middle East and the Muslim World include both Arabicspeaking and non-Arabic countries such as Iran. Other scholars have included Turkey (Beaumont et al., 1988). What all three terms share is the heritage of Islamic civilization, and a core geographical area. The United Nation World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO) limits the Middle East term to 14 Arabicspeaking states: that is, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syrian Arab Republic, United Arab Emirates, Yemen and Palestine.

Who is an Arab? The second question of interest is who may be identified as an Arab? While the above section shows the confusion and difficulty in identifying what can be labelled as the Arab World, ascertaining who is an Arab is no less complicated. It is not unusual to view Arab as an ethnic term which implies a group membership. Feghali (1997), however, reviews literature that disputes a racial description, whereas Ben-Dor (1999: 12) notes that ethnic identity is ‘malleable and that it can be manipulated’. Minority groups within Arab states provide a counterexample to an ethnic definition of ‘the Arab’. Historically, it is claimed that Arabs originate from what is historically known as the Arabian Peninsula (Hourani, 1992; Lewis, 2002) and that the Arabic language (a Semitic language) is a shared, but not the only, parameter of similarity among peoples who may be identified as Arabs (Darity, 2008; Feghali, 1997; Held, 2000). Jabra (1971) suggests an Arab may be ‘anyone who speaks Arabic as [their] language and consequently feels as an Arab’. Other identifying features of ‘Arab’ can be a sense of shared culture and history (Darity, 2008). As far as this volume is concerned, an Arab is seen from two perspectives. Firstly, from a destination perspective Arab states are members of the League of Arab States and secondly, from a visitor perspective the selfidentification approach is used (Jabra, 1971), that is, respondents identified themselves as Arab.

Tourism in the Arab World The tourism industry in the Arab World has grown rapidly albeit with individual countries following different development paths. The UNWTO (2015) reported that in 2014 this region was among the fastest growing regions in terms of travel total contribution to GDP (gross domestic product). In the statistics of UNWTO and WTTC the Arab World countries are divided

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between two regions namely, the Middle East and North Africa, which is jointly labelled as MENA (UNWTO, 2005; WTTC, 2015). WTTC (2015) forecast that number of tourists to the MENA region was 60 million in 2015 and that more than 100 million tourists will visit MENA in 2025 with tourism having a direct contribution to the GDP of 9% by 2025. In this volume, Middle East countries include Bahrain, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE and Yemen, while North Africa include Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Sudan and Tunisia. The market share of the tourism in this region is around 5% of the total world tourism in 2015 and is expected to reach 8% by 2030. According to UNWTO (2015) tourist arrivals and income reached to a peak in 2010 of 58 million tourists and generated income of US$39 billion. However, in 2013, after the Arab Spring revolutions, arrivals declined to 52 million and tourism earnings decreased to US$36 billion (UNWTO, 2015). According to WTTC (2015), the direct and indirect contribution of tourism to the GDP in MENA is around 8% and 18.5%, respectively. Tourism is one of the main sources of employment in this region and predicted to rise by 3.2% annually. There is no common pattern among Arab countries in terms of the volume of inbound or outbound tourism. For instance, outbound travel from Saudi Arabia has been increasing, yet other countries such as UAE, Oman and Qatar are experiencing significant increases in their inbound tourism; and countries such as Egypt face challenges with visitors’ export income 20% less than the 2011 revolution. Therefore, it is important not to make generalisations when studying tourism in the Arab World. While from outside the region, many Arab countries are perceived as similar, in fact there are many differences between them. The planning and development of each country’s tourism industry is influenced by that country overall political structure (Costa et al., 2013). After the post-colonial era, countries of the Arab World adopted different political structure and ideologies and different tourism industry structures, policy and development approach. Jafari and Scott (2014) encourage researchers to explore the impact of Islam on tourism governance and policymaking in the different countries of the Arab-Muslim world. Islam, as the main religion in most of the Arab destinations, plays a significant role in shaping the tourism development in the Arab region (Henderson, 2014a). It also influences the development of tourism activities, attractions and facilities. The degree of adherence to Islamic guidelines varies between the Arab countries (Smith & Hindley, Chapter 8, this volume). For instance, there are some Arab destinations that do not allow serving alcohol (e.g. Saudi Arabia), however, there are other countries which allow it. Some countries in the Arab world have followed a more liberal approach in terms of tourism development in order to attract non-Muslims tourists, such as UAE, Qatar and Bahrain (Morakabati, 2012), whereas other countries such as Saudi Arabia followed a conservative approach.

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One of the main challenges of the Arab destinations is how to make a balance between the needs and wants of Muslims and non-Muslims tourists (Henderson, 2014b). Henderson (2015) argues that there is huge dilemma between traditional and modern, global and local, and religious and secular in the Arab tourism destinations. Most of the Arab tourism destinations are targeting tourists with a different culture, religion, and with distinct needs and wants compared to the local and intraregional market. Arab destinations marketers show in their marketing the tradition, hospitality and the friendliness of locals in order to attract western tourists to them, but at the same they remind tourists to respect the Islamic culture with regard to dressing and behaving appropriately at the Arab destinations. Thus, Islamic codes of conduct and dress might be offended by certain practice of non-Muslims tourist. Local beliefs may remain strong and affect the tourism products and marketing of a destinations (Henderson, 2015). There are distinctive differences in terms of the emergence and development of the tourism industry across the Arab world. For instance, some destinations, such as Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco were among the first to adopt tourism development (Lew et al., 2008), while others such as Oman and Qatar have begun to develop their tourism sector in the last decades (Henderson, 2015; Mustafa, 2010) as a source for economy diversification and to reduce their reliance on oil (Winckler, 2007). Therefore, the contribution of the tourism to the national GDP varies between the Arab countries. According to Morakabati (2012), tourism contributes more than 15% to the national GDP for some countries such as Bahrain, Egypt and Jordan, while it contributes less than 5% to other countries such as Libya, Yemen and Qatar. In addition, some countries, such as UAE and Egypt, have allocated more than 10% of the total investments in tourism projects while others, such as Kuwait and Libya, have allocated less than 5% of its total investments in tourism-related projects (Morakabati, 2012).

Inbound tourism According to Morakabati (2012), the region is considered as one of the greatest potential tourism destinations in the planet. Arab countries have tourism resources which could attract millions of tourists from different part of the world. The majority of international tourists visiting the Arab countries (apart from interregional tourism flow) are from European and Asian countries. One possible reason for the increase in number of Europeans and Asians tourists in the Arab countries is the location and types of attractions. Geographically, a number of Arab countries destinations are located at the crossroads of Asia and Europe. In addition, Arab countries are rich in cultural attractions including sites which have archaeological, historical and Jewish, Christian and Islamic religious value (Morakabati, 2012; Mustafa, 2010). Tourists can visit Egypt for ancient Egyptian sites and Nile tours, Tunisia for

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coastal resorts and historical sites (Mustafa, 2010), UAE and Qatar for business and leisure (GFF, 2007), Jordan for health and medical tourism (Smith & Hindley, Chapter 8, this volume) and Saudi Arabia for religious tourism. The Arab world is considered highly competitive with their destinations offering unique landscape, culture and heritage that meet tourists’ requirements (Deloitte, 2010). Around 80% of the tourists visiting Oman are for leisure purposes, while 90% of those visiting Qatar go for business purposes (Henderson, 2015), and 42% of tourists visiting Saudi Arabia are for religious tourism (Monshi & Scott, Chapter 3, this volume). Most of the visitors in Gulf countries are Arabs (Henderson, 2015); however, most of the clients for other countries, such as Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco, are from western countries. There is a growing demand for Arab tourism destination, in particular the Gulf countries, from new emerging markets such as Chinese, Indians and Russian (Henderson, 2014a). Intraregional tourism among Arab countries is a phenomenon that deserves exploring. Intraregional tourism between the Arabs countries is increasing because of economic growth, similarity in language, culture, customs and tradition as well as the proximity. According to European Travel Commission (2012), more than 75% of the tourist arrivals in the Arab countries are from other neighbouring Arabs countries. There is wide variability among the Arab countries and their dependency on intraregional tourism. For example, 80% of the visitors in Bahrain are from the Arab countries, while Iraq has less than 1% form intraregional tourists. The United Arab Emirates (and mostly Dubai) is the favourite destination for Arabs (Wells, 2012). The intra-regional tourism is the lowest in the Arab countries comparing to other world regions. There is a need to increase the intra-regional tourism between the Arab countries to reduce the negative consequences of political crisis. Intraregional tourism is very important for Arab countries as the region may have a negative image due to the frequency of political instability, war and terrorist attacks (Henderson, 2015). Some destinations are more appealing to tourists within the Arab region, but there are countries which are more attractive to tourists outside the Arab region such as Egypt. According to Morakabati (2012), countries which are more appealing to Arab tourists have less vulnerability during the time of crisis; however, countries that are more appealing to western tourists are highly affected by any negative events or crisis. Tourists outside the region may perceived a higher level of travel risks towards the Arab destinations; however, tourists inside the region may perceive lower level of travel risks. Thus, Henderson (2015) stresses that Arab tourism destinations should increase the intra-regional tourism and improve their domestic tourism. Sustainable tourism development is becoming one of the recent trends in many countries in the Arab world. Several countries such as UAE, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia are considering the implementation

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of sustainable tourism development in their tourism development strategies. These Arab countries are adopting sustainable tourism development plans; however, most of them are still not successful in implementing the sustainable tourism guidelines. For instance, local involvement in the tourism industry is still weak in the Arab world (see Khomsi & Kadri, Chapter 2, this volume). Khomsi and Kadri, stress that locals in the Arab countries should be active and not passive and there is a demand to improve the involvement of locals’ stakeholders in decision making. Tourism creates many jobs opportunities for local people at the tourism destinations. In some countries, such as Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, are most tourism jobs are occupied by locals, while it is the opposite in the Gulf States. For instance, Qatar, UAE, and Oman have lower percentages of locals working in the tourism-industry-related jobs (Henderson, 2014a), although steps have been taken to increase number of locals employed in the tourism industry by their governments. For instance, Oman has an ‘Omanisation’ strategy and Qatar a similar ‘Qatarisation’ strategy. Both aim to increase number of locals involved in the tourism sector and increase the representation of local workers in the private sector. However, locals still prefer government jobs and they tend to have less enthusiasm for work in tourism (Henderson, 2015). Gulf destinations are competing in building iconic infrastructures, boasting mega projects, showcase architecture, new cities and super skyscrapers. Iconic infrastructure such as Burj Khalifa is used to gain global recognition (Henderson, 2014a) and as a useful marketing tool to attract many tourists (Henderson, 2014a; Lawton & Weaver, Chapter 11, this volume). Countries such as Qatar and UAE are investing millions of dollars in sports, events and sponsorships (Thani and Heenan, Chapter 7, this volume). For instance, The Qatar Foundation has sponsored football clubs such as Barcelona and Paris Saint Germain. These sponsorships help to showcase Qatar’s modernity and progress and create awareness around the world (Henderson, 2015). Culture and art are becoming key ingredients for global cities (Henderson, 2014a). There are several examples of new cultural and art products and projects in the Arab countries. In 2011, Oman opened the Royal Opera House Muscat for art, cultural and musical events all year. Abu Dhabi is also investing millions of dollars to develop the Saadiayat Island project, the home of the National Museum, the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi and Louvre Abu Dhabi (Henderson, 2014a, 2015). Similarly, Doha has works with international designers to develop the National Museum of Qatar and the Orientalist Museum (Henderson, 2015). The opportunities of the Meetings, Incentives, Conferences and Exhibitions (MICE) sector have also attracted the attention of many Arab countries. There is a growing competition between the Arab countries in the event sector (Monshi & Scott, Chapter 3, this volume). In 2016, Oman opened the first phase of its new Convention and Exhibition Centre which is recognised as a new hub for business events in the Arab

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World (Oman Convention, 2017). Qatar is considered as one of the leading in sport event bidding. It was the first Arab country to host the Asian Games (in 2006). Qatar will also host the 2022 FIFA World Cup. There are many airport developments in the Gulf (e.g. Muscat Doha, Abu Dhabi and Dubai) to link with the rest of the world (Henderson, 2015; Morakabati, 2012). Doha’s airport was expanded recently to handle 30 million passengers annually and it is planned to increase its capacity to reach 50 million in the coming years (Henderson, 2014b). Dubai is aiming to increase its airport capacity to 90 million and Abu Dhabi to 20 million passengers (Henderson, 2014a). Doha, Dubai and Abu Dhabi are competing to be the transit hub and stopover points between the east and west. Doha is considered well connected by air to the rest of the world; however, Dubai still has the biggest and the busiest airport in the Arab world (Henderson, 2015; Thani and Heenan, Chapter 7, this volume). Safety is one of the most important ingredients Arab States need to be concerned about if the tourism is to develop in the Arab world. Current political instability in the Arab region has influenced the long-term prospects of the tourism industry, tourism investments opportunities and tourists’ flows to the region (Morakabati, 2012). The Arab region is considered a risky tourist destinations (Lepp & Gibson, 2008). It has been associated with wars, political instability, terrorism (Kozak et al., 2007; Reichel & Fuchs, 2011; Sönmez & Graefe, 1998), low level of economic development (Lepp & Gibson, 2008) and political problems (Fuchs & Reichel, 2011; Lew et al., 2008). These types of risks are often generalized to all the countries in this region (Lepp & Gibson, 2003, 2008, 2011; Reichel & Fuchs, 2011) even though some are safe and secure nations (Jalilvand & Samiei, 2012). Most Arab destinations have been affected by the safety issues (see Walters & Beirman, Chapter 12, this volume) and it appears that they are perceived as one entity in the international travel market. Terrorism, wars and political instability are not only affect the country where the incidents are happening, but also the entire Arab world (Morakabati, 2012). For instance, the Arab spring and the political instability in the Arab world have affected the tourists’ flows in many Arab tourism destinations such as Egypt (see Helmy, Chapter 5, this volume), and Tunisia (see Selmi, Chapter 10, this volume). Although some destination, such as Jordan, has political stability, it is still affected by the political instability in neighbour countries such as Syria, Israel, Iraq and Palestine (Walters & Beirman, Chapter 12, this volume). Despite the political instability in various Arab countries, most of the Gulf states (Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Oman and UAE) have experienced growth in their number of tourists during the Arab spring (Morakabati, 2012). Most of the people in the Arab world are Arabs and Muslims who are sometimes perceived as embracing violence and terrorism (Jalilvand & Samiei, 2012). Jalilvand and Samiei (2012) argued that the image of Arabs and Muslims has been defaced by terrorist attacks under the name of Islam.

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Arab countries are also associated with conservatism and anti-western sentiment by outsiders. Therefore, marketing Arabs countries as tourist destinations is a difficult task (Kalesar, 2010). The image of Arabs in North America and Europe suffered after the 9/11 attack. There are also negative images of these countries due to the Arab–Israeli conflicts, Iraq war, and war against Al-Qaida (Jalilvand & Samiei, 2012). Recently the risk and political instability of countries such as Iraq and Syria has caused a halo effect in surrounding countries and had a significant impact on the tourism industry in this region.

Outbound tourism In 2013, the total population of the Arab World reached 369.8 million (The World Bank, 2015), with the vast majority below 50 years of age. The socioeconomic profile of many Arab countries, specifically Gulf countries (Oman, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain and UAE), has impacted outbound travel. Outbound travel from Arab countries has dramatically increased in the last 15 years; from 8.2 million in 1990 to 36 million travellers in 2011 (UNWTO, 2012). According to Sengupta (2013), there is significant growth in the outbound tourists from the Arab countries which is expected to reach 81 million by 2030 from 40 million in 2013. The average annual growth in outbound tourism for the Arab region was 8.1% between 2005 and 2011 (UNWTO, 2012). In 2010, the number of Arab tourists visiting Switzerland increased by around 20% and in Singapore by 21%. Abodeed (2014) also reported rapid growth in Arab outbound tourism. Many Arabs tend to visit European and South Asian countries (Prayag & Hosany, 2014), and prefer destinations where they can practice their Islam easily and peacefully and have access to halal food (Wells 2012). According to ETC and UNWTO (2012), 49% of the Arab outbound market travelled to Europe in 2010; of which 60% are from the Gulf countries (spending 75% of total expenditure by Arabs market in European destinations). Tourism providers in Europe have developed tourism products in response to the religious and cultural needs of Arabs. For instance, hotels in Geneva provide halal food, create separate swimming facilities for women and prayer areas (Wells, 2012). Compared to other international tourists, there are specific behaviours among Arabs travellers such as longer stays, higher spend and travel party size, and a preference for cooking their food themselves (e.g. Ladki et al., 2002; Michael et al., 2011; Michael & Beeton, 2007; Sulaiman, 2008). According to Wells (2012) Arab travellers had the highest average travel expenditure. Arabs, in particular citizens of Arabian Gulf countries, spend around US$3000–4000 per day on average when travelling internationally. Compared to other tourists, Gulf traveller spend four times more than others on accommodation and almost three times more in airfares. Arabs also stay longer (between two weeks to eight weeks) and business class seats preference is higher among Arabs (Well, 2012). ETC and UNWTO (2012) surveys

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confirm that Arab tourist expenditure is higher; the average spend per capita for the Arab travellers is around US$250 and higher than the world average of US$134. In terms of specific tourism destinations, Sulaiman (2008) found that Arab tourists in Malaysia stay in average a week and spend more than the average tourist. Similarly, Osman (2013) also reported that number of Arab tourists visiting Indonesia has increased in the last decade. She revealed that although number of Arab visiting is less than other markets, Arabs tend to travel with their families, stay longer, and spend more money more than the average. The high expenditure of Arab tourists has attracted attention to this market (Ibrahim et al., 2009; Wells, 2012). Various tourism destinations in North America, Europe and Asia are trying to stimulate and increase their market share of the Arab outbound market. However, despite the potential, there are few studies that examine Arab tourists’ motivations, perceptions, attitudes and behaviours. Arab travellers have distinctive needs and wants that tourism service providers and tourism marketers should understand in order to sell the ‘right’ tourism product to Arabs. Some 60% of the population in the Arab world are young people who are familiar with new technology and more exposed to new online media. Many Arab countries have witnessed economic growth leading to a consumption economy and increases in outbound travel. Arab customers are looking for customized holidays and travel packages and loyalty rewards. Service providers also need to use new technologies to develop better services (Sengupta, 2013). Although the volume of Arab tourists is lower compared to other markets, the value of the Arab market is higher because Arab tourists spend more when they travel, travel in larger group and stay longer (Sengupta, 2013). Thus, the study of the business of tourism in the Arab world has much to recommend to tourism managers and scholars.

Structure of this Volume Tourism in the Arab World: An Industry Perspective consists of 18 chapters including this Introduction (Chapter 1) and the Conclusion (Chapter 18). This volume has been arranged into four sections. The first section is concerned with tourism policy, organization and planning (Chapters 2–6). In Chapter 2, Khomsi and Kadri discuss tourism governance in the Arab world comparing Tunisia, Morocco, Saudi Arabia and UAE. They analyse the influence of governance on tourism development using a model developed by Hall (2011) and identify that local communities are not well involved in the decision-making processes; public authorities are the main actors in planning and development. In Chapter 3, Monshi and Scott provide an overview of the Saudi event tourism sector and highlight recent initiatives such as new entry visas, and establishment of the Saudi Exhibition and Convention Bureau

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and event venues. Chapter 4 discusses women’s empowerment in the Arab tourism industry, examining the attitude of the Omani women towards working in the tourism profession. Helmy examines existing sustainable tourism planning in Egypt in Chapter 5 using a supply chain model as an approach to reduce poverty and improve the living conditions of local communities. AlBalushi and Wise, in Chapter 6, compare Dubai and Oman based on a triple bottom line of the impacts of tourism. The second section of this volume concerns tourism product development and consists of three chapters (Chapters 7–9). In Chapter 7, Thani and Heenan examine the transformation of Dubai and Abu Dhabi from desert backwaters to global cities based on developments in aviation, sports and attractions. They argue that Dubai and Abu Dhabi have transformed UAE into a ‘tourism Mecca’ based on the themes of excess and abundance. Chapter 8 by Smith and Hindley explores the development of halal tourism and provides several examples of the adaptation of halal tourism products and services in different countries in the world. This chapter provides an overview and analysis of the various ways in which tourism and hospitality businesses can cater for Muslim guests, whether they require fully or only partially compliant facilities. Anthonisz and Heap, in Chapter 9, discuss the notion of authenticity within hospitality industry. They consider Dubai is rejecting the traditional notion of authenticity as reflecting local tradition and is instead creating ‘new’ local traditions of service provision in line with current and emerging markets. They assert that the construction of the ethno-authentic Dubai experience is fulfilling the commercial imperative for the hospitality industry in the area. The globalisation of Dubai should perhaps be replaced by the ‘glocalisation of Dubai’ as the brand becomes a complex mix of international cuisines and cultures. The third section of this volume is concerned with destination marketing in the Arab World and includes five chapters (10–14). In Chapter 10, Selmi gives analyses on the impacts of Arab Spring on the tourism industry in Tunisia and provides some recommendations for tourism stakeholders to recover from crisis. The literature has treated crisis to carry only negative impacts on the tourism destination, however, Selmi argues that crisis can bring also some benefits to the tourism destination and tourism organizations. Chapter 11 by Lawton and Weaver examines the respective tourism branding and product development strategies of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. A 6S model of brand proposition is proposed for Dubai (i.e. stable, strategic, superlative, sophisticated, sustainable and successful) and a modified version of this model (i.e. selectively sophisticated, discretely superlative, subtly successful, seriously sustainable, strategically strategic and reliably stable) for Abu Dhabi, which implicates intentions to be distinct from Dubai is discussed. The chapter ends with implications for regional cooperation and future regional economic development. Walters and Beirman discuss, in Chapter 12, the impacts of the political crisis in the Middle East and its impacts on Jordan’s tourism industry in particular. This chapter also illustrates several

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destination management and marketing strategies for Jordan and other Arab destinations to recover from crisis. In Chapter 13, Abdel Fattah and Eddy-U investigate how the Egyptian Bedouins are presented in the English language tourists’ brochures. Abdel Fattah and Eddy-U stress that the tourists’ brochures were centred on experiencing the unspoiled Egyptian deserts and its nomadic and primitive Bedouin tribes. They argue that this image strongly reflects a colonial legacy of particular stereotypes that continue to be reproduced through English-language tourism brochures. While the core image may lure potential tourists into experiencing the other, there is a possibility of increasing the gap between expectations and experience. Recommendation for tour operators to reduce the gap between tourists’ stereotypical expectations and the modern reality of Bedouin life are addressed. In the last chapter of this part, Chapter 14, Utomo, Scott and Jin examine the evolution of Hajj business through three periods: prior to European involvement; Hajj business under the Europeans; and Hajj in the 20th century. The chapter highlights also the effect of these changes on the quality of the religious experience. The last section of this volume consists of three chapters (Chapters 15–17) which are focused on Arab consumer behaviour. In Chapter 15, Abodeed, Moyle and Wilson explore the motivations, needs and expectations of Arab visitors to the Gold Coast in Australia. The chapter discusses how western destinations such as the Gold Coast can cater for Arab visitors, and better understand their motives, needs and expectations. The influence of the Islamic teachings on Omani tourists’ motivations and destination choices is discussed by Alsawafi in Chapter 16. Chapter 16 also provides managerial implication for destination marketers on how to target Omani tourists in the future. In Chapter 17, Abdel Fattah, Fisher and Fountain explore the international and domestic visitors’ experiences in relation to the traditional presentations and commercial offerings at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. Chapter 17 argues that, despite a lack of interactivity, the Egyptian Museum was able to meet the needs and wants of the different type of visitors. Together these chapters form the first comprehensive analysis of the business of tourism in the Arab World.

References Ballantyne, R., Packer, J. and Axelsen, M. (2009) Trends in tourism research. Annals of Tourism Research 36 (1), 149–152. Beaumont, P., Blake, G.H. and Wagstaff, J.M. (1988) The Middle East: A Geographical Study. London: David Fulton Publishers. Ben-Dor, G. (1999) Minorities in the Middle East Theory and Practice In O. Bengio and G. Ben-Dor (eds) Minorities and the State in the Arab World. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Costa, C., Panyik, E. and Buhalis, D. (2013) Trends in European Tourism Planning and Organisation. Bristol: Channel View Publications. Daher, R.F. (2007) Tourism in the Middle East: Continuity, Change and Transformation. Clevedon: Channel View Publications.

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Lepp, A. and Gibson, H. (2008) Sensation seeking and tourism: Tourist role, perception of risk and destination choice. Tourism Management 29 (4), 740–750. Lepp, A. and Gibson, H. (2011) Tourism and World Cup Football amidst perceptions of risk: The case of South Africa. Scandinavian, Journal of Hospitality and Tourism 11 (3), 286–305, DOI:10.1080/15022250.2011.593361 Lew, A.A., Hall, C.M. and Dallen, T.J. (2008) World Geography of Travel and Tourism: A Regional Approach. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. Lewis, B. (2002) Arabs in History. Oxford: OUP. Michael, I., Armstrong, A., Badran, B. and King, B. (2011) Dubai outbound tourism: An exploratory study of Emiratis and expatriates. Journal of Vacation Marketing 17 (1), 83–91, DOI:10.1177/1356766710391448 Michael, N. and Beeton, S. (2007) Exploring the cultural transferability of westernderived tourist motivation theories in Arabic culture a preliminary discussion. Paper presented at the CAUTHE 2007, Sydney N.S.W. Morakabati, Y. (2012) Tourism in the Middle East conflicts, crises and economic diversifications, some critical issues. International Journal of Tourism Research 15 (4), 375–387. Mustafa, M.H. (2010) Tourism and globalization in the Arab world. International Journal of Business and Social Science 1 (1), 37–48. Oman Convention (2017) Oman convention and exhibition centre. Retrieved from http://www.omanconvention.com/ (accessed 24 January 2017). Osman, N. (2013) Middle East tourists: Stay longer, spend more. See http://www. thejakartapost.com/news/2013/11/11/middle-east-tourists-stay-longer-spend-more. html (accessed 26 May 2015). Prayag, G. and Hosany, S. (2014) When Middle East meets West: Understanding the motives andperceptions of young tourists from United Arab Emirates. Tourism Management 40, 35–45, DOI:10.1016/j.tourman.2013.05.003 Reichel, A. and Fuchs, G. (2011) An exploratory inquiry into destination risk perceptions and risk reduction strategies of first time vs. repeat visitors to a highly volatile destination. Tourism Management 32 (2), 266–276, DOI:10.1016/j.tourman.2010.01.012 Sengupta, K. (2013) Travel and technology trends in the Middle East market. See http:// thinkdigital.travel/ (acccessed 20 September 2016). Sönmez, S.F. and Graefe, A.R. (1998) Determining future travel behavior from past travel experience and perceptions of risk and safety. Journal of Travel Research 37 (2), 171–177, DOI:10.1177/004728759803700209 Sulaiman, Y. (2008) Malaysian tourism targeting big spenders next. See http://www. eturbonews.com/; http://www.eturbonews.com/706/malaysian-tourism-targetingbig-spenders-next Swarbrooke, J. and Horner, S. (2001) Business Travel and Tourism. Oxford: ButterworthHeinemann. The World Bank (2015) Population Indicator [sp.pop.totl_Indicator_en_excel_v2]. See http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.1564.TO.ZS UNWTO (2005) Tourism Market Trends: Middle-East. Madrid: UNWTO. UNWTO (2012) UNWTO World Tourism Barometer. Madrid: UNWTO. UNWTO (2015) UNWTO Annual Report 2013. Madrid: UNWTO. Wells, R. (2012) Tourist numbers set to soar to 195 million in 2030 (p. 52). London: TME Media 21 Ltd. Winckler, O. (2007) The birth of Oman’s tourism industry. Tourism: An International Interdisciplinary Journal 55 (2), 221–234. WTTC (2015) World Travel and Tourism Council, Economic Impact of Travel and Tourism: 2015 Annual Update summary. See http://www.wttc.org/research/ economic-research/economic-impact-analysis/

2

Tourism Development and Governance: An Overview of Arab Countries Mohamed Reda Khomsi and Boualem Kadri

Governance: Between Perceptions and Practices The origin of the word governance goes back to the 13th-century Latin word gubernare, meaning ‘direct a ship’ or ‘to lead, govern’ (CNTRL, 2012). Hence, governance involves mastery of a particular and often unpredictable situation by ‘the one who is in charge of a city, a country, a province’. Among Muslims, certain characteristics of the practice of governance, such as dialogue and consultation, are important components of the culture and language. Indeed, in the Qur’an, Surah Ash-Shura (The Consultation, verse 38) emphasis is placed on the need to consult ‘those who answer the call of their Lord and establish worship, and whose affairs are a matter of counsel, and who spend of what We have bestowed on them’. Here consultation refers to problems that require the knowledge of experts, who will consult with others to find solutions. More recently, the first Arab Human Development Report of the United Nations (2002) chose to refer to the word governance by using the Arabic term al-hokm. This term, through its root hakama, denotes aspects of governing, judging, bringing to justice and conserving the political aspect of governance rather than reducing it to an administrative and managerial practice (UNDP, 2002: 118). Overall, the notion of governance, widely used today and especially since the beginning of the 20th century, is based on the institutional economy of the 1930s. In the business environment, the word al-hokm could also refer to the behavior of firms that respond to the complexity of the market by developing streamlined trade mechanisms. This dimension of the practice of governance implies continuous training, transformation and adaptation to new situations and cultures.

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Tour ism Development and Gover nance

17

Governance functions, through its informal type of practice, as a simple facilitator mechanism (Lorrain, 1998). It is probably through this simplicity that the word governance, as used by international organizations, finds a way not only into developing countries but also into industrialized countries, which are confronting both a reduction of government action and the inevitable rise of civil society. The international cooperation that emerged in the 1960s led to public policy support to include former colonies into the international development process from organizations such as the World Bank and the UNDP (United Nation Development Program). Tourism has been a successful vector of development for many countries in the Arab region (e.g. Morocco and Tunisia). Difficulties experienced by international organizations in development program implementation indicate that arrangements based on governance principles provide more effective tools than do imposed programs. It is particularly through the development of cities, considered as hub of the globalized liberal economy (Osmond, 1998), that governance becomes important as an enabler. Governance-related processes create a new power in developing countries and challenges the ruler-ruled relationship by introducing flexibility and therefore ‘good governance’ oriented towards a process of consultation, negotiation and partnership hitherto unknown (Osmont and ali., et GEMDEV, 2008: 5–6). While governance appears to be a facilitating tool, it also seems to emphasize more its evaluation and management dimension, as Zarka (2012) observed for European societies. The concept of governance also has not yet revealed all of its secrets, be it for developing or for developed countries. Indeed, it is difficult to grasp by means of a definition or mono-disciplinary analysis. Letourneau (2009: 2), who considers the concept in its ‘mobilizing function’, believes the term to be somewhat ambiguous in that ‘beneath the apparent simplicity hides complexity. [I]t is … . one term … [that means] several different things’. It has moral (designing a ‘good governance’ based on ethical principles), managerial (diversity of actors), territorial and geographical (different levels of scales) connotations. In the same vein, Fabre et al. (2007: 13–14) found diverse perspectives in the field of international cooperation (WB, UNDP, European Commission) and no agreement on a definition that would allow measurement of governance. Other definitions abound and show that this conceptual ‘suitcase’ is built more on ideology, and leads towards the development of a ‘good governance’ (Charles et al., 2007). This definitional diversity encourages researchers to establish a broader categorization and rationalization of the concept in order to better measure and use it. In that context, the idea of governance appears to be a ‘political factory’ (Charles et al., 2007: 15), a social and cultural construction (Kadri, 2005; Letourneau, 2009) or a dynamic and scalable concept (DGCID, 2008; Miossec, 2009). Paquet (2008: 10–11) discusses the conceptual complexity of governance (political, psychological, managerial and epistemological) but also a more practical approach, namely one seeking to understand ‘the

18

Tour ism in the Arab World

failures and successful coordination’ (Paquet, 2008). This author sees governance as a method of observation, diagnosis and reflection of a situation that brings together actors and institutions/organizations. To understand governance, we must do action research. Three main aspects should be taken into account in this method. •

• •

The complexity of the environment surrounding the situation of organizations is not stable due to: acceleration of changes of any kind; limited capacity of agents in decision making; poorly adapted scientific knowledge. Dispersed coordination (organizational dispersion) is required to face this complexity. The situation must be deconstructed in order to understand it (i.e. its issues and the various points of view) and to reconstruct it. Reconstruction (going to the source of the problem) must ensue by building on the successes and failures of organizations. This involves moving from a hierarchical mode of organization to more participatory governance. From the action research, we thus construct new knowledge and new learning.

The Concept of Governance in the Arab World Can we measure governance as it adapts to the societies and economies of the Arab region, more prone to informal practices, and where the statistical systematization and practices of a streamlined economy are not always present? As Pournik (2012) shows in a report published by the European Institute for the Mediterranean, countries in the Arab region have been facing popular uprisings inciting the construction of a new social contract since 2010. This project aims at a governance-building process better adapted to the complex situation of Arab societies, where politics meets religion and has a significant influence. According to Chebel (1993: 95), ‘In addition to poetry, politics and religion are the two sources of the mental universe of the Arabs, including the organization of their city. Religion gives the first course, the original pattern without which politics has no reason to be. At stake is the legitimacy of the clay rulers of Islam’.1 For Chebel (1993: 85), there is little room for change in this situation: ‘Religion and politics are the slopes of a single order (Mulk, literally ‘ownership’). There is no possible intercession of a more diversified society (multi-party, trade unions, elected device, etc.), or even a morality based on heteronomy (secularism)’.2 Governance, a concept that is contested by centralized power, is in a process of reform in Arab countries as they orient ‘to a new articulation between the state, society and the market’3 (Ben Néfissa, 2000). This is easier said than done given the ‘mental universe’ (Chebel, 1993: 85) in Arab societies, which leaves little room for innovation. There is no question of

Tour ism Development and Gover nance

19

succumbing to a cultural reductionism, which has already been denounced by many authors and used to explain the democratic deficit and economic stagnation in Arab countries. Thus, El Aoufi (2012), referring to Ibn Khaldun (Muslim historian from the 14th century), argues that the institutional factors relate more to economic backwardness and socio-political development. According to El Aoufi (2012: 105), the stiffening of the institutional configuration at large (values, beliefs, cultures, norms and rules), despite success factors in medieval times, has become a spoke in the wheel of progress. The author likewise mentioned that what was important for Ibn Khaldun was the ‘redefinition for the Arab-Muslim world, a stable model of power centered on the principles of “rational” policy (siyassa “aqliya”), transcending ethnic and tribal divisions governing society and providing a remedy for it – short of an institutional model focusing on law and promoting the civilization that is “not something” of development’4 (El Aouffi, 2012: 116). Other authors also question institutional factors when explaining the relationship between development and governance. In their comparative analysis of Arab governance indicators and Central and Eastern European countries, Ben Abdennaji and Chounkdali (2012) show that the Gulf countries, which have high concentrations of natural resources, have a high human development index while their governance is weak.5 Ben Abdennaji & Chounkdali (2012) believe that the strictly economic validation of human development is low and should take into account institutional factors (Ben Abdennaji & Chounkdali, 2012: 33). The impediments to human development in Arab countries, despite economic dynamism, are linked to an authoritarian model of government that is characterized by a ‘lack of civil liberties, accountability and control, transparency, effective anticorruption policies and basically the non-participation of civil society in decision-making and political life’ (Ben Abdennaji & Chounkdali, 2012: 36). Moreover, the assessment of governance in the Arab region, according to the criteria adopted by various international actors (UNDP, World Bank and The Economist) provides results that place the country in an uncomfortable situation compared to other countries. Thus, Table 2.1, created from the results recorded by a 2010 The Economist study concerning 167 countries, shows results below the world average. The Arab countries, with the exception of Palestine, Lebanon and Iraq, are recognized as authoritarian regimes, making little room for civil liberties.

Tourism Governance: Theoretical Concepts Just like the concept of governance, an agreed definition of tourism governance does not appear to exist. Beyond the theoretical perspective, governance in general refers to a form of regulation of the relationship between the various actors involved in a joint project (Boudières & Marcelpoil, 2006;

20

Tour ism in the Arab World

Table 2.1 Governance of the countries of North Africa and the Middle East (2010) Years Number of Average Full Flawed Hybrid Authoritarian countries index democracies democracies regimes regimes Arab countries

2010

20

3.43

0

1

3

16

2008 Total world 2010 2008

20 167 167

3.54 5.46 5.55

0 26 30

1 53 50

3 33 36

16 55 51

Source: Economist Intelligence Unit. Democracy Index 2010. Note: The statistics in this table includes also Israel, considered to have a flawed democracy, and Iran, considered to be an authoritarian regime.

Hultman & Hall, 2012). Trousdale (1999), for his part, points out that among the various levels of tourism governance, the contextual dimension is a prime factor. Indeed, the author suggests that an understanding of the vernacular characteristics of each country will better apprehend the governance model adopted. Moreover, authors such as Bridge and Jonas (2002), Görg (2007) and Bridge (2008) attribute the emergence of the concept of tourism governance to the requirements of sustainable development. In environments where the natural or cultural resources are the main factor of attraction, the establishment of a governance system is essential to ensure the proper use of resources. Other authors, such as Hall (2011), argue instead that it is the social context that has been a catalyst for the emergence of the concept of tourism governance. In developed countries, the evolution of democracy mechanisms has changed the paradigms of government societies, and good governance practices have invaded all spheres of public life. In this way and considering the important role played by public actors, tourism, as a social phenomenon marking the 20th century in Western societies, was conquered by the principles of governance. This parallel between the evolution of the social context and the evolution of tourism governance practices is relevant in the case of our study. This is because according to several authors the Arab world has several political, social, economic and cultural conditions that significantly affect its performance in terms of global governance (Ben Abdennaji & Choundali, 2012; Chebel, 1993; El Aouffi, 2012; Labaronne & Ben-Abdelkadr, 2008). The vision of a political and social structure of governance is vital in Arab societies. Even if governance is perceived ‘as effective coordination when power, resources and information are vastly distributed between several hands’6 (Paquet, 2008: 9) or between the state, the market and civil society, it is appropriate to observe that ‘[. . .] in practice we will necessarily have mixed situations’7 among the three models (Letourneau, 2009: 3). In this regard, Kadri (2005: 254; 2015: 106) observed that the governance in Algiers (Algeria) was built

Tour ism Development and Gover nance

21

along three levels of regulation: institutional regulation (state, municipalities); joint regulation by the sharing of roles and problems (state, municipalities, companies, associations); regulation by the collective action of people; and sharing of traditional values (influence of sociocultural and religious values). In this chapter, we analyze whether the tourism governance model applied in the four selected Arab countries is reflected in their tourism performance (tourist arrivals). To achieve this goal, we examine the governance structure of Morocco, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia based on the tourism governance model of Hall (2011). This model, used by other researchers such as Wray (2015) to study the governance structure of the New South Wales government in Australia, presented in matrix form, suggests four types of governance and uses two criteria: the degree of centralization of decisions and the quality of the actors involved. The first type of governance is called hierarchical or elitist. At this level, there is little connection between the public and private spheres. The process of decision making respects the pyramid of responsibilities in which information flows from the top down. The second type of collaboration is dominated by a market logic where the private sector plays an important role. Economic indicators are considered as the primary measure of the efficiency of public policies, and citizens are seen primarily as consumers. Networking is the third collaborative governance model, where public–private partnership is central to all decisions. Public policies are based on common goals, and actors operate in a climate of exchange and negotiation. Finally, citizenship is the main characteristic of the community model – the fourth type of governance. The community is considered to be mature and able to manage its business with minimal government intervention.

Analysis of Governance Structures: Arab Countries in the Maghreb and the Middle East Morocco and Tunisia An analysis of the Moroccan and Tunisian cases in terms of tourism governance reveal several similarities with regard to historically targeted markets and organizational plans. Indeed, both countries have inherited from France a very centralized system where the state plays a key role. After independence and in the face of weak natural resources, the central state, guarantor of national unity, emerged as the major player in economic development and planning (Hellal, 2014). In the 1980s and 1990s, and given the successive economic crises, the two countries had to implement structural adjustment programs dictated by the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank and to carry out fundamental reforms in order to boost their

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Tour ism in the Arab World

economies. From that moment, the tourism industry was considered a key sector of the economy of both countries, making them very popular destinations around the Mediterranean. Yet despite this similar development, the two countries evolved differently. In the case of Morocco, the coming into power of King Mohamed VI in 1999 gave a new boost to the tourism sector after a very difficult decade caused in part by the Gulf War and the 1994 Marrakech bombings. From then on, the country developed a vision of attracting 10 million tourists by 2010 and 20 million tourists by 2020. In terms of governance, and beyond Morocco’s commendable performance on the tourism map, the structures and decision-making processes remain highly centralized, as can be deduced from an analysis of the country’s tourism development strategy. Indeed, the program, signed in 2010 and covering a 2020 vision, was intended to revise the tourism governance concept to align it with the new ambitions. As such, the government was expected to create a High Tourism Authority (HTA) that was to control, monitor and adjust the 2020 vision by bringing together the public sector, the private sector and the regions (Mujahid, 2012). In addition to this new organization, the 2020 vision envisaged the creation of tourism development agencies in tourist areas with the objective of ‘developing the attractiveness and competitiveness of tourist areas and providing guidance for local professionals and investors’ (Roudies, 2012). Five years after the launch of the Moroccan tourism governance reform project, only two of eight planned tourism development agencies, namely those of Marrakech and Agadir, had been realized. Moreover, efforts to create the HTA, which was supposed to be the driver of the 2020 vision, have remained dormant. Indeed, one wonders about the usefulness of this new structure in view of the existence of three other organizations with similar missions – the Moroccan Society of Tourism Engineering (SMIT), the Moroccan National Tourist Office (ONMT) and the Ministry of Tourism – which aim to develop and implement government policy on tourism. In short, regardless of the governance structures in place, the state plays a key role in tourism development. Nevertheless, the private sector is largely involved with different governance structures as well as representatives from the regions and local authorities. This suggests that the governance model we observe in Morocco is more akin to the hierarchical logic model proposed by Hall (2011). Indeed, despite the significant weight of the private sector on the decision-making processes, due to government incentives in the tourism sector that have attracted several international investors, the public actor remains dominant. Apart from the place of the private sector in the Moroccan tourism landscape that characterizes the market model of governance according to Hall (2011), citizens are still seen as consumers and have not reached the stage of development partners. Indeed, despite the insistence on sustainability in the 2020 tourism development vision, local communities are almost never

Tour ism Development and Gover nance

23

included in decision-making mechanisms, even if public policies provide mechanisms to optimize the economic benefits of local people. In the case of Tunisia, the 1987 rise to power of President Ben Ali, ousted in the 2011 revolution, marked the beginning of a new decentralization policy, imposed by the World Bank as part of the liberalization of the Tunisian economy program. However, the political context as well as local and regional circumstances can be expected to ensure that economic reforms give way to security policies and indicate that ‘the Tunisian state prefers a tailored democracy’8 (Hellal, 2014: 59). Despite this particular context, Tunisia has managed to establish itself as a prime destination among European tourists, the French in particular. In 2010, the number of tourists peaked at nearly 7 million tourist arrivals (ONTT, 2015), which is significant for a country with around 10 million inhabitants. This exceptional tourism performance, however, conceals a troubling situation in terms of tourism governance. According to Welgert (2012: 25), ‘the regime has for a long time pursued, unabatedly, the destruction of the sector and the weakening of potentially competing institutions’.9 Ben Ali has been the largest investor in the tourism sector and will most likely continue to be so. As such, the institutions have not changed since the 1970s – yet these can no longer assume their functions and responsibilities in the context of market globalization. In this sense, governments that have succeeded one another since the revolution in 2011 unequivocally recognize the need to review the governance of their country’s tourism with the aim of redressing that sector, which has seen tourist arrivals drop by 46% between 2010 and 2014 (UNDP, 2014). Despite the resolve to reform, the tourism governance structure remains highly centralized, with the Ministry of Tourism playing a key role in the tourism landscape. This ministry has the overall responsibility for implementing government policy in the field of tourism and leisure tourism and manages under its tutelage the Tunisian National Tourist Office (ONTT), the National Office of Tunisian Crafts (ONAT) and several public companies entrusted with the operation of facilities or tourism attractions. In the new tourism strategy of Tunisia, called Vision 3 + 1, the government in charge wanted to modernize the tourism sector by focusing on three main areas: (a) the diversification of supply, by focusing on major and alternative offers, (b) the enhancement of the quality of the reception infrastructure and the development of a national training strategy, and (c) the improvement of the brand image of the destination through targeted marketing in priority markets. In terms of governance, the tourism ministry relies on a strengthening the structures of the ONTT and its delegations around the world, and additionally has created a tourism observatory ‘as a space of consultation but also as a co-pilot tool […] with a mission to provide both monitoring and control elements of the strategy and to provide tourism actors with information, strategic study results and statistical indicators’10 (Bouaouina, 2014).

24

Tour ism in the Arab World

The analysis of the new tourism governance structure according to the Hall model (2011) leads us to believe that Tunisia is still under the hierarchical logic. This situation is particularly characterized by the following elements: • • •

the dominance of the public actor, the decision-making structures are centralized and leaving a little room for local actors; the poor integration of other actors, especially the private sector, in the planning process; the weak implementation of plans and the lack of integration of local communities in decision making.

Notwithstanding these assessments, Tunisia is going through a transitional period where social and economic priorities come first and where tourism could be part of the solution. According to World Travel & Tourism Council statistics, the tourism sector in 2014 accounted for 7.4% of the country’s GDP and for 230,500 jobs – down from, for the year 2007, 9% of the GDP and 250,000 jobs.

The United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia The United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia are the two main tourism destinations in the Middle East. In 2013, these two destinations accounted for 48% of international arrivals in the region. Despite belonging to the same region, the visitor profile of the two countries is diametrically opposite. Whereas the UAE, especially Dubai, are positioned as a luxury destination, tourism in Saudi Arabia is concentrated around religious tourism, which represents 48% of tourist arrivals in the country (SCTA, 2011). The federal system in the UAE guarantees each member the exercise of tourism governance in its territory. Each emirate has a local government body as a ministry of higher authority or tourist office to regulate, develop and promote the destination at the local and international levels. The structure and importance of these tourism management bodies vary from one emirate to another. They depend on the natural potential extent of tourism and the commitment of each emirate. In terms of competence, these agencies conduct their mission on a wide scale, ranging from the development of the tourism strategy to the deployment and supervision of the strategy on the ground. To understand the magnitude of the UAE model, we will focus particularly on the case of Dubai. The emirate hosts more than 70% of the hotel capacity of the country (Gibert et al., 2005) and is the premier tourism destination in the UAE. Within a short period of time, Dubai established itself as a city to visit among the cities in the region. The number of international overnight visitors between 2010 and 2015 increased from 8.41 million to 14.26 million (Statista, 2016). This confirms the rapid

Tour ism Development and Gover nance

25

transformation of a small fishing port into a major tourism destination (Khomsi & Kadri, 2011). In terms of governance, the political functioning of the UAE is based on dynastic tribalism. This type of organization resembles, in terms of the political structures, more a city state than a nation state, with the royal family demonstrating a certain degree of flexibility to transform the city state into a modern entity (Gibert et al., 2005: 51). In the case of Dubai, this orientation is explicit, as exemplified by the Al Maktoum family. Indeed, Sheikh Mohamed Al Maktoum, as his father before him, Sheikh Rashed Al Maktoum, has a visionary spirit motivated by the desire to make the emirate a vast global economic platform and a paradise of free business (Kechichian, 2000, quoted in Davis, 2007: 18). Dubai is run like a private company (Davis, 2007) where the emir is the CEO and the government plays the role of the executive council. This council is composed of 15 members of the close family of Al Maktoum (Davidson, 2008). Although tourism is not the principal pillar of the emirate’s economy, it is considered the alpha and omega of the Dubai phenomenon (Cusset, 2007). The tourism sector is managed with the same entrepreneurial philosophy as the rest of the emirate, in the sense that only competitiveness and performance count: ‘Behind this position we find the will of Sheikh Mohamed Al Maktoum to be number one in the world’11 (Davis, 2007: 10). Since the beginning of the 21st century, Dubai, with its extravagant projects and promotional efforts, has been in the position of becoming a new tourism development model that inspires and challenges. In terms of tourism governance, unlike conventional structures observed in several Western countries, based on the multitude of stakeholders (tourism ministry, state secretariat, department, public and offices), the Department of Tourism and Commerce Marketing (DTCM) in Dubai is considered to be the one and only promoter of tourism. Created in 1997 and chaired by the emir of Dubai, this structure acts as the highest authority responsible for the planning, supervision and development of the tourism sector in the emirate. The DTCM is responsible for monitoring and marketing and issues licenses to hotels, apartments, hotels, tour operators, trading companies and travel agents. Its oversight extends to all archaeological and heritage sites and the management of tourism information services. In marketing, the DTCM plans and implements an integrated international promotion program. In addition to the responsibilities described above, the DTCM is responsible for evaluating the services offered by operators and the issue of grading certificates in accordance with the laws. Finally, the DTCM is a certified ISO 9001 and 14001 agency, has 18 representations worldwide, and in 2002 received its third consecutive award for the best tourism office promoting the Middle East at the World Travel Exhibition in London (Gibert et al., 2005). An analysis of the Dubai tourism governance system using the Hall model (2011) reveals a hierarchical logic given the unlimited powers of the public

26

Tour ism in the Arab World

actor, the DTCM in this case. This organization is the start and end point of all tourism development projects emerging in the emirate. Nevertheless, over time a mutually beneficial public–private partnership has developed and should, in all fairness, be recognized among the success factors of Dubai (Kursany, 2006, quoted in Sharpley, 2008). For example, the Dubai shopping festival, a world-renowned event, was initiated by the public sector before becoming fully managed and supported by the private sector a decade later (El Khoury, 2006, quoted in Sharpley, 2008). The dimension of sustainability and of improving access to employment for locals and to management positions for women were also among the objectives explicitly formulated in the tourism development strategy of Dubai. Despite the ‘success story’ which Dubai’s tourism development represents, especially considering the unstable political situation in the region, Sharpley (2008) does not hesitate to describe Dubai’s tourism governance as authoritarian. According to Sharpley (2008), despite the apparent integration of the private sector in the process, key decisions are made by the president of the DTCM. Al Maktoum is also the president of the executive council, which acts as a cabinet, and president of the UAE Airlines Board. In addition to this absolute control, Anon (2006, quoted in Sharpley, 2008) noted that despite renewed efforts to adopt sustainable development practices within the destination, several major development projects have emerged without any environmental impact assessments. Moreover, the law requires that a minimum of 51% be held by a local investor in any tourism development project. Finally, the vast majority of hotel facilities in Dubai belong to the public sector, which outsources through international channels (Sharpley, 2008). In Saudi Arabia, the Saudi Commission for Tourism and Heritage (SCTA) is the main public actor responsible for the management of the tourism sector. Created in 2000, this organization aims to promote the development of a sustainable tourism that is respectful of the environment, culture and local values. As such, the board acts on two fronts. First, together with the industry players, it seeks to establish a tourism development strategy that encourages the creation of an environment conducive to the achievement of high performance; and second, it aims for the improvement, preservation and promotion of the heritage and the development of management models allowing to attract more tourists and more investors (SCTA, 2011). In addition to the SCTA, several other ministers are involved, in one way or another, in the creation, implementation and monitoring of tourism development plan. As such, we refer to Ministry of Antiquities & Museums, Ministry of Municipality and Rural affaires, Ministry of the Interior and Department of town planning. Indeed, apart tourist flows related to religious practice (Pilgrimage and Umrah), the other important niche market is a cultural tourism. As such, these departments are responsible for coordinating their policies with a view to set a lows supposed to protect the various heritage sites listed in the various regions of the kingdom.

Tour ism Development and Gover nance

27

At the vertical organizational level, there are three levels of decision: The first is the national level, where the SCTA is responsible for defining an overall development strategy, which must then be adapted by the 11 regional councils of tourism development (RTDC) to the local specificities of each region. In addition to being a deployment tool of the national strategy, the RTDCs act as coordinators between the various stakeholders in the tourism sector. As such, it is clear that the private sector and local communities are vital partners in achieving common goals in the region. That said, working with local communities primarily involves promoting an interest in tourism in the region, as opposed to efforts from the private sector. The latter benefits from the RTDCs and the Local Development Council (LDC) through substantial support, in the form of investment promotion programs in human resources training and the identification of funding sources. The strong presence of the private sector in tourism development in the region also manifests in the composition of the board of the RTDC, where industry representatives have the same weight as public authority representatives. An analysis of Saudi Arabia’s governance structures according to the Hall model (2011) determines the country as having a hierarchical logic despite the close relationship between the public and private sector. This finding can be explained by the weight and influence of the public sector capacity, which far exceeds that of the private sector. The public actor continues to be the market regulator and the main instigator of major tourism development projects. This situation can be explained by the type of tourism in the kingdom, which is religious tourism. Indeed, a majority 42% of tourists visit Saudi Arabia to perform religious rituals, followed by 25% who are business tourists, 19% who visit family and friends, and 8% who visit for leisure (SCTA, 2011).

Discussion and Conclusion Subsequent to our analyses of the four countries targeted in this chapter, we can conclude that a country’s overall governance model is reflected in one way or another in its tourism model of governance. Applying an analysis framework represented by the model of Hall (2011), we categorized the hierarchical logic of the four countries in relation to three main elements. • •

Public authorities continue to be the main actor, with regard to the definition of development plans and to the level of realization of strategic projects. The regulatory pathway continues to be the preferred way for defining the roles of each public and private stakeholder involved in the industry.

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•

Local communities are absent from decision-making processes, despite the integration of a sustainable development vision that claims to be committed to considering host communities in the development of tourism strategies. Thus, to date the economic dimension appears to be prioritized in the sense that sustainable development is seen primarily as an effort to generate benefits for the host communities from the economic spinoffs of tourism. In the case of Saudi Arabia, the cultural dimension is very important in the sense that the notion of sustainability refers to respect for local values in line with the conservative structure of the Saudi regime.

Thus, the performance of the Arab countries concerning the contribution of civil society to global governance processes are below average (Table 2.2). It is in this context where local communities do not, for the moment, play a role in the governance of the tourism taking place on their territories that we consider tourism governance to be a reflection of global governance. However, the facts concerning the relationship between global governance and tourism governance outlined above are not as clear-cut as implied Table 2.2 Democracy Index Political Political Civil Tourist Countries Rank Overall Electoral Functioning score process of government participation culture liberties arrivals (millions) and pluralism The highest ranked Arab countries 86 5.82 7.92 Lebanon 7.83 Palestine 93 5.44

3.93

6.67

5.00

5.59

1.274

2.86

8.33

4.38

3.82

0.545

3.88

3.58

4.29

3.33

4.38

3.82

0.300 (2012)

Countries studied Morocco 116 3.79

Kuwait

114

3.50

4.64

1.67

5.00

4.12 10.046

Tunisia

144

2.79

2.79

0.00

2.22

5.63

3.24

Saudi Arabia

160

1.84

0.00

2.86

1.11

3.75

1.47 13.273

148 2.52 0.00 UAE The lowest ranked countries 143 2.86 0.00 Oman

3.57

1.11

5.00

2.94

3.57

2.22

4.38

4.12

Yemen

146

2.64

1.33

1.79

3.89

5.00

Syria

152

2.31

0.00

2.50

1.67

5.63

Source: Economist Intelligence Unit. Democracy Index 2010.

6.269

9.990

1.987 (2012) 1.18 0.874 (2012) 1.76 5.070 (2011)

Tour ism Development and Gover nance

29

in the previous paragraph. Although the weight of the public actor is dominant in the four countries, the fact remains that the private sector enjoys a prime position and is often regarded as a key partner in the development of the industry. In the same vein, the consideration of the quantitative dimension, usually economic, in assessing the effectiveness of a tourism governance is certainly not a relevant indicator. In tourism, the performances of the countries surveyed, representing 38% of total tourist arrivals of the 22 countries comprising the Arab world (UNWTO, 2015) do not reflect the reality of the tourism landscape of these different countries. More ‘sustainable’ tourism development in these countries should promote the passage of local communities’ status from passive party to that of active participant in decision-making mechanisms. The environmental dimension, which involves more local stakeholders (citizens, associations), should assign increasing importance to tourism development schemes in consideration of climate challenges. In conclusion, we wish to remind the reader that the economic, political, cultural and social contexts of each country should be taken into consideration when examining the development situation. We agree with Letourneau (2009), who states that in practice the balance between the three pillars of governance – the state, market and civil society in this case – will be different depending on the context of its application. Among the cases studied, the one most likely to evolve is that of Tunisia, which is in a transitional period in its history. After years of authoritarian rule, the analysis of the situation may change considerably depending on the sector’s development in the coming years. The Tunisian case also refers us to the inclusion of civil society in the political and economic reforms. The involvement of the civil society is often welcomed by both international organizations (ex: UNDP) and the popular Arab movements. Pournik (2012) shows us a ‘new social agreement’ that is now emerging in the relationship between states and Arab societies. Ben Neffisa (2000) observed that the construction of governance is linked ‘to a new articulation between the state, society and the market’ (Ben Néfissa, 2000). In Arab societies, the market does not play a role as efficient as in the West, and the challenge of organizing a governance bringing together the political, economic and sociocultural constraints (i.e. religion) remains important. Moreover, the issue of civil society in Arab societies it is only a transfer of the concept of a Western society in an Arab-Muslim society, or is there some specificity through a ‘religious civil society’ (Bozzo & Luizard, 2011: 17). In this case, the question then arises if the tourism will be a new testingground for the new concerted practices between governors and governed?

Notes (1) (2) (3) (4)

Authors’ own translation. Authors’ own translation. Authors’ own translation. Authors’ own translation.

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Tour ism in the Arab World

(5) The UNDP report (2014) on human development classifies five countries of the Arab world–Qatar, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Kuwait–as belonging to a group of countries displaying a high human development index. (6) Authors’ own translation. (7) Authors’ own translation. (8) Authors’ own translation. (9) Authors’ own translation. (10) Authors’ own translation. (11) Authors’ own translation.

References Ben Abdennaji, H. and Chounkdali, R. (2012) Développement Humain et Gouvernance: Cas du Monde Arabe. New Medit. Ben Néfissa, S. (2000) ONG, gouvernance et développement dans le monde arabe. See http://www.unesco.org/most/nefissa.htm (accessed April 24, 2015). Ben Néfissa, S. (2004) ONG et gouvernance dans le monde arabe. Paris: Karthala. Bouaouina, K. (2014) La ministre du tourisme présente sa nouvelle vision 3 + 1. Le Temps. See http://bit.ly/1JuGLaM (accessed June 21, 2015). Boudières, V. and Marcelpoil, E. (2006) Gouvernance touristique des grandes stations et durabilité. Une lecture en terme de proximité. Développement durable et territoires 7, 1–19. Bozzo, A. and Luizard, P.J. (2011) Les sociétés civiles dans le monde musulman, Paris: La Découverte, 473 p. Bridge, G. and Jonas, A. (2002) Governing nature: the re-regulation of resources access, production and consumption. (Introduction to special issue on Governing spaces of nature in the new economy). Environment and Planning A 34 (5), 759–766. Bridge, G. (2008) Global production networks and the extractive sector: Governing resourcebased development. Journal of Economic Demography 8 (3), 389–419. Centre national de ressources textuelles et lexicales-CNRS (CNRTL) (2012). See http:// www.cnrtl.fr/definition/gouvernance (accessed April 24, 2015). Charles, C., Dijakovic, V., Kaempfer M. and Kozlova, M. (2007) Regards croisés de la Banque mondiale, de la Commission européenne et du PNUD. Vers une harmonisation des conceptions de la gouvernance? Analysis note. See http://www.institutgouvernance.org/en/analyse/fiche-analyse-303.html (accessed April 24, 2015). Chebel, M. (1993) L’imaginaire arabo-musulman. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. Cusset, F. (2007) Questions pour un retour de Dubaï. Paris: Les Prairies ordinaires. Davidson, C. (2008) Dubai: The Vulnerability of Success. London: Hurst & Company. Davis, M. (2007) Le Stade Dubaï du capitalisme. Paris: Les Prairies ordinaires. Direction générale de la coopération internationale et du développement (DGCID) & Ministère des Affaires Étrangères et Européennes (2008) La Gouvernance urbaine dans tous ses états. État de la réflexion. p. 40. See http://www.pseau.org/outils/ouvrages/maedi_la_ gouvernance_urbaine_dans_tous_ses_etats_2008.pdf (accessed November 24, 2015). El Aoufi, N. (2012) Islam, institutions et développement. Revue Tiers Monde 2012/4, 212, 101–119. El Khoury, M. (2006) Personal communication. Fabre, J., Meisel, N. and Ould Aoudia, J. (2007) Vers une harmonisation des conceptions de la gouvernance? In C. Charles, V. Dijakovic, M. Kaempfer and M. Kozlova. Conception de la gouvernance. Regards croisés de la Banque mondiale, de la Commission européenne et du PNUD. See http://www.institut-gouvernance.org/en/analyse/ficheanalyse-303.html (accessed April 24, 2015). Gibert, B., Maraut, A. and Telle, B. (2005) Enjeux et perspectives pour les Émirats arabes unis. Et après le pétrole ? Paris: L’Harmattan.

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Görg, C. (2007) Landscape governance. The politics of scale and the natural conditions of places. Geoforum 38, 954–966. Hall, C.M. (2011) A typology of governance and its implications for tourism policy analysis. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 19 (4–5), 437–457. Hellal, M. (2014) La Tunisie de l’après révolution: vers une nouvelle gouvernance du territoire. Lucrările Seminarului Geografic ‘Dimitrie Cantemir’ 38 (1), 55–68. Hultman, J. and Hall, M. 2012. Tourism place-making. Governance of locality in sweden. Annals of Tourism Research 39 (2), 547–570. Kadri, B. (2005) L’insertion d’une ville méditerranéenne du monde arabe dans les processus mondialisés de métropolisation et de gouvernance. Le cas d’Alger. PhD thesis on urban studies. Université du Québec à Montréal. Kadri, B. (2015) La formation d’une gouvernance urbaine à Alger. Entre pratiques anciennes et réalités sociétales nouvelles. Acteurs et pouvoirs dans les villes du moyen orient, sous la direction de Karine Bennafla (pp. 95–113). Paris: Karthala. Khomsi, M. and Kadri, B. (2011) Dubaï, ville laboratoire de la postmodernité urbaine et touristique. (special edition) Mondes du Tourisme Sept. 2011, 98–108. Labaronne, D. and Ben-Abdelkader, F. (2008) Transition institutionnelle des pays méditerranéens et des pays d’Europe de l’est. Analyse comparative de l’évolution de leurs systèmes de gouvernance. Revue d’économie politique 2008/5, 118, 743–776. Letourneau, A. (2009) Les théories de la gouvernance. Pluralité de discours et enjeux éthiques. VertigO. Special Edition, November 2009. See http://vertigo.revues.org/8891 (accessed April 4, 2015). Lorrain, D. (1998) Administrer, gouverner, réguler. Les Annales de la recherche urbaine: Gouvernances 80/81, 85–92. Miossec, J. (2009) Quelle gouvernance pour gérer quels territoires? La gouvernance à l’articulation des pouvoirs et des territoires. In J.-M. Miossec (ed.) Terrains et échelons de la gouvernance: expériences en France et au Maghreb. Paris: Éditions l’Harmattan. Mujahid, M. (2012) Tourisme: Comment sera gérée la vision 2020. La Vie Éco 2012-11-06. See http://bit.ly/2kjT3bQ. Office National Tunisien de Tourisme (ONTT). See www.beintunisia.com (accessed June 26, 2015). Osmond, A. (1998) La Gouvernance: concept mou, politique ferme. Les Annales de la recherche urbaine: Gouvernances 80/81, 19–26. Osmont, A. et ali., GEMDEV (Groupe d’intérêt scientifique pour l’Étude de la Mondialisation et du Développement) Groupement (2008) La Gouvernance urbaine dans tous ses états. État de la réflexion. Villes en développement 81/82, Sept–Oct 2008, 5–6. Paquet, G. (2008) Gouvernance-monde d’emploi. Montréal: Éditions Liber. Pournik, M. (2012) La gouvernance dans le sud de la Méditerranée après le printemps arabe: l’élaboration d’un nouveau contrat social. Annuaire IEMed de la Méditerranée Med.2012. See www.iemed.org/observatori-fr/arees-danalisi/…/pournik_fr.pdf (accessed April 24, 2015). Roudies, N. (2012) Le développement durable au coeur de la stratégie du tourisme marocain ‘Vision 2020’. Ministère du tourisme. Presentation on display as part of the symposium ‘Mediterranean and Europe: Current cooperation and future perspectives in sustainable tourism,’ Brussels, June 21 and 22. Saudi Commission for Tourism & National Heritage (SCTA) (2011) General Tourism Development Strategy (translation from Arabic). Riyadh: SCTNH. Sharpley, R. (2008) Planning for tourism: The case of Dubai. Tourism and Hospitality Planning & Development 5 (1), 13–30. Statista (2016) The statistical portal. See https://www.statista.com/statistics/284636/ visitor-arrivals-in-dubai-from-international-destinations/ (accessed October 10, 2016).

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The Economist. Democracy Index 2010 (2011). A report from the Economics Intelligence Unit. See http://graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy_Index_2010_web.pdf Trousdale, W. (1999) Governance in context. Boracay Island, Philippines. Annals of Tourism Research 26 (4), 840–867. United Nations World Tourism Organization (2013) Tourism Highlights, Edition 2014. See http://mkt.unwto.org/publication/unwto-tourism-highlights-2014-edition (accessed May 15, 2015). United Nations World Tourism Organization (2015) UNWTO Tourism Highlights (2015 edn). Madrid: UNWTO. United Nation Development Program (2009) Rapport arabe sur le développement humain. Le défi de la sécurité humaine. New York: UNDP. United Nations Development Program (2014) Sustaining Human Progress: Reducing Vulnerabilities and Building Resilience. New York: UNDP. United Nations Development Program. Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development (2002) Arab Human Development Report 2002. Créer des opportunités pour les générations futures. New York: UNDP. Welgert, M. (2012) Le tourisme en Tunisie. Les défis à l’heure de la transition démocratique. Les Notes IPEMED 12 Janv. 2012. Wray, M. (2015) Drivers of change in regional tourism governance: A case analysis of the influence of the New South Wales government, Australia, 2007–2013. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 23 (7), 990–1010. Zarka, Y. (2012) Démocratie, état critique. Paris: Armand Colin.

3

Developing Event Tourism in Saudi Arabia: Opportunities and Challenges Emad Monshi and Noel Scott

Background of the Saudi Tourism Industry Saudi Arabia is in the heart of the Islamic world, hosting Hajj, a mega religious annual event (Haq, 2013). Recently the Saudi government has sought to capitalize on this expertise by developing its events sector. The tourism industry in general and event tourism in particular represent an ideal opportunity to diversify the economy and create jobs. The Saudi Commission for Tourism and National Heritage (SCTNH) collaborates with other Saudi National Government Organizations (GOs) to develop the tourism industry including its events sector. This chapter provides an overview of the Saudi event tourism sector including the existing opportunities, highlights the challenges in developing the sector, and the government initiatives to overcome challenges.

Development of event tourism sector The event sector in Saudi Arabia began in 1985 with the Aljanadriyah Festival in Riyadh organized by the Ministry of the National Guard. Other early events included the two annual Eid celebrations organized by the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs in all Saudi provinces. The Supreme Commission for Tourism (SCT) was established in 2000 as the primary government tourism organisation to legislate, organize, manage the tourism industry in the Kingdom (Winckler, 2007). Prior to its establishment, the Saudi tourism industry had no supervision authority or development plan. The hotel sector was managed by the Ministry of Commerce and had less than 100,000 rooms with low occupancy rates except for the two holy cities, Makkah and Madinah. By 2015, SCT had acquired responsibility for 33

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archaeological sites and tangible and intangible heritage, and in that year changed its name to become the Saudi Commission for Tourism and National Heritage (SCTNH). The SCTNH has since led coordinated GOs to develop three types of events – festivals and cultural celebrations, sporting and business events (Getz, 2008) – creating an events portfolio (Getz, 2013). Prior to 2013, business and sport events received less attention from GOs in comparison to festivals and cultural celebrations.

Food festivals Food festivals have shown significant growth in terms of number of events and number of visitors. The Aljouf Olive Festival, which begun in 2008, was one of the first food festivals organized by the SCTNH. This festival achieved revenue of about US$10 million by 2011 (O’Toole, 2012). After creating new events, SCTNH gives control to local event organizers but continues to provide logistical support. The success of the Aljouf Olive Festival motivated local event organizers to plan for new events, resulting in a move from traditional top-down planning to bottom-up planning (Getz, 2013) and the creation of more than 60 food festivals in 12 Saudi provinces (see Table 3.1). Saudi event organizers took advantage of the different landscape, local cuisines and cultures around the Kingdom (Almubarak, 2015, email, 20 July; Alsaif, 2015 , email, 20 July). For example, event organizers in six Saudi provinces; Makkah, Asir, Jazan, Aljouf, Albaha and Najran, took advantage of the beekeeping tradition and the use of honey as a primary ingredient in traditional dishes and local diets to organize seven annual honey festivals (see Table 3.1).

Heritage events Saudi Arabia is a unique tourism destination as it hosts a diversity of cultures. This diversity is due to the rich culture of different tribes living in the Arabian Peninsula, influenced by cultures of millions of pilgrims performing Hajj every year, and the ancient civilisations surrounding the Kingdom. Each of the 13 provinces has its own culture, and each region share folklore, dances and food cuisine. In recognition of this, Former King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz organized the Aljanadriyah National Festival for Heritage and Culture, the most famous and longest lasting heritage event in the GCC region and only one in the Kingdom for over 20 years (1985–2005). Today, there are about 40 heritage festivals around the Kingdom with two standing out due to their size, location, symbolism and government investment (see Table 3.2). The historic Jeddah Festival and Souk Okaz, heritage festivals staged in Makkah province, stand out from other heritage festivals. Before the birth of Islam, Arabs used to practice Hajj in Makkah as part of their Abrahamic religious beliefs. On their trip to Makkah, Arabs used to stop for a month at

Developing Event Tour ism in Saudi Arabia

35

Table 3.1 Saudi food and gastronomy events around the Kingdom No.

