The Hand of Fatima: The Khamsa in the Arab-Islamic World (Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1 the Near and Middle East, 170) 9004526226, 9789004526228

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The Hand of Fatima

Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik SECTION ONE

The Near and Middle East Edited by Maribel Fierro (Madrid) M. Şükrü Hanioğlu (Princeton) D. Fairchild Ruggles (University of Illinois) Florian Schwarz (Vienna)

volume 170

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/ho1

The Hand of Fatima The Khamsa in the Arab-Islamic World By

Eva-Maria von Kemnitz Edited, reviewed, and finalised by

Amina Inloes

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: Private collection of khamsas belonging to Eva-Maria von Kemnitz. The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at https://catalog.loc.gov LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022044608

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0169-9423 ISBN 978-90-04-52622-8 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-52623-5 (e-book) Copyright 2023 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau, V&R unipress and Wageningen Academic. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill NV via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

In Memoriam Professor Eva-Maria von Kemnitz (1950–2017)

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Contents Preface xi Amina Inloes Acknowledgements xiii The Life of Eva-Maria von Kemnitz xiv Fernando Branco Correia The Works of Eva-Maria von Kemnitz xix Adel Sidarus Prologue: The Khamsa and Me xxviii Eva-Maria von Kemnitz Notes on Transliteration xxx 1 Academic Research on the Hand Symbol The State of the Art 1 2 The Symbolism of the Hand 9 1 The Number Five 9 2 Theological Associations 11 3 Belief in the Evil Eye 15 4 Amulets in Islamic Law and Practice 18 5 What is a Talisman? 22 3 Types of Khamsas 25 1 The Shape of the Hand 25 2 Inscriptions 25 3 Anthopomorphic Khamsas 29 4 Khamsas upon Khamsas 30 5 Eyes 31 6 Wheels 32 7 Animals 34 7.1 Fish 34 7.2 Doves 37 7.3 Salamanders and Lizards 38 7.4 Snakes 39 7.5 Turtles 40 7.6 Eagles 40

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Contents

8 9 10

Swords 43 Crescent Moons 44 Variations throughout the Middle East, Central Asia, and Afghanistan 46 11 The Foulet Khamsa 49 12 The Khomissar 52 13 The Lūḥa 53 14 Coral and Turquoise 54 15 General Appreciation 55 4 Outside the Realm of the Amulet 57 1 Doors 57 2 Lanterns 60 3 Domestic and Personal Items 60 4 Healing Bowls 62 5 Slates for Schoolchildren (Lūḥas) 64 6 Prayer Rugs and Other Weavings 66 7 Tombstones 68 8 Popular Idioms 69 9 Moving beyond the Personal 71 5 The Khamsa in the Iberian Peninsula and Brazil 72 1 Al-Andalūs 72 2 The Cellars of Cardenal Cisneros 74 3 Notable Pieces 75 4 The Figa Amulet 77 5 The Symbol of the Hand in Colonial Brazil 79 6 Some Final Remarks 82 6 Protective Power: The Khamsa in the Military and Politics 84 1 Banners 84 2 The Khamsa Symbol and Statehood: The Case of Algeria 86 3 The Republic of Abkhazia 100 4 Logos and Marketing 102 7 On Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ 104 1 Her Birth and Childhood 104 2 Her Marriage and Children 109 3 A Helping Hand 112

Contents

8 The Hand Symbol in Shiʿism 119 1 Shiʿism, the Metaphysical, and the Occult 122 2 Five Fingers of the Hand: The Panjtan 127 3 Fāṭima as Venus? 132 4 Panjtan Hands 135 5 The Hands of Allāh, ʿAlī, and ʿAbbās 136 6 ʿAlams 139 7 The Hand as Amulet 150 8 Concluding Remarks 152 9 Contemporary Art, Fashion, and Design 153 1 Iranian Artists 155 1.1 Charles Hossein Zenderoudi 155 1.2 Farideh Zariv 157 1.3 Zara Mandana Fard 159 2 Turkish Artists 161 3 Artists from the Arab World and North Africa 162 3.1 Laila Shawa 162 3.2 Farid Belkahia 168 3.3 Karim El Attaoui 169 3.4 Fatna Gbouri 170 3.5 Hafida Zizi 172 3.6 Rachid Koraïchi 173 3.7 Mohamed Boumehdi 175 3.8 Farida Rahmani 178 3.9 Rabih Alameddine 178 4 Exhibitions 180 5 Putting a Price on the Khamsa: Auctions, Collectors, and Museum Collections 183 6 Museum Highlights 184 7 Commercialization 187 Bibliography 191 Index 208

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Preface About a year ago, I was told Eva-Maria von Kemnitz had died, she had left behind a book manuscript, and would I finish it. I agreed, both because it seemed the decent thing to do, and also because it seemed interesting. Since then, I have joined Prof. von Kemnitz on an intriguing journey throughout the world of the khamsa. Like many others, I had never taken more than a cursory notice of the bejewelled hands and eyes that populate Jewish and Muslim regions as well as, increasingly, consumer outlets like Target and eBay. While I understood the general idea behind them, didn’t think twice when I saw them on women or children, and even owned a couple myself, it had never occurred to me to delve deeper into the origins or symbolism of the hand. At the same time, this became a more pressing issue when, in 2021, a government fatwa in Turkey denounced the use of traditional, and extremely popular, eye-shaped blue glass amulets.1 While, despite the fatwa, these amulets remain popular, this has led to religious enquiries about the evil eye symbol and the khamsa. Are these Islamic? Are they acceptable? What are they at all? Thus, I have added my pen to Prof. von Kemnitz’s. Originally, it was titled Under the Spell of the Khamsa: The Symbol of the Hand in Arab Islamic Context; however, the decision was made by myself, her son, and the publisher to rename it to The Hand of Fatima since the term ‘the hand of Fāṭima’ has become ubiquitous. Since this book is based on her private collection and sustained interest in khamsa pieces, it is eminently her work. At the same time, given the nature of picking up on a work after the author’s departure, it was inevitable that my voice and views would intervene in the work. This is especially the case since, in recent years, research on Islamicate occultism has flourished, challenging assumptions about amulets, talismans, and Islamic orthodoxy. A stunning visual display of the developments in this field was the exhibition entitled Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural, and parallel conference, held at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford from 2016–2017. Sparkling from the cover of the exhibition guide are two intricately jewelled, and extremely expensive, hands fashioned from gold, rubies, emeralds, diamonds, and pearls. That year also saw the publication of Michael Muhammad Knight’s Magic in Islam, which presented the findings of often inaccessible or obscure academic 1 Andrew Wilks, “Turkey’s religious authority denounces ‘evil-eye’ charms”, in Aljazeera (21 January 2021) . Accessed 2 January 2022.

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literature on Islamicate occultism to a broader audience, and also heralded an increased popular fascination with the Muslim metaphysical. Fortunately, it was a pleasure to discover that the areas of expertise that Prof. von Kemnitz and I bring to the table mesh quite nicely, each making its own contribution to the work. Most anything about art or art history is absolutely the work of Prof. von Kemnitz. Discussions about Algeria, Brazil, and al-Andalūs are also almost wholly hers. In contrast, the main areas I was able to fill in pertained to Islamic scripture, theology, and law, as well as Shiʿism, so these sections of the book reflect more of my own hand. Beyond that, research works are almost always a group effort. Thus, I would like to acknowledge the sound counsel of Fahmida Suleman, Abdurraouf Oueslati, William Gallois, and Ismail Poonawala, and to thank those who contributed photos or assisted with photo reprint permissions. Last but not least, the tireless efforts of her son Filipe Ortigão-Neves in seeing this work come to fruition must be acknowledged. As I traced Prof. von Kemnitz’s steps through the khamsa community  – curators, historians, artisans, shopkeepers, and others – I was touched by the outpouring of support for Prof. von Kemnitz and her loved ones. In addition to her departure, one running theme throughout this book is the sense of loss when a private or public collection or art or artefacts is dispersed. Hopefully, this book helps Prof. von Kemnitz’s collection and legacy live on. Amina Inloes The Islamic College, London, UK September 2022

Acknowledgements The family of Professor Eva-Maria von Kemnitz would like to the thank the publishing house Brill, and in particular Ms Kathy van Vliet and Mr Abdurraouf Oueslati, for pursuing the publication of this book. At the time of her decease, Professor von Kemnitz was working on this manuscript, then divided into four parts. The first two were mostly complete, the latter two were work in progress. The publication of this volume would not have been possible without the work and dedication of Dr Amina Inloes, who revised, edited, and finalised the book, contributing to it with her own expertise. Our appreciation and gratitude go to her for making Professor von Kemnitz’s last work see the light of day. Rui Manuel Ramalho Ortigão Neves, husband Filipe Miguel von Kemnitz Ramalho Ortigão Neves, son 12 June 2022

The Life of Eva-Maria von Kemnitz Professor Eva-Maria von Kemnitz (1 May 1950–1 November 2017) was born in Warsaw, Poland. Between 1967 and 1971, she studied Economic Sciences, specialising in Foreign Trade, at the Higher School of Planning and Statistics in Warsaw. From 1971 to 1976 she studied Oriental Philology at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Warsaw, where she specialized in Arab and Islamic Studies. She defended her Master’s thesis entitled “Traditions of Arab-Muslim Culture in Portugal” with which she graduated with the final classification of “Very Good”. She came to Portugal following the award of a two-year scholarship grant by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in August 1976, to pursue her research for a study on the Consequences of the Discoveries in the Portuguese Society of the 16th Century. In the summer of 1977, she attended the Portuguese Language and Culture course for foreigners at the University of Coimbra. What was to be a temporary stay in Portugal would soon be prolonged indefinitely. She married in 1979, taking Portuguese citizenship. The following year her son was born. In July 1981 she attended the Seminar Course on Ibero-Arab History and Civilisation organized at the University of Evora, Portugal. Here she met the organiser, Professor Adel Sidarus, with whom she started a close collaboration that would last throughout her life. In 1988 she obtained – belatedly – the recognition of the academic qualifications completed in her native Poland. She also proceeded to pursue her second passion: museums. Between 1989 and 1991 she completed the postgraduate course of Museum Curator. She interned at the Maritime Museum and prepared a monographic study entitled The Arab-Islamic Heritage Centres in Portugal considered in the context of local, regional and national development in the reutilisation of museological heritage and cultural tourism. She also elaborated a proposal for the exhibition of the Islamic Art Collection of the Casa Museu Dr Anastácio Gonçalves in Lisbon. From 1991 to 1992 she took the Arts Management Course at the National Institute of Administration, where she developed a project entitled Towards the Enhancement of Knowledge of the Islamic Heritage of Portugal. In 2001 she pursued, with a grant from the Foundation for Technology and Science (Portugal), her PhD at the Faculty of Social and Human Sciences of the Nova University in Lisbon. Her research proposal studied Orientalism in Portugal within the scope of Luso-Moroccan relations and was supervised by Professors Adel Sidarus and José Esteves Pereira. She defended her thesis Orientalism in Portugal, in the European Context and in the Luso-Maghrebian

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Relations in 2006, and was awarded the final grade of “Very Good with Distinction and Praise, by unanimity”. Professor von Kemnitz lectured at various institutions. In the academic year 1979–1980 she was guest assistant at the Arab Studies Section of the University Institute of Evora, Portugal, by invitation of Professor Sidarus. In the 1980s and 1990s she lectured at several universities in Lisbon. In 1983 she lectured on the Issues of the Contemporary Arab world and the Oil Crisis at the Faculty of Sciences and Technology of the Nova University, within the framework of the module on Introduction to Contemporary Thought. In 1985 she taught a cycle of three lectures on the theme of Arab Influence on Portuguese Language at the Nova University, this time within the framework of a course on Portuguese Regional Cultures. In 1991 she assisted in the delivery of the first Open Course on Islamic Civilisation offered by the Autonomous University of Lisbon, and later in 1994 she collaborated in the delivery of the second edition of this same Open Course. From 2000 onwards she worked with the Portuguese Catholic University. From 2002 to 2014 she was Coordinator of the postgraduate and master’s programmes in Oriental Studies at the Institute of Oriental Studies. She lectured in both these programmes and also in the master’s programme of Studies on Women in the Arab-Islamic World, also delivered by the Institute of Oriental Studies. From the early 1980s, Professor von Kemnitz was engaged in several activities which aimed to deepen and disseminate the field of Arab Studies in Portugal, helping to create new institutions and promoting museology as means of conservation and dissemination. In 1982 she was in the founding team of the Institute of Arab Studies of Algarve, actively participating in the organising and installing committees. In 1986 she was elected Second Secretary of the Board of Director of this Institute. As a museum curator, she began working at the Ajuda National Palace in January 1991. In 1993 she collaborated with the Portuguese Institute of Museums to produce an inventory of the Islamic Heritage in the collections of the museums linked to this body. From this endeavour Professor von Kemnitz then proceeded to study and inventory the Islamic Collection of the National Archaeology Museum. This was the critical step for the publication of the catalogue of that collection which would then open to the public in the exhibition Islamic Portugal: the last signs of the Mediterranean. The catalogue of this exhibition featured an article and 34 entries on different pieces by Professor von Kemnitz. She also actively participated in colloquia and guided tours of this exhibition. Following this project, Professor von Kemnitz participated

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in the editing work for the 100th anniversary edition of the scientific review O Arqueólogo Português. In 1996 she produced the script and supervised the production of two episodes of the television series Caminhos – a series produced within the scope of the airtime allocated to ethnic and religious minorities of the national broadcaster  – namely Muslim Lisbon and Islamic Santarém. The following year she was the Scientific Commissioner for the International Seminar on the Contemporary Arab World organised by CULTURGEST in Lisbon. Also in 1997, she was the Commissioner of the exhibition that brought the work of Egyptian contemporary painter Naima El-Shishiny to the Cultural Centre of the Lisbon Central Mosque. Professor von Kemnitz held career positions within the Civil Service, being appointed in 1999 to the permanent staff of the Portuguese Institute of Archaeological Heritage. In the same year she was transferred to the Office of International Relations of the Ministry of Culture. Amongst other projects, she participated in the final preparatory phase of the exhibition Splendours of Portugal, which she then accompanied as a museum curator in its iterance in Japan. In 2007, the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue, she took active part in the monitoring of the commemorations of the 200th Anniversary of the Arrival of the Portuguese Court to Brazil, as well as in the National Plans for Inclusion and Integration of Immigrants. She retired from the Civil Service in May 2017. During this time, she was also active in other endeavours, especially those related to Oriental Studies and the role of women in society. She collaborated with the journal Faces de Eva from 2002 until 2017. Between 2012 and 2014 she was Coordinator of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Portuguese Catholic University. From 2014 to 2017 she was Senior Researcher at the Centre for Communication and Culture Studies of the same university. There she coordinated the project for the Dictionary of Portuguese-speaking Orientalists. Her in-depth knowledge of different areas of the Arab-Islamic world saw her invited to give numerous conferences in this domain, as well as on subjects related to Central and Eastern Europe and related horizontal themes. In 1977 she gave a lecture at the Casa do Algarve, in Lisbon, on Islam in Poland – the presence of the Polish Tatars. She gave numerous conferences on topics related to Al-Andalus and Portugal; the presence of Islam in different regions of the world; on the concept of Jihad; and Turkish culture. These were delivered in places as varied as the Lisbon Geographic Society, Vila Viçosa, the Faculty of Theology of the Catholic University of Portugal, the Free University of Lisbon, and the City Council of Silves, amongst others. Two conferences,

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both delivered in 1991 at the Casa Museu Dr Anastácio Gonçalves, deserve specific mention: Specific Aspects of Islamic Art and Islamic Art in the Dr Anastácio Gonçalves Collection. In the field of jewellery, she delivered two conferences at the National Museum of Costume. The first in 1992, in the framework of the 2nd International Jewellery Symposium, on Amber in Polish Jewellery and the second in 1996 on the 4th edition of the same symposium about Islamic Jewels from Al-Andalus. This would mark the beginning of her interest in the khamsa. Professor von Kemnitz lectured in Portuguese localities with significant historical links to the Al-Andalus: The Arab-Islamic Presence in Portugal and The Islamic heritage of the Portugal, at the Grémio Lisbonense in 1993; Muslim Portugal at the Associação Voz do Operário in 1994; Islam in Portugal delivered on occasion of the 10th anniversary of the Central Mosque of Lisbon in 1995 in a ceremony presided by the President of the Portuguese Republic; and Islamic Sintra: Historical, Literary and Artistic Reminiscences at the Municipal Library of Sintra in 2007. She also lectured on international issues. Amongst them the conference on Islam in Europe: Particularities and Perspectives at the XXX Anniversary of the Islamic Community of Lisbon in 1998 and the roundtable on the works of Edward Said organised the bookshop Ler Devagar in 2003 on the occasion of the release of the Portuguese edition of his book Orientalism. Her interest in the relations between Portugal and Morocco were evidenced in the conference she delivered at the Maritime Museum on The Role of the Portuguese Navy in the Relations with North Africa in the XVIII and XIV Centuries. Professor von Kemnitz was part of several cultural organisations, especially in Portugal and Poland. She was, as of 1971, a member of the Polish Society of Orientalist Studies. She was a member of the Lisbon based Friendship Association with Arab Countries since 1976; the Portuguese Association of Friends of the Castles since 1984; and she was co-founder of the Institute of Arab Studies in the Algarve, based in the city of Silves, to whose board of Directors she belonged since 1986. Her interest in museums and the Arab-Islamic World is reflected in her active participation in the Portuguese Museology Association since 1989; the International Council of Museums since 1991; as well as the Luso-Arab Cooperation Institute since 1995, of which she was vice president since 1999; the Portuguese Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies, since 1998; and the Union Europeenne des Arabisants et Islamologues since 2002. She was also a member of the International Standing Committee for the Implementation of the Decade of Human Rights Education, the International Association IUS PRIMI VIRI, Rome, since 1994. She also did voluntary work in the field of culture,

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giving lectures and organising museum visits for the youth of the Islamic Community of Lisbon. She was decorated by the President of the Republic of Poland in 2012 with the Knight’s Cross of the Order of Merit of the Polish Republic  – a medal intended to recognise the merit of foreigners and Poles residing abroad who have distinguished themselves in contributing to international or bilateral cooperation between Poland and other countries. She passed away, suddenly, and unexpectedly, on 1 November 2017. Amongst the projects she had at hand were the coordination of the Dictionary of Portuguese-speaking Orientalists, for which she also wrote several entries, and this very book. Fernando Branco Correia Professor, University of Évora

The Works of Eva-Maria von Kemnitz Professor Eva-Maria von Kemnitz began her academic production with a master’s thesis in Oriental Philology on “Luso-Arab culture”, presented in 1976 at the Faculty of Arts of the University of Warsaw, in her homeland: – “Tradycje kultury arabsko-muzulmanskiej w Portugalii” (Traditions of ArabMuslim Culture in Portugal) (Master’s Thesis, University of Warsaw, 1976). Before studying Oriental Philology, she attended, between 1967 and 1971, the Higher Course in Economic Sciences (Specialization in Foreign Trade), at the Higher School of Planning and Statistics in Warsaw. Whilst pursuing her master’s thesis she managed to obtain a scholarship for the two following years (1976–1978) from the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, Lisbon, to pursue her research in Portugal. She turned her attention in particular to the Age of Discoveries, with the theme “Consequences of the Discoveries in Portuguese society in the 16th century”. Various circumstances intervened that only allowed her to publish her findings in 1986: – “Contributo da marinharia islâmica para os Descobrimentos Portugueses” (Contribution of islamic seamanship to the Portuguese Discoveries), Al-Furqan, special issue (1986), 18–24. This work was presented at the colloquium organized by the Islamic Community of Lisbon. 1

Luso-Moroccan Relations

The most substantial part of Professor von Kemnitz’s academic research and production was on the topic of “Portuguese-Moroccan relations”. Following her previous research on Arab culture and in particular a surge of interest in Arab Studies in Portugal at the end of the 18th century, Professor von Kemnitz began in 2002 her doctoral thesis at the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities of Universidade Nova de Lisboa. Her research was pursued with the Centre for African and Asian Studies where at that time one of the ongoing projects was on the general theme of “Colonial and Postcolonialism in the Lusophone World (16th–21st Centuries): Discourses and Strategies”, namely: “Orientalism and Relations between Portugal and North Africa (18th–20th Centuries)”. She obtained a grant from the Foundation for Science and Technology. Her work was developed under the joint direction of Professor José Esteves Pereira

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(FCSH/UNL) and myself. The thesis was completed in 2006 and published a few years later by the Portuguese Diplomatic Institute: – Portugal e o Magrebe (séculos XVIII/XIX): Pragmatismo, inovação e conhecimento nas relações diplomáticas (Portugal and the Magrheb (XVII–XIX centuries): Pragmatism, innovation and knowldge in diplomatic relations), Série D  – Biblioteca Diplomática, nº 19 (Lisbon: Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros-Instituto Diplomático, 2010). (597 pp.) This voluminous work was preceded and complemented by a set of articles published between 2002 and 2009, either within the scope of the Colloquiums of Military History organized in alternance by Portugal and Morocco  – and consequently published in the respective Proceedings  – and as conferences at the Academia de Marinha (Marine Academy), the Portuguese Navy’s cultural body. – “As Instituições militares portuguesas nas relações com Marrocos nos séculos XVIII e XIX” (The Portuguese military institutions in the relations with Marroco in the XVIII and XIX centuries), in Actas do XII Colóquio de História Militar: Laços Histórico-Militares Luso-Magrebinos (Lisbon: Comissão Portuguesa de História Militar, 2002), 147–161. – “Moroccan envoys in Portugal (17th–19th centuries)”, in Mağāz, Culture e Contacti nell’area del Mediterraneo: Il ruolo dell’Islam. Atti 21. Congress of the Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, Palermo, 2002, ed. Antonino Pellitteri (Palermo: Facoltà di lettere e filosofia dell’Università di Palermo, 2003), 179–190. – A participação da Armada portuguesa nas relações com o Norte de África nos séculos XVIII e XIX (The participation of the Portuguese navy in the relations with North Africa in the XVIII and XIX centuries) (Lisbon: Academia de Marinha, 2004). (45 pp.) – “L’Alliance luso-marocaine dans le contexte du conflit opposant l’Europe et Maghreb (XVIIIe–XIXe siècles),” in Aspects économiques de la défense à travers les grands conflits mondiaux (Actes du XXXe Congrès International d’Histoire Militaire  – Rabat, 2004) (Rabat: Commission Marocaine d’Histoire Militaire, 2005), 473–484. – “Duas missões portuguesas em Marrocos durante a Guerra Peninsular: Os relatórios do intérprete Fr. Manuel Rebelo da Silva (1770–1849)” (Two Portuguese missions to Morocco during the Peninsular War: The reports of interpreter Friar Manuel Rebelo da Silva (1170–1849)) versão francesa: “Deux missions portuguaises au Maroc pendant la Guerre Péninsulaire: Les rapports de l’interprète Frère Manuel Rebelo da Silva (1770–1849)”,

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in XIV Colóquio de História Militar: Comemorando 230 anos do Tratado luso-marroquino de 1774. Actas (Lisboa, Nov. 2004) / XIVème Colloque d’Histoire Militaire: Commémoration des 230 ans du Traité luso-marocain de 1774. Actes (Lisbonne, Nov. 2004) (Lisboa: Comissão Portuguesa de História Militar, 2005), vol. 1, 177–192 and 193–209. – “Envoys, princesses, seamen and captives: The Muslim presence in Portugal in the 18th and 19th centuries,” in Lusotopie, 14/1 special edition, dossier Islam en Lusophonies, ed. N.C. Tiesler (2007), 105–113. – “Marrocos e a diplomacia portuguesa no reinado de D. Carlos I: Entre a tradição e novos ventos” (Morocco and Portuguese diplomacy during the reign of King Charles I: Between tradition and new winds), in Actas do XVIII Colóquio de História Militar: Política diplomática, militar e social do Reinado de D. Carlos no Centenário da sua Morte (Lisboa: Comissão Portuguesa de História Militar, 2009), 803–811. – “Le rôle des interprètes portugais dans la médiation diplomatique et culturelle entre le Portugal et le Maroc aux XVIIIe et XIXe siècles,” in Le Maroc et les mutations internationales (Actes nº 22  – Actes du colloque organisé à Casablanca en hommage au professeur Othman Mansouri, 2008) (Casablanca: Université Hassan II Ain Chock, Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines, 2010), 85–95. This series should have been concluded with an article destined for publication with The Journal of North African Studies, special issue Facets of exchange between North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula, 19/1 (2014), entitled “José Daniel Colaço (1831–1907): A synthesis of the Portuguese perception of Morocco”, which was not published. 2

Arab Studies in Portugal

The key figures who helped to develop Luso-Arab relations were the arabist Friars of the Third Order of Saint Francis at the service of the Ministry of the Navy, then responsible for a large part of Portugal’s diplomatic relations. They were led by Frei Manuel de Cenáculo, who launched the Portuguese Orientalist movement, with a special impact on arabsim, during the Pombaline Enlightenment period. Stemming from Professor von Kemnitz’s research interest in Arab Studies, she published a series of articles, some which have already been previously mentioned, and others that follow in the list below. Some of these are a direct offshoot from research she carried out between 1976 and 1978.

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– “XI Kongres Europejskiej Unii Arabistow i Islamologow – Évora, Faro i Silves 1982” (XI Congress of the European Union of Arabists and Islamologs  – Évora, Faro and Silves 1982), Przeglad Orientalistyczny, 99 (1986), 79–95. [A long essay about Islam and Arabism in the Iberian Peninsula: Actas do XI Congresso da Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, ed. Adel Sidarus (Évora: Universidade de Évora, 1986).] – “Estudos Árabes em Portugal: Um ensaio histórico-crítico” (Arab Studies in Portugal: A historical and critical essay), Boletim da Sociedade de Geografia de Lisboa, Série 150 (Julho-Dez.) (1987), 19–37. – “Les études arabes au Portugal”, Rocznik Orientalisyczny (Journal of Oriental Studies) 46 (1988), 79–95. – “International contacts of the Portuguese Arabists (18th–19th cent.)”, in Authority, privacy and public order in Islam (Proceedings of the 22nd Congress of the Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, October 2006), ed. B. Michalak-Pikulska & A. Pikulski (Leuven: Peeters, 2006), 369–386. – “Tavira, ponto de partida para o Mundo do Outro. Percurso de um tradutor arabista: Fr. José de Santo António Moura (1768–1840)” (Tavira, point of departure to the World of the Other. The path of an arabist translator: Friar José de Santo António Moura (1768–1849)) in Actas das V Jornadas de História de Tavira (Tavira, Câmara Municipal, 2006), 12–22. “The Centenary of the Republic and the Republic of Letters: Arabic Studies in Portugal 1910–2010”, Rocznik Orientalisyczny (Journal of Oriental Studies) 64/1 (2011), 121–132 (Volume in Honour of Krystyna Sharżyńska-Bocheńska and Danuta Madeyska). – “Arabic scholarship in Portugal in the second half of the 19th Century,” in Centre and Periphery within the borders of Islam (Proceedings of the 23rd Congress of the Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants – Sassari, 2006), ed. G. Contu (Leuven: Peeters, 2012), 165–176. – Editor, Volume Comemorativo do Primeiro Decénio do Instituto de Estudos Orientais 2001–2012 (Comemorative Volume of the First Decade of the Institute of Oriental Studies) (Lisboa: Universidade Católica Editora, 2012). – “Em Portugal: O orientalismo em fragmentos”, in Portugal: Orientalism in Fragments, Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterráneos, 21, (2016), 13–25. (A file with the proceedings of the International Congress “Orientalismos Periféricos”, organised in that same year by Maria Cardeira da Silva, at the Faculty of Social and Human Sciences, Nova University of Lisbon.) – Editor, Estudos Orientais e Orientalismos em Portugal (Oriental Studies and Orientalisms in Portugal) (Lisboa: Universidade Católica Portuguesa, 2018). (Volume of the proceedings of the homonymous colloquium “Oriental

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Studies and Orientalisms”, organised in 2014 by Eva Maria von Kemnitz in the Institute of Oriental Studies and the Centre for Communication and Culture Studies, Faculty of Human Sciences, Catholic University of Portugal, 2014.) In the same line of publications, she joined us to publish together all the documentation preserved on Portuguese soil relating to the topic of Arab Studies, which she presented at an international conference, before its publication: – (with Adel Sidarus) “Christian Arabic manuscripts in Portugal and the contribution of Arab Christians to the beginning of Oriental Studies (turn of 18th to 19th centuries),” in Eastern Christianities: Scribes and Manuscripts (2nd International Congress of Eastern Christianity  – Madrid, 2008), ed. J.P. Monferrer (Leuven: Peeters, 2011), 29–42. She later expanded on the topic to include Brazil: – “Quelques réflexions sur l’orientalisme au Portugal et au Brésil. Une vision comparative,” Al-Irfane, 1 (2015), 117–128. – “Portugal and Brazil: Contrasting patterns in Arabic Scholarship,” in Arabic and Islamic Studies in Europe and beyond / Études arabes et islamiques en Europe et au-delà (Proceedings of the 26th Congress of the Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants – Basel 2012), ed. M. Reinkowski & M. Winet (Leuven: Peeters, 2016), 37–59. 3

The Dictionary of Portuguese-Speaking Orientalists

In the pursuit of her research on Arab Studies in Portugal and Brazil, Professor von Kemnitz launched the bold project of a Dictionary of Portuguese-speaking Orientalists, within the framework of the Centre for Communication and Culture Studies of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities at the Portuguese Catholic University of Lisbon. Some articles are already available on the internet: . This project intends to rescue and preserve the memory of all those who contributed to the promotion of Oriental Studies in Portugal and to the dissemination of knowledge about the various Orients in the Lusophone space. The Centre for Communication and Culture Studies set up a team of researchers that continue working on the Dictionary. Professors Artur Teodoro de Matos, Marília dos Santos Lopes, and João Teles e Cunha publicly presented the project and the team at the session in homage to Professor von Kemnitz, orientalist and former director of the Institute of Oriental Studies, that took place at the Catholic University of Portugal on 12 November 2018.

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Other Dimensions of Luso-Arab Culture

– “Influência do árabe na língua portuguesa,” [The influence of arabic in the Portuguese language], Revista Internacional de Língua Portuguesa, 5–6 (1991), 34–44. – “A presença árabe em Tavira: um caso de continuidade” [The arab presence in Tavira: a case of continuity] in Tavira do Neolítico ao século XX (II Jornadas de Tavira-Actas) (Tavira: Clube de Tavira, 1993), 109–118. – “A construção de uma nova sociedade: O caso específico da minoria moura” (The building of a new society: The specific case of the Moorish minority) in 2º Congresso Histórico de Guimarães: Sociedade, Administração, Cultura e Igreja em Portugal do século XII. Guimarães, 1997. Actas (Guimarães: Câmara Municipal e Universidade do Minho, 1997), 80–91. 5

Islamic Art

In her first years in Portugal, Professor von Kemnitz was not able to immediately pursue the university career she sought in her field, encountering various difficulties, chief amongst them the recognition of her foreign university qualifications. Faced with these obstacles she pursued a postgraduate course for “Museum Curators”, 1989–1991 and an “Arts Management” course, 1991–1992 at the National Institute of Administration. Within the scope of the first course, she prepared the following two studies: – “Estudo monográfico referente ao Museu de Marinha” (Monographic study of the Marine Museum) (unpublished essay, 1990). – “Os núcleos de património árabe-islâmico em Portugal considerados no contexto do desenvolvimento local, regional e nacional, no da reutilização do património museológico e no do turismo cultural” (The nuclei of arabislamic heritage in Portugal considered in the context of local, regional and national developement, in the reutilisation of museulogical heritage and cultural tourism) (unpublished essay, 1990). And her final course work: – “Estudo-Proposta de exposição e divulgação da Colecção de Arte Islâmica da Casa-Museu Dr. Anastácio Gonçalves” (Draft study to exhibit and publicise the Islamic Art Collection of the Casa Museu Dr. Anastácio Gonçalves) (unpublished essay, 1991). As part of the second course, she developed the following project: – “Towards the enhancement of the knowledge of the Islamic heritage of Portugal” (unpublished essay, 1992).

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Following numerous conferences and interventions in various forums on museology, heritage and Arab-Islamic museum collections in Portugal, the following works were published: – “Portugal and the fashion of turqueries,” in Proceedings of the 14thInternational Congress of Turkish Art (Paris, Collège de France, 2011), ed. Fréderic Hitzel (Paris: Collège de France, 2013), 809–818. – “The khamsa: A recurrent symbol in artistic tradition in the global Islamic context,” in Islam and Globalization: Historical and contemporary perspectives (Proceedings of the 25th Congress of l’Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants), ed. A. Cilardo (Leuven: Peeters, 2013), 581–607. – “Dans le sillage des traditions ottomanes en Tunisie. La dernière Odalisque de Fayçal Bey”, in Mélanges en l’honneur du Professeur Alia Baccar Bournaz: Carthage au cœur de la Méditerranée. Littérature, civilisation, interculturalité, dirigée par M. Chagraoui (Tunis, Université de Tunis El Manar, 2015), 305–310. – “Some remarks on the symbol of the hand in the Shiʿi context,” in Contacts and Interaction. Proceedings of the 27th Congress of the Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants. Helsinki, 2014, ed. J. Hämeen-Anttila et al. (Lovaina, Peeters, 2017), 209–220. – “Orientalismo estético de inspiração islâmica: O caso de « figuras de convite »” (Aesthetic orientalism of islamic inspiration: the case of the « figuras de convite ») in Estudos Orientais e Orientalismos em Portugal (Lisboa: Universidade Católica Portuguesa, 2018), X–Y. 6

Other Works on Islam

– “Escrita árabe: A escrita da Mensagem divina” (Arabic script: The script of the Divine Message) in A escrita das escritas. Catálogo, ed. L.M. Araújo (Lisboa: Fundação Portuguesa das Telecomunicações & Estar Edições, 2000), 103– 110 (volume referring to the exhibiton “A Escrita: Traços e Espaços”, Museu das Comunicações, Lisboa, outubro 2000 a março 2001). – “Muslims as seen by the Portuguese press 1974–1999: Changes in the perception of Islam”, in Religious freedom and the neutrality of the State: The position of Islam in the European Union, ed. W.A.R. Shadid & P.S. Van Koningsveld (Leeuven: Peeters, 2002), 7–26. – “Assia Djebar (1936–2015): Uma voz insubmissa da Argélia” (Assia Djebar (1936–2015): An unsubdued voice from Algeria) in Faces de Eva, 34 (2015), 19–33.

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– “Muslims (un)like the others: The Ismaili in Portugal,” in Rocznik Orientalisyczny (Journal of Oriental Studies) 69/2 (2016), 105–120 (Volume in Honour of Ewa Machut-Mendecka). 7

The Polish in Portugal

Professor von Kemnitz also took an interest in the life and experiences of the Polish expatriate community in Portugal, having published the following works: – “General José Carlos Conrado de Chelmicki 1814–1890,” Revista Militar, 2ª Época, Nº 2381/82 (Junho/Julho 2000), 525–543. – “General Chelmicki: Engenheiro e estratega” (General Chelmicki: Engineer and strategist), in Actas do XVIII Colóquio “Portugal militar: Da Regeneração à Paz de Versalhes” (Lisboa: Comissão Portuguesa de História Militar, 2003), 87–97. – “O Fado da minha vida: Maria Danielewicz Zielinska (1907–2003)” (The Fado (fate) of my life: Maria Danielewicz Zielinska), in Faces de Eva, 12 (2004), 171–178. – “A Vision from the Other Bank: Maria Danielewicz Zielinska’s contribution to the history of the Polish-Portuguese cultural relations,” in Iberian and Slavonic Cultures: Contact and Comparison, ed. B.E. Cieszynska (Lisboa: CompaRes, 2007), 73–78. She also wrote a dozen book reviews, plus two dozen articles published in Portuguese and foreign journals. 8

Final Note

We note that Professor von Kemnitz’s prolific and varied research had international reach. Her work is reflective of her roots in the Polish orientalist school, a flourishing school since its “nationalisation” in the wake of the country’s independence, of which she was a faithful heir. It was also shaped by the life she shared between her two countries, Portugal and Poland, between which she established cultural and scholarly ties. For these latter endeavours she was deservedly decorated by the President of the Polish Republic with the Order of Merit of the Republic of Poland on the occasion to his visit to Portugal in 2012. Adel Sidarus Professor Emeritus, University of Évora

The Works of Eva-Maria von Kemnitz

Decoration of Prof. Eva-Maria von Kemnitz by the President of the Republic of Poland, Bronislaw Komorowski, in Lisbon, April 2012

xxvii

Prologue: The Khamsa and Me Every book is personal. However, this unending adventure of following the hand symbol and its metamorphosis across time and space has occupied my mind and imagination for many years. Joyful moments of discovery have been followed by many of doubt, questioning different hypotheses and interpretations, in my constant search for an understanding of this fascinating symbol. It has also offered me the opportunity to contact others who share the same passion – whether in-person or otherwise – whose knowledge and experience has enriched my journey. It all began with a simple silver khamsa amulet, whose artistic appeal captured my imagination. Attracted by the aesthetics of the khamsa, I began collecting them. This fascination led me to deepen my study of these pieces, despite an unencouraging remark from an Arab woman – a specialist in Arabic literature, no less. When I eagerly told her I was studying the khamsa, she retorted, “I never paid much attention to something we grew up to see – to laugh at – as a symbol of old-fashioned thinking.” Still, I pushed on, impelled by my own personal interest in these khamsa amulets. Gradually, my research turned more towards a comprehensive understanding of the khamsa’s far-reaching symbolic significance, as I began to analyse the khamsa in the global context of Arab-Islamic cultures, and beyond. For the khamsa spans far and wide – many eras, many cultures, many faiths, and many regions. Although particularly prevalent among Jews and Muslims, the symbol of the open hand predates the Abrahamic traditions and has been “a universally recognised sign of divine power, protection and blessing among many ancient Near Eastern religions, as well as in Hinduism, Buddhism, and among all three Abrahamic faiths.”1 Insofar as exploring the khamsa in all these traditions would be too much for one work, this book will take the reader on a journey with the khamsa throughout Arab-Islamic cultures, past and present.2 1 Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima: in search of its origins and significance”, in People of the Prophet’s House. Artistic and Ritual Expressions of Shiʿi Islam, ed. F. Suleman (London: Azimuth Editions in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies in collaboration with the British Museum’s Department of the Middle East, 2015), p. 173. 2 This led, among other things, to the publication of two papers: Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, “The khamsa. A recurrent symbol in artistic tradition in the global Islamic context”, in Islam and Globalisation. Historical and Contemporary Perspectives. Proceedings of the 25th Congress of l’Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, ed. A. Cilardo (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2013), pp. 581–607; Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, “Porous Frontiers of the Hand Symbol”, in In the Iberian Peninsula and Beyond. A History of Jews and Muslims (15th and 17th centuries), ed.

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This book has been heavily driven by collection: collecting objects, collecting images, collecting information, and then shaping it into the narrative and interpretation that is to come. My goal was to introduce an innovative approach, situating the hand symbol as an object of study and research in the convergence of semiotics and the history of culture, from past to present. Hopefully, this work will inspire further discussion and debate. J.A.R. Silva Tavim, M.F. Lopes de Barros, and Lúcia Liba Mucznik (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2015), vol. 2, pp. 258–270.

Notes on Transliteration Throughout the work, the following transliteration system has been used for Arabic and Persian. An exception is for terms  – usually used for jewellery, handicrafts, or other material artefacts – which have a standard spelling. The standard spelling has been retained in these cases to better facilitate further research. a b t th j ḥ kh d dh r z s sh

‫ا‬

�‫ب‬ ‫ت‬ � ‫ث‬ � �‫ج‬ ‫ح‬ ‫خ‬ � ‫د‬ ‫�ذ‬ ‫ر‬ ‫�ز‬

‫��س‬ ��‫�ش‬

ḍ

‫�ص‬ � ‫�ض‬

a i (e for Persian) u (o for Persian)

◌َ ◌ِ ◌ُ

ṣ

ṭ ẓ ʿ gh f q k l m n h w (v for Persian) y a ʾ ā ī ū

‫ط‬ ‫�ظ‬

‫ع‬ ‫�غ‬

‫ف‬ �� ‫ق‬ � ‫ك‬ ‫ل‬

‫نم‬ � ‫�ه‬

‫و‬ �‫�ي‬ ‫�ة‬ ‫ء‬ ‫ا‬

�‫�ي‬ ‫و‬

Chapter 1

Academic Research on the Hand Symbol The State of the Art

The khamsa is everywhere, yet has been almost invisible in academic research. Hitherto, there has been no comprehensive study on the khamsa in the ArabIslamic world, especially one encompassing its manifold uses or appearances. Although it has not been wholly ignored, much of the existing literature focuses on jewellery or ethnography, rather than the khamsa itself. Why has the khamsa been neglected? Familiarity breeds disinterest: something ubiquitous can be taken for granted. Early modern researchers treated the khamsa as a woman’s superstition – and neither women nor superstition had a top place in early modern rationalism. Furthermore, although European travellers wrote of the khamsa being affixed to brides and infants, some khamsas inside women’s quarters would have been off limits to male researchers: out of sight, out of mind. Additionally, amulets belong to the intimate sphere of people’s private lives. People often resort to amulets in times of need or difficulty, and so they embody vulnerability. Hence they are often hidden from researchers, unless the researcher already knows they are there. Conversely, today, the khamsa has debuted on the global market only after shedding its private, domestic symbolism: as a symbol of nativist resistance, as fine art, and as a consumer good. Still, a flurry of interest in the khamsa occurred in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, during the heyday of European exploration. The ancient origins of the khamsa fed into a fascination with the ancient Near East, as well as tropes of Mohammedan “paganism” and “superstition”. As mummies and pyramids gave way to oil rigs and the space race, the khamsa was relegated to the dustbin of exoticism. Simply put, the khamsa was unscientific. Recently, however, the resurgence of the study of Islamicate occultism, as well as Shiʿism, has again made space for this intriguing hand. As evinced by the bibliography of this work, most European studies on the khamsa were written in languages in other than English, suggesting a

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_002

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greater respect accorded to the non-rational in the non-Anglophone academy. Geography may also be at hand, given the proximity of France and Spain to North Africa, as well as the French colonialist presence in North Africa. Furthermore, shared customs surrounding the evil eye are found throughout the Mediterranean, and hence were more likely to receive attention there. Thus, persistent research did uncover a thread of early studies and fieldwork on the hand symbol, scattered throughout journals and other publications which – like amulets – are often inaccessible or invisible. Therefore, this work brings some of this early research together and offers a catalogue of it. However, when consulting early modern research, the reader must also keep in mind that the Arab-Islamic world has experienced unprecedented social change over the past century. While ethnography a century old provides a snapshot of its times, the customs and viewpoints reported may no longer hold true today. This is, of course, in addition to the possibility of misunderstandings or preconceived notions on the part of foreign travellers. Furthermore, what is true for one region, such as the Atlas Mountains of Morocco, may not hold true for another. Generalizations are best kept at bay when writing about the diversity of Muslim beliefs and customs, unless evidence points to the contrary. With those caveats in mind, three early twentieth-century works treating the khamsa remain classics: Edward Westermarck’s Ritual and Belief in Morocco and Pagan Survivals in Mohammedan Civilisation, and Edmond Douetté Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord.1 Voluminous works, each reflects the author’s dedication to fieldwork before the era of rapid communications and transport. All three works focus on North Africa, and treat the khamsa alongside other regional customs with fascination and detail; the size and breadth of these tomes remain unsurpassed. At the same time, a title declaring Pagan Survivals in Mohammedan Civilisation presupposes a certain civilizational lens, and therefore its assumptions about “Mohammedans” should be interrogated rather than blindly reproduced. For instance, Westermarck explains that “Mohammedans” seclude women out of fear of their evil eye, and see women as unclean, and Douetté ruminates on magic versus science, and the “primitive” man.2 Nonetheless, these three works epitomize the early modern European 1 Edward Westermarck, Ritual and Belief in Morocco, 2 vols. (London: MacMillan and Co., Limited, 1926); Edward Westermarck, Pagan Survivals in Mohammedan Civilisation (London: Macmillan and Co., Limited, 1933); Edmond Doutté, Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord (Paris: Maisonneuve/Guethner, 1984 [1st ed. Alger: A. Jourdan, 1908]). 2 For instance, Westermarck writes: “This is one of the reasons for the seclusion in which women are kept in the Mohammedan world, and for the widespread habit of their veiling their faces; both customs are due not only to masculine jealousy but also to fear lest the evil eye may injure the beloved beings. […] A bride has her face very well covered up, even,

Academic Research on the Hand Symbol

3

study of North Africa; others who took this approach included J. Herber (1927) and J-H. Probst-Biraben (1933).3 Since the khamsa is particularly prevalent in North Africa, ethnographies on North Africa have a special place in the study of the khamsa. However, the scholarly foundations of research on the khamsa were laid elsewhere. For instance, the French anthropologist, Henri Massé (1938), addressed the Persianate sphere.4 Later, Maria Vittoria Fontana’s study on Persian iconography, Iconografia dell’Ahl al Bayt. Immagini di arte persiana dal XII al XX secolo, drew further attention to Shiʿi representations of the hand.5 India was a frequent focus of the work of Edward Rehatsek, an “intelligent and industrious Orientalist” from Hungary who reportedly spoke twelve languages, abstained from eating animal products, and lived in seclusion. His twenty-six contributions to the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society encompass subjects including the pre-Islamic Arab heritage, talismans, metempsychosis, and coins; of particular relevance here is his piece entitled, “The Evil Eye, Amulets, Recipes, Exorcisation [sic], etc.”6 Given its role as a bridge between Islam and Christendom, and the blending of cultures there, al-Andalūs deserves special mention. The study of the khamsa in al-Andalūs traces as far back to 1604, when Francisco de Bermúdez de Pedraza, one of the earliest European scholars to write on the evil eye and amulets against it, penned a work on al-Andalūs, supporting his views by citing

3 4 5 6

the eyes, or she is, in some parts of Morocco, transported to her new home in a box or cage; she is thus herself sheltered from the evil eye, and at the same time her own look, cannot cause harm to others. […] The dangerous nature of a woman’s curse is no doubt connected with the notion of her uncleanness.” Edward Westermark, Pagan Survivals in Mohammedan Civilisation, pp. 26 and 62. While it is certainly possible that some Mohammedans felt that way, he does not present evidence for his view, nor does he present evidence that this view should be taken as standard or that it is shared by all. What can be said is that the evil eye does not usually figure into Muslim discussions of the custom of women’s seclusion, and the idea that women are inherently unclean is not considered normative in Islam. Still, the assumption that Muslims see women as unclean persists in some contemporary ethnographies. J. Herber, “La Main de Fatma”, in Hespèris, vol. 7 (1927), pp. 209–219; J.-H. Probst-Biraben, “La Main de Fatma et ses antécédents symboliques”, in Revue Anthropologique, no. 43 (1933), pp. 370–375. Henri Massé, Croyances et Coutumes Persans, suivis de Contes et Chansons Populaires, 2 vols. (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1938). Maria Vittoria Fontana, Iconografia dell’Ahl al Bayt. Immagini di arte persiana dal XII al XX secolo, Supplemento No. 78 to Annali 54.1 (Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1994). Edward Rehatsek, “The Evil Eye, Amulets, Recipes, Exorcisation”, in Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 10 (1871–1874), pp. 299–315. Biographical information taken from F.F. Arbuthnot, “Life and Labours of Mr. Edward Rehatsek”, in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland (July 1892), pp. 581–595 . Accessed 10 January 2022.

