The Jewish Community of Istanbul in the Nineteenth Century (Analecta Isisiana Ottoman and Turkish Studies) 9781617199394, 1617199397

Citation preview

The Jewish Community of Istanbul in the Nineteenth Century

Analecta Isisiana: Ottoman and Turkish Studies

A co-publication with The Isis Press, Istanbul, the series consists of collections of thematic essays focused on specific themes of Ottoman and Turkish studies. These scholarly volumes address important issues throughout Turkish history, offering in a single volume the accumulated insights of a single author over a career of research on the subject.

The Jewish Community of Istanbul in the Nineteenth Century

Social, Legal and Administrative Transformations

Ilan Karmi

The Isis Press, Istanbul

0ûr0ÎaS preSS 2010

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2010 by The Isis Press, Istanbul Originally published in 1996 All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of The Isis Press, Istanbul. 2010

ISBN 978-1-61719-939-4

Reprinted from the 1996 Istanbul edition.

Printed in the United States of America

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface by Professor Aryeh Shmuelevitz Prelude

VII XI

Abbreviations 1 The Emergence of the Istanbul Jewish Community

XIII 1

2. Official Policy Toward the Jews: The Participations of Ottoman Jews in the Reform Movement

9

3. The Upheaval within the Jewish Community of the Capital

27

4. Social Mobility and Integration

47

5. Cultural Revival and Modem Education

57

6 . P a r t i c i p a t i o n in the P o l i t i c a l S p h e r e

75

7. Taxation and Military Service

87

8. Economic and Financial Activity

105

9. Epilogue: Istanbul Jewry Toward y$rds those who spoke languages other than Ladino.8 This attitude could be ascribed to both the social segregation of those Jews living in isolated neighborhoods, and the sense of cultural superiority possessed by Jews of Spanish origin. The reforms.opened vast horizons to many Jews as they became aware of other cultures and values. Hie newly-introduced modern schools, chiefly those handled by the Alliance Israélite Universelle, encouraged their Jewish students to acquire knowledge of European languages, primarily French. The graduates of these schools used their facility in foreign languages to promote their careers in the government service, mainly in the Translation Bureau. It also helped them to conduct financial matters, across international boundaries. In addition, this

6

N . Benbanaste, Örneklerle Türk Musen Basum Tarihfesi, (Istanbul, 1988); Molho, ibid; A. Shmuelevitz, "Two Hebrew-Language Weeklies in Turkey: An Appeal to Review Concept of National Culture," in Türläye'de Yabana Dilde Basut (Conference papers), University of Istanbul, May 16-18,1984. [Collections, of die above cited newspapers are available mainly in the library of Ben-2vi' : Institute for the Stpdies of Oriental Jews (Jerusalem) and the litnaiy of Harvard University. Some issues a ^ Rieserved in the library of the Istanbul Chief Rabbinate]. 7 See. for instance, A. Levy, "Jewish Journals in Izmir," Pea'mim, 12 (1982), 87-104; Molho. 11, 78,80 & III, 131; "A Petition for the Establishment of the First Hebrew Journal in Palestine," reported by the.British Consul jit Jerusalem, November 22,1863, quoted in N. Stillman, The Jews of the Arab Lauds: A History and Source Hook, (Philadelphia, 1979), 362-3.

"Franco, 245.

60

THE JEWISH COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

process hastened die integration of many educated Jews into the newly-emerged modern elite of the Capital. Hebrew also experienced somewhat of a revival amongst the contemporary Ottoman Jews. A variety of books and newspapers (such as "Or Israel") were printed in Hebrew. In addition, the Hebrew language was introduced into the curriculum of both Jewish and missionary-sponsored schools, enhancing the use and the popularity of this language in the eyes of local Jews.9 Nevertheless, the dominant language prevailing among 19th- century Istanbul Jews continued to be Ladino — the Spanish dialect brought to the Ottoman lands from Spain by Jewish refugees in the late 15th century. NonSephardic Jews residing in the Capital, such as Ashkenazim and Romaniots, also used this language in addition to other origin-based languages such as German and Italian. The Turkish language, on the contrary, was mastered by relatively few local Jews. The lack of sufficient knowledge of Turkish among Jews (as well as Christians) was the subject of vehement criticism of various circles, Jewish and non-Jewish alike. Certainly, the ignorance of Turkish handicapped the JewishMuslim integration desired by many Jewish and Turkish intellectuals. Consequently, serious attempts to remove this communication obstacle' were undertaken by both Jews and Turks. Several Jewish intellectuals, such as. Abraham Galante and Albert Cohen, pressured Jewish schools to introduce Turkish into their curriculum. Galante, for example, established a 'Society for the Advance of the Turkish Language among Jews'. 10 The diffusion of Turkish was also encouraged by non-Ottoman Jews who were active amongst Istanbul Jewry, and included representatives of the Alliance Israélite Universelle. They considered the ignorance of this official language as one of the principal impediments to the progress of Ottoman Jews.' 1 Various periodicals published in the late promoting the use of Turkish among Jews — "Ceride-i Lisan" of Istanbul — were printed characters. These periodicals, however, reached Jewish elite and did not survive long.12

9

19th century with the object of such as the "Zeman" and the not in Arabic but in Hebrew only a small circle of the local

S. Haramali, The Revival of Hebrew Language in the Late 19th Century, (Jerusalem, 1988, H.). A.E. Kalderon, "Abraham Galante — His Educational, Journalist and Communal Activity,' Pe'amim, 18 (1984), 107 (H.). Similar associations were established in major Ottoman cities such as Izmir: see A. Levy, "Jewish Journals in Izmir,* ibid. II P. Dumont, "Jewish Communities in Turkey during the Last Decades of the 19th Century in the Light of the Archives of the Alliance Israélite Universelle," in B. Braude & B. Lewis, eds.. Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, vol. 1,2l5f. n lbid. I0

C U L T U R A L R E V I V A L AND M O D E R N E D U C A T I O N

61

The Ottoman government, too, actively promoted the use of the Turkish language amongst Jewish children. In accordance with this policy, the government opened a school for poor Jewish children in Hask&y where Turkish was instructed.13 The Turkish language was the focus of a special meeting convened in 1840 in Galata. Hie participants, including local Jewish leaders and led by Chief Rabbi Frisco and Sir M. Montifiore, issued a proclamation calling for the use of the Turkish language in the curriculum of all Ottoman Jewish schools. Sir M. Montifiore, the well-known Jewish British philanthropist and statesman, undertook to provide all expenses. The impact of this proposal resounded powerfully on Jews and non-Jews alike. Sir M. Montifiore was inundated with congratulations by Jews desirous of improving their image in the eyes of the non-Jewish public.14 Yet, despite the initial impact, the final results of these endeavors were, nevertheless, partly disappointing. Whereas a few young and educated Jews did acquire a good command of the Turkish language, the majority of Istanbul Jewry continued to be ignorant of this language. According to A. Lowy, who visited Istanbul in 1S86, there were only sixty-six Jewish children who were being taught Turkish in primary schools.15 This ignorance encompassed the Jewish leadership as well. In 1900, when Chief Rabbi Moshe Levy met with Sultan Abdiilhamid II to discuss Jewish-Turkish matters, the rabbi's grandson served as translator.'6 Jews who acquired foreign languages were able to translate foreign literature into Ladino and Hebrew. Thus, European classics, mainly French, were being printed in Istanbul in languages accessible to Jews.'7 In addition, foreign literature was introduced to the Jewish public through translations commissioned by the missionaries.18 A new generation of Jewish intellectuals emerged out of the contemporary cultural revival of Jews in Istanbul. This sector represented the achievements of cultural integration between Jews and non-Jews. These intellectuals invested great efforts to halt the cultural decline of their communities. Accordingly, they pressured both Jewish leaders and Ottoman officials to introduce new methods of learning and to promote modern education. However, they often found themselves torn between their loyalty to their own people and their 'Ottomanism'-based commitment to their surrounding society. Occasional 16.1884, p. 127. Molk), 1,34. ,5 Quoted in Dumont, 21S. Galante, Histoire des Juifs de Turquie, (Istanbul, 1984), vol. IX, 183. Va'ari, 247. io li

Hanefirah,

14

°fbid; Molho, passim.

62

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

clashes with their own people, mainly the conservatives who opposed modernization, were the outcome of this dilemma. The figure who represents the outstanding example of this last category was Abraham Galanate. This well-known Jewish intellectual, educator, journalist and politician, strongly advocated full Jewish-Turkish integration. Often he criticized the Jewish leadership for ignorance, stagnation and misconduct; criticism which aroused strong resentment from the traditional Jewish establishment.19 Education constituted one of the primary concerns of the Tanzimat policy. Modern education based on Western standards, as perceived by the reformers, was the main tool through which European standards would be achieved.20 The striving for modern education in the Ottoman State was described by the reporter of Hatzefirah in Istanbul as follows: The advisors of the Ottoman ruler — in an attempt to improve the level of scholarship and knowledge, and having understood that means of coercion are insufficient — collected books for their schools from different states, and appointed scholars to examine them and to decide which system is the best. Finally, it was decided to adopt the education system accustomed in the land of Ashkenaz which proved to be the most useful and applicable to the Ottoman school system.2' In accord with this policy, a modern education system was established in the Capital and elsewhere. State schools, with a student body of either far-flung or homogenous origins, were formed throughout the realm. Applications for the establishment of schools, presented by local Muslim and non-Muslim congregations to the government, were approved within a relatively short period of time.22 The issue of education formed the core of the modernization process and cultural revival within 19th- century Istanbul Jewry. It also created a major source of controversy. On a more concrete level, the community was split over the following questions: the kinds of schools to be established and the instruction of modern disciplines, such as sciences and foreign languages, in the framework of these schools. In addition, the enrollment of Jewish children in 19

Levy, ibid For further contemporary Jewish intellectuals see Molho and Benbanaste. For the place of education in the reform movement see (selected): S. C. Ante), "Tanzimat Maarifi," Tanzimat (Istanbul, 1940), 444-462; A. Kazamias, Education and the Quest for Modernization in Turkey, (London, 1966); 1, Sungu, "Mekteb-i Maarif-i Adliyenin Tesisi," Tarih Vasikalart, cilt I, sayi III (June 1941-May 1942), 212-225; see also "Maarif," in Pakalin, II, 373. ^Hatzefirah, no. 1,1874, p. 2. 22 E.g. in 1868 a permission to build an elementary school for non-Muslim children in a provincial town was approved by the government upon the local population's request: Maarif, no. 1026: 2CiRa-1285/1868. 20

C U L T U R A L R E V I V A L AND M O D E R N E D U C A T I O N

63

both State and missionary-sponsored schools constituted another source of constant debate. In the early 19th century, the development of Ottoman-Jewish education, in terms of operating schools and the level of instruction, experienced a process of stagnation. Theological colleges (Yeshivot/Talmud Torah) formed the only option available to Jewish children. These colleges were headed by rabbis who instructed according to old-fashioned methods. Innovations in instruction as well as non-religious subjects were totally ignored. Therefore, these schools were criticized by modern-oriented Jewish circles, local and foreign alike. The progressive circles advocated modern education and rejected the dominance of the clergy over the Jewish educational system.23 Less than a quarter of a century later, the number of educational options increased from one to five. In addition, the religious colleges underwent some reform as well. All new educational systems bore one thing in common :tthey offered modern, European-style education. The new system formed an unprecedented opportunity for those young Jews who eagerly followed the rapid modernization changes and wished to become an integral part of the newlyemerging modern society. Within a relatively short period, five major systems offering modern education for Jews were established in various parts of the Ottoman State: (1) modern Jewish schools initiated by local Jews; (2) Jewish schools founded and maintained by outside Jews; (3) schools introduced by Christian missionaries; (4) modern State schools attended by Muslim and non-Muslim students alike; and (5) military schools, offering various kinds of training such as medicine, to all Ottoman citizens seeking military careers irrespective of origin. The above-listed schools served a substantial portion of Istanbul Jews, although many others continued to attend the more traditional religious schools as well. Occasionally, a Jewish child first spent several years in a religious school, then transferred to an innovative modern school. Should he desire to acquire higher education, he could then join one of the State-sponsored institutions. In some cases, he was sent to a certain European capital, mainly Paris, where he acquired professional qualifications enabling him to serve in various capacities. The abundance of so many educational options occasionally created confusion amongst contemporary Jews. Often, parents transferred their children

3 L. Bornstein, "Economic and Social Life of Istanbul Jewry as Reflected in 18th and 19th Centuries [Jewish] Court Accounts" Shevet Va'am V (X), ed. by D. Sitton, (Jenisalem, 1984), 105f (H.); Franco, 261; Y. Geller, The Jewish Yeshivol (Colleges) in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th Century, (M.A. Thesis, Bar-ilan Univereity, 1969, H.); S. M. Goodbtat, Jewish Life in Turkey in the 16th Century, As Reflected in the Legal Writings of Samuel de Medina, (New York, 1952), 105f.

64

THE JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

from one type of school to another according to the changing circumstances. Influenced by conservative-minded circles, some parents moved their children from modern schools back to religious ones. Financial matters, too, played an important consideration in the selection of schools: thus, the free education offered in the missionary schools attracted many parents who lacked the means of affording other schools. In addition, certain schools occasionally changed the type of their sponsorship by merging with other institutions, acquiring new sponsors, or simply shutting down due to financial difficulties. Parents who considered the option of State-sponsored schools, were required to take into account various matters, such as mixed-attendance of Jewish and non-Jewish students, and the supply of Jewish-style food. Three major types of modern schools were open to contemporary Jewish children: Jewish, missionary and State-sponsored. Modern Jewish schools were divided into two sorts — although in the late 19th century most of them became concentrated under the same auspices — as follows: (1) Jewish modern schools established and maintained by local educated Jews. Already in the early Tanzimat era, the need for expanding the instruction system through the construction of new schools was realized. This need was heightened mainly in neighborhoods heavily populated by Jews, such as Balat and Haskfly. The creation of these schools was initiated by local Jews eager to improve the standards of learning granted to their children, providing them with education of both secular and religious character. Though not revolutionary by intention, these schools supplied the foundations for Jewish modern education in Istanbul. Whereas several of these schools succeeded in maintaining their independence and promoting their aims as planed by the founders, others were either shut down due to various problems — mainly lack of firm financial basis as well as due to strong opposition expressed by conservative forces — or were later merged with the Alliance Israélite Universelle schools. Applications for the construction of new schools in Jewish-inhabited quarters were submitted to the government by Jewish representatives throughout the era surveyed. In 1849, for instance, Chief Rabbi Ya'akov appealed to the government on behalf of the Balat Jewish community requesting permission to establish a school for local Jewish children. The Chief Rabbi noted that so far there were no Jewish schools in Balat. Forced to attend schools in other neighborhoods, the local children were, therefore, exposed to many difficulties,

C U L T U R A L R E V I V A L AND M O D E R N E D U C A T I O N

65

especially in winter time. Persuaded by these arguments, the government approved the application.24 At the same time, a permission was granted to Haskdy Jews to renovate their own school, which had been destroyed (probably by a fire).25 These schools were established in the intention to fill the vacuum of local Jewish-sponsored schools. The information about the founders' objectives and the schools' history in the subsequent years is somewhat obscure. The construction designs attached to the applications clearly indicate that these schools bore no resemblance to the old-fashioned institutions. The rooms were spacious and afforded conditions much improved than those prevailing in the religious colleges. In the ensuing years, additional Jewish-sponsored schools were established in the Capital. These schools offered modern education and included the instruction of French.26 Such was the case, for example, with another Haskdy-based school inaugurated in 1873 upon the request of the local Jewish community.27 The main driving forces behind the introduction of modern education were several prominent Jewish persons of both Ottoman and non-Ottoman origin. These persons, who rejected the religious-conservative oriented education, sought to elevate die cultural level of local Jewish children. Despite the abundant obstacles they often faced — such as financial shortages and clashes with the conservatives — they experienced remarkable success which largely contributed to the modernization process achieved by contemporary Jews.28 Several of the central Jewish schools in the Capital were established by a variety of persons. Amongst the most prominent ones was Albert Cohen, a French-born Jewish intellectual who was very active in promoting modern education among local Jews. In the 1850's, Cohen opened a modern school, first in Piripaja and then later transferred to HaskOy. The French, Hebrew and Turkish languages, in addition to religious studies, were all instructed in this school. The curriculum taught in Cohen's school was distributed to all Jewish communities in the State by the Istanbul Chief Rabbi. Albert Cohen was awarded a prestigious stature by both local Jews and Ottoman dignitaries. He met with Sultan Abdiijmecid and thanked him personally for the support of modern education amongst Jews. Such was his reputation that he even served as an The plan included two class rooms in addition to a major hall and a yard. The building was located in the core of the Jewish center of Balat nearby the synagogue Ahrida. The original application and the construction design are preserved in BA, trade, no. 3244:4-N-1288/1849 25 BA, Maliye, no. 6484: M-1266/1849

2

^See, forinslance. C. Issawi, The Economic History of Turkey. ¡800-1914, (Chicago, 1980), 69.