Event

Makkah Province (12–1 events) 1 Mango festival in Alqunfuthah 2 Honey festival in Alardiyat province 3 Saudi food, hotels & hospitality exhibition 4 Almamool Almakkai Market 5 Figs and berries festival in Taif 6 Almonds festival in Taif 7 Taif rose festival 8

Honey festival in Taif

9 Taif pomegranate festival 10 Grape festival in Taif 11 Global food festival in Taif 12 Fruit festival* Riyadh Province (11–1 events) 13 Jania festival for palm trees & dates in Riyadh 14 Alkharj date festival 15 Watermelon festival in Riyadh 16 Watermelon festival in Wadi Aldawasir 17 Watermelon festival in Sajer 18 Dairy festival in Alkharj 19 Global cuisine festival 20 Taste festival in Riyadh 21 Singaporean food festival in Riyadh 22 Int. coffee & chocolate exhibition 23 Almajma’a date festival* Alqassim Province (12–3 events) 24 Buraidah date festival 25 Onizah date festival 26 Riyadh Alkhabra date festival 27 Albkairia date festival 28 Kulaijah festival

No.

Event

Asir Province (4 events) 36 Honey festival in Rijal Almaa 37 Sifri Bisha festival (dates) 38 Grapes festival in Balgaran 39 Wheat festival in Balasmeer Eastern Province (4 events) 40 Alahsa festival of palm and dates 41 Marketing Alahsa manufacturer dates festival 42 Palm trees and dates festival in Aljubail 43 Alaseda festival (local dish) Jazan Province (4 events) 44 Alhareed festival (fish) 45 Mango and tropical fruits festival 46 Honey festival 47 Coffee beans festival Aljouf Province (3 events) 48 Olive festival in Aljouf 49 Aljouf dates festival 50 Ghee and honey festival Albaha Province (3 events) 51 International honey festival 52 Pomegranate festival 53 Banana and Kadi festival Najran Province (2 events) 54 Najran national festival for citrus & agriculture investment 55 Bees and beekeepers festival Almadinah Province (4–3 events) 56 Saudi taste festival 57 Alais dates festival* 58 Citrus festival in Alola* 59 Almadinah Almonorah dates & food industries festival* (Continued)

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Tour ism in the Arab World

Table 3.1 Saudi food and gastronomy events around the Kingdom (Continued) No.

Event

No.

29

Tabouk Province (1 event)

33

Qoot festival for packed dates in Alqassim Grapes festival in Alqassim Ghee & sheep festival Exhibition of dates and food Alqassim Algat date festival*

34 35

Shagra date festival* Mathnab date festival*

30 31 32

Event

60 Fruit and roses festival Hail Province (2–2 event) 61 Dates and grapes festival* 62

Hail tourism and agriculture festival* Northern Borders Province (0 event)

(*) Events no longer existing.

a place south of Makkah called Souk Okaz, which was the most famous Arab market of the time. In 2007, the governor of Makkah province, HRH Prince Khalid Alfaisal with the support of the SCTNH revived this market (Souk Okaz) to become a signature heritage event in Saudi Arabia. Between 2007 and 2016, the Saudi government invested heavily to transform the location of this market from empty land in the middle of the desert to a small festival village suitable to host a major event. In 2015 261,055 visitors travelled to Souk Okaz, and 47% were tourists (MAS, 2015c). Within the National Transformation Program announced by the Saudi government recently (NTP, 2016), Souk Okaz was allocated US$355 million to further develop the site infrastructure and a new attraction The Avenue of the Future (SCTNH, 2016a). Jeddah Historic Festival, a second major heritage event created in 2013, took advantage of world heritage listing of the city centre of Jeddah by the UNESCO. Several GOs collaborated to transform Jeddah city centre from a deserted neighbourhood with dilapidated historical buildings and poor infrastructure to a place suitable to host a major event. The new event attracted about 3 million visitors over the two years (2014–2015), and was awarded the title of the best heritage festival in the Kingdom in 2014 (MAS, 2015b).

Seasonal celebrations Seasonal celebrations are another type of festival that grown significantly in the last decade. Prior to 2000, the only celebrations in the Kingdom were Eid Alfitr and Eid Aladha organized by the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs (MMRA). They are associated with Ramadan and Hajj, receptively. The major common element in these two events are fireworks in

Developing Event Tour ism in Saudi Arabia

37

Table 3.2 Saudi heritage events and seasonal celebrations Heritage Festivals Aljanadriyah festival

Omlog sea Radhwa desert heritage festival festival

Historic Jeddah festival Souk Okaz

Taima heritage festival

Turaif falconry festival

Heritage sports festival Hajr market festival

National built heritage forum Souk Hajr

This is our Ramadan festival Aldokhala festival Oshaigar folk village festival Alghat folk village festival Jazan Carnival

We all love our Almusawkaf heritage festival traditional festival Alola heritage Heglina Winasa festival Hail Int. desert Dhuba heritage festival festival Al-sodah folk Alghada festival village festival

Rijal Alma Heritage Village tourism festival Abha Carnival

King Abdulaziz Award for camels beauty contest Counties nights (festival)

Khail O Hail Al-Huridah festival Festival Gulf days festival East Coast festival

Sedu festival

Ummluj sea heritage festival

National Arabian horse show Aba Saud heritage festival Alhsa countryside festival

This is our Eid festival Alhara Almakkaya festival

Alriyadh municipality summer festival Taif summer festival

Summer Festivals Arar summer festival

Buraidah Bani Malik summer festival summer festival

Alrass spring festival

Rafha summer festival Hail summer festival Albada’a summer festival Yunbu summer festival

Onizah summer festival Almathnab summer festival Taibah summer festival

Ahed Rafidah summer festival Diving summer festival Eastern summer festival

Najran summer festival

Spring festival in Domat Aljandal Abha yejmana festival King Khalid University summer festival Tabouk summer festival

Jazan summer festival

Spring Festivals Alzulfi spring festival Riyadh spring festival Qulwa spring festival

Abha spring Baheeta spring festival Mikhwat spring festival

Winter Festivals Alni’ayriah spring festival Tourism spring forum Tabouk spring festival

Buraidah spring festival Bishah tourism spring festival Najran spring festival

Asir Winter festival Jazan winter festival Mahayel winter festival

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capital cities; however, recently plays and stand-up comedies have been included. After a long debate between Saudi authorities, the MMRA has also started celebrating the Kingdom’s unification day in September. While celebrations take place in the capital city of each province, major events at Riyadh and Eastern Provinces attracted 79,628 visitors in 2014 with 17% of them tourists coming from other provinces (MAS, 2014). As the temperature around the Kingdom can reach 50o C during summer, most outbound tourism takes place during the summer school break. To avoid economic leakage, many summer festivals are being organized in the southwest mountain region of the Kingdom, where the temperatures are acceptable. Most of these events (shown in Table 3.2) are named after the host city with no special themes that differentiate them. Recently, SCTNH requested the Ministry of Education to introduce a two-week break during the first and second semesters to motivate families with children at school and university levels to travel in all four seasons. More than 13 seasonal festivals in spring and winter seasons are being organized around the Kingdom (see Table 3.2). Finally, to put all festivals and cultural celebrations into perspectives, the 35 largest events attracted more than 12 million visitors in 2012 (see Table 3.3) (MAS, 2012b). In 2013, HRH Prince Sultan bin Salman, General Secretary of the SCTNH, announced that Saudi event tourism has increased from five events in 2004 to more than 450 events worth US$5 billion and directly responsible for more than 50,000 jobs (O’Toole, 2013). The Historical Jeddah Festival alone managed to attract 3 million visitors over two years (SCTNH, 2015b). Despite this rapid growth, many opportunities for other types of event tourism remain including shopping festivals, fashion festivals, film festivals and business events (Alsaif, 2015, email, 20 July).

Sport and business events In comparison to festival and cultural celebrations, sport and business events have received less attention and only a limited number of sport and business events have been organized. The first major sporting event (Hail International Rally) begun in 2006. Recently, two new events have been launched; Jeddah Rally (2013) and Saudi Star Drift Championship (2014). Other minor events include the Riyadh Principality Champion for Driving Skills and a Sailing Boat Event in Jazan (SaudiTourism, 2015). Tourism-related business events established prior to 2013 include the Travel and Tourism Investment Forum 2009 and Forum of Colours in 2012. Other well-recognized events include the Jeddah and Riyadh Economic Forums organized by the Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and the Riyadh and Jeddah International Book Fairs organized by the Ministry of Cultural and Media. Business events are more difficult to stage

Developing Event Tour ism in Saudi Arabia

39

Table 3.3 Visitor’s numbers for Saudi Event Tourism in 2012 Event

Visitor’s numbers

Event

Visitor’s Event numbers

Visitor’s numbers

Riyadh shopping Festival

2,255,269 Hail Rally Festival

251,432 Alkulaija Festival

52,093

Abha Gathers us Festival

2,038,288 Mango Festival Jazan

194,751 Aljouf Olive Festival

36,389

Jeddah Summer Festival

1,677,556 Buraidah Spring Festival

117,989 Hareed Festival Farasan

33,765

Taif Summer Festival

1,056,930 Alghada Festival

110,113 Al-Hassa Countryside Festival

21,340

Eastern Summer Festival

913,446 Desert Festival in Hail

103,551 Beautiful Umluj Festival

20,490

Summer Aramco, Jeddah

540,072 Buraidah Summer Festival

103,541 Eastern Architectural Heritage

18,591

Baha Summer Festival

515,591 Unaiyza Summer Festival

101,447 Baha Spring Festival

16,420

Alhassa for shopping & Entertainment

431,079 Namas Summer Festival

95,249 Alwan Saudi

9747

Hail Summer Festival

379,902 Aljouf Helwa Festival

93,400 Aljouf Spring Festival in Doumet Aljandal

9000

Taiba Summer Festival

290,544 Jazan Winter Festival

85,781 Tabuk Horse Cardamom Festival

5950

Flower Festival Taif

256,228 Najran Summer Festival

65,384 Albuhaitah Spring Festival

1951

Souk Okaz

256,088 Summer Aramco, Riyadh

56,131 Total number of visitors

12,215498

Source: Adapted from (MAS, 2012b).

due to difficulties in getting visas for international speakers, exhibitors and visitors, global and regional competitions and limited event venues (Abu Rukba, 2015, workshop, 15 July; Alawadi, 2015, workshop, 15 July). The following sections discuss these challenges and government initiatives to overcome them.

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Tour ism in the Arab World

Challenges in Developing Event Tourism Saudi Arabia is still developing its tourism and events infrastructure and faces a number of issues identified and discussed below.

Limited entry options for tourists Currently, there are only three visa options to enter the Kingdom; for Hajj and Umrah purposes, to conduct business and to visit archaeological sites visitors under government supervision. Saudi Arabia primarily targets local residents and citizens from the Gulf Cooperation Council States (GCC) who require no tourist visa. There is no official government statement explaining the reasons for restricting non-GCC citizen visits. One possible reason is the limited transportation, accommodation and services needed to serve international tourists. Another is that the Saudi culture is conservative and international tourists, unfamiliar with Islamic culture, could trigger negative behaviour by local communities. Similarly, participants in business events including speakers in conferences and forums face a long government process to secure visas to enter the Kingdom. Exhibitors participating in international exhibitions face similar challenges in obtaining customs approvals to enter the Kingdom. Due to this issue, the TTCR gives the ‘visa requirements’ indicator a value of zero out of 100, ranking Saudi Arabia on 140th out of 141 tourism destinations on this indicator (TTCR, 2015).

Global and regional competition There appears to be a significant unmet demand for events in Saudi Arabia. More than 20 million Saudi tourists leave the Kingdom every year for tourism purposes and spend about $17 billion (MAS, 2012b). In the Arab world, the top tourism destinations for Saudi tourists with portfolios are Bahrain, United Arab of Emirates (UAE), Kuwait, Jordan and Egypt. Dubai city in UAE (1–2 hours away by air from most Saudi cities) attracts tourists with annual festivals and celebrations including the Dubai International Shopping Festival, the two Eid celebrations and the New Year Celebration. Music festivals and concerts, such as Hala Febraier Festival in Kuwait and Qatar Spring Festival, depend heavily on Saudi singers (Alzahrani, 2003) to attract thousands of Saudi tourists (Alquds, 2015). It is a challenge for Saudi event organizers of such events as the Permanent Committee for Islamic Research and Issuing Fatwas (PCIRIF), which is a government organisation that advises the king on religious matters, deprives organizing music festivals, support them in any way and attending them (Al Al-Shaykh, Abu Zayd, Ibn Ghudayyan, & Al-Fawzan, 1999). In relation to business events, Dubai with its excellent facilities attracts academics, professionals, government officials and other tourist groups.

Developing Event Tour ism in Saudi Arabia

41

Dubai’s hosts major regional exhibitions such as the Dubai City Scape and GITEX Technology Week. According to the Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Report (TTCR) (2015), UAE has targeted business tourists by organizing Expo 2020, constructing Louvre and Guggenheim Museums, developing world-class air transport infrastructure (ranked 3rd globally), effective branding campaigns for its business environment (ranked 1st globally) and liberalization of its visa system (ranked 30th globally). These advantages allow UAE to be ranked 24th on the TTCR index, ahead of Qatar (43rd) and Saudi Arabia (64th) (TTCR, 2015). Saudi fans also travel to support their national football teams and local football clubs at regional level (GCC competitions), continental level (Arab, Islamic and Asian competitions) and global level (FIFA World Cup) and to attend Champions League matches. There is a significant gap in competitiveness between UAE and Qatar, and Saudi Arabia.

Limited number and size of event venues Limitations in the number and size of event venues in Saudi Arabia also restrict the number of events offered. To host conferences with exhibitions and other side events, event organizers have few suitable options in Riyadh and only one option in Jeddah (Abu Rukba, 2015, workshop, 15 July; Alawadi, 2015, workshop, 15 July). Abu Rukba (2015, workshop, 15 July) describes Jeddah Hilton Hotel as the best and only option to host conferences and forums with large and multiple side events in Jeddah. This hotel offers a theatre room (suitable for conference/forum sessions), two hall areas (suitable for exhibitions) and 10 medium and small rooms (suitable for workshops, press rooms, meeting rooms and one-on-one meeting rooms) (Abu Rukba, 2015, workshop, 15 July). Organizing a conference/forum at a fivestar hotel is also a preferable option for organizers as it helps to reduce the cost for driving delegates between their accommodation and the event location (Alawadi, 2015, workshop, 15 July). Other venues around the Kingdom, such as exhibition centres and halls within five-star hotels, are used for small-scale business events. About 80% of exhibitions are organized in Riyadh (50%) and Jeddah (30%) (SEMA, 2015). According to a recent study conducted by the Saudi Exhibition and Conventions Bureau, Riyadh city is not competitive with major international cities in terms of its capability to host business events (see Table 3.4). The Riyadh International Centre for Exhibitions and Conferences is small compared to those in Abu Dhabi and Dubai and is not connected to hotels and shopping malls. Riyadh Centre management attracted and organized about one-third the number of events in Abu Dhabi and Dubai centres in 2014. Sport and festival organizers face similar challenges. Saudi Arabia has only opened one new modern multi-use stadium since 1987 (in Jeddah in

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Tour ism in the Arab World

Table 3.4 Riyadh Event centre and global event centres Comparisons

Los Angles

Management

Los Angles Abu Dhabi government Exhibition Co.

Size Area (m2) 81,000

Abu Dhabi

73,000

Dubai

Riyadh

Las Vegas

Hong Kong

Dubai Commercial Global Centre

Commercial Chamber

Commission for Exhibitions & Conferences

Hong Kong Council for Commercial Development

59,000

15,000

180,000

25,000

Meeting halls capacity

4 halls with A hall with different a capacity sizes of 6000 persons & 22 halls with different sizes

A hall with a capacity of 4500 persons & 20 halls with different sizes

A hall with a capacity of 1300 persons & 10 halls with different sizes

42,000 m2

2 exhibition halls with a size area of 6,000 m2 & 53 meeting hall rooms

Number of events/year

>350

>100

>100

35

>100

1235

Number of visitors/year

2.5 Million

1.8 Million

1.4 Million

1.2 Million mostly from Riyadh

>4 Million

Almost 6 Million

Other services

Advanced technology, hotels, shopping mall

Advanced technology, hotels, shopping mall

Advanced technology, hotels, shopping mall

–

Advanced technology, hotels, restaurants, theatre, sporting facilities & resorts

Restaurants, theatres & business centres

Establishment cost

$1 Billion

$2 Billion

$800 Million

$90 Million

$890 Million

$1 Billion

Source: SECB, 2013.

2014). This issue limits the Kingdom capabilities to host quality major sporting tournaments as well as festivals and cultural celebrations, which usually take advantage of such venues. As a result, parks and squares are used by event organizers for outdoor events (Smith, 2015).

Government Initiatives to Overcome Challenges and Achieve Potential Opportunities The SCTNH has announced a number of initiatives to improve the event sector. This section will highlight the most important government initiatives

Developing Event Tour ism in Saudi Arabia

43

related to developing event tourism, achieving its potential opportunities and overcoming current challenges. The four following government initiatives address the challenges mentioned in the previous section.

New entry options to the Kingdom In 2014, GOs including SCTNH supported a new policy allowing the holders of four visa types to extend their length of stay in the Kingdom for up to six months. Holders of pilgrimage visa can extend their length of stay and visit other provinces including Makkah and Madinah (Almgamsi, 2015; ArabianBusiness, 2010), as well as holders of visas for the purposes of visiting family members, conducting business and for medical purposes (GDP, 2012). As the Kingdom hosts over 500 festivals and celebrations per year, tens of business and sport events, has 1711 archaeological sites (SCTNH, 2012) and hosts about 10.1 million foreigners residing in the Kingdom (SAMA, 2015), this new legislation is expected to have positive socio-economic and sustainable impacts on local communities. Easing the conditions of four different types of visas is expected to have positive impacts on events organized around the Hajj season, the archaeological tourism sector, the VFR (visiting friends and relatives) tourism sector, as well as business and medical tourism. These future forecasts are also supported by the current government mega development projects in the two holy cities, including the expansions of the two grand holy mosques to double the number of pilgrims from 3 million to 6 million by 2020 (Alasadi, 2015). In April 2016, Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman announced the Saudi Vision 2030, which included increasing the Kingdom’s capacity to welcome 30 million Umrah visitors every year by 2030 (SaudiVision, 2016). On the other hand, Saudi Arabia is developing two new types of visa. To increase the attractiveness of the GCC countries and maximize the benefits of the 100 million tourists visiting the GCC countries each year, there are plans for a new unified tourism visa among GCC countries (Alarabiya, 2015a, 2015b) similar to the Schengen Agreement. As UAE and Qatar are hosting the World Expo and the FIFA World Cup in 2020 and 2022; respectively, this unified tourism visa is expected to ease the entry of millions of tourists to Saudi Arabia. Therefore, Saudi events during the six months of the Dubai Expo in 2020 and the month-long FIFA World Cup in 2022 will have a larger market of potential tourists to attract. Additionally, a transit or temporary visa is proposed for seaports and airports. The Saudi Ports Authorities (SPA) announced in 2012 it is planning to develop three cruise ship terminals in the Kingdom (STTIM, 2012). In addition, the General Authority of Civil Aviation (GACA) has plans for all four international airports to become independent profit centres, instead of depending on government funding (Alhujairi, 2014). To achieve this objective, GACA adopted several strategies to attract international carriers and increase the number of passengers

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(Aljaroshah, 2008) including signing a contract with Fraport, a global airport management and consulting business, to develop operational, financial, commercial and human resources of both Riyadh and Jeddah international airports (Farport, 2014). In October 2016, Saudi Arabia’s national currier (Saudia Airlines) announced a 72-hour transit visa as an exclusive offer for its passengers who must be American citizen or USA permanent residents. It is most likely that the Saudi government will entitle other nationalities to its transit visa to facilitate the needs of transit tourists going through its international airports and cruise ports. The new policy allowing the holders of four types of visa to extend their visitation to the Kingdom, and the two new visas (unified GCC visa and transit/temporary visa) are expected to increase accessibility. Eventually, these new policies will increase the number of visitors and tourists at event tourism, and improve the competitiveness of the Saudi tourism industry in the GCC region (Wen & Hou, 2015).

Establishment of the Saudi Exhibitions and Conventions Bureau Out of 140 economies, Saudi Arabia is ranked 120th for the number of fairs and exhibitions (TTCR, 2013) and 83rd in relation to the number of international association meetings (TTCR, 2015). To address this issue, the National Exhibitions and Conventions Bureau (SECB) was established in 2013 as a new government organization to regulate and manage the business event sector (Alattas, 2015). The SECB role is to supervise, develop and organize the whole sector, to strengthen its contributions to local economy, increase its effectiveness and overcome growth barriers (Alattas, 2015). The SECB strategic goals are to attract investment for the sector through developing current regulations and develop centres for exhibitions and conferences to strengthen the Kingdom capabilities to host major business events with high quality (Alattas, 2015). The SECB aims to improve event quality through developing services standards, provide information for investors and evaluate the economic impacts of business events and their contributions in the GDP (Alattas, 2015). Since the establishment of SECB, agreements have been signed with the Ministries of Foreign and Internal Affairs, Saudi Customs and Saudi Chambers Council (Alattas, 2015). These agreements speeded up the processes of issuing temporary visas for international speakers and exhibitors, and clearances by customs for exhibited articles at exhibitions (Alattas, 2015). This was done through launching an electronic one-stop station website to facilitate issuing licences for business events (Aleissa, 2016). Before this one-stop e-gate, organizers needed between 18–24 months to receive government approvals to organize business events. Nowadays, all approvals required by organizers of business events are done through electronic forms with no paperwork needed at all (Aleissa, 2016). SECB also updated the database of all operating organizations in the sector, including professional and

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organizational associations. Such government support is a necessity for events to be competitive and successful at emerging tourism destinations (Iorio & Wall, 2012). These government initiatives have helped increase the number of conferences and exhibitions to almost 400 events in 2014 (Alattas, 2015). In short, establishing the SECB as a devoted government organisation for business events gave this sub-sector of event tourism the attention and momentum it needed to develop at this stage.

Developing event venues A second challenge is the limited numbers of event venues and their poor facilities (Abu Rukba, 2015, workshop, 15 July; Alattas, 2015; Alawadi, 2015 workshop, 15 July; Almubarak, 2015, email, 20 July; Alsaif, 2015, email, 20 July). This issue has led to a concentration of business events in Riyadh and Jeddah with only 20% of business events organized in the other 11 provinces. Currently, there are three major venues around the Kingdom which are suitable to host exhibitions with limited side event options; Riyadh International Convention and Exhibition Center, Dhahran Expo and Jeddah International Exhibition and Convention Center. In addition, there are only a few five-star hotels (i.e. Ritz-Carlton Riyadh and Jeddah Hilton) that host business events. To overcome this challenge, several government organizations including SCTNH, SECB, the Ministry of Municipal and Rural Affairs and the Saudi Industrial Property Authority, along with the hospitality sector have implemented strategies to develop excellent venues suitable to host business events. The new King Abdullah Economic City in 2014 established a five-star hotel, which has hosted 90 business events, and is planning to build two conference centres (Alhabeeb, 2015). The Ministry of Finance has begun a new project in Madinah city to establish King Salman International Center for Conferences, which will be able by next year to host 2500 guests in its large conference hall and 1550 guests in its multi-purposes halls (Alharthi, 2015). All these current and upcoming business event venues are expected to attract more conferences, forums, meetings, exhibitions, other business events and indoor festivals. Developing event tourism venues will have positive impacts on many other tourism sectors (Getz, 2008). For example, to meet the expected increase in business tourist numbers, the Saudi hospitality sector increased its capacity from 184,832 hotel rooms in 2011 (MAS, 2012a) to 446,603 hotel rooms and hotel apartments in 2016 and aiming to reach 621,600 hotel rooms and hotel apartments by 2020 (NTP, 2016). The number of sports facilities also is being increased. Prior to 2014, the only modern sporting stadium was King Fahad Stadium in Riyadh, which is able to host more than 70,000 spectators. In 2014, the new King Abdullah Sports City opened with the main stadium capacity at 62,241 (second largest in the Kingdom and 10th in the Arab world), and smaller sports venues inside and outside the main stadium. Along with its sporting facilities, this

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multi-use stadium is equipped with seven mosques, media centre, electronic gates, smart seating system and several large halls and small meeting rooms, allowing it to host business event as well as sporting events. Multi-purpose facilities are not only able to host a variety of events, but they are also able to increase seatings capacity and thus are more sustainable (Parrish, 2013). The use of technology in such facilities supports crowd management and enriches the event’s participants. A multi-purpose facility is being built in the 11 other provinces. With 13 large sporting facilities, the Kingdom will be able to bid for major and mega events. Event organizers are beginning to promote this infrastructure. The SCTNH branch in Alqassim province, for example, has launched a new marketing campaign spectate and explore Alqassim, which aims to attract spectators of football teams playing against Alqassim local teams to extend their visit and explore other tourism attractions within the province (Alhamli, 2014). With more collaboration between SCTNH and the General Presidency for Youth Welfares (government organization responsible for sporting events), more sport events could be organized with an appeal to tourists. As mentioned earlier, one of the challenges is the limited options to hold events in public spaces. Recently, the SCTNH succeeded in increasing the number of registered sites on the UNESCO World Heritage List to four, and it is working on adding 10 more sites from around the Kingdom as part of the Custodian’s Program of Kingdom’s Cultural Heritage Care (SCTNH, 2015a). Such strategies enhance destinations ability to attract international tourists (Huang et al., 2012) and increase its competitive advantages (TTCR, 2015). Organizers of heritage events and celebrations are taking advantages of these public spaces (Smith, 2015). In 2013 and 2015, Historic Jeddah Festival and Riyadh Eid Celebrations have been launched at two UNESCO World Heritage sites, respectively. In addition, the SCTNH and Riyadh Municipality have built sites to host Souk Okaz and Riyadh festivals, respectively. Thus, stadia, conference and exhibitions centres, five-star hotels, heritage sites and public spaces are being used to overcome the challenge of limited venue numbers.

Motivating quality services and best practices Improvements in event management services are also needed to raise the quality of events (Go & Govers, 2000; Lee, 2001) and food festivals and business events have developed accreditation systems (Okumus et al., 2007). SCTNH has also developed the Saudi Excellence in Tourism Awards to improve service quality. Since it was first organized in 2010, the excellence award programme has developed rapidly to reach 37 major awards under six categories (SCTNH, 2015b). The award programme has motivated public and private organizations from across the tourism spectrum, and individuals in the Saudi tourism industry to create new quality tourism products and to

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help achieving SCTNH strategic goals. Some seven out of 37 awards target the event tourism sector (SCTNH, 2015b). In recent years, the tourism awards have attracted media attention and are expected to have positive impacts on the quality of all types of event tourism.

Developing event management education and professionalism In Saudi Arabia, only a limited number of event organizers have an event management qualification. According to Alsarraj (2015), the head of the constitutional committee of the Saudi Event Management Academy (SEMA), a large number of those who belong to the event sector are not professionally qualified and they depend on their acquired expertise. This issue resulted in poor quality events in relation to sustainability and risk management practices. In relation to sustainability, musical festivals in Abha and Jeddah and the King Abdulaziz Award for Camels have triggered some resentment among their hosting communities (Algemaiha, 2007). Other events including Jeddah Historic Festival and Saudi Higher Exhibition in Riyadh have been criticized for the lack of sufficient parking spaces, causing traffic jams and having negative impacts on nearby neighbourhoods. In relation to risk management, major Saudi events including Aljanadriyah Festival, Riyadh International Book Fair and Souk Okaz lack professional written risk management plans. All these events have experienced disruptive incidents. In 2012 Aljanadriyah’s gate security personnel could not deal with protesters and eventually called riot police who used warning shots to end the situation (Alkhfi, 2012). In Riyadh and Jeddah Book Fairs, small groups of people usually protest against the participation of female authors in side events or interactions with male audiences (Sims, 2015). To deal with all these issues of low professionalism, SCTNH motivated public and private organizations to develop tourism, hospitality and event management education and training programmes around the Kingdom. The first tourism and hospitality college was established in 1995 under the umbrella of the Technical and Vocational Training Corporation (TVTC), offering diplomas in tourism and hospitality management. Post 2000, SCTNH advised a number of Saudi universities to establish tourism and hospitality colleges around the Kingdom (see Table 3.5). In 2005, the first public college of tourism and archaeology awarding bachelor degrees in the field was launched at King Saud University. In the last decade, 63 tourism educational institutions have been established or are under establishment in Saudi Arabia. To ensure their quality, about half of these institutions are operated by American, Canadian and Australian institutions (COE, 2013). Currently, there is only one diploma programme in event management offered by the Tourism Institute at King Abdulaziz University in Jeddah and few short courses (2–5 days) offered by private training centres (see Table 3.5). The SCTNH has also established (along with private investors) the Saudi Event

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Table 3.5 List of major Saudi institutions providing event management degrees and courses Diplomas and Certificates in Event Management No 1

Name of Institute Lincoln Qatief Female College

Degree Diploma

Umbrella College of Excellence (TVTC)

Location Alqatif

Ownership MIX.

2

Oxford Almadinah Female College

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Almadinah MIX.

3

Almadinah Tourism & Hospitality College – Laureate

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Almadinah MIX.

4

Makkah Female College – Laureate

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Makkah

MIX.

5

Riyadh Tourism & Hospitality College – Laureate

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Riyadh

MIX.

6

Wadi Aldawaser Female College – Laureate

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Wadi MIX. Aldawaser

7

Alnammas Female College – Laureate

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Alnammas MIX.

8

Buraydah Female College – Laureate

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Buraydah

MIX.

9

Alkharj Female College – Laureate

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Alkharj

MIX.

10

Unaizah Female College – Hertfordshire London Colleges

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Unaizah

MIX.

11

Niagara Altayef Tourism & Hospitality College*

Diploma

College of Excellence (TVTC)

Altayef

MIX.

12–17 Saudi Academy for Event Management*

Diploma

Under TVTC supervision

6 cities

MIX.

18

Ejada International

Certificate Under TVTC supervision

Riyadh

PRV.

19

News Maker for Media Training

Certificate Under TVTC supervision

Riyadh

PRV.

20

Riyadh Chamber Commerce & Industry

Certificate Stand-alone organization

Riyadh

Not-forprofit (Continued)

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Table 3.5 List of major Saudi institutions providing event management degrees and courses (continued) Degrees in Tourism & Hospitality Management with Event Management Courses No 21

Name of Institute Tourism College

Degree Bachelor

22

College of Tourism & Management High Training Institute of the Saudi International Academy for Tourism & Hospitality College of Tourism & Management College of Tourism & Archaeology Deanship of Continuing Education & Community Services Travel & Tourism Department Saudi High Tourism Institute Alhokeer Institute for Tourism College of Arts & Humanities Community College College of Tourism & Hospitality Community College College of Tourism* Ibn Rushd College for Management Sciences

Bachelor

36

College of Tourism*

Bachelor

37

Travel & Tourism Department Saudi High Tourism Institute*

Diploma

23

24 25 26

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

38

Umbrella King Abdulaziz University Alfaisal University

Location Jeddah

Ownership GOV

Jeddah

PRV.

Diploma

Under TVTC supervision

Jeddah

PRV.

Bachelor

Um Alqura University King Saud University Alyamamah University

Makkah

GOV.

Riyadh

GOV.

Riyadh

PRV.

Riyadh

GOV.

Riyadh

PRV.

Jizan

PRV.

Bachelor

Institute of Public Management Higher Institute for Tourism Alhokeer Holding Co. Jizan University

Jizan

GOV.

Diploma Bachelor

Jizan University TVTC

Jizan GOV. Almadinah GOV.

Diploma Bachelor Bachelor/ MBA

Taiba University Taiba University Under Ministry of Education supervision King Khaled University Institute of Public Management Higher Institute for Tourism

Alola GOV. Almadinah GOV. Abha PRV.

Bachelor Diploma

Diploma Diploma Diploma

Diploma

Abha

GOV.

Dammam

GOV.

Alkhobar

PRV. (Continued)

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Table 3.5 List of major Saudi institutions providing event management degrees and courses (continued) Degrees in Tourism & Hospitality Management with Event Management Courses No 39

Name of Institute Alhokeer Institute for Tourism 40 College of Tourism & Archaeology 41 Community College* 42–48 Technical Colleges (7 colleges)

Degree Diploma Bachelor Diploma Diploma/ Bachelor

Umbrella Alhokeer Holding Co. Hail University

Location Albaha

Ownership PRV.

Hail

GOV.

Tabouk University TVTC

Tabouk 7 Cities

GOV. GOV.

(*) Institutions under establishment. Sources: COE, 2013; IRC, 2015; MENA, 2013; MOE, 2015; SEMA, 2015; TVTC, 2013.

Management Academy (SEMA), which is planning to be launched in Riyadh in 2016 (SEMA, 2015). SEMA plans six new branches between 2021 and 2025: two in western region, two in eastern region and two in other GCC countries (SEMA, 2015). In addition to the 50 institutions listed in Table 3.5, there are over 25 private training centres distributed around the Kingdom that offer short programmes in tourism and hospitality subjects (SCTNH, 2016b). At a macro-level, improved professional practices are needed to develop the sector. Currently, there are four exhibitions related to construction and real estate being held in Jeddah every year. During the second Saudi Forum for Conferences and Exhibitions held in Riyadh in 2014, Waleed Alharthi, a major Saudi exhibition organizer, raised the issue that protective regulations are needed to prevent other organizers from organizing similar events in the same city. On the other hand, to improve the quality of Saudi events, SECB has implemented new regulations for new organizations to become licenced event organizers, and it started issuing penalties to current event organizers who did not meet certain government standards (Alattas, 2015). It is expected that the new strategies to develop event management education and training will raise professionalism level, at micro- and macro-levels, and increase the number of organized events. Although the level of professionalism is still a serious challenge facing the event tourism sector to overcome, recent government actions predict the decline of this phenomenon. These strategies and regulations will result in more jobs within the Saudi tourism industry, and reduce the current high unemployment rate (NTP, 2016).

Conclusion Currently, Saudi Arabia is ranked 62nd on the Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCR, 2015). With the Kingdom’s tourism

Developing Event Tour ism in Saudi Arabia

51

potentials and the Saudi Commission for Tourism and National Heritage (SCTNH) ambitions, the Saudi tourism industry is expected to climb the TTCR index. The Kingdom is located in the middle of the world, between Europe, Asia and Africa, hosts the Hajj, an annual mega event, has rich local cultures, four heritage sites listed on the UNESCO list, 1711 archaeological locations, and its nature-based tourism is untapped. In relation to its event tourism sector, SCTNH leads several GOs and the private sector to maintain the growth in numbers of food festivals, heritage events and seasonal celebrations. Based on the data collected from secondary resources as well as Saudi tourism experts, the top three challenges in developing the event tourism sector are the limited entry options for international tourists, global and regional competitions, and the limited number and sizes of event venues (Almaddah et al., 2015; Colliers, 2011; MAS, 2015a). To overcome the challenges, SCTNH supported the development of three new entry options for international tourists, established the Saudi Exhibitions and Conventions Bureau (SECB) to develop business events, motivated quality services and event best practices and supported the development of event management education and professionalism. The new Saudi Vision 2030 and National Transformation Program (NTP, 2016; SaudiVision, 2016) are expected to give the tourism industry new momentum to overcome its challenges and achieve its 2020 and 2030 objectives. To improve the event sector, it is recommended to develop polices to protect food festivals being copied, moving heritage events to public spaces, spreading seasonal celebrations around the four seasons instead of concentrating them in the summer season, and around the Kingdom instead of being organized at high-density provinces, and increasing the number of sport and business events. There is also a need to improve the quality of event planning and the human resources operating events. Saudi Arabia can learn a lot from UAE and Qatar, which are respectively ranked 24th and 43rd on the TTCR index (TTCR, 2015), and other successful tourism destinations from around the Arab world to develop events that are more sustainable and risk-free. On the other hand, many tourism destinations in the Arab world can learn from the Saudi tourism industry. In particular, UAE and Qatar, who are respectively hosting the Expo 2020 and FIFA World Cup in 2022, can learn from Saudi GOs experiences in operating the Hajj. The cumulative experiences made Saudi GOs experts in mega-event risk management including crowd management, communicable and non-communicable diseases control and counter terrorism security management. Nevertheless, Arab destinations can learn from the SCTNH leadership role in growing the number of event tourism. Special attention should be given to the winners of the excellence in tourism awards, as lessons can be taken from awarded events and event organizers. Currently, there are three tourism and event research centres at SCTNH, King Saud University and Um Alqura University (CTHIHR, 2015; MAS,

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2013; PSC, 2013). These centres and other individual researchers can provide vital information for planning (Getz & Page, 2016) and government initiatives (Monshi, 2010). Future research should consider identifying Saudi tourist’s motivations in attending events inside and outside the Kingdom as market orientation is among the first steps in designing successful events (Monshi, 2015). Results from such research represent opportunities for event organizers to stage new events that meet Saudi resident’s needs. On the other hand, connecting to Saudi event organizers to identify the challenges in staging all three types of event tourism through scientific research is essential to understand the supply side of the sector. Outputs from research related to potential event visitors and existing event organizers can be vital inputs to Saudi GOs in developing tourism policies and programmes supporting the event tourism sector. Finally, research is important to evaluate the impact of current government initiatives as it provides scientific feedback for the benefit of SCTNH.

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Lee, K.F. (2001) Sustainable tourism destinations: The importance of cleaner production. Journal of Cleaner Production 9 (4), 313–323. MAS (2012a) Hospitality Sector Statistics. Riyadh Saudi Arabia Tourism Information & Tourism Center. MAS (2012b) Tourism Statistics. Riyadh Saudi Arabia: Saudi Commission for Tourism & Antiquities. MAS (2013) SCTH’s Publications. See http://www.mas.gov.sa/en/publications/Pages/ listing.aspx?category=2a00e7b4-c3bd-4165-82f9-ee4247f30187 (accessed 13 December 2015). MAS (2014) Tourism Statistics for National Day Events in 2014 (Vol. 1, p. 26). Riyadh, Saudi Arabia: Tourism Information and Research Centre. MAS (2015a) SCTH’s Publications. See http://www.mas.gov.sa/en/publications/Pages/ listing.aspx?category=12ad48ee-7304-44d7-b16a-87e4fe309a85 (accessed 13 December 2015). MAS (2015b) Tourism Statistics of Jeddah Historic Festival 2015 (March 2015 ed., Vol. 2, p. 19). Riyadh Saudi Arabia Toursim Information and Research Centre. MAS (2015c) Tourism Statistics of Okaz Souk Festival 2015 (Vol. 5, p. 18). Riyadh, Saudi Arabia Tourism Information and Research Centre. MENA (2013) Alhokair Institutes. See http://www.alhokair.edu.sa/en-US/SitePages/ Home.aspx (accessed 24 August 2015). MOE (2015) Study in KSA. See http://he.moe.gov.sa/en/studyinside/Pages/default.aspx (accessed 22 July 2015). Monshi, E. (2010) Stakeholder management in the saudi event tourism sector: A government perspective. Master Degree, University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia. Monshi, E. (2015) Understanding entrepreneurial practices in the design and marketing of major events: An Australian perspective. Paper presented at the Colloquium Papers from Global Events Congress VI, Adelaide, Australia. See http://www.flinders.edu. au/ehl/fms/hums_research/firthfocus/GEC%20VI%20Colloquium_2_3_15.pdf NTP (2016) National Transformation Program 2020. Riyadh Saudi Arabia Council of Economic and Development Affairs. See http://vision2030.gov.sa/sites/default/files/NTP_En.pdf O’Toole, W. (2012) Role of the supreme commission for tourism in developing the industry. presentation. Tourism and Hospitality Management Department. King Saud Univeristy. Riyadh Saudi Arabia. O’Toole, W. (2013) William O’Toole personal background on LinkedIn. See http://goo.gl/ Nh5o2r (accessed 5 July 2015). Okumus, B., Okumus, F. and McKercher, B. (2007) Incorporating local and international cuisines in the marketing of tourism destinations: The cases of Hong Kong and Turkey. Tourism Management 28 (1), 253–261. Parrish, C. (2013) Soccer specific stadiums and designated players: Exploring the Major League Soccer attendance assumption. International Journal of Sport Management Recreation and Tourism 12, 57–70. PSC (2013) Scientific Peer Reviewed Research Series. See http://c.ksu.edu.sa/psc/sciencep (accessed 20 July 2015). SAMA (2015) Fifty First Annual Report (2015 ed., Vol. 1, p. 37). Riyadh Saudi Arabia Saudi Arabian Monetary Agencey. SaudiTourism (2015) Sports and Adventure. See http://sauditourism.sa/en/Events/Pages/ SportEvent.aspx (accessed 20 July 2015). SaudiVision (2016) Saudi Vision 2030. Riyadh Saudi Arabia Council of Economic and Development Affairs See http://vision2030.gov.sa/sites/default/files/report/Saudi_ Vision2030_EN_0.pdf SCTNH (2012) Antiquity Sites. Riyadh Saudi Arabia Saudi Commission for Tourism and National Heritage. See http://scth.gov.sa/en/Antiquities-Museums/SitesList/Pages/ AntiquitySites.aspx (accessed 20 July 2015).

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SCTNH (2015a) Archaeological sites nominated for registration on the world heritage list. Riyadh Saudi Arabia Saudi Commission for Tourism and National Heritage. See http:// scth.gov.sa/Antiquities-Museums/SitesList/Pages/ArchSitesSuggestedRegWHL.aspx (accessed 20 July 2015). SCTNH (2015b) Saudi Excellence in Tourism Awards. See http://sauditourismawards. com/categories (accessed 24 July 2015). SCTNH (2016a) Prince Sultan bin Salman: Tenth session of Souk Okaz crowned by SCTH by adopting it within NTP and establishing future Okaz Avenue [Press release]. See https://scth.gov.sa/en/MediaCenter/News/MainNews/Pages/ z-t-1-10-8-16.aspx SCTNH (2016b) Tourism Educational Institutions and Training Centers. Riyadh Saudi Arabia Saudi Commission for Tourism and National Heritage. See https://www.scta.gov.sa/ TourismInvestment/Takamul/Pages/TrainingCenters.aspx SECB (2013) Developments in Exhibitions and Conferences Sector at International and Local Stages. Riyadh Saudi Arabia Saudi Exhibition and Convention Bureau. See goo.gl/ Dh8xiG SEMA (2015) Executive summary for establishing the Saudi Event Management Academy – Conferences & Exhibitions (p. 17). Riyadh Saudi Event Management Academy. Sims, A. (2015) Saudi men protesting female poet’s recital removed from book fair after audience side with woman. Independent. December 14 2015. See http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/saudi-men-protesting-female-poets-recitalremoved-from-book-fair-after-audience-side-with-woman-a6771631.html (accessed 20 December 2015). Smith, A. (2015) Events in the City: Using Public Spaces as Event Venues. Routledge. STTIM (2012) The Importance of the Transportation Industry to the Tourism Industry. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia Saudi Travel & Tourism Investment Market. TTCR (2013) The travel & tourism competitiveness report 2013. In R. Crotti and T. Misrahi (eds) (p. 517). Geneva: World Economic Forum. TTCR (2015) The travel & tourism competitiveness report. In R. Crotti and T. Misrahi (eds) (p. 519). World Economic Forum. TVTC (2013) Colleges & Institutes. See http://www.tvtc.gov.sa/English/TrainingUnits/ Pages/default.aspx (accessed 25 July 2015). Wen, J. and Hou, P. (2015) Research based on the theory of value chain to governance and upgrade of local tourism industry cluster. iBusiness 7 (1), 58–64. Winckler, O. (2007) The birth of Oman’s tourism industry. Tourism 55 (2).

4

Women Empowerment in the Arab Tourism Sector: Case Study of the Sultanate of Oman Galal M.H. Afifi and Nashwa Al-Sherif

Women Empowerment in Tourism In their inclusive report entitled ‘Women’s Empowerment Principles: Equality Means Business’, the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the UN Global Compact (2010) claim that empowering women to participate in the economic development at all levels and in all sectors is essential for building strong economies and stable, just societies. Other reports (e.g. UN, 2000; UNICEF, 2007) deem that empowering women is not a matter of luxury or just for strengthening women’s rights, but an issue of necessity if a country is to rise above the difficulties associated with poverty, assuming that if women are empowered to do more, economic growth will be more approachable. Conversely, eliminating a significant part of a nation’s workforce can have detrimental effects on the economy of that nation. Accordingly, ‘women empowerment’ has recently become a noteworthy topic of research. In this context, numerous researchers (e.g. Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014; Blanchard et al., 2001; Clarke, 2010; Rubin & Babbie, 2016) argue that ‘empowerment’ does not mean giving people power, as they have power in their wealth of knowledge and motivation to excel, but letting this power out by encouraging people to express their skills and knowledge to overcome obstacles in life and ultimately develop within their societies. Although women are currently working in almost all the different aspects of life and there are ongoing efforts for empowering women, segregation between genders in terms of employment, earnings, positions and promotions is still broadly evident. Early texts such as Gentry (2007) record that 56

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work in tourism, as in other sectors of the economy, is structured along gender lines and generally conforms to dominant gender norms. The International Labour Organisation then reported that women occupy the lower levels of the occupational structure in the tourism labour market with few career development opportunities (ILO, 2001). Later, Mitra (2003) states that even though educational equality has opened up more possibilities for female employees, there are still less opportunities for women than men and generally fewer women are moving to senior management positions. Jurajda (2003) argues that in many European Union countries, the introduction of anti-discriminatory legislation did not lead to equality in opportunities, and indeed men could be paid up to 30% more than their female counterparts in the same occupations. Even in self-employment, men find it easier to raise capital for business schemes (Leung, 2006). In this regard, researchers generally believe that there are still many barriers hindering women empowerment and equity. First and most importantly, barriers are found in the cultures of certain nations and societies (Norris & Inglehart, 2004). Although the state and its legislators may be aware of the benefits of women’s equal participation, many societies remain concerned about altering the status quo. Accordingly, societal norms may continue to disempower women regardless of supportive legislation (Wilson, 2001; WSRWD, 2009). Second, Cave and Kilic (2010) consider that, even in more liberal communities, occupational stereotyping may hinder women’s empowerment, and they may be stereotyped as qualified to only work in specific areas (e.g. secretarial, teaching, and nursing) rather than others (e.g. army, transportation, heavy industries). However, such ‘stereotyping’ is not a new concern but is found throughout history. Describing the historical relationship between men and women in work, Crompton (1997: 6) states: Women and men have always worked together … The way in which this work is divided between them, however, has changed and developed over time and still varies considerably between different societies. However, for a number of reasons, most societies have allocated particular tasks to men and others to women – that is men and women have not usually performed the same work. Researchers such as Charles (2003) and Cave and Kilic (2010) extend the list of obstacles to include ‘community assumptions’, which comprise: (1) women need to work close to home to escort children to and from schools and to act rapidly in case of emergencies; (2) women have limited work experience and higher records of absence due to family responsibilities and maternity leave; (3) women can hardly move at night due to the escalating social problems and criminal activities. Differences in educational attainment especially in developing countries may also cause gender occupational inequality. Accordingly, numerous researchers (e.g. Charles, 2003; Ng & Pine, 2003;

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Skalpe, 2007; Thrane, 2008) claim that women employment is usually associated with both horizontal and vertical segregation, where the earlier refers to differences in the type of work assigned for men and women, whereas the latter indicates to discrimination in promotions at work. The tourism industry has undergone a period of rapid growth and consequently increasing job opportunities over the last few decades. In 2010, the UNWTO estimated that tourism jobs (direct and indirect) have risen to more than 235 million, representing about 7% of the overall number of worldwide jobs (UNWTO, 2010), and are expected to rise to almost 300 million jobs by 2019 (Merco Press, 2010). In 2015, tourism contribution to jobs grows to one of each 11 jobs worldwide (UNWTO, 2016). In parallel, estimates by the International Labor Organization (ILO) show a similar increase of women’s share in tourism jobs, from one third in 1983 to 46% in 2000 (ILO, 2001). Historically, a European Union study (1997) found out that 63% of European tourism workers were women. Female workers outnumber male workers in Scotland (Boyne, 1999) and in Bulgaria, several sources suggest that women represent around two-thirds of those employed in tourism (Ghodsee, 2003). Women typically represent the majority of the workforce in hospitality. This is evident in the USA, where 52% of restaurant employees were women (Soeder, 1998), Austria, where women accounted for 60–70% of hospitality workers (Weiermair, 1996), Denmark (62%), Australia (58%), the Netherlands (52%) and Italy (50%) (Juyaux, n.d.). The United Nations Environment and Development Forum (Hemmati, 1999) claims that in countries where tourism is a mature industry, women’s share of tourism employment tends to be larger than men primarily owing to the large numbers working in the hospitality sector. More recently, the UNWTO and UN Women (2011) as well as several other researchers (e.g. Cave & Kilic, 2010; Wilson, 2001) have argued that tourism is an exceptionally suitable profession for women as it provides significant opportunities for women’s advancement through formal, informal and supply-chain employment. In this context, they consider that tourism offers four advantages for women. First, it provides home-grown entrepreneurship opportunities especially in handcrafting, traditional food production and as local guides, which are mostly managed by local families with limited budgets. This makes tourism more likely to employ women, the poor and minority groups than other industries. Second, tourism’s part-time and shift work as well as its seasonality (and therefore seasonal unemployment) can be attractive for women with household responsibilities (Ghodsee, 2003). Third, tourism provides various entry points for employment of women, which enables those with different skills to find suitable work (Liu & Wall, 2006). Finally, tourism businesses usually have small profit margins, leading them to prefer to hire cheap labour (Skalpe, 2007). According to Blau and Khan (2007), female workers, particularly married women seeking part-time work, have habitually been available at lower pay. Therefore, women are

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more likely to accept lesser salaries, which makes it easier for them to find work in tourism businesses. On the other hand, and focusing on women’s positions in tourism, Campos-Soria et al. (2011) consider that, as is found in the labour market in general, women working in tourism suffer from both horizontal and vertical occupational segregation with fewer career development opportunities. Women may find it more difficult than men to get senior managerial positions in tourism than in other professions for several reasons. In hotels, for instance, managers may work up to 12 hours a day and may frequently stay overnight. In some tourism and airline senior positions, travelling for days or even weeks may be the norm. Accordingly, women struggling with family responsibilities may find it difficult to compete with men when it comes to devoting time to work, which may diminish their opportunities for promotion to senior positions (McGehee et al., 2007). For instance, Cave and Kilic (2010) found out that most of the general managers in the hospitality sector in Europe are male and that men dominate senior management posts in areas such as marketing, food and beverage and finance, whereas women tend to be employed as waitresses, housekeepers and receptionists. Even where women reach senior management positions, they are usually limited to certain posts such as human resources. At British Airways for example, women have never occupied top executive positions and few women have become board members. Mills (2002) explains this with the hypothesis that airlines managerial positions have always been seen as male occupations. However, this pattern of occupational segregation is evidential in developing as well as developed countries including Norway, Hong Kong, the United States and Mexico (Cave & Kilic, 2010). Finally, in Egypt – as an Arabic country – according to Al-Sharief (2005), out of 337,000 persons working directly in tourism, only 13.9% are female, and 6.4% of the members of tourism business managerial boards, 7.8% of the general managers and 15.8% of the deputy general managers are female. The above discussion suggests that women’s participation in tourism is unusual. On one hand, worldwide studies, which have mainly focused on Europe, America and some Asian countries, argue that tourism is not a sector where gender equality is applied, but where both horizontal and vertical segregation may be observed. On the other hand, several studies suggest that tourism appears as a suitable career for women looking for seasonal or parttime work. However, in practice for those women working in traditional food production and handcrafting, tourism emerges as a harsh profession that puts severe pressure on females owing to its special conditions and work requirements. Additionally, women seem to be typically constrained to work in specific jobs and areas of tourism and not proportionately represented in senior management positions. Finally, despite the long practice of tourism and the plethora of tourism studies in some Middle Eastern countries (e.g. Egypt, Tunisia, Lebanon and

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Jordan), information on women’s employment in tourism is still very scarce (Al-Sharief, 2005). Accordingly, this chapter aims to provide more information about Arab women working in tourism and to highlight their state in Oman, which, owing to several supportive actions, is usually seen as a good model for women empowerment in the Middle East.

Women Empowerment in the Omani Tourism Sector Since the accession of HM Sultan Qaboos Bin Said in 1970, women’s development has always been a priority. Before this time, there were only three primary schools serving 900 boys. In 1970, a new education policy for both men and women was developed (Al-Riyami & Afifi, 2003), which boosted female attendance at schools from 0% in 1970 to 49% in 2007 (Neelufer & Goveas, 2011). Additionally, Omani women who were educated overseas were invited to return back to help rebuild the nation. Over the last four decades, Omani women have progressively obtained equal opportunities in education, training and work, helping them to move from their previous household confinement to the public sphere (MoSD, 2013). These actions put Oman as one of the leading Gulf countries in terms of gender equality and women participation. Currently, women represent about 49.2% of 2.1 million Omani citizens (NCSI, 2013). In the work environment, women are encouraged to stand out and participate in the country’s development; accordingly, women are currently employed in almost every profession. A UNICEF census in 2000 found that 17% of the Omani workers were women (Dawn, 2000). More recent studies (e.g. Katzman, 2011; Salha, 2010) illustrate that this share has enlarged to 30% and that 40% of them are in professional jobs. Aiming to improve this percentage, the Omani Labour Law includes special provisions for women, such as provision of maternity leave as well as restrictions on night work and dangerous workplaces (Ministry of Manpower, 2012). Furthermore, Oman has lately joined the Decent Work Country Programme (2010–2013), which in part aims to increase job opportunities for women (Neelufer & Goveas, 2011), by providing various kinds of support such as training, counselling, capital and marketing support (ILO, 2010). Oman has been successfully developing its tourism business for some years now. With the worldwide volatility in the petroleum trade, and the expected reduction in the petroleum production, Oman has recently started encouraging tourism as a major future source of earnings. Statistics of international organizations such as the World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC, 2015) show that the number of tourists visiting Oman has increased from less than 0.5 million in 2004 to an expected number of 2.2 million in 2015, and expected that the number will exceed 5.5 million before 2025 according to ambitious tourism plans unveiled by the Omani government in

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its ‘Vision 2020’. Translating this potential demand into revenue, WTTC (2015: 3) calculates that: the direct contribution of Travel & Tourism to GDP in 2014 was OMR765.1mn (2.6% of GDP). This is forecast to rise by 5.2% to OMR804.8mn in 2015. This primarily reflects the economic activity generated by industries such as hotels, travel agents, airlines and other passenger transportation services (excluding commuter services). But it also includes, for example, the activities of the restaurant and leisure industries directly supported. The direct contribution of Travel & Tourism to GDP is expected to grow by 6.1% pa to OMR1,453.5mn (3.3% of GDP) by 2025. The total revenue is expected to reach 1.45 billion OMR by 2025. These promising expectations have led Oman to develop several mega tourism projects (e.g. Blue City, The Wave, Jabal Seifah, Muscat Dunes and Salalah Beach), despite the effects of the recent global economic downturn. It has also stimulated the Omani Ministry of Tourism (OMT) to launch a promotional campaign in several countries including UK, Germany, France, Netherlands, Belgium, UAE, India and Australia using the tag line ‘Beauty has an address ~ Oman’ (Business Monitor International, 2011). Creating new job opportunities for the increasing population is a foremost reason for developing tourism in Oman. Thus, human resources development has always been a focal point in tourism strategies and projects conducted under the auspices of the OMT. A review of OMT official reports reveals that in 2009 about 16,507 persons were working in a wide range of tourism direct-related jobs, representing 1.5–2% of the total employees in Oman (Al-Balushi, 2010). The accommodation sector had the great percentage of these jobs (48.3%), followed by airline companies with 28.4%. Travel agencies, restaurant and car rental agencies lagged with 9.7%, 9.6% and 4%, respectively. However, Omanis represented 47.7% only of the tourism employees in Oman (Table 4.1). In 2010, aiming to get a more thorough understanding of the tourism workforce in Oman, OMT commissioned a UNWTO project to examine workforce problems and suggest policies and strategies to improve the quality of tourism workforce. The project concluded that the size of tourism workforce in Oman is expected to double over the following five years, and that Oman is currently facing an obvious qualitative and quantitative imbalance in the tourism employment (i.e. shortage in labour and insufficiency in its quality). Accordingly, an action plan was developed including a series of procedures to improve the quality and provision of education and training programmes and to strengthen the industry/education coordination (UNWTO, 2012). However, the role of women in the Omani tourism industry was not extensively discussed. This is not surprising as information

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Table 4.1 Number of employees in the Omani tourism sector 2009 Tourism establishments

Omani

Non-Omani

Total

% of total jobs

Accommodation Airline companies Travel agencies Restaurants Car rental agencies Total

3557 2775

4416 1915

7973 4690

48.3% 28.4%

746 632 309

850 953 354

1596 1585 663

9.7% 9.6% 4%

7849

8231

16,507

100%

Source: Al-Balushi, 2010.

about women tourism employment in the Arab region is scarce. Despite a plethora of studies, which have discussed women empowerment worldwide, there is little work on this issue in the Arab region. On the other hand, Oman is a country, which could be described as ‘innovative’ regarding women rights and empowerment. An analysis of Omani women working in tourism reveals that the longer the experience, the harder to find women working in tourism. Almost 36% of the women currently working in the Omani tourism sector have less than two years of experience, whereas only 8% of them have more than 10 years’ experience (Figure 4.1). This situation could be interpreted in two extremely different ways. First, it could be seen to represent an escalating trend to work in tourism profession over the past few years. Alternatively, it could be interpreted as a reflection of an attitude to quit working in tourism leaving few women with long experience. Observing the growing tendencies of tourism in Oman makes the first option more likely. More than 50% of the women working in the Omani tourism sector hold a higher education or a postgraduate degree (Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014). If this could be linked to the confirmed relationship between level of women’s 40 30 20 Series1

10 0

Less than 2 2 – less than 5 - less than 10 years and 5 years years 10 years above

Figure 4.1 Distribution of women working in tourism according to their experience Source: Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014.

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education and their social background, then it could probably be assumed that women working in the Omani tourism industry are majorly coming from relatively higher social backgrounds. Single females represented about 45% of women working in the Omani tourism sector (Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014), which is expected as the Omani population is generally young where 67.2% of the females are under 30 years old (NCSI, 2013). Owing to several advantages associated with working in governmental tourism entities and airline companies (e.g. higher earnings, better working conditions, stability and social recognition) (ILO, 2010), Omani women typically have a more positive attitude toward working in these two specific tourism areas. Afifi and Al-Sherif’s (2014) study of Omani women working in tourism shows their willingness to work in tourism as well as considering it as the best profession for their capabilities, optimism regarding their professional future and less willingness to switch from working in tourism to any other profession. On the contrary, women working in hospitality (HO) and tourism intermediaries (TA) record a higher level of desire to quit working in tourism. In this context, it may be worth mentioning that – despite the absence of sufficient, verified studies – this is usually linked to the higher social pressure that women working in these two areas may feel. It should also be stated that this belief has been declining rapidly during the last few years. It may be expected that women with longer experience have less feeling of social pressure. Most Omani tourism workers, whether male or female, record that at the beginning of their career, there may be considerable social misunderstanding of the nature of tourism work and the suitability of its work conditions for Omani women. The longer they work, the more awareness about tourism and tourism profession is to be transferred to their local surroundings and therefore the more they accept their jobs. This is critically important as it clearly indicates that the Omani community cannot be described as an opponent of women’s work in tourism, but it is actually a matter of deficiency of tourism awareness, and that further effort in this regard will definitely secure more social acceptance for tourism as a suitable profession for Omani women (Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014). In this regard, factors such as unsatisfactory salaries, work pressure, looking for more longterm, secured jobs (e.g. governmental jobs) and better work conditions (e.g. less working hours) are currently gaining more weight as the major reasons that hinder more involvement of Omani women in tourism (Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014).

Driving and Restraining Force Analysis Analysing the major forces acting for and against women’s empowerment in the tourism industry reveals a list of driving elements (the pros) that

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are helping Omani women to flourish in the tourism profession as well as restraining forces (the cons), which may hinder them from achieving more success.

Driving forces Three factors are pushing forward the Omani women’s empowerment in the tourism profession. These factors comprise a combination of social, economic, legal and cultural forces.

Social changes and society awareness of women’s issues A major driving force for the Omani women’s empowerment is the combination of social changes and an increasing awareness of women’s issues over the last decade. It is believed that this progress has occurred owing to the continuous development of education and media services in particular, which are helping amend the society trends toward women’s economic, political and social participation in the country’s ongoing development. The society is moving gradually towards more recognition of women’s work in both governmental and private establishments, where traditional negative ideas and concepts about women’s work are slowly diminishing. In this context, some women’s activities which were totally rejected 40 years ago (e.g. women’s education, political participation) are gaining acknowledgement today. This overall escalating awareness and social changes has been reflected in tourism as well (Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014).

Support of the Omani government and organizations Oman has formed several regulations to enhance women’s rights including education, work, as well as social, political and economic participation, found in the decrees, laws and plans of Oman. According to these regulations, women are supported against both horizontal and vertical segregation, guaranteed to have maternity leave, breast-feeding hours, childcare leave and mourning periods (i.e. 40 days in the case of husband’s death). On a parallel path, several governmental and non-governmental organizations and entities have been established over the last years to provide different sorts of support for Omani women, especially in areas such as education, training, health awareness and funding of small and medium-sized enterprises (SME). A key player in this field is the Omani’s Women Association, a governmental organization that has 38 branches throughout the country (MoSD, 2013).

Family and paid-labour supports Dependence on family and/or paid-labour assistance is a common behaviour among Omani working women, where many of them depend on their non-working family members (e.g. mothers, sisters and in-laws) to babysit their children and assist in households while they are at work. On the other hand, those who cannot get family support may depend on paid labour

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support (e.g. nurseries, babysitters and housekeepers). Relying on family and paid labour support, many Omani working women are caught between work obligations and familial responsibilities. On the other hand, there is an escalating trend in the Omani society for husbands to assist their wives in childcare and household activities to enable them to manage work obligations and familial responsibilities and, then to maintain their career. However, establishing childcare facilities at some workplaces (e.g. hotels) could be a further support for women’s career (Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014).

Restraining forces On the other hand, two major forces may restrain women’s empowerment in the Omani tourism sector.

Anti-traditions work conditions Tourism has work conditions that could be described as ‘anti-social’ (Al-Sharief, 2005). Several researchers (e.g. Cave & Kilic, 2010; McGehee et al., 2007) consider that these conditions put exceptional pressure on tourism workers regardless of their gender. These conditions include obligating workers to remain at work after regular working hours, work overnight and frequent travel and for long periods. These work obligations conflict with the Omani – as well as most of the Arabic countries – traditions, which may confine women from working in some areas of tourism; and if working, from accomplishing some of their duties. However, women do not necessarily see these conditions as a sign of segregation, and instead consider that some jobs (e.g. guides, transfer staff) should be allocated to men owing to their conditions (e.g. travelling for long time, night shifts) which they believe are not suitable for them (Afifi & Al-Sherif, 2014).

Work/family conflict One of the severest problems of female workers is work/family conflict, where female workers are usually stressed by a combination of family, work and social responsibilities. To some researchers (Al-Sharief, 2005), women who can successfully manage those burdens are ‘superwomen’. In this context, some women prefer to quit work after marriage or after having their first baby. Another portion gives up after short time and end up leaving their jobs for the sake of the family. Research suggests that women tend to quit work mainly to take care of their children. Accordingly, the availability of childcare facilities at a reasonable cost might be a valid solution. However, work/family conflict could be associated as well with different forms of career interruption as women are physiologically compelled to several career interruptions such as maternity leave and breast-feeding hours; and they may also need relatively long childcare leave. These interruptions either may delay or even terminate women’s career (Al-Sharief, 2005).

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Conclusion Despite the fact that there are a plethora of studies that have investigated most of the women-related issues such as women empowerment, women in the workplace and role of women in development, research regarding female workforce in tourism is still far behind the other areas. Those relatively few tourism-related studies that have been mainly focusing on women in Europe, America and some Asian countries, claim that despite all the work equality regulations, tourism can hardly be described as a sector where gender equality is actually applied; alternatively, both horizontal and vertical segregation could easily be observed in the tourism profession. In this context, researchers generally assume that women’s participation in the tourism profession is relatively bizarre. Although tourism appears as a suitable career for women looking for a seasonal or a part-time work and for those working in traditional food production and handcrafting, tourism emerges as a harsh profession putting severe pressure on women mainly owing to the special conditions and work requirements of the tourism business. Additionally, women seem to be typically constrained to work in specific jobs and areas of tourism and not proportionately represented in senior management positions. On the other hand, Oman is a country, which could be described as ‘innovative’ regarding women rights and empowerment. Over the last four decades, Omani women have been progressively obtaining equal opportunities for education, training and work, which helped them to firmly move from their previous household confinement to the public sphere. These determining actions put Oman as one of the leading Gulf countries in terms of gender equality and women participation. In regard to this chapter, three major assumptions can be made. First Omani women are getting more enthusiastic to work in tourism, which is currently witnessing the involvement of younger generations. Second, finding women with adequate experience is relatively hard, as tourism was not considered among the most suitable professions for women during the last decades. Third, shortage in tourism awareness exists as a major reason for misunderstanding the contexts of women’s work in tourism, where women with longer involvement in tourism are believing that their communities are getting more understanding, appreciating and supporting their work. However, still some obstacles hinder the progress of Omani women in tourism, which mainly relate to work conditions and social perspective of tourism as a profession for women. Accordingly, it could be claimed that more awareness about tourism in the Omani society is surely required; also, easing work conditions will definitely help to attract more Omani women to work in tourism. Finally, aiming to enhance women empowerment in the tourism profession, more studies should be conducted on women working in

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hospitality in particular, as well as on social awareness and its relationship with women’s staff action with working in tourism.