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classical Arab luminaries such as al-Ghazālī. Al-Andalūs also caught the imagination of Edward Westermarck; Richard Ettinghausen, a German-American curator of Islamic art; and W.L. Hildburgh.7 Hildburgh was an American art collector and traveller with a penchant not only for metalwork, decorative arts and sculpture, but also folkloric objects such as amulets, which he purchased copiously.8 Hildburgh observes that, in Christian Spain, “there is a whole literature, in the principal European languages, on ‘evil eye’ and on the effects believed to be producible by it, written by persons who have accepted the reality of its existence and its powers as fully established.” However, he does qualify his statement by adding that there is also an abundance of literature “by those who have looked upon a belief in it as an aberration of human intelligence.”9 In either case, the attention given to the eye demonstrates a cultural continuity between the Arab-Muslim world and Spain. While many writings on the khamsa have been ethnographic, an early attempt to provide a broader framework and comparative perspective on handshaped amulets in the Eastern and Western Arab-Islamic world was carried out by Dominique Champault and A.R. Verbrugge (1965), who based their study on the collection of the Musée de l’Homme in Paris; their study is profusely illustrated with items from this collection.10 In recent years, Fahmida Suleman’s piece, “The Hand of Fatima: In Search of its Origins and Significance” (2015) stands out as the most comprehensive modern treatment of the khamsa. She explores the origin and meaning of the khamsa across cultures and faiths, reinforcing some early modern views and gently challenging others. With meticulous attention to detail, Suleman identifies the ancient origins of the khamsa, traces its journey throughout the Islamic world, and reflects on its current association with Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ. Subsequent to her piece is a volume titled 7

8

9 10

Edward Westermarck, “The Magic Origin of Moorish Designs”, in The Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 34 (July–December 1904), pp. 2ff. On Ettinghausten’s contributions, see “Ettinghausen, Richard”, in Encyclopaedia Iranica . Accessed 12 January 2022. W.L. Hildburgh, “Images of the Human Hand as Amulets in Spain”, in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, vol. 18, no. 1–2 (Jan.–June 1955), pp. 67–89. . Accessed 10 January 2022. Regarding Hildburgh’s collecting habits, see Hilda Ellis Davidson, “Changes in the Folklore Society, 1949–1986”, in Folklore, vol. 98, no. 2 (1987), pp. 123–130 . Accessed 10 January 2022. Hildburgh was a member of the Folklore Society. W.L. Hildburgh, “Images of the Human Hand as Amulets in Spain”, p. 67. Dominique Champault and A.R. Verbrugge, La Main. Ses Figurations au Maghreb et au Levant, Catalogue du Musée de l’Homme, Série B: Afrique Blanche et Levant (Paris: n.p., 1965), 173 pp., 93 ills.

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Naẓār (2022, ed. Samer Akkach), which addresses the concept of the gaze in multifaceted ways, including the evil eye. The khamsa is also mentioned in studies on jewellery. Since the Jewish and Muslim traditions intertwined in Morocco, with Jewish goldsmiths and silversmiths crafting amulets for both Muslims and Jews, some studies on jewellery highlight this shared memory and cultural interchange, such as in Maroc. Les Artisans de la Mémoire,11 Maroc. Deux Passions, Une Mémoire,12 and Sur la piste des bijoux du Maroc.13 Other valuable approaches to heritage and memory include the studies “Intertwining Cultures: Memories of the Andalusi Past”14 and the images and essays in the catalogue Magie. Anges et demons dans la tradition juive, which features pieces produced in Islamic lands, from Morocco to Central Asia.15 Interest in handicrafts, especially ethnic jewellery, has led to specialized writings on hand-shaped amulets – whether these writings be in the form of books, chapters, or websites. Usually, these writings focus on one region. Since they are quite numerous, the most notable ones have been included in the bibliography. Particularly relevant here are Paul Eudel’s writings on Maghribi jewellery and David Rouach’s work on the Berber jewellery of Morocco, which contains a substantial chapter on the hand.16 In their study on Moroccan Jewels, Marie Rosé Rabaté and André Goldenberg include several pages on le bijou bénéfique; this work includes illustrations of pieces from private collections of people familiar with the country and its traditions.17 Both authors referred to items from the Thau collection, unfortunately scattered in 2007 after being sold at auction for 984,272€.18

11 12 13 14

15 16 17 18

Ivo Grammet, Min Dewachter, and Els de Palmenaer, Maroc: les artisans de la mémoire (n.l.: Snoeck, 2006). Sylvie Lausberg, Maroc. Deux Passions, Une Mémoire (Paris: Editions Place des Victoires, 2007). Daniel Fauchon, Sur la piste des bijoux du Maroc (Paris: Ibis Press, 2011). Hillary Pomeroy, “Intertwining Cultures: Memories of the Andalusi Past”, in In the Iberian Peninsula and Beyond. A History of Jews and Muslims (15th and 17th centuries), ed. Maria Filomena Lopes de Barros, Lúcia Liba Mucznik, and José Alberto R. Silva Tavim (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2015), vol. 2, pp. 246–257. Exhibition displayed at the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire du Judaisme (Paris, 2015). David Rouach, “La Main ou ‘Khamsa’”, in Bijoux Berbères au Maroc (Paris: ARC Éditions, 1989), pp. 206–254; Eudel, Paul, L’Orfevrèrie Algérienne et Tunisienne (Alger: A. Jourdan, 1902). Marie Rose Rabaté and André Goldenberg, “Le bijou bénéfique”, in Bijoux du Maroc (Aix-en-Provence: Edisud/Eddif, 1999), pp. 162–200. The Thau collection was sold at the Christie’s auction. See “Christie’s Arts d’Orient Incluant l’Exceptionnelle Collection de Bijoux du Maroc de Monsieur Thau” [the JeanLouis Thau Collection] (Paris, 2007) . Accessed 12 January 2022. The collection had belonged to Jean-Louis Thau. Khalid El-Gharib, La Main au Maroc. Khamsa, Art, Symbole et Tradition [The Hand in Morocco. Khamsa, Art, Symbol, and Tradition] (Casablanca: Éditions Malika, 2012). Tatiana Benfoughal, Bijoux de l’Aurès, Catalogue du Musée National du Bardo (Alger: Éditions du Musée National du Bardo d’Alger, 1993); Tatiana Benfoughal, Bijoux et bijoutiers de l’Aurès (Paris: CNRS Editions, 1997). Farida Benouniche, Bijoux et Parures d’Algérie (Alger, Ministère de l’Information et de la Culture, 1982). Henriette Camps-Fabrer and Yvette Assié (illus.), Bijoux Berbères d’Algérie: Grande Kabylie, Aurès(Aix – en-Provence: Edisud, 1990). Tamzali, Wassyla, Abzim: Parures et Bijoux des Femmes d’Algérie (Alger: Dessain et Tolra, Enterprise Algérienne de Presse, 1984). Nadir Djama, Bijoux et Parures dans la Tradition (Alger: Les éditions Nadir Djama, 2012). Makilam and Helke Kamerer-Grothaus, Das Silber des Mondes: L’Argent de la Lune ([Bremen]: Makilam, 2015). Samira Gargouri-Sethom, Le Bijou Traditionnel en Tunisie. Femmes Parées, Femmes Enchainées (Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 1986); Clémence Sugier, Symboles et Bijoux Traditionnels de Tunisie (Tunis: CERES Editions, c.1969); Jacques Perez and Samira GargouriSethom, Les Bijoux de Tunisie (Tunis: Dunes Editions, 2005). Djamila Chakour and Yanis Mokri, Des Trésors à Porter. Bijoux et Parures du Maghreb, Collection J-F. et M-L. Bouvier (Paris: l’Institut du Monde Arabe, 2016). Joyce Diamanti, Silver Speaks: Traditional Jewellery in the Middle East [exhibition catalogue] ([Washington, D.C.]: The Bead Museum of Greater Washington, 2002). Marjorie Ransom, Silver Treasures from the Land of Sheba: Regional Styles of Yemeni Jewelry ([Cairo]: The American University in Cairo Press, 2014).

Academic Research on the Hand Symbol

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offer complementary information to further a holistic understanding of this symbol and its functions globally. In this regard, several studies on carpets, mention carpets, especially prayer carpets, decorated with the hand symbols. These include Oriental Rugs: The Carpets of Afghanistan,30 Teppiche in der Balutsch-Tradition: Carpets in the Baluch Tradition,31 Baluchi Woven Treasures,32 Three Dusty Dozen: Antique Baluch Rugs,33 Baluch. From the David Sorgatto Collection,34 and Caucasian Prayer Rugs.35 It is also only natural that the subject of the khamsa would arise in studies on metalwork, Islamic magic, and amulets,36 such as Alexander Fodor’s examination of the Tareq Rajab Museum collection in Kuwait (2009)37 and Marek M. Dziekan’s observations on the khamsa in the contemporary context, including popular and mass culture (2013).38 Of course, the khamsa on the global stage has continued to evolve since them. Exhibition and museum catalogues add much to the study of the khamsa, offering access to rare items from numerous private collections. Significant catalogues include The Hand of Fortune: Khamsas from the Gross Family Collection and the Eretz Israel Museum Collection in Tel Aviv (2002), Living Khamsa: die Hand zum Glück (2004),39 and the exhibition catalogues of La main de Fatma (in which Algerian and French artists participated during the Year of Algeria in France in 2003–2004) and The Hand of Fatima, which was displayed in Canberra (2005) and Cape Town (2006).40 Additionally, an academic 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40

Parsons, R.D., Oriental Rugs: Carpets of Afghanistan (Woodbridge: Antique Collectors Club, 1994 [1st ed. 1983]), vol. 3. Siawosch Azadi and Adil Besim, Teppiche in der Balutsch-Tradition: Carpets in the Baluch Tradition (Munich: Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1986). Jeff W. Boucher, Baluchi Woven Treasures, (London and Alexandria, VA: Laurence King in association with Hali Publications, 1989 [2nd ed. 1996]). Diehr, Frank Martin, Three Dusty Dozen: Antique Baluch Rugs (n.l.: S.L. Frank Martin Diehr, 2001). David Sorgatto, Baluch. From the David Sorgatto Collection (Milan: n.p., 2007). Ralph Kaffel, Caucasian Prayer Rugs (London: Laurence King in association with Hali, 1998). For instance, see Constant Hamès (ed.), Coran et Talismans. Textes et Pratiques Magiques en Milieu Musulman (Paris: Karthala, 2007). Alexander Fodor, Sufism and Magic: Amulets from the Islamic World (Keszthely: Helikon Castle Museum, 2009). Marek M. Dziekan, Arabia Magica. Wiedza tajemna u Arabow przed Islamem (Warsaw: Dialog, 1993). G. Holthuis, W.L. Gross, and M. Bosen, Katalog nr. 25 (Schwäbisch Gmünd: Museum und Galerie im Prediger, 2004). Farideh Zariv, Hand of Fatima [catalogue] (Canberra: Canberra Museum and Gallery (CMAG), 2005).

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dissertation entitled La notion de khamsa dans la tradition arabo-musulmane by Léonore de Mèrode (2001) offers an insightful analysis of this symbol that includes some considerations of a linguistic nature.41 Thus, a plurality of disciplines shed light on the ever-present khamsa – each illuminating facets of this jewel but still leaving room for more to be understood. Here, we have taken an all-encompassing perspective. We have acknowledged the various functions of the khamsa – as an amulet, as a decorative element in different media, and as a symbol in contemporary global culture. We have also acknowledged the many spheres where the khamsa resides. Although it is commonly associated with the domestic sphere, past and present, the khamsa has also figured into political and identitarian discourse. Furthermore, we have extended this study to visual culture, providing an overview – although by no means an exhaustive list  – of artist, painters, and sculptors imagining and reimagining the khamsa, as it has surfaced at museums, travelling far from its homes, garnering vast sums at auctions while appearing on cheap, disposable consumer goods.42 We hope the reader enjoys this journey with the khamsa as much as we have. 41 42

Defended at the Leuven Catholic University in 2001. Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, “The khamsa. A recurrent symbol in artistic tradition in the global Islamic context”.

Chapter 2

The Symbolism of the Hand Créant un univers inédit, elle [la main] y laisse partout son empreinte. Elle se mesure avec la matière qu’elle métamorphose, avec la forme qu’elle transfigure … Henri Focillon, Éloge de la Main, 1934

∵ 1

The Number Five*

Khamsa means “five”. A prime number, it has been taken to symbolize the human as well as the universe. It is understood to be powerful, symbolizing protection, power, and good fortune, as well as order and perfection. It may enumerate the five senses, or the five classical elements of air, fire, water, earth, and aether.1 The pentagram itself reflects the human form, with the head on top, and the outstretched arms and legs. The khamsa symbol itself has been traced to ancient iconography associated with the Phonecian goddess Tanit. It has been argued the khamsa symbol developed from the iconography of the Tanit cult in North Africa around the fourth-fifth centuries BC, especially since the form of Tanit was often accompanied by an upright hand.2 In Mesopotamia, open-hand amulets date from * The majority of this chapter was written by Amina Inloes. 1 Malek Chebel, Dictionnaire des Symboles Musulmans. Rites, Mystique et Civilisation (Paris: Editions Albin Michel, Coll. Spiritualités Vivantes, 2001 [1st ed. 1995]), p. 100. 2 Rikva Gonen, “The Open Hand: on the North African ‘hamsa’ and its sources”, in Israel Museum Journal, vol. 12 (1994), p. 47. Westermarck also includes related drawings associated with pre-Islamic deities on Phoenician and Punic monuments, and cites an 1893 study describing their continued use as tattoos in Tunis. Westermarck, Pagan Survivals in

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_003

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the third millennium BC onwards. Amulets portraying the hand of Ishtar were used in Mesopotamia and Babylon to prevent evil or disease from entering a building.3 The number five, along with the five-pointed star and the pentagram, were also associated with Ishtar and Venus.4 It has also been argued that the hand symbol also has roots in pre-Islamic Iran,5 and ancient inscriptions of hands with outstretched fingers along with writing have been found in the Arabian Peninsula.6 While the khamsa is also known today as the Hand of Fāṭima and the Hand of Mary, the feminine symbolism of the hand and – in some uses – the number five trace far back. In Judaism, the number five may represent the Five Books of Moses or the arrangement of the book of Psalms, whereas among Muslims, five may represent the five pillars of Islam, the five daily prayers, the five arch-prophets, or the five central members of the family of the Prophet Muḥammad.7 Five also represents the hand itself, a cross-cultural symbol of power, protection, and generosity. At once, the hand gives to some and stops others; blesses some and wards off others. Thus, while one can argue that the khamsa symbol derives its power from the symbolism of the number five, one can also argue that the number five derives its symbolism from the khamsa symbol itself; that is to say, the potency of the number five stems from the five fingers of the prophylactic hand.8 However it is understood, five is a number that catches the imagination.

3 4

5 6 7

8

Mohammedan Civilisation, p. 34. In his article “Notes on the Lusterware of Spain”, Richard Ettinghausen also discusses ancient uses of the hand symbol. Richard Ettinghausen, “Notes on the Lusterware of Spain”, in Ars Orientalis, vol. 1 (1954), pp. 133–156. Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”, pp. 173–174. Annemarie Schimmel, The Mystery of Numbers (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 107; Diane Apostolos-Cappadona, “Hand-of-Ishtar”, in Encyclopedia of Women in Religious Art (New York: Continuum, 1996), p. 162; “Pythagoreanism”, in Britannica . Accessed 24 February 2022. Katāyūn Mazdāpūr, Farhang-i Mardom, vol. 1, no. 1 (1381 AH (Persian solar calendar)). Ettinghausen also notes the use of the hand symbol in Sassanian Iran. Richard Ettinghausen, “Notes on the Lusterware of Spain”, p. 149. Richard Ettinghausen, “Notes on the Lusterware of Spain”, p. 150. Sometimes referred to as the ūlū al-ʿaẓm prophets, particularly among Shiʿi Muslims: Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and Muḥammad. They are named as such because of the universality of their influence. The five central kinsfolk of the Prophet Muḥammad are Muḥammad, ʿAlī, Fāṭima, Ḥasan, and Ḥusayn. See Chapter 8 for more discussion. Holthius mentions both significations although she substitutes Joseph for Noah. Gabriele Holthius, Living Khamsa. Die Hand zum Glück. ([Germany]: Museum und Galerie im Prediger Schwäbisch Gmünd, 2004). Pessah Shinar argues the latter in “Magical Symbolism in North African Jewellery and Personal Adornment”, in Modern Islam in the Maghrib (Jerusalem: Institute of Asian and African Studies, 2004), pp. 115–126.

The Symbolism of the Hand

Figure 1

2

11

A stele with the representation of Tanit, showing her head and outstretched hands and arms to make five points. Burdj al-Ghazi Mustapha, an ancient castle in Houmt Souk, Djerba, Tunisia Photo by Rui M. Ramalho Ortigao Neves, 2017

Theological Associations

Although its origins are not Islamic, and its use is not limited to Muslims, the symbol of the hand has been incorporated into Islamic popular culture. Today, it is associated with Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ, the daughter of the Prophet Muḥammad. Venerated by both Sunnis and Shiʿis, Fāṭima is sometimes believed to offer protection against evil. Especially in Sufi and Shiʿi traditions, Fāṭima’s intercession

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is sought in the face of difficulty.9 There is also a special recitation (tasbīḥ) known as Tasbīḥ Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ which may be recited after the five daily prayers and is said to give blessings.10 This is different from reverence given to the wives of the Prophet, who are seen as teachers or leaders of the early Muslim community, but who are less frequently approached for intercession. Several of the Prophet’s female descendants are also approached for intercession. For instance, there is a popular shrine to Zaynab, the daughter of Fātima, in Damascus and another in Cairo, and Twelver Shiʿis often visit the shrine of Fātima Maʿsūmah (a later descendant of the Prophet) in Iran; this shrine is adorned with calligraphy proclaiming the prayer: “O Fāṭima, intercede for us in Paradise.” Nonetheless, Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ remains the primary focus of reverence, and is the one who has become associated with the khamsa. As has been observed, “[T]he sheltering hand of Fatima (khamsa) is considered the most important apotropaic sign in the Islamic world”.11 Even in recent times, face masks have been printed with the name of Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ to ward off illness. However, despite this association, it is not clear when or how the khamsa became known as the Hand of Fāṭima. Occasionally the cognate phrase yad Fāṭima appears in contemporary Arabic historical and archaeological writings (as do the related expressions dast-e Fāṭima and Fatıma’nın Eli in Persian and Turkish, respectively). The expression yad Fāṭima itself is not commonly used in spoken Arabic, and classical texts use the phrase to refer literally to the physical hand of Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ; for instance, when cooking. Suleman notes that Douette and J. Heber maintain that the expression “Hand of Fāṭima” was a European invention; while neither elaborates further, they may have been relying on the writings of the French Egyptologist Eugène Lefébure (1907) who laid the blame squarely on French colonialists for making up the term.12 Despite the voluminousness of his work, Westermarck does not mention the phrase at all, suggesting that it was unknown in the regions he studied in his 9 10 11

12

For instance, in the Shiʿi prayer known as Duʿāʾ Tawassul or Ṣalāt Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ, a special prayer in times of need. See Abbas Aziz, The Tasbih of Fatima al-Zahra, trans. Arifa Hudda and Saleem Bhimji ([Canada]: Islamic Humanitarian Service, 2006). Bruno Barbatti, Berber Carpets of Morocco: The Symbols, Origin, and Meaning, translated from German by Alan J. Bridgman (Paris: ACR Édition, 2008), p. 205. Barbatti then proceeds to say that the khamsa unmistakeably derives from sex symbolism. Given the association of Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ with motherhood and childbearing – especially in the Shiʿi tradition, where she is the mother of the Imams – this observation is not entirely off the mark. However, given the strong association of Fāṭima with the veil and chastity, most Muslims would be uncomfortable with assigning “sex symbolism” to her. See Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”, pp. 180–182, for a brief discussion of this question.

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time. However, Suleman emphasises that Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ is revered in North African society,13 and so referring to it as the Hand of Fāṭima is reasonable, even if the name may have been imported. Furthermore, the khamsa is now identified as the Hand of Fāṭima by Arab-Muslim artists globally. In addition to its association with Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ, the hand may symbolise the five central figures of the Prophet Muḥammad’s immediate kin: Muḥammad, ʿAlī, Fāṭima, Ḥasan, and Ḥusayn, known as ahl al-kisāʾ (“the people of the cloak”) or the panjtan (“the five people”). While these individuals are revered both by Sunnis and Shiʿis, they are particularly emphasised in the Shiʿi tradition. Shiʿis also speak of the hand as the Hand of ʿAbbās, and a hand symbol adorns some Shiʿi ritual objects. The hand also has another unique symbolism among Muslims. In his discussion on the divine nature of the hand and the number five, René Guénon explains that the name of Allah is formed by the five fingers of the right hand in the following manner: the little finger stands for the alif, the ring finger stands for the first lām, the middle and the forefinger stand for the second lām, and the thumb stands for the letter hāʾ; therefore, the hand stands for God. Thus, it can be interpreted as dhikr calling to mind the Creator. This type of interpretation enhances the specific meaning of each finger, relating them to the letters forming the name of God, and contributes decisively to the dissemination of the symbol of the hand and the number five in Islamic culture.14 This symbolism is reflected in artifacts produced in Islamic societies or by Muslim craftsmen; for instance, in several Nasrid and Mudejar items. An example is an Alhambra vase known as the Fortuny Vase, named as such because it is part of the Mariano Fortuny Collection. A fourteenth-fifteenth century piece from Nasrid Spain, the hands on the upper left and right side of the vase reflect a stylized impression of the name of Allah.15 Another example appears on a lustre glazed bowl, currently in the collections of the Detroit Institute of Arts.16 (Originally, this bowl was ascribed to the Fatimid era, but, upon further investigation, it was determined that it was produced in thirteenth-century Spain.) This bowl depicts a lifelike but stylized hand – however, with a loop on the index finger denoting the Arabic letter h. The celebrated scholar of Islamic culture, Annemarie Schimmel, links the symbol of the khamsa to the flow of divine grace – whether directed as a blessing 13 14 15 16

Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”, p. 175. René Guénon, Aperçus sur L’Esothérisme Islamique et le Taoïsme (Paris: Gallimard, 1973), p. 70; Malek Chebel, Dictionnaire des Symboles Musulmans, p. 256. For more on this piece, see Richard Ettinghausen, “Notes on the Lusterware of Spain”. A photo of this piece is available in Richard Ettinghausen, “Notes on the Lusterware of Spain” as well as Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”, p. 176.

14

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Chapter 2

The Fortuny Vase, Spain, early fifteenth century. Housed at the State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg Photograph © The State Hermitage Museum. Photo by Vladimir Terebenin

The Symbolism of the Hand

15

or a curse.17 Thus, it is unsurprising that one interpretation of the khamsa is as the Hand of Allah (yad Allāh), an understanding sometimes ascribed to the Fatimid dynasty. 3

Belief in the Evil Eye

Like the khamsa, belief in the evil eye is neither limited to Muslims, nor does it originate in Islam. Apotropaic drinking vessels designed to deflect the evil eye date back to the sixth century BC in Greece, and, after the production of glass beads in the Mediterranean in approximately 1500 BC, the use of blue eye beads to deflect the evil eye was popularised among the Phoenecians, Persians, Greeks, Romans, and, eventually, the Ottomans.18 The idea of the evil eye is also found in Jewish rabbinic literature.19 Belief in the evil eye persists in many cultures in the Mediterranean, including the Iberian Peninsula, throughout Islamdom, and elsewhere. In a chapter on the evil eye in Islam, Sakina Nomanbhoy sums up the varying cultural and religious interpretations of the evil eye by saying that “the notion can be unanimously characterised as a belief that certain individuals may, by virtue of their gaze, cause another person, animal, plant, or other property to become ill, to die, or to suffer grievous harm in some other way.”20 This idea, and understanding, was also part of pre-Islamic Arabia and was integrated into Islam. However, unlike the khamsa, belief in the evil eye is endorsed by the primary sources of Islamic scriptural authority, the Qur’an and hadith (narrations attributed to the Prophet Muḥammad, his companions, and family), although it is nevertheless sometimes treated as a superstition. Although the Qur’an does not actually use the phrase “evil eye”, portions of the Qur’an are taken to refer to it; these verses are also recited, worn, or displayed to ward off the evil eye, malevolent entities, or malefica. For instance, this verse is said to refer to the evil eye: 17 18

19 20

Annemarie Schimmel, Deciphering the Signs of God: A Phenomenological Approach to Islam (Albany: State University of New York Press, Suny Press, 1994), p. 145. Hildburgh, W.L., “Apotropaism in Greek Vase-Paintings”, in Folklore, vol. 57, no. 4 (1946), pp. 154–78 . Accessed 16 January 2022; “Eye cup”, Museum of Cycladic Art . Accessed 16 January 2022; Peter Walcot, Envy and the Greeks: A Study of Human Behaviour (Warminster: Aris and Phillips, 1978). See Rikva Ulmer, The Evil Eye in the Bible and in Rabbinic Literature (Hoboken, New Jersey: KTAV, 1994). Sakina Nomanbhoy, “May the Envier’s Eye be Blind”, in Samer Akkach (ed.), Naẓar: Vision, Belief, and Perception in Islamic Cultures (Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2021), p. 173.

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The faithless would well-nigh smite you down with their eyes when they hear the Reminder, and they say, “He is mad!” (68:51)21

According to some classical Muslim exegetes, the tribespeople of the Prophet (the Quraysh) tried to attack him by soliciting the services of a man who could strike sheep and cattle dead through his acute evil eye. However, God protected the Prophet by revealing this verse.22 Today, Shiʿi Muslims often hang this verse in their homes to protect against evil. Another example is Jacob’s exhortation to his sons to enter Egypt through different gates, rather than the same gate (Qur’an 12:67). Some classical Muslim exegetes hold that this was so they would not be afflicted by the evil eye (Qur’an 12:67), an idea also found in Jewish literature.23 Additionally, since the penultimate chapter of the Qur’an includes an invocation for protection against envy and against witchcraft, and the final chapter of the Qur’an includes an invocation for protection against the evils of jinn and men, these two chapters of the Qur’an are often recited by Muslims for protection against malevolence or misfortune, including but not limited to protection against shayāṭīn (devilish beings), mischievous jinn (non-human spirits), siḥr (harmful magic), and the evil eye (naẓar).24 The evil eye is discussed more resoundly in narrations attributed to the Prophet Muḥammad, who is reported to have said, “The influence of an evil eye is a fact; if anything could overpower divine destiny, it would be the evil eye” and “If one of you sees something of his brother, or himself, or his wealth that he admires, then glorify God, for the [evil] eye is real”.25 A narration also asserts that the evil eye can send a person to their grave.26 These narrations are also a reminder of the porous boundaries between Jewish and Muslim custom, especially when regarding the evil eye and the khamsa. Additionally, not everyone is considered to have an equal ability to afflict people with the evil eye; as evinced by the narration about Qur’an 68:51, some people have stronger or more malevolent gazes. 21 22 23 24 25 26

The final word of the verse, majnūn, can be taken to mean “insane”, “possessed by jinn”, or both. Seyyed Hossein Nasr et al. (ed.), The Study Quran (New York: HarperOne, 2017), exegesis of Qur’an 68:51. Rikva Ulmer, The Evil Eye in the Bible and Rabbinic Literature, p. 176; Seyyed Hossein Nasr et al. (ed.), The Study Quran, exegesis of Qur’an 12:67. See Sakina Nomanbhoy, “May the Envier’s Eye be Blind”, in Samer Akkach (ed.), Naẓar: Vision, Belief, and Perception in Islamic Cultures (Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2021), pp. 173–189. Muslim ibn Ḥajjāj, Saḥīḥ Muslim, vol. 39, no. 56 (2188); Seyyed Hossein Nasr et al. (ed.), The Study Quran, exegesis of Qur’an 68:51, citing Ibn Kathīr. Jalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, al-Jāmiʿ al-Ṣaghīr (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, n.d.), vol. 2, p. 196.

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The Shiʿi corpus of hadith also acknowledges the reality of the evil eye, making this one of the rare issues in Islam about which there is little sectarian divide. Both Sunni and Shiʿi hadith collections include the expression “if there were anything that could overpower divine destiny, it would be the evil eye.”27 Shiʿi texts also prescribe lengthy remedies against the evil eye. Qur’anic verses should be recited or fastened to the person, prayer texts may be recited, and there are written texts which may be worn as amulets (taʿwīdh), such as Ḥirz Imām Jawād, which is often sold on the street around Shiʿi shrines.28 The Shiʿi hadith corpus also contains an exhortation from the Prophet to keep domestic animals (dawājīn) at home since the shayāṭīn will busy themselves with the animals.29 This codifies a popular belief found throughout much of the Islamic world that it is good to keep small animals, such as birds, in a home or shop, since if misfortune strikes, it will strike the animals rather than the humans. (Good for the humans, bad for the pets!) However, neither Sunni nor Shiʿi narrations advocate using eye-shaped or hand-shaped amulets to ward off the evil eye, although, culturally, it is done by both Sunnis and Shiʿis. While Muslims as a whole have a spectrum of viewpoints regarding what constitutes “orthodoxy”, common “orthodox” wards against the evil eye which are found in Sunni and/or Shiʿi sources include the recitation of the Qur’an; prayers, washing or bathing;30 and saying mā shāʾ Allāh (“God’s will be done”) when seeing or praising children and the like. Wearing a turquoise stone is culturally understood to protect from the evil eye. According to Shiʿi narrations, which treat the merits of wearing precious and semi-precious stones in some detail, wearing a turquoise ring is religiously meritorious, begets various forms of protection to the wearer, and contributes to the answering of prayers.31 Burning harmal (Syrian rue) is commonly done in Iran, Iraq, and Turkey to ward off malevolent entities, or malevolence in general; a couple Shiʿi hadith attribute protective properties to it, although not specifically with respect to

27 28 29 30 31

Muslim ibn Ḥajjāj, Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, book 39, no. 56; Muḥammad Bāqir al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 60, p. 9, no. 25–26. Further narrations on the evil eye can be found in this section as well. For instance, the twenty-third prayer in al-Ṣaḥīfah al-Sajjādiyyah, attributed to the fourth Shiʿi Imam, contains an in invocation against the evil eye. More advice can be found in Ṭibb al-Aʾimmah (translated into English as Islamic Medical Wisdom). Peter E. Pormann and Emilie Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine, p. 150. Muslim ibn Ḥajjāj, Saḥīḥ Muslim, vol. 39, no. 56 (2188). See Khalid Sindawi, “‘Tell Your Cousin To Place A Ring On His Right Hand And Set It With A Carnelian’: Notes On Wearing The Ring On The Right Hand Among Shiʿites”, in Journal of Semitic Studies, vol. 52, no. 2 (Autumn 2012), pp. 295–320.

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the evil eye.32 Wearing Qur’anic verses or carrying the Qur’an to protect from the evil eye, or misfortune in general, is also commonly practiced. Methods of deflecting the evil eye which fall on the less-orthodox side of the spectrum, but which are commonly practiced, include non-scriptural amulets, eye-shaped beads, and the khamsa. Of course, practices vary regionally. 4

Amulets in Islamic Law and Practice

Among Islamic scholars, attitudes towards the khamsa often mimic attitudes towards Qur’anic or scriptural amulets (taʿwīdh). While it can be tempting to summarise views by saying that amulets are prohibited in “orthodox Islam”, the range of viewpoints is more complex and nuanced. In the contemporary era, the question of the acceptability of scriptural amulets in Islamic law is vociferously debated, with proponents of one view often refusing to acknowledge there is any other. A key contributing factor is that contemporary Sunni Islam has been influenced by the Wahhābī and Salafī Islamic movements, which prioritize a return to the text, the extrication of practices deemed non-Islamic, and a strict vigilance towards anything deemed shirk – that is, assigning partners to God, which is the fundamental mortal sin in the Qur’an. From the Wahhābī and Salafī viewpoints, amulets  – even Qur’anic amulets  – are perceived as non-Islamic interpolations which must be purified from the tradition. Thus, one camp of Sunni scholars firmly rejects the wearing of amulets, including the khamsa. Their main objection is that believing that an amulet, including the khamsa, could ward off the evil eye would constitute major or minor shirk – that is, believing that the amulet acts independently of God. It is also argued that even if the wearer is not committing shirk, using such items could encourage others to treat amulets as having independent efficacy, thereby encouraging them to commit shirk. Additionally, some hadith prohibit certain types of pre-Islamic amulets. Lastly, with respect to the khamsa or the evil eye symbol, some of these scholars express discomfort regarding practices associated with the pre-Islamic era which are not endorsed by Islamic scripture.33 32 33

Muḥammad Bāqir al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 59, p. 237; Ṭibb al-Aʾimma, the chapter on wild rue. This practice is also discussed in Bess Allen Donaldson, The Wild Rue: A Study of Muhammadan Magic and Folklore in Iran (London: Luzac & Co., 1938), pp. 2–21. For instance, see “Hanging amulets is prohibited regardless of the person’s intention (Fatwa No. 262186)”, in IslamWeb . Accessed 25 February 2022; “The evil eye: Its waves and the prohibition of using a blue bead against it (Fatwa No. 23861)”, in Islamweb . Accessed 25 February 2022.

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This latent opposition was brought to light in a fatwa issued in Turkey, unsuccessfully prohibiting evil eye beads.34 Spurn towards items deemed “occult” or “magical” – such as amulets, talismans, or the khamsa – is not only religious. Rather, it also reflects the move towards scientific modernity and an embarrassment over “superstition” that characterized some twentieth-century Muslim thought.35 Faced with European political and technological ascension, and the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire, some Muslims chose secularization rather than Salafism as their saviour. In Turkey, forced secularization in the mid-twentieth century included bans on customs seen as outdated, including Sufi dress and practices. This tension between tradition and modernity led the Iranian reformer Jalāl Āl-e Aḥmad (1923–1969) to write: [P]rimitive elements […] engender a primitive mode of thought (or vice versa). Drumming a copper tub during eclipses of the sun and moon; special prayers and talismans for averting the evil eye and avoiding diseases and calamities; and reciting the sayings of Kulsum Nana all evince common superstitions. […] But these superstitious, prejudiced folk are the very people swarming into the cities and becoming machine tenders or driving tractors and bulldozers right in the villages. […] I saw a man grading Kharg Island with a monstrous bulldozer with a blue bead hanging from the steering wheel! Our taxis are filled with these talismans, and our shops are filled with prayers and imprecations. […] A primitive man […] must respond to and keep pace with the machine. This bibliomancer with his pocketful of lucky gemstones and bellyful of votive soup must now deal with a machine that knows nothing of fate and refuses to run smoother or brake faster in response to his monthly sacrifices of sheep.36 Similar social dynamics were occurring elsewhere in the Muslim world. The trend towards secularization was reinforced by European denouncement of Mohammedan “superstition”, as exemplified by this early twentieth-century academic article on amulets in Egypt: The religion of the Moslem woman in Egypt is centered in superstition. Its creed is a maze of folk-lore almost impossible for an enlightened mind 34 35 36

Andrew Wilks, “Turkey’s religious authority denounces ‘evil-eye’ charms”. Excellent insights on the response of Islam to scientific modernity can be found in Alireza Doostdar, The Iranian Metaphysicals: Explorations in Science, Islam, and the Uncanny (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2018). Jalal Al-i Ahmad, Occidentosis: A Plague from the West, trans. R. Campbell, annotations and introduction by Hamid Algar (Berkely: Mizan Press, 1984), p. 69–70.

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to understand. However, it seems really necessary that we should make some attempt to investigate this folk-lore in order to get some conception of the things the Moslem woman thinks about. A Christian woman approaches her God in prayer and praise. A Moslem woman because she cannot be ceremonially clean has no right to pray and knows no reason for praise. She, in common with all humanity, craves an approach to the supernatural Being. Although she knows there is a God to whom men pray yet the supernatural she most often appeals to is evil spirits. These evil spirits are the heroes of all her folk-lore which she cons over with her friend. The amulet which she invariably wears and loads upon her children is her prayer for help – not to God but to the spirits of evil.37 In recent decades, however, the trend has reversed, with artists employing occult and magical symbols, including the khamsa, as a sign of cultural selfassertion and as commentary on contemporary issues. In short, opposition to amulets among contemporary Muslims has been both ideological and religious. However, other Sunni scholars accept the use of amulets inscribed with the Qur’an or prayers from the hadith. This view was held by the classical Islamic scholar Abū Ḥanīfah (780–885) and Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzīyah (1292–1350),38 and is supported by a narration interpreted to mean that the Prophet placed an amulet (taʿwīdh) on his grandchildren, as some of his companions did with their children.39 They argue that narrations against amulets refer specifically to amulets invoking deities other than God. Amulets are also more common among Muslims of a Sufi orientation. Shiʿi scholars typically allow the wearing of amulets inscribed with the Qur’an or prayers from the hadith due to narrations in the Shiʿi hadith corpus specifically prescribing or allowing specific amulets. While the use of non-scriptural amulets is more of a grey area, Shiʿi scholars have not ruled against the khamsa or evil eye 37 38 39

Minnehaha Finney, “Amulets in Egypt”, in The Muslim World, vol. 7, no. 4 (October 1917), pp. 366–371 . Accessed 3 February 2022. See Peter E. Pormann and Emilie Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007), p. 146. For instance, it is related that ʿAbd Allāh ibn ʿAmr ibn al-ʿĀṣ said that the Prophet used to teach the following words of protection to be recited at time of fright: “I seek refuge with the perfected words of God from His wrath, the evil of His servants, and from the insinuations or presence of devilish entities (shayāṭīn).” The narrator continues on to say that ʿAbd Allāh used to write down these words and hang them upon children who could not yet read or write. Abū Dāwūd, Sunan Abī Dāwūd, no. 3893 (book 29, no. 39); Muḥammad ibn Ismaʿīl al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī book 60, no 45 (no. 3371).

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beads, although some Shiʿi scholars note that there is no scriptural evidence for their efficacy.40 Furthermore, theory differs from practice. Popularly, there is a greater adherence to some pronouncements of Islamic law than others and a customary sense of what strictures are inviolable (such as eating pork) versus what strictures might be taken more as recommendations (such as a fatwa against makeup). In any case, regardless of where one draws the line between “licit” and “illicit” metaphysical acts, throughout the Islamic world, both “licit” and “illicit” occult practices coexist.41 There is also a grey area between popular and scriptural Islam. For instance, Holthius cites a legend of uncertain provenance that the Prophet Muḥammad once made a handprint of his hand, using ink from an inkwell and stamping it on parchment, so that people could use it as protection against the evil eye, thereby integrating popular custom into notions of “orthodoxy”.42 The debate over the acceptability of amulets and talismans resembles discussions of the legitimacy of the visual arts in Islam. As Negar Zeilabi observes in a study on talismans and figurative representation in Islam, “Aniconism in Islam is so well-known among the first generation of Orientalists and authors of Islamic histories that […] the fatwa (legal opinion) against depicting living things is presumed by many authors of works on the Islamic arts,” leading to “convoluted analyses” regarding Islamic art.43 While it is true that there are hadith and classical scholarly views against the depiction of living things, there is also a centuries-old tradition of Islamic manuscript illuminations depicting sacred figures (let alone an Islamicate tradition of using drawings and statues of living beings in talismans). Additionally, drawings and paintings of sacred 40

41 42 43

A related discussion on the acceptability of spiritual healing in Islam, which reflects similar concerns, is Adam Bursi, “Sorcery, Idolatry, or Sunna – Defining Magical Healing in Early Islam”, in IOSOTR (20 August 2021) . Accessed 17 January 2022. On what would have been considered licit versus illicit talismans in the classical era, see Negar Zeilabi, “Talismans and figural representation in Islam: a cultural history of images and magic”, in British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 46, no. 3 (2019), p. 7. Underlying scriptural and historical reasons for differences between contemporary Sunni and Shiʿi approaches to the occult and the metaphysical are discussed further in the of this book on the hand symbol in Shiʿism. For some discussions on the role of amulets in today’s Muslim-majority world, see Annabelle Böttcher and Birgit Krawietz (eds.), Islam, Migration and Jinn: Spiritual Medicine in Muslim Health Management (Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021). Gabriele Holthius, Living Khamsa. Die Hand zum Glück. ([Germany]: Museum und Galerie im Prediger Schwäbisch Gmünd, 2004). Negar Zeilabi, “Talismans and figural representation in Islam: a cultural history of images and magic”, in British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 46, no. 3 (2019), pp. 425–439.

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figures and sacred history have been popularly integrated into Shiʿi religious expression.44 Therefore, it is overly simplistic to say that Islam is against drawing and painting, just as it is overly simplistic to say that Islam is “against magic”. 5

What is a Talisman?

To avoid misconceptions, it is helpful to note that there is not a one-to-one correspondence between the English and classical Islamic scholarly uses of the words “talisman” (ṭilasm) and “amulet” (taʿwīdh). Just as the modern word “magic” does not wholly concord with the mediaeval notion of siḥr, not every spiritually significant object is referred to as a “talisman”.45 This is not a new consideration; for instance, “the early Latin translators of Arabic material evidently had trouble with the word Ṭilasm, and there were variant translations as Prestigium (illusion or trick) and Idolum, before Imago became universally accepted.”46 In contemporary ethnographic studies of Muslims, often any spiritually significant object is referred to as a “talisman”;47 however, this usage does not reflect common usage within Islamic scholarship. So, what is a talisman? The words “talisman” (ṭilasm) and “amulet” (taʿwīdh) have a technical meaning and are often reserved for objects prepared by a specialist following the rules of the scholarly occult sciences (ʿulūm al-gharība, lit. “the strange sciences”), such as in Shams al-Maʿārif, or other occult tomes. Talismans often contain Qur’anic verses, the names of sacred personages, matrices, numbers, disjointed letters, images, sigils, or symbols, and are sometimes carried or hung near/on a person.48 While the khamsa or hand 44

45 46

47 48

See, for example, Pedram Khosronejad (ed.), The Art and Material Culture of Iranian Shiʿism: Iconography and Religious Devotion in Shiʿi Islam (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010). Some critiques of ethnic or racial stereotyping which could be promoted by this artwork have been raised by Amina Inloes in “Racial ‘Othering’ in Shiʿi Sacred History: Jawn ibn Huwayy the ‘African Slave’, and the Ethnicities of the Twelve Imams”, in Journal of Shiʿa Islamic Studies, vol. 7, no. 4, pp. 411–439. However, this is not a concern over the depiction of living beings per se. This subject is also treated in Porter, Venetia; Saif, Liana; and Savage-Smith, Emilie, “Medieval Islamic Amulets, Talismans, and Magic”, in A Companion to Islamic Architecture, ed. Finbarr Barry Flood and Gülru Necipoğlu (New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell, 2017), 521–557. Peter J. Forshaw, “From Occult Ekphrasis to Magical Art: Transforming Text into Talismanic Image in the Scriptorium of Alfonso X”, in Bild und Schrift auf ‘magischen’ Artefakten, ed. Sārā Kiyān′rād; Christoffer Theis; Laura Willer (Berlin and Boston: De Gruyter, 2018). Sakina Nomanbhoy, “May the Envier’s Eye be Blind”, p. 186. Sakina Nomanbhoy, “May the Envier’s Eye Be Blind”, p. 174.

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symbols feature far less often on this type of formal occult talisman than one might expect, one example of this type of talisman with a hand symbol is an eighteenth-century Ottoman talisman which is part of the Khalili Collection. Made of coloured inks and gold on paper backed with silk, it displays copious, intricate writing, including the names of Allah and sacred personalities, and many, many numbers. In the centre, there is an imprint of a hand identified as the “Hand of Fāṭima”.49 Other types of talismans and amulets in the Islamicate world, such as those in Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm, feature images such as animals. Classical historians report the popular use of talismans both individually and collectively; for instance, Ibn Kathīr relates that numerous talismans were housed in Damascus to stop infestations of ravens, mice, snakes, scorpions, spiders, and insects.50 Other talismanic images of animals installed in the classical Islamicate world included a lion statue in Hamadān to temper cold weather, a cow and a fish in the Nahāvand mountains to prevent water shortages, and a human head on an eagle’s body at the mosque of Ḥums to cure scorpion bites.51 Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm gives an evocative pseudo-etymology: a ṭilasm is that which gives one power over another (musalliṭ); that is, a talisman is musalliṭ spelled backwards.52 In either case, these definitions refer to objects formally and intentionally prepared according to specific instructions with a goal of wielding specific effects. In addition to having distinctive symbols, these items are usually subjected to lengthy and complex rituals to imbue them with spiritual power; the crafter may also be expected to fast or undergo other ascetic practices when creating them. Specific materials, such as incense, oils, and custom-made inks are often involved in the process, which may also involve ceremonies to evoke spirits, angels and/or jinn, depending on the sensibilities of the crafter. 49

50 51 52

N.F. Safwat, The Art of the Pen. Calligraphy of the 14th to 20th Centuries, The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, volume V (London: Nour Foundation in association with Azimuth Editions and Oxford University Press, 1996), cat. 27, pp. 52–3; F. Maddison and E. Savage-Smith, Science, Tools and Magic, Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, vol. XII, Part One (London: Nour Foundation, 1997), cat. 43, pp. 108–9; J.M. Rogers, The Arts of Islam. Masterpieces from the Khalili Collection (London: Thames and Hudson, 2010), cat. 280, pp.244–5. The image is also available online; see “Talismanic Chart with a Hilyah: MSS 759”, in The Khalili Collections . Accessed 23 March 2022. Negar Zeilabi, “Talismans and figural representation in Islam: a cultural history of images and magic”, p. 11. Negar Zeilabi, “Talismans and figural representation in Islam: a cultural history of images and magic”, pp. 9–11. Peter J. Forshaw, “From Occult Ekphrasis to Magical Art”.

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The goal of these rituals is to bring the talisman to life, similar to booting a computer. The practice of enlivening talismans, which dates back to ancient times, is what is alluded to in the hadith opposing the drawing of animals or humans, in that the artist who fashions an animal is told to actually bring it to life, with the implication they cannot since only God can create.53 Conversely, machine-made replicas of talismans – sold sometimes as frauds, fashion items, or curiosities – are not considered to be “real” talismans in the same way that a copy of a piece of fine art is not considered to share the merits of the original, even if it looks identical. Additionally, amulets (taʿwīdh) are often sealed, and there is an expectation that the wearer will never open it or look at it; thus, they are kept extremely private.54 A third term, “charm” (tamīma, pl. tamāʾim), appears in hadith and is used for pagan or pre-Islamic items held to have some spiritual power. Conversely, objects used in normative religious ritual are not called “talismans”. For instance, it would be blasphemous to call the Black Stone on the Kaʿba a “talisman”. Jewellery or artwork, even if spiritual or religious, is also not usually spoken of as a “talisman”, unless it has been intentionally prepared as such. For instance, while the Qur’anic text in any form (engraving, printing, handwriting, audible) is held to have protective power,55 merely inscribing Qur’anic text on an item, such as a necklace, does not make it a talisman, and referring to this sort of item at a jewellery shop as a “talisman” is likely to evoke a blank stare. Of course, individual Muslims vary with respect to how they use the words “talisman” and “amulet”, and some Muslims have adopted the wide-encompassing concept of “talisman” prevalent in ethnographic literature, or use it when selling these items to tourists. Clarifying the various usages of these words can help avoid misconceptions. Regardless of what one calls it, the khamsa remains one of the most popular wards against the evil eye, as well as a popular cultural and fashion symbol. The most widespread use of the khamsa is as what is known in the broader sense as an “amulet”, although it takes different sizes, forms, and sometimes stylised shapes. The next chapter will delve deeper into the many and varied types of khamsas. 53 54 55

For more discussion on this, see Negar Zeilabi, “Talismans and figural representation in Islam”. This is discussed briefly with respect to West Africa in Venetia Porter, Liana Saif, and Emilie Savage-Smith, “Medieval Islamic Amulets, Talismans, and Magic”, although, anecdotally, it appears common throughout the Islamicate world. Michael Muhammad Knight, Magic in Islam (New York: Tarcher Perigree, 2016), p. 62ff.