Adliye, no. 3927: M-1290/1973. For the government policy towaid construction of Jewish social institutions see chapter 7. 2 %or intellectual life and modern education within 19th-century Ottoman Jewry see Molho's essay as noted in n. 2.

66

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

advisor to Ottoman policy-makers concerning reforms in Jewish affairs. Amongst the reforms were measures equalizing the legal status of. Jews and Christians, issued by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Re§id Paça.29 The administration of final exams in Cohen's School for Boys in Istanbul was considered a major event. The "Hatzefirah" reported in 1862 that the exams were attended by high-ranking Ottoman officials. Impressed with the excellence of the students, they approved the appointment of one such boy to the post of supervisor in the telegraph office. 30 Abraham Camondo, the most distinguished leader of the Jewish modernists of the Capital and a great advocate of modern education, contributed significantly to the local Jewish modern educational system. He himself established a new modern school known as 'The Camondo Institution' which operated during the years 1858-1889. This institution, as we are informed by a contemporary observer named Samuel, was the best Jewish school in the Capital, and the only one which fulfilled the requisites deemed as necessary by the Europeans. The Haskôy-based school provided education in the French, Turkish, Hebrew and Greek tongues in all its facilities for 120 boys. Thirty other Jewish boys received training as tailors and shoemakers in a professionalindustrial establishment attached to this school. A rabbinical college with the capacity of 132 male pupils, formed another branch of this school. All these establishments were maintained at the sole expense of Camondo. He also supported the first Jewish boys' school established in 1865 in Galata, and served as the president of the Alliance Israélite Universelle's Regional Committee.31 Other local Jews who established educational centers and contributed to the ¿dvance of modern education were the following: (1) Dr. Moshe Alatini who, in the summer of 1878, established a school for girls in Balat with a modern curriculum.32 (2) Madam Fernandez who promoted modern education for Jewish girls and headed a girls' school in Haskôy.33 (3) Mr. Goldshmidt who established a school (named after him) for Ashkenazi boys in Galata, and financially supported another school in Balat.34 Many of these schools faced a great deal of difficulties resulting chiefly to financial restrictions, in addition to lack of moral support of the local Jewish community. Consequently, several of them were shut down. Others continued to

29

firanco, 134; Molho, 32-3. Hatzefirah, 4,1862, p. 26. 31 S. M. Samuel, Jewish Life in the East, (London, 1881), 179-181. For Camondo's activities see also various above-cited sources, such as Fianco, 244. 32 MoIho, 130. 33 Samuel, 181. m

34

Dumont, 228.

CULTURAL REVIVAL AND MODERN EDUCATION

67

operate only thanks to donations made by wealthy local and foreign Jews supportive of modern education, such as Camondo, Hirsh and Rotschild.35 The Ottoman authorities, too, offered some financial support to Jewish schools in the Capital. In 1884, for instance, the government established at its expense a school for poor Jewish children in Haskoy, in which Turkish and Arabic were instructed.36 Notwithstanding this assistance, a large number of modern schools could not afford the growing expenses. Finally they had no other choice but to accept the supervision of the Alliance Israélite Universelle system, adjusting their curriculum to the demands of their new patrons. Those schools which insisted on independence had to rely on other, less reliable sources of income. Soon, however, they lost their leading position in promoting modern education for local Jewish children, a gap now filled by non-Ottoman Jews. (2) In the late 19th century, the Jewish-French based Alliance Israélite Universelle (AIU) became the dominant factor in the Jewish education^ life of the Capital. This system embraced various modern disciplines of education and gradually, replaced the previously established modern schools. "Ii),(1860," as described by the AIU President, Nercisse Leven, on the occasion of ^ fifteenth anniversary of its establishment, "the Alliance Israélite Universelle was established in order to strengthen the mutual support prevailing among Jews, to unite them against biases, lies and persecutions, to assist oppressed Jews, in accordance with the '1789 Principle'"37 In more explicit terms, the AIU's objectives were to work for the emancipation of Jewish communities dispersed throughout the world, and to struggle against the discrimination suffered by Jews in many countries. The AIU First denounced the poor state of education, stressing the need to reform the educational system in order to transform the Jews into "enlightened" citizens. Second, the founders attacked the lopsided nature of the .Jewish social structure, pointing to the need for Jews to be involved in productive trades. Third, it criticized the religious leadership as 'backward', emphasizing the necessity of transforming the Jews into a group fully attuned to 'modern civilization'.38 35

Molho, 130. AS reported in Hatzefirah, 16.1884, p. 127. 37 N . Leven, Cinquante ans d'histoire (1860-1910), Jerusalem, 1922 (Hebrew edition, ed. by A. Almaliah), p. 276. 3 "AS explained by two leading scholars who researched extensively the impact of the AIU on Eastern Jewish community: A. Rodrigue, French Jews, Turkish Jem: The ÂUiance Israélite Universelle in Turkey, 1860-19/4, Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University, 19&5, 43-56 [new version of the research published in IWr^wodld tiketo ti&k Dr. Rodrigue for letting me use /lis findings]; P. Duraont, "Jewish Communities in TÙrkey dùnrig the last Decades of the Nineteenth Century in Light of the Archives of the Alliance Israélite, in B. Braude and B. Lewis, eds., Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, (New York, 1982), 209-242. See also conference 36

68

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Istanbul constituted one of the AIU's major targets in the Eastern basin of the Mediterranean. The large, yet divided and relatively ignorant Jewish community of Istanbul, had attracted the attention of the association's leadership. The A l l ! leadership set forth several major aims regarding this community: (1) the reform of the existing Jewish education^ system, then composed of mainly religious colleges and, to a lesser extent, several recently-formed modem schools; (2) the establishment of new schools, supervised directly by the AIU central office in Paris; (3) the advance of education in the professional and agricultural fields amongst Ottoman Jews; (4) the encouragement of education amongst Jewish girls; (5) the provision of health and other social services for children; and, last but not least, (6) the unification of the local Jewish community under the auspices of its leadership. The first and immediate task of the AIU representatives in Istanbul was. securing the support and cooperation of the local Jewish religious leadership in charge of the religious colleges. The negative attitude presented by the AID officials towards these schools, rendered as unavoidable the confrontation with the religious-conservative circles. Whereas the AIU was supported by several local leaders such as Camondo and Albert Cohen, the conservatives were unified by rabbinic leadership, such as rabbi Akrish. Initially, the AIU attempted to merge the religious schools with its own system, and thus to dominate the entire: range of local Jewish education. The rejection of the rabbis, fearful of loosing art important source of livelihood, forced the AIU to offer a compromise. Only in the late 19th century did the rabbis recognize the importance of the AIU's activities, and were willing to introduce some sort of modern education. Further, they even requested to transfer to Istanbul the AlU-sponsored Edirne-basect rabbinical seminar.39 In the face of rabbinical opposition, the AIU established a series of schools under its direct control in various quarters largely inhabited by Jews. In the years 1875-1881, ten AlU-sponsored schools — five for boys and five for girls — were formed in the following neighborhoods (in chronological order): Balat, Galata, Kuzguncuk, Haskdy and Ortakoy. Furthermore, larger and betterequipped schools — such as the 1898-founded school in Haskdy — were established during the rest of the Ottoman era. In the late 19th century the number of Jewish children enrolled in the AIU schools of the Capital reached the

papers about the All): "L'Alliance" dans les communautés du bassin méditerranéen à la fin du I9eme siècle et son influence, sur la situation sociale et culturelle, ed. by S. Schwazfchs, (Jerusalem, 1987); G. Weill, "Émancipation et humanisme: le discours idéologique de l'Alliance Israélite Universelle au XIXe siècle," INC. 52 (Princeton, 1978), 1-20; E. Kedourie, "The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860-1890," JJS. 9 (1967); Y. Gabbai and E. Shauli, From Paris to Jerusalem: The History of the AIU, (Jerusalem, 1986); P. Silberman, An Investigation of the Schools Operated by the AIU. 1862-1940, Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 1973; E. Benbassa, "L'Ecole de Riles de l'Alliance Israélite Universelle à Galata (1879-1912)". Conference paper, Paris, 18-22 January, 1985. •'"Leven, 8If; A. Rodrigue, "The Alliance Israélite Universelle and the Attempt to Reform Jewish Religious and Rabbinical Instruction in Turkey," in S. Schwarzfucs, ed. ibid, p. LVIIff.

C U L T U R A L R E V I V A L AND M O D E R N E D U C A T I O N

69

total of approximately 3,300 — exceeding by far all other Ottoman-Jewish centers.40 Several separate schools for Sephardim and Ashkenazim children were opened by the AIU according to local needs. Sephardim boys studied in the first AIU school'established in Galata. In 1876, the AIU created in Galata a GermanJewish school — the Goldshmidt School — for the local Ashkenazi population. The main foreign language taught in this school was obviously German.41 In addition, the Istanbul AIU committee had undertaken the responsibility to assist the previously established modern private schools, which were facing financial difficulties. Gradually, the French-patterned system took control over most of these establishments. Such merges entailed adjustments of the old curriculum and methods of instruction to conform to the ones of the AIU. Several schools which had been shut down due to various reasons, such as the Kuzguncuk-based boys' school, were re-opened with the AIU's assistance. Sometimes, such as in the case of the Sephardim boys' school of Galata, the AIU shared the financial burden with the local Jews. Several of the above institutions administered kindergartens whose graduates continued their studies in the adjacent AIU schools. Special institutions where Jewish children received professional education were maintained by the AIU as well. Several cultural societies, such as "Société des Arts et Métiers" were sponsored by the same System as well.42 The aforementioned Jewish-sponsored schools were attended not only by Jewish-Orthodox pupils. First, there were many Karaite children, mainly in Haskôy, who participated in this system.43 Second, as was the case in many other AlU-supervised schools, Christian and Muslim children, realizing the value of the European education offered there, were also sent to these schools. The rate of tuition was determined according to die parents' income, and the poorest were exempted from payment. The main languages taught in the AIU schools were French, Hebrew, Turkish and sometimes English and German as well.44 A major political role was played by the AIU organization in addition to its cultural activities: its representatives, backed by foreign consuls, mainly French, occasionally acted as intermediaries between the local Jews and the Ottoman authorities. Under extreme circumstances, such as blood libels, they appealed to both the government and foreign consuls.45 Appreciative of the 40

Figures based on Ail)' reports: Dumont, 232; "Istanbul," JE, 287-288. In die last year of the Ottoman period theie were c. 3,900 students in the AIU schools in Istanbul, 2,000 boys and 1,900 girls; of them 2,450 paid tuition and I;450 were exempted: Leven, 86. Dumont, 226. 42 Leven, 80-87; Samuel. 175-186. 43 Leven, 83. 44 Ibid. passim. 4S Leven, 207.

70

T H E J E W I S H C O M M U N I T Y OF

ISTANBUL

benefits of modern education, Ottoman officials monitored the AIU's activities with benevolence. Occasionally, various forms of honors, such as medals, were bestowed to French teachers working in the Jewish schools of the Capital.46 The Istanbul AIU leadership also acted on behalf of their co-religionists in the provinces as well as in surrounding countries. In accord with this policy, 1. P. Venitiani (1825-1889), the deputy of the Istanbul AIU committee, submitted a petition to the Persian ruler, during a royal visit to Istanbul, concerning the well-being of Persian Jewry.47 The AIU's activities in Istanbul were summed up by its president fifty years after the formation of the association: The systematic activity of the AIU schools led to the realization of its goals despite a number of serious obstacles: lack of unified Jewish leadership able to concentrate all sources and channel them into the educational system; the frequent transfer of Jews from one quarter to another; the predominance of great poverty and ignorance. The desire for enlightenment, the deep attachment to Judaism, the promotion of tolerance and mutual responsibility — all are products of the Alliance Israélite Universelles activity.48 Indeed, despite the many obstacles, the introduction of modern education through the AlU-operated schools clearly changed the life of Istanbul Jewry. A well-organized, large-scale attempt to modernize this community was undertaken for the first time. The relatively high-ranking positions assumed by many AIU graduates in both the Jewish community and government service, demonstrated the contribution of this system to local Jewish economic and social life. As previously noted, occasionally the AIU was obliged to limit the scope of its activities due to the conservatives' opposition. Also, despite the existence of many AIU schools, there were still many Jewish children who attended other schools, Jewish and non-Jewish alike. Nevertheless, in the course of the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the AIU became the leading educational- culturalsocial force among the Jews of the Capital, enjoying much esteem in the eyes of both local Jews and the Ottoman authorities. Notwithstanding these advantages, the AIU's activities created several major problems which somewhat overshadowed its achievements: first, it inflamed the existing tension between local Jewish parties: the laymen modernists vs. the clergy conservatives. The latter resented the extensive activity of the AIU and its aggressive propaganda. These problems were taken under ^E-g. BA. (rade, no. 14550: 3-Ca-l287/l870. 47 Molho, 34. 48 Leven, 87.

CULTURAL REVIVAL AND MODERN EDUCATION

71

account by the AIU central board, as described in the aforementioned account composed by its president.49 The massive immigration to other countries of many AIU graduates who acquired general knowledge of world affairs created another source of concern.50 This development, as well as the secular life-style adopted by many others who remained behind, escalated the anti-modernization feelings amongst the conservatives. Finally, the total enrollment of Jewish children in the contemporary modern schools was not as impressive as expected by the modernist circles. According to an 1SS1 account, the number of pupils enrolled in these institutions was only half as much as the number of children studying in the mission-sponsored schools, and yet was double the number of children studying in the religious schools.5' (3) Missionary schools: schools operated by missionaries challenged the Jewish advocates of modern education. On the one hand, they offered free-oftuition modern education, suitable to the needs of those local Jews who were seeking modern education, yet could not afford its cost. On the other hand, the unofficial yet well-defined objective of these schools, i.e. conversion to Christianity, was obviously rejected by all Jewish circles, modernists and conservatives alike.52 Protestant and Catholic missionaries offered a variety of educational opportunities for Istanbul Jews: Catholic-Jesuit schools (Ecoles des Frères et de Sœurs) were established by Jesuits, first arrived in Istanbul in the 17th century. Backed by the French government, they later returned to the Capital and renewed their activity amongst local Jews. Despite the objection of the overwhelming majority of Ottoman Jewry, some cases of Jews converting to Catholicism in the 19th centuiy were recorded.-^ Protestant missionaries, British and American, achieved relatively more success among local Jews. American missionaries prepared text-books in the fields of Hebrew grammar, arithmetic and geography geared for use in Jewish schools. In 1868, a Protestant school was established in Haskôy for local Jews. According to a report sent by the school's director to the London headquarters, the school seemed to be very vibrant: the instructors taught English as well as 49

Leven, 87. M . Angel, La America: The Sephardic Experience in the United Stales, (Philadelphia, 1982), 10; for the AID'S policy toward immigration see Leven, 211-231. 51 Samuel, 185. 52 J. L. Grabill, Protestant Diplomacy and the Near East: Missionary Influence on American Policy, 1810-1927, (Minneapolis, 1971); A. L. Tibawi, American Interests in Syria, 1800-1901: A Study of Educational. Literary and Religious Work (Oxford, 1966). 53 Galante, 1,327. 50

72

THE JEWISH COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

the Old and New Testament. "In this way", as reported, "the teachers tried to make the children love Jesus". The free tuition offered in these schools convinced many parents to enroll their children there. The overall results, as claimed by the director, were satisfactory. Published in the Ladino "Journal Israelite" in Istanbul, this report created a powerful Jewish response.54 All in all, although rejected by the majority of local Jews, missionary schools in Istanbul did achieve some remarkable success, competing advantageously with Jewish-sponsored modern schools. In the late 19th century, as we are informed by a contemporary observer, almost half of the local Jewish children and as many as double the number of children enrolled in Jewish modern schools, were studying in the missionary-run establishments.55 (4) State-Operated Schools: Jews, too, were amongst those admitted into the modern schools established by the Ottoman government in 19th- century Istanbul. The number of Jewish students enrolled in these institutions was by and large proportionate to their percentage in the total population of the Capital. Acceptance of Jews into these schools was the result of both Jewish request as well as official expectations. Special measures were enacted to enable Jewish students to take part in these schools. In a meeting between Sultan Abdiilmecid and the Jewish leader Albert Cohen, the Sultan received the official gratitude of the Jewish community for the enrollment of seventeen Jewish students to the Faculty of Medicine. In addition, a kosher-style kitchen as well as special religious lessons were arranged for Jewish students. Abdiilmecid himself ordered the employment of a Jewish 'cook at the School of Medicine, and permitted Jewish students to absent themselves on Saturdays and religious holidays. Several graduates of these schools were admitted into government service.56 The most prestigious modern school in 19th century Istanbul was Galatasaray Lisesi, the very symbol of the reform movement. Several Jews were amongst those students of minority origin who were accepted in this school, officially inaugurated as a modern school in 1868. In that.year, 34 Jewish students out of 341 attended this school. Yet in 1869, the number of Jewish students in a school of 622 dwindled to 29. 57

^Galante, 1,28; F. A. Stone, Academies for Anatolia: A Study of the Rational Program and Impact oflhe Educational Institutions Sponsored by the American Board in Turkey, 1830-1980. (New York, 56; Samuel. 185. 55 Samuel, 185. 56 H. Ì. Cohen, The Jews oflhe Middle Bast, 1860-1972, (New York, 1973), 16; Franco, 241; Molho, 34. 57 Y. Akyiiz, "Galatasaray Lisesiniri Islahina llìgkin Ali Suavi'nin Giri;imleriir Cösteien bir Beige," Belleten. 46 (1983), 121-131; Davistfn, Reform, 247; I. Sungu, "Galatasaray Kurulu$u," 315-347; "Ghalata Sarayi", El (2nd ed.), 11, 996-7 (by E. Kuran); "Galatasaray," Pakalin, 1,601-2.