References Afifi, G. and Al-Sherif, N. (2014) Women occupational empowerment in the Omani Tourism sector. European Journal of Tourism, Hospitality and Recreation 5 (1), 53–84. Al-Balushi, A. (2010) Towards a National Strategy for Human Resources Development in the Tourism Sector, in the Sultanate of Oman. See http://www.rtd4.om/rtd/RTD4/2nd/ Theme1/AminaAbdullahAlBalushi.pdf Al-Riyami, A. and Afifi, M. (2003) Women empowerment and marital fertility in Oman. The Journal of the Egyptian Public Health Association 12 (23), 144–154. Al-Sharief, N. (2005) Women in the Egyptian travel sector. Unpublished PhD, University of Wales, Cardiff, UK. Blanchard, K., Carlos, J. and Randolph, A. (2001) Empowerment Takes More Than a Minute (2nd edn). London: Berrett-Koehler Publishers. Blau, F. and Khan, L. (2007) The gender pay gap: Have women gone as far as they can? ACAD Manage Perspect 21 (1), 17–23. Boyne, S. (1999). The Social Impact of Tourism Employment in Rural Scotland. Scottish Agricultural Collage: Ayr. Business Monitor International (2011) Oman Tourism Report Q2 2011. See http://www.marketresearch.com/Business-Monitor-International-v304/Oman-Tourism-Q2-6205512/ Campos-Soria, J., Marchante-Mera, A. and Ropero-Garcia, M. (2011) Patterns of occupational segregation by gender in the hospitality industry. International Journal of Hospitality Management 30 (1), 91–102. Cave, P. and Kilic, S. (2010) The role of women in tourism employment. Journal of Hospitality Marketing & Management 19 (3), 280–292. Charles, M. (2003) Deciphering sex segregation vertical and horizontal inequalities in ten national labor markets. Acta Sociologica 46 (4), 267–287. Clarke, J. (2010) New Labour’s citizens: Activated, empowered, responsibilized, abandoned? Critical Social 25 (4), 447–463. Crompton, R. (1997) Women and Work. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dawn, C. (2000) Women working in Oman: Individual choice and cultural constraints. International Journal of Middle East Studies 32 (2000), 241–254. Euro-Monitor International (2011) Travel and Tourism in Oman. Official report: EuroMonitor International. European Union (1997) Human Resource Development Strategy for the Tourism Industry. Madrid: Consultiberica S.A. Gentry, K. (2007) Belizean women and tourism work: Opportunity or Impediment? Annals of Tourism 34 (2), 477–496. Ghodsee, K. (2003) State support in the market: Women and tourism employment in post-socialist Bulgaria. International Journal of Politics, Culture and Society 16 (3), 465–482. Hemmati, M. (1999) Gender & Tourism: Women’s Employment and Participation in Tourism, UNED-UK’s. See http://www.earthsummit2002.org/toolkits/women/current/gendertourismrep.html ILO (2001) Human Resources Development, Employment and Globalization in the Hotel, Catering and Tourism Sector. Geneva: International Labour Organization. ILO (2010) Decent Work Country Programme 2010-13: Sultanate of Oman Geneva: International Labour Organization. See http://www.ilo.org/public/english/bureau/ program/dwcp/download/oman.pdf

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Jurajda, S. (2003) Gender wage gap and segregation in enterprises and the public sector in late transition countries. Journal of Comparative Economics 31 (2), 199–222. Juyaux, C. (undated) Quels employs dans le tourisme? Brussels: European Tourism Committee. Katzman, K. (2011) Oman Reform, Security and U.S. Policy. Rep. no. RS21534. Vol. 7–5700. Washington D.C.: Congressional Research Service. Leung, D. (2006) The male/female earnings gap and female self-employment. The Journal of Socio-Economics 35 (5), 759–779. Liu, A. and Wall, G. (2006) Planning tourism employment: a developing country perspective. Tourism Management 27 (1), 159–170. McGehee, N., Kim, K. and Jennings, G. (2007) Gender and motivation for agritourism entrepreneurship. Tourism Management 28 (1), 280–289. Merco Press (2010) Tourism industry generates 9% of global GDP and 8% of world employment. See http://en.mercopress.com/2010/11/20/tourism-industry-generates-9-of-globalgdp-and-8-of-world-employment Mills, A. (2002) Studying the gendering culture over time: Concerns, issues and strategies. Gender Work and Organization 9 (3), 286–307. Mitra, A. (2003) Establishment size, employment and the gender wage gap. The Journal of Socio-Economics 32 (3), 317–330. Ministry of Manpower (2012) Labour Law. See https://www.manpower.gov.om/portal/ en/pdf/toc_en.pdf MoSD (Ministry of Social Development) (2013) Women Associations in Oman. See http:// www.mosd.gov.om/women_4.asp NCSI (National Centre for Statistics and Information) (2013) Population Statistics Bulletin. See http://www.ncsi.gov.om/PublicationAttachment/population%20statistics%20 bulletin2-2013.pdf Neelufer, A. and Goveas, S. (2011) A role and contributions of women in the Sultanate of Oman. International Journal of Business and Management 6 (3), 232–239. Ng, C. and Pine, R. (2003) Women and men in hotel management in Hong Kong: Perceptions of gender and career development issues. International Journal of Hospitality Management 22 (1), 85–102. Norris, P. and Inglehart, R. (2004) Cultural Barriers to Women’s Leadership. Cambridge: IPSA 2000. Rubin, A. and Babbie, E. (2016) Research Methods for Social Work. Boston: Cengage Learning. Salha, Y. (2010) Preparing for the women of the future: Literacy and development in the Sultanate of Oman Hawwa 8 (2), 120–153. Skalpe, O. (2007) The CEO gender pay gap in the tourism industry-evidence from Norway. Tourism Management 28 (3), 845–853. Soeder, J. (1998) Vital signs: Who are these people? Restaurant & Hospitality, April, 1998. Thrane, C. (2008) Earnings differentiation in the tourism industry: Gender, human capital and socio demographic effects. Tourism Management 29 (3), 514–524. UN General Assembly, 55th Session (2000) United Nations Millennium Declaration, (A/55/L.2). See www.un.org/millennium/declaration/ares552e.pdf UNICEF (2007) Equality in Employment, in The State of the World’s Children. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund. UNIFEM and the UN Global Compact (2010) Women’s Empowerment Principles: Equality Means Business. See http://www.unifem.org/attachments/products/Womens EmpowermentPrinciples_en.pdf UNWTO (2010) UNWTO Tourism Highlights (2010 edn). Madrid: UN World Tourism Organization. UNWTO (2012) Presentation of the Human Resources Development Strategy for Oman. See http://cooperation.unwto.org/ar/node/36547

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UNWTO & UN Women (2011) Global Report on Women in Tourism 2010. See http://www. e-unwto.org/content/j133q0/ UNWTO (2016) UNWTO Annual Report 2015. See http://www2.unwto.org/sites/all/files/ pdf/annual_report_2015_lr.pdf Weiermair, K. (1996) Human resources in the Alpine tourism industry, workers and entrepreneurs. Paper presented at the International Congress of the Alpine Tourism, Innsbruk, 2–5 May. Wilson, E.M. (2001) Organisational culture In E.M. Wilson (ed.) Organisational Behaviour Reassessed: The Impact of Gender (pp. 168–187). London: Sage Publications. WSRWD (World Survey on the Role of Women in Development). (2009). Women’s Control over Economic Resources and Access to Financial Resources, including Microfinance. New York: United Nations. WTTC (2015) Travel and Tourism Economic Impact 2011: Oman. See http://www.wttc.org/-/ media/files/reports/economic%20impact%20research/countries%202015/oman 2015.pdf

5

Tourism Sustainability Planning in the ‘Arab World’: Insights from Egypt Eman Helmy

Introduction The Arab World experience in tourism illustrates a case of a region abundant in an extensive amount of natural, cultural and geographical resources but lacks the effective management programs to optimize the investment in such resources. The inability to approach tourism development from a comprehensive perspective and the unclear visionary plans have negatively affected the performance of the Arab World tourism resulting in the modest share which has not reached 5% of the international tourism arrivals as well as receipts (UNWTO, 2014). More recently, and like many other economic sectors, since 2011 tourism in the Arab World has also been suffering as a result of the recent political turmoil in the region as well as the ongoing economic instability in Europe. According to the World Bank, tourist arrivals to the Middle East region declined by 9% to 72 million in 2011, a decrease of 6.6 million (The World Bank, 2013). Despite the ongoing tension in some countries of the Arab World, the region’s tourism stakeholders along with its communities still have a stake in the potential of the Middle East building its tourism capacities and interrelating tourism development to the economic, social and environmental structure of the nations. For example, the UNWTO forecasts that the emerging economy destinations such as in the Middle East will receive international tourist arrivals that exceed those in advanced economies before 2020. In this context and according to the UNWTO in 2030, 57% of international arrivals will be in emerging economy destinations (versus 30% in 1980) and 43% in advanced economy destinations (versus 70% in 1980) (UNWTO, 2014: 14). Arguably, to take advantage of such positive indicators, the Arab World is in bad need of an evolutionary shift in the mindset 70

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which still perceives tourism as a complementary economic sector that can be developed in designated regions rich in ecological or cultural resources through a set of investment incentives and governmental rules to regulate its businesses. Nevertheless, at present, economic benefits of tourism are basically the focus of Arab countries, while less consideration is given to environmental and socio-cultural impacts caused by tourism due to the pace of development as well as low standard of living for locals in these countries (Mustafa, 2010). This chapter offers an overview of the challenges that face the Arab World while planning for sustainable tourism development. Egypt, the oldest destination in the Arab World, has been chosen to showcase the impact of the ongoing political circumstances on the pace of sustainable tourism development. The chapter reviews Egypt’s experience in planning for sustainability and draws practical examples of success stories as well as pitfalls. In this context, the chapter steers away from the traditional theoretical approaches and paradigms to offer a more realistic reflection and an evaluation of a wide range of projects that have taken place in different Egyptian tourist zones. The chapter aims at employing a value chain model to highlight the key areas and components of a balanced sustainable tourism planning process with regard to the Egyptian case.

Sustainable Tourism Development in the Arab World: Myth or Reality? Sustainable development has been stated in the tourism development plans of various destinations in the Arab World such as Egypt, Jordan, Oman and Tunisia. However, sustainability has been incorporated into such plans as environmental conservation programs or techniques to be implemented by tourism projects to have lesser environmental and social impacts. Yet, many of the Arab countries face various challenges in the implementation stages which undermine the outcomes of such programs. More importantly, the Arab World has not managed yet to approach sustainable tourism from a broader vision that relates growth in tourism to: socio-economic benefits, poverty alleviation, improvement of living conditions, added value to the local heritage and culture and identity as well as reflection of authenticity while managing tourism activities in the ecologically and culturally sensitive areas. Arguably, the current trend of tourism development in a number of leading destinations in Arab countries is focused on integrated tourism centers (ITC), with conventional large-scale grouping of beach resorts and hotels, second homes, marinas and golf courses (Aziz & Szivas, 2011). Such an enclave tourism development style urges the Arab World to move away from the ‘sun, sand and sea’ approach that many countries in the region have

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adopted and moving instead towards offering experiences that weave beaches with historical sites, culinary and artistic offerings, and natural wonders (The World Bank, 2013). On the other hand, the Arab destinations still need to adopt more efficient total quality management systems with regard to international standards. In this context, the total quality management concept should be applied to all tourism and hospitality services as well as their relevant facilities (Helmy, 2006). Critically, providing value-added services that accurately meet demand will help to attract higher value tourists and foster repeat visitors (The World Bank, 2013). One of the dilemmas sustainable tourism in the Arab World should tackle is how to establish a positive perception about tourism in many of the Arab World regions and assure a real involvement and support of local communities to the tourism activities. Related to this point is how such local communities become empowered to benefit economically and socially from tourism while sustaining their traditional culture and authenticity. For the Middle East to improve its standings as a responsible destination, ‘green growth’ has to become the key development strategy, while travel and tourism have to be factored in and employed as a major positive change agent (Lipman, 2011). This implies the movement of sustainable development beyond the environmental protection remits. Critically, the new approaches to sustainable development in the Arab World should not only seek to minimize local environmental impacts, but also give greater priority to community participation and poverty alleviation (Neto, 2003). Arguably, a more emphasis should be given to the ‘Pro-Poor Tourism’ and ‘social inclusion’ approaches at both local as well as national levels (Neto, 2003; UNWTO, 2011). A range of strategic and tactical approaches are crucially needed to influence the share of the tourism economy that reaches the poor (UNWTO, 2011).

Approaches to Sustainable Tourism Development Planning in the Arab World Any analysis of the history of tourism planning in the Arab World shows that the outcome at the end of any 5-, 10- or 20-year time period rarely resembles what was forecasted at the start (Mortimore, 2007). Among the challenges that face the Arab world while planning for tourism and restrain many positive outcomes are little recognition of tourism’s potential; lack of government programmes and organizational capacity to respond to the opportunities provided by tourism development; little or no education or training of tourism officials in using tourism as a poverty reduction tool; and limited access to tourism infrastructure (Cobbinah et al., 2013). Undoubtedly, the uncertain future of many destinations in the region makes the opportunities of formulating a reliable strategic tourism planning

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even less. In this regard, the Arab World has to urgently expand the areas of regional cooperation, increase the members’ dependency on one another and promote policies of peace and stability in the region in order to attain the basics of the sustainable development endowments and to safeguard the region’s cultural and natural heritage (UNECA, 2013). To achieve goals in the field of tourism, the Arab World needs to consider crafting a sustainable tourism development master plan for the entire region which entails intergovernmental cooperation and join efforts. Sustainable tourism development, at each destination level, requires a process of planning and management that brings together the interests and concerns of a diverse group of stakeholders in a sustainable and strategic way (Dwyer & Edwards, 2010: 3). Meanwhile, the Arab destinations still need to move from ‘externally driven’ to ‘internally driven’ cultural tourism, which focuses on strengthening local standards and authentic image building (The World Bank, 2013). Arguably, to approach sustainable tourism planning, nations of the Arab World have to tackle different issues that pose serious obstacles while planning for sustainability which can be categorized into two groups: tourism development based issues and non-tourism focus issues. The tourism development based factors to be strengthened are: governance and enabling environment, liaison between tourism national authority and the relevant stakeholders, adequate funding, elaboration of effective programs, ability to relate sustainability to the destination marketing appeal, service innovation and excellence, standards of product quality and service performance, development of qualified human resources, employment of the technological synergy to accomplish sustainability in tourism, engagement of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and more importantly implementation of sustainability techniques with effective evaluation and feedback system. In the same vein, the Arab World is still committed to address a set of non-tourism focus factors while planning for a comprehensive sustainable tourism development such as the region’s concern over supplying fresh water, the demands placed in infrastructure, safety and security issues and employment of information communications technology (Blanke & Mia, 2007; Mortimore, 2007). Although the level of integration and maturity of the above-mentioned forces into the national tourism policies might vary from one Arab nation to another, all Arab tourism destinations are commonly sharing the struggle of how to efficiently instrument such tools to achieve sustainability. From Egypt and Jordan as pioneering destinations carrying out programs for sustainable tourism with cases of success and pitfall to a destination such Oman with pristine tourism resources and great potential for sustainable tourism, Arab tourism destinations have to work to tackle all challenges and show merit towards the movement to sustainability.

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The Present Tourism Activity in Egypt: A Sluggish Move towards the Recovery The tourism sector is Egypt’s largest contributor of foreign income, representing approximately 11% of the country’s GDP. In 2010, over 14 million tourists visited Egypt, which added $12.5bn to the economy (MOT, 2011). However, in 2011, owing to the political unrest, the number of tourists dropped to 9.4 million while the same year recorded a decrease in the tourist receipt estimated at US$8.7 billion (UNWTO, 2012). Although the number of tourists rose in 2012 to 11.5 million, it shrank back to about 10 million in 2013. In addition, since 2011 and to the time of writing, the occupancy rate has dropped by almost 60% (Abu Bakr et al., 2014). The negative impacts have also been extended to the labor force as tourism employs 2.83 million professionals in addition to the indirect jobs generated by the relevant sectors (ETF, 2012; UNWTO, 2012). However, Egypt’s Sustainable Tourism Strategy 2020 targets 30–35 million international arrivals and a 30% increase in average tourism expenditure (OECD, 2014). Such a goal is part of strategic plans that include creating two new resorts through nearly $1 billion of investment over five years and hiring a private company to run a three-year advertising campaign (Reuters, 2015). The above ambitious figures imply the development of compatible tourism development plans and a shift from the traditional approaches that have been practiced by the tourism authorities in the Arab World to sustainability. The Egyptian case calls for a comprehensive and visionary sustainable tourism development plan that equally considers all the social, economic and environmental dimensions of sustainability. Importantly, a communitybased tourism development should be regarded as a key factor in the success of such a plan which will enable Egypt employing tourism as a vehicle for poverty alleviation and will offer better opportunities to local communities to access all various benefits of tourism while having a say in the potential plans that take place at the local level.

The Egyptian Sustainable Tourism Planning: Achievements and Pitfalls The National Sustainable Tourism Strategic Plan has been framed by the Egyptian Tourism Development Authority (TDA) in conjunction with Cotecno (Italy), Keios Consulting (Italy), ECG (Egypt) and Makary Consultants (Egypt). The objective of the plan was to address the strategic approach to tourism development for the whole country at the horizon of the year 2020 (Keios Consulting, 2009). The study was carried out between 2007 and 2009 and had three phases: the first phase was devoted to the

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assessment of the existing conditions and capacities of the sector and to the drafting a preliminary vision; the second phase of activities focused on preparing the strategic plan for the year 2020; and the third and final phase of activities was devoted to the preparation of a five-year action plan. The TDA works primarily on setting and implementing regulations for tourism projects and investments by assisting with the provision of land and facilitating access to loans for developing infrastructure projects. The TDA is leading the ‘Green Sharm Initiative’ project, which is one of the landmark sustainable tourism projects in Egypt (OECD, 2014). The holistic approach of ‘Green Sharm Initiative’ has identified four key components for sustainability: reduced carbon emissions, sustainable water supply, effective waste management and healthy bio-diversity (Zaazou, 2010). At the level of environmental authorities, the Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency (EEAA) is also a key player in enforcing sustainable development planning in may tourism regions in Egypt. For example, up to the time of writing, 30 areas have been declared as protectorates by the Nature Conservation Sector (NCS) which constitute more than 15% of the total Egyptian land. The NCS plan targets the increase of such number to reach 40 protectorates by 2020 (EEAA, 2012). On the other hand, the EEAA has been instrumenting the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) method to evaluate the future impacts of tourist projects on the environment before approving any construction phases. Such a technique has urged many coastal resorts and hotels to comply with the environmental regulations and to commit their construction as well as operation phases using environmentally friendly procedures and installing the required equipment to minimize the environmental impacts. The EIA reports have to be submitted by the investor to both EEAA as well as TDA for approval, amendment or rejection. The awareness of the role of sustainable tourism planning has also been reflected by the emergence of many private and NGOs launching landmark projects in the different tourist regions. As one of the most prominent buoy systems, The Hurghada Environmental Protection and Conservation Association (HEPCA) has launched a campaign to install over one thousand moorings throughout the Red Sea coast to combat the physical damage of the coral reefs (Helmy, 2014). To foster sustainable development in the Red Sea Coast, the Nature Conservation Sector (NCS) jointly with HEPCA has launched the Samadai project in MarsaAlam (South of the Red Sea) to safeguard endangered native Dolphin population in Samadai Island by dropping the number of excursionists to Samadi Island from 2500 to 200 per day and putting visitor management in practice (EEAA, 2012; HEPCA, 2013). Meanwhile, to safeguard the flora and fauna habitats from degradation, the Rescue and Environmental Protection Society (REPS) has been working closely with the environmental and tourism authorities in the Red Sea zones (Helmy, 2014).

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The sustainable tourism projects have also been extended to other Egyptian regions rather than the coastal areas. For example, in the Western Desert, the Siwa Sustainable Development Initiative conducted by Environmental Quality International (EQI) has instrumented various techniques for implementing sustainability. The initiative has established a set of projects such as conserving the Siwaian local crafts, reviving the traditional building style and technique of using Kershef (mixture of rock salt and mud) to build walls through the establishment of Adrere Amellal Eco-lodge and training indigenous to offer unique hospitality experience that include ancient folkloric designs, tranquillity and organic food and agro-culinary products (UNDP, 2007). At the NGOs level, ‘The Green Star Hotel Initiative’ is a national ecocertification and capacity building program, working in partnership with the leading international organization, to encourage Egyptian hotels and resorts to move towards sustainability (Green Star Hotel, 2013). In spite of the above-mentioned sustainable tourism projects, the Egyptian tourism sector has not shown merits yet in implementing an integrated sustainable tourism strategy that can tap all aspects of the tourism industry. Arguably, the above-mentioned projects have been carried out by different parties either governmental or private sector separately without having a united and interrelated strategies to complement each other under the broad horizon of sustainable development. This has resulted in shortcomings in the performance of the Egyptian tourism planning either due to lack of experience in certain domains, weak coordination and communication among all concerned parties or the absence of a comprehensive sustainable tourism vision. Notably, such sustainable tourism vision would commit all actions and plans of the relevant authorities to the principles of sustainable tourism on one hand and would inspire and enforce all stakeholders to abide to its criteria on the other. The OECD report (2014: 362) also argued that, although the Egyptian tourism sector has seen positive progress in recent years, the full value of the tourism industry still remains to be exploited. The shortage of an adequately qualified workforce, an underdeveloped transport network and infrastructure, impediments in the structural and institutional framework, the breaching of environmental regulations, and the high cost of doing business for small and medium enterprises (SMEs), are some of the current problems facing the development of a sustainable tourism industry in Egypt. On the other hand, the large-scale tourism development that have been adopted by the tourism policies in the past twenty years have resulted in a set of honey pots of luxurious hotels and resorts on the coastal areas of Egypt. The case has led to concerns for the environmental and ecological impacts on the underwater species and marine water, especially at the first phases of the coastal tourism development (Helmy, 2014; Shaala, 2015). While incentives have been given to such luxurious hotel investors, the

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Egyptian tourism policy was much behind adopting a program to promote for SMEs and to develop skills and build capacities of initiating and operating entrepreneurial tourism projects (Helmy, 2013). Such large-scale development has created some doubts and inquiry over its viability and benefits to the Egyptian communities. The issue has been intensified with the over reliance on the mass tourism market segments and price war strategies practiced by such resorts which undermines their real economic and social contribution. Although cultural heritage is the cradle of the Egyptian tourism, Egyptian sustainable tourism policies and plans have not come yet to encompass effective strategies to manage tourist activities in the archaeological sites. More collaborative plans between the tourism stakeholders and the Supreme Council of Egyptian Antiquities still need to be reinforced for the conservation of the Egyptian cultural heritage legacy. The suggested strategies should efficiently employ a set of techniques such as visitor and site management instruments and professionally employ technology to enhance the visitor experience and help in mitigating the negative impacts of tourism on the sites. To face many of the present problems in such sites, visitor centers, such as the West Bank Visitor Center in Luxor, have to be established nearby many archaeological sites.

Egyptian Sustainable Tourism Planning: A Revolutionary Vision Towards the Future The two revolutions that broke out in Egypt in 2011 and 2013 emphasize the crucial importance of having the ‘Pro-poor’ concept as an approach for any future balanced and compatible sustainable development plans in Egypt. Apparently, the slogan of the 2011 revolution that collapsed Hosni Mubarak’s regime was ‘Livelihood, Liberty and Social Equity’, which emphasized the rights of poor in any economic, social or environmental benefits to be achieved by tomorrow’s development plans. Such principles have been raised up, for the second time, by the Egyptian community in the revolution of 30 June 2013, which broke out to correct the political path after the goals of 2011 revolution had drifted in a wrong direction that solely fulfilled the radical Moslem Brothers’ political agenda, which caused a chaotic situation all over Egypt and planted seeds of a civil war. More recently and regardless the occasional terrorists’ attacks that take place from time to time especially in the Northern boarders, Egypt has been witnessing more stable political and safety conditions over the past two years. To accomplish goals of the 2011 and 2013 revolutions, the current Egyptian political agenda has set an ambitious program that targets the achievement of a series of development projects in different sectors. Whether the projects are mega economic such as the New Suez Canal, infrastructure such as the construction of highways and

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electric power stations or environmental such as resettlement of communities living in endangered zones, the social dimension has clearly become an integral part of such a program with more efficient strategies to reach the least developed regions and remote areas. Having the ‘Pro-poor’ concept as a core component and bedrock of future development plans in Egypt, urges the tourism sector to reframe its policies and strategies. The task entails a transformation in the tourism sector vision from the ‘private sector-oriented tourism development’ strategies that benefited a tiny segment of elite stakeholders in the past to more equitable plans that fully consider the rights of local communities and assure more economic earnings as well as compatible environmental and social development. In such context, the private sector investments in tourism will be employed as one of the means towards poverty reduction and enhancement of the quality of living to many classes of the Egyptian society. Yet, Egyptian tourism is committed to significantly integrate poverty reduction into its policies and plans on one hand and to turn the sustainable tourism development goals into actions on the other hand. In this respect, a sustainable tourism value chain needs to be developed which instruments key components to enable the tourism sector taking part and playing a role in Egypt’s economic and social welfare.

Egyptian Sustainable Tourism Planning: A Value Chain Approach Apparently, Egypt needs to plan for a compatible sustainable tourism value chain program which targets economic growth to achieve poverty reduction through a set of chains or forces. In this regard, value chains will be employed to link the pro-poor business to tourism and to underpin the social and environmental development in the less developed regions. Elements of the value chain process will significantly influence tourism development as well as its marketing strategies and drive the Egyptian tourism policy to benefit the poor economically, culturally, socially and environmentally.

Governance To fulfill the goal of employing tourism as a driving force to alleviate poverty and for the development of the local communities, changes in the institutional framework of the tourism authorities should take place. Decentralization is needed to enable local tourism departments to take prompt action and play a more effective role in the different tourist regions based on the economic, environmental, social and geographical characteristics of each region. While national planning and regulation enactment is the core responsibility of the central tourism authority at the national level, the

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local tourist departments should be empowered to execute a set of important tasks. The expected functions include: carrying out research, providing statistical information, developing multi-stakeholder collaborative work in the designated region, monitoring performances of the different tourism projects in the region, enforcing tourism regulations and law within the area, developing programs for human resource development, exploring tourism business opportunities, promoting for the potential investment projects in the area, measuring the different tourism impacts on the local community, building partnership with the NGOs and private sector for the implementation of the sustainable development plans and motivating tourist projects to contribute to social and cultural development of the local community. The local office is still committed to set programs to involve the local community in the tourism development process and offer opportunities for entrepreneurial projects in tourism and work to sort out all obstacles that face all tourism projects including SMEs in the region. Arguably, such local tourism offices or departments require professional tourism personnel which highlight the crucial need of considering specific qualifications while hiring employees for the tourism governmental offices. On the other hand, the official tourism authorities have to carry out professional training programs to build capacities and qualify staff with skills and competencies that will enable them executing all the preceding tasks efficiently. In this context, the Ministry of Tourism has to review its human resource development programs and work to equip its human capacities with the up-to-date competencies. At the national level, the Ministry of Tourism has to develop a strategy, build partnerships with the private sector as well as NGOs and engage all stakeholders to work collaboratively to achieve the main goal of ‘employing tourism as a driving force to alleviate poverty’. The designated strategy should clearly implement a ‘public–private partnership’ program which involves the private sector to share the responsibility of developing the local communities in the different tourist regions. Although the Egyptian Tourism Development Authority (TDA) and the Egyptian Authority for Promoting Tourism have some branches in the different tourist regions in Egypt, the targeted strategy of employing tourism as a mean of poverty reduction requires a wide range of tasks and activities that go beyond physical planning or carrying out promotional activities to attract tourists to the region. The above-mentioned tasks need a competent local tourism office that is capable to craft a vision for tourism development in the region and work collaboratively with the central tourism authority to develop all strategies, plans and programs with specified actions to be taken by each stakeholder. At the execution level, the local office becomes fully in charge of articulating efforts among all stakeholders, disseminating information, monitoring the entire process, evaluating impacts and reporting feedbacks to the national tourism authority.

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Favorable national tourism policy and competent regulatory and law system The Egyptian national tourism policy has encompassed many of the areas that deal with core issues of tourism development and marketing such as tourism planning in rural and coastal regions, investment, superstructure facilities with a focus on lodging amenities, improvement of the quality of services, safety and security and promotion of the tourism product. The ongoing laws and regulations that have recently takes place in Egypt underpin many of the goals of tourism policy. For example, in March 2015 Egypt has enacted a new Investment Law (Presidential Decree 17 of 2015) accompanying the Economic Conference hosted by Egypt in Sharm El-Sheikh. The law expands privileges and benefits of investors, introduces new concepts such as the ‘one-stop-shop’ and the criminal liability of the firm, and thoroughly amends land allocation and dispute resolution (Herret & Kotb, 2015). To meet the broad requirements of sustainable tourism development, the Egyptian national tourism strategy must have a broader vision to consider some other goals and areas of concerns that are crucially important such as fostering entrepreneurship in tourism. Empowering tourism entrepreneurial projects requires a set of actions such as: more investment incentives to SMEs, more supporting regulatory framework to help entrepreneurs starting up their business, training courses to develop the entrepreneurial skills of young Egyptian businessmen and dissemination of all information about potential business opportunities in the different Egyptian tourism regions and regulations to initiate a business in each region. The policy has to adopt programs and instrument techniques to enable the suitable environment for such entrepreneurial projects such as consultation and channels to access funds. Relevant to the above-mentioned point, the national tourism policy has to launch a program to strengthen business linkages with tourism. In this context, the policy has to attract and motivate businesses in supporting services and grant incentives to green projects in tourism such as recycling projects and organic and agri-food business. The policy, together with its plans and programs, has to instrument viable tools to motivate and enable all tourism projects greening their practices. This can be executed through incentives to be offered to the environmentally friendly projects, dissemination of the standards and criteria to be met and the employment of best practices as bench markers and flagship models. Notably, eco-label and certification are still an inadequate part in the Egyptian tourism policy. Yet, Green Star Hotel Certification Program is a national certification and capacity building programme under the patronage of the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism to award lodging facilities in Egypt for their commitment to the field of environmentally friendly management and social responsibility (Green Star Hotel, 2013). The current situation reflects modest practices for sustainable tourism in the different sightseeing and

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tourism zones. For example, tour leaders and guides employed by many travel agencies have to show merits in conducting responsible tourism tours while souvenir shops still need to consider selling items from recycled materials and adopt environmentally friendly operations. This calls for a more comprehensive plan to be implemented to award the other sectors of tourism industry such as travel agencies, restaurants, eco-tour guides and souvenir shops. The designated plan should conduct a set of programs and activities to raise awareness among all stakeholders, organize educational and training workshops to build capacities, publish criteria of assessment and disseminate information about the review process, verification standards and procedures to apply. Eco-certification can also be transferred to award tourist sites as well as traditional tourist markets which the latter necessitates a collaborative work among all bazars and shops located in the same market. The national tourism policy is also committed to craft a visionary plan and carry out comprehensive programs for the promotion and development of eco-tourism in the different Egyptian natural and ecological region. Indeed, the capability of the tourism authorities carrying out a comprehensive strategy for ecotourism development and setting suitable frameworks to regulate the eco-tourism business and activities is still lagging behind the pace of the private sector in conducting eco-tours all across Egypt. It is worth mentioning that the emergence of a few number of Eco lodges in Egypt such as Al-Karm Mountains and Basata in Sinai and Adrere Amellal in Siwa are models of tourist projects that are environmentally and socially responsible while meeting the expectations of the eco-tourists. Arguably, any future national eco-tourism policy or plan should be developed collaboratively with the environmental authorities in general and the Nature Conservation Sector in particular. Representatives from the local community and indigenous people of each area must take part in such plans and act as mediators between the formal authorities and the local community. This will certainly assure involvement of the community’s individuals in the potential projects and optimize the tourism impacts on local community livelihood. Similarly, the Egyptian national tourism policy has not come yet to consider a vision to cover the ample heritage tourism planning, though heritage tourism is the flagship tourist activity in Egypt. Many archaeological sites in Egypt are still calling for joint efforts between the Ministry of Tourism and the Supreme Council of Egyptian Antiquities at the Ministry of Culture to manage sites and enhance the visitor experience in the different heritage sites. As Egypt is witnessing an evolution in many of its sectors, a serious change in archaeological sites management practice is a focal point for sustainability of the Egyptian monumental and cultural heritage. The task entails the employment of sustainable development techniques such as resource management, visitor management, interpretation and adoption of IT to mitigate impacts on the sites while offering more exciting experience to tourists. In this regard, visitor centers should be established in many

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tourist sites. Such centers call for zoning schemes to allocate areas of entertainment adjacent to the monumental area. It is worth mentioning that all visitors’ activities in the monumental areas should be monitored and many practices should be restricted for the preservation of the site’s treasures. Although satisfactory efforts have been done in Luxor, the experience has to be transferred to many other archaeological sites in Egypt such as Giza Plateau with its stunning Pyramids and many of the temples in Upper Egypt. In devising the national tourism policy, new innovative and competitive approaches should be taken into consideration while deciding on the marketing and promotional campaigns. This should include creative plans to target emerging tourist markets, accessing niche market segments and employing technology and social media devices to reach the targeted market segments. Such plans should be able to instrument compatible programs to position Egypt as a competitive destination in event tourism taking advantages of Egypt’s geographical location and mild weather. The New Administrative Capital of Egypt, announced lately in the Economic Development Conference that took place in Sharm El-Sheikh between 13–15 March 2015 offers great opportunities for future business and event tourism activities that can take place in such potential capital city, outside the skirt of the crowded zones of Greater Cairo. Arguably, except for Sharm El-Sheikh, the other destinations in Southern Sinai along with the Red Sea tourism destinations have not yet managed to position themselves as remarkable event destinations in the international tourism market. Critically, the tourism policy reviewing tools should go beyond the traditional methods of evaluating the annual tourist revenues and number of international tourist visits to adopt wider indicators to comply with the requirements of sustainable development. The following values have to be fully considered while evaluating the tourist policy outcomes. • • • • • • • • •

Values to the national economy (national income, GDP, tourism multiplier, employment rate, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) injection etc.). Values to the local community (economically, socially and environmentally). Values to the private sector (returns on investments, sustained profits, market share etc.). Values to the tourists. Values to the Egyptian cultural heritage. Values to the natural environment and protected areas. Values to non-profit organizations and public sector. Values to young people and future generations. Values to the less developed regions and poor communities.

The above values have to be regarded as measurements of Egypt’s tourism growth and move towards sustainable development.

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Strategic Goal: employing tourism as a driving force to alleviate poverty

Governance

Favourable National Tourism Policy

Legislative & Regulatory Framework

Outcome Assessment & Monitoring

Implementable Tourism Plans & Programs

Tourism Business Development

Setting Quality Standards in Tourism Services

Fostering Entrepreneurship and SMEs in Tourism

Egyptian Heritage Tourism Development & Management

Engaging Poor Communities in Providing Tourism Services/Amenities

Supporting Green and Environmentally Friendly Projects in Tourism

Attracting Investment to Supporting Services with Sustainability Nature in Tourism Such as Recycling and Agrifood

Setting a National System for Eco-labeling and Certification

Product Development & Diversification

Formulating Effective Ecotourism Policies and Strategies

Safety & Security Enforcement

Developing Human Resources & Building Capacities

Strengthening NGO's Role and Motivate Tourism Corporate Social Responsibilities

Developing a Competitive Marketing Strategy to Target Niche Market Segments

Formulating Plans for Risk and Crisis Management

Determining the future needs of Hospitality & Lodging Facilities Based on Effective Market Research as well as Sustainable Development Measures

Figure 5.1 Structure of the value chain approach for Egyptian sustainable tourism development

The value chain modules at the plan and program level Taking a value chain approach to sustainable tourism development implies a full integration of a set of elements into the tourism planning process. While the tourism national policy sets goals, assigns the broad tasks and draws directions to achieve sustainable practices in tourism, a range of modules have to be considered at the program implementation level. Each module suggests a number of actions to be taken to enable the sustainable tourism strategies addressing the challenges and hitting goals set by the

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policy. Although each of such modules has its own functions, all modules are still connected to each other and have to be entirely fulfilled to achieve the wide spectrum of sustainable tourism development. Figure 5.1 illustrates the value chain model that should be considered while planning for sustainable tourism as a means for poverty reduction and improvement of the living conditions of Egypt’s local communities. As shown in the figure and based on the discussion throughout the chapter, Egypt is urged to regard employing tourism as one of the instruments to alleviate poverty as a strategic goal which has to be accomplished to meet the demands of the two revolutions. In this context, the Egyptian tourism agency is required to adopt a broader vision of tourism development that captures all opportunities for a community-based tourism while hitting the national economic goals. The task requires more actions to be taken at the governance level, articulation among all relevant stakeholders, liaison with local communities and changes in the current legislative and regulatory framework. In fact, setting a tourism policy inspired with the ‘community-based tourism development’ approach is not an easy task to accomplish in developing nations which not only suffer severe economic obstacles but also need to build local capacities and raise awareness about all relevant issues of sustainable development. To be more realistic and to achieve viable progress towards such strategic goal, a set of plans and programs have to be implemented. While many of the suggested programs illustrated in Figure 5.1, have been derived from the requirements of sustainable tourism and community-based tourism with regard to the Egyptian case, some other programs are recommended to address the ongoing challenges that the Egyptian tourism sector currently faces such as ‘Safety & Security Enforcement’ and ‘Formulating Plans for Risk and Crisis Management’.

Conclusion Despite the potential of tourism sector in the ‘Arab World’, most of the Arab countries still face barriers that challenge the implementation of sustainable tourism development. To plan for sustainability in the Arab tourism destinations, a more comprehensive development approach has to be adopted that seeks methods of building organizational as well as human capacities, securing adequate funding for sustainable tourism projects and carrying out sustainable development programs that are part of the national tourism policy of each destination. Taking the ongoing crisis that faces the ‘Arab World’ into consideration, sustainable tourism development in the Arab nations is required to implement safety and security measures in addition to the traditional economic, environmental and sociocultural goals that all destination target while planning for sustainability.

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Critically, sustainable tourism in Egypt cannot be met without sophisticated strategic planning that is able to instrument tourism development as a tool for poverty alleviation and social and environmental well-being of local communities. However, the planning process has to resolve all deficiencies that inhibit sustainable development from achieving its goals. The suggested value chain model reflects the hierarchical structure of the sustainable tourism planning process with regard to the Egyptian case. It also encompasses the multi-faceted issues that should be addressed at the program level. The value chains, if properly executed, will certainly fulfill many of the sustainable tourism goals and will guarantee a real contribution of the tourism sector in the economic and social development of the Egyptian community. Nevertheless, the task entails an articulation and liaison among different governmental, private sector and non-governmental parties. It also emphasizes the crucial role of the national tourism policy bringing all such stakeholders together through creative and precise vision, well-elaborated plans, professionally conducted programs and insightfully selected and employed techniques. As Egypt is going through an evolution in its political and development arenas, it is time to witness a transformation in the relationship of all the relevant authorities. Although the concerned parties will have different functions and tasks to do, they still share the same vision and goals of utilizing sustainability for poverty reduction and for offering quality of life to all Egyptian communities regardless their geographical place, social class or ethnical background. Significantly, the ability of the national tourism policy to engage young Egyptians in the entrepreneurial projects, non-profit societal activities and local policy development is a focal point and a determining edge for its success.

References Abu Bakr, T., Hassan, A. and Wafik, D. (2014) On bi-level tourism strategic plan problem in Egypt. International Journal of Pure and Applied Sciences and Technology 23 (1), 40–47. Aziz, H. and Szivas, E. (2011) Tourism. In H. Abaza, N. Saab and B. Zeitoon (eds) Arab Environment 4: Green Economy. Report of the Arab Forum for Environment and Development (pp. 235–254). Beirut: Technical Publications and Environment and Development Magazine. Blanke, J. and Mia, I. (2007) Assessing travel and tourism competitiveness in the Arab World. In M. Hanouz, S. El-Diwany and T. Yousef (eds) The Arab World Competitiveness Report 2007: Sustaining the Growth Momentum (pp. 65–79). Geneva: The World Economic Forum. Cobbinah, P., Rosemary, B. and Thwaites, R. (2013) Tourism planning in developing countries: review of concepts and sustainability issues. International Journal of Social, Human Science and Engineering 7 (4), 468–475. Dwyer, L. and Edwards, D. (2010) Sustainable tourism planning. In J. Liburd and D. Edwards (eds) Understanding the Sustainable Development of Tourism (pp. 3–27). Oxford: Goodfellow Publishers. EEAA (Egyptian Environmental Affairs Agency) (2012) Egyptian natural protectorates and biodiversity. See http://www.eeaa.gov.eg/english/main/Protectorates.asp (accessed 15 March 2015).

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ETF (2012) Egyptian Tourism Federation-homepage. See http://www.etf.org.eg (accessed 17 December 2014). Green Star Hotel (2013). Green Star Hotel Initiative. See http://www.greenstarhotel.org (accessed 15 December 2014). Helmy, E. (2006) Strengthening the competitive advantage of the Middle East (ME) tourist destinations: a sustainable development perspective. Presented at an International Conference Legal and Security Aspects of the Tourist Industry, Dubai, 3–5 April. Helmy, E. (2013) Towards the development of Egyptian Tourism entrepreneurship education strategy with a focus on the higher education sector. Egyptian Journal of Tourism and Hospitality 20 (2), 1–20. Helmy, E. (2014) Political uncertainty: Challenges to Egyptian tourism policy. In F. Sola, M. Alvarez and C. Cooper (eds) Tourism as an Instrument for Development: A Theoretical and Practical Study (pp. 301–314). Bingley: Emerald Publications. HEPCA (2013) Samadai management plan. See http://www.dolphinhouse.org/dolphinhouse/about-samadai/joomlaorg-2.html (accessed 19 December 2014). Herret, R. and Kotb, S. (2015) Investors briefing: Egypt’s new investment law. German – Arab Chamber of Industry and Commerce. Roundtable, 20 May. Keios Consulting (2009) Egypt National Sustainable Tourism Strategic Plan. See http:// www.keios.it/en/Ep_Egypt.htm (accessed 17 May 2015). Lipman, G. (2011) Mideast Governments Encouraged to Push Sustainable Tourism in the Region. Travel and Tourism News Middle East (TTN). See http://www.ttnonline. com/Article/11949 (accessed 19 December 2014). Mortimore, R. (2007) The future of travel and tourism in the Middle East – A global perspective on the industry’s challenges in the region. Reed Travel Exhibition, 1–3 May 2007, Dubai. MOT (2011) Tourism in Figures for 2010. A statistical book published by the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism (MOT). Mustafa, M. (2010) Tourism and globalization in the Arab World. International Journal of Business and Social Science 1 (1), 37–48. Neto, F. (2003) A new approach to sustainable tourism development: Moving beyond environmental protection. Natural Resource Forum 27, 212–222. OECD (2014) ‘Egypt in OECD’. Tourism Trends and Policies 2014, OECD Publishing. See http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/tour-2014-46-en (accessed 16 April 2015). Reuters (2015) New Egypt Tourism Minister Sets Out 2020 Growth Plan. See http://www. reuters.com/article/2015/03/15/us-egypt-tourism-minister (accessed 14 May 2015). Shaala, I. (2015) Sustainable tourism development in the Red Sea of Egypt threats and opportunities. Journal of Cleaner Production 13 (2), 83–87. The World Bank (2013) Tourism in the Arab world can mean more than sun, sand and beaches. See http://www.worldbank.org/en/news/feature/2013/02/11/tourism-inthe-arab-world-can-mean-more-than-sun-sand-and-beaches (accessed 21 April 2015). UNDP (2007) Case study: Siwa Sustainable Development Initiative. United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) (2013) Sustainable Tourism Master Plan for the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Region2013-2023. See http://Uneca_stmp.pdf (accessed 15 April 2015). UNWTO (2011) Sustainable Tourism for Development Guidebook: Enhancing Capacities for Sustainable Tourism for Development in Developing Countries. Produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. UNWTO (2012) UNWTO Tourism Highlights for 2011. Facts and Figures Section at mkt. unwto.org. UNWTO (2014) UNWTO Tourism Highlights, 2014 edition. Zaazou, H. (2010) Energy Challenges: Egypt’s Next Battle. Third Round Table for UN Global Compact Local Network/ECRC, Cairo, 27 September.

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Planning for Tourism in Oman based on Lessons from Dubai: Overviewing Economic, Environmental and Sociocultural Impacts Ammar Abdulrahman AlBalushi and Nicholas Wise

Introduction Understanding the impact of tourism is crucial for governments to execute and plan for sustainable tourism development. More importantly, policy makers, managers and stakeholders should understand how residents perceive the benefits and drawbacks of tourism by seeking ways to involve residents in tourism so that business opportunities are maximised and new tourism products developed. Yet, despite the substantial and the ongoing research concerning the impacts of tourism in various destinations, it is important that economic, environmental and sociocultural impacts are assessed (see Wise, 2016). The Gulf Cooperation Countries have witnessed a rapid surge in tourism developments in recent decades. Given Dubai’s position and growth in the events, tourism and hospitality industries (Sharpley, 2008), there is a need to outline development in relation to the triple bottom line concepts since the destination stands out in the Arab World. This chapter looks at the case of Dubai to outline and address concerns of tourism development to inform tourism industry planners in Oman. Oman is regarded as an emerging destination, and it is essential to overview particular impacts as the country develops and expands its tourism industry and infrastructure. It is important that Oman develops a tourism industry that is not 87

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only economically sustainable but also promotes business and management agendas that will have a positive impact on the people to maintain sociocultural values and also preserve and protect the environment. Each of these points link to sustainable development and business practices to ensure future growth is sustained and will impact the country’s residents positively. By looking at Dubai, the approach used in this paper is to first explain Dubai’s economic, environmental and sociocultural impacts of tourism by outlining findings from the literature and reports. After the discussions of each component concerning the case of Dubai, the focus will then shift to Oman to assess the current scenario there in relation to achieving a sustainable tourism future. There exists a foundation of tourism research on Oman (e.g. Amrousi & Biln, 2010; Baporikar, 2012; Henderson, 2014; Oukil et al., 2016), but more research is needed as the destination continues to develop in a competitive region. This chapter represents the first stage in our research addressing tourism, sustainability and development. Though geographically small, the Emirate of Dubai is one of the fastest growing and diversified economies in the region. Dubai has established itself as prominent financial and tourism hub of the Middle East with a large migrant workforce from around the world to support and fulfil the city’s multi-sector economy. The adaptation of tourism development and tourism enterprise growth by the Dubai government is a key part of the city’s economic diversification plan that has attracted foreign exchange benefits and has generated new employment opportunities. Thus, Dubai represents a point of assessment to compare approaches in relation to neighbouring countries such as Oman, where tourism is seen as a solution for its low oil production and the growing unemployment levels. While Dubai is an Emirate within the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Oman is a country, these two cases still represent a point of unique analysis. Foremost, Dubai is a wellregarded destination in the Middle East and development approaches are important to assess as a means of gaining from lessons of tourism planning and development. Additionally, Dubai is politically independent and controls its own budget in a similar manner as Oman would as a country. It must be noted that many of the figures presented below do come from UAE databases but are contextualised to refer to Dubai. This chapter will now discuss tourism based on triple bottom line components by addressing economic, environmental and sociocultural impacts.

Tourism Development and the Triple Bottom Line Tourism development has been promoted as a force for positive contributions to attract foreign investments, creating employment opportunities, improving transportation systems, promoting local entrepreneurship, creating a new modern way of life and promoting peace by bringing people of

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Figure 6.1 Tourism impact model on Dubai and Oman

different nationalities and cultures together (Sharpley & Telfer, 2002; Shaw & Williams, 2002). In contrast, like many other sectors, tourism also leads to negative impacts such as changing local cultural habits and place heritage, intruding on local social life-styles, and affects the environment and quality of life through increased traffic, crime, security risks, rising rent costs and inflation (Brida et al., 2011; Brunt & Courtney, 1999; Butcher, 2014). The outline of this chapter below revolves around the three impacts outlined in the triple bottom line. Subsequent sections the focus will be on economic, environmental and socio-cultural impacts in Dubai and Oman and will identify two or three points linked to each impact (see Figure 6.1). Extended from each impact are some of the main points outlined below (i.e. economic impacts focusing on immigration, income and jobs). The triple bottom line is a framework that helps inform tourism planners, developers and managers. The triple bottom line approach attempts to address the impact of not only financial and economic issues, but also on people (referring to social benefits and burdens) and the planet (by discussing growing concerns particular industries such as tourism and hospitality have on the environment) (see Dwyer, 2005; Elkington, 2004; Wise, 2016). These are commonly referred to as the three Ps: people, planet and profit. John Elkington, a leader in corporate responsibility and sustainable development, coined the term triple bottom line in 1994. This thought has since been embedded into tourism development, product development and business approaches. The ‘Bottom Line’ refers to an accounting framework that point to profits and loss, revenue and expenditures (Dwyer, 2005; Elkington, 2004; Norman & MacDonald, 2004). While this is the case in the corporate business environment, it is also relevant to the tourism industry because there is much concern in the areas where tourism developments and enterprises are taking place (Dwyer, 2005). When outlining observations and attempting to gain lessons based on impacts and examples in other destinations, the triple bottom line

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framework is used to evaluate different dimensions of sustainability. Sustainable issues are becoming more evident when evaluating ethical business practices framed around principles of responsible management and corporate social responsibility (Goodwin, 2011). The United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) is concerned with founding and establishing wider frameworks to maximise the impact of tourism around the world. The initiatives put forth by the UNWTO are meant to be adapted by national, regional and local tourism organisations and stakeholders to monitor results and business practices concerning the three areas. There have been other approaches used to assess tourism growth and development, such as Butler’s lifecycle model (see Butler, 2006). This generalised model considers seven stages of development: (1) exploration; (2) involvement; (3) development; (4) consolidation; (5) stagnation; (6) rejuvenation; and (7) decline. The seven stages identified are useful when evaluating longitudinal impacts as a destination develops, matures and then regenerates. Outlining observations based on a triple bottom line approach in the case of Oman links to the first three points. Given some of the economic difficulties in Dubai, the destination has experienced the full extent of this cycle amidst its rapid growth and development. Lessons Oman can learn from the case of Dubai is how the destination was able to develop and seek new tourism agendas when faced with stagnation and decline. Dubai’s rapid growth halted due to wider economic impacts, but the destination sought alternatives to retain and grow its tourism industry once again by seeking alternative markets (see Acuto, 2010; Lohmann et al., 2009; Nassar et al., 2014; Sahoo, 2016) In the case of this chapter this model will be useful to consider in future research on Oman once the industry is further established and sees growth once the destination experiences the economic benefits and difficulties that more mature destinations experience. At this stage it is important to address and outline impacts based around the triple bottom line framework by discussing economic, environmental and then socio-cultural impacts. Following a brief outline on each impact, examples from Dubai are presented followed by an assessment of Oman.

Economic Impacts Developments for the tourism sector often focus on achieving economic benefits (Henderson, 2014). The tourism sector is an organism consisting with various establishments, which provide a wide range of services and products for the tourist to consume. Economic impacts of tourism depend on tourism expenditures, concerning how much money they inject into the host economy (Spirou, 2010; Webster & Ivanov, 2014). Therefore, tourism’s main positive impact in a host destination can be measured by the improvement in the national income (Huh & Vogt, 2007) and increased employment levels

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(Choi, 2005; Diedrich & García-Buades, 2009). From these points, it must be noted that tourism can also have many adverse economic impacts such as increased prices for locals and more reliance on imports to cater to visitor wants and needs. Many service sector industries (such as hotels, restaurants, retail and transport providers) rely on tourism, so the impact can be much wider if more people are involved directly and indirectly (Butcher, 2014).

Economic impacts of tourism on Dubai The economic development of Dubai supports evidence of how tourism contributes to the economy. The tourism sector has helped Dubai achieve commercial diversification, whereby ‘Dubai leads the world in terms of international visitor spending per city resident, estimated at US$4668 in 2015’ (see MasterCard, 2015: 4). Moreover, a UNWTO (2015) report indicates that 25% of the international visitors to Dubai come from the Middle East. In 2015, the UAE had the 6th highest population growth rate in the world, constituting a 3% annual change. Much of this increase is migrant flow to the country – mainly to Dubai (United Nations, 2016). According to the United Nations (2016), the vast majority of the migrant populations are males (78%), with non-nationals dominating 90% of Dubai’s population, making Dubai the most culturally diverse Emirate (Snoj, 2015). However, the official statistics were not completely accurate, as they did not identify the exact definition of tourists and residents as many traders split their time between their home country and Dubai. However, and in general, as a consequence of the acute imbalances, the high flow of temporary non-national residents and their domination over the economy does affect the nationals as it raises significant debates about crime rates, cultural identity and nationalism. For Dubai, the tourism sector is the largest catalyst and major driver of employment, income and entrepreneurism. Yet, despite the large investments in the tourism sector, which represents 4.9% of the total GDP, and the creation of 546,000 jobs in 2015 which is now 10% of the total employment in the UAE (WTTC, 2015b). The tourism sector in Dubai has the poorest record of Emiratisation. Emiratisation is known as a policy initiated by the UAE government to employ its citizens in the public and private sectors. This can be noted from the level of locals working in the tourism sector as they represent less than 1% of the total tourism sector posts (Alserhan et al., 2010). Consequently, this results in leakage of payments owing to the high number of salary transfers outside the country and the number of franchised hotels, cafés, restaurants and products demanded by tourists and imported from overseas (Gerson, 2009; Stephenson & Ali-Knight, 2010). Moreover, there is no reliable official figure found for ‘leakage’ in Dubai or the UAE. However, Dubai’s demographic imbalance and high level of foreign ownership can provide an indication on the alarming issue caused by immigration and leakage of economic surpluses resulted from tourism development (Meethan, 2012).

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Economic impacts of tourism on Oman Given the rapid growth of Dubai, Oman’s tourism sector is considered at the inception stage. This can be concluded from its direct contribution to GDP which was 2.6% in 2015 (WTTC, 2015a). Differing from Dubai, nonnationals in Oman represents just over 40% of the total population (NCSI, 2015). While the tourism sector in Oman comprised 5.7% of the total employment (90,500) in 2014 it is expected to rise to 9.4% by the end of 2015 (WTTC, 2014). From these figures, locals represented 7.5% of tourism’s total employment (Ministry of Manpower, 2013). In the case of Dubai, the section above highlighted Emiratisation. Similarly, in Oman, Omanisation is a policy executed by the government aimed at replacing expatriate workers with trained Omani personnel. The government set quotas for every sector to reach in terms of the percentage of Omani to foreign workers. It is important to note that, despite the high Omanisation quotas applied by the government on tourism establishments (i.e. reaching 85%), continued limited employment among nationals in the tourism sector is seemingly a social concern (Pourmohammadi, 2014). A survey conducted by the Omani Ministry of Tourism indicated that a high Omanisation quota and the lack of interest by locals in joining the tourism sector are the main obstacles among the key obstacles facing the growth of tourism in Oman (Pourmohammadi, 2014). This lack of interest especially could impact local tourism enterprises which would result in more demand for a migrant labour force. Pourmohammadi (2014) indicates that the lack of interest by the locals is attributed to the low salaries, long working hours, job securities and annual holidays, when compared to the public sector. More importantly, the survey results in Oman are compatible with the Emiratis lack of interest in working in the tourism sector (Sara & Samihah, 2013; Stephenson & Ali-Knight, 2010). However, no study in Dubai or Oman was found proposing a method to tackle the employment issues within the tourism sector.

Environmental Impacts The relationship between the environment and tourism is relatively complex because the environment represents an important resource, which needs to be protected in order to nurture the economic progress of a destination (Gössling et al., 2012). Tourism development induces both positive and negative environmental impacts due to the constant development of infrastructure, which contributes to air and water pollution and impacts on local populations (Dwyer, 2005). The positive environmental impacts of tourism involve planning and executing ecological development in the national economic plans, recreation of parks and stimulation of environmental conservation (Baysan, 2001; Phillips & Moutinho, 2014). Thus,

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positive environmental enhancement through tourism might lead to better economic support to modify and control recreational structures such as restoration of historical sites, antiques, marine and wildlife, and opening up new forests and lakes for tourists (Baysan, 2001). In contrast, negative environmental change caused by the increase number of tourists (Cohen, 1979) can lead to water shortage, pollution and littering (Frauman & Banks, 2011).

Environmental impacts of tourism on Dubai The philosophy of tourism development in Dubai is arguably based on becoming ‘bigger and better’ than the rest of the world (Sharpley, 2008). In his work, Sharpley (2008) notes that the fundamental objective of Dubai’s philosophy is to create a unique brand based on shopping and entertainment experience. Creating such an environment can, however, have environmental consequences given the dependence on creating climate controlled environments that shelter people from the warm daytime temperatures. Moreover, there is no publicly accessible information on Dubai’s economic expansion and impacts, likely due to the existing governmental restrictions (see Nassar et al., 2014). However, various resources did report shortage of land in the coastal and urban areas of Dubai due to the rapid land transformation through expansion in development and construction of hotels along the coast and on artificial islands. Taleb and Taleb’s (2014) study on the thermal comfort on Dubai’s urban and desert areas has indicated that economic development such as hotels, parks, creeks and yacht ports had a positive impact on the environment owoing to the increase in vegetation. However, much of this is the result of staging environments that create more aesthetic places – where extensive landscaping requires much water usage (Elsheshtawy, 2009). Moreover, Al-Mehairi (1995) indicated that developments in Dubai contributed negatively to its desert ecology and consequently increasing its road traffic, congestion and air pollution. It is also important to note that Dubai airport is surrounded by residential developments and the high volume of air traffic produces much noise and air pollution. Much of the debate on Dubai’s environmental impact revolves around how rapid urbanisation and modernisation developments can harm Dubai’s heritage conservation, wildlife, beaches and natural resources. Stephenson and Ali-Knight (2010) found that Dubai is losing its built heritage at the rate of one historic building a day. Hence, losing heritage resources that reflects Dubai’s history in favour of the modern (more westernised) buildings which are seen as disconnected from the Emirati culture. Nassar et al. (2014) argues that offshore and onshore construction of developments in Dubai such as major corporate hotels, the palm islands, creek dredging, port construction and development of recreational water bodies show considerable alteration to the form of coastline. Mass tourism developments are encouraging mass consumption in such urban areas puts a

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strain on environmental resources, but as Wise (2016) argues, protecting tangible historical sites unique to a places environment is a more sustainable option when considering the longevity of a destination. Rapid changes can have a direct impact on the environment due to the continual inputs of energy and chemicals used to maintain the land. Legislation has been passed in order to resolve these issues in Dubai, but scholars argue that more policy is needed to protect the environment around the world in popular tourism destinations that promote ecological and social benefits (Taylor & Hochuli, 2015). There remains little explanation in the literature addressing solutions for the environmental issues caused by tourism and the economic development, but perhaps, Sharpley’s (2008) analyses of the nature of the authoritarian political structure in Dubai and the neighbouring states in regards to the planning and decision-making process as most of the tourism and environmental decisions, if not all, are based solely on the economic benefits of tourism. Similarly, Krane (2009: 224) states ‘when the top guy in the country is a major investor and major player, people get away with a lot in his name’. Krane (2009) further adds projects developed by high ranking officials in Dubai have ignored sustainable environmental measures and therefore resulting in numerous investors ignoring them too. Thus, pressing issues pertinent to environmental sustainability have resulted in a primary focus on the economic development in Dubai. This represents an important lesson for Omani policy makers, and having a clear and sustainable environmental agenda is needed ahead of the tourism planning/development strategy.

Environmental impacts of tourism on Oman Despite the similarities with Dubai’s political structure, Oman’s ministry of tourism focused mainly on the diversity of its landscape, and heritage and monument conservation. In 1984, Oman became the first Arab country to create a ministry dedicated to issuing environmental policies and conservation laws. Moreover, satisfying all the environmental requirements by acquiring permission from the ministry of environment to construct any tourism development is obligatory before starting any project (Ministry of Tourism, 2015). Oman enforces strict environmental planning regulations to protect and preserve environmental resources that developers and businesses need to adhere to (Minsitry of Legal Affairs, 2001). Furthermore, the ministry of environment has transformed various environmental sites such as Al Hota Cave, Wadi Bani Khali, Wadi Shab and traditional souqs and has focused on protecting endangered wildlife by establishing nature reserves such as the turtle breeding beach at Ras Al Hadd and Ras Al Jinz, the bird sanctuary at the Diymaniyat Islands and the Arabian leopard at Jebel Samhan. It is important to note that killing and hunting wildlife in Oman is strictly prohibited and carries stiff penalties and has been enforced for decades (Ministry of Legal Affairs, 2001). Hence, Oman uses its

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environmental diversity, conservation and heritage as brand in marketing and attracting tourists (Ministry of Tourism, 2010). However, the analysis on Dubai did highlight some environmental issues in regards to the Omani current development. Krane (2009) indicates that the approval of transforming an area and building a luxury hotel on the beach in Oman has critically endangered hawksbill turtle. Moreover, similarly to Dubai, the transformation and development process in Oman has decreased the nesting pairs of an extremely rare subspecies white-collared kingfisher. However, the lack of reliable studies on the impacts of tourism on the environment in Oman puts emphasis on the importance and need to examine this topic in greater depth to highlight knowledge gaps and put forward strategies that can help achieve sustainable tourism.

Sociocultural Impacts Sociocultural impacts of tourism are unavoidable, and positive results contribute to the longer-term success as a destination grows (Butcher, 2014; Deery et al., 2012). Some argue that without tourists, local cultures and traditions may have been lost completely; alternatively, tourism encourages the commodification of culture (Schelling, 1998; Xie, 2003). Tourism initiates contact between two groups of people: tourists and locals. Tourists and locals often differ socially and culturally (i.e. religion, language, race, ethnicity); but it is tourism opportunities that bring people together who might otherwise not meet. Tourism involves social and cultural exchanges between the host and the guest. Pizam and Milman (1984) noted that sociocultural impacts of tourism include changing the hosts value system, behaviours, family relationships, lifestyles expressions, traditional ceremonies and community structure. From this, Pizam and Milman (1984) identified six main categories of sociocultural impacts which are: (1) demographic, such as size of population, age and pyramid changes; (2) occupational, referring to the frequent change of jobs and distribution of jobs; (3) cultural, linked to religion, tradition and language; (4) transformation of norms, such as values, morals and change in gender roles; (5) modified consumption patterns, such as new infrastructures and commodities; and (6) environmental impacts such as pollution and traffic congestion. Generally, the literature has addressed a range of perspectives in relation to the above, including, crime (e.g. Diedrich & García-Buades, 2009), traffic, pedestrian congestion and noise (e.g. Deery et al., 2012) and pollution (e.g. Brida et al., 2011) in addition to drugs and prostitution (e.g. Kanna, 2010). For the cases of Dubai and Oman two key sociocultural impacts are explored. These include the modification of local culture (demonstration effect) and language. Wall and Mathieson (2006) defined demonstration effect as the introduction of new foreign behaviours, pattern, values, attitudes and life

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style in a community that has not been exposed to it before, and is presented with a new or different industry such as tourism. This concept can exist by observing tourist lifestyle and the subsequent urge to copy their values, attitudes and behaviours. The demonstration effect can be perceived as a positive impact if it motivates locals to work on delivering new tourism products (Wall & Mathieson, 2006). However, the literature mostly argues that the demonstration effect is mainly perceived negatively as it can encourage host communities to consume commodities that they would not normally, such as consuming imported products rather than the locally produced versions – this can lead to economic drain and social decline in other sectors and take a toll on tangible and intangible heritage. Furthermore, demonstration effects can create divisions and conflicts among locals between those who want to adopt foreign values and those who want to maintain traditional values. Thus, this can create social and political tension, especially in traditional and developing countries such as the Middle East, where conservative and religious values are present – this can hinder the social development of tourism (Farahani & Musa, 2012).

Sociocultural impacts in Dubai Dubai has experienced this demonstration effect as a result of a high migrant population of workers in the city and increased tourism owing to the expansion of the Emirates airline hub. An interesting example of this can be found in Ali’s (2010) analysis of the Emirates national identity, as he argues that the presence of so many expatriates is leading to the loss of national identity and culture. Ali’s (2010) study illustrated identity issues facing local Emiratis, and concerns linked to how to preserve their local culture, values and norms despite increased foreign influences. The year 2008 was a ‘National Identity Year’ in the UAE, which attracted heavy national and international attention and contributed in publishing various articles discussing the threats facing the Emirati identity and culture. While Ali’s (2010) definition of expatriates did not differentiate between the workers, residents and tourists, it is Dubai’s extensive investments in tourism development that are causing these sociocultural implications. An implication mentioned by Kanna (2010) is that Dubai is emerging as a sex tourism destination in the Middle East. Despite prostitution being illegal, adultery is an impressionable offence and public ‘overt displays of affection’ such as kissing are strongly discouraged, the government ignores the imported prostitution from Eastern Europe, Asia and even the UK (Butler, 2010). Kanna (2010) also indicated that the availability of prostitution and alcohol in Dubai is caused by diversifying economic opportunities in the service sector. Furthermore, the same study indicates that the locals are unhappy with amount of development of tourism in Dubai due to the sociocultural implications associated (Kanna, 2010).

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The literature also argues that introducing foreign languages in host communities can cause distortion in local languages (Ali, 2010; Sebastiana & Rajagopalana, 2009). In Dubai, as noted above, the local population is the minority and the overall population is the most diverse in all of the UAE. Ali (2010) argues that the Arabic language is declining significantly in the UAE due to the decline in using Arabic language in public life. The decline in fluency of younger generation in written and speaking Arabic is becoming more apparent. According to Ali’s (2010) analysis, this distortion is caused by the use of English language in media, schools and social contact with tourists and workers in Dubai – who represent approximately 90% of the total population. However, tourism can not only be blamed for the alteration in local languages, as television, social media, the internet and local frequently interacting with foreigners are important elements influencing the local communities to change their local languages.

Sociocultural impacts in Oman Oman’s economy, like Dubai, is strongly dependent on short term foreign labour to build its infrastructure (Ministry of Manpower, 2013), but arguable not to the same scale as Dubai. Unlike Dubai, however, the tourism projects, the number of tourist arrivals and foreign labour is significantly less. Because tourism arrivals are less in Oman compared to Dubai, sociocultural impacts (such as demonstration affect) has not yet been studied in Oman and will be a point of future research as tourism increases to evaluate cultural impacts and adaptations to tourism. Moreover, Oman puts much pride in its tangible and intangible heritage to avoid overdevelopment and accelerated modernisation of neighbouring countries. However, some of the notable sociocultural ramifications in Oman are the increase in number of expatriate workers on which its economy relies; for example, only around 40% of Oman’s 4 million residents are foreigners (Chatty, 2016). Further, heavy investments in tourism enclave projects such as the Wave Muscat, Muscat Golf and country club and Al Salam Yiti were fuelled by the Dubai real estate model (Amrousi & Biln, 2010). Such projects aim to provide direct interactions between expatriates and locals living residing in new estates. Consequently, this may result in influencing the local youths to copy the behaviours and spending patterns of the tourists and foreign residences – referring back to the demonstration effect and foreign influence on local culture. Development processes have inevitable impacts on the society’s values and culture – thus tourism represents a channel for development and diversification. Accordingly, this issue raise important questions concerning the sociocultural impacts of tourism on the Omani residence, how to measure them and plan a sustainable tourism receiving society with minimum adverse societal impact. The impacts observed in Dubai are a challenge to the future sociocultural sustainability so Oman as an emerging destination

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can learn from what has occurred/is occurring in Dubai – especially as the UAE and Oman share a lot of similar cultural and religious values. For instance, tangible heritage and the unique cultural landscapes in Oman are maintained in a manner to ensure a sense of place is maintained among local residents and so tourists can be introduced to a more authentic experience in Oman (see Chatty, 2016). Whereas neighbouring countries focus on diversifying and developing landscapes of luxury for visitors, the focus in Oman is to retain significant social and cultural features that are core to Oman’s population and landscapes – representing the country’s intangible and tangible values. Language is arguable the main element of national identity (Anderson, 1991), and it is the main contributor in successful transcultural communications between tourists and locals. Semela (2012), for instance, attempted to understand how sociocultural impacts of tourism alter linguistic patterns in host population. The study reveals that ethnic identity is controlled by hierarchal social forces contributing to how ethnic nationalism is prioritised (Semela, 2012). In contrast, it indicates that the use of common language may provide better opportunities for improved intercultural understanding. Sebastiana and Rajagopalana (2009) study of tourism development in Kerala provides and interesting example of the adoption of different foreign languages in order to communicate with tourists. This is an important lesson for Oman; because language training is useful towards welcoming tourists to a country and a reputation of a particular widely spoken language can result in increased travel by people from particular country. Social impacts and cultural impacts can be diverse, but Oman has the opportunity to look at what has occurred across the region so they can prepare and educate the population about business and entrepreneurial opportunities so locals can benefit from tourism and prepare for a sustainable future.

Concluding Remarks This chapter addressed how Dubai’s tourism development and increased investment in tourism infrastructure have produced economic, environmental and sociocultural impacts, with varying positive and critical positions. However, the content discussed in this chapter offer lessons for other cases across the Arab World. Given the regions strategic geographic location, it is important that tourism planners, government officials and policy makers work with business developers and local communities to develop a framework to plan for tourism growth based on triple bottom line impacts. Moreover, not only has the Emirate of Dubai provided an important lesson on how shifting towards tourism can result in economic growth, but it also provides valuable lessons for an emerging tourism destination such as Oman. The model presented in Figure 6.1 outlines interactions among the three

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triple bottom line impacts pointing to the main critical points observed in this chapter. Other Arab tourism destinations likely face similar critical issues and consequences and can learn from Oman’s approach to plan tourism accordingly to maximise social and environmental impacts and benefits aimed at planning for a sustainable future. From this chapter the key question is when tourism does increase in Oman, how will the destination respond and evaluate positive and negative impacts in Dubai. The points outlined above are based on findings, examples and discussions pointing to similarities and differences observed in Oman and Dubai. Although these destinations are regarded at different scales, the wider emphasis of tourism impacts can be evaluated across scales from the city, region, state and national levels. As global tourism increases and consumer trends and demands change, destinations such as Oman need to prepare for tourism to bring about economic and employment benefits while maintaining high environmental awareness standards and preserving culture and local/national identity. Because Dubai is a city and Oman a country, it is the wider lessons that have been found looking at Dubai that point to lessons for Oman, especially in Oman’s urban and hinterland tourism across the country. The studies on the impact of tourism on different cases from around the world have taught us that tourism development challenges a host populations environmental awareness and sociocultural values. As such, the success of Dubai’s tourism model did not come without economic, environmental and sociocultural drawbacks. In summary, in Dubai, a high dependence on migrant labour in the private sector, the alteration of coastal areas, and the impact on Emirati culture and language are some indications of tourism’s adverse impacts. Although these are unavoidable side effects of tourism, there are lessons learnt by assessing an established destination and an emerging destination. Therefore, if the Omani government recognises the importance of sustainable environmental planning and establishes business/ enterprise initiatives that involve training and educating locals to consider environmental and cultural values, then constructive results could be achieved over the longer term. Dubai, in this case represents a base to assess how rapid investments in tourism impact a destination putting Oman tourism officials, planners and policy makers in a unique situation to learn from observations outlined above. More immediately, tourism is needed to support job creation and new businesses opportunities, but the focus needs to be on local involvement in the industry as Dubai relies on people from abroad to fulfil service sector positions in the tourism and hospitality industry. To conclude, although rapid tourism industry development has been observed in Dubai, such increased tourism traffic and has a direct impact on the destination’s cultural identity and has resulted in negative social implications (see Elsheshtawy, 2009; Kanna, 2010; Stephenson & Ali-Knight, 2010). Additionally, Stephenson and Ali-Knight’s (2010) work suggests that Emirati culture needs to be rediscovered and inclusive of the tourist gaze, it also

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questions the degree to which the locals are willing to expose themselves without risking being influenced by the western tourists. Therefore, the model of impacts based on the triple bottom line in Dubai gives Oman much to consider. Future research is needed to assess the points outlined in Figure 6.1 and to provide tangible and intangible evidence of the current situation of tourism development in Oman as the destination emerges.

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NCSI (2015) Total Sultanate population by the end of September 2015. See https://www. ncsi.gov.om/Pages/Infographics.aspx?subcategory=26&album=%2fInfographicLibra ry%2f13_8e1f5c1ad948478aa719fe932745afce Norman, W. and MacDonald, C. (2004) Getting to the bottom of ‘triple bottom line’. Business Ethics Quarterly 14, 243–262. Oukil, A., Channouf, N. and Al-Zaidi, A. (2016) Performance evaluation of the hotel industry in an emerging tourism destination: The case of Oman. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Management 29, 60–68. Phillips, P. and Moutinho, L. (2014) Critical review of strategic planning research in hospitality and tourism. Annals of Tourism Research 48, 96–120. Pizam, A. and Milman, A. (1984) The social impacts of tourism. Industry and Environment 7 (1), 11–14. Pourmohammadi, E. (2014) Oman has tourism challenges to tackle. Times of Oman. See http://www.timesofoman.com/news/37615/Article-Oman-has-tourism-challengesto-tackle Sahoo, S. (2016) Indian tourists now the largest source market for Dubai The National (January 27). See http://www.thenational.ae/business travel-tourism/indian-touristsnow-the-largest-source-market-for-dubai Sara, S. and Samihah, Z. (2013) Emirati unemployment at 14%. Gulfnews.com. See http:// gulfnews.com/news/gulf/uae/employment/emirati-unemployment-at-14-1.1139425 Schelling, V. (1998) Globalisation, ethnic identity and popular culture in Latin America. In R. Kiely and P. Marfleet (eds) Globalisation and the Third World. London: Routledge. Sebastiana, L. and Rajagopalana, P. (2009) Socio-cultural transformations through tourism: A comparison of residents’ perspectives at two destinations in Kerala, India. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 7 (1), 5–21. Semela, T. (2012) Intergroup relations among the Ethiopian youth: Effects of ethnicity, language, and religious background. Journal of Developing Societies 28 (3), 323–354. Sharpley, R. (2008) Planning for tourism: The case of Dubai. Tourism and Hospitality Planning & Development 5 (1), 13–30. Sharpley, R. and Telfer, D. (2002) Tourism and Development Concept and Issues. Clevedon: Channel View Publications. Shaw, G. and Williams, A. (2002) Critical Issues in Tourism. Oxford: Blackwell. Snoj, J. (2015) UAE population – by nationality. BQ Magazine, 12 April. Spirou, C. (2010) Urban Tourism and Urban Change: Cities in a Global Economy. London: Routledge. Stephenson, M. and Ali-Knight, J. (2010) Dubai’s tourism industry and its societal impact: Social implications and sustainable challenges. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 8 (4), 278–292. Taleb, H. and Taleb, D. (2014) Enhancing the thermal comfort on urban level in a desert area: Case study of Dubai United Arab Emirates. Urban Forestry & Urban Greening 13 (2), 253–260. Taylor, L. and Hochuli, D. (2015) Creating better cities: How biodiversity and ecosystem functioning enhance urban residents’ wellbeing. Urban Ecosystems 18, 747–762. United Nations (2016) International Migration Report: Highlights. New York. See http:// www.un.org/en/development/desa/populationmigration/publications/migrationreport/docs/MigrationReport2015_Highlights.pdf UNWTO (2015) Tourism Highlights. See http://www.e-unwto.org/doi/pdf/10.18111/ 9789284416899 Wall, G. and Mathieson, A. (2006) Tourism: Change, Impacts and Opportunities. London: Pearson. Webster, C. and Ivanov, S. (2014) Transforming competitiveness into economic benefits: Does tourism stimulate economic growth in more competitive destinations? Tourism Management 40, 137–140.