Chapter 3

Types of Khamsas Up until now, the khamsa has been presented as a single thing; however, the khamsa itself comes in many and varied forms. This chapter presents a typology of khamsas. Sometimes, the hand is pointing up; other times, it is pointing down. Sometimes the fingers are spread apart, and at other times they are closed. Words, animals, symbols, and decorative motifs populate khamsas. This chapter primarily takes a visual approach to exploring the khamsa, with specific (sometimes rare) pieces depicted, and an explanation of key features, as well as regional variations. Some pieces also reflect a crossover between Jewish and Muslim symbolic understandings. 1

The Shape of the Hand

A fundamental way to categorise khamsas is with respect to the shape of the hand. Typically, a khamsa with outspread fingers is an averting hand, while a closed-fingered hand brings good luck.1 Usually, however, the three middle fingers are closed, and the thumb and the little finger are bent outwards, or sometimes only the thumb is turned outwards. This can be observed mainly in khamsas from the Maghrib, whereas in the Islamic East, khamsas with spread fingers are relatively rare. 2

Inscriptions

Khamsas also feature a variety of inscriptions. The following pieces are from the Maghribi context. The first is a contemporary brass khamsa from Algeria displaying a basmalah inscribed in the medallion in the centre of the hand. Another one, from Morocco, is made from thuya wood, a conifer from the 1 See Pessah Shinar, ‘Magical Symbolism in North African Jewellery and Personal Adornment’, p. 117. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_004

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cedar tree native to northwestern Africa. A prayer for travel (daʿwat al-safar) is inscribed on the obverse, and the Throne Verse (āyat al-kursī, Qur’an 2:255, used for protection) is inscribed on the reverse. The final khamsa pictured here also displays the basmalah.

Figure 3 Khamsa with a basmalah, cast brass. Tipasa, Algeria, acquired 2013

Figure 4

Figure 5 Khamsa with a basmalah, silver. Morocco, mid-twentieth century

Khamsa with the Throne Verse, thuya wood. Morocco, acquired 2013

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27

A particularly interesting example is a bilingual Moroccan khamsa. It is constituted of five superposed foils of silver, copper, and brass in which the outer surfaces show letters in Arabic on one extreme, and letters in Tifinagh on the other.

Figure 6

Khamsas with Arabic and Tifinagh script

28

Figure 7 Khamsa with a miḥrāb in the centre, decorated with a flower, surrounded by scrolls and flowers. The fingers are separated, and the three middle fingers bear inscriptions. One of them displays the word Allāh. Silver, Morocco, 1920s

Chapter 3

Figure 8 Khamsa in a shape resembling a lūḥa but showing all fingers. 1950s, Morocco

A very original example constitutes a khamsa in which the inscriptions occupy the lower part of three middle fingers. It was produced in a Sunni environment. Arab calligraphers excel in creativity. The following a khamsa displays an inscription contained in a miḥrāb-like cartouche: ḥasbunā Allāh wa niʿm al-wakīl (“God suffices us, and what an excellent guardian!”, Qur’an 3:173). This Qur’anic phrase is sometimes invoked for protection or divine assistance, although it is rare on khamsas. Additionally, this khamsa is decorated with floral patterns. Moving on to Turkey, another piece in the author’s collection has spread fingers and displays the inscription yā Allāh. The inscription is placed in a rhomboidal cartouche. The nails and fingers’ articulations are designed. Khamsas may also display expressions of proverbial character as, for example, a khamsa acquired by Titus Burchardt in Egypt in the late eighteenth century that shows the popular saying al-ḥasūd lā yasūd (“the envious shall not prevail”). Another example is a brass khamsa made in Palestine at the turn of nineteenth/twentieth centuries, today in the collections of the Museum of Glasgow, which bears the inscription mabrūk (“congratulations!”, “blessings!”). This

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Figure 9 Hand amulet from Palestine. Late nineteenth century © CSG CIC Glasgow Museums Collection

piece would have been fixed to an object, such as clothing, furniture, or a gift, although usually representations of the hand are worn as jewellery. This piece also has a six-pointed star and a crescent moon, both of which situate it in an Islamic provenance. The six-pointed star alludes to Solomon, who, according to the Qur’an, commanded jinn and the wind, and spoke to animals. Thus, the star symbolises empowerment, making this both an empowering and protective piece. The clearly defined fingernails also stand out.2 Sometimes magical squares with letters and/or numbers are also engraved on the surface of a khamsa, although this is not the most common form.3 3

Anthopomorphic Khamsas

Since the khamsa symbol is thought to trace back to depictions of ancient goddesses, such as Tanit, it is natural that some humanoid features would occasionally be retained. One khamsa from Marrakesh (silver, decorated with floral patterns) features a round head placed over a triangular body, with five fingers along the bottom line. It resembles a schematic representation of Tanit present on many stelae. Dangles bearing a resemblance to this specific khamsa are integrated in certain head or temple adornments. 2 The piece is held at the Kelivngrove and Museum, Glasgow Museums, item no. 1912.6.i [2]. The piece and further explanation of it may be viewed at Noorah al-Gailani, “Hand-palm amulet”, in Discover Islamic Art. Museum with No Frontiers . Accessed 18 January 2022. 3 Khalid El-Gharib, La Main au Maroc. Khamsa, Art, Symbole et Tradition, p. 67.

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Figure 10 Dangle in the shape of Tanit

4

Khamsas upon Khamsas

The khamsa is also sometimes layered; that is, in some cases, the khamsa symbol appears as an associated decorative element of the khamsa amulet. It may be engraved or cut out; it may also be a cast element soldered to the surface. It may take the form of a dangle suspended from the khamsa fingers, or it may feature a loop from which the khamsa pendant hangs. The latter case is frequent in Turkish khamsas, inspired by Ottoman-style jewellery.

Figure 11 Engraved khamsa. Essaouira, Morocco, early twentieth century

Figure 12 Engraved khamsa, silver. Essaouira, Morocco, early twentieth century

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Figure 13 Three cast hands incorporated into a khamsa. Silver, Morocco, late twentieth century

Figure 14 Khamsas, excavated from the Alhambra by Mariano Fortuny. Now at the Louvre Photo by Marie-Lan Nguyen

The second khamsa is chiselled in the upper part and is surrounded by floral scrolls. The lower part, separated by a bar, has a chequered field filled with four petal flowers. The nails of four fingers are marked. 5

Eyes

Since the khamsa amulet is understood primarily to protect against the evil eye, it is also natural the eyes would appear on them, especially since the eye itself has been used since ancient times to protect against the evil eye. Thus, the eye is sometimes merged in a design of the eye-in-hand motif.4 In those cases, a stylized or even realistic eye appears in the centre of the palm of the hand. This model is present in the Maghrib, and is current in Egypt and in the Middle East. The eye may be engraved or represented by a blue stone or a blue glass cabochon, sometimes even by a boss. 4 One Muslim jewellery collector used the term “Hand of ʿAbbās” to refer to the eye-in-hand symbol. Cf. Saad Al-Jadir, Arab and Islamic Silver (London: Stacey International, 1981), p. 18. Referring to the hand symbol, with or without the eye, as the “Hand of ʿAbbās” is more common among Shiʿis.

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Figure 15 Khamsa with a blue glass cabochon signifying the eye. Morocco, mid-twentieth century

6

Figure 16 Khamsa with the eye-in-hand motif. Morocco, late twentieth century

Figure 17 Khamsa displaying a boss, intended to mark the eye. Enamelled silver. Morocco, mid-twentieth century

Wheels

Another combination is the khamsa with a wheel. The symbolism of the wheel is rooted in ancient Near Eastern tradition, in which the sun was represented in several ways, including the sun wheel, a spiral whorl, and rosette; all of these depictions are reflected in the pieces below. Ancient solar symbolism persisted in the first centuries of Islam and led to the ubiquitous shamsa symbol  – a stylised floral symbol used in the Qur’an, which in turn is said to have developed from tree of life motifs. In antiquity, these motifs had been associated with solar deities which reached Islamdom through Sasanid and Coptic textiles. Solar symbols continued to figure in everyday objects of talismanic or prophylactic nature, like amulets, magical healing or divination bowls, talismanic shirts, and jewellery.5 Additionally, in Arabic art, the wheel holds special symbolism due to its symmetry and construction. For the Sufis, it is the most perfect geometrical form, and is reflected in some Sufi practices such as whirling or dhikr done in a circle. Miskawayh saw it as the symbol of existence, since the human being returns to the point from whence he started.6 The Qur’an uses the expression “circle of misfortune” (dāʾirat al-sawʾ) to refer to an ill turn of fate,7 and the 5 T. Fahd, B. van Dalen, and Rachel Milstein, “S̲h̲ams”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, and W.P. Heinrichs (2012). . Accessed 19 January 2022. 6 Malek Chebel, Dictionnaire des Symboles Musulmans. Rites, Mystique et Civilisation (Paris: Editions Albin Michel, Coll. Spiritualités Vivantes, 2001 [1st ed. 2005]), pp. 367 and 85. 7 For instance, Qur’an 9:98 and 48:6.

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Figure 18 Khamsas displaying wheels, Morocco, twentieth century. The two at the bottom date to the 1920s

notion of cycles is particularly relevant to Ismaiʿili understandings of time and sacred history, which is conceived of as a set of cycles (dawr). Wheels may also represent the zodiac (dāʾirat al-burūj), an image found throughout the ancient Mediterranean and Near East, such in the Dendera zodiac in Egypt. Thus, the

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wheel can also be seen as a cognate of the rota fortunae in ancient Rome and mediaeval Europe.8 Here, the wheels invoke good luck. Wheels are not limited to the Near East. In an exhibition on the Hand of Fāṭima, Dagmar Painter observes that, in the pre-Columbian era, the Anasazi Native Americans depicted hand shapes with spirals, and that the Moundbuilders of Alabama depicted a solar symbol above a hand with a central eye motif. These similarities could suggest ancient links further back, or simply a shared symbolism embedded in the human mind.9 7

Animals

An amazing variety of combinations of other symbols also enhance the apotropaic properties of the khamsa amulet. In this respect, Morocco offers by far the most varied repertoire. Khamsas may include animals, creatures, and other objects that the popular imaginary imbues with special powers. They may include fish, lizards, snakes, turtles, cocks, eagles, doves, and salamanders alongside other symbols such as daggers, stars, and crescent moons. In the following examples, we shall review a repertoire of these associated symbols. 7.1 Fish Khamsas are associated frequently with fish, as it is believed that fishes living under water are safe from the envious eye. Fish often represent fertility and productivity,10 and are hence included in a khamsa design. The association of fish with the khamsa may have originated in ancient Rome, since fish and serpents appear on ancient Roman pieces.11 In the Islamic world, sometimes fish are autonomous, substituting the hand as an amulet, especially in 8 9 10

11

I would like to thank Isa Babur for calling my attention to the Turkish equivalent of this – that is, the Turkish phrase Feleğin Çarkı or the Çark-ı Felek, both of which inform poetry and art. This, in turn, derives from the Persian phrase charkh-i falak. The Jerusalem Fund & Palestine Center, “Gallery Talk – “Reaching Across the World: The Hand of Fatima” with Dagmar Painter”, in YouTube (29 January 2016) . Accessed 24 January 2022. Mojgan Nikoui, Alireza Ghoujezadeh, Masoumeh Khodadadi Mahabadi, Fatemeh Kakavand Qalenoui, “Taṭbīq-e Mafhūmī Namād-e Māhī dar Asāṭīr, Qurʾān va Mathnavī-ye Maʿnavī va Karbord-e Ān dar Āthār-e Honarī”, in Honar-e Eslāmī, vol. 15, no. 36 (Winter 2020), pp. 259–278 . Accessed 20 January 2020. The Jerusalem Fund & Palestine Center, “Gallery Talk – “Reaching Across the World: The Hand of Fatima” with Dagmar Painter”.

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Figure 19 Cast fish soldered to a khamsa amulet, Morocco, mid-twentieth century

Figure 20 Khamsa displaying two fishes in the central medallion, Tunisia, mid-twentieth century

Figure 21 Khamsa pendant with two fish by Fayçal al-Ghorbal

Tunisia.12 In parts of the Islamic world, fish have been also seen as bearers of good omens, with depictions holding a symbolic or magical significance. The fish also represents inner knowledge; for instance, as in the Qur’anic story of Khiḍr, the “green man” and esoteric teacher. In the story, Khiḍr’s arrival is heralded by Moses finding a fish. This story and the story of Jonah and the whale (which is sometimes just referred to as a “big fish”) contribute to the sense of fish as a good omen.13 For obvious reasons, fish motifs on Islamic 12 13

Wittich, Ute, “Silber so weiß wie Milch – Schmuck aus Tunesien. Beobachtungen einer Sammlerin”, in Kleine Beiträge aus dem Staatlichen Museum für Völkerkunde Dresden (1999), pp. 61–71; Malek Chebel, Dictionnaire des Symboles Musulmans, pp. 344–345. Qur’an 18:60–63 and 37:139–148.

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Figure 22 Fish-shaped dangles on a khamsa. Brass, Tunisia, mid-twentieth century

Figure 23 Fish and a hand painted on a Berber home in Tunisia

Figure 24 Khamsa incorporating a fish into its design

metalwork were particularly common on bowls designed for liquids, which were sometimes also populated with other sea-creatures, real or imaginary.14 Here they appear on hands.

14

E. Baer, “Fish-pond Ornaments on Persian and Mamluk Metal Vessels”, in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, vol. 31 (1968), pp.14–27.

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Fish are a frequent decorative element on the khamsas produced in Tunisia and Libya offering different types of stylization. 7.2 Doves Doves have been celebrated throughout the Islamic world. Employed as homing-pigeons and as part of the pigeon-post, they were lauded by poets as messengers of love, peace, and good fortune.15 In Arabic and Persian love poetry, doves symbolize a woman and her attributes of douceur and beauty.16 Prior to Islam, the dove represented Astarte and other goddesses from the Assyrian and Phoenician traditions, such as Tanit, fitting well with the feminine symbolism of the hand. On khamsas and other jewellery pieces  – for example, bracelets  – doves appear frequently in pairs. On other occasions they are represented together with fish, rarely alone. Doves are represented most frequently in Tunisia. Some vendors refer to them as “birds of paradise”, although so far we have not found this mentioned in the literature. In the Moroccan khamsa presented here, the dove is stylized in a different way.

Figure 25 Khamsa with a dove (or “bird of paradise”), late twentieth century, Tunis Courtesy of Amazigh 15 16

Figure 26 Khamsa with a dove. Late twentieth century, Morocco

F. Viré, “Ḥamām”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, and W.P. Heinrichs. . Accessed 20 January 2022. Malek Chebel, Dictionnaire des Symboles Musulmans, pp. 106–107; Malek Chebel, L’Imaginaire Arabo-Musulman (Paris: P.U.F., 2002), pp. 233–237.

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7.3 Salamanders and Lizards Salamanders and lizards also feature on khamsas, primarily if not exclusively in Morocco. Salamanders are imaginary creatures whereas lizards are real and live in North Africa. In Berber culture, the lizard is said to symbolize long life

Figure 27 A lizard-khamsa from south Morocco. Courtesy of Amazigh

Figure 28 A cast salamander on an engraved khamsa. Warzazzate, Morocco, early twentieth century

Figure 29 A cast salamander on an engraved rural khamsa. Morocco, first half of the twentieth century

Figure 30 Nineteenth-century khamsa, Arabic, with a lizard instead of an eye. Housed at the Tareq Rajab Museum, Kuwait Photo by Charles Walker

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and survival, since it can withstand the fierce desert heat and survive for a long time without water. Dried lizard pieces were held to protect against snake bites and, by extension, venomous people. Thus, they fit in well with the theme of the khamsa.17 7.4 Snakes Snakes are a paradox: they inspire terror, especially poisonous snakes, while at the same time they present the sacred and symbolize the invisible world. Although not mentioned as such in the Qur’an, the snake is also linked to the myth of creation, and the story of Adam and Eve. An Arabic pseudo-etymology associates the word for “snake” (ḥayya) with the word for Eve (ḥawwāʾ), the mother of humanity and a symbol of life; this resembles a similar idea in the Jewish tradition, since the Hebrew name “Eve” bears resemblance to an Aramaic word for “snake”.18 The snake is also associated with jinn, since the snake is the animal form that jinn are said to most commonly appear in.19

Figure 31 A snake on a khamsa, silver, Morocco, late twentieth century

17 18

19

Figure 32 A snake on a khamsa, brass. Thodra Valley, Morocco, early twentieth century

Sarah Corbett, “Khamsa”, in Ethnic Jewels Magazine . Accessed 20 January 2022. Malek Chebel, Dictionnaire des Symboles Musulmans. Rites, Mystique et Civilisation, pp. 385–386; Wojciech Kosior, “A Tale of Two Sisters: The Image of Eve in Early Rabbinic Literature and its Influence on the Portrayal of Lilith in the Alphabet of Ben Sira”, in Nashim, vol. 32 (2018), pp. 119–120. J. Ruska, “Ḥayya”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, and W.P. Heinrichs (2012) . Accessed 21 January 2022.

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In some ancient cultures, a viper (afʿā) belonged to deities of the house and was considered protective. Therefore, it is unsurprising that a snake symbol on the khamsa has been said to protect against snake bites. Similarly, in North America, a pre-Columbian stone plate with a carved eye-in-hand motif surrounded by two snakes has been found, again suggesting either cross-cultural links or simply cross-cultural archetypes.20 Serpents also appear on ancient Roman pieces.21 7.5 Turtles Turtles also feature on khamsas. In Morocco, the turtle is popularly believed to symbolize fertility, and is a favourite pet. This khamsa has a turtle dangling from the middle.

Figure 33 Khamsa with a turtle. Attributed to Marrakesh, nineteenth century

7.6 Eagles She is like an eagle, swift to seize her quarry – – and in her nest are the hearts of the victims gathered. Night-long she stood on the way-mark, still, upright, Like an old woman whose children all are dead; And at dawn she was there in the piercing cold, 20 21

The Jerusalem Fund & Palestine Center, “Gallery Talk – “Reaching Across the World: The Hand of Fatima” with Dagmar Painter”. The Jerusalem Fund & Palestine Center, “Gallery Talk – “Reaching Across the World: The Hand of Fatima” with Dagmar Painter”.

Types of Khamsas

41

The hoar-frost dropping from her feathers. Then she spied on the moment a fox far off – Between him and her was a droughty desert: Then she shook her feathers and stirred herself, Ready to rise and make her swoop. He raised his tail and quailed as he saw her – So behaves his kind when fright possesses them: She rose, and swiftly towards him she sped, Gliding down, making for him her prey. He creeps, as he spies her coming, on his belly: His eyes show the whites as they turn towards her. Then she swoops with him aloft, and casts him headlong, And the prey beneath her is in pain and anguish, She dashes him to earth with a violent shock, And all his face is torn by the stones. He shrieks – but her talons are in his side: No help! with the beak she tears his breast.22 ʿAbīd ibn al-Abraṣ, c.500–544 AD, trans. Charles Lyall

Khamsas from Morocco also feature eagles. Cross-culturally, eagles have symbolized freedom, victory, royalty, strength, and courage. In ancient Mesopotamia and Hadramawt, the eagle was associated with the sun, and the Achaemenid flag boasted an eagle-like bird (shāhbāz, or “royal falcon”).23 These associations blended in the pre-Islamic Arabian tradition, some of which are reflected in the pre-Islamic poem above. In a study Sphinxes and Harpies in Medieval Islamic Art, Eva Baer observes that “mental connections between birds, such as eagles or vultures with the sun are well known from Islamic sources. They are testified not only in monuments of art, but are also referred to in Muslim texts and are known from other cultures outside Islam.”24

22

23 24

Quoted in Anna Akasoy, “Falconry in Arabic Literature: from its beginnings to the mid9th century”, in Raptor and Human: Falconry and Bird Symbolism throughout the Millenia on a Global Scale, ed. Karl-Heinz Gersmann and Oliver Grimm (Kiel: Wachholtz, 2018), pp. 1773–1774. Jacques Ryckmans, “Arabian religion: Pre-Islamic deities”, in Britannica . Accessed 21 January 2022. I would like to thank Maddie Sedai for her observations on Achaemenid symbolism. Eva Baer, Sphinxes and Harpies in Medieval Islamic Art: An Iconographical Study (Jeru­ salem: The Israel Oriental Society, 1965), p. 63.

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In a contemporary context, a Moroccan jewellery seller explained that the eagle on the khamsa symbolises authority, honour, glory, prosperity, and luck. In his view, the eagle appears on Moroccan khamsas due to the historical intermixing of Muslims and Jews in Morocco, because of allusions to the eagle in the Hebrew Bible and the use of the eagle as a metaphor for divine protection in the Jewish tradition. On this point, he said: Among the Hebrews, the Rav Elyakim Simsovic says that some verses allude to it, like “I carried you on eagles’ wings” about the coming out of Egypt, or “like the eagle that flies over her cubs” about Providence. Some midrachim compare the divine protection to the eagle which carries its young on its back while the other birds hold them in their talons, for the eagle fears only the arrows of men and it prefers to offer itself as a target rather than to risking the lives of his little ones, so God carries Israel on his wings. The Shulhane Aroukh recommends us to take example on the lightness of the eagle (and the impetuosity of the tiger, the bravery of the lion and the velocity of the stag or the fallow deer) to accomplish the divine will. He also said that eagles were not found on khamsas anywhere else; we too have not found any khamsas with eagles produced outside Morocco.25

Figure 34 Cast eagles integrated into khamsas. Azzamor, Morocco, mid-twentieth century 25

Personal communication with Amina Inloes, 8 January 2022.

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Types of Khamsas

8

Swords

In addition to animals, other symbols such as stars, eyes, swords, and moons appear on khamsas. Khamsas with stars and eyes have already been pictured above; therefore, this section continues with the sword. An obvious symbol of a warrior, the image of a sword enhances the protective nature of the piece. Usually, swords appear in pairs, depicting curved sabres known in Morocco as the koummiya. They are cast and soldered to the surface of the amulet. In some cases, only one sword/dagger appears. We think that this representation pertains to Lilith, the primordial daemoness in the Mesopotamian and Jewish traditions who threatened newly born infants. While Lilith is not mentioned in the Qur’an or hadith, her mythos was still prevalent regionally.26 Furthermore, Jewish silversmiths worked for both Muslim and Jewish communities, leading to a blending of beliefs and customs, as in the khamsas depicting eagles. However, a rare khamsa depicts Lilith. It was fashioned in the early twentieth century in Morocco, probably Casablanca. Silver with silver rivets, it is

Figure 35 Two swords flanking a salamander on a khamsa. Morocco, mid-twentieth century

26

Figure 36 A sword/dagger on a khamsa. Morocco, late twentieth century

Figure 37 Khamsa depicting Lilith. Silver, Morocco, early twentieth century. Formerly part of the Willy Lindwer Collection Photo credit: Kedem Auction House Ltd.

For more discussion of this, see Amina Inloes, Women in Shiʿism: Ancient Stories, Modern Ideologies (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2019), p. 113.

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shaped in a stylised hand with equal-shaped fingers on the bottom. In the centre, a large cast figure of a female daemoness stands with her hands upraised; to her left is a five-pointed star, and to her right is a crescent moon (possibly a crescent moon and a star; the engraving has worn down). Holes in the fingertips would have held dangling daggers. The piece is described as a protective piece intended to protect mothers and their newborn children. Previously part of the Willy Lindwer Collection, it was put on auction in 2021.27 9

Crescent Moons

The moon figured prominently in pre-Islamic Arabian culture, both due to the influence of the Mesopotamian lunar god Sīn, but also due to its prominence in the desert landscape, and its utility in time-keeping and navigation. The Bedouin Arabs had a rich vocabulary of words for the moon, depending on its phase, and posed rhyming riddles to the moon for it to answer. In poetry, the full moon was often used as a metaphor for a handsome man or a beautiful woman, and the crescent moon was often used as a metaphor for a beautiful woman. This imagery persists in poetry as well as in Shiʿi ritual texts, with members of the Prophet’s household and martyrs at Karbala likened to the moon; for instance, al-ʿAbbās ibn ʿAlī is spoken of as the “moon of the Hashemites”. Lunar imagery is also part of Islamic esotericism and mysticism. Today, the crescent moon symbolises Islam, and appears on mosques and flags of Muslim countries. However, this symbolism did not emerge at the dawn of Islam. As an ancient and folkloric symbol, the crescent moon appeared on Arab-Muslim coins and military banners. As the herald of the new lunar month, the crescent moon was especially celebrated at the beginning and end of the month of Ramadan. However, European influence may have been what pushed it forward into a symbol of Islam, as a Muslim equivalent to how the cross denotes Christianity, and it was not until the nineteenth century that it became recognised as a faith symbol.28 27

28

More information about the piece is available at the auction website. “Hamsa – Pendant with Depiction of Female Demon Lilith  – For Protection of Mother and Newborn  – Morocco”, in Lot-Art (13 July 2021) . Accessed 28 February 2022. On the moon in Arab-Islamic cultures, see Daniel Martin Varisco, “Moon”, in Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān, general editor Jane Dammen McAuliffe (Washington, DC: George­town University, n.d.) . Accessed 24 January 2022; Yuka Kadoi, “Crescent (symbol of Islam)”, in Encyclopaedia of

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Types of Khamsas

Figure 38 A crescent moon on a khamsa, silver, Tunisia, mid-twentieth century

Figure 39 A crescent on the khamsa, brass, Palestine, late nineteenth/early twentieth century

Figure 40 Khamsa integrated onto a crescent moon, brooch, silver filigree, Tunisia, late twentieth century

Islam, 3rd ed., ed. Kate Fleet, Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, and Everett Rowson . Accessed 24 January 2022; D. Pingree and M. Rodinson, “al-Ḳamar”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, and W.P. Heinrichs . Accessed 24 January 2022. On the Moon in Islamic esotericism, see Ahmad ibn ʿAli al-Buni, The Sun of Knowledge, ch. 2–3; Titus Burckhardt, Mystical Astrology According to Ibn ʿArabī (Louisville, Kentucky: Fons Vitae, 1977).

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Thus, it is no surprise that the crescent moon appears on apotropaic pieces, sometimes in conjunction with other symbols. Here, on the first two pieces, the moon appears with a five-pointed star. 10

Variations throughout the Middle East, Central Asia, and Afghanistan

In addition to portraying distinct imagery, the aforementioned pieces have reflected regional variations, especially pieces with unique symbolism made in Morocco. This section focuses more on regional variations of the khamsa, especially with respect to stones and materials. Most khamsas produced in the Middle East display the eye-in-hand motif. It is engraved, realized in open-work technique, or marked with a blue stone or blue glass bead. The khamsas appear as separate items or form necklaces in which hands are mixed with blue beads. The use of khamsa-shaped dangles integrating other amulets is frequent. The lavish use of blue stones as turquoise and lapis-lazuli mined in these regions as well as the ʿaqīq stone (identified alternatively with carnelian or

Figure 41 Khamsa with eye-in-hand motif, glass, reproducing existing model in metal. Palestine, 1970s

Figure 42 Khamsa with eye-in-hand motif, brass. Damascus, Syria, 1940s

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Types of Khamsas

Figure 43 Khamsa with an inscription and holes. Gold, Persia, nineteenth century

Figure 44 Khamsa-shaped dangles on a circular medallion. Silver, Persia, late nineteenth century

Figure 45 Khamsa, enamelled silver set with engraved carnelians in each nail and in the centre of the hand. Persia, nineteenth century

Figure 46 A khamsa set with two turquoises and a glass cabochon. Gold, Iraq, early twentieth century. This khamsa offers an unusual configuration in which four fingers are supported by a tiny bar to avoid breaking or twisting the fingers. The index and the thumb form a second khamsa

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Figure 47 Necklace composed of khamsas with blue beads, silver, and glass paste. Palestine, early twentieth century

Figure 48 Probablyaheadornament,composed of khamsas. Silver, Palestine, early twentieth century

Figure 49 A necklace composed of stylized khamsas, silver alloy, Kurdistan, early twentieth century

Figure 50 Gold-washed khamsa set with blue glass paste beads imitating turquoise, Afghanistan, 1930s. This is a rare example of a khamsa with separated stretched fingers coming from this region

red agate) is an outstanding feature of numerous items. The choice of these stones is based on the symbolism of their colours: blue for its magical properties of warding off the evil eye, and red symbolizing the strength and vigour of life. The examples from Afghanistan made by Turkoman tribes that we have had opportunity to examine have more elongated shapes and/or are frequently double-faced, especially the older items, produced before 1980s. They are set with stones in the fashion of other jewellery pieces of the same origin. Frequently they are gold-washed.

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Types of Khamsas

Figure 51 Standing khamsa, Afghanistan, midtwentieth century Photo: Rui Manuel Ramalho Ortigão Neves

Figure 52 Silver disc amulet displaying symbolism of five elements. Afghanistan, mid-twentieth century

There exists a Turkoman version of a khamsa composed by five circular elements forming a highly stylized hand. A counterpart to this model is produced in Morocco and is reproduced in Bijou du Maroc.29 The symbolism of number five is reflected in the amulet below. Some khamsas display precious stones and gems like carnelian, turquoise, coral, or lapis meant to strengthen their protective properties. They relate to the stones and to their colours that also possess symbolic qualities, such as blue, believed to ward off the evil eye. On some, pearls are also applied. 11

The Foulet Khamsa

The magic of the number five is present in a peculiar form of amulet displaying a quadrilobed shape called the foulet khamsa. It maintains however the 29

Marie Rose Rabaté and André Goldenberg, “Le bijou bénéfique”, in Bijoux du Maroc (Aix-en-Provence: Edisud/Eddif, 1999), p. 191, plate 2.

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name but not the form. They are decorated on both sides as they are formed by two foils of silver, sometimes soldered together. Their ornamentation evolves around a central element which is placed in four lobes of the amulet. Sometimes they are set with gems like amethysts or quartz, more frequently with glass cabochons of different colours. They were produced in southern towns of Morocco. Those manufactured in Essawira are characterized by outstanding craftsmanship. A majority are hallmarked, with dates ranging from 1325 AH to 1340 AH (1907–1921), and the places of manufacture are Marrakech and Essawira. Foulet khamsas may be considered a regional style, but were worn on the Atlantic coast until the mid-twentieth century. Their dimensions are variable: the biggest ones may

Figure 53 Foulet khamsa with stylized hands and glass cabochons, silver, gem and glass paste, Marrakech, 1325 AH (1907), Morocco

Figure 54 The obverse and the reverse of the same foulet khamsa, silver and glass paste, hallmarked 1335 AH (1917)

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Types of Khamsas

Figure 55 The reverse and obverse of the same foulet khamsa. Silver, quartz, and glass cabochons, 1920s, Morocco

Figure 56 A foulet khamsa sold at the Pierre Bergé et Associés auction. Silver Image from Pierre Berge and Associates

measure about 15 cm in diameter, in which case they were worn at the waist, whereas smaller ones were worn around the neck. Despite the fact that their internal decoration alludes to the number five, many of them display secondary symbols, such as stylized hands.30 The apotropaic character of the number five represented by five circular motifs is reinforced by an additional hand soldered on the circular motif in the upper part of the amulet.

30

Marie Rose Rabaté and André Goldenberg, “Le bijou bénéfique”, pp. 195–197.

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The Khomissar

The khomissar is a variant of the khamsa produced by Tuareg craftsmen from Mauritania, Mali, Niger, southern Morocco, and Algeria, in which the amulet does not show fingers but is composed of five rhomboidal elements made of silver or sometimes of five cowrie shells attached to a leather support. A stylised form of the khamsa, it is said to ward off the evil eye and be a fertility symbol, especially when it is made of shells.31

Figure 57 Khomissar, bone, silver and leather, Niger

Figure 58 Khomissar, silver, Djanet, Algeria

Figure 59 Khomissar, enamelled silver, Southern Morocco

31

See I. Gramet and M. de Meersman, Splendeurs du Maroc (Brussels: Musée Royal de l’Afrique Centrale, Tervuren, 1998).

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13

The Lūḥa

Certain hands have evolved into a stylized shape of a rectangle, in which the upper part develops into a polylobed arch or into a trapezoid form and fingers are not represented. The format resembles a writing board, hence its name lūḥa. Their principal centre of manufacture was Marrakech. Their prophylactic properties are enhanced by a hand incorporated into the piece, by an inscription inspired by the Qur’an, or sometimes by a magic square.32 There exist a significant number of hallmarked pieces, dated 1330 AH and 1340 AH (1912 and 1921/1922). There is sometimes an incongruency in terminology. Some authors use the term lūḥa-hand to describe pieces where the contours of the fingers are marked; others call identical cases a “hand”. To avoid confusion, we propose using the term lūḥa for all items displaying a straight bottom line.

Figure 60 Lūḥa, floral patterns. Silver, Morocco

32

Figure 61 Lūḥa, architectural decoration. Silver, Casablanca region, Morocco

Marie Rose Rabaté and André Goldenberg, “Le bijou bénéfique”, p. 194.

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Figure 62 Lūḥa, decorated with geometrical patterns, silver, 1950’s, Morocco

14

Figure 63 Lūḥa, displaying Qur’anic writing, silver, 1940’s, Morocco

Coral and Turquoise

Various stones, including coral and turquoise, often decorate khamsas. Turquoise has a particular meaning due to the belief that it deflects the evil eye. The following North African pieces show some placement of stones. Three are from the Chaouia Arab-Berber rural tribes, and are reflective of their style. In a way, the pieces in the latter photo resemble the Chaioua khamsas in their structure but reflect a more sophisticated manufacture as well a recourse to floral motifs. The use of gold and turquoise hints that they could have been manufactured in urban workshops.

Figure 64 Chaouia khamsa, silver set with coral. Aurès region, Algeria, nineteenth century

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Types of Khamsas

Figure 65 Chaouia khamsa, silver set with coral. Aurès region, late nineteenth century

15

Figure 66 Chaouia khamsa, bronze. Aurès region, nineteenth century

Figure 67 Khamsas, gold and turquoise, Algiers or Tilimsan, late eighteenth/ early nineteenth

General Appreciation

Khamsas constitute a precious cultural living heritage. Their artistic value is present in the usage of different symbols with origins in deeply rooted traditions and through application of diverse techniques such as hammering, chiselling, engraving, casting, nielloing, and enamelling. The artistry of their production has been transmitted from one generation to another, by skilled silver and goldsmiths who worked either in workshops in towns or by itinerant silversmiths who travelled from place to place, attending weekly fairs and working in one place for several days and even weeks, making new pieces or reshaping old ones. Older pieces were melted frequently to provide material for production of new, more fashionable items. This procedure may in part explain the scarcity of ancient items, though there exist a few known examples attributed to the eighteenth century. Others were lost by looting and other forms of dispersion. On the other hand, there exists a varied and well-documented corpus of khamsas from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Several of them are hallmarked with the date and sometimes the place of manufacture, but it should be born in mind that these hallmarked pieces are frequently older than the hallmark as it was applied only when the item was commercialized. They might have been hallmarked in places different than the locale of their manufacture.

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Ancient pieces were characterized by careful execution and considerable size, reaching 13–15 cm of length. Later khamsas are smaller, measuring 5 to 8 cm long, in part due to changes in clothing styles that required smaller sizes. Small khamsas of less than 5 cm were usually offered to new-born children. While khamsas are principally known as amulets, they appear individually as separate items, as dangles on necklaces or headdresses, or as decorative motifs on earrings, bracelets, belt buckles, and other jewellery items. This is apart from other uses of the khamsa, which will be discussed next.

Chapter 4

Outside the Realm of the Amulet While the khamsa is most commonly known as an amulet, its apotropaic qualities make it ever-present as a symbol of protection in almost all contexts of daily life. This chapter presents a selection of the many places that the khamsa appears in daily life. 1

Doors

Khamsas frequently are found at the entry to a household, sometimes even in the form of a simple hand imprint. The khamsa is also widely used as a door-knocker in Islamic countries from Morocco to Turkey. In the early 1900s, the French scholar William Marçais1 recorded the terms for this as mkhamsa in Tangiers, khamsa in Alger, and khumsa in Constantine and Tunis. Door-knockers shaped like a hand are also found in countries formerly ruled by Muslims, such as Spain and Portugal, where they persist until the present day. In certain regions of Portugal, an imprint of a hand is found on roof tiles.

Figure 68 Image: A khamsa door-knocker, Marrakesh, Morocco 1 William Marçais, Textes arabes de Tanger (Paris: Leroux, 1911), p. 285. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_005

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Figure 69 A tile panel representing a khamsa topped by a fish. Door of the School of Islamic Arts and Crafts, Tripoli, Libya, founded 1898. Photo by Joaquim Castilho, 2008. Fish also appear on khamsa amulets

Figure 70 Medieval buildings in Taourirt kasbah. A square in the medina. Blue door decorated with khamsas. Ouarzazate, Morocco Photo by Daniel M. Cisilino

Outside the Realm of the Amulet

Figure 71 Doorknockers with khamsas. Morocco, late twentieth century

Figure 72 Doorknockers with khamsas. Morocco, twentieth century

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Lanterns

Light as source of life, both material and spiritual, and of knowledge is referred to in the verse of the Qur’an known as ayat al-nūr, which draws a parable from a lamp illuminated with oil: God is the Light of the heavens and the earth. The parable of His Light is a niche, wherein is a lamp. The lamp is in a glass. The glass is as a shining star kindled from a blessed olive tree, neither of the East nor of the West. Its oil would well-nigh shine forth, even if no fire had touched it. Light upon light. God guides unto His Light whomsoever He will, and God sets forth parables for mankind, and God is Knower of all things.2 While this verse is often interpreted metaphorically, some artisans have expressed this idea through situating the khamsa on actual illumination devices such as oil lamps, candlesticks, and modern decorative candles decorated in the ajour style, with khamsas pierced or decorated with an openwork pattern that shed light. Big oil lamps suspended on a pendant display frequently a hand, either as suspension or a decorative element of the whole structure. For instance, a lantern suspended from a hand, acquired in Egypt and consisting of metalwork from various periods and provenances, some as early as the eleventh or twelfth century, now resides in the Hermitage Museum.3 Similar examples are known from later periods, especially in Morocco; for instance, a khamsa suspension element of a brass oil lamp from Fez, Morocco fashioned in the 1920s, and a metal khamsa-shaped candle stick dating from the twentieth century in Tunisia. 3

Domestic and Personal Items

Since the storage of food is of vital importance, it is natural that the khamsa symbol embellished pottery receptacles used for storing water or food items. It appears also on sugar boxes and spoons, as evinced by archaeological finds.4 2 Qur’an 24:35, translation from S.H. Nasr (ed.), The Study Quran. 3 M.B. Piotrovskiĭ, J.M. Rogers, Hermitage Rooms at Somerset House, and Courtauld Institute of Art, Heaven on Earth: Art from Islamic Lands: Works from the State Hermitage Museum and the Khalili Collection (Munich & New York: Prestel, 2004), p. 75; Michail Borisovič Piotrovskij, John Vrieze, Stichting De Nieuwe Kerk, Earthly Beauty, Heavenly Art: Art of Islam (London: Lund Humphries; Amsterdam: De Nieuwe Kerk, 1999), “Mosque lamp with pendant”, p. 76. 4 For instance, see An Abbasid tin glazed pottery bowl, ninth century. Cf. Art of the Islamic and Indian Worlds, Christie’s Catalogue (London, c.2009), Sale 7715. (Sold 31 May 2009 for

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Figure 73 A chest with protective khamsas. Ouarzazate, Morocco Photo by Daniel M. Cisilino

Objects destined to provide care and comfort for the body are embellished frequently with the symbol of the khamsa like kohl containers5 or combs6 with the intention of intensified protection against the jinn for fear that they might penetrate the human body. Along these lines, a Moroccan researcher, Abdallah Khawli, recovered a saying related to the application of kohl in which a woman pronounces yadu Lāla Fāṭima tasbiq yadī. In al-Andalūs, it has been found on items dating from the thirteenth century onwards. Large glazed pottery receptacles for storing water or olive oil were frequently adorned with the khamsa.7 Mudejar potters continued this tradition, as attested by glazed ceramic pieces and socarrats produced in fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.8

5 6 7 8

£49,250.) This bowl includes two green hands facing the centre. A similar example comes from Fatimid Egypt and is reproduced in Richard Ettinghausen, Oleg Grabar, and Marylin Jenkins-Madina, Islamic Art and Architecture (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2003), plate 466, p. 284. Khalid El-Gharib, La Main au Maroc. Khamsa, Art, Symbole et Tradition, p. 169. Khalid El-Gharib, La Main au Maroc. Khamsa, Art, Symbole et Tradition, p. 169. Mário Varela Gomes and Rosa Varela Gomes, Levantamento arqueológico-bibliográfico do Algarve (Faro: Delegação Regional do Sul da Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 1988), p. 249. Entre Tierra y Fé, Catálogo (2009), pp. 248, 274; José Martinez Ortiz and Jaime De Scals Aracil, Colección Cerámica del Museo Histórico Municipal de Valencia, Paterna – Manises (Valencia: Ayuntamento de Valencia, 1967), pp. 32, 62.

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Figure 74 Khamsa stamps on glazed pottery. Silves, Portugal, thirteenth century

In Persia, a small bronze bowl with an interior central handle in the form of a khamsa was often a traditional receptacle for serving water from a fountain to passers-by, as were bowls with Qur’anic inscriptions. In Persia, the khamsa also has appeared on the covers of beehives.9 Additionally, in many regions, the khamsa decorates cloth and embroidery as both protection and embellishment, especially for wedding festivities, such as on embroidered marriage belts.10 It is sometimes found on woven pieces like carpets or balishts and on decorative household artefacts tiles, and suspended or standing khamsas, such as on items from Algeria and Afghanistan. Thus, the khamsa populates daily life not only as an amulet or decoration to be worn but also on household, personal, and domestic objects. 4

Healing Bowls

Khamsas also appear on healing bowls; that is, bowls inscribed with sacred or magical text or figures with the idea that they would lend a healing property to liquids inside them. “Magical” bowls are found throughout the Islamic world, and were employed for healing and divination. Magical-medicinal bowls are thought to have developed from pre-Islamic Aramaic bowls, despite some differences. The first known Islamic magical bowl was produced in 1167 for the Syrian ruler Nūr al-Dīn ibn Zangī, who founded the Nūrī hospital in Damascus.11 9

10 11

Emilie Savage-Smith, “Beekeeping”, in The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art, Vol. XII: Science, Tools, and Magic, ed. Julian Raby (London: The Nour Foundation in Association with Azimuth editions and Oxford University Press, 2004), Part Two, pp. 320– 322. We thank Dr. Malgorzata Redlak for this information. James F. Jereb, Arts and Crafts of Morocco (London, Thames & Hudson, 2001 [1st ed. 1995]), p. 38. In this example the hand is placed on a ḥandīra (a blanket shawl draped over the shoulders) made by the Beni Ourain, Morocco. Peter E. Pormann and Emilie Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine, p. 151.

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These bowls have an obvious thematic similarity to demon-trapping bowls or incantation bowls, which were made in ancient Iraq and Iran. The production and use of these items was also not limited to Muslims in the Islamicate world. In a study on Islamic medicine, the following statement explains the recourse to magic, in popular medicine: It is evident from both the written sources and preserved artifacts of the material culture that, throughout the medieval Islamic world, people of all classes and religious persuasions had frequent recourse to magical therapy, often turning to the preventive and curative power of talismans, amulets, and other magical equipment.12 Islamic magic-medicinal bowls contain various inscriptions such as Qur’anic verses, sacred names, magic squares, numbers, images, and/or magical or esoteric symbols such as the symbols for the Greatest Name of Allah (al-ism al-aʿẓam).13 Usually, they are densely inscribed, often on both the exterior and the interior. The ill person would be expected to drink liquid from the bowl, thereby transferring the spiritual blessings of the text on the bowl to the patient. This resembles other popular practices of Islamic healing or exorcism, in which the healer recites Qur’anic verses or other texts over water or another liquid, and then gives them to the patient to drink or anoints them.14 Certain bowls, referred to in the literature as “poison cups”, have representations of scorpions, snakes, or animals on them, and were used to counter animal bites or poisons. Of greatest interest to this work are those bowls which have a rounded or conical boss in the centre, surmounted by a small hand (Farsi panjeh). Judging by the known examples, they were mainly produced in the Islamic East; namely in Iraq, Persia, and Turkey.15

12 13

14 15

Peter E. Pormann and Emilie Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine, p. 158. Peter E. Pormann and Emilie Savage-Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine, pp. 151–153; H. Henry Spoer, “Arabic Magic Medicinal Bowls”, in Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 55, no. 3 (Sep. 1935), pp. 237–256 . Accessed 26 January 2022. See Ahmad ibn ʿAli al-Buni, The Sun of Knowledge; Annabelle Böttcher and Birgit Krawietz (eds.), Islam, Migration and Jinn: Spiritual Medicine in Muslim Health Management. Ernst Langer, Islamische Magische Schalen und Teller aus Metall. Medizinschalen und Wahrsageteller sowie Liebesschalen und -Teller [Islamic Magic Medicinal Bowls, Divination Bowls] (Münster: Verlagshaus Monsenstein und Vannerdat OHT, 2013).

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Figure 75 Healing bowl, brass. Iran, late nineteenth century

Figure 76 Healing bowl. Iran, late twentieth century/early twenty-first century. Photo: Rui M. Ramalho Ortigão Neves. An almost identical example is reproduced in Ernst Langer, Islamische Magische Schalen und Teller aus Metall. Medizinschalen und Wahrsageteller sowie Liebesschalen und -Teller, p. 150

5

Slates for Schoolchildren (Lūḥas)

Just as a style of jewellery with the khamsa is known as the lūḥa (“slate” or “board”), so too were actual writing boards adorned with khamsas. In the traditional Islamic education system, the Qur’anic school or kuttāb constituted the first step towards literacy. It should be borne in mind that in Islamic societies learning was held in high esteem. Thus, the individual slate, the lūḥa, was a principal literacy instrument, and its principal physical medium in translating a personal endeavour. In a traditional Qur’anic school, each pupil had his own lūḥa, identified by the loop of coloured string used to hang it on the wall in the classroom.16 16

Daniel Wagner, Literacy, Culture and Development: Becoming Literate in Morocco (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 32–33. On Islamic education and its present challenges, see also Wilna A.J. Meijer, Tradition and Future of Islamic Education, No. 10 (Münster: Vaxmann Verlag, 2009).

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Nowadays the wooden lūḥa has been replaced with a modern slate used with chalk or a large blackboard in the classroom. Lūḥas produced by skilled craftsmen are still sold currently, but the buyers come mainly from rural backgrounds. Apart from their functionality, some lūḥas are decorated with geometric or floral patterns and arabesques, sometimes also including Qur’anic verses. They appeal not only to Muslim buyers but also have become collector’s items in the West. In the example shown beneath, a khamsa constitutes the central element of decoration, placed in the centre of the lūḥas, merging its protective character

Figure 77 Hand-painted wooden writing board (lūḥa). Marrakech, Morocco, late twentieth century

Figure 78 Qur’anic wooden hand painted writing board, lūḥa, 38 cm × 24 cm. North Africa or Bosnia

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with the sacrality of the script. The reverse displays letters of the Arabic alphabet written in a rather clumsy manner. Qur’anic slates were also produced in parchment, as an example from a private collection in Morocco shows. It displays two affronted hands inscribed in an eight-pointed star, and was produced in Meknes in the twentieth century.17 6

Prayer Rugs and Other Weavings

Khamsas also appear on prayer rugs; in particular, small rugs designed for personal use, not ones used in the mosques. Prayer rugs displaying hands occur mainly in two different regions of Khurasan and Baluchistan, and in the Caucasus region.18 However, a prayer rug with hands in Konya dates circa 1800, and so the khamsa on prayer rugs is not wholly limited to these areas. Khamsa renderings on prayer rugs are frequent, although they do not represent any specific typology. In all the cases, the hands appear in pairs – a right and a left. On Baluch rugs, the hands are usually located in the spandrels of the rug, whereas on Caucasian and Turkish rugs, the hands are placed at the upper part of the rug at both sides of the miḥrāb without being confined to any specific boundary design. In the Caucasus, the hand symbol appears in the examples woven in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Therefore, the known examples are restricted to a historical chronology ending roughly by 1918, and belong to Kazak and Shirvan group rugs. The production of Baluch-made prayer rugs with hands is attested to throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries; they became scarcer in the last quarter of the twentieth century. In both cases, the weavers are Sunni Muslims, yet the interpretation of the hand symbol displayed in their prayer rugs raises more questions than it apparently answers. Some rug dealers and catalogues assert that the placement of the hands mimics the placement of hands during the ritual prayer; however, this view is overly simplistic, since they do not actually mark the exact place where the hands are situated during ritual prayer. Others suggest a similarity to the Hand of Fāṭima.19

17 18 19

Khalid El-Gharib, La Main au Maroc. Khamsa, Art, Symbole et Tradition, pp. 150–151. Mircea Dunca, “Prayer rug”, in Discover Carpet Art, Museum With No Frontiers . Accessed 27 January 2022. Mircea Dunca, “Prayer rug”, in Discover Carpet Art, Museum With No Frontiers .

