The Death Ritual at Cluny / Le Rituel De La Mort a Cluny: In the Central Middle Ages / Au Moyen Age Central (Disciplina Monastica) (Disciplina Monastica, 9) (English and French Edition) 9782503550107, 250355010X

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DISCIPLINA MONASTICA 9

99

DISCIPLINA MONASTICA Studies on Medieval Monastic Life Eètudes sur la vie monastique au Moyen Aêge

Editors of the Series Collection dirigeèe par

Susan Boynton & Isabelle Cochelin

Editorial Board

Sheila Bonde Florent Cygler

2013

Frederick S. Paxton With the Collaboration of Avec la collaboration de Isabelle Cochelin

THE DEATH RITUAL AT CLUNY IN THE CENTRAL MIDDLE AGES

LE RITUEL DE LA MORT Aé CLUNY AU MOYEN AêGE CENTRAL

Mise en page : Christine Melin, IRHT Orleèans ß 2013 , Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

D/2013/0095/174 ISBN 978-2-503-55010-7

TA BLE OF CON TEN TS

TABLE OF CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS . . LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

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Cluny and the Medieval Economy of Salvation . . . . Ritual Developments and the Customs of Cluny . . . Space, Movement and Sound in the Cluniac Death Ritual . Reconstructing the Cluniac Death Ritual . . . . .

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PREFACE

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INTRODUCTION

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The English Translation of the Latin Reconstruction . . . . . . . . . . 47 Court résumé de l’introduction et règles suivies pour la traduction (Isabelle Cochelin) . 51 ORDO CLUNIACENSIS, CAPITULUM 26: De obitu fratris, et sepultura (Latin text with English and French translation) . . . .

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COMMENTARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Monastic Rite of Passage . . . . . . . . . . . Rites of Preparation . . . . . . . . . . . . . Easing the Spirit: Confession and Mutual Absolution . . . Cleansing Body and Soul: Final Anointing . . . . . . Rites of Transition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Caring for the Dying: The Commendation of a Soul in Agony . Caring for the Deceased: Preparation, Wake and Funeral Mass . Rites of Incorporation . . . . . . . . . . . . . Accompanying the Body to the Grave: Procession and Burial . Aiding the Soul in the Afterlife: Commemorative Services . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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173 173 177 178 180 195 198 208 221 221 232 236

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1: A Brother Dies on a Winter Afternoon in the year 1100 . 2: The Psalms (and Canticles) of the Cluniac Death Ritual . 3: The Prayers of the Cluniac Death Ritual . . . . .

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APPENDIXES Appendix Appendix Appendix

TRILINGUAL GLOSSARY/GLOSSAIRE

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OF PERSONS, PLACES, SUBJECTS AND LATIN TERMS AND INCIPITS

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TRILINGUE

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BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . Manuscript Sources/Sources manuscrites. . Published Primary Sources/Sources imprimées Internet Resources/Sources électroniques. . Secondary Sources/Études . . . . . INDEX

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ABBREVIATIONS

Bern BHL CCM CAO CO DAER FDON Ha HBS LT MCL MGH MS MW Palermo PL RR SC SG SP TC Udal

Bernardus Cluniacensis, “Ordo cluniacensis,” ed. Herrgott Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum Corpus Antiphonalium Officii, ed. Hesbert Corpus orationum, ed. Moeller and Clément De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, ed. Martène From Dead of Night to End of Day / Du cœur de la nuit à la fin du jour The Hadrianum (SG, vol. 1) Henry Bradshaw Society Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis, ed. Dinter The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed. Knowles; revised ed. (2002) Monumenta Germaniae Historica Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, lat. 13875 Missale ad usum Ecclesie Westmonasteriensis, ed. Legg Biblioteca centrale della regione siciliana, Fondo Monreale 7 (olim, Biblioteca Nazionale, Santa Maria Nuova, XXV F 29) Patrologiae cursus completus, Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne, 221 vols. (Paris : Migne, 1844-1891) Das Rheinauer Rituale (Zürich Rh 114, Anfang 12. Jh.), ed. Hürlimann Sources chrétiennes, ed. Cerf Le sacramentaire grégorien, ed. Deshusses The Supplement to the Hadrianum (SG, vol. 1) Textes complémentaires (SG vols. 2-3) Udalricus Cluniacensis, Antiquiores consuetudines Cluniacensis (PL 149)

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

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View of the abbey from the northeast at the death of abbot Odilo in 1049 Plan of the abbey at the death of Abbot Odilo in 1049 . . . . . View of the abbey in the middle of the twelfth century . . . . . Plan of the abbey in 1088 . . . . . . . . . . . . . View of the abbey at the death of Abbot Peter the Venerable in 1156 . Plan of the abbey at the death of Abbot Peter the Venerable in 1156 . The third tone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The fourth tone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Between pages 54 and 55: Ordo Cluniacensis, Capitulum 26: De obitu fratris, et sepultura (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, latin 13875, fols. 47v-55v)

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PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

since I first wrote about death and dying at the Benedictine abbey of Cluny in the central Middle Ages.1 A reading of the “Monastic Constitutions” of Lanfranc, the late eleventh-century abbot (and archbishop) of Canterbury, led me to the subject, for Lanfranc had drawn liberally on the account of the customs of the great Burgundian abbey written a few years earlier by Bernard of Cluny.2 Lanfranc’s vivid description of how the monks of Canterbury responded to the death of one of their brothers suggested that Benedictine monks had a great deal at stake in the passage from this world to the next. And Lanfranc’s use of Cluny as a model for St. Augustine’s, Canterbury, threw Cluny’s influence on monastic customs in the second half of the eleventh century into high relief. That influence is apparent as well in the circumstances that led another Cluniac monk, Udalrich (or Ulrich) to produce his own account of the customs of Cluny for a German monastic reformer, Abbot William of Hirsau. Neither had been translated into English, so for a 1980 master’s thesis, I presented translations of the chapters on death and dying in the two Cluniac customaries, a discussion of the authors and the relationship between their respective texts and a commentary that focused on what the customaries suggested about death in a highly-regulated and tightly-knit spiritual community, with reference to the (at the time) recent conclusions of Philippe Ariès on attitudes towards death in medieval Europe.3 Twelve years later, I was invited to join the faculty of the School of Music-Thanatology at St. Patrick Hospital, in Missoula, Montana, which had just begun training contemplative musicians to deliver “prescriptive music” to the dying. The school’s grad-

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T HAS BEEN OVER THIRTY YEARS

(1) For different takes on the evolution of this project, see Frederick S. Paxton, “Listening to the Monks of Cluny,” in Why the Middle Ages Matter: Medieval Light on Modern Injustice, eds. Celia Chazelle, Simon Doubleday, Felice Lifshitz, Amy G. Remensnyder (London: Routledge, 2012), 41-53 (which draws on Paxton, “Performing Death and Dying at Cluny in the High Middle Ages,” in Practicing Catholic: Ritual, body and contestation in Catholic faith, eds. Joanna Ziegler, Bruce Morrill, Susan Rodgers [London: Palgrave, 2006], 43-52); and “Researching Rites for the Dying and the Dead,” in Understanding the Medieval Liturgy, eds. Sarah Hamilton, Helen Gittos (Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate, forthcoming). (2) The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed. and tr. David Knowles (London: Nelson, 1951), now available in a revised edition by Christopher N. L. Brooke (Oxford: Clarendon, 2002; hereafter MCL). (3) The thesis (University of Washington, 1980) was published as A Medieval Latin Death Ritual:

The Monastic Customaries of Bernard and Ulrich of Cluny, Studies in Music-Thanatology, 1 (Missoula, MT; St. Dunstan’s Press, 1993). See also Philippe Ariès, Western Attitudes toward Death: From the Middle Ages to the Present, tr. Patricia M. Ranum (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974); French ed., with preface by the author and other added material, Essais sur l’histoire de la mort en occident du moyen âge à nos jours (Paris: Seuil, 1977); and idem, L’Homme devant la mort (Paris: Seuil, 1977), tr. Helen Weaver, The Hour of our Death (New York: Knopf, 1981); and Frederick S. Paxton, “Ariès, Philippe,” Macmillan Encyclopedia of Death and Dying, ed. Robert Kastenbaum (New York: Macmillan, 2003), 35-36. 11

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uates would enter the field of palliative medicine, which is dedicated to easing pain when death is imminent. My contribution to the school’s interdisciplinary curriculum was teaching the history of death, dying and the dead, especially at Cluny. The founder and dean of the school, Therese Schroeder-Sheker, saw the Cluniac death ritual as a model for a response to death that would be musical, caritative, contemplative and historically grounded as well as medical, professional and scientific. The hope was that rooting music-thanatology in part in the Latin Christian tradition might help re-infuse death with meaning for people of any faith, or even none at all.4 Teaching at the School of Music-Thanatology led me to revisit my earlier approach to the death rituals at Cluny. The customaries record every act and gesture of the ritual process, but only in the manner of stage directions. They say who did what and when, but they do not give the words of what was said or sung. The monks knew the psalms by heart and used service books for other chants and prayers. The authors of customaries had no need to write them out in full. So they referred to them by their incipits, the three or four words with which they begin. Because of this, the customaries foreground the structure of the ritual process but obscure the beliefs and words of the monks who created and performed the rites. Without access to the texts of the prayers they recited and the psalms they chanted the specifically Christian and Cluniac character of the death ritual remained hidden. The students wanted to know those things, not because they were all Catholics, or even Christians, but because they were preparing, as they put it, “to care for the physical, emotional and spiritual needs” of real people as they lay dying. They wanted to understand as completely as possible how the monks of Cluny went about doing similar work. So I set out to reconstruct the ritual in its entirety, recovering the missing texts from surviving medieval ritual books with clear ties to the traditions of Cluny. Coincidentally, the same years saw a renewal of interest among medievalists in the Cluniac customaries, fueled in part by the editors of this series, Susan Boynton and Isabelle Cochelin. Thanks to invitations from them and other scholars working on related problems, I began a series of studies on various aspects of the Cluniac death ritual that I had not previously explored and experimented with different ways of presenting its reconstruction.5 I am most grateful to Susan and Isabelle for working so closely with me in the preparation of this book, which has taken much too long. My greatest inadequacy in understanding the Cluniac death ritual has always been a lack of musicological training and so I am particularly grateful to Susan for her guidance on that subject. I am also grateful to Luc Jocqué for his support, and patience, and to Brepols for its commitment to (4) Therese Schroeder-Sheker, Transitus: A Blessed Death in the Modern World (Missoula, Montana: St. Dunstan’s Press, 2001), and Paxton, “Listening to the Monks of Cluny.” (5) Frederick S. Paxton, “Remembering the Dead at Cluniac Funerals in the High Middle Ages,” in Erinnerungskultur im Bestattungsritual, eds. Jörg Jarnut, Matthias Wemhoff (Munich: Fink, 2003), 177-190; “Death by Customary at Eleventh-Century Cluny,” in From Dead of Night to End of Day: the Medieval Cluniac Customs / Du cœur de la nuit à la fin du jour: les coutumes clunisiennes au Moyen Âge, eds. Susan Boynton, Isabelle Cochelin, Disciplina monastica, 3 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005; hereafter FDON), 297-318; and “Performing Death and Dying at Cluny.”

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publishing multilingual translations of important medieval texts. Preparing the trilingual presentation of the Cluniac death ritual has done as much as anything else to deepen my understanding of its complexities and nuances. As Isabelle and I moved back and forth between the Latin original and our separate translations into French and English, the text gave up most of the secrets buried in its complex stenographic style, and both our translations were much improved. I am also very grateful to the three anonymous readers for the press, who saved me from innumerable errors and infelicities. Those that remain are my own. The result is less than perfect, but it will serve its purpose if it provides students and scholars with new insights into medieval liturgy and ritual and encourages some to take on similar tasks of reconstruction and interpretation. I thank Connecticut College, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Humanities Center and the National Endowment for the Humanities (which funded my fellowship year at the NHC in North Carolina) for financial and other support. I am also grateful to a number of individuals who facilitated this work at various times over the last thirty years: to Caroline Bynum first of all, and to her mentor, Giles Constable, whose guidance was critical both when I was a master’s student and at the Institute for Advanced Study, in 1998-1999, when I returned to the Cluniac material in earnest. I owe Therese Schroeder-Sheker a large debt of gratitude for convincing me that there was much more to death at Cluny than I had ever imagined, and to everyone who worked, taught or studied at the Chalice of Repose Project in Missoula and the School of Music-Thanatology. They inspired and challenged me in more ways than I can record. This book is dedicated to them. I would like in particular to thank Annie Soerensen, who put me up so many times in Missoula, as well as Chris Bamford, Kalyn Berryman, Annie Burgard, Paul Dietrich, Michael Driscoll, Jane Frantz, Deanna Holzer, Lois Mandelko-Steinberg, Sharon Murfin, Margaret Pasquesi, Lynn Redding, Alice Reich, Michael Sasnow, Tim Thibodeau, and Ken Thorp. My thanks go out as well to Joseph Anderson, Anne Baud, Giselda Beaudin, Justin Beaudin, Sheila Bonde, Marie-Odile Bourideys, Kate Cooper, Riccardo Cristiani, Florent Cygler, Bonnie Effros, Pius Engelbert, Kristina Krüger, Helen Gittos, Heinrich Härke, Guy Halsall, Sarah Hamilton, Wilfried Hartmann, Tom Head, Yitzhak Hen, Julian Hendrix, Peregrine Horden, Dominique Iogna-Prat, Jörg Jarnut, Mark F. Johnson, Mayke de Jong, Geoffrey Koziol, Richard Landes, Conrad Leyser, Gary Macy, Megan McLaughlin, Jacques Ménard, Bruce T. Morrill, Tom Noble, Eric Palazzo, Joanne M. Pierce, Alain Rauwel, Barbara Rosenwein, Julia M. H. Smith, Neil Stratford, Christina Tourin, Bailey Young, and Joanna E. Ziegler, for their interest in my work and for all sorts of help and encouragement. I spoke on reconstructing the Cluniac death ritual to audiences at the University of North Carolina in 2007, Brown University in 2008, and the Institute for Sacred Music, Yale Divinity School, in 2009. I would like to thank Richard Pfaff (at UNC), Amy Remensnyder and Tara Numedal (at Brown), and Teresa Berger (at Yale) for their kind invitations, and everyone who attended for their attention and responses. I thank Professor Pfaff in particular for his comments on a draft of the trilingual glossary in this volume. 13

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I also presented the project at a symposium on medieval customaries and monastic life funded by the Borchard Foundation at La Bretesche, in Brittany, in 2007, and at a series of workshops on interpreting medieval liturgy funded by the British Arts and Humanities Research Council in Canterbury (2009) and at Exeter and Cardiff (2010). I thank Carolyn Malone, who organized the La Bretesche symposium; Sarah Hamilton and Helen Gittos, who organized the workshops in the UK; and their respective funding agencies for the opportunity to engage with scholars from many disciplines and countries in such highly focused settings. Finally, I thank the Apostles of Divine Love at Magnificat Abbey and Éditions Magnificat in Quebec for permission to reprint their electronic version of the Fillion Bible’s French translations of the Psalms – and, as always, Sylvia, for her enduring love.

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INTRODUCTION

Cluny and the Medieval Economy of Salvation PIOUS, DUKE OF AQUITAINE, established the monastery in honor of SS. Peter and Paul that would come to be known simply as Cluny in AD 910.1 Over the course of the next two and a half centuries, Cluny became the center of a vast network of dependent and affiliated communities, a Church within the Church of Latin Christendom that was a “Light unto the world,” as the Cluniac Pope Urban II put it.2 The monks of Cluny were regarded as the most perfect expression of Benedictine monasticism in the central Middle Ages and the complex interplay of prayer, chant and movement that is the subject of this volume was a high-water mark in the ritualization of death in medieval Europe. The death of a monk at Cluny commanded the attention of the whole community, completely at first and to varying degrees for some time after. In ideal circumstances, the ritual would begin when a monk who sensed his impending death asked to leave the infirmary to attend the daily chapter meeting. Once there, he confessed his faults to his brothers, received their forgiveness and forgave them for any transgressions against him. The community then visited the dying monk in the infirmary for a final anointing, after which vigil was kept until he was on the point of death. At that time, everyone ran from wherever they were to his bedside, where they chanted and prayed until his passing. While his body was washed and prepared for burial, the community continued to pray for him, keeping watch overnight in the church were his body was laid out. The funeral ceremonies followed high mass the next day, after which a complex series of commemorative activities began. Every step of the process was carefully choreographed and every prayer and chant was chosen with an eye, and an ear, to facilitating the successful passage of a soul from this world to the next. The Cluniac death ritual was, above all else, a profound expression of medieval Benedictine spirituality. It was also, however, the product of centuries of development around care for the dying and the treatment of the dead in Latin Christianity as well as a wider

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ILLIAM THE

(1) Joachim Wollasch, Cluny – “Licht der Welt:” Aufstieg und Niedergang der klösterlichen Gemeinschaft (Düsseldorf and Zürich: Artemis, 1996). For a general introduction to the history of Cluny in the central Middle Ages in English, see Noreen Hunt, Cluny under Saint Hugh 1049-1109 (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1968) and Dominique Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure: Cluny et la société chrétienne face à l’hérésie, au judaïsme et à l’islam (Paris: Aubier, 2000), 34-99; tr. Graham Robert Edwards, Order and Exclusion. Cluny and Christendom Face Heresy, Judaism, and Islam (1000-1150) (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2002); on Cluny’s first hundred years, see Barbara H. Rosenwein, Rhinoceros Bound: Cluny in the Tenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982). Cluny, ed. Julie Roux (Vic-en-Bigorre: MSM Éditions, 2004), a richly illustrated survey in French, is comprehensive and up to date. (2) Wollasch, Cluny, 12-13.

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social and religious development that was one of the most characteristic features of the European Middle Ages: the medieval economy of salvation.3 Although not an economy in the modern sense, the medieval economy of salvation engaged so many people, so much labor and so much wealth that it merits the name, even though its main currency was prayer and its ultimate goal the salvation of souls rather than the creation of worldly wealth. The economic activity it generated was enormous, encompassing an exchange of land, and lordship over the people who farmed it, that went on for centuries, as a major portion of the wealth of Europe was invested in the long-term care of the souls of the dead. The European Middle Ages are conventionally divided into an early and a later period, before and after the year 1050 or so. Consequently, the three hundred years from 900 to 1200 are often regarded as the central Middle Ages, a period that encompasses the foundation and rise of Cluny, which was in many ways the greatest product of the early medieval phase of the economy of salvation. Before the later Middle Ages, the point of transactions in the medieval economy of salvation was more social than financial. That is, they were thought of and represented as gifts that forged social bonds between donors and recipients.4 Gifts of land and people established monastic communities and a continuing flow of new gifts was necessary for them to grow and prosper. Even most monks were gifts, at least from the eighth century onwards, for their families presented them as child “oblates” (from Latin oblatio: a gift or offering) to God and the patron saints of the churches they would spend their lives serving.5 At monasteries like Cluny, the purpose of gifts was to establish personal bonds between monks and wealthy aristocrats, and between those aristocrats and the saints the monks represented, rather than to purchase a service, although (3) See Frederick S. Paxton, “The Early Growth of the Medieval Economy of Salvation in Latin Christianity,” in Death in Jewish Life: Burial and Mourning Customs Among the Jews of Europe and Nearby Communities, eds. Stefan Reif, Andreas Lehnardt, Avriel Bar-Levav (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014), 17-41; and “Birth and Death,” The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 3, Early Medieval Christianities, c. 600-c. 1100, eds. Thomas F. X. Noble, Julia M. H. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 383-98. (4) The foundational text is Marcel Mauss, “Essai sur le don: Forme et raison de l’échange dans les

sociétés archaïques,” L’Année sociologique, 1 (1923), 30-186; tr. Ian Cunnison, The Gift: Forms and Functions of Exchange in Archaic Societies (New York: Norton, 1967). See also, Eliana Magnani Soares-Christen, “Transforming Things and Persons: The Gift pro anima in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in Negotiating the Gift: Pre-Modern Figurations of Exchange, eds. Gadi Algazi, Valentin Groebner, Bernhard Jussen, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, 188 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2003), 269-84. On Cluny in particular, see Barbara H. Rosenwein, To Be the Neighbor of Saint Peter: The Social Meaning of Cluny’s Property, 909-1049 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1989); and Dominique Iogna-Prat, “Les morts dans la comptabilité céleste des Clunisiens de l’an Mil,” in Religion et culture autour de l’an mil. Royaume capétien et Lotharingie. Actes du colloque international ‘Hugues Capet 9871987. La France de l’an Mil’. Auxerre, 26-27 juin, Metz, 11-12 septembre 1987, eds. Dominique Iogna-Prat, Jean-Charles Picard (Paris: Picard, 1990), 55-69; tr. as “The Dead in the Celestial Bookkeeping of the Cluniac Monks Around the Year 1000,” in Debating the Middle Ages, eds. Lester K. Little, Barbara H. Rosenwein (Malden, Massachusetts, and Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), 340-62. (5) Mayke de Jong, In Samuel’s Image: Child Oblation in the Early Medieval West, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History, 12 (Leiden: Brill, 1996). On oblates at Cluny, see Susan Boynton and Isabelle Cochelin, “The Sociomusical Role of Child Oblates at the Abbey of Cluny in the Eleventh Century,” in Musical Childhoods and the Cultures of Youth, eds. Susan Boynton, Roe-Min Kok (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 2006), 3-24.

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that is what gift-givers ultimately received, for every gift demanded a counter-gift. In the medieval economy of salvation, the counter-gift was always the same: prayers for the salvation of souls, most importantly after death. An oblate would pray for his family regularly his whole life long. His monastic brothers would also routinely pray for each other, each other’s families and for all Christians. Donor families without a relative in the monastic community received prayers according to the scale of their gifts, which in the case of royal or imperial dynasties like the Salian emperors of Germany or the king-emperors of León, the greatest benefactors of Cluny in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, were enormous. The Leonese kings and emperors were so generous that Abbot Hugh of Cluny (1049-1109) was able to expand much of the monastic complex and rebuild the monastic church of Saints Peter and Paul into the largest and most beautiful structure in Latin Christendom, a distinction that held until the rebuilding of St. Peter’s in Rome in the Renaissance.6 Such gifts were the result of the high regard among Latin Christians for the Cluniac way of life and their faith in the efficacy of the prayers of Cluniac monks. Since the ninth century, when the Carolingian kings and emperors fostered a strict Benedictine form of monasticism, the prayers of monks had become the gold standard of the economy of salvation.7 Renowned for the discipline of their way of life, which was solidly rooted in St. Benedict’s Rule and supplemented by the customs (consuetudines) of their particular houses, and for the beauty and purity of their devotions, communities of highly regulated Benedictine monks attracted the most gifts and guaranteed the most efficacious appeals to the almighty. And, in the post-Carolingian world of the central Middle Ages, Cluny was the sine qua non of this renewed Benedictinism. The wealth that flowed into Cluny funded not just the largest church in Christendom but also the time that generations of monks devoted to their two main activities: the liturgy (of the mass and divine office) and prayer for the dead, both of which they performed on a daily basis, year in and year out, for their whole lives. For their own brothers, they not only prayed but attended to every aspect of the transition from this world to the next through the death ritual that is the focus of this book. Before taking a closer look at the origins and development of that ritual process at Cluny, let us briefly review the early growth of the medieval economy of salvation. The early Church did not ignore death. Christianity was, after all, a religion founded upon a death. But Christ’s resurrection long overshadowed his death in Christian theology. And death, like birth and marriage, had always been a private, family affair in the ancient Mediterranean world.8 For these and other reasons, Christian rituals for the dying and the dead developed very slowly, over centuries, not taking anything like final form until the ninth century. Caroline Bynum has made a good case that patristic interest in the (6) Charles Julian Bishko, “Liturgical Intercession at Cluny for the King-Emperors of Leon,” Studia Monastica, 3 (1961), 53-76; repr. with an additional note in idem, Spanish and Portuguese Monastic History 6001300 (London: Variorum, 1984). (7) Mayke de Jong, “Carolingian Monasticism: The Power of Prayer,” The New Cambridge Medieval History II c. 700-c. 900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 622-53. (8) Paxton, “Birth and Death,” 390.

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material resurrection of the body and the incorruptibility of martyrs’ relics was a response to a deeply human fear of “oozing, disgusting, uncontrollable biological process” itself, especially the putrefaction and dissolution of cadavers, which fundamentally threatened personal identity.9 That may well be, but faith in the Resurrection of Jesus was enough to offset that fear, at least at first. God’s acceptance of the death of his son as payment for Adam and Eve’s sin was the original transaction of the Christian economy of salvation. It made bodily resurrection in paradise possible for anyone and made it possible to understand death as birth into eternal life. As a result, early Christians were taught to meet it not with fear but with joy and equanimity.10 After the Roman Emperor Constantine converted to Christianity, and especially later in the fourth century when the faith became the faith of the empire, that attitude of optimism took on a note of triumph.11 Because of this early Christian attitude toward death, the cult of the dead and the economy of salvation were both still in their infancy as late as the end of the fourth century. Certain rituals were occasionally performed for the dying, to be sure, but more as emergency measures than routine ritual actions. Catechumens might put off baptism unless death threatened, as St. Augustine’s mother Monica did with him when he was a child.12 Since penitential discipline was very strict in the early Church, and could only be undergone once, penance and final reconciliation were also sometimes postponed until death. The Council of Nicaea (AD 325) granted communion as a viaticum to penitents reconciled on their deathbeds and some ordinary Christians may have received a deathbed communion as well, as a sign of their membership in the community of the saved, but that was all.13 There were no rites for the dying as such. Similarly, while Christians chanted psalms as they bore the dead to their graves, there is no evidence of funeral masses or regular graveside prayers. Priests remembered the dead in a general way in the mass, but there were no individual commemorations, except for the martyrs. Martyrs’ graves were becoming places of special reverence, where miraculous healings occurred and Christians sought burial ad sanctos – “next to the saints” – but even then they lay among the non-Christian dead since most Christians still shared burial grounds with Pagans and Jews.14 From the later fifth century onward, however, as Christianity adopted to a postimperial world, and to the life ways of the various peoples who occupied it, a peculiar and highly distinctive response to death evolved in the Latin Church. While never forgetting the promise of Christ’s resurrection, Christians increasingly moved away from the trium(9) Caroline Walker Bynum, The Resurrection of the Body in Western Christianity, 200-1336 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1995), 11-12, 43-46, 84, 112-14. (10) Éric Rebillard, ‘In hora mortis’: Évolution de la pastorale chrétienne de la mort aux IVe et Ve siècles (Rome: École Française de Rome, 1994), 11-28. (11) Paxton, “Birth and Death,” 390-92. (12) Augustine, Confessions 1.11. (13) Frederick S. Paxton, Christianizing Death: The Creation of a Ritual Process in Early Medieval Europe (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), 32-39. (14) Éric Rebillard, Religion et sépulture: L’Église, les vivants et les morts dans l’Antiquité tardive (Paris: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 2003); tr. Elizabeth T. Rawlings and Jeanine Routier-Pucci, The Care of the Dead in Late Antiquity (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2009).

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phant rhetoric of the imperial Church of the fourth and early fifth centuries toward a religion that emphasized the inevitability of sin and the deathly threat to the soul that sin constituted.15 Thus, it became important to cleanse souls, not just through baptism or a one-time extended act of public penance, but through repeated acts of confession and purification, culminating in a final penance, anointing and communion as viaticum just before death. Since salvation could never be assured, it was also important to pray for the dead. In late ancient Christianity, only the apostles, martyrs and other saints of the Church were believed to dwell in paradise. Everyone else slept in peaceful anticipation of the general resurrection and the Last Judgment. In the early Middle Ages, without worrying too much about the theology of the matter, the Latin Church increasingly imagined the afterlife as a place of purgation, filled with punishment and pain but also open to the interventions of the living, whose acts of devotion and charity could relieve the sufferings of the dead and hasten their entrance into the community of the blessed.16 As these phenomena interacted with one another, the early medieval economy of salvation began to take shape. The popularity, especially among monastic congregations, of Pope Gregory the Great’s Dialogues (c. 593), a book that extolled the power of the mass to aid souls in the afterlife, led to a steady increase over the next three centuries in the number of monk-priests who could perform masses for the dead.17 It also led to a steady stream of visionary accounts advertising the remarkable results in a literature whose vivid images and narrative force gave it wide popular appeal. In 824, for example, a monk of Reichenau by the name of Wetti had a vision of the afterlife, during which monastic saints, martyrs and virgins interceded for him before the throne of God, before he was sent back to earth to teach his fellow monks the errors of their ways.18 Among the suffering souls Wetti encountered was Charlemagne’s, paying the price for the emperor’s sins of lust. Exactly fifty years later, the East Frankish King Louis the German dreamed that his father, Emperor Louis the Pious, dead for a generation, was also suffering terribly in the afterlife. The father begged his son to help him. “Horrified by this vision” Louis “sent letters to all the monasteries of his kingdom, asking urgently that they might intervene with the Lord with their prayers for a soul placed in torment.”19 Not long before Cluny’s founding, one of Louis the German’s sons, Charles the Fat, was reported to have had a dream in which he was shown a valley split between one side, which burned “like a fiery furnace,” and one that was indescribably “enchanting and glorious.” On the fiery side, Charles saw some of the Carolingian kings “in extreme torture.” As he walked toward the other side, he came upon his father, Louis (15) Rebillard, ‘In hora mortis’, 229-32; Peter Brown, “The Decline of the Empire of God: Amnesty, Penance and the Afterlife from Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages,” in Last Things: Death and the Apocalypse in the Middle Ages, eds. Caroline Walker Bynum, Paul Freedman (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 41-59. (16) Isabel Moreira, Heaven’s Purge: Purgatory in Late Antiquity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010). (17) Arnold Angenendt, “Missa specialis: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Entstehung der Privatmessen,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 17 (1983), 153-221. (18) Wetti’s vision is translated in Visions of Heaven and Hell Before Dante, ed. Eileen Gardiner (New York: Italica Press, 1989), 67-79. (19) The Annals of Fulda, tr. Timothy Reuter (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 74.

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the German, standing in a boiling cask up to his thighs, who said to him, “If you and my faithful bishops and abbots and the whole ecclesiastical order will quickly assist me with Masses, prayers and psalms, and alms and vigils, I will shortly be released from the punishment of the boiling water.”20 Whatever sins Carolingian kings and emperors may have committed, they supported all these various responses to death when they set out, along with their spiritual advisors, to reform the Carolingian Church. Roman practices were meant to act as a unifying force, but the fact that local traditions could survive by attaching themselves to ostensibly Roman books led to a surprising outcome: the emergence of the first fully-articulated ritual response to death and dying in Latin Christendom, a death ritual that synthesized the confidence in salvation of the early Church with the consciousness of sin and the penitential practices of its successors.21 It was a classic rite of passage, preparing the dying for death, aiding them in their agony, and accompanying their bodies to the earth and their souls to heaven with intercessory prayer and almsgiving. At the same time, the clerical managers of the growing economy of salvation developed new forms of recordkeeping – libri vitae, libri memoriales, necrologies, and even graffiti – to keep track of their responsibilities to the dead. By so doing, they maintained their ties to the leading families of the Frankish kingdom and empire, of course, but also to even the lowest levels of the population.22 Indeed, because families were the primary social unit in early medieval societies, and often the only one that mattered, familial conceptions and objectives merged with those the Church itself. Thus, while prayer and other actions on behalf of the dead centered on the monastic “families” who were its main practitioners and primary beneficiaries, the secular families from whom monastic communities drew their members, their resources, and in most cases their very existence, were not far behind. The Christian emphasis on charity and the mercy of God supported the notion that no one, in the Christian community at least, should be forgotten, so even the nameless poor played a key role in the medieval economy of salvation, as recipients of alms given in the name of the dead.23 The foundation charter of Cluny is a good example of how the economy of salvation operated in the early tenth century.24 Duke William of Aquitaine, Cluny’s founder, was the (20) Visions, ed. Gardiner, 132. (21) Paxton, Christianizing Death. (22) Cécile Treffort, Mémoires carolingiennes. L’épitaphe entre célébration mémorielle, genre littéraire et manifeste

politique (milieu

VIIIe-début XIe

siècle) (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2007).

(23) Frederick S Paxton, “Oblationes defunctorum: The Poor and the Dead in Late Antiquity and the Early Medieval West,” in Proceedings of the Tenth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, eds. Kenneth Pennington, Stanley Chodorow, Keith H. Kendall, Monumenta Iuris Canonici, Series C: Subsidia, 11 (Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2001), 245-67. (24) For an edition of the charter, see Recueil des chartes de l’abbaye de Cluny 1 (Paris, 1876), 124-28 (no. 112), and Harmut Atsma and Jean Vezin, with the collaboration of Sébastien Barret, Les plus anciens documents originaux de l’abbaye de Cluny, vol. 1 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1997), 33-42 (no. 4). There is an English translation in Patrick Geary, Readings in Medieval History, 2nd ed. (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1997), 304-6. The charter could have been signed on September 11 in 909 or 910, but the latter date is now generally accepted; see Cluny, 910-2010: Onze siècles de rayonnement, eds. Neil Stratford, Hartmut Atsma, et al. (Paris: Éditions du Patrimoine – Centre des monuments nationaux, 2010).

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grandson of Dhuoda, whose famous manual for her eldest son (William’s uncle) testifies to the importance of family and prayer for the dead among the Carolingian aristocracy in the mid-ninth century.25 William may or may not have been aware of that book, but he certainly shared its central conceptions, the most important of which was the obligation to pray for those who gave one life and land. It is more likely that he knew the visions of the afterlife recorded under the Carolingians. He certainly shared their conceptions as well, the most important of which was the efficacy of prayers and other good work in easing the suffering of souls in the afterlife and hastening their entry into paradise. As the charter tells us, after considering the biblical proverb that “the riches of a man are the redemption of his soul,” William decided that it was both “advisable, even necessary” to “reserve” some of his wealth for that purpose, and that there was no better way to do so then by “making friends with God’s poor,” by whom he meant reformed monks. The monks were only the indirect recipients of William’s grant, though. The direct recipients were Saints Peter and Paul, into whose hands the duke formally transferred his rule over the specified possessions. In return the two saints, together with their representative on earth, the Roman pontiff, would excommunicate from the Church and deny entrance to heaven to anyone who did violence to the new community. The property granted to the new foundation represented only “a bit” (aliquantulum) of Duke William’s vast wealth, and that is undoubtedly true. It was, however, enough to provide the new community with a solid foundation in the region’s agricultural economy. The monks settled on the duke’s former estate at Cluny, near Mâcon, with its manor house, church and demesne land. They drew additional support from a number of farming communities that were also included in the gift, whose land and people would henceforth belong to the monastery, along with various mills, woods, waterways, meadows, and miscellaneous incomes and revenues. The charter is famous for freeing the monks of Cluny from any interference by local bishops or secular lords, including William’s own family, but the Duke still expected something in return for his generosity. While SS. Peter and Paul had the task of protecting the community and guaranteeing the terms of the agreement, the monks were to fill the church at Cluny with “prayers, petitions and exhortations” to help William obtain “the reward of the righteous.” They should pray as well for William’s king; his parents, wife, family and faithful servants; and all right-believing Christians. Finally, they were charged to engage daily in “works of mercy toward the poor, the needy, strangers and pilgrims” and to do all these things in perpetuity.26

(25) Dhuoda, Handbook for William: A Carolingian Woman’s Counsel for Her Son, tr. Carol Neel (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1999). William inherited the counties of Mâcon and Auvergne from his father and the property in and around Cluny from his sister; he won Aquitaine by conquest in 893. (26) For more comprehensive analyses of the foundation charter, see Wollasch, Cluny, 21-26, and Cluny, 910-2010. On the role of Cluny’s second abbot, Odo, in its composition, see Wollasch, Cluny, 54-55; Isabelle Cochelin, “Quête de liberté et récriture des origines: Odon et les portraits corrigés de Baume, Géraud et Guillaume,” in Guerriers et moines: Conversion et sainteté aristocratiques dans l’occident médiéval, ed. Michel Lauwers (Antibes: APDCA, 2002), 183-215; and Isabelle Rosé, Construire une société seigneuriale: Itinéraire et ecclésiologie de

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The transactional character of the foundation charter of Cluny is no accident. The transfer of property in return for spiritual services it so faithfully records derives from the growth of the economy of salvation, whereby the transfer of wealth to the poor in this world (both the monks themselves, who chose their poverty, and the involuntary poor, to whom the monks were to provide food, clothing, shelter and other forms of care) was a primary means of bringing aid to souls in the afterlife, including one’s own. That is why the charter refers to William’s gift as a way to “reserve” something of his wealth “for himself” (quiddam michi…reservasse). The support of a congregation of monks at William’s “own expense” was “a lasting act” whose returns would bring solace to his soul in the afterlife as well as the souls of his family and descendants and all good Christians everywhere. It was an ambitious program, but a hugely successful one, for Cluny became a driving force, even the epicenter, of the economy of salvation during the hundred years or so between the election of Abbot Hugh the Great in 1049 and the death of Abbot Peter the Venerable in 1156.27 After that, both Cluny and the early medieval form of the economy of salvation were overtaken by increasing urbanization, the rise of the profit economy, and new religious specialists who tended to the spiritual needs of the commercial and impoverished classes of the burgeoning cities.28 While the Cluniac model endured, the later medieval economy of salvation had a significantly different tone.29 Ritual Developments and the Customs of Cluny The foundation charter is very clear about the importance of prayer and almsgiving for the dead at Cluny, but it makes no mention of rituals around death itself and gives no specifics about when or how often the monks were to perform the intercessory activities they owed. Also, since no liturgical books or other direct sources on the liturgy at Cluny survive from the first eighty years or so of its existence, there is no way of knowing exactly what happened when a monk died at Cluny in the tenth century.30 Nonetheless, it is safe l’abbé Odon de Cluny (fin du IX e – milieu du X e siècle), Collection d’études médiévales de Nice, 8 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008). (27) See also the cogent remarks on the place of Cluny in the “Christian economy of death,” by Patrick Henriet, “Chronique de quelques morts annoncées: les saints abbés clunisiens (XIe-XIIe s.),” Médiévales, 15 (1996), 94-95. (28) Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe (Ithaca and New York: Cornell University Press, 1978). (29) Bruce Gordon and Peter Marshall, the editors of The Place of the Dead: Death and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 1-16, do a good job of summarizing the major features of the later medieval economy of salvation; surprisingly, the essays in the volume reveal that a number of those features survived the Protestant Reformation, which was aimed in large measure at eradicating them. (30) For a continental example of an early medieval monastic death ritual, see Julian Montgomery

Hendrix, “Liturgy for the Dead and the Confraternity of Reichenau and St. Gall, 800-950,” Ph.D. Dissertation, King’s College Cambridge, 2007; for England, see Regularis concordia Anglicae nationis, eds. Thomas Symons, Sigrid Spath, CCM 7.3 (1984), 69-14; The Customary of the Benedictine Abbey of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, ed. Antonia Gransden, CCM 2 (Siegburg: Schmitt, 1963); and Aelfric’s Letter to the Monks of Eynsham, ed. and tr. Christopher A. Jones, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, 24 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 22

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to assume that a member of the community was prepared for death through anointing, deathbed confession and a final communion, since those were standard features of later ninth- and tenth-century monastic death rituals.31 He would have died surrounded by his monastic family, chanting psalms and litanies to keep evil spirits away during the separation of body and soul, and continuing during the only slightly less dangerous period when his body lay unburied and his soul made its way through the nether regions of the sky, where demons roamed. He would have been buried in the abbey’s cemetery and commemorated with psalms, masses and almsgiving for some time thereafter. He would have been remembered by name on the anniversaries of his death and, in a more general way, at regular masses for the dead and in the divine office, especially the office for the dead, an addition to the traditional monastic round of eight daily offices that had become standard among communities living a regular life by the tenth century.32 The first written accounts of the customs of Cluny appear in the early eleventh century, but none that were written by Cluniac monks for Cluny itself. The authors were all visitors who recorded the customs of Cluny for the benefit of their home institutions.33 Thus the so-called older customaries (Consuetudines antiquiores), which date from between 990 and 1015, come from places like Saint-Bénigne de Dijon and the abbey of Nonantola in Emilia-Romagna – independent institutions influenced by Cluny but not under its authority. They are also very brief and schematic.34 The first full account or life at Cluny, the so-called Liber tramitis, has a similar origin. Once thought to be the official customary of Abbot Odilo (994-1049), it was actually created by Italian monks who wanted to know as much as they could about life at Cluny without necessarily trying to live it in all of its particulars.35 The Liber tramitis was compiled in stages between 999 and the 1050s, but exactly when remains unknown. The basic text was clearly the work of a monk named Johannes of Mons Opuli, a disciple of the saint and reformer Romuald of Ravenna, who journeyed to Cluny sometime before the year 1030.36 Abbot Hugh of Farfa (998-1039), having pledged to Odilo and William of Volpiano to reform his abbey (on the other side of the Apennines from Nonantola) along Cluniac lines, had a copy of Johannes’ text made. Hugh, who spent time at Cluny itself between 1027 and 1032, is probably the source of some of the “second” versions of certain sections of the Liber (31) Paxton, Christianizing Death, 169-200. (32) See also below, 38. (33) See Isabelle Cochelin, “Évolution des coutumiers monastiques dessinée à partir de l’étude de

Bernard,” FDON, 29-66; “Le pour qui et le pourquoi (des manuscrits) des coutumiers clunisiens,” in Ad libros! Mélanges d’études médiévales offerts à Denise Angers et Claude Poulin, eds. J.-F. Cottier, Martin Gravel, Sébastien Rossignol (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2010), 121-38. (34) The Consuetudines antiquiores (hereafter CA) have been edited by Kassius Hallinger, CCM 7.2 (Siegburg: Schmitt, 1983), 3-266. (35) Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis, ed. Peter Dinter, CCM 10 (Siegburg: Schmitt, 1980; hereafter

LT). On the relationship between the death ritual in LT and at Cluny, see Frederick S. Paxton, “Death by Customary at Eleventh-Century Cluny,” FDON, 297-318. On the complexities of Farfa’s reception of Cluny’s liturgy and customs, see Susan Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity: Liturg y and History at the Imperial Abbey of Farfa, 1000-1125 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2005), 106-43. (36) See the edition and translation of the prologue and preface to the Liber Tramitis in FDON, 319-27.

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tramitis that have so puzzled scholars and editors of the text.37 Shortly after his election in 1049, Abbot Hugh of Cluny sent a monk named Martin to Farfa, where he stayed for about ten years. A final set of additions seem to be his work, in particular instructions for adding names to the martyrology in the Farfa chapter book for the commemoration of the dead and a note on how to write a letter announcing a death.38 Although it preserves the most detailed record of Cluniac customs in the first half of the eleventh century, the Liber tramitis, like the Consuetudines antiquiores, was not written by or for the monks of Cluny, who continued to transmit them to new members of their community by word and example. Those who recorded the customs of Cluny for other institutions did preserve some information on Cluniac responses to death. While the Consuetudines antiquiores do not say anything about rites for the dying or for funerals, they note that during some of the regular hours and at daily chapter meetings the community chanted a special group of “psalms for the dead,” which may well be a Cluniac innovation since they seem to appear only in sources with links to Cluny.39 The psalms for the dead, known by the incipit of the first of the series (5, 6, 114, 115, 129, and sometimes 141 and/or 142), Verba mea, were sung for those whose names appeared in the community’s “chapter book.” The chapter book contained a copy of the Rule of St. Benedict as well as a martyrology and a necrology with the names of the dead for whom the monks of Cluny were obligated to pray.40 Recent research on Abbot Odilo’s (994-1049) extension to the west end of Cluny II, the church built by his predecessor Mayeul (954-994), suggests that it was meant to accommodate an intensification of such commemorations of the dead.41 It is hard not to see these developments in the context of the burst of religious activity during the so-called millennial generations (c. 970-1033) when the Latin west was energized by the expectations of the thousand-year anniversary of Christ’s life on earth.42 While there is no direct evidence that Odilo’s establishment of the Feast of All Souls at Cluny (37) LT LII-LIII. As Susan Boynton has shown (Shaping a Monastic Identity, 123-35), some of them are adaptations of Cluniac customs to life at Farfa. However, one seems to reflect a couple of additional steps toward the Cluniac death ritual reconstructed here; see Paxton, “Death by Customary,” 299-301. (38) LT LV-LVI and 286-87. (39) Cf. Paxton, “Death by Customary,” 300, note 16, and MCL, index, s.v. Verba mea. (40) The reading of a chapter of the Rule gave the monks’ daily business meeting its name. On the

evolution of monastic chapter books, see Jean-Loup Lemaître, “Liber Capituli. Le Livre du chapitre, des origines au XVIe siècle. L’exemple français,” in Memoria. Der geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter, eds. Karl Schmid, Joachim Wollasch (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1984), 625-48. (41) Kristina Krüger, “Tournus et la fonction des galilées en Bourgogne,” in Avant-nefs et espaces d’accueil dans l’église entre le IVe et XIIe siècle, ed. Christian Sapin, Actes du colloque international à Auxerre, 1999 (Paris: Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 2002), 414-23; and eadem, “Architecture and Liturgical Practice: The Cluniac galilaea” in The White Mantle of Churches: Architecture, Liturgy, and Art around the Millennium ed. Nigel Hiscock, International Medieval Research, 10; Art History Subseries, 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 138-59. (42) Richard Landes, “The White Mantle of Churches: Millennial Dynamics and the Written and Architectural Record,” in The White Mantle of Churches, 249-64; Peter K. Klein, “Entre paradis présent et jugement dernier: les programmes apocalyptiques et eschatologiques dans les porches du haut moyen âge,” in Avant-nefs et espaces d’accueil, 464-83. 24

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was a response to such expectations, the growing consensus that he did so between 1024 and 1033 suggests that it was.43 In any case, the magnanimity of the gesture, by which Odilo extended the benefits of the Cluniac commemoration of the dead to all Christians everywhere, marked Cluny’s continued commitment to the terms of its foundation charter as well as its position as a particularly innovative contributor to the economy of salvation. After Odilo’s death, stories told in his Lives, some of which circulated as independent texts, advertised his responsibility for initiating the Feast of All Souls and the power of Cluniac monks to aid suffering souls in the afterlife with prayers, masses, and care of the poor.44 Ralph Glaber, who chronicled the age in the West Frankish kingdom, wrote of how masses for the dead sung at Cluny could literally snatch souls from the jaws of the devil’s minions.45 The first customaries undeniably written by Cluniac monks are those of Udalrich and Bernard, written in the last quarter of the eleventh century.46 Like earlier examples, they were essentially descriptive rather than prescriptive documents, inspirational rather than constitutional.47 The exact relation between the customaries of Udalrich and Bernard has long been a vexed question. About two-thirds of Bernard’s text is shared with Udalrich’s, so either Bernard expanded on Udalrich’s work or Udalrich cut down Bernard’s. Kassius Hallinger, the founder of the Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, the massive publication project that has been producing editions of monastic customaries for over sixty years, concluded that Udalrich borrowed from Bernard to create a more streamlined and comprehensible account of the customs of Cluny.48 Four decades later, Joachim Wollasch posited a lost source from which both authors drew.49 Recently, scholars unhappy with Wollasch’s (43) Jacques Hourlier, “Saint Odilon et la fête des morts,” Revue grégorienne, 28 (1949), 208-12; Umberto Longo, “Riti e agiografia. L’istituzione della commemoratio omnium fidelium defunctorum nelle Vitae di Odilone di Cluny,” Bolletino dell’Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 103 (2000-2001), 163-200; Peregrine Horden, “The Origin of ‘All Souls’ and its Significance for Henry Chichele,” in Memory and Commemoration in Medieval England, eds. Caroline M. Barron, Clive Burgess (Donington, Lincolnshire: Tyas/ Watkins: 2010), 288-305. (44) Iotsald of Saint-Claude, Iotsald von Saint-Claude, Vita des Abtes Odilo von Cluny, ed. Johannes Staub, MGH scriptorum rerum germanicarum, 68 (Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1999), 218-20, 293-94. (45) Rudolfi Glabri historiarum libri quinque / Rodulfus Glaber, The Five Books of the Histories, ed. and tr. John France (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 234-37. (46) Bernardus Cluniacensis, “Ordo cluniacensis,” in Marquard Herrgott, Vetus Disciplina Monastica (Paris: Osmont, 1726; repr. Siegburg: Schmitt, 1999; hereafter Bern), 133-364; and Udalricus Cluniacensis, Antiquiores consuetudines Cluniacensis Monasterii Collectore S. Udalrico Monacho Benedictino, ed. Luc d’Achery, Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis deliterunt…, 3 vols. (Paris: Montalant, 1723) 1. 641-703; repr. PL 149.643-778 (hereafter Udal). (47) Cochelin, “Customaries as inspirational sources,” and Gert Melville, “Action, Text, and Validity: On Re-examining Cluny’s Consuetudines,” FDON, 67-83. (48) Kassius Hallinger, “Klunys Bräuche zur Zeit Hugos der Grossen,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: kanonistische Abteilung, 45 (1959), 99-140. (49) Joachim Wollasch, “Zur Verschriftlichung der klösterlichen Lebensgewohnheiten unter Abt Hugo von Cluny,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 27 (1993), 317-349. Wollasch’s position was taken up by his student Burkhardt Tutsch, in “Die Consuetudines Bernhards und Ulrichs von Cluny im Spiegel ihrer handschriftlichen Überlieferung,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 30 (1996) 248-93, and idem, Studien zur Rezeptionsgeschichte der Consuetudines Ulrichs von Cluny, Vita Regularis, 6 (Münster: LIT, 1998), 41-42.

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hypothesized common source, of which no trace exists, have proposed that Udalrich finished his account around the year 1080 and that Bernard set out, around 1085, to correct, update and expand it.50 Udalrich made his monastic profession at Cluny in 1061, when he was over thirty years old. He knew the customs of Cluny well, but he may have been away for some years when he took up the pen at the request of an old friend, Abbot William of Hirsau, who wanted to reform monasteries under his influence on the model of the great Burgundian abbey.51 His customary thus reflects the state of the customs as he remembered them in the 1060s and 1070s, not as they were in the 1080s, when he and Bernard were writing. It also reflects Udalrich’s belief that Cluny itself was in need of reform, for he was surprisingly critical of life at Cluny, especially the practice of child oblation, which he vigorously urged William of Hirsau to avoid. He also complained of the amount of time the Cluniacs devoted to the liturgy, including the commemoration of the dead, in effect taking the same position as Cluny’s later Cistercian critics.52 Bernard was most probably a child oblate (nutritus) who had spent his life there. It seems likely that he was also the armarius of the community, an office that combined the duties of librarian and overall liturgical director.53 His motivations for writing were probably mixed. In his preface he says that the deaths of many older monks and an influx of novices had led to arguments about the customs of the house in chapter meetings.54 The real reason was more complicated. The community was accepting more grown men, like Udalrich, as novices.55 As a consequence, there were proportionally fewer older monks who had been raised from childhood at Cluny and thus knew the house customs by heart. And the novices had lots of questions. That is not surprising given how immensely complex and detailed the Cluniac customs were, as Bernard’s customary so clearly attests. Abbot Hugh had also made a number of changes in the wake of his massive rebuilding efforts, as we shall see. In addressing all these issues, Bernard far surpassed Udalrich in the completeness and attention to detail of his account. Indeed, he seems to have felt that Udalrich’s customary was incomplete and out of date, perhaps even unfair. He certainly raised no objections to what he called the “holy customs” of the house.56 In any case, and

(50) Isabelle Cochelin made this suggestion for the first time in her article, “Peut-on parler de noviciat à Cluny pour les Xe-XIe siècles?” Revue Mabillon, n.s. 9, 70 (1998), 18-19; ultimately, see her “Appendix: the Relationship between the last Cluniac Customaries, Udal and Bern,” in Constitutiones et Regulae: Sources for Monastic Life in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period, ed. Clark Maines and Carolyn Malone, to appear in 2013. (51) See Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, ed. Candida Elvert and Pius Engelbert, CCM 15 (Siegburg: Schmitt, 2010). (52) Cf. Udal 652C-D, 647B, and the edition and translations of Udalrich’s preface in FDON, 329-47. (53) On the possibility that Bernard was an armarius, see Paxton, “Death by Customary,” 304-305; Susan Boynton, “The Customaries of Bernard and Udalrich as Liturgical Sources,” FDON, 110; and below, 221. (54) Bern, 134; FDON, 350-51. (55) Cochelin, “Peut-on parler de noviciat,” 35-36. (56) Bern 135, FDON, 352-53, ut a sanctarum consuetudinum tramite non recedant.

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in spite of the fact that Udalrich’s version is easier to read, Bernard’s is found in many more surviving manuscripts.57 As for the death ritual itself, comparison of the information in the Liber tramitis with the customaries of Udalrich and Bernard shows that it was still evolving during the early decades of the eleventh century, but was more or less set by the end of Odilo’s abbacy.58 The Liber tramitis has two consecutive discussions of anointing a sick monk, for example, the second of which is a list of refinements to the ceremony, probably the result of changes that took place between the visits of Johannes of Mons Opuli and Abbot Hugh of Farfa to Cluny.59 The anointing ritual as described by Udalrich and Bernard is clearly the result of synthesizing those changes and integrating them into the death ritual as a whole, which they both describe in very similar terms, although Bernard gives much more detail than Udalrich.60 The customs of Cluny were not imposed from above but transmitted freely either by outsiders, in the early eleventh century, or later on by insiders like Udalrich and Bernard. Other houses were free to imitate them, adapt them, or reject them as they wished. It was thanks to this fact that the death ritual at Cluny in the central Middle Ages spread so far, sometime even independently of the customaries themselves, and made such a lasting impression on the liturgy of the Latin Church.61 Space, Movement and Sound in the Cluniac Death Ritual 62 As we have seen, little can be said about the exact features of the rites for the dying and the dead in the first hundred years or so of Cluny’s existence. The same can be said about the architecture of the abbey, whose early remains are fragmentary and difficult to interpret. Things start getting clearer from the abbacy of Odilo (994-1049), who rebuilt much of the monastic complex, except for the main church (known as Cluny II), which his predecessor, Abbot Mayeul, had dedicated in 981.63

(57) Tutsch,“Die Consuetudines Bernhards und Ulrichs;” Cochelin, “Appendix,” 64. (58) Paxton, “Death by Customary.” (59) The case of the second version of Odilo’s constitution on the Feast of All Souls is similar. It neither restates nor revises the original, but adds new elements, such as almsgiving and the office for the dead. Cf. LT 186-87 and 199. (60) Paxton, “Death by Customary,” 299-301. (61) On the influence of Bernard and Udalrich’s customaries, see Tutsch, “Die Consuetudines Ber-

nhards,” and Studien zur Rezeptionsgeschichte; Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity, 112-115, and Cochelin, “Customaries as inspirational texts.” (62) An earlier version of this section appeared in Paxton, “Performing Death and Dying.” (63) On Odilo’s building projects, see Christian Sapin, “Cluny II et l’interprétation archéologique

de son plan,” in Religion et culture autour de l’An Mil, 85-89; Jacques Hourlier, “Le monastère de saint Odilon,” Studia Anselmiana, 50 (1962), 5-21, tr. “St Odilo’s Monastery,” in Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages, ed. Noreen Hunt (London and Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1971), 56-76; and Neil Stratford, “Les bâtiments de l’abbaye de Cluny à l’époque médiévale: état des questions,” Bulletin monumental, 150 (1992), 383-411. 27

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Figure 1. View of the abbey from the northeast at the death of abbot Odilo in 1049 (Conant, Cluny, fig. 46)

Although John Kenneth Conant’s hypothetical drawings and plans of Cluny in the eleventh and twelfth centuries have been superseded by recent archaeological work in a number of important ways, they can still give a good sense of the spaces in which the Cluniac death ritual transpired and how they changed over time.64 His drawing of the monastic complex in the last years of Odilo’s abbacy shows what it might have looked like to a rider approaching from the northeast (fig. 1). The apse and towers of the main church dominate the view, but the large dormitory building with the chapter house on the ground floor is also clearly visible, as is the small church of St. Mary, sometimes called the Lady Chapel (added c. 1032-33), which was entered through the chapter house or a doorway in its north wall. The building with the three windows on the left hand side of the image is a two-storied infirmary that Odilo constructed. The monastic cemetery lay just inside the boundary wall and extended from the infirmary to and around the apse of Cluny II. Figure 2 shows a plan of the whole monastic complex during the same period. The features in the foreground of the drawing in figure 1 are at the top of the plan.