C U L T U R A L R E V I V A L AND M O D E R N E D U C A T I O N

73

In addition, several Jewish students were enrolled in the Americansponsored Robert College. 58 As previously mentioned, Jews, too, were accepted into the recentlyestablished military schools on the same basis applied to other non-Muslim students. Some of the graduates achieved highly-respected military careers. Several Jews served as university lecturers as well as civil servants in the Ministry of Education, as far back as in 1847. 59 The introduction of modern education in the course of the 19th century significantly changed the fate of the contemporary Jewish community of Istanbul. It provided an alternative to the immediate needs caused by the rapidly changing circumstances resulting from the reform movement. In terms of figures, nevertheless, the results were not as impressive as desired: in the late 19th century less than half of local Jewish children attended modern Jewish schools. Many others preferred either the religious colleges or the free missionary-sponsored schools. 60 Ignorance continued to dominate the life of many Jews, mainly those residing in less-privileged neighboihoods. The debate over the future of education inflamed the continuous tension prevailing amongst the various Jewish parties. Often, budget difficulties, competition over financial sources, as well as accusations of misconduct and conniption, damaged these institutions and required the closure of some of them. 61 Moreover, not many Jews joined the modern institutions established by the Ottoman government. Thus, the contribution of these institutions to the integration of Jews into the general society was as not as high as anticipated. The re-emphasis on religious-oriented instruction at the expense of modern education under Abdiilhamid II, further harmed the functioning of State schools. 62 Notwithstanding these shortcomings, and considering the expected difficulties as well as limits of the Jewish community of Istanbul, the achievements gained should not be underestimated. Modern education helped many local Jews of the younger generation to improve their social and economic status remarkably. Many graduates of the modern schools joined the civil service CO

M. K. Greenwood, Robert College: The American Founders, Ph. D. Dissertation. Johns Hopkins University, 1964,78f. 59 Coben. 16; Franco, 165. 60 Leven, 867; Samuel, 185. 6

' E g- an 1875 report about an abandoned Jewish school in Galata: BA, Hariciye, no. 8551: 8-R1290/1874. See orders issued by Abdiilhamid II to remove foreign influences and to reinforce religious education in state schools: BA, Yildiz, vol. 37, no. 11/1765:13-7-1899.

74

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

attaining relatively high positions. The diffusion of European languages greatly contributed to the professional promotion of these Jewish employees. All in all, of the several major factors which played a role in the modernization process of 19th- century Istanbul Jewry, the introduction of modern education should be regarded as the most important catalyst

6 PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL SPHERE

Participation in the newly-revised political structure of the Ottoman State forms an important indicator measuring the actual improvement in the status of Ottoman Jewry during the course of the post-Tanzimat era. The growing involvement of Ottoman Jewry in the contemporary public life left a significant impact on Ottoman-Jewish relationships. Indeed, already in the pie-reform era, and especially during the formative years of the Ottoman State, Jews were extensively involved in Ottoman polity at various levels. In the 15th and 16th centuries, several prominent Jews reached high-level positions in the Ottoman Court and central administration, such as advisors to the Sultan, Court physicians, local governors and diplomats.1 Despite this impressive political start, the Jews had a waning impact on Ottoman politics during the late Ottoman period due to a series of circumstances: (1) Increasing social instability of Ottoman society and the concomitant rise to power of zealous Muslim circles, developments followed by a comprehensive modification of the askeri-reaya (ruler-ruled) relationships. Thus, whereas in the earlier Ottoman period non-Muslims were able and even encouraged to join the askeri class, the 17th and 18th centuries witnessed the transformation of the religious identity into a potential source of major liability. Consequently, the integration of Jews (and Christians) in public life became increasingly limited in scope. 2 (2) The growing isolation and internal breakdown of Ottoman Jewry in 'For the role of Jews in early Ottoman Courts see, e.g. A. Gal ante, Histoire des Juifs de Turquie, vol. V, 145-160; vol. XIII, 62-6, 131-4. The most important and well-known contemporary influential Ottoman Jew was Don Joseph Nasi (1S24-1579) who reached the title of "Duke of Nexos" : C. Roth, The House of Nasi. The Duke ofNaxos, (Philadelphia, 1984); "Joseph Nasi," EJ, vol. 12,838-9 (by C. Roth); "Don Joseph Attempts to Rebuild Tibeiias As A Jewish City," quoted in N. Stillman, The Jews of the Arab Lands: A History and Source Book. (Philadelphia, 1979), 293; H. Graetz, History of the Jews, Vol. IV (Philadelphia, 1941), 593f. For other contemporary influential Jews see (selected): Gracia Nasi (EJ. vol. 12, 840); Ya'qub Pasha, Mehmed's II physician (B. Lewis, "The Privileges Granted by Mehmed II to His Physician," in Lewis, Studies in Classical and Ottoman Islam, [London, 1976], chap. XIU); Joseph Hamon, Selim I's physician (M. Benayahu, "Rabbi Joseph Hamon, the Advisor and Physician of Selim I," Nation and Its History, ed. by M. Stern [Jerusalem, 1983]; H.), 281-7). Vor further information about this process see: I. M. Runt, "Transformation of Zimmi into Askeri," Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, Vol. I, (New York, 1982), 64f.

76

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

the late Ottoman period as a result of cultural stagnation and occasional intercommunal disputes (mainly the Shabbatian episode). Consequently, the lews lost much of their prestige in the eyes of the Muslim public and government, spending now their energy on internal problems rather than national ones. The lack of unified leadership in this once firmly-led community contributed to the diminishing Jewish involvement in public life. No longer was there an influx of Jews transferring the experience and skills so assiduously accumulated in other countries. Jews in the late Ottoman period were neither eager nor capable ol maintaining the ancestral traditions in terms of politics, linguistics, and diplomacy. 3 (3) Moreover, the role of Jews in political life was gradually replaced by other non-Muslims, mainly Greeks and Armenians. The latter came to exceed Jewish experience and knowledge in many different fields: politics, economy, international relations, modern technology, European culture and languages. Indeed, many government positions formerly occupied by Jews, such as dragomans and physicians, gradually shifted into Christian hands. This unfavorable situation culminated in the early 19th century due to the fall of many wealthy and influential Jews in the Capital following the destruction of the Janissary Corps, and the continuous conflicts with the Armenian bankers (sarraf)*

The 19th- century reforms opened new political opportunities before the Jews in both local and national levels. The official upgrading in the legal status of Jews and, in particular, their public equalization with their main opponents, the Christians, were extensively exploited by Ottoman Jews. The principle of "equal opportunity" was embodied in contemporary edicts: in the 18$6 Edict, for instance, the Sultan proclaimed that "...all the subjects of my empire, without distinction of nationality, shall bie admissible to public employments, and qualified to fill them according to merit, and conformably with rules to be generally applied..." 5 . These promises were reaffirmed in the 1876 Constitution which combined all previous edicts and citizen-rights. 6 Istanbul Jews played a major role in this quasi political revival of Ottoman Jewry. They enjoyed a better access to the newly-created State institutions which were operated from the Capital, such as the State Council. Some of them maintained close relations with high-ranking Ottoman policyVor the cultural decline of Ottoman Jewry see, e.g. B. Lewis, The Jews Under Islam, (Princeton, 1984), 128ÎT. 4 «ÄI44ff. •>C. FÏndley, "The Acid Test of Ottomanism: The Acceptance of Non-Muslims in the Late Ottoman Bureaucracy", in Broude anil Lewis, eds. Christians and Jem..., yòl. I, p. 341. ^Seereferencesto the 1876 Constitution in Chapter 4; also, areportabout political and civil status of Ottoman Jews under the 1876 Constitution: "Israélite de Turquie," BAIU, Paris, 1er se. 1877, p. 13.

P A R T I C I P A T I O N IN THE P O L I T I C A L

SPHERE

77

makers, including the Grand Viziers and ministers. Hie Istanbul Jewish leadership utilized their personal influence at Court to represent their COT religionists in the provinces. Whereas other Jewish communities, such as Izmir and Baghdad, might have had ascendance in spiritual and even economic spheres, the Jews of die Capital were foremost in State affairs. The contribution of other Jewish communities to political life was expressed either on local level (meclisler) or in national-representative institutions (such as the Parliament). Two further developments shaped the growing political consciousness of contemporary Ottoman Jewry, chiefly those of the Capital: (1) the secularorientation of the new political system which, for the first time, allowed nonMuslims to take part in institutions formerly composed solely of Muslims (such as State Courts); and (2) the growing importance of Jewish leaders, both clergymen and laymen, now participating more actively in national politics, gaining respect and enjoying firm government support. Two further points should be stressed: first, Jewish participation in contemporary State politics, mainly on national level, was by and large proportional to their percentage in the total population (about 5 percent). Second, their involvement was considered not only as prerogative but also a requirement. Jews, like the rest of the Ottoman population, were expected to contribute to the renascent political process. Thus, political participation provided the means necessary to demonstrated Jewish support for the State and the reform movement. Jewish political involvement in the post-Tanzimat era came to the surface in the following ways: (1) Preparatory participation in various forums: Several Jewish dignitaries took part in a variety, of committees and consultations preparing all kinds of reforms dealing with both general and Jewish matters. One such conference was convened in January 1876 by Ra$id Pa§a, the Minister of Poreign Affaire, to discuss diverse aspects of reforms.7 On another occasion, Ra$id Paja consulted a Jewish dignitary, Albert Cohen, concerning the promulgation of a declaration equalizing the status of Jews to that of the Christians. (2) Participation in recently-formed national-level institutions: Halim the Younger, a wealthy Jewish banker from Galata, was appointed to the Supreme Council of Judicial Ordinances (convened in 1856) which included four non7 R. Davison, Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876. (Princeton, 1963), 316; R. Devrai», The First Ottoman Constitutional Period: A Study of the Midhat Constitution and Parliament, (Baltimore,

78

THE JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Muslims (three Christians and one Jew). Hie transformation of this Council to the Council of State (in 1868) saw an increase in the number of non-Muslim members. Of the thirty seven members eleven were non-Muslims, and amongst them two Jews from the Capital: Behor Ashkenazi and David Caramona. 8 The Parliament, first convened in 1876, constituted a major forum for Jewish expression. Whereas the provincial delegates of the Assembly were elected in proportion to the Muslim and non-Muslim local population, the Senate members were appointed directly by the Sultan. A different system was adopted in the Capital; the city's twenty districts were proportioned into electoral regions. Each region, regardless of the dominant religion, chose two electors, one Muslim and one non-Muslim. Election day brought together the forty electors at the Municipality Building. Ten representatives to the Parliament were then selected: five Muslims and five nonMuslims. The results of the first elections brought about an assembly; of the 115 deputies selected sixty -seven were Muslims, forty- four were Christians, and the remaining four were Jews. 9 Various accounts inform us of the role played by Jewish delegates in the first Ottoman Parliament. 10 With only one exception, the Jewish deputies did not actively participate in the proceedings of the first Parliament session. The legislative amendment proposed by Abraham Ajiman from Istanbul constituted the only substantial Jewish contribution to this session.' 1 The number of Jewish deputies in the second Parliament session increased from four to six members. Amongst them was Davichon Levy of Yanina who actively criticized the government, mainly concerning financial issues. "In general," as stated by one scholar, 'the Jewish deputies of the first Parliament ^Davison, Reform, 93,243; M. Franco, Essai sur les Isratliles de VEmpire Ottoman. (Paris, 1896), 239; S. Shaw, "The Central Legislative Councils in die 19th Century Ottoman Reform Movement Before 1876." IJMES. I, (1970), 51-84. ®The Jewish (leputies came one each from Baghdad, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Istanbul, and Saloniki. Among the members of the Senate, there were seven non-Muslims: 3 Armenians, 3 GreekOrthodox, and 1 Jewish. Sources: R. Davison, "The Advent of the Principle of Representation in the Government of the Ottoman Empire" in Polk and R. Chambers, eds. Beginning of Modernization in the Middle East. (Chicago, 1968), 93-108; Devereux, ibid., 261-276ff; Galante, vol. 8, 87-8; B. Z. Kaial, "Non-Muslim Representatives in the Fust Constitutional Assembly, 1876-77", in Biaude and Lewis, eds. Christians and Jews..., vol. 1; see also a report about the elections of Jews to the Ottoman Parliament: "lsmilite de Turquie," BAIU (Paris), ler sem. 1877, p. 13. 10 See, in particular, Hasan Kayali, "Jewish Representation in Ottoman Parliaments,1' A Paper resented in a Conference on Jews inthe Ottoman Empire, Brendels University, May 10-12,1987. I would like to thank both Mr. Kayak and Prof. A. Levy for letting me use this paper.] ! 1 Ajiman asked for a legal amendment that would require provincial authorities to make public all income and expenses such that responsible functionaries could be held accountable. Ajiman was the only Jewish deputy who did not return for die second session convened in 1877. He was replaced By Kemal, a sugar merchant, who was one of te five deputies (including the president and two vice-president of the Parliament) invited by the sultan to take pan in a Council that he convened to consult on making peace with Russia. Kayali, ibid

P A R T I C I P A T I O N IN THE POLITICAL SPHERE

79

advocated liberal measures and demanded restraints on bureaucratic prerogatives. On the other hand, they denounced increasing financial dependence on Europe and the European penetration of the Ottoman economy".12 (3) Participation in government service: the acceptance of Jews into government service formed one of the most meaningful aspects of the newlyacquired principle of equal opportunity. Whereas participation in the above spheres of political life was contingent on factors not always completely unbiased, the government service required training and professional skills necessary for the smooth functioning of the modern, yet somewhat cumbersome machinery of government. The following factors should be considered: the creation of new Westernstyle ministries and administrative units, the abolition of obsolescent departments, and the replacement of many members of the old staff with those trained in the spirit of the new reforms. Thus the new administration became, more accessible to those who formerly lacked the required social-religious background. Non-Muslims, in particular, benefited from this administrative reform. As noted by another scholar, of the four branches of Ottoman officialdom — the religious establishment, the military, the palace service, and the civil bureaucracy — it was only the bureaucracy which truly embodied with any degree of success the principle of equal opportunity.13 Indeed, Jewish enrollment in post-Tanzimat government service was realized in most major offices, such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Education, the Treasury, the Police, and the Post Office. 14 A large number of Jews served in the influential Ministry of Foreign Affairs which organizationally was the most developed of the civil bureaucratic ministries. Thus, we see that (1) the number of Jews serving in the Foreign Office was the smallest in comparison with their Christian and Muslim counterparts; (2) most Jewish employees in the foreign service represented die Sephardic, Ashkenazi and Karaite congregations of the Capital; (3) whereas the percentage of Jews in the foreign service (3%) was somewhat less than the total Jewish population in the Capital (4% and 5% according to the 1844 and 1893 censuses respectively); the percentage of Greeks and Armenians in the foreign service was as small as half of their overall population percentage in the Capital; 12

Kayali, ibid.