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7

The UAE: A Disneyland in the Desert Salma Thani and Tom Heenan

Introduction Since 2000, the Middle East has become one of the world’s fastest growing tourist destinations. However, the Middle East as a whole remains still one of the globe’s least developed tourism regions (Morakabati, 2013; Sharpley, 2015). Despite being the birthplace of the Abrahamic religions and its rich history, the Middle East accounts for only 4% of all international tourists (Henderson, 2015; WTTC, 2014). This stems from the region’s failure to attract the fun-in-the-sun, leisure-seeking tourist. As Sharpley (2002, 2009) argues, the Middle East is not associated with the international leisure travel market. Indeed, Sharpley suggests, leisure tourism has been considered both culturally and economically undesirable in the Middle East (Sharpley, 2009). With the exceptions of Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt, leisure tourists accounted for only 21.1% of the region’s arrivals in 2005 (UNWTO, 2007). Political unrest in Egypt since 2011, persisting Arab–Israeli tensions, interArab conflicts and the continuous threat of terrorism, not only have impeded the tourism market from maximising its potential, but have also tarnished perceptions of the Arab world, generally, among Westerners. Nevertheless, in the last few years there have been signs of a turnaround with a solid increase in tourism numbers. The major impetus has come from the Gulf States, particularly the UAE and to a lesser extent, Qatar. The UAE’s Dubai and Abu Dhabi and Qatar’s Doha have developed into global aviation and tourism hubs, reflected in the major tourist developments being undertaken in these cities. According to the United Nations World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO, 2014), UAE tourism grew by a robust 10% in 2013. A federation of seven city-states, the UAE sits on 10% of the world’s oil and 5% of its natural gas reserves. Currently, oil resources account for 30% of the nation’s gross domestic product (GDP). To lessen its dependency on these resources, the UAE has invested heavily in the tourism and aviation sectors, 104

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as well as sport and retail. Like many rentier states, the UAE receives substantial revenue from the global resource and energy markets (Beblawi, 1987; Mahdavy, 1970; Ross, 2001). Unlike most rentier states, however, the UAE has diversified this revenue into non-oil sectors with some significant successes. For example, the oil booms of the 1970s and 1980s fuelled investment in urban and infrastructure development, and the aviation and sports sectors (Hazbun, 2008). Dubai’s Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum was a major instigator of this investment strategy. In the mid-1980s he invested US$10 million to establish Emirates Airlines. Within 20 years, Emirates had grown into a leading international carrier and Dubai had become a global aviation and tourism hub. It was soon joined by Abu Dhabi which in 2003 established its own airline, Etihad. These investments have done much to counter Western wariness of the Arab world and bolster tourism in the Gulf, though they have come at a cost to the local traditional culture. To attract tourists to the region, Dubai and Abu Dhabi have undergone eye-catching transformations. The one-time pearling and trading backwaters are now global cities with some of the world’s most iconic urban developments and buildings. Integrating the concept of Disneyfication (Bryman, 1999, 2004; Ritzer, 2007; Zukin, 1995;) on tourism development in the UAE, this chapter suggests that Abu Dhabi and Dubai have been transformed into themed, Disneyfied cities in the desert, with attractions to cater for all tastes. Disneyfication encapsulates a society or a city that has increasingly taken on the character of Disney theme parks. This chapter proposes that the Disneyfication of Dubai and Abu Dhabi has played a key role in increasing tourist numbers and altering Western perceptions of the Gulf, and sport has been a major player in this. Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Doha have all invested heavily in global sporting properties, events and sponsorships. Such investments have transformed Dubai and Abu Dhabi in particular into themed spaces and sanitised cathedrals of consumption served by world’s leading airlines, Emirates and Etihad. This Disneyfication has branded the UAE and region globally, promoted its cities as tourism and retail destinations, and signalled to the world that the sheikhdoms were open for business and primed for investment opportunities.

The Disneyfication of the Desert Cities and nations compete in a global marketplace for trade, tourism and events. A major factor in carving a niche in this market is promoting national or city brands. Marketers tailor images or themes to distinguish one city or state’s identity from another. Los Angeles is known both as the city of quartz and for its Hollywood dream-factory, whereas Las Vegas is considered the world’s gambling-entertainment centre. Paris remains the city of love,

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fashion and culture, while Melbourne has become the self-proclaimed ‘sporting capital of the world’. Cities constantly construct and reconstruct their identities to maintain their position in the global market. As Smith (2005) contends, they invent themed landscapes or spaces to snare tourists, trade and investment. A major feature of this strategy is urban development. Cities showcase their features to the world. As Ferrell (2002) suggests, cities create their public image and promote their economic vitality through urban redevelopment projects. Some have structured spaces into themed areas or quarters which are used to attract population or industry clusters, or appeal to the broadest possible tourism market (Schimmel, 2006). Arguably, these themed spaces are artificial rather than organically grown and, consequently, mask or distort the so-called authentic character of a place (Baudrillard, 1994). This is particularly evident in Dubai and Abu Dhabi which showcase their artificiality with rare excess and abundance, blotting out the traditional Arab way of life. Dubai markets itself globally, not on its old world Arab culture, but as a modern city of superlatives, evident in its iconic Disneyfied cityscape. Sharon Zukin coined the term, Disneyfication, in 1995 to explain the growing influence of the Disney theme park concept on suburban development. The term was popularised by Bryman (1999, 2004) in his book, The Disneyization of Society, and applied for multiple uses across disciplines. Bryman (1999), Matusitz and Palermo (2014) and Wasko et al. (2001) have employed the concept to explore the universality of American mass culture, while Ferrell (2002) and Sorkin (1992) have drawn on it to explain the themepark characteristics in urban developments and the transformation of public spaces in the United States. George Ritzer (2007) has also used the concept to analyse the global propensities of nations and multinational corporations to extend their reaches and maximise their profit-making capacities worldwide. In doing so, these bodies delocalise indigenous cultures and introduce ‘a process of cultural and economic imperialism’ centred on mass consumption (Ritzer, 2007). As Ritzer notes, this process emanated from the Walt Disney Corporation. Established in 1923, it expanded from producing animation features into a global media network with a growing band of theme parks across the US, Europe and Asia. A major determinant in the success of these parks was their capacities to appeal to global consumer and tourism markets. These characteristics are found in contemporary Dubai and Abu Dhabi. Through the interconnection of the aviation, tourism, sport and retail sectors, these cities offer pre-packaged Disneyfied experiences characterised by excess and abundance. Structures such as Dubai’s Palm Jumeirah, Abu Dhabi’s Emirates Palace Hotel and Yas Island, and the many sport cities and spaces, reflect the Disney notion of the theme park. These are Disneyfied spaces, albeit in the Arab world, with many of the characteristics of the Disney Corporation’s Anaheim, Orlando, Paris and Hong Kong theme parks.

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But the consumer experience differs. Whereas Abu Dhabi and Dubai are themed places or cities marketed around high-end spectacle and consumer abundance, Disneyland and Disneyworld are theme parks with a performative dimension, intended for those wanting specifically Disneyesque experiences and entertainment. Drawing on the themes of excess and abundance, Abu Dhabi and Dubai are marketed as globally oriented cities, and aviation and consumer hubs (Clavé, 2007). Unlike the Disney theme park, which caters for the family, the themed city attracts business investment, tourists, foreign workers and special events.

Themed Cities A key factor in Dubai and Abu Dhabi’s success has been their Disneyfied capacities to become modern global rather than traditional Arabian cities, packaged for mass consumption. This is evident in examining how aspects of Disneyfication explain the contemporary cityscapes of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. Among the most notable characteristics of Disneyfication identified by Bryman (2004) are theming, consumption and merchandising or branding. Theming, he argues, is the most prominent aspect of Disneyfication. It involves the application of a ready-made narrative or identity to a place. The narrative or identity is usually external to the place. However, they shape the place’s character and image, and add symbolism to the objects consumed within the place. This theming process creates a unified identity that informs how the symbols are to be employed (Kolb, 2008). Dubai and Abu Dhabi’s infrastructure and tourism spaces house many symbolic images and structures built around excess and abundance. Elsheshtawy (2010) holds that cities use key buildings to symbolise power and progress, and Dubai and Abu Dhabi are no different. These one-time sleepy backwaters have moulded cityscapes to symbolise their wealth and power. This is most apparent in Dubai which is dubbed the city of superlatives. Indeed, the sheikhdom aspires to be the best city in the world. As Sheikh Mohammed (2008) told CBS’s 60 Minutes: ‘I want to be number one. Not in the region, but in the world’. He has set about achieving this through constructing a city dotted with displays of excess and luxury. There is the world’s only seven-star hotel – albeit it self-proclaimed – the Burj Al Arab. The city also houses the world’s tallest building, the Burj Khalifa; the first indoor downhill ski-run, Ski Dubai; and the biggest and busiest airport, Al Maktoum. Adding to this are the world’s largest artificial Island, Palm Jumeirah; sports’ richest horserace, the Dubai World Cup and the tallest hotel yet constructed, the JW Marriot Marquis Dubai. These structures symbolise both modernity and supremacy, albeit on occasions with an Arabic touch. The extravagant water-park at Jumeirah’s Atlantis the Palm Hotel is themed around the tale of Juha, a folk character in Arabic literature (Jumeirah, 2015;

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WAM, 2014). Indeed, throughout Dubai Arabic and Western themes blend to emphasise co-existence between the two cultures within a cityscape themed on superlatives and designed to meet the needs and expectations of the leisure tourism market. This marks a shift in the ways in which the market has perceived the region. Historically, the Middle East and UAE were not on the leisure traveller’s itinerary. But Abu Dhabi and Dubai have reinvented themselves as major global destinations. As Murel and O’Connell (2011) contend, the UAE has developed a diversified tourism market which includes sport, culture, retail and a variety of theme parks. This has recreated Dubai and Abu Dhabi as ‘must-see’ leisure tourism destinations. Traditionally, the Arabian Peninsula attracted only religious tourists, while the Gulf served as a refuelling base for European and Asian airlines. Unlike other Middle Eastern countries there were few heritage sites to attract Western tourists. This altered with the transformations of Dubai and Abu Dhabi into super-modern destinations (Stephenson, 2014). The Chief Executive Officer of Dubai Tourism, Issam Kazim, suggests that Dubai lacked the cultural wealth of Paris and the historic buildings of Rome. Therefore, the city carved its niche in the tourism market through constructing a mega-city with enough grand structures to support the superlative theme (Skift, 2015). Abu Dhabi, on the other hand, adopted a different strategy to attract the leisure tourist. It developed unique theme parks, such as Yas Island which houses the universally known Ferrari World; built the UAE’s most luxurious hotel, the Emirates Palace; and attracted the Louvre and Guggenheim museums to establish branch-galleries on Saadiyat Island. As Dubai reinvented itself as the city of superlatives, Abu Dhabi combined luxury accommodation with global sporting brands and leading cultural institutions. Supporting this investment in the leisure tourism market are Dubai’s Emirates and Abu Dhabi’s Etihad airlines. The importance of air transport as a generator of tourism has been widely acknowledged. Numerous studies illustrate the link between airline networks and tourism destinations (Graham et al., 2008; Lafferty & Fossen, 2001; Lew & MacKercher, 2002; Lohmann et al., 2009). In recreating their cities, both sheikhdoms were aware of this and invested heavily in the aviation sector, purchasing aircraft fleets, and constructing airport buildings and infrastructure. With two fleets capable of flying non-stop to any international destination, Dubai and Abu Dhabi have become global aviation and tourism hubs, connecting the east and west. Furthermore, both cities are within four hours flying-time of one-third of the world’s population (Nataraja & Al-Ali, 2011). Dubai, and to a lesser extent Abu Dhabi, have evolved into aerotropolis or airport cities. An aerotropolis is a city that has developed around airports (Kasarda, 2010). Their function is linked to urban development (Kasarda & Lindsay, 2011), thus making them themed spaces centred around the transport business. Bridger (2015) argues that the airport city enables growth in

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aviation dependent tourism and trade. In Dubai and Abu Dhabi’s case, airports and airlines have been the catalysts for tourism growth, and the cities’ pivotal locations have proved particularly important factors in this. So too have transport and tourism policies which have been aligned to promote airline connectivity and tourist numbers (UNWTO, 2014). As the 2014 UAE Travel and Tourism Report indicates, the number of inbound tourists to the Emirates rises with increases in flights. Inbound aircraft movements totalled 884,799 in the first quarter of 2015, compared to 683,389 in 2011. During the same period, UAE visitor numbers jumped from around 11.6 million to 16.4 million. As Christopher Hewett, a senior consultant with TRI Hospitality Consulting rightly suggests, the UAE’s tourism industry has strengthened on the back of Emirates and Etihad’s expanding networks (AlGethami, 2013). The strategy of the UAE and other Gulf States’ airlines centres on maintaining passenger flow via their hubs. Their respective hubs boast passenger terminals that offer luxury shopping malls, high-end restaurants and recreational venues, as well as places to conduct business. Kasarda (2010) maintains that the passenger terminal ‘themed space’ sits at the core of the aerotropolis function, as the terminal is designed to present a wide range of specialised goods and services. The iconic cityscapes outside Dubai and Abu Dhabi’s airport terminals, with their sport–entertainment–culture complexes, seek to transform brief traveller stopovers into extended tourist stays.

‘Cathedrals of Consumption’ As Ritzer (2007: 12) suggests Disney theme parks were little more than ‘cathedrals of consumption’. The same could be said of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. Their themed iconographic cityscapes are eye-catching, but consumption is the driving-force behind Disneyfication and these cities’ images (Bryman, 2004). Indeed, theming and consumption go together. As Ferrell (2002) and Zukin (1995) suggest, a central aspect of urban themed spaces are the outlets of major retailers and other consumer ‘cathedrals’. A basic principle of Disneyfication is to create a themed space or destination with the incentives required to make tourists stay longer. Matusitz and Palmero (2014: 98) contend that ‘the more needs are fulfilled, the longer people will stay’. A major determinant in this strategy is transforming the tourist into a consumer. This is the principle on which Abu Dhabi and Dubai operate. Amenities within these cities’ themed places are designed to prolong tourists’ stays and provide them with incentives to spend. This process commences when tourists enter Dubai and Abu Dhabi’s airports. As with all major airports and Disney theme parks, they are places of hybrid consumption which bring various forms of consumer activity together in one space. Dubai’s airport is the world’s busiest. In early 2014 it surpassed London’s Heathrow, servicing 18 million passengers between

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December 2013 and February 2014, compared to the latter’s 14.9 million (Davies, 2014). In 2014, Dubai handled 70.5 million passengers in total, while Abu Dhabi’s partially constructed airport serviced 20 million. This passenger through-put provides a substantial hybrid consumer market. Shopping facilities, restaurants, hotels and even fitness centres are housed within airport terminals to provide passengers with consumer options between flights. Situating these businesses within largely confined areas adds an extra dimension. Airports offer such businesses near captive consumer markets. As Sheikh Ahmed Bin Saeed Al Maktoum, the chairman of Emirates Airline and Dubai Duty Free explains, airports represent big business (Rahman, 2004). The Sheikh’s Dubai Duty Free is the world’s largest airport retailer, registering sales of US$1.9 billion in 2014 (Sophia, 2015). Hybrid consumption extends beyond the airport. Dubai and Abu Dhabi are cities that have reinvented themselves around themed spaces based on hybrid consumption. Though these spaces house businesses and other activities, they are interlocked within a vertically integrated structure. This is most apparent in the inter-dependent relationship between the aviation, tourism and retail sectors. Within this integrated structure, all parts of the supply chain are owned by the parent company (Carbaugh, 2012). In relation to the UAE’s airline and tourism sectors, Debbage and Alkaabi (2010) contend that vertical integration seeks market control from the point of a passenger’s disembarkation to their departure. Hence, Emirates and Etihad own, wholly or in part, tour operating companies and hotels. They sponsor major sporting and cultural events, and even tourists’ transit visas. To encourage tourists to disembark in the UAE, Emirates and Etihad are authorised to both sponsor and issue transit passengers with 96-hour visas. While Emirates charges US$50 for a visa, Etihad’s is complimentary (Emirates Airline, 2015; Etihad Airways, 2015). The only condition attached to the visa is that hotels and tours must be booked through the airlines’ subsidiary operators. Through this mechanism, the airlines are attempting to convert passenger layovers into tourist stayovers. Not only does the strategy seek to increase inbound UAE tourism numbers, but it directs business to the airlines’ subsidiary operators. According to Schensul (2015), many airlines are using these stopover strategies as tools to attract tourists and market their home-country destinations as tourist stayovers. Iceland Air, and both Singapore and Turkish airlines, employ similar strategies to encourage stayovers in their home ports. However, only Abu Dhabi’s Etihad provides tourists with free transit visas. Among the beneficiaries of this strategy are the UAE’s theme parks. Dubai and Abu Dhabi have invested heavily in Disneyfied theme parks, designed to prolong tourist stays and foster consumption. In October 2016, the UAE opened the region's largest complex of themed parks and resorts. A model of hybrid consumption, this US$60 billion complex will feature five themed parks and the world’s largest shopping centre (Croucher, 2012). The

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park will supplant Abu Dhabi’s Yas island complex as the UAE’s largest themed space. Yas melds sport, leisure and entertainment with cultural events and high-end hospitality. It is home of the iconic Ferrari World and the Abu Dhabi Grand Prix. The complex follows the Disneyfication template. Opened in 2009, Yas is a model of hybrid consumption, encompassing the leisure, hospitality, entertainment and retail sectors. Still to be completed, the overall development has cost over US$40 billion to date and attracted four million tourists in 2013 (Bhat, 2014). As the Island’s promotional literature suggests, Yas ‘offers a destination unlike any other’ (Yas Island, 2015). A major reason for this is the Island’s calendar of concerts and conferences, as well as art exhibitions and the annual food festival. But another reason is Yas Island’s proximity to Abu Dhabi airport which is served by Etihad Airways. As a consequence, Yas and its many attractions benefit from Etihad’s free 96-hour transit visas which are facilitated by the UAE Government. As is evident in Yas Island’s case, such schemes are designed to transform the airlines’ passengers into consumers for Emirates and Etihad’s subsidiary businesses and activities, which are predominantly under the ultimate control of Dubai and Abu Dhabi’s ruling families. As a corporate strategy, a vertically integrated structure offers competitive advantage in the region’s market. In these specific cases, however, it also constitutes a prime example of Disneyfication, because all sections of the supply chain are controlled by parent companies owned by the ruling families’ members. For example, Emirates Airlines is a subsidiary of the Emirates Group, which is wholly owned by the government of Dubai’s Investment Corporation. The chairman of the airline, Sheikh Ahmed, is a ruling family member. He is also president of the Dubai Civil Aviation Authority which owns and operates Dubai Airports, and chair of the Dubai Investment Authority and the highly profitable Dubai Duty Free. From the moment passengers step onto Emirates’ flights, to their departure from Dubai, much of their consumer spending filters into Sheikh Ahmed’s numerous business interests. The same scenario applies to Abu Dhabi. Ruling family member, Sheikh Hamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, chairs the board of Etihad Airways and is the managing director of the Abu Dhabi Investment Authority. Abu Dhabi Investment owns stakes ranging from 10% to 50% in Abu Dhabi’s major international hotels. Another ruling family member, Sheikh Sultan Bin Tahnoon Al Nahyan, chairs the Abu Dhabi Tourism and Cultural Authority, as well as the Tourism Development and Investment Company. As is evident, the ruling family controls Abu Dhabi’s aviation, tourism and financial investment sectors, which has raised eyebrows in the boardrooms of Western airlines competing for passenger numbers on the same routes. As Qantas chair, Margaret Jackson, said in 2005, ‘[l]ife must be wonderfully simple when the airline, government and airport interests are all controlled and run by the same people’ (Myer, 2005).

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Brand Dubai and Abu Dhabi As Bryman (2004) suggests, branding is an essential aspect of Disneyfication. Kolb (2008) contends that theming may add meaning to a place, but branding adds velocity. Theming creates a visual image of a place, while consumption helps shape its identity. Merchandising reinforces a place’s image and identity, while branding encapsulates the whole package and, therefore, is instrumental in shaping a place as a tourist destination. This has been the case in the UAE, where merchandising has been used to brand the nation, its cities and their iconic structures. Within the context of Disneyfication, Bryman (2004) relates merchandising to hybrid consumption. This is because consumption often involves the sale of goods and services that rely on merchandising to promote their images within the marketplace. For example, theme parks such as Disney World in Florida or Abu Dhabi’s Ferrari World, sporting events such as the Dubai World Cup, and museums such as the Louvre, offer varying forms of consumption. One way of leaving visitors or patrons with long lasting impressions of their experience is through the sale of place or event-related merchandising. This not only generates revenues for these themed places and events (Arif & Musharaf, 2014), but also is utilised to disseminate their brand and enhance their image. In other words, merchandising turns the image or brand into a tangible product and places it in a public space. In this way, merchandising can be used to brand cities and nations, as well as events and theme parks, internationally. As Groucutt et al. (2004) assert, virtually every organization is engaged in merchandising its brand or identity. Cities do this through drawing on logos, iconic structures and major events to merchandise their brands to the broadest possible market. Abu Dhabi and Dubai have adopted this strategy to disseminate or merchandise their brands globally. In doing so, these cities seek to attract tourists and businesses, thereby increasing intra-city consumption. The merchandising of these cities’ themed places and parks, with their distinctive eye-catching structures and designs, is meant to distinguish their brands from those of other cities in the global tourism and business markets. An example of this is the Dubai’s seven-star Burj Al Arab Hotel. Situated on a rocky outcrop out to sea, the hotel is a globally iconic sail-shaped building of unparalleled luxury and expense. Its helipad has been used to promote tennis and golf tournaments and even the Abu Dhabi Grand Prix. These promotions, however, are secondary to the ultimate promotion: merchandising Dubai as the place where excess and abundance abound, and every eventuality seems possible. The Burj Khalifa and Palm Jumeirah accentuate this theme, contributing to Dubai’s brand as the city of superlatives. Sport has also played a major part in this branding process. It has been used to brand Emirates and Etihad airlines internationally, and market Dubai

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and Abu Dhabi as global sporting centres and important staging posts in the sports tourism market. Events such as the US$10 million Dubai World Cup attract visitors and the attention of global media. So too does the Abu Dhabi Grand Prix and the Dubai Duty Free Tennis tournament, both of which attract the leaders in their respective sports. Perhaps the most eye-catching event is the Tour of Dubai. Staged for the first time in 2014, the four-day cycling event attracts many of the world’s major teams and provides the perfect vehicle for branding Dubai’s Disneyfied attractions globally. Of particular significance is the Tour’s second stage which finishes in the shadow of the Atlantis Hotel on Palm Jumeirah. As the peloton approached Atlantis during the 2015 tour, the Eurosport commentator remarked that the Palm and Atlantis constituted ‘the most spectacular manmade cycling scene we see throughout the season’ (Oxtan 88, 2015). Flashed across the bottom of screen was the brand-name, Nakheel, the government-owned property developer of Palm Jumeirah, and another of Sheikh Ahmed’s vertically integrated business interests. The event encapsulates Dubai’s melding of sport, aviation, tourism and iconic property development, and brands the city’s Disneyfied attractions to an international audience. Indeed, the camera shots of the Atlantis Hotel seemed better suited to the sanitised Disney animation, Atlantis: The Lost Empire, than to the original Plato myth. The centrality of sport in Dubai and Abu Dhabi’s branding and tourism strategies is apparent in the investment in stadia and specifically themed sport cities modelled on promoting hybrid consumption. By investing in sports infrastructure, the UAE is following in part a global pattern in urban development. In transitioning into the post-Fordist economy, many Western cities have revitalised disused city centres and industrial sites through the construction of sporting stadia and entertainment precincts (Crewe & Beaverstock, 1998). These projects stem from the flight of manufacturing industries from these cities to low-cost labour countries. Consequently, cities such as Melbourne, Manchester and Cleveland have sought to rebrand and revitalise their economies by attracting new service-oriented industries. The growing sport-culture economy has provided a vehicle for achieving new service industries. As Ferrell (2002) notes, cities have increasingly used urban redevelopment schemes to pump–prime their economies and refashion their public images around sport, culture and consumerism. This embrace of the sport-culture economy has not been confined to the West. As Amara (2012) contends, sport has played a crucial role in promoting the UAE in the West and hence both Dubai and Abu Dhabi have invested heavily in it. This is most evident in the construction of Dubai Sport City and Abu Dhabi’s Zayed Sport City, as well as the Yas Island motor sport and Medyan City’s equine complexes. These investments have attracted international brands and events to these places, as well as sports tourists, and showcased the UAE globally. In Dubai’s case, the investment is part of Sheikh Mohammed’s plan to ‘transform [the city] into a cultural, tourist and economic hub for the two

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billion people living in the region around us’ (Wainwright, 2014). This view is echoed in Abu Dhabi Vision 2030, which aims to transform the city into a sport-culture tourist destination (Low, 2012). Arguably, no two cities have sought to corner their shares of the sport-culture market with the wealth and audaciousness of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. The importance of sport in this strategy lies in its nexus with tourism and aviation through the sponsorship and staging of sporting events. Sport has also played a pivotal role in the sheikdoms’ push to situate the UAE as the tourism and business hub of the Arab World. The 9/11 terror attacks tarnished Western perceptions of the Arab world. Sport has been crucial in altering these perceptions, and the UAE and neighbouring Qatar have used their sovereign wealth funds to sponsor and buy global sporting brands, and secure major sporting events. Emirates and Etihad airlines together sponsor over 60 sporting teams and events. Both airlines recognise the truism that international sports sponsorship is an extremely effective tool in brand promotion (Madichie, 2009). Sport has not only altered perceptions of the UAE and Gulf, but it has been used to promote Dubai and Abu Dhabi as modern, business friendly and tourist-centred city-states. This has been achieved by utilising the sport-culture, aviation, retail and tourism sectors to promote these cities as Disneyesque spectacles of excess in the desert.

Conclusion The traditional images of the Arabian Peninsula centred on desert, camels and palm trees, as well as oil wells. Luxury hotels, iconic buildings, major sporting events, and an indoor ski slope were mere dreams. Oil wealth has turned these dreams into a reality. The diversification of oil revenues into property development, aviation, tourism, retail and sport has reshaped both the image of the UAE and the cityscapes of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. Oil money has carved new cities, with their eye-catching and cutting-edge structures, from the desert. With their Disneyfied themed spaces these cities have become aviation and tourism hubs, and ‘cathedrals of consumption’ that cater for all, not just Arab tastes. These developments have transformed the UAE into a tourism Mecca based on the themes of excess and abundance. However, conceptually, Disneyfication has been perceived as destroying the traditional authenticity and organic culture of the UAE. But in the UAE’s case, Disneyfication can be better exploited to both reinforce and sustain the authenticity of Arab-theme tourism in the region. This can be achieved by a greater integration of the authentic culture into the UAE tourist experience by encompassing all seven city-states within the federation. Beyond the Disneyfied cityscapes of Abu Dhabi and Dubai, the so-called authentic Arab culture can be designed and commodified for the tourism market in the more traditionally oriented emirates of Sharjah, Ajman, Ras al Khaimah, Fujairah

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and Umm al Quwain. Greater promotion of these city-states as sites which encapsulate the authentic UAE experience, heritage and culture can be used to ensure all emirates profit from the tourism boom, not just the Disneyfied cityscapes of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. The ultimate challenge for the UAE tourism market is to move beyond Disneyfication and market the ‘real’ UAE for Western tourists’ consumption. This would further enhance perceptions of Arab culture in the West and add an authentic touch to an already attractive tourist destination.

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Schensul, J. (2015, June 21) ‘Schensul: Flight stopovers can add to your trip’. North Jersey. See http://www.northjersey.com/travel/schensul-flight-stopovers-can-add-to-yourtrip-1.1360164 (accessed 29 July 2015). Sharpley, R. (2002) The challenges of economic diversification through tourism: The case of Abu Dhabi. International Journal of Tourism Research 4 (3), 221–235. Sharpley, R. (2009) Tourism Development and the Environment: Beyond Sustainability? London: Earthscan. Sharpley, R. (2015) Planning for tourism: The case of Dubai. Tourism and Hospitality Planning and Development 5 (1), 13–30. Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum (2008) ‘A visit to Dubai Inc.’ 60 Minutes. CBS. WCBC, New York: 30 July, 2008. Television. Skift (2015) Interview: Dubai tourism CEO on branding Dubai for the future. Skift. See http://skift.com/2015/02/05/interview-dubai-tourism-ceo-on-branding-dubai-for-thefuture (accessed 1 July 2015). Smith, A. (2005) Reimaging the city: The value of sport initiatives. Annals of Tourism Research 32 (1), 229–248. Sophia, M. (2015, January 05) ‘Dubai Duty Free Sales Touch $1.9 bn in 2014’. Gulf Business. See http://gulfbusiness.com/2015/01/dubai-duty-free-sales-touch-1– 9bn-2014/ (accessed 12 July 2015). Sorkin, M. (1992) Variations on a Theme Park: The New American City and the End of Public Space. New York: Macmillan. Stephenson, M.L. (2014) Tourism, development and ‘Destination Dubai’: Cultural dilemmas and future challenges. Current Issues in Tourism 17 (8), 723–738. United Arab Emirates Tourism Report – Q3 2014 (2014) London: Business Monitor International. UNWTO (2007) Tourism Highlights 2006. Madrid: World Tourism Organisation. See http://www.ontit.it/opencms/export/sites/default/ont/it/documenti/archivio/files/ ONT_2006-01-01_00961.pdf UNWTO (2014) Annual Report 2013. Madrid: World Tourism Organisation. http://dtxtq4w60xqpw.cloudfront.net/sites/all/files/pdf/unwto_annual_report_2013_0.pdf Wainwright, O. (2014, July 09) ‘The world’s first indoor city: a greatest hits mashup of London and New York’. The Guardian. See http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/architecture-design-blog/2014/jul/09/worlds-first-indoor-city-dubai-mall-ofthe-world (accessed 2 October 2015). WAM (2014, July 19) ‘Top 25 waterparks: Dubai has 2 in Top 10’. emirates247. See http:// www.emirates247.com/news/top-25-waterparks-dubai-has-2-in-top-10-2014-07-191.556983 (accessed 2 October 2015). Wasko, J., Phillips, M. and Meehan, E.R. (eds) (2001) Dazzled by Disney? The Global Disney Audiences Project. London: Leicester University Press. World Travel & Tourism Council (WTTC) (2014) World Travel & Tourism Economic Impact 2014. London (World Travel & Tourism Council Report). See http://www. wttc.org/media/files/reports/economic%20impact%20research/regional%20reports/ middle_east2014.pdf Yas Island (2015) ‘Welcome to Yas Island’. See http://www.yasisland.ae/en/visiting/ welcome-to-yas-island/ (accessed 30 June 2015). Zukin, S. (1995) The Cultures of Cities. Oxford: Blackwell.

8

Halal Tourism: Definitions and Developments Melanie Kay Smith and Clare Hindley

Introduction Religion can be an important factor in business tourism and destination choice (Battour et al., 2011; Weidenfeld & Ron, 2008) and can have a considerable influence on many people’s behaviour as consumers. For Muslim consumers, the guiding principles of religion are certainly of major importance (Stephenson, 2014; Wilson, 2014) and it has become apparent that it is in the interests of tourism and hospitality as well as other businesses to sub-segment the Muslim market on the basis of religious attributes and the lifestyles that go with them. Thus, there has been a recent proliferation of articles and case studies of destinations and hotels offering so-called ‘Halal tourism’ or ‘Halal hospitality’. Stephenson (2014) provides a comprehensive analysis of the diverse ways in which Islam intersects with the hospitality industry, and the International Journal of Culture; Tourism and Hospitality Research (2015) dedicated a special edition to ‘Cultural issues in tourism, hospitality and leisure in the Arab/Muslim world’. More recently, in 2016, Tourism Management Perspectives devoted a volume to Halal Tourism with several publications by leading and emerging researchers (e.g. Battour & Ismail, 2016; El-Gohary, 2016; Razzaq et al., 2016). In 2015, Abu Dhabi hosted the World Halal Travel Summit, a three-day programme investigating destination marketing, product development and quality standards in the halal travel sector. This is only one of several conferences dealing with halal tourism. However, it should also be remembered that Islamic tourism (including European travel) is not new but can be traced back to the early days of the Islamic civilisation (El-Gohary, 2016). ‘Halal tourism’ is also referred to as ‘Islamic tourism’ (Battour & Ismail, 2016). El-Gohary (2016) states that regardless of the term(s) used to describe halal tourism, the core meaning for all of them is related to compliance with the rules and guidance of the halal concept and Islamic Shari’ah. However, 118

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he suggests that describing a certain activity or product as ‘Islamic’ indicates that the activity or product is fully meeting all the rules, guidance and requirements of Islamic Shari’ah, whereas this might not be true of all halal tourism products or activities. The term ‘Halal tourism’ also takes non-Muslim consumers into consideration. The extent to which destinations may provide for Muslims can vary from simply including halal food in their menus and buffets to conforming to Islamic guidelines regarding behaviour, conduct and dress in addition to diet. However, Eid and El-Gohary (2015) suggest that an assessment of the value of tourism products by Islamic tourists entails a completely different process from a secular assessment. They conclude from their research that religiosity is extremely important in understanding Muslim customer satisfaction and behaviour. This means that businesses need to understand the different ways in which Muslim values, lifestyles and practices influence their consumers. Tokenistic approaches may not be sufficient if businesses and destinations want to be competitive in this market, although it is recognised that there is something of a ‘sliding scale’ regarding the degree of strictness desired by the guests depending on where they are from and how religiously adherent they are. Jafari and Scott (2014) also make the point that Islamic guidelines and practices should not be considered static, and that Islam responds to changes in culture and changing activities such as tourism. The global Muslim population is estimated to be around 1.6 billion and is expected to increase to 2.2 billion by 2030 (Healey, 2015), yet the tourist market is still relatively untapped (Timetric, 2014). The market is thought to be worth around $140 billion (£84 billion; 106 billion euros), according to Crescentrating (a halal hotel rating agency), which believes it will rise to $192 billion by 2020 (Girit, 2014). These figures exclude the Hajj and Umrah and represent 11.5% of global expenditure. According to the Thomson Reuters report on The State of the Global Islamic Economy (2014/2015) (quoted in Halligan, 2015) halal tourism is predicted to grow at a rate of 6% per annum, which is double the global tourism industry growth. It also seems that customers are willing to pay up to 30% more for halal offerings. The growth is being driven by several factors, such as the increasing Muslim population, an expanding Muslim middle class with disposable income and more destinations around the world realising the opportunities to service this niche market (Healey, 2015). However, Nassar et al. (2015) point out that there is little understanding of how destinations can best market themselves and cater for Muslim/Arab guests. This chapter examines the growth of Islamic or halal tourism in various regions of the world, both within and outside the Arab world, giving examples of the opportunities and also the challenges of adapting to this fastgrowing segment of visitors. Examples are also given of niche segments of halal tourism, such as spa and medical tourism. However, the chapter begins by examining the importance that religion and ‘religiosity’ play in Muslim

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travel and product choice, followed by a discussion of some of the difficulties of defining the meaning of ‘halal’ and related forms of Muslim tourism. Examples are also given of the most popular current destinations, products and activities.

The Role of Religion and ‘Religiosity’ in Muslim Travel Abodeeb et al. (2015) point out that relying on cultural stereotypes based on national ‘identities’ often does not correspond with the complexity of religion and other important cultural attributes. Muhamed and Mizerski (2013) suggest that simply labelling religious affiliation such as Christian or Muslim may be the simplest and most popular measure, but this form of ‘religiosity’ does not consider commitment to a religion. Eid and El-Gohary (2015) discuss how the term ‘religiosity’ better captures the idea of the lifestyles, values, attitudes and practices that are influenced by religion. This is particularly true of Islam as religion cannot easily be separated from everyday life practices. Dean (2014) suggests that catering to Muslim guests is not the same as dealing with ‘preferences’ but with ‘values’; that is, something which is not individual, but shared by all members of a social group and gives that group cohesion. He states that ‘Muslims are not simply individual consumers, each weighing the economic costs and benefits of compliance to religious norms, but members of communities that impose demands on them collectively, at the same time that they provide them with a source of identity’ (Dean, 2014: 29). Muslim travel may go beyond simply providing a form of recreation or relaxation. As stated by Zamani-Farahani and Henderson (2010: 80) the Qur’an endorses travel ‘with a view to achieving spiritual, physical and social goals’.

Definitions and Degrees of Halal In the Muslim travel space, the terminology used can vary considerably. Adil (2015) describes how, when searching for holidays, potential tourists may come across a plethora of terms such as ‘Shari’ah-compliant’ hotel, ‘Muslim-friendly’ hotel, ‘Halal holiday’ or ‘Islamic holiday’. Adil (2015) gives the example of how HalalBooking.com tends to prefer the term ‘Halal holidays’, Shaza hotels refer more loosely to ‘Arabian hospitality’ even though they serve the religious needs of Muslim guests in most senses (e.g. halal food, no alcohol, prayer rooms, segregated facilities, etc.). It may not be immediately evident to the guest what is being offered and to what extent, but this might matter considerably depending on the depth or intensity of experience required or desired. This is complicated by the fact that, as in

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many religions, the interpretation of religious strictures is not uniform (Zamani-Farahana & Henderson, 2010). Abdullah (2004 in Shakona et al., 2015) argued that the boundaries of the halal (what is allowed) and haram (what is forbidden) categories are determined as much by social and cultural factors as religious considerations. This partly relates to Schneider et al.’s work (2011) referring to Hofstede’s cultural dimensions of individualistic and collectivist countries. Members of individualistic countries are more likely to question ethical norms whereas collectivist societies tend to accept these norms. Hence one can presume that Muslims living in non-Muslim, more individualistic countries are influenced by their environment. Islamic rulings on halal are applicable for all goods and services in the marketplace. Some rules are also directly relevant to the travel industry. Nassar et al.’s (2015) mention, for example, separate hotel floors, rooms and dining areas for men and women, beds and toilets positioned away from Mecca, bidet showers in bathrooms, conservative television and music, halal food with no pork or alcohol, halal-friendly toiletries, prayer facilities and copies of the Qur’an, and Islamic dress codes. The question posed by Ali and Al-Aali (2015) is whether obtaining halal certification qualifies the industry to be an Islamic industry. Generally this is considered the case, but as the authors point out, Islamic law forbids business to be carried out purely for profit. Alserhan et al. (2014: 1) note that ‘Religious Arab women did not perceive a problem in being defined by international brands of non-Muslim origin’. They summarise Islam’s position on luxury consumption as allowing it, but excessiveness and indulgence should be avoided. This has important implications for the luxury hospitality and tourism sectors, including the spa and wellness sector. It is clear from the above, therefore, that the terms ‘Halal tourism’, ‘Islamic tourism’ etc. may hold different meanings depending on the part of the world that the guest is from and his or her degree of religious affiliation and dedication. Sometimes, it seems that the hotels which also cater to nonMuslim guests do not use specific terminology in order to retain and not to alienate other markets too. For this reason, the Al Jawhara hotels simply use the label ‘family friendly’ instead. It may be the case that Muslim travellers within the Arab world (for example, Shaza hotels are currently all in the Middle East) expect that their religious needs will be catered for. This is cited as one of the reasons that Arabs are turning to South-east Asia as a holiday destination (Abodeeb et al., 2015). Outside the Arab world (i.e. in countries where Muslims may be in a small minority), these needs may require to be articulated more specifically by the providers and Muslim guests’ expectations may be much lower. Gayatri et al. (2011) establish that religion is one of the elements that influence perception of service quality for Muslim consumers. They conclude that general principles of service quality apply also to the Muslim consumer, but certain factors such as trust, honesty, humaneness and modesty as well as haram and halal and attention to Islam activities

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are essential to the Islamic perception of service. It is therefore in the interests of businesses to uphold such values in their practices in order to retain and attract Muslim consumers. However, it has also been suggested that Muslims from the Arabian Gulf may misunderstand labels such as ‘Islamic’ and ‘Halal holidays’ to be predominantly religious rather than recreation-based holidays (Adil, 2015). It is important to make the point that many Muslim tourists would like to do the same activities as many other types of tourist, they would just like to do it with the comfort and security of an appropriate infrastructure without compromising their beliefs and values. The degree to which Muslim travellers feel they can travel comfortably will depend on their own degree of religiousness and probably by nature be connected to the society they live in. As stated elsewhere the cultural environment they reside in can be expected to have some influence on their behaviour. Muslims do not select destinations purely because they conform to Islamic guidelines and this accommodation of needs should come secondary in marketing communication after the merits of the destination itself (Halligan, 2015). On the other hand, as stated above, Muslim guests’ destination choice can be influenced by the provision of attributes appropriate to how religious they are.

Accommodating the Needs of Muslim Guests Halal tourism and hospitality may not require a huge investment, especially those hotels which are not aiming to be highly ‘crescentrated’ (a hotel grading system which indicates the degree of Halal/Muslim friendliness). As mentioned above, there are clearly degrees of ‘halalness’ in definitions and also in the context of hospitality and tourism. Many Western hotels may not manage much more than providing some halal food, taking the alcohol out of the mini-bar and maybe supplying a Qur’an in the room. Others go beyond this. For example, the JW Marriott Grosvenor House in London caters to Arabic and Asian weddings that are usually gender-segregated and conducts cultural awareness training for its front-line staff on social protocols related to the Muslim market (Halligan, 2015). On the other hand, some destinations are now boasting hotels that are fully halal, such the Al Jawhara Garden Hotel in Dubai which is ‘crescentrated’. To qualify for such a rating, a hotel would have to have a halal kitchen, no alcohol for sale on the premises, prayer rooms, times and mats, segregated spa and pool facilities, and no casinos, nightclubs or loud music (Kantaria, 2010). Not only hotels are offered to Muslim guests, but also package tours where women might be offered private beaches and families can enjoy mixed beaches with Islamic swimming dress code (Kantaria, 2010). Healey (2015) describes cruises that have no alcohol, pork products or gambling services. There have also been app developments covering a wide range of cities which

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have been designed especially for the Muslim market. These can include sightseeing, shopping, maps for mosques and halal restaurants, as well as a compass to help Muslims find the direction of prayer towards Mecca (NBC News, 2015). Halkias et al. (2014) suggest that Muslim travellers have tended to visit Muslim countries because of the conflicts and obstacles tourists face when visiting a non-Muslim country. All tourism destinations wishing to target Muslim travellers, therefore need to adapt their offer to meet the travellers’ needs. Muslim travellers are unlikely to visit a destination that does not offer these attributes (Nassar et al., 2015). However, as already discussed, this is not necessarily the primary reason to visit a destination. Studies on destination choice for Arab Muslims suggest that in particular since 9/11 and presumably even more so with the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris and elsewhere and the more recent attacks, amongst others, in Brussels and Turkey, Muslims are turning to South-east Asia, for example Singapore and Malaysia, for holiday destinations (Abodeeb et al., 2015). The negative perceptions of Muslims has led to the change of their traditional holiday destinations: ‘Countries like Malaysia, United Arab Emirates, Turkey and Indonesia, in which Muslim culture and religion could be gratified and Muslims were not blamed for terrorism, became the most preferred tourism destinations for Muslim travelers’ (Shafaei & Mohamed, 2015: 55). The feeling of not being welcome and even misunderstood has increased in nonMuslim countries, resulting in Muslims travelling to places where practicing their religion is a matter of course (Shafaei & Mohamed, 2015: 55). The concept of halal tourism has been introduced in many countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia including prohibiting alcohol, disco music and other haram activities. However, other ‘Islamic branded countries’, such as Malaysia and Turkey, relax Islamic guidelines much more (Shafaei & Mohamed, 2015). Bahrain with its liberal attitude is as an example of a destination popular with Saudi Arabians, accessible by causeway and much more relaxed in its implementation of such guidelines. Crescentrating presented the most halal-friendly destinations differentiating between OIC (The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation) and non-OIC countries (Crescentrating’s Halal Friendly Travel (CRaHFT) Ranking (2014). The top four OIC destinations were Malaysia, UAE, Turkey and Indonesia and the top four non-OIC Singapore, South Africa, Thailand and the UK. Similarly, according to Halligan (2015) and Trenwith (2015) the most popular destinations for Muslim travellers at present are Malaysia, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates followed by Saudi Arabia and Qatar. Indonesia has a large number of shari’ah-certified hotels, restaurants, travel agencies and spas and won three awards at the Halal Travel Awards in 2015 (Tempo.co, 2015). However, European hotels are keen to attract GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) travellers (among others), who account for 31% of the total Muslim travel expenditure, although they represent only 3% of the Muslim

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population, according to the State of the Global Islamic Economy (2014/2015) report (Halligan, 2015). Other countries such as Japan, have started to cater for Muslim tourists, especially those from Indonesia and Malaysia (Euromonitor Research, 2015). Indeed, cities from the Asia-Pacific region are considered to be the world’s top shopping destinations for Muslim tourists, especially Dubai, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore (Enterprise Innovation Editors, 2015). Halkias et al. (2014) describe how popular tourist destinations in Italy have recently started to attract thousands of Arab and Muslim visitors each year, mostly from the Arabian Peninsula.

Muslim medical tourism and Islamic spas Khan and Alam (2014) provide an overview of medical tourism in the Arab region, especially in the UAE. For example, the Dubai Healthcare City has seen a sharp growth in the number of medical tourists in the past three years. Jordan has also had a strong reputation in the region for medical tourism for many years. Most of the patients come from the Middle East (e.g. Yemen, Libya, Palestine). Malaysia is now focusing on becoming a medical tourism hub for Muslim patients. At medical tourism centres, female patients can be treated by female doctors and there are prayer facilities and copies of the Qur’an available (Halligan, 2015). Leong (2014) writes that Malaysia is positioning itself as a medical tourism destination that can appeal to less affluent tourists compared to Singapore and Thailand. Many hospitals in Thailand and Malaysia have prayer rooms and halal food for the Muslim patients. At least three countries – Kazakhstan, Libya and Oman – already have government-to-government agreements to send patients to Malaysia (Leong, 2014). The International Medical Travel Journal (2014) described how Iran is becoming one of the favourite health tourism destinations for Islamic and regional medical tourists. This is largely due to its geographical position, conditions in the neighbouring countries and advanced healthcare and medical facilities. Khan and Alam (2014) discuss the potential for Saudi Arabia to become a medical tourism destination. Hospitals are being internationally accredited and many doctors have been trained abroad, which may influence the decisions of foreign patients to go there. It should be noted that for cultural, religious and linguistic reasons many Muslim medical tourists stay within the region for treatment. Medhekar and Haq (2015) discuss the emergence and development of halalbranded hospitals and medical facilities as a product of medical tourism for Muslim patients. This means branding and certifying Halal Medical Tourism hospitals, healthcare facilities, pharmaceuticals, products, and services to attract Muslim patients. An example is given of the first Halal Certified Medical Hospital facility in Chennai, India. Stephenson et al. (2010) note that Islamic hotels could be especially attractive to those Western tourists who are motivated by wellbeing and a

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health-conscious lifestyle. This includes Halal spas which are increasingly popular and offer unique services. Yamam et al. (2012) describe how Islamic spas should follow certain principles of ISP (Islamic Spa Practice): • • • • •

designing the space so that it is closed and hidden from the view of non-Muslims; segregation of men and women; employees and therapists in a women’s spa should be women; women can beautify themselves but it should be moderate and not exceed Islamic limits; beauty products should be from halal sources.

They give examples of Islamic spas in Malaysia, throughout the Middle East and UAE (e.g. Dubai), and the Maldives.

Challenges of Halal Tourism As stated earlier, the fact cannot be ignored that Islamic tourism has partly taken on a political aspect as a result of terrorist attacks over the past few years. Perceptions and prejudices may influence how Muslims are received in host countries and destinations and they will also affect travel to Muslim destinations. For example, visa restrictions and security checks may mean that Muslim travellers choose to go to Islamic countries instead. Far more could be said about the politics in Europe at present, especially policies about refugees and terrorism and their impacts on Muslims and Muslim travellers. However, owing to the complexities and sensitivities of the issues in question, as well as the space limitations in this chapter, the authors merely acknowledge the great significance of these issues without exploring them in depth. Girit (2014) describes how in Turkey Halal tourism has been criticised by opposition parties as being part of the government’s plans to make the country more Islamic again. Instead of viewing segregated beaches as being liberating for conservative women, they are considered to be more like ‘little prisons’ which tear women away from shared social spaces. Stephenson (2014) makes the important point that the Muslim populations of the world are by no means homogenous, and it would be reductionist to think that their needs can be served in a standardised way. The same variables of age, gender, ethnicity and nationality will need to be applied. It is already obvious, of course, that Muslim women have different needs from men (e.g. segregated facilities, female therapists or doctors). Many countries are struggling to conform to the standards required to attract and satisfy Muslim tourists. Razzaq et al. (2016) cite the example of New Zealand, especially its accommodation sector. Pavlova (2011) writes of

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the Halal tourism potential in Bosnia which has huge numbers of visitors from Turkey already and an increasing number from Kuwait. Unfortunately, however, a very limited number of hotels and restaurants can be certified as halal at present, although it is estimated that many are 90% ready. The Agency for Halal Quality Certification signed a partnership agreement with Crescentrating in preparation for the hotels’ readiness. It is important that standardised, globally accepted certification systems are developed in order to avoid fake or fraudulent claims of halal (Wan-Hassan & Awang, 2009). An article in The Economist (2013) discussed how halal certification is regulated by state authorities only in some countries, but in others it is left to the companies themselves, to trade bodies or private certifiers. This means that standards may vary from country to country and consumers may not trust the designations. There have also been cases where there have been some cultural clashes between Muslim guests and non-Muslim hosts, for example, in the Czech spa town of Teplice. Arabs make up the highest percentage of foreign visitors to the city’s famous spas every year, especially from Kuwait. Some of them even bought flats or land near the town to build houses because they want to visit every summer. However, since 2004 there have been some tensions between Arab guests and local residents; for example, people complained about the large amount of litter produced by hundreds of Arab spa clients picnicking in the park and about noise at night. The locals also complained about the dangerous way that Arabs drive their hired cars and ignore the traffic rules and road signs (Czech New Agency, 2014; Pitt, 2014). Although we talk about Halal tourism having been introduced in many countries, it cannot be ignored that for majority Muslim states, it was always present. The example of the Al Jawhara hotel referring to its services simply as ‘family friendly’, as halal goes without saying, shows how the expectations of halal facilities differs internationally. This is not the topic of this chapter, but marketing to Halal tourism seekers can be presumed to be complex even from the point of deciding what to call the facilities offered. As we have seen above, too much use of apparently ‘religious’ terms can for some people indicate a too earnest depiction of the desired holiday experience, whereas too little use of the terms can lead people to have an unclear perception of what is offered or even to erroneously presume halal is not part of the concept. Naturally the hotel location will play a huge role in this.

Conclusions This chapter shows that Halal tourism is a rapidly expanding industry with potential in both Muslim and non-Muslim countries. However,

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businesses need to be clear about the terminology that they are using and the services that they can provide, and whether they are appropriate for the segments and sub-segments that they are targeting. The Muslim market, like any other, is not static and there may be a need to adapt to rapidly changing patterns of travel. Although the choice of destination may not always be directly connected to ‘halal’ provision, it is still likely to affect perceptions of service quality and guest satisfaction. Muslim travel may be simply about relaxation and recreation through shopping, spas, beaches, or cruises, but an environment that supports Muslim values gives increased comfort and peace of mind. For more religious guests, it may be a prerequisite to choosing a location, product or service. Tourism professionals need to be aware of the extent to which their market(s) are in need of such provision and which elements are the most important. This decision will also affect which products and services are developed. It might be assumed that hotels and tourism attractions in non-Muslim countries are less under pressure to provide for religious guests, but it clearly depends on the size and scope of the market and the degree to which such venues want to serve this burgeoning and potentially lucrative market. Making some small adjustments to services in order to create an environment that is more comfortable for Muslim guests need not alienate non-Muslims. However, in the future, clearer labels and terminology should ideally be used in order to indicate just how far needs are catered for and to what extent, and it would be helpful to standardise further certification of products so that they are internationally accepted and recognised. Of course, Muslim travellers may still feel more welcome and more comfortable in Muslim countries where facilities are fully compliant, but they at least have a choice to travel outside these countries and to benefit from the increased sensitivity to their needs. Successful business in the future is likely to depend on the extent to which companies can simultaneously provide for more generic markets at the same time as considering the special needs of smaller segments and sub-segments of Muslim travellers whose preferences may be determined not only by religion but nationality, gender and age too.

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Medhekar, A. and Haq, F. (2015) Halal branding for medical tourism: Case of Indian Hospitals. In H. El-Gohary and R. Eid (eds) Emerging Research on Islamic Marketing and Tourism in the Global Economy (pp. 160–189). Hershey: IGI. Muhamed, N. and Mizerski, D. (2013) The effects of following Islam in decisions about taboo products. Journal of Psychology & Marketing 30 (4), 357–371. NBC News (2015) ‘Halal’ tourism takes off as travel companies cater to Muslim faithful. See http://www.nbcnews.com/business/travel/Halal-tourism-takes-travelcompanies-cater-muslim-faithful-n447986 (accessed 11 November 2015). Nassar, M., Mostafa, M. and Reisinger, Y. (2015) Factors influencing travel to Islamic destinations: an empirical analysis of Kuwaiti nationals. International Journal of Culture Tourism and Hospitality Research 9 (1), 36–53. Pavlova, I. (2011) Bosnia sees high promise in Halal tourism. SEE Top 100, January, 120–121. Pitt, B. (2014) Czech Interior Ministry rules that spa town must respect Muslim dress codes. October 8. See http://www.islamophobiawatch.co.uk/czech-interiorministry-rules-that-spa-town-must-respect-muslim-dress-codes (accessed 23 February 2015). Razzaq, S., Hall, C.M. and Prayag, G. (2016) The capacity of New Zealand to accommodate the halal tourism market – Or not. Tourism Management Perspectives 18, 92–97. Schneider, H., Krieger, J. and Bayraktar, A. (2011) The impact of intrinsic religiosity on consumers’ ethical beliefs: does it depend on the type of religion? A comparison of Christian and Moslem consumers in Germany and Turkey. Journal of Business Ethics 102, 319–332. Shafaei, F. and Mohamed, B. (2015) Involvement and brand equity: a conceptual model for Muslim tourists. International Journal of Culture. Tourism and Hospitality Research 9 (1), 54–67. Shakona, M., Backman, K., Backman, S., Norman, W., Ye, L. and Duffy, L. (2015) Understanding the traveling behavior of Muslims. in the United States. International Journal of Culture Tourism and Hospitality Research 9 (1), 22–35. Stephenson, M., Russell, K. and Edgar, D. (2010) Islamic hospitality in the UAE indigenization of products and human capital. Journal of Islamic Marketing 1 (1), 9–24. Stephenson, M. (2014) Deciphering ‘Islamic hospitality’: Developments, challenges and opportunities. Tourism Management 40, 155–164. Tempo.co (2015) Indonesia Wins Three Awards in World Halal Travel Award, 2 October. See http://en.tempo.co/read/news/2015/10/21/055711606/Indonesia-Wins-Three-Awardsin-World-Halal-Travel-Award (accessed 13 November 2015). The Economist (2013) Muslim consumers are looking beyond the traditional religious stipulations on meat and finance. Time to have fun, May 25. See http://www.economist. com/news/international/21578380-muslim-consumers-are-looking-beyond-traditionalreligious-stipulations-meat-and (accessed 12 November 2015). Thomas, K. (2008) Islamic hospitality sector emerges. MEED: Middle East Economic Digest 52 (8), 55–57. Timetric (2014) Halal tourism: An untapped market? Monday 15 September. See https:// timetric.com/info/media-center/expert-insight/2014/09/15/Halal-tourism-untappedmarket (accessed 23 February 2015). Trenwith, C. (2015) Revealed: The top destinations for Muslim travellers. 5 March. See http://www.arabianbusiness.com/revealed–top-destinations-for-muslim-travellers584579.html (accessed 12 November 2016). Wan-Hassan, W. and Awang, K. (2009) Halal food in New Zealand restaurants: An exploratory study. International Journal of Economics and Management 3 (2), 385–401.

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Weidenfeld, A. and Ron, A. (2008) Religious needs in the tourism industry. Anatolia: An International Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Research 19, 357–361. Wilson, J. (2014) The Halal phenomenon: An extension or a new paradigm? Social Business 4, 255–271. Zamani-Farahani, H. and Henderson, J. (2010) Islamic tourism and managing tourism development in Islamic societies: The cases of Iran and Saudi Arabia. International Journal of Tourism Research 12, 79–89.

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Brand Expectation and Authentic Service Experiences in the Hotel Industry in Dubai Angela Anthonisz and Tim Heap

Introduction Dubai, as a tourist destination, continues to be one of the fastest growing cities in the world, with visitor numbers increasing from 374,000 in 1982 (Henderson, 2006) to just over 14.2 million in 2015 (arabianbusiness.com [01/10/16]). With an economy previously reliant on its oil resources, Dubai’s limitations in terms of a range of attractions, lack of infrastructure and the natural resources have been overcome via massive investment designed to propel tourism forward as a pillar of the economy (Henderson, 2006). Increasing tourist numbers have been accommodated by building off-shore and inland, as Dubai’s desert landscape gives way to hotels and man-made attractions designed to broaden the tourist experience. A process which has led to the continuous re-construction of the Dubai brand. The success of Dubai as a brand can be attributed to its strategic location, a reputation for safety and extensive marketing campaigns which have boosted the image of Dubai in terms of consumerism and luxury. The service offer that we see today is a reflection of the emphasis on sun, sea, sand and shopping, but is also an outcome of a number of macro and micro factors which are highlighted in Figure 9.1. Dubai as a tourism product has been impacted by globalisation and increasing consumer expectations and demand for luxury that in turn has prompted high levels of business growth and foreign direct investment. This expansion of a hotel industry which has become increasingly competitive and now sees international brands such as Marriott, Starwood and Jumeirah competing with new entrants such as 131

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Figure 9.1 Influences on the construction of the hotel service encounter in Dubai

Versace, Mandarin Oriental and Four Seasons. The five-star brand portfolio that once exemplified Dubai now sits alongside a more diversified provision that includes Ibis, Premier Inn and a number of boutique offerings such as Manzil and the XVA Art Hotel. The increasingly competitive nature of the hotel industry in Dubai and the growth in tourist numbers raises a number of questions about the nature of the service experience. Within this background, this chapter is set to explore the following questions: (1) Does the hotel industry in Dubai need to be concerned with the concept of an Emirati, culturally constructed existential authenticity in relation to the service encounter? (2) Are the customers of these hotels really interested in obtaining a Middle Eastern authentic experience? (3) How is the current service provision in Dubai reflecting the current and emerging markets for the constructed or emergent authentic brands? The answers to these questions are fundamental to the business case for hospitality in Dubai as the various possible answers to each of these questions leads to different investment decisions and direction for developing the tourism industry. Dubai’s objective and existential authenticities (Wang, 1999) must satisfy its customers’ needs in terms of both the product on sale and service provided. Brown (2013) explains existential authenticity as the authentication of the self through tourism experiences and activities. The

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primary focus of objective authenticity is that of the genuineness of the touring objects ranging from artefacts, architectures and structures to the customs, appearances and rituals of a destination (Steiner & Reisinger, 2006). The authenticity in Dubai is being constructed by the industry and government as the destination brand emerges, this ‘authenticity in construction’ is then confirmed by the consumer tourist, with no contribution from him/her to that process; so is outcome driven. Authenticity is manifestly and arguably a changeable term, as the social phenomena and conditions transform inauthentic objects, activities or experiences into ‘new’ authentic ones over time. This is sometimes expressed as a process called ‘emergent authenticity’ (Cohen, 1988). This process does not necessarily change the meaning of cultural products, but may create new meanings to those existing products. In the case of Dubai, the constructed authenticity is within the real estate, the hotels and the attractions, but the interpretations of the concepts have changed those theoretical underpinnings from an object-based to an activity-based approach (Wang & Mattila, 2013), (MacCannell, 2013). Existential authenticity in Dubai is activated by the tourism space as well as the tourists’ experience of activity within that space and place. In Dubai’s case the brand is based upon the space and place, which is ever changing as the 2020 strategy for growth adds to an emergent authenticity. The new Dubai Creek extension project, for example, provides a new basis for existential and emergent authenticity, especially for new visitors who were not aware of Dubai as it existed before the extension. Increasing consumer expectations of that Dubai brand are directly linked to perceptions of hospitableness at the destination and the service encounter provided by a diverse portfolio of hotel offerings. This is exemplified by the expectation of many UK visitors to Dubai of UK-centric hospitality; expectations, which are realised and are therefore authenticated existentially. This provides for a simple business case, and a marketing and operations strategy reflecting a product/brand that is easily constructed by the industry. In Dubai’s case this also reflects the government’s view on development where the decisions to build the destination over the past 30 years have not been based upon market research or predicted changes in visitor patterns or demographics. Instead the approach has been one of ‘Build it and they will buy’; the antithesis of traditional marketing strategies and, perhaps a return to the concept of the Fordism (product-based marketing). This chapter therefore explores the construction and positioning of the hotel brands in Dubai as an outcome of the emergent existential authenticity of the customer experience. The debate explores this in terms of authenticity or inauthenticity in what we term the ‘Dubai’s Theme Park’ approach to destination development. Continuously replacing older products (Chicago Beach Hotel, Wafi Mall, Dubai Zoo, Desert Safari) with new products (Jumeirah Beach Hotel, Dubai Mall, Lego Land, Ski Dubai) has added to the expectations of the customer. These replacements ignore the classic concepts

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of sustainability and reinforce a socially constructed, ‘authentic’ Dubai experience as MacCannell (2013: 13–14) explains ‘that different human practices create and make use of distinctive conceptualisations of space’. This is underpinned by Lefebvre’s (1991) spatial trilectics of physical, imagined and experiential space. In practical terms the decision to re-invent the ‘Theme Park’ on a continuous basis is therefore necessary to underpin the strategic direction of the destination in terms of physical space for the imagination and experiences to follow. For example, Dubai is building a new mega snow dome because the original ‘Ski Dubai’ concept is now an established part of the existential authenticity of the brand, but ‘old’ in Dubai’s terms. In this chapter, we assert that consumption of the Dubai brand, is largely based upon socially constructed tourism bubbles. The issues of globalisation and subsequent standardisation illustrated in Figure 9.1 have created a series of service products that mirror the concept of the tourist bubble developed by Mandelartz (2012). The theory of the tourist bubble builds on the term ‘environmental bubble’ used by Cohen (1972) and the arguments presented by Williams (2004: 175), which identify that in tourism ‘the modern tourist is not so much abandoning their accustomed environment for a new one as he is being transposed to foreign soil in an “environmental bubble” of his native culture’. Mandelartz (2012: 115) further points out that the mass tourist ‘views the people, places, and culture of [that] society through the protective walls of his familiar “environmental bubble”’ (Cohen, 1972: 166–167). The confirmation for those socially constructed bubbles in Dubai is manifest in the hotel offer for ‘all inclusive’ holidays that are marketed through large tour operators such as TUI Thompson, and by the groups of Chinese tourists who are completely immersed within their bubbles. The concept of ‘emergent authenticity’ (Cohen, 2007) perhaps being replaced by the ‘emerged authenticity’ experienced by the people within the bubbles. This is far removed from MacCannell’s (1973) assertions of the sophisticated post-tourists seeking the enjoyments of distinctive authentic destinations to one of familiar experiences away from home which are less sophisticated, contain fantasy, high-tech theme parks and similar contrived attractions (Cohen, 2007). This is confirmed by the ideas of Douglass and Raento (2004) that the future of tourism was presaged by post-modern Las Vegas. They expressed the opinion that the destination was ‘the embodiment of all that is opposed to authenticity’. Cohen (2007) stated that ‘contemporary tourism may appear to be moving into the “post-authentic” age, but authenticity is lurking beneath the surfaces of post-modern attractions, though in an inverted, and in the eyes of some, perverted guise’ (p. 81). In this context, the tourist (who may come from countries such as the UK, Russia, Germany, the Middle East and India), is engaging in the Dubai experience and seem to demand what they are used to, and not what is suggested as authentic within the destination (Anthonisz et al., 2015). If they are on a search for authenticity, then it is the search for the authenticity they

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Figure 9.2 The tourist bubble

know from their own country of origin. Jumeirah hotels, for example, in their human resources strategy, sourced front-line employees by recruiting staff from the tourist generating regions of their target markets. The value in this strategy is that the visitor can converse with someone from their own country, allowing them a link to the familiar within the experience of a fivestar hotel and resort. Another recent entrant into the five-star hotel market in Dubai has also chosen to import key staff positions from the host generating countries of the tourist, as well as from that brands’ host country in order to ensure that hotel’s brand values are maintained. These approaches propagate the ethnocentrism of the company, and at the same time facilitate the growth of the ‘Dubai tourist bubble’, which is the vehicle to position the constructed authenticity for the visitor to consume. Figure 9.2 highlights these elements in relation to the tourist bubble. For the hotel industry the manifestation of this ‘bubble’, as identified above, must be within the service encounter. The purpose of the encounter is to receive a product or service, thus many factors impact on the interaction between the customer and the employee. For hotel managers, having greater insight into the expectations of both sides of this equation can only lead to greater satisfaction levels and increased profitability. Authenticity may potentially become more or less important to the consumer in a context which is dependent on an economic exchange (Grandey et al., 2005). For hotels in Dubai creating authenticity means potential control over that economic exchange.

The Concept of Authenticity Globalisation and standardisation of the industry is generally thought by academics to have contributed to a loss of traditional sources of

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meaning and self-identity which, according to Arnould and Price (2000), has created a consumer who has become more active in finding authenticity within the experiences they choose to engage with. There is wider debate to be had about the idea that globalisation is both the new culture and the new authenticity as introduced above. The visitor is safe with this familiarisation and that the location provides perhaps an illusion of authenticity that is safe and consumable within their own sociocultural environment. The concept of authenticity as a central influence of the tourist bubble (Figure 9.1) was first introduced by MacCannell (1973), who distinguish between staged and original experience. The concept has been widely discussed in terms of tourist experiences, particularly in relation to aspects such as heritage sites (Bobot, 2012) and pilgrimage (Jirasek, 2014); products such as agri-tourism (Daugstad & Kirchengast, 2013) and tourism in developing countries (Mkono, 2013). Discussions of authenticity within these contexts contribute to the ongoing debate on what constitutes the authentic and inauthentic tourist experiences identified by MacCannell (1973) and criticisms of its currency in relation to what is sometimes termed the ‘posttourist’ (Uriely, 2005) and modernity in Western society (Nyiri, 2006). The discussion of the authenticity of the service encounter in the hotel industry seems rather more limited with the focus being more on aspects such as impression management (Grandey et al., 2005) and cultural differences (Bianchi, 2001). Although the concept of the creation of a tourist culture or ‘third space’ (Harrison & Lugosi, 2013) appears more prevalent in the literature, research in relation to the authenticity of the service encounter appears somewhat limited, particularly in the Middle East and in relation to Dubai specifically. Stephenson et al. (2010) and Stephenson (2014) have considered the lack of adoption of Islamic principles in the hospitality context, but in general Harrison and Lugosi (2013) identify that the emergence of a tourism culture within the hospitality context is both under examined and underconceptualised and Mason (2011) identifies that ‘hospitality patterns and regimes in the UAE have attracted surprisingly little academic attention’ (p. 356). Beverland and Farrelly (2010) observe the concept of service authenticity has been debated from a number of viewpoints. This debate, they say, can be largely attributed to the fact that the authentication of an experience is largely contingent on consumer goals. The suggestion of this chapter is that place or physical space, in this case the hotel, must be included in that construction and consumption which make up the consumer goals. For example, for the Muslim consumer the tangible aspects of hospitality are important: easy access to prayer facilities, prayer mats, Qiblah direction pointers and copies of the Quran in hotel rooms and ablution facilities in hotels and airports. This is at odds with Stephenson (2014) who suggests that Dubai has developed the tourism offer without reference to

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Islamic principles. In Dubai’s case, Muslim hospitality fits easily alongside the greater excesses of Dubai, which are consumed by the Muslim tourist alongside those of other faiths. Here, the consumer is the ‘co-creator’ of the service experience (Arnould & Price 2000) and that consumer selfauthenticates the encounter by linking it to stories of the self. Therefore, what the consumer sees as significant within the service encounter is what creates authenticity and uniqueness (Beverland & Farrelly, 2010). What is perceived as significant in the service encounter in a two- or fivestar hotel in Dubai is more likely to be an outcome of the fact that the hotel industry is largely made up of international brands offering standardised hotel experiences. The Dubai consumer has knowledge of the differences in experience defined by the star rating and will judge/rate this by their past experiences, but from an ethnocentric viewpoint. For many consumers, aspects such as a hotel design, beach front location and proximity to shopping malls, golf courses and skiing are likely to be more significant as compared to whether the service experience reflects the local Emirati culture. The pace of development in Dubai, and recent discussions on the impact of tourism presented in the academic literature appear to confirm a customer experience that is entirely based upon a constructed authenticity. The very nature of the speed of Dubai’s development and growth has meant there is no historically ‘authentic’ Dubai upon which the visitor can compare as they have only ‘known’ today’s Dubai which changes by the day. So, in Dubai’s case that authenticity is solely constructed by the destination, and confirmed by the visitor who may view the authenticity of the tourism product ethnocentrically and will base their expectations on previous consumption of similar destinations and on their expectations created by the Dubai brand. Criticisms of the concept of authenticity have been presented by authors such as Mkono (2013); in her research on European tourists in Africa,where she identifies that the concept has limited use when the experience is staged, and that we need to consider alternative criteria when trying to understand touristic experiences. These limitations can also be considered in relation to Ritzer’s (2004) ‘globalisation of nothingness’ in which he sees theme parks, manufactured souvenirs and ‘non-places’ along with standardised service personnel as aspects of the modern destination, but for some they are authentic and perhaps should be what we term the ‘globalisation of everything’. For Dubai, the drive to be ‘bigger’, ‘better’ and ‘brasher’ as Stephenson et al. (2010) put it, has contributed to the growth and creation of the Dubai brand as a novel representation of a ‘hyper-real destination’, able to develop new concepts which appeal to western tourists (Steiner, 2010). These views serve only to reinforce the authors’ view of the ‘theme-park’ strategy adopted by Dubai that constantly reinvents and reenforces the brand.