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There is also the possibility of Shiʿi imagery. While, in our observation, Kazak rugs feature predominately white hand symbols, the hands displayed on Shirvan and Baluch group prayer rugs are red or brown. These recall “bloody hands” and thus allow for an association with the Hand of ʿAbbās rather than with the Hand of Fāṭima. These prayer rugs also have typical Islamic elements as miḥrābs, combs as symbols of ritual purity, rose-water jars, eight-pointed stars, and sometimes the representations of turbahs (“Karbala stones”).20 This latter element, taken in connection with the red hand, could make an argument for interpreting these hands as the Hand of ʿAbbās. However, these Shiʿi elements are not in tune with the Sunni identity of the weavers. On the other hand, other elements constitutive of the decorative grammar of the Baluch prayer rugs include other non-Islamic symbols such as the tree of life appearing in the field, separate serrated leaves of a tree of life placed vertically in the field, and an overall boteh21 pattern also in the field. The guls (medallions)22 which are part of the Turkoman heritage are also present in these rugs, principally the ashik and waziri guls. The nomadic way of life as well migrations are responsible for constant exposure to foreign influences that are frequently absorbed and reinterpreted. In this context, the Baluch tribes’ historical trajectory and their forced displacement from the southern Persia (the Kerman region) to the Khurasan province at the beginning of the eighteenth century cannot be forgotten.23 In the case of the Shirvan group, the principal elements of the field of their prayer rugs are constituted of floral and geometrical patterns. These are all common to the Persian artistic and cultural tradition predating Islam, not to mention the presence of animals and sometimes even anthropomorphic figures represented on these rugs. Their presence 20

21 22 23

Turbahs (“Karbala stones”) are small clay tablets  – usually square, round, hexagonal, octagonal, pear-shaped, or rectangular – that Shiʿis place their foreheads on during prayer. With this in mind, it seems valid to speculate that any geometric form within or above the miḥrāb niche which differs from other decorative motifs of the rug may represent these stones. See Richard E. Wright, “Karbala Stones”, in The Richard E. Wright Research Reports, A Compilation of Notes Concerning the Nature and Origins of Textiles, vol. 1, no. 4 (1983) . Accessed 27 January 2022. The author suggests considering the hands represented together with Karbala stones as the “hands of the martyred Hussayn”. See Kjeld von Folsach, Torben Lundbaek, Peder Mortensen, Lise Funder, Bente Gundestrup, and Nationalmuseet (Dinamarca), Sultan, Shah, and Great Mughal: The History and Culture of the Islamic World (Copenhagen: The National Museum, 1996), pp. 35–36. An almond or pine cone-shaped motif with a sharp curved upper end. Medallions, often octagonal, often found on traditional hand-woven carpets in Central and West Asia, and often repeated to form a pattern. Murray L. Eiland Jr. and Murray Eiland III, Oriental Rugs: A Complete Guide [revised edition] (London: Laurence King Publishing, 2008), pp. 131–132.

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Figure 79 A Baluch prayer rug with hands

on prayer rugs does not obey the strict position held by some Sunni Islamic scholars that animals should not be depicted. This peculiar “artistic landscape” of the above-described rugs reflects long-standing contacts and mutual influences between different ethnic, cultural and religious groups producing a symbiosis, and may be indicative of a kind of religious syncretism. 7

Tombstones

In addition to appearing on some prayer rugs, hands appear on some tombstones, thus also blurring the line between the sacred and the secular. They demonstrate that the geographic dissemination of the khamsa encompasses far-away regions within the space of Arab-Islamic culture and different time periods. For instance, a tombstone in Vakhan, Central Asia, has a hand engraved on it; in that part of the world, it was common to find extended iron hands on poles at graves and holy sites.24 Thousands of miles away, in the Balkans,

24

Kjeld von Folsach et al, Sultan, Shah, and Great Mughal, cat. No. 374, p. 396.

Outside the Realm of the Amulet

Figure 80 An anonymous tomb marker from Sudan in the shape of a hand

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Figure 81 A tombstone decorated with flowery Iznik tiles. The arch is topped by two hands. Ottoman period

an Ottoman-era marble tombstone is marked by a khamsa.25 In al-Andalūs, funerary stelae known as “stelae with ears” were sometimes imprinted with the khamsa;26 hands also feature on Moroccan funeral stelae.27 Today also, a khamsa sculpture tops a tomb in a diasporic context in France.28 Interestingly, several of the tombstones mentioned here are for females; this may be due to the reverence enjoyed by Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ as an example for Muslim women. 8

Popular Idioms

Lastly, the notion of the khamsa appears in popular idioms and gestures to invoke protection, usually against jealousy, such as in the expressions khamsa fī ʿaynik (“five [fingers] in your eye”) or khamsa wa khamīs (“five and Thursday”).29 25 26 27 28 29

In the collections of the National Museum of History, Bulgaria. Margarita Sánchez Llorente “Funerary stele ‘with ears’” in Discover Islamic Art, Museum With No Frontiers, . Accessed 28 January 2022. J. Bourrilly and E. Laoust, Stèles funéraires marocaines (Paris: Larose, 1927), p. 24. In the Muslim cemetery in Bercy, France (as of 2017). Pessah Shinar, Modern Islam in the Maghreb, pp. 133, 139.

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Writing in 1933, Edward Westermarck observed in the Atlas region of Morocco the use of gestures to accompany these phrases: The quickest method of protecting yourself against another person’s evil glance is to stretch out the fingers of your right hand towards him and say, “Five in your eye”, or “Five on your eye”. The stretching out of the right hand’s fingers may be followed by a similar gesture made with the left hand, in which the words “five and little five” or the “fives” are used instead of “five”; I was expressly told that the object of these gestures is to throw back the bas, or evil influence, issuing from the eye. At the same time the phrase “Five on your eye” suggests the idea of shutting out the dangerous glance; and so does the gesture of an uplifted hand, which is also practiced. The phrase “Five in your eye”, again, may imply the notion of putting gout the eye. In Algeria Mr. Hilton-Simpson was in fact told by a native that the gesture in hand “implies that the giver of the admiring glance should have the fingers and thumb of the hand thrust into his eyes”. The same idea is suggested by the use of two fingers only, which is reported from some parts of North Africa and is represented on pottery from the Rif. The phrases “five in your eye” and “five on your eye” are also said without any gesture with the hand. There are other expressions used in a similar manner, such as “Five and fifteen”, “Five and fifty between us”, “Five on your eye and six on your heart” (making eleven, which is an odd and therefore lucky number), “We are ten between us, (they are) the friends of the Prophet”.30 The number five, or some number associated with it, has thus become a charm against the evil eye. […] To such an extent has the number five been associated with the idea of the evil eye that it is considered improper to mention the word for it in conversation with a government official, or even to mention any number reminiscent of it, like fifteen, twenty-five, or fifty. Instead of these numbers you should say “four and one”, “fourteen and one”. […] At Fez, the number five is even avoided in the giving of presents: it would be objectionable to make a person a present of five loaves of sugar, or five fowls, or five dollar pieces. This tabooing of a number which is itself used as a charm against evil influences is no doubt due to unpleasant associations and that uncanny feeling which is so readily produced by anything possessed of magic energy.31 30 31

Probably referring to a Sunni hadith known as the ʿashara mubashshara bil-janna (“the ten promised Paradise”), about ten of the companions of the Prophet said to be promised to go to Heaven. Edward Westermarck, Pagan Survivals in Mohammedan Civilisation, pp. 27–29.

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Figure 82 A blue khamsa with several proverbs

Another popular expression is al-ḥasūd lā yasūd (“the envious shall not triumph”). This is frequently engraved on hand-shaped amulets and nowadays on post-cards featuring the eye. Another refrain says ʿayn ḥasūd tasūd (“the evil eye turns black”). Sometimes, multiple expressions appear on a piece. 9

Moving beyond the Personal

In short, the khamsa appear not only as an amulet or piece of jewellery but throughout the realm of daily life. The items discussed here are only a selection of areas where the khamsa may appear. Although the khamsa is often associated with domestic life, it also appears in the public sphere and in public discourse, which will be explored in the coming chapters.

Chapter 5

The Khamsa in the Iberian Peninsula and Brazil The presence of hand-shaped amulets in the Iberian Peninsula, and their subsequent transmission to Brazil, offers an intriguing cross-cultural and cross-religious study on the meaning and functions of the khamsa in non-Arab contexts. Al-Andalūs, or modern-day Portugal and Spain, was a particularly fertile region for the production of art with the khamsa. The multi-confessional nature of this region during Muslim rule adds particular signifiance to these khamsas, which include religious symbolism but also demonstrate cultural crossover. Examining vestiges of the khamsa here can highlight understanding of the continuity and metamorphosis of this symbol. 1

Al-Andalūs

In al-Andalūs, the use of the khamsa as amulet is well-documented from the thirteenth century onwards. This chronology would relate the use of this amulet to an increased Berber presence and their cultural influence. The known examples come from archaeological excavations or from hoards. Among archaeological findings from today’s Spain and Portugal, one can observe various forms ranging from quite elaborate ones in its forms and decoration, made of gold, ivory, or silver, to very simple pieces made of bone or lead. Archaeological findings from Spain and Portugal reveal various forms ranging from similarly elaborate ones, such as the one dug up by the Spanish painter Fortuny at the Alhambra in Granada, now in the collections of the Louvre,1 to simple khamsa pendants made of bone, found at Moura and Mértola in Portugal.2

1 Item no. 3013, information on a tablet in the Islamic section of the Louvre (June 1996). 2 Museu Nacional de Arqueologia (Portugal), Portugal Islâmico. Os últimos sinais do Mediterrâneo, Catálogo (Lisboa: Museu Nacional de Arqueologia, 1998), p. 267. An invaluable source

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_006

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Among the Morisco population of Granada and the adjacent region, the use of khamsa pendants is reported to have been very popular. They were described as “large and engraved medals that they wear having in the centre a hand [inscribed] with certain letters”.3 The reference to the written word, most probably to a Qur’anic verse or an expression inspired by the holy text, present on these amulets reinforces the importance of the script acting as a kind of exorcism. Additionally, the registers of economic activities (El Zoco) and some memories hint at the use of khamsas. The Morisco population was gradually subject to changing their dress patterns and their use of adornments. An ecclesiastical assembly charged with the reform of customs of the converted Moorish population imposed a ban on using the khamsa in 1526 on account of it being mistakenly taken for a religious symbol of Muslims.4 This is despite the fact that Christians in Muslim Spain also wore the khamsa; for instance, a gold pendant with khamsas from Nasirid Spain bears the inscription Ave Maria gracia plen[a].5 Nonetheless, the ban included all open right-hand amulets and the prohibition of its production by silver and goldsmiths. They required that the khamsa be substituted by Christian symbols such as crosses. How ineffective these prohibitions were may be deduced from the new pragmatics that followed, like the one promulgated by the Synode of Guadix in 1554.6

3

4

5 6

for studying khamsa amulets from al-Andalūs is the site Amuletos de al-Andalus, developed by Sebastian Gaspariño at . “Unas patenas que suelen traer, que tienen en medio una mano con ciertas letras”. Francisco Bermúdez de Pedraza, Antiguedad y excelencias de Granada (Mardid, 1604), vol. 1, chap. 10, pp. 17–18, apud J. Herber, “La Main de Fatma”, in Hespèris, vol. 7 (1927), p. 209; Paul Eudel, L’Orfevrèrie Algérienne et Tunisienne (Alger: A. Jourdan, 1902), p. 251. See also: Diane Apostolos-Cappadona, “Discerning the Hand of Fatima: An Iconological Investigation of the Role of Gender in Religious Art,” in Beyond the Exotic: Women’s Histories in Islamic Societies, ed. Amira el-Azhary Sonbol (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2005), pp. 347–361. The symbol of the khamsa was current also in everyday artefacts. Rafael Benitez Sánchez-Blanco et al. (eds.), Entre Tierra y Fé. Los Musulmanes en el Reino Cristiano de Valencia, 1238–1609. Catalogue (Valencia-Mardid, Universidad de Valencia – Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2009), pp. 248, 272, 274. Cf. Francisco Bermudez de Pedraza, Francisco, Antiguedad y excelencias de Granada, vol. 1, chap. 10, apud Alejandro Garcia Avilés, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español. Notas sobre el Mal de Ojoen la Edad Media”, in Verdolay. Revista de Murcia, no. 3 (1991), pp. 133 and 137. The piece is now at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”, p. 178. Ana Labarta, “Processos contra Moriscos valencianos”, in Al-Qantara, vol. 1 (1980), pp. 129–137.

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Figure 83 Khamsa pendants made of bone, Portugal, thirteenth century

2

The Cellars of Cardenal Cisneros

Thanks to the sponsorship of the Consortium of the City of Toledo, due to its rehabilitation program for special elements in the houses in the historic centre, it is possible to visit the restored Islamic basements of Cardenal Cisneros. Elements with a heritage value in this space facilitate getting closer to the knowledge of the historical evolution of urban planning and architecture in Toledo, in one of the central areas of the city. The space houses the archaeological remains of an Islamic house from the period of the caliphate, of which a patio and living room remain, as well as the remains of the architectural decoration, consisting of two horseshoe arches. The terrain this house is built on presents a steep slope to the south, which is filled with rubble and belongs to earlier phases of the Roman and Visigoth eras; some of these construction materials were reused in the new Islamic construction. Both the patio and the room preceding it on its northern flank originally comprised the ground floor of this building, arranged at a similar height as the adjacent streets. Here, we highlight the discovery of the figurative parietal decoration documented on the twin arch, in whose jambs two Hands of Fāṭima or khamsas were placed, one of which is surrounded by three birds with a stylised figure, probably hummingbirds given their slenderness, the length of their wings, and their spikes. Both motifs are typical in Islamic art, and represent protection and a rejection of evil influences, specifically against the evil eye (the Hand of Fāṭima) and perhaps funerary (in the case of birds). Both are decorative motifs of pre-Islamic origin that must have had strong popular roots and that are, to a certain extent, tolerated by the official Islamic doctrine, although, as in the case of the birds, they are also ascribed to a hadith or unofficial oral tradition

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Figure 84 The Hand of Fāṭima imprint in Toledo

attributed to Muḥammad, in which they are identified as the transmitters of the souls of the good believers on their journey to Paradise. 3

Notable Pieces

Some particularly exquisite pieces are worthy of mention. There is an extraordinary item of special beauty composed of two double khamsas inserted in cartouches of an amulet that has the form of a lūḥa. Dated to the fourteenthfifteenth centuries, it is made of chiselled and enamelled silver and is decorated with arabesques. It bears the inscription: God is the Guardian, God is Consolation in all the tribulations. Dug out by the painter Mariano Fortuny in the Alhambra in the nineteenth century, it is now housed in the Louvre.7 Additionally, in excavations carried out in Tàrrega, in the site of a former Jewish quarter razed to the ground in 1348, several jewellery pieces were found, including a necklace composed of various amulets displaying a small khamsa made of ivory and a small hand amulet made of silver.8 As elsewhere, some gems were believed to possess protective proprieties against the evil eye. Among them the jet (azeviche),9 a variety of lignite of very

7 Information on a tablet in the Islamic section of the Louvre, Inventory nº 3013. Situation in June 1996. 8 Colet Marcé, Anna et al. “Les Fosses Comunes de la necrópole judía de los Roquetes, Tarrega”, in URTX, Revista Cultural de l`Urgel, no. 23 (2009), p. 114, figure 13. 9 This name is of Arabic origin, derived from al-ṣabāḥ. See R.P.A. Dozy and W.H. Engelman, Glossaire des mots espagnols et portugais dérivés de l’arabe (Leiden: J. Brill, 1869), p. 211 under “azabache”. See also: Maillo Salgado, Felipe, Los Arabismos del Castellano en Baja Edad Média, (Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 1988), p. 290. The Portuguese term is azeviche.

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dark intensive black, sometimes referred to as “black amber”, was used for manufacturing amulets. A few examples of small hands made of jet from the Islamic period are inventoried in the collections of the Museu de Murcia10 and in the Museo Arqueologico Nacional de Madrid.11 The khamsa has also featured as a means of political propaganda in public buildings, as exemplified by the Gate of Justice in the Alhambra palace complex that shows the khamsa symbol over the gate entrance as well as in other palaces of al-Andalūs during the Nasrid period.12 Only a few khamsas have been found in present-day Portugal. They are made of bone and silver and were found during excavations in Moura, Mértola, and Silves.13 All date from the thirteenth century. To our knowledge, no example from the post-reconquest period has been found in Portugal. According to various sources, the use of khamsa pendants is reported to have been very popular14 among the Morisco population of Granada and the adjacent region. They were described as “large, engraved medals that they wear having in the centre a hand [inscribed] with letters”.15 Possibly, the Ecclesiastical ban on khamsas was more effective here. Nonetheless, an interesting piece of evidence on the historical travels of the khamsa can be found in the work of the first Castillan lexicographer of Arabic, Pedro de Alcalá, himself a convert, who points to the Andalusian Arabic root ʿayn with the meaning of aojamento or “the evil eye”.16 It is also significant that 10 11 12 13 14

15

16

G.J. de Osma, Catálogo de azabaches compostelanos, precedido de apuntes sobre los imagenes contra el aojo (Madrid, Estanislao Maestre, 1916), pp. 5–6. Ângela Franco Mata, “Azabaches del M.A.N”, in Boletín del Museo Arqueológico Nacional, no. 4 (1986), pp. 131–167. W.L. Hildburgh, “Images of the Human Hand as Amulets in Spain”, pp. 67–89. Museu Nacional de Arqueologia (Portugal), Portugal Islâmico, p. 267. Francisco Bermudez de Pedraza, Antiguedad y excelencias de Granada, vol 1, ch. 10, pp. 17–18 apud Alejandro Garcia Avilés, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español”, pp. 133 and 137. See also Juan Martinez Ruiz, “La indumentaria de los Moriscos según Perez de Hita e los documentos de la Alhambra”, in Cuadernos de la Alhambra, no. 3 (1967); Zozaya Stadel-Hansen, Juan, “Fichas Técnicas de joyeria de al-Andalus” in Al-Andalus. Las Artes Islamicas de España, ed. Jerrilynn D. Dodds (Madrid: The Metropolitan Museum of Art / Ediciones El Viso, 1992), pp. 220–223; 300–303. “Unas patenas que suelen traer, que tienen en medio una mano con ciertas letras”. Bermudez de Pedraza, pp. 17–18, apud J. Herber, “La Main de Fatma”, in Hespèris, vol. 7 (1927), p. 209; Alejandro Garcia Avilés, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español. Notas sobre el Mal de Ojoen la Edad Media”, in Verdolay. Revista de Murcia, no. 3 (1991), pp. 133 and 137. See also Diane Apostolos-Capadona, “Discerning the Hand of Fatima”, pp. 347–361. Frederico Corriente, El Léxico Árabe Andalusí según Pedro de Alcala (Madrid, Universidad Complutense, 1988), p. 143.

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the symbol of the khamsa resurfaced on the banner of the Muslim revolt, the so called Pendón de Lorca, directed against the disrespect of Muslim traditions and laws initially, ensured by the terms of the surrender of Granada.17 This is similar to the appearance of the khamsa on other military flags and standards. In 2009, on the occasion of the 400th anniversary of the expulsion of the Moorish population from Valencia, a well-known Catalan writer Ildefonso Falcones launched a historical fiction novel titled La Mano de Fatima (translated into English as The Hand of Fatima), dedicated to the history of the Morisco population since the occupation of Granada in 1492, their forced conversion until the expulsion. In his final considerations, the author focuses on the significance of the khamsa symbol for these people. 4

The Figa Amulet

An amulet called the figa, which portrays a closed hand in which the thumb is located between the forefinger and the middle finger, was known as an amulet against the evil eye among the Etruscans and became omnipresent amongst the Romans. The Romans referred to the belief in the evil eye as the fascinatio or fascinum.18 This amulet has been widespread in the Iberian Peninsula since antiquity and continued to be used in the Middle Ages. Influenced by the translations of works of Arab authors dissertating on the belief in the evil eye like al-Ghazālī stated that: “An imprint of a soul passes to another body in a way that it destroys the other body with a thought [an envious thought] and it kills a human being with a mere thought. This is called the evil eye”.19 Medieval Christian authors became interested in this subject too and started to dissertate about it, demonstrating that the belief in the evil eye was by no means exclusive to the little-educated social strata. A Castillan erudite, Enrique de Villena, living in the sixteenth century composed a treaty on the evil eye and on the ways to prevent its pernicious effects, referring to the use of the figa amulet.20 17 18 19

20

Alejandro Garcia Avilés, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español. Notas sobre el Mal de Ojoen la Edad Media”, p. 136. Ubaldo Lugli, La Magia a Roma (Genova: ECIG, 1989), p. 98ff. Quoted from Lynn Thorndike, Imagination and Magic: The Force of Imagination on the human body and of magic on the human mind (1964), apud Alejandro Garcia Avilés, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español. Notas sobre el Mal de Ojoen la Edad Media”, p. 139. Villena, Enrique de, “Tratado de alojamento” in Heuristicas a Villena y los tres tratados, ed. Francisco Almagro and José Fernandez Carpintero (Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1977), p. 45.

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The use of jet for producing different kinds of adornments goes back to the Middle Ages in the provinces of Galiza and the Asturias. In the sixteenth century, the town of Salamanca became the principal centre of production of the figa amulets. Having in mind this sixteenth-century chronology of large-scale production and trade of the figa amulets, it may be pertinent to inquire into the reasons of such a sudden growth of demand. The existing iconography of the period offers good evidence for the popularity of this amulet. For example, the portrait of the Infanta D. Juana de Aústria as a child painted by Juan Pantoja de la Cruz at the beginning of the seventeenth century shows the Infanta wearing an enormous figa amulet.21 In Portugal the figa amulet enjoyed great popularity too, being usually made of silver, gold, coral, and jet.22 The term figa became part of idiomatic expressions dar figas or fazer figas, meaning “to reproduce an apotropaic gesture to ward off the evil eye”. It is attested to also in literary quotations.23 The figa amulet was traditionally offered to the newly born with the intention of warding off the evil eye. Frequently it belonged to a set of charms including also other items like a crescent or a sino Saimão (sign of Solomon) in the form of a pentagram.24

Figure 85 Soccarat representing the Hand of Fāṭima, Manises, fifteenth century. Museo Nacional de Cerámica e Artes Suntuarias Gonzáles Marti, Manises Note: Marti Manuel Gonzáles, Cerámica del Levante Español: Siglos Medievales (Barcelona: Labor, 1044–1952), vol. 2, figure 251 (item no. CE1 / 02321). 21 22 23 24

W.L. Hildburgh, “Images of the Human Hand as Amulets in Spain”, pp. 67–89. The most complete study on the subject was written by Vasconcellos in 1915, and has been republished. For example: “azeviches para dar figas aos maus olhos” – Bernardes (1706), p. 180; “figas de coral, de azeviche que as crianças haviam usado contra o quebranto” – H.M. Coelho Neto, Turbilhão (Porto: Livraria Chardron, 1925), p. 205. José Leite Vasconcellos, Signum Salomonis. A Figa. A Barba em Portugal. Estudos de Etnografia Comparativa (Lisboa: Dom Quixote, 1996), p. 79.

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The Symbol of the Hand in Colonial Brazil

This variant of a hand shaped amulet in the form of the figa travelled to the New World in the wake of Portuguese overseas expansion. It resurfaced essentially among the negros and mulattos, slaves or freedwomen (the alforriadas) in the colonial Brazil, concentrated mainly in Bahia (Salvador) and in the adjacent region the reconcâvo baiano.25 Many negros from Islamicate lands were brought there as slave labour, together with new Christians, Jews, and Moors, who were deported to Bahia, and others accused of magic and witchcraft.26 There the use of different amulets including the figa were made part of popular Catholic religious manifestations, ranging from magical practices to devotional practices surrounding saints sacred relics.27 The oldest preserved examples of the figa amulets go back to the eighteenth century although mention of them was made much earlier already in the mid-sixteenth century.28 Among the malés – the term for the Islamicate negros – there were many silver and goldsmiths who produced minor items of current use.29 The figa amulet rarely appeared alone. It usually was part of a set of amulets that were worn on a kind of an ornamented loop known as the penca. The penca was attached with a chain and was worn at the waist. The whole set of amulets together with the penca was called the penca de balangandãs and was made currently of silver, sometimes in copper and very rarely in gold. The use of the figa follows the same pattern as the use of the khamsa being associated with the context of protection against the pernicious effects of the evil eye, worn by women and offered to newly born children. The charms or amulets were meant to reflect the daily life of the wearer and/or to provide good luck or ward off evil. The different shapes have individual meanings. Overall, penca were usually made of silver, brass, or copper. For our analysis, we shall consult the collection of the pencas de balangandãs at the Museu Carlos Costa Pinto in Bahia (founded in 1969). This museum possesses the biggest collection of the pencas de balangandãs, altogether 25

26 27 28 29

The Portuguese word negro has been retained here, despite its connotations in English, because it is in use in Brazil to describe the Black population, and because it calls to mind some of the implications of the early twentieth-century use of the word “Negro” in the context of the Inquisition and the era of high imperialism, when these deportations occurred. Sousa Junior, Vilson Caetano de, “A Vós bradamos os degredados filhos de Eva” in Actas IX Jornadas sobre alternativas religiosa na América Latina (1999), p. 3. Jill Dias, África nas vésperas do mundo moderno (Lisboa: CNCDP, 1992), pp. 277–279. Solange de Sampaio Godoy, Circulo das Contas. Jóias de Crioulas Baianas (Bahia: Museu Carlos Costa Pinto, 2006). Solange de Sampaio Godoy, Circulo das Contas. Jóias de Crioulas Baianas.

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Figure 86 A penca de balangandãs, Brazil, mid-nineteenth century Photo by Roberto Cattani. Carlos Costa Pinto Museum, Salvador

Figure 87 A penca de balangandãs. Brazil, mid-twentieth century

twenty-seven, all of them on display in the section devoted to silver and goldsmith’s crafts. Furthermore they were object of study from which a Master’s dissertation resulted, elaborated on by the curator of this section, Mrs Simone Vicente da Silva, who kindly shared these materials with us.30 30

Silva, Simone Vicente da, Referencialidade e representação: Um resgate do modo de construção de sentido nas pencas de balangandãs a partir da colecção do Museu Carlos Costa

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Figure 88 Two views of the same penca de balangandãs

Examining the pencas de balangandãs from this collection led to the observation that sets had at least one figa, sometimes more, made generally in silver considered to be pure, rarely in gold and sometimes in bone or wood. Three of these sets had a simultaneous occurrence of the figa and other hand shaped amulets.31 These hand-shaped amulets represented an open hand model, sometimes referred to as “the false figa”, made of silver and of ebony in a silver mount. They are parallel to a small wooden hand-shaped amulet described as of African origin that we spotted on a necklace of a contemporary assemblage of ancient khamsas.32 The above-mentioned wooden hand amulet resembles the shapes of other hand amulets from the Andalusian context mentioned above. Additionally, in the set of the pencas de balangadãs (inventory no. 2269) there is a crescent, and in another set (inventory no. 2272) there are two fish-shaped

31 32

Pinto [MA dissertation] (Escola de Belas Artes na Universidade Federal da Bahia, 2005). We thank the author for having made this dissertation available. Museum Carlos Costa Pinto, Salvador/Brazil. Inventory numbers: 2249, 2269, and 2272. Online sale.

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amulets. Some interpret this mix of elements as a form of religious syncretism produced in the specific context of colonial Brazil. It is also true that in the Islamic context the fish symbol is frequently associated with the khamsa, reinforcing the protection against the evil eye being also considered as a fertility and prosperity symbol. 6

Some Final Remarks

Hand-shaped amulets travelled widely. The Berbers brought the khamsa to al-Andalūs. Later, the expelled Muslim and Jewish population took it back to North Africa, introducing different motifs and techniques. Then the figa amulet that became widespread in Portugal and in different Iberian kingdoms as well found its way to the New World. In certain places it became extremely popular, such as in colonial Brazil in Bahia and its adjacent region. The coexistence of the multiple types of hand symbols found in different chronological and spatial frameworks raises questions about its origins and ways of circulation. It is possible that not all these questions can be answered. However, the similarities are striking when considering the intention and context of its use and the meaning attributed to it as protection against the evil eye. The hand contained either in an apotropaic gesture or metamorphosed in a hand shaped amulet serve the same purpose. The interrelation between the belief in the evil eye and the corresponding use of hand shaped amulets to ward it off is common. Furthermore, in all these contexts, the hand-shaped amulets were part of popular religiosity. Additionally, the contemporary Islamic context provides further examples of coexistence of the khamsa with the hand shaped amulets either integrated in one piece or as separate items. Nonetheless they convey the same meaning of protection. Therefore, it may be pertinent to question to what extent the current use of a hand with crossed fingers, the so called mano fico in Italy and the figa in Portugal and in Spain, may be related to the former Moorish tradition of the khamsa superposed on the ancient symbol from the Roman period, thus losing its association with Islam and becoming hence free to be used. The fact that the term figa appears documented only after 1546 reinforces this hypothesis.33 Furthermore, in Brazil the figa was primarily used by African 33

Alejandro Garcia Avilés, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español. Notas sobre el Mal de Ojoen la Edad Media”, p. 133; Solange de Sampaio Godoy, Circulo das Contas. Jóias de Crioulas Baianas.

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slaves of Muslim origin.34 Thus, the transfer of hand-shaped amulets to Brazil reflects cross-cultural and cross-religious transmission, and is a lasting testament to the traumatic historical events that swept through Africa, al-Andalūs, and Brazil. 34

Sampaio Godoy, Solange de, Circulo das Contas. Jóias de Crioulas Baianas, pp. 25, 28 and 81, showing a figa made of black mahogany wood instead of jet suspended on a chain.

Chapter 6

Protective Power: The Khamsa in the Military and Politics Although the khamsa often inhabits the private sphere, treating it wholly as a private matter would neglect public deployments of the khamsa in matters of state and war. However, the khamsa has also been used, historically and today, in a political context. Given the symbolism of the khamsa, it is natural that it would feature in these arenas: as a symbol of power, as a symbol of protection, and as propaganda. 1

Banners

Just as some military standards featured the crescent moon, some military standards have also displayed the khamsa. While there is no historical evidence that the Prophet Muḥammad employed the khamsa symbol, A. Matrot and Probst-Biraben tell of a legend about the Battle of Badr (624 AD). At Badr, the Muslims were a ragged band, underequipped and outnumbered, and the Muslim army lacked an emblem or flag. They asked Fāṭima, the Prophet’s daughter, to make one, and so she wet her hand on the blood of a soldier and imprinted it on her veil.1 While it is hard to say how widely this legend has circulated, the link between military banners and the khamsa is reinforced by the banners carried during Shiʿi commemorations of Muḥarram and ʿĀshura, in that the retention of the symbol of the hand on ritual military banners implies

1 Cited in Garcia Avilés, Alejandro, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español. Notas sobre el Mal de Ojoen la Edad Media”, in Verdolay. Revista de Murcia, no. 3 (1991), p. 136; N. Silva Santa-Cruz, “La mano de Fátima”, in Revista Digital de Iconografía Medieval, vol. 5, no. 10 (2013), pp. 17–25.

© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_007

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Figure 89 The banner of the Moorish rebels who revolted against the disrespect of their traditions and laws, known as the Banner of Lorca (pendón de Lorca), raised in the 1569 rebellion Note: Garcia Avilés, Alejandro, “Religiosidad Popular y Pensamento Magico en Algunos Ritos del Sureste Español. Notas sobre el Mal de Ojoen la Edad Media”, p. 136.

Figure 90 Seventeenth-century green Ottoman banner featuring the Dhū al-Faqar, a double-bladed sword wielded by ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib (d. 661 AD), and an open hand said to symbolize the five central members of the Prophet Muḥammad’s kin. Although these symbols are particularly common in Shiʿism, they also appear on Sunni materials, as this banner demonstrates. Maritime Museum, Istanbul

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that the khamsa appeared on pre-modern military standards. The following are some examples of khamsas on military banners.2 2

The Khamsa Symbol and Statehood: The Case of Algeria

The khamsa hand symbol has also found its way into the language of political propaganda and power. One of these cases is exemplified in the Algerian context, in which the khamsa symbol has been integrated into the political language with the intent of disseminating a specific statement. Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir (1808–1883), an Islamic scholar, Sufi, and Muslim reformer, adopted this symbol as the emblem of the flag of the Algerian state he founded in 1832 and whose sovereignty was recognized by the French by the Treaty of Tafna (1837). The flag was composed of three vertical bands, although in some cases they are portrayed horizontally, two green ones and a white one, in the middle of which an open hand features. The hand was contained in an embroidered double circle bearing an inscription in Arabic reading: al-naṣr min Allāh wa fatḥ qarīb (“help is from God, and a near victory”, a reference to Qur’an 61:13). This was also a play on words since it pronounced the Amīr’s name: Naṣr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Qādir ibn Mūḥyi al-Dīn.3 This description corresponds to the testimony recorded by one of the sons of ʿAbd al-Qādir, Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Qādir: “A regular hand is embroidered in the centre of the hoop: the thumb and little finger are symmetrical and of equal length, as are the index and ring fingers. The middle finger, on the other hand, is symmetrically higher.”4 Amongst several flags used in the Amīr’s armed forces, one of the battalions used a flag displaying three hands: one red hand on a central black band, and two blue hands on vertical yellow bands.5 This flag was seized with the Amīr’s smala (tribe and entourage) and is described in Visite à l’Hôtel des Invalides (1863) as “a flame of 1m 50 in silk damask, composed of three horizontal bands, 2 For more on this, see C. Hamès, Coran et Talismans. Textes et Pratiques Magiques en Milieu Musulman; Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, “The khamsa. A recurrent symbol in artistic tradition in the global Islamic context”, p. 593. 3 Zaki Bouzid Editions (ed.), L’Émir Abd el-Kader: l’épopée de la sagesse (n.l.: n.p., 2007), p. 148. In the image reproduced, the hand symbol was placed over two crossed sabres. 4 “Une main régulière est brodée au centre du cercle: le pouce et l’auriculaire sont symétriques et d’égale longueur, comme le sont index et l’annulaire. Le majeur est en revanche symétriquement plus élevé.” Houari Touati, Histoire générale de l’Algérie: l’Algérie médiévale (n.l.: Zaytūn, [2014]), p. 66. 5 See Jaume Ollé and Ivan Sache, “Algeria: Abd-el-Kader’s revolt (1835–1847)”, in Flags of the World (“Regimental Flag”) . Accessed 4 August 2016. Modelled on a description in Vexilologie, no. 83 (1992).

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Figure 91 Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir, portrait by Jan Chlebowski (1864)

Figure 92 A regimental flag of Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir’s armed forces reconstructed by Jaume Ollé and Ivan Sache (2002)

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two yellows separated by a badly tinted black  – on each is applied a hand, emblem of power and justice.”6 In the framework of the organization of the armed forces of his state,7 Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir instituted a decoration to reward his combatants for outstanding services and bravery. In doing so he reverted to the hand symbol again, since the decoration took the form of the khamsa. This decoration was worn on combatants’ headgear.8 The reason that it was worn on the headgear and not on the breast may be related to the symbolic meaning attached to the head in Arabic culture; as Zouheir Maalej writes in a study on the semiotics of the head and hand in Tunisian Arabic, “Unlike the heart and the eye that have been shown to conceptualize mental faculties, emotions, character traits, and cultural values to different degrees […] owing to their salient place in the body and their saliency in some types of cultural experience, the raaS [sic] (head) and yidd (hand) […] are mostly used to conceptualize character traits and cultural values.”9 Thus, it would be particularly fitting to have a hand affixed to the head. Several examples of this decoration are preserved, amongst others, in the Islamic section of the Musée National des Antiquités in Algiers. Examples of these decorations existed also in the extinct Musée Marechal Franchet d’Espérey (1930–1962).10 ʿAbd al-Qādir’s Lettre aux Français (Letter to the French)11 contains a curious drawing of a seven-fingered khamsa. This reinforces an observation made by 6

7 8

9

10 11

The description of the flag is: “… Flamme de 1m 50 en damas de soie, composée de trois bandes horizontales, deux jaunes séparées par une noire mal teintée  – sur chacune est appliquée une main, emblème du pouvoir et de la justice.” See Houari Touati, Histoire générale de l’Algérie, p. 65. Alexandre Bellemare, Abd-el-Kader, sa vie politique et militaire (Paris: Hachette, 1863), pp. 225–233. Eudel, Paul, L’Orfevrèrie Algérienne et Tunisienne, pp. 362–364. The author reproduces an image that corresponds to the description given by the Amīr himself while in captivity in France, referring to a golden or silver disc with a varying number of fingers according to the rank of the combatant. Zouhair Maalej, “Body parts we live by in language and culture: The ras ‘head’ and yidd ‘hand’ in Tunisian Arabic”, in The Body in Language: Comparative Studies of Linguistic Embodiment, ed. Iwona Kraska-Szlenk and Mathias Brenzinger (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2014), pp. 224–259. See Livret-Guide pour la visite du Musée Marechal Franchet d’Espérey ([France]: n.p., 1941), p. 11, described as “des décorations fantasistes nord-africaines”. Their actual whereabouts are unknown. Lettre aux Français (1977), one of a series of images inserted between pp. 256 and 257. The colophon ending the original text in Arabic indicates the date 12 Ramadhan 1271, corresponding to 17 May 1855, as written down by Reinaud, a French officer who accompanied ʿAbd al-Qādir during his captivity in France. We thank Madame Fatiha Selmane for drawing our attention to this publication and making it available for our research.

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Figure 93 A silver khamsa used as a military medal. Musée National des Antiquités, Algiers, June 2013 Photo: Rui Manuel Ramalho Ortigão Neves

Alexandre Bellemare, a French author who had served as a translator for ʿAbd al-Qādir and subsequently published a biography on ʿAbd al-Qādir12 – that the shape of the khamsa differed according to the rank of the combatant, with each finger corresponding to an augmentation of pay in the value of 5 duros13 a year.14 In this specific context, the khamsa may be regarded simultaneously as an identity symbol and, concerning the enemy, it may be regarded as an alterity symbol representing the hand that repels the enemy and exorcises the enemy in tune with the popular saying khamsa fī ʿaynik – “five in your eye” – which invokes the five fingers of the hand to blind the enemy. How deeply the hand/khamsa symbol was rooted in the collective consciousness is attested to by the fact that even during the French occupation 12 13 14

Benjamin Claude Brower, “The Amîr ʿAbd Al-Qâdir and the ‘Good War’ in Algeria, 1832– 1847”, in Studia Islamica, vol. 106, no. 2, pp. 169–195 . Accessed 31 January 2022. The duro was a silver Spanish coin currently used in Morocco and Algeria at that time. Alexandre Bellemare, Abd-el-Kader, sa vie politique et militaire, pp. 363–364.

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Figure 94 A drawing showing the use of the khamsa as a military distinction, Lettre aux Français (1977)

of Algeria, the hand/khamsa symbol was a common device for Algerian units of the French army, as it was the case of infantry regiments of the Tirailleurs Algériens composed of Algerians that had the khamsa symbol on their fanions. For example, the 4th Régiment des Tirailleurs Algériens15 displayed a red khamsa symbol in the centre of its fanion. Arguably, the red khamsa symbolized blood. According to W. Foster, a seventeenth-century European traveller in Iran, men in Iran used to dye their hands with henna before battle, for reasons that escape him, although he postulates they thought it made them “more valiant” and was perhaps “in imitation of Cyrus”.16 Interestingly, he only mentions the use of henna among men, despite its prevalent use among women to dye the hands, nails, and hair. Citing him in an MA thesis, Catherine Cartwright-Jones attempts to build a case that henna has been used among Muslims for protection against blood and purification in life circumstances involving blood, such as menstruation.17 Whether or not her view stands ground, a red hand on a military banner can clearly symbolise bloodshed, and comes across as threatening or apotropaic, or both. Thus, similarly, the red hand of Fāṭima in the centre of the Algerian French battle flag may reflect this symbolism. Another example of the use of the hand symbol in the French army by the regiments of Tirailleurs Algériens is the flag of the commander of the 10th 15 16 17

Referred to as “the Turcos Regiment” during the Crimean War. Sir Thomas Herbert and William Foster, Travels in Persia, 1627–1629 (London: G. Routledge & Sons [1928]), p. 233. Catherine Cartwright-Jones, Menstruation and Henna: Pollution and Purification: Henna’s role in Muslim Traditions Regarding Reproductive Blood [MA thesis] (Kent State University, 2001), p. 26. .

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Figure 95 Fanion of the 4th Battalion of Tirailleurs Algériens by Jorge Candeias Note: See also Cahiers de la Sabretache – Tirailleurs algériens and tunisiens, no. 55 (1980), the sections on fanions and symbolism at . Accessed 4 August 2016. These infantry units of Algerians called the Tirailleurs Algériens were created in 1842 and existed until 1962.

Figure 96 The 4th Battalion of Tirailleurs Algériens, watercolour by E. Ponard (detail), 1885

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Figure 97 Drawing of the flag of the commander of the 1st Battalion of the 10th Regiment of Tirailleurs Algériens by Jaume Ollé

Regiment. On one side, it features a green khamsa and an Arabic inscription rendered in clumsy handwriting indicating, strangely enough, vocalization, possibly to infuse it with the grandeur of the Qur’anic text, which is usually written with vocalization, whereas most other texts are not. On the reverse, it shows a lion head encircled by four crescents. Therefore, one side of the fanion would address the Algerian soldiers of the regiment, and the reverse would identify its French commander. The text, which is a fusion of dialect and classical Arabic, reads: (wa) an-nās illī umūtū (ymūtū) bil-ḥarb mā ʿalayhinna lā ḥisāb wa lā ʿiqāb, meaning “Those who die in war have no accounting and no punishment [that is, they enter Paradise easily]”18 and is a paraphrase of Qur’an 3:151. The Algerian state founded by Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir was short-lived, having come to an abrupt end in 1847. However the values that he fought for – Islam and independence – were taken over by the Algerian reformers, especially ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd ben Bādīs (1889–1940), who coined the motto: Algeria is my homeland, Arabic is my language and Islam is my religion19 that echoed deeply in the spirit of younger generations that lived long enough to witness the rebirth of the independent state of Algeria in 1962. In the lull of 132 years of colonial rule, the memory of the independent Algerian state (1832–1847) and of ʿAbd al-Qādir as its founder remained vivid.

18 19

. Accessed 4 August 2016. Ali Merad, Le réformisme musulman en Algérie de 1925 à 1940. Essai d’histoire religieuse et sociale (Paris, la Haye: Mouton, 1967), pp. 341, 180–181, 206, 310, 334, 350.

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Figure 98 A rendering of the flag attributed to the participants of the Setif revolt, 8 May 1945, by Jaume Ollé (2001) Note: Jaume Ollé and Ivan Sache, “Algeria: Liberation movements (1944–1954)”, in Flags of the World, “The Sétif revolt” . Accessed 4 June 2016.

The desire to restore independence involved also the idea concerning the adoption of national symbols such as the flag, amongst others. In the three examples produced by Algerian nationalists presented below, the symbol of the hand is present. The first flag shown here is a white and green flag displaying three symbols on the white upper band: a red hand/khamsa, a red six-pointed star, and a red crescent topped by an inscription in Arabic: Allāhu akbar. This version is attributed to the participants of the revolt at Setif on 8 May 1945, under which Algerians wished to manifest their right for self-determination as the result of their effort in the Second World War in the French armed forces.20

20

A different version of the flag used by the insurgents at Setif, not supported however by any iconographical representation, was evoked at the Forum de la Mémoire d’El Moudjahid (Algiers, November 2015) alluding to a draft made by Chawki Mostefai, inspired by a former flag conceived by Messali Hadj in 1937 and very similar to the actual flag of Algeria. . Accessed 25 May 2016. Two drafts by Ch. Mostefai are presented in: Houari Touati, Histoire générale de l’Algérie, p. 80.

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Figure 99 A drawing of the Algerian flag proposed by the Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto (UDMA) in 1946

The Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto (l’Union Démocratique du Manifesto Algérien, UDMA) founded by Farhat Abbas in 1946 proposed two other versions of the flag. The first one is a green-white-green flag like the one adopted by Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir displaying not a white hand, but a red one and a red crescent, an Islamic symbol, on the white middle band.21 The second version of the UDMA flag offers a striking resemblance to the one used by Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir but in contrast bears no inscription.22 In the wake of these projects, a flag with two equal vertical bars, green and white displaying a red pentagram and a red crescent in the centre, one of the versions sketched by Ch. Mostefai, used by the Front de Libération Nationale and subsequently by the Gouvernement Provisoire de la République Algérienne, was officially adopted in July 1962.23 No longer featured on today’s Algerian flag, the khamsa found its place in the seal of the Presidency of the Republic of the independent Algeria as 21 22 23

Unpublished MA dissertation by L. de Mérode at the Catholic University of Louvain (Louvain-la-Neuve, 2001), p. 7, plate XIV a. We thank Professor Adel Y. Sidarus for having made it available. Jaume Ollé and Ivan Sache, “Algeria: Liberation movements (1944–1954)”, in Flags of the World . Accessed 4 June 2016. This version of the flag figures in Houari Touati, Histoire générale de l’Algérie, p. 80. Confirmed by Decree 63–145, on 25 April 1963.

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Figure 100

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Another version of the Algerian flag proposed by the Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto (UDMA) by Jaume Ollé (2001)

designated in the Constitution.24 In fact, the first version of the state seal used 1962–1971 integrated solely the symbols displayed in the national flag; that is, the red crescent and the red pentagram. The khamsa was integrated into the second version of the state seal in 1971 and again in the third and actual version instituted in 1976. The actual version is by far more complex and elaborate, including the inscription in Arabic designating the Democratic Popular Republic of Algeria.25 24

25

The Constitution of 1976, amended in 1989 and 1996. The Constitution of 1996, First Title: General Principles Governing Algerian Society, Chapter I: Of Algeria, Article 5 says that the national emblem, the seal of the State and the national anthem are defined by law. The full text concerning the seal reads: “The Arms of the Democratic and Popular Algerian Republic are in the form of a circumference bearing on the outside the following inscription, in Arabic, Democratic and Popular Algerian Republic and inside the following symbols: at the top, the sun rising over a mountain; in the centre, a symmetrical goldsmith’s hand around the middle finger, the three central fingers united, the two outside fingers ending in the beak of a dove bearing a branch of an olive tree; at the bottom, the crescent and the star; on the right, the ballot box surmounted by three differentiated ears of ears and oak leaves; and on the left, an olive branch with fruits, superimposed with a palm and topped with factory roofs, chimneys, and oil rigs.” See . Accessed 25 May 2010. In 1976, Arabic was recognized as the only national language of Algeria, and the process of global Arabization of administration and education at all levels was put into motion.