11

'•'See Fmdley, ibid., (n.5) [Findley's article is based on his book: Bureaucratic Reform in the Ottoman Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789-1922, (Princeton, 1980)]. For the emergence of new bureaucratic class see also: Kemal H. Kaipat, Ottoman Population, 1830-1914, (Madison, 1985), 91-95; for Christians in the service of the Ottoman government see, e.g. M. K. Krikorian, Armenians in the Service of the Ottoman Empite, 1860-1908, (London, 1977). ,4 For a partial list of government positions held by Jews see Fianco, 239-242,258-260; Galante, vol. 8,76-86; H. Cohen, The Jem of the Middle East. 1860-1972, (New York. 1973), 16.

80

THE JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

(4) Jews, relatively speaking, were the last of all groups to enter government service; (S) Jewish facility with foreign languages was second only to the Greek and Armenian employees; (6) sparse though were the number of Jews in the most prestigious posts,such as in the envoys to major Western capitals, the second-class posts abounded with Jewish employees; (7) of the nine ranks of promotion existing in the Foreign Service, Jews were most prominent in the 4th and the 6th ranks. No Jews achieved top ranks such as "superiors" or secretaries of foreign affairs; and (8) finally, Jews as an employment group were most apt to be faced with difficulties in the work place during their service. 13 Further and more diverse archival sources indicate, nevertheless, that the Jewish role in foreign service was of greater importance than has previously been assumed. Many Jews came to replace Greek employees of the Translation Office following the mass dismissal in the wake of the 1821 Greek revolt. Traditional Jewish fields of employment, such as translation, facilitated the acquisition of foreign languages, and thus provided access to employment of greater responsibility and improved social status. Posts once held by Jews during the early years of the Ottoman era were thus once again filled by Jewish employees. Many Jews were employed as translators within the State (in the Capital and jn. the provinces) as well as in Ottoman embassies abroad in the course of the period under survey. Thus, a Jewish newspaper reports about the service of a Jew named Yosef Ifani as the Chief Dragoman of Jerusalem in the late 19th century. 16 Furthermore, several Jewish employees of the Foreign Office attained high-ranking positions in consulates and embassies. In 1871, the Jewish businessman Haim Sirona was appointed (with the intervention of the Ottoman Embassy in Paris) as honorary general consul in Madrid upon the passing away of the former consul. 17 In Romania, to set another example, Jewish settlers of Istanbul origin were appointed as Ottoman consuls in the course of the second half of the 19th century: Abraham Halfon filled the post of consul general and Hillel Manoah served as a honorary consul. 18 Several Jews who had first served as dragomans were later promoted to higher administrative posts: for example, the aforementioned Chief Dragoman of Jerusalem Yosef Ifani was later appointed Chief of Political Affairs of Macedonia, with headquarters in Saloniki.19

'^Findley, passim. ^Hatzefirah, vol. 16.1884, p. 127. 17 bX; trade, no. 149088:9-S-1288/1871. 18 1. Geller, "Sephardi Jews in the Economic Life of Romania", Pe'amim, 31 (1987), 62-94 (H.) ,9 Seen. 17.

PARTICIPATION IN THE POLITICAL SPHERE

81

Jews served in other recently established departments as well. Hie newlyorganized legal system employed Jews at various levels: Jews saved as judges in the mixed-courts, some of them eventually attaining high position. In the late 19th century, for instance, Behor Effendi from Istanbul became a member of the State Supreme Court 20 The Police, responsible for civil security, was now made accessible to Jewish employment as well. An article published in a European-Jewish paper reports on the many Jews serving in the local gendarmerie of Izmir, established by the governor, Midhat Pa$a.21 Another newly created office employing Jews was the Telegraph Department. An employment considered worthy of honor, Jewish students who graduated with excellence in 1862 were selected personally by Ottoman officials to serve in this office. One consideration of this selection stemmed from the need to employ skilled Jews capable of facilitating Jewish telegraph services in their own language, Judeo-Spanish.22 Notwithstanding the many positions assumed by Jews in government service, there remained several serious obstacles, in particular (1) the lack of sufficiently skilled and trained Jews eligible for the positions in the new modern administration, mainly prior to the recruitment of the graduates of the new modern schools; and (2) the occasional difficulties placed before non-Muslim civil servants by old-fashioned functionaries resentful of the administrative reforms and the power accumulated now by non-Muslims.23 Yet the overall success of the post-Tanzimat reforms should not be underestimated. Jews achieved a relatively high profile in the government service, and there were those who attained positions of considerable power and influence. Contemporary foreign Jewish traveller accounts and newspapers — such as articles published by Hatzefirah (Warsaw and Berlin) and the Bulletin of the Alliance Israélite Universelle (Paris) — often reported with admiration and even enthusiasm the progress made by Jews who reached influential positions in the service of the Ottoman government; a phenomena found but infrequently in most regions of contemporary Christian Europe.24

20

Cohen, 16; Franco, 259. ^Hatzefirah, 30,1881. 22 As reported with great appreciation by Hatzefirah, no. 2, 1862, p. 11. 23 Some of these problems were discussed in reports published by the Alliance Israélite, e.g. "Israélite de Turquie," BAfU (Paris), May 1876,81-2; see also Findley in Braude and Lewis. 360f. See the aforementioned reports of Hatzefirah. Also a report about Jews appointed to senior positions in the Ottoman government: "Israélite de Turquie," BAIU, (Paris), 2e sem. 1876, pp. 6-7.

82

THE JEWISH COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

(4) Participation in local-level politics: the post-Tanzimat municipal reform offered Ottoman Jews a unique opportunity to participate in local-scale politics. As formerly discussed, a series of local councils not included among the residents of the neighborhood. The congregation was either absorbed into neighborhoods of its co-religionists or formed a new neighborhood under a different name. 4 The relations among the various Jewish congregations of the Capital fluctuated from collaboration (mainly at times of emergency) to constant disagreements. 5 The number of congregations varied from period to period. 6 The congregations retained their separate identity until the 17th century, but as a result of several factors which brought about demographic changes (mainly the great fires of 1633 and 1666), the communities became intertwined. The Sephardint, the largest and the most influential congregation, ultimately assumed leadership over all other Jewish groups. 7 A further important subdivision amongst the various Jewish congregations was that of Rabbinate and non-Rabbinate (or Orthodox/nonOrthodox) groups. This division played an important role in particular for the purpose of inter-Jewish matters whereas the government differentiated between rabbinate-Jews ("Yahudi", "Musevi") and "Karaites" (sometimes called "Yahudi Karayi" or "Karaim Yahudisi"), government records rarely referred to sub-groups such as Romaniots. 8 The most important line of division was, as reflected in contemporary Jewish eyes, between Rabbinical and non-Rabbinical congregations. The first category, the Rabbinical one, included the following four sub-groups: I. ROMANIOTS: The Romaniots (or, as they called by the people, "gregos") were the former inhabitants of Greece and natives of Byzantium. Some of them had lived in Constantinople prior to the Ottoman conquest and had returned there once the war was over. Others were brought to Istanbul from other ex-Byzantine territories now in Ottoman hands through the aforementioned siirgUn process initiated by Mehmed II to repopulate Istanbul. The Romaniots played an important role in the life of the city's Jewish community during the first period of the Ottoman rule. Thus, the first two Chief Rabbis (Capsali and Mizrahi) who were Romaniots, represented the entire Jewish community before the government.

^"Istanbul", El. IV, 239. 5 For die relations among various congregations see for example: Shmuelevitz, 11-14. 6 Heyd, ibid.; "Istanbul," EJ. IX, 1088. ^"Istanbul," £/, IV.242; "Istanbul," EJ, IX, 1091; Heyd, 313; Shmuelewitz, 11-14. "The Rabbinical category was composed of the majority of Istanbul Jewry, including Sephardim, Romaniots, Ashkenazim and Italians; the non-Rabbinical sect included mostly the Karaites.

APPENDICES

127

Nevertheless, the Romaniots gradually lost their traditional power to the newcomers from the Iberian peninsula. The settlement of many Sephardim in Romaniot neighborhoods in the 17th and 18th centuries hastened die decline of the Romaniots. Whereas in the 17th century we know of about 5,200 Romaniots out of the 18,000 Jews of the Capital, as well as their active role in the community, subsequent centuries revealed very little evidence concerning them. During the last phase of Ottoman rule they played no significant public role. Rarely did they appear as a separate entity, and then mostly in cases involving legal disputes with the Sephardim. 9 2. SEPHARDIM: Istanbul had been one of the major centers where Jews who were expelled from Spain (1492) and Portugal (1497) found shelter. Hie first wave of Sephardic immigrants (also known as marranos and gerush, i.e. "expelled") composed two-thirds of the total Jewish population of the city. Within a short period, the new arrivals became the predominant element within the Istanbul Jewry. Their settlement in the Romaniot neighborhoods following the 17th and 18th centuries fires, put an end to the last attempt of the Romaniots to survive as a dominant group. Prominent Jews from Spain and Portugal, such as Joseph Nasi and Dona Gracia, gained an unprecedented political and economic power and served as the representatives of their co-religionists at the Court. Sephardic scholars and rabbis, such as Caro and Taitazak, revitalized the somewhat stagnant cultural life of the local Jews. 10 The Jews from Portugal underwent a somewhat different experience upon their arrival in the Ottoman State, resulting from their compulsory conversion to Christianity which occurred shortly prior to their departure. This development overshadowed their relations and daily encounters with the existing Jewish population.' 1 At first, Jews from Portugal formed separate congregations in Istanbul; gradually, however, they intermingled with their Sephardic coreligionists. 12 All in all, from the time of their arrival in Istanbul and until the end of the Ottoman period, the Sephardim formed the majority as well as the most important component of the Istanbul Jewry. 13

'"Romaniots," EJ, vol. 14, 231; "Istanbul". EJ, IX 1086-7; Getter, ibid, 48; Baraai, ibid, 60; Shmuelevitz, ibid., 11,14; Hacker, ibid.; Y. Geller, "Inter-Communal Relations in the Ottoman Empire," MM, Vol. 2 (Haifa University, 1986), 29-53. ,0 "lstanbul," EJ, IX, 1088; "Constantinople," JE, IV, 306; Heyd, ibid.; "Istanbul", EJC, Vol VI (Mexico: 1949), pp. 105-109; Shmuelevitz, 11-14; 'Marranos," EJ, 11,1018-1026; "Nasi Joseph," EJ, 12,238-9; "Nasi Gracia," EJ, 12,840; "Joseph Caio," EJ, m , 194-9; "Joseph Taitazak," EJ, 15, 711-712. 1 'This issue is discussed in a book edited by Z. Ankori, From Lisbon to Salonika and CtmsUuilhiopie. (Tel Aviv, 1988). 12 See Heyd, ibid. 13 By the end of the 19th century, 51,000 out of 55,000 Jews in Istanbul were Sephardim ("Constantinople," JE, IV, 239). The majority of them were living under poor conditions, as

128

THE J E W I S H C O M M U N I T Y OF

ISTANBUL

3. ASHKENAZIM: Ashkenazim (i.e. European Jews; also known in Turkish as "lehli" - Poles) had already settled in Istanbul prior to its Ottoman conquest. Those of them who had fled the city during the war, returned upon Mehmed II request to their former houses soon after the battle was over. In the subsequent centuries, many more European Jews joined their co-religionists in Istanbul, mainly from Germany, Austria, Hungary, Poland and Russia. A proclamation published by an Ashkenazi rabbi from Edime (Isaac Tzarfati) in the second half of the 15th century, encouraging Jews to settle in Ottoman lands where they would enjoy freedom and prosperity, was followed by a large-scale immigration of Ashkenazim from Hungary and Austria. Others, victims of persecutions and various restrictions, arrived in Istanbul throughout the Ottoman period.14 Hie last wave of Ashkenazi immigration to Ottoman Istanbul took place in the late 19th and early 20th centuries when many Ashkenazim who fled the pogroms in Russia and the oppression of some newly-formed national states in the Balkan found shelter in Istanbul and other Ottoman cities.15 Once in Istanbul, the Ashkenazim settled mainly in Galata while forming a separate congregation with synagogues and rabbis of their own. 16 Despite their relatively small number within the entire Jewish community, Ashkenazim contributed substantially to the cultural and the economic life of the Capital.17 The relations between Ashkenazim and Sephardim in Istanbul varied from that of cooperation (mainly during times of emergency) to one of occasional disagreements. Whereas the Sephardim narrowly watched the growing economic

reflected in various contemporary accounts (e.g. Sussnitski, ibid:, Edmondo De Amicis, Istanbul, (Ankara, 1986) in the 20th century, Sephardim constituted 95-97% of Istanbul Jews, and kept in their hands oil representative positions, such as Chief Rabbi. ("Turkey," EJ, V, 1472). '^"Istanbul", EJ, X, 1086,7; "Turkey", JE, VI, 2803; "Istanbul", El. IV, 241; Heyd. 35; Shmuelevitz, 11-14. l5 For example, an Ashkenazi community of a few hundred families immigrated to Istanbul from Russian-occupied territories following the Crimean War. By an imperial decree, their rabbi was granted the tide of hahambajt (chief rabbi) of the Ashkenazi community, and the members of the community were granted many privileges (Sussnitski — as quoted in Issawi, ibid. p. 71) Many other Jews fled to Istanbul from Russia following the 1905 revolution ("Istanbul," EJ, IX, 1095). Further informatioo about contemporary Jewish settlement in Ottoman lands is available in Kemal H. Karpal, Ottoman Population, 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics, (Madison, 1985). 16 in the 17th century, for instance, we find several Ashkenazi congregations in the Capital ("Ashkenazi Alnum", "Budum" etc.; the relations among these groups were somewhat stressed: see Heyd, 35). The sub-division was mostly based on common origin and social status. Thus, for example, the Austrian German-speaking Jews who formed the elite of the community built a big synagogue for their congregation; Jewish tailors from Russia who fled to Istanbul in die 19th century formed another congregation having a separate synagogue ("Toferei Begadim," i.e. "tailois"; see "Turkey," EJ. V, 1461-2). '^Sussnitski, ibid; "Istanbul,'' EJ, IX, 1098; L. Bomstein, "The Ashkenazim in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th and 17th centuries," Memkmk ve Mema'rm, ed. by Hirshberg (Romat-Gan, 1984), 81104.

APPENDICES

129

success of the Ashkenazim, the Ashkenazim tried to prevent the Sephardim from gaining full control over the community's affairs.18 In the course of the centuries, the Ashkenazim, the second largest Jewish congregation in the Capital, gradually lost much of their importance. In the late Ottoman period we find several prominent Ashkenazim mainly in the field of business.19 4. ITALIANS: Some Italian Jews coming from Genoa, Venice and other cities, had already lived in Byzantine Constantinople.20 After the Ottoman conquest of the city, a hundred or so families of prosperous Genoese Jews who had formerly lived in Pera, were transferred across the Golden Horn to the old city. 21 Under Ottoman dominion, many additional Italian Jews arrived in Istanbul; amongst whom were many Jews originating from Spain and Portugal.22 The Italian Jews of the Capital formed a separate congregation with rabbis and synagogues of their own. They resided mainly in Galata around their synagogue. In the course of the 19th century, the more affluent Italian Jews moved to Pera and later to §i§Ii where, in 1866, they obtained a permission by Sultan Abdiilaziz to build a cemetery for their congregation.23 Usually the Italians, the smallest rabbinical congregation in Istanbul, maintained fair relations with other Jewish congregations. At times, they enjoyed a special status thanks to their relations with the Italian embassy in Istanbul.24 i ft "The distribution of money collected by Istanbul Jews for Jews in Palestine created a constant source of conflict between Ashkenazim and Sephardim in Istanbul. See, for instance, a letter discussing this issue which was sent in 1822 by Sephardic leaders in Istanbul to Ashkenazi leaders in Amsterdam ("Lett» to the Ashkenazim of Amsterdam from die Sephardim of Istanbul," 1822, Mehlman Collection, no. 104, The Library of the Hebrew University of Jeiusatem). l9 By the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the present one there were c. 7-8,000 Ashkenazim in Istanbul, i.e. c. 10% of the total Jews ("Istanbul", (//£, V, 3281; S. M. Samuel, Jewish life in the East [London, 1881], 134f). The last officiating Ashkenazi rabbi was die Russian-bom David Marcus, who studied in Germany and settled in Istanbul in 1900. After bis demise in 1940, the congregation remained without a spiritual leader and went into decline, exposed to a complete disintegration "Turkey," EJ. V, 1462). In the present, there are some 1,000 Ashkenazim in Istanbul, residing mostly in the affluent neighborhoods of the city. Their synagogue in Galata is still active, although ceremonies are conducted by Sephardic rabbis. 2 ®J. David, "Les Juifs Vénitiens de Constantinople et leur communauté du XIIIe au XVe siècle." REJ, XXXI (1972), 39-410; Galler, ibid. 2 'Lewis, 122. 22 Among the newcomers from Italy there were many learned persons: e.g. the Sonsino family whose press published over 40 books between 1530-1547 (see "Istanbul," El. IX, 1097). 23 As written (in Hebrew and Italian) on the gate of the Italian cemetery in $igli "Thanks to the intervention of the Italian government, the Sultan Abdiilaziz agreed in 1866 to give this place for good to the Jewish community under his rule to buiy their deaths". ^Currently, as estimated by the head of the Italian congregation, Mr. Htuson, there aie some 300400 Italian Jews in Istanbul: they are headed by an elected committee of laymen. Having no separate rabbis and, their religious service are supplied by Sephaidi