(64) In spite of its shortcomings, Conant’s magnum opus, Cluny. Les églises et la maison du chef d’ordre, Medieval Academy of America Publications, 77 (Mâcon: Protat, 1968), remains the only comprehensive architectural study of the site; but see now Anne Baud, Cluny, un grand chantier médiéval au cœur de l’Europe (Paris: Picard, 2003). For critical comments on Conant’s work, see Sapin, “Cluny II,” 85-89; and, especially, Anne Baud and Gilles Rollier, “Liturgie et espace monastique à Cluny à la lecture du Liber tramitis, ‘descriptione monasterii’ et données archéologiques,” in Espace ecclésial et liturgie au Moyen Âge, ed. Anne Baud (Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 2010), 27-42.

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Figure 2. Plan of the abbey at the death of Abbot Odilo in 1049 (after Conant, Cluny, fig. 4)

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By the end of Odilo’s abbacy, the death ritual took place, for the most part, within a series of contiguous and interconnected spaces. It began in the infirmary, when a monk asked to be anointed with holy oil because he sensed his oncoming death. The dying monk was first helped to the chapter house for a rite of mutual confession and absolution, after which the whole community processed to the infirmary for his anointing. If the dying monk was to receive communion as viaticum after his anointing, a priest would go to the main church to fetch the sacrament, following a prescribed route through the parlor on the way there and through the church of St. Mary on the way back.65 As long as the dying monk lingered, servants and fellow monks kept vigil at his bedside. When he was on the point of death, everyone ran from wherever they were in the monastic complex to see him through the final agony. The body of the deceased monk was washed and dressed and then carried on a bier to the church of St. Mary and then to the main church, where it was deposited on a catafalque. After the next high mass, the community processed to the cemetery with the bier, passing through the church of St. Mary on the way, where the ambulatory sick waited and where they would remain during the procession and burial service. After the burial, the community returned to the main church to chant the penitential psalms. In the final phase of the ritual process, however, the setting shifted to the west end of the great church, where, early in the eleventh century, Abbot Odilo had added a forecourt known as the galilee, which was the setting for the Sunday procession of the monastic community before high mass and for commemorative masses for the dead. It was a highly symbolic space, a border between the secular and the sacred, death and resurrection. On its upper floor a special altar was constructed for the commemorative masses, its site marked on the inside of the church by an apse-shaped bulge in the wall above the main doorway.66 Odilo’s successor, Abbot Hugh (1049-1109), expanded and transformed the spaces of the death ritual. By 1088, when he began laying out the foundations for the great church known as Cluny III, he had already enlarged the church of St. Mary and the infirmary and expanded the cemetery to over double its previous size. Figure 3 shows those projects as they might have looked at Hugh’s death (although the nave of the great church and towers were only completed by his successors). The infirmary complex is in the foreground, with the church of St. Mary and the smaller church of the Holy Sepulcher (the only one that, given the peculiarities of the site, could be correctly aligned along an east-west axis) behind.67 Mayeul’s church (Cluny II) is dwarfed by Hugh’s almost unimaginably bigger structure. (65) For a discussion on the symbolic importance of circulation through monastic complexes, see Baud and Rollier, “Liturgie et espace monastique.” (66) Cf. Krüger, “Tournus et la fonction des galilees,” “Architecture and Liturgical Practice,” and

“Monastic Customs and Liturgy in the Light of the Architectural Evidence: The Case of Processions (Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries),” FDON, 191-220; and Baud and Rollier, “Liturgie et espace monastique,” 30-31. (67) See H. R. Philippeau, “Pour l’histoire de la coutume de Cluny,” Revue Mabillon, 44 (1954), 150; and Stratford, “Les bâtiments,” 388. Baud and Rollier, “Liturgie et espace monastique,” 29, argue (on the basis of the similar orientation of two tenth-century burials discovered in the early 1990s) that this cemetery chapel may have been in place since the origins of the monastery.

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Figure 3. View of the abbey in the middle of the twelfth century (after Hunt, Cluny, plate vii, after Conant)

Figure 4 shows a plan of the monastery complex in 1088, when the building of Cluny III was just getting underway. Changes that Hugh instituted in the wake of his building program consolidated the ritual process even more than Odilo had. The community would no longer keep vigil over the corpse of a deceased brother or celebrate his funeral mass in the main church, but rather in the church of St. Mary.68 Moreover, while the dead were still laid to rest around the apse of Cluny II, they would not be buried in the corresponding area around the apse of Cluny III, which would henceforth be separated from the cemetery by a wall (figs. 3-4). These changes suggest that Hugh, while as committed as Odilo to the care of the dying and the dead, may have had different ideas about where the death rituals should (68) On the place of churches dedicated to Mary in the ecclesia cluniacensis, see Nicolas Reveyron, “Marcigny, Paray-le-Monial et la question de la chapelle mariale dans l’organisation spatiale des prieurés clunisiens au XIe-XIIe siècle,” Viator, 41 Multilingual (2010), 63-94.

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Figure 4. Plan of the abbey in 1088 (after Conant, Cluny, fig. 5)

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take place. There is no way of knowing for sure, but at a time when the community was growing rapidly and contact with the world outside the walls was increasing, he may have wished to preserve the intimacy of the proceedings by containing them completely within the interior space of the monastery, first and foremost the Church of St. Mary, where the laity never went.69 He may also have wanted to separate the purely liturgical services that took place in the main church – the daily offices of the dead and the special masses and offices sung for individuals after death – from the physical experiences of dying, keeping vigil, and burial. In any case, once his changes were complete, the sick, the dying and the dead never left the inner confines of the monastic complex bounded by the infirmary, cemetery, church of St. Mary, and chapter house. And the main church no longer housed the dead, either temporarily for the vigil over a corpse and funeral mass or permanently in graves dug around its most sacred precinct, the eastern end. Finally, the multiplication of altars in Cluny III, to as many as twenty-five, superseded the function of the sole altar in the upper floor of the galilee of Cluny II, making it obsolete as a place for the commemoration of the dead.70 Abbot Peter the Venerable (1122-56) modified Cluniac death rituals in response to economic realities, for example by restricting the number of poor to be fed in the name of the dead to fifty a day. He also responded to the criticisms of the Cistercians, who frowned upon the use of gold and other luxury objects around the deathbed.71 But he left the death ritual otherwise unchanged. He also vigorously defended the importance of commemoration of the dead against radical critics like Peter of Bruys and Henry of Lausanne, who rejected the notion that it was of any benefit at all.72 Like both Odilo and Hugh, moreover, he rebuilt the infirmary, this time as a grand three-storied hall. He also expanded the main cloister through what had been the nave of Cluny II. This had two important consequences. First, it put an end to any residual liturgical use of the galilee of Cluny II for commemorative masses, which had in any case become concentrated around the multiple altars of Cluny III. Second, it may have taken over the space formerly dedicated to the cemetery of the laity, although recent archaeological and textual research has put into play the whole question of whether or not such a cemetery existed and where it might have (69) Lynda L. Coon, Dark Age Bodies: Gender and Monastic Practice in the Early Medieval West (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 189-93, emphasizes the symbolic significance of the “foursquare cloister” at the heart of a monastic complex like Cluny and its practical effect on the separation of the monks from the laity. See also Baud and Rollier, “Liturgie et espace monastique,” 37-40, and Isabelle Cochelin, “Les famuli à l’ombre des monastères (Cluny et Fleury, Xeƛet XIeƛsiècles),” in La vie quotidienne des moines en Orient et en Occident (IVe-Xe), II: Questions transversales, eds. Olivier Delouis, Maria Mossakowska-Gaubert, Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire and l’École française d’Athènes, to appear. (70) On the number of altars at Cluny III, see Baud, Cluny, 178; on the short history of the Cluniac galilee, see Krüger, “Tournus et la fonction des galilées,” 422-23; and eadem, “Architecture and Liturgical Practice,” 152-53. An echo of the galilee chapel of Cluny II survived in Cluny III as an apse-shaped balcony above the interior doorway to the nave. (71) Paxton, Medieval Latin Death Ritual, 13-14. (72) Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure, 103-52, and Joachim Wollasch, “Sterben und Tod im Leben des Abtes Petrus Venerabilis von Cluny,” in Vita Religiosa im Mittelalter: Festschrift für Kaspar Elm zum 70. Geburtstag, eds. Franz J. Felten, Nikolas Jaspert, Berliner Historische Studien, 31, Ordensstudien, 13 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1999), 107-12.

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been.73 One out of six gifts in kind to Cluny over the 160 years separating Abbot Odo (929-54) and Abbot Pons (1109-22) were accepted in return for the privilege of burial at Cluny, totaling about 300, or an average of two a year, so some provision for their burial must have been made.74 In any case, there is evidence of burials of both men and women in the narthex of Cluny III from the thirteenth century on, so the changes Hugh made did not necessarily spell the end of lay burials at the monastery.75 Figures 5-6 show the changes made under Peter the Venerable in an architectural rendering and plan.

Figure 5. View of the abbey at the death of Abbot Peter the Venerable in 1156 (Conant, Cluny, fig. 63)

(73) Baud and Rollier, “Liturgie et espace monastique,” 29. (74) Dietrich Poeck, “Laienbegräbnisse in Cluny,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 14 (1980), 68-179. Dominique Iogna-Prat, “Des morts trés spéciaux aux morts ordinaires: La pastorale funéraire clunisienne (XIe-XIIe siècles), Médiévales 15 (1996), 80, notes the “curious” disappearance of the lay cemetery mentioned in the Liber tramitis from Conant’s archaeological reconstructions once Abbot Hugh (1049-1109) began construction of Cluny III, in spite of the fact that gifts ad sepulturam kept coming in over the whole course of his abbacy. (75) Baud, Cluny, 167.

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Figure 6. Plan of the abbey at the death of Abbot Peter the Venerable in 1156 (after Conant, Cluny, fig. 6)

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What was it like to move through these spaces, performing the rites for the dying and the dead? Not much is left of the medieval abbey. Only the south tower of the great transept survived the systematic destruction of the great church in the wake of the French revolution.76 So our imagination has to fill in the sound of prayer, and especially chant, just as we must imagine the monastery itself as an evolving space lived in by generations of monks. There is no question that music was central to life and death at Cluny. Cluny’s second abbot Odo (927-42) was a composer who left the text and music to some hymns he wrote to Saint Martin as well as a statement of the importance of music at Cluny.77 In his Collationes, written for the monks in his charge, Odo took issue with those who did not think the quality of singing was as important in chant as the words and the intention behind them, because beautiful voices “expel demonic desires from the hearts of those who hear them.”78 The ultimate expression of the Cluniac attitude to music, besides the chant that issued almost unceasingly from the monastic choir, are the eight carved capitals that adorned a row of columns defining the ambulatory in the apse of Cluny III.79 As a group they reflect the theory of music found in the works of Boethius.80 Two of them, representing the Boethian category of musica instrumentalis, display images and inscriptions linked to each of the eight musical modes in which ecclesiastical chant was composed (with the first four on one capital and the last four on the other).81 The so-called capital of the first four tones is of particular interest (figs. 7-8). The representation of the third tone (the Phrygian mode) is of a figure – a layman – playing a harp-like instrument, a psaltery or zither.82 The inscription that surrounds the figure reads: tertius impingit Christumque resurgere fingit, which (76) Baud, Cluny, 39-42. (77) Historia Sancti Martini, ed. Martha Fickett (Ottowa: Institute of Medieval Music, 2006), includes an edition of the office of St. Martin, which she identifies at the one attributed to Odo; Rosé, Construire une société seigneuriale, 327, has a discussion of the antiphons of the office. (78) Odo of Cluny, Collationes, PL 133.564C, cited by Manuel Pedro Ferreira, “Liturgie et musique

à Cluny,” Dossiers d’Archéologie, no. 269 (2000), 45; Ferreira calls Odo’s sense of music “a kind of sanctification, a projection of divine spirituality capable of touching, and moving, the souls of those who were present.” See also the remarks noted in the index to Coon, Dark Ages Bodies, s.v. voice. (79) Conant, Cluny, figs. 120-41. They are the most important surviving evidence of the sculptural decoration of the great church. (80) Charles E. Scillia, “Meaning and the Cluny Capitals; Music as Metaphor,” Gesta 27 (1988), 133-48; see also Walter Muir Whitehall, Jr., “Gregorian Capitals from Cluny,” Speculum, 2 (1927), 385-95. (81) Cf. Scillia, “Meaning and the Cluny Capitals;” Kathi Meyer, “The Eight Gregorian Modes on

the Cluny Capitals,” The Art Bulletin 34 (1952), 75-94; Jacques Chailley, “Les huit tons de la musique et l’éthos des modes aux chapiteaux de Cluny,” Acta musicologica 57 (1985), 73-94; Kirk Ambrose, “Visual Poetics of the Cluny Hemicycle Capital Inscriptions,” Word & Image 20 (2004), 155-64; Isabelle Marchesin, “Les chapiteaux de la musique de Cluny: une figuration du lien musical,” Les Cahiers du Musée de la musique, 6 (2005), 84-89; and Sébastien Biay, “Les chapiteaux du rond-point de la troisième église abbatiale de Cluny (fin XIe-début XIIe siècle), étude iconographique,” these de 3ème cycle (Université de Poitiers, 2011). (82) See Meyer, “Eight Gregorian Modes,” and Hélène Setlak-Garrison, “Reinterpreting the Capital of the Fourth Tone at St. Lazare, Autun,” Early Music 15 (1987), 365-76, for explanations of the mix of secular and religious themes in the capitals, the former stemming from a presumably lay sculptor and the latter from a monk and theologian.

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Figure 7. The third tone

Figure 8. The fourth tone (Musée Ochier, Cluny)

(Photos courtesy of Sébastien Biay, Poitiers, France)

means something along the lines of “the third tone gushes forth and represents Christ who has risen.”83 The inscription clearly relates this mode to Christ’s triumph over death.84 It may even mean that the Cluniacs believed that music in the phrygian mode participated in some way in the resurrection of the dead. It certainly was associated with excitation and activity, especially leaping into the air, at least in other contexts.85 In any case, it shows that the Cluniac understanding of music as an active force, first expressed by Odo in the early tenth century, was alive and well in the late eleventh and twelfth. The representation of the fourth tone (the hypophrygian mode) is more specifically related to the death ritual. Once again (and even more surprisingly than in the first instance) it shows a layman, this time carrying a kind of yoke from which bells hang. He is

(83) Ferreira, “Liturgie et musique.” reads fingit as pingit and so translates the inscription as “la troisième met en avant et peint la résurrection du Christ.” Meyer, “Eight Gregorian Modes,” misread it the same way, but did not attempt to translate it, while Ambrose, “Visual Poetics,” 157, had the Latin right, but translated the inscription as “The third [tone] depicts and instructs that Christ rises again.” Chailley, “Les huit tons,” 76, has “le troisième (ton) bondit et représente que le Christ ressuscite.” Biay, “Chapiteaux,” 199-200, follows Marchesin, “Chapiteaux,” 86, with “Le troisième jaillit et représente le Christ qui ressuscite,” on the basis of a reading that takes into account all earlier attempts. (84) See Chailley, “Les huits tons,” 76-78. (85) Whitehall, “Gregorian Capitals,” 389; Meyer, “Eight Gregorian Modes,” 76.

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holding another bell and still another hangs from his left arm.86 His head is bent over the yoke and his expression is sorrowful. The inscription reads: succedit quartus simulans in carmine planctus or “next comes the fourth tone, simulating lamentation in song.” It is unlikely that such an instrument was used a Cluny. The customaries mention only chanting and the ringing of church bells in the death ritual, and laymen were never present in the infirmary or choir, so the representation must be metaphorical.87 It is likely that, in contrast to the image of the third tone, which was linked with resurrection and the immortality of the soul, this one represented mortality and the death of the body.88 Whatever the case may be, the Cluniacs clearly regarded music as a force of great spiritual power. The monks tapped into that force at every liturgical event in the complex round of daily services, as well as minor offices and special services like the death ritual, all of which included chant along with the spoken word. The heart of monastic chant was the Old Testament Book of Psalms. Psalms were the core of the divine office, the eight daily hours sung by the monks in the main church at dawn (lauds); at the first (prime), third (terce), sixth (sext) and ninth (none) hour of the day; in the evening (vespers), before retiring (compline) and in the middle of the night (matins).89 They were introduced by antiphons, short texts that were often but not always taken from the psalm itself, which could also be chanted after each psalm verse.90 They were also sung, as we shall see, during processions, and provided material for prayers, verses with responses, and the so-called great or prolix responsories, more complex chant pieces that could be coupled with prayers for special ceremonies and played a special role in matins of the dead.91 The office of the dead, which was sung at vespers and lauds as well as matins, was part of a group of secondary offices that had accrued around the divine office over the course of the early Middle Ages.92 Inherited from the Carolingian age that preceded Cluny’s founding, the office of the dead played a key role in the liturgical commemorations of the dead that gave Cluny such a central place in the medieval economy of salvation.93 The death ritual was, thus, as much a musical event as a dramatic one, engaging all the senses, as it ebbed and flowed, leading the participants through numerous spiritual and emotional states as they accompanied a dying brother through his agony and death and (86) Meyer, “Eight Gregorian Modes,” 85, identified the figure as a carillon player, but Setlak-Garrison, “Reinterpreting the Capital,” 376, argues convincingly that that is a misnomer and it would be better to call it simply “frame bells” or identify it as a cymbalum, a fixed bar with bells used to teach the intervals to monks learning chant, which the sculptor turned into a kind of yoke. (87) Meyer, “Eight Gregorian Modes,” 94; Chailley, “Les huits tons,” 93. (88) Chailley, “Les huit tons,” 78-82; Biay, “Chapiteaux,” 203-4. (89) The Divine Office in the Latin Middle Ages, eds. Margot E. Fassler, Rebecca A. Baltzer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). (90) Joseph Dyer, “The Singing of Psalms in the Early-Medieval Office,” Speculum 64 (1989), 535-78, at 540, quoting Abbot Odo of Cluny. (91) Knud Ottosen, The Responsories and Versicles of the Latin Office of the Dead (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1993). (92) Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 31-39. (93) Paxton, Christianizing Death, 134-37; see also Suzanne M. Hilton, “A Cluniac Office of the Dead,” M.A. Thesis, (University of Maryland, 2005), available online at http://hdl.handle.net/1903/3268.

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saw to the needs of his body and soul after he died. While it is no longer possible to know exactly what the Cluniac monks’ singing sounded like, we can get closer to it in imagination by taking into account that the sacred spaces in which the rituals took place were designed as much for acoustic purposes as anything else.94 Reconstructing the Cluniac Death Ritual Although scholars have long wished for modern critical editions of the Cluniac customaries of the later eleventh century, no one has yet accomplished the task, even for the customary of Udalrich, which is considerably shorter than Bernard’s and has a less complicated manuscript history.95 So the ritual reconstruction presented in this volume is based on the late-eleventh-century copy of Bernard’s customary in Paris, BNF, lat. 13875.96 As Isabelle Cochelin has shown, Paris, lat. 13875, while not an autograph and containing additions by Bernard’s successors, is the earliest and best witness to Bernard’s text in its ultimate form.97 Unlike any other early copy, it was written at Cluny and for Cluny. Moreover, although it had long been gathering dust when early modern monastic reformers took a renewed interest in it in the seventeenth century, the manuscript shows evidence of use at Cluny during the twelfth century.98 Bernard’s rather prolix style – he seems to leave out no detail or any exception to the way the death ritual should ideally progress – can be difficult to follow. It is worth it, though, for the many details and exceptions he considers show how carefully the ritual process was calibrated to two fundamental realities: the monks’ commitment to maintaining the daily round of services and observances without interruption and the fact that the exact time of a death could not be predicted.99 Since the death ritual, unlike any other liturgical service, could not be scheduled in advance, the monks had to devise a multitude of customs to provide as much attention as possible to the dying and the dead while maintaining their core obligations to the opus dei (the “work of God,” the daily performance of the mass and divine office) and the orderly functioning of the community. (94) See Gustaf Sobin’s essay, “Vaulting the Nave” in Ladder of Shadows: Reflecting on Medieval Vestige in Provence and Languedoc (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 113-19. (95) FDON, 7, 9, gives the names of a team of scholars working on critical editions of both customaries for the Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, but an update in Cochelin, “Appendix,” suggests that the editions will not be appearing soon. (96) The Paris manuscript is also the basis for a semi-diplomatic edition of Bernard’s customary by Susan Boynton and Isabelle Cochelin, currently in preparation for this series; see FDON, 7, 9. Philippeau, “Pour l’histoire de la coutume de Cluny,” concluded that such an edition was the only type possible. (97) The text of Paris, lat. 13875 was checked against the corresponding material in Palermo, Biblio-

teca centrale della regione siciliana, Fondo Monreale 7 (olim, Biblioteca Nazionale, Santa Maria Nuova, XXV F 29), fols. 64r-74v (hereafter Palermo). Palermo is a late-twelfth-century copy of Bernard’s customary, which Isabelle Cochelin believes represents an earlier version than that in the Paris manuscript; see Cochelin, “Évolution des coutumiers,” 54, and “Customaries as Inspirational Sources.” (98) See Marc Saurette, “Excavating and Renovating Ancient Texts: Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Editions of Bernard of Cluny’s Consuetudines and Early Modern Monastic Scholarship” in FDON, 85-107; and Cochelin, “Évolution des coutumiers,” 51-62. (99) Frederick S. Paxton, “Signa mortifera: Death and Prognostication in Early Medieval Monastic Medicine,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 67 (1993), 631-50.

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The Cluniac death ritual as reconstructed here is both like and unlike a scholarly edition of a medieval text. Ideally, an editor would present a “pure” text as found in an autograph manuscript or, more commonly, as many manuscript witnesses as possible, using the best manuscript as a base and putting variants from the others in notes. Such an approach was not possible here. Monastic customaries, even the longest and most complete, like Bernard’s, are highly abbreviated documents. Bernard did not need to write out prayers and chants in full, since members of the community either knew them by heart or referred to specialized liturgical books, such as sacramentaries, which contained prayers for masses and other ceremonies, and antiphonaries. Transcribing all of that material into his customary would have consumed much ink for no good reason. That the text of the reconstructed death ritual is three times longer than Bernard’s by no means brief description makes clear why writers of customaries used incipits and other forms of abbreviation so much. Some of those abbreviations, however, can be vague to a modern reader, as we shall see, since they assumed a long tradition of doing things in particular ways that was passed on orally rather than in writing, and so could be referred to elliptically. For that reason, although the reconstructed text accurately reflects most of what was said, sung or done at Cluny, some of it is, by necessity, conjectural. The basis of the reconstruction is an exact transcription of Bernard’s chapter 26, De obitu fratris, et sepultura, in Paris, latin 13875 (fols. 47v-55v).100 In moving from the transcription to the reconstruction, a number of editorial decisions were made. Certain features of Latin spelling in the manuscript were regularized in accordance with modern Latin usage. Thus, ę was expanded to ae, so that hęc became haec (although ęcclesię became ecclesiae); oe was reduced to e in words like coena; v replaced u when a consonant, so that uiuunt became vivunt; and j replaced i before a vowel, so that iudicium became judicium. In order to make Bernard’s text more readable, paragraphs and other separations not in the MS have been created. The use of italics for incipits follows standard editorial practice. Most importantly, the exact wording of Bernard’s text is distinguished from material reconstructed from other sources by using a darker sans serif font for the former and plain Roman type for the latter. Material in sans serif reproduces Bernard’s description of the ritual process – the stage directions, so to speak, and his discursive comments on the proceedings. Sans serif italics indicate incipits. Anything in plain Roman type has been supplied from other sources. Bernard’s text is all there, except for some minor exceptions (which are always noted), such as when he placed et cetera at the end of an incipit. The occasional appearance of words or phrases in brackets [ ] indicates snippets of text inadvertently omitted by the scribe of the MS or otherwise clearly implied. Notes to the Latin text (100) For an earlier stage of this project, I translated chapters 24-26 of Part One of Bernard’s customary according to Herrgott’s edition and chapters 28-33 of book 3 of Udalrich’s customary from d’Achery’s text; see Paxton, Medieval Latin Death Ritual. Ch. 26 in the MS corresponds to Part One, ch. 24, in Herrgott’s edition. I owe Isabelle Cochelin particular thanks for sending her draft transcription and digital images of the MS, and for the lively and illuminating discussions that followed. Because the diplomatic edition has not yet appeared, I refer to Herrgott’s edition of Bernard (Bern) for anything not in chapter 26 of the MS; I also refer to d’Achery’s edition of Udalrich as reprinted in PL 149 (Udal) when citing comparative material from that customary.

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have been kept to a minimum by confining them to the identification of sources, translation issues and any differences between the text on the page and the original manuscript. Source citations in the notes are to the closest contemporary witness to each text. Readers wanting more information will find it in the Commentary.101 A practice as old as the source manuscripts themselves would justify abbreviating all formulaic endings of prayers simply to Per / Through (from Per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum / Through our Lord Jesus Christ, and its variants). If they did not appear anywhere in full, however, something essential would be lost from the reconstruction, since the endings acted as textual chords, struck at the end of almost each and every prayer. So the fullest possible formula (Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum filium tuum, qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen / Through our Lord Jesus Christ your son, who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit, God forever and ever. Amen) appears at the end of the first prayer in the ritual (the prayer before the anointing of a dying monk in the infirmary) and the standard short form, Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum, thereafter, except when Bernard explicitly addresses the issue, as when he notes that the two prayers recited before the community enters the church of St. Mary with a dead body were to be said “with a single ending.”102 The abbreviations [V.] and [R.], in the Latin text as well as the English translation, usually indicate a short verse [V.] followed by a similarly brief response [R.], which completes the verse. In the longer and more complex chants known as responsories, however, [R.] stands for both the initial “respond” and the refrain, which repeats part of the respond, and [V.] stands for the “versicle” that comes between the initial respond and the refrain.103 To distinguish between the two uses of these abbreviations, verses with responses have no spaces between them: [V.] Dominus vobiscum, [R.] et cum spiritu tuo.

and the elements of responsories are separated by line spaces: [R.] Heu mihi domine quia peccavi nimis in vita mea! Quid faciam, miser? Ubi fugiam, nisi ad te, deus meus? Miserere mei, dum veneris in novissimo die. [V.]

Anima mea turbata est valde, sed tu, domine, succurre mihi.

[R.]

Dum veneris in novissimo die.

In most instances where verses and their responses are called for, Bernard only cites the verse, so that the response had to be reconstructed from other sources. Twice, however, he cites the verse A porta inferi together with its response, erue Domine anima ejus. That led (101) Anyone wanting to follow the ritual process in its ideal form, without the exceptions and notes on special circumstances provided by Bernard, can skip the longer prose sections of the reconstructed text and concentrate on the basic directions and the texts of the spoken and sung elements. (102) See the Reconstruction below at note 63. (103) See Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 7-9; Ottosen (9) refers to the refrain as simply “the last part of the responsory.”

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to the realization that they comprised the text of an antiphon that was ubiquitous within the chant repertory for Holy Saturday and the office of the dead.104 It also justified completing the verse in the same way whenever it appeared elsewhere in Bernard’s text – for example, before the three prayers said after death. It also supported the validity of identifying missing responses to other verses in sources that had the same verse in the same context. A variety of sources supplied the texts of the antiphons, psalms, verses and responses, responsories and prayers referred to solely by their incipits in Bernard’s customary. Psalms and other scriptural texts are from the Vulgate version of the Bible, which was standard in the Latin Church from the ninth century onwards and certainly in use at Cluny.105 In particular, it contains Jerome’s translation of the Book of Psalms from the Greek of the Septuagint.106 The texts of most of the prayers, antiphons, and other spoken and sung elements of the death ritual are drawn from liturgical books both older and younger than Bernard’s customary. The supplement to the Roman sacramentary that Pope Hadrian I sent to Charlemagne, compiled by the monk Benedict of Aniane, provided much of the basic material. That material, in turn, was derived, via the so-called eighth-century Gelasian sacramentaries, from the liturgy of the Visigothic, Gallican and Roman Churches of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages.107 The younger texts tended to be drawn from “rituals” (rituales) rather than “customaries” (consuetudines): that is, books specifically written

(104) Corpus antiphonalium officii (hereafter CAO), ed. René-Jean Hesbert, 6 vols, Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta, Series Maior, Fontes 7-12 (Rome: Herder, 1963-1979), no. 1191. (105) The Vulgate text is available online at www.vulsearch.sourceforge.net, as Biblia sacra juxta

vulgatam clementinam (hereafter referred to as the Clementine Vulgate), editio electronica, ed. Michael Tweedale (London, 2005). The texts of the psalms in the Clementine Vulgate have been checked against the so-called Stuttgart Vulgate, Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, eds. B. Fischer et al., 4th ed. (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994), which gives variants from a large number of medieval Bible manuscripts. The variants that occur, however, are minor and it would not help our purposes to consider them here, since the bases of the Stuttgart edition are not always in agreement and there is no contemporary psalter from Cluny to consult. One example will suffice. The second clause of Psalm 6.4 (which is the first of the psalms in the anointing ceremony, and is also part of the antiphon that introduces it) begins sed tu, Domine in the Clementine text. The Stuttgart edition prefers et tu, Domine, but the full text of the antiphon in Das Rheinauer Rituale (Zürich Rh 114, Anfang 12. Jh.), ed. Gebhard Hürlimann, Spicilegium Friburgense, 5 (Freiburg, Switzerland: Universitätsverlag, 1959; hereafter RR), a text with close ties to the Cluniac tradition, has sed tu, Domine. This suggests that the monks of Cluny used that particular variant, which later became part of the Clementine text. (106) Alcuin of York, Charlemagne’s adviser on liturgical matters, preferred Jerome’s Latin translation of the psalms from the Greek Septuagint Bible to his translation from the original Hebrew, so the former became the standard from then on. On Jerome’s translations, see J. N. D. Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writings and Controversies (New York: Harper & Row, 1975), 86-89, 158-62; for a more general introduction to biblical versions and translations, see Susan Boynton and Diane Reilly, “Introduction,” in The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages: Production, Reception, and Performance in Western Christianity, eds. Susan Boynton, Diane Reilly (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011). (107) See Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources, rev. and tr. William G. Storey and Niels Krogh Rasmussen (Washington, D.C.: Pastoral Press, 1986), 61-105, and Eric Palazzo, A History of Liturgical Books: From the Beginning to the Thirteenth Century, tr. Madeleine Beaumont (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1998), 35-55. On Benedict of Aniane’s supplement, see the Commentary below, 191.

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for priests, or monk-priests, to carry out their pastoral duties, which always included care for the sick, the dying and the dead.108 The most important contemporary source for the reconstructed material is an early twelfth-century ritual book from the Benedictine abbey of Rheinau, written most probably during the abbacy of Otto of Hirsau (1105-1114). The Rheinau ritual book took its baptismal rite and many of its various blessings from an eighth-century Gelasian sacramentary that the abbey had had for over three hundred years.109 Its rites for monastic profession, final anointing, death and burial, however, are based directly on Udalrich’s customary, transmitted most probably via Hirsau.110 An edited and streamlined version of Udalrich’s text appears as rubrics for the Rheinau ritual’s own reconstruction of the Cluniac death ritual, with full texts for the prayers, responsories and antiphons, but not the psalms. Because Bernard and Udalrich almost always present the same prayers, antiphons and responsories, the Rheinau ritual is the best witness to the texts of the death ritual as they would have been spoken or sung at Cluny in the central Middle Ages. Comparative material is drawn from the work of Edmond Martène, an important early modern monastic researcher, in particular two similar ritual orders that he published in a collection of documents on the rites of the medieval Latin Church that is still in some ways unsurpassed.111 The first is from a fourteenth-century manuscript from the monastery of Saint-Ouen in Rouen, which includes a version of Udalrich’s description of the Cluniac death ritual.112 The second is from a thirteenth-century manuscript in the library of Marmoutier in Tours, which is just as clearly derived from Bernard’s customary.113 Like the Rheinau ritual, both quote selected passages from the Cluniac customaries while filling in the texts of many of the spoken and sung elements that Bernard and Udalrich referred to simply by incipit. The third is a group of liturgical documents from Westminster Abbey, from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries, which show signs of being influenced, more generally, by Cluny.114 Unlike the previous sources, they do not quote the customaries directly, but the ritual process and the sequences of prayers, psalms and responsories correspond closely to those recorded by Bernard and Udalrich. The earliest of them, a twelfth-century psalter that has been identified as “straightforwardly Cluniac,” was particularly helpful in (108) Palazzo, History, 187-94. (109) RR 23-28. (110) See RR 29-34, 47-54, and 147-62. (111) Edmond Martène, De antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus, 2nd ed. (Antwerp, 1738; repr. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1969; hereafter DAER); on Martène, see Saurette, “Excavating and Renovating Ancient Texts.” (112) DAER, vol. 2, bk. 3, ch. 15, ordo 13 (hereafter DAER 3.15.13). Unfortunately, this manuscript, if still extant, has not been located; see Aimé-Georges Martimort, La documentation liturgique de Dom Edmond Martène, Studi e testi 279 (Città del Vaticano: Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, 1978), nos. 287, 728 and 931. Benoît Darragon, Répertoire des pièces euchologiques citées dans le “De antiquis Ecclesiae ritibus” de Dom Martène, Bibliotheca “Ephemerides liturgicae” Subsidia, 57 (Rome: Centro Liturgico Vincenziano 1991), 241-42, misidentifies DAER 3.15.13 (cols. 1118-26 of the 1738 edition; Martimort, Documentation liturgique, no. 931) as DAER 3.15.12 (cols. 1116-18; Martimort, Documentation liturgique, no. 930). (113) DAER 3.15.8. Martène identified the manuscript as originally from St. Eligius of Noyon; cf. Martimort, Documentation liturgique, nos. 25 and 926. (114) Missale ad usum Ecclesiae Westmonasteriensis, ed. J. Wickham Legg, 3 vols. HBS 1, 5, 12 (London: Henry Bradshaw Society, 1891, 1893, 1897; hereafter MW).

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identifying the texts of some of the responsory chants, which were drawn from the office of the dead.115 Along with the Rheinau book, these sources supplied most of the words of the spoken and sung elements of the ritual omitted by Bernard or Udalrich. Moreover, in a number of important instances, as we shall see, their arrangements and directions helped clarify how the ritual was meant to proceed. Given the goal of reconstructing a ritual process that unfolded in time and space from the static description in Bernard’s customary, it was sometimes necessary to rearrange the text to present the most likely temporal order of the proceedings or expose some of their more performative aspects. When describing the anointing of a dying monk Bernard presents the incipits of the psalms and their accompanying antiphons as a group, followed by a common formula to be said during each anointing, with a list of different endings keyed to their various locations and purposes. The officiating priest would insert the appropriate ending into the basic anointing formula as the ceremony proceeded. Bernard does not make clear, however, whether the priest performed the anointings at his own pace, irrespective of the accompanying psalmody, or did them before, or after, each of the seven psalms of the ceremony. Long familiarity with Cluniac practice and the solemnity of the rest of the ritual process suggested that the latter was more likely, as did the testimony of the fourteenth-century ritual derived from Udalrich’s customary mentioned above.116 Accordingly, Bernard’s text has been rearranged to show the back-and-forth rhythm of the chants and the anointings. That decision was also supported by Bernard’s compact description of the service in the church of St. Mary that preceded the funeral procession and burial. It illustrates how compressed the information in the customary could get, but also how clear, so that the reconstruction could proceed according to directions in the text itself. In describing the service, Bernard lists three prayers and three responsories in his usual way, by incipit and as a group, but then goes on to give specific directions on how the ceremony was to unfold. The responsories were to be interspersed among the prayers. Bernard does not give incipits for the versicles of the responsories, but points out that they were to be sung by the armarius with the aid of one of the other brothers and followed by a kyrie “as above.” It was thus possible, by following his instructions exactly, to reconstruct the ceremony and fill in the texts of the prayers and chants in their proper order. The armarius, with the help of another brother, began the ceremony with a kyrie. The priest then said a prayer and began a responsory by chanting a respond, to which the armarius added the appropriate versicle and his designated helper the refrain, followed by a repetition of the kyrie, in a back-and-forth manner, three times in all. Bernard’s description of the funeral procession and burial service presented the most complex problem in terms of presentation. Certain things are clear. After singing a psalm in the church of St. Mary, the community lined up for the procession to the cemetery. The (115) On the Cluniac nature of the Westminster psalter, see Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 290, n. 256; and cf. MW 3.xiv-xv. (116) DAER 3.15.13, at col. 1118: cantantur septem psalmi cum antiphonis quae sequuntur; et iterum inunguit eum sacerdos / the seven psalms with the antiphons that follow are sung; and the priest anoints him in turn.

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officiating priest, the armarius and conversi carrying the cross, holy water, and thurible led the way. The rest of the community followed, with the bearers of the dead monk bringing up the rear. The priest thus reached the grave well before the body. If it had not already been blessed, the armarius would do so. When the priest could see the bearers, he was to recite two prayers. In the meantime, and throughout the actual burial, the community, which had taken up a position around the apse of Cluny II, chanted six more psalms and a canticle. During the burial service itself, the priest was not to attend to the community or they to him. When the burial service was over the priest said four more prayers, after which he and those with him at the graveside were to rejoin the community. Bernard explains all this by first describing the entrance of the community into the cemetery and noting the antiphons and psalms that they were to sing throughout the ceremony. Then he mentions a versicle with response, presumably led by the priest who had by then joined the larger group, followed by a final antiphon and psalm. Only then does he describe the burial itself, with its gestures and prayers. He then turns back to the end of the ceremonies, directed by the officiating priest after he had rejoined the community. Unlike the anointing ceremony, in which psalmody alternated with anointings, or the service in the church of St. Mary, which also played out in a series of alternating prayers, responsories and kyries, in this instance there were two simultaneous but separate ceremonies, at least so long as the officiating priest was at the graveside. There was no way to calculate how long he might be there and thus when he and his attendants might rejoin the general psalmody, so no way for Bernard to indicate it in his text. In order to represent these complicated simultaneous proceedings on the page, the text had to be substantially rearranged. Thus the prayers and actions before the body arrived at the gravesite are presented first and the remaining psalmody is interspersed with the directions and prayers and actions of the burial service. Once again, there was a contemporary model for such a reconstruction. When faced with the same dilemma, the scribe of the ritual book from Rheinau cited the antiphons and their accompanying psalms as a group in accord with Udalrich’s text (giving the full texts of the antiphons instead of just their incipits) and then repeated them at the appropriate time in the ceremony in the midst of the prayers of the burial service.117 There are grounds for thinking that, if we could consult Cluny’s own service books from the period (none of which survive) and compare them with others influenced by them, there would be differences in wording from time to time. The litany in the Rheinau ritual, for example, includes the names of local saints that would not have been included at Cluny.118 In this regard, one must consider Susan Boynton’s discussion of how the monks of Farfa adapted the Cluniac death ritual to their own traditions and purposes.119 Also, because the language and use of certain elements of the ritual, especially verses with responses and responsory chants, were less fixed than others (such as the sequences of (117) RR 159-161, nos. 157-163. (118) RR 20-22. (119) Susan Boynton, Shaping a Monastic Identity, 107-43; eadem, “A Monastic Death Ritual from the Imperial Abbey of Farfa,” Traditio 64 (2009), 57-84.

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antiphons and psalms) and could change at the discretion of the liturgical director, the ritual as actually performed, even in an ideal situation, may have sometimes differed, if not substantially, from what is presented here. The reconstruction is, thus, to a certain extent inexact. It is also incomplete, for it does not capture the ritual in its totality. To do so would require including a number of other sequences of psalms and services, making the reconstruction so long that it would obscure the overall structure and detail of the ritual process. These include the five psalms sung on the way to the infirmary for the anointing of a dying monk; a special form of the office of the dead that the Cluniacs called the vigilia, which was sung multiple times in the course of the ritual process; and even the entire Psalter, which was sung during the night when a body rested in the church of St. Mary.120 In spite of these drawbacks, it is hoped that expanding and filling in Bernard’s description of the Cluniac death ritual, even to the limited degree presented in this volume, will serve those who wish to learn more about the substance of monastic rituals than can be gleaned from customaries and most other liturgical sources, edited or not.

(120) All of these elements are discussed in the Commentary below. Appendices 2 and 3 provide an overview of the prayers and psalmody of the death ritual and related services.

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THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE LATIN RECONSTRUCTION

LATIN TEXT, THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION distinguishes between what Bernard wrote in his customary and what has been reconstructed from other sources by using a darker sans serif font for the former and plain Roman type for the latter. Bernard’s description of the death ritual is in sans serif and sans serif italics highlight the incipits of its spoken or sung elements. Plain Roman type distinguishes material supplied from other sources. The only English language version of the Bible that corresponds to the Latin Vulgate text used at Cluny is the Douay-Rheims translation. Accordingly, the language and numbering of the psalms in this volume are somewhat different from the Revised Standard, King James, and other English versions in the Protestant tradition. Unless otherwise noted, the English of all scriptural passages (including those contained within prayers or chants) is based on the 1899 American Edition of the Douay-Rheims Bible.1 Because of its archaic language, however, a recent updating of the Douay-Rheims text has been used.2 The English of Bernard’s text and all other reconstructed material is mine. When it came to translating Bernard’s Latin into English, a number of special cases arose, either because certain terms had multiple meanings or because there was no English equivalent. Some have, thus, been translated differently according to context and others have been left in their original Latin forms. The special form of the office of the dead at Cluny known as the vigilia is in a class by itself.3 As the Commentary below shows, while Udalrich noted that the monks commonly referred to this office, performed for those who had just died and at anniversaries of the dead, as the vigilia, Bernard studiously avoided doing so, preferring the ambiguous term officium. In all such cases, the Latin vigilia appears in the English translation for the sake of clarity. There is no single English equivalent for the Latin phrase petere veniam, which Bernard used to refer to a request for indulgence or forgiveness that could take any number of forms, from a bow of the head to a full prostration, with or without speaking. Dom David Knowles, in the Constitutions of Lanfranc, translated it variously as “bow,” “seek (ask or beg) pardon,” “do penance,” “bow the knee” (i.e. genuflect), “kneel” and “prostrate

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(1) The public domain text of the Douay-Rheims Bible is available online at www.biblegateway.com; it was originally published in stages from 1582 to 1610. (2) Holy Bible. Catholic Public Domain Version, Based on the Douay-Rheims version, ed. and tr. Ronald L. Conte, Jr. http://www.sacredbible.org/index.htm. (3) On the vigilia, see the Commentary below, especially 215.

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oneself.”4 In the first instance in which the term occurs in the Cluniac death ritual, the context suggests a spoken act of “begging pardon,” so it is translated as that; in the second instance, the context suggests a genuflection, so it is translated accordingly. Similarly, by processio, Bernard sometimes means specifically the group carrying the cross, candles and other objects appropriate to the occasion and sometimes the event usually implied by the word “procession” in English. The term has thus been translated to fit each implicit context. Finally, although collecta, which originally referred to the opening prayer of the mass, had by Bernard’s time become a synonym for oratio, he uses both, so they are translated as “collect” and “prayer,” respectively. Bernard regularly referred to a prior (or simply “someone”) qui tenet ordinem. Knowles translated similar references as “the superior” or something similar, believing, it appears, that the term referred simply to one of the senior monks.5 Isabelle Cochelin’s research on the matter, however, has shown that the person qui tenet ordinem at Cluny was the claustral prior, who ranked below the major prior, the abbot’s second in command, and was responsible for maintaining discipline in the community.6 The officer known as the armarius, however, was no longer just a librarian, the strict meaning of the term, but also the liturgical director of the community, who would later be known as the cantor or precantor. The armarius at Cluny still oversaw the library, with its biblical texts and commentaries, its sacramentaries and antiphonaries, but he had come not just to assign readings but also to supervise every ceremony. Udalrich referred to him both as armarius and praecentor. Since Bernard uses only the former title, it seemed best to retain the Latin form rather than use “librarian” or “cantor,” either of which would be misleading in this case.7 The members of the Cluniac community called conversi posed a similar problem. A conversus was someone who joined the community as an adult, as opposed to a nutritus (an oblate), who had been there from childhood. Conversi were usually illiterate, but not always, since monks often moved to Cluny from other monasteries. Udalrich was a conversus in that sense, although he must have joined the choir monks as soon as he had mastered the Cluniac liturgy. Those conversi who did not or could not become choir monks played subsidiary roles in the liturgical life of the community, but they were not “lay brothers” as the term is usually translated. Unlike the eleventh-century conversi at Cluny, the lay brothers of (4) See MCL, index, s.v. ueniam. (5) See, for example, MCL, 14-15. (6) Cf. Bern 141-43, which adds substantially to Udal 740D-741B. On rank and discipline at Cluny, see Giles Constable, “Seniores et pueri à Cluny aux Xe, XIe siècles,” in Histoire et société: Mélanges offerts à Georges Duby, vol. 3, Le moine, le clerc et le prince (Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1992), 17-24; repr. idem, Cluny From the Tenth to the Twelfth Centuries (London: Ashgate, 2000); Isabelle Cochelin, “Étude sur les hiérarchies monastiques: le prestige de l’ancienneté et son éclipse à Cluny au XIe siècle,” Revue Mabillon, n.s. 11, 72 (2000), 5-37; and eadem, “Le dur apprentissage de la virginité: Cluny, XIe siècle,” in Au cloître et dans le monde, eds. Patrick Henriet, Anne-Marie Legras (Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 2000), 119-32. (7) Cf. Udal 748-751 and Bern 161-64. See also Margot Fassler, “The Office of Cantor in Early

Western Monastic Rules and Customaries: A Preliminary Investigation,” Early Music History, 5 (1985), 29-51. Fassler makes a good case for translating armarius generally as cantor, especially in later medieval usage, but the term cantor is too narrowly defined in English to encompass the duties of the armarius at Cluny in Bernard’s time. 48

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the Cistercians (and even of Cluny in the later twelfth century) were not full members of the community. They provided manual labor so that the choir monks could devote themselves to liturgical and other pursuits. Cluniac conversi in the central Middle Ages were full members of the community who attended chapter meetings and participated in the full round of services.8 Thus, the Latin term has been kept in the English translation. The term ante et retro, which describes a particular kind of ritual bow, also appears in its Latin form. Knowles translated it variously as a “double bow,” “double obeisance,” “double inclination,” “obeisance,” “full obeisance,” and making a “bow as usual,” none of which gives an accurate impression of the meaning of the term, which is impossible to render into English.9 Finally, since there is no English equivalent for the seven-day and thirty-day commemorations of the dead known as the septenarius and tricenarius, whose meaning Bernard nevertheless makes clear, they also have been left in Latin.

(8) On the shifting meanings of conversus, see Giles Constable, “Famuli and conversi at Cluny: A Note on Statute 24 of Peter the Venerable,” Revue bénédictine, 83 (1973), 326-50; repr. idem, Cluniac Studies (London: Variorum Reprints, 1980); Wolfgang Teske, “Laien, Laienmönche and Laienbrüder in der Abtei Cluny: Ein Beitrag zum ‘Konversen-Problem’,” Jahrbuch des Instituts für Frühmittelalterforschung der Universität Münster, 10 (1976), 248-322, and 11 (1977), 288-339; Cyprian Davis, “The Conversus of Cluny: Was he a Lay-Brother?,” in Benedictus: Studies in Honor of St. Benedict of Nursia, ed. E. Rozanne Elder, Cistercian Studies Series, 67 (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1981), 99-107; and Ernst Tremp, “Laien im Kloster: Das hochmittelalterliche Reformmönchtum unter dem Ansturm der Adelskonversen,” in Pfaffen und Laien – ein mittelalterlicher Antagonismus?, eds. Eckart Conrad Lutz, Ernst Tremp, Scrinium Friburgense, 10 (Freiburg, Schweiz: Universitätsverlag, 1999), 33-56. (9) MCL, index, s.v. ante et retro (but cf. 6, note 18). For a discussion of the ante et retro, see the Commentary, below, 216-17.

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COURT RÉSUMÉ DE L’INTRODUCTION ET RÈGLES SUIVIES POUR LA TRADUCTION

LA FIN DU XIe SIÈCLE, LE MONASTÈRE DE

CLUNY était le plus renommé des monastères d’Europe de l’ouest, en grande partie grâce à ses coutumes1. Nombreux furent les monastères qui, bien que n’appartenant pas directement à l’ecclesia cluniacensis (la famille de monastères clunisiens dirigée par l’abbé de Cluny), modelèrent pourtant leur mode de vie sur celles-ci. Leur description la plus fiable et détaillée se trouve dans le coutumier du moine Bernard, daté du début des années 10802. Son chapitre décrivant la mort d’un moine, depuis son agonie jusqu’au mois de célébrations qui suivait l’enterrement, illustre une étape-clé dans le processus de ritualisation de la mort en occident3. Pendant quelques heures, voire quelques jours, le mourant requérait l’attention et l’intervention répétée de toute la communauté. Afin de bien comprendre quel mélange complexe de prières, chants et mouvements prenait place pour aider un moine dans ce passage difficile entre l’ici-bas et l’au-delà, Frederick Paxton a “reconstruit” le chapitre de Bernard en y insérant l’intégralité des chants et prières qui n’y étaient indiqués que par leur titre ou incipit (premiers mots). Le résultat final est un texte d’une grande beauté, entre autres grâce aux longs extraits du livre des psaumes qui rythmaient le décès du frère. Reconstruire les gestes et les paroles des moines de Cluny pour la mort d’un des leurs est d’autant plus important que la société médiévale attribuait à l’abbaye bourguignonne au XIe siècle une place prépondérante dans l’économie du salut (soit l’ensemble des interactions et échanges entre chrétiens accomplis en vue du salut)4. Pour comprendre dans quels

À

(1) Sur Cluny médiéval, voir entre autres, Joachim Wollasch, Cluny – “Licht der Welt”: Aufstieg und Niedergang der klösterlichen Gemeinschaft (Düsseldorf and Zürich: Artemis, 1996) ; Dominique Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure: Cluny et la société chrétienne face à l’hérésie, au judaïsme et à l’islam (Paris: Aubier, 2000), 34-99 ; Cluny, dir. Julie Roux (Vic-en-Bigorre: MSM Éditions, 2004). (2) Sur les coutumes de Cluny, voir en dernier lieu Isabelle Cochelin, “Évolution des coutumiers monastiques dessinée à partir de l’étude de Bernard”, FDON, 29-66; “Le pour qui et le pourquoi (des manuscrits) des coutumiers clunisiens”, in Ad libros! Mélanges d’études médiévales offerts à Denise Angers et Claude Poulin, dir. J.-F. Cottier, Martin Gravel et Sébastien Rossignol (Montréal: Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2010), 121-38. Sur le rituel de la mort dans les coutumiers, lire Frederick S. Paxton, “Death by Customary at Eleventh-Century Cluny”, FDON, 297-318. (3) Frederick S. Paxton, “The Early Growth of the Medieval Economy of Salvation in Latin Christianity”, in Death in Jewish Life: Burial and Mourning Customs Among the Jews of Europe and Nearby Communities, dir. Stefan Reif, Andreas Lehnardt et Avriel Bar-Levav (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014), 17-41; et “Birth and Death”, in The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 3, Early Medieval Christianities, c. 600-c. 1100, dir. Thomas F. X. Noble et Julia M. H. Smith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 383-98. (4) Quelques titres fondamentaux sur l’histoire de l’économie du salut depuis l’antiquité tardive jusqu’au XIe siècle: Éric Rebillard, Religion et sépulture: L’Église, les vivants et les morts dans l’Antiquité tardive (Paris: École des hautes études en sciences sociales, 2003). Mayke de Jong, “Carolingian Monasticism: The Power of Prayer”, The New Cambridge Medieval History II c. 700-c. 900, dir. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge: Cambridge

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espaces se déroulaient les scènes décrites ci-dessous, on peut se référer à la figure 4 (dans cet ouvrage), même s’il faut maintenant nuancer ce plan ancien de l’archéologue américain Kenneth J. Conant suite aux travaux importants d’Anne Baud et de Christian Sapin5. Il est bien entendu impossible de savoir à quoi pouvait ressembler la sonorité des prières et des chants des moines qui accompagnaient presque incessamment le mourant dans ses derniers instants, mais le grand mérite du travail de Frederick Paxton fut d’en reconstruire aussi exactement que possible le contenu et la chorégraphie qui les accompagnait. Dans l’attente d’une édition critique du coutumier de Bernard, Paxton a d’abord corrigé le texte de l’édition de Marquard Herrgott du XVIIIe siècle sur la base de la plus ancienne copie produite à Cluny qui subsiste encore : le manuscrit Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Latin 13875, plus précisément son chapitre 26, De obitu fratris et sepultura, fols. 47v-55v6. Il est parfois extrêmement difficile de suivre la pensée de Bernard : en effet, ses phrases tortueuses témoignent du soin extrême pris pour que tous les clunisiens accompagnent ensemble le mourant dans ses derniers instants, sans pour autant briser le déploiement des rituels les plus importants, entre autres la ronde des messes et des heures de l’office divin. Exceptionnellement, Paxton a dû réorganiser l’ordre des phrases de Bernard pour permettre de mieux comprendre le déroulement des actions des moines. Dans tels cas, il l’a toujours indiqué dans les notes. Les passages en caractères légèrement plus épais (sans sérif), dans la traduction française comme dans l’original latin et la traduction anglaise, sont de la plume de Bernard. Parmi ceux-ci, ceux en italique présentent ce qui était dit ou chanté. Les autres (sans italique) décrivent le contexte et les actions des moines, y compris les cas d’exception, autrement dit tous les détails de la mise en scène. Bernard a souvent désigné à l’aide de simples incipits

University Press, 1995), 622-53. Sur Cluny, voir Barbara H. Rosenwein, To Be the Neighbor of Saint Peter: The Social Meaning of Cluny’s Property, 909-1049 (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1989); et Dominique Iogna-Prat, “Les morts dans la comptabilité céleste des clunisiens de l’an Mil”, in Religion et culture autour de l’an mil. Royaume capétien et Lotharingie. Actes du colloque international ‘Hugues Capet 987-1987. La France de l’an Mil’. Auxerre, 26-27 juin, Metz, 11-12 septembre 1987, dir. Dominique Iogna-Prat et Jean-Charles Picard (Paris: Picard, 1990), 55-69. (5) Kenneth Conant, Cluny. Les églises et la maison du chef d’ordre, Medieval Academy of America Publications, 77 (Mâcon: Protat, 1968) et Anne Baud, Cluny, un grand chantier médiéval au cœur de l’Europe (Paris: Picard, 2003). Christian Sapin, “Cluny II et l’interprétation archéologique de son plan”, in Religion et culture autour de l’An Mil, 85-89 ; Anne Baud et Gilles Rollier, “Liturgie et espace monastique à Cluny à la lecture du Liber tramitis, Descriptione monasterii et données archéologiques”, in Espace ecclésial et liturgie au Moyen Âge, dir. Anne Baud (Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 2010), 27-42. Anne Baud, “La chapelle Sainte-Marie de Cluny”, Bulletin du centre d’études médiévales d’Auxerre | BUCEMA [En ligne], Hors-série n°6 | 2013, mis en ligne le 5 mars 2013, consulté le 13 mai 2013 ; URL : http://cem.revues.org/12661. On peut aussi maintenant profiter des travaux du projet “Gunzo” dont les reconstructions en 3D de l’église majeure du début du XIIe siècle peuvent être visionnées sur place, à Cluny, ou grâce au DVD Maior Ecclesia 2010: voir http://www. cluny-numerique.fr/. Cette église de Cluny III, commencée vers 1088, dut suivre de peu la rédaction du coutumier de Bernard. (6) Quand nécessaire, il a corrigé ce texte sur la base d’autres manuscrits, en particulier Palerme, Biblioteca centrale della regione siciliana, Fondo Monreale 7 (olim, Biblioteca Nazionale, Santa Maria Nuova, XXV F 29), fols. 64r-74v. Sur ce manuscrit, voir Cochelin, “Évolution des coutumiers”, 54, and “Customaries as Inspirational Sources”, 45-50.

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les paroles et chants des moines. Les passages reconstruits par Frederick Paxton pour compléter les formules abrégées de Bernard sont en caractères plus pâles. Les mots et abréviations placés entre crochets [ ] étaient absents du texte original mais il est évident qu’ils étaient sous-entendus par Bernard. Les abréviations [V] et [R] marquent l’emplacement de versets courts suivis de répons brefs. En outre, dans les séquences chantées appelées responsoria (répons prolixes), [R] indique le répons initial ainsi que la réclame, à savoir la répétition finale d’une partie du répons ; [V] représente le verset qui s’insère entre les deux. Pour distinguer entre les deux usages, les couplets verset-répons bref sont imprimés sans interligne : [V.] Dominus vobiscum, [R.] et cum spiritu tuo.