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The Development of the Dubai Brand The economy of Dubai is reliant on the service sector as the main pillar of economic sustainability (DTCM, 2015). Growth in visitor numbers has been facilitated by the governments’ commitment to developing tourism and a reputation for luxury created by international carriers such as Emirates Airlines and a focus on five-star hotels and resorts. The development of a range of attractions such as Ski Dubai, Wild Wadi, Yas Waterworld and Dubai Mall has created a largely manufactured, post-modern tourist experience and authenticity that revolves around sun, sea, sand, shopping and skiing. To date, this strategy has paid off, with hotel occupancy levels that sit well above the international average. In 2015 occupancy rates in Dubai averaged 78% (STR, 2016) in spite of global economic change that saw the loss of the Russian market at the end of 2014 and a downturn in spending from the Chinese market. As an outcome of winning the bid to host the World EXPO the hotel industry is expected to continue to grow exponentially to 2020 and experience changing patterns of human capital demand based upon polycentric employment strategies and the emergence of a mature Dubai brand. As part of the drive to sustain their growth strategy, ensuring the renewal of the brand and to be able to ensure continuous changes to ‘authenticity’ Dubai is expected to add another 40,000 hotels rooms to its existing stock over the next five years (STR, 2015). This is facilitated by low barriers to entry and strong support from the Dubai government to ensure tourism as a sustainable pillar of the economy which encourages new entrants into the market and by doing so reinforces the reputation of Dubai as a destination brand. The Roda Hotel group, for example plan to increase their footprint in Dubai by 4000 new rooms (luxury and budget) in the next two years – this from a company that only entered the Dubai hotel market 2 years ago. As part of the developments, they are including the construction of the longest swimming pool in the world, another indication of the themepark approach to constructed authenticity. The difference in 2016 is, however, that to achieve the growth the hotel offer has to reflect a more balanced portfolio of products. The inclusion of Days Inn and Premier Lodge alongside the lifestyle hotel means that the Dubai brand has to adapt accordingly to a market based upon expectations across demographics, while keeping the illusion of luxury.

The Host–Guest Transaction and the Consumption of the Dubai Brand The consumption of the brand is encapsulated within the hospitality experience or host guest transaction. Lashley (2008) considers that the

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delivery of the hospitality experience is provided within a social and cultural setting that is based on the expectations of both the host and the guest, with one of the key issues for the hotel industry relating to the authenticity of the hospitality provided. This hospitality experience is linked to the creation of the hospitality space, identified by Harrison and Lugosi (2013) with the host guest interaction facilitating specific experiences and performances of self. This is a confirmation of the tourist bubble and helps to validate the construction of the visitors’ views of authenticity and the requirement by the industry to engage and train the staff to facilitate the exchange. Nevertheless, in service consumption it is argued that four main elements of affective, monetary, non-monetary and quality aspects impact decision making for all types of tourist leading to perceived value and satisfaction and behavioural intentions. For the ‘Muslim tourist bubbles’ all these elements however need to be aligned to Shariah compliance (Duman, 2012). The availability of halal food as a basic requirement within travel destinations and hospitality facilities could then extend to assigning female staff to women and male staff for men. In a commentary on the authentic tourist, Yeoman et al. (2007) identified that the maturing of the experience economy is creating a growing desire among consumers for real experiences rather than ‘products’ that are manufactured. This commentary may confuse the authenticity with his perceived type of tourist and the products, in that the industry may actually create the product and present the authenticity and therefore the real experience that is expected by the tourist. Research conducted by The Future Foundation (2016) identified that going on holiday was perceived as the number-one luxury experience, with an authentic cultural experience being the most important aspect of this, but did not contextualise authenticity within a destination. It was also identified that this applied across all age, gender and socio-demographic groupings. This confirms recent applications of demography and segmentation by organisations that view segmentation by age, gender and socio-economic groupings as potentially losing customers. Osman et al. (2014) suggests that hospitableness of touristic space and the role of hospitality within destination experiences is determined by a number of inter-related factors, including the key purpose of the visit and fellow travellers; this is again a confirmation of the ‘Dubai bubble’. The fact that we can define an individual’s holiday choices based upon age and where they live also seems to ignore the evidence of the tourist that visits Dubai. Beverland and Farrelly (2010) for example consider that there are increasingly diverse views of authenticity when it comes to the consumer experience and that this demonstrates that the process of authenticating an experience is dependent on the consumer’s goals irrespective of age and where they live. The fact that the five-star hotels provide ‘budget’ offers in the summer months means that the product is consumed by a wide demographic. Price, availability to travel and lower expectations across the sectors

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means that increasing numbers can, and do, travel to destinations such as Dubai, a city that had long been seen as an expensive destination. The premise of this chapter is therefore that the construction of this ethno-authentic Dubai experience is fulfilling the commercial imperative for the hospitality industry in the area. The globalisation of Dubai should perhaps be replaced by the ‘glocalisation of Dubai’ as the brand becomes a complex mix of international cuisines and cultures. The descriptions provided by those marketing the destination cover all eventualities so the consumer can chose their own authentic experience and carry their own culture and prejudices with them to the destination. The range of cuisines covers any number of options, including Asia (India, Thailand, Bangladesh, Korea, Japan and Malaysia) to Western Europe (Greek, Italian, French) through to the US and beyond, sitting alongside the more localised, regional offerings of the Middle East. Where resort hotels and food courts are in evidence the range of food offerings presents any number of alternatives, catering to a number of tastes. For example, Talk Restaurant and Lounge offers buffet-style breakfast, lunch and dinner and a menu including freshly prepared cuisine from the sushi bar, pizza oven, Tandoori oven and rotisseries grill, a full à la carte menu, set in contemporary, poolside location; West Beach Bistro and Sports Lounge surrounded by palm trees and water features offers multi-screen sports and entertainment, American pool, bistro-style dining and lite bites; Falls Lobby Lounge (high-speed internet) with terrace; Layali Shisha Pool Lounge with private cabanas offers full Shisha menu, à la carte Tex-Mex menu and BBQ. It would appear that the success of the brand may now depend on how the service follows the same ‘mix and match’ approach to authenticity. Dubai’s authenticity is therefore derived from replicating the diversity offered in many of the visitors’ countries, especially in cosmopolitan cities such as Dubai where consumers come from their own ‘tourist bubbles’ which are socially constructed, safe and self-fulfilling. You can experience this every day in Dubai with groups of Chinese visitors arriving in large numbers at the Burj al Arab, or the dominance of British families during the half-term holidays, taking advantage of the half-board options and the opportunity for some winter sun. By considering the ethnocentric nature and quality of the host guest transaction that sits at the heart of the service encounter, operators in the tourism and hospitality industry in Dubai have the opportunity to develop long-term relationships with guests and build competitive advantage through those relationships. Andrades and Dimanche (2014) in their discussion on the co-creation of experience value, identify that once a company has sufficient information on the consumer that they can co-create and co-design an experience with them and that this experience will be the mediator between service quality and intention to revisit. This again confirms that the potential long-term sustainability of the hospitality product in Dubai is in the

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hands of the industry itself (being given the green light by government) and that the commercial imperative must drive the industry to continuously recreate the ‘authentic’ Dubai product to enable them to be able to predict consumers demand for certain levels of experience. These are the fundamental building blocks of relationship marketing which in essence are identifying the vehicle with which to respond to both the individual and collective expectations of the consumer. The example of a bigger and better snow dome is a classic example of this relationship with the customer and realisation of their expectations. The original thoughts of the industry in Dubai were that you cannot take a ‘cookie cutter’ approach to culture in the same way as you would with your hard assets. Hotels in Dubai have subsequently tended to focus on the hard assets in terms of location, amenities and physical structure in order to differentiate their product. This has had unseen positive consequences and potentially contributed to the creation of, what Stephenson (2014) describes as a commercially contrived form of Western hospitality that encourages self-centric tourism experiences; a constructed Dubai authenticity. Travellers to Dubai may find it difficult to define authentic Dubai or authentic Arab hospitality. So, the industry defines the authenticity for them in terms of the product on offer and markets the product in terms that dictates the visitor expectations. The implementation is then a given as for many this is the ‘authentic Dubai or Arab experience’, and only needs changing if the industry wants to re-define the authenticity. It is about power, with the expectations being met by the plasma screen and king-sized bed! This shows that the industry already has the answers – as David Brown, the GM of Frasier Suites commented, ‘the customer experience in Dubai, is after all, made up of largely Western brands with a product/brand created within a Western context’ (Brown, 2013). In the academic literature, it is argued that hotels are part of the ‘experience economy’ where experience is delivered by employees as part of a collaboration with each other and the customer is the co-producer of the experience. While the experience may be supported by aspects such as technology and quality systems, it should be acknowledged that in some instances employees can only be supported to a certain level which is a critical challenge for luxury hotels where the people are the most significant experiential component of the organisation (Brien et al., 2012). With the customer as the co-producer of the service encounter then the customer’s emotional judgments about their stay will influence their decision to return to the hotel and should therefore become the focus in determining how the hotel can differentiate itself from the competition (Lu et al., 2015). In Dubai’s case, this is again influenced by the customers’ expectations of the industries constructed authenticity; in other words, they get what they wanted, so continuing the myth that they have been involved in the construction process.

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Conclusion This chapter discusses the notions of the tourist bubble and the creation/ co-creation of authenticity as perceived by the tourist or visitor to Dubai in the construction and consumption of the brand. The success of a product that is based upon the ‘globalisation of everything’ to form the ‘glocalisation of everything’ is part of the uniqueness of the Dubai brand. This brand has been created by the industry and government, reinforced by the travel industry and consumed by the tourist. This acceptance of the brand could be identified as the co-creation input by the consumer but in Dubai’s case this comes after the construction of the product and brand and not as part of the initial construction of that product or brand. The brand has evolved as an experience that can be ‘enjoyed’ across a wide demographic, and by ignoring segmentation in the pursuit of 10 million additional visitors by 2020 it remains to be seen if the organically produced, synergistic brand can maintain its status into the future. The premise today is that we have many unique tourism destinations and it is down to the competition to continually recreate its own version of the Dubai five-star experience as the ‘authentic experience’. It is the suggestion of the authors that if they continue to recreate the experience in line with current consumer demands then this, by definition, creates its own authenticity. This then leads to the commercial sustainability of the hospitality product in Dubai and so the increase in supply of investment into the destination, so sustaining the continued growth expected by the government. The discussion in this chapter tends to conflict with classic notions of authenticity as they apply to destinations. Here authenticity moves from reflecting local traditions to creating new ‘local traditions’ as a commercial imperative for the success of the hospitality industry in the destination. This construction of authenticity may not work for other destinations, but we would be surprised if the ‘glocalisation of everything’ does not apply to many of them. The predictability of the postmodern tourist and the ‘bubbles’ they travel in appears never to have been more prevalent as in today’s market. It is our contention that Dubai’s success has been, and will be, on continuing to construct its own authentic destiny.

References Andrades, L. and Dimanche, F. (2014) Co-creation of experience value: A tourist behavior approach. In N. Prebensen, J. Chen and M. Uysal (eds) Creating Experience Value in Tourism. Oxfordshire: CAB International. Anthonisz, A., Heap, T. and Rawlinson, S. (2015) Repositioning the authenticity of the 5 star service experience in Dubai. CHME Conference Paper. See http://www.arabianbusiness.com/dubai-attracts-14-2m-tourists-during-2015-up-7-5–620134.html (accessed on 1 October 2016).

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Mandelartz, P. (2012) Tourist behavior during and after times of crisis. Insights into attitudes, perceptions and response mechanisms. PhD thesis, University of Derby. Mason, V. (2011) The Im/mobilities of Iraqi refugees in Jordan: Pan-Arabism, ‘hospitality’ and the figure of the ‘refugee’. Mobolities 6 (3), 353–373. Mkono, M. (2013) African and Western tourists: Object authenticity quest? Annals of Tourism Research 41, 195–214. Nyiri (2006) Scenic spots: Chinese tourism, the state and cultural authority. In Mkono, M. African and Western Tourists: Object Authenticity Quest? Annals of Tourism Research 41, 195–214. Osman, H.O., Johns, N. and Lugosi, P. (2014) Commercial hospitality and destination experiences: McDonald’s and tourists’ consumption of space. Tourism Management 42, 238–247. PWC (2014) Gateway for Growth, Middle East Hotel Cities Forecast 2014 and 2015. Available from: https://www.pwc.com/m1/en/publications/middle_east_hotels_ report.pdf Ritzer, G. (2004) The Globalisation of Nothing. In A. Viken and B. Granas (eds) Tourism Destination Development, Turns and Tactics. Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Limited. Steiner, C. (2010) From heritage to hyper-reality? Tourism destination development in the Middle East between Petra and the Palm. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Exchange 8 (4) 240–253. Steiner, C.J. and Reisinger, Y. (2006) Understanding existential authenticity. Annals of Tourism Research 33 (2), 299–318. Stephenson, M., Russell, K. and Edgar, D. (2010) Islamic hospitality in the UAE indigenisation of products and human capital. Journal of Islamic Marketing 1 (1), 9–24. Stephenson, M.L. (2014) Deciphering Islamic hospitality, developments, challenges and opportunities. Tourism Management 40, 155–164. STR Global (2014) Preliminary results. In Hospitality Business Middle East 31 November. Dubai CPI Media Group. STR Global (2016) Middle East/Africa Hotel Review 16 (1), January. The Future Foundation (2016) See http://www.hospitalitynet.org/news/4037066.html Uriely, N. (2005) The tourist experience, conceptual developments. Annals of Tourism Research 32 (1), 119–216. Wang, N. (1999) Rethinking authenticity in tourism experience. Annals of Tourism Research 26 (2), 349–370. Wang, C. and Mattila, S. (2013) The impact of Servicescape cues on consumer prepurchase authenticity assessments and patronage intentions to ethnic restaurants. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Research 20 (10), 1–27. Williams, S. (2004) Tourism: The Nature and Structure of Tourism. Taylor & Francis. Yeoman, I., Brass, D. and McMahon-Beattie, U. (2007) Current issue in tourism: The authentic tourist. Tourism Management 28 (4), 1128–1138.

10 Tunisian Tourism: At the Eye of an Arab Spring Storm Noureddine Selmi

Introduction Reports from a number of international organisations confirm that tourism plays a key role in the economic development of many countries (CNUCED, 2013; UNWTO, 2015; WTTC, 2015). The tourist industry is one of the most important economic sectors worldwide. In 2013, the total contribution of travel and tourism to employment, including jobs indirectly supported by the industry, was 8.9% of total employment (265,855,000 jobs). This is expected to rise by 2.5% in 2014 to 272,417,000 jobs and by 2.4% in 2024 to 346,901,000 jobs (10.2% of total) (WTTC, 2014). One job in tourism is said to generate 1.5 jobs elsewhere (UNWTO & ILO, 2014). Comprising accommodation, catering and transport, it is forecast to generate total revenue of $12.1 billion, employ 279,346 people, and make a direct and indirect contribution of 10.9% to gross domestic product (GDP) in 2016 (Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation, 2006). According to the 2014 Annual Report of the World Tourism Organisation (UNWTO, 2015), the global total of international tourist arrivals will grow on average by 3.3% a year between 2010 and 2030. The rate of increase in the Middle East and Africa will be among the highest, rising twice as fast at 4.4% per annum as that in the advanced economies of the world. Those regions will also see a doubling of the number of tourist arrivals during that period (2010–2030), from 61 to 149 million in the Middle East and from 50 to 134 million in Africa. The result of this proportionately faster growth rate will be to increase those regions’ shares of the world tourism market from 6% to 8% and 5% to 7%, respectively. Despite its global importance, the tourism sector is extremely sensitive and highly vulnerable to events. It can be severely shaken by, for example, terrorist attacks, natural disasters, political unrest, economic or social upheavals, epidemics and all manner of other crises (Coshall, 2003). 145

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The reams of newsprint and abundant literature devoted to the Tunisian Revolution have focused attention mainly on the political events at its heart, notably the successful transition to democracy which has so far evaded the other countries of the Arab Spring. With some exceptions, the state of that literature demands a deeper analysis of the economic aspects of the revolution and in particular of its impact on the tourism sector. Above all, account needs to be taken of the consequent events arising during 2015 and the concomitant acceleration in the pace of change at the national and international level. The terrorist attack at the Tunisian beach resort on 26 June 2015 was immediately followed by a declaration of an official state of emergency across the whole territory, a development hardly favourable to local and national tourism (Le Monde, 4 July 2015). The aim of this paper is to contribute to reflections on the rejuvenation of the Tunisian tourist industry in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. Its specific objectives are on the one hand to contribute to the academic literature and on the other to help government agencies and tourism professionals to improve their analysis of the impact of the revolution on the industry and make the recommendations needed to set it on the road to recovery from that crisis. It will also investigate ways in which the history of this peaceful revolution in particular and the Arab Spring in general can contribute to the creation of a new image of Tunisia as a tourist destination.

The Potential of Tunisian Tourism Tunisia, most highly prized of southern Mediterranean visitor destinations, is one of those countries in which tourism is a main plank of the economy (Chaponnière & Lautier, 2005). For several decades, that highly dynamic sector has been of absolutely crucial strategic importance (Weigert, 2012), driving the synergistic combination of several others, such as commerce, transport, craft industries, communications, agriculture, construction and so on. In this small North African Mediterranean country, one hour by air from most of Europe, there are eight international airports, seven national seaports and eight UNESCO World Heritage Sites (see Table 10.1). It furthermore benefits from an abundance of natural resources: not only a mild climate extending over ten months of the year but also 1300 km of coastline plus deserts, forests, mountains, lakes and offshore islands (Hathroubi et al., 2014). Despite its lack of petroleum, gas or mineral resources, Tunisia is a strategically important country (Mihailovich & Sommer, 2011). Whereas the economies of many Arab countries are reliant on oil and gas revenues – for example neighbouring Algeria and Libya or the Gulf States – Tunisia’s depends very strongly, directly and indirectly, on its income from tourism. At the dawn of independence, the national government moved swiftly to promote that vital sector, by beginning the process of establishing a hotel

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Table 10.1 Airports, ports and UNESCO World Heritage sites in Tunisia International airports

National seaports

UNESCO World Heritage Sites: 7 cultural + 1 natural

• • • • • • • •

• • • • • • •

• The Coliseum at El Jem(1979) • The archaeological site at Carthage (1979) • The medina in Tunis (1979) • The Punic city and necropolis at Kerkouane(1985) • The medina in Sousse (1988) • Kairouan(1988) • The ruins of the Ancient Roman city of Dougga/Thugga(1977) • The Ichkeul National Park (1980)

Tunis-Carthage Monastir-Habib Bourguiba Djerba-Mellita Tozeur Nefta Sfax-Thyna Tabarka Gafsa El Ksar Ennfidha

Tunis-Goulette Rades Bizerte Sousse Sfax Gabes Zarzis

and hospitality infrastructure. Construction of the county’s first modern hotel was completed in 1962. The Tunisian Ministry of Tourism reports that the total number rose to 212 by 1970 and 508 by 1990, and had reached 847 premises containing 240,000 rooms in 2013 (ONTT: National Office of Tunisian Tourism, 2014). The fact that the great majority of those hotels, about 95%, are at beach resorts clearly reflects from the start a response to a mainly European mass-tourism phenomenon centred on group holiday travel to lower-priced destinations offering sea and sun. Tunisian resort hotels, clustered along the Mediterranean coast, are characterized by ever larger capacity but also by ever lower occupancy rates and annual average prices. That phenomenon is due essentially to a very rapid growth of capacity in the hotel industry, which was not accompanied by a steady and sustained level of demand. Despite the significant gap between availability and demand appearing since the 1980s and the crisis characterizing the 1990s, no strategy was put in place by the relevant authorities. The increase in accommodation capacity brought about an imbalance among the parties involved. The significant power enjoyed by the Tunisian Hospitality Federation (Fédération Tunisienne de l’Hôtellerie, FTH) allowed it to influence industry-wide decisions in its own favour. The situation was further aggravated by the poor governance characteristic of the sector. The World Travel & Tourism Council has recently reported that tourism revenues account for 7.4% of the Tunisian GDP (WTTC, 2015). The same source reports that the tourism industry supports 230,500 direct employees, representing 6.8% of national total, and 473,000 jobs altogether if direct and indirect employment figures are combined, which is 13.9%. It is furthermore an important element of total exports, at 14.1%, and accounts for 8.3% of all investment. These statistics are an indication of the scale of the industry’s

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contribution to reduction of the national budget deficit and of the importance of the exchange currency that it generates. In the eyes of European tourists, the considerable assets of Tunisia as a destination include not only the richness of its natural, cultural and historical environments but also the welcoming host population, the prices, the geographic proximity and the range of attractions. Nevertheless, very few of the nation’s natural assets are properly valorised. High levels of investment in the beach-resort hospitality industry have been prioritized just as it is becoming evident that it is vital to take an active interest in other assets, such as the country’s archaeological, cultural and historic heritage (Evraham, 2015: 229). The construction of new hotel units has not ceased while the development of tourism in Tunisia follows the same model of over-focusing on the supply side without paying real attention to changes in the pattern of demand, notably in Europe, which is still dealt with in the same way as before. It has been shown by Ouerfelli (2008) that the behaviour of European tourists has evolved considerably, in common with that of all others, and that it varies from one country to another. Tourism is an extremely sensitive and vulnerable business susceptible to being significantly affected by such important events as terrorism, threats to security and natural disasters (Coshall, 2003). The Tunisia of today presents a real case example which deserves to be studied. In an excellent article published in Annals of Tourism Research in 1995, Robert Poirier concluded by correctly predicting what would have happened to Tunisian tourism in 20 years’ time. In an influential article published in Annals of Tourism Research, the same author made a prescient prediction of what would have happened to Tunisian tourism 20 years on, writing: ‘Therefore Tunisia will probably continue on the current path into the foreseeable future. Larger global issues, such as the recent Gulf war, or regional problems, such as in Algeria and Egypt, indicate Tunisia’s vulnerability in placing so many of its development goals in the area of tourism. Political instability, both regional and Tunisia specific, could seriously impact future economic growth’ (Poirier, 1995: 169). The analytical basis of this prediction can be summed up by three main factors: (a) the very important contribution of tourism to the Tunisian economy in terms of the balance of payments and reduction of the deficit; (b) the disproportionate financial commitment to the hotelsector’s infrastructure plus the standardized supply-side response to unstable European demand; and (c) the vulnerability of tourism in general and Tunisian tourism in particular, notably with respect to standardization of the offer, social and environmental impacts, and the conflicts likely to arise in the region.

Crises in Tunisian Tourism The last years of the rule of Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, deposed second president of the Republic of Tunisia, were marked by the abuse of power,

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administrative corruption and very high levels of unemployment, notably exceeding 20% among the most highly qualified in the population. The privileges, benefits and excesses of all kinds among those close to the regime (the families of Ben Ali and his wife plus the leaders of the ruling political party) were common knowledge (Aljazeera.com, 2014; Rijkers et al., 2014). This mafia-like oligarchy was controlling every sector of business in which a quick and easy profit could be made, notably export-import, banking, the media and the hospitality industry. According Rijkers et al. (2014) ‘by the end of 2010 this group of privileged insiders was capturing over 21% of all private sector profits in the country’. The grip exerted by the Ben Ali entourage on so many niches in the tourism business, such as pilgrimages, cruises and luxury hotels, aggravated the situation and piled further stress on a sector already suffering a bottom-ofthe-range image, low standards of service quality, and weakness in optimizing the value and impact of its natural and cultural assets. The taste for beach-based activities created mass tourism based on the promise of the ‘3Ss’ (sea, sun and sand), an over-emphasis on which had a negative impact on the delivery and development of other forms of tourism: business, cultural, environmental, health, sport, adventure and so on. According Carboni et al. (2014: 3) ‘90% of nights spent in hotels are related to beach tourism (major motivation for Europeans)’. The consequence of this disproportionate focus on beach-resort tourism was a hospitality capacity greater than the demand, especially outside the peak period in July and August, to the extent that occupancy rates over more than a decade had varied around a mean of 50% (ONTT, 2014). The average duration of a stay was short compared with competing destinations, at 6½ nights; and revenue per visitor was low. The dominant influence of the tour operators who control the great majority of customer demand in Europe needs to be added to this scenario (Ouerfelli, 2008), a list that is headed by TUI, Thomson Holidays, Neckermann and Thomas Cook. These companies force hotel operators into repeated price discounting and the offer of all-inclusive holiday packages, even in four-star establishments. Hoteliers are consequently unable to face up to the declining condition of their properties and dealing with the debts due to their creditors. This is all the more so because low prices increasingly attract low-value holidaymakers who care more about sea and sun than about the country’s cultural riches. The hotel owners are thus obliged to cut employment costs by relying on a seasonal, poorly qualified and insecure workforce. This factor could in fact be the basis of the deterioration in the standard of tourist provision in Tunisia and the weak competitive position of its tourism industry (Hathroubi et al., 2014). Since the turn of the century, the industry has experienced upheavals forming part of a general context of increasing competition, in the Mediterranean region in particular, and the series of terrorist events

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afflicting the Arab world: the Second Intifada beginning in September 2000; the suicide bombing of a synagogue in Djerba in Tunisia in 2002; the Iraq War of 2003; the suicide bombings in Casablanca in Morocco in 2003; the attacks on the tourist resort of Sharm el Sheikh in Egypt in 2005; the IsraeliLebanese conflict of 2006; and the continuing war against Al-Qaeda. These, and many others (Weigert, 2012), fed a general sense of instability and insecurity across the region. The launch of the Arab Spring was, however, another event of worldwide impact which completely changed the game for Tunisia as a destination. Less than a month of protest demonstrations in December 2010 and January 2011 precipitated the fall of the corrupt regime and the flight into exile of Ben Ali, his wife and their close families. A first for the Arab world, that overthrow of a ruling elite triggered the Arab Spring in Egypt, The Yemen, Syria and Libya. The winds of change eventually blew with equal force in Morocco, Algeria, Mauretania, Sudan and Jordan. The attention of tourists around the world was engaged by the unstable political climates in certain countries, the upsurge of epidemics and the spread of such disruptive phenomena as terrorism and racism, which collectively became criteria of considerable importance in their choice of travel destinations (Floyd et al., 2004; Law, 2006; Lepp & Gibson, 2008; Kozak et al., 2007; Pizam et al., 1997; Sönmez & Graefe, 1998). Though peaceful, it led to social, economic and political troubles which in turn profoundly affected all sectors of the economy, most notably tourism. The revolution of 2011 in Tunisia was a landmark event. Though peaceful, it led to social, economic and political troubles which in turn profoundly affected all sectors of the economy, most notably tourism. The first season after it was especially hard for the business in the country, witnessing the loss of 2 million visitors and 3000 employees, and a 33% reduction in revenue. Since then, Tunisia has been considered to be a destination ‘in crisis’ having to face a formidable challenge: to rescue its tourist industry, the driving force behind the growing of the economy. As well as the many structural problems afflicting Tunisian tourism, the Arab Spring and its attendant problems – conflicts across the region, the vested interests of the world powers, the so-called ‘war on terror’ – dramatically aggravated an already challenging state of affairs. In mid-June 2015, a few days before the terrorist attack on the Marhaba Imperial Hotel, the situation was already alarming. All indicators continued the downward trend since the revolution. International arrival numbers had fallen by 18% compared to the same period in 2014 and by more than 20% compared with the numbers in the first post-revolution year, 2010. Overnight stays had also reduced, by more than 20% and 36% against the figures for those two previous years respectively. Tourism revenue was likewise in serious decline: the total of 1.1 billion dinars in June 2014 (Current exchange rates give 520 million EUR and 580 million USD) was 16.8% below the corresponding figure for 2014 and 10.8% lower than that for 2010. Table 10.2 records a continuing collapse in levels of roomoccupancy and average working capacity (ONTT, June 2015).

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Table 10.2 Summary statistics for Tunisian tourism in the first semesters of 2015, 2014, 2013 and 2010 Parameters

Total tourism revenue

2010

2013

2014

2015

% Change % Change % Change 2015/2014 2015/2013 2015/2010

Million 1261.5 dinars

1189.6

1352.8

1125.0

−16.8

−5.4

−10.8

Million 670 euros

569

613

520

−15.2

−8.6

−22.4

Million 892 US dollars

747

841

580

−31

−22.4

−35

Total overnight stays

12,160,707 9,692,121 9,816,541 7,812,903 −20.4

−19.4

−35.8

International arrivals

2,952,056 2,756,786 2,852,810 2,329,200 −18.4

−15.5

−21.1

Average working capacity

184,916

172,838

168,198

161,560

−3.9

−6.5

−12.6

Relative occupation level

38.5

32.8

34.1

28.3

−5.8

−4.5

−10.2

Source: ONTT, June 2015

Crises of various kinds have of course happened throughout history – epidemics, plane crashes, tsunamis and so on – but Morin (1976) asserts that the concept itself became widespread at every level in human consciousness only during the 20th century, to the extent that there is now no domain that is not haunted by the very notion of crisis. Arguing that the phenomenon can be perceived as imaginary and unreal, he suggests that there is often a gap between a real crisis and the perception that derives from media reports, word-of-mouth and other inputs. At times, society’s perception that a crisis exists aggravates the actual situation. In the past, crises did not assume as great a magnitude or reach as they do today. For Dupuy (2002), they are like personal health setbacks, which worry us more than they perhaps should. Indeed, media coverage adds to the atmosphere and the way in which information is presented itself both generates the sense of crisis and transforms what might otherwise have been an instant and ephemeral phenomenon into one that is long-term and durable. This is especially true in the context of tourism, a sector that is very susceptible to crises because non-resident visitors are particularly sensitive to security and personal safety (Al-Hamarreh & Steiner, 2004; Sönmez et al., 1999). Freund (1976) makes the intuitively logical assertion that crisis is a collective condition characterised by contradictions, disruptions, tensions and

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disputes which leave individuals and groups uncertain about the form of conduct to which they should adhere. For other researchers (Bland, 1998; Westphalen, 1998), the elements of surprise and panic are other characteristics of the phenomenon. It is noteworthy that the most of what is written about the notion of crisis takes a negative stance, associating it with accident, risk and nuisance. A positive perspective is only rarely adopted in the literature, proposing that a crisis can in fact be an opportunity for an organization to review its management, its working methods, its people and all the other elements integral to its operations (Ogrizek & Guillery, 1997). In effect, the interruption brought about by the crisis could focus urgent attention on dysfunctional practices implanted in operations for so long that those involved no longer take them into account. As treated in the literature, ‘crisis’ typically carries negative meanings and connotations. It is said to destabilize countries, economies, sectors, operations and enterprises. The abrupt and unforeseen nature of a crisis provokes uncertainty and panic reactions, which can in turn cause problems in the implementation of the requisite actions for dealing with it. Ritchie et al. (2014) note that this scenario is particularly valid in the context of tourism, with its inherent vulnerability. Blackman and Ritchie (2007) have drawn attention to the importance of organisational training in the development of effective crisis management strategies, while the major significance of proactive planning for crises is demonstrated by Ritchie et al. (2011), a need previously emphasized by Ritchie (2008). Despite the abundance of the literature relating to the management of crises in tourism, however, no published material has been found that deals with the positive aspects of such crises in this sector. According to Keown-McMullan (1997), contradicting the prevailing opinion, a crisis is not always a bad experience for an enterprise but can actually be treated as a beneficial phase in its development. Moreover, more than a quarter of a century ago, Fink (1986: 15) had invoked the possibly positive impact of a crisis on an organisation. In the terms of such a view, crisis is perceived as the chance to put new procedures in place, as a trigger for change, or even as an occasion to initiate a review of strategy. According to Libaert (2005), a crisis is no more than the logical product of dysfunctional situations, often longstanding and difficult to resolve. From a positive point of view, it therefore presents a real opportunity to set change in motion and initiate a good outcome on the basis of a well-considered strategy (Bryson, 1981; Shrivastava et al., 1988; Shrivastava, 1993). It could well be argued that this optimistic view applies to the case of Tunisia. The aftermath of the Arab Spring and the terrorist attack at Sousse in particular, which drastically disrupted the Tunisian economy and its tourist industry could prove to be a historic chance to dispense with former practices and re-launch tourism on a new and solid base.

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It is certainly true that security and personal safety are more important considerations than price in a tourist’s choice of a holiday destination. Tranquillity and a peaceful social environment are the preferred criteria (Reisinger & Mavondo, 2005) and the choice destination may be reviewed if those are not met (Sönmez, 1998). This is what explains the reactions of tourists who redirected themselves from the Middle East to the Caribbean during the Gulf War in 1991 (Ritchie, 2004), and those who have abandoned Tunisia despite the price cuts in favour of other destinations that are also low cost but perceived to be safe. Any threat to visitor safety provokes a reduction in tourist activity, even a total absence, not only in the destination directly affected but very often also in neighbouring regions and countries (Cavlek, 2002).

Recommendations for a Rapid Exit from the Crisis As is the case generally, the national and international context influences Tunisia’s success as a tourist destination, most notably where security is concerned. Nevertheless, despite the chaotic situation that existed in that respect at the time of writing, in July 2015, this chapter does not judge that the upheavals and violence associated with this transitional phase will endure indefinitely. Renewed stability will offer Tunisian tourism the opportunity for a re-launch, which, furthermore, may very well take place through the medium of networks shared in common with neighbouring countries that succeed in reconstructing their existing regimes, particularly Libya and Egypt if democracy does indeed soon rediscover itself there. Numerous research studies (Coshall, 2003; Eisendrath et al., 2008) have shown that, following a crisis, a swift resumption of tourist activity is indeed possible, especially if a strong communication campaign is mounted. The remedy for tourism in Tunisia is not as obvious, however, on account of its troubles pre-revolution and the political, social and economic turbulence post-revolution. Carlsen and Hughes (2008) confirm that communication is an imperative in the rebuilding of the image of a destination in crisis. According to Gartner and Shen (1992), the required communication campaign must have two characteristics: first, to be effective it must be channelled through high-credibility media; second, the schedule must be fast-paced, whereas the necessity to use mass media to change the attitudes of tourists would normally imply a long timescale. This chapter would stress the major importance of every step in the advertising and publicity campaign, from the choice of the core target audience through the creation of the message to media planning. Poorly planned communication could easily worsen the situation and set back the recovery (Carlsen & Hughes, 2008). The campaign to support Tunisian tourism in 2011, which ran several months after the revolution, is an example from which

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management lessons need to be drawn. Humorous in mood, it was totally inappropriate to the context and attracted widespread criticism. The outcome was its termination after an expenditure of three million Euros. In the associated publicity campaign, such slogans as ‘They say the treatment of some Tunisians is heavy-handed’ or ‘They say Tunisia is nothing but ruins’ were used to challenge misconceptions. Posters headlining such assertions accompanied by pictures of sunbathing tourists were to be seen widely in European cities, especially in France and the UK. At the start of the campaign, they appeared in Underground and Metro stations and on buses, and the same text and images were run as magazine advertisements. After two weeks, their place was taken by new treatments in which tourism professionals were shown at their workplaces accompanied by messages addressed directly at tourists. It transpired that the campaign had provoked very negative reactions among the target audience, who exhibited strong sympathy with the peaceful movement to reclaim liberty and were not willing to accept the use of humour in the wake of a revolution that had been marked by violently exerted power and more than 300 deaths, according to UN. It seems abundantly clear that the first action to be taken urgently is to demonstrate by means of a sound communication plan that Tunisia is still a tourist destination par excellence. The problems of instability and insecurity in the region notwithstanding, it remains relatively stable and is an exception to the rule in the success of its political transformation. That being so, the most useful tactical initiative will continue to be effective communication. It is strongly recommended, therefore, that marketing strategists cultivate the communications media by constantly talking to them and collaborating with them, and feeding them transparently with objective information and clear statistics, with the aim of recapturing the confidence of every audience: the media, tour operators and tourists. Given that the media are of critical importance in the success of a promotional campaign, it is obviously essential to choose the best media vehicles and channels with great care: the most appropriate TV channels, magazines, websites and so on. For example, the effective marketing strategy implemented by the government of Bali after the fatal bombings there in 2002, rapidly restored the confidence in destination (Putra & Hitchcock, 2006). Given that the media are of critical importance in the success of a promotional campaign, it is obviously essential to choose the vehicles and channels with great care, making the most strategically appropriate selections among the broadcast channels, print media, websites, social media options and so on. For example, the successful communication strategy implemented by the government of Bali after the fatal bombings there in 2002 rapidly restored confidence in the destination (Putra & Hitchcock, 2006). That terrorist assault had targeted tourists specifically, making the task of the

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communication campaign especially difficult. To deal with the situation, a strategic response was quickly set in train and urgent actions undertaken immediately. The province’s Ministry of Tourism simultaneously created new platforms for the dissemination of precise information to the media and the public at large. Later, in order to re-establish activity in the sector as quickly as possible, the President of Indonesia formally requested foreign countries to lift any prohibitions placed on travel to the country. A further initiative which duly generated a positive effect on the image of the destination was the organising by the Ministry of a visit with the purpose of establishing contact with the families of victims of the bombing and a prayer ceremony for the sharing of their grief. Those initiatives were widely reported in the world’s media. Additionally, such other initiatives as meetings with tour operators, improvements in security and significant discounts for local tourists made an important contribution to the rapid reestablishment of tourism in Bali. As well as the conventional use of media, tourism strategists would be equally strongly advised to invite journalists, travel writers, stars and celebrities to visit their countries, to see for themselves the evidence of stability and security. As well as the conventional use of media, this chapter would equally strongly advise tourism strategists to invite journalists, travel writers, stars and celebrities to visit their countries, to see for themselves the evidence of stability and security. In Tunisia, after the attack at the Marhaba Imperial Hotel in Sousse, the initiative of cancelling the 30-dirham tourist tax (roughly equivalent to $15) at the point of entry to the country proved to be inadequate to its intended goal of a rapid return of tourist numbers to previous levels. A more assertive response is to be recommended in such circumstances, such as for example a total reimbursement of the price of their stay if a terrorist outrage occurs in the town in which they are staying. That notion, put forward by a communications agency in Hong Kong and adopted by the Japanese authorities after the earthquake and tsunami in 2011, had a powerful and immediate impact on the return of tourists, to whom it represented a real guarantee (Tourism Review, 2011). Given the importance of tour operators to the tourist business, the government must also strive to reassure them generally and demonstrate to them the plans and actions being put in place to ensure stability and the security of their clients. The key result of the application of such a strategy by the authorities in the Maldives following a tsunami in 2004 was a significant reduction in the number of cancellations of stays in the short term (Carlsen & Hughes, 2008). For all that, government must not forget to communicate directly with tourists, the final decision to reserve, or confirm or cancel holiday is usually make by tourist. It is as important to consider those tourists who confirm a reservation in a resort suffering a crisis as those who cancel their holiday. For instance, despite the departure of about 3000 tourists the day after the attack in Sousse, while four aeroplanes departed empty

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from Manchester to repatriate British tourists, three other outward flights to Monastir carried a full complement of holidaymakers who had not cancelled their reservations in Tunisia. A lesson from the many published case examples is that tourism professionals, especially hotel proprietors, should eschew the notion of aiming to offer the lowest prices. The Tunisian tourist business can no longer endure the discounting of tariffs, that negative reflex response of Tunisian hoteliers to each new difficulty. It must instead ensure higher quality standards and offer extra services gratis, if that is possible, in order to achieve greater customer satisfaction. Tourist organizations are urged to promote the cultural dimension in their ‘Destination Tunisia’ communications, offering at the least a detailed list of museums and associated events, journeys of discovery to archaeological sites, and joint-offer tickets for international festivals, such as those at Carthage, Jem and Hammamet. There is furthermore an urgent need to find a solution to the problem of the distortion or exaggeration of information issued, and sometimes even the invention of false stories by the media: mainly in France but also locally. French press and television coverage of events in Tunisia explains to a large extent the near-total absence of French tourists in 2015. Before the revolution, Tunisia was one of the prime destinations for French tourists, in the last year; it was only the ninth-ranked choice for them. Tunisia must make all interested parties aware of its ‘peaceful revolution’, more widely and frequently than it has done until now. That is an inexhaustible fund of good-news stories and furnishes an excellent opportunity to rid the country of its outdated image as a low-end tourist destination. Even if the Arab Spring became in fact more of a summer storm, one can remain optimistic about the future. The people of Tunisia have changed history and indeed the world through their non-violent pursuit of liberty, dignity and the rights of man, and history will not forget that. The lessons of that revolution will be learnt in universities over the decades and centuries to come. In January 2011, just a few days after Ben Ali’s flight to exile, an article of ours was published in the most widely circulated national daily newspaper (the daily Al Chourouk, 29 January 2015) under the title ‘The Tunisian revolution is a historic opportunity for Tunisian tourism’. Despite the difficult times we are living through in Tunisia, there is an ever-present sense of realist optimism that the country will return to stability and that its tourist industry will revive. That said, this chapter would advise our authorities and the tourism business to distinguish themselves from the rest of the Arab world in the process of communicating their story. It is obvious to outside observers that, although the political transition in Tunisia has been a success, several other countries affected by the Arab Spring remain in a state of civil war and severe instability, and consequently make the news headlines. Elsewhere, and especially in the West, the Arab world of today is consequently viewed through the prism of constant, overt violence.

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Conclusion One set of factors working together in favour of the steady development of tourism in Tunisia since the 1970s has been the stability of the country allied to the openness and hospitality of its citizens. Stability and security are both a sine qua non for a harmonious tourist industry. Today, after the Tunisia’s peaceful revolution and the events of the Arab Spring, Tunisian tourism has a big job to do if it is to emerge from the impasse. A wellresearched and well-targeted marketing communications plan must be an absolute priority. Then, but only after the resumption of normal operations, a viable strategy focused on the valorisation of the customer offer and on customer satisfaction becomes equally essential. Such initiatives as these must be executed in such a way as to deliver the means of confronting and ultimately solving problems of the diversity and quality of the customer offer, the heavy indebtedness of the hotel owners, the dominant influence of the European tour operators, the obsolete structures within the industry, the poorly qualified staff who work in tourism. The recommendation arising from a workshop on ‘Communications in crisis, e-marketing and branding’ organised by the Ministry of Tourism, the UNWTO and the Dutch Embassy in Tunisia in 2014 was that communication is the activity that needs to be increased, particularly in partnership with relevant international organisations, if the country is to emerge from the crisis in question and rescue its image as a tourist destination. This will allow the new Tunisia to forge its own identity, distinguish itself from its competitors and create a new destination brand: one which all interested parties can believe in and support. We restate our optimism about the future for tourism in our country. Tunisians today live under a constitution of the second republic and a government and institutions that have been democratically elected. An end has been put to the sectarian divide between secular and moderate Islamist citizens by a government of national unity and the transition towards democracy has thus been rendered in effect irreversible. This national reconciliation earned Tunisia a Nobel Peace Prize in 2015, the value of which as a component of a new image of the country as a tourist destination demands urgent realisation. It is to be expected that the parallel economic transformation has not yet been fully achieved; that will need many years in the building, as is always the case after any revolution. The main limitation of our present analysis is its sometimes time-dependent character, being conducted as it was in times of change and disruption in Tunisia and throughout the Arab world. We do not agree, however, with Pizam and Fleischer (2002) who believe that a negative event can bring a complete end to a country’s tourist industry. All evidence points to the opposite conclusion, proving that tourist come back once a crisis has passed

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(Coshall, 2003). We can confirm that national tourism can come to a halt or ‘fall ill’, but that it never dies. To end this paper, we want to make clear that the Tunisian revolution remains a formidable opportunity, even a godsend, which will allow Tunisia to attract new tourist markets and reposition itself as a visitor destination. It is clear that tourism has become a phenomenon that affects every country and every people. The Arab countries are no exception, even those that have tried to halt its development for a variety of reasons or those who quite simply did not believe in its importance. Those countries are therefore strongly advised to profit from Tunisia’s half-century of experience, rich in lessons to be learnt at the economic, social and cultural levels. They are invited on the one hand to valorise their cultural and historic heritages and on the other to defend themselves against ‘future shock’. This chapter has furthermore demonstrated the importance of being able to mount strong communications campaigns and understand how to make those effective in the aftermath of events. To conclude with recommendations for the direction of future research in this field, there is first a timely opportunity to study the repercussions of the Arab Spring across the Arab world and to make comparisons of the effects between the countries that were directly affected and those that were not, or at least less so. Another potentially interesting research avenue would be to investigate the available means capable of restoring a positive image to the countries at the heart of the Arab Spring storm.

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11 Destination Brands Dubai and Abu Dhabi: Bitter Rivalry or Strategic Partnership? Laura J. Lawton and David B. Weaver

Introduction Statements about the impressive growth of tourism in the Arab world, made throughout this book, are misleading if they are not qualified by statements about the sector’s highly skewed geographical distribution. Several destination-cities, notably Dubai but also Abu Dhabi, Doha and Bahrain, have status as hyper-concentrated and rapidly growing nodes of tourismrelated activity surrounded beyond their immediate semi-developed hinterlands by enormous tracts where tourism is negligible due to harsh geophysical environments, isolation and/or socio-political instability. Centripetal tendencies in the former that foster ever-higher levels of tourism development contrast with centrifugal tendencies in the latter which discourage diffusion, resulting in amplified ‘oasis effects’. More broadly, this embodies the idea of a ‘Middle East tourism paradox’ wherein these oases are seen to thrive within an overall regional context of ethnic and religious rivalry and geopolitical tension (Hazbun, 2006). With the direct economic benefits generated by and accruing to such a small portion of the Arab landscape, the question of how these privileged oases emerge and remain as such is a worthy topic of investigation that has already received considerable attention (Ali, 2010; Balakrishnan, 2008; Elsheshtawy, 2010; Henderson, 2007; Steiner, 2010). Also worthy but far less interrogated, however, is the question of regional rivalry and interaction among these oases. This chapter begins by focusing on the development of Dubai as the regional tourism hub or ‘primary oasis’. It subsequently proposes a 6S branding model which accounts for and characterises this primacy but also accommodates consideration of the threats to same. A ‘brand’ is an important concept because it identifies a product or organisation and serves as a basis for positive recognition and differentiation 161

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from competitors. Capturing unique characteristics and core values, a wellarticulated and disseminated brand identity reduces the likelihood of substitutability (Keller, 1993; Morgan et al., 2002). Positive brand awareness and image, as such, serves to stimulate purchase and foster loyalty among consumers hoping to derive satisfaction and other benefits from exposure to and participation in the attendant brand proposition. Destination branding is distinctive because of the complex and multi-faceted character of places, which includes the incorporation of competing hotel and attraction subbrands, and the presence of multiple stakeholders, some of whom (e.g. the military or mining interests) may not have any vested interest in supporting the ‘destination’ aspect of that place even though paradoxically they may contribute substantively to brand character. Our own 6S distillation of ‘Brand Dubai’, based on an analysis of the secondary literature, may help tourism stakeholders in Dubai to articulate their formal destination brand as basis for consolidating and strengthening its competitiveness as a destination. Informed partly by this Dubai model, the emergence of Abu Dhabi as a sister oasis – and potential competitor as well as collaborator – is then discussed, and a modified 6S Abu Dhabi destination brand proposed. Indeed, Bagaeen’s (2007) description of Abu Dhabi, Doha (Qatar) and Bahrain as ‘following in Dubai’s footsteps’ (p. 184) discloses emulation but could also be taken variably as evidence of competition or collaboration. A basic question is whether Dubai will persist as The Global Arab City or evolve as just one of several Global Arab Cities? The chapter concludes by identifying the broader patterns and implications that arise from this dual case study.

Rise of Destination Brand Dubai Prior to the 1960s, the Trucial State of Dubai was a relatively obscure Middle Eastern backwater noted mainly for its trade with nearby Iran and its feuds with the neighbouring Trucial State of Abu Dhabi (Stephenson & Ali-Knight, 2010). The first hotel was not opened until 1959 and the first airport just a few years prior to that. The discovery of oil in the 1960s was a major catalyst for change, generating revenue surpluses that allowed a succession of enlightened Sheikhs to invest in modernisation and diversification of the economy through what Kim and Mauborgne (2009) describe as a reconstructionist ‘blue ocean’ strategy. By the early 2000s, Dubai was established as a major node of tourism activity within the Arab world and Middle East, and a very successful example of destination branding (Balakrishnan, 2008). Destination branding involves the formation of primary and secondary images that instigate positive associations (e.g. differentiation, assurance of quality, reliability) and behaviour (e.g. positive word-of-mouth promotion, repeat visitation) among actual and potential visitors, thereby improving competitiveness (Blain et al., 2005). Notably, these images can be either

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induced, that is, generated deliberately by destination marketers to strengthen and promote the brand, or organic – emerging spontaneously and with positive or negative impacts through the effects of word of mouth (WOM), social media (eWOM) or conventional media (Fakeye & Crompton, 1991). As follows, we describe this dominant Brand Dubai (Elsheshtawy, 2010) as a synthesis entailing the approximately sequential interrelated qualities of being stable, strategic, superlative, sophisticated, sustainable and successful.

Stable The dark side of the Middle East tourism paradox presents as a seemingly relentless panorama of present danger and imminent conflict, highlighted by a succession of Arab-Israel wars, the invasions of Kuwait and Iraq, and several Lebanese sectarian conflicts. At the time of writing, the extremist ‘Islamic State’ was maintaining de facto control over much of Syria and Iraq while a deepening civil war in Yemen presented itself, increasingly, as a proxy for the growing regional rivalry between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shi’ite Iran. Serving as a stark counter-narrative is the stability of Dubai, regarded widely as both safe and secure for tourists and other visitors. Indeed, Hazbun (2006) contends that escalations of regional conflict tend to be matched in Dubai, as if in defiance, by equivalent escalations of investment and construction. Typically, enclave spaces are utilised to insulate tourism sites from the threat of terrorist attacks, while long-standing strategies of market diversification have reduced dependency on segments less likely to visit in the event of a terrorist attack or looming conflict. In 2013, Europe and the Americas collectively accounted for 44% of total hotel visitor-nights, while 6% were generated from within the UAE, 23% from the Arab Gulf Countries Council (AGCC) and other Arab countries, and 24% from other parts of Asia and Africa (Government of Dubai, 2015). Resultant robust visitation growth in the wake of the 9/11 attacks in 2001 reinforced this image of stability, which can be regarded as a ‘precursor variable’ that enables other dimensions of the brand to crystallise. A serious apparent threat, however, is the growing regional rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, given Dubai’s vulnerable buffer zone location and ‘natural’ affiliations with its Sunnidominated Saudi neighbour (Wehrey et al., 2009).

Strategic A paradox within the Middle East tourism paradox is that the region has always been inherently attractive, regardless of its instability, because of its strategic location at the crossroads of Asia, Europe and Africa. One conspicuous indication of this global centrality is the development of Dubai International Airport as a major transit hub, handling in 2015 more than 78 million passengers, 2.5 million tonnes of cargo, and 403,500 aircraft

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movements (Dubai Airports, 2015). A lucrative revenue source in its own right, this transit activity, accounting for about one-half of the traffic (Murel & O’Connell, 2011), is also used to disseminate Brand Dubai to stopovers through attractions and promotions within its several terminals and through the good reputation of the Dubai flag carrier, Emirates airline. This indicates a ‘quasi-destination’ function that seeks to convert transit passengers into future stayover visitors, a strategy evident also in Singapore’s Changi International Airport (Tang, 2015). Also capitalising on strategic location is a flourishing business and MICE (meetings, incentives, conventions and exhibitions) sector (Henderson, 2007) and iconic sites such as The World real estate development that from the air resembles a map of the world.

Superlative Perhaps the most distinctive and publicly projected element of Dubai’s destination brand is the growing inventory of superlative structures and capacities (Elsheshtawy, 2010). The term ‘superlative’ indicates absolute excellence within a global context. Thus, the Burj Khalifa is the world’s tallest building while the Burj Al Arab is the world’s first seven-star hotel and an emerging destination icon because of its unique traditional sailboat (dhow)-inspired design (Hazbun, 2006). Overall, an impressive 70% of Dubai’s accommodation capacity is represented by five-star (41%) and four-star (29%) hotels (Government of Dubai, 2015). The Palm and The World real estate developments are also instantly recognisable and also emerging icons within the broader destination brand, becoming major induced tourist attractions in their own right. Dubai also endeavours to become the first ‘logistics city’ (Bagaeen, 2007) while its airport is touted as having the world’s largest terminal and highest passenger volume (Dubai Airport, 2015). Steiner (2010) contextualises many of these superlatives as evidence of a ‘hyper-reality’ of heritage-imitative or self-referential symbolic capital that may ultimately become its own frame of reference for other imitators. This allows Dubai to create its own hybridised sense of place that does not offend any particular market segment. However, while intended to attract sustained admiration, there is a danger that superlatives will give way to perceptions of excess and vulgarity, based as some are on hubris and political legitimisation more than pragmatism. An associated danger is ephemerality, wherein today’s number one can quickly become tomorrow’s number two that attracts no one’s interest.

Sophisticated The complex quality of sophistication captures affiliated dimensions such as cosmopolitanism, diversity, tolerance, modernity, innovation and openness that speak of a confidant and accepting global city. All these traits

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are featured as themes in Dubai’s upcoming hosting of Expo 2020 (Expo 2020, 2016). Manifestations at a more mundane level include tolerance for the consumption of alcohol, excellent internet connectivity, and the widespread availability of luxury global brands. The latter reflects what Stephenson and Ali-Knight (2010) describe as ‘massclusivity’, that is, a lucrative and innovative high-volume/high-yield tourism product that challenges usual high end tourism assumptions of low volume/high yield. Such brand sophistication contrasts with and represents a potential threat to the traditional local conservative Salafi Islamic culture, but is accommodated in part through strict spatial demarcations redolent of MacCannell’s (1976) backstage/frontstage distinctions. Expatriates, accordingly, can purchase land within selected ‘free zone’ locations, while tourists can consume alcohol and wear short clothing in their enclave hotels, heeding gentle public reminders to otherwise dress modestly and respect local customs (Visit Dubai, 2015). Nevertheless, accusations of excessive liberality are made frequently in some quarters, and of excessive constraint and intolerance in others (Stephenson, 2014), indicating the challenges inherent in negotiating between cultural extremes.

Sustainable Sustainability is the most recent and least crystallised element in the Brand Dubai portfolio, as well as the most challenging given widely accepted but confounding and possibly naïve ‘Triple Bottom Line’ assumptions about addressing economic, environmental and socio-cultural impacts simultaneously. Efforts to project an image of cutting edge sustainability engagement include events such as the UNEP-sponsored First Dubai International Forum on Sustainable Lifestyles held in February 2015, and the announcement of the Middle East Centre for Sustainable Development, which arose from the Dubai Strategic Plan 2015 and advocates LEED certification for new construction, including hotels and theme parks (MECSD, 2015). Sustainability is also featured as an additional Expo 2020 theme. It is difficult, however, to reconcile such initiatives with local indicators that appear unsustainable. These feature a growth in resident population from 180,000 in 1975 to 690,000 in 1995, 1.3 million in 2005, and over 2.1 million in 2014, with concomitant increased demand for and consumption of fresh water, fossil fuels and other resources. Associated environmental degradation includes damaged coral reefs, oyster beds and seagrass fields caused by constructioninduced siltation (Bagaeen, 2007). A parallel socio-cultural indicator of concern is that Arab UAE citizens now account for just 10–15% of the resident population, and accusations of expatriate labour exploitation are commonly made. Preservation of local cultural heritage is also limited, with the establishment of small restored historical districts serving mainly (and unintentionally) to amplify the

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aforementioned culturally decontextualised hyper-realities (Stephenson, 2014). Economically, it is contended that Dubai survived the GFC only because its ‘reckless’ development sector enjoyed a financial bailout from Abu Dhabi (Bloch, 2010). It is because of such significant economic, ecological and sociocultural concerns that Dubai is characterised by some as ‘a striking example of flawed sustainability’ (Bassens, 2010: 300), although one that as yet has not seriously damaged the underlying destination brand.

Successful The culminating Brand Dubai quality is success, predicated on widespread (though not universal) acceptance of the destination as simultaneously stable, strategic, superlative, sophisticated and sustainable. Success is evidenced by both performance and recognition. Tourism, for example, has increased from 5 million international stayover arrivals per year in the early 2000s to 11 million in 2013 (or 29 million hotel visitor-nights), with anticipation of 20 million in 2020 (Dubai Tourism, 2015). As such Hazbun (2006) describes Dubai as ‘the most stunning example of the so-called Middle East tourism paradox’ (p. 208). Associated accolades include being named the IFEA World Festival and Event City in 2012 by the International Festivals and Events Association (cities >1 million category), and World Travel Awards for ‘World’s Leading Destination’ in 2004, 2008, 2013 and 2014. Successful performance and recognition extend to complementary non-tourism Brand Dubai dimensions such as global finance, high tech, and medicine. Beyond its inherent merit, success is desirable because it can spawn a self-reinforcing ‘virtuous spiral’ of further success (Lawler, 2005) by attracting investment and high quality human resources.

Abu Dhabi The discussion of tourism rivalry (or lack thereof) between Dubai and Abu Dhabi requires a brief overall context. Superficial physical resemblances and spatial proximity foster widespread perceptions of cultural and geographical uniformity, especially in the West. However, different ruling families and disparate resource endowments have dictated divergent paths of development, even paradoxically since the two emirates joined with four others in 1971 to form the United Arab Emirates. Davidson (2007) contends that Dubai has had a long history of relative openness and mercantilism, and that it was this historical legacy, rather than some contemporary impulsiveness to internationalise, that underlies the current contours of Brand Dubai. Abu Dhabi, in contrast, maintained a more insular attitude, resulting in and reinforced by the migration of many of its more entrepreneurially ambitious residents to Dubai. Historically, most of its enormous post-1950s oil revenue

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(controlling as it does about 95% of UAE oil reserves) has accrued as a sovereign wealth fund rumoured to be in excess of $300 billion (Sambidge, 2012). Negligible amounts, by comparison, were allocated to local infrastructural development, education, or other capacity-building initiatives, and there was little need to make any decisions entailing risk or innovation (Abdelal, 2009). Although the rulers of Abu Dhabi continue to invest a substantial portion of their wealth beyond the emirate, post-1971 governments have been increasingly cognisant of the need to build local capacity and encourage economic diversification in anticipation of depleted oil reserves. This imperative for diversification is recognised in the landmark Abu Dhabi Economic Vision 2030 (Abu Dhabi, 2008). Unlike Dubai, much of this investment initially occurred as heavy industrial development and only more recently has manifested as grandiose ‘signature’ projects linked to tourism. It is in the latter rather than the former that indications of rivalry might be expected, but these are not really to be found. Rather, Abu Dhabi subsidises Dubai by paying most of the costs for defence, diplomacy and other activities vested in the federal government, allowing its sister emirate to focus on its much broader portfolio of economic diversification (Kim & Mauborgne, 2009). Most notably, Abu Dhabi used its vast oil wealth to bail out Dubai World, the emirate’s largest development agency, with $10 billion during the Global Financial Crisis (Bassens, 2010). This restored the credibility of Dubai by directly and forcefully reinforcing the ‘stability’ and ‘success’ dimensions of its destination brand. The benefits are reciprocal in that Dubai does not challenge the political dominance of Abu Dhabi within the federation or the authoritarian rule of its governing family, makes substantial contributions to its economic wealth and diversification, and creates high-end jobs for residents of the other emirates (Davidson, 2007). Essentially, the federal system confers great autonomy on Dubai but allows it to call upon the resources of Abu Dhabi to ensure that its brand integrity is maintained and strengthened. Bassens (2010) describes how the UAE is characterised by cycles of urban competition–decentralisation and urban cooperation–centralisation, with a flexible Dubai emphasising the former when it is booming and the latter when it is in trouble.

Emerging destination brand Abu Dhabi Within the context of this oscillating symbiosis it appears that Abu Dhabi wishes neither to imitate nor undermine its neighbouring emirate, including in its emergent tourism policies and destination brand (Bloch, 2010). These can similarly be interrogated within the 6S model employed above for Dubai, though in a different sequence for logical consistency. Beginning with sophistication, Abu Dhabi (like Dubai) aspires to create an inventory of ‘world class’ attractions as part of its indigenous economic diversification strategy. However, these attractions, in keeping with the emirate’s

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conservative dispositions (Abu Dhabi, 2008), evoke the traditional more than the modern (though incorporating both), and the cultural more than the contrived (Sharpley, 2002; Stephenson & Ali-Knight, 2014). Emblematic is the Sheikh Zayed Grand Mosque, a 12-hectare US$545 million structure capable of accommodating more than 7000 worshippers in its main prayer hall (World eBook Library, 2015). Maintaining the tradition/culture combination but seeking greater appeal to Western audiences is a Guggenheim Museum and a branch of the Louvre, both under construction at the time of writing. Evincing great quality but focusing on culture and heritage, we suggest that Abu Dhabi’s emerging destination brand is selectively sophisticated with both indigenous and international dimensions. The superlative amalgamates with and reinforces the sophistication dimension. The pending Guggenheim Abu Dhabi, for example, is promoted as the world’s biggest Guggenheim museum, and the Grand Mosque as the most expensive and with the largest carpet. Similar to Dubai, 66% of all accommodation is denominated at the five-star or four-star level (Skift, 2015). Notably, there is no apparent intent to usurp Dubai’s Burj Khalifa by erecting a taller building. In general, such pronunciations are presented in a low-key and self-confidant manner, suggesting that Abu Dhabi’s destination brand is discretely superlative. Similar qualification can be given to its success. The 3.5 million tourist arrivals accommodated in 2014 is celebrated as exceeding the target of 3.1 million, but there is no strategy or apparent desire to match Dubai’s more than 11 million visitors. A continual parade of major global celebrities and events provides ongoing evidence of Abu Dhabi’s success as an international tourist destination, as do nine consecutive World Travel Awards for the carrier Etihad as the Middle East’s leading airline. The taken-for-granted and discrete character of such patronages and accolades characterise the emirate as subtly successful. Further differentiation from Dubai focuses on sustainability. In tandem with the emphasis on tradition and culture, widespread efforts are underway to maintain the cultural and environmental integrity of Abu Dhabi. One indication of the latter is the hosting of Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week – an annual ‘global forum that unites thought leaders, policy makers and investors to address the challenges of renewable energy and sustainable development’ (WFES, 2015) – and which can be seen both as an ironic counterpoint to Abu Dhabi’s prolific oil output and also a logical response to the eventual depletion of that resource. A major indication of the emirate’s purported commitment is the ongoing development of Masdar City, a carbon-neutral, high-technology satellite city (and tourist attraction) intended to position Abu Dhabi as a global supplier and role model of green technological innovation (Reiche, 2010). As of 2012, 13.2% of Abu Dhabi had been designated as protected areas, one outcome of which has been the successful reintroduction of species such as the Arabian Oryx which had become extirpated in the wild (Environment Agency – Abu Dhabi, 2015). Having the financial and

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land resources to pursue and realise such ambitious initiatives, we propose that being seriously sustainable is an important dimension of the destination brand, although accusations of worker abuse, as in Dubai, have attended the construction of signature projects such as the Guggenheim Museum and Louvre extension (Human Rights Watch, 2015). The strategic element in the Abu Dhabi destination brand is largely induced, in contrast to the spontaneous or ‘organic’ development of Dubai as a trading hub and crossroads. Abu Dhabi possesses a similarly advantageous location, but because of its conservative tendencies did not capitalise on this situational asset until recently. Embodying this new approach is Abu Dhabi International Airport, which has emulated Dubai International Airport’s development as a major transit hub, and the local carrier Etihad, 70% of whose traffic consists of stopovers transiting through Abu Dhabi (Murel & O’Connell, 2011). As with the overall stayover visitation patterns, Abu Dhabi’s airport handled ‘only’ 16.5 million passengers in 2013 (Abu Dhabi Airport, 2015), compared with about 75 million for Dubai. Having to be both proactive with regard to anticipated transit trends as well as reactive to developments at Dubai’s airport, Abu Dhabi can be described as being strategically strategic, that is, engaging in careful planning to optimise the benefits from its favourable location. This is evident in the long-term strategic plan (Abu Dhabi, 2008). As in Dubai, new terminal designs and renovations are intended to serve as quasi-destinations, using destination-themed attractions for enticing stopovers to return in future as overnight visitors (Carrington, 2013). Arguably, the culminating dimension of Abu Dhabi’s destination brand is stability, a positive consequence of what we deem to be its slower, more deliberate and more understated brand proposition. This captures assurances of visitor safety, predictably satisfying experiences, slower and more considered growth, etc., all backed by the emirate’s deep financial resources and conservative proclivities. As such, and beyond tourism, being reliably stable situates Abu Dhabi as a safe place to invest or reside for the long term, leading to patterns of development that reinforce and complement a strong tourism sector. A notable feature of tourism in Abu Dhabi that underscores several of the qualified 6S parameters is the high level of domestic patronage, wherein 25% of all hotel-nights in 2013 were accounted for by residents of the UAE (Abu Dhabi Statistics Centre, 2015). This indicates a highly stable localised market segment which serves to counterbalance the ever-increasing number of transit passengers, and also a market that is more sustainable due to its spatial proximity and cultural conformity.

Discussion and Conclusion Both Elsheshtawy (2010) and Steiner (2010) ascribe to the Middle East a trend of ‘Dubaisation’ wherein major regional cities are seeking to gain

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brand visibility and sustained economic development by emulating the precedent-setting ‘hyper-real’ urban forms of Dubai. We regard such characterisations, however, as superficial and misleading. It is true according to Ponzini (2011) that Abu Dhabi (as well as Doha and Bahrain elsewhere in the Gulf region) is using signature architecture and large-scale construction for ‘global marketing purposes’, but these are intended to positively differentiate the emirate from the ‘mere business’ of Dubai (p. 252). We propose that this differentiation can be captured in a qualified and re-sequenced version of Dubai’s 6S model, and furthermore that this model can be encapsulated in aspirations to be sublime – an implied counterpoint to superficial Dubai. Abu Dhabi does not want to be, and probably never will be, another Dubai, even though the two emirates – the sublime and the superficial – are becoming increasingly interdependent (Bloch, 2010). Indeed, Bloch points out the fierce competition for primacy by different attractions, structures and development companies within Dubai, perhaps a more significant rivalry than the inter-emirate one given the common frame of brand reference and implicit encouragement to outcompete each other for attention and iconic worthiness. Competition and substitutability among sub-brands within a supposedly unified common destination brand is a topic that merits further investigation, especially where it involves such rival superlatives. Does such internecine warfare, for example, inevitably undermine the umbrella brand, or can it actually strengthen the latter if it yields publicity and imagery that invokes innovation and creativity among friendly rivals? This is not to say that competition between the two emirates is unknown. To give one infamous example, the Burj Khalifa (the world’s tallest building as of 2015) was originally named the Burj Dubai in a blatant show of parochialism and demonstration of Dubai’s purported regional hegemony (Elsheshtawy, 2010). The current name, conferred in the wake of the Abu Dhabi bailout, honours Sheikh Khalifa Bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the thenruler of Abu Dhabi and President of the UAE, in what may be interpreted as a counter-demonstration of Abu Dhabi’s hegemony and a humiliation for Dubai (Fattah & Daya, 2010). Another illustration is the futuristic Masdar City development (see above), which Reiche (2010) contends (on the basis of conversations with local informants) was motivated at least in part by a desire to undermine alleged efforts by Dubai to project a more environmentally friendly image than Abu Dhabi. Such indications of rivalry could become more frequent and more amplified if the status quo of excess demand over supply is inverted. It is assumed, for example, that the anticipated passenger capacity of 340 million for the airports of Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Doha by 2020 (up from 92 million in 2010) will be satisfied by predictions of rapidly growing and high per capita wealth resident populations, as well as continued growth in interregional Asia-Europe travel (Murel & O’Connell, 2011). If such predictions prove overly optimistic, then fierce and probably

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acrimonious competition for passenger traffic between these highly capitalised showcase airports will be likely. Dubai and Abu Dhabi, accordingly, will both continue to develop as major regional oases of stayover and stopover tourism, though with Dubai likely maintaining substantially higher volumes of visitation and transit. To address the question posed at the beginning of this chapter the latter will therefore both retain its status as The Global Arab City and also function as such within a constellation of Global Arab Cities that includes Abu Dhabi, Doha and Bahrain. We do not endorse either Dubai or Abu Dhabi as a preferred model of regional tourism development. Rather, we situate them on opposite ends of a ‘superficial-to-sublime’ continuum and recommend that other aspirants, as warranted by their own idiosyncratic circumstances and objectives, use dialectical logic to identify an appropriate synthesis. Moreover, as advocated by Weaver (2014), we recommend that a similarly resolutionbased dialectical approach be employed in all cases to achieve ‘enlightened mass tourism’, or mass tourism that is positively qualified by the injection of ‘alternative tourism’ impulses such as ethics and compassion. Concurrently, aspirants in the Middle East should appreciate and try to emulate the success of Abu Dhabi and Dubai in achieving local stability and prosperity despite chronically unstable regional circumstances. The degree to which the entities in this evolving regional destination– constellation function more or less independently, undermine one another or foster symbiotic relationships is also worthy of further investigation. Although there has never been any tourism-related planning or coordination even within the UAE (Sharpley, 2002), it would be prudent for these four entities, and potentially others, to establish formal mechanisms (for example, a ‘Council of Gulf Tourism Cities’) to foster symbiosis by coordinating their disparate but similar tourism strategies and sharing intelligence. This would better ensure that all can continue to thrive in their capacity as important and proximate centres of tourism with strong and positive destination brand propositions. Beyond unexpected long-term supply–demand disequilibrium, this proposed Council would also need to assess more immediate risks to its constituent brands, such as ‘Arab Spring’ diffusion possibilities, the expansion of the self-styled caliphate, and tensions between Saudi Arabia and Iran. The issue of an emergent post-sanctions Iran in 2016 poses further implications and research possibilities. The geopolitical reality is that Shi’ite Iran has jurisdiction over the northern part of the Persian (or Arabian) Gulf. Two islands, Kish and Qeshm, are already accommodating substantial and mostly domestic leisure tourist visitation. Dubai-like intensification here and potentially in other Iranian Gulf destinations, with stronger international participation, is not an outlandish proposition given the free trade zone status already conferred on these islands (Hakimian, 2013). We propose, in anticipation, that the UAE and Iran jointly sponsor international conferences and

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ongoing dialogue with the goal of mobilising tourism as a vehicle for regional and world peace. Such a strategy could anchor a broader ‘Gulf of Peace’ regional destination branding proposition capable also of reinforcing, symbiotically, its component destination brands on both sides of the Gulf. Of course, there is no guarantee of success in any of these actual or proposed strategies, and the experience of Beirut, a quasi-European destination celebrated until the 1970s as the ‘Paris of the Middle East’ (Rowbotham, 2010) is a regional reminder of how ascent and hubris, in absence of resilience and cooperation, can be superseded by descent and humiliation. A concluding issue is that tourism cannot be engaged in isolation from the many nontourism actors and sectors, such as finance, oil and gas, construction, education and high technology, which develop in these destinations concurrently and make important contributions to the destination and overall brand. This reflects the utility of a broader ‘mobilities’ paradigm that implicates stayovers and stopovers but also temporary and permanent migrants, and other exchanges of goods and services often excluded from tourism discourses (Hannam et al., 2006). Fluctuating fossil fuel prices and declining inventories are a related consideration. Affiliated revenue has allowed both Dubai and Abu Dhabi to pursue grand tourism visions, in part in anticipation of fossil fuel depletion and the subsequent need for economic diversification. Those same well-articulated tourism sectors, in tandem with the vast UAE sovereign funds, will help to compensate for shorter-term price fluctuations, so that the stability of the proposed 6S models should not be unduly affected.