130

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Non-Rabbinical Jews: This category refers chiefly to the Karaites of Istanbul. Karaites existed in large numbers in Byzantium in general and in Constantinople in particular. Back in 1176, the Jewish traveller Benjamin de Tudela found. 500 Karaites in Constantinople.25 Similar to other local Jews, many Karaites who left the city during the Ottoman conquest returned to their former houses once the hostilities ceased. They were joined by many of their co-religionists who were transferred to Istanbul from the Balkans, mainly from Edirne. Most of the newcomers were settled near the harbor of Eminonii. Later, however, following the construction of the new mosque (Yeni Valide Cami), they moved to Haskdy.26 Up until the end of the Ottoman era, Haskoy served as the main headquarter of the Istanbul Karaites. 27 The Karaites maintained a separate cemetery,28 and hospital in Haskoy.29 Another neighborhood which was inhabited by many Karaites was Karakoy (near Galata). The Karaites there were joined by many of their coreligionists who had fled there from the Crimean peninsula in the late 19th century. According to a census from 1844, there were 112 Karaites (or 24 families) in Istanbul; and 132 persons (or 36 families) according to the 1867 census.30 Karaite-Rabbinate relations have been one of the most complex issues in Jewish history ever since the split between these two factions which took place in Babylonia in the 8th century. In Istanbul, during the formative years of Ottoman rule, there was a certain cooperation between the two communities.31 However, the Karaites maintained separate institutions such as schools and hospitals. 32 The 19th century witnessed a widening gulf between the two communities. Finally, the government recognized the Karaites as a separate

25

"IsUmbul", UJE, V, 623; Gilbert, ibid; Stauf, ibid. For Karaite history see (selected): "Karaites. EJ, V.762-785; J. Bl-Garail, The History of the Karaite Jewry (Jerusalem, 1945); Z. Ankori, Karaites in Byumtium (New York. 19S9); P. Birnbaum, ed. Karaite Studies (Kiew York, 1971). 260 Istanbul", EJ, IX, 109S; A. Danon, "The Karaites in European Turkey: Contributions to Their History Based on Unpublished Documents," JQR, vol. IS (1924-5), 301. 27 l n Hasköy, the Karaites concentrated in a separate part of the neighborhood around their synagogue. This synagogue was destroyed in a fire in 1774, and was reconstructed with die assistance of Karaites in the Crimea and Egypt (see J. Mann, Texts end Studies in Jewish History and Literature, 2nd volume ("Karaites") (Cincinnati, 1931), 319. 28 BstabIished in 1583 (R. Cohen, Constantinople-Salonika, Patras (Tel Aviv, 1984), 88: Danon. ibid. 302-3; A. Refik, Üfüncä Asr-i Hicri'de Istanbul Hayatt: Ì786-1882 (Istanbul, 1988), 29. 29 Danon, 349. 30 Karpat, Ottoman Population, 203. 3 'E.g. in 17SS the Karaites joined a committee representing all Jews in the Capital; in 1582, they joined the Romoniots and the Sephardim in applying for thè construction of a cemetery in Hasköy (Cohen. 88). 2 Danon, passim.

APPENDICES

131

millet?3 Despite some evidence for extensive economic activity of the 19thcentury Istanbul Karaite community, the process of economic and cultural decay had already set in. 34 And lastly, although Karaites were considered to be the only nonRabbinical sect in Ottoman Istanbul, there is scattered evidence concerning the possible existence of additional non-Rabbinical sects there. Thus, following die 1517 Ottoman capture of Egypt, several Samaritan families were sent to Istanbul; many Khazars found shelter in Constantinople after the fall of the Khazar Kingdom; in Byzantine Constantinople there were at least two further non-Rabbinical sects in addition to the Karaites. The destiny of these sects under Ottoman rule is obscure. 35 # #

*

2. Topographic Aspects Jews in Ottoman Istanbul traditionally resided in mixed neighborhoods side by side with Muslims and Christians. Whereas the Jewish residents habitually gathered in one or more parts of the neighborhood, occasionally they shared the same corners and even the same apartment buildings with their nonJewish neighbors. In some neighborhoods, commonly known as "Jewish Neighborhood" ("Yahudi Mahallesi"), Jews constituted the majority of the local population (e.g. Haskdy); in others, they formed a minority (e.g. Uskiidar), while using the services of the nearest larger Jewish center. Forbidden to settle in the proximity of mosques, Ottoman Jews were otherwise permitted to settle in any other place. Unlike the European-style "ghettos", the neighborhoods of Jewish residents were formed of their own choice, and they were free to move to any other part of the city should they so choose. 3 ^

33

The reorganization of (he Karaite millet in the 19th century will be examined in chapter 12. For 19th-centuiy Karaites see Danon, ibid. , "Constantinople", JE, IV, 242. in 1969, the Karaites in Istanbul numbered c. 200 families (c. 1,000 persons). "Turkey", El, V, 1462. 3 % o r the Samaritans see Ibn-Ijas, ibid.; for the Khazars see "Khazais", El, V, 9S2-3; for these sects see Ankori, ibid, passim. number of Jewish neighborfioods (i.e. neighborhoods vastly inhabited by Jews) varied from one period to another. In 1871, there were nine Jewish neighborhoods in the confines of the waited city and several more out of the walls. See "Istanbul", "El, IV, 234; "Yahudi Mahallesi", Pakalm, III, 601; Galanti, Fatih, 13-15. 34

132

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Indeed, Jews often moved from one neighborhood to another as a result of either a fire (which often devastated many Jewish neighborhoods) or in the search for better living conditions. From the late 17th century onward, many Jews moved from the old city (the area confined by walls) to the opposite bank of the Golden Horn: first to Haskôy, and later to Galata and Pera. Hie development of modern neighborhoods around the districts of Pera and §i§li in the course of the Tanzimat period attracted many Jews to settle there as well. The Asian side of the city was also inhabited by many Jews, mainly in Kuzguncuk. In sumrtiary, whereas in the 15th-18th centuries the vast majority of Istanbul Jews had lived in Balat and Haskôy, in the late 19th century Galata, Pera and Ortakôy served as the major Jewish centers of the Capital.37 The following were the major neighborhoods inhabited by Jews in various periods of the Ottoman period:

1. THE SOUTHERN BANK OF THE GOLDEN HORN: EMINONO AND BALAT Many Jews had settled in Eminonii, located in the harbor of the old city just across Galka, following the 1453 conquest of the city by the Ottomans.38 However, this active influx of Jews reached its end in 1597 when the local Jews had to move to Haskdy following the construction of the New Mosque (Yeni Valide Cami). 39 Once Eminonii and the surrounding neighboriioods ceased to be inhabited by Jews, Balat, and to lesser extent Fener, functioned as the only area in the old city inhabited by a substantial number of Jewish residents.40 Some of the well-

37

For the Jewish population of 17th century Istanbul see Mnntran, map 5. ®Thus, we find here many Jews who were transferred from SalonUd to Istanbul by Mehmed II with the intention to develop this central area of the city ("Istanbul", EJ, IX, 1086); Karaites from the Balkans, mainly from Edirne, were granted there houses by the Conqueror as well (ibid)', Genoese Jews were moved from Pera to Eminfinii soon after the fall of the city (Lewis, 122); Vakif records of Mehmed II show that Bahcekapi-EminSnii region as well as the neighborhoods alongside the harbor (Holil Pa$a and others) were almost exclusively inhabited by Jews ("Istanbul", El, IV, 238); Sultan SUleyman settled Jews from Belgrad in Samatya Kapisi (later to be called Beigrad Kapisi; "Istanbul". El, IV, 239). 39 F o r this episode see Lewis, 122; Danon, 301-2. Later on, in 1727, the Jews residing in Balik Pazar neighborhood near the local mosque were too ordered to leave for HaskOy (Refik, 88-90). Nevertheless, we have evidence for the existence of Jews in this neighborhood in 1734 (BA, Adiiye, no. 1S47, 1147/1734); and, by the end of the 19th century there were about 1,000 Jews living around the markets of the old city ("Constantinople", / £ , IV, 239). Those Jews were most likely privileged businessmen who received a special permission to reside there. According to the official census of 1882, there were 4,166 Jews living in the Faith District and thirteen others living in inns. 40 T h t s area had already been designated by Mehmed II as a settlement for Jews ("Istanbul, "EI, IV. 229; "Istanbul, "EJ, IX, 1087). Indeed, a neat deal of the first Jewish settlers in Ottoman Istanbul settled in Balat where they were allotted houses by the government. iQ.the 15th, 16th and 17th centuries, Balat turned to be one of the capital's major Jewish neighborhood. By the end of the 17th century, we find 1,547 Jewish tax-payers in Balat (according to Heyd). In addition, Jews in 3

APPENDICES

133

known buildings belonging to the Istanbul Jewry were located in Balat, such as synagogues, schools and hospitals. Some of these public buildings, such as the "Or-Ahayim" Hospital, served not only the local congregation but rather the entire Jewish community of the city. 41 Beginning in the 17th century, and as a result of the many devastating conflagrations which destroyed many Jewish-owned buildings, a large number of Jewish inhabitants started moving from Balat to other neighborhoods, mainly to Haskdy and Galata.42 Gradually, Balat lost much of its former importance as other neighborhoods came into favor. By the end of the 19th century, we find that out of an entire population of 80,000 Jews, only IS,000 resided in the lessprivileged neighborhood of Balat.43

2. THE NORTHERN BANK OF THE GOLDEN HORN: HASKOY AND KASIMPA§A The neighborhood of Haskdy, situated on the northern shore of the Golden Horn confronting Balat, played a remarkable role in Ottoman-Jewish history. Jews had settled there already under Mehmed II's rule. 44 Gradually, Haskoy became a major Jewish center as additional Jews moved there from other smaller amounts lived in the vicinity of Balat and Fener as Well: in Aykapi, Ayvan Saray and Tekfur Saray (Mantran, mop 5). 41 Of the most famous local Jewish buildings one can mention the Ahrida, Yanbol and Salonika synagogues (names after the respective Balkan cities which formed the origin of these congregations). All together, some twenty synagogues functioned in this neighborhood in various periods (see Galante, Synagogues; Mantran mentions four synagogues in 17th-century Balat (map 5). In addition, we find here further central Jewish institutions, such as a prison which was supervised by the Chief Rabbinate ("Constantinople, "JE, IV. 239); one of the two city's Jewish courts (alongside HaskOy; Bamai, 62); the 1839-established "Or-Abayyim" Hospital. In 1849, a Jewish school which was composed of three classrooms was formed here upon the local community's request (BA, trade, no. 3244:1266/1849). The majority of the local Jewish population resided in the area confined between the Golden Horn (Balat Street; where some synagogues as "Salonika" functioned) and the parallel street (formeriy knows as Tahta minare, where the "Ahrida" synagogue is located). According to a 19th- century map, we find in this area a place called "Hahamhane" which was used for social services and festivities ( E H. Ayverdi, 19. Asirda Istanbul Harilasi, Istanbul, 1963, map D6; for the functions of this institution see Getber; "Yahudhane," Pakahn, III, 601). 42

Many fires were set in Balat and other Jewish neighborhoods by the Yenissaries who uses these opportunities to rob the local population. It should be added that the Yenissaries were also those in charge of extinguishing the fires (see "Istanbul", El, IV, 237; Celik, passim). Those fires, as reflected in many contemporaryiOttoman records, were indeed devastating : In the course of one single fire, for instance, nine synagogues and one school were destroyed (BA, Adliye, No. 280: n.d ); in some cases, local Jews were permitted to repair the destroyed buildings (e.g. in the aforementioned case a permission to repair three synagogues and the school was granted; as for the six other synagogues, it was found out by the committee investigating the case that it would be beyond the local congregation' financial ability to afford it). The frequent fires severely damaged the local Jewish residents, many of whom lost all their property in these fires. The fires turned Balat into a poor neighborhood inhabited mostly by the less-privileged, Jews end non-Jews alike, as described in contemporary travellers' accounts (such as De Amici, p. 169). ^"Constantinople", JE, IV, 239. ^ M a t i y Jews who came here upon the Conqueror's invitation were granted houses and shops as part of a general plan to develop the whole area ("Constantinople", JE, IV. 238). In 1483, e.g. Ashkenazi Jews from Frankfurt settled in Haskdy (Sussnitski, as quoted in Issawi, 69).

134

THE JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

neighborhoods as well as from abroad (mainly Ashkenazim from Centred Europe). Some of the most famous figures of the Jewish community of Istanbul made their home there.45 The story of Haskôy is, in fact, the story of the "Golden Age" of the Istanbul Jewry. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the luxury and wealth of Haskoy Jews increased to such a level that it attracted the attention .of the Muslim clergymen'; 46 In the 17th century, Jews constituted the l a t e s t group in Haskôy. 47 In the 18th century, we are told by a European traveller that most Istanbul Jews were living in Haskôy.48 Another contemporary traveller's account mentioned that by the beginning of the 19th century Haskoy together with Galata formed the most important Jewish centers of the Capital.49 Most Jews in Haskoy lived in close proximity to each other.50 Another near-by major Jewish center was Piripa$a.51 Kasimpaça, which is located between Haskoy and Galata, was inhabited by many Jews as well. 52 Haskôybased Jewish institutions, such as synagogues, 53 schools, 54 hospitals, 55 and a

45

Such as Moshe Hamon, the Conqueror's physician: "Constantinople", JE, IV, 240. The pressure exercised by these circles on the Sultan produced several anti-Jewish measures aimed at restricting the Jews to their traditional status. As a result, Jewish leaders ordered their counter-religionists to dress in a modest style ("Istanbul", (JJE, V, 623). 47 The Jews were followed by Greeks and Armenians (see Mantran, map 5); the traveller Evliya Celebi found there (in the late 17th century) 11,000 Jewish residents, living in 11 neighborhoods as well as 3,000 wealthy houses (quoted in Gérber, 27); by the end of that century, w e find SIS Jewish tax-payers in Haskôy (according to Heyd). 4 ®Palrene. see n. 54. 4 ®Tancoigne (see n. 61). 19th- centuty Haskoy was inhabited by a large number of Jews (Celik, 39); by the end of the>19lb century and the beginning of the following one we find there 20,000 Jews (out of80,000 of the entire Jewish community of the city; SussnitsË, quoted in Issawi, 69). 50 T h e most importai Jewish-populated ' locality was Haci Çaban Mahallesi, as being often mentioned in contemporary Ottoman sources (e.g. BA, Maarif, no. 6484.-M-1266/1849), 51 One synagogue in .mentioned in Haskdy in a 17th- century source (Mantran, map 4), though several others functioned in private residencies of local affluent Jews; in 1845, a damaged synagogue underwent reconstructions (BA, Adliye, no. 2355: 2-B-1261/1845). -^Mantran, maps 4,5. 46

53

Haskoy's most famous existing synagogue is "Mualem" (built in 1734}; another famous one was "Kahal Kadosh" ("Holy Congregation") founded by Hamon; further synagogues established there by Spanish Jews after 1492 ("Istanbul," JE. IV, 240); Mantran (map S) refers to three synagogues operating there in the 17th century. From Ottoman sources we team abOuf the expansion of these synagogues and other ones (e.g. BA, Adliye, no. 490: 10-R-1290/1873). Repairs of synagogues took place mainly, following fires (e.g. in 1805 the community applied for the repair of 11 burned synagogues; of which only five were finally permitted to be restored, BA, Maliye, no. 2822: B1219/1805). 54 Some of these schools were repaired following fires (e.g. BA, Maarif, no. 6484: M-1266/1849). The largest and most important local local school was built in 1898 by the Alliance Israélite Universelle (Dumont, ibid.; later to be shifted into an Old People's House serving the entire Istanbul Jewish community to our days). 55 I n 1839, the local Jewish community was granted a permission to baild a hospital (see BA, Sihhiye, no. 668: 29-S. 1255/1839); several years later, the government was asked ,by the local community to support, the poor Jews using the services of (his hospital (BA, Sihhiye, no. 1336: R1259/1843).