Les répons prolixes avec versets et réclames sont imprimés avec interlignes : [R.] Heu mihi domine quia peccavi nimis in vita mea! Quid faciam, miser? Ubi fugiam, nisi ad te, deus meus? Miserere mei, dum veneris in novissimo die. [V.]

Anima mea turbata est valde, sed tu, domine, succurre mihi.

[R.]

Dum veneris in novissimo die.

Les psaumes et autres passages scripturaires proviennent de la traduction française de la Vulgate clémentine faite par Louis-Claude Fillion à la fin du XIXe siècle. Il s’agit en effet du texte biblique qui se rapproche le plus de la version latine utilisée à Cluny et de la traduction anglaise dite Douai-Rheims7. Un seul changement majeur fut fait : le tu latin pour s’adresser à Dieu a été traduit tel quel en français, plutôt que le “Vous” de politesse choisi par Fillion. Les changements plus mineurs sont les suivants : “Dieu”, “Seigneur” et “Fils” sont écrits avec des lettres majuscules, mais pas les pronoms personnels ni les pronoms possessifs y faisant référence ; j’ai aussi transformé l’expression de Fillion “espérer au Seigneur” en “espérer dans le Seigneur”. Tous les autres passages latins qui ne sont pas en gras furent reconstruits par Frederick Paxton à l’aide de diverses sources mentionnées de manière succincte en note. De plus amples explications sont offertes en anglais dans la section intitulée Commentary, en fin d’ouvrage. Un glossaire trilingue en fin de volume explique tous les termes plus techniques se rapportant à la vie des moines au Moyen Âge. Pour leur traduction, je me suis aidée d’une multiplicité de travaux. Pourtant, trois ouvrages furent particulièrement utiles : La vie des moines au temps des grandes abbayes, par Anselme Davril et Éric Palazzo, et les traductions françaises du premier coutumier de Fleury et du coutumier cistercien, Ecclesiastica officia8.

(7) La traduction de la Bible par Fillion est disponible en ligne : www.magnificat.ca. Elle fut publiée pour la première fois à Paris en 1899. (8) Anselme Davril et Éric Palazzo, La vie des moines au temps des grandes abbayes (Paris: Hachette Littératures, 2000). Thierry d’Amorbach, Le coutumier de Fleury. Consuetudines Floriacenses antiquiores, éd. et trad. Anselme Davril et Lin Donnat, in L’abbaye de Fleury en l’an Mil, Sources d’histoire médiévale, 32 (Paris: CNRS, 2004), 145-251. Les Ecclesiastica officia cisterciens du XIIe siècle: texte latin selon les manuscrits édités de Trente 1711, Ljubljana 31 et Dijon 114, éd. et trad. Danièle Choisselet et Placide Vernet (Reiningue: Abbaye d’Œlenberg, 1989).

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Ci-dessous, quelques explications pour justifier les choix de traduction (ou de non-traduction) de quelques cas épineux. Il existe à Cluny une forme particulière de l’office des morts, récitée à diverses reprises dans les heures qui suivent le décès d’un moine et qui apparaît dans le texte français ciaprès sous le nom de vigilia. Bernard ne l’appelle jamais ainsi directement mais il y fait référence indirectement à de multiples reprises. Comme il fallait distinguer entre les trois vigiles se faisant suite la nuit de la mort d’un moine, appelées par Bernard vigiliae (traduit ici par “vigiles”), et cet office récité lors de chacune de ces vigiles, j’ai conservé pour celuici la forme latine vigilia, suivant en cela la décision de Frederick Paxton. Ante et retro est une inclination faite dans l’église en se courbant d’est en ouest. En revanche, lorsqu’elle est faite à l’extérieur de celle-ci, les points cardinaux ne sont pas toujours pris en compte. Pour faire simple, la formule latine fut conservée (voir Paxton, “Introduction”, 49 et “Commentary”, 216-17)9. Le terme latin armarius, qui désigne le moine responsable à la fois de la bibliothèque et de la liturgie à Cluny et conjugue donc les postes de bibliothécaire et de chef de chœur, a été conservé sous sa forme latine pour mieux mettre en valeur sa double fonction (“Introduction”, 26 et 48 )10. Bernard fait référence à diverses reprises à un prior ou, plus simplement, “quelqu’un” qui tenet ordinem, autrement dit un moine en charge de l’ordo. Frederick Paxton et moi sommes arrivés à la conclusion que cette expression clunisienne renvoie au prieur claustral, le troisième après l’abbé et le grand prieur. Il était en charge de maintenir la discipline et, plus particulièrement, de s’assurer que les moines suivaient la coutume. Dans le contexte du monachisme traditionnel, les “convers” (conversi) sont des individus entrés au monastère à l’âge adulte et non des frères-lais. En anglais, le terme latin conversi a été conservé mais les chercheurs francophones ont l’habitude d’utiliser la traduction française11. Processio signifie “procession”, mais aussi parfois, plus spécifiquement, les porteurs et les objets processionnels. Dans le deuxième cas, je l’ai normalement traduit par “objets processionnels” ou “porteurs des objets processionnels” et d’autres fois simplement par “procession”. Petere ueniam est une expression englobant une multitude d’actions diverses allant de la demande verbale d’indulgence à une prosternation pour implorer pardon. Comme le contexte ne permet pas toujours de savoir quel sens est employé, j’ai préféré utiliser la formule “faire la venia”, tandis que Frederick Paxton a privilégié l’expression anglaise “to beg pardon” dans un cas et génuflexion dans un autre (voir “Introduction”, 47 et “Commentary”, 179). Enfin, collecta a été traduit selon le contexte par “collecte” (son sens originel) ou prière (sens dans lequel Bernard l’emploie parfois). Isabelle COCHELIN (9) Davril et Palazzo, 136 et 148. (10) Margot Fassler, “The Office of Cantor in Early Western Monastic Rules and Customaries: A Preliminary Investigation”, Early Music History, 5 (1985), 29-51. (11) Voir par exemple la première définition du terme “convers” donné par le Centre National de Ressources Textuelles et Lexicales, http://www.cnrtl.fr/lexicographie/convers (consulté le 1er mars 2013).

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ORDO CLUNIACENSIS Capitulum 26 De obitu fratris, et sepultura (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fols. 47v-55v)

The passages in plain Roman type have been reconstructed from other sources as indicated in the notes. Les passages en caractères plus pâles ont été « reconstruits » par Frederick Paxton à partir d’autres sources indiquées dans les notes.

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DE OBITU FRATRIS, ET SEPULTURA 1 Frater qui se infirmitate ingravescente senserit se in proximo ab hoc seculo migraturum de omni conscientia sua domni abbati, vel priori confitetur et si in capitulum vult ire ostendit priori vel per se vel per infirmarium, et postea adducunt eum duo fratres inter manus, si est adeo infirmus et petit veniam, reumque se de multis negligentiis contra deum et contra illos confitetur, absolvit eum prior, et cunctis respondentibus Amen, ipse cunctos si quid contra eum deliquerint absolvit, omnesque de suis sedibus altius inclinant. Postea reducitur, reductus rogat ut oleo infirmorum unguatur, et tunc collocatur in lecto tali id est ad terram demisso, ubi fratres possint undique circumstare. Tunc prior qui tenet ordinem innotescit armario et armarius previdet cuncta ad hoc necessaria scilicet sacerdotem, quem indui facit alba, et stola, et conversos qui deferant aquam benedictam, crucem et candelabra, et ipse portat oleum. Tunc paratis omnibus precedit processio et subsequitur sacerdos, et per antiquam consuetudinem totus conventus, imposito quinquagesimo psalmo, et postea si opus fuerit adjunguntur, Deus in nomine tuo, Miserere mei deus miserere mei, Deus misereatur, Deus in adjutorium meum.

(1) The chapter title and the number 26 appear in the same hand as the rest of the MS in the left-hand margin of folio 47v, where the description of the death ritual begins. On the editorial principles of the reconstructed text presented here, see the introduction above, 39-46.

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THE DEATH AND BURIAL OF A BROTHER A brother who in his growing weakness feels himself near to his departure from this world confesses in full conscience to the lord abbot or prior. If he wants to go to chapter, he asks the prior, either himself or through the infirmarian. Afterwards two brothers lead him, [supporting him] with their hands if he is that sick, and [once there] he begs pardon and confesses himself guilty of [his] many transgressions against God and the members of the community. The prior absolves him and everyone responds Amen. He himself absolves the others if they have offended him and they all bow deeply from their seats. Afterwards he is led back [to the infirmary]. Once there he asks to be anointed with the oil of the sick and is then put in a bed, lowered to the floor in such a way that the brothers can stand around on all sides. Then the claustral prior notifies the armarius and the armarius sees to everything needed for the occasion : that is, the priest, whom he clothes in alb and stole, and the conversi, who will carry the holy water, cross, and candlesticks ; and he carries the oil himself. Then, once everything is ready, the bearers of the processional objects lead the way, with the priest following, and, in accordance with long-standing custom, the whole community. Psalm 50 is intoned and afterwards, if needed, psalms 53, 56, 66, and 69.

LA MORT D’UN FRÈRE ET SON ENTERREMENT Un frère qui, sa faiblesse empirant, pressent son départ prochain de ce monde se confesse en toute conscience au seigneur abbé ou au prieur. Et s’il désire aller au chapitre, il l’indique au prieur, soit de lui-même, soit par l’intermédiaire de l’infirmier. Ensuite, deux frères le conduisent, [le soutenant] de leurs mains s’il est à ce point malade ; il fait la venia et confesse être coupable de multiples négligences envers Dieu et ses frères. Le prieur l’absout et tous répondent Amen. Lui-même les absout tous, au cas où ils auraient commis une faute à son égard, et tous s’inclinent profondément de leurs sièges. On le ramène ensuite [à l’infirmerie]. Une fois de retour, il demande à être oint de l’huile des malades. Il est alors placé dans un lit abaissé par terre de sorte que les frères puissent l’entourer de tous côtés. Le prieur claustral prévient à ce moment-là l’armarius et celui-ci prévoit tout le nécessaire pour cette occasion, c’est-à-dire le prêtre, qu’il fait habiller d’une aube et d’une étole, et les convers qui doivent apporter l’eau bénite, la croix et les chandeliers, tandis que lui-même apporte l’huile. Quand tout est prêt, les porteurs des objets processionnels passent devant, le prêtre suit, puis, selon l’ancienne coutume, toute la communauté. Le cinquantième psaume est entonné, et ensuite, si nécessaire, les psaumes 53, 56, 66 et 69.

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In primis postquam illuc ventum fuerit, dicitur haec collecta a sacerdote premissa salutatione.2

[V.] [R.]

Pax huic domui. Amen.

[V.] [R.]

Dominus vobiscum, et cum spiritu tuo. Omnipotens sempiterne deus qui per [48r] beatum apostolum tuum dixisti infirmatur quis in vobis,3 inducat presbiteros ecclesiae et orent super eum unguentes eum oleo

in nomine domini, et oratio fidei salvabit infirmum et allevabit eum dominus, et si in peccatis sit, dimittuntur ei, te suppliciter exoramus, ut hic famulus tuus per ministerium nostrae unctionis et donum tuae sanctae pietatis peccatorum suorum veniam consequi et ad vitam eternam pervenire mereatur. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum filium tuum, qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen. Imponuntur septem psalmi cum istis [antiphonis].4 Interim sacerdos, hoc modo facit unctionem. Pollicem oleo illinit, et cum pollice signum crucis imprimit super utrumque oculum, ita dicendo Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per visum,

(2) Since Bernard did not specify a salutation, which was more or less standard, it is supplied from the corresponding passage in LT 270, no. 193. (3) The words et cetera follow the incipit of the prayer in the MS ; they are replaced by the reconstructed text, in this case from RR no. 124. (4) The word antiphonis is missing from the MS ; is clearly implied, though, and is added here from Palermo (64v). The reconstruction breaks with the exact wording of Bernard’s text to reproduce the alternation of anointings with psalms and their antiphons (see the Introduction above, 44). The MS reads : Imponuntur vii psalmi cum istis. Antiphona Sana me domine quoniam conturbata. Psalmus Domine ne in furore primo. Antiphona Erat quidam regulus. Psalmus Beati quorum. Antiphona Domine puer meus. Domine ne in furore. Antiphona Cor contritum. Psalmus Miserere mei Deus. Antiphona Domine descende. Psalmus Domine exaudi orationem. Antiphona Domine non sum dignus. Psalmus De profundis. Antiphona Cum sol autem occidisset. Psalmus Domine exaudi orationem secundo. Interim sacerdos, hoc modo facit unctionem. Pollicem oleo illinit, et cum pollice signum crucis imprimit super utrumque oculum, ita dicendo Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per visum, super utramque aurem per auditum, super utraque labia per gustum, super nasum per odoratum, super manus per tactum, et si conversus est interius, si sacerdos exterius, super pedes per incessum, super inguina per ardorem libidinis.

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After they have arrived at the infirmary, the priest says first of all the following collect with the salutation that precedes it,

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Peace be upon this house. Amen. The Lord be with you, and with your spirit. All-powerful, eternal God, who said through your blessed apostle, “Is anyone ill among you ?

Let him bring in the priests of the church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the Lord ; and a prayer of faith will save the infirm ; and the Lord will alleviate him ; and if he has sins, these will be forgiven him,” we humbly entreat you that this your servant, through the ministry of our anointing and the gift of your holy piety, deserve to be granted forgiveness for his sins and to enter into eternal life. Through our Lord Jesus Christ your son, who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit, God forever and ever. Amen. The seven [penitential] psalms are sung with these [antiphons]. Meanwhile, the priest administers the unction in this manner : he smears the oil with [his] thumb and makes the sign of the cross with it upon each eye, saying Through this anointing and his most tender mercy, may the Lord forgive you whatever sins you have committed through sight,

Parvenus à l’infirmerie, le prêtre dit en premier la collecte suivante avec la salutation qui la précède :

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Paix à cette maison. Amen. Le Seigneur soit avec vous. Et avec ton esprit. Dieu éternel et tout-puissant, qui as dit par l’intermédiaire de ton bienheureux apôtre : « Quelqu’un parmi vous est-il malade ? Qu’il appelle les prêtres de l’église, et qu’ils prient

sur lui, l’oignant d’huile au nom du Seigneur. Et la prière de la foi sauvera le malade, et le Seigneur le soulagera ; et s’il a commis des péchés, ils lui seront remis », nous te prions humblement : que ton serviteur ici présent mérite d’obtenir le pardon de ses péchés et de parvenir à la vie éternelle grâce à notre onction et au don de ta sainte tendresse. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, ton Fils, qui vit et règne avec toi dans l’unité du Saint-Esprit, Dieu pour les siècles des siècles. Amen. Les sept psaumes pénitentiels sont entonnés avec les [antiennes] ci-dessous. Au même moment, le prêtre fait l’onction comme suit : il oint le pouce d’huile et applique avec lui le signe de croix sur chacun des yeux en disant Par cette onction et sa très tendre miséricorde, que le Seigneur te pardonne tout péché commis par la vue,

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

Antiphona5 Sana me domine quoniam conturbata sunt ossa mea et anima mea turbata est valde,

sed tu, domine, convertere et eripe animam meam. Psalmus Domine ne in furore6 tuo arguas me, neque in ira tua corripias me. 3

Miserere mei, domine, quoniam infirmus sum ; sana me, domine, quoniam conturbata sunt ossa mea. 4 Et anima mea turbata est valde ; sed tu, domine, usquequo ? 5 Convertere, domine, et eripe animam meam ; salvum me fac propter misericordiam tuam. 6 Quoniam non est in morte qui memor sit tui ; in inferno autem quis confitebitur tibi ? 7 Laboravi in gemitu meo ; lavabo per singulas noctes lectum meum : lacrimis meis stratum meum rigabo. 8 Turbatus est a furore oculus meus ; inveteravi inter omnes inimicos meos. 9 Discedite a me omnes qui operamini iniquitatem, quoniam exaudivit dominus vocem fletus mei. 10 Exaudivit dominus deprecationem meam ; dominus orationem meam suscepit. 11 Erubescant, et conturbentur vehementer, omnes inimici mei ; convertantur, et erubescant valde velociter.

(5) The full texts of the antiphons that introduce the penitential psalms are restored from RR 148. (6) The MS has Domine ne in furore primo because it is the first of two psalms with the same incipit ; the other is Psalm 37.

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Antiphon Heal me, Lord, for my bones have become disturbed and my soul has been very troubled ; but turn to me, Lord, and rescue my soul. Psalm [6] O Lord, do not rebuke me in your fury, nor chastise me in your anger. 3

Have mercy on me, Lord, for I am weak. Heal me, Lord, for my bones have become disturbed, 4 and my soul has been very troubled. But as for you, Lord, when ? 5 Turn to me, Lord, and rescue my soul. Save me because of your mercy. 6 For there is no one in death who would be mindful of you. And who will confess to you in Hell ? 7 I have labored in my groaning. Every night, with my tears, I will wash my bed and drench my blanket. 8 My eye has been troubled by rage. I have grown old among all my enemies. 9 Scatter before me, all you who work iniquity, for the Lord has heard the voice of my weeping. 10 The Lord has heard my supplication. The Lord has accepted my prayer. 11 Let all my enemies be ashamed and together be greatly troubled. May they be converted and become ashamed very quickly.

Antienne Guéris moi, Seigneur, car mes os sont ébranlés, et mon âme est toute troublée ; mais toi,

Seigneur, reviens et délivre mon âme. Psaume [6] Seigneur, ne me reprends pas dans ta fureur, et ne me châtie pas dans ta colère. 3

Aie pitié de moi, Seigneur, car je suis sans force ; guéris-moi, Seigneur, car mes os sont ébranlés. 4 Et mon âme est toute troublée ; mais toi, Seigneur, jusques à quand… ? 5 Reviens, Seigneur, et délivre mon âme : sauve-moi à cause de ta miséricorde. 6 Car il n’y a personne qui se souvienne de toi dans la mort ; et qui donc te louera dans le séjour des morts ? 7 Je suis épuisé à force de gémir ; je laverai toutes les nuits mon lit de mes pleurs ; j’arroserai ma couche de mes larmes. 8 Mon œil a été troublé par la fureur ; j’ai vieilli au milieu de tous mes ennemis. 9 Eloignez-vous de moi, vous tous qui commettez l’iniquité, car le Seigneur a exaucé la voix de mes larmes. 10 Le Seigneur a exaucé ma supplication ; le Seigneur a agréé ma prière. 11 Que tous mes ennemis rougissent et soient saisis d’une vive épouvante ; qu’ils reculent promptement, et qu’ils soient bientôt confondus.

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super utramque aurem

Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per auditum, Antiphona Erat quidam regulus, cujus filius infirmabatur Capharnaum ; hic cum audisset, quia

Jesus veniret in Galileam, rogabat eum, ut sanaret filium ejus.7 Psalmus Beati quorum remissae sunt iniquitates, et quorum tecta sunt peccata. 2

Beatus vir cui non imputavit dominus peccatum, nec est in spiritu ejus dolus. Quoniam tacui, inveteraverunt ossa mea, dum clamarem tota die. 4 Quoniam die ac nocte gravata est super me manus tua, conversus sum in erumna mea, dum configitur spina. 5 Delictum meum cognitum tibi feci, et injustitiam meam non abscondi. Dixi : Confitebor adversum me injustitiam meam domino ; et tu remisisti impietatem peccati mei. 6 Pro hac orabit ad te omnis sanctus in tempore opportuno. Verumtamen in diluvio aquarum multarum, ad eum non approximabunt. 7 Tu es refugium meum a tribulatione quae circumdedit me ; exsultatio mea, erue me a circumdantibus me. 3

(7) Cf. Jn 4.46-47 : Et erat quidam regulus cujus filius infirmabatur Capharnaum hic cum audisset quia Jesus adveniret a Judea in Galileam abiit ad eum et rogabat eum ut descenderet et sanaret filium ejus / And there was a certain ruler, whose son was sick at Capernaum. Since he had heard that Jesus came to Galilee from Judea, he sent to him and begged him to come down and heal his son.

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On both ears

Through this anointing and his most tender mercy, may the Lord forgive you whatever sins you have committed through hearing, Antiphon There was a certain ruler whose son was sick at Capernaum. Since he had heard that Jesus came to Galilee, he begged him to heal his son. Psalm [31] Blessed are they whose iniquities have been forgiven and whose sins have been covered. 2

Blessed is the man to whom the Lord has not imputed sin, and in whose spirit there is no deceit. 3 Because I was silent, my bones grew old, while still I cried out all day long. 4 For, day and night, your hand was heavy upon me. I have been converted in my anguish, while still the thorn is piercing. 5 I have acknowledged my offense to you, and I have not concealed my injustice. I said, “I will confess against myself, my injustice to the Lord,” and you forgave the impiety of my sin. 6 For this, everyone who is holy will pray to you in due time. Yet truly, in a flood of many waters, they will not draw near to him. 7 You are my refuge from the tribulation that has surrounded me. You are my exultation : rescue me from those who are surrounding me.

Sur chacune des oreilles

Par cette onction et sa très tendre miséricorde, que le Seigneur te pardonne tout péché commis par l’ouïe, Antienne Il y avait un officier du roi dont le fils était malade à Capharnaüm. Ayant entendu que Jésus venait en Galilée, il le pria de guérir son fils. Psaume [31] Heureux ceux dont les iniquités ont été remises, et dont les péchés sont couverts. 2

Heureux l’homme à qui le Seigneur n’a pas imputé de péché, et dont l’esprit est exempt de fraude. 3 Parce que je me suis tu, mes os ont vieilli, tandis que je criais tout le jour. 4 Car jour et nuit ta main s’est appesantie sur moi ; je me suis retourné dans ma douleur, pendant que l’épine s’enfonçait. 5 Je t’ai fait connaître mon péché, et je n’ai pas caché mon injustice. J’ai dit : Je confesserai au Seigneur contre moi-même mon injustice ; et tu m’as remis l’impiété de mon péché. 6 C’est pour cela que tout homme saint te priera au temps favorable. Et quand les grandes eaux fondront comme un déluge, elles n’approcheront pas de lui. 7 Tu es mon refuge dans la tribulation qui m’a entouré ; Toi qui es ma joie, délivre-moi de ceux qui m’environnent.

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 8

Intellectum tibi dabo, et instruam te in via hac qua gradieris ; firmabo super te oculos meos. 9 Nolite fieri sicut equus et mulus, quibus non est intellectus. In camo et freno maxillas eorum constringe, qui non approximant ad te. 10 Multa flagella peccatoris ; sperantem autem in domino misericordia circumdabit. 11 Letamini in domino, et exsultate, justi ; et gloriamini, omnes recti corde. super utraque labia

Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per gustum, Antiphona Domine puer meus jacet paraliticus in domo et male torquetur ; amen dico tibi : Ego

veniam et curabo eum.8 [Psalmus]9 Domine ne in furore10 tuo arguas me, neque in ira tua corripias me : 3

quoniam sagittae tuae infixae sunt mihi, et confirmasti super me manum tuam. Non est sanitas in carne mea, a facie irae tuae ; non est pax ossibus meis, a facie peccatorum meorum : 5 quoniam iniquitates meae supergressae sunt caput meum, et sicut onus grave gravatae sunt super me. 4

(8) Cf. Mt 8.6-7 : Domine puer meus jacet in domo paralyticus et male torquetur. Et ait illi Jesus : Ego et curabo eum. / “Lord, my servant lies at home paralyzed and badly tormented.” And Jesus said to him, “I will come and heal him.” In DAER 3.15.13, this antiphon comes fifth rather than third. In RR the sequence is the same as here and in Udalrich’s customary (Udal 770D-771A). (9) The MS lacks the expected abbreviation PS here. (10) The MS has furo without an abbreviation mark of any kind.

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TR ANSL ATION 8

I will give you understanding, and I will instruct you in this way, in which you will walk. I will fix my eyes upon you. 9 Do not become like the horse and the mule, which have no understanding. Their jaws are constrained with bit and bridle, so as not to draw near to you. 10 Many are the scourges of the sinner, but mercy will surround him that hopes in the Lord. 11 Rejoice in the Lord and exult, you just ones, and glory, all you upright of heart. On both lips

Through this anointing and his most tender mercy, may the Lord forgive you whatever sins you have committed through taste, Antiphon

“Lord, my servant lies at home paralyzed and badly tormented.” “Amen I say to you, I will come and heal him.” [Psalm 37] O Lord, do not rebuke me in your fury, nor chastise me in your wrath. 3

For your arrows have been driven into me, and your hand has been confirmed over me. There is no health in my flesh before the face of your wrath. There is no peace for my bones before the face of my sins. 5 For my iniquities have walked over my head, and they have been like a heavy burden weighing upon me. 4

8

Je vous donnerai l’intelligence, et je vous enseignerai la voie par où vous devez marcher ; J’arrêterai mes yeux sur vous. 9 Ne soyez pas comme le cheval et le mulet, qui n’ont pas d’intelligence. Resserre leur bouche avec le mors et le frein, quand ils ne veulent point s’approcher de toi. 10 Le pécheur sera exposé à des peines nombreuses ; mais celui qui espère dans le Seigneur sera environné de miséricorde. 11 Justes, réjouissez-vous dans le Seigneur, et soyez dans l’allégresse ; et glorifiez-vous en Lui, vous tous qui avez le cœur droit. Sur les deux lèvres

Par cette onction et sa très tendre miséricorde, que le Seigneur te pardonne tout péché commis par le goût, Antienne

« Seigneur, mon serviteur est couché dans ma maison, atteint de paralysie, et il souffre extrêmement ». « Amen, je te dis : j’irai et je le guérirai ». Psaume [37] Seigneur, ne me reprends pas dans ta fureur, et ne me punis pas dans ta colère. 3

Car j’ai été percé de tes flèches, et tu as appesanti sur moi ta main. Il n’est rien resté de sain dans ma chair à la vue de ta colère ; il n’y a plus de paix dans mes os à la vue de mes péchés. 5 Car mes iniquités se sont élevées au-dessus de ma tête, et comme un lourd fardeau elles se sont appesanties sur moi. 4

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 6

Putruerunt et corruptae sunt cicatrices meae, a facie insipientiae meae. Miser factus sum et curvatus sum usque in finem ; tota die contristatus ingrediebar. 8 Quoniam lumbi mei impleti sunt illusionibus, et non est sanitas in carne mea. 9 Afflictus sum, et humiliatus sum nimis ; rugiebam a gemitu cordis mei. 10 Domine, ante te omne desiderium meum, et gemitus meus a te non est absconditus. 11 Cor meum conturbatum est ; dereliquit me virtus mea, et lumen oculorum meorum, et ipsum non est mecum. 12 Amici mei et proximi mei adversum me appropinquaverunt, et steterunt ; et qui juxta me erant, de longe steterunt : et vim faciebant qui querebant animam meam. 13 Et qui inquirebant mala mihi, locuti sunt vanitates, et dolos tota die meditabantur. 14 Ego autem, tamquam surdus, non audiebam ; et sicut mutus non aperiens os suum. 15 Et factus sum sicut homo non audiens, et non habens in ore suo redargutiones. 16 Quoniam in te, domine, speravi ; tu exaudies me, domine deus meus. 17 Quia dixi : Nequando supergaudeant mihi inimici mei ; et dum commoventur pedes mei, super me magna locuti sunt. 18 Quoniam ego in flagella paratus sum, et dolor meus in conspectu meo semper. 19 Quoniam iniquitatem meam annuntiabo, et cogitabo pro peccato meo. 20 Inimici autem mei vivunt, et confirmati sunt super me : et multiplicati sunt qui oderunt me inique. 7

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TR ANSL ATION 6

My sores have putrefied and been corrupted before the face of my foolishness. I have become miserable, and I have been bent down, even to the end. I have walked with contrition all day long. 8 For my loins have been filled with illusions, and there is no health in my flesh. 9 I have been afflicted and greatly humbled. I bellowed from the groaning of my heart. 10 O Lord, all my desire is before you, and my groaning before you has not been hidden. 11 My heart has been disturbed. My strength has abandoned me, and the light of my eyes has abandoned me, and it is not with me. 12 My friends and my neighbors have drawn near and stood against me. And those who were next to me stood far apart. And those who sought my soul used violence. 13 And those who sought evil accusations against me were speaking emptiness. And they practiced deceitfulness all day long. 14 But, like someone deaf, I did not hear. And I was like someone mute, not opening his mouth. 15 And I became like a man who does not hear, and who has no reproofs in his mouth. 16 For in you, Lord, I have hoped. You will listen to me, O Lord my God. 17 For I said, “Lest at any time, my enemies might rejoice over me,” and, “While my feet are being shaken, they have spoken great things against me.” 18 For I have been prepared for scourges, and my sorrow is ever before me. 19 For I will announce my iniquity, and I will think about my sin. 20 But my enemies live, and they have been stronger than me. And those who have wrongfully hated me have been multiplied. 7

6

Mes plaies ont été remplies de corruption et de pourriture, par l’effet de ma folie. Je suis devenu misérable, et continuellement tout courbé ; je marchais triste tout le jour. 8 Car mes reins ont été remplis d’illusions, et il n’y a rien de sain dans ma chair. 9 J’ai été affligé et humilié outre mesure, et le gémissement de mon cœur m’arrachait des rugissements. 10 Seigneur, tout mon désir est devant toi, et mon gémissement ne t’est point caché. 11 Mon cœur est troublé, ma force m’a quitté, et la lumière même de mes yeux n’est plus avec moi. 12 Mes amis et mes proches se sont avancés jusqu’à moi, et se sont arrêtés. Ceux qui étaient près de moi se sont arrêtés à distance. Et ceux qui en voulaient à ma vie usaient de violence. 13 Ceux qui cherchaient à me faire du mal ont proféré des mensonges, et tout le jour ils méditaient la tromperie. 14 Mais moi, comme si j’eusse été sourd, je n’entendais pas ; et comme si j’eusse été muet, je n’ouvrais pas la bouche. 15 Je suis devenu comme un homme qui n’entend pas, et qui n’a pas de répliques dans sa bouche. 16 Car c’est en toi, Seigneur, que j’ai espéré ; tu m’exauceras, Seigneur mon Dieu. 17 Car j’ai dit : Que mes ennemis ne se réjouissent pas à mon sujet, eux qui, ayant vu mes pieds ébranlés, ont parlé insolemment de moi. 18 Car je suis préparé aux châtiments, et ma douleur est toujours devant mes yeux. 19 Car je proclamerai mon iniquité, et je serai toujours occupé de la pensée de mon péché. 20 Cependant mes ennemis vivent, et sont devenus plus puissants que moi, et ceux qui me haïssent injustement se sont multipliés. 7

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 21

Qui retribuunt mala pro bonis detrahebant mihi, quoniam sequebar bonitatem. Ne derelinquas me, domine deus meus ; ne discesseris a me. 23 Intende in adjutorium meum, domine deus salutis meae. 22

super nasum

Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per odoratum, Antiphona Cor contritum et humiliatum, deus, ne despicias, sed propter magnam misericor-

diam tuam miserere mei, deus.11 Psalmus Miserere mei deus, secundum magnam misericordiam tuam ; et secundum multitu-

dinem miserationum tuarum, dele iniquitatem meam. Amplius lava me ab iniquitate mea, et a peccato meo munda me. 5 Quoniam iniquitatem meam ego cognosco, et peccatum meum contra me est semper. 6 Tibi soli peccavi, et malum coram te feci ; ut justificeris in sermonibus tuis, et vincas cum judicaris. 7 Ecce enim in iniquitatibus conceptus sum, et in peccatis concepit me mater mea. 8 Ecce enim veritatem dilexisti ; incerta et occulta sapientiae tuae manifestasti mihi. 4

(11) This antiphon is built from portions of verses 19 and 3 of the psalm. Propter does not appear as a variant of secundum in any medieval manuscripts of the psalms, but the Antiphonary of Bangor, in its text of the Gloria of the mass, has propter magnam misericordiam tuam instead of propter magnam gloriam tuam ; see The Antiphonary of Bangor : An Early Irish Manuscript in the Ambrosian Library in Milan, ed. F. E. Warren, HBS 4 (London : Henry Bradshaw Society, 1893), facsimile, folio 33r.

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TR ANSL ATION 21

Those who render evil for good have dragged me down, because I followed goodness. Do not forsake me, O Lord my God. Do not depart from me. 23 Be attentive to my help, O Lord, the God of my salvation. 22

On the nose

Through this anointing and his most tender mercy, may the Lord forgive you whatever sins you have committed through smell, Antiphon

Do not spurn a contrite and humbled heart, O God, but according to your great mercy, be merciful to me. Psalm [50] Be merciful to me, O God, according to your great mercy. And, according to the plenitude

of your compassion, wipe out my iniquity. Wash me once again from my iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. 5 For I know my iniquity, and my sin is ever before me. 6 Against you only have I sinned, and I have done evil before your eyes. And so, you are justified in your words, and you will prevail when you give judgment. 7 For behold, I was conceived in iniquities, and in sinfulness did my mother conceive me. 8 For behold, you have loved truth. The obscure and hidden things of your wisdom, you have manifested to me. 4

21

Ceux qui rendent le mal pour le bien me décriaient, parce que je m’attachais au bien. Ne m’abandonne pas, Seigneur mon Dieu ; ne t’éloigne pas de moi. 23 Hâte-toi de me secourir, Seigneur, Dieu de mon salut. 22

Sur le nez

Par cette onction et sa très tendre miséricorde, que le Seigneur te pardonne tout péché commis par l’odorat, Antienne

Dieu, ne méprise pas un cœur brisé et humilié, mais aie pitié de moi, Dieu, selon ta grande miséricorde. Psaume [50] Aie pitié de moi, Dieu, selon ta grande miséricorde ; et selon la multitude de tes bontés,

efface mon iniquité. Lave-moi de plus en plus de mon iniquité, et purifie-moi de mon péché. 5 Car je connais mon iniquité, et mon péché est toujours devant moi. 6 J’ai péché contre toi seul, et j’ai fait ce qui est mal à tes yeux, afin que tu sois trouvé juste dans tes paroles, et victorieux lorsqu’on te jugera. 7 Car j’ai été conçu dans l’iniquité, et ma mère m’a conçu dans le péché. 8 Car tu as aimé la vérité ; tu m’as révélé les secrets et les mystères de ta sagesse. 4

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 9

Asperges me hyssopo, et mundabor ; lavabis me, et super nivem dealbabor. Auditui meo dabis gaudium et letitiam, et exsultabunt ossa humiliata. 11 Averte faciem tuam a peccatis meis, et omnes iniquitates meas dele. 12 Cor mundum crea in me, deus, et spiritum rectum innova in visceribus meis. 13 Ne projicias me a facie tua, et spiritum sanctum tuum ne auferas a me. 14 Redde mihi letitiam salutaris tui, et spiritu principali confirma me. 15 Docebo iniquos vias tuas, et impii ad te convertentur. 16 Libera me de sanguinibus, deus, deus salutis meae, et exsultabit lingua mea justitiam tuam. 17 Domine, labia mea aperies, et os meum annuntiabit laudem tuam. 18 Quoniam si voluisses sacrificium, dedissem utique ; holocaustis non delectaberis. 19 Sacrificium deo spiritus contribulatus ; cor contritum et humiliatum, deus, non despicies. 20 Benigne fac, domine, in bona voluntate tua Sion, ut edificentur muri Jerusalem. 21 Tunc acceptabis sacrificium justitiae, oblationes et holocausta ; tunc imponent super altare tuum vitulos. 10

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TR ANSL ATION 9

You will sprinkle me with hyssop, and I will be cleansed. You will wash me, and I will be made whiter than snow. 10 In my hearing, you will grant gladness and rejoicing. And the bones that have been humbled will exult. 11 Turn your face away from my sins, and erase all my iniquities. 12 Create a clean heart in me, O God. And renew an upright spirit within my inmost being. 13 Do not cast me away from your face ; and do not take your Holy Spirit from me. 14 Restore to me the joy of your salvation, and confirm me with an unsurpassed spirit. 15 I will teach the unjust your ways, and the impious will be converted to you. 16 Free me from blood, O God, the God of my salvation, and my tongue will extol your justice. 17 O Lord, you will open my lips, and my mouth will announce your praise. 18 For if you had desired sacrifice, I would certainly have given it, but with holocausts, you will not be delighted. 19 A crushed spirit is a sacrifice to God. A contrite and humbled heart, O God, you will not spurn. 20 Act kindly, Lord, in your good will toward Zion, so that the walls of Jerusalem may be built up. 21 Then you will accept the sacrifice of justice, oblations, and holocausts. Then they will lay calves upon your altar.

9

Tu m’arroseras avec l’hysope, et je serai purifié ; tu me laveras, et je deviendrai plus blanc que la neige. 10 Tu me feras entendre une parole de joie et de bonheur, et mes os, qui sont brisés et humiliés, tressailliront d’allégresse. 11 Détourne ta face de mes péchés, et efface toutes mes iniquités. 12 Ô Dieu, crée en moi un cœur pur, et renouvelle un esprit droit dans mon sein. 13 Ne me rejette pas de devant ta face, et ne retire pas de moi ton Esprit saint. 14 Rend-moi la joie de ton salut, et affermis-moi par un esprit généreux. 15 J’enseignerai tes voies aux méchants, et les impies se convertiront à toi. 16 Délivre-moi du sang que j’ai versé, ô Dieu, Dieu de mon salut, et ma langue célébrera avec joie ta justice. 17 Seigneur, tu ouvriras mes lèvres, et ma bouche publiera tes louanges. 18 Car si tu avais désiré un sacrifice, je te l’aurais offert ; mais tu ne prends pas plaisir aux holocaustes. 19 Le sacrifice digne de Dieu, c’est un esprit brisé ; tu ne méprises pas, ô Dieu, un cœur contrit et humilié. 20 Seigneur, traite favorablement Sion dans ta bonté, afin que les murs de Jérusalem soient bâtis. 21 Alors tu agréeras un sacrifice de justice, les oblations et les holocaustes ; alors on offrira de jeunes taureaux sur ton autel.

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

super manus, et si conversus est interius, si sacerdos exterius,

Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per tactum, Antiphona Domine descende, ut sanes filium meum priusquam moriatur ; dicit ei Jesus : Vade,

filius tuus vivit. Alleluia.12 Psalmus Domine exaudi orationem meam, et clamor meus ad te veniat. 3

Non avertas faciem tuam a me : in quacumque die tribulor, inclina ad me aurem tuam ; in quacumque die invocavero te, velociter exaudi me. 4 Quia defecerunt sicut fumus dies mei, et ossa mea sicut cremium aruerunt. 5 Percussus sum ut fenum, et aruit cor meum, quia oblitus sum comedere panem meum. 6 A voce gemitus mei adhesit os meum carni meae. 7 Similis factus sum pellicano solitudinis ; factus sum sicut nycticorax in domicilio. 8 Vigilavi, et factus sum sicut passer solitarius in tecto. 9 Tota die exprobrabant mihi inimici mei, et qui laudabant me adversum me jurabant : 10 quia cinerem tamquam panem manducabam, et potum meum cum fletu miscebam,

(12) Cf. Jn 4.49-50 : Domine descende priusquam moriatur filius meus. Dicit ei Jesus : Vade filius tuus vivit. / “Lord, come down before my son dies.” Jesus said to him, “Go, your son lives.”

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TR ANSL ATION

On the hands (on the inside if he is a conversus and on the outside if he is a priest)

Through this anointing and his most tender mercy, may the Lord forgive you whatever sins you have committed through touch, Antiphon

“Lord, come down so that you can heal my son before he dies.” Jesus said to him, “Go, your son lives.” Alleluia. Psalm [101] O Lord, hear my prayer, and let my outcry reach you. 3

Do not turn your face away from me. In whatever day that I am in trouble, incline your ear to me. In whatever day that I will call upon you, heed me quickly. 4 For my days have faded away like smoke, and my bones have dried out like firewood. 5 I have been cut down like hay, and my heart has withered, for I had forgotten to eat my bread. 6 Before the voice of my groaning, my bone has adhered to my flesh. 7 I have become like a pelican in solitude. I have become like a night raven in a house. 8 I have kept vigil, and I have become like a solitary sparrow on a roof. 9 All day long my enemies reproached me, and those who praised me swore oaths against me. 10 For I chewed on ashes like bread, and I mixed weeping into my drink.

Sur les mains (à l’intérieur pour un convers, sur le revers pour un prêtre)

Par cette onction et sa très tendre miséricorde, que le Seigneur te pardonne tout péché commis par le toucher, Antienne

« Seigneur, descends pour guérir mon fils avant qu’il ne meure » ; Jésus lui dit : « Va, ton fils vit. » Alléluia. Psaume [101] Seigneur, exauce ma prière, et que mon cri aille jusqu’à toi. 3

Ne détourne pas de moi ton visage ; en quelque jour que je sois affligé, incline vers moi ton oreille. En quelque jour que je t’invoque, exauce-moi promptement. 4 Car mes jours se sont évanouis comme la fumée, et mes os se sont desséchés comme le bois du foyer. 5 J’ai été frappé comme l’herbe, et mon cœur s’est desséché, parce que j’ai oublié de manger mon pain. 6 À force de pousser des gémissements, mes os se sont attachés à ma peau. 7 Je suis devenu semblable au pélican du désert ; je suis devenu comme le hibou des maisons. 8 J’ai veillé, et je suis devenu comme le passereau qui se tient seul sur le toit. 9 Tout le jour mes ennemis me faisaient des reproches, et ceux qui me louaient conspiraient avec serment contre moi. 10 Parce que je mangeais la cendre comme du pain, et que je mêlais mon breuvage avec mes larmes ;

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 11

a facie irae et indignationis tuae : quia elevans allisisti me. Dies mei sicut umbra declinaverunt, et ego sicut fœnum arui. 13 Tu autem, domine, in eternum permanes, et memoriale tuum in generationem et generationem. 14 Tu exsurgens misereberis Sion, quia tempus miserendi ejus, quia venit tempus : 15 quoniam placuerunt servis tuis lapides ejus, et terrae ejus miserebuntur. 16 Et timebunt gentes nomen tuum, domine, et omnes reges terrae gloriam tuam : 17 quia ædificavit dominus Sion, et videbitur in gloria sua. 18 Respexit in orationem humilium et non sprevit precem eorum. 19 Scribantur haec in generatione altera, et populus qui creabitur laudabit dominum. 20 Quia prospexit de excelso sancto suo ; dominus de celo in terram aspexit : 21 ut audiret gemitus compeditorum ; ut solveret filios interemptorum : 22 ut annuntient in Sion nomen domini, et laudem ejus in Jerusalem : 23 in conveniendo populos in unum, et reges, ut serviant domino. 24 Respondit ei in via virtutis suae : Paucitatem dierum meorum nuntia mihi : 25 ne revoces me in dimidio dierum meorum, in generationem et generationem anni tui. 26 Initio tu, domine, terram fundasti, et opera manuum tuarum sunt celi. 27 Ipsi peribunt, tu autem permanes ; et omnes sicut vestimentum veterascent. Et sicut opertorium mutabis eos, et mutabuntur ; 12

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TR ANSL ATION 11

By the face of your anger and indignation, you lifted me up and threw me down. My days have declined like a shadow, and I have dried out like hay. 13 But you, O Lord, endure for eternity, and your memorial is from generation to generation. 14 You will rise up and take pity on Zion, for it is time for its mercy, for the time has come. 15 For its stones have pleased your servants, and they will take pity on its land. 16 And the Gentiles will fear your name, O Lord, and all the kings of the earth your glory. 17 For the Lord has built up Zion, and he will be seen in his glory. 18 He has noticed the prayer of the humble, and he has not despised their petition. 19 Let these things be written in another generation, and the people who will be created will praise the Lord. 20 For he has gazed from his high sanctuary. From heaven, the Lord has beheld the earth. 21 So may he hear the groans of those in shackles, in order that he may release the sons of the slain. 22 So may they announce the name of the Lord in Zion and his praise in Jerusalem : 23 while the people convene, along with kings, in order that they may serve the Lord. 24 He responded to him in the way of his virtue : Declare to me the brevity of my days. 25 Do not call me back in the middle of my days : your years are from generation to generation. 26 In the beginning, O Lord, you founded the earth. And the heavens are the work of your hands. 27 They will perish, but you remain. And all will grow old like a garment. And, like a blanket, you will change them, and they will be changed. 12

11

à cause de ta colère et de ton indignation, car après m’avoir élevé tu m’as écrasé. Mes jours se sont évanouis comme l’ombre, et je me suis desséché comme l’herbe. 13 Mais toi, Seigneur, tu subsistes éternellement, et la mémoire de ton nom s’étend de race en race. 14 Tu te lèveras, et tu auras pitié de Sion, car il est temps d’avoir pitié d’elle, et le temps est venu. 15 Car ses pierres sont aimées de tes serviteurs, et sa terre les attendrit. 16 Et les nations craindront ton nom, Seigneur, et tous les rois de la terre ta gloire, 17 parce que le Seigneur a bâti Sion, et qu’il sera vu dans sa gloire. 18 Il a regardé la prière des humbles, et il n’a point méprisé leur prière. 19 Que ces choses soient écrites pour la génération future, et le peuple qui sera créé louera le Seigneur. 20 parce qu’il a regardé du haut de son lieu saint. Le Seigneur a regardé du Ciel sur la terre, 21 pour entendre les gémissements des captifs, pour délivrer les fils de ceux qui avaient été tués, 22 afin qu’ils annoncent dans Sion le nom du Seigneur, et sa louange dans Jérusalem, 23 lorsque les peuples et les rois s’assembleront, pour servir conjointement le Seigneur. 24 Il lui dit dans sa force : Fais-moi connaître le petit nombre de mes jours. 25 Ne me rappelle pas au milieu de mes jours ; tes années durent d’âge en âge. 26 Dès le commencement, Seigneur, tu as fondé la terre, et les cieux sont l’œuvre de tes mains. 27 Ils périront, mais toi, tu demeures, et ils vieilliront tous comme un vêtement. Tu les changeras comme un manteau, et ils seront changés ; 12

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 28

tu autem idem ipse es, et anni tui non deficient. Filii servorum tuorum habitabunt, et semen eorum in seculum dirigetur.

29

super pedes

Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per incessum, Antiphona Domine non sum dignus, ut intres sub tectum meum, sed tantum dic verbo et sana-

bitur puer meus.13 Psalmus De profundis clamavi ad te, domine ; 2

Domine, exaudi vocem meam. Fiant aures tuae intendentes in vocem deprecationis meae. 3 Si iniquitates observaveris, domine, domine, quis sustinebit ? 4 Quia apud te propitiatio est ; et propter legem tuam sustinui te, domine. Sustinuit anima mea in verbo ejus : 5 speravit anima mea in domino. 6 A custodia matutina usque ad noctem, speret Israël in domino. 7 Quia apud dominum misericordia, et copiosa apud eum redemptio. 8 Et ipse redimet Israël ex omnibus iniquitatibus ejus.

(13) Mt 8.8.

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TR ANSL ATION 28

Yet you are ever yourself, and your years will not decline. The sons of your servants will live, and their offspring will be guided aright in every age.

29

On the feet

Through this anointing and his most tender mercy, may the Lord forgive you whatever sins you have committed through walking, Antiphon

“Lord, I am not worthy that you should enter under my roof, but only say the word, and my servant shall be healed.” Psalm [129] From the depths, I have cried out to you, O Lord. 2

O Lord, hear my voice. Let your ears be attentive to the voice of my supplication. If you, O Lord, were to heed iniquities, who, O Lord, could persevere ? 4 For with you, there is forgiveness, and because of your law, I persevered with you, Lord. My soul has persevered in his word. 5 My soul has hoped in the Lord. 6 From the morning watch, even until night, let Israel hope in the Lord. 7 For with the Lord there is mercy, and with him there is bountiful redemption. 8 And he will redeem Israel from all his iniquities. 3

28

mais toi, tu es toujours le même, et tes années ne passeront point. Les fils de tes serviteurs auront une demeure permanente, et leur postérité sera stable à jamais.

29

Sur les pieds

Par cette onction et sa très tendre miséricorde, que le Seigneur te pardonne tout péché commis par le déplacement. Antienne

« Seigneur, je ne suis pas digne que tu entres sous mon toit ; mais dis seulement une parole, et mon serviteur sera guéri. » Psaume [129] Du fond des abîmes je crie vers toi, Seigneur ; 2

Seigneur, exauce ma voix. Que tes oreilles soient attentives, à la voix de ma supplication. Si tu examines nos iniquités, Seigneur, Seigneur, qui subsistera devant toi ? 4 Mais auprès de toi est la miséricorde, et à cause de ta loi j’ai espéré en toi. Mon âme s’est soutenue par sa parole ; 5 Mon âme a espéré dans le Seigneur. 6 Depuis la veille du matin jusqu’à la nuit, qu’Israël espère dans le Seigneur ; 7 car auprès du Seigneur est la miséricorde, et on trouve en lui une rédemption abondante. 8 Il rachètera lui-même Israël de toutes ses iniquités. 3

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

super inguina14

Per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, indulgeat tibi dominus quicquid peccasti per ardorem libidinis. Antiphona Cum sol autem occidisset, omnes, qui habebant infirmos variis languoribus, duce-

bant illos ad Jesum et curabantur.15 Psalmus16 Domine exaudi orationem meam ; auribus percipe obsecrationem meam in veritate

tua ; exaudi me in tua justitia. Et non intres in judicium cum servo tuo, quia non justificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens. 3 Quia persecutus est inimicus animam meam ; humiliavit in terra vitam meam ; collocavit me in obscuris, sicut mortuos seculi. 4 Et anxiatus est super me spiritus meus ; in me turbatum est cor meum. 5 Memor fui dierum antiquorum ; meditatus sum in omnibus operibus tuis : in factis manuum tuarum meditabar. 6 Expandi manus meas ad te ; anima mea sicut terra sine aqua tibi. 7 Velociter exaudi me, domine ; defecit spiritus meus. Non avertas faciem tuam a me, et similis ero descendentibus in lacum. 2

(14) Udal (771A) has de subtus super inguines / from below upon the loins. (15) Cf. Lk 4.40 : Cum sol autem occidisset, omnes qui habebant infirmos variis languoribus, ducebant illos ad eum. At ille singulis manus inponens curabat eos. / Then, when the sun had set, all those who had anyone afflicted with various diseases brought them to him. Then, laying his hands on each one of them, he cured them. DAER 3.15.13 has cecidisset for occidisset. (16) The MS gives the incipit as Domine exaudi orationem secundo to identify it as the second of two psalms with the same incipit ; the other is Psalm 101.

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TR ANSL ATION

On the loins

Through this anointing and his most tender mercy, may the Lord forgive you whatever sins you have committed through the heat of lust. Antiphon And when the sun had set, all those who had anyone afflicted with various diseases brought

them to Jesus, and they were cured. Psalm [142] O Lord, hear my prayer. Incline your ear to my supplication in your truth. Heed me accor-

ding to your justice. And do not enter into judgment with your servant. For all the living will not be justified in your sight. 3 For the enemy has pursued my soul. He has lowered my life to the earth. He has stationed me in darkness, like the dead of ages past. 4 And my spirit has been in anguish over me. My heart within me has been disturbed. 5 I have called to mind the days of antiquity. I have been meditating on all your works. I have meditated on the workings of your hands. 6 I have extended my hands to you. My soul is like a land without water before you. 7 O Lord, heed me quickly. My spirit has grown faint. Do not turn your face away from me, lest I become like those who descend into the pit. 2

Sur l’aine

Par cette onction et sa très tendre miséricorde, que le Seigneur te pardonne tout péché commis par l’ardeur de la concupiscence. Antienne Lorsque le soleil fut couché, tous ceux qui avaient des malades atteints de diverses maladies les amenaient à Jésus et ils étaient guéris. Psaume [142] Seigneur, exauce ma prière ; prête l’oreille à ma supplication selon ta vérité ; exauce-moi

selon ta justice. Et n’entre pas en jugement avec ton serviteur, parce que nul homme vivant ne sera trouvé juste devant toi. 3 Car l’ennemi a poursuivi mon âme ; il a humilié ma vie jusqu’à terre. Il m’a placé dans les lieux obscurs, comme ceux qui sont morts depuis longtemps. 4 Mon esprit s’est replié sur moi dans son angoisse ; mon cœur a été troublé au dedans de moi. 5 Je me suis souvenu des jours anciens ; j’ai médité sur toutes tes œuvres ; j’ai médité sur les ouvrages de tes mains. 6 J’ai étendu mes mains vers toi ; mon âme est devant toi comme une terre sans eau. 7 Hâte-toi, Seigneur, de m’exaucer ; mon esprit est tombé en défaillance. Ne détourne pas de moi ton visage, de peur que je ne sois semblable à ceux qui descendent dans la fosse. 2

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 8

Auditam fac mihi mane misericordiam tuam, quia in te speravi. Notam fac mihi viam in qua ambulem, quia ad te levavi animam meam. 9 Eripe me de inimicis meis, domine : ad te confugi. 10 Doce me facere voluntatem tuam, quia deus meus es tu. Spiritus tuus bonus deducet me in terram rectam. 11 Propter nomen tuum, domine, vivificabis me : in equitate tua, educes de tribulatione animam meam, 12 et in misericordia tua disperdes inimicos meos, et perdes omnes qui tribulant animam meam, quoniam ego servus tuus sum. Quo facto, lavat manus, et prius in cinere confricat, olim istud fiebat in crustis siliginei panis et haec lavatio nonnisi in igne vel in loco mundo et abdito solet effundi.17 Tunc si infirmus non communicatur, ab ipso sacerdote dicuntur omnes hae collectae, premissis his capitulis

[V.] [R.]

Salvum fac servum tuum,

[V.] [R.]

Mitte ei domine auxilium de sancto,

[V.] [R.]

Nichil proficiat inimicus in eo,

[V.] [R.]

Esto ei domine turris fortitudinis,

deus meus, sperantem in te18 et de Sion tuere eum19 et filius iniquitatis non adponat nocere eum20 a facie inimici21

(17) Cf. Udal 771A : Lavat manus ; et lavatio non nisi in loco mundo et abdito solet effundi. (18) Psalm 85.2. DAER 3.15.8 has the same versicles and order as in Bernard and Udalrich (Udal 771B). DAER 3.15.13 has them mixed in with four others. The responses are supplied from a thirteenth-century anointing ritual from Fonte Avellana (PL 151.918-20), which has the distinctive antiphons of the Cluniac ritual. (19) Cf. Psalm 19.3 : Mittat tibi auxilium de sancto : et de Sion tueatur te. (20) Cf. Psalm 88.23 : Nihil proficiet inimicus in eo, et filius iniquitatis non apponet nocere ei. (21) Cf. Psalm 60.4 : quia factus es spes mea : turris fortitudinis a facie inimici. The MS has fortitu without an abbreviation mark of any kind.

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TR ANSL ATION 8

Make me hear your mercy in the morning. For I have hoped in you. Make known to me the way that I should walk. For I have lifted up my soul to you. 9 O Lord, rescue me from my enemies. I have fled to you. 10 Teach me to do your will. For you are my God. Your good Spirit will lead me into the righteous land. 11 For the sake of your name, O Lord, you will revive me in your fairness. You will lead my soul out of tribulation. 12 And you will scatter my enemies in your mercy. And you will destroy all those who afflict my soul. For I am your servant. When finished, the priest washes his hands, after rubbing [them] in ashes (formerly this was done with crusts of wheat bread), and the wastewater is customarily only poured into a fire or a clean place set aside [for that purpose]. Then, if the sick man is not to receive communion, the priest himself adds the following collects, preceded by these psalm verses [and responses]

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Bring salvation to your servant,

my God, who hopes in you. Send him help Lord from the sanctuary,

and watch over him from Zion. The enemy will have no advantage over him,

nor will the son of iniquity be positioned to harm him. Be a tower of strength for him Lord,

before the face of the enemy.