References Abdelal, R. (2009) Sovereign wealth in Abu Dhabi. Geopolitics 14 (2), 317–327. Abu Dhabi (2008) The Abu Dhabi Economic Vision 2030. See https://www.ecouncil.ae/ PublicationsEn/economic-vision-2030-full-versionEn.pdf (accessed 20 May 2015). Abu Dhabi Airport (2015) Introduction. See http://www.abudhabiairport.ae/english/airport-information/about-abu-dhabi-airport/introduction.aspx (accessed 19 May 2015). Abu Dhabi Statistics Centre (2015) Hotels Establishments, Abu Dhabi Emirates. See http://www.scad.ae/en/statistics/Pages/Statistics.aspx?ThemeID=3&TopicID=13& SubTopicID=49&PublicationID=448 (accessed 23 September 2015). Ali, S. (2010) Dubai: Gilded Cage. Hartford: Yale University Press. Bagaeen, S. (2007) Brand Dubai: The instant city; or the instantly recognizable city. International Planning Studies 12 (2), 173–197. Balakrishnan, M. (2008) Dubai – a star in the East. Journal of Place Management and Development 1 (1), 62–91. Bassens, D. (2010) The making and breaking of Dubai: The end of a city-state? Political Geography 29 (6), 299–301. Blain, C., Levy, S. and Ritchie, J.R.B. (2005) Destination branding: Insights and practices from destination management organizations. Journal of Travel Research 43 (4), 328–338. Bloch, R. (2010) Dubai’s long goodbye. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 34 (4), 943–951.

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Rowbotham, J. (2010) ‘Sand and foam’: The changing identity of Lebanese tourism. Journal of Tourism History 2 (1), 39–53. Sambidge, A. (2012) Abu Dhabi foreign assets worth at least $300bn. Arabian Business. com. See http://www.arabianbusiness.com/abu-dhabi-foreign-assets-worth-at-least300bn-473029.html (accessed 17 September 2015). Sharpley, R. (2002) The challenges of economic diversification through tourism: The case of Abu Dhabi. International Journal of Tourism Research 4 (3), 221–235. Skift (2015) Abu Dhabi hotel data indicates robust tourism growth in 2013. See http:// skift.com/2013/07/10/abu-dhabi-hotels-on-track-for-record-year-in-2013/ (accessed 24 September 2015). Steiner, C. (2010) From heritage to hyper-reality? Tourism destination development in the Middle East between Petra and the Palm. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 8 (4), 240–253. Stephenson, M. (2014) Tourism, development and ‘destination Dubai’: Cultural dilemmas and future challenges. Current Issues in Tourism 17 (8), 723–738. Stephenson, M. and Ali-Knight, J. (2010) Dubai’s tourism industry and its societal impact: Social implications and sustainable challenges. Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change 8 (4), 278–292. Tang, C. (2015) Exploring the Potential of Hub Airports and Airlines to Convert Stopover Passengers into Stayover Visitors: Evidence from Singapore. Unpublished PhD thesis, Griffith University, Gold Coast, Australia. Visit Dubai (2015) Discover all that’s possible. See http://www.visitdubai.com/en (accessed 23 September 2015). Weaver, D. (2014) Asymmetrical dialectics of sustainable tourism: Toward enlightened mass tourism. Journal of Travel Research 53 (2), 131–140. Wehrey, F., Karasik, T., Nader, A., Ghez, J., Hansell, L. and Guffey, R. (2009) SaudiIranian Relations Since the Fall of Saddam: Rivalry, Cooperation, and Implications for U.S. Policy. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation. See http://www.dtic.mil/ dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a495436.pdf (accessed 17 September 2015). WFES (World Future Energy Summit) (2015) Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week. See http:// www.worldfutureenergysummit.com/portal/about-wfes/overview/abu-dhabisustainability-week.aspx (accessed 19 May 2015). World eBook Library (2015) Sheikh Zayed Mosque. See http://ebook.worldlibrary.net/ Article.aspx?Title=Sheikh_Zayed_Mosque (accessed 17 September 2015).

12 Marketing the Middle East in Times of Political Instability – The Case of Jordan Gabby Walters and David Beirman

Introduction Since December 2010, perceptions of tourism risk in the Middle East have been dominated by the spread of political instability, which has affected many countries in the region. This chapter will focus on Jordan, which has experienced episodes of political instability inherent in the widespread Arab uprisings. However, by comparison with its contiguous neighbours Iraq, Syria and to a lesser extent Israel and its near neighbour Egypt, the extent of political violence in Jordan has been relatively low. Nevertheless, Jordan’s tourism statistics reveal the number of international tourism arrivals since 2011 has been affected mostly by the perception of instability and outbreaks of politically and religiously motivated violence in neighbouring Arab countries, notably Syria, Iraq and Egypt (World Travel and Tourism Council, 2016). The political violence in Syria, to Jordan’s North, and Iraq to Jordan’s east has contributed to shaping a largely inaccurate perception that Jordan is an unsafe destination. This chapter commences with a detailed discussion of the current political crisis in a number of Middle Eastern countries and the impact that this is having on Jordan’s tourism industry. Reasons as to why Jordan, despite having no direct involvement in the instability that surrounds it, is experiencing a significant downturn in international tourism are proposed with research led insight as to why tourists are choosing to avoid the destination. A number of destination management and marketing strategies are recommended for Jordan’s struggling tourism sector and other Middle Eastern destinations whose tourism trade may be affected by political instability. 175

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The Arab Uprisings 2010–2016 In December 2010, Tunisia was the first of many countries in the Arab world, including Egypt, Libya, Syria and Yemen, to experience mass civil demonstrations that demanded the overthrow of established regimes. The demonstrations, which mutated to popular uprisings were initially referred to as the Arab Spring, largely due to the fact that many of the activists involved in leading anti-regime demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt were young, educated people calling for democratisation of their national governments (Markham, 2014). However, as political unrest spread throughout the Middle East during 2011, and continues to this day, the political elements dominating these anti-government protests have increasingly been dominated by Jihadist groups which seek to impose their specific brand of Islamic observance and Sharia law on the populace (Lutterbeck, 2013). The youthful and largely secular intelligentsia who dominated the early days of the uprisings, especially in Egypt and Tunisia, were effective social media communicators but lacked a substantial political support base outside the main cities. They also lacked any reliable and substantial source of funding, backing of a structured membership organisation or a political party. Conversely, the jihadist groups, were well organised, linked to structured political organisations, often included armed militias and had access to reliable sources of funds. They were ideologically tapped into the more religious, conservative mindset of regional and rural populations (Bayat, 2013). By 2013 it became clear that the term Arab Spring was an inappropriate label to describe the political morass into which Egypt, Libya, Iraq and Syria had descended (Markham, 2014). Long-entrenched political regimes including that led by Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia, Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Ali Abdulla Saleh in Yemen, Muammar Ghaddafi in Libya were all overthrown between early 2011–2012. In Egypt, the army which had been the mainstay of Mubarak’s political control between 1981–2011, supported his overthrow in 2011. In turn during 2013, the Egyptian army ousted the Muslim Brotherhood government of Mohammed Morsi, elected in 2012 and replaced it with an interim military government run by Abdul Fattah El Sisi. This government became entrenched when Sisi was elected in presidential and parliamentary elections in 2014 (an election boycotted by the ousted Muslim Brotherhood) (Dandashly, 2015). Many other Arab countries from Morocco in the west to Iraq in the east experienced mass protests from 2010–2016. In Syria, Iraq, Libya, and to a limited extent in Egyptian Sinai, a state of civil war now exists involving militias which engage in combat with each other and the official regime for power. This has been complicated by the involvement of the Sunni dominated Islamic State (ISIS) which occupies significant bands of territory in both Syria and Iraq (Gelvin, 2015).

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Political Unrest in the Middle East and Jordan’s Tourism Industry The dominant image of the Middle East since 2011 has been one of a region beset by political instability and violence. As tourists are increasingly opting for safety and stability as a primary attribute of preferred tourism destinations, many countries in the Middle East, with the notable exceptions of Oman and the United Arab Emirates (especially Dubai, Abu Dhabi) have experienced declines in tourist arrivals since 2011 (World Travel and Tourism Council, 2014). In the past, a considerable portion of wholesale tourism product to Jordan, especially from Western countries, involved linkages between Jordan, Syria, Egypt and Israel. Consequently, when the security situation in Egypt and Syria began to deteriorate from 2011, many tourists, especially Europeans and North Americans who were planning itineraries which combined travel to either or both Egypt and Syria either cancelled or deferred their travel plans. While many Christian groups continued to undertake pilgrimage tours combining Israel and Jordan, this market also suffered due to negative perceptions of Jordan, largely stemming from its proximity to the civil wars raging in Syria and Iraq. Unrest in Israel due to ongoing conflict between Israelis and Palestinians exacerbated negative sentiment (Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, 2015; Mansfeld & Korman, 2015). Some Christian pilgrimage groups are concerned that the persecution and murder of Christians by ISIS and other Jihadist groups represents a potential danger to them in a predominantly Islamic country such as Jordan (S. Green, personal communication, 8 January 2016). Jordan has therefore been increasingly obliged to market itself in isolation, as a stand-alone tourism destination. In fact, a core element of Jordan’s tourism strategy since 2011 has been to enhance the marketing of destination Jordan to the Islamic world as a core strategy to compensate for the decline in tourism arrivals (traditionally dominated by Christian pilgrims) from Europe and North America.

Jordan’s Key Tourism Products: Promotional Initiatives and Challenges 2011–2016 Jordan’s location on the Hejaz route between The Muslim holy sites of Mecca and Medina in Saudi Arabia and the predominantly Muslim states of Iraq, Syria and Turkey places it at the geographical epicentre of the Arab world. Jordan’s Royal family (The Hashemites) have been the traditional guardians of the Hejaz route and a number of Islamic Holy sites, including the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. The national carrier, Royal Jordanian airlines offers excellent air links between Jordan and all major Islamic states.

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The wide reporting of a million Syrian and Iraqi refugees taking refuge in Jordan (UNHCR, 2016) raises concerns (however unjustified) that the conflicts in Syria and Iraq could spill over into Jordan. According to the UN High Commission on Refugees, the vast majority of refugees residing in camps in Jordan are in camps located close to the Syrian or Iraqi border. Most tourists to Jordan tend to focus their tour programmes in Western and Southern Jordan. The classical Jordan tourist itinerary tends to stretch as far north as Jerash, include Amman and hug the border with Israel to include Petra, Madaba, Mt Nebo, Wadi Rum, the Dead Sea and Aqaba on Jordan’s sliver of Red Sea coast. The overwhelming majority of tourists to Jordan who take this route are unlikely to encounter refugees from Iraq of Syria’s civil wars (Figure 12.1). While Jordan is home to the ancient city of Petra (elected in 2007 by an UNESCO poll as one of the seven wonders of the world) and a further 28,000 archaeological sites (Al Haija, 2011). Prior to the outbreak of regional instability since 2011, Jordan was reliant on complementing its own attractions with those of Egypt and Syria for its tourism success. In the current political

Figure 12.1 Tourism map of Jordan. The Holy Land: Israel

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climate, it is in Jordan’s best interests to disassociate itself as a tourist destination from these countries. However, this may be easier said than done, owing to the tourists’ exposure to media commentary that often regionalises the location of crises as opposed to making direct references to the specific countries involved (Walters & Clulow, 2010). In this case, the media’s reference to the Middle East as opposed to Syria, for example, inevitably causes confusion among the tourism market regarding the precise geographic location of the crises. Those responsible for marketing Jordan continue to try and determine the best way to communicate with the tourism market and bring tourists back to Jordan. Jordan has employed a strategy of highlighting the diversity of tourism experiences in the country such as promoting new types of tourism with a focus on ecotourism or health tourism centred on Jordan’s Dead Sea Coast. Recovery campaigns, which include reductions on tax imposed on tourism, have been employed by Jordan’s tourism industry but the political unrest in the Middle East continues to create new challenges for marketers (Avraham, 2015).

Why Tourists are Avoiding Jordan Technically speaking, the media’s failure to use specific terms of reference when reporting on crises leads to what is described as a generalisation effect (Beirman, 2003). Generalisation occurs when the lack of geographical knowledge about foreign destinations that are experiencing some form of crises blurs the perception of danger in a person’s mind. Thus crises affecting one country consequently deter people from travelling to neighbouring countries regardless of the country’s actual involvement (Beirman, 2003; Cavlek, 2002; Steiner, 2007). The generalisation effect is a recurrent consequence of political crises. These effects are commonly seen between countries that share cultural similarities (Clements & Georgiou, 1998) and/or geographical borders with countries perceived to be unstable (Beirman, 2003). Various conflicts such as the Iraq War, the war against Al-Qaeda and more recently the Arab uprising (Avraham, 2015; Steiner, 2007) have spread a common misunderstanding among tourists that the entire Middle East is dangerous and unstable. While Jordan has not been immune from internal political protest since 2011, by comparison with three of its four Arab neighbours, Iraq, Syria and Egypt, the extent and depth of political unrest in Jordan has been relatively modest. Unfortunately, however, the political instability that surrounds Jordan would be having a significant impact on the tourist’s risk perception and their belief that the destination would be able to provide a safe and secure holiday (Sharifpour et al., 2013). In addition to the region’s less-than-favourable political climate, the Middle East is generally perceived by westerners as a risky region to visit

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owing to its cultural dissimilarities (Lepp & Gibson, 2008). The region also remains a Muslim state, in which the lives of women are perceived by westerners as restricted and there is little compatibility between the needs of the hedonistic westernised tourist and Islamic way of life (Henderson, 2006). Similarly, consumers from Arabic countries such as Saudi Arabia are more likely to avoid western countries because of significantly different social structure and dissimilar language (Yavas, 1987). There is hence a broad range of risks that need to be considered, not only by the individual traveller but also by those responsible for promoting Jordan to western markets. As a result of the political instability and disruption occurring in the Middle East, Jordan is in need of a repositioning strategy that will achieve two objectives. The first objective is to promote the country as a safe and relatively low risk destination. The second is to convince their target markets that Jordan has a sufficient diversity and quality of tourism product worthy of mono destination long haul travel. It is important to recognise however that at the current time, the Jordanian government allocates a high percentage of financial resources to heightening security measures and unlike many of its resource rich Middle Eastern neighbours, Jordan has a high reliance on foreign aid (Jordan Economy Profile, 2014). Tourismrelated funding for the marketing of the destination and collection of market-related data, despite the importance of tourism to the local economy, is therefore limited. These challenges faced by the Jordanian tourism industry are addressed below via a series of recommendations as to how they may be managed.

Recommendations for Marketing Jordan as a Tourism Destination Branding destinations that are perceived as risky is difficult. Tourism managers responsible for the promotion of risky destinations need to understand the potential tourist’s psychological evaluation of the destination in terms of the imminent risk they perceive in order to mitigate concerns and encourage visitation. Below is a series of strategies that may assist the region’s primary tourism destinations to regain a favourable brand position in the global tourism market place.

Motivate and collaborate An internal marketing campaign likely to motivate and or educate stakeholders on the importance of being pro-active in times of crisis and take ownership of the problem could generate a collaborative response to the issue (McKercher & Chon, 2004). Some examples are outlined below.

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(a) A platform for the sharing of market intelligence – i.e. generated via social media commentary and global media reports that provide a good indication of the kinds of perceptions that are being created and where, could provide a collective representation of what concerns exist among the global tourism market and those that need to be addressed through targeted marketing communications. (b) Jordan constitutes a very fragmented industry and representation from all regions and districts is needed. The sharing and reporting of key issues facing the industry such as visitation levels, tourist feedback, infrastructural issues, safety and security breaches, rogue operators and other relevant incidences is essential for Jordan’s governing tourism authorities if they are to succeed in taking a holistic approach to the management of these issues and reinforce the safety and security status of Jordan to the outside world. (c) Regular seminars and workshops for the dissemination and sharing of industry initiatives and case studies that demonstrate best practice in crisis management and response should also be made available to tourism stakeholders. Such examples could come from operators who are taking leadership in this space or have market information worthy of sharing.

Delegate and communicate In order to encourage ownership of the image associated issues shared by the industry and its counterparts, operators need to be educated and informed of the significant difference the destination will be able to make in terms of marketing and destination image enhancement should everyone play a role. In addition, from a policy and planning perspective, the roles and responsibilities of senior officials and their agencies need to be clearly defined and communicated so everyone is clear who is responsible for which task (Johnston et al., 2007). Should risk mitigation not be included in these publicly defined roles, then it needs to be made clear to the private sector that they need to play a role themselves (Hystad & Keller, 2008). The initiatives undertaken by the private sector would need to be orchestrated in such a way that they remain consistent with the destination’s overarching brand image and positioning strategy. Table 12.1 presents some examples of the kinds of tasks that could be delegated to the private sector and those that should be addressed at a government and destination management level.

Encourage financial support for marketing activities from the private sector Fund raising is an issue for almost all regional and national tourism associations, but in light of Jordan’s limited public sector funding for destination

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Table 12.1 Suggested roles and responsibilities for the enhancement of Jordan’s perceived image Government level

Destination management organisation/s

Reinforcing safety status and economic dependence on tourism to diplomatic partners

Ensuring that all marketing and promotional activity includes factual information relating to the safety and security measures the destination has in place to minimise risk perceptions and ease market confusion around mixed messages disseminated from the media and other sources.

Creating awareness of implications of Government Travel Warnings in Source Markets

Raising awareness of the impacts of global media reporting on the destination image

Once a desirable brand image is established – be instrumental in communicating this through logos, symbols and icons in all correspondence.

Private sector

Enhance collaborative efforts both regionally and nationally and work together across the sectors (accommodation, food and beverage and attractions) to educate the market on the actions they take to minimise any risks the visitors are likely to be concerned about. Operators should maintain Monitor government and mass a positive social media media reporting that refers to presence and update this the Middle East and maintain website information to mitigate constantly with images, testimonials and any other such messages. material that is likely to dispel unnecessary risk associations. Operators need to take Incentivise the private sector responsibility for the to become pro-active in monitoring of social media prepare for and responding to commentary directly negative press. For example, relevant to their site, public acknowledgement region, business and act and recognition, linking accordingly. noteworthy rises in visitation with relevant industry activities (i.e. social media monitoring, collaborative marketing efforts) to show cause and effect. There is an opportunity Be a voice for the industry in for operators to generate terms of media management. newsworthy publicity Liaise with or formally about special occasions communicate with global or events in their area media managers or global that can be shared by media watchdog organisations mainstream or social media to control misleading media and may possibly distract reports and encourage public attention from the reporting that aligns with negative. and supports Jordan’s ‘safe’ position. (Continued)

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Table 12.1 Suggested roles and responsibilities for the enhancement of Jordan’s perceived image (continued) Government level

Destination management organisation/s

Private sector

Ensuring that all safety and border protection measures are communicated to diplomatic partners in source markets as well as any other relevant laws, policies and regulations likely to be seen as enhancing the safety of and security of the destination.

Monitor marketing efforts of members of the private sector to ensure they are consistent with the national brand message (whatever this might be). Providing access to logos, templates and the internal promotion of the desired brand image to all industry stakeholders may assist with this.

Share any relevant feedback relating to public perceptions relating to security and safety issues with the broader industry so the perceptions may be countered at both an individual and a collaborative (industry) level.

Embrace digital and social media vehicles as both a means of promotion and a means of gathering marketing intelligence relating to risk perceptions through constant monitoring of content from past, present and future consumer.

Provision of fact driven and reliable information to travel intermediaries in source markets so they too have the appropriate tools to overcome common concerns held by tourists who may be considering a trip to Jordan.

promotion, there is an opportunity to encourage financial contribution from the private sector (Heath, 1995). Some examples are listed below. (a) Tourism Industry Accreditation Schemes: Operators pay a fee to become an accredited provider and or complete the relevant training through various professional development schemes that complement Jordan’s core product offering and desired market position. Specific suggestions that align with Jordan’s Tourism Labour Market Development Strategy include: these suggestions below could be relevant to business owners and employers. (i) Safety and Security Affiliated Schemes – this would resonate well with risk-averse tourists (ii) Sustainability and Environmental Accreditation Schemes (local) (iii) Food Safety and Hygiene Accreditation (iv) Online booking protection (b) National Tourism Awards: Entrants pay an entry fee and are rewarded with exposure, media coverage and, if a winning entrant, certification and trophy for display at facility. Attendees also pay to attend the

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Awards function when it takes place. Judging can be ‘people’s choice’ (i.e. tourists nominate and vote) or a panel of ‘high-profile’ industry names and local celebrities can judge. (c) Marketing buy-in to local, regional and national marketing campaigns and listings on websites. (d) Donations of room nights, food and beverage and attraction entry to visiting travel trade and press (small investment for maximum exposure). (e) Dinar for Dinar matching agreement between Jordan’s Destination Management Organisations and Government – i.e. Tourism Industry is rewarded for its efforts to raise funds independently of aid and government. These fundraising initiatives can only enhance the quality of the services and visitor experiences as accreditation and Tourism Awards schemes are renowned for doing. Tourism awards also capture the attention of the media and promote the industry to the broader community.

Access low-cost market research Finally, the Jordan National Tourism Strategy (2015) reinforces the importance of reliable market research, yet one must acknowledge the funding limitations faced by the industry. While the authors emphasise the importance of reliable marketing intelligence for decision making, particularly that relating to brand development, we propose some ideas as to how the Jordanian tourism industry may address their research-related needs without having to invest too much of their limited marketing funds. (a) Secondary data available online via social media commentary. We advocate the value of these freely accessible data that communicate great detail concerning the potential visitor’s concerns. (b) Accessing university students: Across the world there are 1000s of postgraduate students studying tourism and academic institutions that are open to the opportunity to engage with industry and offer their students chance to work on a ‘live’ project. These students are generally methodologically qualified in a range of methods and techniques and are supervised by highly qualified academic staff. Although Jordan tourism authorities might have to provide assistance with access to data, be on call to answer research-related questions and guide the student as to the industry’s research needs, this is a small price to pay for the kind of research data the student could provide. (c) Recruiting a fulltime research manager/assistant. University graduates who study higher degrees often search for research-related positions where they can practice and apply their research based skills. For the cost of an annual salary, having such staff on board the tourism

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management team can work out to be a portion of consultancy-related fees. (d) Research training for existing staff – again having the expertise within the organisation is often less expensive than having to outsource this skill. Short courses in data collection and analysis run by industry professionals or academics could enable existing staff to collect and manage industry specific and market specific data. The above recommendations emphasise the importance of collaboration, effective communication and information sharing and shared responsibility across the public and private sectors for the effective management and promotion of Jordan during times of crises. In addition, recommendations are made as to how Jordan’s tourism industry can raise the funds needed to advise and implement their destination marketing strategies when public funding is limited as a result of Jordan’s government having to allocate a high proportion of their budget to defence.

Conclusion This chapter has spoken of the political crisis that is currently occurring across a number of Middle Eastern countries with specific focus on the impact that impact that this unrest is having on the peaceful kingdom of Jordan. Tourists are avoiding Jordan as they are unable to perceptually separate Jordan from the hostile and high-risk environments of its neighbouring countries. This, accompanied by the general risk perceptions that exist among western markets towards the Middle East, presents significant marketing challenges for not only Jordan but potentially any destination that is affected by, but not directly involved in, political crises. Cooperation and collaboration is needed for the collation of relevant market intelligence and the development of a consistent marketing message to mitigate unfounded concerns and position Jordan as destination capable of offering a safe and rewarding tourism experience. Further studies in this area are needed to explore the strategies and responses implemented by other Middle Eastern countries and perhaps those outside of the Middle East who have in recent times been exposed to political crises. Such research would allow for the sharing of best practice examples and facilitate the development of a globally relevant response strategy to an increasingly relevant issue.

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Bayat, A. (2013) The Arab spring and its surprises. Development and Change 44 (3), 587–601. Beirman, D. (2003) Restoring Tourism Destinations in Crisis: A Strategic Marketing Approach. NSW: Allen & Unwin. Cavlek, N. (2002) Tour operators and destination safety. Annals of Tourism Research 29 (2), 478–496. Clements, M. and Georgiou, A. (1998) The impact of political instability on a fragile tourism product. Tourism Management 19 (3), 283–288. Dandashly, A. (2015) The EU Response to regime change in the wake of the Arab revolt: differential implementation. Journal of European Integration 37 (1), 37–56 Gelvin, J. (2015) The Arab Uprising: What everyone needs to know (2nd edn). UK: Oxford University Press. Green, Steven. CEO of Olive Tree Travel Melbourne, a specialist Christian pilgrimage tour operator which focuses on the Eastern Mediterranean and Jordan. Interviewed. 08 January 2016. Heath, R. (1995) The Kobe earthquake: some realities of strategic management of crises and disasters. Disaster Prevention and Management 4 (5), 11–24. Henderson, J. (2006) Managing Tourism Crises, Butterworth-Heineman. See http:// UQL.eblib.com.au/patron/FullRecord.aspx?p=282113 (accessed 12 January 2015). Hystad, P.W. and Keller, P.C. (2008) Towards a destination tourism disaster management framework: Long-term lessons from a forest fire disaster. Tourism Management 29 (1), 151–162. Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (2015) Visitor Arrival by Country of Citizenship. 2012–14. Israel Central Bureau of Statistics. 10/09/2015. Johnston, D., Becker, J., Gregg, C., Houghton, B., Paton, D., Leonard, G. and Garside, R. (2007) Developing warning and disaster response capacity in the tourism sector in coastal Washington, USA. Disaster Prevention and Management 16 (2), 210–216. Jordan Economy Profile (2014) See http://www.indexmundi.com/jordan/economy_profile.html (accessed 11 January 2015). Jordan National Tourism Strategy (JNTS) (2015) See http://www.mota.gov.jo/ Documents/NTS_2011-2015_English.pdf (accessed 11 January 2015). Lepp, A. and Gibson, H. (2008) Sensation seeking and tourism: tourist role, perception of risk and destination choice. Tourism Management 29 (4), 740–750. Lutterbeck, D. (2013) Arab uprisings: Armed force and civil-military relations. Armed Forces and Society 39 (1), 28–52. Mansfeld. Y. and Korman, T. (2015) Between war and peace: conflict heritage tourism along three Israeli border areas. Tourism Geographies 17 (3), 437–460. Markham. T. (2014) Social media, protests cultures and political subjectivities if the Arab spring. Media, Culture and Society 36 (1), 89–104. McKercher, B. and Chon, K. (2004) The over-reaction to SARS and the collapse of Asian tourism. Annals of Tourism Research 31 (3), 716–719. Sharifpour, M., Walters, G. and Ritchie, B. (2013) Investigating the role of prior knowledge in tourist decision making: A structural equation model of risk perceptions and information search. Journal of Travel Research 53 (2), 307–322. Steiner, C. (2007) Political instability, transnational tourist companies and destination recovery in the Middle East after 9/11. Tourism and Hospitality Planning & Development 4 (3), 169–190. United Nation High Commissioner for Refugees (2016) UNHCR Jordan. See http:// unhcr.org.cgi-bin/texis/vtx/page?page=49e486566 (accessed 21 January 2016). Walters, G. and Clulow, V. (2010) The tourism market’s response to the 2009 Black Saturday bushfires: The case of Gippsland. Journal of Travel & Tourism Marketing 27 (8), 844–857.

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World Travel and Tourism Council (2014) Travel and Tourism Economic Impacts, Middle East. World Travel and Tourism Council, London. World Travel and Tourism Council (2016) Travel and Tourism Economic Impact 2016 Jordan. World Travel and Tourism Council: London. Yavas, U. (1987) Foreign travel behaviour in a growing vacation market: Implications for tourism marketers. European Journal of Marketing 21, 57–69.

13 Representation of Egyptian Bedouins in English-Language Tourist Brochures Ahmed Abdel Fattah and Mary Eddy-U

Introduction There has been a recent proliferation of writing on how private and public tourism institutions in New Zealand, Germany, North America, Namibia, Mexico, Brazil, Australia and Thailand introduce historical and contemporary Eurocentric images and myths about different indigenous people into their print advertising (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010; Britton, 1979; Buck, 1977; Echtner & Prasad, 2003; Goss, 1993; Huncke & Koot, 2012; Olsen, 2008; Rittichainuwal et al., 2001; Schellhorn & Perkins, 2004; Sturma, 1999). There is, however, little research concerning tourism advertising in the Arab world (Hazbun, 2008) and particularly a need to investigate the representation of Bedouin in print advertisements. One way in which travel agents and tour operators in Egypt present Bedouin culture and lifestyle to the European market is through their promotion of Safari and Bedouin tourism. Their tourist brochures have employed representations of Egypt’s Bedouin to signify experiences of cultural tourism and the escape to a primitive, exotic and nomadic environment. The purpose of this chapter is to examine how the Egyptian Bedouin are represented in English-language tourist brochures. Following a review of relevant literature, this chapter describes how relevant data were obtained through analysis of tourist brochures and interviews with the respective Egyptian tour operators. Major themes are discussed in relation to the literature, concluding with recommendations and avenues for future research. The authors do not discuss what tourists actually imagine as Bedouin culture. Rather, the analysis reveals what tourism operators aim to bring tourists to recognize as Bedouin attractions. This chapter seeks to advance the 188

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discourse on how tourism operators, acting as cultural promoters, incorporate historical and contemporary Eurocentric images and myths about tribal people into their brochures. Like many other cultural promoters of tourism regions, Egyptian tourism operators rely on deep-seated stereotypical images to engage tourists with the mysterious, untouched desert and its Bedouin inhabitants. This exemplifies the point that Dann (1996) made in his discussion of the messages of tourist brochures and their meanings: reality in the destination (as tourists expect to experience it) is in fact modified to make it match the tourist’s image. Dann (1996: 79) argues further that: Tourism is not a product since it cannot be sampled in advance. It is a collection of projected images which establishes the boundaries of experiences. The images define what is beautiful, what should be experienced and with whom one should interact. Understanding the people of tourism is thus, above all else, an analysis of images. (Authors’ emphasis) Despite the expansion of online information sources for learning about tourism activities, the tourist brochure is still an important marketing device and one of the most significant information sources for tourist attractions (Lacher & Slocum, 2013). Although much pre-arrival research about tourist attractions and activities can now be done through the internet, once tourists arrive at a destination, tourist brochures continue to be a key means of advertisement. The attractiveness and immediacy of brochures can persuade tourists to consider attractions and tours of which they were unaware before arrival at the destination (Peel & Sørensen, 2016). Thus, it is worthwhile to consider the representation of the Egyptian Bedouin in brochures only, apart from online representation. While the impacts of the internet and electronic media accelerate the weakening of traditional mass media tools such as television, radio and newspapers, the consumption of printed tourist brochures is holding its own. Recent studies (i.e. Bender et al., 2013; Cross, 2014; Lacher & Slocum, 2013; Peel & Sørensen, 2016) have shown the influence of promotional brochures and travel guidebooks on tourists’ leisure trip planning and experiences. Tourism marketing academics and practitioners observed in their analysis of persuasiveness of advertising narratives that for many tourists viewing images and reading travel-related information from a brochure or a guidebook have the same persuasive effect as viewing and reading the information from a website (Cross, 2014; Peel & Sørensen, 2016). Tourists also enjoy the convenience of the printed brochures. For example, tourists perceive the technical reliability of electronic media as an impediment to use since the connectivity is unreliable, especially in economically developing destinations such as Egypt, Thailand and India (Peel & Sørensen, 2016). The brochures provide tourists with other important advantages as well. Recent studies suggested

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that tourists appreciate printed brochures and guidebooks since they enable them to escape from the daily use of digital devices and the mass of information online. Printed brochures and guidebooks provide also tourists with a level of trust and reliability since they contain well-researched information and facilitate a less inhibited form of travel (Cross, 2014; Lacher & Slocum, 2013). Tourists consider brochures as valuable souvenirs of travel experiences which communicate meanings beyond tangible evidence, function and form, and bring back memories of the experience (Bender et al., 2013; Peel & Sørensen, 2016). Tain-Cole and Crompton (2003) maintain that tourism brochures and guides have been utilized widely to fulfil three main interconnected purposes: formation of destination image; destination choice; and tourist satisfaction. Potential tourists may compare tourist brochures before making their decision about travel destinations. Thus, in Egypt, private tour operators and public authorities in charge of tourism development still allocate enormous sums to the production of brochures (Abd El-Jalil, 2009; Neeton, 2013; Richardson, 2003). Potential tourists use an information-processing approach to appraise destination qualities (i.e. the quality of tourist facilities and price), as well as an affective choice approach that relies, in part, on the visual and written representations of the local population (Abd El-Jalil, 2009; Goss, 1993). Tourist brochures do not only convey information about destinations, but more importantly, confirm prior images of the culture and identity of various minority groups in source regions, in this case the Egyptian Bedouin (Britton, 1979; Chaterald, 2008). These prior images are often derived from traditional sources such as the news media, films, books, romantic fiction, education, popular culture or European travel literature of the 18th and 19th centuries (Buck, 1977; Wilson, 1994). In view of this, Britton (1979) differentiates between ‘organic’ and ‘induced’ destination images. The former originates from traditional sources such as popular culture and literature. The concept of an ‘organic image’ also refers to what tourists know or perceive in advance about a place or possible destination for a holiday. In contrast, induced or projected images derive from conscious marketing efforts by various organizations involved with tourism. Over the last few decades, there has been increasing criticism of the depiction of Third World countries and their people in promotional materials (Britton, 1979; Buck, 1977; Echtner & Prasad, 2003; Sturma, 1999; Wilson, 1994). Britton’s (1979) examination of images of Third World destinations as depicted in tourism marketing is particularly relevant to this study. Britton (1979) maintains that in the promotional images of Third World destinations, mystification prevents tourists from seeing the reality (and the fantasy) of these places. He remarks that ‘[t]he tourism industry continues to portray these places as “paradisal,” “unspoiled,” “untouched,” and “sensuous” destination and experience’ (Britton 1979: 318). To support these images,

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industrialization, urban spaces and local poverty are often excluded from the tourist brochures. The people inhabiting this ‘Eden’, these ‘unspoiled’ places, are an essential part of the image, since they cater to the tourist’s pleasure (Britton, 1979: 321). Accordingly, Third World places, Britton (1979) argues, are all appropriated for the tourists’ satisfaction. In a similar vein, Morgan and Pritchard (1998) remark that touristic depictions have tended to stereotype certain features of the local people with images that cater to ‘primitive’ and ‘exotic’ representations of ‘otherness’. The tourism industry has the ability to create images of local peoples and landscapes through influential promotion and marketing strategies, which means that tourist brochures are increasingly shaping or reinforcing tourist perception and previous knowledge (Sturma, 1999; Wilson, 1994). Related work has been conducted on how tourism promoters exploit early literary orientalist discourses in order to highlight the Bedouins’ uniqueness in the Arab World (Chaterald, 2008; Hazbun, 2008; Huss, 2013; Jabbur, 1995; Zebic, 2006). For example, national tourism promotion authorities in Egypt and Jordan have used specific kinds of knowledge and images about the Bedouin that draw inspiration from 19th- and 20thcentury Western popular representations of them. The tourism organizations in both of these countries promote those images that tourists are attracted to, and destinations may emphasize and even create tourism products to support these images (Chaterald, 2008; Hazbun, 2008; Jabbur, 1995). In Echtner and Prasad’s (2003) interpretation, the main markets of these images are found in the First World, as the developed countries are the primary generators of tourists. Representations of local people in a Third World setting are therefore regularly produced and disseminated by tourism promoters who are economically driven to sell a certain type of fantasy to a First World market (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010; Echtner & Prasad, 2003).

Tourist Motives In many tourism studies, motivations form the cornerstone of understanding tourist behaviours. Motivations have also been considered as a tool to segment tourism markets and design brochures advertising relevant narratives and images. Gaining a clear understanding of tourists motivations and expectations is essential for developing successful tourism advertising imagery (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010; Echtner & Prasad, 2003). The search for mysterious, exotic and nomadic Bedouin tribes in the Arab World relates to the complex concept of authenticity, a topic of ongoing discussion among scholars (Chaterald, 2008; Echtner & Prasad, 2003; MacCannell, 1976; Silver, 1993; Zebic, 2006). The concept of authenticity is most commonly traced to Boorstin’s (1964) criticism of the development of

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mass tourism and the loss of the genuine tourist who seeks out a more authentic experience. He argued that authenticity is commonly associated with originality or genuineness. Boorstin perceived mass tourism as ‘pseudo-events’, created by the standardization of tourist experiences and commoditization of culture. While Boorstin condemned mass tourism, MacCannell (1976) considered that tourists were not content with experiencing ‘pseudo-events’. MacCannell (1976) argued that, owing to dissatisfaction with the modern industrial society, the tourist is a secular pilgrim seeking authentic experiences that are missing from his or her everyday life. MacCannell summarizes his argument by claiming that the more modern man sinks into everyday life, the more he develops an interest in the cultural experiences of others. MacCannell’s argument supports Gray’s (1970: 87) claim that a basic trait in human beings is the desire ‘to leave things with which they are familiar and go and see, first hand, different exciting cultures and places.’ As a result of MacCannell’s work, scholars began to investigate tourists’ motives from a variety of perspectives. Cohen (1979: 180) writes that tourists vary in their motivations and that ‘the tourist does not exist as a type’. Cohen (1979) developed a typology of five types of tourist experiences that stretch from the search for simple pleasure on one end to the search for meaningful experiences or authenticity on the other. Cultural elements and an interest in foreign cultural experiences play a key role in driving motivation to travel (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010; Echtner & Prasad, 2003; Huncke & Koot, 2012; Jabbur, 1995; Neeton, 2013). Hu and Ritchie (1993) examined destination attractiveness of Australia, Hawaii, China, France and Greece. They found that one of the most important touristic attributes was an interest in the local people or their way of life. Similarly, Rittichainuwal et al. (2001) explored destination attractiveness of Thailand and also found that that one of the most important touristic attributes was an interest in local customs and culture. Thus tourism promoters have capitalized on cultural elements to present and promote particular images of their destinations. In particular, regions with rich culture and heritage backgrounds (i.e. Asia, Europe and the Arab World) generate significant demand for tourism (Echtner & Prasad, 2003; Hazbun, 2008; Jabbur, 1995; Neeton, 2013; Rittichainuwal et al., 2001). In order to sell a particular type of myths and stereotypes, tourism promoters strive to ensure that the exotic image of local people matches the motivations and expectations of the market in the First World nations (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010; Britton, 1979; Echtner & Prasad, 2003; Schellhorn & Perkins, 2004). The role that brochures’ advertising narratives and images play in the context of tourists’ motivations and expectations relates to the use of cultural symbols in advertising and the reinforcement of myths and stereotypes (Britton, 1979; Schellhorn & Perkins, 2004).

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An understanding of symbolism in advertising guided our brochure research and will therefore inform the remainder of our discussion.

Cultural Content of Advertising In her study on the concept of deconstructing both the surface and the deeper social and/or cultural meaning of advertisements, Frith (1998) proposes three phases of reading advertising. The first phase involves reading the surface meaning which consists of a list of all the persons, colours, and items in the advertisements. The second stage involves exploring the promoter’s intended meaning and this refers to the scheme behind the advertisement or the anticipated meaning that a viewer might obtain from the advertisement message (i.e. symbols, themes, headlines and tone). Other scholars have referred to this as the sales message that the advertiser is attempting to communicate (Beard, 2005; O’Barr, 1994). The final stage in Frith’s analysis involves the cultural and/or ideological meaning which relies on the cultural background of the person who reads and views the advertisement. Frith considers the last stage the most important means for deconstructing the deeper meanings of advertisements. She divides her last stage into two realms: subtle ideological principles and obvious cultural beliefs. Regarding the obvious aspect, advertisements relate to a place’s culture and to the political and social belief systems held in common by the public in that place. For example, Frith states that the majority of Americans believe in the ‘power of free speech, democracy, and rugged individualism’ (Frith, 1998: 5). The subtle ideological principles relate to certain deeply held belief systems. Beneath the obvious cultural beliefs of the advertisements lies stereotyping since it is based upon shared cultural beliefs (Frith & Muller, 2003). For example, prior to the civil rights movement of the 1960s, African Americans in advertisements were portrayed stereotypically in subservient roles as cooks, hotel maids, bellmen, caretakers and posties (Humphrey & Schuman, 1984; Mayes, 1998). Along the same lines, O’Barr (1994) describes the hidden ideology as beliefs that support a specific distribution of power in society. Writing earlier, Goffman (1979: 25) asked the following question: ‘Why do most advertisements not look strange to us?’ He answered that advertisements, especially in their portrayals of gender relations, seldom depict situations that readers and/or viewers have not formed as part of their dominant culture. He argues that advertising represents conditions according to our cultural characteristics. O’Barr (1994) agrees with Goffman’s scholarly critique and maintains that advertising does not create new conditions, but borrows from the sense of sociocultural reality that has already developed and been passed on to individuals. The image of Bedouins in the eyes of

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those in developed countries has, likewise, been developed over a long period of time.

Colonial Print Advertising The term Bedouin is known in Arabic as ‘Bedu’, which commonly refers to Arab nomadic pastoralist tribes who have settled in the Asian African desert belt stretching from the Atlantic coastline of the Sahara passing through the Western Desert, Sinai, and Negev to the Arabian Desert (Asher, 1997). Since Napoleon’s ill-fated invasion of Egypt between 1798 and 1801, the desert occupied by Bedouins and Middle Eastern territories became vital centres for exotic pilgrimages by French, German, British and Italian architects, photographers, sculptors, poets and travellers (Davies, 2005). By the mid-19th century residents of major European cities (i.e. Munich, London, Paris and Rome), for whom everything Eastern had once been peculiar and unfamiliar, had become accustomed to seeing images of harems, mosques and Bedouin dress and motifs at public exhibitions and on Middle Eastern commodities imported into Europe (Bloom, 2004; Khatib, 2003). In 1860 in Paris, Bedouin images were first utilized by the Egyptian government to market different products such as cigarettes, carpets, rugs, oil and soap. Around this time, cheap French postcards and children’s books in the French capital likewise began to exploit Bedouin images, with postcards showing enigmatic Bedouins riding their horses through the desert (Ryan, 1999; Tresilian, 2003). In the 1880s, leading publishers of travel guidebooks to Egypt, such as Thomas Cook and John Murray, employed various Bedouin images in order to make their tourism products more appealing. Their guidebooks provide much visual material illustrating the promise to meet the nomadic and primitive Bedouin (Cook, 1897; Murray, 1888). Furthermore, Rudolf Lehnert and Ernst Landrock were famous producers of early 20th-century European photographs of the Middle East. Their images of Bedouin nomads on camels represented the deserts of the Middle East to the European travellers as historical and mythological regions, inhabited by primitive people (Davies, 2005; Ryan, 1999). A vast collection of Bedouin images in Europe in the 19th and early 20th century was part of a systematic, persistent, politically entrenched conformist discourse which supported colonialist schemes by providing a visual rationalization of Western superiority and vindicating the occupation of the Middle East (Davies, 2005). Despite huge political and technological changes over the past few centuries, this primitive image of the Bedouin may be perpetuated even today.

Methodological Approach This study is informed by tour-guiding work the first author (who is an Egyptian immigrant to New Zealand) has conducted with British, Israeli,

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French and American tourists in the Sinai Peninsula and the Western Desert. The tour-guiding work covered time periods between 1999–2000 and 2001– 2003. Thus, the first author is an ‘informed reader’ (Denzin, 2001: 67) within the context of this research. The authors believe this provides them with a first-hand understanding of the phenomenon under scrutiny. Although this might be considered an inherent bias, the authors consider it a meaningful advantage with regards to empirical understanding (Denzin, 2001; Patton, 2002). Moreover, concurring with Patton (2002: 108), the writers judge that personal insights and reflections of the first author produce a ‘creative synthesis’ in the research project and contribute to the theoretical framework in that it brings an element of reflexivity. A qualitative research framework was adopted for data collection including semi-structured interviews with eight Egyptian tourism operators located in Cairo and Alexandria. The interviewees were chosen through snowballing sampling (Patton, 2002) and the interviews took place between October and December 2013 at locations chosen by the interviewees. Interviewees were assured of the confidentiality of the information they provided and of their right to withdraw comments or even refuse to give information at any stage before or during the interview. Also, none of the surveyed travel catalogues provided by the eight interviewees states the place of publication or the author(s). The interviews lasted for 45 minutes on average, and were audio recorded and transcribed. The interview questions centred around, but were not confined to, issues of business structure product development, marketing and promotion. Five interviews were conducted in Arabic and three interviews were conducted in English. To assure accuracy and completeness of the English translation of Arabic interview responses, the researchers followed Behling and Law’s (2000: 23) technique of ‘Translation/Back-Translation’ where the first author met with bilingual specialists and they examined the language of the transcripts until they reached an agreement. All interviews were subjected to content analysis. From the content analysis, a typology of themes was revealed. This process followed an analysis of English-language tourism brochures that advertised travelling opportunities to the Sinai Peninsula and the Western Desert. The brochures form another important raw material source for our observations in this study. Our main purpose was to identify the visual and textual messages contained in the brochures and to categorize their major themes. Our interpretation of those themes was guided by elements of qualitative content analysis (Budd et al., 1967) and deconstruction (Beard, 2005; Frith, 1998; Goffman, 1979; O’Barr, 1994) of the images and myths which are being sold. The term ‘brochure’ in this study refers to a booklet or a pamphlet giving information, and advertising. Some of the brochures utilized in this study were as long as 35 pages, divided into several sections, with headings such as ‘Bedouin Camping Experiences’. In total, 19 brochures, including 37 photographs of the Bedouin and their environment,

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were critically analysed. The researchers focused on language, text, context, meaning and the visual representation of Bedouins which included built and natural landscapes. Particularly, the ‘exotic,’ ‘mysterious,’ and ‘primitive’ depictions of Bedouin life provide a stimulating focus to our analysis of brochure material. The remainder of this chapter will discuss the key findings of this analytical work.

The Promise to Meet the ‘Primitive’ and ‘Exotic’ Bedouin Resembling colonial times, the tourism operators perpetuate the portrayal of the Bedouin as ‘unchanged and exotic remnants of another time’ (Echtner & Prasad, 2003: 669). The results of this study support Palmer (1994: 792) who contends that by depending on the indigenous depictions of a colonial past, ‘the tourism industry merely perpetuates the ideology of colonialism’. A similar claim is made by Sturma (1999: 713) who states that colonial stereotypes continue to be reproduced through popular fiction, films, culture and literature and gradually have become part of ‘the language of tourism’. A review of the 19 brochures revealed that Bedouin images strongly reflected the generic product (for example, Bedouin horse and camel trekking, adventure activities, experiencing authentic Bedouin culture and exotic cuisine, and so on) and that nomadic, exotic, traditional and authentic themes are often used to delineate and differentiate the Bedouin. These prominent themes continue to be central in the portrayal of Bedouins and their environment (Figures 13.1 and 13.2). In some of the 13 photographs featuring solitary Bedouin tribesman, the person depicted has some of the following attributes. He wears a white headdress and handmade leather sandals, he roams the vast sand desert and his way of life depends on camels and horses (i.e. Figures 13.1 and 13.2). The tribesman physically marks the destination’s identity. Equipped with these characteristics, the image signals a figure whose harsh, solitary and simple life in the desert separate him completely from the Western, urban experience. The underlying assumption in this image is that the tourist can experience the same desert life in two ways: that of the primitive Bedouin and that of the post-industrial tourist. One might also note that by showing images of vastness, dryness, and barrenness, the brochure images suggest that the current Bedouin occupation is nomadic and the passing tourist is likewise temporary. This supports the argument of Goss (1993: 682), who contends that tourism advertisements and guidebooks become ‘touristic signs’ that often refer to ‘the signification of difference’. Said’s (1978) notion of Orientalism demonstrates how the images and texts created during the colonization of the East produced a form of

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Figure 13.1 Cheap deals departing soon right here! 2 Day Tour. Sinai Authentic Excursions. Enjoy camel ride and exotic Bedouin dinner in the Sinai Desert. Copyright by A.O Travel & Tours Egypt (2012) [Photograph]. Reproduced with permission from the creator.

Figure 13.2 Do you like the adventure? Do you like to learn about traditional Bedouin lifestyle? Travel to the Bahariya Oasis in Egypt’s vast Western Desert. Copyright by Angel Tours 3 Egypt (2013) [Photograph]. Reproduced with permission from the creator.

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colonial discourse, which he termed ‘Orientalism’. He contends that Orientalism is a set of strategies that colonial powers have employed to construct the East. These strategies, however, did not vanish at the end of colonization, but were reproduced under post-colonial societies. The Bedouin have been recurrent characters in Orientalist discourse. Oriental texts and images were adopted by the colonial officials, Western travellers and scholars to portray the Bedouin as mysterious, exotic, primitive, alluring, primitive and backward. The few studies (i.e. Altorki & Cole, 1998; Asher, 1997; Chaterald, 2008; Hobbs & Tsunemi, 2006) that have analysed the technological changes and the socio-economic transformations affecting Bedouin communities seem to have only little impact on the way nonspecialists (such as tour operators) continue to portray the Bedouin. The Bedouin are therefore still largely portrayed in tourist brochures as nomadic and unaffected by social change or technological modernity. For example, hyper-division, locating Bedouins as Other, and underpinning the unbridgeable division between the civilized tourist and primitive Bedouin, is displayed in a brochure that opens its Sinai Bedouin Safari page with the bold headline Tour Tailor-Made Packages. Experience the lifestyle of the nomadic Bedouin. The same page includes two colourful photographs that are stretched horizontally (Figure 13.3). The photographs show a number of Bedouin tents and a Bedouin woman herding sheep. The text directly below the images states: These are the Bedouins, who can be simply noticed by their nomadic lifestyles, specific dialects, social structures and culture. Many of them continue to live a pastoral life. Often they live in tents, or houses made up from trunks of palm trees. They herd camels . . . The resort [Bedouin Valley] is an ideal location to discover the mysterious, untouched desert and its inhabitants. This is one of those places in Egypt where time seems to recede. It is a vanishing portal to Egypt’s past, somewhat primitive, and at the same time alluring.

Figure 13.3 Experience the lifestyle of the nomadic Bedouin. Copyright by A.M.T Travel Egypt (2012) [Photograph]. Reproduced with permission from the creator.

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The writing style and photographs presented in Figure 13.3 leave little doubt about the suggestive intent of the destination marketers. The images can be perceived by the tourist as offering a resolution to the alienation of modernity, an escape to the romantic image of untouched tranquil desert (MacCannell, 1976). The promoters employed representations of Egypt’s Bedouin to signify experiences of cultural tourism and the escape to a primitive, exotic and nomadic environment. One Egyptian tourism operator commented: The European tourists are simply fascinated by the Bedouin lifestyle so outside their norm. They are running away from office life, the 8 hour work day, commuting, and weekend errands, and running toward exotic places, new people, different cultures. So we promote the experience of living a nomadic simple lifestyle in the desert away from the hustle and bustle of city life. Another respondent voiced the view of other tourism operators: We usually try to show in the brochures our unique products. Undoubtedly, one of the special tours we offer is the trips to the Sinai desert. The trips offer tourists the opportunity to visit nomad families and experience their way of life, their culture and traditions and enjoy their exotic cuisine under the stars. No TV, no traffic lights or high-rise buildings disturb their peaceful environment. On a personal note, the first author encountered a number of Egyptian tourism operators who frequently introduced false, sensational, or inaccurately interpreted information to their clients about the Bedouin lifestyle. For example, some operators informed their clients that ‘Bedouin live a simplistic life and do not eat food with chemicals, and eat only dates, milk and bread’, or ‘They are untouched by technology and modern life. They are totally different from the people of Cairo and Alexandria’. The tourist brochures and tourism operators’ descriptions hinge on the colonial stereotypical representations of Bedouin. There are significant silences surrounding any signs of change, modernity and advancement. If two promotional themes dominate all the brochure texts and images in this study, they are the themes of the desert landscape with its sense of space and wonderment, and the encounter with the nomadic and primitive Bedouin tribes. The brochures combine conspicuous on-site markers (Bedouin attire, camels, folklore, teapot, tents and sheep herding) with romantic superlatives (the untouched tranquil desert, the simplicity and primitiveness of the desert landscape and its human presence) to illustrate must-see attractions (Echtner & Prasad, 2003). Equally, when tourism operators were asked to name aspects of Bedouin symbols they found most intriguing or appealing to tourists, the most

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frequently mentioned aspects included ‘the bright picture of the Sinai desert’, ‘simple tents’, traditional Bedouin food ‘Haflas’, ‘authentic galabeyas’, Bedouin ‘way of living’ and Bedouin ‘traditional music, dance and crafts’. Two tourism operators also commented on how particular illustrations are more important in capturing tourist’s attention than texts: My brochures, newsletters and flyers usually have special photos and they are colorful ones in order to make a strong impression. They attract their [tourist] eyes more than the text itself. I personally select particular images [the interviewer interjected and asked about the particular images he employs in the brochures] like the colorful granite mountains of South Sinai, the colorful Bedouin textiles and the camel herds in the background. Another respondent confirmed: I select special images for my brochures and guidebooks. Every year I change them, but there are few images that I don’t change such as the simple food of the Bedouins, their folklore, Bedouin headgear and cloaks. These images communicate more than written words. Again, evidence suggests that tour operators were most interested in presenting points of cultural difference, notably, the visual aspects of Bedouin culture such as crafts, landscape, attire and dance performances. As such, it could be argued that these symbols represent the staged experiences or simplification and commodification of Bedouin culture in Egypt and perhaps reinforcing the superficial and rather generalist nature of consumption. A growing number of studies have concluded that indigenous culture is presented and consumed somewhat superficially as a unique point of difference, or as an object of the tourist gaze (Britton, 1979; Buck, 1977; Dann, 1996; Davies, 2005). Hence, there has been a growing concern that presentations of indigenous people and their culture are consumed out of the desire for a ‘romanticized’ version of the culture (Echtner & Prasad, 2003; Olsen, 2008; Schellhorn & Perkins, 2004; Silver, 1993; Sturma, 1999). Brochure texts also presented Bedouin villages and their inhabitants in stark contrast with busy modern Cairo, the capital of Egypt, or with the coastal city of Alexandria in the north of the Nile delta. Village life is often characterized as being ‘timeless,’ ‘unaffected by modernity’ and a place ‘without boundaries,’ a definition that befits tourists’ desires to escape from their normal routine into otherness. These verbal themes are recurrent in the brochures selected and are bracketed by analogous visual signifiers of the Bedouin life (Bedouin women are weaving rugs on ground looms, Bedouin woman are making special bread on a hot pan on a large fire and Bedouin men are sipping home-ground coffee and herbal tea accompanied by fruit and

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baklava). For example, the brochure introduction to Bedouin village at Bahiydeen in the Siwa Oasis in Western Egypt is particularly explicit and avoids references of change and modern technology: ‘Small Bedouin villages with simple huts. It is a timeless village without boundaries. City dwellers of Cairo and Alexandria yearn for the simplicity, quiet, ease, and natural beauty of Bahiydeen in Siwa’ (A.O. Travel & Tours Egypt, 2012). Resembling colonial times, the brochures leave no doubt as to who is performing the discovering and who is being explored. Brochure texts also present village inhabitants in Siwa generally as the willing hosts of tourist activities. The newly arrived tourist in the A.M.T. Travel Egypt brochure (2012) will find: [t]he warm hospitality that characterizes genuine Bedouin culture. They will serve guests authentic Bedouin tea. They have their very own special blend of tea which they collected from various dessert plants. Guests will also enjoy a delicious Bedouin dinner and watch a magical performance of traditional music, singing and dancing . . . The local women provide different Bedouin rugs and weaves to choose from. They use traditional loom. Visual images and personal texts therefore give meaning to the anticipated experience and memories of tourists. The selective utilization of particular images and texts ‘is an example of the power behind the creators’ (such as tour operators) of such discourse and how meanings are linked to imagery (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010: 41). Tour operators have aimed to present the colonial legacy of stereotypes, and to achieve this, the Bedouin culture is encoded with certain meanings promoted and others discarded. Hence, potential tourists are directed towards particular interpretations of Bedouin culture at the expense of others, and therefore contemporary aspects of Bedouin culture are contested via unequal relationships of power.

Brochures’ Advertising Narratives and Realities The brochures’ representations of Bedouins negate the reality of many Bedouin communities in Sinai as contemporary and changing. Since the mid1950s, natural droughts and the accelerating economic development in Egypt have made the Bedouin way of life increasingly sedentary (Cole, 2003). Dynamic interactions between urban centres and the Bedouin of Sinai were primarily initiated by Bedouin who have engaged in trading relationships with, or pursued employment in the cities (Asher, 1997; Marx, 1987). As they have become more settled, large numbers of Bedouin moved into the tourism industry to work as tourist guides, taxi drivers, setting up cafes or campgrounds (Cole, 2003; Jabbur, 1995). In their study of Bedouins of the

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Northern Eastern Desert in Egypt, Hobbs and Tsunemi (2006) found that over 70% of the Bedouin are engaged in tourism for their incomes. They have participated in Bedouin Safari business and ‘mahattas’ [Bedouin stations or tents] enterprises where tourists eat Bedouin food and enjoy Bedouin dancing for a few hours. Tourism, modern technology and education have brought Bedouins many changes including a stable standard of living (Altorki & Cole, 1998). It has long been recognized that tourism is shown to be inextricably tied to the modernization process, having a penetrating impact on indigenous communities and cultures (Amoamo & Thompson, 2010). The lifestyles and values of many Bedouins have simultaneously been transformed. During the past 20 years, a growing number of Bedouin men and women have attended colleges and universities outside their place of residence (Altorki & Cole, 1998). Besides, Bedouin women who live in the desert have also participated in a number of tourist-related activities such as weaving, making cheese, preparing meals for tourists and selling spices and handicrafts (Cole, 2003; Hobbs & Tsunemi, 2006). Some Bedouin women have not been forced to stay at home and separate themselves from the international tourists. They have ‘unprecedented public, inter-gender interaction’ and many of them ‘have direct economic interactions with tourists’ (Hobbs & Tsunemi, 2006: 218, 222). The brochures, however, make no mention of this modern reality of the Bedouin. The brochures are, however, designed to sell a product and as such can be used by tourism operators for their own discursive purposes (Buck, 1977; Dann, 1996).

Conclusions The analysis of the tourist brochures has sketched a core image of the lifestyle of Egypt’s Bedouin. This centres around experiencing the unspoiled Egyptian deserts and its nomadic and primitive Bedouin tribes. This image strongly reflects a colonial legacy of particular stereotypes that continue to be reproduced through English-language tourism brochures. By emphasizing such a general perspective, the image neglects to draw attention to more contemporary aspects of Bedouin culture. While the core image may lure potential tourists into experiencing the other, there is a possibility of increasing the gap between expectations and experience. The visual and textual messages contained in the tourist brochures, as promotional mechanisms for commercial control, may clash with the tourists’ experiences on the ground. Thus, dissatisfied tourists may then complain about the disparity between their outcome expectations and the reality encountered in the desert. There are a number of ways tourism operators could address the dissonance between tourists’ stereotypical expectations and the modern reality of Bedouin life. Rather than deceiving tourists into thinking Bedouin life

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continues as it did centuries ago, tourism operators could adjust the wording of their brochures, advertising a chance for tourists to step back in time, to experience life as traditional Bedouins used to experience it. This would not be unlike bringing tourists to visit castles in Europe. No one visiting a castle believes that people in Europe still live that way, but castles are nonetheless must-see attractions. Tours with staged, historical Bedouin experiences would continue to attract tourists because of the widespread awareness of these images (e.g. living in tents, riding camels, being in the vast desert), but without denying or trying to hide the fact that the life of contemporary Bedouins has changed dramatically. Tour operators could also supplement experiences of the traditional Bedouin lifestyle, the ‘pseudo-events’ Boorstin (1964) described, by offering reality tours. These tours would embrace changes to the modern Bedouin lifestyle by allowing tourists to see first hand how many of the Bedouin live today, the kinds of jobs they currently hold, and the challenges they face in becoming increasingly incorporated into the larger community. Such tours would cater to those interested in a more authentic experience. Accordingly, future research ought to consider the consequences of these forms of advertising discourse for both tourists and hosts. Further studies could also explore the ways in which Bedouin tourism stakeholders attempt to control the representation and meanings of their image through other means, for example, the internet. As noted by Amoamo and Thompson (2010) and Echtner and Prasad (2003: 680), ‘Third World people’ and indigenous tourism stakeholders use heritage and the social media to tell their side of the story; thus their stories can disrupt dominant images via counterrepresentations. Such counter-representations offer the opportunity to creatively construct and communicate new images and expressions of identity to the tourists (Britton, 1979; Buck, 1977). Counter-representations would allow tourists to experience the diverse impacts that the modernization process has had on Bedouins– from a Bedouin perspective. Postcolonial literature, especially postcolonial counter-representation, is an invaluable resource that this future research should utilize. Furthermore, detailed analysis should be conducted of how different genders are represented in brochures and other tourism media, such as promotional videos or social media. Finally, given the small sample size of the interviewees and tourist brochures (Lincoln & Guba, 1985), this research is limited in that it may not be representative of tourist brochures deployed for the representations of local people in other destinations.

Acknowledgements The authors wish to kindly thank the eight Egyptian tourism operators who offered information and hospitality. Thank you all for your unconditional support and the easy access to the facilities and materials.

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14 The Business of Hajj Sulistyo B. Utomo, Noel Scott and Xin Jin

Introduction Hajj is an annual pilgrimage to Makkah, Saudi Arabia, and is one of the five pillars in Islam, compulsory for all Muslims who are financially and physically capable. Prophet Muhammad was asked by Allah to announce to Muslims everywhere in the world that they should perform Hajj to Makkah (Ambroz & Ovsenik, 2011; Qur’an, 22: 27–30). Hajj is held over five particular days (8th to 12th) in the month of Zul-Hijja, the last month of the Islamic lunar calendar. Because of this, the precise Hajj period will vary each year as measured on the Gregorian calendar (Gatrad & Sheikh, 2005). During these five days, those taking part in Hajj have to follow certain rituals which reenact the physical and spiritual journey performed by Abraham and later by the prophet Muhammad in 631 AD in the three areas of Arafat, Mina and Muzdalifa in Makkah, Saudi Arabia (Robinson, 1999; Schneider et al., 2011). Non-Muslims are not allowed in the haramayn (sacred areas) of Makkah and in other cities including Madina. Although a pilgrimage to Makkah is expected of every Muslim if they are able, the numbers of people who actually are able to attend Hajj is limited. The first written records of the Hajj were written in the 1700s and describe a risky and difficult journey. Travelling overland to Makkah walking or riding camels could take a year from central Asia, eight months from Istanbul and up to two years from Morocco (Coskun, 2012; El Moudden, 1990; Pearson, 1995). Travel to Makkah by sea could take up to six months. Pilgrims had to prepare themselves physically for this difficult journey; they would say good bye to their family, not knowing whether they would return home or die during the trip (Metcalf, 1990). Clearly, at this time the journey to Makkah for Hajj required tremendous dedication and sacrifice, earning its reputation as the journey of a lifetime (Coskun, 2012). Hajj pilgrimage has always had a commercial component; pilgrimage sites have often been venues for trading and pilgrims travelling in caravans often traded along the way in order to finance their journey. Because this journey could take months or even years, people going to Makkah for pilgrimage would also undertake trading to fulfil their needs for the journey. 207

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Further transporting pilgrims across large distances is also a significant business in its own right, and accommodation and catering in Makkah provide other business opportunities. Today, Hajj has been modernised and is quite a different experience from that of even 50 years ago. The majority of pilgrims arrive by air transport. Not only is the transit time dramatically shorter but as well the length of stay in Makkah is now reduced to between 6 and 39 days. This allows pilgrims to gather before the 5-day Hajj ritual. Nowadays, there are many highrise hotels and apartment buildings in Makkah including the Abraj Al-Bait Towers, (colloquially named the Makkah Royal Clock Tower Hotel or Clock Tower). This is a government-owned building complex in the central area of Makkah containing shopping malls, and number of luxury hotels that provides pilgrims comfort and luxury stay. The Clock Tower is located next to the Grand Mosque of Masjidil Haram. This is a convenience for wealthy people staying in this complex in attending daily prayers and other rituals. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the history of the business of Hajj and its recent development. Hajj pilgrimage has always had a business component which contrasts and may possibly conflict with the need for Hajjis to be purified and leave all worldly goods behind. Here we discuss the evolution of Hajj business through three periods: prior to European involvement; Hajj business under the Europeans; and Hajj in the 20th century. Today, Hajj provides business for companies around the world and undoubtedly the physical quality of Hajj pilgrimage has improved due to the modernisation of Makkah. The paper highlights that the quality of the religious experience due to this modernisation has not been previously discussed.

The History of the Business of Hajj Prior to European involvement Business and the Hajj have been intertwined since the earliest days. Indeed, this region was a pilgrimage and trade location before the time of Prophet Muhammad, although the exact pilgrimage location could have been in either Arafat or Mina, rather than Makkah (McDonnell, 1986; Pearson, 1995) . During their journey overland, some pilgrims might sell goods to other pilgrims in the same caravan. Others carried trade goods to sell in order to support their travel to Makkah and return home. The early modern Hajj was important to Gujarati trade in the Arabian Sea (Gupta, 1994), when pilgrims from the Indian coast carried textiles for sale in Red Sea markets. Persian pilgrims traded fruit, wine and silk, Turkish pilgrims sold carpets and Angora shawls, Yemeni traded snakes and sandals (Pearson, 1995). Pilgrims would also conduct business in Makkah in order to pay their way home. Hajj pilgrimage was also important for the people of Makkah who, to a large

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extent, depended on income generated from the Hajj. Indeed until the exploration and development of oil after the Second World War, Hajj was Saudi Arabia’s main source of revenue (Peters, 1994). This income came from provision of goods and services within Makkah.

Hajj transport In addition, transportation of pilgrims to Makkah was a significant business in its own right. Some Syrian caravan commanders acquired thousands of camels, raised and sold to pilgrims for transport. People who organise Hajj travel are called mutawwif (or muallim, as they were known in India) (Miller, 2006). These businesses usually run within families from generation to generation, and women mutawwif have been known (Miller, 2006). Mutawwif were found in every country with a significant Hajj pilgrimage volume. They may be based in Makkah but will travel to India, Persia, Malaysia or Indonesia for recruitment missions. These mutawwif are crucial as guides who can understand Arabic and can explain how to do Hajj rituals and prayers properly. As guides, they also arranged foods and accommodation, transportation and places to stay in Arafat and Medina, and also arrange the purchase of sheep for sacrifice. In essence they act like a tour operator. In early 1900s, Egypt’s Bank Misr developed the first air service from Egypt to Jeddah for pilgrims to Makkah. However, most of them were using special chartered flights, only 5% arrived on regular flights in the middle of 1900s Hajj season (Bushnak, 1979). The air fare was very expensive and it was not affordable by most pilgrims and was not an option for ordinary people. Most pilgrims still travelled by cars, buses and even camels. Some countries such as Persia, India and Egypt established pilgrimage shipping services, such as Shustari Line, the Nemazee Line (registered in Hong Kong), and the Bank Misr Steam Navigation Line.

During the European involvement From the 15th century, European and later British expansion into East, South East and Southern Asia brought these colonial powers into contact with Muslim populations. Islam was spread by Arabs when they were trading in Asia with Chinese, Indians, Malaysians, and Indonesians along the southern Silk Road. Later, this route was used to transport pilgrims to perform Hajj (Ladjal et al., 2013). European imperialism brought Hajj business transportation under the control of European shipping enterprises with Southeast Asian Hajj pilgrims transported from Malaysia and Indonesia by British companies using steam ships. These two countries provided the majority of customers as they had the largest Muslim populations. The success of mass transportation of Hajjis by these British organisations was due to the involvement of mutawwif, which provided contacts and

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information, and overcame cultural and language barriers (Miller, 2006). Even before the opening of the Suez Canal, these companies had been transporting pilgrims from the Persian Gulf to Jeddah. Later, after the opening of the Suez Canal, Europeans became the main player in transporting and organising Hajj British, Dutch, French, German, Greek, Norwegian, Italian and Russian ships were registered to transport pilgrims to Jeddah and return. There were two largest main pilgrim routes – from India and from South East Asia (Miller, 2006).