APPENDICES

135

cemetery, 56 served die entire Jewish community of the Capital. ID addition, the local Jewish community maintained a separate court which functioned in the building of the local "Hahamhane".57 In the 19th century, the once flourishing Haskdy Jewish community underwent a process of decline.58 Finally, it should be mentioned that for centuries Haskdy served as the major center of the Istanbul's Karaite congregation. The Karaites inhabited a certain part of the neighborhood around their synagogue.59

3. G A L A T A , KARAKOY A N D PERA (BEYCXJLU):

In 1857, the area encompassing the neighborhoods of Galata, Fera and Tophane was officially proclaimed as "The Sixth District". It was designated as an experimental area and was set as a model for an urban reform to be administered by its own inhabitants.60 This district was destined to play a widely significant role in the history of the Jewish community of the Capital. During the first two centuries of Ottoman rule, there was only a minor Jewish presence in Galata.61 Already in the 17th century Jews in large numbers settled in Galata.62 In the course of the 18th and 19th centuries the Jewish population of Galata substantially expanded thanks to a massive influx of Jews from other, less-privileged neighborhoods.63 Jewish survivors of fires and other

56 Already in 1582, the Jewish community of Istanbul applied for, and was granted a permission to erect a cemetery in HaskSy (Refik, S3). 57 For the local coun see Bamai, 62; for "Hahamhane" in Haskdy see, e.g. BA, Adliye, no. 490: 10-R-1290H873. 58 Thus, for example, a fire in 1813 (see BA, Adliye, no. 3434: B-1228/1813); in 1883 there Was a big fiie which devastated Haskdy ("Constantinople", JE, IV, 284). 5 'This synagogue is still serving the tiny Karaite congregation of Istanbul. Also, the local Karaites operated a separate school for their children (Danon, 324) and hospital (Danon, 349). in the 16th century, the Karaites joined the Rabbinical Jews in applying for a cemetery ("Istanbul, "El. 242). In the 19th century, however, they urged the government to let them build a separate hospital, coinciding with their recently-formed line of independence (BA, Sihhiye, no. 668: 29-S1255/1839). The Karaites, like their Rabbinate neighbois, suffered too from the many devastating fires which frequently occurred there in the 18th and 19th centuries (Mann, 239). 60 Karpat, 97-102; Celik. 45. 6 ' According to a census from 1477 there were no Jews in Galata at all by that time: "Istanbul," El, IV. 239. 6 ^Thus, in the 17th century, Jewsresidingin Galata and Tophane maintained two synagogues and a bath house (Mantran, maps 4, S); "Istanbul", EI, IV, 1092); by the end of that century there were about 1,033 Jewish tax-payers there (according to Heyd). 6 ^These demographic changes were followed by the transfer of various community establishments: e.g. already in 1707 the slaughter house (sahitiiane) of the Jewish community -was transferred from Yedikuie to Galata upon the community's request (BA, Adliye, No. 3933: C1119/1707).

136

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

disasters sought out the better living conditions offered by Galata. 6 4 Various aspects of Jewish life in contemporary Galata are reflected in Ottoman archival sources. 65 According to diverse 19th- century travellers' accounts, Galata turned into one of the two most important Jewish centers of the Capital. 66 Whereas the modern district of Pera served as the economic center of the local Jews, Galata functioned as the spiritual and cultural center not only for the local Jews but also for the entire Jewish community of the Capital as well. 67 Located next to Galata, the neighborhood of Karakòy served, alongside Haskdy, as one of the two major centers of the local Karaite congregation. In the 19th century, this congregation was joined by many co-religionists who had fled to Istanbul from the Russian-annexed Crimea, previously the main Karaite center in the world. 68 The transformation of Pera in the second half of the 19th centuiy into the most modern district of Istanbul induced many upper-class Jews to establish their businesses and houses there. 69 By the late 19th and early 20th centuries we find many Jews living and working in Pera around places such as the Grand Rue de Péra (Istiklal Caddesi) and around Taksim Square. Thus, after an interval of more than four centuries, Pera, formerly the Jewish ghetto of Byzantine Constantinople, became once again a major Jewish center. Many Jews moved to the modern neighborhoods established north of Pera in the late 19th century (Pangalti, §i$li, Harbiye, Osmanbey and Ni§anta§i).

^"Istanbul", El. IV. 1092. a record from I78S discussing social and legal matters concerning the Jewish congregation of Galata: BA, Adliye. no. 1533:2-R-1200/1734. 66 E.g. Tancoigne, ibid. In 1882 we find 5,621 Jews in Galata and Beyoglu (Karpat, Ottoman Population, 204-7). By the beginning of the present centtpy there weie 5,000 Jews in this district ("Constantinople", JE, IV, 239); and by the end of the Ottoman era this district became the major center for the Istanbul Jewry due, to some extent, to the settlementof Russian and European Jews the«. 67 Nioeteenth century Galata (including KarakOy and $i§hane, mainly between the streets of Biiyiikhendek and YUksekkaldinm) served as the residence.of Istanbul Chief Rabbinate (Hahambajilik, near the TOnel); some of the community's major schools (old-style and modern alike); the offices of . the community's lay council, formed after the 1864 reorganization of the Jewish millet; some of the city's central synagogues (including those of the Aihkenazi and the Italian congregations) and many others (most of which were destroyed by fires. In addition, 19thcentuty Galata served as the headquarters of many Jewish charity organizations, newspapers and printing houses as well as a center for local and foreign Jewish merchants and businessmen (the most influential one was Abraham Camondo; a local street was named after him following his demise). By the end of the 19th-century, there were a dozen of Jewish banks connected with the stock exchange of Galata ("Constantinople", JE, IV, 240). 68 Danon, ibid. 69

For the development of Pern see: Karpat, 97-102; Qelik, 39f.

APPENDICES

137

Some o f them were employed in the service of the government and the newly constructed royal palaces (Dolmabah^e and Yildiz). 70

4 TOE EUROPEAN BANK OF THE BOSFHORUS:BE§lKTA$ AND ORTAK0Y The presence of small numbers of Jewish residents on the European bank of the Bosphorus between Be;ikta§ and Biiyiikdere is reflected already in 17thcentury documents. 71 Many of these Jews were well-to-do people who lived in luxurious homes (yali) along the cost. Similar evidence indicates that Jews continued to live in this area throughout the 18th century as well. 7 2 Hie importance of these neighborhoods as Jewish centers largely expanded in the 18th and 19th centuries when many Jews, victims of fires and other disasters in the old neighborhoods, settled there. 73 In this period, w e find new Jewish settlements north of Arnavutkoy as well: in YenikSy and Biiyiikdere. 74 Neither in these neighborhoods did the Jews escape from the devastating fires which occasionally raged throughout the city. 7 5 Overall, during the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, the neighborhoods located alongside the European bank of the Bosphorus were inhabited by several active Jewish communities. 76

70

CeUk, 43f, 68f. In the 1870's, as formerly mentioned, the Italian Jewish congregation of the capital was given a lot in $i$li to build its cemetery there. Several synagogues were erected in $i$li and the surroundings as well. 7 'According to a 17th-century map, Jews and Turks constituted the two largest groups of population in Besikta;; in both OrtukOy and Kuruce;me, Jews formed the largest ethno-religious group; while in AraavutkSy, Jews and Greeks were the laigest congregations (Mantran, map 8). From a ciiye register we learn that by the late 17th century there were 637 tax-payers in Oitakdy, the only neighborhoods with Jewish majority by that time (Heyd, ibid). 72 E.g. Jews in Ortakfiy: BA, Adliye, no. 1647/1734. 7J See "Istanbul," EJ. IX, 1092. These Jewish settlers were attracted by the opportunities offered to them in these new locations which underwent mqjor development during the second half of the 19th century: see Celik, 43f, 72f. 74 According to the 1882 census, there were 3,057, 124, and 272 Jews in Be§ikta$, Yenikty, and Biiyiikdererespectively(Karpat, 204-S). In 1903, there were 7,000 Jews in OrtokOy and 300 Jews in Arnavutktty, Pagabahfe and Biiyiikdere ("Constantinople,'' JE, IV, 239). ^Between 1813 and 1857 we have records for at least seven synagogues burned, (six in Ottakdy and one in Arnavutkdy). Thus, for example, following afinewhich in 1845 destroyed a synagogue and several other Jewish buildings in OitakSy, the local Jewish «immunity asked, and received, a permit to reconstruct these buildjngs (BA, Adliye, no. 1972:27-N-1261/1845). '"Ortakoy had been one of the last major Jewish neighborhoods to be inhabited by Istanbul Jews.

138

THE J E W I S H C O M M U N I T Y OF

ISTANBUL

S. THE ASIAN BANK OF THE BOSPHORUS: OSKODAR AND KUZGUNCUK Jews have been living on the Asian side of the Bosphoros ever since it came under Ottoman control. From the 17th century onward, many Jews who escaped fires ih'the European bank of the city found shelter in the Asian side.77 The most important Jewish neighborhood in the Asian side of Istanbul was Kuzguncuk.78 Two central synagogues, Beth Ya'akov and Virano, were built in Kuzguncuk in the 19th century.79 It was not by chance that the first modern Jewish school of the Alliance Israélite in Istanbul was built in Kuzguncuk, known for the Western-orientation of its Jewish residents.80 Other Jewish concentrations in Asian Istanbul were: (1) Oskiidar;81 (2} Kadikôy;82 (3) Haydarpaja, where a synagogue named "Hemdat Israel" (after Sultan Abdiilhamid) was erected in 1899.83 In conclusion, throughout the Ottoman era Jews experienced much mobility, moving freely from one area to another according to changing needs and conditions. Deteriorating conditions in the old neighborhoods and the new challenges offered to them in the better-off ones were their main consideration while deciding to move from one part of the city to another. Being usually among the first residents to follow the modernization process, they therefore benefited from the improved living conditions accordingly. * *

*

77 According to a map describing neighborhoods in 17th century Istanbul, there were three major Jewish centers in Asian Istanbul: the largest one in Kuzguncuk (where Jews formed the largest group); and two smaller congregations in UskOdar and Qengelkòy (Mantran, map 5). 78 Many Jews settled in Kuzguncuk because of the famous old cemetery located diete, a cemetery with special sanctity for not Being separated by sea from the Holy Land. There is much evidence for the existence of Jews in Kuzguncuk in different periods; e.g. in 1734 (BA, Adliye, tip. 1647: 1147/1734); in 1801 (BA. Adliye, no. 968; R-12I6/I801); in I8S7 (BA, trade, no. 5817: 22-M1274/1857). In 1903 we find'6,000 Jews living there ("Constantinople", JE, IV. 239); in 1912. c. 5,000-6,000 there (Sussnitski, quoted by Issawi, 69). 79 The big one, Beth Ya'akov (on lcadiye Caddesi) which is used in the summer season built in 1878; the small one, Virano, used for winter times, was built in 18S6 (I. H. Konyalt, Oskiidar Tarihi, Vol. II (Istanbul, 1976), 417. 80 Bamai, ibid.', Dumont, ibid. 81 In 1835, for example, cizye was collected from Jews in Oskiidar (BA, Evkaf. no. 44: 17-M1251/1835). 82 ln 1882, 249 Jews lived there (Karpat, 206). 83 ln 1903, there were 700 Jews in Haydarpaja and Karfikòy ("Constantinople", £7. IV, 239). For Jews in this neighborhood in 1921 see also Sussnitski, ibid.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abrahams, Israel. Jewish Life in the Middle Ages. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1911. Abu Jaber, Kamel S. "The Millet System in the 19th-century Ottoman Empire." MW, LVII (1967): 212-223. Adler, Syrus. With Firmness in the Right. American Diplomatic Action Affecting Jews, 1840-1945. New York: The American Jewish Committee, 1946. Akarli, Engin D. Ottoman Population in Europe in the 19th Century: Its Territorial, Racial and Religious Composition. M.A. Thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1970. — Belgelerle Tanzimat: Osmanh Sadrummlarmdan Ali ve Fuad Pafalartn Siyasi Vasiyyetnameleri. Istanbul: 1978. Akbal, Fazila. "1831 Tarihinde Osmanli tmparatorlugunda Idari Taksimat ve Nufus." Belleten, 15:617-628. Akdag, Mustafa. Tiirkiye'nin (ktisadi ve Iftimat Tarihi. 2 vols. Ankara: 1959, 1971. Akyüz, Yahya. "Galatasary Lisesinin Islahina lli§kin Ali Suavi'nin Giri$imlerini Gösteren bir Beige." Belleten, 46 (1983): 121-131. Alderson, A. The Structure of the Ottoman Dynasty. London: 1956. Amar, Moche. The Responsa of Rabbi Estruc Ibn Sandji. Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University, 1982. Anderson, Norman. Law Reform in the Muslim World. University of London: The Athlone Press, 1976. Angel, Mark. La America: The Sephardic Experience in the United States. Philadelphia: Hie Jewish Publication Society of America, 1982. Ankori, Zevi. From Lisbon to Constantinople. Tel Aviv University: The School of Jewish Studies, 1988. — Karaites in Byzantium: The Formative Years, 970-1100. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. — Encountering History: Jews and Christian Creeks in Their Relations Through the Ages. Tel Aviv University: The School of Jewish Studies, 1984. Arberry, A. J. Religions in the Middle East. 2 vols, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976. Arnakis, J. "The Greek Church of Constantinople and the Ottoman Empire." JMH, 24 (1952): 235-240. Atamian, S. The Armenian Community. The Historical Development of a Social and Ideological Conflict. New York: Philosophical Libraiy, 1955.

140

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Atta!, Robert. Les Juifs de Grèce de l'expulsion d'Espagne à nos jours. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1984. Avi Yonah, Michael. The Jews Under Roman and Byzantine Rule. Jerusalem: 1980. Ayalon, Ami. Language and Change in the Arab Middle East: The Evolution of Modern Arabic Political Discourse. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Ayverdi, E. H. 19 Asirda Istanbul Haritasi Istanbul: 1963. Babinger, F. G. Mehmed the Conqueror and His Time. (trns. from German by R. Menaheim). Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978. Baer, G. "The Administrative, Economic and Social Function of Turkish Guilds." IJMES. I (1970): 28-50. Bagiç A. thsan. Osmanli Ticaretinde Gayri Muslimler (1750-1839). Ankara: 1983. Bailey, Frank Edgar. British Policy and the Turkish Reform Movement; A Study in Anglo-Turkish Relations, 1826-1853. New York: Howard Fertig, 1970. Barkan, Ömer Lütfi. "Tarihi Demografi Ara$tirmalan ve Osmanli Tarihi." TM, X(1953): 1-26. Barnai, Jacob. "The Status of the Chief Rabbinate of Jerusalem in the Ottoman Period." Cathedra, 13 (1974), 47-70. — "The Jewish Community of Istanbul in the 18th Century." MM, eds. Sitrit and Jehuda, Haifa: University of Haifa Press, 1986,53-66. — "Jewish Guilds in Turkey in the 16-19th Centuries." Jews in the Economics, ed. N. Gross, Jerusalem: Shazar Center, 1985,133-147. — "On the History of the Sabbatian Movement and Its Place in the Life of the Jews in the Ottoman Empire." Pe'amim. 3 (1979): 59-63. — and H. Gerber. The Jews of Izmir in the 19th Century. Ottoman Documents from the Shar'i Court. Jerusalem: Misgav Jerusalem, 1984. Barnett, R. D. and W. M. Schwal, eds. The Western Sephardim: The Sephardi Heritage. Vol. II, Grendon, Northants: Gibraltar Books Ltd., 1989. Baron, Salo W. A Social History of the Jews. 17 vols, 2nd ed. New York: Columbia University Press, 1957— ed. Violence and Defense in the Jewish Experience. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1977. Baudin, Pierre. Les Israélites de Constantinople. Istanbul: Isis, 1989 (Première impression Constantinople 1872). Benardete, Mair J. Hispanic Culture and Character of the Sephardic Jews. New York: Hermon Press, 1982. Ben-Arieh, Yehosuha. Jerusalem in the 19th Century, The Old City. Jerusalem: Ben-Zvi Institute, 1984. Benayahu, Meir. The Sabbatian Movement in Greece. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1973. — "Rabbi Joseph Hamon, the Adviser and Physician of Selim I." Nation and History, ed. M. Stern (Jerusalem: 1983): 281-7. Benbanaste, Nesim. Örneklerle Türk Musevi Basinmm Tarihçesi. Istanbul, 1988.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

141

Benbanisti, David. The Jews of Saloniki in the Last Generations. Jerusalem: KiryatSefer, 1973.

Benbassa, Esther. Un Grand Rabbin SSphamde en Politique - Haim Nahum (1892-1923). Paris: Presses du CNRS, 1979.

Ben-Ya'akov, Abraham. The Jews of Iraq in Modem Times. Tel-Aviv: 1988.

— "Firman Against Blood Libel of 1866." Saud. 55 (1964): 169-170.