8

Fais-moi sentir dès le matin ta miséricorde, parce que j’ai espéré en toi. Fais-moi connaître la voie où je dois marcher, parce que j’ai élevé mon âme vers toi. 9 Délivre-moi de mes ennemis, Seigneur, je me réfugie auprès de toi. 10 Enseigne-moi à faire ta volonté, parce que tu es mon Dieu. Ton bon esprit me conduira dans une terre droite et unie. 11 Seigneur, à cause de ton nom tu me feras vivre dans ta justice. Tu feras sortir mon âme de la tribulation, 12 et, dans ta miséricorde, tu détruiras mes ennemis. Et tu perdras tous ceux qui persécutent mon âme, car je suis ton serviteur. Ceci accompli, le prêtre se lave les mains, [les] frottant d’abord dans de la cendre – autrefois on faisait cela avec des miettes de pain de blé; et habituellement ce résidu est déversé uniquement dans le feu ou dans un endroit propre et impénétrable. Puis, si le malade ne communie pas, le prêtre dit lui-même toutes les collectes qui suivent, précédées par ces versets des psaumes :

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Sauve Ton serviteur,

mon Dieu, lui qui espère en toi. Seigneur, envoie lui du secours depuis le sanctuaire,

et défends-le depuis Sion. Que l’ennemi n’ait jamais l’avantage sur lui,

et que le fils de l’iniquité ne puisse lui nuire. Sois pour lui, Seigneur, une tour solide,

en face de l’ennemi. 81

DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

Collectae22 Deus qui famulo tuo Ezechiae ter quinos annos ad vitam donasti, ita et famulum

tuum23 a lecto egritudinis tua potentia erigat ad salutem. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Respice domine famulum tuum in infirmitate24 sui corporis laborantem et animam

refove, quam creasti, ut castigationibus emendatus continuo se sentiat tua medicina salvatum. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Deus qui facturae tuae pio semper dominaris affectu, inclina aurem tuam suppli-

cationibus nostris et famulum tuum ex adversa valitudine corporis laborantem placatus respice et visita in salutari tuo ac celestis gratiae presta medicinam. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Deus qui humano generi et salutis remedium et vitae eternae munera contulisti,

conserva in famulo tuo tuarum dona virtutum et concede, ut medelam tuam non solum in corpore sed etiam in anima sentiat. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Virtutum celestium deus, qui ab humanis corporibus omnem languorem et omnem

infirmitatem precepti tui potestate depellis, adesto propitius huic famulo tuo, ut fugatis infirmitatibus et viribus receptis nomen sanctum tuum instaurata protinus sanitate benedicat. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Domine sancte, pater omnipotens, eterne deus qui fragilitatem conditionis nostrae

infusa virtutis tuae dignatione confirmas, ut salutaribus remediis pietatis tuae cor

(22) The texts of the thirteen prayers that follow are reconstructed from RR nos. 126-38. Cf. the early fourteenth-century anointing ceremony from Westminster Abbey in MW 3.1266-70. The second of the two collects beginning Adesto is missing from the list in Udalrich’s customary (Udal 771B) probably because of an oversight ; see Paxton, “Death by Customary,” 306. (23) Latin sacramentaries and other ritual books for general use would normally indicate that a person’s name should be added here and elsewhere by including a pronoun like illum or illam (usually rendered as .N. in English) ; the absence of such pronouns in the Cluniac customaries, as well as those that derive from them, suggests that monks were not specifially named in the death ritual. (24) The MS has infir without an abbreviation mark of any kind.

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The collects : O God, you who added fifteen years to the life of your servant Hezekiah, in the same manner, may your power raise your servant from his sickbed to salvation ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Consider, Lord, your servant suffering in the weakness of his body and revive the soul that you created so that, corrected through chastisements, he may without further ado feel himself saved through your medicine ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. O God, you who always governs your creatures with loving affection, incline your ear to our

supplications and, kindly disposed, consider your servant laboring against the adverse condition of the body. Visit him in accordance with your salvation and grant him the medicine of heavenly grace ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. O God, you who has bestowed on the human race the gifts of the remedy of salvation and eternal life, preserve the gifts of your virtues in your servant and grant that he feel your remedy not only in body but also in soul ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. O God of heavenly virtues, you who through the power of your command drives out every

disease and sickness from human bodies, merciful [God], aid this your servant, so that, his sicknesses having been routed and his strength restored, he may, as soon as he has recovered his health, bless your holy name ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. O holy Lord, almighty father, eternal God, you who confirms the fragility of our condition through the grace of your power, which has been poured forth so that through the whole-

Collectes : Dieu, toi qui as ajouté quinze ans de vie à ton serviteur Ezéchias, que ta puissance relève ainsi ton serviteur du lit de la maladie vers le salut. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Regarde Seigneur, ton serviteur peinant dans la faiblesse de son corps et réchauffe son âme, que tu as créée, afin que, celle-ci corrigée par ton châtiment, il se sente aussitôt sauvé par ton remède. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Dieu, toi qui gouvernes toujours tes créatures avec tendresse, incline ton oreille à nos suppliques et considère avec bienveillance ton serviteur qui souffre de l’indisposition de son corps. Visite-le de ton salut et accorde-lui le remède de la grâce céleste. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Dieu, toi qui as donné au genre humain le remède du salut et le bienfait de la vie éternelle,

maintiens les dons de tes vertus chez ton serviteur et accorde-lui d’éprouver ton remède non seulement dans son corps, mais aussi dans son âme. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Dieu des vertus célestes, toi qui chasses toute langueur et toute faiblesse des corps humains par la puissance de ton commandement, sois favorable à ton serviteur ici présent, si bien qu’une fois ses faiblesses disparues et ses forces retrouvées, il bénisse ton saint nom dès qu’il aura retrouvé la santé. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Seigneur saint, Père tout-puissant, Dieu éternel, toi qui affermis la fragilité de notre condi-

tion en répandant la grâce de ta force, pour que nos corps et nos membres soient vivifiés par les remèdes salutaires de ta tendresse ; tourne-toi, apaisé, vers ton serviteur ici présent, 83

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pora nostra et membra vegetentur, super hunc famulum tuum propitiatus intende, ut omni necessitate corporeae infirmitatis exclusa gratia in eo pristinae sanitatis perfecta reparetur. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.25 Exaudi domine preces nostras26 et tibi confitentis parce peccatis, ut quem conscien-

tiae reatus accusat, indulgentia tuae miserationis absolvat. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Preveniat hunc famulum tuum quesumus, domine, misericordia tua, ut omnes iniquitates ejus celeri indulgentia deleantur. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Domine deus noster qui offensione nostra non vinceris, sed satisfactione placaris,

respice, quesumus, ad hunc famulum tuum, qui se tibi peccasse graviter confitetur, tuum est ablutionem dare criminum et veniam prestare peccantibus, qui dixisti penitentiam te malle peccatorum quam mortem, concede ergo, domine, hoc, ut tibi penitentiae excubias celebret et correctis actibus suis conferri sibi a te sempiterna gaudia gratuletur. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, nec sit ab hoc famulo tuo27 clementiae tuae

longinqua miseratio, sana vulnera ejusque remitte peccata, ut nullis iniquitatibus a te separatus, tibi, domino, semper valeat adherere. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.

(25) After this collect, RR adds : Hic admoneatur dicere confessionem / here he is admonished to confess. (26) The MS has an abbreviation for et cetera after this incipit. (27) RR has ‘N.’ here.

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some remedies of your love our bodies and limbs might be invigorated, having been appeased, stretch forth [your hand] over this your servant, so that, every constraint of bodily illness having been removed, the perfected grace of former health may be renewed in him ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Hear, O Lord, our prayers, and forgive the sins of those confessing to you, so that the

indulgence of your mercy might absolve those whom the guilt of conscience shall accuse ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. May your mercy aid this your servant, Lord, we pray, so that through a speedy indulgence

all his evil deeds may be obliterated ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. O Lord our God, you who is not overwhelmed by our offense but are appeased by penance, turn you attention, we pray, to this your servant who confesses that he has sinned gravely against you. Absolution for crimes and forgiveness for sins is yours to give, you who said that you preferred the penance of sinners to their death. Allow him therefore, Lord, to celebrate the rites of penance for you, and, once his actions have been corrected, let him rejoice in the eternal joy to be conferred upon him by you, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Attend, Lord, to our supplications, let not the mercy of your clemency be distant from this your servant. Heal his wounds and forgive his sins, so that, not separated from you by any iniquities, he will have the strength to cleave to you forever, Lord ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

afin que toute contrainte de sa maladie corporelle soit chassée et que la grâce parfaite de la santé qu’il avait autrefois soit restaurée en lui. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Seigneur, exauce nos prières et pardonne les péchés de ceux qui se confient en toi, de sorte

que l’indulgence de ta miséricorde absolve celui qui est incriminé par la culpabilité de sa conscience. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Que ta miséricorde vienne en aide à ton serviteur ici présent, Seigneur, nous t’implorons, si bien que toutes ses fautes soient effacées par une prompte indulgence. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Seigneur, notre Dieu, toi qui n’es pas atteint par notre offense, mais apaisé par notre pénitence nous t’implorons, regarde ton serviteur ici présent qui confesse avoir grandement péché envers toi. C’est à toi qu’il appartient de donner l’absolution des fautes et de concéder le pardon aux délinquants, toi qui as dit préférer la pénitence des pécheurs plutôt que leur mort. Concède-lui alors, Seigneur, de célébrer pour toi les rites de la pénitence et, une fois ses actions corrigées, de se réjouir de recevoir de toi la joie éternelle. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Prête attention à nos suppliques, Seigneur, afin que la miséricorde de ta clémence pour ton serviteur ici présent ne tarde pas ; guéris ses plaies et pardonne-lui ses péchés afin que,

n’étant plus séparé de toi par aucune faute, Seigneur, il puisse être uni à toi pour toujours. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen.

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Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, et me qui etiam misericordia tua primus

indigeo, clementer exaudi, ut quem non electione meriti, sed dono gratiae tuae constituisti operis hujus ministrum, da fiduciam tui muneris exequendi et ipse in nostro ministerio quod tuae pietatis est operare. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Presta quesumus domine huic famulo tuo28 dignum penitentiae fructum, ut ecclesiae

tuae sanctae, a cujus integritate deviarat peccando, admissorum reddatur innoxius veniam consequendo. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Deus humani generis benignissime29 conditor et misericordissime reformator, qui

hominem invidia diaboli ab eternitate dejectum unici filii tui sanguine redemisti, vivifica hunc famulum tuum, quem tibi nullatenus mori desideras, et qui non derelinquisti devium, assume correctum, moveant pietatem tuam, quesumus, domine hujus famuli tui lacrimosa suspiria ; tu ejus medere vulneribus, tu iacenti manum porrige salutarem, nec ecclesia tua aliqua sui corporis portione vastetur, ne grex tuus detrimentum sustineat, ne de familiae tuae damno inimicus exultet, ne renatum lavacro salutari mors secunda possideat. Tibi ergo, domine, supplices preces, tibi fletum cordis effundimus, tu parce confitenti, ut sic in hac mortalitate peccata sua te adjuvante defleat, qualiter in tremendi judicii die sententiam eternae damnationis evadat et nesciat, quod terret in tenebris, quod stridet in flammis atque ab erroris via ad iter reversus justitiae nequaquam ultra vulneribus saucietur, sed integrum sit

(28) RR has ‘N.’ here. (29) The abbreviation of et cetera in the MS lacks the et in the form of an ampersand of other instances and is written simply as (.c.).

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Attend, Lord, to our supplications, and hear me also mercifully, I who require first your mercy, so that he whom you have made the minister of this work, not through a selection based on merit but through the gift of your grace, might have the courage to accomplish your service and to perform in our ministry, that [which is the product] of your affection ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Grant, we pray Lord, the worthy fruit of penance to this your servant, so that he may,

innocent of guilt through gaining forgiveness, be restored to your holy church, from whose unity he had, through sinning, wandered ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. God, most benign author and most merciful reformer of the human race, you who through the blood of your only son redeemed man from eternal exile in the snares of the devil, vivify this your servant whom you by no means wish to see die. You who have not abandoned [us] in out of the way places, take up this reformed man. May the tearful sighs of this your servant, Lord, move you to pity, we pray. Heal his wounds. Extend your healthgiving hand over him lying here. Let not your church be wasted of a portion of its body. Let not your flock sustain a loss. Let not the enemy exult in the damnation of your family. Let not the second death possess [him] who has been reborn through the saving bath. To you, therefore, Lord, we pour forth our suppliant prayers, a lamentation of the heart to you. Spare the one confessing to you, so that, since he weeps over his sins in this life, thanks to your help, he may escape the sentence of eternal damnation on the terrible day of judgment, and not know the thing he fears in the darkness, which hisses in the flames, and, returned to the road of justice from the way of error, may he be by no means injured

Prête attention à nos suppliques, Seigneur, et moi qui le premier ai aussi besoin de ta miséri-

corde, écoute-moi avec clémence afin que, à celui que tu as fait le serviteur de cette œuvre, non pas en considération du mérite mais par le don de ta grâce, tu donnes la confiance d’accomplir ta charge et de réaliser lui-même ce qui, dans notre ministère, revient à ta tendresse. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Nous t’implorons, Seigneur, accorde à ton serviteur ici présent le digne fruit de la pénitence,

afin que, innocenté de ses méfaits par le pardon, il puisse revenir à ta sainte église, lui qui s’était éloigné de sa pureté en péchant. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Dieu, créateur très bienveillant et réformateur très miséricordieux du genre humain, toi qui, par le sang de ton Fils unique, as délivré l’homme chassé de l’éternité par la jalousie du diable, vivifie ton serviteur ici présent que tu ne veux pas voir mourir à toi d’aucune façon ; toi qui n’as pas abandonné celui qui avait dévié du droit chemin, prends en charge celui qui a été châtié. Seigneur, nous t’implorons : que les soupirs et les larmes de ton serviteur ici présent émeuvent ta tendresse ; que tu soignes ses blessures ; que tu étendes ta main réconfortante sur lui qui est gisant ; que ton église ne soit dépouillée d’aucune de ses parties ; que ton troupeau ne subisse aucun dommage ; que l’Ennemi n’exulte pas d’une perte subie par ta famille ; qu’une seconde mort ne prenne pas possession de celui qui est né une deuxième fois par le bain salutaire. Pour toi, Seigneur, ces prières suppliantes, pour toi nous versons les larmes du cœur : épargne celui qui se confesse afin que, de même qu’il pleure avec ton aide sur ses péchés en cette vie, il puisse éviter la sentence de damnation éternelle lors du jour terrible du Jugement et ne pas connaître ce qu’il craint dans les ténèbres, ce qui siffle dans les flammes ; et revenu de la voie de l’erreur au chemin de la justice, qu’il ne soit plus 87

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ei atque perpetuum et quod gratia tua contulit et quod misericordia reformavit. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Si autem communionem sacram percepturus est, tunc ab alio dicuntur prefatae collectae, et ipse interim cruce et aqua benedicta remanentibus cum geminis candelabris per parlatorium ad ecclesiam redit comitante armario. Semper enim pro unguendo fratre, vel communicando, in infirmariam per ecclesiam beatae Mariae itur, nisi conventus ibi sit, et per parlatorium inde reditur. [48v] Postquam in ecclesiam venerint, unum de cotidianis calicibus in armario accipit, vel ipse sacerdos, vel armarius prius tamen lotis manibus, et vinum, et aquam ac si missa cantari deberet infundit. Tunc sacerdos ad majus altare super quod domini corpus servatur accedit, et priusquam accipiat incensat, postmodum accipiens frangit super ipsum calicem, et illam partem quam allaturus est super calicem tenet, aliam in pixide reponit, et tunc ab armario tam manus sacerdotis, quam ipse calix, linteolo mundissimo cooperiuntur. Si tunc conventus in choro est quando discedit ab altari, totus veniam pro reverentia dominici corporis petit. Similiter ubicumque viderint eum fratres transeuntem, faciunt. Interea curatur, ut infirmi bucca lavetur, recepturi ipsum dominicum corpus. Prius autem quam recipiat, dicit30 Confiteor deo omnipotenti, istis sanctis et omnibus sanctis et vobis, fratres, quia peccavi in cogita-

tione, in locutione, in opere, in pollutione mentis et corporis. Ideo precor vos, ora pro me,31

(30) Bernard’s word order has been slightly rearranged here to clarify the sequence of words and actions ; the MS reads Prius autem quam recipiat, Confiteor dicit. (31) The texts of the confession and the two prayers that follow it are reconstructed from Bernold of Constance, Micrologus (PL 151.992 ; written c. 1085). Bernold, a contemporary of Bernard and Udalrich, was the first to record the Confiteor as a regular part of the ordinary of the mass. Singular forms have been changed to the plural, in accord with following Bernard’s use of vestri in the incipit to the second prayer. The exact wording of the Confiteor may have been different at Cluny because medieval liturgical sources preserve various versions of rites of penance and mass texts did not stabilize until some time after the eleventh century. Bernold’s texts of the Misereatur and absolution differ only slightly from those in the late fourteenth-century Westminster Missal : MW 2.489-90.

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by other wounds, but let that which your grace confers and your mercy has reformed be to him whole and lasting ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. If, however, he is going to receive holy communion, someone else says the preceding collects while the priest, leaving the cross and the holy water behind with the two candlesticks, returns to the church through the parlor, accompanied by the armarius. In fact, one always goes through the church of St. Mary when bringing unction or communion to the infirmary (unless the community is there) and returns from there through the parlor. After they have come into the church, either the priest himself or the armarius, after having first washed his hands, takes one of the daily chalices from the cupboard and pours wine and water into it as if a mass were to be sung. Then the priest approaches the high altar, on which the body of Christ is kept, censing the altar before taking the host. After taking it he breaks it over the chalice and holds the part that is going to be carried [to the infirmary] ; the other part he returns to the pyx. Then the armarius covers his hands and the chalice with a very clean linen cloth. If the community is in the choir when he leaves the altar, all genuflect out of reverence to the body of the Lord. Any brothers who see him on his way do the same. In the meantime, someone sees that the mouth of the sick monk is washed, for he is about to receive the Lord’s very body. Before the monk receives it, however, he says I confess to almighty God, to these holy ones and all the saints, and to you brothers, that

I have sinned in thought, word, and deed, in the pollution of mind and body. Therefore I beseech you, pray for me,

jamais déchiré par d’autres blessures, mais que ce que ta grâce a conféré et ta miséricorde a réformé demeure pour lui entier et éternel. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Mais s’il doit d’abord recevoir la sainte communion, alors ces collectes sont dites par un autre ; entretemps, laissant sur place la croix, l’eau bénite et les doubles chandeliers, le prêtre se rend avec l’armarius à l’église à travers le parloir. En effet, pour oindre un frère ou le faire communier, on se rend toujours à l’infirmerie en passant par l’église Sainte-Marie (à moins que la communauté n’y soit) et on en revient par le parloir. Une fois dans l’église, soit le prêtre lui-même, soit l’armarius prend dans l’armoire un des calices d’usage quotidien après s’être lavé les mains, et il y verse le vin et l’eau, comme si la messe devait être chantée. Puis le prêtre se rend à l’autel majeur sur lequel on garde le corps du Seigneur. Il l’encense avant de le prendre, puis, quand il l’a pris, il le brise au-dessus de ce même calice et garde la partie à emporter au-dessus du calice tandis qu’il place l’autre dans la pyxide ; l’armarius recouvre alors d’un linge très propre aussi bien les mains du prêtre que le calice lui-même. Si la communauté est présente dans le chœur tandis qu’il s’éloigne de l’autel, tous font la venia par révérence pour le corps du Seigneur. Les frères feront de même partout où ils le verront passer. Pendant ce temps, on prend soin de laver la bouche du malade qui va recevoir le corps même du Seigneur. Avant qu’il ne le reçoive, il dit : Je confesse à Dieu tout-puissant, à ces saints et à tous les saints et à vous, frères, que j’ai péché en pensée, en parole et en action, dans la pollution de l’esprit et du corps. C’est pourquoi, je vous en supplie, priez pour moi,

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et fratribus in commune respondentibus Misereatur vestri omnipotens deus et dimittat vobis omnia peccata vestra ; liberet

vos ab omni malo, et confirmet vos in omni opere bono, et perducat nos pariter Jesus Christus filius dei vivi ad vitam eternam, solus sacerdos prosequitur, Indulgentiam et remissionem omnium peccatorum tuorum tribuat tibi omnipotens et

misericors dominus.32 Ipsum autem domini corpus, in vino aquae permixto intinguitur. Quo epotato, ebibit quoque ablutionem calicis, et si potest, ablutionem digitorum sacerdotis, et adhuc calicis si non potest alius ebibit. Adhibetur quoque illi crux a sacerdote, ut eam adoret, et osculetur. Osculatur etiam quasi ultimum vale facturus, primo sacerdotem, deinde omnes fratres, et per antiquam consuetudinem ipsos quoque pueros. Redit conventus.33 Postquam autem frater ad hujusmodi venerit infirmitatem, adhibetur ei unus famulus qui non habet aliud facere, nisi ut obsequatur infirmo. Sed et in nocte famuli omnes qui sunt in infirmaria diligenter excubant, ne obitus ejus improvisus eveniat. Crux est contra faciem ejus affixa, et lumen cerei usque ad claram diem non defuerit. Si quis frater est ita religiosus cui hoc pro singulari libuerit affectu, ut ipse quoque remaneat, cum infirmo excubans, libenter ei prior adquiescit.34 Famuli qui sunt35 in talibus multum exercitati, multumque periti,36 cum viderint iam ejus exitus horam imminere, cilicium ad terram [49r] expandunt, et cinerem in crucis modum desuper spargunt, et infirmum de lecto levatum in cilicium ponunt. Deinde infirmarius debet

(32) The MS has et cetera after the incipit to this prayer. (33) The scribe marked the division between the anointing ceremony and the rest of the ritual with a large bracket after the word conventus. (34) Cf. Udal (771D-772A) which adds : maxime si est hujusmodi qui infirmo horas cantet regulares, et venienti ad extrema legat passiones / especially if he is of the sort who chants the hours for a sick brother and reads the passion accounts to him when he is approaching death. (35) MS : scint (sic). (36) Corrected from Udal (772A) ; the MS has multum opperiti.

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and when the brothers have responded in unison May God omnipotent have mercy on you and forgive all of your sins ; may he deliver you from all evil and confirm you in all good works ; and may Jesus Christ the son of the living God lead us together into eternal life, the priest alone follows up with

May the omnipotent and merciful Lord grant you indulgence and remission of all your sins. The body of the Lord itself is dipped into the mixture of water and wine. After the monk has swallowed it, he also drinks the mixture from the chalice and, if possible, the water from washing the priest’s fingers, and that from [washing] the chalice as well. If he is unable to do so, someone else does. Then the priest brings him a cross so that he may adore it and kiss it. As a sort of final goodbye, he also kisses first the priest, then all the brothers, and, in accordance with long-standing custom, the boys as well. The community leaves. Now when a brother has reached such a state of weakness a servant is assigned to him whose only duty is to care for the sick man. But at night all the servants who are in the infirmary keep watch attentively so that his death does not happen unexpectedly. A cross is laid upon his face and candles are kept lit until daylight. If any brother is so devoted that it should please him, on account of a particular affection for the sick monk, to remain and keep watch with him, the prior gladly gives his assent. When servants who are well trained and highly skilled in such matters see that the hour of his death is now imminent, they spread a hair shirt on the ground and sprinkle ashes on it in the shape of a cross. Then they raise the sick man out of his bed and place him on the hair shirt. Next, the infirmarian

et les frères de répondre tous ensemble :

Que Dieu tout-puissant vous fasse miséricorde et qu’il vous pardonne tous vos péchés ; qu’il vous libère de tout mal et vous confirme dans toutes vos bonnes actions, et que Jésus Christ, Fils du Dieu vivant, nous conduise également vers la vie éternelle. Le prêtre poursuit seul en disant :

Que le Seigneur tout-puissant et miséricordieux t’accorde l’indulgence et la rémission de

tous tes péchés.

Le corps même du Seigneur est trempé dans du vin mélangé d’eau. Après l’avoir absorbé, [le malade] boit aussi l’ablution dans le calice et, s’il en est capable, l’eau utilisée pour laver les doigts du prêtre et encore celle pour le calice ; s’il en est incapable, un autre le fait à sa place. Le prêtre lui apporte aussi la croix pour qu’il puisse l’adorer et l’embrasser. Comme s’il s’apprêtait à faire un adieu ultime, il embrasse également, en premier, le prêtre, puis tous les frères et, selon l’ancienne coutume, aussi les enfants. La communauté s’en retourne. Une fois que le frère a atteint un tel stade de faiblesse, on ajoute pour lui un serviteur qui n’a d’autre fonction que de le servir. Mais pendant la nuit, tous les serviteurs qui sont à l’infirmerie montent scrupuleusement la garde afin que sa mort ne survienne pas à l’improviste. La croix est appliquée contre son visage et la lumière des chandelles ne lui fera pas défaut avant le plein jour. Si un frère est pieux au point qu’il lui plairait, à cause de son affection singulière, de rester aussi et de monter la garde auprès du malade, le prieur le lui permet volontiers. Dès que les serviteurs qui ont beaucoup d’expérience et de savoir en ces choses verront l’heure de sa mort devenir imminente, ils déplient à terre un cilice, aspergent dessus de la cendre en forme de croix

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priori notificare quod ille frater sic est prope suum finem. Prior vero si eger habuerit memoriam, precipiet alicui fratrum, ut legat coram eo passiones. Si autem non habuerit, precipiet duobus vel quatuor ut indesinenter ibi cantent psalmos, donec notum sit, et pateat animam de corpore iam egressuram sine longa mora. Quod cum viderit famulus qui bene doctus, et usitatus, in tali officio est, tum demum arreptam tabulam debet fortiter, et cum festinantia multa percutere, in claustro ante gradum dormitorii, prius si nox est accensis lucernis in claustro infirmariae, et per aditum per quem itur in infirmariam. Quo signo audito, et si alio tempore etiam nimius passus reprehendatur, in homine nostri ordinis, qui tunc non currit, inregulariter et inordinate agit. Currentes autem fratres ubicumque sint cantant, et recantant majorem simbolum.37

Credo in unum deum patrem omnipotentem factorem celi et terrae, visibilium omnium et invisibilium, et in unum dominum Jesum Christum, filium dei unigenitum, et ex patre natum ante omnia secula, deum de deo, lumen de lumine, deum verum de deo vero, genitum non factum, cum substantialem patri per quem omnia facta sunt, qui propter nos homines et propter nostram salutem descendit de celis, et incarnatus est de spiritu sancto et Maria virgine, et homo factus est crucifixus, etiam pro nobis sub Pontio Pilato passus et sepultus est et resurrexit tertia die secundum scripturas, ascendit in celum sedet ad dexteram patris, et iterum venturus est cum gloria judicare vivos et mortuos, cujus regni non erit finis, et in Spiritum Sanctum dominum, et vivificantem, qui ex patre filioque procedit, qui cum patre et filio simul adoratur et cumglorificatur, qui locutus est per prophetas,

(37) The reference is to the Nicene Creed, whose wording was so well known that it was seldom written out. The text here is taken from the so-called Sacramentary of Winchcombe, written in the last quarter of the tenth century at an English house with close ties to the monastery of Fleury (Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire) ; The Winchcombe sacramentary, ed. Anselme Davril, HBS 109 (London : Henry Bradshaw Society, 1995), 898, no. 423.

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must notify the prior that this brother is indeed near death. If the sick man is conscious, the prior will instruct one of the brothers to read the passions [of the Lord] to him. If he is not conscious, the prior will order two or four brothers to sing the psalms continuously there, until it be noted and clear that the soul is about to depart from the body at any time. Then, when a servant who is well-trained and accustomed to the particular task sees this, then at last, after having seized the [signaling] tablet, he must strike it hard and very quickly in the cloister in front of the door to the dormitory (after, if it is night, having lit oil lamps in the cloister of the infirmary) and along the corridor that leads to the infirmary. When that signal has been heard, even though at other times a man of our order is reproved for an excessive pace, anyone who does not then run acts in an irregular and disorderly manner. Running then, from wherever they might be, the brothers chant the great Creed, over and over

I believe in one God the father almighty creator of heaven and earth, of all things visible and invisible ; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten son of God, born of the father before time, God of God, light of light, true God of true God, begotten not made, of one substance with the father through whom all things are made, who for us and for our salvation descended from heaven, and was born of the Holy Spirit and of the Virgin, and was crucified as a man, and died for us under Pontius Pilate and was buried and resurrected on the third day according to scripture, ascended into heaven, sits at the right hand of the father, and will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead, whose reign will never end ; and in the Holy Spirit, lord and living, who proceeds out of the father and the son, who with the father and the son is simultaneously adored and glorified, who

et lèvent le malade de son lit pour le déposer sur le cilice. Ensuite l’infirmier doit prévenir le prieur que ce frère est ainsi proche de sa fin. Si le malade est encore conscient, le prieur ordonne à l’un des frères de lui lire des récits de la Passion. Si ce n’est pas le cas, il ordonne à deux ou quatre frères de lui chanter des psaumes sans interruption, sur place, jusqu’à ce qu’on note et qu’il soit patent que l’âme va quitter le corps sous peu. Lorsque le serviteur connaîsseur en la matière et habitué à une telle tâche aura vu cela, seulement alors il doit saisir la tablette et la frapper fortement et avec une grande rapidité, dans le cloître, en bas des marches du dortoir ; s’il fait nuit, il allume d’abord les lumières dans le cloître de l’infirmerie et dans le passage qui y mène. Un fois le signal entendu, même si à d’autres moments une démarche trop rapide est punie chez quelqu’un de notre ordre, celui qui ne court pas en cet instant agit de manière irrégulière et non conforme à la coutume. D’autre part, où qu’ils soient, les frères en courant chantent et rechantent le Credo,

Je crois en un seul Dieu. Père tout-puissant, qui a fait le ciel et la terre, tout ce qui est visible et invisible. Et en un seul Seigneur, Jésus Christ, Fils unique de Dieu. Né du Père avant tous les siècles, Dieu de Dieu, lumière de la lumière, Dieu vrai du Dieu vrai. Engendré, non pas créé, consubstantiel au Père, par qui toutes choses sont créées. Qui, pour nous les hommes et pour notre salut, est descendu du ciel. Il s’est incarné de l’Esprit saint et de la Vierge Marie, et il s’est fait homme. Crucifié pour nous sous Ponce Pilate, il a souffert et fut enseveli. Il est ressuscité le troisième jour, selon les Écritures, et il est monté au ciel. Il est assis à la droite du Père. Il viendra de nouveau en gloire, juger les vivants et les morts : son règne n’aura pas de fin. Et [ je crois] en l’Esprit saint, Seigneur et dispensateur de vie, qui procède du Père et du Fils. Qui est adoré et glorifié avec le Père et le Fils, et qui a parlé par [la bouche] des prophètes. Et en une seule église sainte, catholique et apostolique. 93

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et unam sanctam catholicam et apostolicam ecclesiam, confiteor unum baptisma in remissionem peccatorum, et expecto resurrectionem mortuorum, et vitam futuri seculi amen. Exceptis horis regularibus et mandato, et generali missa. Tunc enim hi tantum currunt qui extra chorum sunt. Illi vero qui intra chorum sunt, omnes quidem commovent se quasi velint currere, nullus tamen presumit chorum egredi, nisi solus qui tenet ordinem et quibus ipse preceperit, et armarius. Similiter nullus exit de mandato nisi cui precipit ille qui tenet ordinem. Finita autem hora, et data benedictione, si quilibet suscepturus est eam veniendi non abeundi, nam quamdiu frater inhumatus est nulli unquam de monasterio discedere licet, et ad vesperos, vel matutinos facta commemoratione alicujus sancti si forte facienda est, tunc si frater nondum finitus fuerit, current omnes cantando predictum simbolum, ac si tunc percuteretur tabula. Si vero finitus fuerit, moderato incessu ibunt, cantantes Placebo domino38 et cum venerint illuc adjungent se psalmodiae39 eorum quo sibi invenerint.40 Cum autem ita liberi sunt, quod omnes insimul possunt occurere, omnes occurrunt, et sive omnes sive pars occurrat, ibi circa fratrem astantes tam[49v]diu debent indesinenter Credo in unum deum dicere, donec anima solvatur a corpore, nisi hoc eveniat quod aliquando evenit, ut in agonia multum producatur. Tunc enim agenda est ipso domno abbate, vel priore pronunciante letania, et unicuique nomini sanctorum subjungendum est Ora pro eo.41

(38) The office of vespers of the dead was known by this, its opening antiphon (CAO 4293 ; from Psalm 114.9) ; in this case, however, the reference is not just to vespers of the dead, but to a special form of the full office of the dead at Cluny known colloquially as the vigilia, on which see the Commentary below, especially 215 ; cf. Udal 772D-773A : Et si frater obierit interim dum conventus est ad regularem horam, vel ad missam, postea non ita currendo venit, sed moderato incessu, et cantando vesp. Defunctorum / and if a brother should die while the community is at a regular hour, or at mass, they should not go hurriedly afterwards but at a moderate pace, and chanting vespers of the dead. (39) The psalmody referred to here is the rest of the office known as the vigilia. (40) Cf. Bern 192 and Palermo 66v : eorum quos ibi invenerint / of those whom they find there. This makes more grammatical sense and may be the work of a scribe who was confused by the original. On the ambiguity of this passage, see the Commentary below, 199-200. (41) Neither Bernard nor Udalrich included the invocations of saints for this litany. To give a sense of what the litany may have been like, the invocations from the short litany for high mass during the week are presented here (from Bern 232). Cf. RR 152-55, DAER 3.15.8 and DAER 3.15.13, which end with the same list of requests, but do not include particularly Cluniac saints, like Consortia, Florentia, Alexander and (Pope) Marcellus, in the litany itself (although RR has the abbot-saints Maiolus and Odilo of Cluny, which have been added). See also, Victor Leroquais, Le bréviaire-missel du prieuré clunisien de Lewes (Collection Georges Moreau) (Paris : Georges Andrieux, 1935), 3-4 ; Stephen Holder, “The noted Cluniac breviary-missal of Lewes : Fitzwilliam Museum manuscript 369,” Journal of the Plainsong & Mediaeval Music Society, 8 (1985), 28 (Table 2) ; and Manuel Pedro Ramalho Ferreira, “Music at Cluny : The Tradition of Gregorian Chant for the Proper of the Mass, Melodic Variants and Microtonal Nuances,” (Ph.D. Dissertation, Princeton University, 1997), 57.

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was spoken of by the prophets ; and I confess one holy, catholic and apostolic church, one baptism for the remission of sins : and I look forward to the resurrection of the dead and everlasting life. Amen. unless they are at regular hours, at the Maundy, or at a conventual mass ; then, only those who are not in the choir run. Those who are in the choir all move themselves as if they wished to run, but no one presumes to leave the choir except the claustral prior, those he instructs to do so, and the armarius. Similarly, no one leaves the Maundy unless the claustral prior instructs him to do so. Once the hour is over and the blessing has been given (if anyone is going to receive it, he ought to be returning, not leaving, for until the brother is buried no one is allowed to leave the monastery at any time), and at vespers or matins, when the commemoration of a particular saint is completed, if it must perchance be done, then, if the brother has not yet died, all run chanting the aforementioned Creed just as if the tablet had been struck then. If he has already died, however, they go at a moderate pace singing vespers of the dead and when they have come there they join in the psalmody of those in the place where they find themselves to be. When, however, they are so free that they can all run together, they all run, and whether or not all or some run, once there, standing around the brother, they must chant the Creed continuously until the soul is released from the body, except when it so happens, as it sometimes does, that his agony is very prolonged. In that case, the litany is to be performed, led by the lord abbot himself or the prior, and pray for him is to be said after each of the names of the saints.

Je reconnais un seul baptême pour la rémission des péchés et j’attends la résurrection des morts et la vie éternelle. Amen. excepté lors des heures régulières, du mandatum et d’une messe conventuelle. À ces moments-là, en effet, seuls courent ceux qui sont à l’extérieur du chœur ; en revanche, les autres qui sont dans le chœur se mettent tous en branle comme s’ils voulaient courir, mais personne ne présume sortir du chœur, uniquement le prieur claustral, ceux à qui il l’aura ordonné et l’armarius. De même, personne ne quitte la cérémonie du mandatum excepté celui à qui le prieur claustral l’aura prescrit. L’heure terminée, la bénédiction donnée - si quelqu’un doit la recevoir parce qu’il vient d’arriver et non afin de partir car, aussi longtemps qu’un frère est sans sépulture, personne ne peut jamais s’éloigner du monastère – et une fois faite la commémoration d’un saint quelconque pour vêpres et pour matines – si, par hasard, elle doit être faite –, alors, dans le cas où le frère n’est toujours pas mort, ils courent tous en chantant le Credo, comme si la tablette venait d’être frappée. Mais si la fin a déjà eu lieu, ils iront d’un pas modéré, en chantant les vêpres des morts et, une fois arrivés sur place, ils se joindront au chant de ceux qu’ils trouveront là. En revanche lorsqu’ils sont libres au point de pouvoir arriver tous ensemble, tous accourent ; et que tous aient accouru ou seulement une partie d’entre eux, ils se tiennent autour du frère et doivent réciter sans relâche le Credo jusqu’à ce que l’âme ait quitté le corps, à moins que ne survienne ce qui arrive parfois, à savoir que son agonie se prolonge beaucoup. Dans ce cas, en effet, la litanie doit être récitée par le seigneur abbé lui-même ou le prieur et on ajoute prie pour lui à chaque nom de saint.

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Kyrie eleison. Christe eleison. Christe audi nos. Sancta Maria, Sancta Dei Genitrix, Sancta Virgo Virginum, Sancte Michael, Sancte Gabriel, Sancte Raphael, Sancte Johannes, Sancte Petre, Sancte Paule, Sancte Andrea, Sancte Stephane, Sancte Alexander, Sancte Marcelle, Sancte Martine, Sancte Laurenti, Sancte Benedicte, Sancte Maiole, Sancte Odilo, Sancta Felicitas,

96

ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora ora

pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro pro

eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo. eo.

TR ANSL ATION

Lord have mercy. Christ have mercy. Christ hear us. Holy Mary, Holy mother of God, Holy virgin of virgins, Saint Michael, Saint Gabriel, Saint Raphael, Saint John, Saint Peter, Saint Paul, Saint Andrew, Saint Stephen, Saint Alexander, Saint Marcellus, Saint Martin, Saint Lawrence, Saint Benedict, Saint Maiolus, Saint Odilo, Saint Felicity,

pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray pray

for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for

Seigneur, prends pitié. Christ, prends pitié. Christ, écoute-nous. Sainte Marie, Sainte mère de Dieu, Sainte vierge des vierges, Saint Michel, Saint Gabriel, Saint Raphaël, Saint Jean, Saint Pierre, Saint Paul, Saint André, Saint Étienne, Saint Alexandre, Sainte Marcelle, Saint Martin, Saint Laurent, Saint Benoît, Saint Mayeul, Saint Odilon, Sainte Félicité,

prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie prie

pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour pour

him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him. him.

lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui. lui lui. lui.

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Sancta Florentia, Sancta Consortia, Omnes Sancti,

ora pro eo. ora pro eo. orate pro eo.

Finitis vero sanctorum nominibus subinfertur

Propicius esto, Propitius esto, De gladio maligno, A morte perpetua, A pondere peccatorum, A terra caligine, Per crucem tuam, Per intercessionem omnium sanctorum tuorum, Peccatores, Ut iracundiae tuae flagella ab eo amoveas, Ut spiritum ejus a loco angustiae liberes, Ut cum fiducia diem judicii expectet, Ut eum in numero placentium tibi censeri facias, Ut eum a numero discerni facias malorum, Ut eum42 in regione vivorum eternis gaudiis foveri jubeas, Ut eum premia eternae vitae adipisci facias,

(42) MS : cum.

98

Parce ei, domine. libera eum, domine. libera eum, domine. libera eum, domine. libera eum, domine. libera eum, domine. libera eum, domine. libera eum, domine. te rogamus, audi nos. te rogamus, audi nos. te rogamus, audi nos. te rogamus, audi nos. te rogamus, audi nos. te rogamus, audi nos. te rogamus, audi nos. te rogamus, audi nos.

TR ANSL ATION

Saint Florentia, Saint Consortia, All the saints,

pray for him. pray for him. pray for him.

When they finish the names of the saints, [the following] is added Be merciful, spare him, O Lord. Be merciful, free him, O Lord. From the evil sword, free him, O Lord. From perpetual death, free him, O Lord. From the weight of sins, free him, O Lord. From the dark land, free him, O Lord. Through your cross, free him, O Lord. Through the intercession of all your saints, free him O Lord. Sinners, we beseech you, hear us. That you might withdraw from him the lashes of your wrath, we beseech you, hear us. That you might free his spirit from the place of difficulties, we beseech you, hear us. That he might await the Day of Judgment with confidence, we beseech you, hear us. That you might count him among the ones pleasing to you, we beseech you, hear us. That you might separate him from the ranks of the evil ones, we beseech you, hear us. That you might order him to be cared for in the region of the living with eternal delights, we beseech you, hear us. That you might help him obtain the reward of eternal life, we beseech you, hear us.

Sainte Florence, Sainte Consorce, Tous les saints,

prie pour lui. prie pour lui. priez pour lui.

Une fois terminés les noms des saints, on poursuit avec Sois miséricordieux, épargne-le Seigneur. Sois miséricordieux, libère-le Seigneur. Du glaive diabolique, libère-le Seigneur. De la mort éternelle, libère-le Seigneur. Du poids des péchés, libère-le Seigneur. De la terre ténébreuse, libère-le Seigneur. Par ta croix, libère-le Seigneur. Par l’intercession de tous tes saints, libère-le Seigneur. Pécheurs, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. Pour que tu détournes de lui le fouet de ta colère, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. Pour que tu libères son esprit de ce lieu d’angoisse, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. Pour qu’il attende avec confiance le jour du Jugement, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. Pour que tu le fasses être compté au nombre de ceux qui ont su te plaire, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. Afin que tu le fasses être soustrait du nombre des pécheurs, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. Afin que tu lui permettes d’être bercé par les joies éternelles dans la terre des vivants, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. Afin que tu lui fasses atteindre la récompense de la vie éternelle, nous t’implorons, écoute-nous.

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Ut eum a mortifero vastatore defendere digneris, Agnus dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, Agnus dei, qui tollis peccata mundi, Agnus dei, qui tollis peccata mundi,

te rogamus, audi nos. parce43 ei, domine. miserere ei. dona ei requiem.

Kyrie eleison,44 kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison. Christe eleison, christe eleison, christe eleison. Kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison. Quod si necdum finivit, repetito quater, aut amplius ab omnibus ut prius Credo in unum deum, si adhuc morabitur obitus, abbas sive prior debet significare fratribus ut recedant, retentis quibusdam qui cantent ibi psalmos, seu legant passiones si memoria redierit egro. Est autem consuetudo ut quamdiu super cilicium eger jacuerit secretarius qui horologium temperat, post completorium cum absconsa illuc pergat, et postquam horologium ceciderit, antequam pulset scillam ad matutinos, et etiam in die ut secundum quod ibi deprehendere poterit sic temperet, et provideat ne de servitio dei propter obitum fratris negligentia eveniat. Cum autem fratres quos prior retinuerat, viderint finem ejusdem multum prope sine dubio imminere faciunt ut prius tabulam [50r] percuti ad convocandum fratres. Qui omnino eodem ordine quo prius accurrere debent, etiam diu simul Credo in unum deum repetendo dicere, et si placuerit domno abbati, vel priori iterare letaniam, et item Credo in unum deum quousque finiatur.

(43) MS : paret. (44) The Kyrie is reconstructed in this form for its simplicity and because it had been said that way in the Introit of the Latin mass since the eighth century ; see also below, note 84.

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That you might find him worthy to defend from death by the cruel ravager, we beseech you, hear us. Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world, spare him, O Lord. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, have mercy on him. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, grant him peace. Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy. Christ have mercy, Christ have mercy, Christ have mercy. Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy. Now, if he has not yet died, after the Creed has been repeated four or more times by everyone, as before, if death is still delayed, the abbot or prior should instruct the brothers to depart, leaving some there who will sing psalms or read the passions if the sick brother is still conscious. It is the custom, moreover, that so long as he lies on the hair shirt the sacristan who keeps track of the hours should go to the infirmary with a partially covered lantern after compline, after the clock has struck, before he rings the bell for matins, and also during the day, so that he can ascertain the monk’s condition ; he can thus adjust the hours and see to it that no negligence in the service of God occurs on account of the death of a brother. When, however, the brothers whom the prior has retained see that the end is without doubt very near, the servants strike the tablet as before in order to call together the brothers who, in exactly the same manner as before, should run and, at the same time, chant the Creed over and over, and if it pleases the lord abbot or the prior, repeat the litany and also the Creed until he dies.

Afin que tu daignes le défendre Agneau de Dieu, qui enlèves les Agneau de Dieu, qui enlèves les Agneau de Dieu, qui enlèves les

du destructeur mortel, péchés du monde, péchés du monde, péchés du monde,

nous t’implorons, écoute-nous. épargne-le Seigneur. aie pitié de lui. donne lui la paix.

Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur, prends pitié. Christ, prends pitié, Christ, prends pitié, Christ, prends pitié. Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur prends pitié, Seigneur prends pitié. S’il n’est toujours pas mort, le Credo est répété quatre fois ou plus par tous, comme précédemment ; si la mort tarde toujours, l’abbé ou le prieur doit indiquer aux frères de s’éloigner ; seuls quelques-uns restent sur place qui chantent des psaumes ou, si le malade a repris ses esprits, lisent des récits de la Passion. Par ailleurs, c’est la coutume que, aussi longtemps que le malade repose sur le cilice, le sacristain qui règle l’horloge s’y rende après complies avec une lanterne sourde, également une fois [le signal de] l’horloge tombé avant qu’il ne sonne pour matines, et encore pendant le jour, afin que, selon ce qu’il a pu appréhender sur place, il puisse régler l’horloge et s’assurer qu’aucune négligence n’intervienne dans le service de Dieu à cause de la mort d’un frère. Mais lorsque les frères retenus là par le prieur auront remarqué que, sans aucun doute, sa fin est presque imminente, ils font frapper comme auparavant la tablette pour convoquer les autres. Ceux-ci doivent accourir aussitôt, selon la même coutume qu’auparavant, répéter également, longtemps et ensemble, le Credo et, si cela plaît au seigneur abbé ou au prieur, répéter la litanie, et encore le Credo jusqu’à ce que ce soit fini.

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Quod si iterum videbitur obitus prolongari, significandum est fratribus, ut iterum recedant, retentis aliquibus qui psalmos cantent, et percutienda est iterum tabula cum certi fuerint de obitu. Nunquam enim debet finire frater, quin ibi adsint omnes, nisi pro supradictis causis remaneat, vel pro processione quae fit in dominicis et maximis festis, si iam crux et aqua benedicta extra auditorium sunt abstracta. Nam si adhuc intra claustrum sunt quando tabula percutitur ab omnibus ad defunctum curritur, et peracto officio ad processionem reditur. Quotienscumque pergant, audito sonitu tabulae, clamando Credo in unum deum, ut dictum est cum multa festinatione debent accelerare illuc, nichilque aliud dicere, donec egrediatur anima, nisi ut dictum est nimis longa mora obitus intercesserit. Sciendum est autem quoniam dum percutitur tabula, si fratres fuerint ad nocturnos matutinos, finitis nocturnis, si nondum finitus fuerit, statim ante laudes matutinas, current omnes cantando prefatum simbolum, etiam in duodecim lectionibus. Si vero finitus fuerit, ibunt quietius, cantando Placebo domino,45 et apportato corpore in ecclesiam, continuo matutinae laudes incipientur, prius dictis familiaribus psalmis qui solent dici si privata dies fuerit, etiamsi nondum finitum fuerit ex toto officium id est antequam dictum sit Exultabunt domino46 et Verba mea.47 Peractoque opere dei, reincipietur officium ubi dimissum fuerat. Si vero cantaverint vesperos, aut matutinos de omnibus sanctis, vel de defunctis, aut suffragia sanctorum, vel psalmos familiares, sive letaniam, nullam expectabunt licentiam,

(45) Cf. Udal 772D-773A : Et si frater obierit interim dum conventus est ad regularem horam, vel ad missam, postea non ita currendo venit, sed moderato incessu, et cantando vesp. defunctorum. (46) Exultabunt domino ossa humiliata, Psalm 50.10, is the antiphon that begins lauds of the dead. Cf. Udal 774A : Si est nox hiemalis, ut a kalendis Octob. usque ad Cenam domini, ad unamquamque vigiliam psalterium ex toto est dicendum, vesperi off. et mat. laudes pro defunctis, addito semper Verba mea. At si est estiva, tunc de psalterio non nisi centum psal. sunt dicendi / If it is a winter night, from the first of October until Holy Thursday, the whole psalter, vespers and lauds of the dead and the psalms for the dead should be chanted during each vigil. And if it is summer, only the first one hundred psalms must be said. (47) That is, Psalm 5, the first of the so-called psalms for the dead.

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If it is seems that the agony is again to be prolonged, the brothers are once again instructed to leave, others remaining who will chant the psalms ; and the tablet is to be struck again when they are certain of [his imminent] death. For a brother should never die without everyone present, except in the aforementioned cases, and for the processions that take place on Sundays and principal feasts, if the [conversi with the] cross and the holy water have already emerged from the parlor. But if the community is still in the cloister when the tablet is struck, everyone rushes to the deathbed and returns to the procession when the office is completed. As many times as they have to go, after hearing the sound of the tablet, they must hurry, with great haste, calling out I believe in one God (as has been said) and say nothing else until the soul is released from the body, unless (as has been said) an extremely long death intervenes. It ought to be known, moreover, that if the tablet is struck while the brothers are at night matins, if he has not yet died after the nocturns have been completed, then immediately before morning lauds they all run singing the aforementioned creed, even on days of twelve lessons. If, however, he has died, they will walk calmly, chanting vespers of the dead, and, when the body has been carried into the church, after they have recited the familiar psalms which are normally said on ordinary days, they will immediately begin morning lauds, even if the whole vigilia has not yet been completed, i.e. before lauds of the dead and the psalms for the dead have been recited. And after that work of God is completed, they begin the vigilia again where they had left off. If they are singing vespers or matins of all saints or of the dead, or the suffrages of the saints, or the familiar psalms, or the litany when the striking of the tablet is heard, they will not wait for any per-

Si l’agonie semble à nouveau se prolonger, on doit indiquer aux frères qu’ils doivent encore repartir, sauf quelques-uns demeurant sur place pour chanter les psaumes ; la tablette sera de nouveau frappée quand ils seront certains de la mort. En effet, un frère ne doit jamais décéder sans qu’ils ne soient tous là, à moins que cela ne soit ajourné pour les raisons susdites ou pour la procession faite les dimanches et lors des plus grandes fêtes, une fois la croix et l’eau bénite déjà hors du parloir. En effet, s’ils sont encore dans le cloître quand la tablette est frappée, tous doivent courir vers le défunt et, une fois le service accompli, retourner en procession. Chaque fois qu’ils s’y rendent après avoir entendu le signal de la tablette, ils doivent se hâter avec précipitation et en clamant Je crois en un seul Dieu, comme il a été dit, et ne rien réciter d’autre jusqu’à ce que l’âme ait quitté [le corps], à moins que le décès ne tarde longtemps à survenir, ainsi qu’il a été dit. Il faut savoir en outre que, si la tablette est frappée alors que les frères sont aux matines et que, les nocturnes terminés, le mourant est encore en vie, ils accourent alors tous en chantant le Credo aussitôt avant les laudes, même un jour de douze leçons. Mais s’il est mort, ils iront plus tranquillement, en chantant les vêpres des morts ; une fois le corps apporté dans l’église et une fois récités les psaumes familiers (normalement dits les jours ordinaires), ils commenceront aussitôt les laudes, même si toute la vigilia n’aura pas encore été terminée, à savoir avant la récitation des laudes des morts et des psaumes pour les morts. Une fois achevé l’office divin, on reprend la vigilia là où elle avait été laissée. Si les frères sont en train de chanter les vêpres, les matines de tous les saints, celles des défunts, les suffrages des saints, les psaumes familiers ou la litanie, personne n’attend la permission après avoir

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audita percussione tabulae, verumtamen allato defuncto [50v] in ecclesiam, reincipient ad eum psalmum, vel ad eum locum in quo dimissum fuerat. Quod si in refectorio fuerint, eodem modo nullam prestolabuntur licentiam. Verumtamen plane peracto obsequio id est defuncti corpore lavato, et in ecclesiam deportato, si nondum lectio finita erat, et versus Agimus tibi gratias dictus,48 revertentur omnes in refectorium, et si adhuc comedissent et bibissent quando audierunt ictum tabulae, comedent et bibent sive quadragesima sit seu quodcumque tempus, et complebunt prandium ex more. Quod si ad sonitum tabulae omnes iam dimiserant comedere, et lectio finita fuerat, et versus dictus, lavato corpore, et in ecclesiam delato, ibidem omnes incipient, Miserere mei deus, et finient versum.49 Eodem modo si ad collationem fuerint nisi lectio finita fuerit revertentur illuc finito vel completo obsequio. Infantes vero si nox est cum percutitur tabula, sicut et juvenes qui sunt in custodia tantum debent expectare, donec candelae accendantur in lanternis eorum, neque ipsi infantes debent cum aliis mixti esse in infirmaria, sed seorsum ad unam partem cum magistris suis manere, ita ut audiant et dicant quod dicit conventus, et cum tanta festinatione ab omni conventu est illuc currendum ut nec etiam lectos suos ea vice si sunt in dormitorio cooperiant. Cum autem iam eum non dubitaverint ob[i]isse, dicuntur ab abbate, vel a priore hae collectae premissis his [versibus et responsibus],

[V.] [R.]

Et ne nos inducas in temptationem,

sed libera nos a malo. Amen.

(48) This is the beginning of an old prayer after a meal that continues : omnipotens Deus pro universis beneficiis tuis, qui vivis et regnas in seculo seculorum / all-powerful God for all of your gifts, who lives and reigns for ever and ever. Amen. (49) Psalm 50.3 : Miserere mei Deus, secundum magnam misericordiam tuam ; et secundum multitudinem miserationum tuarum, dele iniquitatem meam, recited by the monks before leaving the refectory after a meal ; see Bern 313.

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mission ; however, after the dead man has been carried to the church, they should begin again at that psalm or at that place where they left off. And if they are in the refectory, they will similarly not wait for any permission. On the contrary, after the necessary work has been completely finished, i.e. the body of the deceased has been washed and carried into the church, if the lesson had not been finished and the verse We give thanks to you said, they will return to the refectory. And if they had still been eating and drinking when they heard the striking of the tablet, they may eat and drink, even if it is Lent or some such time, and they will complete the meal in the customary manner. And if at the sound of the tablet they had all finished eating, the lesson had been read and the verse spoken, when the body has been washed and brought into the church, all will begin in that very place Have mercy on me, O Lord and finish the [psalm] verse. The same holds if they are at the collation. If the reading was left unfinished, they will return there after [their brother] has died and the service [in the church] has been completed. If it is night when the tablet is struck, the children, as well as the adolescents under surveillance, should wait until candles are lit in their lanterns. The children should not mix with everyone in the infirmary but should stand apart with their masters at one side so that they may listen and say what the community says. They must run there with as much speed as the whole community in this circumstance even if [it means that] they do not cover their beds if they are in the dormitory. When, however, they do not doubt that he is dead, the priest or prior says the following collects, preceded by these [verses and responses],

[V.] [R.]

And lead us not into temptation,

but deliver us from evil. Amen.

entendu les coups de tablette ; cependant, une fois le défunt apporté à l’église, ils recommenceront au même psaume ou au même endroit où ils s’étaient arrêtés. S’ils sont au réfectoire, ils n’attendent pas non plus la permission. Cependant, une fois terminé ce qu’il y a à faire, à savoir une fois le corps du défunt lavé et apporté à l’église, si la lecture n’est pas encore terminée ni le verset Nous te rendons grâce encore prononcé, tous retourneront au réfectoire ; et s’ils étaient encore en train de boire et de manger quand ils ont entendu le coup de tablette, ils mangeront et boiront, que ce soit pendant le Carême ou à un autre moment, et ils termineront le repas selon l’usage. Si, au son de la tablette, tous avaient déjà terminé de manger, la lecture avait été achevée et le verset déjà dit, alors une fois le corps lavé et apporté à l’église, tous commenceront en ce lieu le Miserere et finiront le verset. De la même manière, s’ils sont à la collation : à moins que la lecture ne soit terminée, ils y retourneront, une fois [le moine] décédé et le service complété. S’il fait nuit quand la tablette est frappée, les enfants de même que les jeunes sous surveillance doivent attendre jusqu’à ce que les chandelles soient allumées dans leurs lanternes. Ces mêmes enfants ne doivent pas être mêlés aux autres dans l’infirmerie, mais demeurer à part, entre eux avec leurs maîtres, de telle sorte qu’ils écoutent et disent ce que la communauté dit ; et ils doivent courir là-bas avec le même empressement que toute la communauté si bien qu’ils ne recouvrent même pas leurs lits dans le dortoir à cette occasion. Quand ils n’ont plus aucun doute qu’il est mort, l’abbé ou le prieur dit les collectes suivantes, précédées de ces [versets et répons] :

[V.] [R.]