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Figure 101

The actual flag of Algeria

The decision to confine the khamsa symbol to a restricted usage by the Presidency of the Algerian Democratic Popular Republic withdrew it in a sense from public view, and in fact many Algerians ignore its presence on the state seal, as we found out whilst inquiring on this subject.26 Even in official or diplomatic spheres where contact with the khamsa symbol in the seal of the state occurs daily, very few have ever asked themselves why it is there; of course, the same can be said for the symbolism on official things everywhere, such as currency notes. The passage referring to the hand symbol present in the emblem of Algeria that figures on the official homepage of the Presidency of the Democratic Popular Republic of Algeria reads:27 In the centre, a cloisonne hand shaped symmetrically around the middle finger, three central fingers together, while the fingers on the edges take the form of a dove’s beak carrying an olive branch. 26 27

Our informal inquiry was addressed to different kinds of people: in academia, museums, bookshops, civil servants, and Algerians living abroad, altogether about 40 persons. See . Accessed 25 May 2010.

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Figure 102 The state seal of Algeria featuring the khamsa symbol, used 1971–1976

Figure 103 The state seal of Algeria featuring the khamsa symbol, adopted in 1976

The understanding of the hand as a product of the silversmith craft seems to point to a three-dimensional object like the khamsa-shaped decoration instituted by Amīr ʿAbd al-Qādir. However, the text in question does not allude to any interpretation of the hand symbol, nor to the reason for its choice. The Algerian anthropologist, Prof. Zaïm Khenchelaoui, emphasizes a central position of the khamsa symbol in the configuration of the national seal of Algeria. He offers however a descriptive presentation without any kind of interpretation.28 In our search for a plausible explanation for the inclusion of the khamsa symbol in the seal of Algeria, we received this comment from Marnia Lazreq, a professor of sociology at Hunter College who has written extensively on Algeria: … As for the khamsa on the state seal, I believe the government wanted to select very typical symbols of Algerian life: one was wheat…, the second was the khamsa that is an ubiquitous piece of jewellery which exists in practically every household. In addition, the colonists called it “la main de Fatma”. In a way, the seal also wanted to rehabilitate the symbol by embracing it in an official way. No one would object to having it as a national symbol of continuity over the ages.29

28 29

Zaïm Khenchelaoui, Imagerie Mystique dans le Folklore Algérien (Alger: CNRPAH, 2005), p. 78. E-mail correspondence between Marnia Lazreq and Eva-Maria von Kemnitz, 5 February 2013.

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Figure 104 The state seal of Algeria adopted in 1976

This statement emphasizes the fact that the khamsa is present in almost all families and hints that its presence in the state seal symbolizes the presence of the people. It underlines also the continuity of the symbol described as “national” and classifies it clearly as an identity symbol. This implies a cultural consensus of all the groups that constitute the Algerian nation, both Arabs and Berbers. Furthermore, the state seal presents a coherent discourse concerning the project for the independent nation. It includes the crescent and the pentagram present in the flag that allude to a religious Islamic definition of the state and adds other symbols such as the voting urn, oil well, wheat, olive tree, and oak branches that signify the development of a democratic system, of industry and agriculture, and of a modern and independent nation. By far this is the most complete statement that we could obtain. It mirrors also some observations on the relevance of the khamsa symbol made by foreign visitors to Algeria that we had opportunity to explore earlier. It reinforces our understanding that the independent state of Algeria wished to emphasize the continuity of statehood going back to the independent state founded by ʿAbd al-Qādir. Thus, the khamsa here serves as symbolic bridge between the past and the present. The representation of the khamsa symbol as featured in the state seal was chosen for the 20-centimes coin (1964) and the one-dinar coin (issued in 1983

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Figure 105

A 20-centime Algerian coin, 1964

Figure 106 A one-dinar Algerian coin featuring a stylized khamsa motif, 1983 and 1987

and 1987). The latter displayed a stylized khamsa as a repeated motif accompanying the border. It may be interpreted as a way to counterbalance a certain concealment of this symbol restricted to the usage of the Presidency. An interesting example that highlights the official view of the khamsa as a deeply rooted national symbol is provided by a stamp, issued by the Algerian post on the occasion of Algeria’s participation in the EXPO Hannover 2000, that features five hands/khamsas.30 It was not easy to obtain information regarding the presence of the khamsa symbol in the Algerian state seal. Many of the people approached about this topic simply dismissed the question and were visibly upset that it was being asked. We therefore wish to express our sincere thanks to two persons who agreed to listen to our questions and encouraged us to proceed with our research: Madame Fatiha Selmane, Ambassador of Algeria in Lisbon, who devoted some of her precious time to discuss our research and Major-General 30

We thank Professor Marek Dziekan for having shared this information.

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Figure 107 A stamp issued on the occasion of the EXPO Hannover 2000 featuring five khamsas

Necib Malek, Director of the Naval Academy of Tamentfoust, who received us on the occasion of our lecture evoking the bicentenary of the signature of The Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Portugal and the Regency of Algiers (13 June 1813).31 3

The Republic of Abkhazia

While Algeria is the best case study of the hand symbol and a modern nationstate, another place where the hand symbol appears is in the Republic of Abkhazia, a partially recognized breakaway state in the South Caucasus with a significant Muslim minority population. It displays a hand on its national flag. The flag is said to be based on the banner of the medieval kingdom of Abkhazia. The open right hand is said to mean, “Hello to friends! Stop to enemies!” thereby conveying the embracing and warding implications associated with the hand. The flag also has seven stars. This is said to be either due to the numerological significance, or to reflect seven historical regions of the country; the green and white stripes are said to represent Christian-Muslim tolerance.32 The interreligious nature of this flag distinguishes it from the use of the khamsa as a symbol of national identity in Muslim-majority regions. At the same time, it is a reminder that the symbol of the open hand is cross-religious and cross-cultural.

31 32

That is, a lecture by Eva Maria von Kemnitz. “Ahakuytra” . Archived from the original on 7 July 2011. Accessed 27 November 2017; “Государственные символы”. Archived 2007-09-28 at the Wayback Machine. “Abkhazia Flag from the Flags of the World Database” . Archived from the original on 19 January 2016. Accessed 27 November 2017.

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Figure 108 The flag of Abkhazia displaying a symbolic open hand

Figure 109

Woman a wearing dress modelled after the Abkhazian flag, thereby bringing the hand symbol into the world of fashion

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Logos and Marketing

Lastly, the khamsa has been integrated into logos. Logos which feature the khamsa or the hand symbol include the logo of the Khmissa Award instituted in Morocco in 2000 to distinguish outstanding women active in different spheres such as human rights, culture, entrepreneurship, or sports. This usage tacitly reflects the feminine symbolism associated with the hand. It should come as no surprise that the logo for the International Federation of Sciences for Surgery of the Hand is shaped like … a hand. In reflecting on the symbolism of this logo, an article in the Journal of Hand Surgery maintains that the International Federation of Sciences for Surgery of the Hand selected this open-hand logo not only because it is a hand, but because of the protective nature of the symbol. As the authors say, the hand is “a universal sign and, in all faiths, it is a sign of protection, blessing, health, happiness, and prosperity.”33 An example of utilitarian design not limited to graphics, such as logos, is represented by a newspaper holder in a form of a khamsa produced by the Moroccan designer Mahdi presented at Daren Art, an online store launched in 2006 conceived as a unique platform for a new generation of designers offering limited editions of items. Finally, one international organization that has adopted a stylised version of the khamsa is the Aga Khan Foundation, a non-profit development agency founded by Aga Khan IV, the 49th hereditary Imam of Ismaʿili Shiʿi Muslims,

Figure 110 A khamsa-themed newspaper holder by the Moroccan designer Mahdi 33

Ahmadreza Afshar and Aziz Ahmadi, “The Hand in Art: Hamsa Hand”, in Journal of Hand Surgery, vol. 38, no. 4 (April 2013), pp. 779–780.

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Figure 111 The logo of the Agha Khan Foundation designed by Zahoor-ul-Akhlaq, 1978

which seeks to redress poverty, hunger, illiteracy, and ill health. According to the Aga Khan foundation, this symbol was selected because it symbolises protection, caring, and the positive and humanitarian philosophy espoused by the organisation. Used by the Foundation as a unifying element for all its communications, it was designed by Zahoor-ul-Akhlaq of Pakistan in 1978.34 The stylised fingers of the Aga Khan Foundation logo also represent the word Allāh in the Kufic script. Given the centrality of Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ to Shiʿism, it is likely that the perception of the khamsa as the Hand of Fāṭima contributed to the selection of this logo. The use of the khamsa on an international Shiʿi organisation also reflects the integration of the khamsa and hand symbol in Shiʿi iconography and ritual practice. To fully appreciate the significance of Fāṭima and the hand in Shiʿism, it is necessary to delve more into who she was. Therefore, the next chapter will provide an overview of her life, as well as how her life is understood; this will be followed by a chapter on the place of the hand in Shiʿism. 34

Pamphlet of The Aga Khan Foundation, Lisbon, 1983. Further explanation can be found at “Aga Khan Foundation Logo, Characterized by a Universal Symbol of Skill and Caring”, in Simerg – Insights from Around the World . Accessed 2 February 2022.

Chapter 7

On Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ The khamsa predates Islam, and therefore also predates Fāṭima -Zahrāʾ, the daughter of the Prophet Muḥammad. However, since the khamsa has become known as the “Hand of Fāṭima”, including in contemporary Muslim art, some notes on her history and hagiography will set the stage for a discussion of the khamsa in contemporary art, Shiʿism, and Islam as a whole.* The daughter of the Prophet Muḥammad, Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ – or “Fāṭima the Resplendent” – is the foremother of the descendants of the Prophet, respected as sayyids or sharīfs. A pillar of the early Muslim community and a narrator of the Prophet’s teachings, she embodies piety, charity, and motherhood. The first Muslim university, al-Azhar, and the expansive Fatimid Empire were named after her. Some revere her a divine manifestation.1 However, historical records about her are limited, and much of what is written was put to paper centuries after she walked this earth. Stories about her are tinged with the hagiographical and the miraculous. A modern example is a book called Fatima’s Touch, which retells popular stories of Fāṭima’s life; in case the allusion is not obvious from the title, the cover features a khamsa. Here follows an overview of what has been recorded about Fāṭima that will help to further explore the symbolism connecting Fāṭima and the khamsa. 1

Her Birth and Childhood

Fātima was the daughter of the Prophet Muḥammad and his first wife Khadījah bint Khuwaylid. Khadījah was the first convert to Islam and a pillar of support for the Prophet in the early days of Islam, when his tribesmen ridiculed and persecuted him. Enormously wealthy, Khadījah gifted all her wealth * This chapter was written by Amina Inloes. 1 ‘Abd al-Hakeem Carney, “Majma’ an-Nurayn: Fāṭimah in the Esoteric Shīʿite Tradition”, in Sacred Web, vol. 27; Christopher Paul Clohessy, Fāṭima, Daughter of Muḥammad, 2nd ed. (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 208), 7. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_008

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to his cause; and it is said, “Were it not for the wealth of Khadījah and the sword of ʿAlī, Islam would have perished.”2 About her, the Prophet said, “God did not grant me anything better than her; she believed in me when people doubted me, she shared her wealth with me when people deprived me, and God granted me children only through her.”3 Biographers list three older sisters of Fātima, who are variously understood as full sisters or adopted sisters;4 in any case, they predeceased her. She had no surviving brothers, which – in a heavily patriarchal society – placed her in the unique position of being the Prophet’s sole inheritor. Storied about Fāṭima encompass both the mundane, such as baking bread, and the esoteric, such as the creation of the Prophet, her husband ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib, and herself from light before the creation of all other things.5 It has been said that “were it not for Fāṭima, God would not have created the universe.”6 Fāṭima herself is said to have originated in heaven during the Prophet’s night ascension to Paradise (miʿrāj). There, he ate a celestial fruit or date which turned into the seed of Fāṭima. After he returned to earth, she was conceived from that fruit; thus, he says, “Whenever I long to smell the fragrance of Paradise, I smell the fragrance of Fāṭima.”7 Some say that when Khadījah went into labour, the women of Mecca refused to aid her since she had married a poor orphan instead of someone of her own social standing. So she was giving birth alone, when four tall, beautiful women descended from the heavens and identified themselves as Eve; Āsiyah, the wife of the Pharaoh; the Virgin Mary; and Kulthūm, the sister of Moses. (Sometimes 2 See Yasin Jibouri, “Khadijah, Daughter of Khuwaylid, Wife of Prophet Muhammad” ; Muḥammad Mahdī al-Ḥāʾirī, Shajarat al-Ṭūbā (Najaf: al-Maṭbaʿah al-Ḥaydariyyah, 1385 AH), vol. 2, p. 233. 3 A summary of Khadījah’s life can be found in Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāyah wa al-Nihāyah, vol. 5 (on the wives and children of the Prophet) (n.l.: n.p., 1988), 163–170. 4 Ṭabarī, for instance, lists them all as the Prophet and Khadījah’s children. Muḥammad Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī, Vol. VI: Muḥammad at Mecca, trans. and ed. W. Montgomery Watt and M.V. McDonald (Albany: State University of New York Press), 1988, p. 48. Most Sunni Muslims today view them all as the Prophet and Khadījah’s biological children, whereas the view that the girls were not Faṭima’s biological sisters or half-sisters has become particularly common among Shiʿis today. 5 See Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism, trans. David Streight (Albany: State University of New York, 1994), 30–31. 6 Attributed to the Prophet Muḥammad. See al-Shaykh ʿAlī Namāzī al-Shahrūdi, Mustadrak Safīnat al-Biḥār (Qum: Jamāʿat al-Mudarrisīn, 1405 AH), vol. 3, pp. 168–169. 7 al-Sayyid Hāshim al-Ḥusaynī al-Baḥrānī, Tafsīr al-Burhān fī Tafsīr al-Qurʾān (Qum: Muʾassasat al-Biʿthah, n.d.), vol. 3, pp. 253, 255 (exegesis of 13:29). See also Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiism, p. 57.

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Figure 112

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The ascent of the Prophet Muḥammad to Heaven (c.1539–1543), from the Khamsa of Niẓāmī, a twelfth-century Persian poet. The flames around the Prophet’s head depict him as a sacred figure. He is riding a miraculous horse, the Burāq, which carries him up to the heavens Image from the British Library manuscript collection

On Fāṭima al-Zahrā ʾ

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A depiction of Fāṭima’s birth called “The Reason for Creation” by Hassan Rouholamin, an Iranian artist Image source:

Sarah, the wife of Abraham, appears in place of one of the women.) They then acted as midwives for the birth.8 There are also tales of Fāṭima speaking in the womb, portraying Fāṭima as a source of knowledge.9 The idea of her being born shortly after the miʿrāj would place her birth around 620 CE.10 Mostly, however, Shiʿi biographers place her birth around 615 CE, whereas Sunni biographers place her birth around 605 CE  – that is, 8

9 10

In Fatima’s Touch, Tamam Kahn says that this story is related generationally by female Mevlevi Sufis in Syria. Tamam Khan, Fatima’s Touch: Poems and Stories of the Prophet’s Daughter (San Francisco: Ruhaniat Press, 2016), “Delivery”; Christopher Clohessy, Fāṭima, Daughter of Muḥammad, 104–106. Christopher Clohessy, Fāṭima, Daughter of Muḥammad, 102–104. However, exegetes and historians do not agree on the precise date for the miʿrāj, and some exegetes accept multiple dates for the miʿrāj (that is, multiple heavenly journeys). See Muḥammad Ḥusayn Ṭabāṭabāʾī, al-Mīzān fī Tafsīr al-Qurʾān (Beirut: Muʾassasat al-ʿĀlamī li al-Maṭbūʿāt, 1997), exegesis of 17:1.

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five years before or five years after the Prophet presented the first verses of the Qur’an – meaning that she lived to an age of about 18 or 28.11 The preferred Sunni and Shiʿi views regarding her birthdate play into a polemical tendency for both Sunnis and Shiʿis (early and modern) to consider youthfulness as a virtue for women. For instance, Sunnis often emphasise that ʿĀʾishah, the wife of the Prophet, married him while very young, whereas Khadījah married the Prophet when she was 40. However, Shiʿis today tend to hold that ʿĀʾishah was in her late teens when she married the Prophet, whereas Khadījah was in her late 20s. Because Faṭima has an especially revered status in the Shiʿi tradition and is seen as a martyr, her youthfulness and vulnerability are emphasised. In any case, depending on when she was born, Fāṭima may have experienced some ease in the early years of her life; however, her later life, especially after the migration to Medina, was one of hardship and difficulty. Fāṭima’s childhood was marred by the ridicule and opposition that the tribal chiefs heaped on the Prophet. Although young, she stood by his side. Once, when someone threw entrails on the Prophet while he was praying, she cleaned them up – not a small feat of bravery for a young girl in the face of warrior men!12 However, her family’s circumstances grew dire when, from 616–619 CE, the Prophet and his kinsfolk were exiled from Mecca to a narrow valley known as Shiʿb Abī Ṭālib, and there was a ban on buying or selling anything to or from them, including food or water. Despite the ban, Khadījah exhausted the remains of her wealth keeping the group alive. The conditions were harsh, and towards the end of their stay there, she died, penniless, without even enough money left for a funeral shroud.13 Shortly thereafter, in 622 CE, the Muslims migrated from Mecca to Medina. This marked a change from an era of persecution to the formation of the first Muslim city-state. At this time, the opposition against the Muslims became more organized, and these years were marked by numerous battles, such as the Battle of Uḥud, after which Fāṭima washed the Prophet’s wounds and cauterized them with ashes.14 11

12 13 14

Ibn Saʿd says that Faṭima was born while the Quraysh were rebuilding the Kaʿbah; that is, 5 years before the Prophet spoke the first Qurʾanic verses. Ibn Saʿd, The Women of Madina, vol. 8, p. 13. See also Ṭabarī, History, vol. 9, p. 128. For a lengthier discussion over the disparities in her date of birth, see Christopher Clohessy, Fāṭima, Daughter of Muḥammad, 21–31. Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, book 63, no. 80 (3854). Muḥammad Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī, Vol. VI, pp. 105–115. al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, Book 76, hadith 37 (5722). Ṭabarī also mentions that she washed her father’s and husband’s swords after the battle. Muḥammad Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī, Vol. VII: The Foundation of the Community, trans. and ed. W. Montgomery Watt (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1987), p. 137.

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Her Marriage and Children

Particularly celebrated is Fāṭima’s marriage to ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭalib in or around 624 CE.15 Depending on her year of birth, she could have been quite young, although young marriages were customary at that time. Many companions of the Prophet, including the future first and second caliphs, Abū Bakr and ʿUmar, as well as an extremely wealthy companion, had asked for her hand.16 However, the Prophet politely declined, telling them that he was leaving the matter to God. Eventually, ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib shyly came to the Prophet and sought her hand in marriage, and, soon, a wedding followed. ʿAlī – as it is told – was embarrassed not to invite the entire community to the wedding, even though he knew they did not have enough food for all the guests. So he went to the mosque, and called out, “O people, attend the wedding feast for Fāṭima, the daughter of Muḥammad!” The Muslims – some of whom were quite poor and famished – came in throngs; however, miraculously, everyone ate their fill. Although Fāṭima was the daughter of the most prominent person in Medina, her dowry was simple; Imam ʿAlī sold his shield and purchased household items and simple pieces of clothing such as a hair shirt, a cloak, a palm-leaf bed, a hand-mill, and a copper washing tub. Her dowry is often mentioned respectfully and pointedly today in areas where girls are expected to have high bride-prices. After her marriage, Fāṭima bore four children – her sons, Ḥasan and Ḥusayn, followed by her daughters, Zaynab and Um Kulthum, all of whom appear in the annals of Islamic history. Ḥasan, renowned for his generosity, had the opportunity to hold the caliphate but ceded it to keep peace; Ḥusayn, and a handful of close companions and kin, was martyred for refusing to pay allegiance to an unjust ruler. Zaynab, in turn, is honoured for her bravery and as a spiritual intercessor at her shrines, and powerful speeches are ascribed to Fāṭima, Zaynab, and Um Kulthūm. The marriage of ʿAlī and Fāṭima is often celebrated as a match made in heaven and as a model for domestic for harmony which new brides and grooms may aspire to emulate. For instance, it is said that the angel Gabriel himself commanded the Prophet to marry ʿAlī and Fāṭima, and that God sprinkled the happy couple with gems, rubies, and jewellery in heaven – gifts that would be

15 16

Muḥammad Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī, Vol. VII, p. 18. Al-Muttaqī al-Hindī, Kanz al-ʿUmmāl fī Sunan al-Aqwāl wa al-Afʿāl (n.l.: Muʾassasat al-Risālah, n.d.), vol. 13, pp. 114 and 681.

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The wedding of ʿAlī and Fāṭima, showing how the food miraculously fed all the guests. The man with the covered face is the Prophet, Fāṭima’s father Note: Kutluay Sevgi, “Siyer-i Nebi (“Biography of the Prophet”)”. Public domain.

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held in waiting for them in the afterlife.17 Similarly, the sixth Shiʿi Imam, Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, is quoted as saying: “Had God, the Blessed and High, not created the Commander of the Faithful [‘Ali ibn Abi Talib] for Fatima, she would have had no equal [to marry her] upon he face of the earth, from Adam onward.”18 However, Fātimah’s circumstances were difficult during this time, and many stories centre on the hardships of her domestic life. She carried water until the waterskin scarred her chest; she ground grain until her hands blistered; she swept until her clothes greyed with dust; and she baked bread until her fingers were burnt. Amid these hardships are also miracles – food descending from heaven to feed a guest, and angels rocking the cradle, such that the Prophet is quoted to have said, “I saw for my daughter the kind of miracles that Zachariah saw for Mary.”19 Although Fāṭima is revered by both Sunnis and Shiʿis as the ideal woman and perfect wife, mother, and daughter, these themes are particularly strong among Shiʿis, who reject any accounts of marital disharmony between ʿAlī and Fāṭima. In the Shiʿi tradition, she and her daughter Zaynab are also described as embodying the highest physical and spiritual beauty, which is veiled from creation, just as God’s light and magnificence are veiled.20 One interesting way that Shiʿi understandings of Fāṭima travelled beyond the Shiʿi heartland is through a genre of moralising literature known as the “Fāṭima Admonitions” in Nunsantara in the Indonesian archipelago. It is thought that this literature arrived there through South Asian Shiʿis. This literature concerns the duties of a good wife towards her husband. It is framed as being set in the time of the Prophet and therefore it is the Prophet himself who delivers the teachings in the “Fāṭima Admonitions”. This literature remains despite a process of “de-Shiʿitization” which has continued for over three centuries.21 It is also a reminder of the porous boundaries between Sunnism and Shiʿism in Islamic cultures and history, which, in turn, facilitates the transfer of symbols and symbolism across cultural or confessional lines. 17 18 19

20 21

Narrations listed in Luqman al-Andalusi, The Life and Marriage of Fatimah al-Zahrah (London: IHRC Press, 2017), pp. 82–83. Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqūb al-Kulaynī, al-Kāfī (Tehran: Dār al-Kutub al-Islāmiyyah, 1388 AH (solar)), vol. 1, p. 509. Muḥammad Bāqir al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār al-Jāmiʿah li-Durar Akhbār al-Aʾimmat al-Aṭhār (Beirut: Muʾassasat al-Wafāʾ, 1983), vol. 109, p. 52; Christopher Clohessy, Fāṭimah, Daughter of Muḥammad, pp. 120–121; Ismāʿīl al-Anṣārī al-Zanjāni al-Khuʾīnī, Mawsūʿah al-Kubrā ʿan Fāṭimah al-Zahrāʾ (n.l.: Dalīl-e Mā, 1429 AH), vol. 17, p. 120. By extension, there is also a rejection of the portrayal of Fāṭima in the article on her in the second edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam, which describes her as “certainly not a beautiful woman” and “a timid woman” as well as the portrayal of her by Henri Lammens. W. Mukherjee, Fatimah in Nusantara, Sari 23 (2005), 137–152, see pp. 146–147.

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A Helping Hand

Stories of her domestic life are intertwined with the themes of charity, simplicity, worship, and selflessness; and, indeed, these stories are where the literal phrase “hand of Fāṭima” (yad Fāṭima) first appears. Fāṭima stood in prayer until her feet swelled. Once, her son heard her praying for other people all night. In the morning, he asked why she didn’t pray for herself. She replied, “First the neighbour, then the household” – an adage that lives on until today.22 Exhausted by the toil of life, once, she wanted to ask her father to grant them a house-servant. However, when she went to see him, she was too embarrassed to ask, so her husband asked him instead. The Prophet replied that he would give them something better than a servant – and, in fact, better than the world and everything in it. What he gave them was a recitation (dhikr) known as Tasbīḥ Fāṭima – reciting Allāhu akbar (God is great) 34 times, al-ḥamdu lillāh (praise be to God) 33 times, and subḥān Allāh 33 times.23 Fāṭima is also said to have been the first to have fashioned a rosary out of 100 clay beads;24 clay rosaries, often made out of the soil of sacred sites such as Karbala, are still popular among Shiʿis, in addition to tasbīḥs made of semiprecious stones such as ʿaqīq which are praised in the tradition. However, here, the clay reflects her simple and austere life. Prayers are also attributed to her, such as this short one, called the Prayer of Light (Duʿāʾ al-Nūr): In the name of God, the light In the name of God, the light, the light In the name of God, the light over light In the name of God, who manages all affairs In the name of God, who created light from light Praise be to God who created light from light, and sent down light on [Mount] Ṭūr,25 in between the inscribed book, in the parchment unrolled, by a measure, well-determined, on the Prophet, the giver of glad tidings. Praise be to God; it is God who is remembered with the highest of the high attributes, who is known to be the most glorious

22 23 24 25

al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwar, vol. 13, p. 430. Muslim, Saḥīḥ Muslim, book 48, no. 108 (2727); Abbas Azizi, The Tasbih of Fatima Zahra, trans. Arifa Hudda and Saleem Bhimji (Kitchener, Ontario: Islamic Humanitarian Services, 2006). Ismāʿīl al-Khuʾīnī, Mawsūʿah al-Kubrā ʿan Fāṭimah al-Zahrāʾ, vol. 22, p. 202. A mountain referenced in Qurʾan 52, often identified as Mount Sinai. Ṭūr also rhymes with nūr (“light”), thereby preserving the end rhyme of the lines.

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In joy and happiness, in sorrow and distress, God alone is thankfully praised.26 In both these cases – stories of the rosary and her domestic tasks – her hands play a special role, which feed into the symbolism of the khamsa as the Hand of Fāṭima. Some stories about Fāṭmah relate to verses of the Qur’an. For instance, exegetes say that Qur’an 76:5–22 tells of when Fāṭima’s two sons fell ill, and the family vowed to fast for three days if they recovered. During the day, Fāṭima ground the grain and baked a loaf of barley bread for each of them. They were about to break their fast with the loaves, when a poor person came to the door, asking if they had any food. All of them – the parents and the children – gave him their bread, and they slept hungry. The next day, Fāṭima baked more barley bread, and they were about to break their fast when an orphan came to the door and asked if they could help him. Again, they gave him their bread and slept hungry. The scenario repeated itself the third day when a freed captive came to their door. By that time, Fāṭima’s eyes were sunken with hunger, and she was shaking. When the Prophet saw her, he was deeply saddened. It was then that, according to exegetes, Qur’an 76:5–22 was revealed, a portion of which reads: The pious drink of a cup tempered with camphor, a fountain whereof drink the servants of God, gushing forth abundantly. They fulfil their vows and fear a Day whose evil is widespread, and give food, for the love of God, to the poor, the orphan and the captive. “We feed you only for the sake of God. We desire no reward or thanks from you. We fear from our Lord a grim, calamitous day.” So God has shielded them from the evil of that Day, and bestowed upon them radiance and joy, and rewarded them for their patience with a garden and with silk.27 A similarly instructive story tells of Fāṭima and a necklace. The Prophet repeatedly urged Fāṭima not to keep anything luxurious while there were destitute people in the community; instead, he encouraged her to give whatever she had in charity. For instance, it is said that, once, the Prophet came to Fāṭima’s house but would not enter. When she asked him why, he said that he had seen a colourful curtain on the door, and that he was not interested in worldly things. So, 26 27

Al-Shaykh ʿAlī Namāzī Shahrūdī, Mustadrak Safīnat al-Biḥār, vol. 10, p. 167. Qurʾan 76:5–13, translation adapted from The Study Quran. For a discussion of the context of this story and the exegetes reporting it, see S.H. Nasr, The Study Quran, 2613–2614.

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she gave it away to some needy people.28 Still, gifts arrived; and, once, Fāṭima was given a necklace. An old Bedouin man came to her door and said that he had newly arrived and was in dire need of food and clothing. Fāṭima had no food; in fact, her family had not eaten for days. However, she immediately gave him the ram skin that her sons slept on and suggested that he sell it. He frowned, the lines creasing his weathered face. “Daughter of Muḥammad, I complain to you about hunger, and you give me a ram skin?” When she heard this, she gave him the necklace. The old man took the necklace to the Prophet and asked him to sell it for him. One of the companions bought it and paid the man generously, even giving him a horse so he could return home. The necklace then went to a slave, who obtained his freedom through it. In the end, it returned to Fāṭima – having fed and clothed a man, freed a slave, then come home to its owner – reminding us that what is given in charity is never truly lost.29 Metaphorically, the necklace has multiplied beyond that, given the innumerable Hands of Fāṭima on necklaces throughout time. The last year of the Prophet’s life saw one of the more curious events mentioned in the Qur’an, the mubāhalah or “pray-off”. This occurred due to a disagreement between the Prophet and the Christians of Najrān. To resolve this disagreement, the Qur’an told both sides to come and pray for God’s curse to descend upon the liars.30 The Christians agreed to this, and privately decided that if the Prophet brought his companions, he was lying; but if he brought his immediate family, he was truthful, because he would not pray for the curse of God to descend upon his own children. When the Prophet came, he brought only Fāṭima, her husband, and their two sons. Taken aback by this modest display, the Christians ceded their dispute to the Prophet. This account also sheds an interesting light on the role of Fāṭima in what could be termed diplomatic relations – meaningful today give contemporary debates over the role of Muslim women in politics and the public sphere. The Prophet Muḥammad passed away in 632 CE. Shortly before his death, the Prophet hinted to Fāṭima that he was about to pass on; he told her, “Every year, the angel Gabriel reviewed the Qur’an with me once, but, this year, he has reviewed it twice; I sense my time has come.”31 Seeing her father’s strength 28 29 30 31

Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, book 51, hadith 46 (2613). There is a nice retelling of this story in Luqman al-Andalusi, Fatimah al-Zahrah, pp. 102–103. Qurʾan 3:61. See S.H. Nasr, The Study Quran, 297, for a summary of exegetical views. al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, book 61, no. 129 (3623–3624).

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wane, Fāṭima’s face was draw and tight. However, shortly before he died, he called Fāṭima to him and whispered something in her ear. Immediately, she brightened. When asked later what he had said, she replied that he had told her she would be the first of his community to join him.32 Nevertheless, the remaining months of her life were marked by grief. She lamented the loss of the Prophet so extensively that the neighbours complained that they were unable to sleep at night or work by day, and so her husband built her a house called the House of Sorrows (bayt al-aḥẓān) away from the people for her to mourn in. The loss of the Prophet also inevitably led to tensions within the Muslim community. Soon after the Prophet left this world, Fāṭima fell into a dispute with the first caliph, Abū Bakr, over the ownership of a property called Fadak which the Prophet had given her.33 To defend her claim, she went to the central mosque in Medina and delivered an impromptu sermon. The text of the sermon, as recorded, reflects a high level of eloquence and understanding, and discusses not only the topic at hand – a property dispute – but also theological and social understandings: God created too many blessings to count or measure, and encouraged His creation to be grateful so they would be gifted with more. God originated things but not from anything existing before them; He created things without any examples to follow. He did not create them because He needed them, and did not shape them to benefit Him. Instead, He did it to establish His wisdom, call attention to obeying Him, manifest His might, lead His creatures to worship Him and exalt His decrees. God made for you … prayer to uplift you from conceit, alms to purify the soul and multiply sustenance, fasting to instil devotion, pilgrimage to uphold the religion, and justice to harmonise hearts …34 In the Shiʿi tradition, it is also related that, to console her, the angel Gabriel came and spoke to her about the past, the future, and other esoteric matters;

32 33

34

Al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, book 61, no. 130 (3625–3626). The dispute over Fadak is mentioned briefly in Muḥammad Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī, Vol. IX, p. 196 as well as in al-Bukhārī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, book 64, hadith 278 (4240, 4241) (chapter 38, on the Battle of Khaybar). See also S.H. Nasr, The Study Quran, 1774. Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 29, pp. 220–221, 223. The full sermon is translated in Christopher Clohessy, Fāṭima, Daughter of Muḥammad, pp. 309–324.

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her husband transcribed what was said into a volume called the Book of Fāṭima (Muṣḥaf Fāṭima).35 Like her birth, Fāṭima’s death is shrouded in dispute and obscurity. Sunnis traditionally hold that she died of grief. Shiʿis hold that, in the chaos over the succession to the Prophet, some prominent members of the community stormed into her house and crushed her behind the door, fatally injuring her and triggering a miscarriage.36 She died soon after the Prophet, also in 632 CE, although historians disagree on the exact date. She had asked to be buried in secret at night.37 Her husband honoured that request, and her gravesite was kept hidden. A number of epithets have been given to Fāṭima, many conveyed in narrations from the Prophet. The most common is Zahrāʾ, meaning “radiant” or “luminous”, since “her light shines for the inhabitants of the heavens, just as the stars shine for the inhabitants of this world.”38 Other epithets include ṣiddiqa (“the truthful”, shared with the Virgin Mary), batūl (“the virginal” or “aloof from the world”), and ṭāhira (“the pure”).39 Shiʿi texts also address her as “the one who was tested before she was created,” hinting that Fāṭima willingly embraced the hardships of her short life.40 Narrations also discuss her similarity to the Prophet; for instance, one of the wives of the Prophet, ʿĀʾishah, said, “I have not seen anyone resemble the Messenger of Allah in disposition, characteristics, and conduct, in their standing and sitting, than Fātima, daughter of the Messenger of Allah. When Fātima would come to the Prophet, he used to stand up for her, kiss her and seat her in his place; and when the Prophet used to visit her, she would stand up for him, kiss him, and seat him in her place.”41 The association of Fāṭima with the Virgin Mary goes beyond epithets. While the Qur’an speaks of the Virgin Mary as have been chosen among all women,42 the Prophet extended that to Fāṭima, saying, “Mary was the leader of the women of her time, and Fāṭima is the leader of the women of all time.” The Prophet 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42

Note that Muṣḥaf Fāṭimah is considered distinct from the Qurʾan. See Mohammed Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiism, 74, 78. A summary of this situation with further references is mentioned in Muḥammad Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of al-Ṭabarī, Volume IX, trans. Ismail Poonawala (Albany: State University of New York Press), 187, fn. 1291. Muḥammad Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, The History of Al-Ṭabarī, Vol. IX, 196. Al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 28, p. 40. al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 43, p. 18; Christopher Clohessy, Fāṭima, Daughter of Muḥammad, pp. 128–136. Ziyārat Fāṭimah al-Zahrāʾ, cited in Ismāʿīl al-Khuʾīnī, al-Mawsūʿah al-Kubrā, vol. 16, p. 74. Abū Dāwūd, Sunan Abī Dāwūd, book 43, ch. 156, no. 445 (5217). Qurʾan 3:42.

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spoke of the four or five most perfect women throughout history; two of them were Fāṭima and the Virgin Mary.43 Both are seen as pious and virginal yet are honoured as mothers; both are intercessors and are seen expressions of the divine. Regarding Fāṭima, the Prophet said, “Whoever angers her angers God,” deeply linking her to divinity. Both are also sorrowful, for just as the Virgin Mary suffered at her son being on the cross, Fāṭima mourned the impending martyrdom of her son Ḥusayn. Contemporary literature on Fāṭima continues this parallel; for instance, the two main contemporary studies on Fāṭima  – Fāṭima, Daughter of Muḥammad and Chosen Among Women: Mary and Fatima in Medieval Christianity and Shiʿite Islam – centre on a comparison between her and the Virgin Mary. Therefore, it is only fitting that a famous apparition of the Virgin Mary in 1917 was reported in the Portuguese town of Fátima. The link also persists with the khamsa, in that the Hand of Fāṭima is also called the Hand of Mary. Fāṭima’s story does not end with her leaving this world; rather, narrations tell of her in the afterlife, when, on the Day of Resurrection, a herald will call out to the resurrected masses, “Lower your gaze, for Fāṭima, the daughter of Muḥammad, is about to pass!” However, she also lives on here. Stories about her idealize a model lifestyle for women  – emphasizing family values, marriage, and motherhood; spirituality, charity, and prayer; modesty, chastity, and dignity; but also strength, community involvement, and activism. As in the disagreements over her life, there is a paradox in how she is remembered: she is often idealized as hidden or unknowable, and yet the first Muslim university and one of the greatest Muslim empires bear her name; these are only a few of the many ways she is remembered. Fāṭima is also approached as an intercessory figure, especially although not only in Shiʿism. This is tacitly enacted through conceptualising the khamsa as the “Hand of Fāṭima”. Twelver Shiʿi prayers, such as Duʿāʾ Tawassul (often recited weekly), Ziyārat Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ (often recited when commemorating her birth or death), and Ṣalāt Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ (often recited at times of special need), invoke her specifically for the sake of intercession, and are detailed in standard prayer manuals. This is apart from popular invocations including her name. Fāṭima is also invoked as one of the five central members of the Prophet’s kin (ahl al-kisāʾ or panjtan), as will be discussed further in the next chapter, which is on the hand symbol in Shiʿism. 43

Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāyah wa al-Nihāyah, vol. 5 (on the wives and children of the Prophet), 163–170. See also S.H. Nasr, The Study Quran, 290, 1694; 2501–2502. Sunnis speak of five perfect women, whereas Shiʿis speak of four.

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605–615 616–619 620 622 624 625 625 626 627 627–8 631 632 632 632

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Birth Exile Her mother dies Moving to Medina Marriage Birth of her first child, Ḥasan Treating the Prophet during or after the Battle of Uḥud Birth of her second child, Ḥusayn Birth of her third child, Zaynab Birth of her fourth child, Um Kulthūm Mubāhala Her father dies Fadak sermon Death

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The Hand Symbol in Shiʿism The hand symbol has taken on its own life in Shiʿi iconography, blending with Shiʿi theological considerations and appearing on Shiʿi ritual objects.* Exploring the khamsa or hand symbol within Shiʿi traditions shows another facet of how the khamsa has been integrated into the Islamic world. Additionally, the Fatimid Ismaʿili Shiʿi Caliphate in Egypt, Palestine, and southern Syria, with power indirectly exerted beyond these areas, influenced the region, even though this region remains predominantly Sunni.1 The Idrisid Dynasty in Morocco also asserted descent from the Prophet Muḥammad, thus bringing them closer to Shiʿi sympathies. This is particularly relevant here given the prominence of the khamsa in North Africa. In fact, the variety and prevalence of khamsas in North Africa has led some to suggest the possibility that Shiʿis Islamicized the khamsa; that is, that the hand symbol was integrated into Shiʿism through Shiʿi-oriented dynasties.2 In fact, the Fatimids aligned themselves so strongly with Fāṭima that it has been postulated that the Fatimids made the khamsa into the “Hand of Fāṭima”; and that, from there, the concept spread to al-Andalūs. However, Fahmida Suleman argues against this view on the grounds of lack of literary or material evidence of the use of the khamsa during the Fatimid era and pinpoints mistaken conclusions drawn by previous researchers. Nonetheless, Fatimid literature supports the notion of the evil eye, the intercessory or protective properties of Fāṭima, and the use of amulets, at least suggesting a nascent link.3 Furthermore, the appeal of this theory reflects a deep perception of a link between Fāṭima, the Fatimids, and popular spiritual practice, and the possibility that the identification of the khamsa with the “Hand of Fāṭima” developed in part due to Shiʿi influence. * The majority of this chapter was written by Amina Inloes. 1 On the extent of the Fatimid caliphate, see Heinz Halm, The Fatimids and Their Traditions of Learning (London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2001), vol. 2, p. 34. 2 Zaïm Khenchelaoui, Imagerie Mystique, p. 82. 3 Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”, 176–177. © Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2023 | doi:10.1163/9789004526235_009

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In any case, the hand symbol appears on Shiʿi ritual objects. However, when analysing them, it is useful to clarify what the hand symbol does not represent in Shiʿism. First, the hand symbol does not represent the five pillars of Islam, because the concept of the five pillars of Islam is a Sunni concept. Second, some researchers have advanced the notion that, in Shiʿism, the hand symbol reflects the Hand of Allah.4 While the fingers of the human hand resemble the Arabic word “Allāh”, and both Sunni and Shiʿi artwork plays on this resemblance, there is little evidence that Shiʿis specifically understood the hand symbol as the Hand of Allah. Since Shiʿism has a keen allergy to anthropomorphism and a tendency towards esotericism, imagery linking a human hand with Allah is unlikely.5 However, while the hand symbol is unlikely to be intended directly as the “hand of Allah”, a link between the hand and Allah can be implied insofar as Shiʿis often equate the Prophet or Imam with the Hand of God; for instance, in Shiʿi hadith, the Imams often say “we are the Hand of God”.6 This is apart from the historical association of the hand with the power of divinity. Lastly, the khamsa or hand symbol represents different things to different people. Symbolism is usually neither specified nor deconstructed in daily life. Therefore, a piece of jewellery in the shape of a hand may be seen as the Hand of Fāṭima by one Shiʿi, a symbol of protection to another, the Hand of ʿAbbās to a third, an ancient cultural symbol to a fourth, and simply a nice design to the fifth. Furthermore, art almost always lends itself to multiple interpretations. Additionally, not all hands are referred to as “talismans”. From a Shiʿi standpoint, objects used in ritual commemorations are not spoken of as “magical” but rather are part of the faith tradition, just as a communion cup would not be called “magical” in a church, even if both objects exhibit talismanic properties. 4 Fahmida Suleman addresses mistaken conceptions regarding the “Hand of Allah” in “The Hand of Fatima”, p. 176. 5 The esoteric side of Shiʿism is outlined well in Heinz Halm, The Fatimids and their Traditions of Learning, ch. 2; Mohammed Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism, and the introduction to Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, On Magic I: An Arabic Critical Edition and English Translation of EPISTLE 52a, ed. and trans. Godefroid de Callatay and Bruno Halflants (Oxford: Oxford University Press in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011). 6 Mohammed Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Spirituality of Shiʿi Islam, pp. 112, 425. This idea of the link between the hand of the Imam and the hand of God is also developed in Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, “Icon and Meditation: Between Popular Art and Sufism in Imami Shiʿism”, in The Art and Material Culture of Iranian Shiʿism: Iconography and Religious Devotion in Shiʿi Islam, ed. Pedram Khosronejad (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010), pp. 25–54. This interpretation of the hand, including the “Conquering Palm of ʿAlī”, is taken by Abbas Hosseini in “Iconography of the three icons in Shiʿi Muharram Rituals: The Peacock, the Cypress & the Lion”, in Kīmīyā-ye Honar, vol 4, no 17 (Winter 2016), pp. 110–128.

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Both Sunni and Shiʿi scholars have a tradition of the formal occult sciences (ʿulūm al-gharībah) which include a formalized notion of talismans. The Shiʿi works are not overly dissimilar from the Sunni works. Therefore, Shiʿi scholars typically use the word “talisman” (ṭilasm) for materials with distinctive arrangements of letters, numbers, sigils, symbols, and the like, which often involve materia considered to have occult properties (gems, metals, incense, etc), and which may have been constructed in accordance with astrological timings. It may also be used for other forms of talismans constructed according to other traditions, which may or may not involve hands. Popularly, the word may also be used for magical items, following the modern secular understanding of a talisman as any material object considered to be imbued with metaphysical properties. However, it would be a misconception to say that Shiʿis ritually employ talismans en masse.7 Rather, it is more correct to say that ancient imagery and symbolism have blended in Shiʿi iconography and practice, and that some ritual items are treated as if they have talismanic properties. This is especially since Shiʿism, in comparison to Sunnism, has been more open to the use of material artefacts and visual art as part of the religious culture, even if Twelver Shiʿis and Sunnis share similar hadith cautioning against the depiction of living beings.8 For instance, today, drawings of the Prophet Muḥammad or the twelve Imams can be found in in homes, on cars, or for sale around religious sites, as well as photographs or drawings of prominent religious leaders. Three-dimensional mock-ups of key events in Shiʿi sacred history, such as the Battle of Karbala, are often set up during ritual commemorations or carried during processions. Of special interest here are flagpoles known as ʿalams, often containing hands, discussed later in this chapter. Additionally, in Iran, there is a characteristic form of religious theatre, called taʿziyeh, re-enacting the Battle of Karbala and other key stories in the Shiʿi sacred mythos. Re-enactments of sacred history are also common among Arab and some South Asian Shiʿis during ritual commemorations, sometimes on the street.9 All of the above include depictions of hands. 7 See the discussion “What is a talimsan?” in Chapter 2. Also see Sakina Nomanbhoy, “May the Envier’s Eye be Blind”, p. 186 (“What is a Talismanic Object?”). 8 See Negar Zeilabi, “Talismans and Figural Representation in Islam”. 9 See, for instance, Mohammadreza Mashhadi Ayvaz, “Performing Past, Narrating Today: Ta’ziyeh as a Historiographic Intervention in Shiʿa Islam”, in Proceedings of the Sixth Annual Conference on Shiʿi Studies (London: ICAS Press, 2022), pp. 139–166; Hamid Dabashi, “Taʿziyeh as Theatre of Protest”, in TDR [The Drama Review], vol. 49, no. 4, pp. 91–99; Syed Akbar Hyder, Reliving Karbala: Martyrdom in South Asian Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011); Kamran Scot Aghaie (ed.), The Women of Karbala: Ritual Performance and Symbolic Discourses in Modern Shiʿi Islam (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005); Pedram Khosronejad (ed.), The Art and Material Culture of Iranian Shiʿism.

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Shiʿism, the Metaphysical, and the Occult

Additionally, there are some subtle differences between Sunni and Shiʿi scholarship and orthodoxy with respect to the metaphysical and the occult, which are rooted in the different historical trajectories of Sunnism and Shiʿism. Formally, Shiʿism is defined as the branch of Islam which celebrates ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib as the rightful spiritual and political successor to the Prophet Muḥammad, as opposed to the first three caliphs. Subsequent leaders are known as “Imams”. However, that definition glosses over real differences in theology, spirituality, religious culture, and outlook between Shiʿis and non-Shiʿis that developed over time. While Sunnism and Shiʿism share their heritage, each interpretation of Islam flourished under different regional and sociopolitical influences, and reflect different considerations. Similarly, there have been different Shiʿi sects, with the most numerous surviving sects being the Twelver Shiʿis, Ismaʿili Shiʿis, and Zaydi Shiʿis.10 While, formally, these sects are defined by their views over who should have had authority after Imam ʿAlī, this definition glosses over the differences in theology, devotional practice, and religious culture in each of these groups. For instance, some historical Shiʿi sects propounded the doctrine of reincarnation, which is rejected by Sunnis and Twelver Shiʿis. Nonetheless, some underlying commonalities link Shiʿi sects, past and present, such as an esoteric bent to orthodox theology, a perception of being a minority, and a reverence for the family of the Prophet. While Sunnis and Shiʿis both reject shirk (polytheism), fear of shirk through amulets or iconography is rarer among Shiʿis. For instance, a stylized version of the Hand of Fāṭima is used as the logo of the Aga Khan Foundation, an Ismaʿili Shiʿi organization. Some of these differences have theological roots. In Twelver Shiʿi theology, the Prophet and Imams are inerrant, sinless, and have knowledge of all things, including the physical, and metaphysical branches of knowledge, including astrology. According to Twelver Shiʿi hadith, the Prophet and Imams had full knowledge of the past and future, could speak to the dead, spoke all languages, knew secret facts about people, and had authority over the jinn; for example, a common epithet for Imam ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib is imām al-ins wa al-jān (“Imam of the humans and jinn”). Any merits that a previous prophet, such as Solomon, enjoyed, such as the ability to command the jinn, as well as any sacred objects 10

On Shiʿi sects, see al-Ḥasan b. Musā al-Nawbakhtī, Shiʿa sects (Kitab Firaq al-Shiʿa), trans. Abbas Kadhim (London: ICAS Press, 2007); Mushegh Asatryan, Controversies in formative Shiʿi Islam: The Ghulat Muslims (London and New York: I.B. Tauris in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2017).