Berkes, Niyazi. The Development of Secularism in Modem Turkey. Montreal: McGill University Press, 1964. Berlin, Davis. Die Juden der Türkei Leipzig: 1915.

Bins wanger, Karl. Untersuchungen zum Status der Nichtmuslime

im

Osmanischen Reich des 16. Jahrhunderts. München: 1977. Birnbaum, H. and J. R. Vryonis. eds. Aspects of the Balkans, Continuity and Change. Paris, 1972.

Birnbaum, Phillip, ed., Karaite Studies. New York: Hermon Press, 1971. Black, C. E. "A Comparative Approach to the Foundations of Ottoman Modernization." 1JTS, 1/2 (1980): 2S-37. Bornstein, Leah. "The History of the Jewish Community of Istanbul in the midnth Century." Michael, 9: 27-45. — "Economic and Social Life of Istanbul Jewry as Reflected in 18th & 19th Centuries [Jewish] Court Accounts." Shevet Ve'am, ed. D. Sitton, Jerusalem, 1984. — "The Ashkenazim in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th and 17th Centuries." MM (1974), 81-104.

Bosworth, Clifford E. The Ghaznawids, Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern ¡ran, 994-1040. Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1973.

Bowman, Steven B. The Jews of Byzantium, 1204-1453. The University of Alabama Press: 1985. Braude, Benjamin and Bernard Lewis, eds. Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Functioning of a Plural Society. 2 vols, New York: Holmes & Meier, 1982. Brockelman, Carl. History of the Islamic People, trans, from German by J. Carmichael and M. Perlmann, New York: Capricorn Books, 1976.

Bulliet, Richard W. Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in

Quantitative History. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979. Cahen, Claude. Pre-Ottoman Turkey, 1071-1330. (trans, from French by J. William) London: Teplinger, 1968. Capsali, Elija. Seder Eliyahu Zuta. eds. by A. Shmuelevitz et. al. 3 vols. Jerusalem,1975-1983. Carleton, Alford. The Millet System. Ph.D. Dissertation, Hartford Seminary Foundation, Kennedy School of Missions, 1937. Caulson, N. J. A History of Islamic Law. Edinburgh at the University Press, 1964.

(pelik, Zeynep. The Remaking of Istanbul: Portrait of an Ottoman City in the 19th Century. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1986.

Cent de, R. Estampes Representan Differentes Nations du Levant. Paris, 1714. fetin, Atilla. Ba/bakanltk Arfivi Kdavuzu. Istanbul, 1979.

Chambers, Richard and Polk. eds. Beginning of Modernization in the Middle East. Chicago:University of Chicago Press, 1968.

142

THE JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Chertier, Edmond. Reformes en Turqiue. Paris, 1858. Cohen-Albert, Phylips. The Modernization of French Jewry: Consistory and Community in the Nineteenth Century, New Hampshire: Brandeis University Press, 1977. Cohen, Amnon. Jewish Life Under Islam: Jerusalem in the Sixteenth Century. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985. — "Ritual Murder and Accusations Against the Jews During the Days of Suleiman the Magnificent." JTS, 10 (1986):73-8. Cohen, Hayim J. The Jews of the Middle East, 1860-1972. New York: Wiley & Sons, 1973. Cohen, Mark. "The Jew Under Islam: From the Rise of Islam to Shabbatai Zvi. ' Bibliographical Essays in Medieval Jewish Studies, Nèw York: Ktav, 1976, 159-229. Cohen, Rivka. Constantinople-Salonika-Patras; Communal and Supercommunal Organization of Greek Jewry under Ottoman Rule ( 15th- 16th Centuries). Tel Aviv University: The School of Jewish Studies, 1984. Collas, M .B.C. La Turquie en 1864, Paris, 1864. Cooke, W.S. The Ottoman Empire and its Tributary States. Chicago: Argonaut Publishers, 1876. ,Dalvin, Rae. The Jews ofloannina. Philadelphia: Cadmus Press, 1990 Dannet, D. C. Conversion and Poll-Tax in Early Islam. Harvard Historical Monographs, Vol. 22, 1950. Danon, Abraham. "Documents Relating to the History of the Karaites in European Turkey." JQR, 15 (1924-5): 285-360; 17 (1926-7): 165- 198, 239-322. Davison, Roderic H. Reform in the Ottoman Empire, 1856-1876. Princeton. Princeton University Press, 1963. — "Ottoman Diplomacy at the Congress of Paris (1856) and the Question of Reforms." VU. Türk Tarih Kongresi, II. Cilt (1973): 580-6. — "Turkish Altitudes Concerning Christian-Muslim Inequality in the 19th Century." AHR, Vol. LIK, No. 3 (April, 1954): 844-864. De Amicis, Edmondo. Constantinople. Philadelphia: 1896. De Jehay, Van dem F. De la situation légale des sujets ottomans nonmusulmans. Bruxelles, 1906. Derviç, Haluk A. "Sabbetay Sevi Olayi ve 'Dönmeler'." TT, Vol. 3, (January 30, 1986): 329-34. Devereux, Robert. The First Ottoman Constitutional Period: A Study of the Midhat Constitution and Parliament. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1963. Dumont, Paul. "La condition juive en Turquie à la fin du XIXe siècle." LNC, 57 (Paris: 1979): 25-38. Ekstein, S. L. The Life, Work and Influence of Rabbi Hayim Pallagi on the Jewish Community of Izmir. Ph.D. Dissertation, Yeshiva University, New York: 1970. Elazar, Daniel et al. eds. The Balkan Jewish Communities: Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey. New York: University Press of America, 1984. El-Gamil, Joseph. The History of the Karaite Jewry. Jerusalem: 1945.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

143

Engelhardt, Edouard P. La Turquie et le Tanzimat, ou histoire des réformes dans l'Empire Ottoman depuis 1826jusqu'à nos jours. Paris, 1882-184. Epstein, Mark E. The Ottoman Jewish Communities and Their Role in the 15th and 16th Centuries. Freiburg: K. Schwarz, 1980. Fische!, Walter J. lews in the Economic and Political Life of Medieval Islam. Leiden: Brill, 1968. Franco, M. Essai sur les Israélites de l'Empire Ottoman. Paris: Librarie Durlacher, 1896. Frankel, Joseph, ed. The Jews of Austria: Essays on Their Life, History and Destruction. London, 1967. Frazee, C. A. "The Formation of the Armenian Catholic Community in the Ottoman Empire." EC. 7 (1975): 149-163. Galante, Avram. Histoire des Juifa de Turquie. 9 vols. Istanbul: Isis, 1984. Galip, Selahattin. Belgelerle Ttirkiye'de Dönmelerve Dönmelik. Istanbul, 1977. Galipolitis, K. "The Cultural Life of the Jews in Turkey." Gesher, IV/I (December, 1958): 125-7. Gat, Ben-Zion. The Jewish Population of Palestine, 1840-1881. Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1985. Gawrych, George W. "Tolerant Dimensions of Cultural Pluralism in the Ottoman Empire: the Albanian Community, 1800-1912." IJMES, 15 (1983): 519-536. Geller, Ya'akov. "Inter Communal Relations in the Ottoman Empire." Mi/, 2 (1986): 29-53. — "Sephardi Jews in the Economic Life of Romania." Pe'amim, 31 (1987): 6294. — The Jewish Yeshivot in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th Century. (M.A. Thesis, Bar-Han University, 1969). Gerber. Hayim. Economic and Social Life of the Jews in the Ottoman Em/tire in the 16th and 17th Centuries. Jerusalem: Shazar Center, 1982. — "On the History of the Jews in Istanbul in the 17th and 18th Centuries." Pe'amim, 12 (1982): 27-64. —. "Jews and Money lending in the Ottoman Empire." JQR, 72 (1981): 100118.

— "Sharia, Kanun and Custom in the Ottoman Law: The Court Records of 17th Century Bursa." IJTS, 2/1 (1981): 131-148. — "Jewish Tax-Farmers in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th and t7th Centuries." JTS. 10 (1986): 143-154. — "Guilds in 17th Century Anatolian Bursa." AAS. 11 (1976): 59-68. Gibb H.A.R. and Harold Bowen. Islamic Society and the West. London: Oxford University Press, 1962. Gilbert, Martin. Jewish History Atlas. London: 1969. Goitein, S.D. "Jewish Society and Institutions Under Islam." Jewish Society Through the Ages, ed. H. Ben Sasson & S. Etinger, London: 1971, 170184. Goldman, Israel M. The Life and Times of Rabbi David Ibn Abi Zimra. A Social, Economic and Cultural Study of Jewish Life in the Ottoman Empire in the 15th and 16th Centuries. New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1970.

144

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Goodblat, Morris S. Jewish Life in Turkey in the 16th Century as reflected in the Legal Writings of Samuel de Medina. New York: T h e Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1952. Grabill, Joseph L. Protestant Diplomacy and the Near East; Missionary Influence on American Policy, 1810-1927. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1971. Graetz, Heinrich. History of the Jews. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication of America, 1941. Greenwood, Keith M. Robert College: The American Founders. Ph.D. Dissertation, Johns Hopkins University: 1964. Greenwald, Karl. "The Bankers of Galata." BQ. 1/6,1973. Gross, Nahum. ed. Economic History of the Jews. Jerusalem, 1975. Güieryüz, Nairn. Istanbul Sinagoglan. Istanbul: 1992. Hacker, Joseph R. "The Intellectual Activity among the Jews of the Ottoman Empire in the 16th-17th Centuries." Tarbiz, 4, 569-603. — "The 'Chief Rabbinate' in the Ottoman Empire in the 16th and 17th Centuries." Zion, 3 (1984): 225-61. Hadzibegic, Hamid, "Dzizja ili Harac," PriloziZa Orijenllnu Filoologiju, vols., III-IV, 55-135; vol.V., 43-102. Haim, Abraham. "The HaKham Bashi of Istanbul and the 'Rabbinate Controversy' in Jerusalem." Pe'amim, 12 (1982): 105-113. Halperin, D. M'The Old Synagogues of Turkey. A Pictorial Narrative. New York,, 1986. Halsted, T. Our Missions: Being a History of the Principal of Missionary Transactions of the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, From Its Foundation in 1809 to the Present Year. London, 1866. Hamidullah. Muhammad. "Status of Non-Muslims in Islam." Introduction to Islam. London: M W H Publishers. 1979. Hammer-Purgstall, Joseph von. Das Osmanischee Reichs Staatsveifussung und Staatverwaltung. 2 vols. Vienna, 1815. Harramati, Shlomo. The Revival of Hebrew Language in the Late I9rh Century. Jerusalem, 1988. Harney, Julian G. Anti-Turkish Crusade: A Review of a Recent Agitation, with Reflections on the Eastern Question. Boston, 1876. Haslip, Joan. The Sultan, The Life of Abdul Hamid. London: Cassel, 1958. Heper, Metin. The State Tradition in Turkey. The Eothen Press, 1986. Hertz, Allan Z. "Muslims, Christians and Jews in 16th-Century Ottoman Belgrade." in The Mutual Affects of Islam and Judeo-Christian Worlds. Brooklyn, 1979, 149-166. Heyd, Uriel. Studies in Old Ottoman Criminal Law. ed. by V. L. Menage, Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1973. — "The Jewish Community of Istanbul in the 17th Century." Oriens, 6 (1953): 488-501. — "The Ottoman Ulema and Westernization in the Time of Selim III'and Mahmud II." SH, IX (1961): 63-96. — Ottoman Documents on Palestine, 1522-61. Oxford, 1960.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

145

— "Blood Libels in Turkey in the 15th & 16th Centuries." Sefunot, V, 137-

149.

— "Kanun and Sharia in Old Ottoman Criminal Justice." Proceedings of the Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Vol. Ill, No. I (1967): 1-18. Hobesci, E. The Present State of the Ottoman Empire. London, 1874. Hodgson, Marshall G.S. The Venture of Islam. 3 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974. Hollander, Ernest. La Turquie devant l'opinion publique. Paris, 1858. Hourani, Albert. Minorities in the Arab World London, 1947. Humphreys, Stephen R. Islamic History, A Framework for Inquiry. Minneapolis, 1988. Hurewitz, J.C. "The Europeanization of Ottoman Diplomacy: the Conversion from Unilateralism to the Reciprocity in the 19th Century." Belleten, 25 (1961): 455-466. Imber, C. H. "The Persecution of the Ottoman Shi'ites According to the Muhimme Defterleri, 1565-1585." DI. 56 (1979): 245-273. Inalcik, Halil. The Ottoman Empire, The Classical Age, 1300-1600. London: W&N, 1983. — "Tanzimat Nedir?" TA (194-41): 237-263. —. "Application of the Tanzimat and Its Social Effects." AO, V (1973): 99-127. — "Sened-i Ittifak ve Gülhane Hatt-i HOmayunu." Belleten, 28 (1964): 603-22. — "Bosna'da Tanzimatin Tatbikatina Dair Vesikalar." TV, Vol. I, No. V (Haziran 1941- Mayis 1942): 374-389. Isamingcr, Gordon L. Britain's Eastern Policy and the Ottoman Christians. 1856-1877. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Oklahoma: 1965. Issawi, Charles. The Economic History of Turkey, 1800-1914. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1980. Itzkowitz, Norman. TheOttoman Empire and Islamic Tradition. ChicagoUniversity of Chicago Press, 1972. Jelavich, Barbara and Charles, eds. The Balkans in Transition. Los Angeles: UCLA Press, 1963. Joseph, John. Muslim-Christian Relations and Inter-Christian Rivalries in the Middle East. Albany: State University of New York City, 1983. Juchereau, A. de. Revolutions de Constantinople de 1807 et 1808. Paris, 1810. Juhasz, Esther, ed. The Jews of Spain in the Ottoman Empire. Jerusalem: The Israeli Museum, 1989. Jung, Mahomed U. The Administration of Justice in Muslim Law. Delhi: 1977. Kalderon, Albert E. Abraham Galante - A Biography. New York, 1983. Karal, Enver Ziya. Osmanli Tariki. Vol V (1789-1856), 1970 edition; Vol. VI (1856-1861), 1954 edition. Ankara: TiirkTarih Kurumu Basimevi. Karmi, Ilan. The Tanzimat and the Non-Muslims: ¡839-1878. Ann Arbor: UMI Press, 1986 (Master Thesis, The University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1986). —. Jewish Sites of Istanbul. Istanbul: Isis, 1992. Karpat, Kemal H. Ottoman Population, 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985. — "The Transformation of the Ottoman State, 1789-1908." IJMES, 3 (1972): 243-281.