Et ne nous soumets pas à la tentation,

Mais délivre-nous du mal. Amen.

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[V.] [R.]

Requiem eternam dona ei domine,

[V.] [R.]

Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo domine,

[V.] [R.]

A porta inferi52

[V.] [R.]

Dominus vobiscum,

et lux perpetua luceat ei.50 quia non justificabitur in conspecto tuo omnis vivens.51 erue domine animam ejus et cum spiritu tuo.

Oremus,53 Pio recordationis affectu, fratres karissimi, commemorationem facimus cari nostri

quem dominus de temptationibus hujus seculi assumpsit, obsecrantes misericordiam dei nostri, ut ipse ei tribuere dignetur placidam et quietam mansionem et remittat omnes lubrice temeritatis offensas, ut concessa venia plene indulgentiae, quicquid in hoc seculo proprio reatu deliquit, totum ineffabili pietate ac benignitate sua deleat et abstergat, quod ipse prestare dignetur, qui cum patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat in secula seculorum. Amen. Deus cui omnia vivunt et cui non pereunt moriendo corpora nostra, sed mutantur

in melius, te supplices deprecamur, ut suscipi jubeas animam famuli tui per manus sanctorum angelorum tuorum deducendam in sinum amici tui Abrahae patriarche

(50) 4 Esdras 2.34-35. (51) Psalm 142.2 (52) Cf. Isaiah 38.10 : Vadam ad portas inferi. (53) After giving the incipits of the three collects, which are reconstructed from RR nos. 145-47, Bernard continues : et ad primum collectam dicitur, quod ipse prestare dignetur, et ad ultimum, per dominum nostrum / and to the first collect [the ending] may he deign to grant this is said, and to the last, through our Lord. To illustrate this, the incipits of the formulaic endings mentioned by Bernard are printed in sans serif. His specifying the ending of only the first and the third, suggests, though, that the middle collect should have no formulaic ending ; and so none is provided ; cf. RR, which has the first ending, but simply per for the other two. By specifying the third, Bernard hints that he meant the most formal version of the Per dominum nostrum formula, so it has been provided as well.

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[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Grant him eternal peace, O Lord,

and let perpetual light shine upon him. O Lord, do not enter into judgment with your servant,

for all the living will not be justified in your sight. From the gate of hell,

rescue his soul, O Lord. The Lord be with you,

and with your spirit.

Let us pray, Through the pious disposition of remembrance, most dear brethren, let us commemorate our dear one, whom the Lord has called from the temptations of this world, begging the mercy of our God that he deign to grant him a quiet and pleasant dwelling, and that he remit all offenses of inconstant heedlessness ; that, having been granted the grace of full indulgence for whatever crimes he committed in this world, God may in his ineffable mercy and goodness compensate him in full. May he deign to grant this who, with the Father and the Holy Spirit, lives and reigns forever and ever. Amen. God in whom all things live, and through whom our bodies do not perish by dying but are changed into something better, as suppliants we entreat you to order the soul of your servant to be gathered up, through the hands of the blessed angels, let down in the bosom of your friend Abraham the patriarch, and brought back to life on the last day of the great

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Donne lui le repos éternel, Seigneur,

Et que la lumière éternelle l’éclaire. N’entre pas en jugement avec ton serviteur, Seigneur,

Parce que nul homme vivant ne sera trouvé juste devant toi. De la porte de l’enfer,

Délivre son âme, Seigneur. Que le Seigneur soit avec vous.

Et avec ton esprit.

Prions, Avec la tendre émotion du souvenir, frères très chers, commémorons celui qui nous est cher, que le Seigneur a soustrait aux tentations de ce siècle, et implorons la miséricorde de notre Dieu ; qu’il daigne lui accorder une demeure paisible et tranquille, et le délivre de toute offense due aux désirs mauvais ; que, une fois le pardon de l’indulgence plénière accordé, quelle que soit la faute particulière commise par ce frère dans ce siècle, Dieu efface et dissipe tout par sa tendresse et sa bonté ineffables ; qu’il daigne lui accorder ceci, lui qui vit et règne avec le Père et le Saint-Esprit dans les siècles des siècles. Amen. Dieu par qui vivent toutes choses et par qui nos corps ne périssent pas en mourant mais

changent pour le mieux, nous intercédons auprès de toi en suppliant pour que tu ordonnes que l’âme de ton serviteur soit reçue afin d’être conduite par les mains de tes saints anges dans le sein de ton ami Abraham, le Patriarche, pour ressusciter au jour ultime du grand

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resuscitandamque in novissimi magni judicii die et quicquid vitiorum fallente diabolo contraxit, tu pius et misericors ablue indulgendo. Suscipe domine animam servi tui, quam de ergastulo hujus seculi vocare dignatus es,

et libera eam de principibus tenebrarum et de locis penarum, ut absoluta omnium vinculo peccatorum quietis ac lucis eternae beatitudine perfruatur et inter sanctos et electos suos in resurrectionis gloria, resuscitari mereatur. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum filium tuum, qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen. Quo facto, totus conventus exit de infirmaria, incepto Placebo domino, excepto domno abbate, vel priore et illis qui necessarii sunt ad corporis lavationem, atque in trisantiis54 ante ecclesiam beatae Mariae finitis vesperis defunctorum, cantant et officium non alia collecta [51r] subsequente, neque ad vesperos, neque ad officium, neque ad matutinas,55 Omnipotens sempiterne deus cui numquam sine spe misericordiae supplicatur, propi-

tiare animae famuli tui, ut qui de hac vita in tui nominis confessione decessit, sanctorum tuorum numero facias aggregari. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.56 quae dicenda est ab ebdomadario majoris missae. Sciendum autem quoniam neque lavant neque portant nec in sepulchrum ponunt defunctum alii fratres, quam qui ei sunt similes in ordine, vel si conversus est conversi. Mox autem ut obierit, secretarius assumptis secum conversis, vadit ut omnia signa pulsentur, et ut apportetur processio id est aqua benedicta, turribulum et acerra, crux atque candelabra. Quibus allatis spargit domnus abbas, aut prior aquam benedictam, super defunctum

(54) On the meaning of trisantiis see the Commentary below, 206. (55) Cf. Udal 772D : Conventus exiens ut consideat ante capellam S. Mariae, cantant vesperos pro defunctis, officium et matut. non alia collecta quam ea sola, semper sequente : Omnipotens sempiterne Deus / Exiting, the community sits in front of the church of St. Mary, chanting vespers of the dead, matins and lauds [of the dead], always followed by no other collect than this alone, All-powerful eternal God. (56) DAER 3.15.8, col. 1106, is the source for the reconstructed text of this prayer, and the reading matutinas, which precedes its incipit.

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judgment. Through the indulgence of your tender mercy, wash away whatever stain of vice he may, under the sway of the devil, have contracted. Receive, Lord, the soul of your servant, which you have deigned to call forth from the

prison of this world, and free it from the princes of darkness and from the places of pains, so that, freed from the bond of all its sins, it may enjoy to the full the blessedness of quiet and eternal light, and deserve to be brought back to life among his saints and chosen ones in the glory of the resurrection. Through our Lord Jesus Christ your son, who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit, one God, forever and ever. Amen. After that has been done, the whole community, with the exception of the lord abbot or prior and those necessary to wash the body, leaves the infirmary chanting vespers of the dead. And then, in the cloister ranges facing the church of St. Mary, after having finished vespers of the dead, they sing [the rest of] the vigilia, followed by no other collect, at vespers, matins or lauds [of the dead than] All-powerful eternal God, who is never supplicated without hope of mercy, aid the soul of

your servant, so that he who has departed from this life confessing your name might be added to the number of your saints ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. which is said by the priest of the week for high mass. It should also be known that only brothers who are of the same rank as the dead brother wash, carry or place him in the grave ; or conversi if he is a conversus. As soon as he has died, then, the sacristan, together with a group of selected conversi, sees that all the bells are rung and that the processional objects are brought, that is, holy water, thurible, incense,

jugement ; et que, quoi qu’il ait contracté par les tromperies du diable, toi, tendre et miséricordieux, tu le laves en faisant preuve d’indulgence. Reçois, Seigneur, l’âme de ton serviteur, que tu as daigné appeler hors de la prison de ce

siècle, et libère-la des princes des ténèbres et des lieux de souffrances, afin que, libérée des chaînes de tout péché, elle puisse jouir sans interruption de la béatitude de la lumière paisible et éternelle et mérite de ressusciter entre ses saints et ses élus dans la gloire de la résurrection. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, ton Fils, qui vit et règne avec toi dans l’unité du Saint-Esprit, Dieu pour les siècles des siècles. Amen. Ceci fait, à l’exception du seigneur abbé ou du prieur et de ceux qui sont nécessaires au lavage du corps, toute la communauté sort de l’infirmerie et on entonne les vêpres des morts. Puis, dans les ailes du cloître devant l’église Sainte-Marie, une fois ces vêpres terminées, ils chantent [le reste de] la vigilia en la faisant suivre de nulle autre collecte aux vêpres, matines ou laudes [des morts], que Dieu éternel et tout-puissant qu’on ne supplie jamais sans espoir de miséricorde, sois propice à l’âme de ton serviteur de sorte que lui qui a quitté cette vie en confessant ton nom, tu le fasses se joindre au nombre de tes saints. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. qui doit être dite par l’hebdomadier de la grand-messe. Il faut aussi savoir qu’aucun autre frère ne lave le corps, ne le porte et ne le dépose dans sa tombe, sinon ceux du même statut ou des convers s’il est convers. Dès qu’il est mort, le sacristain, prenant avec lui des convers, va faire sonner toutes les cloches et apporter les objets processionnels, à savoir, l’eau bénite, l’encensoir et la navette à encens, la croix et les chandeliers. Ceux-ci apportés, le seigneur abbé ou le prieur asperge d’eau bénite le défunt

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ibidem, et super stragulam in qua poni debet, deinde incensat corpus et ipsam. Quo facto, qui lavaturi sunt accipiunt corpus, portantque in atriolum huic officio deputatum, armario semper comitante atque agente idem officium quod conventus facit,57 cum his qui cum eo sunt. Olim ad cellerarium pertinebat aquam calidam ad hoc opus providere. Sed modo agit illud infirmarius. Ad camerarium pertinet, ea quibus induendus est providere.58 Ponitur super tabulam ad hoc solum provisam, et deputatam. Nudatur, et dum a vertice usque ad plantam pedis lavatur,59 exceptis verendis quae veteri staminea jugiter cooperta tenentur, qui servit de turibulo sine intermissione habundanter incensat corpus. Sciendum autem quoniam non est consuetudo ut unquam refectorarii, aut ebdomadarii quoquinae, aut sacerdos vel diaconus, ebdomadarii majoris missae, vel cellerarius lavent corpus defuncti. Lavatus staminea vestitur cuculla caligis nocturnalibus et sudario quod est de eodem panno de quo e[s]t staminea, et caligis quae in extremitate non sunt patulae, sed consutae.60 Paratis autem a camerario,61 acubus cum filo, capellum cucullae, desuper sudarium et faciem ex utraque partae consuitur, super pectus, manus extra cucullam complicantur, ipsaque cuculla per loca consuta, tota ita constringitur, ut in nulla sui parte sit laxa. Nocturnales quoque calcei [51v] ad invicem consuuntur. Tunc lavato et parato corpore, domnus abbas, aut prior, spargit in feretrum aquam benedictam et incensat, et corpus similiter, ponitur in feretrum, quod clausum desuper coopertorio operato operitur. Posita autem intus corpore, et portato usque ad hostium contra

(57) That is, the vigilia. (58) Cf. Udal 773A : Ad infirmarium pertinet aquam calidam providere ; ad camerarium ea quibus est induendus. (59) Cf. Palermo (68r) : et tunc et tunc (sic) a vertice usque ad plantam pedis nudatur. (60) Udalrich notes here (Udal 773B) that they were to use caligae, quae et longiores sunt quam aliae caligae / slippers that are longer than other slippers, presumably to make sewing them together easier. (61) MS : camarario.

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cross and candlesticks. When they have all been brought, the lord abbot or the prior sprinkles holy water on the dead man there in the infirmary and on a blanket on which he is to be placed, and then incenses both it and the body. When that has been done, those who are to do the washing take the body and carry it into the antechamber set aside for this task. The armarius always accompanies them and performs with those who are with him the same office as the community. Formerly it was the task of the cellarer to provide hot water for this task, but now the infirmarian does it. It is the task of the chamberlain to provide clothing [for the dead man]. The body is placed on a table provided and set aside for this purpose alone, undressed and then washed from the crown of the head to the soles of the feet, except the genitalia which are kept covered continuously with an old shirt. The one who has charge of the thurible abundantly censes the body without stopping. It should also be known that it is not the custom for refectarians, the cooks of the week, the priest and deacon of the week for high mass or the cellarer ever to wash the body of a dead man. The washed body is dressed in a shirt, cowl, night shoes, and a sudary that is of the same material as the shirt. The shoes are ones that are not open at the toes but stitched together. The chamberlain having supplied needle and thread, the hood of the cowl is then sewn down over the sudary and the face on both sides. The hands are folded together on the breast outside the cowl, the cowl itself having been sewn in [a number of] places, everything so pulled together that no part of it is loose. The night shoes are sewn together as well. Then, when the corpse has been washed and prepared, the lord abbot or prior sprinkles holy water in a bier and censes it and, after doing the same with the body, it is placed in the bier which, closed

et la couverture dans laquelle il doit être placé, puis les encense tous les deux. Ceci fait, ceux qui le laveront reçoivent le corps et le portent dans le petit vestibule consacré à cet usage ; l’armarius les accompagne toujours et célèbre avec ceux qui sont avec lui le même office que la communauté. Il appartenait autrefois au cellérier d’apporter l’eau chaude pour ce travail, mais c’est maintenant l’infirmier qui fait cela. Il revient au camérier de fournir les habits [du défunt]. Il est posé sur la table fournie et réservée à cet usage exclusif. Il est dénudé puis lavé du sommet de la tête à la plante des pieds, à l’exception des parties honteuses qui doivent toujours rester couvertes à l’aide d’une vieille chemise ; celui qui s’occupe de l’encensoir doit abondamment et sans interruption encenser le corps. D’autre part, il faut savoir qu’il n’est pas de coutume que les réfectoriers et hebdomadiers de la cuisine, ou le prêtre et diacre hebdomadiers de la grand-messe, ou le cellérier lavent jamais le corps du défunt. Une fois lavé, il est revêtu d’une chemise, d’une coule, de sandales nocturnes et d’un suaire du même tissu que la chemise ; les sandales ne sont pas ouvertes à leur extrémité mais cousues. Le camérier ayant fourni du fil et des aiguilles, le capuchon est cousu à la coule de chaque côté, par-dessus le suaire et le visage ; les mains sont croisées sur la poitrine, en dehors de la coule, et cette même coule est cousue par endroits, étant toute entière serrée de telle manière qu’aucune partie n’en semble lâche. Les chaussures nocturnes sont aussi cousues ensemble. Une fois le corps lavé et préparé, le seigneur abbé ou le prieur asperge d’eau bénite et encense l’intérieur du cercueil ainsi que le corps, et celui-ci est placé dans le cercueil qui, fermé par en haut, est recouvert d’une couverture ouvragée. Le corps ayant été placé à l’intérieur et porté jusqu’à la porte

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conventum, si conventus iam finivit officium, percutit prior semel tabulam, si vero aliquantulum de officio restiterit expectatur. Percussa vero ut dictum est tabula, omnes inclines dicunt Pater noster qui es in celis, sanctificetur nomen tuum. Adveniat regnum tuum. Fiat

voluntas tuas, sicut in celo et in terra. Da nobis hodie panem nostrum cotidianum et dimitte nos debita nostra sicut et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris62 et abbas, vel prior, dicto

[V.] [R.]

Et ne nos inducas in temptationem,

sed libera nos a malo. Amen.

atque

[V.] [R.]

A porta inferi,

erue domine animam ejus.

et

[V.] [R.]

Dominus vobiscum,

et cum spiritu tuo.

cum uno fine dicit has orationes63 Deus vitae dator et humanorum corporum reparator, qui te a peccatoribus exorare voluisti, exaudi preces, quas speciali devotione pro anima famuli tui tibi lacrimabiliter fundimus, ut liberare eam ab infernorum cruciatibus et collocare inter agmina

(62) The Latin is from the standard Catholic version of the Lord’s Prayer, which favors certain variants of the Vulgate text of Mt 6.9-13 (cf. Lk 11.2-4) in the Stuttgart edition ; see the Introduction above at note 105. (63) The text of the Noyon ritual (DAER 2.1107) is clearer than the MS here, reading Ad unum ‘per dominum’ dicuntur hae duae collectae instead of cum uno fine. Since Bernard makes a point of mentioning the ending, the most formal of the various possibilities has been used.

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from above, is covered with an embroidered funeral pall. When the body has been placed in the bier and then carried to the entrance [of the church of St. Mary] facing the community, if the community has finished the vigilia, the prior strikes the tablet once. If, however, some small part of the office remains, he waits. But when the tablet has been struck (as noted above) all, bowing, say Our Father, who art in heaven, hallowed be thy name. Thy kingdom come, thy will be

done, on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us and when the abbot or prior has said

[V.] [R.]

And lead us not into temptation,

but deliver us from evil. Amen.

and

[V.] [R.]

From the gate of hell,

rescue his soul O Lord.

and

[V.] [R.]

The Lord be with you,

and with your spirit.

he says these prayers with a single ending O God, giver of life and restorer of human bodies, you who have wished to be appealed to by sinners, hear the prayers that we mournfully pour out with such devotion for the soul of

[de l’église Sainte-Marie], face à la communauté, le prieur frappe une fois la tablette si la communauté a déjà fini la vigilia, mais il attend s’il reste encore une petite partie de l’office. La tablette frappée comme il a été dit, tous s’inclinent et disent Notre Père, qui es aux cieux, que ton nom soit sanctifié ; que ton règne vienne ; que ta

volonté soit faite sur la terre comme au ciel. Donne-nous aujourd’hui notre pain quotidien, et remets-nous nos dettes, comme nous les remettons nous-mêmes à nos débiteurs L’abbé ou le prieur ayant dit :

[V.] [R.]

Et ne nous soumets pas à la tentation,

Mais délivre nous du mal. Amen.

et

[V.] [R.]

De la porte de l’enfer,

Délivre son âme, Seigneur.

et

[V.] [R.]

Que le Seigneur soit avec vous,

Et avec ton esprit.

Il dit ces prières avec une seule conclusion Dieu, donneur de vie et restaurateur des corps humains, toi qui as voulu que les pécheurs implorent ta bienveillance, exauce les prières que nous te versons dans les pleurs avec une dévotion singulière pour l’âme de ton serviteur, afin que tu daignes la libérer des tourments

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sanctorum tuorum digneris, veste quoque celesti et stola inmortalitatis indui et paradysi amenitate confoveri jubeas.64 Deus qui humanarum animarum eternus amator es, animam famuli tui, quam vera dum in corpore maneret tenuit fides, ab omni cruciatu inferorum redde extorrem, ut segregata ab infernalibus claustris, sanctorum mereatur adunari consortiis. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum filium tuum, qui tecum vivit et regnat in unitate spiritus sancti deus per omnia secula seculorum. Amen. et mox incepto ab armario, responsorio

[R.] Subvenite sancti dei, occurrite angeli domini, suscipientes animam ejus, et offerentes eam in conspectu altissimi.65 [V.]

Suscipiat te Christus, qui vocavit te, et in sinu Abrahae angeli deducant.

[R.]

Offerentes eam in conspectu altissimi.

precedit processio, quam semper consuetudinaliter deferunt conversi, sequentibus infantibus cum magistris, deinde cantoribus, sicut priores sunt, et postea conversis, defuncto cum portitoribus suis extremo, et pulsantur interim omnia signa donec inducatur in ecclesiam beatae Mariae. Quo inductus, versus altare ante gradum sustentatur donec [a]b domno abbate, vel priore dicatur

[V.]

A porta inferi

(64) The texts of this and the following collect are from RR nos. 150-51. (65) The text here is from MW 3.1279-80, which corresponds to the burial service in the twelfth century Westminster Psalter (British Museum Library MS Royal 2 A.XXII, collated with a much later MS, Bodleian Rawlinson Liturgies g. 10), which Knud Ottosen dates to the year 1128 and characterizes as a “straightforward Cluniac” text ; see Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 290, note 256. Udal (773C) adds a second responsory at this point, Heu mihi (on which see below, note 88).

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your servant. May you see fit to free it from the torments of hell and gather it up among the company of your saints. May you also order that it be clothed in celestial and immortal garments and cared for in the pleasantness of paradise. O God who is the eternal lover of human souls, deliver the soul of your servant, which kept

the faith while in its body, from all the torments of hell, so that, far from the infernal prisons, it might be united with the community of the saints. Through our Lord Jesus Christ, your son, who lives and reigns with you and the Holy Spirit, one God, forever and ever. Amen and next, after the armarius has begun this responsory,

[R.] Come help saints of God, hurry, angels of the Lord, who are taking up his soul and offering it before the eyes of the most high. [V.] May Christ, who has called you, receive you, and may the angels lead you to the bosom of Abraham. [R.] Offering it before the eyes of the most high. the processional objects, which by custom conversi always carry, lead the way, followed by the boys with their masters, then the singers, in order of seniority, and finally the [other] conversi and the dead man with his bearers at the end. Meanwhile, all the bells are rung until he is brought into the church of St. Mary. After he has been brought in, he is carried toward the step in front of the altar until the lord abbot or prior says

[V.]

From the gate of hell,

de l’enfer et l’établir parmi les troupes de tes saints, et que tu ordonnes aussi de [la] revêtir de l’habit céleste et de l’étole de l’immortalité et d’être réconfortée par la beauté du paradis. Dieu, toi qui aimes les âmes humaines pour l’éternité, éloigne de tout tourment des enfers

l’âme de ton serviteur que la vraie foi a maintenue tant qu’elle demeurait dans son corps, pour que, tenue à l’écart des prisons infernales, elle mérite d’être réunie aux cohortes des saints. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, qui vit et règne avec toi dans l’unité du Saint-Esprit, Dieu pour les siècles des siècles. Amen. Aussitôt que l’armarius a commencé le répons prolixe

[R.] Venez au secours, saints de Dieu, accourez, anges du Seigneur, qui recevez son âme et l’offrez au regard du Très Haut. [V.] Que le Christ qui t’a appelé te reçoive et que les anges te conduisent dans le sein d’Abraham. [R.] Offrez la au regard du Très Haut. les objets processionnels, que les convers portent toujours de coutume, partent en avant ; les enfants avec les maîtres suivent, puis les chantres par ordre d’ancienneté, ensuite les convers, puis, en dernier, le mort et ses porteurs. Entre-temps, on sonne toutes les cloches jusqu’à ce qu’il soit arrivé dans l’église Sainte-Marie. Une fois là, il est porté en direction de la marche devant l’autel jusqu’à ce que le seigneur abbé ou le prieur dise

[V.]

De la porte de l’enfer,

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cunctisque respondentibus

[R.]

erue domine animam ejus

haec collecta finiatur, Deus venie largitor et humanae salutis amator quesumus clementiam tuam, ut nos-

trae congregationis fratrem qui ex hoc seculo transivit beata Maria semper virgine intercedente ad perpetuae beatitudinis consortium pervenire concedas. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.66 stante interim conventu versis vultibus ad altare. Qua finita, deportatur in medium ecclesiae beatae Mariae ad sinistram partem.67 Olim portabatur in majorem ecclesiam sed domnus abbas Hugo, ita constituit, ponitur feretrum super formas, ad hoc solummodo destinatas, et crux cum candelabris, et cereis duobus jugiter ibi ardentibus ad caput ejus affigitur, est etiam consuetudo ut quamdiu defunctus inhumatus manet jugiter in nocte ante capitulum cereus ardeat, donec dies clara fiat. Postquam autem quod restabat de officio finitum fuerit, videlicet Exultabunt domino et Verba mea, nisi vel matutini vel aliqua regularis hora interim pulsaverit continuo psalterium incipitur, aliquando ab omnibus, [52r] aliquando ab aliquibus, aliquando a dimidio conventu. Nec umquam sine psalmodia omittitur, nisi missa in conventu aut hora regularis cantetur aut pulsetur. Ad quam cum primum pulsatur signum, cessatur a psalmodia dicere, preter ad solos nocturnos tunc enim tenetur usque ad introitum puerorum. Quando conventus est in capitulo, vel in refectorio, prior precipit aliquot fratribus remanere. Si est tempus quo fratres

(66) Text according to RR no. 152 ; cf. MW 3.1313. (67) Cf. Udal 773D : portatur in ecclesiam majorem / it is carried into the main church.

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and when everyone has responded

[R.]

Rescue his soul O Lord,

let this collect be completed, O God, forgiver of sins and devotee of human salvation, we seek your clemency, so that

through the intercession of the blessed Mary ever virgin you may allow the brother of our congregation who has passed over from this world to obtain a share of perpetual blessedness ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. while the community stands with their faces turned toward the altar. When the collect is finished, [the bier] is carried into the middle of the church of St. Mary on the left side. Formerly it was carried into the main church, but the lord abbot Hugo established [the current custom]. [The bier] is placed upon the structure designed for this solemn purpose. The cross is attached to its head, along with the candlesticks and two candles [that are kept] continuously burning there. It is also a custom that, as long as the dead man remains unburied, a candle shall burn continuously at night in front of the chapter house until broad daylight. But after whatever remains of the vigilia has been finished, namely lauds of the dead and the psalms for the dead (unless in the interim matins or another regular hour has been struck), they immediately begin [to chant] the psalter : sometimes everyone, sometimes some and sometimes half of the community. They never stop unless a conventual mass is to be sung or a regular hour is struck. If that happens, as soon as the first bell is heard the psalmody ceases (with the sole exception of matins, when it is continued until the entrance of the boys). When the community is in the chapter house or

tous répondant

[R.]

Délivre son âme, Seigneur,

et cette collecte de s’achever avec Dieu, si généreux à offrir le pardon et qui aimes le salut des hommes, nous implorons ta clémence pour que, avec l’intercession de la bienheureuse Marie toujours vierge, tu concèdes au frère de notre congrégation qui vient de quitter ce siècle de participer à la béatitude perpétuelle. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. alors que la communauté se tient debout, le visage tourné vers l’autel. [La collecte] terminée, [le cercueil] est porté au milieu de l’église Sainte-Marie, du côté gauche. Autrefois il était porté dans l’église majeure, mais le seigneur abbé Hugues en a décidé ainsi. Le cercueil est posé sur des formes destinées à cet usage unique et la croix est placée à sa tête avec des chandeliers et deux cierges qui brûlent continuellement sur place – il est aussi de coutume que, aussi longtemps que le défunt demeure sans sépulture, un cierge brûle sans interruption devant le chapitre, la nuit, jusqu’à ce qu’il fasse plein jour. Une fois terminé ce qui restait de la vigilia (à savoir les laudes des morts et les psaumes pour les morts), à moins qu’entre-temps ne soient sonnées les matines ou une heure régulière quelconque, on commence immédiatement [à chanter] le psautier, parfois tous, parfois quelques-uns, parfois la moitié de la communauté. La psalmodie ne doit jamais être interrompue à moins qu’une messe conventuelle ou une heure régulière ne soit chantée ou sonnée. Quand cela arrive, dès que la première cloche est sonnée, on arrête la psalmodie – avec comme seule exception les nocturnes, pour lesquels, en effet, on la poursuit jusqu’à l’entrée des enfants. Quand la communauté est au chapitre ou au réfectoire,

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circa medium diem dormire solent, illo die non dormiunt. Nox autem per consuetudinem sive magna sit, sive parva, in tres vigilias secundum sui quantitatem partitur, scilicet aliquando ad unam quamque dicuntur quinquaginta psalmi, aliquando dimidium psalterium, aliquando totum, cum officio semper Exultabunt domino, premisso Placebo domino ante officium, et subsequente Verba mea sive Voce mea,68 apud Verba mea collecta dicitur,69 Absolve domine animam famuli tui ab omni vinculo delictorum, ut in resurrectionis gloria, inter sanctos tuos resuscitatus respiret. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.70 Dexter chorus cum armario facit primam. Sinister excitatus ab armario cum absconsa secretariis secundam, usque ad matutinos, [infantes autem cum magistris tertiam matutinos].71 Ad intervalla quoque quae fiunt post orationem vesperorum et terciae revestiuntur ministri missae, vel in diebus jejunii post orationem sextae, vel nonae revestiuntur,72 non dicitur ad defunctum psalmodia.

cum post cum cum

Hoc vero notandum est, quod in omnibus diebus in quibus locutio debet esse in claustro, semper percutitur tabula mox finito Verba mea, pro defunctis in capitulo recitatis, reversis omnibus in capitulum et facto ante et retro ab omnibus, aut si Verba mea unde signa pulsentur,73 vel officium pro defunctis canitur,74 quia haec nonnisi in majori ecclesia dicuntur, postea reversis omnibus in claustrum, percutitur a priore tabulam in claustro, facto ab omnibus prius ante et retro et infantibus ingressis in capitulum, et dicitur ab abbate, vel

(68) Although Bernard could mean either Psalm 76 or Psalm 141 here, since both begin Voce mea ad dominum clamavi / I cried to the Lord with my voice, the reference is surely to Psalm 141, the last of the familiar psalms, said especially for the faithful departed. (69) Cf. Udal 774A : vesperi off. et mat. laudes pro defunctis, addito semper Verba mea / vespers, matins and lauds of the dead, always adding the psalms for the dead. (70) SP 1404 ; cf. CO 16, CAO 1211 and Paxton, Christianizing Death, 144-45. RR no. 144 has another version, which is placed at the end of the anointing ritual, after the prayers and before a final communion if there was to be one : Absolve domine animam famuli tui per intercessionem beatissime dei genetricis Mariae et beati Petri et omnium sanctorum ab omni vinculo delictorum antequam separetur a membrorum compagine terrenorum, et presta, ut cum ceperit a corpore separari, mereatur a beatissimis et benignissimis angelis suscipi atque tuis piissimis conspectibus presentari et in sinum beatae requiei te donante deduci / through your intercession, most blessed Mary mother of God and blessed Peter and all the saints, of every bond of sin before it is separated from the frame of its earthly members and grant that when it shall begin to be separated, it will be worthy of being received by the most blessed and benign angels and presented to your most pious sight and led by your grace to the bosom of blessed rest. Note the shared passage in Roman type. (71) The MS is missing this phrase, probably because of a scribal error, but it is clearly necessary and present in other manuscript witnesses to the text, such as Palermo (70r), from which it is added here, with the abbreviation “mat.” expanded to matutinos following the MS (fol. 55r). Cf. Bern (195), which supplies the missing text from a St. Germain MS : infantes autem cum Magistris tertiam usque matutinas / the children along with their masters [keep] the third until lauds ; and Udal 774A : novissimam post matutinas pueri cum magistris / the last [vigil is held by] the boys with their masters after laudes. (72) During Lent and at other times, there could be an extra mass “of the fast.” (73) Bern (195) is missing recitatis, reversis omnibus…aut si Verba and has tunc instead of unde before signa, which suggests that someone tried to clarify this confusing passage. (74) In this case, Bernard seems to be referring to a vigilia celebrated in the main church on the anniversary of someone’s death (signaled by the ringing of the bells) as opposed to one celebrated in the church of St. Mary when a body was present.

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the refectory, the prior commands several brothers to remain [to continue the psalmody]. If it is the time in the middle of the day when the brothers usually sleep, they will not do so that day. The night, moreover, whether it is long or short, is divided, according to custom, into three vigils in accordance with its length, so that at one time as many as fifty psalms are sung, at another half the psalter, and another all of it, always with the vigilia [i.e.] vespers, matins and lauds of the dead, followed by the psalms for the dead and the last of the familiar psalms. The collect Absolve, Lord, the soul of your servant of every bond of its sins, so that in the glory of the resurrection he may breathe again, brought back to life among your saints, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. is recited with the psalms for the dead. Those who sit on the right side in choir hold the first [vigil] with the armarius. Those who sit on the left side are awoken by the armarius with a partially covered lantern ; they continue until matins with the sacristans. The boys then with their masters hold the third [vigil] after matins. And in the intervals that occur after the prayer of vespers and of terce, when the ministers of the mass are putting on vestments, or on fast days after sext or none when they are doing so, the psalmody for the dead monk is not chanted. This indeed must be noted, that on all days on which speech is allowed in the cloister, the tablet is always struck as soon as the psalms for the dead have been recited for the dead in chapter. After everyone has returned to the chapter house and performed the ante et retro or – if the psalms for the dead are being sung (in consequence of which the bells are rung) and the office of the dead, which are only celebrated in the main church – once everyone has returned to the cloister, after they have

le prieur ordonne à quelques frères de rester [psalmodier]. Si c’est la période de l’année au cours de laquelle les frères ont l’habitude de dormir en milieu de journée, ils ne dorment pas ce jour-là. Par ailleurs, que la nuit soit longue ou courte, elle est divisée d’après la coutume en trois vigiles selon sa longueur, si bien que, pour chacune d’elles, on chante parfois cinquante psaumes, parfois un demi psautier et d’autres fois [le psautier] en entier ; et ceci toujours avec la vigilia, à savoir les vêpres, matines et laudes des morts, suivies des psaumes pour les morts et du dernier des psaumes familiers. Avec les psaumes pour les morts, on dit la collecte Absous, Seigneur, l’âme de ton serviteur de toutes les chaînes des fautes [passées] de sorte

que, ressuscité, il puisse reprendre souffle parmi tes saints dans la gloire de la résurrection. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Le chœur de droite fait la première vigile avec l’armarius ; réveillé par ce dernier avec la [lampe] sourde, celui de gauche [fait] la deuxième, jusqu’aux matines, en compagnie des sacristains ; après les matines, les enfants avec leurs maîtres, la troisième. On ne dit pas la psalmodie pour le défunt dans les intervalles de temps qui existent après la prière des vêpres et de terce quand les ministres de la messe se revêtent de vêtements liturgiques, ou après la prière de sexte ou de none, les jours de jeûne, quand ils se revêtent de vêtements liturgiques. Il faut savoir que, tous les jours où il doit y avoir un temps de parole dans le cloître, la tablette est toujours frappée dès que les psaumes pour les morts ont été récités pour les défunts au chapitre. Après que tous sont revenus au chapitre et ont fait l’ante et retro ou – si l’on chante les psaumes pour les morts (en conséquence de quoi les cloches sonnent) et l’office des morts qui se disent seulement dans l’église majeure – une fois que tous sont revenus dans le cloître et ont fait l’ante et retro, dès que les enfants sont entrés au chapitre, le prieur frappe la tablette dans le cloître et l’abbé ou le prieur

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priore Benedicite, ad defunctum ibimus.75 In duodecim vero lectionibus, vel in his diebus in quibus locutio non solet esse in claustro, [52v] vadunt de capitulo cantando Verba mea. Si frater obiit antequam sonitus in dormitorio fieret, vel in illis diebus in quibus sonitus non sit priusquam infantes in claustro mane legant, ipso die sepeliendus est.76 Aliter minime nisi intercesserit aliqua necessaria causa fetoris aut radendi, vel aliquid hujusmodi. Quod si contigerit, debet ei restaurari psalmodia a singulis quae fieret ei in nocte. Omni tempore sepeliendus est frater post majorem missam, et si quarta aut sexta feria quadragesimae, quando agenda est processio sepeliri contigerit, processio dimittetur, sepelicio autem fiet post majorem missam postquam scilla ad vesperos pulsata fuerit. Quod si in festivitate duodecim lectionum in ipsa quadragesima acciderit, post primam, missa pro defuncto cum tribus tantum collectis, agetur id est Omnipotens sempiterne deus,77 Deus venie largitor,78 Fidelium deus omnium conditor et redemptor animabus famulorum famularumque

tuarum, remissionem cunctorum tribue peccatorum ut indulgentiam quam semper optauerunt, piis supplicationibus consequantur. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.79 a ministris terciae preteritae ebdomadae, post terciam, missa de festivitate, et pari modo sepultura post missam de jejunio. Sed si in die dominica sepultura evenerit, additur et quarta collecta quia nec alias eo die omitteretur id est

(75) This is not the incipit of an antiphon, or prayer, but simply a formal statement of what the community is about to do. It may, however, be an echo of Peter’s question to Jesus in Jn 6.69, ad quem ibimus / to whom shall we go ? (76) Bern (195), has Si frater obiit ante Evangelium Missae, ipso die sepeliendus est / if a brother has died before the Gospel of the mass, he is to be buried on the same day. (77) For the text of this collect, see above, 108. (78) For the text of this collect, see above, 116. (79) SP 1437 ; cf. CO 2684 and Appendix 2. In MW 3.1313, it is called oracio generalis.

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first performed the ante et retro and the boys have gone into the chapter house, the prior strikes the tablet in the cloister, and the abbot or prior says “Bless him, we will go to the deceased.” But if it is a day of twelve lessons or a day when there is normally no talking in the cloister, they leave the chapter house singing the psalms for the dead. If a brother has died before the alarm is rung in the dormitory or, on days when it is not rung, before the children read in the morning in the cloister, then he is to be buried on that day ; otherwise by no means, unless some cause such as smell or shaving [the brothers] or something like it should intervene. If that should occur, each of them must make up the psalmody that would have been performed for him at night. At all times the brother is buried after high mass. If he is to be buried on a Wednesday or Friday in Lent, when a procession is to be performed, the procession is omitted, but the burial will take place after high mass when the bell has been rung for vespers. Now if a death occurs on a feast of twelve lessons during Lent itself, the mass of the dead is said after prime with just three collects, that is All-powerful, eternal God ; O God, forgiver of sins ; [and] O God, author and redeemer of all the faithful, grant to the souls of your servants and handmaids remission of all (their) sins so that the indulgence that they always desire, may, through (our) pious supplications, follow, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. by the ministers of the three preceding weeks ; then, after terce the festal mass [is celebrated]. The same rule applies if he is to be buried after a mass of the fast. But if the burial should happen to occur on a Sunday [in Lent] a fourth collect is added (because on that day it is not omitted), that is

dit « Louez le Seigneur ! Allons vers le défunt ». Mais lors de fêtes de douze leçons ou les jours où l’on n’a pas l’habitude de parler dans le cloître, ils quittent le chapitre en chantant les psaumes pour les morts. Si le frère meurt avant la sonnerie dans le dortoir ou, un de ces jours où il n’y a pas de sonnerie, avant que les enfants ne lisent au cloître le matin, il doit être enterré le jour-même. Autrement, non, à moins que ne survienne une nécessité quelconque : pour cause de mauvaise odeur, du rasage [des frères] ou autre chose similaire. Quand cela arrive, chacun doit compléter la psalmodie qui aurait dû être célébrée pour lui pendant la nuit. En tout temps, un frère doit être enterré après la grand-messe ; les mercredis ou vendredis du Carême, s’il arrivait qu’il soit enseveli au moment où la procession doit être faite, celle-ci est annulée, mais l’enterrement doit être accompli après la grand-messe, après que la cloche pour les vêpres a été sonnée. Si la mort survient lors d’une fête de douze leçons pendant ce même Carême, la messe pour le défunt est dite après prime, avec seulement trois collectes, à savoir Dieu éternel et tout-puissant, Dieu si généreux à offrir le pardon, [et] Dieu, créateur et rédempteur de tous les fidèles, accorde aux âmes de tes serviteurs et de tes servantes la rémission de tous les péchés, afin qu’ils obtiennent par de pieuses suppliques l’indulgence qu’ils ont toujours espérée. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. [entonnées] par les ministres de la messe des trois semaines précédentes ; après tierce, la messe pour la fête. Il va de la même manière dans le cas d’un enterrement après la messe de jeûne. Mais si l’enterrement avait lieu un dimanche [pendant le Carême], on ajoute une quatrième collecte, parce que, avec les autres, elle ne peut pas être omise ce jour-là, à savoir

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Sanctorum tuorum intercessionibus quesumus domine et nos protege et famulis et

famulabis tuis quorum commemorationem agimus, vel quorum elemosinas recepimus, seu etiam his qui nobis familiaritate juncti sunt, misericordiam tuam ubique pretende, ut ab omnibus inpugnationibus defensi, tua opitulatione salventur, et animas famulorum famularumque tuarum, omnium videlicet fidelium catholicorum orthodoxorum quorum commemorationem agimus, et quorum corpora in hoc monasterio requiescunt, vel quorum nomina ante sanctum altare tuum scripta adesse videntur, electorum tuorum jungere digneris consortio. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.80 Quod si in cena domini, vel in parasceve, aut in sabbato sancto evenerit obitus defuncti, nulli omnino, vel publice, vel privatim, pro eo missam cantare licet. Porro matutinalis missa quae illi in conventu debetur, servabitur usque ad quintam feriam paschalis ebdomadae, et tunc non aliter cantabitur quam si in presentia esset corpus defuncti. Sed et si oportuerit eum post capitulum sepeliri, sine luminaribus sepelietur. Ab hora nona qua novus ignis benedicitur,81 et in ecclesiam defertur, et per totam noctem, duo cerei secus eum lucebunt. Ab hora82 autem prima, usque ad noctem extinguentur. Signa quoque pro eo non pulsantur, a majori missa cenae domini, usque ad majorem sabbati sancti. Quod si in ipsa nocte resurrectionis dominicae vel in ipsius diei crepusculo obierit, quando scilicet oporteat eum ipso die sepeliri, matutinalis missa [53r] pro eo cantabitur. Nam tanta est auctoritas presentiae ipsius defuncti, ut etiam in tanta sollempnitate hujusmodi missa sine negligentia non possit intermitti. Qui autem sepeliendus est in rogationibus, post primam missa defunctorum pro illo cantatur, et illa de rogationibus post terciam, ad quam etiam non offertur, nec pax recipitur nisi ab

(80) SP 1448 ; cf. CO 5435 and MW 2.1181-82. (81) The reference is to the “blessing of new fire” in the evening of Holy Saturday during the mass of the Easter vigil. (82) MS : hora hora.

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O Lord, we pray, through the intercessions of your saints, protect us and extend your mercy everywhere to your servants and handmaids whom we are commemorating, or whose alms we have received, and also those who are joined to us in affiliation, so that, having been defended from all attacks, they may be saved through your aid. And deign to gather into the company of your chosen ones the souls of all your servants and handmaids, namely all the souls of the catholic and orthodox faithful whom we commemorate, and whose bodies rest in this monastery or whose names, having been written down, may be seen to be present before your holy altar ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Now if the dead man’s death should happen to occur on Holy Thursday, Good Friday, or Holy Saturday, no one at all is permitted to sing a mass for him, publicly or privately. The morning mass that is owed to him by the community is then postponed until the Thursday of Easter Week, and is sung at that time no differently than if the body of the dead man were present. And if it should seem right to bury him after chapter, he will be buried without candles. After none, when new fire is blessed and carried into the church, and throughout the night, two candles will burn alongside him. From the first hour until night they are extinguished. The bells also are not rung for him from high mass on Holy Thursday until high mass on Easter Sunday. But if he has died during the night of the feast of the Resurrection of the Lord itself, or the previous evening, when it is clearly necessary for him to be buried that same day [Easter Sunday], the morning mass is then sung for him. For such is the authority of the presence of the deceased himself, that even in [a time of] such solemnity, that sort of mass is not to be postponed lightly. When someone must be buried on the Rogation Days, moreover, the mass for the dead is sung for him after prime, and after terce the mass of the Rogations, at which the kiss of peace is neither offered

Nous t’implorons, Seigneur, par l’intercession de tes saints : protège-nous et étends partout ta miséricorde à tes serviteurs et à tes servantes que nous commémorons ou dont nous avons reçu des aumônes, et aussi à ceux qui nous sont unis par affiliation si bien que, défendus de toute attaque, ils puissent être sauvés par ton aide. Et daigne joindre à la communauté de tes élus les âmes de tes serviteurs et servantes, c’est-à-dire de tous les fidèles catholiques orthodoxes que nous commémorons et dont les corps reposent dans ce monastère ou dont les noms peuvent être vus inscrits devant ton saint autel. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Si la mort du défunt survient le Jeudi saint, le jour de Pâques ou le Samedi saint, il n’est permis à personne en aucune manière de chanter une messe pour lui, ni publiquement ni en privé. En outre, la messe matinale qui lui est due par la communauté sera repoussée jusqu’au jeudi de la semaine après Pâques et elle sera alors chantée comme si le corps du défunt était présent. Mais s’il est opportun de l’enterrer après le chapitre, on l’enterrera sans lumière. Depuis la neuvième heure, où un feu nouveau est béni et apporté dans l’église et pendant toute la nuit, deux cierges brûleront près de lui. Mais de prime jusqu’à la nuit, ils sont éteints. On ne sonne pas non plus les cloches pour lui depuis la grand-messe du Jeudi saint jusqu’à la grand-messe du Samedi saint. Mais s’il meurt la nuit même de la Résurrection du Seigneur ou au crépuscule précédant ce jour, et qu’il est nécessaire de l’enterrer ce jour [du Dimanche de Pâques], on chantera la messe matinale pour lui. En effet, la présence de ce défunt est d’une telle importance que, même en une telle solennité, une messe semblable ne peut être repoussée sans négligence. En revanche, si quelqu’un doit être enterré lors des Rogations, la messe des morts est chantée pour lui après prime et celle pour les Rogations après tierce (au cours de laquelle la paix n’est offerte ni

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uno. Si vero ut predictum est, aliqua rationabilis causa compulerit, immutabitur predicta consuetudo, sepulturae, prout temporis, aut rei necessitas dictaverit. Alias minime. Si autem quando radendi sunt fratres, sepeliendus est quoniam ante sepultum non licet loqui in claustro, vel aliud quid facere nisi soli armario tantum nomen defuncti in memoriali fratrum scribere et breves qui pro eo mittendae sunt per cellas, si tali hora finivit quod missam in conventu habuisset, nam aliter rasura differetur, tunc necessario post capitulum sepelietur, maturius horis celebratis, nec dicetur Verba mea, donec ad inceptionem psalmorum, ante rasuram fratrum, sed in fine capituli facto ab omnibus ante et retro, statim percucietur tabula, et dicetur a priore Defunctum monachum sepeliemus et postea rademus. Quo dicto, in primis omnium sicut facit cum post majorem missam sit sepelitio, ter aliquantulum pulsat signum quod in hoc officio pulsari solet ut congregetur conventus.83 [C]onveniunt undique fratres et singulis per secretarios cerei distribuuntur. Tunc sacerdote ebdomadario alba et stola cum manipulo revestito. Armarius ascito alio fratre, incipit Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison, Kyrie eleison.84 Ad quod cum omnes similiter responderint, mox inclinant se omnes et sacerdos absque salutatione dicit has collectas.85 Quibus interponuntur responsoria, vel alia, sicut armario placuerit, huic negotio competentia.86 Versus cantat armarius cum alio fratre suffraganeo suo, sequente Kyrie eleison [53v] ut supra. Sacerdos finitis singulis collectis, incensat altare majus, et corpus defuncti in cruce, assidue cereum in manu portans.

(83) Cf. MCL 188-89 : interim pulsetur tribus vicibus unum de maioribus signis ut si qui forte absunt ad hunc sonum sine more convenient / meanwhile one of the great bells shall be tolled thrice, so that any who may be absent may come without delay when they hear it. (84) Palermo (71v) has Kyrie eleison .iii. ; on the triple format of this ceremony, see the Introduction above, 44. (85) The word order has been altered here in order to intersperse the responsories and kyries with the collects as directed in the following two sentences (see the Introduction above 44-45) ; the MS [53r] reads dicit has collectas Oremus. Non intres in. Fac Quesumus domine. Inclina domine. Quibus interponuntur responsoria Heu mihi domine. Ne recorderis. Libera me domine, vel alia, sicut armario etc. (86) Bernard’s note about the discretion allowed to the armarius in choosing responsories may explain some of the variants between his and Udalrich’s customaries ; see above at note 65.

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nor received, except by one. If indeed, as has been mentioned above, some reasonable cause compels it, such as time constraints or if the matter dictates other necessities, the aforementioned custom of [going ahead with the] burial will be changed ; otherwise not at all. If he must be buried, however, [on a day] when the brothers are to be shaved, since no talking is permitted in the cloister before the deceased is buried and nothing else is to be done (except for the armarius writing the name of the deceased in the memorial book of the brothers and the letters that must be sent to the cells for him), if he has died at an hour that allowed him to have a conventual mass, then he is buried after chapter out of necessity, for otherwise shaving would be postponed. The hours are celebrated more quickly and the psalms for the dead are not said until the beginning of the psalms before the shaving of the brothers. But at the end of chapter, when everyone has performed the ante et retro, the tablet is struck immediately and the prior says, “We will bury the dead monk and afterwards we will shave.” Once that is said, the prior does the first thing [he would do] if the dead monk were to be buried after high mass. He rings the bell that it is customary [to use] for this purpose lightly three times, so that the community will be assembled. The brothers gather together from all sides and the sacristans distribute candles to everyone. Then when the priest of the week has been clothed in alb, stole, and maniple, the armarius, having assigned another brother to help him, begins “Lord have mercy, Christ have mercy, Lord have mercy.” After which, everyone having responded in kind, all bow and the priest, without salutation, says these collects interspersed with the responsories [indicated] or others appropriate to the occasion as the armarius sees fit. The armarius sings the versicles with the other brother assisting him, the kyrie following, as above. When he has finished each of the collects, the priest

reçue que par un seul). Mais si, comme il a déjà été dit, une cause raisonnable [y] aura contraint, la coutume susdite sur l’enterrement sera modifiée selon que les besoins du moment et de la situation le dicteront ; autrement, non. Si [le défunt] doit être enterré [un jour] où les frères doivent être rasés, parce qu’il n’est pas permis de parler au cloître avant l’enterrement ni de ne rien faire d’autre (sinon au seul armarius d’écrire le nom du défunt dans le nécrologe des frères et dans les brefs qui doivent être envoyés pour lui dans les celles), alors s’il est mort à une heure telle qu’il a eu une messe conventuelle, par nécessité, il est enterré après le chapitre – autrement, en effet, le rasage est différé. Les heures sont chantées plus rapidement et les psaumes pour les morts ne sont pas récités avant l’entonnement des psaumes qui précèdent le rasage des frères. Mais, à la fin du chapitre, tous ayant fait l’ante et retro, on frappera aussitôt la tablette et le prieur dira : « Nous enterrons le frère défunt puis nous nous raserons ». Une fois cela dit, en tout premier, comme le prieur le fait quand l’enterrement a lieu après la grandmesse, il sonne légèrement trois fois la cloche qu’on sonne habituellement pour cet office pour rassembler la communauté. Les frères d’où qu’ils viennent se réunissent et les sacristains distribuent des cierges à chacun. Le prêtre hebdomadier se revêt alors de l’aube, de l’étole et du manipule. L’armarius assisté d’un autre frère entonne Seigneur, prends pitié, Christ, prends pitié, Seigneur, prends pitié. Tandis que tous répondent de même et s’inclinent, le prêtre dit sans salutation les collectes suivantes, intercalées par les répons prolixes [ci-dessous], ou d’autres appropriés pour cette occasion, comme il plaira à l’armarius. Celui-ci chante le verset aidé par l’autre frère ; le Kyrie fait suite comme ci-dessus. Une fois chacune des collectes terminées, le prêtre encense l’autel majeur et le corps du défunt en forme de croix, portant sans cesse un cierge à la main. Aussi lors de la messe matinale célébrée pour [le défunt], à laquelle tous doivent être présents pour faire l’offrande, le diacre encense le corps du

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Ad missam quoque matutinalem quae pro eo celebratur ad quam omnes ut offerant debent interesse, incensat diaconus similiter corpus defuncti in cruce a capite incipiens postquam incensaverit altaria. Oremus, Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo, domine, quoniam nullus apud te justifica-

bitur homo, nisi per te omnium peccatorum tribuatur remissio. Non ergo eum tua, quesumus, judicialis sententia premat, quem tibi vera supplicatio fidei christianae commendat, sed gratia tua illi succurrente mereatur evadere judicium ultionis, qui dum viveret insignatus est signaculo trinitatis.87

[R.]

Heu mihi domine quia peccavi nimis in vita mea ! Quid faciam, miser ? Ubi fugiam,

nisi ad te, deus meus ? Miserere mei, dum veneris in novissimo die.88 [V.]

Anima mea turbata est valde, sed tu, domine, succurre mihi.

[R.]

Dum veneris in novissimo die. Kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison. Christe eleison, christe eleison, christe eleison. Kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison.

[Collecta] Fac quesumus domine hanc cum servo tuo misericordiam, ut factorum suorum in

penis non recipiat vicem, qui tuam in votis tenuit voluntatem, ut sicut hic eum vera fides junxit fidelium turmis, ita eum illic tua miseratio sociat angelicis choris.

(87) The texts of this and the following two collects are from RR nos. 154-56, where there is no formulaic ending until the third and last collect of the set ; cf. above, at note 63, where such an arrangement is specifically prescribed. (88) MW 3.1289 and 1317 ; RR no. 154 gives the incipit for the respond but not the versicle and then the incipits for a second respond and versicle, followed by the kyrie.

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censes the main altar and the body of the deceased in the form of the cross, holding a candle in his hand the whole time. And at the morning mass that is celebrated for the dead man, at which everyone should be present to make the offering, the deacon similarly censes the corpse of the deceased in the form of the cross, beginning with the head, after he has censed the altars. Let us pray, Enter not into judgment with your servant Lord, since no man will be justified before you unless remission of all sins is granted through you. We therefore ask [that] your judicial sentence not oppress him, whom the true supplication of Christian faith commends to you, but [that] through the aid of your grace, he may be found worthy of evading the judgment of [your] retribution, he who was marked with the sign of the trinity while alive. [R.] Woe is me Lord because I have sinned greatly in my life. What can one so wretched as I do ; where can I flee if not to you My God ? Have mercy on me when you come on the last day. [V.] My soul is sorely troubled, so help me, Lord. [R.] When you come on the last day. Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy. Christ have mercy, Christ have mercy, Christ have mercy. Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy. [Collect] Grant O Lord, we pray, this mercy to your servant, that he who kept your will in vows not receive recompense in suffering for his deeds, so that, just as here true faith joined him

défunt de la même manière, en forme de croix, en commençant par la tête, après avoir encensé les autels. Prions, N’entre pas en jugement avec ton serviteur, Seigneur, parce que nul homme vivant ne sera

trouvé juste devant toi, à moins que, par toi, la rémission de tous les péchés ne soit obtenue. Par conséquent, nous t’implorons, que ton jugement ne l’accable pas, lui que la vraie supplique de la foi chrétienne recommande à toi, mais plutôt qu’il mérite d’éviter le jugement de ton châtiment divin, ta grâce venant à son secours, à lui qui fut marqué de son vivant du signe de la Trinité. Hélas, Seigneur, j’ai beaucoup péché dans ma vie ! Que puis-je faire, misérable ? Où fuir vers toi, mon Dieu ? Aie pitié de moi, lorsque tu viendras au jour dernier. Mon âme est toute troublée, mais toi, Seigneur, viens à mon secours. Lorsque tu viendras au jour dernier. Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur, prends pitié. Christ, prends pitié, Christ, prends pitié, Christ, prends pitié. Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur prends pitié, Seigneur prends pitié. [Collecte]

[R.] sinon [V.] [R.]

Nous t’implorons, Seigneur, fais cette grâce à ton serviteur, lui qui s’est attaché à ta volonté

par [ses] vœux, qu’il ne reçoive pas la contrepartie de ses actes en peines, si bien que, de

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[R.]

Ne recorderis peccata mea, domine, dum ueneris judicare seculum per ignem.89

[V.]

Dirige, domine, deus meus, in conspectu tuo viam meam.

[R.]

Dum veneris judicare seculum per ignem. Kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison. Christe eleison, christe eleison, christe eleison. Kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison, kyrie eleison.

[Collecta] Inclina domine aurem tuam ad preces nostras quibus misericordiam tuam supplices deprecamur, ut animam famuli tui quam de hoc seculo migrare jussisti, in pacis ac lucis regione constituas, et sanctorum tuorum jubeas esse consortem. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.

[R.] Libera me, domine, de morte eterna in die illa tremenda, quando celi movendi sunt et terra. Dum veneris judicare seculum per ignem.90 [V.]

Tremens factus sum ego et timeo, dum discussio venerit et ventura ira.

[R.]

Dum veneris judicare seculum per ignem.