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they possessed, such as the fabled ring of Solomon itself, were also passed on to them.11 Some Shiʿi hadith also use the language of astrological timing; for instance, it is recommended that marriages or new journeys not take place while the moon is in Scorpio.12 Furthermore, like some Sufis, some Shiʿis ascribe the art of geomancy (raml) to the prophet Idrīs, and alchemy and other occult sciences to Imam Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, the sixth Shiʿi Imam.13 Even if these ascriptions are ahistorical, they nonetheless lend a spiritual pedigree to these arts. The “science of the letters” (ʿilm al-ḥurūf), which is central to talismanic construction, may have first developed in a Shiʿi milieu, leading to a greater harmony with the tradition.14 While Shiʿis, like Sunnis, ascribe their teachings to the Prophet Muḥammad, Shiʿism is often considered to have greater latitude towards neoplatonic philosophy. Therefore, Twelver Shiʿi jurists rarely prohibit all occult arts, although they vary in their views on what type of occult acts are and are not permissible. Furthermore, the occult sciences figure into the Twelver Shiʿi scholarly mystical tradition of ʿirfān and were part of the education of some, although not all, pre-modern Shiʿi scholars. For instance, a memoir about a famous Shiʿi mystic provides a flavour of the late pre-modern scholarly climate regarding these subjects: After the demise of my father, I had to remain in Tehran for a while to take care of certain tasks before leaving for Najaf. In those days, I had a relative there named Abū Turāb ʿIrfān, who was a true scholar and an expert of jafr (science of letters) and raml (geomancy, divination by using pebbles and drawing grids and tables). He even had some publications in these fields. He told me that he had written a book on jafr as long as Sharḥ al-Lumʿah [published in 10 volumes]. At that time, I studied the science of raml under him for about one month and took some notes on it. The late ʿIrfān was very affectionate toward me and insisted that what he had learnt should be transmitted to me, since he had no male child. However, I felt that pursuing that path was not only a waste of my life, but would make my soul dark and murky. I did not continue with the course, but

11 12 13 14

Mohammed Ali Amir Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism, pp. 16–17; Amina Inloes, Women in Shiʿism, ch. 6. Muḥammad al-Kulaynī, al-Kāfī, vol. 8, p. 275. See Venetia Porter, Liana Saif, and Emilie Savage-Smith, “Medieval Islamic Amulets, Talismans, and Magic”. Venetia Porter, Liana Saif, and Emilie Savage-Smith, “Medieval Islamic Amulets, Talismans, and Magic”.

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finished tending to my affairs in Tehran as quickly as possible, and left for Najaf to kiss the threshold of ‘the gate to the city of knowledge’.15 My teacher and master ʿAllāmah Ṭabāṭabāʾī had knowledge of these occult sciences too, but I never saw him use it. My master Sayyid Hāshim was extremely proficient in arranging tables – not simply 4 × 4 tables, but also other types, starting with 5 × 5 and especially 100 × 100. He taught me how to fill in the boxes and said: “These boxes are effective, but one must see the real effect from God, and should not ever be cut off from Him. The ultimate objective is to entrust one’s affairs and welfare in every condition to the Almighty Truth, such that He would be the director and manager of one’s affairs …”16 The scholar mentioned in the passage, ʿAllāmah Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn Ṭabāṭabāʾī (d. 1981), was a heavily orthodox Shiʿi scholar who studied the occult sciences briefly during his seminary education in Najaf, Iraq. A familiarity with these subjects, especially traditional astrology, lightly peppers his writings.17 That said, this passage also conveys a mild distrust of the occult arts. Due to this ambivalence and out of respect for the scholarly tradition, Shiʿi scholars who disapprove of the scholarly Islamicate occult sciences are more likely to object on spiritual or rational grounds – that it makes the soul “murky”, or that the efficacy of these arts is unproven – rather than prohibiting them altogether as an inherent matter of sharīʿah.18 Early Sunni and Shiʿi concerns over shirk or paganism also diverged because since the centre of Shiʿism quickly moved away from the Arabian Peninsula towards Mesopotamia, distancing it from the spectre of pre-Islamic Arabian 15 16 17

18

Referring to a saying of the Prophet Muḥammad: “I am the city of knowledge, and ʿAlī is its gate.” ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib was assassinated near Najaf, and his tomb and shrine are there, along with the oldest and historically most prominent Shiʿi seminary. For instance, see Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn Ḥusaynī Ṭihrānī, Liberated Soul: In Memory of Sayyid Hāshim Ḥaddād, A Translation of Rūḥ-i Mujarrad, trans. Tawus Raja (London: ICAS Press, 2017), p. 310. For instance, his exegesis of Qur’an 2:102 in al-Mīzān fī Tafsīr al-Qurʾān betrays an above-average familiarity with the theory and texts of magic, even if he is disapproving of it there. On ʿAllāmah Tabāṭabā’ī and the occult sciences, see also Hamid Algar, Essays on Shiʿism and Iran, ed. Amina Inloes (London: ICAS Press, 2021), p. 302. For instance, in a personal discussion between Amina Inloes and Ayatollah Sayyid ʿAlī Sīstānī in Iraq in 2015, Ayatollah Sīstānī said that there was “no benefit” in certain occult practices such as the divinatory practice of jafr, but refrained from saying they were actually forbidden. In a discussion between Amina Inloes and another Shiʿi jurist who requested anonymity, this scholar reiterated that interacting with jinn or the occult would make one’s soul dark and murky, and was best avoided, but also declined to wholly prohibit it.

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pagan practices. Additionally, since Shiʿi hadith were also collected from the Twelve Shiʿi Imams, they span a longer time in Islamic history. Therefore, while Sunni hadith engage primarily with pre-Islamic paganism, Shiʿi hadith engage more with other religious and occult traditions of the Mediterranean and Near East. One interesting way that this can be seen is through the evolution of Shiʿi hadith about jinn: early Shiʿi hadith reiterate pre-Islamic Arab conceptions of the jinn, often fearful, whereas later ones speak of the jinn as servants of the Shiʿi Imams and, occasionally, as servants of the faithful Shiʿa.19 Twelver Shiʿi and Ismaʿili texts also interact with and are more accepting of other metaphysical and philosophical considerations which had currency in the early classical Arab-Islamic Empire, such as Hellenic and Persian astrological notions.20 For instance, a Twelver Shiʿi hadith says that only two families know true astrology: a family in India (presumably the Brahmins) and the family of the Prophet Muḥammad.21 Additionally, the anonymous Brethren of Purity (Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ), who are thought to have been Ismaʿili Shiʿis, wrote on metaphysical philosophy, including astrology and magic. For instance, a lengthy defence of the reality, legitimacy, and desirability is attributed to them in their Rasāʾil, part of which reads:22 You should know, my brother, may God stand by you, that we see today, when hearing about magic, that most of the heedless people regard as preposterous whoever believes in it, and they deny their debt to whoever places it in the collection of the sciences which one must examine and by the knowledge of which one becomes well educated … Do you believe that all this is a lie and without foundation, and idiocy and stupidity on the part of whoever reports it to those who feign amazement [but who] disavow it in their souls, regarding as a lie what they hear because of their ignorance, [whereas] they are overbearing towards 19 20 21 22

Khalid Sindawi, “Jinn and Shīʿite Imams”, in Branches of the Goodly Tree: Studies in Honor of George Kanazi, ed. Ali Ahmad Hussein ([Germany]: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2013), pp. 85–108. Mohammed Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism, pp. 64, 96, 210–211. Muḥammad al-Kulaynī, al-Kāfī (Tehran: Dār al-Kitāb al-Islamiyya, 1348 AH (Persian solar calendar)), vol. 8, p. 355, no. 508. See Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ, Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, On Magic I: An Arabic Critical Edition and English Translation of EPISTLE 52a, ed. and trans. Godefroid de Callatay and Bruno Halflants (Oxford: Oxford University Press in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011). The subjects of magic, astrology, and jinn also come up in other volumes of their encyclopaedia. There is some uncertainty over whether they are the actual authors of this section of the text, or whether it was added later, but, in any case, this section still traces back to the classical era. See Ibid., pp. 1–10.

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them, with haughtiness and arrogance, because of their lack of intelligence, the small-mindedness of their sciences, and their inadequacy in acquisition of the real sciences?23 Furthermore, Shiʿism has a strong intercessory tradition and a strong sense of the living miraculous, heightened through commemorations of martyrs among the family of the Prophet. Shiʿi collective identity, memory, and spirituality centres around the martyrdom of the grandson of the Prophet, al-Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī (or, more simply, Imam Ḥusayn), at Karbala, Iraq, on 10 Muḥarram. This day is known as ʿĀshūrāʾ. Twelver Shiʿis engage in vast ritual mourning ceremonies which, today, stretch across two months of the Islamic calendar, and take place both in public and in private. During this time, the faithful wear black, avoid celebrations such as weddings, and attend ritual mourning commemorations at which these events are retold or re-enacted.24 The shrine of Imam Ḥusayn is a central Shiʿi pilgrimage site in Iraq. Other mourning ceremonies for martyrs also mark the Twelver Shiʿi devotional calendar throughout the year. Shiʿis also popularly believe that Fāṭima herself attends each and every one of these gatherings; this adds further significance to the name of Fāṭima on Shiʿi iconography. While Sunnis also respect and commemorate ʿAshūrāʾ in various ways, and Imam Ḥusayn is honoured by both Sunnis and Shiʿis as the grandson of the Prophet and as an upstanding early Muslim, the martyrdom of Imam Ḥusayn has become integrated into Shiʿi collective thought and practice so strongly that a misconception has spread that the Sunni-Shiʿi split occurred during the Battle of Karbala, or that the Battle of Karbala was a Sunni-Shiʿi battle. That view is ahistorical. Nonetheless, commemorations of Karbala are particularly pronounced among Shiʿis, and these commemorations too involve hands. One of the most common uses of the hand is to represent the five central members of the Prophet’s family known as the ahl al-kisāʾ or the panjtan. 23

24

Ikwān al-Ṣafāʾ, Epistles of the Brethren of Purity, On Magic I: An Arabic Critical Edition and English Translation of EPISTLE 52a, ed. and trans. Godefroid de Callatay and Bruno Halflants (Oxford: Oxford University Press in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011), pp. 89–90, 116. J. Calmard, “Shiʿi Rituals and Power: Consolidation of Safavid Shiʿism: Folklore and Popular Religion”, in Ch. Melville (ed.), Safavid Persia: The History and Politics of an Islamic Society (London: I.B. Tauris, 1996), pp. 130–190. Some scholars speak about the Karbalāʾ paradigm based on a particular conception of history. Cf. S. Mervin, “ʿĀshūrāʾ Rituals, Identity and Politics: A Comparative Approach (Lebanon and India)”, in The Study of Shiʿi Islam: History, Theology and Law, F. Daftary & G. Miskinzoda (eds.), (London: I.B. Tauris, 2014), pp. 507–528, see especially pp. 507, 509–510.

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Five Fingers of the Hand: The Panjtan

These five central members of the Prophets family are the Prophet Muḥammad himself, ʿAlī (his cousin and son-in-law; the first Shiʿi Imam and the fourth caliph of the Muslims); Fāṭima (his daughter, and ʿAlī’s wife); and their two sons Ḥasan and Ḥusayn. Of the five, the highest status is assigned to Muḥammad, ʿAli, and Fāṭima, although all are revered. This group is referred to as the ahl al-kisāʾ (“people of the cloak”) and by the Persian term panjtan (“five people”). While ahl al-kisāʾ and panjtan may be used interchangeably, here, panjtan has been preferred here due to ease of pronunciation, because it encompasses the symbolism of the number five, and because it reflects the development of Shiʿi religious culture. This story is recorded in various Sunni and Shiʿi hadith. However, there are variations of the story; Twelver Shiʿis often recite a particularly long version of it, attributed to Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ, at religious ceremonies, in times of need, or to bless new homes. Although this longer version has a much weaker textual provenance, it enjoys a special sanctity. The frame story of the longer version of Ḥadīth al-Kisāʾ is that the Prophet was feeling cold and asked to be covered with a Yemeni blanket or cloak. One by one, ʿAlī, Ḥasan, and Ḥusayn arrived and asked to join the Prophet under the cloak, which he permitted. Then Fāṭima asked to join them under the cloak, and he permitted that as well. Then the Prophet declared these to be his family (ahl al-bayt). Upon that, the angel Jibra‌ʾīl (Gabriel) arrived, blessed the group, and said that whenever this event is recited in a gathering, anyone in that gathering who is suffering from difficulty or sorrow will find their difficulties or sorrows healed. In other versions, a wife of the Prophet, Um Salama, also asked to join them, but the Prophet declined, thereby sending the message that this immediate family (ahl al-bayt) only include these blood relatives and not his wives. This is a central idea to Shiʿism, and part of Shiʿi-Sunni polemics, since Sunnis tend to include the wives of the Prophet as part of his ahl al-bayt. Shiʿi conceptions of or narrations about the panjtan are not limited to the Event of the Cloak (which could be construed as a somewhat odd merit). Twelver and Ismaʿili Shiʿis consider the panjtan to be infallible; that is, they neither sin nor err. The panjtan are understood to be the highest of God’s creation and to hold a spiritually central role not only during the time of the Prophet but throughout time. In fact, this role is even ascribed to them in the beforetime. The panjtan were created before other beings. In a commentary on Qur’an 2:37 (“And Adam received words from his Lord”), it is related that Imam Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq (the sixth Shiʿi Imam) said:

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God was, and nothing of His creation existed; then He created five creatures from the light of His glory (nūr ʿaẓamatihi) and He gave each of them a name derived from His own Names. Being the Praised One, He called His prophet Muḥammad; being the Most High, He called the prince of believers ʿAlī; being the creator of the heavens and the earth, He created the name of Fāṭima; possessing the most beautiful names (al-asmāʾ al-ḥusnā), He forged the names of al-Ḥasan and al-Ḥusayn; then He placed these names to the right side of His throne … These were the five names that Adam received from His lord.25 For instance, according to Shiʿi narrations, the names of the panjtan are inscribed on God’s throne. In some hadith, the names of the panjtan are associated with divine names. For instance, it is said that when Adam read the names of the panjtan on the divine throne and asked God about them, he was told: “First, there is Muḥammad, for I am al-maḥmūd (the Praised One); second, there is ʿAlī, for I am al-ʿalī (The Most High); third, there is Fāṭima, for I am al-fāṭir (the Creator); fourth, there is al-Ḥasan, for I am al-muḥsin (The Benefactor), and fifth, there is al-Husayn, for I am dhū l-iḥsān (The Lord of Kindness).”26 This concept also appears in some spoken Shiʿi prayers. God created the panjtan before other beings, and they taught the angels.27 A uniquely Shiʿi account of the fall of Adam and Eve says that the tree did not bear fruit or grains but rather was the tree of envy of the family of the Prophet.28 Since Adam envied the panjtan their spiritual status, he ate from the tree, and thus fell; an even harsher narration says that the Garden itself attacked him with its leaves.29 However, he redeemed himself before God by pleading to God through the names of these five individuals – Muḥammad, ʿAlī, Fāṭima, Ḥasan, and Ḥusayn. Thus, Adam’s status was restored, although he now had to go to earth.30 25 26

27 28

29 30

Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Spirituality of Shiʿi Islam (London and New York: I.B. Tauris in association with The Institute of Ismaili Studies, 2011), pp. 137–138, citing the tafsīr ascribed to Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq. Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism, trans. David Streight (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994), pp. 30–37 (quotation from page 30). The style of transliteration in the quotation has been adjusted for consistency with the rest of this book. Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shiʿism, p. 30. There are varying explanations about what kind of tree Adam ate from. Common explanations are that it was a pomegranate tree, a grape “tree” or a wheat “tree.” There is also the idea that it was a sort of multifruiting tree. See Amina Inloes, Women in Shiʿism, pp. 95–98. al-ʿAyyāshī, Tafsīr al-ʿAyyāshī, vol. 1, p. 41. ʿUyūn Akhbār al-Riḍā, vol. 1, p. 306 and 307; Maʿānī al-Akhbār, 108 and 124; Tafsīr al-ʿAyyāshī vol. 1, p. 41; Tafsīr al-Imām al-ʿAskarī, 221.

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Simiarly, Shiʿis often invoke the panjtan to seek intercession with God, for spiritual or worldly matters. While there are many expressions of this, for our purposes here, a few examples will suffice. One is the formula: “By Fāṭima, and her father, and her husband, and her children and the secret entrusted in her (bi-fāṭima wa abīhā wa baʿlīhā wa banīhā wa al-sirr al-mustawdaʿ fīhā).” This is spoken and then followed with a further prayer or request and reflects the creational centrality given to Fāṭima. Another, particularly appropriate for these times, is a short prayer-poem recited in ritual gatherings and which also appears on devotional as well as talismanic objects.31 “I have five, through whom I shall extinguish the fires of the plague: Al-Muṣṭafā (the Prophet), al-Murtaḍā (Imam ʿAlī), their two sons, and Fātima (li-khamsatun uṭfī bihā ḥarr al-wabāʾ al-ḥāṭimah: al-muṣṭafā wa al-murtaḍā wa ibnāhummā, wa Fāṭima).”32 Lastly, Fahmida Suleman quotes a passage attributed to Imam Jaʿfar al Sadiq (the sixth Shiʿi Imam) in which the panjtan are invoked to protect against the evil eye (al-naẓar wa al-ʿayn): Al-Ṣādiq, peace be upon him, said: “When you have performed the obligatory prayer, stretch out your hands together to the heavens and say humbly and submissively: ‘I take refuge in Your Sublimity, Your Power, Your Magnificence, and Your Sovereignty, from what I suffer. O my Succour, O Allah, O my succour, O Messenger of Allah, O my succour, O Amir al-Muʾminīn [Imam ʿAlī], O my succour, O Fatima, daughter of the Messenger of Allah, help me’ …”33 Of possible symbolic relationship is a Shiʿi narration which speaks of the creation and transmission of the Prophetic light. Some Shiʿi narrations say that 31 32

33

One example occurs later in this chapter. We would like to thank Zubeir Patel for sharing an object which has this prayer split up word by word in a magic square, accompanied by the symbols denoting the “Greatest Name of God”. Louis Massignon traces this protective incantation to the Kakaiyya Kurds. “Der gnostische Kult der Fatima in shiitischen Islam”, in Louis Massignon, Opera Minora, Ecrits Memorables (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1969), I, p. 281, vol. 1, pp. 514–522. The Kakaiyya have been associated with ghulāt Shiʿism, i.e. approaches to Shiʿism considered heterodox by the dominant extant branches of Shiʿis and which have their own doctrines and ritual practices. Of course, orthodoxy is usually in the eye of the beholder. Matti Moosa, Extremist Shiites: The Ghulat Sects (Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Press, 1988), pp. 169–172. Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”, p. 183, citing Islamic Medical Wisdom: The Ṭibb al-a‌ʾimma, trans. Batool Ispahany, ed. Andrew J. Newman (London, 1991), pp. 76–77. Early twentieth century ethnographic reflections on the role of the panjtan in popular practice in Iran can be found in Bess Allen Donaldson, The Wild Rue: A Study of Muhammadan Magic and Folklore in Iran (London: Luzac & Co., 1938), pp. 55–56.

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Eighteenth-century ʿalam, attributed to Iran, silver with black inlay. Metropolitan Museum of Art. This centre of the hand contains a version of the prayer invoking the panjtan mentioned above: “I have five by whom I shall extinguish the fire of the plague …”. One finger is missing. This photo will be discussed more in the section on ʿalams

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God created the light of the Prophet, instilled it in Adam, and then it transferred from man to woman until it finally lodged in the Prophet’s mother, after which it was born as the Prophet. Holding the Prophetic light was an honour and bestowed a certain spirituality. In this narration, after Adam first knows Eve (in the Biblical sense), the lights are placed in his fingers: He went unto her, while the angels were hovering behind Adam, peace be upon him. So Adam, peace be upon him, said, “O Lord, why are the angels standing behind me?” He said, “So they can gaze upon the light of your descendant Muḥammad, peace and blessings be upon him.” He said, “O Lord, put it [the light] in front of me so that the angels can face me.” So He put it on Adam’s forehead [instead of in his loins], and the angels arrayed themselves in rows in front of him. Then Adam, peace be upon him, asked his Lord to put it somewhere where he could see it, so He put the light of Muḥammad (peace and blessings be upon him and his family) on his index finger, the light of ʿAlī (peace be upon him) on his middle finger, the light of Fāṭimah (peace be upon her) on the finger next to that, the light of al-Ḥasan (peace be upon him) on his little finger, and the light of al-Ḥusayn (peace be upon him) on his thumb. Their lights were shining like the sun in the dome of the sky, or like the full moon.34 Although the concept of the ahl al-kisāʾ/panjtan is rooted in Sunni and Shiʿi hadith ascribed to the Prophet Muḥammad, it is unclear how, why, and when this concept became particularly rooted in Shiʿi culture and expression. A competing concept could have taken root; for instance, since Shiʿis hold that that authority belongs to the Prophet’s male line, descended through Fāṭima, it would have been politically pragmatic to extend this concept to all of the Prophet’s male line. In The Spirituality of Shiʿi Islam, M.A. Amir-Moezzi simply notes that the idea cemented early. He also cites the view that there was a possible influence from Iraqi Christians and their beliefs about the Holy Family, especially given the frequent synergy between Mary and Fāṭima.35 34

35

Amina Inloes, Women in Shiʿism, p. 88, citing Muḥammad Bāqir al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 15, pp. 33–34, no. 48. This narration is also discussed amply in Amina Inloes, “How Did Eve Get Married? Two Twelver Shiʿi Ḥadīth Reports”, in Islamic Interpretive Tradition and Gender Justice, ed. Y. Amin and N. Reda (McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2020). Mohammed Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Spirituality of Shiʿi Islam, pp. 40–41.

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Fāṭima as Venus?

An intriguing conjecture is presented by Zaïm Khenchelaoui, who argues that the concept of the panjtan derives from Ismaʿili theosophy according to which the hand symbolizes a pentagram or a five-pointed star representing the Sun (Muḥammad), the Moon (ʿAlī), Venus (Fāṭima), and two polar stars (al-farqadān, symbolising Ḥasan and Ḥusayn).36 This argument unites the ancient feminine symbolism of the hand, the feminine nature of Fāṭima, and the feminine nature of Venus. Khenchelaoui’s idea fits into a theory presented by Don Hanlon on the design of the original city of Cairo. He presents a case that the Fāṭimids first designed Cairo as a pentagram to embed in it the symbolism of the panjtan and, in particular, Fāṭima, who is central to the pantan. Thus, the design of the city itself could symbolize both Fāṭima and Venus.37 Citing al-Maqrīzī’s legend of the founding of Cairo, he maintains that the astrologers intended for Venus, not Mars, to be rising, thereby reinforcing the symbolic link. Al-Maqrīzī’s account is as follows: It is said that the reason it [Cairo] was named al-Qāhira is as follows. When the commander Jawhar wanted to build the city, he summoned the astrologers. He advised them that he wished to build a city in the vicinity of the old capital for settling his troops. He then ordered them to identify the time of the ascendance of a star of destiny; at this time, they would lay the foundation [of the city] so that it would not slip away from their descendants. They picked an auspicious time for the digging of the walls and for laying the foundation stone. They placed wooden poles encircling the position of the walls. A rope was tied between every two poles and bells were placed on them. The astrologers said to the labourers, “When the bells ring, begin laying the stones and clay that is in your hands.” They stood waiting for the opportune moment. It so happened that a raven landed on one of the ropes on which hung the bells. This set off ringing the bells. The workers thought that the astrologers had rung them so they laid down the clay and the bricks that they had been holding and started building. The astrologers shouted, “The Conqueror [al-qāhir, i.e.

36 37

Zaïm Khenchelaoui, Imagerie Mystique dans le Folklore Algérien, Alger, 2005, pp. 82–83. Don Hanlon, “The plan of al-Qahira”, in Journal of Urban Design, vol. 1, no. 3 (1996), pp. 299–314, quotation from page 304. Special appreciation is due to Ejaz Ahmed for calling attention to this idea and providing a copy of Hanlon’s article.

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Mars] is in ascendance.” So they carried on and their original plan was overlooked.38 Al-Maqrīzī provides other explanations of how Cairo got its name, and Shainool Jiwa considers this particular explanation to be less likely.39 Hanlon also admits his theory is highly conjectural. Still, it reflects a symbolic link, whether or not it is actually factual. A more restrained link between the Prophet’s family and astronomical bodies appears in two Twelver Shiʿi hadith, in which the Prophet uses the Sun, Moon, and al-farqadān to symbolize himself, Imam ʿAlī, Ḥasan, and Ḥusayn in descending order, followed by the remaining Imams, who are described as “shining stars” (al-nujūm al-zāhirah). The point of this metaphor is to explain who should be obeyed after the Prophet: once the Sun is no longer present, the Moon takes dominance, followed by the farqadān and then the other stars. While the authenticity of this hadith may be questioned, its existence demonstrates that this type of symbolism circulated among at least a few Shiʿis. A key difference here is that both Fāṭima and Venus are absent, since this hadith focuses on the line of male authority. This, in turn, reflects an underlying tension in Twelver Shiʿi thought between Fāṭima as the locus and purpose of creation, and a custom of male authority, stretching from the Prophets, to the Imams, to scholars. Fāṭima’s standard epithet Zahrāʾ (“the resplendent”) is etymologically related to the word zāhirah (“shining”) as well as zuhrah (the planet Venus).40 This has led some modern authors to conflate them. For instance, Ernest A. Wallis Budge writes that drawings of the right hand of the lady Fâṭimah, i.e. the “Weaver,” were held to be powerful amulets … She is called “Al-Zahra,” the “bright blooming” (a name for Venus). He does not clarify why he refers to her as the “Weaver”, since this is not one of her standard epithets, although stories include weaving as part of her domestic chores. Possibly, he is alluding to ancient goddesses portrayed as weavers, 38 39 40

Shainool Jiwa, Towards a Shiʿi Mediterranean Empire: Fatimid Egypt and the Founding of Cairo (London: I.B. Tauris., 2009), p. 78. See also al-Maqrīzī, al-Mawāʿiẓ wa al-Iʿtibār fī Dhikr al-Khiṭaṭ wa al-Athār (Beirut), vol. 2, p. 233. Shainool Jiwa, Towards a Shiʿi Mediterranean Empire: Fatimid Egypt and the Founding of Cairo, p. 78. Ernest A. Wallis Budge, Amulets and Superstitions (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), p. 469.

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or even tacitly arguing that her domestic weaving paralleled the concept of weaving fate. Since his book delves into the ancient Egyptian and Assyrian heritages, he may have fallen victim to overenthusiasm. Nonetheless, the similarity between the words Zahrāʾ and zuhra could have also led others in the mediaeval era to perceive a link. Indeed, one could argue that this similarity is what led to Zahrāʾ being Fāṭima’s preferred epithet, since she has many others that are far less commonly used. Thus, the possibility cannot be ruled out that some people transferred this ancient symbolism to Fāṭima, as Hanlon also argues. In any case, Islamicate occult texts do not associate the planet Venus with Fāṭima. Instead, they retain the ancient associations of the planet Venus with love, romance, marriage, beauty, and enjoyment. While Fātima is portrayed as the ideal wife and mother, and Shiʿi hadith speak of her beauty, it would be considered blasphemous to attribute free love, indulgence, or unveiled beauty to her would be considered blasphemous in either Sunnism or Shiʿism.41 Nonetheless, Fāṭima could symbolically be linked with the planet Venus since both Fāṭima and Venus are associated with femininity, fertility, beauty, and splendour. Furthermore, the ancient Near East has a long history of virgin goddesses who are considered to be virginal in the literal sense. One of Fāṭima’s epithets is “the virgin” (al-ʿadhrāʾ), and she is celebrated as a perpetual virgin, although she bore four children. Some hadith awkwardly attempt to explain this epithet but fail to do so satisfactorily. A more satisfactory explanation is that the paradigm of a virgin goddess was transferred onto her over time, as may have occurred with the Virgin Mary, especially since the epithet “the virgin” has little actual textual provenance.42 Therefore, insofar as the planet Venus has been historically associated with pre-Islamic goddesses, and Fāṭima is also celebrated as a “virgin”, this could also be a link. All of this symbolism, again, synergizes in the pre-Islamic and post-Islamic symbolism of the khamsa. Beyond that, it is difficult to ascertain the historicity of Khenchelaoui’s view about the development of notions of the panjtan. All that can be said is that astrological symbolism is not commonly associated with the panjtan in today’s Shiʿi traditions, and so care must be taken not to read this symbolism into places where it does not exist. Still, these associations may be of interest in the field of Islamicate occult studies.

41 42

While some Sunni hadith speak of marital discord between ʿAli and Fāṭima, these texts are rejected by Twelver Shiʿis. See Amina Inloes, Women in Shiʿism, pp. 306–311.

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Panjtan Hands

Returning to the khamsa, one of the ways that the five names of the panjtan are expressed ritually or artistically is through inscribing each of the names of a finger on the hand.43 This design appears frequently, such as on artistic pieces (such as wall hangings) which might be considered to hold some sort of blessing or protective power due to the names on them, on tapestries hung in homes or ḥusayniyas or imāmbāras (ritual gathering halls).44 Sometimes, the names of the panjtan are also included with the blue evil-eye amulet but without the hand, to give the same protective ethos. Additionally, ritual flags known as ʿalams (discussed below) often feature hands with the names of the panjtan on them.45 Hands also feature names of other central figures of the Prophet’s family, as the photograph below demonstrates. These hands are on a cloth stole. Some pious Shiʿis demonstrate their love towards the Prophet’s family by wearing stoles on their shoulders that display the symbol of the hand and the names of the ahl al-bayt, especially the Imams, Fātima al-Zahrāʾ, and those present at Karbala. The left and right hands on the stole are united by the name of Fāṭima, since the left side of each palm reads “O Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ”. The left palm reads “O Abū al-Fāḍl al-ʿAbbās” (a martyr at the Battle of Karbala), and the right palm reads “O Wronged Ḥusayn”. The fingers read “O Ḥusayn the martyr”, “O Abū al-Fāḍl al-ʿAbbās”, “O Zaynab al-Kubrā” (the elder daughter of Fāṭima), and “O ʿAlī Aṣghar” (the infant son of Ḥusayn who was killed at the Battle of Karbala). Fāṭima’s name is central since she is the mother or foremother of everyone else listed on the hands. Thus, these hands blend an association with Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ with that of other important figures, such as ʿAbbās, who will be discussed shortly.

43

44 45

Some contemporary panjtan hands are discussed on pp. 189–190 of Jürgen Wasim Frembgen, “The Horse of Imam Hoseyn: Notes on the Iconography of Shiʿi Devotional Posters from Pakistan and India”, The Art and Material Culture of Iranian Shiʿism: Iconography and Religious Devotion in Shiʿi Islam, ed. Pedram Khosronejad (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010), pp. 179–194. The author notes solar imagery as well. Hussein Keshani, “Imāmbāra”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 3rd ed., ed. Kate Fleet, Gudrun Krämer, Denis Matringe, John Nawas, and Everett Rowson . Accessed 7 February 2022. Shameem Burney Abbas, “Sakineh, The Narrator of Karbala: An Ethnographic Description of a Women’s Majles Ritual in Pakistan”, pp. 141–160, citing p. 145.

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Figure 116 A stole displaying the symbol of the hand, Iran, late twentieth century

5

The Hands of Allāh, ʿAlī, and ʿAbbās

In addition to symbolizing the panjtan, the hand in Shiʿism has been understood as the Hand of Allāh, the Hand of ʿAlī, and the Hand of ʿAbbās. As discussed previously in this chapter, the Hand of Allāh is the most tenuous of these interpretations. Another interpretation, although still not overly prevalent, is the understanding of the hand as the Hand of ʿAlī – that is, the hand of ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib, the first Shiʿi Imam and fourth caliph of the Muslims, celebrated as a mystic, warrior, and savant. Richard Ettinghausen speaks of mediaeval Shiʿi sanctuaries with imprints of hands considered to be the hand of ʿAlī in Iraq (in and near Baghdad and in Mosul), Iran, and Damascus, from the eleventh-twelfth centuries onward.46 The following miniature, of Safavid Persian or Ottoman Turkish origin, portrays the Hand of ʿAlī. It appears in a divinatory text called the Fālnāmeh or the Book of Omens, which one may open to seek auguries. This particular manuscript, housed at the Topkapı Palace in Istanbul, is lavishly illustrated. The text itself is ascribed – questionably and, likely, honorifically – to Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, the sixth Shiʿi Imam, to whom knowledge of the esoteric arts is also often credited.47 This particular hand is titled “Khaybar: The Conquering Palm of ʿAlī”, alluding to 46 47

Richard Ettinghausen, “Notes on the Lusterware of Spain”, p. 150. Massumeh Farhad and Serpil Bağcı, Falnama: The Book of Omens (Washington, DC: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery Smithsonian Institution, 2009), p. 31.

The Hand Symbol in Shi ʿ ism

Figure 117

“Khaybar: The Conquering Palm of ʿAlī”, Fālnāmeh (Book of Omens), miniature, sixteenth century, Persian or Ottoman

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the story of how ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib tore the gate of a fortress from its hinges with his bare hands. In lapis lazuli pigment and gold, it depicts a formidable hand outlined in gold. The hand rests on grass and a mountainside and is flanked by tall cypress trees and a scattering of flowers – but without any artistic commentary on how, logically speaking, a mountainous, two-dimensional hand might stand upright in the middle of a field. A square inscription in gold Kufic script marks the centre of the hand. This inscription mimics a seal and houses the names of Fāṭima, ʿAlī, Ḥasan, and Ḥusayn; the letter l in ʿAlī extends out to form the square. This is then surrounded by the names of the Prophet and the twelve Imams in a jagged gold outline. However, the casual observer may be forgiven for missing the names at first glance since they are all written in reverse.48 The following hand, from eighteenth-century Turkey, also evokes ʿAlī; in addition to displaying Qur’anic expressions and names of God, it proclaims the famous expression, “There is no knight but ʿAlī, and no sword but Dhū al-Faqar.” In this case, the text on the hand is reversed because it is a stamp.

Figure 118 Hand-shaped ink stamp with Qur’anic verses and invocations. Turkey, dated 1154 AH (1741–2 AD). Copper alloy; engraved; back with small flange-shaped handle; 9.3 × 6.6 cm. The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. TLS 2707 Image © The Khalili Family Trust 48

Massumeh Farhad and Serpil Bağcı, Falnama: The Book of Omens, p. 123.

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However, the strongest association of the hand symbol in Shiʿism is with al-ʿAbbās ibn ʿAlī (647–680), one of the martyrs in the Battle of Karbala.49 The story of how his hands were severed by the enemy as he fought to bring water to the women and children is retold yearly, and he has his own shrine, next to the shrine of Imam Ḥusayn in Karbalāʾ. In taʿziyeh plays, ʿĀshūrāʾ processions, and devotional art, a lone hand evokes his sacrifice. 6

ʿAlams

The Hand of ʿAbbās often tops ʿalams; that is, monuments carried in commemoration ceremonies, including processions.50 ʿAlams are treated with reverence and often kissed or touched for blessings, and are often kept in imāmbāras or homes when not in use during processions or commemorations. An ʿalam traditionally take the form of a military standard and is comprised of a heavy metal object filled with intricate figurines and engravings, which often include Qur’anic verses; the names of the Prophet, his family, and those present at the Battle of Karbala; and invocations for aid from the Prophet and his family. This piece is mounted atop a flagpole, which is carried.51 This is traditionally made of metal – often steel, bronze, silver, or an alloy with gold. This upper part is carried on a pole and has a composite structure which may include inscribed textiles – mainly red, recalling the spilt blood – feathers, and bells. Although ʿalams are common in Iran and the Indian subcontinent, concern has been raised about the loss of the laborious and intricate traditional methods of crafting ʿalams in the face of mechanization, similar to other traditional crafts worldwide which have historically been passed on via apprenticeship.52 49

50

51 52

ʿAbbās b. ʿAlī b. Abī Talib often referred to by his kunya Abū al-Faḍl. Cf. Encyclopaedia Iranica I.1 (1982), pp. 77–79; M. Dziekan, Symbolika Arabsko-Muzulmanska (Warsaw: Verbinum, 1997), p. 28; Sabrina Mervin, “ʿĀshūrāʾ Rituals”, p. 517. For more discussion of the hand in depictions of ʿAbbās, see Ingvild Flaskerud, “The Votive Image in Iranian Shiʿism”, in The Art and Material Culture of Iranian Shiʿism: Iconography and Religious Devotion in Shiʿi Islam, ed. Pedram Khosronejad (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010), pp. 161–178. Cf. the examples shown in the exhibition – see the catalogue Sultan, Shah and the Great Mughal: The History and Culture of the Islamic World, Copenhagen, 1996, p. 76, no. 39. According to Sabrina Mervin, these standards represent the main heroes or martyrs of Karbalāʾ. Cf. S. Mervin, “ʿĀshūrāʾ Rituals”, p. 518. “Standard (ʿAlam)” in Explore Islamic Art Collections. Museum With No Frontiers . Accessed 8 February 2022. “Meeting the last masters of alam, a dying art”, in The Guardian (4 November 2014) . Accessed 8 February 2022.

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Furthermore, while ʿalams are exceedingly popular in some regions, some Shiʿa have raised objections to them on the grounds that they mimic Hindu customs, although there is no move against them in Shiʿi scholarship.53 ʿAlams are topped with many things: for instance, ʿalams in India and Iran have been topped with dragonheads, fish, peacocks, and the two-pronged sword of Imam ʿAlī.54 This is reminiscent of the khamsas featuring fish, birds, and swords. Another common style of ʿalam is topped with a hand. This is usually understood as the Hand of ʿAbbās. in the Indian Subcontinent, it is particularly important during commemorations on the eighth night of Muḥarram (two days before ʿĀshūrāʾ) since this day is dedicated to ʿAbbās. The ʿalam used on this night is often inscribed with the names of the panjtan.55 Judging by other details which sometimes feature, such as dragonheads or symbolic representations of the two-pronged sword of Imam ʿAlī, these flagpoles developed from standards used in battles.56 Steel and silver military standards were also in use in military, royal, and religious ceremonies during the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal Empires. This is apart from the fact that the word ʿalam means “standard” or “flag”, and one of the epithets of ʿAbbās is the Persian and Urdu word ʿalamdār or “flag-bearer”. The appearance of the hand symbol on these ceremonial banners carried in sacred space thus mimics the appears of the hand symbol on actual flags and military banners carried in combat, except that, outside the Shiʿi world, the hand is not usually associated with ʿAbbās. Thus, ʿalams represent a blending of multiple layers of symbolism of the hand to commemorate a specific event in sacred history.

53

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55

56

See, for instance, Syed Akbar Hyder, Reliving Karbala: Martyrdom in South Asian Memory (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 14–16. A few other reflections on the desire among Shiʿa not to emulate Hindu customs can be found in Sabrina Mervin, “ʿĀshūrāʾ Rituals”, p. 517. “Processional Standard (ʿAlam)”, in Aga Khan Museum . Accessed 8 February 2022; “Meeting the last masters of alam, a dying art”; Sabrina Mervin, “ʿĀshūrāʾ Rituals.” Photos of other types of ʿalams are also available from the Muharram Museum in Tabriz, which describes itself as the first anthropology museum of Muḥarram commemorations in Iran. See also Abbas Hosseini, “Iconography of the three icons in Shiʿi Muharram Rituals”. Shameem Burney Abbas, “Sakineh, The Narrator of Karbala: An Ethnographic Description of a Women’s Majles Ritual in Pakistan”, p. 142. Traditionally, during the first ten days of Muḥarram, one martyr of the Battle of Karbala is commemorated each night. However, Shiʿa vary regionally with respect to which martyrs are commemorated on which nights. I. Szántó, The Repository of Shiʿite Religious Accessories, in Artisans at the Crossroads. Persian Arts of the Qajar Period (1796–1925), ed. B. Kelényi & I. Szántó (Budapest: Ferenc Hopp Museum of Eastern Asiatic Arts, 2010), p. 131. S. Mervin, “ʿĀshūrāʾ Rituals”, pp. 516– 520 develops on sometimes contradictory interpretation of images and ritual objects.

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Figure 119 Silver gilt ʿalam in the shape of a hand. India, early nineteenth century

Figure 120

Symbols in form of brass hands topping the poles of ʿalams carried in the ʿAshūrāʾ processions in India Note: Sultan, Shah and Great Mughal. The History and Culture in the Islamic World, Catalogue (1996), no Cat. 39, p. 76.

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A set of insignia presented by the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam to the Peshwa who passed it to his leading general Scindia of Gwalior. Among seven items, four are topped with the symbol of the khamsa. They appear alone or associated with a mask, a crescent, and a fish Notes: Displayed at the exhibition The Maharaja at the Victoria and Albert Museum. Cf.: Anne Jackson and Amin Jaffer (eds.), The Maharaja. The Splendour of India’s Royal Courts (London: V & A Publishing, 2009), pp. 90 and 94. Anne Jackson and Amin Jaffer (eds.), The Maharaja, p. 94, plate 76.

The ʿalam displayed earlier – a silver hand (with one finger missing) on which is engraved the prayer “I have five by whom I shall extinguish the fire of the plague  …”  – exemplifies the middle ground that ʿalams, and Shiʿi religious objects, can taken with respect to whether they are conceived of as “magical” or “religious”. The piece itself is imbued with layers of sacred power. The hand itself channels power and protection, and is a symbol of divine strength which

The Hand Symbol in Shi ʿ ism

Figure 122

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Two ‘hands of Fāṭima’. India, possibly Hyderabad, late eighteenth–early nineteenth century. The Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. JLY 1923. These hands have attained worldwide fame as the featured piece for the Power and Protection exhibit. Gold on a lac core, set with foiled rubies, diamonds and emeralds in gold kundan, with strings of small pearls; length 10.7 cm, width 8.2 cm. They were likely set atop of an ʿalam carried during ʿĀshūrāʾ processions Note: Presented at another recent exhibition dedicated to the Islamic arts held in Australia first and later shown at the Institut du Monde Arabe. See Arts de l’Islam. Chefs-d’oeuvre de la collection Khalili. Catalogue (2009), p. 370. In 2016 it was displayed at the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford – Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural. See Francesca Leoni, Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum and University of Oxford, 2016). Image © Khalili Family Trust

the spiritual warrior would draw upon. This is exemplified by further engravings on the fingers. The leftmost finger reads “Assistance from God, and near victory” (Qur’an 61:13), and thus thematically resembles the Algerian flag used by ʿAbd al-Qādir. The remaining fingers contain the prayer Nād-e ʿAlī, which is particularly popular among Shiʿis and Sufis, and invokes Imam ʿAlī for assistance. Typically, Nād-e ʿAlī is recited in the face of everyday difficulties, but it is also clandestinely used in occult workings. According to a hadith of questionable authenticity, during the Battle of Uḥud, a booming voice from the heavens uttered this poem to the Prophet; since it was recorded also by Sunni authors, a more likely explanation is that it was composed by a Sunni-Sufi poet, and then became

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adopted as a prayer.57 Presumably, the middle finger had one line of the prayer. The extant fingers read: Help from Allah, and a near victory (Qur’an 61:63). Call upon ʿAlī, manifestor of wonders. [Missing finger: You shall find him an aid in all difficulties.] All distress and sorrow shall be allayed. By your authority (wilāyah), O ʿAlī, O ʿAlī, O ʿAlī! The name of the Prophet, with blessings upon him, is in the centre of the hand, and the names of the twelve Imams are in circles in the hand, albeit the name of the twelfth Imam is obscured by designs; this may be due to an early Shiʿa custom not to utter the name of the twelfth Imam for the sake of his protection, although his name generally appears on this sort of piece,58 which the Metropolitan Museum of Art describes it as having: “talismanic power […] through the choice of the inscriptions […]. The power of the names of these religious figures, the Qur’anic verses, and the Shiʿi prayers endow this standard with its amuletic properties.”59 While it is unlikely that Shiʿa would refer to the piece as an amulet or talisman proper, it nonetheless does have properties that are intended to exert metaphysical effect and thus could be referred to as “talismanic” or “amuletic”, blurring the lines between magic and the occult in a pre-modern tradition that carries on today. While the hand on ʿalams usually symbolizes ʿAbbās, in discussing the ʿalam (below), Sakina Nomanbhoy refers to it as the Hand of Fāṭima. This is a reminder that there can be ambiguity in how a perceiver understands the symbolism of a religious artefact.60 In her analysis of the ʿalam, she argues that this particular ʿalam is designed to ward off the evil eye, given the intricate and detailed protection inscriptions on it, including the last four sūrahs of the Qur’an. Thus, this hand shares the protective function of other khamsas, regardless of whether it is seen as the Hand of ʿAbbās or the Hand of Fāṭima, or a blend of the two.61 57 58 59 60 61

Apart from the lack of chain of narration in the hadith, the text itself expresses some hesitancy with respect to the content. The hadith is in ʿAllah al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, vol. 20, p. 73. The museum description of the piece also mentions that the hand contains the Throne Verse (2:255). However, the Throne Verse is not visible in the photo. See . Sakina Nomanbhoy, “May the Envier’s Eye Be Blind”, p. 177. Sakina Nomanbhoy, “May the Envier’s Eye Be Blind”, p. 177.

The Hand Symbol in Shi ʿ ism

Figure 123

Eighteenth-century ʿalam, attributed to Iran, silver with black inlay. Metropolitan Museum of Art. This center of the hand contains the prayer invoking the panjtan mentioned above: “I have five by whom the fire of hell [alt. plague] is extinguished …”

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Religious standard (ʿalam), in the form of the Hand of Fāṭima, 1700–1800, Awadh, Uttar Pradesh, India, gilt silver, 63.0 × 33.0 cm; Barrie and Judith Heave Collection. Gift of Geoffrey Hackett-Jones in memory of his brother Frank through the Art Gallery of South Australia Foundation 2007 [20072A3] Image courtesy of the Art Gallery of South Australia

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While the transformation of the khamsa into the Hand of ʿAlī and the Hand of ʿAbbās demonstrates the fluid boundaries between pre-Islamic and post-Islamic symbolism, it nonetheless raises the question of gender symbolism. Although the identification of the khamsa as the Hand of Fāṭima may or may not be endemic to the Islamicate world, it nonetheless carried a feminine symbolism in ancient times, with its association with goddesses, and maintained that through its link with women and children. This is also maintained today through references to it as the Hand of Mary and the Hand of Miriam; only Shiʿis refer to the hand in male terms. Insofar as the Abrahamic religions are often seen as displacing femininity and replacing it with a masculine theology, this leads to the question of whether or not this has occurred within Shiʿism through routinizing it as part of religious commemorations endorsed by Shiʿi orthodoxy, which is heavily characterized by a male authority structure. At the same time, these hands still frequently include the name of Fāṭima, or other women such as Zaynab, the daughter of Fāṭima, as shown on one of the hands above. Additionally, in a study on Shiʿism in the Indian subcontinent, Shameem Burney Abbas identifies ʿAbbās as the “protector of children” and notes the link between ʿAbbās and Sakīna (Sukayna), the daughter of Imam Ḥusayn. She writes that “Sakīneh embodies grief and evokes a sense of tragic assembly in the assembly of mourers when the nowhehs are chanted in this girl-child’s voice … Sakineh as a survivor of Karbala tells many stories in the aftermath of her father’s death. Girl-children are trained to reenact the stories of Sakineh at Shiʿi majales in Pakistan during ritual Moharam celebrations.”62 Similar customs are enacted elsewhere. Thus, even though ʿAbbās is a male, this usage of the hand symbol preserves a link with women and children. Therefore, the question of whether the khamsa has indeed become masculinized in the Shiʿi tradition is ambiguous. This may allude to an overarching paradox in the Shiʿi practice and spirituality: while jurisprudence emphasises male authority on the worldly plane, Shiʿi spirituality grants a supranormal status to Fāṭima and other sacred women.63 These two trends rest together, easily or uneasily, in the hand. The following monument in Iran, erected at the sites of accidents, also displays symbolic hands. Similar hands also top minarets on the following two Shiʿi mosques. While different viewers may take different understandings of 62

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Shameem Burney Abbas, “Sakineh, The Narrator of Karbala: An Ethnographic Description of a Women’s Majles Ritual in Pakistan”, in The Women of Karbala: Ritual Performance and Symbolic Discourses in Modern Shiʿi Islam, ed. Karman Scot Aghaie (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005), pp. 142–143. See Amina Inloes, Women in Shiʿism.