Suez Canal opening The opening of the Suez Canal created more shipping capacity to and from Asia and the introduction of modern steamships reduced the cost of transport and the length of passage making the Hajj affordable to the ordinary Muslims not just the wealthy people and the religious elites and scholars (Bayly, 2004). With the Suez Canal Britain secured its access to India, and expanded its business to South-Western Arabia, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden. Eventually, there were ships of British, Dutch, French, German, Greek, Norwegian, Italian and Russian registered to transport pilgrims to Jeddah. The largest company was the Mogul Line, managed by the British company Turner Morrison. Mogul Line ships transported approximately 20,000 pilgrims in 1927 and in the late 1930s more than 70% of pilgrims from Indian ports travelled on Mogul Line vessels. South East Asian pilgrims from Malaysia, the Straits Settlements and the Dutch East Indies, travelled on the vessels of the Holts Company, a cooperative venture between the British and Dutch, as well as other two main shipping companies shipping companies. These were Amsterdam’s Stoomvaart Maatschappij ‘Nederland’ (SMN) and the Rotterdamsche Lloyd (RL) (Miller, 2006). Later, these three companies called their operation ‘Kongsi Tiga’. They used specially designed boat to carry pilgrims and cargo during Hajj season and traded as freighters outside of the season. The Hajj business was very profitable during this period; Holts carried 13,695 pilgrims from Singapore and Penang in the 1913–14 season, increasing to 20,590 in 1920 and rose to 30,175 in 1926–27 (Miller, 2006).

Modern steamships Despite the new steamship technology, the journey was not easy for the pilgrims. Travel to Makkah by sea could take up to six months and pilgrims had to prepare themselves physically for this difficult journey. They would say good bye to their family not knowing whether they would return home or die during the trip (Metcalf, 1990). Clearly, at this time the journey to Makkah for Hajj required tremendous dedication and sacrifice, earning its reputation as the journey of a lifetime (Coskun, 2012). Some pilgrims died

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on the boat or during the pilgrimage and pilgrims who made it to Makkah would stay to rest and recuperate before returning. As these companies grew they bought more advance steamships, which were bigger, better and faster than the ordinary sailing vessels. Thus, the operational cost was less expensive and provided better punctuality and speed. This allowed European shipping to dominate the Hajj business by offering cheaper transportation especially for pilgrims from South-East Asia (Pearson, 1995). Scheduling of this Hajj steamship transportation was a crucial issue during that period of time and coordination with feeder services from secondary airports was important. Pilgrims needed to ensure they arrived at the right time, and once the Hajj season ended, pilgrims crowded into Jeddah in a rush to go home. This created considerable problems for pilgrims in order to ensure that they had a ship available to accommodate them. Other problems include baggage handling, paperwork and visas. The loss of baggage was a common problem as well.

The importance of brokers The Hajj transport systems were built on and incorporated Muslim pilgrim business networks, using their existing operational base to obtain clients and cargoes. In West Africa, as an example, French companies were utilising African intermediaries with commercial traditions in order to build chains of trading stations. This practice was applied in transporting Hajjis. European shipping companies therefore folded existing Muslim businesses into the wider networks they were assembling. Kongsi Tiga Shipping used existing brokers to recruit pilgrims for their ships (Miller, 2006). These brokers were mostly mutawwif or their associates. The availability of brokers made sure all paperwork and ticketing for entering Saudi Arabia has been done properly, and co-ordinated operations locally as well as supervising pilgrims’ arrival and departure. They usually had good contacts with mosque officials and religious teachers in the origin countries. The information they provided was very important for Kongsi Tiga shipping, especially about pilgrims who lived in outlying regions who had to be transported by a feeder ship to a collection port where they would join the larger pilgrim groups. Overall during this time, Hajj travel improved and became more standardised but still remained an uncomfortable and somewhat unpredictable adventure.

Hajj in the 20th century In the third period beginning in the early 20th century of decolonisation era, the format of Hajj travel was transformed. Miller (2006) claimed there were four factors that led to this transformation: Firstly, decolonisation affected the balance of power in business dealings significantly and lead to fewer colonial

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companies trading. Second, there was a change of trade flows with more from one developed economy to another, rather than with the home country of the colonial power. Third, these two factors led to more competition from nonEuropean businesses. Fourth, the further development of air transport using jet engines lead to a reduction in use of the sea route (Miller, 2006). Thus, the business of Hajj radically transformed. Later, the oil discovery in Saudi Arabia also made tourism businesses beyond Hajj less attractive to develop. After World War II, oil was the main source of income for Saudi Arabia (Peters, 1994). Thus, the tourism sector was not growing except Hajj as it is compulsory. However, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia did not manage Hajj seriously. During those periods, many problems occurred such as: health, accommodation and transportation. In order to manage those issues, the Ministry of Hajj was founded (Henderson, 2011). This government body responsible to manage all aspects regarding Hajj, and it also has some cooperations with private businesses not limited to only European shipping companies especially after the World War II. Southern and South-Eastern Asia experienced decolonisation. European shipping companies tried to maintain their commercial advantage but it was impossible and increasingly non-Western competitors entered the market. Hajj pilgrimage transportation remained an important business especially with the increasing number of pilgrims and increasing involvement of locals into the Hajj business, with new corporations formed joining mutawwif with statesponsored organisations. Air transport was introduced, but initially could not replace steam ships shipping as the primary means of transport overseas as tickets were very expensive. Despite this, the journey to Makkah for Hajj pilgrimage progressively became easier and more people were able to travel to Makkah such that it began to resemble mass tourism. Many countries formed an organisation to handle Hajj for pilgrims to make their trip easier. In Malaysia, the government company Lembaga Urusan dan Tabung Haji (LUTH) was established at the end of 1960s. LUTH has its own travel infrastructure for Hajj including transport and accommodation. It also duplicated the broker system from the earlier colonial era. Brokers were dispersed along the east coast of the country. An organisation which managed savings by pilgrims towards the cost of their travel called Muslim Pilgrims’ Savings Corporation (MMPSC) was established. This organisation invested pilgrims’ savings in a variety of companies, include palm oil, rubber estates in order to finance its operating costs. By the late 1990s, LUTH had become an enterprise which managed Hajj funds for Malaysian pilgrims to Makkah without involving conventional banks (McDonnell, 1986). After independence in Indonesia, European businessmen tried to reconstruct their previous networks but experienced difficulty with some being forced out. Hajj travel reduced during that period owing to the unstable political conditions. In 1955, the Hajj candidate listed over good 100,000 people (Noer, 1978). European companies continued to transport pilgrims

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but only until the 1950s. However, in general the business of Hajj remained open to Europeans as local businessmen were unable to handle it themselves. The Indonesian government unsuccessfully tried to replace the Kongsi Tiga system with Indonesian shipping and the Indonesian Ministry of Religious Affairs, who had prime responsibility for organising Hajj was forced to turn to Kongsi Tiga. The Indonesian government, aware that Hajj required safe and careful preparation, realised the national shipping companies who handled this business were not ready. However, a decade later, Indonesian companies had replaced the Europeans. In Southern Asia after World War II in 1950s, the Mogul Line was one of the successful European companies and had the biggest share of the Pakistani Hajj. However, these companies realised they had no future in the Hajj business after decolonisation, and by 1962 the Government of India acquired Mogul. Furthermore, Pakistan also bought most of the vessels owned by Mogul and cooperated with India in transporting pilgrims to Makkah.

Changes in the mode of transportation By the middle of the 1980s, only about 20% pilgrims arrived in Jeddah by steamship, with more than 50% travelling by air and the remainder overland (Bushnak, 1979; Miller, 2006). It was African pilgrims, travelling by land to Port Sudan and then by ship to Jeddah who contributed the bulk of the sea travel (Miller, 2006). Air transport proved much more convenient than sea travel and carrying pilgrims by air was more profitable. Many airlines began transporting people to Makkah via Jeddah during the Hajj pilgrimage. By the 2000s there were numerous air/accommodation travel packages to Makkah for Hajj ranging from modest to luxurious in quality. The air transport offering ranged from economy class to the business class. The difference between pilgrimage and leisure travel had become less clear. Nowadays, most Hajj pilgrims travel by air to Jeddah with some 91.7% using this airport to enter Saudi Arabia in 2009 as indicated on Figure 14.1 (Memish, 2010). Only 1.6% arrived by sea and the remainder (6.7%) came by land. As shown in Table 14.1, the number of pilgrims increased significantly between 2009 and 2012, and then decreased by 20% due to construction and improvement of the Grand Mosque and other facilities used to perform Hajj rituals. Table 14.1 shows the number of pilgrims over the five years from 2009 to 2014. In 2012, the number of pilgrims reached more than 3 million. The decrease in numbers of pilgrims shown in 2013 and 2014 is only temporary due to renovations that are expected to be completed by 2016.

Hajj satisfaction Over the past few decades, pilgrims have become aware of and interested in receiving high levels of service during the Hajj and they are more likely to

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25,907 (1.6%)

108,487 (6.7%)

1,484,818 (91.7%)

Air Sea Land

Figure 14.1 Arrival of pilgrims in 2009 by mode of travel (Memish, 2010).

complain about late meals during the flight or if there were no movies on flight to Makkah (Long, 1979; McLoughlin, 2009). Today, excellent service is required of airlines as it is in accommodation in Makkah and Madinah. Hotels need to provide services such as clean rooms and tasty food in their restaurants. The Hajj pilgrimage business has undertaken a number of improvements especially in providing excellent services to pilgrims.

Expansion of Masjidil Haram It is likely that the numbers of people wishing to become Hajj pilgrim will increase in future due to an increasing Muslim population globally as well as economic growth in Islamic countries. As a result, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has undertaken a significant expansion of the Grand Mosque of Masjidil Haram in order to accommodate a growing number of pilgrims. The numbers of travellers to Hajj pilgrims is set through a quota system implemented by Saudi Arabia. Owing to construction projects in Mecca, the Table 14.1 Number of pilgrims (2009–2014) Year

Local pilgrims

Foreign pilgrims

Total

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

699,313 989,798 1,099,522 1,400,000 700,000 700,000

1,613,965 1,799,601 1,828,195 1,700,000 1,379,531 1,389,053

2,313,278 2,789,399 2,927,717 3,161,573 2,079,531 2,089,053

Source: Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia (2013).

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2014 visa quota was limited and some countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia received fewer visas (Bernama, 2014; Damayanti, 2013). This quota limitation is planned to remain in force until the Masjid Al Haram renovation is finished in 2016 (Damayanti, 2013). Figure 14.2 shows construction infrastructure surrounding the Grand Mosque during its renovation in 2014. The expansion of the Grand Mosque is projected to accommodate more pilgrims. The growing number of pilgrims has also attracted investors who have built hotels and shopping centres. The purpose of this new infrastructure is to make sure that pilgrims have access to all the amenities and facilities they require during their stay in Makkah (Hanif, 2014). It has been reported by the Daily Star that the developments valued at US$120 billion are scheduled for Makkah and Medina over the next decade. The Abraj Al-Bait Tower completed in 2012 and popularly known as the Makkah Clock Tower now overshadows the Masjidil Haram.

Destruction of historical buildings Furthermore, it is estimated that the construction projects have resulted in 95% of original historical buildings in Makkah being torn down (Chehata, 2014; Johnson, 2014; Nasrawi, 2007) . Historical buildings that have been demolished over the last 20 years include the house of the Prophet Muhammad’s first wife Khadijah, historical mosques marking the battle of the Trench, a mosque that was linked to the Prophet’s grandson and the Ajyad Fortress (Taylor, 2011). At issue is whether these constructions and changes have meant that the Hajj experience has lost its true spiritual

Figure 14.2 The construction of the Grand Mosque in Makkah, courtesy of Bagus Prasetyo (with permission).

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meaning for some pilgrims and have reduced the heritage of Prophet Muhammad. The modern Hajj pilgrim may see Makkah as a commercial city with its skyline dominated by high-rise buildings that impose over the house of God, the Kaaba (Taylor, 2011).

Reflections on Modern Hajj Over the past hundred years, the Hajj pilgrimage has changed significantly. Hajj has always provided business opportunities for mutawwif and associated transportation companies as well as involving a component of trade by pilgrims to support the costs of their travel. Increasingly, modern air transportation has reduced the travel time and the uncertainty of Hajj but also meant that pilgrims have been unable to bring trade goods with them. Today, the business of the Hajj consists mainly of the commercial travel component of Hajj which consists of travel agents, airlines, and hotel accommodations from one- to five-star in order to support housing of millions of people each year. These recent developments have changed some of pilgrims’ pure religious motivation to secular. Pilgrims often ‘share many of the physical infrastructures and service providers as secular travelers … pilgrimage trails and destinations have been given new life through modern, secular tourism’ (Di Giovine, 2011: 249). In addition, the role of mutawwif has been reduced due to the development of government agencies responsible for centrally organising many aspects of the pilgrimage. Part of the reason for the reduction in the role of mutawwif has been due to them acquiring a reputation as dishonest and lying about the costs of travel (Miller, 2006). As a result, the Saudi Arabian government has sought to regulate these businesses. The modern Hajj has become a significant business in part due to the numbers of people travelling as well as because an increase in the per person cost of travel due to use of the convenient but expensive air transportation. However, this increase in the cost of Hajj means that the pilgrimage is less affordable for ordinary people. There is also an increasing differentiation in the type of travel packages offered to Hajjis. Luxury five-star hotels available in Makkah are being packaged with premium air travel as well as opportunity to visit other countries and perhaps to engage in shopping. This contrasts with the more traditional Hajj experience of trading, travelling by sea or camel and being accommodated in tents in the desert heat. The tradition of Hajj lies in equality among all pilgrims demonstrated by wearing Ihram – two unstitched white pieces of cloth. This simple dress represents the elimination of social and economic inequality. Pilgrims must put aside the materialism of their daily lives before going to Hajj but it may be argued that the spirituality of Hajj is being countered by recent developments. The capacity of Makkah to cater for the millions of Muslims who wish to go on Hajj means that some limitation on numbers is required. For this

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reason, a quota system has been established whereby each country is given a number of visas based on its population size. Each year, Muslims hoping to travel, apply for the visa and wait anxiously to see if they have been chosen. A number of factors are considered in making this allocation including age and previous Hajj travel. It has been reported that there is a ‘black market’ selling visas for people who desperately want to go for the Hajj (Miller, 2006) although this practice is prohibited. The costs of pilgrimage vary by country of origin and also by package chosen. To travel from United States, the cost is a minimum of US$6500 (Darfoon, 2013), whereas Australian Muslims need to pay at least US$6000 (Haq & Jackson, 2009). This package includes accommodation, air ticket and meals during their stay in Makkah and not including tour to anywhere else. The quality of the accommodation perhaps reflects differences in normal travel expectations for people from these countries. For the same reason, packages may include a trip to other countries such as Dubai, Egypt, Hong Kong at an additional cost. In Indonesia, two types of Hajj package are available: regular Hajj and Hajj plus. The regular Hajj provides shared accommodation, usually consists of five females or males in one room. Hajj plus, on the other hand, provides five-star hotels. The cost for the regular Hajj in 2014 was between US$2000 to 4000 per person. Hajj plus was first made available in 1987 to accommodate wealthy people who did not want to wait to obtain a visa (Pusponegoro, 2008). The waiting period for the regular Hajj is 10–15 years, whereas the Hajj plus was about five years in 2016. The minimum cost of the Hajj plus in 2014 was approximately US$8000 per person depending on the package chosen (Elisiva & Sule, 2015) with more expensive Hajj plus packages including extra trips to countries such as: Turkey, Egypt, Dubai, Singapore or Hong Kong. It appears that the business of Hajj has changed significantly and today focuses more on satisfaction with the services provided to the pilgrims. This may reflect changes in wider society where people want to get everything fast; they do not want to wait for a Hajj visa. However, this is also leading to more inequality between pilgrims from different countries or income levels which is quite distinct from older times when all pilgrims stayed in tents. In olden times, people would travel on camels for months and ran a risk of death during the Hajj journey. Those who made it home would celebrate their return, and felt confident that their ability to perform the pilgrimage made them worthy in the eyes of God. At question today is whether the changes to Hajj which have made it more convenient and comfortable have also reduced the impact on hajii’s religious lives. Hajj remains a journey for a lifetime for Muslims from every country around the world, with ‘sinners’ hoping to start over as newly born. Indeed, wealthy parents may send their young adult children who have undertaken unlawful behaviour in the Hajj in hopes of heavenly intervention and a miraculous change of direction. Interestingly, prior academic research has

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focused on levels of service provided during the Hajj but not about the religious outcomes of it (Jabnoun, 2003). It is recommended that further research about the outcomes of Hajj, be undertaken to determine to what extent people increase their religious commitment when they return home and if the standard service provided has an influence.

References Ambroz, M. and Ovsenik, R. (2011) Tourist origin and spiritual motives. Management: Journal of Contemporary Management Issues 16 (2), 71–86. Bayly, C.A. (2004) The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons. Oxford: Blackwell Oxford. Bernama (2014) Najib: Malaysia will plead for additional haj quota. See http://www. themalaymailonline.com/malaysia/article/najib-malaysia-will-plead-for-additionalhaj-quota Bushnak, A.A. (1979) The Hajj Transportation System. In Sardar and Badawi (eds) Hajj Studies (Vol. 1, pp. 87–115). Great Britain: Biddles, Ltd. Chehata, H. (2014) Saudi ‘cultural vandalism’ of Muslim heritage continues. See http:// www.middleeasteye.net/culture/saudi-cultural-vandalism-muslim-heritage-continues-1605359828 (accessed 12 February 2015). Coskun, M. (2012) Ottoman attitudes towards writing about pilgrimage experience. Milli Folklor 24 (95), 72–82. Damayanti, I. (2013) Saudi Arabia explains reasons behind Hajj Quota limitation. See http://en.tempo.co/read/news/2013/06/27/074491712/Saudi-Arabia-Explains-ReasonsBehind-Hajj-Quota-Limitation (accessed 27 June 2013) Darfoon, M. (2013) An Examination of Service Quality and Satisfaction in a Religious Tourism Setting. (Doctor of Philosophy), Clemson University, Clemson, SC. (8–2013) Di Giovine, M.A. (2011) Pilgrimage: Communitas and contestation, unity and differenceAn introduction. Turizam: znanstveno-stručni časopis 59 (3), 247–269. El Moudden, A. (1990) The ambivalence of rihla: community integration and self-definition in Moroccan travel accounts, 1300–1800. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: the University of California Press. Elisiva, A.R. and Sule, E.T. (2015) Influence of competitive strategy analysis on improvement of organizational performance. International Journal of Economics, Commerce and Management 3 (5), 1406–1420. Gatrad, A.R. and Sheikh, A. (2005) Hajj: journey of a lifetime. BMJ: British Medical Journal, 330 (7483), 133–137. See http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/ PMC544433/ Gupta, A.D. (1994) Indian Merchants and The Decline of Surat: Weisbaden: Steiner. Hanif, I. (2014) Masjid Al Haram 01 Shawal 1435 (28/07/2014) See http://al-masjid-alharam.blogspot.com.au/ Haq, F. and Jackson, J. (2009) Spiritual journey to Hajj: Australian and Pakistani experience and expectations. Journal of Management, Spirituality & Religion 6 (2), 141–156. doi:10.1080/14766080902815155 Henderson, J.C. (2011) Religious tourism and its management: The hajj in Saudi Arabia. International Journal of Tourism Research 13 (6), 541–552. Jabnoun, N. (2003) Development of Hajqual: a marketing research tool to measure Hajj service quality. Journal for International Business and Entrepreneurship Development 1 (1), 22–28. Johnson, A. (2014) Mecca under threat ‘Outrage at plan to destroy the ‘birthplace’ of the Prophet Mohamed and replace it with a new palace and luxury malls’. See http:// www.islamicpluralism.org/2425/mecca-under-threat

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Ladjal, T., Yusoff, M.Y.Z.M., Grine, F. and Nor, M.R.M. (2013) Asian Hajj Routes: The Reflection of History and Geography. Middle-East Journal of Scientific Research 14 (12), 1691–1699. Long, D.E. (1979) The Hajj Today: A Survey of the Contemporary Pilgrimage to Makkah. New York: SUNY Press. McDonnell, M.B. (1986) The Conduct of Hajj from Malaysia and its Socio-economic Impact on Malay Society: A Descriptive and Analytical Study, 1860–1981. PhD, Columbia University, USA, Columbia University, USA. McLoughlin, S. (2009) Contesting Muslim pilgrimage: British-Pakistani Identities, sacred journeys to Makkah and Madinah, and the global postmodern. Pakistani Diasporas, Culture, Conflict and Change, 233–266. Memish, Z. (2010) The Hajj: Communicable and non-communicable health hazards and current guidance for pilgrims. Euro Surveill 15 (39), 1–4. See http://www.eurosurveillance.org/ViewArticle.aspx?ArticleId=19671 Metcalf, B.D. (1990) The pilgrimage remembered: South Asian accounts of the hajj. Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination, 85–107. Miller, M.B. (2006) Pilgrims’ progress: The business of the Hajj. Past & Present 191 (191), 189–228. doi:10.1093/pastj/gtj009 Nasrawi, S. (2007) Mecca’s ancient heritage is under attack. Los Angeles Times. See http:// articles.latimes.com/2007/sep/16/news/adfg-mecca16 (accessed 4 March 2016). Noer, D. (1978) Administration of Islam in Indonesia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell Univ Modern Indonesia. Pearson, M. (1995) Pious passengers: The Hajj in earlier times. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 22, 152–153. Peters, F.E. (1994) The Hajj: The Muslim Pilgrimage to Mecca and the Holy Places. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Pusponegoro, C. (2008) It takes 2 years to arrive in Mecca. See http://masjidrayabatam. net/haji-umrah/item/288-butuh-dua-tahun-untuk-sampai-mekkah.html Qur’an (22:27–30) Oxford World’s Classics edition. Robinson, N. (1999) Islam: A Concise Introduction. Abingdon, Oxon, UK: Routledge Curzon. Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia Net. (2013) Number of Hajj Arrivals. See http://www. saudiembassy.net/latest_news/news10131302.aspx Schneider, J., Garatly, D., Srinivasan, M., Guy, S.J., Curtis, S., Cutchin, S., Manocha, D., Lin, C.M. and Rockwood, A. (2011) Towards a Digital Makkah–Using Immersive 3D Environments to Train and Prepare Pilgrims. Paper presented at the International Conference on Digital Media and its Applications in Cultural Heritage (DMACH) (pp. 1–16), Amman, Jordan. Taylor, J. (2011) Mecca for the rich: Islam’s holiest site ‘turning into Vegas’. The Independent. See http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/mecca-for-the-richislams-holiest-site-turning-into-vegas-2360114.html

15 Understanding the Motivations and Expectations of Arab Visitors at the Gold Coast, Australia Jamila Abodeeb, Brent D. Moyle and Erica Wilson

Introduction Tourism continues to play an important role in the economic development of countries worldwide (Mishra et al., 2011). According to Weaver and Lawton (2002: 3) ‘tourism is an increasingly widespread and complex activity that requires sophisticated management to realise its full potential as a positive economic, environmental, social and cultural force’. Tourism marketing is designed primarily to encourage people to travel to a particular destination (McLennan et al., 2014). The success of destination marketing lies in its ability to compete, the power of the destination brand, and understanding tourists’ perceptions and motivations (Tascia et al., 2007). Although there have been a plethora of studies on destination image and marketing, one cultural group that has received little attention is the Arab market (Alghamdi, 2007). Since the turn of the new millennium, Arabs have become increasingly mobile. The importance of Arab visitors to destinations across the world beginning to gain traction in previous literature (Ibrahim et al., 2009). Arab tourists have been identified to generate high levels of yield in the destinations they visit (Mat et al., 2009). Western destinations such as Britain have seen a steady rise in the number of arrivals from the Arab countries, with the inbound tourists from the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Oman, Bahrain, Kuwait and Qatar reaching 452,000 in the first three quarters of the year ending 2013, a 10% increase to the same period in 2012 (Habrira, 2014). In addition, more 220

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than a quarter of a million tourists from the Arabian Gulf, including Kuwait, Bahrain, Iraq, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates visited Switzerland in 2014, where the figures indicate that Arab visitors to Switzerland have increased of 23% between 2013 and 2014 (Aljameil, 2015). Similarly in Malaysia, the number of tourists from the Arab region is growing, reaching 370,535 arrivals in the year ending 2013 (Alzakary, 2014). This rise in the number of Arab tourists is considered a significant opportunity that destinations, such as Australia, can be well-positioned to capitalise on. Despite the potential of the Arab market, little is currently known about what motivates Arabs to travel to Australia. Furthermore, there has been limited scholarly attention on how western destinations, such as Australia, can be set up to provide Arab visitors with a positive experience that addresses cultural and religious needs (Engin & McKeown, 2012). Arab visitors represent 2% of the total inbound international visitor numbers to Australia (Becken et al., 2015). However, the number of outbound Arab tourists is increasing every year, presenting a unique opportunity to capture a large market share of the increasingly mobile Arab market (Alubaydli, 2009). Based on the opportunities shown in this growing market, the aim of this chapter is to explore Arab tourists’ motivations to visit the Gold Coast, Australia. We pay particular attention to the site-specific expectations of Arab visitors to Australia to provide destination managers with a set of management options that can ensure the cultural needs of Arab visitors are considered in tourism policy and planning practices.

Tourist Motivation and Arab Visitors Due to the importance of motivation for destination selection, there have been many studies on tourist motivation in various geographic locations and across different scales (Alali, 2006; Awad, 1995; Baloglu & Uysal, 1996; Kim & Lee, 2003; Mrchillaan, 2012; Prayag & Ryan, 2011; Zayed, 2003). Theories of tourist motivation are derived from key disciplines in the social sciences, such as psychology and sociology (Shi, 2010). The majority of previous research on tourists’ motivations has leveraged off theories developed in the aforementioned disciplines. Seminal work includes Mannell and Iso-Ahola (1987) theory of escapism and Plog’s (1987) theory which posits that tourist motivations consist of push and pull factors. Mannell and Iso-Ahola (1987) initially developed a two-dimensional leisure motivation framework (Cassidy & Pegg, 2008). The two-dimensional leisure motivation framework is based on the premise that people are motivated to travel to escape from reality and to seek authentic experiences. Previous literature which has applied this framework has found that tourists are motivated by needs to escape, for personal reasons such as to escape from stress or for interpersonal reasons such as to avoid problems that stem from

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dealing with other people (Snepenger et al., 2006; Wolfe & Hsu, 2004). In addition, previous studies found that tourists travel for personal reasons, such as to find new knowledge, or for interpersonal reasons such as to cultivate new friendships (Wolfe & Hsu, 2004). Accordingly, Iso-Ahola (1982) demonstrates that tourism has the potential to provide escape from the realities of everyday life through rewarding personal experiences (Marques, 2005). The important criticism of Iso-Ahola’s (1982) model is that with only two dimensions, it is limited by its level of aggregation, which potentially oversimplifies a complex cognitive process (Mason, 2012). Plog (1987) developed an alternative conceptual framework whereby motivations can be classified into ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors (Moyle & Croy, 2009). Since the inception of this theory, Plog’s (1987) conceptualisation has been widely adopted by researchers who have sought to discover which factors actually ‘push’ people to travel, and which factors ‘pull’ people to a destination (Baloglu & Uysal, 1996; Kim & Lee, 2003). Push and pull factors reveal the ways in which an individual chooses a destination as well as provides a baseline to predict travel behaviour while on-site (Altwaijri, 1998). The concept of push and pull factors indicates that tourists are pushed by internal forces that initially motivate the need to travel (Mason, 2012 ). Once an initial motivation is experienced, destination selection is influenced by pull factors, which are external to the individual and often unique to the destination. Internal or push factors reflect tourist’s intangible desires, whereas external or pull factors reflect destination attributes and determine the attractiveness of a destination. Thereby, an individual is pushed to travel through internal desires or emotional factors (Liên, 2010), with people making up the decision to travel based on these internal forces (Kim & Lee, 2003). Therefore through understanding push factors, a deeper understanding of the internal motivation of tourists can be obtained (Mohammad & Som, 2010). Push factors have been demonstrated to include desires such as the need for relaxation, social interaction, adventure, prestige, sport, and enjoy natural resources (Kim & Lee, 2003). Pull factors refer to the external factors that attract tourists towards a certain destination (Prayag & Ryan, 2011). This includes the attributes of a destination that lead tourists to select it as their destination of choice over other viable travel options (Mehmetoglu, 2011). Pull factors are related to the tangible attractions in the destination, including attractions such as the availability of entertainment places, destination image and perceived risk (Baloglu & Uysal, 1996). Pull factors have an impact upon destination choice and have been demonstrated to be in direct control of destination managers. Previous literature has also found that tourists’ demographic characteristics also have a significant impact on tourists’ motivation (Plangmarn et al., 2012), as well as on perceived impacts (Moyle et al., 2013). Specific characteristics such as age, gender, and education have been demonstrated to influence

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push and pull factors. All the same, despite its longevity in the tourism field, due to its broad application to a variety of contexts, push and pull factors remains a useful framework for understanding travel motivations, and explaining and prediction destination selection. However, the influence of cultural background on travel motivations is an area of inquiry that has received considerably less attention (Abodeeb et al., 2015). The growth in tourism has led to an increased research focus on the identification of cultures, customs and traditions in both ‘tourist generating regions’ and ‘tourism destinations’ (Reisinger, 2009). Tourist-generating regions aim to find suitable areas that will provide the needs of the tourists commensurate with their desires, habits and traditions (Tosun & Jenkins, 1998; Tosun & Timothy, 2001). Tourism destinations often show an interest in cross-cultural communication, providing experiences that cater for the needs of tourists from other cultures. Accordingly, cross-cultural communication is a topical issue because of the impact of this communication on the success and effectiveness of tourism (DeVito, 2001). Understanding the cultural characteristics of international tourists has been identified as an important factor that determines the success of the tourism industry (Reisinger, 2009). Despite the great emphasis given by previous research that examined the relationship between culture and tourism, there has been very little research conducted on how culture influences tourists’ motivation (Resinger & Turner, 2003). This is especially true in the context of Arab tourists, who in many countries around the world are still an emerging international market. To address this gap, the current study aims to explore the influence of the Arab culture on Arab tourists’ motivations, identifying the site-specific requirements of Arab tourists in Western destinations. The Arab world has several potential tourism destinations that are rich in cultural monuments including archaeological, historical and religious sites, as well as established beaches and tourist resorts (Mustafa, 2010). All the same Arab tourists are becoming increasingly mobile, visiting foreign countries, particularly those in Europe and Asia (Prayag & Hosany, 2013). Bogari et al. (2004) conducted research in Saudi Arabia and examined both the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ domestic tourism motivation in Islamic and Arabic cultures on the basis that cultural variables play a significant role in tourism motivation. Factor analysis revealed nine ‘push’ motivational categories: cultural value, utilitarian, knowledge, social, economic, family togetherness, interest, relaxation, and convenience of facilities. There were nine ‘pull’ motivational categories that resulted from factor analysis, including safety, activity, beach sports/activities, nature/outdoor, historical/cultural, religious, budget, leisure and upscale. Cultural and religious values were also identified as critically important motivator for Saudi outbound travel. Moreover, Alghamdi (2007) investigated the implicit and other motivations for Saudi outbound tourism, as well as the influence of Saudi culture,

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demographic variables and tourists’ motivations on destination selection. Factor analyses were conducted to identify tourism motivation and cultural factors of Saudi society. Findings indicated that tourism motivations, cultural factors and demographic variables have an influence on destination selection. Although conducted on Saudi Arabia specifically, this research found that culture and religion impacted on motivations and destination choice. However, to date, there has been scant attention paid by researchers towards the motivation of outbound tourists from Arab countries (Alghamdi, 2007; Michael & Beeton, 2007; Rohmi, 2010). Specifically, there has been limited attention to how western destinations can not only attract Arab visitors, but met the cultural requirements in order to provide a satisfying experience at the destination. This chapter seeks to address this key issue, by exploring the motivations and site-specific expectations of Arab visitors to the Gold Coast, Australia. The Gold Coast was selected for two key reasons. First, the Gold Coast is one of Australia’s fastest growing cities (Bosman & Dredge, 2011; Faulkner & Tideswell, 1997). Second, the tourism is a key economic pillar of the city, drawing a high proportion of Arab visitors, an estimated 91,000 visitors annually, which represents about 2% of the total inbound international visitor numbers to Australia (Abodeeb, 2014). The aim of this chapter is to explore the pull motivations of Arab visitors, providing valuable insights into how the Gold Coast can be positioned to address the special needs of the emerging Arab market.

Method This chapter reports on a mixed methods study consisting of two sequential stages. A mixed method approach was selected to ascertain a demand and supply side perspective on key issues related to the Arab market on the Gold Coast. The first stage utilised a survey distributed to Arab tourists who visited the Gold Coast, Australia. The survey was divided into two parts. The first part focused on the demographics of Arab tourists visiting the Gold Coast, including the size of the travel group and the length of their stay. The second part included a series of statements on motivations and site-specific expectations of Arab visitors, derived from a literature search of previous studies with similar aims and objectives. This paper addresses the pull motivations of Arab visitors; thus it focuses predominantly on presenting the quantitative results. Arab visitors were sampled via a random sampling approach at key sites on the Gold Coast. Based on the measures used in previous research, a 5-point Likerttype scale was selected to measure 14 push and pull motivational attributes (Allan, 2011; Andreu et al., 2005; Bogari et al., 2004). Trip and demographic characteristics were collected via a mixture of binary and open-ended responses. Both a male and female researcher (both from Arab countries) were

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present during sampling, as people from Arab cultures often prefer to converse with members of the same gender (Nasserie, 2011). Data collection took place in 2012 and resulted in a total of 187 useable questionnaires that were imported into Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) for analysis. The second stage consisted of semi-structured interviews conducted with tourism marketers in both Gold Coast Tourism (GCT) and Tourism Events Queensland (TEQ). Respondents were selected through a purposeful sampling method (Kennelly et al., 2013). Purposive sampling is a commonly used qualitative approach employed in tourism research (Laing, 2006; Weiler & Yu, 2006). As such, researchers sought out marketing/destination management staff who were involved directly with marketing Queensland to the Arab region. Interview questions broached different areas of interest, leading to extensive and open discussions; the purpose of using such a method is to let the interviewee talk openly (Elliott, 2012). The interviews sought to solicit information on the motivation of Arab tourists’ motivations, special cultural requirements and needs on the Gold Coast, and about specific strategies to target the Arab market. Two participants were strategically selected on the basis of a thorough knowledge of the Arab market at local and state level and came highly recommended by senior management officials at GCT and TEQ. Consequently, two interviews with marketing staff members were conducted at TEQ and GCT, Interviews were coded via a thematic analysis, with pseudonyms used to protect the anonymity of participants.

Results Arab tourists’ pull motivations A majority of Arab visitors included in the sample were aged between 25 and 34 years, with male visitors accounting for 77% of the sample. The nationality of respondents varied between 11 Arab countries, with most Arab visitors from Arabian Gulf countries such as the United Arab Emirates (23%), Saudi Arabia (21.4%) and Kuwait (12.3%). Arab tourists tended to travel in family groups (57%) or in groups consisting of friends or work colleagues (30%). The length of stay was relatively long; with most Arab visitors tending to stay in Australia for more than three weeks. Moreover, most Arab tourists who visited the Gold Coast had visited other countries on the continent of Asia, such as Malaysia and Singapore (75.9%). This was followed by Arab tourists who visited countries in Europe such as France and Britain (50.8%). Arab tourists who visited African countries such as Egypt amounted to (30.5%). Arab tourists were asked about the most important source of obtaining information about the Gold Coast before the trip. The results showed that ‘friends’ were the most important source of information, with a percentage of 86.6%.

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Table 15.1 displays the key pull motivations of Arab tourists to the Gold Coast, Australia. As seen in the table, the three most important pull motivations resulting in Arab visitors selecting Gold Coast as their destination of choice included the beaches, marine environment and the beauty and landscape. The weather was also an important factor, along with shopping, hinterland/rainforests, theme parks, entertainment and sense of peace and security. Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, the least important characteristic that attracted Arab tourists to the Gold Coast was quality of services. Table 15.2 explores the influence of gender on Arab tourists pull motivations. This table shows that there were differences between males and females for three attractions. Findings indicate that Arab males are less interested in the weather (x = 4.03) than females ( x = 4.28 ), while Arab males are more interested in the ‘Quality of services’ (mean = 3.40) and in the ‘Entertainment’ (x = 3.50) than females, where the means respectively were (x = 3.09 and x = 3.16 ). According to the results for entertainment places, such as night clubs and bars, it can be seen that there is a slight inconsistency between this result and the result obtained in the previous table. This result might be due to the sample size of females being smaller than males. Also, it may be due to the males’ impression towards entertainment places in Gold Coast in particular. Thus the results suggest that males may be more likely to select the Gold Coast due to the quality of services and entertainment. For the rest of the factors, no significant differences were found. In order to look for statistically significant differences in mean values of age influences on pull motivations, a one-way ANOVA test was administered on the data. However, results of analysis revealed that the only significant difference was that age (n > 30) influenced how attractive visitors found entertainment on the Gold Coast (p = 0.025). Table 15.3 displays the results of a one-way ANOVA specifically designed to explore the influence of length of stay the on motivations of Arab visitors. Table 15.1 Pull motivations of Arab tourists to the Gold Coast, Australia Destination Attributes

Mean

Std. Deviation

Beauty and landscape Beaches and marine environment The weather Theme parks Sense of peace and security Quality of services Entertainment Hinterland/rainforests Shopping

4.10 4.14

0.588 0.618

4.09 3.62 3.37 3.33 3.42 3.82 3.93

0.599 0.726 0.702 0.660 0.686 0.655 0.626

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Table 15.2 Influence of gender on pull motivations GC Attributes

Gender

N

Mean Std. Deviation Sig.(P-Value)

Male Female Beaches and marine environment Male Female The weather Male Female Theme parks Male Female Sense of peace and security Male

144 43 144 43 144 43 144 43 144

4.06 4.23 4.11 4.26 4.03 4.28 3.66 3.49 3.40

0.623 0.427 0.660 0.441 0.625 0.454 0.749 0.631 0.741

Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female

43 144 43 144 43 144 43 144 43

3.28 3.40 3.09 3.50 3.16 3.81 3.86 3.90 4.00

0.549 0.692 0.479 0.739 0.374 0.682 0.560 0.651 0.535

Beauty and landscape

Quality of services Entertainment Hinterland/rainforests Shopping

0.083 0.179 0.015 * 0.175 0.340 0.008 * 0.004 * 0.631 0.373

*Significant at the 0.05 level.

Groups were split into over one week and under one week, justified by an increase in the yield of Arab visitors who stay longer that one week in total (Abodeeb et al., 2015). Results revealed that the length of stay is significantly related to Arab tourists’ pull motivations. In particular length of stay was found to significantly influence the pull motivations, including sense of peace and security quality of services and the attractiveness of theme parks and the hinterland/rainforest.

Targeting Arab tourists and meeting site-specific expectations Respondents from TEQ and GCT indicated that each organisation has been actively targeting the Arab tourist market at the Gold Coast. For example, ‘John’ from TEQ indicated that they’ve been ‘working with Arab market for 15 years’. Further, TEQ referred to certain strategies that were used to promote the Gold Coast and to draw Arab tourists to Queensland: …. we are working closely with our office in Dubai, with airlines that travel to that area and travel agencies there. In addition, we use the web to contact Arab countries, or where they use Facebook for Arab Gulf

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Table 15.3 ANOVA for differences in pull motivations by length of stay

Beauty and landscape Beaches and marine environment The weather Entertainment Sense of peace and security Quality of services Theme parks Hinterland/rainforests Shopping

Mean Square

F

Between groups

0.547

1.603

Within groups Between groups Within groups Between groups Within groups Between groups Within groups Between groups Within groups Between groups Within groups Between groups Within groups Between groups Within groups Between groups Within groups

0.341 0.051 0.390 0.657 0.352 0.996 0.517 1.568 0.469 2.669 0.387 3.085 0.414 1.743 0.400 0.394 0.392

0.131 1.869 1.928 3.347 6.897 7.459 4.356 1.005

Sig. (P-Value) 0.175 0.971 0.118 0.108 0.011* 0.000* 0.000* 0.002* 0.406

*Significant at the 0.05 level.

countries. For example, we have provided a competition in the English language, which was designed to gain an understanding of Arabian tourists’ needs. There were 25 000 people participating in this competition, most of them from UAE, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Bahrain Interview analysis also revealed that the most important factors affecting Arab tourist traffic coming to the Gold Coast were ‘Ramadan month and the long trip between Arab countries and Australia’ [Peter_GCT]. Another factor influencing Arab tourist flow was identified to be ‘…the high value of the Australian dollar’ [Peter_GCT]. The most frequently visited places by Arab visitors include ‘the Gold Coast, the Islands (Hamilton Island, Hayman Island) and Cairns (Great Barrier Reef)’ (John_TEQ), with June to September key months for the Arab market. The most important feature attracting Arab tourists was identified as the Gold Coast’s image as a friendly – and family-friendly – place. Connected to this theme, elements identified as particularly important included theme parks, natural parks, the beach, shopping and sunny and mild weather which is suitable for holiday times. The GC’s brand image did not seem to be altered

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in any way for the Arab market, as the ‘Famous for Fun’ strategy was suitable for a number of core international markets, including Arab visitors. There is no difference between the Gold Coast’s image and its identity because the Gold Coast brand is about a family friendly destination and the tourists are coming for honeymoons, couples, families and groups. So the purposes of tourists’ trips are reflected by the brand of the Gold Coast. (John_TEQ) However, to meet Arab tourists’ expectations, certain cultural aspects were identified as particularly important. Respondents from TEQ and GCT understood the importance of tourists’ cultural background with John, for example, stating that ‘culture has a high effect on Arabian tourists, because the culture is one of the important keys for this market. Ramadan is one example for that, where tourism marketers have to understand Arab tourists’ behaviour in this month and their needs’. [‘John’ TEQ]. TEQ and GCT were found to make a genuine attempted to understand Arab culture in order to know their special needs for services. ‘John’ also indicated that: … prayer rooms are one of the important needs of Arab tourists, therefore some accommodations and theme parks at the Gold Coast are providing these rooms. This in addition to Halal food – for that some hotels looking for Halal food for Arab tourists. … the Paradise Hotel sometimes provides a special bus to take Arab visitors to the Gold Coast mosque every Friday in order to do their prayers as well as provides family suites which have two or three bedrooms. Peter from GCT also noted that ‘…providing Halal restaurants beside the markets is one of the Arab tourists’ needs. Also, providing staff for hotels who understand the Arab market’. Respondents identified the most important needs for Arab tourists include prayer rooms in the accommodations and parks, halal food, availability of mosques and family suites that have two or three rooms in the hotels. Some hotels on the Gold Coast try to provide halal foods in their meals. In addition, there are some halal restaurants in shopping centres. Finally, the complex procedures for acquiring visas for visitors from some Arab countries, was identified by John from TEQ who indicated that the ‘…main problem that they face is getting visas for some Arabic countries’. Thus, there have been reported instances where some Arab tourists try to get the tourism visa to visit Australia but because of the complexity of the visa they changed their minds about their travel destination.

Discussion Results identified many characteristics that can distinguish Arab visitors from other key international markets. In particular, these included a high

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level of expenditure, length of stay, large groups, ability to visit different places and staying active all the time. This finding is similar to Ariffin and Hashim (2009) who investigated the marketing Malaysia to the Middle East tourists, identifying a preference towards inter-regional destinations. This finding supports the results of previous research by Buhalis (2000) who presented a model of tourists’ behaviour and the intricate connection to destination marketing and management. However, the finding that services on the Gold Coast were not as important as other pull motivations was novel. Existing literature seems to discern that Arab visitors often require a high level of service and hospitality (Anwar & Sohail, 2004). Specific strategies to bring visitors to the Gold Coast would be beneficial for destination management organisations and tourism businesses. In particular, concerted efforts and good working relationships between Destination Management Organisations (DMOs) and strategic tourism organisations in the Arab world are of key importance. Working closely with partners in the United Arab Emirates, in addition to airlines, and additional research on how the internet can establish a better connection with key Arab markets are essential for improving the connection between east and west. Furthermore, securing Arab media representations to visit tourist places at the Gold Coast is essential for ensuring that Arab visitors feel a sense of safety and security during the destination selection process (Moyle & Croy, 2009). Such findings are similar to Reisinger (2009) who indicated the importance of providing integrated strategies for specific target markets, especially centred on the importance of culture not only in marketing, but for meeting and exceeding visitors’ expectations. In addition, DMOs should pay careful attention to country-specific and culture-specific particularities, especially for the Arab market. Findings demonstrated that existing marketing campaigns were adapted to suit the Arab market, but very little has filtered into product development and experience design on the Gold Coast. For instance, specific and immediate needs included accessibility to prayer rooms in accommodation and recreation areas, halal food, and the availability of mosques. Including these particular elements will enable the Gold Coast to meet the needs of the Arab culture. This finding resonates with previous literature, which demonstrates knowledge of tourists’ cultural background is of critical importance, especially for new and emerging inbound markets (Torres, 2006). Although key Destination Management Organisations work closely with Middle Eastern counterparts, this research revealed core factors that impact the management of visitor flows to the Gold Coast. Results uncovered that the most important pull motivations attracting this sample of Arab tourists to the Gold Coast were the beaches, landscape, weather and shopping. This finding is similar to Salman and Hasim (2012) study who found that 42% of Arab tourists attracted by shopping centres in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia (Salman & Hasim, 2012). Further, a study by Ariffin and Hasim (2009),

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which investigated how Malaysia markets itself to Middle Eastern tourists, revealed that visiting beaches and shopping are among the most desired Arab tourist activities (Ariffin & Hasim, 2009). This knowledge can be used to create marketing strategies to support the destination in order to attract more Arab tourists by focusing on characteristics that attract Arab tourists to the Gold Coast. It can also be used to direct more promotional strategies for such characteristics and developing related activities to motivate Arab tourists to visit the Gold Coast.

Conclusion This research revealed the core pull factors that attracted Arab tourists to the Gold Coast were the beaches, landscape, weather and shopping. The practical implications of this research inform existing marketing strategies to support the Gold Coast, to attract Arab tourists. Future research should focus on how to develop and strengthen the competitive position of the Gold Coast, and other western destination, in the Arab market. Future research should also focus on enhancing the conceptual clarity surrounding the connection between culture and the experience of Arab visitors in similar Western destinations Destination Marketing Organisations should pay careful attention to the relationship between motivations and the sociocultural background of target market segments, such as the Arab market. Enhancing this conceptual understanding will generate a comprehensive explanation of the pull motivations that stimulate destination selection and onsite behaviour, thus informing tourism policy and planning. Future research should explore how tourism planners can tap into motivations when designing and setting promotional programmes that target the Arab market. Finally, this research is limited by gender bias, specifically the lack of data on Arab women. As women are viewed primarily as subordinate to men in Arab society, asking Arab women to participate in the survey required approval of a man (father, brother, husband) which decreased participation rates in the survey (Karolak et al., 2014). As a result, over 20% of women who participated was considered to be a reasonable outcome. Future research should focus on the motivations of Arab women, specifically taking into account how gender differences influence the family destination selection process. In addition, future research should focus on better understanding the link between culture and the experience of Arab visitors in similar Western destinations.

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16 The Role of Islam in Omani Tourists’ Travel Behaviour Abdulaziz Mohammed Alsawafi

Introduction For travel and destination marketers, understanding why people travel (push motivations), and what attracts them to choose or visit a specific destination (pull motivations), is of critical importance in developing appropriate marketing strategies (Alsawafi, 2010). Furthermore, previous studies in the tourism marketing field have confirmed that, without clear and accurate understanding of these issues regarding a specific market segment, destination marketers will not be able to effectively market their particular destination to people in this market segment or create and develop appropriate marketing strategies to attract targeted groups (Kleiber & Nimrod, 2009). In addition, issues such as tourist behaviour and destination choice are considered as fundamental subjects in tourism studies (Merwe et al., 2011). These critical issues in developing countries and Islamic culture have, however, received scant attention from researchers (Kim & Prideaux, 2005).

Travel Motivations The importance of understanding travel motivations may be summarised under three main categories: (1) understanding tourists’ travel motivations will enable destination marketers to create better products and services; (2) satisfaction with tourism experiences is intrinsically connected with the initial motives of tourists; and (3) identifying reasons behind choosing a specific destination will help destination marketers to better understand the tourist decision-making process (Crompton & McKay, 1997). In order to understand the travel motivations of Omani tourists, it is essential to clarify the concept of ‘motivation’ and to place it in a tourism context. Motivation, as a concept derived from psychology, has often been defined as an inner state (force) that stimulates individuals to practice certain types 235

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of action in order to satisfy their internal socio-psychological needs and to respond to external factors that surround them (Jang et al., 2009; Jonsson & Devonish, 2008). Travel motivations also refer to a set of needs that influence participation in tourist activities, and relate to something that is lacking which results in travel as a response (Schofield & Thompson, 2007). In the same context, motivation has been defined by Iso-Ahola (1982) as ‘an internal factor that arouses, directs and integrates a person’s behaviour, implying a clear motivation-behaviour relationship’ (p. 130). These definitions introduce the idea that motivation directs individuals’ behaviour and also determines the direction of this behaviour. Similarly, motivation has been viewed as the state of need or a condition that drives individuals to behave in a certain way to achieve the desired satisfaction (Jang & Wu, 2006). This definition emphasises that the behaviour of individuals is subject to the desire to bring satisfaction. Therefore, according to this definition, tourists travel because they believe that their desires will be satisfied when they go on vacations or trips (Zhang, 2009). These definitions clearly indicate that knowing people’s travel motivations represents a cornerstone in understanding the process of tourism decision making. The theory of push and pull travel motivation provides a comprehensive insight into the role of motivations in travel decision making.

Push and pull travel motivation Push and pull theory has been generally accepted as: (1) a useful framework for explaining travel motivations; and (2) an acceptable theory that can be applied to populations in non-Western cultures (Hsu et al., 2007). In the same context, Rittichainuwat (2008) pointed out that push and pull travel motivations play a critical role for tourists in determining when and where to travel. This concept of push and pull travel motivations is based on the idea that tourists go on holiday because there is a need to satisfy their physical and social needs. This need pushes them away from home (push factors), and at the same time, attractive attributes of the destination pull them towards the destination (pull factors) (Zhang, 2009). However, while the theory is based on the idea that two major factors motivate tourists to travel: push factors (internal forces) and pull factors (external forces), that is only where the explanations begin (Jang & Wu, 2006; Kim, 2007). In addition, there exists the interaction between the internal push factors which represent socio-psychological motives, and external pull factors that embody destination attributes, and it is this interaction that plays a pivotal role in the tourism decision-making process. In other words, tourists take holidays because they need to simultaneously satisfy those needs that push them away from home and those that pull them to experience the attributes and images of the destination (Rittichainuwat, 2008).

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Push factors have, therefore, been useful for explaining the desire to take a holiday, while pull factors have explained the choice of destination (Klenosky, 2002). Accordingly, in order to attract visitors, all destinations around the world are trying to offer a diversity of products and services which may satisfy visitors’ increasingly sophisticated needs and, at the same time, entice them to visit the destination offered (Jonsson & Devonish, 2008). In order to obtain a deeper understanding of travel motivations, this chapter aims at providing knowledge to help destination marketers and travel agents to match the attributes of their destinations (pull factors) with the socio-psychological motivations of potential visitors (push factors) (Zhange, 2009). In this context, Crompton (1979) argues that push factors may be useful not only in explaining why people travel abroad, but also because they have ‘directive potential’ to direct them toward a particular destination. Dann (1981) states that destination attributes both respond to and reinforce the influence of push motivations and, therefore, lead to action (travel). Consequently, it is essential to identify both push and pull travel motivations in order to help destination marketers to determine the most successful coupling of push and pull factors as tourism product bundles (Baloglu & Uysal, 1996).

Previous studies using the theory of push and pull travel motivation on Omani people Alsawafi (2010) has investigated the travel motivations of Omani students who were studying at the Colleges of Applied Sciences using a selfcompletion survey to collect data. The result indicated that the three most important push motivations for Omani students to travel abroad were: ‘to be mentally refreshed’, followed by ‘to learn something new or increase my knowledge’ and ‘to spend my time without worrying about my study’. The study revealed that pull factors such as ‘safety and security at the destination even when travelling alone’, ‘natural attractions (sea, beach, coral, mountain, lakes, rivers, streams, and wildlife)’, and ‘availability of mosques (places of worship)’ were the three most attractive pull motivations. Furthermore, the results indicated that gender, region, and students’ course of study did have a significant impact on travel motivations. For instance, the study found that Omani male students tended to place more important on ‘favourable currency exchange rates’, ‘nightlife and entertainment’, ‘facilities for physical activities’ and ‘ease of driving on my own’ than their female counterparts did when selecting a tourist destination. On the other hand, Omani female students tended to value ‘unique/different cultural groups’, ‘natural attractions (sea, beach, coral, mountain, lakes, rivers, streams, wildlife and birds)’ more, as well as ‘a variety of shopping places’ when choosing a tourist destination.

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In terms of the impact of region, the study revealed that students who came from Alwusta, Musandam, Dhofar, Asharqiyah, Alburaimi, Adakhliyah, Adhaira and Muscat regions were more motivated by the opportunity ‘to experience luxury things, nice food, and a comfortable place to stay’ when travelling abroad compared with students who came from the Albatinah region. Moreover, students who came from the Albatinah region were less motivated by ‘I hope that I will have some sort of romantic experience while on vacation’ to travel abroad than students who came from Alwusta, Musandam, Asharqiyah, Dhofar and Adhaira regions. Regarding the influence of students’ course of study, the study revealed that students who enrolled for a Bachelor of International Business (BIBA) were more motivated to travel abroad by ‘to see people from many ethnic background/ nations’ compared with students who enrolled for a Bachelor of Education (BED). Moreover, students who enrolled for a BED were less motivated to travel abroad by ‘to watch sports events’ compared with students who enrolled for a Bachelor of Communication (BComm). Furthermore, regarding ‘to visit places friends haven’t been to’, students who enrolled for a Bachelor of International Business, a Bachelor of Information Technology (BIT), a Bachelor of Communication, a Bachelor of Design (BDes), and a Bachelor of Engineering (BEng) were more interested in this factor/motivation than students who enrolled for a Bachelor of Education. Finally, students who enrolled for a Bachelor of International Business, a Bachelor of Information Technology, a Bachelor of Communication, a Bachelor of Design, and a Bachelor of Engineering were more likely than students who enrolled for a Bachelor of Education to travel abroad based on the need ‘I hope that I will have some sort of romantic experience while on vacation’. Targeting a larger sample of Omani population, Alsawafi (2013) identified push and pull factors of motivation associated with Omani outbound pleasure travellers and examined key motivational factors thought to have significant effects on destination choice. His study found five push motivations and five pull motivations. ‘Discovering new things’, ‘friends and relaxation’, ‘social and physical activities’, ‘strengthen relationships’ and ‘luxury and escaping’ were perceived as the most important push motivations, while ‘security, religious and cultural factors’, ‘nature, weather and economic considerations’, ‘cultural and heritage sites’, ‘short distance & educational and physical opportunities’ and ‘entertainment & information’ were perceived as the most important pull motivations. The study also found that sociodemographic variables have an influence on push and pull factors. Respondents across different genders, ages, marital status, income, educational levels, and occupation were motivated and attracted by different push and pull factors for travelling. For example, Omani male tourists were more motivated by ‘social and physical activities’ to travel abroad than female Omani tourists were, whereas Omani female tourists were more likely to be attracted to choose or visit a specific destination by ‘security and religious and cultural

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factors’, as well as ‘nature, weather and economic considerations’ compared with Omani male tourists. The high-income group were also more likely to be motivated by visiting ‘friends and relaxation’ to travel abroad than the low-income group. This study also identified the more important Islamic teachings that influence destination choice from the perspective of Omani tourists. The most important factors were: ‘not being involved in prohibited activities such as gambling during my holiday’; ‘availability of halal food at the potential destination’; and ‘having a companion (Mahram)’. An analysis of the influence of Islamic teachings on destination choice for different socio-demographic characteristics indicated that the extent of the influence of Islamic teachings on destination choice was influenced by socio-demographic variables. For example, Omani females scored more significantly on the ‘availability of Halal food at the potential destination’; ‘official or local people’s attitudes towards wearing alhijab (veil) at the potential destination’; and ‘availability of mosques at the potential destination’ than males did. The study also found that there was only one significant difference between travellers and non-travellers as regards the role of Islamic teachings in their destination choice: non-travellers were more likely to consider ‘Muslim scholars’ opinions (fatwa) regarding travelling to non-Muslim countries’ when choosing their holiday destination than travellers were. In summary, a review of these studies emphasises that: (1) the theory of push and pull travel motivation have been applied to identify and explain the travel motivation of Omani tourists; and (2) socio-demographic variables have a significant influence on travel motivations of Omani tourists.

Destination Choice Islam is the religion of a huge and increasing number of people around the world. There is evidence to argue that religious beliefs can affect the consumer behaviour in general and the travel choices in particular of Muslims (Muhamad, 2008). Choice of holiday destination is considered the main element in the decision-making process (Zhang, 2009). This section will discuss issues related to the relationship between Islam and tourism, and the influence of religion on choice of a pleasure travel destination.

Islam and tourism Tourism is traditionally closely connected to religion, which has been deemed to be a powerful motive for travel from the time of early pilgrimages to contemporary journeys to holy sites (Henderson, 2003a). From the perspective of tourism anthropology, tourism has been defined as ‘a sacred journey’ (Graburn, 1977). The concepts of Islamic and halal tourism have been

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widely used in recent years, especially when talking about tourism in Muslim countries (Henderson, 2003b). Islamic tourism as a concept can be defined through its goals: first, to revive Islamic cultures and spread Islamic values; second, to bring economic benefits to Islamic countries; and third to strengthen Islamic self-confidence (Al-Hamarneh, 2012). Islamic teachings influence all aspects of Muslims’ lives, including travel and tourism (Hashim et al., 2007). In order to strengthen and deepen the faith of people, the concept of tourism in Islam emphasises great and noble goals connecting tourism to: worship, seeking knowledge and learning, conveying the message of God to people, visiting Muslim friends and relatives (as this helps strengthen bonds in the Muslim community), and enabling one to ponder the wonders of God’s creation and enjoy the beauty of his great universe (Henderson, 2003b; Islamic Question & Answer, 2010; Stodolska & Livengood, 2006). Therefore, travel in Islam must be ‘purposeful’, and Muslims according to this view are: (1) not allowed to travel to places where sins are committed; (2) not allowed to travel to non-Muslim countries, except for necessary medical treatment which cannot be found in any Muslim country; for business purposes that require travel, or to learn knowledge that cannot be obtained in a Muslim country; and to call people to Islam and spread Islam (Islam Q&A, 2010); and (3) Muslim women are not allowed to travel without a Mahram (i.e. without having a companion from among their relatives) (Hashim et al., 2007; Islam Q&A, 2010). On the other hand, they are commanded to travel for religious purposes, such as travelling to Mecca to perform Hajj (pilgrimage) and Umrah (minor Hajj), and visiting the three mosques: al-masjid al-Haraam, the Mosque of the Messenger and the Mosque of al-Aqsa. Regarding tourist arrivals in Muslim countries, Muslim hosts are commanded by their religion to show a highly tolerant outlook and to be hospitable and friendly to tourists when at home. In addition, organising trips for non-Muslims in Muslim countries is permissible, provided that they respect the privacy of the Muslim community (Din, 1989; Henderson, 2008; Islam Q&A, 2010). Furthermore, when non-Muslim tourists obtain permission (a visa) to visit any Muslim country, they are granted safety until they leave the country (Islam Q&A, 2010). In this regard, the final statement and recommendations of the Forum of Islam and Tourism (2009) condemned the terrorist attacks against tourists as contrary to Islamic practice and disregarding its values of tolerance. In return, non-Muslim tourists should show full respect for the Islamic religion and the morals and culture of Muslims (Din, 1989; Henderson, 2008). In this regard, Henderson (2003a) attributed the negative stereotypes, and misunderstanding between non-Muslim tourists and resident Muslims (and vice versa), to a degree of mutual mistrust between the two worlds in general which heightened after the September 11, 2001 attacks in the US and the ‘war against terror’ (Dabrowska, 2004). Livengood and Stodolska (2004) stated that some of Americans exhibited a generalised intolerance of Muslims

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who were perceived to be responsible for or in some way associated with the individuals who had hijacked aircraft and crashed them into New York’s World Trade Centre. Accordingly, after the terrorist attacks of 11 September, a significant shift occurred in tourist flows, where the number of European and American tourists decreased dramatically in Arabic countries and vice versa, and countries such as Egypt, Turkey, Syria, Lebanon and Jordan benefitted directly from this shift in tourist flows by compensating for the loss of tourists from Western countries by increasing significantly the number of tourists from the Gulf countries (Al-Hamarneh, 2005; Ala & Christian, 2004). In this context, Neveu (2010) argues that, in order to attract more Muslim tourists, Arabic countries such as Jordan adopted the concept of Islamic tourism after 11 September, 2001 through promoting visitation to the shrines of the pre-Islamic prophets and the companions of Prophet Mohammed. An investigative report published in the Alsharq Alawsat newspaper (2010) revealed that Muslim tourists had shifted from their usual holiday destinations in European countries to new destinations in East Asia due to the difficulty in obtaining visas from European countries, over-intrusive security arrangements in European airports and negative attitudes towards Muslim tourists in European countries (‘Gulf’s Tourists’, 2010). For instance, a group of Muslim scholars have declared that the full body scanners being introduced at some European and USA airports are a violation of Islamic teachings because it is inappropriate for men and women to be seen naked by other men and women (Dade, 2010). Therefore, they preferred to spend their vacations in Arabic and East Asian Islamic countries such as Malaysia and Indonesia owing to the similarities in language and customs. This shift is fully consistent with the economic concept of Islamic tourism, which encourages and focuses on the importance of intra-Muslim tourism (Ala, 2005; Ala & Christian, 2004; Dabrowska, 2004; Henderson, 2003b). For instance, the number of Saudi tourists who visited Turkey was 320,000 in 2014, which was a 30% increase compared to 2013 (‘Saudi tourists to Turkey up 30%’, 2015). Ala and Christian (2004) pointed out that the tourism industry in the Islamic World responded effectively to the negative publicity caused by the terrorist attacks with within-region promotions and marketing strategies to attract as many Arab and Muslim tourists as possible. Thus, the predicted wide-ranging fall of the tourism industry in Islamic countries after the attacks did not occur, especially when compared with the problems of the industry in European countries more dependent on the risk-adverse tourist generating countries such as the US. Some behaviour that accompany tourism activities, such as scanty women’s clothing and men’s above-the-knee shorts, sun bathing naked, drinking alcohol, gambling, drugs, prostitution, opulence and extravagance, voyeurism, and men and women mixing are offensive and unacceptable in Islamic culture (Din, 1989; Henderson, 2008; Islam Q&A, 2010). In this regard, Henderson

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(2008) points out that a potentially difficult relationship between Islam and tourism has been observed. Sindigo (1996) examined the marginalisation of the Waswahili in the tourism sector in Kenya. He found that some behaviours associated with tourism, such as alcohol consumption, prostitution, scant dressing, kissing in public and open displays of affection between the sexes in public caused strong resentment within this Muslim community at the time of his study. Eraqi (2007) also found that there were some negative sociocultural effects of tourism development on local communities in Egypt. Klemm (2002) revealed that Muslims have less interest in beach holidays, in which undressing is normal and acceptable for European tourists, and which are perceived as immoral and unacceptable to Muslim tourists for religious and cultural reasons. Bogari et al. (2004) state explicitly that Saudi tourists’ motivations are very much influenced by the Islamic religion. Saudi Arabia, for example, prohibits drinking alcohol, discos, pubs and free mixing between men and women as a violation of Islamic teachings (Din, 1989). Therefore, any tourism activity to be supported and acceptable among Muslim people in Muslim communities should be in the context of the legitimacy of Islam, and be accompanied by a rejection of delinquency, chaos and disintegration and vulgarity (Forum of Islam and Tourism, 2009). However, Islamic countries are not alike regarding the influence of Islam on everyday living and interpretation and implementation of Islamic law. Islamic law is not implemented completely in countries such as Egypt, Malaysia, UAE, Oman, and Indonesia where drinking alcohol, discos, pubs, and men and women dressing in ways contrary to Islamic codes coexist in these Islamic countries alongside more traditional Islamic conventions (Din, 1989; Henderson, 2008). For instance, Yaapar (2005) analysed the negotiation of identity in Malaysia, and argues that although Islam is the official religion of Malaysia, it is not an important part of its tourism industry, particularly with regard to promotional activities. The influence of Islamic teaching on Omani people’s travel behaviour was generally acknowledged. For instance, Alsawafi (2013) revealed that the Islamic teachings have an indirect influence on the choice of a pleasure travel destination and a direct influence on participation in leisure activities. In this context, Weiermair (2000) argued that the travel behaviour in general and choice of destination in particular are significantly affected by people’s beliefs. Alsawafi (2013) found that Omani tourists clearly consider the Islamic teachings when choosing their holiday destination. In the following section the influence of Islamic teaching on travel behaviour of Omani tourists will be discussed in details.

Religion as a significant factor in destination choice Religion is widely acknowledged in the area of marketing as an important cultural element that affects and shapes consumers’ beliefs, attitudes, values, and purchasing behaviour (Essoo & Dibb, 2004; Muhamad, 2008).

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Religion also seems to have a significant influence on: (1) individuals’ behaviours, thinking, motivations, personality type, preferences, attitude, and norms related to politics, activities, addictive behaviour, alcohol consumption, novelty-seeking behaviour, social and cultural spheres of life, and helping norms (Klemm, 2002; Stodolska & Livengood, 2006), and (2) society’s value systems, information search types, holiday preferences, responding to advertising messages, tourism movement and policies, leisure activities, travelling for leisure purposes, tourism promotion, and destination image (Henderson, 2008). These studies provide evidence of a link between the religion of an individual and behaviour, and the type of life decision taken, which impacts on purchasing behaviour. Tourism is traditionally closely connected to religious purposes as these have been influential motives for travel from the time of the early pilgrimages to contemporary journeys to holy places (Henderson, 2003a). Religion continues to motivate tourists to travel for religious purposes and to participate in leisure activities (Henderson, 2008; Stodolska & Livengood, 2006). Muslims are reported to have become increasingly dependent on Islamic teachings in recent years when facing and dealing with the problems of modern life (Aziz & Shamsul, 2004). In this regard, Muhamad (2008) found that the Muslim students’ motivation in following Islam had an influence on the role of perceived social pressure in their planning to smoke, and on the role of perceived social pressure in their planning to listen to popular music. Stodolska and Livengood (2006) examined the impact of religion on the leisure behaviour of Muslim immigrants to the US. They revealed that the impact of Islam on leisure behaviour manifests itself through the emphasis on strong family ties and on family-oriented leisure among Muslims; the need to teach and supervise children and to pass traditional moral values to subsequent generations; the requirement of modesty in dress; speech, and everyday behaviour, as well as the restrictions on mixed gender interactions, dating, food and alcohol. Bailey and Sood (1993) also argue that the unique behaviour of Muslim consumers in the market place is governed by their generally high level of commitment to Islamic teachings. However, the influence of religion on a person’s behaviour depends on the degree of his commitment to his religion’s teachings (Essoo & Dibb, 2004; Muhamad, 2008). In this regard, Muhamad (2008) points out that, although Islam has relatively strong effect on gender role interpretation in Muslim society, the degree of influence would vary across Muslim countries. From the perspective of Omani people, Alsawafi (2013) identified the more important Islamic teachings that influence destination choice from the perspective of Omani tourists. The most important factors were: ‘not being involved in prohibited activities such as gambling during my holiday’; ‘availability of halal food at the potential destination’; and ‘having a companion (Mahram)’. An analysis of the influence of Islamic teachings on destination

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choice for different socio-demographic characteristics indicated that the extent of the influence of Islamic teachings on destination choice was influenced by socio-demographic variables. For example, Omani females scored more significantly on the ‘availability of halal food at the potential destination’; ‘official or local people’s attitudes towards wearing alhijab (veil) at the potential destination’; and ‘availability of mosques at the potential destination’ than males did. The study also found that there was only one significant difference between travellers and non-travellers as regards the role of Islamic teachings in their destination choice: non-travellers were more likely to consider ‘Muslim scholars’ opinions (fatwa) regarding travelling to non-Muslim countries’ when choosing their holiday destination than travellers were.

Conclusion A review of previous studies conducted to examine the travel motivations of Omani tourists shows that the Omani market is subject to two forces that play a positive role in travel participation: (a) push factors, and (b) pull factors. According to these results, Omani tourists go on holiday to discover new things, participate in social and leisure activities, strengthen relationships with their families/friends, escape from ordinary life, or enjoy luxurious forms of relaxation (see Figure 16.1). They were also attracted to choose or visit a specific destination by security, religious, nature, economic, or cultural factors (see Figure 16.2).