Finito autem ultimi responsorii versu, et regressu, imponitur ab armario91

(89) RR no. 155 has a second respond and versicle after this one, followed by the kyrie, as above. The twelfth-century Westminster psalter cited above (note 65) has a different versicle : Non intres in judicium cum servis tuis domine (MW 3.1317, note 3). (90) MW 3.1320 has the text of the respond ; the versicle is given in RR no. 156. (91) The reference to the armarius has been moved up a few words ; in the MS (53v) it follows the incipit of the psalm : imponitur Antiphona In Paradisum cum Psalmo In Exitu Israel ab armario.

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with the crowds of the faithful, so there your mercy will allow him to associate with the angelic choirs. Do not recall my sins, Lord, when you come to judge the world through fire. [R.] [V.] O Lord, my God, direct my way in your sight. [R.] When you come to judge the world through fire. Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy. Christ have mercy, Christ have mercy, Christ have mercy. Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy, Lord have mercy. [Collect] Incline your ear, O Lord, to our prayers, through which we suppliants beg your mercy, so that you will settle the soul of your servant, which you have ordered to depart from this world, in the realm of peace and light, and order it to be among the company of your saints ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. [R.] Deliver me, O Lord, from eternal death on the day of trembling, when heaven and earth will be moved, when you come to judge the world through fire. [V.] I have been made to tremble and I am afraid of the time when judgment shall have come and wrath is about to fall upon me. [R.] When you come to judge the world through fire. When the versicle and refrain of the last responsory is finished, the armarius intones the antiphon

même que la vraie foi l’a uni ici au troupeau des fidèles, ta miséricorde l’associe là-bas aux chœurs angéliques. [R.] Ne te rappelle pas mes péchés, Seigneur, lorsque tu viendras juger le monde par le feu. [V.] Dirige, Seigneur mon Dieu, mon chemin sous ton regard. [R.] Lorsque tu viendras juger le monde par le feu. Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur prends pitié. Christ, prends pitié, Christ, prends pitié, Christ prends pitié. Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur, prends pitié, Seigneur prends pitié. [Collecte] Incline, Seigneur, ton oreille vers nos prières par lesquelles nous, suppliants, implorons ta miséricorde, afin que tu établisses dans le lieu de paix et de lumière l’âme de ton serviteur à qui tu as ordonné de quitter ce monde et que tu lui ordonnes de se joindre à tes saints. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. [R.] Libère-moi, Seigneur, de la mort éternelle en ce jour redoutable, quand les cieux et la terre seront ébranlés. Lorsque tu viendras juger le monde par le feu. [V.] Me voici rendu tremblant et apeuré devant le jugement qui approche et la colère qui doit venir. [R.] Lorsque tu viendras juger le monde par le feu. Une fois terminé le verset du dernier répons prolixe et la réclame, l’armarius entonne l’antienne :

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Antiphona In paradisum deducant te angeli, in tuo adventu suscipiant te martyres et perducant

te in civitatem sanctam Hierusalem,92 cum Psalmo In exitu Israel de Egypto, domus Jacob de populo barbaro, 2

facta est Judea sanctificatio ejus ; Israël potestas ejus. Mare vidit, et fugit ; Jordanis conversus est retrorsum. 4 Montes exsultaverunt ut arietes, et colles sicut agni ovium. 5 Quid est tibi, mare, quod fugisti ? et tu, Jordanis, quia conversus es retrorsum ? 6 montes, exsultastis sicut arietes ? et colles, sicut agni ovium ? 7 A facie domini mota est terra, a facie dei Jacob : 8 qui convertit petram in stagna aquarum, et rupem in fontes aquarum. 9 Non nobis, domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam : 10 super misericordia tua et veritate tua ; nequando dicant gentes : Ubi est deus eorum ? 11 Deus autem noster in celo ; omnia quaecumque voluit fecit. 12 Simulacra gentium argentum et aurum, opera manuum hominum. 13 Os habent, et non loquentur ; oculos habent, et non videbunt. 14 Aures habent, et non audient ; nares habent, et non odorabunt. 3

(92) The texts of this antiphon and the seven that follow are reconstructed from RR 159 ; cf. MW 3.129096.

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Antiphone

May angels lead you into paradise ; may the martyrs receive you at your arrival ; and may they lead you into Jerusalem, the holy city. with the psalm [113] At the departure of Israel from Egypt, the house of Jacob from a barbarous people : 2

Judea was made his sanctuary ; Israel was made his power. The sea looked, and it fled. The Jordan was turned back again. 4 The mountains exulted like rams, and the hills like lambs among the sheep. 5 What happened to you, O sea, so that you fled, and to you, O Jordan, so that you were turned back again ? 6 What happened to you, O mountains, so that you exulted like rams, and to you, O hills, so that you exulted like lambs among the sheep ? 7 Before the face of the Lord, the earth was moved, before the face of the God of Jacob. 8 He converted the rock into pools of water, and the cliff into fountains of waters. 9 Not to us, O Lord, not to us, but to your name give glory. 10 Give glory to your mercy and your truth, lest the Gentiles should say, “Where is their God ?” 11 But our God is in heaven. All things whatsoever that he has willed, he has done. 12 The idols of the nations are silver and gold, the works of the hands of men. 13 They have mouths, and do not speak ; they have eyes, and do not see. 14 They have ears, and do not hear ; they have noses, and do not smell. 3

Antienne

Que les anges te conduisent au paradis, que les martyrs te reçoivent à ton arrivée et te conduisent dans la ville sainte de Jérusalem. Avec le psaume [113] Lorsque Israël sortit d’Égypte, et la maison de Jacob du milieu d’un peuple barbare, 2

Dieu consacra Juda à son service, et établit son empire dans Israël. La mer le vit et s’enfuit ; le Jourdain retourna en arrière. 4 Les montagnes bondirent comme des béliers, et les collines comme des agneaux. 5 Qu’as-tu, ô mer, pour t’enfuir ? Et toi, Jourdain, pour retourner en arrière ? 6 Pourquoi, montagnes, avez-vous bondi comme des béliers ? et vous, collines, comme des agneaux ? 7 La terre a été ébranlée devant la face du Seigneur, devant la face du Dieu de Jacob, 8 qui a changé la pierre en des torrents d’eaux, et la roche en fontaines abondantes. 9 Que ce ne soit pas à nous, Seigneur, que ce ne soit pas à nous ; que ce soit à ton nom que tu donnes la gloire, 10 pour faire éclater ta miséricorde et ta vérité ; de peur que les nations ne disent : Où est leur Dieu ? 11 Notre Dieu est dans le ciel ; tout ce qu’il a voulu, il l’a fait. 12 Les idoles des nations sont de l’argent et de l’or, et l’ouvrage des mains des hommes. 13 Elles ont une bouche, et ne parlent point ; elles ont des yeux, et ne voient point. 14 Elles ont des oreilles, et n’entendent pas ; elles ont des narines, et ne sentent pas. 3

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Manus habent, et non palpabunt ; pedes habent, et non ambulabunt ; non clamabunt in gutture suo. 16 Similes illis fiant qui faciunt ea, et omnes qui confidunt in eis. 17 Domus Israël speravit in domino ; adjutor eorum et protector eorum est. 18 Domus Aaron speravit in domino ; adjutor eorum et protector eorum est. 19 Qui timent dominum speraverunt in domino ; adjutor eorum et protector eorum est. 20 Dominus memor fuit nostri, et benedixit nobis. Benedixit domui Israël ; benedixit domui Aaron. 21 Benedixit omnibus qui timent dominum, pusillis cum majoribus. 22 Adjiciat dominus super vos, super vos et super filios vestros. 23 Benedicti vos a domino, qui fecit celum et terram. 24 Celum celi domino ; terram autem dedit filiis hominum. 25 Non mortui laudabunt te, domine, neque omnes qui descendunt in infernum : 26 sed nos qui vivimus, benedicimus domino, ex hoc nunc et usque in seculum. Hic mutatur in processione, quod postquam sacerdos cum processione et armario precesserit, et pueri cum magistris subsecuti fuerint, secuntur novitii, et conversi, et postea cantores, junioribus precedentibus, et ultimo feretro, cum suis portitoribus, et pulsantur hac vice omnia signa donec corpus in terra positum sit,93 et postibus coopertum.94 Infirmi vero qui interim stabunt extra ecclesiam beatae Mariae in claustro, cum accensis cereis, ingrediuntur ecclesiam, postquam conventus exierit, et ibidem remanent cantantes, tamen officium quod conventus canit. Olim autem dum defunctus in majorem ecclesiam

(93) Cf. Udal 775A : Signa, quae defunctum efferendo statim pulsari sunt inchoata, non prius omittunt, quam sacerdos recesserit a sepulcro / The bells, which begin to ring as the deceased is being brought to the grave, do not stop until the priest has left the graveside. (94) In spite of the plural form and odd word choice, this must refer to the wooden cover placed over the body after it is laid in the grave ; see below, 144.

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They have hands, and do not feel ; they have feet, and do not walk. Neither will they cry out with their throat. 16 Let those who make them become like them, along with all who trust in them. 17 The house of Israel has hoped in the Lord. He is their helper and their protector. 18 The house of Aaron has hoped in the Lord. He is their helper and their protector. 19 Those who fear the Lord have hoped in the Lord. He is their helper and their protector. 20 The Lord has been mindful of us, and he has blessed us. He has blessed the house of Israel. He has blessed the house of Aaron. 21 He has blessed all who fear the Lord, the small with the great. 22 May the Lord add blessings upon you : upon you, and upon your sons. 23 Blessed are you by the Lord, who made heaven and earth. 24 The heaven of heaven is for the Lord, but the earth he has given to the sons of men. 25 The dead will not praise you, Lord, and neither will all those who descend into Hell. 26 But we who live will bless the Lord, from this time forward, and even forever. At this point the procession is changed so that the priest goes first with the armarius and those carrying the cross and other accessories. The boys follow with their masters, the novices and the conversi next, and then the choir monks, the younger ones first, and finally the bier with its bearers. At this time all the bells are rung until the body has been laid in the earth and a wooden cover placed over it. The sick, who will meanwhile be standing outside the church of St. Mary in the cloister, enter the church with burning candles after the community has gone out and remain there still singing the office that the community sings. Formerly, when the deceased was carried into the main church, the com-

15

Elles ont des mains, et ne touchent pas ; elles ont des pieds, et ne marchent pas ; avec leur gorge, elles ne peuvent crier. 16 Que ceux qui les font leur deviennent semblables, avec tous ceux qui mettent en elles leur confiance. 17 La maison d’Israël a espéré dans le Seigneur ; il est leur secours et leur protecteur. 18 La maison d’Aaron a espéré dans le Seigneur ; il est leur secours et leur protecteur. 19 Ceux qui craignent le Seigneur ont mis en lui leur espérance ; il est leur secours et leur protecteur. 20 Le Seigneur s’est souvenu de nous, et il nous a bénis. Il a béni la maison d’Israël ; il a béni la maison d’Aaron. 21 Il a béni tous ceux qui craignent le Seigneur, les petits et les grands. 22 Que le Seigneur vous comble de nouveaux biens, vous et vos enfants. 23 Soyez béni du Seigneur, qui a fait le ciel et la terre. 24 Le Ciel des cieux est au Seigneur, mais il a donné la terre aux enfants des hommes. 25 Les morts ne te loueront point, Seigneur, ni tous ceux qui descendent dans l’enfer. 26 Mais nous qui vivons, nous bénissons le Seigneur, dès maintenant et dans tous les siècles. Ici, on modifie la procession : après le prêtre qui précède, accompagné des porteurs des objets processionnels et de l’armarius, les enfants suivent avec les maîtres, puis les novices et les convers, ensuite les chantres (les plus jeunes venant d’abord) et enfin, en dernier, le cercueil et ses porteurs. Toutes les cloches sont sonnées cette fois-ci jusqu’à ce que le corps soit mis en terre et recouvert de planches. Après la sortie de la communauté, les malades qui se tiendront entre-temps dans le cloître, à l’extérieur de l’église Sainte-Marie, entrent dans celle-ci avec des cierges allumés et y restent, chantant l’office que la communauté chante. Autrefois, quand le défunt était porté dans l’église majeure,

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portabatur, transeunte conventu per medium ecclesiae infirmorum stabant ibidem infirmi qui de lectis surgere valebant, carne utentes ad unam partem capellis in capitibus, et ceteri ad aliam, omnes tenentes cereos accensos, atque facientes idem officium quod conventus faciebat, remanentes tamen in ecclesia. Conventus autem pervenientes in cimiterium ita ordinate stat, ut hi qui de dextro choro sunt stent ad dexteram partem, juxta ecclesiam beatae Mariae, prioribus stantibus versus caput majoris ecclesiae, et hi qui de sinistro ad sinistram partem prioribus eodem modo stantibus versus caput majoris ecclesiae,95 et inter sepeliendum haec psalmodia cum antiphonis cantatur ab eo.96 Antiphona Aperite mihi portas justitiae, ingressus in eas confitebor domino. Haec porta domini

justi intrabunt in eam. Psalmus Confitemini domino, quoniam bonus, quoniam in sæculum misericordia ejus. 2

Dicat nunc Israël : Quoniam bonus, quoniam in seculum misericordia ejus. Dicat nunc domus Aaron : Quoniam in seculum misericordia ejus. 4 Dicant nunc qui timent dominum : Quoniam in seculum misericordia ejus. 5 De tribulatione invocavi dominum, et exaudivit me in latitudine dominus. 6 Dominus mihi adjutor ; non timebo quid faciat mihi homo. 7 Dominus mihi adjutor, et ego despiciam inimicos meos. 3

(95) Cf. Udal 774C : Conventus autem preveniens in cemeterium, expandit se in modum coronae / The community, then, coming forth into the cemetery, expands itself into the shape of a crown (or circle). (96) Both RR nos. 157-63, and, less exactly, MW 3.1290-96, intersperse the psalmody and the prayers, a pattern which is followed here, in an attempt to represent the complexity of the action, in which a small group around the grave recited prayers and saw to the burial of the body while the rest of the community chanted psalms and antiphons (see the Introduction above, 44-45). The MS [53v] reads, simply, Antiphona Aperite. Psalmus Confitemini. Antiphona Ingrediar. Psalmus Quemadmodum. Antiphona Hec requies. Psalmus Memento. Antiphona De terra plasmasti. Psalmus Domine probasti. Antiphona Non intres. Psalmus Domine exaudi secundo. Antiphona Omnis spiritus. Psalmus Laudate dominum de celis. [54r] Quo finito, dicitur Requiem eternam dona ei domine, et tunc imponitur antiphona Absolve domine animam famuli tui. Psalmus Benedictus. Since the “Quo finitur” introduces a versicle and response said by the priest, it has been moved forward to the point where the priest and the burial party have rejoined the community after the burial ; see below, 160.

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munity passed through the middle of the church of St. Mary, with the sick who had the strength to walk standing there, those eating flesh on one side, hoods on their heads, and the rest on the other side, all holding candles and performing the same office as the community was, remaining nevertheless in the church. The community then, moving on into the cemetery, stands so ordered that those who are on the right in choir should stand on the right side near the church of St. Mary, the senior ones standing across from the apse of the main church, and those who are on the left side in choir standing on the left side, the seniors standing in the same manner vis-a-vis the apse of the main church ; and during the burial the community sings this psalmody with antiphons. Antiphon Open the gates of justice to me. I will enter them, and I will confess to the Lord.

This is the gate of the Lord. The just will enter by it. Psalm [117] Confess to the Lord, for he is good, for his mercy is forever. 2

Let Israel now say : For he is good, for his mercy is forever. Let the house of Aaron now say : For his mercy is forever. 4 Let those who fear the Lord now say : For his mercy is forever. 5 In my tribulation, I called upon the Lord. And the Lord heeded me with generosity. 6 The Lord is my helper. I will not fear what man can do to me. 7 The Lord is my helper. And I will look down upon my enemies. 3

lorsque la communauté traversait l’église des malades en son centre, les malades capables de se lever de leurs lits s’y trouvaient, avec d’un côté ceux mangeant de la viande, leurs capuchons sur la tête, et de l’autre les autres, tous tenant un cierge allumé à la main et disant le même office que la communauté, mais sans quitter l’église. Une fois au cimetière, la communauté s’ordonne comme suit : ceux du chœur de droite se placent à droite, près de l’église Sainte-Marie, avec les aînés du côté du chevet de l’église majeure, ceux du chœur de gauche à gauche, avec les aînés se tenant de la même manière, du côté du chevet de l’église majeure. Pendant l’enterrement, cette psalmodie avec antienne est chantée par la communauté : Antienne Ouvrez-moi les portes de la justice afin que j’y entre et célèbre le Seigneur. C’est ici la porte du Seigneur et les justes y entreront. Psaume [117] Célébrez le Seigneur, parce qu’il est bon, parce que sa miséricorde est éternelle. 2

Qu’Israël dise maintenant qu’il est bon, et que sa miséricorde est éternelle. Que la maison d’Aaron dise maintenant que sa miséricorde est éternelle. 4 Que ceux qui craignent le Seigneur disent maintenant que sa miséricorde est éternelle. 5 Du sein de la tribulation j’ai invoqué le Seigneur, et le Seigneur m’a exaucé et mis au large. 6 Le Seigneur est mon secours ; je ne craindrai pas ce que l’homme pourra me faire. 7 Le Seigneur est mon secours, et je mépriserai mes ennemis. 3

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Bonum est confidere in domino, quam confidere in homine. Bonum est sperare in domino, quam sperare in principibus. 10 Omnes gentes circuierunt me, et in nomine domini, quia ultus sum in eos. 11 Circumdantes circumdederunt me, et in nomine domini, quia ultus sum in eos. 12 Circumdederunt me sicut apes, et exarserunt sicut ignis in spinis : et in nomine domini, quia ultus sum in eos. 13 Impulsus eversus sum, ut caderem, et dominus suscepit me. 14 Fortitudo mea et laus mea dominus, et factus est mihi in salutem. 15 Vox exsultationis et salutis in tabernaculis justorum. 16 Dextera domini fecit virtutem ; dextera domini exaltavit me : dextera domini fecit virtutem. 17 Non moriar, sed vivam, et narrabo opera domini. 18 Castigans castigavit me dominus, et morti non tradidit me. 19 Aperite mihi portas justitiae : ingressus in eas confitebor domino. 20 Haec porta domini : justi intrabunt in eam. 21 Confitebor tibi quoniam exaudisti me, et factus es mihi in salutem. 22 Lapidem quem reprobaverunt edificantes, hic factus est in caput anguli. 23 A domino factum est istud, et est mirabile in oculis nostris. 24 Haec est dies quam fecit dominus ; exsultemus, et letemur in ea. 25 O domine, salvum me fac ; o domine, bene prosperare. 9

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It is good to trust in the Lord, rather than to trust in man. It is good to hope in the Lord, rather than to hope in leaders. 10 All the nations have surrounded me. And, in the name of the Lord, I have been avenged over them. 11 Surrounding me, they closed in on me. And, in the name of the Lord, I have been avenged over them. 12 They surrounded me like a swarm, and they burned like fire among the thorns. And, in the name of the Lord, I have been avenged over them. 13 Having been pushed, I was overturned so as to fall. But the Lord took me up. 14 The Lord is my strength and my praise. And he has become my salvation. 15 A voice of exultation and salvation is in the tabernacles of the just. 16 The right hand of the Lord has wrought virtue. The right hand of the Lord has exalted me. The right hand of the Lord has wrought virtue. 17 I will not die, but I will live. And I will declare the works of the Lord. 18 When chastising, the Lord chastised me. But he has not delivered me over to death. 19 Open the gates of justice to me. I will enter them, and I will confess to the Lord. 20 This is the gate of the Lord. The just will enter by it. 21 I will confess to you because you have heard me. And you have become my salvation. 22 The stone which the builders have rejected, this has become the cornerstone. 23 By the Lord has this been done, and it is a wonder before our eyes. 24 This is the day that the Lord has made. Let us exult and rejoice in it. 25 O Lord, grant salvation to me. O Lord, grant good prosperity. 9

8

Il vaut mieux se confier au Seigneur, que de se confier dans l’homme. Il vaut mieux espérer dans le Seigneur, plutôt que d’espérer dans les princes. 10 Toutes les nations m’ont entouré, et au Nom du Seigneur je me suis vengé d’elles. 11 Elles m’ont environné et assiégé, et au Nom du Seigneur je me suis vengé d’elles. 12 Elles m’ont environné comme des abeilles, et elles se sont embrasées comme un feu d’épines ; et au Nom du Seigneur je me suis vengé d’elles. 13 J’ai été poussé, heurté et prêt à tomber, et le Seigneur m’a soutenu. 14 Le Seigneur est ma force et ma gloire, et il s’est fait mon salut. 15 Le cri de l’allégresse et de la délivrance retentit dans les tentes des justes. 16 La droite du Seigneur a fait éclater sa puissance, la droite du Seigneur m’a exalté ; la droite du Seigneur a fait éclater sa puissance. 17 Je ne mourrai point, mais je vivrai, et je raconterai les œuvres du Seigneur. 18 Le Seigneur m’a rudement châtié, mais il ne m’a pas livré à la mort. 19 Ouvrez-moi les portes de la justice, afin que j’y entre et que je célèbre le Seigneur. 20 C’est là la porte du Seigneur, et les justes entreront par elle. 21 Je te rendrai grâces de ce que tu m’as exaucé, et que tu t’es fait mon salut. 22 La pierre rejetée par ceux qui bâtissaient, est devenue la pierre angulaire. 23 C’est le Seigneur qui a fait cela, et c’est une chose merveilleuse à nos yeux. 24 Voici le jour que le Seigneur a fait ; passons-le dans l’allégresse et dans la joie. 25 O Seigneur, sauve-moi ; ô Seigneur, fais-nous prospérer. 9

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Benedictus qui venit in nomine domini : benediximus vobis de domo domini. Deus dominus, et illuxit nobis. Constituite diem solemnem in condensis, usque ad cornu altaris. 28 Deus meus es tu, et confitebor tibi ; deus meus es tu, et exaltabo te. Confitebor tibi quoniam exaudisti me, et factus es mihi in salutem. 29 Confitemini domino, quoniam bonus, quoniam in seculum misericordia ejus. 27

[54r] Sacerdos autem ut venit ad sepulchrum, si benedictum est, prestolatur cantans psalmos cum armario donec videat eos a quibus defunctus portatur. Quibus visis dicit has collectas Obsecramus misericordiam, Deus apud quem mortuorum spiritus vivunt.97 Quod si nondum providente armario qui illud solet aliquotiens providere benedictum sepulchrum est ab eodem tunc benedicitur.98 Deus qui fundasti terram, formasti celos, qui omnia sydera statuta fecisti, qui captum

laqueo primum mortis hominem alluvione99 reparas, qui sepultos Abraham, Isaac et Jacob in spelunca duplici in libro vitae dignitate principes annotasti : bene+dicere100 dignare101 hunc tumulum famuli tui, ut hic eum requiescere facias et in sinum Abrahae collocare digneris, qui dominum nostrum Jesum Christum filium tuum, devictis laqueis inferorum resurgere ad in se credentium voluisti salutem, respice, quesumus, super hanc fabricam sepulture, descendat huc, domine, Spiritus Sanctus, ut te jubente sit ei in hoc loco quieta dormitio et tempore judicii cum sanctis omnibus resurrectio. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.

(97) These two collects appears below, after the Deus qui fundasti. (98) Udal (774B) gives the incipit of the blessing of the grave earlier on, in the form of an aside. Although Bernard does not refer to it at all, RR no. 153, and DAER 3.15.8 include the full text of the prayer at this point in the ceremony, so it is added here, following RR. (99) DAER 3.15.8 has ablutione here, which makes it clear that the reference is to baptism. The source of the confusion may be a reference to Job 14.19. (100) The cross in the middle of this word indicates that the armarius should make the sign of the cross over the grave at this point. (101) DAER 3.15.8 has digneris here, which is clearly preferable, so the translation assumes it.

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Blessed is he who arrives in the name of the Lord. We have blessed you from the house of the Lord. 27 The Lord is God, and he has enlightened us. Establish a solemn day amid a dense crowd, even to the horn of the altar. 28 You are my God, and I will confess to you. You are my God, and I will exalt you. I will confess to you, for you have heeded me. And you have become my salvation. 29 Confess to the Lord, for he is good, for his mercy is forever. The priest, however, when he comes to the grave, if it has been blessed, waits there singing psalms with the armarius until he sees those who are carrying the deceased. When he sees them he says these collects : We beseech [your] mercy [and] O God with whom the spirits of the dead live. Now if the armarius has not yet seen to the blessing of the grave, for he customarily takes care of that, then he blesses it : O God who laid the foundation of the earth, who formed the stars, who established the laws

of all the heavenly bodies, who first of all retrieves the captive man from the snare of death through baptism, who has noted down in the book of life the burials in the double cave of the leaders in dignity Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, see fit to bless this grave of your servant, so that you might grant him rest here, and deem him worthy of being gathered up in the bosom of Abraham. You who wanted salvation for those believing in your son, our Lord Jesus Christ [whom you deemed worthy] to resurrect, having conquered the snares of hell, look down upon this grave we beseech you. May the Holy Spirit descend here, O Lord,

26

Béni soit celui qui vient au Nom du Seigneur. Nous vous bénissons de la maison du Seigneur. 27 Le Seigneur est Dieu, et il a fait briller sur nous sa lumière. Rendez ce jour solennel en couvrant tout de feuillage, jusqu’à la corne de l’autel. 28 Tu es mon Dieu, et je te célébrerai ; tu es mon Dieu, et je t’exalterai. Je te célébrerai parce que tu m’as exaucé, et que tu t’es fait mon salut. 29 Louez le Seigneur, parce qu’il est bon, parce que sa miséricorde est éternelle. D’autre part, si le tombeau est béni quand le prêtre y arrive, il attend en chantant les psaumes avec l’armarius jusqu’à ce qu’il aperçoive ceux qui portent le défunt. Quand il les voit, il dit ces collectes : Nous implorons ta miséricorde [et] Dieu en qui vivent les esprits des morts. Si le tombeau n’est pas encore béni par l’armarius qui a parfois l’habitude d’y pourvoir, il le bénit : Dieu, toi qui as fondé la terre et formé les cieux, toi qui as établi tous les astres, toi qui, par le déversement de l’eau, rétablis l’homme pris d’abord dans les filets de la mort, toi qui as inscrit dans le livre de la vie les princes en dignité Abraham, Isaac et Jacob, enterrés dans la caverne double, daigne bénir cette tombe de ton serviteur afin que tu le laisses reposer ici et daigne le recueillir dans le sein d’Abraham. Toi qui as voulu le salut de ceux qui croient en lui, notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, ton Fils ressuscité après avoir vaincu les filets des enfers, nous t’implorons, regarde cette tombe ; que le Saint-Esprit y descende, Seigneur, de sorte que, sur ton ordre, il obtienne en ce lieu un repos tranquille puis la résurrection avec tous les saints au jour du Jugement. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen.

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Sacerdote et postea dicuntur premissae collectae ;102 Obsecramus misericordiam tuam, eternae omnipotens deus, qui hominem ad ima-

ginem tuam creare dignatus es, ut spiritum et animam famuli tui, quem hodierna die rebus humanis eximi et ad te accersire jussisti, blande et misericorditer suscipias. Non ei dominentur umbrae mortis, nec tegat eum chaos et caligo tenebrarum, sed exutus omnium criminum labe in sinu Abrahae patriarchae collocatus locum lucis et refrigerii se adeptum esse gaudeat, et cum dies judicii advenerit, cum sanctis et electis tuis eum resuscitari jubeas. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.103 Deus apud quem mortuorum spiritus vivunt et in quo electorum animae deposito carnis onere plena felicitate letantur, presta supplicantibus nobis ut anima famuli tui, quae temporali per corpus hujus luminis caret visu, eternae illius lucis solatio potiatur, non eum tormentum mortis attingat, non dolor horrendae visionis afficiat, non penalis timor excruciet, non reorum proxima catena constringat, sed concessa sibi delictorum omnium venia optatae quietis consequatur gaudia repromissa. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.104 Antiphona Ingrediar in locum tabernaculi admirabilis usque ad domum dei.

(102) The MS [54r] continues here as follows : His finitis, et corpore usque ad fossam allato, continuo aquam benedictam spargit in fossam, atque incensat eam. Quo facto statim sine quolibet intervallo ponitur corpus in terram, ita ut pedes sint versus orientem, et caput versus occidentem, iterumque aqua benedicta spargitur, et incensatur, tunc operculo ligneo cooperitur. Sacerdos autem primus cum pala ter mittens aliquantulum de terra super illud, subjungit has collectas Oremus fratres karissimi pro spiritu cari. Deus qui justis supplicationibus. Debitum humani corporis. Temeritatis quidem est Deus. Haec dum agit sacerdos, nec intendit ad conventum, nec conventus ad eum, sed ipse cum armario et conversis qui serviunt de processione, et eis qui sepeliunt corpus facit hoc officium. The text has been broken up in order to insert the prayers and psalmody in the order in which they were most probably performed, as explained in the introduction above, 44-45. Cf. MW 3.1291-1302. (103) RR no.157. (104) RR no.158.

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so that by your command, this might be for him a place of peaceful sleep and resurrection with all the saints on Judgment Day, through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Afterwards the priest says the aforementioned collects. We beseech your mercy eternal omnipotent God, who deigned to create man in your image, so that you might receive with grace and compassion the spirit and soul of your servant, which you have ordered this very day to be removed from human affairs and to approach you. Let not the shadows of death rule over him, nor chaos and the fog of hell cover him, but freed from the stain of all sin, and gathered into the bosom of the patriarch Abraham, let him rejoice over reaching the place of light and consolation ; and when the day of judgment arrives, order him to be brought back to life among your saints and your chosen ones ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. God with whom the spirits of the dead live and in whom the souls of the elect, having laid down the burden of the flesh, rejoice in complete happiness, grant to us supplicants, that the soul of your servant, which lacks temporal vision of this light through the body, may acquire the solace of that eternal light. May the torment of death not touch [your servant] ; may the pain of the frightening vision not afflict him, the fear of punishment not torture him, the tightly-bound chain of the guilty not constrain him, but, having been granted forgiveness of all his sins, may he obtain the promised joy of hoped-for rest ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Antiphon I will cross into the place of the wonderful tabernacle, all the way to the house of God.

Puis le prêtre récite les collectes mentionnées ci-dessus : Nous implorons ta miséricorde, Dieu éternel et tout-puissant, toi qui as daigné créer l’homme à ton image, afin que tu reçoives avec douceur et miséricorde l’esprit et l’âme de ton serviteur à qui tu as ordonné en ce jour de quitter les affaires humaines et de se rendre auprès de toi. Que les ombres de la mort ne le dominent pas, ni le chaos et les ténèbres ne le saisissent, mais que, débarrassé de la souillure de tous les crimes et recueilli dans le sein du patriarche Abraham, il se réjouisse d’avoir atteint le lieu de la lumière et du bonheur éternel. Et que, lorsque le jour du Jugement viendra, tu ordonnes qu’il soit ressuscité avec tes saints et tes élus. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Dieu auprès de qui vivent les esprits des morts et dans lequel les âmes des élus, ayant déposé le poids de la chair, se réjouissent dans la plénitude de la félicité, accorde-nous, suppliants, que l’âme de ton serviteur, privée de la vision corporelle temporelle de la lumière présente, puisse posséder le secours de la lumière éternelle. Que le tourment de la mort ne l’atteigne pas, que la douleur de l’horrible vision ne l’affecte pas, que la peur du châtiment ne le tourmente pas, qu’il ne soit pas contraint par les chaînes étroites des condamnés, mais que le pardon de toutes ses fautes lui soit accordé et que la joie promise du repos espéré s’ensuive. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Antienne Je passerai dans le lieu du tabernacle admirable jusqu’à la maison de Dieu.

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Psalmus Quemadmodum desiderat cervus ad fontes aquarum, ita desiderat anima mea ad te,

deus. Sitivit anima mea ad deum fortem, vivum ; quando veniam, et apparebo ante faciem dei ? 4 Fuerunt mihi lacrimae meae panes die ac nocte, dum dicitur mihi quotidie : Ubi est deus tuus ? 5 Haec recordatus sum, et effudi in me animam meam, quoniam transibo in locum tabernaculi admirabilis, usque ad domum dei, in voce exsultationis et confessionis, sonus epulantis. 6 Quare tristis es, anima mea ? et quare conturbas me ? Spera in deo, quoniam adhuc confitebor illi, salutare vultus mei, 7 et deus meus. Ad meipsum anima mea conturbata est : propterea memor ero tui de terra Jordanis et Hermoniim a monte modico. 8 Abyssus abyssum invocat, in voce cataractarum tuarum ; omnia excelsa tua, et fluctus tui super me transierunt. 9 In die mandavit dominus misericordiam suam, et nocte canticum ejus ; apud me oratio deo vitae meae. 10 Dicam deo : Susceptor meus es ; quare oblitus es mei ? et quare contristatus incedo, dum affligit me inimicus ? 11 Dum confringuntur ossa mea, exprobraverunt mihi qui tribulant me inimici mei, dum dicunt mihi per singulos dies : Ubi est deus tuus ? 3

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Psalm [41] As the deer longs for fountains of water, so my soul longs for you, O God. 3

My soul has thirsted for the strong living God. When will I draw close and appear before the face of God ? 4 My tears have been my bread, day and night. Meanwhile, it is said to me daily : “Where is your God ?” 5 These things I have remembered ; and my soul within me, I have poured out. For I will cross into the place of the wonderful tabernacle, all the way to the house of God, with a voice of exultation and confession, the sound of feasting. 6 Why are you sad, my soul ? And why do you disquiet me ? Hope in God, for I will still confess to him : the salvation of my countenance, 7 and my God. My soul has been troubled within myself. Because of this, I will remember you from the land of the Jordan and from Hermon, from the little mountain. 8 Abyss calls upon abyss, with the voice of your floodgate. All your heights and your waves have passed over me. 9 In the daylight, the Lord has ordered his mercy ; and in the night, a canticle to him. With me is a prayer to the God of my life. 10 I will say to God, “You are my supporter. Why have you forgotten me ? And why do I walk in mourning, while my adversary afflicts me ?” 11 While my bones are being broken, my enemies, who trouble me, have reproached me. Meanwhile, they say to me every single day, “Where is your God ?”

Psaume [41] Comme le cerf soupire après les sources des eaux, ainsi mon âme soupire vers toi, mon

Dieu. Mon âme a soif du Dieu fort et vivant. Quand viendrai-je, et paraîtrai-je devant la face de Dieu ? 4 Mes larmes ont été ma nourriture le jour et la nuit, pendant qu’on me dit tous les jours : Où est ton Dieu ? 5 Je me suis souvenu de ces choses, et j’ai répandu mon âme au dedans de moi-même ; car je passerai dans le lieu du tabernacle admirable jusqu’à la maison de Dieu, parmi les chants d’allégresse et de louange, pareils au bruit d’un festin. 6 Pourquoi es-tu triste, mon âme ? et pourquoi me troubles-tu ? Espère en Dieu, car je le louerai encore, lui le salut de mon visage 7 et mon Dieu. Mon âme a été toute troublée en moi-même ; c’est pourquoi je me souviendrai de toi, du pays du Jourdain, de l’Hermon, et de la petite montagne. 8 L’abîme appelle l’abîme, au bruit de tes cataractes. Toutes tes vagues amoncelées et tes flots ont passé sur moi. 9 Pendant le jour le Seigneur a envoyé sa miséricorde, et la nuit son cantique. Au dedans de moi est une prière pour le Dieu de ma vie. 10 Je dirai à Dieu : tu es mon défenseur ; pourquoi m’as-tu oublié ? et pourquoi faut-il que je marche attristé, tandis que l’ennemi m’afflige ? 11 Pendant que mes os sont brisés, mes ennemis qui me persécutent m’accablent par leurs reproches, me disant tous les jours : Où est ton Dieu ? 3

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Quare tristis es, anima mea ? et quare conturbas me ? Spera in deo, quoniam adhuc confitebor illi, salutare vultus mei, et deus meus.

His finitis, et corpore usque ad fossam allato, continuo aquam benedictam spargit in fossam, atque incensat eam. Quo facto statim sine quolibet intervallo ponitur corpus in terram, ita ut pedes sint versus orientem, et caput versus occidentem, iterumque aqua benedicta spargitur, et incensatur, tunc operculo ligneo cooperitur. Sacerdos autem primus cum pala ter mittens aliquantulum de terra super illud, subjungit has collectas105 Oremus fratres karissimi pro spiritu cari nostri, quem dominus de laqueo hujus

seculi liberare dignatus est, cujus corpusculum hodie sepulturae traditur, ut eum pietas106 domini in sinu Abrahae, Isaac et Jacob collocare dignetur, et cum dies judicii advenerit inter sanctos et electos suos in parte dextera collocandum resuscitari faciat prestante domino nostro Jesu Christo, qui cum patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat deus, per omnia secula seculorum. Amen.107 Haec dum agit sacerdos, nec intendit ad conventum, nec conventus ad eum, sed ipse cum armario et conversis qui serviunt de processione, et eis qui sepeliunt corpus facit hoc officium. Antiphona Hec requies mea in seculum seculi, hic habitabo quoniam elegi eam.

(105) These prayers have been interspersed among the psalms to suggest the simultaneity of the burial service and the psalmody. The MS (54r) continues here with the incipits of the four prayers to be said after the burial. (106) RR has pietatis here, which is clearly an error ; cf. SP 1411 and MW 3.1292-93. (107) RR no. 159.

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My soul, why are you saddened ? And why do you disquiet me ? Hope in God, for I will still confess to him : the salvation of my countenance and my God.

After these things are finished and the body has been brought up to the grave, the priest at once sprinkles holy water in the grave and censes it. After that has been done, the body is immediately and without any pause whatsoever placed in the earth so that the feet are towards the east and the head is towards the west. He sprinkles holy water and censes the grave again and then a wooden cover is placed over it. Moreover, the presiding priest, sending a little earth down upon it with a spade three times, adds these [four] collects. Let us pray, dearest brethren, for the spirit of our dear one, whom the Lord has deigned to free from the snares of the world, whose body is delivered today to the grave, that the mercy of the Lord may find him worthy of being gathered into the bosom of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob ; that when the day of judgment comes, God will bring him back to life among the saints and his chosen ones gathered together on his right hand, with the help of our Lord Jesus Christ, who with God the Father and the Holy Spirit lives and reigns, for ever and ever. Amen. While the priest does this he does not address the community or it him, but performs the service with the armarius, the conversi who are participating in the procession and those who are burying the body. Antiphon This is my resting place, forever and ever. Here will I dwell, for I have chosen it.

12

Pourquoi es-tu triste, mon âme ? et pourquoi me troubles-tu ? Espère en Dieu, car je le louerai encore, lui le salut de mon visage et mon Dieu.

Une fois cela terminé et le corps porté jusqu’à la fosse, le prêtre asperge aussitôt la fosse d’eau bénite et l’encense. Ceci fait, sans qu’il n’y ait aucune pause, le corps est immédiatement mis en terre de telle manière que ses pieds soient tournés vers l’orient et sa tête vers l’occident ; à nouveau, on asperge d’eau bénite et encense, puis on couvre la tombe d’un couvercle de bois. D’autre part, le premier prêtre dépose avec une pelle par trois fois dessus un peu de terre et ajoute ces collectes : Prions, très chers frères, pour l’esprit de celui qui nous est cher, que le Seigneur a daigné

libérer des embûches de ce siècle et dont le corps est aujourd’hui porté dans ce tombeau, pour que la tendresse du Seigneur daigne le recueillir dans le sein d’Abraham, d’Isaac et de Jacob et que, au jour du Jugement, placé à la droite entre les saints et les élus, il soit ressuscité, avec l’aide de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, qui avec le Père et l’Esprit saint, vit et règne, Dieu, pour les siècles des siècles. Amen. Tandis que le prêtre fait cela, il ne s’adresse pas à la communauté ni la communauté à lui, mais il fait ce service avec l’armarius et les convers qui s’occupent de la procession et ceux qui enterrent le corps. Antienne C’est là pour toujours le lieu de mon repos ; j’y habiterai, car je l’ai choisi.

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Psalmus Memento, domine, David, et omnis mansuetudinis ejus : 2

sicut juravit domino ; votum vovit deo Jacob : Si introiero in tabernaculum domus meae ; si ascendero in lectum strati mei ; 4 si dedero somnum oculis meis, et palpebris meis dormitationem, 5 et requiem temporibus meis, donec inveniam locum domino, tabernaculum deo Jacob. 6 Ecce audivimus eam in Ephrata ; invenimus eam in campis silvae. 7 Introibimus in tabernaculum ejus ; adorabimus in loco ubi steterunt pedes ejus. 8 Surge, domine, in requiem tuam, tu et arca sanctificationis tuae. 9 Sacerdotes tui induantur justitiam, et sancti tui exsultent. 10 Propter David servum tuum non avertas faciem christi tui. 11 Juravit dominus David veritatem, et non frustrabitur eam : De fructu ventris tui ponam super sedem tuam. 12 Si custodierint filii tui testamentum meum, et testimonia mea haec quae docebo eos, et filii eorum usque in seculum sedebunt super sedem tuam. 13 Quoniam elegit dominus Sion : elegit eam in habitationem sibi. 14 Haec requies mea in seculum seculi ; hic habitabo, quoniam elegi eam. 15 Viduam ejus benedicens benedicam ; pauperes ejus saturabo panibus. 16 Sacerdotes ejus induam salutari, et sancti ejus exsultatione exsultabunt. 17 Illuc producam cornu David ; paravi lucernam christo meo. 18 Inimicos ejus induam confusione ; super ipsum autem efflorebit sanctificatio mea. 3

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Psalm [131]

O Lord, remember David and all his meekness, 2 how he swore to the Lord, how he made a vow to the God of Jacob : 3 I shall not enter into the tabernacle of my house, nor climb into the bed where I lie down ; 4 I shall not give sleep to my eyes, nor slumber to my eyelids 5 and rest to my temples, until I find a place for the Lord, a tabernacle for the God of Jacob. 6 Behold, we heard of it in Ephrathah. We discovered it in the fields of the forest. 7 We will enter into his tabernacle. We will adore in the place where his feet stood. 8 Rise up, O Lord, into your resting place. You and the ark of your sanctification. 9 Let your priests be clothed with justice, and let your saints exult. 10 For the sake of your servant David, do not turn away the face of your Christ. 11 The Lord has sworn the truth to David, and he will not disappoint : I will set upon your throne from the fruit of your loins. 12 If your sons will keep my covenant and these, my testimonies, which I will teach to them, then their sons will sit upon your throne even forever. 13 For the Lord has chosen Zion. He has chosen it as his dwelling place. 14 This is my resting place, forever and ever. Here I will dwell, for I have chosen it. 15 When blessing, I will bless her widow. I will satisfy her poor with bread. 16 I will clothe her priests with salvation, and her saints will rejoice with great joy. 17 There, I will produce a horn to David. There, I have prepared a lamp for my Christ. 18 I will clothe his enemies with confusion. But my sanctification will flourish over him.

Psaume [131] Souviens-toi, Seigneur de David, et de toute sa douceur. 2

Souviens-toi qu’il a fait ce serment au Seigneur, ce vœu au Dieu de Jacob : Je n’entrerai pas dans ma maison, je ne monterai pas sur ma couche, 4 je n’accorderai pas de sommeil à mes yeux, ni d’assoupissement à mes paupières, 5 ni de repos à mes tempes, jusqu’à ce que je trouve un lieu pour le Seigneur, un tabernacle pour le Dieu de Jacob. 6 Nous avons entendu dire que l’arche était à Ephrata ; nous l’avons trouvée dans les champs de la forêt. 7 Nous entrerons dans son tabernacle ; nous l’adorerons au lieu où il a posé ses pieds. 8 Lève-toi, Seigneur, pour entrer dans ton repos, toi et l’arche de ta sainteté. 9 Que tes prêtres soient revêtus de justice, et que tes saints tressaillent de joie. 10 En considération de David ton serviteur, ne repousse pas la face de ton Christ. 11 Le Seigneur a fait à David un serment véridique, et il ne le trompera point : j’établirai sur ton trône le fruit de ton sein. 12 Si tes fils gardent mon alliance, et les préceptes que je leur enseignerai, à tout jamais aussi leurs enfants seront assis sur ton trône. 13 Car le Seigneur a choisi Sion ; il l’a choisie pour sa demeure. 14 C’est là pour toujours le lieu de mon repos ; j’y habiterai, car je l’ai choisie. 15 Je donnerai à sa veuve une bénédiction abondante ; je rassasierai de pain ses pauvres. 16 Je revêtirai ses prêtres de salut, et ses saints seront ravis de joie. 17 Là je ferai paraître la puissance de David ; j’ai préparé une lampe pour mon Christ. 18 Je couvrirai ses ennemis de confusion ; mais ma sainteté fleurira sur lui 3

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[Collecta] Deus qui justis supplicationibus semper presto es, qui pia vota dignaris intueri, da

famulo tuo, cujus depositioni hodie officia humanitatis exhibemus, cum sanctis atque fidelibus tuis, beati muneris portionem. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.108 Antiphona De terra plasmasti me et carnem induisti me redemptor meus domine, resuscita me

in novissimo die. Psalmus Domine probasti me, et cognovisti me ; 2

tu cognovisti sessionem meam et resurrectionem meam. Intellexisti cogitationes meas de longe ; semitam meam et funiculum meum investigasti : 4 et omnes vias meas previdisti, quia non est sermo in lingua mea. 5 Ecce, domine, tu cognovisti omnia, novissima et antiqua. Tu formasti me, et posuisti super me manum tuam. 6 Mirabilis facta est scientia tua ex me ; confortata est, et non potero ad eam. 7 Quo ibo a spiritu tuo ? et quo a facie tua fugiam ? 8 Si ascendero in celum, tu illic es ; si descendero in infernum, ades. 9 Si sumpsero pennas meas diluculo, et habitavero in extremis maris, 10 etenim illuc manus tua deducet me, et tenebit me dextera tua. 3

(108) RR no. 160.

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[Collect] O God, you who are always present [to hear] righteous supplications, who [always] deigns

to consider pious vows, grant your servant, to whose burial today we tender services of human kindness, a share in the blessed gift [of paradise] along with your saints and faithful ones ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Antiphon You fashioned me from earth, you clothed me in flesh, Lord my redeemer, revive me on the

last day. Psalm [138] O Lord, you have examined me, and you have known me. 2

You have known my sitting down and my rising up again. You have understood my thoughts from afar. My path and my fate, you have investigated. 4 And you have foreseen all my ways. For there is no word in my tongue. 5 Behold, O Lord, you have known all things : the newest and the very old. You have formed me, and you have placed your hand over me. 6 Your knowledge has become a wonder to me. It has been reinforced, and I am not able to prevail against it. 7 Where will I go from your Spirit ? And where will I flee from your face ? 8 If I ascend into heaven, you are there. If I descend into Hell, you are near. 9 If I assume my feathers in early morning, and dwell in the utmost parts of the sea, 10 even there, your hand will lead me forth, and your right hand will hold me. 3

[Collecte] Dieu, toi qui, toujours, es à l’écoute des suppliques justes et daignes porter attention

aux vœux pieux, donne à ton serviteur, pour l’enterrement duquel nous accomplissons aujourd’hui des devoirs de bonté, une part de la récompense bienheureuse avec tes saints et tes fidèles. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Antienne Tu m’as formé de terre et revêtu de chair, Seigneur, mon rédempteur : ressuscite-moi au

jour dernier. Psaume [138] Seigneur, tu m’as sondé et tu me connais ; 2

Tu sais quand je m’assieds et quand je me lève. Tu as discerné de loin mes pensées ; tu as remarqué mon sentier et mes démarches, 4 et tu as prévu toutes mes voies ; et avant même qu’une parole soit sur ma langue, tu la sais. 5 Voici, Seigneur, que tu connais toutes choses, les nouvelles et les anciennes. C’est toi qui m’as formé, et tu as mis ta main sur moi. 6 Ta science merveilleuse est au-dessus de moi ; elle me surpasse, et je ne saurais l’atteindre. 7 Où irai-je pour me dérober à ton esprit, et où m’enfuirai-je de devant ta face ? 8 Si je monte au Ciel, tu y es ; si je descends dans l’enfer, tu y es présent. 9 Si je prends des ailes dès l’aurore, et que j’aille habiter aux extrémités de la mer, 10 c’est ta main qui m’y conduira, et ta droite me saisira. 3

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Et dixi : Forsitan tenebrae conculcabunt me ; et nox illuminatio mea in deliciis meis. 12 Quia tenebrae non obscurabuntur a te, et nox sicut dies illuminabitur : sicut tenebrae ejus, ita et lumen ejus. 13 Quia tu possedisti renes meos ; suscepisti me de utero matris meae. 14 Confitebor tibi, quia terribiliter magnificatus es ; mirabilia opera tua, et anima mea cognoscit nimis. 15 Non est occultatum os meum a te, quod fecisti in occulto ; et substantia mea in inferioribus terrae. 16 Imperfectum meum viderunt oculi tui, et in libro tuo omnes scribentur. Dies formabuntur, et nemo in eis. 17 Mihi autem nimis honorificati sunt amici tui, deus ; nimis confortatus est principatus eorum. 18 Dinumerabo eos, et super arenam multiplicabuntur. Exsurrexi, et adhuc sum tecum. 19 Si occideris, deus, peccatores, viri sanguinum, declinate a me : 20 quia dicitis in cogitatione : Accipient in vanitate civitates tuas. 21 Nonne qui oderunt te, domine, oderam, et super inimicos tuos tabescebam ? 22 Perfecto odio oderam illos, et inimici facti sunt mihi. 23 Proba me, deus, et scito cor meum ; interroga me, et cognosce semitas meas. 24 Et vide si via iniquitatis in me est, et deduc me in via eterna.

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And I said : Perhaps darkness will overwhelm me, and the night will be my illumination, to my delight. 12 But darkness will not be impenetrable to you, and night will illuminate like the day : for just as its darkness is, so also is its light. 13 For you have possessed my temperament. You have supported me from the womb of my mother. 14 I will confess to you, for you have been magnified terribly. Your works are miraculous, as my soul knows exceedingly well. 15 My bone, which you have made in secret, has not been hidden from you, and my substance is in accord with the lower parts of the earth. 16 Your eyes saw my imperfection, and all this shall be written in your book. Days will be formed, and no one shall be in them. 17 But to me, O God, your friends have been greatly honored. Their first ruler has been exceedingly strengthened. 18 I will number them, and they will be more numerous than the sand. I rose up, and I am still with you. 19 O God, if only you would cut down sinners. You men of blood : depart from me. 20 For you say in thought : They will accept your cities in vain. 21 Have I not hated those who hated you, Lord, and wasted away because of your enemies ? 22 I have hated them with a perfect hatred, and they have become enemies to me. 23 Examine me, O God, and know my heart. Question me, and know my paths. 24 And see if there might be in me the way of iniquity, and lead me in the way of eternity.

11

Et j’ai dit : Peut-être que les ténèbres me couvriront ; mais la nuit même devient ma lumière dans mes délices. 12 Car les ténèbres n’ont pas d’obscurité pour toi ; la nuit brille comme le jour, et ses ténèbres sont comme la lumière du jour. 13 Car tu as formé mes reins ; tu m’as reçu dès le sein de ma mère. 14 Je te louerai de ce que ta grandeur a éclaté d’une manière étonnante ; tes œuvres sont admirables, et mon âme en est toute pénétrée. 15 Mes os ne te sont point cachés, à toi qui les as faits dans le secret ; non plus que ma substance, formée comme au fond de la terre. 16 Tes yeux m’ont vu lorsque j’étais encore informe, et tous les hommes sont écrits dans ton livre. Tu détermines leurs jours avant qu’aucun d’eux n’existe. 17 O Dieu, que tes amis sont singulièrement honorés à mes yeux ! Leur empire s’est extraordinairement affermi. 18 Si j’entreprends de les compter, leur nombre surpasse celui du sable de la mer. Et quand je m’éveille, je suis encore avec toi. 19 O Dieu, si tu tues les pécheurs, hommes de sang, éloignez-vous de moi ; 20 vous qui dites dans votre pensée : C’est en vain, Seigneur, que les justes posséderont tes villes. 21 Seigneur, n’ai-je pas haï ceux qui te haïssaient ? Et n’ai-je pas séché d’horreur à cause de tes ennemis ? 22 Je les haïssais d’une haine parfaite, et ils sont devenus mes ennemis. 23 O Dieu, éprouve-moi, et connais mon cœur ; interroge-moi, et connais mes sentiers. 24 Vois si la voie de l’iniquité se trouve en moi, et conduis-moi dans la voie éternelle. 151

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[Collecta] Debitum humani corporis sepeliendi officium fidelium more complentes deum, cui

omnia vivunt, fideliter deprecemur, ut hoc corpus cari nostri a nobis in infirmitate sepultum in ordine sanctorum suorum resuscitet et ejus spiritum sanctis ac fidelibus adgregari jubeat, cum quibus inenarrabili gloria et perenni felicitate perfrui mereatur, prestante domino nostro Jesu Christo qui cum patre et spiritu sancto vivit et regnat deus. Amen.109 Antiphona Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo, domine quia non justificabitur in conspectu

tuo omnis vivens.110 Psalmus111 Domine exaudi orationem meam ; auribus percipe obsecrationem meam in veritate

tua ; exaudi me in tua justitia. Et non intres in judicium cum servo tuo, quia non justificabitur in conspectu tuo omnis vivens. 3 Quia persecutus est inimicus animam meam ; humiliavit in terra vitam meam ; collocavit me in obscuris, sicut mortuos seculi. 4 Et anxiatus est super me spiritus meus ; in me turbatum est cor meum. 5 Memor fui dierum antiquorum ; meditatus sum in omnibus operibus tuis : in factis manuum tuarum meditabar. 2

(109) RR no. 161. (110) The text here follows MW 3.1295 since it gives the whole psalm verse and not just the first clause as in RR 159. (111) The MS had Domine exaudi secundo to indicate the second of two psalms that are known by the same incipit ; the other is Psalm 101 ; cf. above note 16.

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[Collect] Fulfilling the obligation of burial owed to the human body in the manner customary among the faithful, in faith we beg God, in whom everyone lives, to revive the body of our dear one, buried here by us in weakness, among the company of his saints, and order his spirit to be joined with the saints and faithful ones, with whom he may be worthy of fully enjoying indescribable glory and lasting happiness, with the help of our Lord God Jesus Christ who lives and reigns with God the Father and the Holy Spirit. Amen. Antiphon Do not enter into judgment with your servant. For all the living will not be justified in your

sight. Psalm [142] O Lord, hear my prayer. Incline your ear to my supplication in your truth. Heed me accor-

ding to your justice. And do not enter into judgment with your servant. For all the living will not be justified in your sight. 3 For the enemy has pursued my soul. He has lowered my life to the earth. He has stationed me in darkness, like the dead of ages past. 4 And my spirit has been in anguish over me. My heart within me has been disturbed. 5 I have called to mind the days of antiquity. I have been meditating on all your works. I have meditated on the workings of your hands. 2

[Collecte] Complétant le service funéraire dû au corps humain selon la coutume des fidèles, c’est avec foi que nous implorons Dieu par qui toutes choses vivent, pour que le corps de celui qui nous est cher que nous avons enterré dans la faiblesse ressuscite dans les rangs de ses saints et qu’il ordonne à son esprit d’être réuni aux saints et fidèles avec lesquels il puisse mériter de jouir de la gloire indicible et de la félicité éternelle, avec l’aide de notre Seigneur Jésus Christ, qui avec le Père et l’Esprit saint, vit et règne, Dieu. Amen. Antienne N’entre pas en jugement avec ton serviteur, Seigneur, parce que nul homme vivant ne sera trouvé juste devant toi. Psaume [142] Seigneur, exauce ma prière ; prête l’oreille à ma supplication selon ta vérité ; exauce-moi

selon ta justice. Et n’entre pas en jugement avec ton serviteur, parce que nul homme vivant ne sera trouvé juste devant toi. 3 Car l’ennemi a poursuivi mon âme ; il a humilié ma vie jusqu’à terre. Il m’a placé dans les lieux obscurs, comme ceux qui sont morts depuis longtemps. 4 Mon esprit s’est replié sur moi dans son angoisse ; mon cœur a été troublé au dedans de moi. 5 Je me suis souvenu des jours anciens ; j’ai médité sur toutes tes œuvres ; j’ai médité sur les ouvrages de tes mains. 2

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 6

Expandi manus meas ad te ; anima mea sicut terra sine aqua tibi. Velociter exaudi me, domine ; defecit spiritus meus. Non avertas faciem tuam a me, et similis ero descendentibus in lacum. 8 Auditam fac mihi mane misericordiam tuam, quia in te speravi. Notam fac mihi viam in qua ambulem, quia ad te levavi animam meam. 9 Eripe me de inimicis meis, domine : ad te confugi. 10 Doce me facere voluntatem tuam, quia deus meus es tu. Spiritus tuus bonus deducet me in terram rectam. 11 Propter nomen tuum, domine, vivificabis me : in equitate tua, educes de tribulatione animam meam, 12 et in misericordia tua disperdes inimicos meos, et perdes omnes qui tribulant animam meam, quoniam ego servus tuus sum. 7

[Collecta] Temeritatis quidem est deus, ut homo hominem, mortalis mortalem, cinis cinerem

tibi, domino deo nostro, audeat commendare, sed quia terra suscipit terram et pulvis convertitur in pulverem, donec omnis caro in suam redigatur originem, inde tuam, deus piisisime Pater, lacrimabiliter quesumus pietatem, ut hujus famuli tui animam, quam de hujus mundi voragine cenolenta112 ducis ad patriam, Abrahae amici tui sinu recipias et refrigerii rore perfundas, sit ab estuantis gehenne truci incendio segregatus, et beatae requiei te donante conjunctus, et si quae illi sint, domine, digne cruciatibus culpae, tu eas gratia mitissime lenitatis indulge, nec pec-

(112) I.e. cenulenta.