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Figure 125 A small monument at the site of a deadly accident, Tehran

The Hand Symbol in Shi ʿ ism

Figure 126

Minaret of a mosque in Fianaranstoa, Madagascar

Figure 127

Minaret of the Shah Mosque in Isfahan, Iran topped by a bronze hand Note: See also Titus Burckhardt, L’Art de l’Islam. Langage et Signification (Paris: Éditions Sindbad, 1985), p. 226.

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what exactly the hands symbolize, it is apt to say that the hands reflect or contain remnants of the symbolism of all of the above – Fāṭima, the panjtan, and ʿAbbās, and are here a symbol of power, protection, and perpetuity. 7

The Hand as Amulet

The hand has been used as an amulet among Shiʿis in many regions, not only Iran. Customs involving the hand symbol include amulets, plaques, and armbands. Amulets were made usually of metal (brass, silver, or gold). Amongst the stones used for the purpose, carnelian, agate, jet, jasper, and jade were the most praised, and the most valuable items were engraved by seal engravers.64 Today, engravers still commonly set up shop around major Shiʿi shrines, which have vibrant bazaars selling semiprecious stones with religious significance. The bazaar across from the shrine of Imam ʿAlī in Najaf has a whole floor of professional engravers. Votive plaques made of metal fashioned as hands (panjeh), with reference to Imams and their family members, are sometimes placed at the entrance of pilgrimage destinations and mosques. Armlets (bāzūband-e ṭelesm) depicting a talismanic hand are often worn by Shiʿa seeking favor from the Imams.65 As among Sunnis, amulets were also believed to be effective against sickness. Drinks were given to the sick in special bowls (kāse-ye ṭelesm, Persian), usually made of hammered brass.66 They were densely inscribed with Qur’anic verses and magical squares, numbers, or other symbols thought to prevent the effects of sickness, poisoning, or the evil eye. Frequently the decoration was displayed on both surfaces, the interior and the exterior. A characteristic feature of these magic/healing bowls was a rounded or conical boss in the centre, 64

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I. Szántó, “Arts and Magic”, in B. Kelényi & I. Szántó (eds.), Artisans at the Crossroads. Persian Arts of the Qajar Period (1796–1925) (Budapest: Budapest Museum of Applied Arts, 2010), p. 125; Sheila S. Blair, “An Amulet from Afsharid Iran”, in The Journal of the Walters Art Museum, vol. 59, pp. 85–102; Bess Allen Donaldson, The Wild Rue: A Study of Muhammadan Magic and Folklore in Iran, p. 20. See Živa Vesel, “Note sur l’iconographie shiite populaire”, in M. Bernardini, in Eurasian Studies, Liber Amicorum: Études sur l’Iran médiéval et moderne offertes à Jean Calmard, ed. M. Haneda and M. Szuppe, vol. 5, no. 1–2 (2006), pp. 371–375, plate XV. Magic bowls are described more in Venetia Porter, Liana Saif, and Emilie Savage-Smith, “Medieval Islamic Amulets, Talismans, and Magic”. See also Ali Faraj, “A New Arabic Amulet Bowl from Esfahan With Persian Inscriptions. Ali Reza Sedighifard Collection”, in Proceedings of the Fourth Annual International Conference on Shiʿi Studies (London: ICAS Press, 2019), pp. 171–195.

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A contemporary “forty keys” style talismanic bowl with a hand, Iran. Pre-modern Iranian “forty keys” incantation/divination bowls, without (surviving) hands, can be found at the Brooklyn Museum and in the Hasan Roozbehi collection Note: “Chihil Kilid (Forty Keys) Divination Bowl with Inscriptions, Zodiac Signs, and Four Plaquettes”, in Brookly Museum ; “Bowl of forty keys”, in Women’s Worlds in Qajar Iran . In both cases, the upraised boss in the middle of the bowls suggests that something was attached.

in some cases surmounted by a small hand (panjeh). Similar bowls have been used at public water fountains at Shiʿi religious sites or places with a religious overtone, with the idea that they transfer blessings to the person drinking the water, although the pandemic has changed attitudes in some places towards shared drinking vessels. Of note is that these bowls are actually referred to with the word “talisman”, whereas hands on ʿalams are not. They segue into another class of bowls called “incantation bowls” (kāse-ye jādūʾī), some of which have been recovered from Sassanian times from modern-day Iran and Iraq, but which are outside the scope of this book.67

67

See, for example, C.H. Gordon, “Two Magic Bowls in Teheran”, in Orientalia, vol. 20, no. 3 (1951), pp. 306–315 .

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Concluding Remarks

While both Sunnis and Shiʿis employ the khamsa as a protective symbol, the symbolism of the hand took on an additional meaning in the Shiʿi context due to the theological and esoteric significance ascribed to the five central members of the Prophet’s family (panjtan). This has led to manifold representations of the hand, either in the form of specific objects produced for Shiʿi religious celebrations or in miniature painting. These are particularly used in artefacts used in ʿĀshūrāʾ commemorations as well as on stoles and textiles with a religious significance. Parallel to this, the symbol of the hand has become integrated into the Shiʿi tradition as the Hand of ʿAbbās. From one angle, this ascribes to it a masculine symbolism, and a masculine association of divinity. On the other hand, as seen in the calligraphy on the photographs in this chapter, Fāṭima continues to be central to this iconography. She is also central to the panjtan. This may also be deduced from Ismaʿili esoteric significance associated with the pentagram, linking Fāṭima with ancient conceptions of feminine divinity. Amulets, including amulets with hands, are also present in the Shiʿi environment. In addition to amulets made of metal, some are made of gems on which Qur’anic verses or other sayings are engraved. Furthermore, the hand symbol may be found as a complement of architecture, decorating minarets or tombstones. Much of this can be attributed to a greater openness towards material iconography in Shiʿi popular culture and ritual commemorations. Additionally, contemporary Shiʿi scholars express less concerns over amulets and talismans than some strict contemporary Sunni scholars due to differing hadith collections and differing theological considerations. This is in keeping with a greater discussion of certain esoteric or occult matters, such as astrology, in Twelver Shiʿi hadith. As a result, while, among Sunnis, the hand symbol has often been restricted to a marginal role as an amulet or decorative motif in textiles, ceramics, and other protective items, in the religious Shiʿi framework, it occupies a prominent place and offers complex and much more diversified and elaborate forms that generate a specific artistic production. This takes it beyond the traditional view of the khamsa as relating primarily to childbirth and protection of children. Instead, it lifts it to a cosmic significance, with the image of Fāṭima as the locus of creation, and as a symbol involved in the cosmic battle of good versus evil relived in popular commemorations of ʿĀshūrāʾ. In addition to its integration into popular religious culture in Iran, the khamsa and hand symbol, along with traditional occult symbolism, have also been reclaimed or reinvented in contemporary Iranian art, exhibited globally. This, along with other revivalist art, will be discussed in the next chapter.

Chapter 9

Contemporary Art, Fashion, and Design In the twentieth century, the khamsa left the protected realms of home and tradition and debuted on the global stage. Once treated as a curiosity, the khamsa now shines in the art gallery, on the catwalk, and in the shopping mall. While tourism, the auction block, and the drive to acquire have fuelled this, this has led to the displacement of artefacts. In their new homes  – such as the Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Louvre – these items were reborn as objects of curiosity, study, contemplation, and pleasure. As a result, the khamsas have crossed the cultural barrier and emigrated to the Western world, and beyond, where they are enjoyed and appreciated in their own right. To our knowledge, the first public display of khamsas, outside their original context, occurred in the framework of the Exposition Universelle de Paris (1889). They were part of the collection of Adrien de Mortillet1 and were predominantly collected in Algeria and Tunisia. This has been followed by other exhibitions of khamsas in ethnological or archaeological departments of some museums. Nowadays, some people also collect these pieces for research or as a hobby. Recent publications on so-called ethnic jewellery, and catalogues together with pictures of online sales, constitute a primary source of knowledge concerning these items rarely to be found in art books. The internet has also facilitated the sale and transfer of these pieces (historical or newly fashioned) from remote regions which hitherto would only have been accessible via travel. Simultaneously, the khamsa has been deployed by Arab, Iranian, and Turkish artists as a symbol of nativist resistance: to keep the national soul alive and bolster their cultural identity in the face of modernity and globalization while, at the same time, embracing Western painting techniques. This is especially 1 See the 2010 work of J. Le Quellec, p. 271. Adrien de Mortillet (1853–1931) sold his large amulet collection to the Wellcome Museum in London short time before his death. It was transferred to the Pitt Rivers Museum in 1983. See . Accessed 1 May 2016.

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pronounced in countries like Iran and Turkey which have had a prolonged exposure to the Western painting tradition. Contemporary artistic portrayals of the khamsa often speak loud on dire socio-political concerns, such as war and justice for women. This genre of artwork often departs from the stylized, delicate features of pre-modern Islamic art – what Islamic art is “supposed” to be – and instead features abstract, abrupt elements: modern sensibilities for modern times. Some of these artists also employ traditional Arabic-Islamicate magical and occult symbolism – both folk and scholarly symbolism – to declare resistance to military or cultural colonization. In these pieces, the symbols, images, and even texts from the occult tradition – such as magic squares, sigils, and disjointed letters – blend into the artwork. Magic may no longer be respectable in the secular world, but art is – and art is its own magic. Additionally, since occultism in the Muslim world carries the connotation of the superstitious or illicit, displaying this symbolism publicly evokes a sense of the taboo which highlights the taboo nature of some of the social issues which are being discussed, especially women’s issues. The integration of letters into this artwork designates some of it as being part of the Ḥurūfiyyah movement, a twentieth-century aesthetic movement among Arab artists to combine traditional calligraphy with modern art to reinforce cultural identity. This should not be confused with the pre-modern use of the word ḥurūfiyyah, which refers to the “science of the letters”, or “lettrism”. Insofar as pre-modern lettrism characterises traditional Islamicate talismans, the modern Ḥurūfiyyah blends the ideas of the traditional occult and modern art. In this artwork, the khamsa is specifically identified as the “Hand of Fāṭima”. While the origin of the term “Hand of Fāṭima” is unclear, and it may have been coined by European authors, in today’s global art scene, the khamsa and hand symbol are referred to as the “Hand of Fāṭima” by artists and museums alike. While there is a shared understanding that the khamsa predates Islam, and is neither an inherently religious symbol nor one that is limited to Muslims, artwork portraying the khamsa is sometimes directly or indirectly linked to Fāṭima, or used especially to express concerns over social justice for women. This reinforces the ancient association of the hand symbol with femininity as well as its common cultural usage among women. Many of these artists have also led bifurcated lives: they were born in the Middle East and North Africa, but emigrated to or studied in the West. Thus, they create and showcase their work for a global audience, which includes but is not limited to those who share their cultural perspective. Often, they studied art first in their native country, including traditional techniques, and then in Europe, ultimately synthesising traditional Islamic symbolism with European

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styles – neither mimicking European art, nor binding themselves to the conventions of tradition. Thus, the trajectories of their lives are in harmony with the trajectories of their art. Many of these artists are women as well, despite the greater barriers faced by female artists, and some have faced backlash due to the stark messages of their work. The following sections of this chapter mention some outstanding artists who have synthesized traditional Islamic and Western art techniques, and who have treated the khamsa. Of course, this list is not exhaustive; however, it offers a good overview of trends regarding the khamsa in contemporary art. 1

Iranian Artists

1.1 Charles Hossein Zenderoudi Among these artists, Charles Hossein Zenderoudi (b. 1937) stands out as someone who found inspiration in popular culture and aesthetics, and drew inspiration from talismans, printed prayers, and the Hand of Fāṭima. Born in 1937, he attended the Fine Art College at the University of Tehran, studying traditional painting and calligraphy. Then, in 1961, he moved to Paris, and became a French national. In the 1950s, he was one of the founders of the Saqqā-khāneh (lit. “drinkingfountain”) movement. This genre incorporates traditional Shiʿi and pre-Islamic Iranian stylistic features into contemporary art, and has also influenced contemporary Iranian fashion.2 It takes its name from the elaborate designs on traditional drinking fountains, offering water to the public in commemoration of al-Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī, who was killed while thirsty. Hands are often depicted on these fountains, alluding to the severed hands of the martyr ʿAbbās who fell when trying to bring water to the women and children. Other symbolism in the pieces is also open to interpretation. For instance, a six-pointed star is affixed beneath the hand. Historically, in the Islamicate world, the six-pointed star was used both by Jews and Muslims in artwork and talismanic work; thus, it could be a cultural symbol of power and a historical Islamicate occult symbol. However, after the formation of Israel, the six-pointed star took on new meaning as symbolising the Jewish state and became associated with Judaism to the exclusion of Islam, even though it persists on traditional Islamic jewellery. Therefore, since this is a modern piece, Fereshteh Daftari, a curator and art scholar, interprets the symbolism as reflecting harmony between Judaism, 2 “Artists of the Saqqakhana Movement”, in Metropolitan Museum of Art . Accessed 4 January 2022.

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Charles Hossein Zenderoudi, The Hand Image from

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Christianity, and Islam: in her view, the star symbolizes Judaism, the bowl is a baptismal bowl, and the hand symbolizes Islam.3 Of course, the nature of art is such that it may mean one thing to the artist, and another to the audience. Later, Zenderoudi renamed this piece Māh Mottaṣel Nabūd be Marīkh (The Moon was not Applying to an Aspect with Mars), which  – to us  – reinforces the occult symbolism and calls to mind Persia’s long-standing astrological heritage.4 However, only the artist can say what he truly intended. 1.2 Farideh Zariv Another contemporary Iranian artist who took inspiration from the Iranian past and a certain popular aesthetics is Farideh Zariv (b. 1963), an artist and art collector who has lived and worked in Australia since 2001. Born in Tehran, Zariv obtained an MA at the Faculty of Fine Arts in graphic design in 1984. This was followed by another degree in painting from the Sureh University in Iran. Ultimately, Zariv would showcase her work worldwide, moving between the traditional Iranian and global artistic spheres.5 One of her most prominent exhibitions has been on the khamsa itself. Attracted by the beauty of these objects, Farideh Zariv has been an avid collector of antique Persian cultural and artistic items. She began her collection of hands of Fāṭima in 1990, and it grew to include metal hands, door-knockers, and jewellery, some of which dates back to the seventeenth century. To transmit a message about their symbolism, she has transformed them into modern artistic language through creating multi-media compositions. Her artwork, together with items of her collection, were shown in two museum exhibitions entitled The Hand of Fatima, one in Canberra (Canberra Museum and Gallery, 2005)6 and the other in Cape Town (Iziko Bo-Kaap Museum, 2006); the latter was hosted along with an educational programme on Islamic art. 3 “Zenderoudi, Charles Hossein: Mah Motassel Naboud Be Merikh (The Moon is Not Linked with Mars) [formerly ‘The Hand’], 1960–61”, Grey Art NYU Gallery . Accessed 4  January 2022. On the saqqā-khāneh movement, see Hamid Keshmirshekan, “Neo-Traditionalism and Modern Iranian Painting: The ‘Saqqa-khaneh’ School in the 1960s”, in Iranian Studies, vol. 38, no. 4 (December 2005), pp. 607–630. 4 “Zenderoudi, Charles Hossein: Mah Motassel Naboud Be Merikh (The Moon is Not Linked with Mars) [formerly ‘The Hand’], 1960–61”, Grey Art NYU Gallery . Accessed 4 January 2022. 5 Farideh Zariv, Hand of Fatima [exhibition catalogue] (Canberra: Canberra Museum and Gallery (CMAG), 2005); “Biography”, in Farideh Zariv . Archive from 16 October 2016 accessed via the Wayback Machine on 16 February 2022. 6 Sanaz Fotuhi, “Hand of Fatima: Farideh Zariv’s collection of hands”, in Iranian (21 October 2006) . Accessed 16 February 2022.

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Figure 130 A snapshot of Farideh Zariv’s exhibition at the Canberra Museum and Gallery, 2005

Her treatments of the hand are varied: the hand is embedded in a rich collage of calligraphic markings; suspended over a page from an antiquated Qur’an; and incorporated in decorative, ornamental patterns derived from tiles and illuminated manuscripts. Her fascination is linked to a pedagogical perspective since she focuses on the transmission of traditional values and forms. As she explained in an interview: “It is our duty to ensure that those icons and elements of our past culture continue to live through us for the future generation in a language for the modern world.”7 On the occasion of her exhibition at the Canberra Museum and Gallery in 2005, she commented: I believe that each hand has a message for humankind. The Hand of Fatima is a symbol of that message, carrying spiritual and mystical meaning. This hand could be a hand of light, showing humankind the way to brightness and peace. It could also be a hand which directs human attention to inner spirituality.8 7 Sanaz Fotuhi, “Hand of Fatima: Farideh Zariv’s collection of hands”. 8 Interview with the artist on the occasion of the collective exhibition “Honey and Pepper” on display at the Belconnen Arts Centre, Canberra, February 2010. Cf. . Accessed 20 July 2010.

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She elucidated her commitment by saying, “In my art I try to convey this message including the essence of the hand in the title of each work.”9 Recognizing its specific meaning in the framework of Iranian culture, she stressed the universality of this symbol: “While the hand of Fatima in Persian culture has deep roots stretching back to pre-Islamic civilization, it has universal significance in all cultures.” She has been perhaps most elucidative in what concerns the choice and the pedagogical intention of integrating the symbol of the khamsa into her artwork. She regards art as a specific language: “In my experience art is the greatest and most effective way to influence deep human emotions because it is a tangible language.”10 1.3 Zara Mandana Fard Another Iranian artist who has integrated the symbol of the khamsa in her work is Zara Mandana Fard. Born in Tehran in 1975, she resides in the San Francisco Bay area. Like the previous artists, she studied art history and has participated in worldwide exhibitions.11 She is a painter, printmaker, and photographer combining different techniques in one piece of art. Her artwork integrates Persian subjects and motifs into contemporary global styles. Passionate about her Iranian heritage, she strives to communicate with a wide range of audiences, spreading beauty and awareness about key issues of our time. In addition to several studies on the khamsa, she also has painted a series of paintings based on formal talismans, with disjointed letters and magic squares. For instance, her Talisman series includes pieces based on traditional love talismans, with a man and woman, magic squares, sigils, and spellbinding text. Her pieces include green khamsas as print on a calligraphed background; given the symbolism of green in the Iranian protest movement at that time, one may deduce an underlying political message. Another work portrays a young woman wearing a khamsa golden amulet showing the eye-in-hand motif. On another print, a blue khamsa stands out from a black and white background, featuring an elaborate jewel that is being viewed by a woman.12

9 10 11 12

Interview with the artist on the occasion of the collective exhibition “Honey and Pepper” on display at the Belconnen Arts Centre, Canberra, February 2010. Cf. . Accessed 20 July 20 2010. Interview with the artist on the occasion of the collective exhibition “Honey and Pepper” on display at the Belconnen Arts Centre, Canberra, February 2010. Cf. . Accessed 20 July 2010. See Zara Mandana’s Fine Art . Accessed 30 May 2013. Her paintings are also available on her Instagram page. These images are featured on the author’s website at . Accessed 16 February 2022.

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Figure 131 Hamsa I, 2010. Zara Mandana Fard. Relief print, screenprint

Figure 132

Talisman II, 2010, featuring classical occult symbolism. Zara Mandana Fard. Acrylic on canvas

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Other Iranian artists have also embraced the symbol of the hand, sometimes with an eye-in-hand motif, or associated with Persian cultural symbols such as the sun or birds, suggesting an inspiration from the Qajar painting style. All these examples are revealing with respect to the extent that the hand symbol has permeated Persian culture, as well as the cross-cultural nature of symbolism, since North African khamsa amulets also feature sun-wheels and birds. 2

Turkish Artists

The khamsa has also been integrated into contemporary Turkish art and exhibitions. Since Istanbul bridges East and West, it is no surprise that the khamsa in Turkey has reflected a globalised consciousness. One notable exhibition featuring the khamsa was at the İstanbul Modern (Istanbul Museum of Modern Art), which was part of the programme of the Istanbul European Capital of Culture 2010. This exhibition offered a comprehensive perspective of how objects and forms familiar throughout the centuries have found their way into modern or contemporary art. Titled From Traditional to Contemporary: Cultural Memory in Modern Turkish Art, it explored the ways in which traditional notions and forms of production have been conveyed into modern art. Parallel to the principal display, consisting of artwork by contemporary Turkish artists, different objects from the past, including manuscripts, ceramics, textiles and amulets, were presented, resulting in a fruitful dialogue. Hands abounded: the khamsa was present in many pieces, including artwork by two outstanding modern Turkish artists: Firman by Erol Akyavas (1932–1999), known for his mystical bent,13 and Hand (2001) by Ergin Inan (b. 1943). In the permanent exhibition section of this museum, the same artist displays his self-portrait inscribed in a canvas cut out in the form of a hand. Quiet a revelation was the discovery of another Turkish artist who created several series of compositions dedicated to the symbol of the khamsa, Hüsamettin Koçan, the founder of the Baksi Museum which is devoted to traditional arts and crafts.14 The following two samples of his depictions of hands reflect two common finger sizes and placements in khamsas: three tall 13 14

Firman, 151 cm × 50 cm, mixed media: painting, collage, and calligraphy. See the artist’s website at . Accessed 17 November 2015. On his contribution to the Turkish arts, see Meher Bayramoglu, “The Influence of Traditional Turkish Art Models in Turkish Art of Drawing in 20th Century”, in Kalemişi vol. 1, no. 2 (December 2013), pp. 1–40.

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Figure 133 Ergin Inan, Hand (2010)

fingers with the inner and outer fingers of equal length, and a palm with a shorter thumb. 3

Artists from the Arab World and North Africa

3.1 Laila Shawa It was clear that the khamsa had attained status as fine art when, in 2006, the British Museum acquired an oil on canvas piece by called Hands of Fatima and integrated it into its permanent twentieth century collection.15

15

See the item description on the British Museum website at . Accessed 17 February 2022.

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Two pieces from Tılsımlı Eller Hüsamettin Koçan. Baksı Musem

Hands of Fatima is only one of many striking pieces featuring the khamsa by Laila Shawa. Born in Gaza in 1940, Laila Shawa studied at the Leonardo da Vinci Art Institute in Cairo and the Academy of Fine Arts in Rome. Activism intermingled with her artistic career; after graduating, she returned to Gaza to engage in arts and crafts education in refugee camps and also had an informal

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apprenticeship with a UN war photographer. Much of her time has been spent in Gaza, Beirut, and London.16 As a Palestinian, Arab, Muslim, and female artist and activist, Shawa challenged and broke boundaries, facing opposition institutionally and in her family life. Given the controversial themes of some of her work, and her occasional portrayals of female nudity, sometimes juxtaposed against women wearing face veils, both men and women have objected to it, while others have celebrated the attention she is drawing to vital contemporary themes. In any case, she credits her success to persistence and her seriousness about her work.17 Shawa’s early international exhibitions were titled Women and the Veil (1987), Women and Magic (1992), and The Walls of Gaza (1992). These titles reflect three of the main themes of her work, and how she applies magical imagery to contemporary socio-political issues. Some of these themes are visible in the Hand of Fatima, which features veiled women showing their right hands transformed into khamsa finials decorated with intricate henna patterns of floral and geometric designs and eye-in-hand motifs. The Hand of Fāṭima recurs in her other paintings and series, including her Windows of Hope (1990), Amulets (1992), Hands as Amulets I and II (1992), Protective Hands (1992), Magical Symbols (1992), Protective Amulets (1992), Exorcism “The Zar” (1992), Hands of Fatima (1999) and Hands of Fatima with Moon and Stars (1999). Another of her compositions, Zeynab Chasing the Devil I (1992), featuring a young woman with henna-painted hands and feet, was selected as the cover for an anthology of Palestinian stories.18 Magical imagery also forms the backdrop of The Night of Destiny (acrylic and gold leaf on board, 2008). This piece is marked by a deep spiritual, mystical atmosphere, in which numerous but subtle hands, eyes, moons, and stars populate the cosmos of the piece. The “night of destiny” is an allusion to the Islamic belief that on one night per year (laylat al-qadr), fate is decreed. Shiʿis 16

17 18

“Artists  – Contemporary  – Laila Shawa”, in Mark Hachem Modern & Contemporary Art . Accessed 17 February 2022; “Leila Shawa”, in Signs (2012) . Accessed 17 February 2022; Eric Delpont, Laila Al Wahidi, and Institut du monde arabe, Artistes palestiniens contemporains: exposition, 27 mars–25 mai 1997 (Paris: Institut du monde arabe, 1997); Wijdan Ali, From the Ocean to the Gulf and Beyond: Arab Modern Art (Amman: Royal Society of Fine Arts, 2002); Wijdan Ali, Khalid Khreis, Jamʿīyah al-Malakīyah lil-Funūn al-Jamīlah, and Femme-Art-Méditerranée, Breaking the Veils: Women Artists from the Arab World (Amman: Royal Society of Fine Arts, 2002); Laila Shawa and Christa Paula (text), Sarab: Laila Shawa [exhibition catalogue] (Dubai: DIFC, 2008). Amira Nagy, “Women and the Veil: the art of Laila Shawa”, in Women in Islam (7 November 2018) . Accessed 17 February 2022. Contes Populaires de Palestine (Paris: Actes Sud, 2003).

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also associate the “night of destiny” with Fāṭima. The Night of Destiny, along with other reproductions of Shawa’s artwork, has recently entered the face mask market. This is both a testament to Shawa’s international popularity and the globalization of the khamsa symbol as well as the underlying protective symbolism understood in the khamsa and Fāṭima. In addition to an acute sociopolitical consciousness, Shawa’s work demonstrates a critical awareness of the widespread practice of magic in Islamic popular culture. This culminates in a visual catalogue of symbols – including stars, hands, and eyes – drawn from belief systems subsumed by the decorative nature of the work. Primarily, her work portrays the popular rather than formalized deployments of magical and occult symbols and practices, often side-by-side with commentaries on women and sexuality; this in contrast to, for example, Zenderoudi’s The Hand which depicts an occult manuscript. One portrayal of popular dynamics is in her Exorcism “The Zār” series. Practiced in parts of Africa, the Arab world, and Iran, zār spirit ceremonies are intended to trigger voluntary spirit possession, to propitiate spirits, or to evict them. Unlike the “orthodox” form of Islamic exorcism, which involves reciting Qur’an over the afflicted, and which is frequently performed by men, zār operates outside the boundaries of orthodoxy and is often popular among women, to the point that some researchers describe the zār ritual as “a means for women to create a space of freedom for themselves”.19 Through her depictions of zār ceremonies, Shawa also makes space for women and the complexity of the female experience. Modern and traditional themes and symbols coexist to such a degree in her work that one specialist described them as “the appropriation of symbols and their irreverent transformation.” However, “appropriation” may lack the correct nuance, since, as a Palestinian, Shawa is exerting cultural ownership of the symbol of the khamsa, including the right to employ it any whatever manner and for whatever purpose she wishes, rather than feeling bound to adhere to pre-modern themes, traditions, and sensitivities, or expectations on how she should use it. Another modern art critic specializing in Islamic art holds that each of Laila Shawa’s visual statements has been derived “from a spontaneous emotional response stimulated by events in the Arab/Islamic socio-political environment.”20 While this may be true, it belies an underlying plan and order 19

20

See Celia E. Rothenberg, Spirits of Palestine: Gender, Society, and Stories of the Jinn (Oxford: Lexington Books, 2004); Janice Boddy Wombs and alien spirits: Women, men and the Zar cult in Northern Sudan (Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1989). Quotation from A. Rouaud and Tiziana Battain, “Zār”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition, ed. P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, and W.P. Heinrichs . Accessed 17 February 2022. Christa Paula and Leila Shawa, Laila Shawa Sarab, p. 4.

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Hands of Fatima by Laila Shawa

in her work, although her work reflects a strong sense of emotional immediacy. In any case, the globalized context of her exhibitions allows for a greater diversity of opinions about what it is as well as a greater examination of what people feel it “should” be, and why. The British Museum’s decision to acquire her work followed in the wake of the exposition Word into Art – Artists of the Modern Middle East exhibition, one of the major art events of the year and an important contribution towards

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Figure 136 The Night of Destiny, Leila Shawa, original and face mask

building a public understanding of Islamic cultures and civilization hosted by the museum.21 Thus, the attention given to Shawa’s work by the British Museum is significant for another reason: it challenges the notion that Islamic art ceased after 1800, as well as notions of what constitutes Islamic art, and who has the right to define it.22

21 22

Sajjad Rizvi, “Catching up on Islamic Art”, in Arab Banker (Autumn/Winter 2006), p. 3; The Word into Art [catalogue] (London: The British Museum, 2006); Venetia Porter, Word into Art: Artists of the Modern Middle East (London: British Museum Press, 2006). On the debate stirred by diverse understanding of Islamic art see: Barbara Brend, Islamic Art (London: British Museum Press, 1991); Sheila S. Blair and Jonathan M. Bloom, “The Mirage of Islamic Art: Reflections on the Study of an Unwieldy Field”, in The Art Bulletin, vol. 85, no. 1 (March 2003), pp. 152–184 . Accessed 17 February 2022.

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Shawa is hardly the only twentieth-century artist who has employed the khamsa. However, her work exemplifies how the khamsa has found its way into the work of contemporary artists as a symbol adopted and recreated in a language for the modern world carrying spiritual, mystical, and sociopolitical messages, moving from the language of tradition to the language of resistance, and challenging hegemonies such as patriarchy and orthodoxy. In this autonomous form, it has been realized in differentiated media from painting to installation, sculpture, and multi-media. 3.2 Farid Belkahia Morocco is gifted with numerous talented artists exploring the khamsa and the symbol of the hand. A particularly innovative one was Farid Belkahia (1934– 2014), who engaged in a search for an artistic universe freed from the rigid academic perception of painting. Born in Marrakech, Farid Belkahia mingled with international artists from an early age. He began his art studies in Morocco, during which time he distanced himself from the Orientalist styles which had persisted under the French protectorate. He continued his studies at the École des Beaux Arts in Paris (1955), and then in Milan and Prague. In 1962, he returned to Morocco and worked as teacher and Principal of the Fine Arts Academy at Casablanca until 1974. In May 2010, a renowned art gallery in Casablanca, Venise Cadre, presented a retrospective exhibition of his works from different periods, accompanied by a catalogue.23 Like other artists exploring the khamsa, Belkahia’s work contains social and political commentary; for instance, his first politically inspired works expressed protest against the forced exile of King Mohammed V by the colonial administration. Later works addressed the Algerian War of Independence and Cuba’s revolutionary cause. His studies and travels have also been likened to his own search for his own cultural roots, in the wake of social change and colonialism.24 After his return to Morocco in 1962, six years after the end of French rule, he moved towards a greater integration of indigenous styles and patters, integrating references to Amazigh/Berber and African material culture. He also incorporated popular signs, motifs, numbers, Arabic calligraphy and characters 23

24

For biographical information and an overview of his artwork, see Farid Belkahia, Catalogue (Paris: l’Institut du Monde Arabe, 2005); Fatima-Zahra Lakrissa, “Lives of the Artists: Farid Belkahia”, in Tate (15 March 2018) . Accessed 18 February 2022. Fatima-Zahra Lakrissa, “Lives of the Artists: Farid Belkahia”.

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Hands painted on animal skin, Farid Belkahia, 1980

taken from Berber script.25 As he has become known for saying, “Tradition is man’s future.”26 Thus he fused tradition and modernity while remaining true to his own cultural identity. In 1974, he produced his first “hand series”, one of his preferred themes.27 He experimented with traditional and yet, today, new materials like copper and ram’s skin; one of his exponents are his large format paintings on animal skin entitled Main (1980, henna on skin) inspired by traditional pottery paintings and tattoos.28 His use of the hand symbol here has been considered to be representative of the use of the khamsa as the Hand of Fāṭima.29 In 1996, one of his hand pieces sold at auction for $87,500 – a sum demonstrating the transformation of the khamsa into modern-day fine art. 3.3 Karim El Attaoui The khamsa has also enchanted another Moroccan artist, Karim El Attaoui. This is by his own testimony; as he said, “The symbol of khamsa exerts an unexplained fascination on me which is a mixture of protection, power, offering

25 26 27 28

29

See “Hand (Main)”, at Sotheby’s . Accessed 18 February 2022. Fatima-Zahra Lakrissa, “Lives of the Artists: Farid Belkahia”. Farid Belkahia, Catalogue, p. 71. James F. Jereb, Arts and Crafts of Morocco (London, Thames & Hudson, 2001 [1st ed. 1995]), p. 39. For another example of the hand painted on skin, see Farid Belkahia, Catalogue, p. 39. Many of his works, not previously published, are included in a monographic study edited by Rajae Benchemsi, Farid Belkahia (2014). See “Hand (Main)”, at Sotheby’s . Accessed 18 February 2022.

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Figure 138 Khmissa, wood sculpture by Karim El Attaoui, 2007

and blessing.”30 In writing on the khamsa, he describes its role as a deflector of the evil eye and directly links it to Fāṭima.31 In 2006–2007, he undertook research on this symbol and subsequently produced a series of wood sculptures, offering a variety of forms celebrating the khmissa understood as un symbole fort et toujours d’actualité. This series of sculptures was created after the Casablanca bombings in 2003. This traumatic event contributed to a renewed interest in and appreciation of this symbol imbuing it with a contemporary understanding of collective national cultural memory and of warding off the evil materialized in terrorist attacks. This parallels how other artists, such as Laila Shawa, used their work to highlight current issues of war and violence. 3.4 Fatna Gbouri The hand symbol is also present in the works of several female Moroccan artists, including a popular artist, Fatna Gbouri (1924–2012).32 Of peasant 30 31 32

“Le symbole de khamsa exerce sur moi une fascination inexpliquée qui est un mélange de protection, puissance, offrande et bénédiction.” Taken from . Accessed 8 January 2008. Artist’s blog . Accessed 18 February 2022. See Abdelkader Mana, “Fatna Gbouri”, in Rivages d’Essaouira . Accessed 15 November 2015.

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La mariée by Fatna Gbouri (1989). This painting alludes to the fragility of the newlywed woman, who is in need of special protection conveyed by the khamsa. Courtesy of CMOOA

background, she was a weaver and painter of pottery. Only at age sixty did she turn to painting, having achieved recognition and appreciation. Inspired by the visual memory of carpets and Berber jewels, and the custom of covering hands and feet with henna on special occasions, the artist transposed these elements into her creations. The hand symbol, which is associated with the ideas of fertility and good luck, accompanies another symbol, the eye, believed

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to ward off the evil eye. Frequently her “hands” are tattooed, reinforcing the relationship between the hennaed skin and the idea of a permanent amulet protecting from the evil forces. Her paintings La mariée (1987, 1989) and Le thé (1991) display them. Another painting L’oeil et la main (1987) emphasizes the complementarity of both symbols. 3.5 Hafida Zizi Other Moroccan female artists who have carried on this trend include Fatima Ehalbi with her La fête tatoueée (1993), showing two protective eye-in-hands covered with tattoos33 and Hafida Zizi, who has made the khamsa a recurrent element of many of her works. Representing a naïf style – inspired by traditional

Figure 140 33

Painting by the artist Hafida Zizi

André Goldenberg, Bestiaire de la Culture Populaire Musulmane et Juive au Maroc (Aixen-Provence: Edisud, 2000), p. 130.

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crafts and symbols, bustling with vivid colours, and focused on female representations – she has gained recognition principally in Marrakech, where she has displayed her works since 2010. This includes participation in the Ensemble Artisanal Marrakech, Théâtre Royal Marrakech (2012), Gallérie Bab Doukkala Marrakech (2014) and Carrefour National des Artistes Marocains and Exposition Collective, Casablanca (both in 2015). The Museum of Marrakech dedicated a solo exhibition to her entitled La main qui raconte in 2016,34 in which she displayed several examples of Main de Hafida, two versions of Paix, Tolerance et Coexistence, La Fête, two versions of La Femme Protégée, and two versions of La Femme et la Culture.35 3.6 Rachid Koraïchi In Algeria, the country in which the khamsa symbol has a specific impact due to its political and identity significance, it has been also chosen by contemporary artists. One of the most prominent of them is Rachid Koraïchi (b. 1947). A renowned Algerian multifaceted artist of international standing, Koraïchi is a calligrapher, painter, ceramist, and sculptor who has made recurrent use of the khamsa symbol. From a Sufi family, he had an early religious education and

Figure 141 34 35

Rachid Koraïchi, D’une main d’or et une d’argent

Exhibition pamphlet. Hafida Zizi, La Main qui raconte, preface by Mohamed Bakkour. Hafida Zizi’s work is also showcased at .

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Figure 142

Rachid Koraïchi, Les maîtres du temps, 2018. Oxide on white earth

learned calligraphy, poetry, and the mystical traditions. After studying art in Algeria, he pursued his artistic education in France. His work includes a range of media, including ceramics, textiles, metals, and painted work on silk, paper, and canvas. Symbols – real and imaginary – and Arabic calligraphy characterize much of his work. A prominent installation of his, The Invisible Masters, is a homage to fourteen great mystics in Islam and was made with the Artisans of Cairo.36 His work has been exhibited in Morocco, Algeria, France, Brazil, the United States, Italy, and elsewhere, and one of his pieces, Path of Roses, which explores the mystical journey in Islam, was acquired by the British Museum.37 36 37

See the artist’s website at . Holiday Powers, “Rachid Koraïchi”, in Mathaf Encyclopedia of Modern Art and the Arab World . Accessed 18 February 2022.

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3.7 Mohamed Boumehdi Another artist and craftsman who worked with the khamsa is the famous ceramist master Mohamed Boumehdi (1924–2006)38 who contributed largely to the rebirth of traditional ceramic arts in Algeria and excelled in producing large-scale tile panels covering walls of many official buildings. These depict historical scenes, and include flowery scrolls reminiscent of Ottoman and Persian tiles. A fusion of colours and enamels characterizes his work. Amongst

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Tile panels with a khamsa motif

Florence Beaugé, “Portrait: Mohamed Boumehdi, carreleur du ciel”, in L’Algerie, Ses Coutumes, Sa Culture, Et Ses Traditions . Accessed 4 June 2013; Ali Bouzaid, “L’art de la céramique ou l’école des Boumehdi”, in jaZairess . Accessed 4 June 2013.

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Figure 144

Ceramic khamsa produced by the Atelier de Céramique, Boumehdi. Alger, 2013

Figure 145

Khamsa titles by Atélier de Céramique Boumehdi. Alger, 2013

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his compositions there are panels decorated with khamsa motifs representing different styles.39 His legacy is continued by his Atelier de Céramique Boumehdi, founded 1967 and now run by his sons – Tewfik, Hachemi and Rachid – who followed in his footsteps. One of the items they have produced is the khamsa conjugated in different styles and dimensions, in the shape of small tiles or as stand-alone khamsas, confirming the popularity of this symbol. 3.8 Farida Rahmani Working in a different medium, Farida Rahmani introduced the khamsa symbol in her artistic creation. Born in Algiers, Rahmani graduated from the Fine Arts Faculty then pursued her academic education in France. There, she obtained two diplomas, one at the Ecole Supérieure des Arts Décoratifs and the second at the Sorbonne in art history and architecture. The author of La Casbah d’Alger. Un Art de Vivre des Algériennes (2003), she presented her Wiswas or Obsession at the exhibition L’Art au Féminin on the occasion of Algiers, Arab Culture Capital in 200740 at the Musée d’Art Moderne d’Alger (MAMA), inaugurated for this festival. Her installation is constructed with photographs, each one repeating the motif of the khamsa. Photography is Farida Rahmani’s main form of expression, but she is also active in fashion design. 3.9 Rabih Alameddine Although not a visual artist, the novelist Rabih Alameddine bears mention here. Alameddine is a novelist of Lebanese origin who divides his time between Beirut and San Francisco. His fiction addresses challenging topics such as war, identity, forced migration, alienation, and transsexuality. In that regard, he parallels several of the above artists in using traditional symbols to explore sensitive topics. He has skilfully integrated the khamsa – literally and symbolically – in his complex novel The Hakawati, in which dangling khamsas between book sections tantalize the reader to move forward through the narrative which alternates between Arabian Nights-esque storytelling, the gritty reality of wartime Beirut, and a land in between, pitting the magic of tradition against the harshness of modernity. The symbolism is reinforced through a supra-worldly central character, Fatima, who goes on a quest to retrieve her hand after it is severed by a jinnī.

39 40

Abdelkrim Djilali, Boumehdi, Art de la céramique en Algérie (Alger: Zaki Bouzid, 2005), pp. 142–145, 151, 157, 178, 180. We thank Prof. Marek Dziekan for this information.

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Farida Rahmani’s Wiswas (2005/2006)

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Exhibitions

Fascination inspired by this symbol has prompted several exclusive exhibitions dedicated to the khamsa. These exhibitions include The Hand of Fortune: Khamsas from the Gross Family Collection and the Eretz Israel Museum Collection in Tel Aviv (2002); Living Khamsa/Die Hand zum Glück, shown at the Museum at Stadt Schwabisch Gmünd (2005);41 and La Main de Fatma, organized by the association Les Métieres d’Art d’Algie, Paris, with the participation of Algerian and French artists and collectors in the framework of the Year of Algeria in France (2003/2004). The exhibition The Hand of Fatima42 displayed in Canberra and later in Cape Town was centred on artwork and included a few khamsa objects that inspired the Iranian artist, Farideh Zariv, to recreate them in an artistic language. These exhibitions facilitate the viewing of items from numerous private collections which are rarely on display. More recently, the Galerie Christian Hosp at Art Dubai 2010 presented an exhibition titled Fatima. The author, a Tunisian artist, Nadia Kaabi-Linke, wished to pay homage to her grandmother called Fatima and at the same time to question the changing ways of being and behaving perceptible among the growing number of women wearing a hijab, a garment that was rare in her childhood and youth. As she writes: This work stresses the feeling of contradiction and contrast between delicacy and brutality. The hand of Fatima or “Khomsa” – like we call it in North Africa – is a Talisman, a figure which is used for protection against the Evil and the “bad eye”. The symbolic figure Khomsa is often associated [with] femininity, it is shaped as an amulet and is understood as a protection through feminine hands. This image is a Pre-Islamic archetype and has been adopted in the Arab Islamic tradition but it has no effective relation to religion. Concerning the artwork, I made an homage to my own grandmother Fatima. The five shadow boxes are conceived as a kind of biographical modules or episodes. From the right to the left: hair, nails, needles, pinholes and blood. The repetitive and serial effect of the boxes as well as the identical size and position of the represented hands give the impression that my grandmothers destiny is common to that of other women of her generation. 41 42

Gabriele Holthius, Living Khamsa. Die Hand zum Glück. Farideh Zariv, Hand of Fatima [exhibition catalogue].

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The idea for this work came when I noticed the steady growing number of hijab (veil) in my country Tunisia, a garment which was rare during my childhood and youth. Past, present and future are all possible at once. Even though the recent clothing habits are similar, the return of certain lifestyles and traditions announce new ways of being and behaving which will certainly be different from those of my grandmother’s generation. Each shadow box is separately lighted with a projector which looks like a security camera. The electric structure is visible on purpose and suggests a kind of upper system of control and surveillance. The electric installation with its cold metallic spots contrasts with the organic materials used to realise the filigree and delicate ornaments of the five hands.43 Like the other artists, the artist identifies the khamsa with the Hand of Fāṭima. Second, she emphasises the pre-Islamic or extra-Islamic nature of the khamsa while using it to provide commentary on a practice associated with Islam. Additionally, like other artists, in her exhibit, she combines contemporary issues and social change with the traditional feminine symbolism of the hand. The display itself was composed of five shadow boxes conceived as a modules or episodes. Each of the boxes contained a hand or khamsa of identical size and position, expressing the idea that the destiny of the author’s grandmother was the same as that of other women of her generation. The materials used to produce the khamsas – hair, nails, sewing needles, pinholes, and blood  – contrast sharply with the metallic installation, alluding to what she describes as a feeling of “contradiction and contrast between delicacy and brutality”. Another exhibition of note was a student-curated exhibition entitled KHAMSA: Amulets of North Africa as part of a larger programme at Magill Library at the Haverford College (2014, from April to November). It featured a private collection of about 30 items and was shown in parallel to Memory, Place, Desire: Contemporary Art of the Maghreb and Maghribi Diaspora. In addition to these exhibitions, focused exclusively on the khamsa, the khamsa has also appeared in and received much attention in other exhibitions. For instance, the Musée d’Art et d’Histoire du Judaisme in Paris presented an exhibition on Jewish magic in 2015 in which numerous amulets were displayed, many of them in the shape of the khamsa produced by Jewish silver and goldsmiths who worked in Islamic societies from Morocco to Afghanistan. Apart from featuring khamsa amulets, several objects decorated

43

“Fatima” in Nadia Kaabi-Linke . Accessed 14 December 2011. Available via the Wayback Machine.

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with this symbol were present in the exhibition, such as marriage contracts and others.44 The year 2016 was particularly rich in events putting the khamsa to the fore. The Palestine Centre in Washington, DC45 staged the exhibition Reaching Across the World: The Hand of Fatima. Hand Iconography in Islamic and Other Cultures, curated by Dagmar Painter. This exhibition proposed to explore the origins, symbolism and interpretation of the hand symbol known in Arab Islamic societies and also in cultures around the world, from Asia and Africa to Latin America and even among Native Americans.46 The Institut du Monde Arabe, Paris, also displayed a rich collection of Maghribi jewellery belonging to the Bouvier family, constituted by items from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia, amongst which several examples of khamsas could be seen.47 Also, in 2016, Tiraz  – the home of the Widad Kawar collection of Arab dress – held an exhibition at the Amman Museum in Jordan. Titled “Ya Hafeth, ya Ameen” (“O Protector, O Guardian”), it took its name from a verse filigree on a silver khamsa pendant featuring a blue glass bead at its centre. Coverage on the exhibition in Jordan Vista took care to present the amulets and talismans as relics of the past (“transporting visitors back to a time of magic and superstition”), holding that people sought recourse to amulets and the like “when a family’s survival was dependent on a fruitful local harvest and minor illness were fatal”, unlike now when jewellery is “merely ornamental”. Still, the journalist concedes that “[w]hile people may not be as superstitious as they once were, protective adornments continue to hold an important place in the collective history of the Arab peoples.”48 The exhibition itself was extensive and included textiles; jewellery; folk talismans and amulets such as animal teeth; Qur’anic talismans and amulets; “fear cups” (for drinking from after nightmares); and similar items. 44 45 46 47 48

Gideon Bohak, Magie. Anges et démons dans la tradition juive (Paris: Mahj et Flammarion, 2015), pp. 49, 93, 97–99, 101, 121, 136, and 139. Al-Quds Gallery, January 15 – February 12, 2016. A talk on the exhibition has been published on YouTube by The Jerusalem Fund & Palestine Center, entitled “Gallery Talk – “Reaching Across the World: The Hand of Fatima” with Dagmar Painter”. See Djamila Chakour and Yanis Mokri, Des Trésors à Porter. Bijoux et Parures du Maghreb, Collection J-F. et M-L. Bouvier (Paris: l’Institut du Monde Arabe, 2016), pp. 110, 119, 121, 125, 126, 128–133, 137, 145–149, 152, 155. “TIRAZ Exhibition: Ya Hafeth Ya Ameen”, in Jordan Vista, 29 January 2016 . Accessed 21 February 2022.