146

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

— "Reinterpretaticm of Ottoman History: A Note on the Condition of Education in 1874." UTS. 2/2 (Winter, 1981-2):93-100. —An Inquiry into the Social Foundations of Nationalism in the Ottoman State: From Social Estates to Classes, From Millets to Nations. Princeton: Princeton University Research Monograph, no. 39, July, 1973. — "The Ottoman Emigration to America, 1860-1914." IJMES, 17/2 (May, 1985), 175-209. Kasaba, Re§at. The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy in the J 9th Century. New York: SUNY, 1988. Kastein, Joseph. Sabbatai Zevi, Der Messiah von Izmir. Berlin: 1930. Katz, Jacob. Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipation, 1770-1879. Jerusalem: Am Oved Publishers, 1985. — The Term "Jewish Emancipation": Its Origin and Historical Impact Jerusalem, n.d. Kautsky, John H. The Political Consequences of Modernization. New York: Kreiger. 1980. Kaynar, Re§at. Mustafa Refit Pa$a ve Tanzimat. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kuruinu Basimevi, 1985. Kazamias, A. Education and the Quest for Modernization in Turkey. London: 1966. Keddie, R. Nikki. Scholars, Saints and Sufis. Berkeley, 1972. Kedourie, Elie. England and the Middle East. London: The Harvester Press. 1978. — "The Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1860-1890. JJS, 9 (1967). — "Young Turks, Freemasons and Jews." MES. VII/I (January, 1971 ), 89-104. Kennedy, Mazal. The Institution of the Haham Bashi' and the Haham haiw Constitution in Istanbul, in Light of Change in the 19th Century (¡815 1914). M.A. Thesis, Haifa University: 1985. Khadduri, Mejid. War and Peace in the Law of Islam. London: Oxford Uni vcrsily Press, 1985. — The Islamic Conception of Justice. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Universiiy Press, 1984. Kirçehirlioglu, E. Tiikiye'de Misyoner Faaliyetleri. Istanbul, 1963. Koça§, Sadi. Tarih Boyunca Ermeniler ve Tiirk-Ermeni l/ifkileri. Ankara: Altinok Matbaasi, 1967. Konyali, Ibrahim H. Oskiidar Tarihi. 2 vols. Istanbul: Sait Matbaasi, 1976. Kramer, Joel and liai Alon, eds. Religion and Government in the World of Islam. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press, 1983. Krikorian, Mesrov K. Armenians in the Service of the Ottoman Empire, 18601908. London: Routhledge & Kegan Paul Press, 1977. Kritovoulos. History of Mehmed the Conqueror, (trns. from Greek by C. T. Riggs), Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954. KCiçiik, Abdurrahman. Dönmeler Tarihi. Istanbul: Rehber Yayincihk, 1990. Kiiçiik, Cevdet. "Osmanh tmparatorlugunda Gayr-i Miislim Tebaaya Göstcrilen Tolerans." Birinci Milli Turkologi, I, Istanbul, 1980. Kuran, Erciiment. "Ottoman Historiography of the Tanzimat Period." in Lewis & Holt, eds. Historians of the Middle East. London, 1964.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

147

Kushnir, David, ed. Palestine in the Late Ottoman Period; Political, Social and Economic Transformation. Leiden: Brill, 1986. Lambton, Ann. Theory and Practice in Medieval Persian Government. London: Variorum Reprints, 1980. Landau, Jacob M. ed. The Jews in Ottoman Egypt (1517-1914). Jerusalem: Misgav, 1988. Laskier, Michael M. The Alliance Israélite Universelle and the Jewish Communities of Morocco, 1862-1962. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983. Lerner, Daniel. The Passing of Traditional Society, Modernization in the Middle East. New York: The Free Press, 1958. Leven, Narcisse. Cinquante ans d'histoire (1860-1910). Jerusalem: 1922. (trans. to H. by H. A. Almaleh). Levtzion, Nehamia. Conversion to Islam. New York: H & M, 1979. Levy, Abraham. "Jewish Journals in Izmir." Pe'amim. 12 (1982): 87-104. Levy, Avigdor. The Sephardim in the Ottoman Empire. Princeton, New Jersey: The Darwin Press, 1992. — "The Ottoman Ulema and the Military Reforms of Mahmud II." in G. Bacr, ed. The Ulema and Problems of Religion in the Muslim World. Jerusalem: 1971,1449-157. Levy, Reuben. The Social Structure of Islam. Cambridge, 1965. Lewis, Bernard. The Jews of Islam. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. —. The Muslim Discovery of Europe. London, 1982. — "L'Islam et les non-Musulmans." Annales: e'conomies, sociétés, civilisations, XXXV (1980): 784-800. — The Emergence of Modem Turkey. London: Oxford University Press, 1968. — Istanbul and the Civilization of the Ottoman Empire. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963. — The Political Language of Islam. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1988. — History: Remembered, Recovered, Invented. New York, 1975. — "Ottoman Observers on Ottoman Decline." IS, Vol. I (March, 1962): 71-87. — "The Tanzimat and Social Equality." Colloques Internationaux du CNRS no. 601 - Economie et sociétés dans l'Empire Ottoman. (Paris, 1983): 47-54. — "The Privileges Granted by Mehmed II to His Physician." BSOAS. XIV/3 (1952): 550-563. — "The Islamic Guilds." EHR. 8 (1937-8): 20-37. Lichtenstadter, Use. "The Distinctive Dress of Non-Muslims in Islamic Countries." HJ, 5/1 (1943): 35-52. Loeb, I. La situation des Israélites en Turquie, en Serbie et Roumanie. Paris, 1877. Lowy, A. The Jews of Constantinople: A Study of Their Communal and Educational Status. London, 1890. Lybyer, Albert. The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Sulieman the Magnificent. Cambridge: Harvard U. Press, 1913. Mantran, Robert. Istanbul dans la seconde moitié du XVlIe siècle. 2 vols. Paris: 1962.

148

THE JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Mann, Jacob. Text and Studies in Jewish History and Literature. 2 vols. Cincinnati: 1931. Mann, Vivian B. ed. A Tale of Two Cities: Jewish Life in Frankfurt and Istanbul, 1750-1870. New York: The Jewish Museum, 1982. Ma'oz, Moshe. Ottoman Reforms in Syria and Palestine, 1840-1861. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968. — "Changes in the Status of Jews in the Ottoman Empire." MM, 2, (1981), II28. — ed. Studies on Palestine During the Ottoman Period. Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, 1975. Mardin, §erif. The Genesis of the Young Ottoman Thought. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962. Markon, Isaak. Eine Benennung der Türkei in der judischen Literatur. Berlin: Druck von Itzkowski, 1962. Markos, Simon. "The History of the Rabbis of Giron Family From Edirnc." Sinai. 21. McCarthy. Justin. Muslims and Minorities: The Population of Ottoman Anatolia and the End of the Empire. New York: New York University Press, 1983. Mears, Eliot G. Modern Turkey, A Political-Economic Interpretation, 19081923. New York: The McMillan Company, 1924. Mitler, L. "The Genoese in Galata: 1453-1682." UMES, 10(1979): 71-91. Molho, Isaac. "The Age of [Jewish] Enlightenment in the Ottoman Empire." Mahberet, 1-3 [66-8] (1958) Molho, Michael. "The Social. Cultural and Economic Situation of the Sephardim in the Turkish Empire." Sinai (1962): 459-464. Mottachedeh, Roy P. Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980. Naff. Thomas, and Roger Owen. eds. Studies in Eighteenth Century Islamic History. London, 1977. Nedkof, Boris C. "Osmanh tmparatorlugunda Cizye." Belleten, 8 (1944): 562599. Nehama, Joseph. Histoire des Israélites de Salonique. 1 vols. Saloniki: 19351977 (reprinted by the Jewish Community of Saloniki in 1978). Nizam ai-Mulk. The Book of Government and Rules for Kings (Siyaset Name). trans, from Persian by H. Darke, London: 1960. Obolenski, Dimitri. The Bogomils, /I Study in Balkan Neo-Manichaism. Cambridge: At the University Press, 1978. Öke, Kemal. II. Abduiihamid Siyonistler ve Filistin Meselesi. Istanbul: Kervan Kitapcilik, 1981. Ortayli, îlber. Tanzimattan Sonra Mahalli fdarelerf1840-1878). Ankara, 1974. Olson, R. W. "Jews, Janissaries, Esnaf and the Revolt of 1740 in Istanbul." JESHO, 20(1977): 185-207. Pakalin, Mehmet Z. Osmanh Tarihi Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlügü. 3 vols. Istanbul, 1946-55. Papadopulos, Theodore H. Studies and Documents Relating to the History of the Greek Church and People Under Turkish Domination. Brussels: dc Mester, 1952.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

149

Peters, R. "Religious Attitudes Towards Modernization in the Ottoman Empire. A 19th Century Pious Text on Steamship, Factories and the Telegraph." Wl, no. 26 (1986): 76-105. Quataert, Donald. Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the Ottoman Empire, 1881-1908: Reactions to European Economic Penetration. New York: New York University Press, 1986. Refik, Ahmed. Istanbul Hayati. 3 vols., Istanbul: Enderun Kitabevi, 1988. Rejwan, Nissim. The Jews of Iraq. New York: Westview Press, 1986. Roberts, R. Prophecy and the Eastern Question: Being an Exhibition of the Light Shed by the Scriptures of Truth. London: F. Pitman, 1877. Rodrigue, Aron. French Jews, Turkish Jews: The Alliance Israélite Universelle and the Politics of Jewish Schooling in Turkey, ¡860-1927. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990. Rofeh, Yitzhak. "Benevolent Society of Jewish Boat-Owners in Istanbul." Sefunot, X (1966): 621-632 (H). Rosanes, Shlomo. The History of the Jews in Turkey. Jerusalem: 6 vols., 193045. Rosenthai, Ervin. Political Thought in Medieval Islam: An Introductory Outline. Cambridge: At the University Press, 1958. Rosenthal, Steven. "Foreigners and Municipal Reform in Istanbul: 1855-1864." 1JMES, II (1980): 227-245. Ross, David. Opinions of the European Press on the Eastern Question. London: 1836. Roth. Cecil. The House of Nasi, the Duke ofNexos. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1984. Rouillard, C. Dana. The Turk in French History, Thought and Literature (15201660). Paris: 1940. Rustow. Dankwart A. and Robert, E. Ward, eds. Political Modernization in Japan and Turkey. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964. Rycaut, Paul. A History of the Present State of the Ottoman Empire. London: 1675. §ahin, tlhan. "Urbanization and the Social Structure of the Ottoman Empire in the 16th Century." in The Ottoman Empire in the Reign of Süleyman the Magnificent. Ankara, 1988. Sakellariou, M.B. Macedonia: 4000 Years of Greek History and Civilization. Athens: Ekdotoke Athneon S.A., 1988. Salt, Jeremy. "A Precarious Symbiosis: Ottoman Christians and Foreign Missionaries in the 19th Century," IJTS, vol. 3, no. 2 (Winter 1985-86): 53-67. Saizman Ay§e and Laurence. Turkey's Sephardim: 1492-1992. Philadelphia: Blue Flower, 1991. Sambari. SeferDivre Yosef, Jerusalem: 1935. Samuel, S. Montagu. Jewish Life in the East. London: 1881. Samuery. Mémoires et Aventures secretes et curieuses d'un voyage du Levant. Liège: 1732. Schacht, Joseph. An Introduction to Islamic Law. Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1966.

150

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Schick, I. Cemil. "Osmanlilar, Azinliklar ve Yahudiler." TT, 3.1.29 (1986): 290-298. Schneider, A. Maria. "XV. Yüzyilda Istanbul'un Nufusu." Belleten, 16 (1952): 35-48. Schochat, A. "The Communal Organization of the Jewish Community in the 17th Century Ottoman Empire." MM. eds. by Shitrit & Jehuda (Haifa, 1986). Schreiber, Aaron M. Jewish Law and Decision-Making. A Study Through Time. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979. Schwazfchs, S. ed. L'Alliance dans les communautés du bassin meéiterranéen à la fin du 19e siècle et son influence sur la situasion sociale et culturelle. Jerusalem 1987. SeferAvodat Masa. Salonika: 1846. Sevilla-Sharon, Moshe. Tuiikiye Yahudileri. Istanbul: ileti§im Yayinlari, 1992. Shalom, Gershom. Sabbatai Sevi, The Mystical Messiah. 1626-1676. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973. — Studies and Texts Concerning the History of Sahbetianism und Its Metamorphoses. Jerusalem, 1982. Shamir, Shimon. The Jews of Egypt - A Mediterranean Society in Modem Time. New York: Westview Press, 1987. — "Muslim-Arab Attitudes Towards Jews in the Ottoman and Modern Periods." in S. Baron, ed. Violence and Defense in the Jewish Experience. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1977. Sharabi, Rachel. "The Leadership Institutions near the Haham Bashi Their Role and Activities." Shevet Warn. V (Jerusalem, 1984): 242-260. Sharf, Andrew. Byzantine Jewry from Justinian to the Fourth Crusade. New York: Shocken, 1971. Shauli, E. From Paris to Jerusalem: The History of the Alliance Isrélite Universelle. Jerusalem, 1986. Shaw, Stanford J. Between Old and New. The Ottoman Empire Under Selim III. 1789-1807. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964. — 'The Central Legislative Councils in the 19th Century Ottoman Reform Movement before 1876." IJMES, 1 (1970): 51-84. — "The Population of Istanbul in the 19th Century." IJMES, 10 (1979): 266277. — "The 19th Century Ottoman Tax-Reforms and Revenue System." IJMES, 6 (1975): 421-459. — History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. 2 vols (vol. II with Ezcl K. Shaw), London: Cambridge University Press, 1976-7. Shmuelevitz, Aryeh. The Jews of the Ottoman Empire in the Late 15th and 16th Centuries. Leiden: Brill, 1984. — "Capsali as a Source for Ottoman History, 1450- 1523." IJMES, 9 (1978): 339-344. Shwarzfox, Simon. "Jews, Druses, Muslims and Christians in Damascus in I860." Michael, 7 Silberman, P. An investigation of the Schools Operated by the Alliance Israélite Universelle, 1862-1940. Ph.D. Dissertation, New York University, 1973.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

151

Sousa, N. The Capitulatory Regime of Turkey. Its History and Nature.

Baltimore, 1933. Spuler, Jushu. "Réflexions sur le système scolaire des minorités chrétiennes de la Turquie d'Europe à la fin de l'époque ottomane." REJ, 44 (1976): 245252. Stavroulakis, Nicholas. The Jews of Greece. Athens: Talos Press, 1990.

Stillman, Norman. The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1979.

Stone, Frank A. Academies for Anatolia: A Study of the Rationale, Program and Impact of the Educational Institutions Sponsored by the American Board in Turkey: ¡830-1980.

Boston: University of America, 1980.

Sugar, Peter F. Southeastern Europe under Ottoman Rule, 1354-1804. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977. Sungu, thsan. "Galatasaray Lisesi'nin Kuruluuu." Belleten, 7 (1943): 315-347. — "Mekteb-i Maarif-i Adliyenin Tesisi." TV. I/III (Haziran 1941-Mayis 1942): 212-225. Sussnitski, A. "Die Wirtschaftliche Lage der Juden in Konstantinopei,"

Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums. Berlin: January, 1912. Swallow, Charles. The Sick Man of Europe. From Empire to Republic, 17891923. London: E. Benn, 1973.

Tancoigne, J. M. Letters sur la Perse et la Turquie d'Asie. Paris, 1819. Tanyu, Hikmet. Tarih Boyunca Türkler ve Yahudiler. Ankara, 1979.

Tanzimat. Istanbul: Turkish Ministry of Education, 1940. Temperley, Harold. "British Policy Towards Parliamentary Rule and Constitutionalism in Turkey (1830-1914)." CHJ, IV (1932-4): 156-192.

Tibawi, A. L. American Interests in Syria, 1800-190!: A Study of Educational, Literary and Religious Work. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1966,

Todrov, M. "Composition of the Ruling Elite of the Ottoman Empire in the Period of the Reforms (1826-1878)." E B , 12,1 (1976): 61-77.

Trescot, Henry W.M. An American View of the Eastern Question. Charleston S.A.: J. Russeis, 1854.

Tritton, S. A. The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of 'Umar. London: F. Cass, 1970.

— "Non-Muslim Subjects of the Muslim State." Journal Society. (1942): 36-40.

of the Royal

Asiatic

Türkay, Cevdet. Bafbakanhk Arfivi Belgelerine Göre Osmanh (mparatorlugunda OymakAs§ret ve Cemaatlar. Istanbul: Terciiman, 1979. Ubicini, M. R. Letters on Turkey. London, 1856.

Uluslarasi Midhat Pa§a Seminaei, Bildiriler ve Tarttfmalar. Edirne, 8-10 Mayis,

1984, Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1986. Ünver, A. Süheyl. "Resmine Göre Tanzimat'i Hayriye liant Merasimi." Belleten, 28 (1964): 701-4.

Vucinich, W. S. The Ottoman Empire, Its Record and Legacy. Princeton, 1965.

Varol, Marie-Christine. Balat-Faubourg

juif d'Istanbul. Istanbul: Isis, 1989.

Washburn, George. England and Turkey 1856-76.1879.

Weill, G. "Emancipation et humanisme: L e discours idéologique de l'Alliance Israélite Universelle au XIXe siècle." LNC. 52 (Princeton, 1978): 1-20.

152

THE

JEWISH

COMMUNITY

OF

ISTANBUL

Weld, Stuart F. The Eastern Question and a Suppressed Chapter of History: Napoleon HI and the Kingdom of Romania. Boston: G.H. Ellis, 1897. Wensink, A. Jail. Muhammad and the Jews of Medina. Freiburg: K. Schwarz, 1980. White, Charles. Three Years in Constantinople. London, 1854. Widengren, Geo. "The Status of the Jews in the Sassanian Empire." IRA, I (1961): 117-162. Wiltich. "Les Israélites de Constantinople." AI. (September, 1856): 1-12. Witman, David. "Jews Under Muslim Rule in the Late 19th Century." WLB. n.s. 28. nos. 35-6 (1975). Wolf, J. Researches and Missionary Labours Among the Jews, Mohamedan and Other Sects. London, 1835. Ya'ari, Avraham. The Hebrew Printing in Istanbul. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1967 Yalman, Emin. The Development of Modern Turkey as Measured by Its Press. New York, 1914. — Turkey in My Time. Norman: U. of Oklahoma Press, 1956. Yavuz, Ercan. The 19th Century BalkaniChurch. Ankara, 1987 Ydlibi, Abdoullah. Why Turkey is in its Present Slate: An Exposition of Diplomatic Interference. Manchester, 1861. Zanner, P. Walter. "The Inner Life of the Jews in Late Ottoman Syria." Pe'amim, 3 (1979): 45-58.