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TR ANSL ATION 6

I have extended my hands to you. My soul is like a land without water before you. O Lord, heed me quickly. My spirit has grown faint. Do not turn your face away from me, lest I become like those who descend into the pit. 8 Make me hear your mercy in the morning. For I have hoped in you. Make known to me the way that I should walk. For I have lifted up my soul to you. 9 O Lord, rescue me from my enemies. I have fled to you. 10 Teach me to do your will. For you are my God. Your good Spirit will lead me into the righteous land. 11 For the sake of your name, O Lord, you will revive me in your fairness. You will lead my soul out of tribulation. 12 And you will scatter my enemies in your mercy. And you will destroy all those who afflict my soul. For I am your servant. [Collect] 7

It is indeed audacious, Lord, for a man, mortal, ash, to dare to commend to you our Lord

God, [another] man, mortal, ash. But because earth receives earth, and dust is changed back into dust, until at length all flesh is brought back to its origin, we tearfully beseech your mercy, God most merciful father, that you might receive into the bosom of your friend Abraham the soul of this your servant, which you are leading home out of the muddy abyss of this world. May you pour over him the dew of refreshment, and let him be saved from the raging fires of hell and, thanks to your gift, find blessed repose ; and if he has any sins which deserve punishment, Lord, forgive them through the gentleness of

6

J’ai étendu mes mains vers toi ; mon âme est devant toi comme une terre sans eau. Hâte-toi, Seigneur, de m’exaucer ; mon esprit est tombé en défaillance. Ne détourne pas de moi ton visage, de peur que je ne sois semblable à ceux qui descendent dans la fosse. 8 Fais-moi sentir dès le matin ta miséricorde, parce que j’ai espéré en toi. Fais-moi connaître la voie où je dois marcher, parce que j’ai élevé mon âme vers toi. 9 Délivre-moi de mes ennemis, Seigneur, je me réfugie auprès de toi. 10 Enseigne-moi à faire ta volonté, parce que tu es mon Dieu. Ton bon esprit me conduira dans une terre droite et unie. 11 Seigneur, à cause de ton nom tu me feras vivre dans ta justice. Tu feras sortir mon âme de la tribulation, 12 et, dans ta miséricorde, tu détruiras mes ennemis. Et tu perdras tous ceux qui persécutent mon âme, car je suis ton serviteur. [Collecte] Il est certes téméraire, Dieu, pour un homme mortel, simple cendre, d’oser recommander à toi Seigneur, notre Dieu, un homme mortel, simple cendre, mais parce que la terre reçoit la terre et la poussière est convertie en poussière jusqu’à ce que toute chair revienne à son état originel, nous implorons dans les larmes ta tendresse, Dieu, Père très tendre, pour que tu reçoives dans le sein de ton ami Abraham l’âme de ce serviteur ici présent, conduite par toi vers la patrie, hors de l’abysse boueux de ce siècle  ; et que tu le recouvres de la rosée du réconfort, qu’il soit écarté des flammes violentes de l’enfer dévorant et, de par ton don, associé au repos bienheureux. Seigneur, s’il a bel et bien des fautes à expier, pardonne les 7

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

cati recipiat vicem, sed indulgentiae tuae piam sentiat bonitatem, cumque finito mundi termino supernum cunctis inluxerit regnum, omnium sanctorum cetibus aggregatus cum electis resurgat in parte dextra coronandus. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.113 Antiphona Omnis spiritus laudet dominum. Psalmus Laudate dominum de celis ; laudate eum in excelsis. 2

Laudate eum, omnes angeli ejus ; laudate eum, omnes virtutes ejus. Laudate eum, sol et luna ; laudate eum, omnes stellae et lumen. 4 Laudate eum, celi celorum ; et aquae omnes quae super celos sunt, 5 laudent nomen domini. Quia ipse dixit, et facta sunt ; ipse mandavit, et creata sunt. 6 Statuit ea in eternum, et in seculum seculi ; preceptum posuit, et non preteribit. 7 Laudate dominum de terra, dracones et omnes abyssi ; 8 ignis, grando, nix, glacies, spiritus procellarum, quae faciunt verbum ejus ; 9 montes, et omnes colles ; ligna fructifera, et omnes cedri ; 10 bestiae, et universa pecora ; serpentes, et volucres pennatae ; 11 reges terrae et omnes populi ; principes et omnes judices terrae ; 3

(113) RR no. 162.

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TR ANSL ATION

your most mild grace. May he not receive the recompense of sin, but rather experience the tender benevolence of your indulgence ; and when the celestial kingdom dawns, at the final end of the world, may he arise crowned with the chosen ones, among the company of all the saints, on [your] right hand ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. Antiphon

Let every spirit praise the lord. Psalm [148] Praise the Lord from the heavens. Praise him on the heights. 2

Praise Praise 4 Praise 5 praise

him, all his Angels. Praise him, all his hosts. him, sun and moon. Praise him, all stars and light. him, heavens of the heavens. And let all the waters that are above the heavens the name of the Lord. For he spoke, and they became. He commanded, and they were created. 6 He has stationed them in eternity, and for age after age. He has established a precept, and it will not pass away. 7 Praise the Lord from the earth : you dragons and all deep places, 8 fire, hail, snow, ice, windstorms, which do his word, 9 mountains and all hills, fruitful trees and all cedars, 10 wild beasts and all cattle, serpents and feathered flying things, 11 kings of the earth and all peoples, leaders and all judges of the earth, 3

lui par la grâce très tendre de ta douceur et qu’il ne reçoive pas le salaire de son péché, mais qu’il éprouve la bonté de ta tendre indulgence. Et que, à la fin des temps, lorsque le royaume céleste illuminera toutes choses, en compagnie de tous les saints, il ressuscite avec les élus pour être couronné à [ta] droite. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Antienne Que tout esprit loue le Seigneur. Psaume [148] Louez le Seigneur du haut des cieux ; louez-le dans les hauteurs. 2

Louez-le tous, vous ses anges ; louez-le, toutes ses puissances. Louez-le, soleil et lune ; louez-le toutes, étoiles et lumière. 4 Louez-le, cieux des cieux, et que toutes les eaux qui sont au-dessus des cieux 5 louent le nom du Seigneur. Car il a parlé, et ces choses ont été faites ; il a commandé, et elles ont été créées. 6 Il les a établies à jamais dans les siècles des siècles ; il leur a prescrit une loi qui ne sera pas violée. 7 Louez le Seigneur de dessus la terre : dragons, et vous tous, abîmes, 8 feu, grêle, neige, glace, vents des tempêtes, qui exécutez sa parole ; 9 montagnes avec toutes les collines, arbres à fruit et tous les cèdres, 10 bêtes sauvages et tous les troupeaux, serpents et oiseaux ailés. 11 Que les rois de la terre et tous les peuples, que les princes et tous les juges de la terre, 3

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 12

juvenes et virgines ; senes cum junioribus, laudent nomen domini : quia exaltatum est nomen ejus solius. 14 Confessio ejus super celum et terram ; et exaltavit cornu populi sui. 15 Hymnus omnibus sanctis ejus ; filiis Israël, populo appropinquanti sibi. Alleluja. 13

Peroratis autem predictis collectis, recedit a sepulchro, simul cum processione, et procedit in medium cimiterium inter pueros, qui versis vultibus ad orientem cantaverunt psalmos sicut et totus conventus, et ecclesiam de sancto sepulchro, ibique sub silentio premissa oratione dominica, subinfert,

[V.] [R.]

Et ne nos inducas in temptationem,

[V.] [R.]

Non intres in judiciam cum servo tuo domine,

[V.] [R.]

Dominus vobiscum,

sed libera nos a malo. Amen. quia non justificabitur in conspecto tuo omnis vivens.114 et cum spiritu tuo.

Oremus, Tibi domine commendamus animam famuli tui, ut defunctus seculo tibi vivat, et si

qua per fragilitatem mundanae conversationis peccata ammisit, tu venia misericordissimae pietatis absterge. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.115

(114) Psalm 142.2. (115) RR no. 163.

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TR ANSL ATION 12

young men and virgins. Let the older men with the younger men, praise the name of the Lord. 13 For his name alone is exalted. 14 Confession of him is beyond heaven and earth, and he has exalted the horn of his people. 15 A hymn to all his holy ones, to the sons of Israel, to a people close to him. Alleluia. After the aforementioned collects have been said, the priest leaves the grave site and, together with the procession, goes forth into the middle of the cemetery between the boys, who have sung the psalms, like the rest of the community, with their faces turned to the east, and the church of the Holy Sepulcher ; and there, after the Lord’s Prayer has been said in silence, he adds,

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

And lead us not Lord into temptation,

but deliver us from evil. Amen. Enter not into judgment with thy servant, Lord,

for in thy sight no man living shall be justified. The Lord be with you,

and with your spirit.

Let us pray, We commend to you Lord the soul of your servant, so that, dead to the world, he may live with you, and if he has committed any sins through the weakness of worldly behavior, do, through the grace of your most merciful piety, wipe them away ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

12

que les jeunes gens et les jeunes filles, les vieillards et les enfants louent le nom du Seigneur, 13 parce qu’il n’y a que lui dont le nom est élevé. 14 Sa louange est au-dessus du ciel et de la terre ; il a élevé la puissance de son peuple. 15 Qu’il soit loué par tous ses saints, par les enfants d’Israël, le peuple qui s’approche de lui. Alléluia. Les collectes susdites récitées, le prêtre s’éloigne du tombeau avec la procession et s’avance vers le milieu du cimetière – entre les enfants qui, le visage tourné vers l’orient, auront chanté les psaumes comme toute la communauté – et vers l’église du saint Sépulcre ; là, après la prière dominicale dite en silence, il continue avec

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Et ne nous soumets pas à la tentation, Seigneur,

Mais délivre-nous du mal. Amen. N’entre pas en jugement avec ton serviteur, Seigneur,

Parce que nul homme vivant ne sera trouvé juste devant toi. Que le Seigneur soit avec vous,

Et avec ton esprit.

Prions,

À toi, Seigneur, nous recommandons l’âme de ton serviteur, afin que, mort au siècle, il vive avec toi et que, s’il a commis des péchés quelconques à cause de la fragilité de la condition humaine, tu les effaces par la grâce de ta tendresse miséricordieuse. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. 159

DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

Quo finito, dicitur116

[V.] [R.]

Requiem eternam dona ei domine,

et lux perpetua luceat ei.

et tunc imponitur antiphona Absolve domine animam famuli tui ab omni vinculo delictorum, ut in resurrec-

tionis gloria inter sanctos tuos resuscitatus respiret. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen. Psalmus117 Benedictus dominus deus Israël, quia visitavit, et fecit redemptionem plebis suae : 69

et erexit cornu salutis nobis in domo David pueri sui, sicut locutum est per os sanctorum, qui a saeculo sunt, prophetarum ejus : 71 salutem ex inimicis nostris, et de manu omnium qui oderunt nos : 72 ad faciendam misericordiam cum patribus nostris : et memorari testamenti sui sancti : 73 jusjurandum, quod juravit ad Abraham patrem nostrum, daturum se nobis 74 ut sine timore, de manu inimicorum nostrorum liberati, serviamus illi 75 in sanctitate et justitia coram ipso, omnibus diebus nostris. 76 Et tu puer, propheta altissimi vocaberis : praeibis enim ante faciem domini parare vias ejus, 77 ad dandam scientiam salutis plebi ejus in remissionem peccatorum eorum 70

(116) This has been moved from the beginning of 54r, because it assumes that the priest is in a position to lead the verse and response that introduce the final psalm and its antiphon. (117) Although Psalm 143 has the same incipit, this is the Canticle of Zachary (Lk 1.68-79), which was sung at lauds of the dead and was regularly referred to as psalmus in medieval liturgical texts, as the MS does here (54r) ; Udal (774C) and Bern (197) have canticulum.

160

TR ANSL ATION

When it is finished, he says

[V.] [R.]

Grant him eternal rest, O Lord,

and let perpetual light shine upon him.

and then the [following] antiphon is intoned Absolve, Lord, the soul of your servant of every bond of its sins, so that in the glory of the

resurrection he may breathe again, brought back to life among your saints, through our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. [and the Canticle of Zachary] Blessed is the Lord God of Israel. For he has visited and has wrought the redemption of

his people. And he has raised up a horn of salvation for us, in the house of David his servant, 70 just as he spoke by the mouth of his holy Prophets, who are from ages past : 71 salvation from our enemies, and from the hand of all those who hate us, 72 to accomplish mercy with our fathers, and to call to mind his holy testament, 73 the oath, which he swore to Abraham, our father, that he would grant to us, 74 so that, having been freed from the hand of our enemies, we may serve him without fear, 75 in holiness and in justice before him, throughout all our days. 76 And you, child, shall be called the prophet of the Most High. For you will go before the face of the Lord : to prepare his ways, 77 to give knowledge of salvation to his people for the remission of their sins, 69

Ceci terminé, il est dit :

[V.] [R.]

Seigneur, donne lui le repos éternel,

Et que la lumière éternelle l’éclaire.

Et on entonne l’antienne Absous, Seigneur, l’âme de ton serviteur de toutes les chaînes des fautes [passées] de sorte

que, ressuscité, il puisse reprendre souffle parmi tes saints dans la gloire de la résurrection. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. [Et le Cantique de Zacharie] Béni soit le Seigneur, le Dieu d’Israël, de ce qu’il a visité et racheté son peuple, 69

et nous a suscité un puissant sauveur dans la maison de David, son serviteur, ainsi qu’il a dit par la bouche de ses saints prophètes des temps anciens, 71 qu’il nous délivrerait de nos ennemis et de la main de tous ceux qui nous haïssent, 72 pour exercer sa miséricorde envers nos pères, et se souvenir de son alliance sainte, 73 selon le serment qu’il a juré à Abraham, notre père, de nous accorder cette grâce, 74 qu’étant délivrés de la main de nos ennemis, nous le servions sans crainte, 75 marchant devant lui dans la sainteté et la justice, tous les jours de notre vie. 76 Et toi, petit enfant, tu seras appelé le prophète du Très-Haut : car tu marcheras devant la face du Seigneur, pour préparer ses voies, 77 afin de donner à son peuple la connaissance du salut, pour la rémission de leurs péchés, 70

161

DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A 78

per viscera misericordiae dei nostri, in quibus visitavit nos, oriens ex alto : illuminare his qui in tenebris et in umbra mortis sedent : ad dirigendos pedes nostros in viam pacis.

79

Qua finita, cerei extinguntur, et psalmus quinquagesimus a toto conventu pro omnibus in cimiterio quiescentibus dicitur, et Pater noster, sacerdos iterum dicit,

[V.] [R.]

Et ne nos inducas in temptationem,

[V.] [R.]

A porta inferi,

[V.] [R.]

Dominus vobiscum,

Sed libera nos a malo. Amen. erue domine animam ejus. et cum spiritu tuo.

Oremus Deus cuius miseratione animae fidelium requiescunt famulis tuis omnibus hic in

Christo quiescentibus, da propicius veniam peccatorum, ut a cunctis reatibus absoluti, tecum sine fine letentur. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.118 dicto etiam

[V.]

Requiescant in pace,

(118) SP 1444 : a collect from the missa in cimeteriis / mass in cemeteries. Cf. CO 1170 ; the prayer in the eleventh-century sacramentary from Fonte Avellana printed in PL 151.870, Pro omnibus in Christo quiescentibus in eodem coemeterio / For all those resting in Christ in this cemetery ; and MW 2.1176, pro quiescentibus in cimiteriis / for those resting in cemeteries.

162

TR ANSL ATION 78

through the heart of the mercy of our God, by which, descending from on high, he has visited us, 79 to illuminate those who sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, and to direct our feet in the way of peace. When that is finished the candles are put out and the community chants psalm 50 for all those resting in the cemetery and says the Our Father. The priest again says,

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

And lead us not into temptation,

but deliver us from evil. Amen. From the gate of hell,

rescue his soul, O Lord. The Lord be with you,

and with your spirit.

Let us pray God, in whose mercy the souls of the faithful rest, grant, kindly, forgiveness of sins to all your servants who repose here in Christ, so that absolved of all remaining wrongdoing, they may rejoice with you without end ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. After that has been said as well as

[V.]

May they rest in peace,

78

par les entrailles de la miséricorde de notre Dieu, grâce auxquelles le soleil levant nous a visités d’en haut, 79 pour éclairer ceux qui sont assis dans les ténèbres et à l’ombre de la mort, pour diriger nos pas dans la voie de la paix. Ceci terminé, on éteint les cierges et le psaume 50 est dit par toute la communauté pour tous ceux qui reposent au cimetière, ainsi que le Notre Père. Le prêtre dit à nouveau

[V.] [R.] [V.] [R.] [V.] [R.]

Et ne nous soumets pas à la tentation,

Mais délivre-nous du mal, Seigneur. De la porte de l’enfer,

Délivre son âme, Seigneur. Le Seigneur soit avec vous,

Et avec ton esprit.

Prions, Dieu, par la compassion de qui les âmes des fidèles reposent, accorde, miséricordieux, le pardon des péchés à tous tes serviteurs qui reposent ici dans le Christ, afin qu’absous de toute faute, ils puissent se réjouir sans fin avec toi. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. Une fois aussi dit

[V.]

Qu’ils reposent en paix.

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

et responso

[R.]

Amen

[54v] faciunt omnes ante et retro, et inceptis septem psalmis, redeunt omnes in ecclesiam majorem, precedente sacerdote cum processione, et sequentibus infantibus cum magistris ac deinde aliis, precedentibus prioribus, eodem ordine, cum pervenerint in chorum prosternunt se et finiunt psalmos. Sacerdos vero ut intrat ecclesiam, disvestit se quam citius potest, et prostratus cum aliis in ordine suo, finitis psalmis, cum

[V.] [R.]

Requiem eternam dona ei domine,

et lux perpetua luceat ei.

et oratione dominica, dicit,

[V.] [R.]

Et ne nos inducas in temptationem,

[V.]

A porta inferi,

sed libera nos a malo. Amen.

et respondente conventu

[R.]

erue domine animam ejus,

subdit,

[V.] [R.]

164

Dominus vobiscum,

et cum spiritu tuo.

TR ANSL ATION

and after the response Amen,

[R.]

everyone performs the ante et retro, and after beginning the seven [penitential] psalms they all return to the main church, preceded by the priest with the procession, the children following with their masters, and then the others, the senior monks going first. When they arrive in the choir they prostrate themselves in the same order and finish the psalms. As the priest enters the church, he takes off his vestments as quickly as possible and prostrates himself with the others in his proper place. When the psalms are completed with, Grant him eternal peace, Lord,

[V.] [R.]

and let perpetual light shine upon him.

and the Lord’s Prayer, the priest says, And lead us not, Lord, into temptation,

[V.] [R.] [V.]

but deliver us from evil, Amen. From the gate of hell,

and when the community has responded rescue his soul, O Lord,

[R.]

the priest adds, The Lord be with you,

[V.] [R.]

and with your spirit.

et le répons

[R.]

Amen

ils font tous l’ante et retro. Ayant commencé les sept psaumes [pénitentiels], ils retournent tous dans l’église majeure, le prêtre précédant avec la procession, les enfants suivant avec les maîtres, puis les autres (les aînés venant en premier) ; arrivés dans le chœur dans cet ordre, ils se prosternent et finissent les psaumes. Mais tandis que le prêtre entre dans l’église, il se dévêt aussi rapidement que possible et se prosterne comme les autres, à sa place ; une fois les psaumes finis ainsi que

[V.] [R.]

Seigneur, donne lui le repos éternel,

Et que la lumière éternelle l’éclaire.

et le Notre Père, il dit

[V.] [R.] [V.]

Et ne nous soumets pas à la tentation, Seigneur,

Mais délivre-nous du mal. Amen. De la porte de l’enfer,

et la communauté de répondre

[R.]

Délivre son âme, Seigneur,

il ajoute

[V.] [R.]

Que le Seigneur soit avec vous,

Et avec ton esprit.

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DE OBIT U FR ATR IS ET SEPULT UR A

Oremus, Absolve domine animam famuli tui ab omni vinculo delictorum, ut in resurrec-

tionis gloria inter sanctos tuos resuscitatus respiret. Per dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Amen.119 et item

[V.] [R.]

Dominus vobiscum,

[V.]

Requiescat in pace,

et cum spiritu tuo.

et responso

[R.]

Amen,

fit ab omnibus ante et retro. Infirmi autem redeunte conventu de cimiterio debent stare cum reverentia donec conventus pertranseat cantantes septem psalmos et postea prostrare se et illud idem agere quod conventus in majori ecclesia facit. Si vero duo defuncti, aut plures fuerint, unusquisque crucem, et duo candelabra ad exequias, et similiter ad sepulturam, et aquam benedictam, et turibulum, et proprium sacerdotem cum collectaneo, qui illud officium faciat habebit. Totidem enim sacerdotes alba et stola vestientur, quot defuncti adfuerint, quamvis a solo ebdomadario majoris missae obsequium illud quod fit in ecclesia ad quod dicitur Non intres in judicium,120 et commendatio animarum

(119) The MS has et cetera after the incipit of this prayer. (120) For the text of this collect see above, 126.

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TR ANSL ATION

Let us pray, Absolve, Lord, the soul of your servant from every bond of its sins, so that he may breathe again in the glory of the resurrection, brought back to life among your saints ; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen. and also

[V.] [R.] [V.]

The Lord be with you,

and with your spirit. May he rest in peace,

and after the response

[R.]

Amen,

everyone performs the ante et retro. When the community is returning from the cemetery, the sick are to stand with reverence until the community has passed by singing the seven [penitential] psalms, and afterwards they are to prostrate themselves and do the same thing that the community is doing in the main church. If there should be two or more deceased, each one will have a cross and two candles for the funeral procession and also at the grave. Each will also have holy water, thurible, and his own priest with a collectar who performs the [burial] service. As many priests as there are deceased shall be dressed in alb and stole. However, the priest of the week for the high mass by himself leads the service that takes place in church, at which the collect Do not enter into judgment is said, and recites the commendation

Prions, Absous, Seigneur, l’âme de ton serviteur de toutes les chaînes des fautes [passées] de sorte que, ressuscité, il puisse reprendre souffle parmi tes saints dans la gloire de la résurrection. Par notre Seigneur Jésus Christ. Amen. de même que

[V.] [R.] [V.]

Que le Seigneur soit avec vous,

Et avec ton esprit. Qu’il repose en paix,

et après le répons

[R.]

Amen,

tous font l’ante et retro. Alors que la communauté revient du cimetière, les malades doivent se tenir debout avec révérence jusqu’à ce que la communauté soit passée parmi eux, chantant les sept psaumes [pénitentiels] ; ils doivent ensuite se prosterner et faire la même chose que la communauté dans l’église majeure. S’il y a eu deux défunts ou plus, chacun aura une croix et deux chandeliers pour les obsèques ainsi qu’au tombeau, plus l’eau bénite, l’encens et un prêtre particulier avec un recueil de collectes pour faire cet office. En effet, autant de prêtres doivent se revêtir d’une aube et d’une étole qu’il y a eu de morts, même si, seul, l’hebdomadier de la grand-messe s’occupe pour eux tous du service qui se déroule dans l’église et au cours duquel on dit N’entre pas en jugement, de la recommandation des âmes, faite au milieu du cimetière, et de leur absolution, faite dans l’église après les sept psaumes [pénitentiels].

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quae fit in medio cimiterio et absolutio earum quae fit in ecclesia post septem psalmos, sub pluralitate fiant. Ipso die quo defunctus sepelitur, quicquid ad cenam panis et vini, vel ad prandium quando semel comedit conventus remanserit, ad elemosinam pro eo datur. Sacerdotes omnes cantant missam pro eo. In sequenti die, inchoatur et septenarius ejus, et tricenarius. Septenarius ita ut per septem dies officium, et missa cantetur pro eo generaliter a conventu. Quae cum aliquando impediantur aliquibus intervenientibus festivitatibus quaecumque tamen in primis cantantur pro defunctis, nisi in crastino festivitatis duodecim lectionum. A Septuagesima usque ad kalendas novembris, non minus pro illo quam pro aliis cantantur. Tricenarius vero ita ut per triginta dies [55r] detur ad elemosinam ejus prebenda plena cum fabis et generali, et per illa psalmodia Verba mea quae solet dici post matutinos, et psalmus centesimus quadragesimus primus, qui tamen solet post omnes horas dici tunc pro eo dicatur, et triginta missae quas statim eo absoluto in capitulo sex sacerdotibus prior indixit. Quorum unusquisque cum suas finierit in capitulo pronunciat, ut in crastino alius incipiat. Quod nulla umquam pro festivitate intermittitur exceptis per annum sex diebus id est natali domini, pascha, et illis tribus diebus qui pascha antecedunt et pentecostem. Sua quoque vestimenta cum primum abluta esse potuerint, omnia excepto coopertorio portantur in capitulum, et dicto, Loquimini de ordine vestro,121 precipitur camerario ut auferat inde, et custodiat quam optime donec aliquis novitius pro anima ipsius defuncti suscipiatur, qui vestimentis illis induatur hoc autem a domno Hugone abbate constitutum est.122 Olim namque dividebantur fratribus qui inde opus habebant, et cetera ad elemosinam dabantur, si quae remanebant. Et qui de eis aliquid accipiebant, eis precipiebatur a priore, ut tot psalmos, vel tot missas pro defu[n]cto dicerent, secundum quod ei videbatur. Coopertorium ideo non apportatur, quia id magis habent fratres pro misericordia quam pro ulla regulari constitutione, cujus nec meminit sanctus Benedictus.

(121) This was the formulaic opening in chapter for discussions of discipline and other matters before the community. Cf. Bern 280 : postquam locuti fuerint de ordine / after they have spoken of matters of discipline ; and MCL 164-65 : dicto ‘Loquamur de ordine nostro’ / the superior says, ‘Let us now speak of matters of discipline.’ (122) Cf. Udal 775B : Sua quoque vestimenta cum primum abluta esse potuerunt, omnia excepto coopertorio portantur in capitulum, ut fratribus, si opus habuerint, dividantur / His clothing too, once it has been washed, all except his cloak, is carried into chapter and divided among the brothers, if they have need of it.

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of souls, which takes place in the middle of the cemetery, and their absolution, which takes place in the church after the seven [penitential] psalms, for all of them. On the same day that the deceased is buried, whatever bread and wine is left over from supper, or from the midday meal when the community eats only once, is given as alms for him. All the priests sing mass for him. On the following day his septenarius and tricenarius begin. The septenarius is such that for seven days the community generally sings a vigilia and mass for him, and if any intervening feasts hinder them, everything is nevertheless sung particularly for the dead, except on the day after a feast of twelve lessons. From Septuagesima to the first of November, they are sung no less for him than for others [of the dead]. The tricenarius is such that for thirty days his full prebend, with beans and a main dish, is given as alms [for him] and the psalms for the dead, which are normally said after matins, as well as Psalm 141, which is said after all the hours, are then sung for him, as well as thirty masses, assigned to six priests by the prior in the chapter house immediately after the dead monk has been absolved. When each priest has finished his masses, he announces it in chapter, so that another can begin on the next day. This is not interrupted, even for feasts, except on six days a year : Christmas, Easter and the three days leading up to it, and Pentecost. His clothing too, all except his blanket, as soon as it can be washed, is brought to chapter and after Speak of matters of discipline has been said the chamberlain sees that it is carried away and kept most carefully until some novice, who will be clothed in it, is accepted for the soul of the dead brother. This last [custom], by the way, was established by lord abbot Hugo. Formerly the clothes were divided among brothers who had need of them and the rest were given as alms, if any remained. Those who accepted something were told beforehand by the prior that they should say as many psalms or masses

Le jour même où le défunt est enterré, tous les restes de pain et de vin du dîner – ou du repas, quand la communauté ne mange qu’une seule fois – sont donnés à l’aumônier. Tous les prêtres chantent une messe pour lui. Le jour suivant, son septénaire et son trentain commencent. Le septénaire est comme suit : pour sept jours, la communauté chante habituellement pour lui la vigilia et la messe. Lorsque, parfois, ces [offices] sont empêchés par des fêtes quelconques, tout est chanté malgré tout en premier lieu pour les morts, sauf le lendemain d’une fête de douze leçons. De la Septuagésime jusqu’aux calendes de novembre, ils sont chantés pour lui pas moins que pour les autres [défunts]. Le trentain est ainsi : pendant trente jours, sa pleine prébende avec les fèves et le plat principal doit être donnée en aumône ; les psaumes pour les morts, qu’on a l’habitude de dire après matines, et le psaume 141, qui est dit normalement après toutes les heures, sont alors récités pour lui, et trente messes que le prieur a imposées à six prêtres dès que le mort a été absous en chapitre. Chacun d’eux annonce au chapitre quand il a fini les siennes pour que, le lendemain, un autre commence. Aucune fête ne doit interrompre ceci, sauf six dans l’année, à savoir la Naissance du Seigneur, Pâques, les trois autres jours qui précèdent Pâques, et la Pentecôte. Dès que ses vêtements auront pu être lavés, tous, sauf la couverture, sont portés au chapitre ; une fois dit Parlez des questions de discipline, on ordonne au camérier qu’il les emporte et les garde aussi bien que possible jusqu’à ce qu’un novice qui en sera revêtu puisse être reçu pour l’âme de ce défunt ; c’est ce que le seigneur abbé Hugues a instauré. Ils étaient autrefois en effet divisés entre les frères dans le besoin ; le reste, s’il y en avait, était donné à l’aumônier. Et à ceux qui acceptaient une pièce de ces vêtements, le prieur prescrivait autant de psaumes ou de messes à dire pour le mort qu’il lui semblait approprié. On n’apporte pas la couverture parce que les frères en ont une davantage par miséricorde que par suite d’une disposition régulière : saint Benoît ne fait pas mention de celle-ci.

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Finitis autem omnibus, rursus absolvitur a priore, et decetero quotiens venerit anniversaria dies ejus, prebenda sua dabitur ad elemosinam. Si autem duos aut plures insimul sepulti fuerint tricenarius quoque missarum et psalmorum et septenarius, pluraliter pro ambobus celebrabitur, et a fratribus missae pluraliter cantabuntur. Prebenda tamen singulorum ad elemosinam dabitur.123 Frater si ad aliquam cellam missus ibi obierit, ibi quoque triginta missas habebit, si possibile fuerit. Quod si ibi habere non poterit, apud nos habebit. Et cum ad nos venerit brevis depositionis ipsius, officium in primis et missa in conventu pro eo agentur, et postmodum septem alia officia et totidem missae.124 Ab omnibus sacerdotibus qui missas cantant, [55v] missa privata ei debetur, et ab aliis omnibus quinquaginta psalmi, aut ab illis qui nesciunt totiens Pater noster. Prebenda quoque ejus triginta diebus et semper in anniversario ejus pro eo datur ad elemosinam. Psalmodia illa Verba mea, et centesimus quadragesimus primus psalmus totidem diebus pro eo canitur. Haec autem omnia fiunt, pro cunctis fratribus nostrae congregationis, ubicumque locorum obierint, postquam ad nos de obitu eorum venerit brevis. Hoc quoque totum debetur eis in cunctis monasteriis et cellis nostris postquam illuc brevis pervenerit, excepta prebenda quae non in omnibus datur. Tamen rara sunt monasteria in quibus prebenda non detur pro eis. Nam in quibusdam triginta diebus, et semper in anniversariis eorum datur, in quibusdam septem, in quibusdam vel semel.

(123) The scribe of the MS added another section break here, like the one after the anointing ceremony ; see above note 33. (124) Cf. Udal 775D : Et cum ad nos venerit brevis ejus depositionis, agitur pro eo officium, et missa signis omnibus pulsatis / and when a letter about his passing comes to us, the vigilia is sung for him, and at mass all the bells are rung.

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for the deceased as he saw fit [to assign them]. The reason why the blanket, which St. Benedict did not mention, is not brought to the chapter house is that the brothers have it more as an indulgence than because of any disposition in the Rule. When all that has been finished the prior absolves the dead brother again. From this point onward, as often as the anniversary of his death occurs, his daily allotment of food and drink is given as alms [for him]. If, moreover, two or more have been buried at the same time, the tricenarius of masses and psalms and the septenarius is celebrated for all of them together, and the brothers sing masses as a group. However, the daily allotment of food and drink of each is given as alms [for each of them]. If a brother sent to a cell should die there, he will also have thirty masses there, if possible. If it is not possible for them to be said there, he will have them here. When a letter containing the news of his death has arrived, a vigilia as well as a conventual mass will be performed especially for him, and afterwards seven other vigiliae and as many masses. All the priests who sing mass owe him a private mass and all the others owe him fifty psalms or, if they do not know the psalms, as many Our Fathers. His prebend, too, is given as alms for thirty days and on every anniversary [of] his [death]. The psalms for the dead and Psalm 141 are sung for him for as many days. All these things, then, are done for all the brothers of our congregation in whatever places they may have died after the notice of their death has come to us. All this is also owed by those in the rest of our monasteries and cells after a letter has arrived from us as well, except the daily allotment of food and drink, which is not given in all, although it is rare for a monastery not to give something for them. For in certain places the prebend is given for thirty days, and always on their anniversaries, in certain places seven times, in others once.

Une fois tout terminé, [le défunt] est de nouveau absous par le prieur et, à partir de maintenant, chaque fois que le jour de son anniversaire reviendra, sa prébende sera donnée en aumône. Si deux [frères] ou plus sont enterrés en même temps, le trentenaire des messes et des psaumes et le septénaire sont tous les deux célébrés au pluriel et les messes chantées au pluriel par les frères. En revanche, la prébende de chacun est donnée en aumône. Si un frère envoyé dans une celle y meurt, il aura aussi, si possible, trente messes sur place. Sinon, il les aura auprès de nous. Et lorsque la lettre annonçant son inhumation nous parvient, la vigilia et la messe conventuelle sont d’abord célébrées en son honneur, ensuite sept autres vigiliae et autant de messes. Tous les prêtres qui chantent des messes lui doivent une messe privée et tous les autres cinquante psaumes ou, pour ceux qui ne savent pas faire, autant de Notre Père. Sa prébende est aussi donnée en aumône pour trente jours et à chaque retour de son anniversaire. Les psaumes pour les morts et le psaume 141 sont chantés pour lui le même nombre de jours. Voilà tout ce qu’on fait pour tous les frères de notre congrégation, où qu’ils meurent, une fois que la lettre annonçant leur décès nous est parvenue. Ceci doit aussi être fait pour eux dans tous nos monastères et nos celles après l’arrivée d’une telle lettre, sinon que la prébende n’est pas donnée partout. Malgré tout, les monastères dans lesquels la prébende ne doit pas être donnée pour les [défunts] sont rares. En effet, dans certains, elle est donnée pendant trente jours et toujours pour leurs anniversaires, dans d’autres, sept jours, et dans d’autres une seule fois.

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Capitulum 26 De obitu fratris, et sepultura (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fols. 47v-55v)

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 47v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 48r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 48v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 49r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 49v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 50r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 50v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 51r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 51v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 52r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 52v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 53r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 53v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 54r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 54v

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 55r

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875, fol. 55v

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COMMENTA RY

A Monastic Rite of Passage CLUNY is organized along the lines of the anthropological model of a rite of passage first defined by the Belgian ethnologist Arnold van Gennep.1 While not without their limitations, van Gennep’s ideas have had a lasting impact on social and cultural anthropology and remain the best way to present the overall structure of death rituals.2 A person undergoing a rite of passage first leaves behind his or her former state through acts of purification. The unusually well articulated separation rites at Cluny involved more than a visit from a priest for the sacrament of extreme unction. While not the most prominent of the three phases of the ritual process, they express an extraordinary level of symbolic complexity. Everyone in the monastic community participated in preparing a brother for his transition from this life to the next, ritually purifying him in body and soul. Van Gennep used the word “liminal” (from the Latin word for “threshold”) to describe the second phase of the ritual process, when a person is suspended between an old status and a new one, so the rituals of separation that precede it are sometimes referred to as “pre-liminal.” The rites that mark the liminal phase reflect the dangers and potentialities of being in transition between clearly defined identities. At Cluny, they sought to maintain equilibrium in the community while a monk was suspended between this world and the next. They culminated in his agony and passing, which were so fraught with danger and promise that the whole community was required to be present, running so as not to miss out. They ended, on one level, with the burial of the body, but uncertainty about the fate of Christian souls after death meant that the lines between rites of transition and incorporation at Cluny, and in Christian Europe generally, were necessarily blurred. The deeply penitential nature of early medieval Christianity (and

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HIS COMMENTARY ON THE DEATH RITUAL AT

(1) Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, tr. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1960). (2) Frederick S. Paxton, Christianizing Death, 5-9, and idem, Liturgy and Anthropology : A Monastic Death Ritual of the Eleventh Century, Studies in Music-Thanatology, 2 (Missoula, Montana ; St. Dunstan’s Press, 1993). Victor Turner expanded van Gennep’s understanding of the liminal phase of rites of passage into a theoretical construct in its own right ; see The Ritual Process : Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1969), Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors : Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca : Cornell University Press, 1974) and Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture (New York : Columbia University Press, 1978) co-authored with his wife, Edith Turner. Caroline Walker Bynum’s critical comments in “Women’s Stories, Women’s Symbols : A Critique of Victor Turner’s Theory of Liminality,” in Anthropology and the Study of Religion, eds. Robert L. Moore, Frank E. Reynolds (Chicago : Center for the Scientific Study of Religion, 1984), 105-25, are not relevant here, since Latin Christian death rituals in general treated women and men as souls, not gendered persons, and because the liminal states on which Bynum focused involve transitions in the spiritual biographies of men that are absent from those of women and not rites of transition as such.

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of highly regulated Benedictine monasticism, which was its consummate expression) meant that extensive acts of purification were necessary not just before death, but also during and after, for as long as the living remembered the dead. Nevertheless, once the soul was no longer suspended between life and death and could be presumed to be in a state of purgation that would eventually lead to entry into paradise, “post-liminal” rites of incorporation began in earnest. Incorporation rites usually include such actions as re-clothing and sharing a common meal since they celebrate the entry of a new member to the community of those sharing the new status. Although Cluniac monks could not know the fate of a dead brother’s soul, they could do everything in their power to speed up its successful incorporation in the community of the blessed. By feeding and clothing the poor on earth in the name of the dead, the living provided surrogate refreshment to suffering souls in the afterlife and by offering masses, psalms and prayers to God and the saints for them, they worked to hasten their passage into heaven. This was, after all, Cluny’s specialty, and the main source of its prestige.3 When viewed as a rite of passage, the elaborate play of gestures, prayers and chants that accompanied the death and burial of a Cluniac monk appears as a particular expression of a universal human urge to structure and give meaning to the experience of death. Unlike anthropologists, however, historians want to understand not just those aspects of human behavior that are shared across time and space, but also, even primarily, those that are peculiar to certain people at particular times and places. The model of a rite of passage gets at the deep human structure underlying ritual responses to death, but not at what made the Cluniac death ritual a distinctive cultural practice, at once Christian, Latin, medieval, monastic and Benedictine – an artifact of the central Middle Ages in Western Europe. Therein lies the historical value of reconstructing and understanding it in its precise institutional context, which Bernard’s account of the customs of Cluny makes possible. Bernard’s customary is, as we have seen, quite distinctive – so distinctive, in fact, as to be virtually unique. Unlike almost all earlier examples of the genre, Bernard’s is not the work of visitors seeking an exemplary model of the monastic life in hopes of inspiring reform in their own houses. Nor is it a prescriptive text to be followed by all members of an order, as became the norm in the course of the twelfth century.4 As we have seen, Bernard took up his pen in response to Udalrich’s account, perhaps to counter the disparaging remarks about Cluny addressed to Abbot William of Hirsau in the preface to his customary, but at least to correct and complete it and to bring it up to date. In his prefatory epistle, addressed to Abbot Hugh, Bernard wrote that he was responding to confusion and disagreements in chapter, caused by the dying off of older monks and the growing numbers of novices entering the community, most of whom were adults raised in other houses or just entering religious life.5 Thus, Bernard wanted as comprehensive and detailed (3) See the Introduction above, 15-22, and Rosenwein, To Be the Neighbor of Saint Peter, 35-48. (4) Anselme Davril, “Coutumiers directifs et coutumiers descriptifs d’Ulrich à Bernard de Cluny,” FDON, 23-28. (5) See the edition, with accompanying French and English translations, of the Preface to Bernard’s customary in Paris, latin 13875 in FDON, 350-53, and Cochelin, “Customaries as Inspirational Sources,” 34, 41.

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a description of life at Cluny as he could get in order to preserve a level of knowledge of the customs of the abbey that was in danger of being lost. He relied in part on written materials, he says, but also on “those things that I had learned or could learn” in order to offer “truer and wiser opinions, to which those people who are more experienced and more familiar with the customs would attest.”6 He does not say whose opinions the ones he has recorded are “truer and wiser” than, but Udalrich is the most likely suspect.7 This commentary, thus, focuses on two related matters. The first is what the reconstruction makes accessible for the first time : the texts of the prayers, psalms, and other spoken and sung elements of the Cluniac death ritual. The origins and history of this material throws new light on Cluny’s relation to earlier periods of liturgical development, especially the ninth-century Carolingian reform.8 At the same time, their content, arrangement, and performance – the way the separate parts of the ritual echo and play off one another in myriad ways as they unfold over time – reveal new aspects of the spirituality of Cluniac monasticism in the central Middle Ages.9 They also shed light on Cluny’s place in the medieval economy of salvation. The Cluniac death ritual was, in fact, the ultimate source of the monastery’s prestige in that arena, for it was in the most intimate circumstances of the death, burial and commemoration of one of their own that the Cluniacs forged and perfected the liturgical tools they used to help usher souls into heaven, whether or not they were formal members of the community. And while it is true that almost all the names in the Cluniac necrology were of dead monks, the monks of Cluny also prayed for others.10 Their commemorative practices reached far beyond the monastic community itself to encompass the living poor, whose care played a central role in the economy of salvation, their own families, the families of their donors, and all the faithful departed. They remembered all these groups in their prayers multiple times a day and yearly on the feast of All Souls, itself a Cluniac invention. The second focal point of the commentary will be Bernard’s description of the ritual process itself. His text has a certain rhythm. For almost most every step in the Cluniac death ritual, Bernard begins by describing what was done under the ideal circumstances of a death from natural causes that occurred at a time when the whole community could It is ironic that the proportional reduction in the number of child oblates, the very practice Udalrich deplored, may have been an underlying cause of Bernard rewriting Udalrich’s account of the Cluniac customs. (6) FDON, 350-51. (7) As Susan Boynton noted in a personal communication, veriores atque discretiores could also be translated as “rather true and rather wise.” (8) Barbara H. Rosenwein, “Feudal War and Monastic Peace : Cluniac Liturgy as Ritual Aggression,” Viator, 2 (1971), 129-57, has a succinct review and discussion (at 130-40) of the historiography on the Cluniac liturgy. For a call for more research on the subject, see Joachim Wollasch, “Zur Erforschung Clunys,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien, 31 (1997), 32-45 ; see also, Susan Boynton, “The Customaries of Bernard and Ulrich as Liturgical Sources,” FDON, 109-30 ; and eadem, Shaping a Monastic Identity, 105-43. (9) See the still resonant remarks by Jean Leclercq in “Spiritualité et culture à Cluny,” Spiritualità cluniacense 12-15 ottobre 1958, (Todi : Presso L’Accademia Tudertina, 1960), 103-51. (10) Poeck, “Laienbegräbnisse in Cluny ;” Iogna-Prat, “Des morts très spéciaux aux morts ordinaires ;” and Joachim Wollasch, “Les obituaires, témoins de la vie clunisienne,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale, 22 (1979), 139-171.

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attend and there would be no need to alter the regular daily round of services. He then discusses what to do when a death, or any of the steps in the ritual process, occurred or were set to occur at times when the community was engaged with other responsibilities. The mass and the divine office were the most important of these, but there were also weekly and occasional processions, special feasts and fasts, ceremonies like the ritual washing of the feet of the poor known as the Maundy, and even shaving, all of which necessitated alterations and accommodations. Thus, as we proceed with the Commentary, we will focus on two separate, but interrelated issues at the heart of Bernard’s account : the behavior of the monks who saw their dying brother through his death, prepared and kept vigil over his corpse, buried him and prayed for the salvation of his soul ; and Bernard’s attempts to account for every possible variation to the ritual process. While this latter goal complicates the straightforward comprehension of his text, it served Bernard’s ultimate purpose of creating a complete record of customary practice, and a reliable reference for anyone with questions about proper procedure. Doing so was especially complicated in the case of the death ritual, however, because there was little free time at Cluny to add to the liturgical obligations not already in the daily, weekly and seasonal round. Cluniac monks lived in a world in which their every action was sacralized and ritualized.11 They could spend as many as sixteen hours a day in church, at mass and the regular hours, not to mention the many minor services that had accreted to that basic schedule, which became even more crowded around the great feasts of the liturgical year, such as Christmas, Pentecost and Easter, and during Lent. Just about every minute of every day was accounted for. Yet, as noted above, a death could occur at any time, on any day of the year. And the response to death and dying at Cluny not only entailed numerous additions to the normal liturgical round, but also the participation of the whole community, and for quite some time. The death ritual began before death, reached a peak of intensity on the day someone died, and did not even begin to ease off until after he was buried, usually on the following day. Thus, as for no other subject in his customary, Bernard needed to account for the eventuality that any number of other liturgical obligations could clash with those of the death ritual. However jarring to the flow of his narrative, this extra material exposes details of daily life at Cluny that would otherwise remain hidden, giving an extraordinary depth and texture to his description of this particular ritual process. Moreover, by noting precisely when death rituals took second place to other liturgical obligations and ceremonies and when they superseded less important ones, Bernard inadvertently reveals exactly where the Cluniacs situated the death ritual within the liturgical life of the monastery, thus locating with great precision the place of the dying and the dead in what one can call the “hierarchy of the sacred” at Cluny. They also throw light on the hierarchy of the abbey itself. In a community that was in many ways rigidly hierarchical, it was necessary always to situate the dead or dying monk in rank and to maintain distinctions among the participants throughout the ritual process. Medieval Benedictine monks valued community, but their values were also aristocratic (11) On this latter point, see Coon, Dark Age Bodies, 134-215.

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and Roman, and so life and death at Cluny played out within a highly circumscribed set of human relations.12 That does not exhaust their meaning, though, for as Christians the Cluniacs recognized both the human condition shared by all members of the community and the redemptive promise at the heart of the Gospels. In the Romanesque majesty of the great church at Cluny, amid the shadows, flickering lights and the smell of incense, the monks of Saints Peter and Paul walked, ran, stood, bowed and lay prostrate as they prayed and chanted their brother through his last days and setting forth from this world. Everyone who participated knew they would receive the same treatment at the end of their lives. They tempered the grief, fear and anxiety occasioned by death with prayer and chant created for the worship of God in the most sacred of settings. They brought the full attention of the whole community to the needs of each of their brothers during the most intimate, solitary and important passage for a Christian soul, from this life to the next. As such, the Cluniac death ritual is about as close to a perfect expression of Benedictine spirituality in the central Middle Ages as one could imagine. Rites of Preparation The death ritual at Cluny began when a dying monk sensed that he was getting “near to his departure from this world.” Bernard’s casual reference to the ability of Cluniac monks to know when they were about to die is remarkable. Sensing the approach of death was a common feature of the hagiographical texts in which monks were steeped, of course, so it is possible that the Cluniacs assimilated such an expectation from reading the Lives of the saints.13 Evidence from the Lives of their own abbots, however, suggests a slow but steady growth in the expectation that one should be able to sense death’s approach, even while they recognized how difficult it was to know precisely the time of anyone’s demise. In the Life of Odo, the second abbot of Cluny does not sense the approach of his own death but rather is warned of it in a vision.14 The Life of Mayeul, the fourth abbot, reports that he felt his time was running short some two years before his death.15 Mayeul’s successor, Odilo, mistakenly “sensed that his death was near” (mortem vicinam sentiret) the year before

(12) See Coon, Dark Ages Bodies, 69-97 ; and Cochelin, “Étude sur les hiérarchies monastiques.” (13) Pierre Boglioni, “La scène de la mort dans les premières hagiographies latines,” in Essais sur la mort : travaux d’un séminaire de recherche sur la mort, eds. Guy Couturier, André Charron, Guy Durand (Montreal : Fides, 1985), 269-98 ; Henriet, “Chronique de quelques morts annoncées.” (14) John of Salerno, The Life of St. Odo of Cluny, tr. and ed. Gerald Sitwell (from the Latin text of the vita maior in PL 133.639-704 [BHL 6292-96]), in St. Odo of Cluny (London : Sheed and Ward, 1958), 85 ; on the vitae of the Cluniac abbots, see Dominique Iogna-Prat, “Panorama de l’hagiographie abbatiale clunisienne (v. 940-v. 1140),” in Manuscrits hagiographiques et travail des hagiographes, ed. Martin Heinzelmann, Beihefte der Francia, 24 (Sigmaringen : Jan Thorbecke, 1992), 77-118. (15) Vita sancti Maioli [BHL 5179], ed. Dominique Iogna-Prat, in Agni immaculati : recherches sur les sources hagiographiques relatives à Saint Maïeul de Cluny (954-994), (Paris : Cerf, 1988), 281 : Biennio itaque priusquam obiret, corpus plus solito uiribus cepit destitui et ex hoc uocationis sue tempus adpropinquare deprehendit / And so two years before he died, his body began more than usually to be drained of strength and from this he discerned the approach of the time of his calling [from the world].

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he died.16 He travelled to Rome so he could die there, but eventually returned to Cluny and died at the Cluniac priory of Souvigny, where he was buried.17 The earliest report of his death, though, which precedes the composition of his Vita, records that Odilo “felt himself getting sicker and steadily hastening to his demise” the day before he died.18 The Life of Abbot Hugh, whose composition postdates the composition of Bernard’s customary, makes a point of noting that Hugh “had a presentiment that the day of the dissolution of his body was imminent.”19 So, by the later eleventh century, the expectation was enshrined both in the customaries and narrative sources on the death of Cluniac abbots. It is possible, of course, that the servants Bernard mentions further along, who were “well trained and highly skilled” in recognizing the signs of death, tipped dying monks off, but that is not what the customaries say. The context suggests that the Cluniacs expected each individual to be able to sense the approach of death. What is even clearer is that they gave the dying the right to set the death ritual into motion, even if it might lead to putting the whole community unnecessarily on watch.20 Easing the Spirit : Confession and Mutual Absolution [above 56-57] Once having decided that the end was near, the dying monk made a formal confession to the abbot or his second-in-command, the major prior.21 This act simultaneously established his place in the hierarchy of the community and the place of the dying within the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny. He was, on the one hand, a common sinner, completely dependent on the sacramental power of a priest and God’s mercy for indulgence and absolution, and would not think of dying without them. As we shall see, the inevitability of sin and the necessity of confession and penitence were central themes in the Cluniac death ritual, as they were at Cluny in general, so it is no surprise that this should be the case.22 On the other hand, the dying monk did not confess to just any monk-priest, but to one of the two heads of the monastic community. From his initial confession through his

(16) Jotsald, Vita des Abtes Odilo von Cluny [BHL 6281], ed. Johannes Staub (Hannover : Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1999 ; hereafter Vita Odilonis), 175 ; see also Patrick Henriet, “Saint Odilon devant la mort. Sur quelques données implicites du comportement religieux au 11e siècle,” Le Moyen Age, 96 (1990), 227-44. (17) Vita Odilonis, 174-84 ; see also Arlette Maquet, “Cluny et la mort : le cas des abbés Mayeul et Odilon à Souvigny,” Hortus Artium Medievalium, 10 (2004), 109-118. (18) Vita Odilonis, 286, lines 20-21 : sentiens se ingravescere iam iamque propinquare ad exitum. (19) Gilo, Vita Sancti Hugonis abbatis [BHL 4007], ed. H. E. J. Cowdrey, in “Two Studies on Cluniac History, 1049-1109,” Studi Gregoriani per la storia della “Libertas ecclesiae” 11 (1978), 97 : diem corpore solutionis…imminere presensit. (20) Philippe Ariès recognized the leading role taken by the dying in medieval representations of death, but ascribed it to an ancient “attitude toward death” rather than to the influence of Christian death rituals ; see Frederick S. Paxton, “Ariès, Philippe,” MacMillan Encyclopedia of Death, ed. Robert Kastenbaum (New York : Macmillan, 2003), 35-36. (21) On the duties of the abbot and major prior, see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 47-56, and Bern 135-41 ; Hunt does not, however, refer to the roles they played in the death ritual. (22) See, for example, Raffaello Morghen, “Monastic Reform and Cluniac Spirituality,” in Cluniac Monasticism, ed. Hunt, 11-28, especially 20-26.

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death and burial, every level of the community would be engaged in his care, starting at the highest. At this point, Bernard introduces the first of many situations in which one of two things could happen. A dying monk could either remain in the infirmary after confessing to the abbot or prior or go on to make another, public confession in front of the whole community at chapter. Chapter was the daily meeting after the office of prime at which the community conducted business, including monastic discipline. It began with the reading of a chapter of the Benedictine Rule and ended with the commemoration of the dead whose names appeared in the necrology for that day.23 Although Bernard leaves open the possibility that the dying monk might not want to go to chapter, or even be given permission if he did, his detailed description suggests that it was a regular feature of the rites of preparation and no doubt considered ideal.24 Having arrived at chapter, aided by two brothers if he was too weak to walk alone, the dying monk publicly begged pardon (petit veniam), confessing “himself guilty of many transgressions” against God and the community there assembled. Rituals of “begging pardon” were not restricted to monks in the central Middle Ages, but were an essential component of social performance, as Geoffrey Koziol has shown.25 At Cluny, the Latin term petere veniam covered a range of gestures of submission to a higher authority, whether a senior monk, the abbot, the community in chapter, or God himself (in the form of the Eucharist or as a presence here on earth or in the court of heaven). It also covered a number of possibilities, from a simple nod of the head, to a genuflection, falling on one’s knees, or a full prostration.26 Which of these gestures did the dying monk perform ? Bernard does not say. Monks regularly prostrated themselves in chapter when confessing faults, but novices did not, at least when they were absolved of their sins in a similar ceremony in chapter shortly after their arrival at Cluny. That is, perhaps tellingly, the only other context in which Bernard mentions the absolution of a dying monk, “who, after being led from the infirmary, is absolved out of fear of death.”27 So perhaps his begging pardon was accompanied by something less than a full prostration. The lack of clarity here, as elsewhere, most probably results from the fact that certain customary behaviors were so well known that Bernard did not feel the need to be explicit about them. After being absolved once again by the prior, the dying monk absolved the whole community of their transgressions against him. Did he have to be a priest to make this absolution ? Or did his absolving mean something more general here, like forgiving ? Many of the choir monks at Cluny were priests, but not all.28 In this case, the ambiguity of Bernard’s language seems to gesture simultaneously towards the ideal and the real circumstances of (23) On the daily chapter as a liturgical office, see Jean-Loup Lemaître, Mourir à Saint-Martial : la commémoration des morts et les obituaires à Saint-Martial de Limoges du XIe au XIIIe siècle (Paris : De Boccard, 1989). (24) Bernard and Udalrich differ on this point ; for details, see Paxton, “Death by Customary,” 303, 305. (25) Geoffrey Koziol, Begging Pardon and Favor : Ritual and Political Order in Early Medieval France (Ithaca and London : Cornell University Press, 1992). (26) Koziol, Begging Pardon and Favor, 183. (27) Bern 168 : eo qui de infirmaria adductus pro timore mortis absolvitur. (28) Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 90, noted that over 80% of the choir monks on a list in the LT were priests.