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Putting a Price on the Khamsa: Auctions, Collectors, and Museum Collections

Apart from museum-owned collections, numerous private collectors have also been enchanted by this symbol, impelled to pursue these magic-imbued objects; a glance at the bibliography herewith included is elucidative. Some are keen on sharing their treasures with a wider audience, allowing others to illustrate specialized publications with pieces from their collections. Most of these collectors lived for a period in the countries where these items are produced, and so their collections reflect their interest and appreciation of local cultures. Pages of exhibition catalogues and of publications on ethnic jewellery reveal many names of those who cherished and amassed khamsas. Most frequent are references to Jean-Louis Thau, Dr. J.-P. Cochin, Bouatois-Guérin, Gendrot, Yves Saint Laurent, Paul Bergé, T. Tazi, Khalid El Gharib, Stanislas and Madame Poniatowski, Paul Dahan, Bill Gross, and the Bouvier family, although they naturally cannot pretend to encompass all collectors. One of the most prominent collectors was Jean-Louis Thau. The Thau collection of Berber jewellery was gathered over a span of approximately 40 years when the collector lived in Morocco. The sale of the collection at Christie’s on 18 December 2007 revealed that a significant part of the collection was constituted of numerous examples of rare khamsas from the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth centuries.49 Unfortunately, on account of this auction, the collection has been dispersed and is no longer available for study as a whole body.50 Fortunately, numerous items of his collection were used to illustrate books on Moroccan jewellery such as Bijoux du Maroc (1999)51 in which Jean-Louis Thau contributed an interesting chapter on silver hallmarks, and Bestiaire de la Culture Populaire Musulmane et Juive au Maroc (2000).52 A collection of Moroccan jewellery, including numerous khamsas and costumes gathered by fashion designer Yves Saint Laurent and his partner Paul Bergé, has been preserved by the foundation bearing their name and is on 49

50 51 52

“Christie’s Arts d’Orient Incluant l’Exceptionnelle Collection de Bijoux du Maroc de Monsieur Thau” [the Jean-Louis Thau Collection] (Paris, 2007) . Accessed 12 January 2022. See Sale 5505: Lot 302, Lot 303, Lot 304, Lot 305, Lot 306 – altogether 72 khamsas. Protests of the Berber Cultural Association appeared in the press: Jeune Afrique, December 3rd, 2007 – “Art berbère chez Christie’s”; Maroc Hebdo International, December 28th 2007 – “Des bijoux berbères marocains vendus à Paris”. Pages 182, 184–186, 188–194, 198. Pages 29, 36, 97.

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display at the Marjorelle Museum in Marrakesh. Recently a catalogue of an exhibition held there has been published, enabling people to appreciate not only separate items but their universe as a whole entity.53 The exhibition was displayed at Paris, Fondation Pierre Bergé-Yves Saint-Laurent, from 21 March to 20 July 2014; at the National Museum in Manama, Bahrain, from 15 January to 17 April 2015; and at the Bibliothèque nationale du Royaume du Maroc in Rabat in the spring of 2015. Another prominent private collection, with several well-researched publications on Algerian jewelry attached to it, was collected in the second half of the twentieth century, triggered by the passion of Ursula Zanotti. By a happy coincidence, a person called Makilam (the pen name of Malika Grasshoff) took an interest in the collection. An anthropologist of Kabyle origin, Makilam is based in Germany and has authored several works dealing with symbols and magic in the arts of Kabyle women. Makilam responded to this new challenge by proffering that “jewels were an alphabet, a real language for a people without a writing system in which one could read small stories and the big history” and that it was urgent to save them from oblivion.54 Publications available from Makilam include La magie des femmes kabyles et l’unité de la société traditionnelle (also published in translation as The Magical Life of Berber Women in Kabylia), Signes et rituels magiques des femmes kabyles (also published in translation as Symbols and Magic in the Arts of Kabyle Women), and l’Argent de la Lune/Das Silber des Mondes. This latter book discloses a rich and diverse variety of jewels, many of them rarely seen or unknown in other collections, integrating them in the social and historical context of the society that produced them. In a way, it is a travelling exhibition of this collection that is not otherwise available for viewing. 6

Museum Highlights

Today, many elegant khamsas reside in internationally acclaimed museums. Since museum pieces are usually well-documented, their origin, provenance, and period of production tend to be known. Sometimes, these objects tell extraordinary stories of their journey from the place of their production to the museum’s display case, testifying to the interest they had stirred. Tracing the 53 54

Fondation Pierre Bergé-Yves Saint Laurent; Fondation Jardin Majorelle; et al, Berber women of Morocco (Paris: Artlys, 2014). [Also published as Femmes Berbères au Maroc]. See Alaa Eddine Sagid, “L’Argent de la lune/Das silber des mondes: A Book review” in Ethnic Jewels . Accessed 23 February 2022; .

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journeys of these objects also sheds light on the dynamics of exploration and collection by European travellers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Some khamsas or hand symbols appear on objects of outstanding beauty. It is difficult to choose between them; however, we propose the following list as an overview of the most striking and informative khamsa-related pieces housed currently in museums. The criteria for this selection involved the aesthetic aspect of the pieces, their rarity, and their originality. Single khamsas as well as objects decorated with khamsa or hand motifs were considered. Additionally, different media, like jewellery, ceramics, metal work, manuscripts, textiles, and painting, were considered. Some of these pieces have been discussed in previous chapters. 1. A lūḥa decorated with a double khamsa and Arabic inscription reading “God is the guardian; God brings consolation in all trials”. Hammered silver, cloisonné enamel and filigree. Excavated by Mariano Fortuny at the Alhambra, now in the Louvre Museum. Al-Andalūs, fourteenth-fifteenth century. 2. An enamelled gold necklace composed of several elements, some of which feature khamsa-like elements. A Latin inscription in the central medallion reads “Hail Mary, full of Grace”, indicating that the necklace was intended for a Christian, but also reflecting cultural interchange between Muslims and Christians. Late fifteenth-sixteenth century. Gold, cloisonnè enamel. Excavated in Granada, Spain and acquired as a gift from Gift of J. Pierpont Morgan in 1917. Metropolitan Museum of Art.55 3. A necklace with a filigree khamsa with dangles, gold, and precious stones. At the Museum of Oudayas, Rabat, Morocco. Late eighteenth century.56 4. A silver khamsa set with a turquoise bearing the inscription al-ḥasūd lā yasūd (“the envious shall not prevail”). At Johann Burchardt’s home Haus zum Kirschgarten, now Historisches Museum, Basel, Switzerland. Egypt, early nineteenth century. Acquired by Johann Burchardt (1784–1817) during his travel to Egypt.57 5. A bejewelled filigree gilt silver khamsa amulet with dangles. At the Tareq Rajab Museum in Kuwait. Tunisia, twentieth century.58 55 56 57 58

“Elements of a Gold Necklace” in Metropolitan Museum of Art . Accessed 23 February 2022. Mohamed Sijelmassi, Collier avec pendentif en forme de khamsa (début XXème s.) (Rabat: Musée des Oudaïas, Rabat, 2002), p. 131. Exhibition pamphlet entitled Scheich Ibrahims Traum. Schätze aus der Textil  – und Schmucksammlung von Widad Kamel Kawar (2013). Alexander Fodor, Sufism and Magic, p. 140 (“Hand of Fatima, filigree, pierced openwork and gilt silver. The palm and the nails are studded with stones. Tunisia 20th century”). Item number JEW881TSR.

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6.

An inscribed silver khamsa, from the former collection of Adrien de Mortillet (1853–1931). At the Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford.59 7. A lustre pottery vase decorated on one wing with the khamsa representation and the Arabic inscription baraka. Mariano Fortuny’s excavations, now at the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg. Al-Andalūs, fourteenth century.60 8. An ʿalam in the shape of a hand, inscribed with Arabic script on both sides. Silver with black inlay; 19 1/4 inches (48.9 cm) × 9 inches (22.9 cm). The Metropolitan Museum of Art. A gift from Dr Marilyn Jenkins, 1984. Iran, early eighteenth century.61 9. A pair of ʿalam hands in gold set with precious stones and pearls. Nasser Khalili collection.62 Mughal India, eighteenth century. This pair of hands features as the cover photo for the Power and Protection exhibition guide. 10. “Khaybar: The Conquering Palm of ʿAlī”, a brilliant lapis lazuli hand outlined in gold. From a manuscript of the Fālnama (Book of Omens). Safavid Iran or Ottoman Turkey, c.1500s. Topkapı Palace Museum, Istanbul; exhibited at the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery of the Smithsonian in 2010. 11. A Baluch prayer rug with hands. Indianapolis Museum of Art, Indiana, USA. Colonel Jeff. W. Boucher collection. Khurāsān, Iran, nineteenth century. 12. Hands of Fatima (1989), acrylic on canvas by Laila Shawa. The British Museum, London.63 Of course, this list is hardly exhaustive with respect to the numerous khamsa pieces housed at museums today; however, it provides a good starting point to explore the global collection.

59 60 61 62

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Item number 00182683 at the webpage . Accessed 6  October 2016. Featured in Fahmida Suleman, “The Hand of Fatima”. “Standard: Early 18th Century”, in Metropolitan Museum of Art . Accessed 23 February 2022. In fact, the Nassir Khalili collection does not have a museum but the visibility of this exceptional collection of more than twenty thousand items relies on a more than twenty-volume catalogue elaborated by the best specialists in the field and on numerous exhibitions all over the world in which these works of art have been displayed. Regarding this pair of ʿalams, see: Arts de l’Islam. Chefs-d’oeuvre de la collection Khalili. Catalogue, p. 370. “Object: Hands of Fatima”, in British Museum . Accessed 23 February 2022.

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Commercialization

Finally, like other cultural and spiritual symbols, the khamsa has entered the mass market. Unlike traditional khamsas, produced by skilled craftsmen, and often acquired after gruelling travels, these khamsas are mass-produced and appear on online retail sites and at chain stores. Some of these pieces are intended for consumption within Muslim-majority countries, such as Turkey. Others feature as part of the tourist souvenir industry.64 Still others decorate products designed by Western manufacturers. One of the early companies to jump on board was Swatch, which envisioned its watches as “casual, disposable accessories” (at least, in contrast to a Rolex).65 In the 1990s, Swatch released a khamsa watch with a silver filigree-style khamsa set inside a red dial. Certainly, the idea that apotropaic symbols are “disposable” is antithetical to the classical Arab-Islamic traditions. Today, Hand-of-Fāṭima t-shirts and other wares are commonplace. This is in line with a recent trend to commercialize mystical and magical symbols, as well as a surge of interest in the metaphysical among the younger generation. For instance, the US-based Target corporation currently stocks evil-eye bracelets, a “mystical eyes and palms” journal, an evil-eye beach towel, and candles decorated with signs of the zodiac – not to mention a “Hamsa Hand of Fatima Quilt Set”, in orange and khaki.66 The khamsa has become trendy, and while no single culture or religion can lay claim to the khamsa, the commodification of the khamsa raises ethical questions surrounding cultural appropriation, unfair labour, environmental sustainability, the displacement of traditional craftsmanship, and a consumerist approach to spirituality. These questions hold a particular irony given the traditional role of the khamsa as a protective symbol. In addition to its recent debut on face masks, the Hand of Fāṭima has emerged in the budding NFT market. One pair of designers, calling themselves “Hand of Fatima”, offers a particularly extensive collection; as of February 2022, each of their pieces was on sale for 0.5 Solana (a cryptocurrency coin). They explain that they created their beautiful hands “to add a layer of protection to your digital identity, assets and details. […] Just as millions of houses across the Middle East will hang the hand on their front door, you now have the

64 65 66

For instance, see “Beware the Evil Eye. Or buy one, just for kicks” in New York Times (6 December 2019). . Accessed 23 February 2022. See . Available as of February 2022 at .

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Hand of Fāṭima gloves, with Swarovski crystals

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opportunity to hang it on the door of your metaverse.”67 While some of the older generation dispensed with the khamsa in an effort to hide embarrassing superstitions and promote European-style secularism and rationalism, the resurgence of the khamsa among the younger generation working with the latest technology suggests that this trend has run its course. Just as quantum physics called into question the comfortable certainties of early modern physics, cryptocurrency, NFTs, and the metaverse blur the lines between the real and the unreal, the material and the immaterial, and the mundane and the magical. They provide a proving ground for today’s “technological wizards” to play quidditch for real stakes. They also have broken national, international, and civilizational barriers; in some cases, giving marginalized communities or those in the Global South an opportunity to angle for a fair share of global profits. NFTs and the metaverse have also offered opportunities to promote self-definition and equal representation.68 In the past century, virtual game worlds, and the fantasy and science fiction genres, provided a refuge for the mystical and the magical, as well for honouring cultural symbolism in the face of dominant hegemonies, such as in Afrofuturisms.69 The advent of cyptocurrency has also re-introduced uncertainties to the world (or, at least, the financial world) on the scale of the vagaries experienced by the aforementioned pre-modern subsistence farmers – the ones who, according to Jordan Vista, were in need of the protective power of the khamsa.70 Thus, it is no wonder that the Hand of Fāṭima has found a home in this strange new world. 67 68

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“Hand of Fatima”, in Magic Eden . For instance, among Muslims, one can cite the Digital Sisterhood , a platform to unite Muslim women of colour, and the Indonesian student who became a millionaire in 2022 selling NFTs of his selfies. See Ali Shoaib, “A student who accidentally became a millionaire with a cult following after selling his expressionless selfies as NFTs says he feels confused”, in Business Insider (22 January 2022) . Of course, instant riches stories are atypical. On the socio-political context of science fiction among Islam and Muslims in particular, see Jörg Matthias Determann, Islam, Science Fiction and Extraterrestrial Life: The Culture of Astrobiology in the Muslim World (London I.B. Tauris 2021). “TIRAZ Exhibition: Ya Hafeth Ya Ameen”, in Jordan Vista, 29 January 2016 . Accessed 21 February 2022.

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Index Page numbers in bold refer to illustrations. Abbas, Farhat 94 Abbas, Shameem Burney 147 al-ʿAbbās ibn ʿAlī 44, 136, 139, 140, 147, 155 see also Hand of ʿAbbās Abd Allāh ibn ʿAmr ibn al-ʿĀṣ 20n39 ʿAbd al-Qādir, Amīr 86, 87, 88–89, 92, 94, 97, 143 Abkhazia, Republic of 100, 101 Abū Bakr 109, 115 Abū Ḥanīfah 20 Adam (prophet) 127–128, 131 Afghanistan 48, 48, 49, 68 Aga Khan Foundation 102–103, 103, 122 Aga Khan IV 102 agate 48, 150 see also ʿaqīq stones ahl al-bayt (people of the house) 127, 135 ahl al-kisāʾ (people of the cloak) see panjtan ʿĀʾishah 108, 116 Akyavas, Erol 161 Alameddine, Rabih 178 ʿalams (flagpoles) in general 139 crafting of 139 khamsas on 141–142, 145 Hand of ʿAbbās 130, 140, 142–144 Hand of Fāṭima 143, 144, 146 sacred power of 142–143 in Shiʿism 140 Alcalá, Pedro de 76 alchemy 123 Algeria khamsas in of Chaoiuia people 54, 54–55 on coinage 98–99, 99 contemporary artists and 173–175, 175–177, 178, 179 with gemstones 54, 54–55 as military decorations 88–89, 89, 90 on military standards 86, 87, 88–90, 91–92, 92 as national symbol 97–99 on nationalist flags 92–94, 93, 95

on presidential seal 95–98, 97, 98 on stamps 99, 100 on state flag of ʿAbd al-Qādir 86, 87 khomissar in 52, 52 national flag of 96 Alhambra 13, 31, 72, 75, 76, 185 ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib 85, 105, 109, 110, 111, 122, 124n15, 127–128, 129, 136, 138 see also Dhū al-Faqar; Hand of ʿAlī; panjtan Allah names of in general 13, 63 as inscriptions 23, 28, 28, 103, 103 see also Hand of Allah Amir-Moezzi, M.A. 131 amulets (taʿwīdhs) in Egypt 19–20 in Islam 18–19, 20–22 sealing of 24 secularization and 19 use of term 22 see also amulets/talismans amulets/talismans disc 49 khamsas as in general 22–24 ancient 55, 56 anthopomorphic 29, 30 artistic value of 55 bilingual 27, 27 crescent moons on 44, 45, 46 doves on 37, 37 eagles on 40–42, 42 eye-in-hand motif on 31, 32, 46, 46, 159, 161, 164, 172, 172 fishes on 34–37, 35, 36, 58 gemstones on see gemstones inscriptions on see inscriptions layered 30, 30–31 Lilith on 43–44, 43 lizards on 38–39, 38 miḥrābs on 28, 28 proverbs on 71

INDEX salamanders on 38–39, 38, 43 shapes of the hand in 25 in Shiʿism 150, 152 snakes on 39–40, 39 swords on 43, 43 turtles on 40, 40 wheels on 32–34, 33 khomissar 52, 52 scriptural 17, 18–19, 20 see also figa amulets Anasazi people 34 al-Andalūs figa amulets in 77–78 khamsas in in general 72 from Alhambra 31, 72, 75 ban on 73 on banners 77 bronze 74 on domestic/personal items 61, 62 with/from gemstones 75–76 Jewish 75 lūḥa shaped 31, 72, 75 as political propaganda 76 popularity of 73 research on 3–4 on soccarat 78 on tombstones 69 on walls 74, 75 aniconism 21–22, 121 animals, talismanic images of 23 see also under specific animals anthopomorphism 29, 30 ʿaqīq stones (carnelian or agate) 46, 47, 48 art see contemporary art L’Art au Féminin (exhibition; Algiers; 2007) 178 ʿĀshūrāʾ 84, 126, 141, 143, 152 Astarte (goddess) 37 astrological timing 121, 123 astrology 125, 132–134 Atelier de Céramique Boumehdi 178 āyat al-kursī (Throne Verse) 26, 26 azeviche (jet) 75–76, 78, 150 Babylon 10 Badr, Battle of (624) 84 Baer, Eva 41 Baksi Museum (Bayburt) 161–162, 163

209 Baluch people 66–67, 68 Baluchistan 66–67, 68 Banner of Lorca (Pendón de Lorca) 77, 85 banners see flags; military standards Barbatti, Bruno 12n11 basmalah 25–26, 26 bayt al-aḥẓān (House of Sorrows) 115 beads, eye shaped 15, 18, 19, 20–21 Belkahia, Farid 168–169, 169 Bellemare, Alexandre 89 Berber peoples al-Andalūs and 72, 82 jewellery of 5, 183 lizard symbol in culture of 38–39 see also Chaouia people Bergé, Paul 183–184 Bermúdez de Pedraza, Francisco de 3 blood 90 blue colours 48 blue eye beads 15 Book of Omens (Fālnāmeh) 136, 137 Bosnia 65 boteh patterns 67 Boumehdi, Mohamed 175, 175–177, 178 Bouvier family 182, 183 bowls khamsas on for healing 62–63, 64, 150–151 for incantations 151, 151 lusterware 13 brass ʿalams of 141 healing bowls 64 khamsas of on ʿalams 141 from Algeria 26 on healing bowls 64, 150 from Morocco 27, 27, 39 on oil lamp 60 from Palestine 28, 29, 45 from Syria 46 from Tunisia 36 Brazil figa amulets in 79, 81, 82–83 penca/penca de balangandãs in 79–80, 80, 81 Brethren of Purity (Ikhwān al-Ṣafāʾ) 125–126 British Museum (London) 162–163, 166, 174

210 bronze 55, 62, 149 Budge, Ernest A. Wallis 133 Burchardt, Titus 28 Cairo, design of 132–133 calligraphy 154 see also inscriptions candlesticks 60 Cardinal Cisneros Basements 74, 75 carnelian 47, 150 see also ʿaqīq stones carpets see prayer rugs/carpets Cartwright-Jones, Catherine 90 Champault, Dominique 4 Chaouia people 54, 54–55 charms (tamīma/tamāʾim) 24 chests 61 Christians, of Najrān 115 circle of misfortune (dāʾirat al-sawʾ) 32 cloths 62 coinage 98–99, 99 collectors 157, 183–184 commercialization 187, 188, 189 contemporary art calligraphy in 154 khamsas in in general 153 in Algeria 173–175, 175–177, 178, 179 cultural identity and 153–155 exhibitions of 153, 157–159, 158, 161 in Iran 154, 155–161, 156, 158, 160 magical/occult symbolism and 154 in Morocco 168–173, 169, 170, 171, 172 in Palestine 162–168, 166, 167 in Turkey 154, 161–162, 162 copper/copper alloy 27, 27, 79, 138 coral 49, 54–55, 78 crescent moons on coinage 98–99, 99 on khamsas 29, 29, 44, 45, 46 on military/national flags 92–94, 92, 93, 94, 96 on presidential seal 95, 97, 98 symbolism of 44, 46, 81 cryptocurrency 187, 189 cultural identity, contemporary art and  153–155

INDEX Daftari, Fereshteh 155, 157 dāʾirat al-burūj (zodiac) 33 dāʾirat al-sawʾ (circle of misfortune) 32 dar figas/fazer figas 78 decorations khamsas as in general 6–7 on ʿalams 130, 140, 141–142, 142–144, 143, 145–146 on cloths 62 on coinage 98–99, 99 on domestic/personal items 60–62, 61, 62 on doors 57, 57–59 on drinking fountains 155 on healing bowls 62–63, 64, 150–151 on illumination devices 60 on lūḥas 64–65, 65 on minarets 149 on pottery 60–62, 62 on prayer rugs/carpets 7, 66–67, 68 on stamps 99, 100 on stoles 135, 136 on tiles 175, 175–177 on tombstones 68–69, 69 on walls 74, 75 on wayside shrines 148 Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto (UDMA) 94, 95 Detroit Institute of Arts 14 dhikrs (recitations) 13, 112 Dhū al-Faqar (sword of Imam ʿAlī) 85, 138, 140 disc amulets 49 door-knockers 57, 59 doors 54, 57–59 Douetté, Edmond 2, 12 doves 37, 37 drinking fountains 155 Duʿāʾ al-Nūr (Prayer of Light) 112–113 Duʿāʾ Tawassul 117 D’une main d’or et une d’argent (Koraïchi) 173 Dziekan, Marek M. 7 eagles 40–42, 42 Egypt 19–20, 28, 60, 119

INDEX Ehalbi, Fatima 172 El Attaoui, Karim 169–170, 170 El-Gharib, Khalid 6 Éloge de la Main (Focillon) 9 embroidery 62 engravers 150 see also inscriptions epithets of al-ʿAbbās ibn ʿAlī 140 of ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib 122 of Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ 116, 133–134 Ettinghausen, Richard 136 Eudel, Paul 5 Eve (ḥawwāʾ) 39 evil eye animals and 17 belief in 15–19, 77 literature on 3–4, 77 panjtan and 129 protection against see figa amulets; khamsas; khomissar symbol of xii women’s seclusion and 2 “The Evil Eye, Amulets, Recipes, Exorcisation [sic], etc.” (Rehatsek) 3 evil eye beads 15, 18, 19, 20–21 evil spirits, in women’s religion 19–20 excavations, by Fortuny 13, 14, 31, 72, 75, 185, 186 exhibitions 7, 153, 157–159, 158, 161, 180–182 Exorcism “The Zār” series (Shawa) 165 Exposition Universelle de Paris (1889) 153 eye-in-hand motif in general 40 on khamsas 31, 32, 46, 46, 159, 161, 164, 172, 172 eyes see eye-in-hand motif Falcones, Ildefonso 77 Fālnāmeh (Book of Omens) 136, 137 false figa 81 Fard, Zara Mandana 159, 160, 161 al-farqadān 133 fascinatio/fascinum 77 Fatima (exhibition; Dubai; 2010) 180–181 Fátima (Portuguese town) 117 Fāṭima Admonitions (literary genre) 111 Fātima Maʿsūmah 12

211 Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ biography of in general 104 at Battle of Badr 84 birth date of 107–108 birth of 105, 107, 107 charity of 113–114 children of 109 dates 118t death of father 114–115, 116 Fadak sermon of 115 hardship experienced by 108, 111 legacy of 117 marriage of 109, 111 mother of 104–105 wedding of 109, 110 epithets of 116, 133–134 as intercessory figure 117, 129 khamsa associated with 4, 11–13, 103 Mary and 116–117, 131 as part of panjtan 117, 127, 152 stories about 105, 112–117 as Venus 132, 133–134 see also panjtan Fatimid Caliphate 119 fatwas xii, 19, 21 La fête tatoueée (Ehalbi) 172 figa amulets in al-Andalūs 77–78 in Brazil 79, 81, 82–83 dispersal of 82–83 see also penca/penca de balangandãs figa/mano fico 82 fishes ʿalams with 140, 142 khamsas with 34–37, 35, 36, 58 symbolism of 34–35, 81–82 five (number) in Islam 10, 13 in Judaism 10 khamsas and 9, 10, 11, 49–51, 50–51, 85 symbolism of 49–51 five [fingers] in your eye (khamsa fī ʿaynik) 69–70 five and Thursday (khamsa wa khamīs) 69–70 five people (panjtan) see panjtan five pillars of Islam 10, 120

212 five-pointed stars see pentagrams flagpoles (ʿalams) see ʿalams flags of Algeria 96 khamsas on 10, 86, 87, 92–94, 93, 95, 101 pentagrams on 94, 95, 96, 98 Focillon, Henri 9 Fodor, Alexander 7 Fontana, Maria Vittoria 3 food containers 60, 61 Fortuny, Mariano 31, 72, 75, 185, 186 Fortuny Vase 13, 14, 186 forty keys bowls 151 Foster, W. 90 foulet khamsas 49–51, 50–51 fountains, drinking 155 France 69 From Traditional to Contemporary: Cultural Memory in Modern Turkish Art (exhibition; Istanbul; 2010) 161 Front de Libération Nationale 94 Gabriel/ Jibraʾīl (Angel) 109, 114, 115, 127 gaze/gazing 4 Gbouri, Fatna 170–172, 171 gemstones on khamsas/khamsas of in general 46, 47, 48–49, 48 from al-Andalūs 75–76 with coral and turquoise 54, 54–55 from India 143 Shiʿi 150 geomancy (raml) 123 gestures, khamsa phrases and 69–70 Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm 23 al-Ghazālī 77 gloves 188 goddesses 133–134 see also under specific godesses Goldenberg, André 5 gold/gold-washed ʿalams of 143, 186 illuminations in 137, 138 khamsas of 47, 48, 48, 54, 55, 143 necklaces of 185 goldsmiths 5, 55, 73, 79, 181 Granada 72–73, 76, 77, 185 Grasshoff, Malika 184 Guénon, René 13 guls (medallions) 67

INDEX Hand (Inan) 161, 162 Hand of ʿAbbās 13, 31n4, 67, 120, 130, 135–136, 140, 142–144, 147, 152 Hand of ʿAlī 136, 137, 138, 138 Hand of Allah 15, 120, 136 Hand of Fāṭima on ʿalams 144, 146 in contemporary art 154 exhibitions on 7, 157–159, 158, 180 feminine symbolism of 10, 132, 147, 180 first appearance of 112 khamsas as 4, 11–13, 103, 119, 147, 154, 181 in literature 178 see also khamsas The Hand of Fatima (exhibition; Canberra 2005; Cape Town 2006) 7, 157–159, 180 “The Hand of Fatima: In Search of its Origins and Significance” (Suleman) 4 The Hand of Fortune: Khamsas from the Gross Family Collection and the Eretz Israel Museum Collection (exhibition; Tel Aviv 2002) 7, 180 Hand of Mary 10, 117, 147 see also khamsas Hand of Miriam 147 hand symbol see khamsas Hands of Fatima (Shawa) 162–163, 166, 186 Hanlon, Don 132–133, 134 harmal (Syrian rue) 17 Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī 109, 127 see also panjtan healing bowls 62–63, 64, 150–151 Heber, J. 12 Hebrew Bible 42 henna 90 Herber. J. 3 hexagram see six-pointed stars hijabs 180–181 Hildeburgh, W.L. 4 Hilton-Simpson, M. W. 70 Ḥirz Imām Jawād 17 Holthius, Gabriele 21 House of Sorrows (bayt al-aḥẓān) 115 Ḥurūfiyyah movement 154 Ḥusayn ibn ʿAlī 109, 117, 126, 127, 155 see also panjtan Iberian Peninsula see al-Andalūs Ibn al-Abraṣ, ʿAbīd 40–41 Ibn Bādīs, ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd 92

213

INDEX Ibn Kathīr 23 Ibn Miskawayh 32 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawzīyah 20 Ibn Saʿd 108n11 Iconografia dell’Ahl al Bayt. Immagini di arte persiana dal XII al XX secolo (Fontana) 3 Idrīs (prophet) 123 Idrisid Dynasty 119 ʿilm al-ḥurūf (science of the letters) 123 “Images of the Human Hand as Amulets in Spain” (Hildeburg) 4 Imams 122 see also under specific Imams Inan, Ergin 161 incantation bowls (kāse-ye jādūʾī) 151, 151 India 3, 140, 141, 143, 146 Indonesia 111 ink stamps 138 inscriptions on khamsas ahl al-bayt names 135 Allah 23, 28, 28, 103, 103 Ave Maria 73, 185 basmalah 25–26, 26 bilingual 27, 27 mabrūk 28–29, 29 panjtan names see panjtan names prayers 26, 26 proverbs 71, 71 Qur’an texts 26, 26 Institut du Monde Arabe (Paris) 182 intercessions by Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ 117, 129 by female decendants of the Prophet 12 by panjtan 129 International Federation of Sciences for Surgery of the Hand 102 Iran ʿalams in 130, 140, 142–144, 145, 186 henna use in 90 khamsas in contemporary artists and 154, 155–161, 156, 158, 160 on domestic/personal items 62 with gemstones 47 of gold 47 on healing bowls 63, 64 on incantation bowls 151 on minarets 149

with panjtan names 130, 136, 142–144, 145 pre-Islamic 10 research on 3 of silver 47 on stoles 135, 136 on wayside shrines 148 Iraq 47, 63, 126 Ishtar (goddess) 10 Islam aniconism in 21–22, 121 belief in evil eye in 15–16 five in 10, 13 five pillars of 10, 120 khamsa in 11–13, 14, 15 occultism in xii–xiii, 21 scriptural amulets in 17, 18–19, 20 see also Shiʿism; Sunnism Ismaʿilism 33, 122, 125–126, 132 Istanbul Museum of Modern Art 161 jade 150 Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq 111, 123, 127–128, 129, 136 jafr (science of letters) 123 Jalāl Āl-e Aḥmad 19 jasper 150 jet (azeviche) 75–76, 78, 150 Jewish khamsas 75, 181–182 Jibraʾīl/Gabriel (Angel) 109, 114, 115, 127 jinn (non-human spirits) 16, 39, 122, 125 Jiwa, Shainool 133 Joanna of Austria, Princess of Portugal 78 Jonah (prophet) 35 Jordan Museum (Amman) 182 Journal of Hand Surgery 102 Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 3 Juana de Aústria, Princess of Portugal 78 Judaism eagle in 42 evil eye in 15, 16 five in 10 six-pointed star in 155 Kaabi-Linke, Nadia 180–181 Kakaiyya Kurds 129n32 Karbala, Battle of (680) 121, 126, 135, 139, 140n55 Karbala stones (turbahs) 67 Kemnitz, Eva-Marie von v, xxviii

214 Kemnitz, Eva-Marie von (cont.) biography of xv–xix on personal connection to the khamsa xxix–xxx taking over from xii–xiii works of xx–xxvii Khadījah bint Khuwaylid 104–105, 108 Khalili Collection 23, 138, 143, 186 Khamsa (Niẓāmī) 106 KHAMSA: Amulets of North Africa (exhibition; Haverford; 2014) 181 khamsa fī ʿaynik (five [fingers] in your eye)  69–70 khamsa wa khamīs (five and Thursday) 69–70 khamsas (hand symbols) in general xii–xiii, 8 academic research on see research on khamsa as amulets/talismans see amulets/ talismans collectors of 157, 183–184 commercialization of 187, 188, 189 in contemporary art see contemporary art with crossed fingers 82 as decorations see decorations dispersal of 82–83 feminine symbolism of 10, 132, 147, 180 five and 9, 10, 11, 49–51, 50–51, 85 flow of divine grace and 13, 15 Hand of Fāṭima as 4, 11–13, 103, 119, 147, 154, 181 inscriptions on see inscriptions in Islam 11–13, 14, 15 see also Shiʿism; Sunnism in literature 178 male symbolism of 147 marketing use of 102–103, 103, 122 meaning of word 9 museum pieces 184–186 with panjtan names see panjtan names pentagrams and 44, 45, 46 politics and see politics in popular idioms/gestures 69–71 regional variations 46 see also under specific countries; under specific metals

INDEX Khawli, Abdallah 61 “Khaybar: The Conquering Palm of ʿAlī” 136, 137, 138, 186 Khenchelaoui, Zaïm 97, 132, 134 Khiḍr (green man) 35 Khmissa (El Attaoui) 170 Khmissa Award 102 khomissar 52, 52 Knight, Michael Muhammad xii–xiii Koçan, Hüsamettin 161–162, 163 kohl containers 61 Koraïchi, Rachid 173–175, 173–174 Kurdistan 48 Kuwait 7, 38 lanterns 60 lapis lazuli 46, 138, 186 layered khamsas 30, 30–31 Lazreq, Marnia 97 Lefébure, Eugène 12 Lettre aux Français (ʿAbd al-Qādir) 88–89 Libya 37, 58 light, as source of life/knowledge 60 Lilith (daemonic figure) 43–44, 43 literature 178 Living Khamsa: die Hand zum Glück (exhibition; Schwabisch Gmünd; 2005) 7, 180 lizards 38–39, 38 logos of Aga Khan Foundation 102–103, 103, 122 of International Federation of Sciences for Surgery of the Hand 102 of Khmissa Award 102 Louvre Museum (Paris) 31, 72, 75, 153, 185 lūḥas (slates) khamsas in shape of in general 53 from al-Andalūs 31, 72, 75 from Morocco 28, 53–54 khamsas on 64–65, 65 Maalej, Zouheir 88 Madagascar 149 Maghrib 5, 6, 25–26, 26, 182 Magic in Islam (Knight) xii–xiii magical-medicinal bowls see healing bowls

INDEX magic/occult contemporary artists and 165 in Islam xii–xiii, 21, 122–126 symbolism 154 use in medicine 63 use of term 120 Magie. Anges et demons dans la tradition juive (exhibition; Paris 2015) 5 Magie et Religion dans l’Afrique du Nord (Douetté) 2 Mahdi (designer) 102, 102 La Main de Fatma (exhibition; Paris: 2003/2004) 5, 180 Les maîtres du temps (Koraïchi) 174 Makilam (Grasshoff, Malika) 184 male authority 133, 147 Malek, Necib 100 malevolence 15–17 see also evil eye Mali 52 La Mano de Fatima (Falcones) 77 mano fico/figa 82 al-Maqrīzī 132–133 Mariano Fortuny Collection see Fortuny, Mariano La mariée (Gbouri) 171, 172 Marjorelle Museum (Marrakesh) 184 marketing 102–103, 103, 122 Mary, mother of Jesus 105, 116–117, 131 Massé, Henri 3 Matrot, A. 84 Mauritania 52 Mecca 108 medallions (guls) 67 medicine, use of magic in 63 see also healing bowls Medina 108 Mèrode, Léonore de 8 Mesopotamia 9–10 metaphysics 21, 122–126 Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York City)  130, 144, 145, 153, 186 miḥrābs 28, 28, 66, 67 military decorations 88–89, 89, 90 military standards khamsas on 84, 85, 86, 87, 88–90, 91–92, 92 see also ʿalams; flags

215 minarets 149 miʿrāj (Muḥammad’s night ascension)  105, 106 misfortune 17–18, 32 Moon 132, 133 see also crescent moons Morisco population 73, 76, 77 Morocco Idrisid Dynasty in 119 khamsas in anthopomorphic 29 bilingual 27, 27 contemporary artists and 168–173, 169, 170, 171, 172 on domestic/personal items 61 on doors 57, 58–59 doves on 37, 37 eagles on 41–42, 42 eyes on 32 fish on 35 foulet khamsas 50, 50–51 on illumination devices 60 layered 30–31 Lilith on 43–44, 43 lizards on 38 lūḥa shaped 28, 53–54 on lūḥas 65, 66 miḥrāb on 28 research on 5 salamanders on 38, 43 snakes on 39 swords on 43 turtles on 40 wheels on 33 khomissar from 52, 52 Mortillet, Adrien de 153, 186 Moses (prophet) 35 Mostefai, Ch. 94 mubāhalah (pray-off) 115 Muḥammad, Prophet death of 114–115 on evil eye 16 female descendants of 12 hand print of 21 night ascension of 105, 106 open hand symbol and 10, 85 panjtan of see panjtan as part of panjtan 127

216 Muḥammad, Prophet (cont.) pray-off with Christians 115 in Twelver Shiʿism 122 Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Qādir 86 Muḥarram 84, 126, 140 Musée d’Art et d’Histoire du Judaisme (Paris)  181–182 Musée d’Art Moderne d’Alger (Algiers) 178 Musée de l’Homme (Paris) 4 Musée Marechal Franchet d’Espérey (Algiers)  88 Musée National des Antiquités (Algiers)  88, 89 Museu Carlos Costa Pinto (Bahia) 79–80, 80 museums overview of interesting khamsas in 184–186 see also under specific museums Nād-e ʿAlī (prayer) 143 Naẓār (ed. Akkach) 4 necklaces of Fāṭima 113–114 with khamsas 48, 185 negros, Islamicated (malés) 79 newspaper holders 102, 102 NFT market 187, 189 Niger 52, 52 The Night of Destiny (Shawa) 167 Nomanbhoy, Sakina 15, 144 North Africa khamsas in in general 9, 13, 119 exhibitions on 181 on lūḥas 65 prevalence of 119 research on 2–3 Tanit cult in 9 see also Algeria; Egypt; Libya; Morocco; Tunisia La notion de khamsa dans la tradition arabomusulmane (Mèrode) 8 Nunsantara 111 Nūr al-Dīn ibn Zangī 62 occultism see magic/occult oil lamps 60

INDEX Pagan Survivals in Mohammedan Civilisation (Westermarck) 2, 70 paganism 1, 125 see also shirk Painter, Dagmar 34, 182 Palestine Fatimid influence in 119 khamsas in contemporary artists and 162–168, 166, 167 crescent moons on 45 eye-in-hand motif on 46 with inscriptions 28–29, 29 necklaces of 48 Palestine Centre (Washington, DC) 182 panjtan (the five people) in general 10, 13, 126, 152 Adam and 128 astrological symbolism and 132–134 evil eye and 129 Fāṭima as part of 117, 127, 152 frame story of 127 as intercessory figures 129 number five and 10 open hand symbolizing 85 persons who are part of 127 Prophetic light and 129, 131 in Shiʿism 127–129, 131–133 panjtan names khamsas with in general 135 on ʿalams 140, 141, 142–144, 145–146 as ink stamp 138, 138 in manuscripts 136, 137, 138 on stoles 135, 136 Pantoja de la Cruz, Juan 78 Path of Roses (Koraïchi) 174 Pedro de Alcalá 76 penca/penca de balangandãs 79–80, 80, 81 Pendón de Lorca (Banner of Lorca) 77, 85 pentagrams (five-pointed stars) Cairo’s design in form of 132 charms in form of 78 on flags 94, 95, 96, 98 on khamsas 44, 45, 46 on presidential seal 95 symbolism of 9, 10, 132 see also six-pointed stars

INDEX people of the cloak (ahl al-kisāʾ) see panjtan people of the house (ahl al-bayt) 127, 135 Persia see Iran politics khamsas and on flags 86, 87, 92–94, 93, 95, 101 as military decorations 88–89, 89, 90 on presidential seals 95–98, 97, 98 in public buildings 76 popular idioms 69–71 Portugal 57, 117 see also al-Andalūs pottery 60–62, 62 Power and Protection: Islamic Art and the Supernatural (exhibition; Oxford 2016-2017) xii prayer for travel (daʿwat al-safar) 26, 26 Prayer of Light (Duʿāʾ al-Nūr) 112–113 prayer rugs/carpets 7, 66–67, 68, 186 prayers 26, 26, 112–113, 117, 143 pray-off (mubāhalah) 115 presidential seals 95–98, 97, 98 Probst-Biraben, J.-H. 3, 84 property disputes 115 Prophetic light 129, 131 proverbs 71 Qur’an on evil eye 15–16 story about Khiḍr in 35 Qur’an verses 2:37 127 2:255 26 3:151 92 3:173 28, 28 12:67 16 24:35 60 61:13 86, 143, 144 68:51 16 76:5–22 113 wearing of see scriptural amulets Rabaté, Marie Rosé 5 Rahmani, Farida 178, 179 raml (geomancy) 123 Reaching Across the World: The Hand of Fatima. Hand Iconography in Islamic and

217 Other Cultures (exhibition; Washington, DC 2016) 182 recitations (dhikrs) 13, 112 red colours 48, 90 re-enactments 121 Rehatsek, Edward 3 reincarnation 122 research on khamsa early modern 1–2, 3–4 in exhibition and museum catalogues  5, 7 linguistic considerations on 8 modern 2–3, 4–8 reasons for neglect of 1 in studies on jewellery 5–6 in studies on metalwork 7 reverse writing 137, 138 Ritual and Belief in Morocco (Westermarck) 2 rituals, talismans and 23–24 Romans 77 rosaries (tasbīḥs) 112–113 rota fortunae (wheel of fortune) 34 Rouach, David 5 Rouholamin, Hassan 107 Saint Laurent, Yves 183–184 Sakīna (Sukayna) 147 Salafism 18 Salamanca 78 salamanders 38–39, 38, 43 Ṣalāt Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ 117 Saqqā-khāneh movement 155 scarcity, of ancient khamsas 55 Schimmel, Annemarie 13, 15 science of the letters (ʿilm al-ḥurūf) 123 scriptural amulets (taʿwīdh) 17, 18–19, 20 Selmane, Fatiha 99 Setif revolt (1945) 93 sex symbolism 12n11 Shah Alam, Mughal Emperor 142 shamsa symbol 32 Shawa, Leila 162–168, 166, 167 Shiʿism ʿalams in 140 amulets/talismans in 20, 120–121 aniconism in 121 evil eye beads and 20–21

218 Shiʿism (cont.) evil eye in 16, 17–18 Fāṭima in 107–108, 111, 116, 117 khamsas in in general 20, 103, 119, 152 al-ʿAbbās ibn ʿAlī and 139 ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib and 138, 138 as amulets/talismans 150, 152 in Book of Omens 136, 137, 138 on bowls 151 symbolism of 120, 147 male authority in 133, 147 martyrdom of Ḥusayn in 126 metaphysics and occultism in 122–126 panjtan in 127–129, 131–133 rosaries in 112 sects in 122 shirk in 124–125 see also Ismaʿilism; Sufism shirk (polytheism) 18, 122, 124–125 shrines, wayside 148 Shulhane Aroukh (Karo) 42 Sidarus, Adel xxviii sign of Solomon (sino Saimão) 78 Silva, Simone Vicente da 80 silver/silver alloy ʿalams of 130, 141, 142–144, 145–146, 186 disk amulets 49 figa amulets of 78 foulet khamsas of 50, 50–51 khamsas of from Algeria 54, 54–55 from al-Andalūs 31, 72, 75 from Iran 47, 145 from Kurdistan 48 as military medal 89 from Morocco 26, 27, 27–28, 29, 30–31, 32, 39, 43 from Mortillet Collection 186 from Palestine 48 from Tunisia 45, 185 khomissar of 52, 52 lūḥas of 28, 53–54 penca/penca de balangandãs of 79–81, 80, 81 silversmiths 5, 43, 55, 73, 79, 181 Simsovic, Elyakim 42 sino Saimão (sign of Solomon) 78

INDEX Sīstānī, Ayatollah 124n18 six-pointed stars 29, 29, 93, 155 see also pentagrams slates see lūḥas snakes (ḥayya) 39–40, 39 solar symbols 32 Solomon 29, 78, 122–123 Spain 57, 73 see also al-Andalūs Sphinxes and Harpies in Medieval Islamic Art (Baer) 41 The Spirituality of Shiʿi Islam (Amir-Moezzi) 131 stamps 99, 100 stoles 135, 136 Sudan 69 Sufism 32 Suleman, Fahmida 4, 12–13, 119, 129 Sun 132, 133 Sunnism amulets/talismans in 18, 120–121 aniconism in 121 evil eye in 17 Fāṭima in 107–108, 111, 116 khamsas in 10, 150, 152 superstition 1, 15, 19, 189 Swarovski crystals 188 Swatch 187 swords of Imam ʿAlī 85, 138, 140 on khamsas 43, 43 symbolism astrological 132–134 of colours 48 of crescent moons 44, 46, 81 of doves 37 of eagles 41–42 feminine 10, 132, 147, 180 of fish 34–35 magic/occult 154 male 147 of number five 49–51 of pentagram 9, 10, 132 on prayer rugs 66–68 sex 12n11 of six-pointed stars 29, 155 of snakes 39–40 of turtles 40 of wheels 32

219

INDEX syncretism, religious 68, 82 Syria 46, 62, 119 Ṭabāṭabāʾī, ʿAllāmah Sayyid Muḥammad Ḥusayn 124 talismans (ṭilasms) definition of 22, 24 formal occult 22–23 with images of animals 23 rituals surrounding 23–24 secularization and 19 in Shiʿism and Sunnism 120–121 use of term 22 see also amulets/talismans Tanit (goddess) 9, 11, 29, 30, 37 Tareq Rajab Musuem (Kuwait City) 7 Target corporation 187 Tasbīḥ Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ (recitation) 12, 112 tasbīḥs (rosaries) 112–113 taʿwīdh (scriptural amulets) 17, 18–19, 20 Thau, Jean-Louis 5, 183 Throne Verse (āyat al-kursī) 26, 26 Tifinagh (Tuareg Berber language) 27 tiles 175, 175–177 Tirailleurs Algériens 90, 91–92 Toledo 74, 75 tombstones 68–69, 69 Tuareg people 52, 52 Tunisia khamsas in contemporary art and 180–181 crescent moons on 45 doves on 37, 37 fish on 35, 35, 36, 37 Tanit stele from 11 turbahs (Karbala stones) 67 Turkey fatwas in xii, 19 forced secularization in 19 khamsas in contemporary artists and 154, 161–162, 162 on healing bowls 63 with inscriptions 28 layered 30 with panjtan names 138, 138 turquoise stones 17, 46, 47, 55, 55 turtles 40, 40

Twelver Shiʿism aniconism in 121 metaphysics and occultism in 122, 123, 125–126, 152 panjtan in 127, 133 prayers in 117 Uḥud, Battle of (625) 143 ūlū al-ʿaẓm prophets 10 Umm Kulthum bint ʿAli 109 Venus (goddess) 10, 132, 133–134 Verbrugge, A.R. 4 Villena, Enrique de 77 vipers (afʿā) 39 Wahhābism 18 wall decorations 74, 75 wayside shrines 148 weavers 66, 67, 133–134 Westermarck, Edward 2, 9n2, 12, 70 wheels 32–34, 33 Willy Lindwer Collection 43, 43, 44 Wiswas (Rahmani) 179 women seclusion of, evil eye and 2 superstition and 1 see also specific women wood khamsas from 25–26, 26, 81 lūḥas 65–66, 65 sculptures of 170, 170 writing boards see lūḥas Ya Hafeth, Ya Ameen (exhibition; Amman 2016) 182 Zahoor-ul-Akhlaq 102, 103 Zanotti, Ursula 184 zār spirit ceremonies 165 Zariv, Farideh 157–159, 158 Zaydi Shiʿism 122 Zaynab bint ʿAli 12, 109, 147 Zeilabi, Negar 21 Zenderoudi, Charles Hossein 155, 156, 157 Ziyārat Fāṭima al-Zahrāʾ 117 Zizi, Hafida 172–173, 172 zodiac (dāʾirat al-burūj) 33