The influence of Islamic teachings on destination choice The study by Alsawafi (2013) found that Omani outbound tourists believe that Islamic teachings: (a) do not prohibit travel to non-Muslim

Figure 16.1 Push factors

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Figure 16.2 Pull factors

countries; (b) do encourage travel abroad in general; and (c) do not directly affect their tourist destination choice. However, the study also concluded that Islamic teachings had an indirect influence on their travel behaviour. For example, the study revealed that: (1) destination attributes such as ‘availability of Arabic foods/Halal foods’; ‘availability of mosques (places of worship)’; and ‘positive attitudes towards Islamic culture at destination’ were influential factors in destination choice; (2) Islamic teachings will be followed even if the choice was travel to non-Muslim countries; (3) Islamic teachings regarding travel abroad such as ‘not being involved in prohibited activities such as gambling during my holiday’; and ‘having a companion (Mahram)’ were the most important Islamic factors that influence destination choice; and (4) ‘nightlife and entertainment’ was rated as one of the least attractive pull factors, since nightlife and entertainment activities often include activities such as dancing, smoking, drinking alcohol, visiting strip clubs, gambling and illicit sexual relations, which are clearly forbidden by Islamic teachings. In this context, Zamani-Farahani and Henderson (2010) concluded that Islamic teachings play a significant role in public and private life in Muslim nations and its effect extends to all aspects of life, especially in theocracies where the state and religion are indivisible. In these countries, society is ordered in conformity with the Islamic teachings, which directly and indirectly impact recreation and travel. Figure 16.3 shows that the influence of Islamic teachings on destination choice as mostly indirect and positive. This influence can be identified as follows: (a) Islamic teachings play a significant role in shaping people’s travel motivations which then influence destination choice, and (b) Omani tourists clearly consider the Islamic teachings when choosing and visiting their holiday destination through avoiding participation in activities prohibited by Islamic law, such as gambling, dancing or drinking alcohol.

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Figure 16.3 Islamic teachings and travel participation

An alternative perspective is that while holiday destinations are considered on the basis of their attributes to meet pull and push motives (which are partly formed in the context of an Islamic culture), the requirements of the Islamic faith will certainly influence the patterns of behaviour at those destinations. From this viewpoint, the Islamic faith is less a determinant of actual destination choice, but arguably a determinant of behaviour at the holiday location.

Managerial Implications Understanding travel behaviour of Omani tourists is important for marketing strategies. The outcomes of previous studies will assist travel marketers to formulate effective marketing strategies and develop appropriate product plans. In this context, Michile (1986) and Hyde (2007) argued that in order to effectively target any market, it is necessary to obtain accurate information about it. Therefore, empirical findings about the Omani travel market (travel motivation and the impact of Islamic teachings on travel behaviour) may be of use to destination marketers and managers in meeting the special needs and expectations of Omani outbound tourists.

Findings regarding travel motivation The results of previous studies provide a profile of Omani outbound tourists by gender, age, income, educational level, occupation and marital status. These variables can be utilised in developing market strategies for the Omani

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travel market (Kattiyapornpong & Miller, 2009). Many researchers consider travel motivation as a key determinant of tourist behaviour (choices, needs and preferences) (Andreu et al., 2005; Mcguiggan, 2004). Jang and Cai (2002) went further when suggesting that travel motivations play a major role in predicting future travel patterns. In this context, Kay (2004) and Kim (2007) also concluded that effective promotional programmes and travel packages can be created based on the examination of push and pull factors of targeted travel market. Therefore, in order to effectively target the Omani travel market, it is critical that tourism marketers understand and consider the main reasons that motivate Omani people to travel abroad, such as ‘experience another country’; ‘learn something new or increase my knowledge’; ‘experience cultures that are different from my own’; ‘escape from the ordinary or routine environment at home’; and ‘see something new and exciting’ through developing marketing programmes/strategies that highlight and focus on all these factors. Furthermore, in order to enhance the effectiveness of a destination’s marketing strategies, pull factors such as ‘safety and security at destination’; ‘natural attractions’; ‘availability of Arabic foods/Halal foods’; ‘ease of communication with local people (language)’; and ‘availability of mosques (places of worship)’ must be employed by destination marketers and travel agents when developing specific trip information and packages to attract Omani people. At the same time, advertising and promotional programmes could focus on safety and security, diverse images of nature (e.g. beaches, mountains, lakes, rivers, streams, wildlife, and birds), availability of tourist guides who speak Arabic language, and ease of access to centres of religious worship at the destination (Mohsin & Ryan, 1999). In particular, regarding safety and security at destination, Oh et al. (1995) argued that it is marketers’ responsibility to eliminate any concerns about safety and security at their destinations by using campaigns to reassure tourists of the safety of their destinations. In order to benefit from the above results concerning the importance of the availability of Arabic foods/halal foods at the potential destination, travel marketers and travel agents could focus on the availability of good restaurants and good food by highlighting the availability of Arab-style restaurants, the availability of exotic food and the availability of halal food at their destinations when targeting Omani travellers. For example, Hassan and Awang (2009) argued that New Zealand can be promoted as an attractive destination for Muslim tourists owing to the high volume of meat that is slaughtered in accordance with the Islamic laws (80% of sheep and 50% of cattle). However, they also revealed that Muslim travellers still find difficulty when searching for halal food in New Zealand. These findings confirm the need to adopt and implement the above suggestions. In the same context, the study revealed that Omani tourists were significantly attracted to choose or visit destinations where local people have positive attitudes towards

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Islamic and Arabic cultures. Therefore, destination marketers and travel agents could also highlight the tolerance values of local people towards Arabic tourists. For example, using Arabic words such as ( = welcome) in travel brochures and advertisements will be well received and interpreted by Arab people as signs of acceptance and tolerance of their culture. Um and Crompton (1990) suggested that attitudes of individuals are influential factors in destination choice. Understanding differences amongst tourists would assist the tourism and hospitality industry to develop and design appropriate marketing strategies (Mattila et al., 2001). Therefore, given that Omani male travellers were more motivated by ‘social and physical activities’ to travel abroad than were Omani female travellers, destination and tourism managers could incorporate diverse images of sports and social events/activities such as skiing and mountain climbing, and some forms of nightlife and entertainment activities (e.g. restaurants, cinemas, snooker and billiards, and bowling) in travel brochures and advertisements in order to attract the attention of Omani male travellers. They could also provide lists of sporting events and social activities such as cultural and art festivals that will take place in a tourist destination and the locations of leisure activities and social events which could be visited by Omani male travellers. In the same context, owing to the fact that Omani female travellers were more likely to be attracted to choose or visit a specific destination by ‘security, religious and cultural factors’, as well as ‘nature, weather and economic considerations’ than Omani male travellers were, destination marketers and travel agents should emphasise the level of safety and security, diverse images of cultural and heritage sites, diverse images of nature attractions, and a variety of shopping facilities (e.g. shopping centres, shopping villages, fashion stores, shopping malls, gift shops and shopping festivals) in their tourism destinations. They could also make available maps pinpointing directions to natural attractions and scenic views at their destinations in order to encourage female travellers to visit them (Hallab et al., 2006). These promotional activities can be supported by web based promotions including the use of social media. According the results of previous studies, older people were strongly motivated to travel abroad by the desire to enjoy relaxation. Consequently, tourism marketers and travel agents should focus on comfort and luxury factors when targeting them. On the other hand, they could offer special discounts for students such as group discounts, family travel discounts, vouchers, early booking specials and student airfare discounts, since the youngest people were significantly influenced by economic considerations such as ‘a variety of shopping places’; ‘reasonable priced goods and services’; and ‘favourable currency exchange rates’ when choosing their holiday destinations. Finally, the study found that potential travellers viewed factors such as ‘strengthen relationships’ and ‘cultural and heritage sites’ as the most important reasons for travelling abroad. Hence, destination marketers and

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travel agents should employ these factors in marketing strategies that aim to motivate Omani people to travel abroad.

Findings regarding the impact of Islamic teachings According to Euromonitor International (2007), there is a significant boom in halal tourism in the Middle East. Therefore, there is a need to create halal tourism products and services to meet the special needs and expectations of this dynamic and emerging market (Halbase, 2012). In this context, Weiermair (2000) and Hsu et al. (2009) argued that understanding what motivates a tourist to choose a specific destination is central in developing appropriate travel marketing strategies. Thus, based on the findings of previous study regarding the influence of Islamic teachings on travel behaviour of Omani outbound tourists, the current study suggests that travel companies that target the Omani travel market must: (a) highlight the availability of halal food at destinations (Mohsin & Ryan, 1999); (b) provide a guide to indicate the location of halal food outlets at their destinations; (c) serve halal meals that do not include pork or alcohol; (d) put a prayer rug and a pointer towards Mecca in hotel rooms that receive Muslim guests; (e) allocate separate swimming pools and spa facilities for men and women; (f) offer travel packages that take account of Muslim considerations and meet Muslim needs; (g) employ people who speak Arabic to provide translation services and other assistance that may be needed by travellers from Muslim/Arab countries; (h) provide Islamic information, such as prayer times, mosque and halal food locations, on their websites (Hashim et al., 2012); (i) refrain from using images in travel brochures and ads that imply nudity, sexual suggestiveness or sexual relationships; (j) omit images that imply that tourists are invited to visit destinations to engage in sexual relationships, dancing, or drinking alcohol; and (k) use images that imply religious tolerance and positive attitudes towards Islamic culture at the destination. It is acknowledged that images of holiday destinations affect destination choice as well as repeat visitation (Beerli & Martin, 2004; Tapachai & Waryszak, 2000). In this context, Yaapar (2005) pointed out that Muslims in Malaysia were not satisfied with the promotional campaigns that marketed countries on international news networks by using images of men and women in skimpy swimsuits cuddling and hugging on the beach. Halbase (2012) concluded that it is necessary to consider the special needs of Muslim tourists, and therefore, Muslim travellers should not be targeted in the same way as non-Muslim travellers. Rice and Al-Mossawi (2002) confirmed that religious beliefs can affect Muslims’ behaviour and their response to advertising messages. An empirical research study revealed that ‘ardent’ Muslims tended to be more concerned about advertising of gender/sex-related products (Fam et al., 2004; Muhamad, 2008).

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The current chapter would constitute an important source of information for future work in international tourism marketing, especially for travel marketers who aim to target the Muslim/Arab travel market in general, and the Omani travel market in particular. The findings of the previous related studies that are included in this chapter also enhanced our understanding of the travel motivations and their influence on travel and leisure participation. The current chapter provides a managerial implication that will aid the travel and leisure industries that target Muslim travel markets through its insights into the travel motivations and impact of Islamic teachings on choosing a tourist destination.

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17 Exploring the Experiences of International and Domestic Visitors at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo Ahmed Abdel Fattah, David Fisher and Joanna Fountain

Introduction This chapter develops an understanding of the international and domestic visitors’ experiences in relation to the traditional presentations and commercial offerings at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo. It is argued that, despite a lack of interactivity, the museum management has been able to respond to different types of visitors that have different needs. Hence, the museum space is a place for learning; social interactions; remembering historical and personal events; connecting visitors with the familiar and reinforcing their pre-existing knowledge; and settings for aesthetic, recreational and restful experiences. A starting point for the consideration of the visitors’ experiences lies with the topic of the visitor–museum relationship. The recognition of this relationship has become increasingly important as museums endeavour to appeal, educate, entertain and offer a broad variety of presentations to equate to a valuable experience for visitors. Different types of visitors have different motives, experiences and perceptions of particular museums around the world (Van Aalst & Boogaarts, 2002; Verbekeb & Rekom, 1996). The paradigm shift of museums in the 1970s towards visitors implies that museums need to pay greater attention to the needs of visitors who demand more from the experience. This demand has also been influenced by competition from other alternative forms of visitor experiences available. In view of this, the period since the late 1980s has witnessed a blossoming of research focusing 254

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on visitors’ motives and experiences at different museums in North America, Europe, Australasia, South America and Asia (Chia, 2007; Diamond, 1986; Goulding, 2000; Hood, 1993; Moscardo, 1992; Moussouri, 2003; Verbekeb & Rekom, 1996). Yet, there is very little understanding of museum visitors’ experiences in the Arab World. Exploring museum visitors’ experiences is usually secondary to the research agenda, if mentioned at all (El-Saddik, 2005; Hassan, 2005; Hawass, 2005a; Lutz, 2007; Mansour, 2005). Dr Zahi Hawass, former Secretary General of the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities (SCA) admits that although many scientific studies, restoration and renovation of the existing museums in Egypt have been carried out, ‘We still lack academic studies that examine tourists’ experiences of Egyptian museums and heritage sites’ (as cited in Shahine, 2004: 22). Demographic characteristics of the visitors and attendance statistics have been the backbone of many museums’ audience surveys, but they do not explain the visit experience of different visitors and the role of museum presentations and offerings in relation to the visitor (Hassan, 2005; The Egyptian Ministry of Culture, 2009/2010; The Egyptian Ministry of Tourism, 2008). Questions about what experiences international and domestic visitors take away from museums in the Arab World are sorely neglected issues (El-Saddik, 2005; Grimud, 2008; Hassan, 2005). In particular, no prior research has empirically investigated international and domestic visitors’ experiences vis-à-vis the Egyptian Museum presentations and offerings, the topic of this chapter.

What is a Traditional Museum? What is a traditional museum? This question has been asked by a wide range of people including members of the museum profession itself, museum theorists, heritage academics and art historians. Traditionally, the role of the museum was a space in which material treasures of the past is collected and displayed. The traditional museum has played an important role in preserving objects and materials of cultural, religious and historical significance, and exhibiting them to the public for the purpose of education. Traditional museums were also elitist institutions as they encouraged the educated public to visit them, presenting themselves as elitist temples of art, history and culture (Bennett, 1995; Weil, 2002, 2004; Witcomb, 2003, 2007). The understanding of what constitutes a traditional museum has been described largely in functional terms. The purposes of traditional museums have been perceived as tangible and concrete, equivalent to the essence of the ‘material evidence’ which in the past has been the focal point of museums (Montaner & Oliveras, 1986; Weil, 1995: 47). In traditional museums, with the Egyptian Museum being a good example, artefacts were revered for their originality; provenance, for example, was a key characteristic of a legitimate

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museum artefact. Indeed, notions of originality, value and integrity have been at the heart of the traditional museum brand and are a fundamental measure of museum distinctiveness. Traditional museums have also long been associated with the visitor’s learning experience. They have positioned themselves in the market at the ‘serious education’ rather than the ‘fun entertainment’ end of the continuum and ‘departures from this tradition are disparaged’ (Bown, 1995; Packer, 2004: 51). Indeed, notions of scholarship and seriousness have been also at the heart of the traditional museum brand and are a fundamental measure of its distinctiveness. Original artefacts are often precious – too precious indeed to even be procured by museums or stored and exhibited for any length of time (Chhabra, 2007; Goulding, 2000; Harrison, 2005). Compared to the function of the traditional museum, the modern museum does more than just preserving, storing and displaying artefacts. The modern museum embraces creativity elements and ideas such as commercialization, communication and technology. Modern museums are also multipurpose in offering tangible and intangible products and services to their visitors. They have embraced an engaging and interactive approach. They have developed blockbuster shows and exhibits for the masses, and have invested vigorous efforts into merchandising, as the typical museum shop shows. More importantly, they have adopted an infotainment or edutainment mission to reach out to young audiences and families with young children and diversify the population of museum-goers. Modern museums are very different from museums of the past; the learning/educational experience and the role of the artefacts are increasingly blurred in the modern museum. Modern trends in museology have broadened the range of subject matter and introduced many interactive exhibits, which give the visitor the opportunity to make choices and engage in activities that will ensure the experience varies from person to person. Notions of leisure, infotainment, interactivity and hands-on experiences have been the components which lie at the root of all definitions of the modern museum (Black, 2005; Kolter & Kolter, 1998; Noordegraff, 2004). The Egyptian Museum can be viewed as an eminent traditional world museum, and a gatekeeper and key-holder to the iconic representation of authentic Egyptian history, heritage and culture. It has both national and international status as visitor destination and as part of the tourist experience and therefore has a significant role to play in tourism provision in Egypt (Hawass & Vannini, 2008).

Experiences of Museum Visitors This chapter is an attempt to explore international and domestic visitors’ experiences vis-à-vis the Egyptian Museum presentations and offerings.

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Understanding the visitor’s museum experience means understanding first what the visitor brings to the site in terms of their personal agenda (Falk & Dierking, 1992, 2000). This includes information about previous visits, reasons and motivations for visiting which affect what a visitor expects from the experience. These aspects are important since they can influence the level of visitors’ experience of the museum. But before the authors continue their discussion of the experiences of museum visitors, it is helpful to briefly define the term ‘experience’. What is an experience? There is no one simple definition of the term ‘experience’. Experience can be defined as the visitor’s engagement in making sense of things; discovering new and different things; and being mentally stimulated (McIntosh & Prentice, 1999; Moscardo, 1999; Packer, 2008). Pine and Gilmore (1999), who have been recognized as the initiators of the modern business-oriented experience economy theory, offer no precise definition. The closest they come to describing experiences is that an experience happens when a business deliberately utilizes ‘services as the stage, and goods as props,’ to attract clients in a way that generates a memorable event (Pine & Gilmore, 1999: 98). They argued that ‘Commodities are fungible, goods tangible, services intangible, and experiences memorable’ (Pine & Gilmore, 1999: 98). Thus, they highlight the supplier’s side which tells us little about what the customer buys, why he or she buys it and what an experience is to him or her. The concept presented here is that an experience is something that occurs to the customer – or the visitor. The term ‘experience’ refers to exposure to events that affect, or are capable of affecting, behaviour. Such events are known as stimuli. An experience is triggered by external stimuli or cues which are interpreted by the museum visitor. In the interpretation process, the visitor applies his previous experiences and his social and physical needs (Moscardo, 1992; Packer, 2008). For the purpose of this study, one may define an experience as a product of a combination of external stimuli and the experiencing individual’s past experiences and how he/she has categorized, construed and interpreted them. The museum visitor experience takes place within a set of structures we know as the museum. The museum selected depends a great deal on the physical context that provides visitors with personal and social experiences. The physical context includes everything the visitor can see or feel: temperature, rain or humidity, the offerings of different exhibition programmes, architecture features, and lighting design. Also, the current location and noises around are important components of the physical context (Falk & Dierking, 1992). The outcomes from a visit to a museum are the result of many variables. The successful visit to a museum involves a participation of the visitor which is not unidimensional: it embraces learning in the cognitive sense, but it can also relate to affective, social and psychomotor skills (Falk & Dierking, 1992,

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2000; Goulding, 2000). Falk and Dierking (1992) have weaved together a wealth of research and have lent it a coherence which provides a number of valuable insights. They have drawn on materials which explored the museum visitors and their reactions to the museum presentations and offerings. They conceptualized the museum visit in what they termed ‘The Interactive Model’, where the museum visit involves three contexts: the personal context, sociocultural context, and the physical context. The personal context includes the visitor’s motives, prior knowledge, interests, beliefs and previous experience. Social context refers to interactions between the visitor and others at the museum such as companions, museum and cafe staff, guards, and other visitors. The physical context is embodied in the museum architecture, commercial facilities, exhibits, labels, objects, interactive multimedia, and the physical setting in which they are displayed. The importance of this broader physical context was apparent in Kent’s (2009) investigation of the experience of the gift shop in the museum, which found that the shop was an essential part of the museum experience. For many visitors, the shop was both a recreational site and a place which supported informal learning through the availability of educational commodities (Kent, 2009). In ranking the museum experience, Falk and Dierking (1992: 90) also found that ‘the average visitor deems the quality of the gift shop and food service to be as important, if not more important, as the quality of artefacts or exhibition design’. Similarly, in her examination of the various commercial facilities at the Louvre Museum, McTavish (1998) argued that the consumer area occupied a very significant location which blurred the boundaries between visitor’s experience of the artefacts and commercial facilities. In assessing the museum experience, Falk and Dierking (1992) also found that the average visitor considers the quality of the food service and gift shops to be as important, if not more important, as the quality of objects or exhibition design. Bitner’s (1992) notion of ‘servicescape’ is relevant also in understanding aspects of the physical museum context that affect visitors’ experiences. Her ‘servicescape’ includes environmental factors such as lighting, noise, temperature, spatial layout, signs and symbols. Bitner (1992) maintains that these ambient settings affect visitors’ learning experience and their psychological and emotional responses to the environment. The principal findings of Blud (1990), McManus (1989), Noordegraff (2004) and Packer (2004, 2008) also provides an important context when presenting the findings, and in particular, international and domestic visitors’ experiences in relation to the Egyptian Museum presentations and offerings. The arguments of these academics resulted in a revaluation of the roles of today’s museum from the visitors’ perspective. Our interpretive investigation of their works did not produce narrow definitions or meanings of ‘today’s museum’ such as its equation with education, learning, or infotainment, the achievement of cognitive and edutainment goals as postulated

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by several scholars (Falk & Dierking, 2000, 2009; Packer, 2004, 2008). In this way, the perspective that shaped this chapter was that the roles of today’s traditional museum are not just about education and presentation of original artefacts. Traditional museums can also offer recreational/leisure experiences, sociable experience, entertainment experience, personal and memorable experiences and aesthetic experiences. Packer (2004, 2008) found that most visitors come to museums as part of a social group; and that therefore, what visitors view, do, and remember is mediated by that group. Related to this is the finding that the visitor’s social experience in the museum includes museum staff and other visitors, both within and beyond the visitor’s own travelling party. Similarly, Blud (1990) and McManus (1989) conclude that the nature of the museum visit is not simply a case of visitor interaction with the exhibitions, but the chance for social interaction in a learning environment. Companions, family groups and children in school groups make use of museums as a socially mediated learning environment. This is important for understanding the role of the museum as a social educational place and recreational setting (this topic will be discussed in more detail in later section). The importance of these interactions was noticed as early as 1928 by Robinson (1928), who noted, ‘[t]he social influences at work when several people go through a museum together must be exceedingly important in determining reactivity toward the objects encountered’ (p. 17). Other visitors see the museum as sites to meet and hang-out with friends and family. Falk (2009) calls this type of visitors ‘Facilitating Socializers’ who: may or may not be particularly knowledgeable about the content area of the museum. They will regularly meet at the museum for lunch or a quiet stroll through the galleries, happily chatting away, occasionally glancing at exhibits or labels. Although they are likely to become members (for economic and perhaps status reasons), their primary objective is to gain access to what the museum affords socially rather than what it offers intellectually. (p. 193) Noordegraff (2004) is another museum theorist who has attempted to explore the functions of today’s museum. She provides a significant analysis of the development of the script of commercial presentations in museums in the Netherlands and investigates the museum/visitor interaction: an additional take on the nature of the visitor’s experience. She argues that museums do not function in isolation but instead are solidly embedded in contemporary commercial culture and society. Noordegraff (2004) compares the museum offerings to the script of commercial presentation particularly that of shops, theme parks, department stores and shopping malls. Central to her study (and argument) is that developments in museum presentation in the 1980s and 1990s did not always stem from the museum but often originated in other

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leisure settings, such as department stores and shopping centres. Similar to other scholars (i.e. Falk & Dierking, 1992; Kent, 2009), Noordegraff (2004) shows also that other elements of the museum environment and presentations play significant roles in shaping the visitor’s experience. For example, the quality and smell of food and coffee, gift shops, parking, traffic, distance to the museum and the museum’s garden all will have an influence. Other museum scholars approach the visitor’s experience and the function of the museum from an anthropological perspective. Silverman (1995: 164) identified three experiential needs: reverential, ‘an experience with something higher, more sacred and out of the ordinary’; associational, ‘an excuse or focus for a social occasion’; and educational, ‘a chance to learn something about the world’. For Silverman (1995: 162), three influences are perceived as critical during the museum visit: ‘self-identity’, ‘companions’ and ‘leisure motivations and benefits’. Silverman (1995: 163) identified two major elements of selfidentity during museum visits: ‘who I am as an individual, who I am as a group member’. The desire to affirm and express these identities contributes significantly to the facets of meaning that are triggered in response to objects and exhibits (Silverman, 1995). Silverman (1995) notes from her own observational studies and those of others that the nature of the museum visits and the focus of the visits are changed by the company of the visit. She proposes that the leisure motivations and benefits of the museum visiting will impact on the meanings visitors make from the visit (Silverman, 1995).

International and Domestic Visitors at the Egyptian Museum This study is anchored within qualitative research methods since they provided complex and rich data about the individual visitor experience. This approach has included techniques such as face-to-face interviews, on-site observations, documentation reviews and field notes (Patton, 2002). The first phase involved familiarization with the resource itself, to experience the museum from the perspective of a visitor. Raw observation notes were written up in order to construct an observation sheet which incorporated the museum’s organizational structure collection strategies, function of the physical space, and sense of orientation, lighting and crowding levels. The study employed face-to-face semi-structured interviews with museum staff and domestic and international visitors. A total of 14 interviews were conducted with museum staff. A total of 70 visitors were interviewed on the completion of their visit to the museum (50 international respondents and 20 Egyptian respondents). Selection of participants was limited to adult visitors aged 18 years or over. The researcher excluded visitors who were not fluent in either English or Arabic, as these were the two languages in which the interviewer was fluent. Standardized open-ended

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questions were utilized to elicit as accurately as possible visitors’ experiences, as expressed by them in their own words and in relation to pertinent issues raised by them. For example, visitors were asked to describe what they had experienced, why an experience of the museum had been important to them and whether their visit has been different or similar to visiting other attractions. Visitors were also asked what would have improved their experience at the museum and whether they had learnt anything new about the ancient artefacts from their visit. Other questions related to visitors’ impressions or perceptions of museum and their main considerations in experiencing the site or visiting a heritage attraction in Egypt. Most of the interviews with museum staff and visitors were of a semistructured interview type conversational situation between an active listener and an active participant. Visitors who were willing to participate were offered a small incentive, such as a cold drink or a cup of tea or coffee, to encourage and thank them for their time. This was offered before they agreed to take part in research. The interviewees were assured that they would not be identified individually in the research, although the participants did not express any concerns providing their thoughts, and in fact seemed pleased to talk about their museum experiences. During data analysis, excerpts from interview transcripts were identified with a one-letter abbreviation and a code number that refers back to the exact and complete interview transcript. All interviews, field notes and documents were analysed and categorization was made with the support of the QSR NVivo software package for Social Sciences. It was first necessary to analyse individual or major themes in the data. Using the software to perform this was effective. The tools in NVivo assisted the author in terms of ‘who mentioned what regarding experiences’ within a theme. Then, in order to relate the theme to other ideas it was necessary to consider the electronic memos typed during the analysis process. The NVivo was effective at this stage for mapping out diagrammatically how the themes related to each other. At this point, the researcher viewed the whole picture and the inter-relationships of the codes on the screen. When considering the electronic memos and coded data together in order to pull out themes across the data, the researcher simply typed a short summary on each node. These summaries included details such as ‘what experiences did international visitors take from the Egyptian Museum?’ International visitors dominated the profile at the Egyptian Museum. The majority of participants came from Western countries such as United Kingdom, France and Germany (Figure 17.1). These data demonstrate that the museum is an attraction that has strong international demand. With regard to domestic visitors, the majority of them (16 out of 20) came from the two largest governorates in Egypt: Cairo and Giza. Visitor survey data of the Egyptian Museum collected by the Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities for the period of January to December 2009

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8% 6%

France

26%

Germany

10%

Israel Italy

12%

United States

22%

Other (Netherlands, Denmark & Sweden)

16%

Figure 17.1 Nationality of international respondents at the Egyptian Museum (n = 50)

reflects the dominance of international visitors and the clear under-representation of Egyptian visitors (Figure 17.2). Again, this shows the strong international visitor’s demand and his/her strong interest in the museum’s presentations. There seems to be a significant relation between the strong international demand and the participants’ previous knowledge. In fact, almost all international participants arrived at the museum with some degree of familiarity with various exhibitions and statues. This is crucial for this study as the interactions between the participants’ previous knowledge or images (personal context) and the exhibitions (physical context) will later reveal the role of the museum from the perspective of the participant. 345000 295000 EGYPTIAN

245000

INTERNATIONAL

195000 145000 95000 ∫∫

45000 6000 4000 2000 0 JAN

FEB MAR APR MAY JUN

JUL

AUG SEP OCT NOV DEC

Figure 17.2 Egyptian Museum visitor profile 2009 Source: The Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities, 2009: 43.

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In terms of travel party, the majority of respondents visited with a partner, friends and family members (children and relatives such as grandparents and cousins) while very few respondents visited the site alone. This reflects what has long been recognized in the literature: the majority of people visit museums as part of a social group and a large part of their visit is invested in social interactions (Black, 2005; Weil, 2002, 2004). With regard to the length of stay, calculated to the nearest half hour, the majority of international respondents (82%) stayed for 2.5 to 3.0 hours, whereas 75% of domestic respondents stayed for up to one hour. With regard to previous visits, not surprisingly, all domestic visitors (100%) were on repeat visits, whereas only five international respondents were repeat visitors. With respect to gender ratios, males dominated the visits at the museum. Generally, international and domestic participants tended to be 35–55 years old. Lastly, respondents were asked to state their usual occupation. The question yielded a variety of occupations. Seventeen domestic visitors fell into the categories of clerical, labourer, trade workers and sales and service occupations and three visitors occupied managerial and educational positions. Educational, health and managerial professionals were very highly represented among international respondents, with almost 70% of them stating various managerial or professional careers. One possible explanation for the dominance of professional and managerial occupations of international visitors is that Cairo, Aswan and Luxor cities respectively tend to attract more high-yield cultural visitors who tend to stay longer and spend more (The Egyptian Ministry of Tourism, 2010). For instance, a detailed report prepared by the Egyptian Ministry of Culture exploring the economic impact of cultural visitors in Cairo governorate shows that the city attracted 3.5 million international cultural visitors in the year 2004/2005 spending an average of US$175 per day with an average visit duration of 9–12 days (The Egyptian Ministry of Culture, 2006/2007).

The Egyptian Museum Presentations and Offerings The Egyptian Museum retains the traditional architecture and character of its founding in the early years of the 20th century (Museum Staff Member, personal communication, 21 September 2010). Based on field observation of the museum’s physical context, there are two main floors of the museum; the ground floor and the first floor. The basement or the storage room lies below the ground floor, and contains numerous artefacts from different archaeological eras (Figure 17.3). Throughout the museum there is little in the way of signage. The lighting often throws a glare on the object or label that makes it difficult to see. The museum offers a variety of exhibits ranging from early ancient Egyptian history to the Greco-Roman Period. Very traditional display

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Figure 17.3 Interior of the Egyptian Museum. Photograph: Author

techniques are used in the museum; objects are placed in cases labelled with brief interpretations. Other artefacts have either handwritten or typewritten labels. Some of the artefacts have labels written in English only, and others have labels written in Arabic and French. A few small items have no labels at all. The layout of the museum strays from the interactive and multimedia presentations found in modern museums. The visitor experience at the museum is physically passive; there are no opportunities for interactivity and hands-on experiences as most of the artefacts are stored behind glass or roped off from the public touch. Visitors find different functions-gift shops, restaurants, stalls-situated outside the main building in separate, clearly demarcated spaces. The commercial facilities are less visible when visitors come through the main gate of the museum. All parts of the museum, including the museum garden, restaurant/cafeteria and gift shops have a role in introducing visitors to ancient Egyptian artefacts. The adornment in all these places reflect the Pharaonic historical theme, and the range of food and beverage items in the restaurant/cafeteria includes some historical specialities, or at least carry Pharaonic names for contemporary day dishes, such as Ramses the Great sandwiches; the Akhenaton salad with golden cheddar; King Tutankhamen’s barley flat bread and the Queen Nefertari traditional bean dish. These field observations reveal that the dominant presentation is the content rather than the container. In view of these observations, the script of museum personations and offerings presupposes a traditional visitor who does not want to combine the enjoyment of authentic ancient artefacts with commercial activities.

International Visitors’ Experiences of the Museum The interactions between the personal and physical contexts and between the physical and social contexts reveal the role of the museum

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presentations and offerings in relation to international participants. The museum is revealed as: a place to enjoy the layout of the museum and the physical presence of the objects; a place for seeing the familiar and remembering historical and personal events a place of aesthetic experience: the experience of the Gold Room (King Tutankhamen); and a place for social interaction. The setting characteristics of the museum were remarkably significant to the international respondents. Many participants offered positive comments about the museum environment and its ambience: It’s a magical place. It has that musty old smell that makes you feel like you can almost taste the ancient history. It’s not like the usual modern museum that is toddler buggy friendly . . . They [Egyptian curators] don’t hide all the objects behind glass cabinets, many objects out in the open so that you can get up close and experience a piece of history. (I 39) The ceilings are very high so you feel like you’re really in a big ancient place. It’s like the feeling you have in England when you enter a traditional Catholic church that you may have thought is gone. (I 49) International visitors’ experiences of the physical context of the museum were reinforced by different museum staff. Some museum staff believed that the structure and organization of the building has a unique ‘mystique’ (S 04) and maintains an ‘esteemed position’ (S 11) in the mind of the international visitor. They described the museum as a ‘massive warehouse of antiquities’ (S 12). They argued that this type of presentation is the national showpiece and the traditional model against modern notions about the layout of museums. Hence, one observes the tension between the modern designs of how the museum should be laid out and traditional organization. The objects and the unchanging appearance of the museum take a front seat to museum management; they are the nucleus of the building. Some museum staff members envisioned the building as a ‘temple’ (S 09) or a ‘historic mosque that should not adhere to the modern theory of museum organization and structure’ (S 03). Other museum staff members maintained that international visitors enjoy the arbitrary and random galleries in the museum. They contended that although from the ‘Western standpoint the museum has the appearance of being a messy place; on the inside the international visitor enjoys the visit because it induces exploration’ (S 13). In other words, international visitors expect the building to be an ancient site that allows them to explore the traditional museum domains of collection and experience the real Pharaohs. The physical presence and close proximity of the artefacts was also an integral part of the participants’ experiences:

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The close proximity of the objects bring the objects and their history more to life … When I saw the statue of Akhenaton I felt like I’m seeing the real Pharaoh in front of me. (I 19) International visitors liked the building because they saw it as an ancient site that allowed them to experience the real Pharaohs. However, the physical context does not exist in isolation but is intertwined with the personal context. It is the rootedness of the museum’s objects in the Western culture that made them so distinctive to international visitors. The international visitor’s pre-existing knowledge or familiarity with the Pharaonic objects (personal context) affected the quality of the museum visit: It’s just wonderful experience to see these royal mummies. Already I’m familiar with them because of my love of the films, they seem less foreign, I guess, because I know, I think ‘oh I have seen them before’. (I 27) Also, familiar artefacts invoked visitors to remember historical events such as Howard Carter’s Discovery of Tutankhamen’s tomb and the decoding of the Rosetta stone by French scholar, Jean-Francois Champollion. For many international visitors, the museum also became a place of aesthetic experience. They came to the museum armed with previous knowledge about the art and craftsmanship of King Tutankhamen’s treasures. One respondent voiced the views of a significant majority of international visitors: Over the years I’ve followed the documentaries on King Tut that explained and showed his skill and craftsmanship. Most of all I remember his famous mask. It was amazingly carved. I love the simplicity of the design, very geometric, with its cobra on the forehead and the falcon on the shoulders. (I 16) Finally, participants’ experiences of the actual objects – the physical context – was also mediated by this expanded notion of social context. Some participants enjoyed learning about particular objects through their engagement in conversations with museum guides. Several visitor groups initiated informal conversations with museum staff about various artefacts.

Domestic Visitors’ Experiences at the Egyptian Museum The international admiration of the museum’s antiquities had only very weak echoes among domestic participants. The exhibition environment was low on the list of destinations for domestic visitors. The majority of domestic

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visitors articulated three types of experiences during their visit of the museum: as a place for social and pastime experiences; as a refuge and therapeutic facility; and as a place for remembering personal events. The social experiences of domestic visitors were limited to their own family members and companions, and did not extend to interactions with other visitors or museum staff. They also exhibited positive experiential themes related to the qualities of the café/restaurants such as the attractive setting of the place and the quality of the food service: I wouldn’t say we come to learn history and view the objects. We come may be once every month to have the children play around in the garden and we have a long break from them to get something to eat and chat … We like the restaurant a nice place for socialization it has an efficient central air conditioning. Also, the food is delicious they offer good plates of labna and olives and pickled turnips. We don’t come to the museum frequently. Just once in a while. We tend to come and eat at the restaurant and enjoy listening to the music. Domestic visitors’ social experiences were reinforced by different museum staff: Local visitors don’t enter the museum with a view to seeing particular exhibits. They come for the social experience. A lot of them, especially young ones, hang around in the lobby for a while waiting for someone to arrive then go to the restaurant to spend quality time and have something to drink or eat. (S 02) Whether they [domestic visitors] enter the gallery areas or not, they see the garden as a social place. Some of them who live near the Tahrir Square come with friends or families on Fridays. They often spend an hour or two in the garden and the restaurant and then leave to do the noon prayer at a nearby mosque. (S 12) The social experience of domestic visitors was imbued with memories that centred on an event, feelings or life episode. Their recollections reinforced events and personal experiences outside the museum premises. For one respondent, the museum became a stage in which he recalled an important historical event which he himself experienced firs hand: When news of the 1952 Revolution in Cairo reached me I was with my brother in the vicinity of the museum then I overheard a guy on the street said that the revolution broke out an hour ago and we both ran from the museum to Abdeen Palace to witness some demonstrations and I remember we cheered and shouted long live Nasser, long live justice.

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His museum visit was a revolutionary trip down memory lane. It was an invitation to recreate some aspects of a historical event or period in his mind. The vicinity of the museum to the ‘Abdeen Palace’, which was the centre of the royal court during the Egyptian monarchy and is located within 10 minutes walking distance, incited an emotional reaction that let the visitor feel as if he had experienced a realistic version of the recent past not the distant or ancient Egyptian history. The visitor employed signs or events outside the exhibit halls as a key resource in engaging with the museum. Unlike international visitors, the domestic visitor was able to identify with external signs or events that were part of his recent local history. Finally, a few domestic visitors referred also to the significance of the museum as a place of refuge or escape, almost like taking a holiday from their work and everyday life. They frequented the museum because of its close proximity to their workplace and to sought solitude and refuge from the traffic and the double pressures of work and family life.

Analysis The findings of this study provided insights into the main differences that existed between international and domestic visitors as well as the functioning of the Egyptian Museum from the visitors’ views. International and domestic respondents experienced the museum’s presentations and offerings in different ways according to their previous experiences, knowledge and interests. All international respondents were interested in learning more about specific artefacts and statues they were already familiar with. This reveals the significance of the inter-connectedness of personal context for learning in museums and supports Black (2005), Falk and Dierking (1992, 2000), Moscardo (1992, 1999) and Packer’s (1996) arguments that learning is a more likely outcome of a museum visit when the exhibitions stimulate knowledge or experience with which the visitor is already familiar. Unlike international participants, the majority of domestic participants were not interested in the museum’s ancient relics. The research findings showed that generally domestic participants tended to use the museum differently and had different experiences. They considered the museum as an experiential site that offered recreation and pastime experiences and, to a lesser extent, as a place for recalling personal and historical events. Moreover, unlike international participants, the majority of domestic respondents also related their museum visits to the social experience and stated that the museum was the place to hang out with family and friends (Falk, 2009). For many domestic respondents, the outdoor garden and the café/restaurant played an important part of the social and pastime experiences (Kent, 2009; McTavish, 1998).

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Accordingly, the nexus between the physical and personal contexts and the physical and social contexts revealed different roles of the museum in relation to different visitors. It is the physical context that provides many of the personal and social experiences (Moscardo, 1999; Packer, 2008). Without physical points of reference the visitor experience at the Egyptian Museum would be impossible (Falk, 2000; Goulding, 2000). Visitor’s physical experience attests to the view that visitors’ personal and social experiences occur in an environment, namely the physical context of the site; not merely in it but because of it, through interaction with it (Bitner, 1992). This interaction provided answers to questions about what experiences international and domestic visitors took away from the Egyptian Museum and simultaneously revealed the roles of the traditional museum. What draws people to a museum is often referred to in visitor studies literature as the ‘holding power’ or ‘attracting power’ (Falk & Dierking, 1992: 68, 70), something about the site that attracts visitors to want to attend to it. What is the attracting power of the Egyptian Museum? Is it wanting to learn something, for example, about ancient Egyptian history? Is it a place to spend quality time with friends and relatives? Is it a site to escape from the daily routine? International and domestic participants articulated a number of experiences at the site. For example, visitors’ connection with the familiar and reinforcement of their prior knowledge; visitors’ remembrance of historical and personal events; social learning experiences; and the aesthetic, social, restorative, recreational and pastime experiences surfaced as focal factors in the visitor experience at the museum. These different experiences are achieved quite differently by different sets of consumers, dependent on the personal and social contexts they bring with them, and the physical context the museum provides (Packer, 2004; Silverman, 1995). In the meantime, the different experiences at the museum highlighted four important aspects. First, the experiences show that the museum fulfil more than one role such as, a setting for learning more about the exhibitions and seeing the familiar and remembering or evoking historical and personal events; a site for aesthetic experience; a site for visitors to rest, relax and escape from the pressures of work and everyday life; a site for social learning experiences; and a site for recreational experiences and socialization with family and friends. Second, although learning experiences were present at the museum, these experiences were equally offset by a much wider range of visitors’ experiences. Here, an experience goes beyond mere learning experiences because it engages and connects with visitors (Black, 2005; Pine & Gilmore, 1999). Some visitors (i.e. domestic visitors) also dealt with the physical context of the museum in ways that appeared independent of the objects and exhibitions of the museum. Third, the museum sat closer to the modern than it did to the traditional museum, which to the lay observer may not seem entirely obvious at first glance. Findings showed the infiltration of commercial and recreational

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aspects at the museum (i.e. garden and café/restaurant). Admittedly, these developments were less extreme than might be found at modern museums; however, they did depict modern museology (Noordegraff, 2004; McTavish, 1998; Witcomb, 2007). Lastly, different visitors’ experiences can still be catered for without modifying or debasing the core presentations (for example, the traditional displays and learning experiences), and by maintaining the various secondary presentations and offerings which include such things as restaurants, kiosks, café, gift shops and outdoor recreation and social spaces.

Conclusion: Theoretical and Practical Implications and Future Research This study set out to explore international and domestic visitors’ experiences vis-à-vis the Egyptian Museum presentations and offerings, and in doing so, the study drew out the key threads that reveal the role of traditional museums from the visitor’s viewpoint. The study is embedded in the academic fields of museum and visitor studies, leisure studies, heritage and education. The literature has been interwoven in this study which guarantees the seamless link between the theory and practice embodied in the inquiry and is appropriate for exploring respondents’ experiences. Having identified a lack of qualitative insights into visitors’ actual museum experiences in the Arab World, we proceeded by establishing theoretical and methodological frameworks to explore respondents’ experiences of the Egyptian Museum. In doing so, we uncovered the alternative roles of traditional museums that went beyond simply learning experiences and presentation of original artefacts. In this context, we undertook a qualitative study (beyond broad, quantitative analyses) of domestic and international visitation. The interactions between the physical and personal contexts and between the physical and social contexts in this study simultaneously capture significant realities of the visitor as well as important realities of the traditional museum. The interconnectedness between the contexts resulted in a set of visitors’ experiences suggesting that the traditional museum is very much an informal educational institution providing much more than just learning experiences. These experiences may also include developing a connection with and reinforcement of past knowledge or memories, as well as social, aesthetic, restorative, recreational and pastime experiences. These insights can enable museum practitioners to better understand their visitors and the wider roles traditional museums may play in visitors’ experiences as well as to rethink the mission and goals of these types of institutions. Recognizing the variety of museum visitor experiences that exist could cool

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the heated discussion on whether learning or leisure is more important to museum design, since, as Packer (2008) pointed out, there is no conflict between the two in visitors’ eyes. These findings suggest that rather than pegging museums into a traditional or infotainment /edutainment type, museums should go the opposite direction by promoting a broader variety of experiences, rather than a narrower one. Intentionally encouraging these alternative experiences could lead to pleasing museum visitors more. If museum curators and designers consider the kinds of experiences visitors enjoy getting out of the museum visit, they could intentionally design more areas or exhibits that allow for and encourage more of those types of visits and experiences. For example, since relaxation and getting away from the stress of work were identified as an attractive draw for domestic visitors, more green spaces and relaxing café areas could be designed. Likewise, as connection to existing knowledge is a common experience of a number of international visitors, exhibits could be designed to integrate a ‘pre-knowledge’ question or activity to prime visitors to engage more fully in the actual exhibit itself, such as a set of questions asking ‘How much do you know about King Tutankhamen? Who deciphered the Rosetta Stone and cracked the hieroglyphic code? What is the significance of that date?’ could be included in certain exhibits to intentionally induce nostalgia and reminded memories, a common positive experience identified by visitors. Although the aim of the research presented here was to gain qualitative understanding of visitors’ museum experiences, it is hoped that the research will inform and guide the development of a subsequent quantitative phase to substantiate the present research findings. As such, the study should be considered in the context of a two-staged approach to data collection. Firstly, semi structured in-depth interviews based on qualitative principles are used to gain insight and capture salient dimensions in visitor’s experience. Secondly, these dimensions can be used to derive categories that form opinion measures that can be tested on a larger sample to validate findings. In this way, the insights obtained from qualitative approaches can be combined with the generality that quantitative methods provide. The complementary strategy-combining the strengths of quantitative and qualitative approaches-has been advocated or similarly applied in other studies of visitor experiences at heritage sites (i.e. Moscardo, 1992; Moussouri, 2003; Packer, 2004, 2008).

Acknowledgements We are grateful to all the museum staff and management at The Egyptian Museum in Cairo who offered unconditional support and the easy access to the museums’ facilities and visitors. We are also very grateful to the domestic and international visitors who so willingly and generously gave of their leisure time to reflect upon their experiences at the site.

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Montaner, J. and Oliveras, J. (1986) The Museum of the Last Generation. London: Saint Martin Press. Moscardo, G. (1992) A Mindfulness/Mindelssness Model of the Museum Visitor Experience. Doctoral thesis, James Cook University, North Queensland, Australia. North Queensland. Moscardo, G. (1999) Making Visitor Mindful: Principles for Creating Sustainable Visitor Experiences through Effective Communication. Champagne, Illinois.: Sagamore Publishing. Moussouri, T. (2003) Negotiated agendas: Families in science and technology museums. International Journal for Technology Management 25 (5), 477–489. Museum Staff Member (2010, September 21) Personal interview with A. Abdel Fattah. Noordegraaf, J. (2004) Strategies of Display: Museum Presentation in Nineteenth and TwentiethCentury. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen. Packer, J. (2004) Motivational factors and the experience of learning in educational leisure settings. Doctoral thesis, Queensland University of Technology, Australia. Queensland, Australia. Packer, J. (2008) Beyond learning: Exploring visitors’ perception of the value and benefits of museum experiences. Curator: The Museum Journal 51 (1), 33–54. Patton, M.Q. (2002) Qualitative Evaluation and Research Methods (2nd ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. Pine, B.J. and Gilmore, J.H. (1999) The Experience Economy: Work is theatre and every business a stage. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Robinson, E. (1928) The Behaviour of the Museum Visitor. New Series No. 5. Washington, DC: American Association of Museums. Shahine, M. (2004, November/January) Pharaonic antiquities Egypt’s envoy [Arabic]. Ruz al-Yusuf Magazine 9 (3), 21–23. Silverman, L.H. (1995). Visitor meaning-making in museums for a new age. Curator the Museum Journal 38 (3), 161–170. The Egyptian Ministry of Culture (2006/2007) Hertiage Tourism in Cairo Governorate (F99) [Arabic]. Cairo: The Egyptian Ministry of Culture. The Egyptian Ministry of Culture (2009/2010) Economic Impact of Cultural/Heritage Tourists in Cairo Governorate (F211) [Arabic]. Cairo: The Egyptian Ministry of Culture. The Egyptian Ministry of Tourism (2008) Survey of International Visitors to Natural and Cultural Heritage Sites (211/03) [Arabic]. Cairo: Egyptian Ministry of Tourism. The Egyptian Ministry of Tourism (2010) Tourism Statistics & the Development of Tourism Accounts, January 2010–December 2010 [Arabic]. Cairo: The Egyptian Ministry of Tourism. The Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities (2009) Egyptian Museum visitor profile (2009 records) [Arabic]. Cairo: Egyptian Supreme Council of Antiquities, Ministry of Culture Museums Sector, Department of Planning and Implementation. (174). Van Aalst, I. and Boogaarts, I. (2002) From museum to mass entertainment the evolution of the role of museums in cities. European Urban and Regional Studies 9 (3), 195–209. Verbekeb, M.J. and Rekom, J.V. (1996) Scanning museum visitors: Urban tourism marketing. Annals of Tourism Research 23 (2), 364–375. Weil, S.E. (1995) A Cabinet of Curiosities: Inquiries Into Museums and Their Prospects. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Weil, S.E. (2002) Making Museums Matter. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Weil, S.E. (2004) Rethinking the museum: An Emerging New Paradigm. In A. Gail (ed.) Reinventing the Museum: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on the Paradigm Shift (pp. 74–80). Walnut Creek, CA: Rowman Altamira Press. Witcomb, A. (2003) Re-imagining the Museum: Beyond the Mausoleum. London: Routledge. Witcomb, A. (2007) The materiality of virtual technologies: A new approach to thinking about the impact of multimedia in museums. In F. Cameron and S. Kenderdine (eds) Theorising Digital Cultural Heritage: A Critical Discourse. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.

18 Conclusion Hafidh Alriyami, Hamed Almuhrzi and Noel Scott

Tourism in the Arab World: An Industry Perspective has provided an industrial and enthnoregional view of tourism. The tourism industry is often seen as a monolithic juggernaut producing homogeneous destinations for a global audience. Certainly throughout the Arab world there are plenty of examples of replication of European and American inspired hotels and services, but there are also examples of countries and destinations seeking to define their own unique path. These countries may have learned some of the lessons from traditional mass-market destinations and are seeking in their own way to avoid those problems that these destinations have experienced. After reading these chapters, what are the topics that perhaps distinguish tourism in the Arab world from that in other regions? Here we distinguish a number of those themes. A first theme is that in the Arab world, government policies that guide planning for tourism are more prominent and will often take a more top-down role in directing the growth of the industry and the country’s image. Examples discussed in this volume include cases from Saudi Arabia, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi. These countries share a relatively recent interest in development of tourism which allows them to learn from the experiences of countries that have been discovered by tourism earlier. Further, these countries are perhaps at an early stage of development, which allows interventions of government to have a significant impact on overall growth and direction. The chapters presented in this volume do not show adoption of one approach to tourism development across the Arab world. We may contrast the hyperrealism of Dubai, with the authenticity sought by Oman and the cautious development in Saudi Arabia. What can be sensed from various chapters in this volume (e.g. Chapters 6, 7 and 11) is that there is a need for better inter-Arab country coordination at national and destination levels. Chapter 11 discusses the competition between two Emirates and warns that competition undermines what may be supposed to be one brand at least in the eyes of some international travellers. Such competition can also be seen across States of the Gulf Peninsula; the competition between national flag airlines is a good example. Gulf States with similar economic 274

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and sociocultural characteristics may be better to look for synergies and avoid profitless rivalry. One small step may be to remove the need for visitors to a number of Gulf States to obtain multiple visas. The need for collaboration is of course not a particular problem limited to Gulf States. However, it may be that some shared cultural values may make overcoming competition less difficult. Despite the focus of this volume being on commercial aspects of tourism, a detailed understanding requires knowledge of the cultural-religious characteristics of the majority Muslim population. This is reflected in the concept of halal and haram foods, the suggestion in Chapter 2 of an influence on destination governance, and in Chapter 16 on the effect of Islamic principles on outbound travel. These unique characteristics are also opportunities for developing experiences that are of interest to the inbound non-Arab market. Certainly those countries seeking to receive visitors from the Arab world need to understand these characteristics. Malaysia in particular is seeking to attract Arab travellers. Two chapters examine the effect of recent upheavals and political stability in the region, highlighting that the Arab world is experiencing significant security concerns affecting tourism demand. This highlights the importance of peace and safety as a fundamental of tourism. Other chapters reinforce the similarities between tourism in the Arab World and outside it. Three Chapters (13, 15 and 16) address the importance of understanding the motivations, needs and expectations of tourists which will help destination marketers to provide tourists with a good experience at their destinations. The volume suggests to destination marketers to meet the basic needs and expectations of all the tourist segments (small or large) (e.g. Chapters 13, 15 and 16) and provide them with authentic local experience (e.g. Chapters 7 and 9). As in many other regions in the world, most of the Arab countries focus more on the positive economic impacts of tourism with less emphasis on the sociocultural and environmental impacts of tourism on the destination (e.g. Chapters 2, 4, 5 and 6). Future researchers may wish to address this gap in the literature. Some Arab countries, in particular the Gulf countries, have difficulty with the involvement of the local people in the tourism industry. This particular issue has been touched upon by several chapters in this volume. For instance, Chapters 3, 4 and 6 affirm that there is a lack of interest from locals to work in tourism-related jobs. Chapter 6 argues that there is limited research on how to tackle this issue in the Gulf countries. There are some solutions mentioned by some of the authors. For example, Chapter 4 suggests increasing the awareness about the job opportunities in the tourism industry to the locals and Chapter 3 recommends more human resource development in the tourism sector. Furthermore, each destination in the Arab world has its own opportunities and challenges which they need to focus on in order to develop their

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tourism industry in the future (e.g. Chapters 2, 3, 5, 6, 10 and 12). Each destination has different political, economic and social issues that may influence the development of the tourism industry in the destination (e.g. Chapters 2, 3, 5, 6, 10 and 12). Some Arab countries have made progress in terms of sustainability and areas such as women’s empowerment, but much remains to be done. Overall the recent development of tourism in some countries, the relative importance of tourism as an economic sector and tensions between traditional mass tourism and cultural/religious beliefs leads to a fascinating tourism region which rewards study. Importantly this volume also highlights the growing Arab academia whose work can examine and inform these trends to a potentially more enlightened government and industry policy and economic strategy. Indeed it is recommended that future research examine the growth of the Arab tourism academy, and develops an indigenous research culture providing case studies and examples of good practice for use by students and destination managers.

Themes and Areas for Further Research The first important theme for future research concerns the divergent paths taken in the development of tourism and the consequent need for and value of research that explores and contrasts tourism impact in the Arab countries. The current Arab tourism literature appears similar to that in other countries in lacking comparative cases. Chapter 6 discusses lessons that Gulf States may want to take from the development path of Dubai. Clearly, however, Arab States are not identical in their approach to tourism planning and development. Hence, it is more likely that there will be differences from one country to another in relation to tourism impact. For instance, while Dubai follows ‘top-down’ approach in employability in tourism sector, Oman appears to be pursuing a ‘bottom-up’ development approach. Arab researchers are encouraged to explore tourism’s relative impact related to the tourism development approach and if possible draw comparisons with Arab destinations as well as well-established international tourism destinations. Making a balance between global and local, traditional and modern, and religious and secular is one of the main challenges of Arab tourism destinations. Thus, scholars may look at identifying the best tourism planning and development models which will be more likely successful and sustainable in the future (Henderson, 2015). Scenario and forecasting techniques may be used to forecast and predict the future of each Arab tourism destinations based on the tourism planning and development model applied. Secondly, there is a need for environmental impact studies on Arab tourism destinations. There is an increasing attention by national tourism bodies within Arab World toward environmental issues. For instance, in Oman,

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tourism businesses are required to acquire environmental approval before being granted a business license; UAE has similar approach. However, there is lack of studies that explore to what extent that regulations and practices are actually adhering environmental friendly practices. For instance, water resource is an issue for most of Arab States, particularly ones with high oil reserves such as Gulf countries. Arab tourism destinations may want to conduct further studies that explore current visitors’ water consumptions and how can water sustainable consumption by promoted among travellers. Thirdly, we share the views of Sharpley (2008) on the need for further research that is designed and directed to tourism planning processes in many emerging Arab destinations. It can be deduced from several chapters in this volume that the ‘top-bottom’ is dominant in tourism planning. In this authoritarian approach, the major tourism planning tasks are designed with little involvement of the stakeholders, such as local and tourism business sectors. As Sharpley (2008) correctly noted, the current planning approach in Dubai, holds some positive aspects such private–public collaboration and attempts to support and embrace environmental initiative; such features are generally appeared to be emerged from contemporary and market-led tourism destinations. However, in many destination management organizations within authoritarian systems, it is hard to understand the processes of taking decision or drawing tourism strategies. For instance, while the Department of Tourism and Commerce Marketing is the responsible government body for developing tourism strategic plan and management, it lacks the authority and the mechanisms for planning and managing the industry (Sharpley, 2008). Sharpley (2008) points to the authority that the Dubai Executive Council has over the national tourism organization. In this volume, Chapters 1, 7 and 13 provide support for Sharpley (2008). Such an observation may not exclusive to Dubai, those that have significant financial oil resources exhibit similar authoritarian approaches, and perhaps quite similar tourism planning and development approach can be easily deduced. Hence, further studies to understand, critically examine, and suggest improvements to tourism planning and development approaches require urgent attention. Such research may reduce the uncertainty within the tourism industry with regard issues such as socio-culture and environmental implications of tourism industry; and, in fact, may suggest innovative approach where involved stakeholders can develop a customise tourism planning and development mechanism(s) that may satisfy its culture/political system norms. Fourthly, there is also a clear need for research on the economic impact of tourism and its distribution amongst various sectors of society. Arab States, like many other destinations, are interested in developing their tourism industry due to its economic significance. Ironically, there appears to be very limited (if any) tourism research that explores or measures tourism’s economic significance in Arab destinations. International reports may show

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the significance of the tourism industry; however, there is a need to further explore the economic impact on a regional level and based on different types of tourism (cultural, coastal etc.). Such research should provide further understanding on the nature of locals’ involvement and how it can be enhanced to maximize economic potential of tourism. One critical area in understanding the economic impact of tourism in their destinations is issue of employment. A lack of interest in working in tourism-related jobs among Arab communities is commonly reported by many studies of the Arab and Muslim World alike. This poses a significant challenge for the Arab tourism industry. This challenge is increased when we consider women’s employment in tourism industry. While Chapter 4 finds that Omani women seem to be enthusiastic about working in tourism businesses, this chapter also reports that it was difficult to find women who have had a long tourism career. Additionally, researchers have found a lack of interest among locals in working in the tourism industry in Oman and UAE (Chapter 6). Tourism researchers studying Arab World countries could explore whether this lack of interest is due to unfamiliarity with the industry, or there are other more deeply rooted misconception of the industry that stem from a religious-cultural perspective. Such research can provide an actionable ‘to-do-list’ for how to foster the younger generation’s interest in tourism as a career; an important issue as employment creation is a main driver behind adoption of tourism as an industry. Fifthly, in addition to the above-mentioned themes and areas for future research, research examining the issue of globalization vs localization of tourism products development in the Arab world would be useful. This can be considered in terms of how to tackle the challenge of offering an authentic Arab experience which considers, at the same time, the needs and expectations of all the segments of the market (locals and internationals). The authenticity of tourism products in Gulf States is eroded by a lack of interaction with local people, a core area of interest for international visitors. Sixth, another noticeable theme is that many countries in the Arab world have been affected by crises of various types. Previous studies have looked only at the negative side of crises such as the Arab Spring, political instability and terrorist attacks. Thus, future research might also look for direct and indirect effect aspects of crisis. Further, Arab countries have been misperceived as one entity and as very risky tourism region. Therefore, future research might consider how the Arab countries can collaborate with each other in order to change this negative image. As the Arab stats are associated with frequency of political instability, wars and terrorist attacks, thus, Arabs should collaborate with each other to improve their intra-regional tourism within the Arab countries. However, the value of the intra-regional tourism is the lowest in the Arab countries comparing to other regions of the world. Therefore, future studies may look at ways to increase the value and share of intra-regional tourism in the Arab world.

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Seventh, while it was not the intention of this book to discuss issues related to a specific tourism activity within the Arab world, it is interesting no to see any chapter specifically discuss heritage tourism. Heritage and cultural tourism resources is considered as one of the main touristic resources within many Arab countries. Chapter 17 discusses visitors, through semistructured interviews, visitors’ experiences at Egyptian museum. However, Arab countries have a wealth of heritage sites and monuments. Al-Muhrzi (2015) indicated to the scarce of academic attention given to this field of tourism research within Arab world as well as to the methodological shortcoming in exiting literature in understanding visitors’ interpretive preferences at heritage sites where mix audience exist. Hence, we encourage academic within Arab world further this area of research by comparing motivations and preferences of domestic and international visitors at such sites. Throughout the chapters of this volume, it was apparent that tourism industry is not isolated from the culture of Arab countries whether on a governmental or a societal level. For instance, several chapters discussed the subtle differences in the way tourism as industry is being governed and operated and the relation between public (governmental) tourism organization and society. Other chapters presented some important issues related to the need of understanding Islamic and Arab culture when it comes to understand tourism phenomena in the Arab world. What is missing, however, is a methodological discussion on how tourism research can respond to such difference. For instance, Kasim and Al-Gahuri (2015) discussed issues related to undertaking qualitative research in an Arabic conservative society, Socatra Island. They concluded that besides cultural reasons, it is important that tourism researchers will need better strategies to understand the level of interest/ disinterest among local in tourism-related research as local may not be aware (or do not see) the importance of such research. Furthermore, literature on cultural differences suggests that it is important to be aware of the underlying differences between terms and concepts across different culture; hence, the use of many methodological tools or approach may unintentionally produce finding that not necessarily reflecting the phenomena on the ground. Therefore, we believe that one of the important outcomes of this volume is the highlight of a need to open a discussion on the current methodologies been employed to understand touristic phenomena in the Arab world. Finally, the last section of this book examined some of the few studies available concerning tourists’ behaviour in the Arab world. On the one hand, future research in this area might examine the differences among Arab tourists in terms of their motivations, expectations, needs, behaviours when travelling to Arab and non-Arab destinations. On the other hand, other studies might compare between Arabs and other international tourists in terms of their motivations, expectations and behaviours in Arab tourism destinations. According to Daher (2007), Arabs tend to travel for leisure, shopping and

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entertainment. However, there are limited studies investigating the other typologies of the Arab tourists. Several Arab destinations (e.g. Egypt, Oman and Jordan) have developed ecotourism activities, diving, mountain climbing, safaris, backpacking and adventure tourism targeting western tourists. Nevertheless, are there any Arabs who practice these types of tourism activities in the Arab countries and non-Arab countries? If yes, what are the differences between Arabs and non-Arabs in terms of practicing ecotourism activities? Such studies will address gaps in the literature related to the tourism in the Arab World and will be undertaken by a new generation of tourism researchers in this dynamic field. We wish you well.

References Al-Muhrzi, H. (2015) Exploring interpretive experiences at an Omani heritage site: Insider-outsider visitor perspectives. Unpublished master dissertation, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia. Daher, R.F. (2007) Tourism in the Middle East: Continuity, Change and Transformation. Clevedon: Channel View Publications. Henderson, J.C. (2015) The development of tourist destinations in the Gulf: Oman and Qatar compared. Tourism Planning & Development 12 (3), 350–361. Kasim, A. and Al-Gahuri, H. (2015) Overcoming challenges in qualitative inquiry within a conservative society. Tourism Management 50 (2015) 124–129. Sharpley, R. (2008) Planning for tourism: The case of Dubai. Tourism and Hospitality Planning & Development 5 (1), 13–30. DOI: 10.1080/1479053080193642

Index

accommodation, 10, 40–41, 62, 122, 145, 168, 182, 208–209, 212, 214, 217, 229–230 advertising, 153, 188, 192–193, 195, 203–205, 243, 247, 249, 251 airlines, 59, 61, 105, 109–111, 114, 168, 174, 213–214, 216, 227, 230 airports, 43, 108–110, 115, 136, 147, 162, 164, 173, 213, 241 air transport, 108, 208, 212–213 alcohol, 5, 96, 120–122, 165, 243, 249 Arab market, 10–11, 36, 220–221, 224–225, 227–231 Arab Spring, 9, 12, 146, 150, 152, 156–159, 176, 185–186, 278 authenticity, 12, 71–72, 103, 114, 133–144, 191–192, 272, 274, 278

differentiation, 161–162, 168, 170 Disneyfication, 105–107, 109, 111–112, 114–116 Doha, 8–9, 14, 105, 161–162, 170–171, 173 domestic visitors, 13, 254–256, 258, 260–261, 263, 266–271

Bahrain, 1–2, 4–7, 10, 30, 40, 123, 161–162, 170–171, 220–221, 228, 233 Bedouins, 188, 191, 193–196, 198–205 brochures, 13, 101, 189–190, 192, 195–196, 198–204, 248–249 business events, 8, 34, 38, 40, 44–46, 51 celebrations, 36, 38, 40, 43, 46 competition, 141–142, 162, 170, 212, 228, 254, 274–275 conferences, 40–41, 44–46, 50, 53, 111, 118 content analysis, 195, 204 Conventions Bureau, 11, 41, 44, 52, 55 crisis management, 83–84, 159–160, 181 decolonisation, 211–213 destination image, 182, 190, 220, 222, 231, 243, 250 destination management, 13, 175 Destination Management Organisations (DMOs), 184, 230

economic development, 9, 21, 56, 91, 93–94, 116, 145, 220 economic impacts, 15, 44, 89–91, 103, 160, 263, 277–278 ecotourism, 100, 179 Emirate of Dubai, 88, 98 employment, 5, 26, 56, 67–68, 73, 80–81, 91, 145, 278 entertainment, 39, 82, 107, 109, 111, 140, 226–228, 280 event management, 47–48, 252 event organizers, 34, 41–42, 46–47, 51–52 events cultural, 110–111, 252 gastronomy, 35–36 event sector, 8, 33, 42, 47, 51 event venues, 12, 41, 45, 51, 55 exhibitions, 41, 44–45, 50, 53, 55, 164, 259, 262, 268–269 expatriates, 15, 96–97, 165 experience value, 140, 142 factor analyses, 223–224 festival, 34–39, 42–43 flights, 109–110, 113, 150, 156, 214 food service, 258, 267 gender equality, 59–60, 66 globalisation, 102, 131, 134–136, 144 governance, 11, 16–23, 25, 27–29, 31–32, 55, 73, 78, 83, 147 governance structures, 21–22

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guests, 45, 95, 119–121, 139–140, 201, 251 Gulf States, 8–9, 104, 109, 146, 274–276, 278

pull factors, 221–223, 233, 236–238, 244–245, 247

Hajj pilgrimage, 207–208, 212–213, 216 halal tourism, 12, 118–119, 121, 123, 125–129, 239, 249, 251 heritage festivals, 34, 37 heritage tourism, 81, 272, 279 hospitality industry, 12, 67, 87, 99, 118, 128, 140, 142, 148–149, 248 hospitality management, 14, 47, 67–68 host communities, 28, 96–97 hotels five-star, 41, 45–46, 135, 137–139, 216–217 luxury, 95, 114, 141, 143, 149, 208

Qatar, 1–2, 4–10, 14, 30, 41, 43, 51, 101, 104, 116, 123, 162, 220–221, 228, 280

Indonesia, 3, 123–124, 129, 155, 209, 212, 215, 217, 219, 241–242 international visitors, 91, 260–266, 268, 271, 273, 278–279 Kuwait, 1–2, 4–6, 10, 28, 30, 40, 126, 163, 220–221, 225 landscape, 34, 94, 98, 191, 200, 226–228, 230–231 language, 4, 7, 16, 95, 98–99, 102, 195–196, 241, 247, 260 law, 14, 19, 25–26, 64, 79–80, 150, 159, 195, 204 leisure activities, 242–244, 248 Libya, 1–2, 4–6, 124, 146, 150, 153, 176 lifestyles, 118–120, 188, 198–199, 202, 204 market segments, 82, 235 mass tourism, 149, 171, 192, 212 media, 3–4, 38, 97, 149, 154–156, 163, 182, 184, 186, 233 medical tourism, 7, 43, 119, 124, 128–129 MENA, 5, 50, 54 Morocco, 1–2, 5–8, 11, 17, 21–22, 28, 104, 150, 176, 207 Orientalism, 196, 198, 204, 206 photographs, 195–199, 205, 264 political instability, 9–10, 148, 160, 175, 177, 179–181, 183, 185–187, 278 poverty alleviation, 71–72, 74, 85 promotion, 26, 56, 58–59, 80–81, 112, 115, 164, 180, 183, 185, 188, 191, 195

residents, 87, 91, 96–97, 101–102, 167, 169 restaurants, 42, 61–62, 81, 91, 110, 123, 126, 214, 248, 264, 267, 270 risk perceptions, 14–15, 159–160, 183, 185–186 safety and security, 73, 80, 181, 230, 237, 247–248 service encounter, 132–133, 135–137, 140–141 service quality, 46, 121, 127, 140, 143, 149, 218, 252 servicescape, 258, 272 shopping, 39, 93, 123, 127, 131, 138, 216, 226–228, 230–231, 272, 279 social changes, 64, 198, 204–205 source markets, 182–183 stakeholders, 8, 25, 27, 73, 76, 79, 81, 87, 90, 277 Sultanate of Oman, 56, 67–68, 100 sustainability, 22, 28, 47, 71, 73–76, 81, 84–85, 88, 117, 134, 165, 168, 276 sustainable development, 20, 28, 71–72, 75–76, 82, 84–85, 88–89, 165, 168, 173 Syria, 1, 5, 9–10, 28, 150, 163, 175–179, 241 theme parks, 106–108, 112, 117, 134, 137, 165, 226–229, 259 tourism destinations, 8, 11–12, 40, 51, 54, 108, 115, 123, 177, 180, 223, 248, 252 tourism employment, 58, 61, 67 tourism experience, 144, 185, 233 tourism governance, 5, 11, 19–21, 23–25, 28–29 tourism hubs, 88, 104–105, 108, 114 tourism impacts, 79, 81, 99–100, 103, 233, 276 tourism jobs, 8, 58 tourism marketing, 158–159, 173, 186, 190, 204, 220, 232–233, 250–251 tourism planning, 72, 80, 85, 88, 234, 276–277 tourism policies, 11, 76, 80, 82, 84, 100, 109, 221 tourism products, 6, 80, 119, 131, 137, 177, 180, 191, 194, 278

Inde x

tourism products development, 12, 278 tourism strategies, 24, 28, 61, 113, 171, 277 tourism workforce, 61 tourist attractions, 168, 189 tourist satisfaction, 128, 190 tour operators, 13, 25, 149, 154–155, 158, 186, 188, 198, 200–201, 203, 209 transport, 100, 109, 145–146, 209–210, 212

283

Turkey, 4, 54, 123, 126, 128–129, 217, 233–234, 241, 252 visas, 39–40, 43–44, 110, 115, 211, 215, 217, 229, 240 visitor experience, 77, 81, 264, 269, 272 World Bank, 2, 10, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 70, 72–73, 86 Yemen, 1–2, 4–6, 28, 124, 150, 163, 176