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life at Cluny. Ideally a dying monk would be a priest and thus have the power to absolve, but if he were not the ceremony could still proceed. Despite this ambiguity, the intent of the ceremony itself is clear. The mutual confession and absolution wiped the slate clean of any guilt or hurt that might impede the community’s coming together to aid the dying monk in his passage. No slight, no offense, however small, was to be left unspoken, or unforgiven. Private confession to the abbot or prior would prepare a monk to meet death with a clear conscience before God ; public confession and mutual absolution in chapter prepared the whole monastic community for the task to come. The ceremony ended with one of the ritual bows that were an aspect of almost every meeting and leave-taking at Cluny, lending them a solemn performative aspect.29 Bernard does not name the bow, but he makes a point of saying that it should be “deep,” thus signaling its more than usually solemn character. This ritual bow marked not just the completion of the rite of mutual confession and absolution, but the last time the dying monk would appear as an active member of the community in chapter. He would not leave the infirmary again. Cleansing Body and Soul : Final Anointing [above 56-90] The initial ceremony of confession and absolution was relatively short and uncomplicated. Once it concluded, however, the rites of preparation for death began in earnest. When the dying monk, having returned from the chapter house to the infirmary, asked for a sacramental anointing, it was the last time that he would direct the ritual action himself ; henceforth, other individuals and the community as a whole would take the initiative. As we shall see, the ritual anointing of the dying was one of the most complex and artfully constructed rituals at Cluny in the central Middle Ages. It engaged the energies of the whole community as they implored God to pardon their dying brother’s sins and grant him the gift of eternal life in heaven. It also used the basic elements of ritual life at Cluny – antiphons, psalms, prayers and physical gestures – to recreate a New Testament scene of healing and salvation as an accompaniment to and enhancement of the anointing. The ceremony thus took on something of the character of the mass itself, in which the repetition of Jesus’ words performed the miracle of the transformation of bread and wine into his body and blood, as well as a simple liturgical drama. A dying monk was laid upon a bed, or more likely a mattress, “lowered to the floor,” and positioned so that the rest of the community could gather around him in a circle, presaging, in a sense, his burial, but also creating a kind of funnel connecting him, as he lay at the low epicenter of the circle formed by the bodies of his brothers, with the heavenly court above, toward which they directed their prayers and chants. The armarius, the liturgical director of the community, organized a procession, preceded by conversi (members of the community who did not know enough to participate fully in the liturgy with the choir monks), who carried a cross, holy water, and candles,

(29) See Paxton, “Performing Death and Dying at Cluny,” 49 ; and below, 216-217.

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and a priest, who brought oil for the anointing.30 Bernard notes that the whole community followed the priest, “according to long-standing custom.”31 This is the first of a number of instances where Bernard explicitly denotes something as a custom (consuetudo) in his customary (or consuetudinary), all of which will merit noting as we go along. Did he really mean that everyone was expected to attend the anointing of the dying ? It certainly seems that that was once the case. Bernard’s insistence on the point may, however, have been a response to its increasing impossibility, at a time when the abbey was growing rapidly, from 100 or so monks in 1049 when Hugh became abbot to 200 by the time Bernard wrote his customary, to 330 at Hugh’s death in 1109, to a peak of 400 under Peter the Venerable.32 Perhaps Bernard hoped to prevent the weakening of the customary requirement more than had already occurred by reminding the monastic community of the importance of the death ritual to each and every member, whether or not they could all attend. Whatever the case may have been, we should take any claim by Bernard about the whole community’s presence as a statement of an ideal that was probably no longer possible when he was writing. The fact that both Abbot Hugh and Peter the Venerable substantially enlarged the infirmary complex, however, suggests that they tried to keep up with the growing numbers of the dying at Cluny, even if they could never provide enough space or insist on everyone’s presence at the anointing of a dying monk.33 While proceeding to the infirmary, the community chanted a group of five psalms.34 Miserere mei Deus in nomine tuo Miserere mei Deus, Miserere mei Deus misereatur Deus in adjutorium meum

Psalm Psalm Psalm Psalm Psalm

50 53 56 66 69

All processions at Cluny were accompanied by chant.35 The group of psalms for the procession to the infirmary was also sung on a number of other liturgical occasions, most of which involved the dead in one way or another.36 The Liber tramitis prescribes the group

(30) On the armarius, see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 62-63 ; Fassler, “Office of Cantor ;” and Bern 161-64. (31) Given that Bernard specifies exactly how the community should line up for the two other processions in the ritual – into the church of St. Mary for the vigils over the corpse and to the cemetery for its burial – each of which is different, it is curious that he does not do so here. (32) Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 82-83. (33) See the Introduction above, 30-33. (34) Unlike the Reconstruction, which cites the closest contemporary source for the texts of spoken and sung elements of the death ritual, the Commentary cites the most probable direct sources in the ninth-century Gregorian sacramentaries (Ha, SP and TC), whenever possible, and the Corpus antiphonalium officii (CAO) and Corpus orationum (CO) when not, using the numbers assigned to each by the editors. (35) See Kristina Krüger, “Monastic Customs and Liturgy in the Light of the Architectural Evidence : A Case Study on Processions (Eleventh-Twelfth Centuries),” FDON, 206-209. (36) Udalrich (Udal 770D) does not mention them, but that could have been an oversight. LT 270-71 prescribes only Psalm 50 for the procession to the infirmary, reserving the last four for the period when the priest was away fetching the Eucharist for a dying monk after his anointing. They were also sung during the procession to the main church on Holy Thursday for the blessing of new fire ; LT 74-75 ; Bern 311.

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for processions carrying relics, or on the way to receive them.37 Although Bernard mentions only Psalm 119, Ad Dominum cum tribularer, in that context, he may have meant it to represent the whole group, as he does when using Verba mea to denote the psalms for the dead.38 Both Bernard and the Liber tramitis add Psalm 119, which was also part of vespers of the dead, to the basic group for processions to receive a dead body coming from outside the abbey.39 Of the psalms in the group, Psalm 50 is in a class by itself. It is one of the seven “penitential psalms” chanted during the anointing and after a funeral, and its language is echoed at other points during the death ritual, as we shall see. Bernard’s failure to mention that the community chanted it when leaving the infirmary was probably an oversight (both Udalrich and the Liber tramitis mention it in that context) ; if such was the case, then it marked both the beginning and the end of the anointing of the dying at Cluny.40 Since the anointing took place in the infirmary, it was also a visitation, so when the procession reached the room where the dying monk lay, the priest made a ritual blessing. It may have been as simple as the one given in the reconstruction, or have added the benediction “bless, Lord, those who fear you, both the little ones and the great.”41 It might also have been followed by a chant, such as the antiphon Asperges me, to accompany the sprinkling of the room with holy water.42 It was in any case an important moment, and the first of a series of physical acts of purification, essential elements of any rite of separation, that would prepare the dying monk for his agony, death and transition to the other world.43 Once everyone had gathered around the dying monk in the infirmary, the anointing ritual began in earnest, with a prayer said by the officiating priest. Omnipotens sempiterne deus qui per beatum apostolum

TC 3988

This prayer was composed in the ninth century by the monastic reformer Benedict of Aniane, adviser to Charlemagne’s son Louis the Pious. Benedict wrote the prayer for a reformed rite of anointing the sick.44 A central tenet of the Carolingian Reform was that the ritual life of the empire should be grounded in scripture, and scripture instructed Christians to anoint the sick. That is why the prayer before the anointing quotes the Epistle of James, chapter 5, verses 14-15. The Carolingian reformers also wanted to promote the liturgical traditions of the Roman Church, which had elaborated the scriptural process in a variety of ways, including allowing the laity to keep and use blessed oil in their own homes for use with the sick.45 By embedding the biblical quotation from St. James in the opening

(37) LT 240-42. (38) Bern 251 ; and see the Introduction above, 24. (39) Bern 219 ; LT 282. (40) LT 271 ; Udal 771C. (41) TC 4013 : Pax huic domui, benedic domine timentes te pusillis cum maioribus. (42) TC 4020. See also, Derek Rivard, Blessing the World : Ritual and Lay Piety in Medieval Religion (Washington, D.C. : Catholic University of America Press, 2009), 79-82. (43) On purification and rites of separation, see van Gennep, Rites of Passage, 164. (44) Paxton, Christianizing Death, 148-54. (45) Paxton, Christianizing Death, 27-32.

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prayer, Benedict of Aniane was attempting to reorient current practice around something with a legitimate scriptural basis and a long tradition in the Roman church. The current practice that Benedict’s rite was meant to reform was no doubt the sacramental anointing of the dying, which had no scriptural authority or precedent in Roman practice. It had originated in Ireland in the eighth century, from where it spread to the Frankish lands via monastic houses with Irish origins or connections. Its growing use within monastic congregations in the early ninth century may be the very thing that spurred Benedict of Aniane to create his reformed ritual for anointing the sick. In spite of Benedict’s efforts, though, anointing the dying prevailed over the anointing of the sick. Even his own anointing ritual was transformed, within a couple of generations, into a rite for the dying.46 There were two fundamental reasons for this. Monks were one of the Frankish empire’s most influential groups, especially in terms of liturgical innovation. Monastic death rituals were undergoing rapid evolution in the ninth century and some monks clearly regarded bodily anointing as a means of ritual purification in preparation for death rather than the restoration of physical health. They prayed for the sick and sang masses for them, but they increasingly tended to reserve anointing for the dying. Ironically, this was made easier by the Latin of James’s epistle, upon which the anointing of the sick was based. A key term in the passage, salus, had, in the transition from classical to Medieval Latin, become ambiguous. It could mean either physical health or the salvation of the soul. The outcome of the ritual’s supplications could thus be construed as either a return to health on earth or eternity in paradise. The prayer also lent itself to use in preparing someone for death by ending with the request that the recipient of the anointing be deemed worthy of “entering into eternal life.” Cluny, as we have seen, may have been slow to make the transition to the exclusive use of anointing for the dying, no doubt because of the community’s allegiance to the Anianian tradition, but any hesitation or ambiguity was long in the past when Bernard composed his account of the death ritual.47 James had been unequivocal about the intent of anointing the sick. It was meant to cure the sick. It had nothing to do with dying. The monks of Cluny, like most everyone else in Latin Christendom by the later eleventh century, had come to the opposite conclusion. The best use of anointing was as a ritual preparation for the passage from this life to the next. The central action consisted of seven anointings at seven different places on the dying monk’s body. Those physical actions were interwoven with a highly structured psalmody consisting of seven carefully chosen antiphons and the seven penitential psalms that they introduced. The result was a uniquely Cluniac composition, one that highlights their belief in the certainty of sin and the utter necessity of begging pardon and favor of God but also their faith in God’s covenant and hope in eternal salvation. As the priest anointed the dying monk’s eyes, ears, lips, nose, hands, feet, and loins, he absolved him of all sins committed through “sight, hearing, taste, smell, touch, walking (46) Paxton, Christianizing Death, 78-87, 109-14. (47) See the Introduction, above, 27.

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and the heat of desire.” Ninth-century anointing rituals often mentioned the five senses, but also a number of other places, especially on the upper body, but the Cluniacs included none of them.48 Their inclusion of sins of walking is interesting, implying, it seems, that movement from one place to another could be an occasion of sin.49 The emphasis on sins of walking, though, highlights the absence of “sins of talking,” a more likely candidate than “taste” (by which the Cluniacs presumably meant gluttony). The fact that the fourteenth-century Rouen ritual that is based on Udalrich’s version of the Cluniac death ritual adds “and improper words” here suggests that someone did eventually think just that.50 Sins occasioned by the “heat of desire” were a particular concern of monks, especially at Cluny.51 Bernard’s wording suggests that the genitalia were anointed, but that may not have been his intent. He omitted the words found in Udalrich’s customary, de subtus, from below, which may have meant that the priest reached under the monk’s tunic and anointed the testes. Would that have been too intimate, too potentially sexual for the Cluniacs ? Their fear and anxiety about sexual desire and behavior, whether auto- or homoerotic, might lead us to think that something like that was impossible, but such things may have been trumped by an acceptance of their essential carnality, something hinted at in the penitential psalms, as we shall see. Marquard Herrgott, the early modern editor of Bernard’s customary, wrote in a note to this passage that the priest did not anoint the genitals themselves, but “the spot where the hips and the coccyx meet.”52 These ambiguities point to the complex dynamics of spirit and flesh in Christianity, Christian monasticism, and the death ritual at Cluny in the central Middle Ages. Bernard also notes that, in the fifth anointing, on the hands, conversi received the oil on their palms and priests on the back of their hands. Some late ninth-century anointing rituals direct the anointing to the outside and some to the inside of the hands.53 Bernard does not say why the Cluniacs distinguished between adult converts and monk-priests in this way, nor whether or not choir monks who were not priests received the same anointing as conversi, but it seems a reasonable assumption. Priests had already had their palms anointed at their ordination, so the gesture may have been perceived as a kind of priestly anointing for dying conversi as well as for choir monks who were not ordained, a sign of their membership in the highest ranks of the community at Cluny. For priests, who did not need to have their palms anointed again, this second anointing of the hands may have been on the (48) See the examples in TC 145-54, nos. 433-41, which commonly list in colo, in gutture et inter scapulas, et in pectore, seu in loco ubi dolor imminet amplius / on the belly, the throat and between the shoulders, and on the chest, or in the place where the pain is greatest. (49) I thank Susan Boynton for pointing out the possible connection to the Benedictine ideal of stabilitas here. (50) DAER 3.15.13 : et illicita verba. (51) DAER 3.15.13 has per illicitas cogitationes et per ardorem libidinis / through improper thoughts and through the heat of lust, showing a later concern with mental as well as physical forms of sin. For more on this topic, see Christopher A. Jones, “Monastic Identity and Sodomitic Danger in the Occupatio of Odo of Cluny,” Speculum, 82 (2007), 1-53 ; Cochelin, “Le dur apprentissage de la virginité ;” and Coon, Dark Age Bodies, 124-26. (52) Bern 191, note a. (53) Rituals from Senlis (TC 437) and Corvey (TC 438) have exterius id est de foris / the exterior, that is the outside of the hands, while one from Sens (TC 439) has intus manibus / on the inside of the hands.

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outside because, as sacramental as it was, it was less so than the one that had made them pure enough to handle the body and blood of Christ. In the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny, the transition from life to death was thus a step below the transition from layman to priest. The seven antiphons that introduced the penitential psalms sung during the anointing of the dying exhibit a particularly subtle artistry.54 Sana me domine quoniam conturbata Erat quidam regulus Domine puer meus Cor contritum Domine descende Domine non sum dignus Cum sol autem occidisset

CAO 6501z, TC 4023 CAO 2661 CAO 2368, 6506 TC 4025 CAO 2329 CAO 2363, 6506a CAO 2034

The first and the fourth derive from anointing rituals in two later ninth-century sacramentaries, from Senlis and Tours, and appear in a number of other books from the tenth and eleventh centuries. They are thus not unique to Cluny, but it appears that they remained linked to anointing rituals only at Cluny. The antiphon Sana me appears in five later medieval sources, but in a decidedly minor role, as a versicle for matins on any Sunday of the liturgical year, the Cor contritum not at all.55 The other five antiphons do not seem to have ever been used in the context of anointing rituals outside of Cluny. The second was a popular chant for lauds and, together with the fifth, was often sung on the 21st-23rd Sundays after Pentecost. The third, sixth, and seventh were often sung on Thursdays in Lent, but they are also absent from non-Cluniac anointing rituals. Thus, as a group, they seem to be a distinctly Cluniac liturgical composition. What is truly distinctive, however, is the way Cluniac liturgists used the antiphons to create a story of Christ’s healing power as an accompaniment to the anointing of a dying monk. Like most antiphons, the first and the fourth derive from the Book of Psalms. The others were not drawn from the Psalms, however, but from the Gospels, and with great care. Together they create a performance or re-enactment, in chant, of a healing miracle, although in this case the health sought was the eternal salvation of the dying monk’s soul. The result reveals how sophisticated, even experimental, the liturgy at Cluny could be. Considering this in the context of the solemn rhythm of the ceremony as a whole – anointing, antiphon, psalm ; anointing, antiphon, psalm ; seven times in all – makes it seem almost a ritual oratorio. Here is an analysis of the libretto.56 The first antiphon is an adaptation of three lines of the first of the penitential psalms, which it introduces. It announces the central themes of the ceremony, but also its central ambiguity : is the healing being sought of the body or of the soul ? “Heal me, Lord, for my bones have become disturbed and my soul has been very troubled ; but turn to me, (54) Chants pieces are identified by their numbers in the CAO and occasionally, as here, in one of the volumes of the SG. (55) For the ninth century witnesses, see TC nos. 4023-25 and texts 437, 439-40. (56) This analysis appeared in an earlier form in Paxton, “Performing Death and Dying,” 50.

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Lord, and rescue my soul.”57 The sickness of the psalmist is both bodily and spiritual, and so relief is sought for both, but the deliverance of the soul is what he ultimately seeks, not the health of the body, which would be inappropriate in a rite of preparation for death. The second antiphon introduces a narrative from the Gospel of John (4.46-47) that begins the dramatic action : “There was a certain ruler whose son was sick at Capernaum. Since he had heard that Jesus came to Galilee, he begged him to heal his son.” The third then draws first-person dialogue from the similar story of the centurion in Matthew (8.6-7), to drive the narrative forward and heighten the sense of immediacy : “Lord, my servant lies at home paralyzed and badly tormented. ‘Amen I say to you, I will come and heal him’.” The fourth antiphon, the second of the two older ones, is even more freely adapted from its source. It draws on verses 3 and 19 of psalm 50 to represent the voice of the psalmist as the voice of the dying monk : “Do not spurn a contrite and humbled heart, O God, but according to your great mercy, be merciful to me.” This is the central point of the sequence and the peak of its immediacy, marked by the monks’ use of the psalmist’s words to speak to God in their dying brother’s voice. The fifth antiphon returns to the Gospel of John (4.49-50, 53) for another bit of dialogue that ends the dramatic action : “Lord, come down so that you can heal my son before he dies.” Jesus said to him, “Go, your son lives.” The sixth returns to Matthew (8.8) for the famous words of the centurion, here standing in as the voice of the community : “Lord, I am not worthy that you should enter under my roof ; but only say the word, and my servant shall be healed.” The final antiphon is a passage from Luke (4.40), which, even in its imagery, suggests the ending of a scene or act : “And when the sun had set, all those who had anyone afflicted with various diseases brought them to Jesus, and they were cured.” Although the story in John clearly concerns the centurion’s son (filius) and the Latin term puer in Matthew is usually translated as “servant” in English renderings, including my own, the two terms (filius and puer) were certainly meant to be synonymous in the context of the anointing ritual, since they are so clearly subsumed within a unified and continuous dramatic narrative. Thus, the monks of Cluny used antiphons they had inherited from the Carolingian past and others that they composed or adapted for this specific purpose to weave two different Gospel stories into a single message. That message was, like all other aspects of the pre-liminal phase of this rite of passage, directed toward the purification of the dying monk from all stain of sin, whether obtained through the five senses or through the failure to control one’s feet or resist the urgings of physical lust. And it was delivered in a highly unusual dramatic form. The seven penitential psalms, Domine ne in furore (1) Beati quorum Domine ne in furore (2) Miserere mei deus Domine exaudi orationem (1) (57) Psalm 6.3-5.

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De profundis Domine exaudi orationem (2)

Psalm 129 Psalm 142

one of which was sung after each anointing, were integrated into monastic death rituals in the ninth century. As a group, they reveal the spirituality of Benedictine monasticism in a peculiarly forceful manner, for they express at one and the same time both the psalmist’s deep guilt and his abiding trust in God. The penitential psalms were not composed for anointing the dying, so they are not keyed to the five senses, the feet and the seat of sexual desire, as was the anointing at Cluny, but there are enough correspondences to suggest that the fit was a natural one nonetheless. On the one hand, chanting the penitential psalms signaled the community’s joining together with the dying monk to “beg pardon and favor” of God. Six of the seven are explicit about that. They seek God’s forgiveness, as the dying monk had in the penitential rites that began the death ritual, but also God’s favor, in the form of relief from suffering, protection from enemies, and eternal salvation, and to the privilege of joining Him beyond time and suffering. The voice in the first, third, and fifth psalms is that of a man worn down by his failure to live up to God’s expectations and the assaults of his enemies. He is ailing in body and spirit. In the fifth (Psalm 101.7-8), he has crossed the border from human to animal, presenting himself in the form of birds isolated from their kind and out of their element : “I am become like to a pelican of the wilderness : I am like a night raven in the house. I have watched, and am become as a sparrow all alone on the housetop.” The first three psalms and the last define the psalmist’s relationship with his God. They express his weakness and remorse, but are also filled with optimism that his God will rescue him from his enemies in this world and the next. In the fifth, sixth and seventh psalms the psalmist speaks not just of himself but also of the people of Zion, Jerusalem and Israel, begging God to forgive their iniquities and destroy their enemies. The penitential psalms make their points in often bluntly carnal terms : “my bones have become disturbed…my eye has been troubled” (6) ; “my bones grew old…your hand was heavy on me” (31) ; “my bones have dried out like firewood” (101). They also speak the language of the senses : “Lord, hear my voice. Let your ears be attentive to the voice of my supplication” (129) ; “Give ear to my supplication…for all the living will not be justified in your sight” (142). Psalm 37.6-8 describes the psalmist’s malady and its causes in no uncertain terms : “My sores have putrefied and been corrupted before the face of my foolishness. I have become miserable, and I have been bent down, even to the end. I have walked with contrition all day long. For my loins have been filled with illusions, and there is no health in my flesh.” In spite of the distance between King David’s Israel and eleventh-century Burgundy, the psalmist’s emphasis on the body and attention to the role of the senses in human experience was well suited to a ritual that was at once physical and intimate and of the deepest significance for everyone involved. Like almost every other part of the Cluniac response to death, the penitential psalms echoed other moments both in the ritual itself and in the daily life of the monastery. Their place here, near the beginning of the ritual process, is mirrored by their repetition at the 187

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closing of its second phase, after the burial of the body. Psalm 6 was also sung at matins of the dead and psalm 129 at vespers of the dead. Both were among the psalms for the dead, which played a large role in the final phase of the rites of incorporation. Psalm 50, the middle member, was central not just to the penitential psalms as a group but also to the death ritual as a whole. It had already been sung during the procession to the infirmary, as we have seen, and would be again after the interment of the dying monk’s corpse, for the repose of all those buried in the cemetery. It was also sung at lauds of the dead and daily for dead abbots at every office except compline.58 Psalm 142 played a similarly important role. It was sometimes included among the psalms for the dead. It would be sung again during the burial service, with its second verse introducing it as an antiphon. That same verse was repeated as a verse with response immediately after a death and again after burial, and as the introduction to a prayer that began the service over his body in the church of St. Mary just before a funeral procession. As the last of the penitential psalms, which the community sang again in the main church after the burial service, Psalm 142 also closed out the second, liminal, phase of the ritual process. When the anointing was complete, the priest used ashes to soak up any sacramental oil on his hands. Bernard remarks that crusts of bread had formerly been used for that purpose. He gives no reason for the switch, but there may be a hint in verse 10 of Psalm 101, the fifth of the seven penitential psalms, which the community chanted after the anointing of the dying monk’s hands : “For I chewed on ashes like bread, and I mixed weeping into my drink.” The use of ashes would also have called to mind those that marked the beginning of the Lenten season as well as those sprinkled over the hair shirt upon which the dying monk would soon lie down to die. The priest then washed his hands. The water used to do so was collected and, by custom, Bernard notes, disposed of either in a fire or “a clean place set aside” for that purpose, by which he probably meant the sacrarium, a drain for the exclusive disposal of sacramental waste.59 As Bernard points out elsewhere in his customary, leftover holy oil was burned each year before Easter, or disposed of in just such “a very remote and very secret place.”60 The water and ashes from the priest’s hands had been made sacred by the blessed oil itself and the blessed hands of the priest, which held the body and blood of Christ in the mass, so they needed to be disposed of in the same way. The bodies of Cluniac monks were perhaps so sanctified that, as one scholar has recently argued, the death ritual’s main purpose was to get them promoted “to the glorious choir, having been sung unto rest by the earthly community and its heavenly counterpart.”61 That was certainly the ideal that they strove for, but the ritual itself tells a more complicated story, in which sin and pollution were as real a presence in the mon(58) Cf. the chart in Rosenwein, “Feudal War and Monastic Peace,” 134-36, and Appendix 2 below. (59) Cf. MCL 178-79 and note 389 ; and see David Parsons, “Sacrarium : Ablution Drains in Early Medieval Churches,” in The Anglo-Saxon Church, eds. L. A. S. Butler, R. K. Morris, CBA Research Reports, 60 (London : Council for British Archaeology, 1986), 105-20. (60) Bern 258. (61) Jennifer A. Harris, “Building Heaven on Earth : Cluny as locus sanctissimus in the Eleventh Century,” FDON, 150 ; see also Coon, Dark Age Bodies.

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astery as the sacred, and however much monks might strive for purity, they could never hope to entirely escape the stain of sin. At this point two things were once again possible. If the dying monk were to receive communion, the priest would return to the church to fetch the sacrament. The community would then remain in the infirmary around the bed, while another priest recited a group of thirteen prayers, preceded by four verses and responses taken from the psalter. If not, the original priest would stay and lead the community in the recitation of the verses with their responses and recite the prayers, which would end the ceremony. Bernard does not mention why a dying monk would not receive communion at this point, but some might have been too weak to swallow even a host dipped in water and wine. In any case, the attention he gives to it suggests that it was normal and expected, as does the custom of setting aside four hosts each week after Sunday high mass for use by the dying.62 This conclusion is supported by the Life of Abbot Odilo, which notes that when the abbot first felt the approach of death, the community gathered around him, singing psalms and celebrating the oratio fidei (the “prayer of faith” cited in the anointing ceremony’s opening prayer), after which he received communion.63 It certainly would have completed the purification of the dying monk in preparation for his passing, just as it had for Odilo, especially after the multiple absolutions and anointings that he had received. So let us assume, as Bernard does, that communion would be taken, and consider the verses with responses and prayers recited in the infirmary while the priest was fetching the Eucharist. The verses with their accompanying responses formed a bridge between the anointing and the prayers that completed the ceremony in the infirmary. Salvum fac servum tuum, Deus meus, sperantem in te.

Psalm 85.2

Mitte ei domine auxilium de sancto, Et de Sion tuere eum.

Psalm 19.364

Nichil proficiat inimicus in eo, Et filius iniquitatis non adponat nocere eum.

Psalm 88.23

Esto ei domine turris fortitudinis, A facie inimici.

Psalm 60.465

Like the antiphons of the anointing ritual, some of the verses with responses show signs of being adapted to fit the occasion. The first is a petition to God taken directly from the psalm that is its source : “My God, bring salvation to your servant who hopes in you.” Because the second pair is in the third person in the psalm from which it derives, “May he send you help from the sanctuary and watch over you from Zion,” it had to be altered in order to have it conform to the first, “Send him help from the sanctuary, and watch over (62) (63) (64) (65)

As noted by Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 209, note 9, citing Udal 653C. Vita Odilonis, 177-78 : misterium vivifici corporis et sanguinis sumitur. Slightly altered from Mittat tibi auxilium de sancto, et de Sion tueatur te. Slightly altered from quia factus es spes mea : turris fortitudinis a facie inimici.

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him from Zion.” With that done, it was possible to use the next psalm verse in an unaltered form, but the last had once again to be expressed in the imperative mood to make it work, so the original verse was altered to read, “Be to him, Lord, a tower of strength against the face of the enemy.” I know of no scholarly study of such minor aspects of the Latin liturgy as these verse-response pairs, and so cannot present much of a sense of their antiquity or origins, but they appear in some of the same tenth- and eleventh-century sources that preserve the first and fourth antiphons of the ceremony, so seem to derive from a common stock upon which the Cluniacs drew in developing their own traditions. The text of the first, for example, appears as a verse with response in some of those sources and at least once as an antiphon.66 Their peculiar composition and use illustrate, once again, the freedom liturgists had to alter scriptural texts in the service of a particular ritual context, at least in the early and central Middle Ages. Unlike the antiphons of the Cluniac anointing ceremony, these verses and responses appear in rites of anointing the sick and dying right through the Middle Ages and became permanent elements of the Latin liturgy. Their content is no less important than their form and placement, for they add a new theme to the death ritual, marshaling the language of spiritual warfare to defend the dying monk from a deadly enemy whom only God himself can defeat. The assembled community calls on God to strengthen him against the devil, using the language of the psalms as prophecy, and as incantation : “The enemy shall have no advantage over him ; nor the son of iniquity have power to hurt him.” The monks’ very real fear of the devil’s presence around the deathbed is clearly visible in the Life of Odilo, in which the devil appears not once but twice during the saintly abbot’s last days, only to be expelled by Odilo’s “imperious words” and firm faith in Christ.67 The thirteen prayers that followed derive directly from the supplement to the Gregorian sacramentary that Pope Hadrian sent to Charlemagne (a book often referred to as the Hadrianum), as the chart below makes clear. Deus qui famulo tuo Ezechiae Respice domine famulum tuum in infirmitate Deus qui facturae tuae Deus qui humano generi Virtutum celestium deus Domine sancte, pater omnipotens, eterne deus qui Exaudi domine preces nostras Preveniat hunc famulum Domine deus noster qui offensione

SP SP SP SP SP SP SP SP SP

1386 1387 1388 1389 1390 1391 1379 1380 1382

(66) See, for example, Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du Xe siècle, vol. 2 : Le texte, eds. Cyrille Vogel, Reinhard Elze, Studi e Testi, 227 (Vatican City : Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1963), 232 (verse with response) ; and The Missal of Robert of Jumièges, ed. H. A. Wilson, HBS 11 (Woodbridge, Suffolk : Boydell and Brewer, 1994), 291 (antiphon). (67) Vita Odilonis 178, 181 ; see also Michael E. Hoenicke Moore, “Demons and the Battle for Souls at Cluny,” Studies in Religion / Sciences religieuses, 32 (2003), 485-97.

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Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, nec sit Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, et me Presta quesumus domine huic famulo tuo Deus humani generis benignissime

SP SP SP SP

1381 1383 1384 1385

Authorship of the supplement was long attributed to Alcuin of York, but its author was in fact Benedict of Aniane, the monastic reformer whom Charlemagne’s son Louis the Pious brought north with him when he became emperor.68 Benedict composed the supplement in order to make the Roman sacramentary more useful to priests in the Carolingian realms, adding material from other Roman sources, but also drawing on the Gallican and his native Visigothic liturgies. Benedict combined the two prayers for visiting the sick in the Hadrianum with four to be said “over a sick person in the home” from the mid-eighthcentury Frankish sacramentary known as the Vatican Gelasian to make the first six.69 The Cluniacs used the whole group, but incorporated it into their rite of anointing the dying, an action of which Benedict would scarcely have approved.70 The chart also shows, however, that the order of the final seven prayers does not match Benedict’s original arrangement. The first six comprise the section rubricated “prayers for visiting the sick” in the supplement.71 The seven that follow comprise two sections that preceded those prayers. They are the “prayers and pleas over a penitent confessing his sins as is customary on Wednesdays in Lent” and “the prayers for the reconciliation of penitents on Holy Thursday.”72 Their placement in the supplement immediately before the prayers for the sick, dying and the dead is typical of the ninth century, when deathbed anointings had not yet been integrated into the overall structure of death rituals.73 The way they were reorganized at Cluny, so that they follow the prayers of healing after the anointing and therefore function as an abbreviated form of deathbed penance, illustrates the end result of that process of integration. The fact that they all came to Cluny via the supplement, however, without any contamination from other sources, shows how important the ninth-century Gregorian sacramentary, in the form given to it by Benedict of Aniane, was

(68) Jean Deshusses’s claim that Benedict of Aniane was the author of the supplement, in “Le ‘Supplément’ au sacramentaire grégorien : Alcuin ou Saint Benoît d’Aniane ?” Archiv für Liturgiewissenschaft, 9 (1965), 48-71, was challenged by Philippe Bernard, “Benoît d’Aniane est-il l’auteur de l’avertissement ‘Hucusque’ et du Supplément au sacramentaire ‘Hadrianum’ ?” Studi medievali, 3rd series, 39 (1998), 1-120, but the current scholarly consensus is that Deshusses was right. See also Paxton, Christianizing Death, 131-48. (69) Cf. Ha 338, nos. 987-88 ; and Liber sacramentorum Romanae aeclesiae ordinis anni circuli, ed. L. C. Mohlberg et al., 3rd ed. (Rome : Herder, 1981), nos. 1535-38. (70) See above, 182-83. (71) SP 453-55 : Orationes ad visitandum infirmum. (72) SP 451-53 : Orationes et praeces super penitentem confitentem peccata sua more solito feria iiii infra L (nos. 1379-82, slightly out of order) and orationes ad reconciliandum penitentem feria v in cena domini (nos. 1383-85). (73) See Paxton, Christianizing Death, 128-31. RR adds four more prayers here : one from SP’s mass for the sick (no. 1394) ; a prayer for the return of health (no. 1395) ; and two prayers for the reconciliation of penitents before death (nos. 1396-95). They were added to the Rheinau ritual perhaps because it did not include the private and public penances that preceded the final anointing at Cluny.

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to the Cluniacs, even while they accommodated ritual changes inherited from the so-called mixed Gregorian sacramentaries of the later ninth century.74 It is worth pausing here for a moment to compare this material in Bernard’s customary with the corresponding section of the Rheinau ritual book (RR), which played such an important role in the process of reconstructing the Cluniac death ritual. As noted above, the Rheinau ritual is the closest analogue in time and space to the death ritual described by Bernard, being directly dependent on the version of the Cluniac customs written for Abbot William of Hirsau by Udalrich of Cluny.75 The death ritual in the Rheinau book begins with the anointing ceremony, however, and so does not contain the private or public penitential rites that began the ritual process at Cluny. Thus, whereas Bernard had no need to highlight the penitential nature of the last six prayers, the scribe of RR introduced them with the rubric “Here he should be urged to make his confession.”76 The editor of RR believed that this did not mean that he actually confessed and was absolved at this point, because he assumed that a monk would have “confessed to the abbot or prior before being led into chapter and before he there confessed to the whole community.”77 There is, however, no direct reference to the Cluniac rite of confession and absolution in chapter in RR. Instead, the Rheinau book adds another six prayers to the sixteen that are in the Cluniac customaries.78 Five of the added prayers derive from the supplement ; indeed, they were taken from the sections immediately following those used at Cluny. The first three would never have been used at Cluny in this context, however, for the first two were from the mass for the sick and the third was a prayer “for the return of health,” and would thus not have been appropriate for a rite of preparation for death.79 The next two, for the “reconciliation of a penitent before death,” were appropriate enough, but since a Cluniac monk would have already been reconciled to both God and the community, they were unnecessary.80 The last is a prayer of absolution that has the same incipit as the one that was said “after the soul has left the body,” according to the supplement, but seems to have been unique to Rheinau.81 The composer of the Rheinau book was clearly improvising. Lacking an explicit deathbed penitential ceremony in his model, he went back to the supplement for material, and added everything between the last of the prayers in the Cluniac

(74) On sacramentaries, see the Introduction above, 42. For a recent assessment of Benedict of Aniane’s place in monastic history, see the forward by Anette Grabowsky and Clemens Radl to the reissued translation of his Vita by Alan Cabaniss, Benedict of Aniane, The Emperor’s Monk, Cistercian Studies Series 220 (Kalamazoo : Cistercian Publications, 2008), 1-26 ; and for the Anianian tradition at Cluny, see Kassius Hallinger, “Das Phänomen der liturgischen Steigerung Klunys (10./11. Jh.),” Studia historico-ecclesiastica. Festgabe für Luchesius G. Spätling, ed. Isaac Vázquez (Rome : Pontificium Athenaeum Antonianum, 1977), 183-236. (75) See the Introduction above, 43-44. (76) RR 150 : Hic admoneatur dicere confessionem. (77) RR 48, “Der Patient beichtet nämlich dem Abt oder Prior, bevor er in Kapitelsaal geführt wird und bevor er dort eine klösterliche Beichte ablegt.” (78) RR 139-144. (79) SP nos. 1392, 1394 and 1395. (80) SP nos. 1396-97. (81) Absolve domine animam famuli. See the Reconstruction above, at note 70.

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ritual and the “prayer for the reconciliation of a penitent at death,” without noting that most of it did not belong in a deathbed ritual. There was, as we have seen, no such ambiguity about the meaning of the anointing at Cluny. It was never used in a healing context, but only when physical recovery was no longer expected, and the same is true of the group of prayers that follow it. All thirteen have their roots in the Roman liturgy of the fourth through sixth centuries and thus share a common language and sensibility. They are all simple, clear and direct. They celebrate the power of God to heal the sick, invoking ancient notions of “the medicine of heavenly grace” and the “wholesome remedies” of his love. Their message is as clear as the psalms and antiphons of the anointing ceremony. Nevertheless, because the first six were originally composed for healing rituals, they do occasionally seem at odds with the overall intent of the deathbed anointing, especially the last two, which ask that God “drive out every disease and sickness” from the dying monk, so that he might be restored to “the perfected grace of [his] former health.” The others are less explicitly aimed at the restoration of health, though, asking that he be raised “from his sickbed to salvation” and “feel himself saved…through the medicine of heavenly grace…not only in body but also in soul.” Since health was always also understood in terms of the salvation of the soul, however, all the prayers could be appropriated for a death ritual. The first prayer, for example, evokes a story from the book of Isaiah, in which God granted Hezekiah fifteen more years of life. While this might indicate the desire for healing and the return to life, the fact that the same text provided a verse with response for a later moment in the death ritual suggests that health and salvation were indistinguishable in the minds of the Cluniac monks, and true health was found only after making the passage through suffering and death to the community of the saved in the heavenly paradise.82 Thus even the last two of the series were carried along with the rest as a group within the liturgical traditions of the ninth through the twelfth centuries. The seven final prayers, as we have seen, derive from the ancient penitential rites of the Church of Rome. They beg God in the same gentle but firm manner as the prayers of healing to “forgive the sins of those who confess” to him, so that they might “rejoice in eternal joy.” The third reminds God explicitly that he “preferred the penance of sinners to their death,” that is, in this context, the death of the soul.83 The fifth, which was the first of the prayers for the reconciliation of penitents on Holy Thursday, is remarkable for the way the officiant prays that he himself, whom God made a priest through the gift of grace rather than his own merit, “might have the courage to accomplish your service and to perform in our ministry, that [which is the product] of your affection.” The emphasis on courage gives a rare glimpse into the anxiety that could come with priestly office and its essential role in mediating God’s forgiveness. The last prayer stands out both for its length and its incantatory power : “Spare the one confessing to you, so that…he may escape the (82) For the later use, see below, 204. (83) St. Ambrose wrote of three deaths : the death of sin, the mystical death of baptism, and the physical death of the body ; see S. Ambrosii de bono mortis, ed. William Theodore Wiesner, Catholic University of America Patristic Series, 100 (Washington, D.C. : Catholic University of America Press, 1970), 2.3.

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sentence of eternal damnation on the terrible day of judgment, and not know the thing he fears in the darkness, which hisses in the flames, and…let that which your grace confers and your mercy has reformed be to him whole and lasting.” Its elaborate imagery mark it as more likely a product of the Gallican than the Roman Church. During the recitation of the prayers over the dying monk the priest was fetching the consecrated bread and wine from the church. According to Bernard, he followed a set path to and from the infirmary, which took him through the parlor on the way to get the sacrament and through the church of St. Mary on the way back to the infirmary. As can be seen in Figure 4, the parlor was to the south of the chapter house along the west range of the cloister. Thus, the priest must have walked along the south range of the infirmary cloister, through the parlor to the main cloister, and then to the church. The trip back to the infirmary with the sacrament was through the church of St. Mary and the north range of the infirmary cloister. Except for his trip to the main altar of Cluny II, the priest was essentially circumscribing the area within which the next phase of the death ritual, the rites of transition, would take place : the infirmary, infirmary cloister, and the church of St. Mary, which was sometimes referred to as the infirmary church. As he returned to the infirmary, the priest carried the bread in his fingers above the chalice, which he held cupped in his two hands. A piece of white linen was laid over his hands and the chalice. Anyone who met him on his way genuflected out of reverence for the body and blood of Christ. Bernard’s offhand remark on this is a bit surprising, given that the whole community was supposed to be in the infirmary assembled around the dying monk. Perhaps he was just noting, while he was on the subject, a certain customary response to meeting a priest who happened to be transporting the Eucharist. The next condition, however, that “if the community is in choir when he leaves the altar, all genuflect out of reverence to the body and blood of Christ,” is even more surprising.84 How could the community be simultaneously in the choir and in the infirmary ? It is possible that the same circumstances might apply ; that is, that Bernard took the opportunity to refer more generally to customary behavior when a priest was obtaining the sacrament to take to someone who wished to receive communion outside of the church. He may also have been referring to times when the community could not all remain in the infirmary because they needed to sing the hours in church. Once again, the ambiguity of Bernard’s language suggests that we should not take any mention of the community’s participation in the death ritual as necessarily implying the involvement of all the monks at Cluny. In the meantime, the dying monk was prepared to receive the sacrament by having his mouth washed out, another purifying act. Before receiving communion, he said the Confiteor one last time and the brothers prayed for God to have mercy on him. In this final prayer for forgiveness, they used the second person singular form, to include the dying monk directly in their plea, and then included themselves too, when invoking the final outcome : “may he deliver you from evil and confirm in you all good works…and may

(84) The genuflection here is implied by petit veniam ; see the Introduction above, 47-48.

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Jesus Christ the son of the living God lead us together into eternal life.”85 The mercy and ultimate salvation that they sought for him, they sought also for themselves. The priest, after adding his own prayer for “indulgence and remission of all [the dying monk’s] sins,” mixed the bread and wine for ease of consumption and the dying monk drained the cup. Neither Bernard nor Udalrich refer to a communion formula in their customaries, even by incipit, but it was probably “May the body of our Lord Jesus Christ keep you unto eternal life,” which was already common in the ninth century and is still in use today.86 After that, if he was up to the task, the dying monk drank the water used by the priest to wash the chalice, the water used to wash the fingers of the priest, and finally that used to wash the chalice a second time. By consuming every fragment of the host and drop of wine in this manner, the dying monk completed the explicitly purifying phase of the ritual process in the most meticulous manner imaginable. Bernard’s note to the effect that if he were too weak to manage it someone else would do it for him once again reveals how flexible the rites were. However much they aimed at an ideal, the Cluniacs seem always to have been willing to adapt their expectations to what was physically possible, out of compassion for human weakness, either spiritual or physical. It also shows how the monks could stand in for each other when it came to ritual behavior. The ceremony ended with kisses. The dying monk was given a cross “to adore and kiss.” Then, “as a sort of final goodbye” he exchanged the kiss of peace with the priest, the brothers, and, “in accordance with long-standing custom,” the young boys.87 The physical intimacy of these acts is a sign not just of the bonds within the community but also of the monks’ ability to acknowledge the danger of sexuality but direct it toward affection and spirituality. As before, Bernard’s insistence that kissing the boys is in accordance with long-standing custom signals the special nature of the circumstances, for physical contact between adults and the children of the community was normally forbidden. The community then left the infirmary and returned to their normal routines, as the next stage of the ritual process commenced. Their dying brother, having been ritually purified, in body, mind and soul, through the rites of preparation for death, was now in the liminal phase of the death ritual. The community would return, though, when he entered his death agony, and they would grant him their undivided attention until his corpse was safely buried and his soul on its way to paradise. Rites of Transition Rites of transition accompany liminal periods, when a person is between one state of being and another, a time when normal relationships are turned on their heads, a time of time suspended. In the Cluniac death ritual, the stakes could not have been higher. At his death, a monk crossed a critical threshold between this world and the next, and everything (85) For the sources of this prayer and the Confiteor that precedes it, see the Reconstruction above at note 31. (86) Cf. Udal 771C and SG no. 1089 : Corpus domini nostri Jesu Christi custodiat te in uitam eternam. (87) Cf. Vita Odilonis, 178, chapter 1.16 : pax fratribus prebetur, et ymago crucifixi domini nostri ad adorandum presentatur / the kiss of peace was offered to the brothers and the image of the crucifix of our Lord was brought to him to adore.

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that he and the community did, before and after, helped determine the ultimate disposition of his soul. Devils were poised to take advantage of the disorientation that followed the severing of body and soul at death. The soul was not where it was used to being and it needed help finding its way through the demons of the upper air to the welcoming angels above. To that end, the Cluniacs marshaled the full arsenal of their liturgical weaponry against the demons that threatened a dying or dead monk’s salvation.88 Liminal states are also filled with possibility, precisely because normal rules do not necessarily apply, and are famous for unleashing creative social forces among those who share them.89 Monks were, of course, in a permanent state of liminality between paradise and the secular world, so it should not surprise us that the rites of transition in the Cluniac death ritual did not so much unleash new social forces as use the immense discipline of their way of life to channel the energy of the whole community toward the goal of seeing one of their own through death and the journey to the other world. The community was, in fact, to a certain extent founded upon the promise that each one of them would receive such treatment. The climax of the transition rites – the ritual accompaniment of a monk’s death itself – was preceded by a period of waiting and watching. Purified of every stain of sin, at peace with his brothers, his body still marked with holy oil, the dying monk was never left alone. An infirmary servant was assigned to his exclusive care. And any brother who wanted to keep vigil at his bedside was allowed to do so. Candles were kept burning at night and all the infirmary servants slept as lightly as possible so that his death would not catch them unaware.90 When some of those servants decided that his death was imminent, they lifted the dying monk out of bed and placed him on a hair shirt, spread out on the floor, over which they had scattered ashes in the sign of the cross. Hair shirts were made from the roughest of cloth and were worn against the skin as a penitential act or ascetic exercise. The Liber tramitis includes a clarification of the meaning of dying in this manner at Cluny : “the son of a Christian ought not to leave this world except on a hair shirt and ashes just as we have learned from the many examples of the saints.”91 The saint most in mind would have been St. Martin of Tours, the greatest of the Gallican monastic saints of the early Middle Ages, who famously died in such a manner.92 Thus, the Cluniacs were following a tradition that had its roots in the beginnings of monasticism in Gaul. The Lives of abbots

(88) Cf. Rosenwein, “Feudal War and Monastic Peace ;” Jean Leclercq’s critique of Rosenwein, “Prayer at Cluny,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 51 (1983) 651-66 ; and Katherine Allen Smith, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture, Studies in the History of Medieval Religion 37 (Suffolk : Boydell & Brewer, 2011). (89) See above, note 2. (90) Servants were not members of the monastic community, but played an integral role in life at Cluny. See, for example, Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 91-92. (91) LT 272 : filius christiani non debet migrare nisi in cinere et cilicio sicut iam in multis exemplis sanctorum experti sumus. (92) Sulpicius Severus, Vie de Saint Martin, ed. Jacques Fontaine, vol. 1, Sources Chrétiennes, 133 (Paris : Cerf, 1967), 340-42.

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Odilo and Hugh record that they both died in this way, although Hugh chose to do so in the church of St. Mary rather than in the infirmary.93 The infirmarian then notified the prior of the monk’s impending death.94 If he was still conscious, a brother would read to him the Gospel accounts of the passion of Jesus, to put his own agony in perspective, it would seem, and to spur him to contemplation of the saving grace that Christ’s death released into the world. The source of this practice was the old Roman ordo in agenda mortuorum.95 The early Cluniacs may very well have used parts of a version of this venerable “order (of rites) for the dead,” for it was transmitted widely via liturgical manuscripts of the later ninth century, just before Cluny’s foundation, and afterwards. The old Roman ordo circulated in a more or less standard form, although with lots of variation. The absence of liturgical evidence from the first couple of generations of the community’s existence, however, makes it impossible to know the form in which the Cluniacs received it. Whatever the case, while the Cluniac death ritual in the central Middle Ages preserved a few bits of the old Roman ordo, it had long since grown beyond it to create something entirely new and distinctive.96 The Roman ordo begins with a rubric that prescribes only one rite of preparation. As soon as someone was seen to be “approaching death,” he or she was to be given communion.97 Nothing more. As we have seen, the mature form of the Cluniac death ritual that Bernard recorded positioned the final communion within a whole set of preparation rites, making the practice of communion at the approach of death, if it ever was current at Cluny, obsolete. The reading of the passion accounts did remain at Cluny, though, and other elements of the old Roman ordo seem to have influenced the Cluniac form of the ritual. These elements apparently served as a common stock around which the ritual process flowered, just like the set of verses with responses after the anointing or the prayers of the Anianian anointing of the sick. If the dying monk was no longer aware of what was going on around him, two or four brothers chanted psalms until one of the servants who were specially trained in the art of prognosis noted the signs that he was entering his final agony. Bernard does not elaborate on the special training these servants received, but the prognostics of death has a very long history and the Cluniacs no doubt had any number of short treatises on the subject in their library. Some would have been derived from Greek and Roman medicine and others from less scientific traditions, which used such things as numerology and the phases of the moon

(93) Vita Odilonis, 287, line 9 : ponentes eum in cilitio / placing him on a hair shirt ; Vita Sancti Hugonis, 101 : circa vesperam baiulatus in aecclesiam beatae Mariae…a lecto deponitur super cilicium et cinerem humi humiliter locatus / around vespers he was carried into the church of St. Mary…lifted down from his bed and placed humbly on the ground on a hair shirt and ashes. (94) On the duties of the infirmarian, see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 64-65, and Bern 184-85. (95) Order XLIX of the so-called Ordines Romani, ed. Michel Andrieu, Les ordines romani du haut moyen-âge, 5 vols, Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense, 11, 23, 24, 28, 29 (Louvain : Spicilegium Sacrum Officii, 1931-1961) 4.523-30 ; cf. Paxton, Christianizing Death, 37-44, 162-200, and “Death by Customary,” 301-02. (96) Damien Sicard gives an overview of the main versions of the old Roman ordo on a foldout chart at the end of La liturgie de la mort dans l’église latine des origines à la réforme carolingienne, Liturgiewissenschaftliche Quellen und Forschungen, 63 (Münster : Aschendorff, 1978). (97) See Sicard’s chart cited in the previous note : Mox et eum viderint ad exitum appropinquare communicandus est / as soon as they see him approaching his death he is to be given communion.

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to predict when someone would die.98 The Life of Abbot Hugh has a passage that is clearly lifted from one such treatise : “his eyes became cloudy, his tongue lolled, his arms dropped, his breast began to tremble, his knees wavered, his brow became very hot.”99 While many such sources might have been consulted, experience probably was a better teacher than texts. That such important work was left to servants suggests the depth of their involvement in the successful workings of the monastic complex and the high regard in which at least some of them were held. For their work was critical. No one wanted to call the community together when someone was not actively dying, nor did they want to miss the opportunity to have everyone participate in the passing of one of the monks, which was, as we shall see, the customary goal of this first phase of the transition rites.

Caring for the Dying : The Commendation of a Soul in Agony [above 90-104] When one of the infirmary servants judged that the dying monk was entering his final agony, he took up a wooden tablet and, if it was daytime, struck it continuously in the cloister. If it was nighttime, he first lit the way from the dormitory through the infirmary cloister to the infirmary itself and then struck the tablet in front of the door to the dormitory. The community’s response to this signal was extraordinary. Everyone (who could) immediately dropped what they were doing and ran to the infirmary, chanting the fundamental statement of faith, the Credo, over and over. Chanting the Creed while gathering at the bedside of a dying monk, a custom that first appears in the Liber tramitis, seems to have been another specifically Cluniac innovation.100 Udalrich gives an explanation for the practice that sums up the motivation behind it. The monks of Cluny chanted the Creed while they ran, in Udalrich’s words, “so that brotherly faith might bring aid to one about to depart from this world,” as succinct and direct statement of the core purpose of the ritual as can be imagined.101 Doing so was so important that Bernard calls anyone who failed to run “irregular” and “disorderly,” suggesting that this was not just customary behavior, but the practical equivalent of a stipulation in the Benedictine Rule (Regula).102 And so was chanting the Creed. Bernard mentions it six times in his description of the deathbed (98) Frederick S. Paxton, “Signa mortifera : Death and Prognostication in Early Medieval Monastic Medicine,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 67 (1993), 631-50. (99) Vita Sancti Hugonis, 100 : caligaverunt oculi, lingua torpuit, conciderunt brachia, pectus intremuit, nutarunt genua, libera frons incanduit. (100) LT 272-73 ; Paxton, “Remembering the Dead,” 179. Aelfric’s early-eleventh century letter on the Regularis Concordia has his English Benedictines assemble in the infirmary when the tablet is struck and then begin a standard ninth-century commendation of the soul ; see Aelfric’s Letter to the Monks of Eynsham, 142-43 ; and cf. Paxton, Christianizing Death, 116-26, 130-31. (101) Udal 772B : ut fraterna fides suffragium conferat migraturo. Udalrich noted as well that the monks were commanded to run in only two instances, to attend a dying monk and to respond to a fire ; Udal (772A) : quamvis homini nostri ordinis omnino sit prohibitum, ut ullius rei gratia gravem et temperatum incessum aliquando excedat, tamen ad morientem et ad incendium etiam preceptum ut currat / although a man of our order is prohibited from ever exceeding a restrained and temperate pace for any reason, nevertheless he is required to run when someone is dying and for a fire. (102) The fact that St. Benedict wrote nothing about responses to death and dying opened the door to this possibility.

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rituals, stressing its importance again and again, and noting twice that the monks should say nothing else until “the soul is released from the body.” The metaphor expresses nicely both the tension at Cluny between body and soul and the sense that the soul was set free at death. It also concretizes Udalrich’s statement about “brotherly faith” aiding the dying monk. The ritual repetition of the Credo by the whole community during a monk’s final agony actualized the faith in salvation that would set the soul free and set it successfully on its way to paradise. At least that was the ideal. Ideally, no one would be at a conventual mass, or one of the regular hours, or engaged in the Maundy (mandatum), a major ceremony on Holy (or Maundy) Thursday, and a regular practice at Cluny, in which monks ritually washed the feet of the poor.103 All of these circumstances complicated the situation, for they were either higher up in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny or, as in the case of the Maundy, so complex to arrange and carry out that they could not be totally interrupted, even for a death. If the community was at mass or the hours, Bernard tells us, they were nonetheless to react “as if they wanted to run” (suggesting a kind of miming of intent, striking in its performative implications) and wait for a signal from the claustral prior, who would permit some to go to the infirmary immediately and the rest when the service was completed.104 The liminal state into which the dying monk and the community as a whole were entering was marked by the fact that, as Bernard makes a point of noting, no one was allowed to leave the monastery until after the dying monk’s burial, which meant that until such time the only blessings received should be by someone “returning, not leaving.”105 Whatever the circumstances, if the monk was still alive when most of the monks were free to go, they would then run to the infirmary, chanting the Creed “just as if the tablet had been struck then.” If he was dead, however, they were to walk “at a moderate pace,” chanting vespers of the dead (which Bernard always refers to by its opening antiphon, Placebo domine) and then join the others in the psalmody being sung when they caught up with them. Bernard’s concern for every eventuality confuses his account somewhat here, for what he says is that when those catching up get to an unspecified place (illuc), they are to join in the ongoing psalmody “where they find themselves to be.”106 The point he is making is not unimportant, and this is a moment to make it, but he gives both too little and too much information. He is referring to a later point in the ritual, when, after a monk’s death, most of the community would process from the infirmary to the church of St. Mary, where they would wait until his corpse was carried from the infirmary to the church. He ends up being vague about where the brothers are to meet, using two different adverbs of place, but he may have had no choice, since, in this case, those who had been (103) Bern 242-42, 248, 310, 332 ; see also Eliana Magnani Soares-Christen, “Le pauvre, le Christ et le moine : la correspondance de rôles et les cérémonies du mandatum à travers les coutumiers clunisiens du XIe siècle,” in Les clercs, les fidèles et les saints en Bourgogne médiévale, ed. Vincent Tabbagh (Dijon : EUD, 2005), 11-26. (104) For the duties of the claustral prior, see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 56-58. Bernard’s way of referring to him as the prior qui tenet ordinem gives a good idea of his responsibilities ; cf. the Introduction above, 48. (105) On the blessings received by monks leaving the monastery and returning, see Bern 268 (VIII) and the more extensive discussion in MCL 142-46. (106) See the Reconstruction above at note 40.

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free to attend a death could still be in the infirmary, or en route to the church, or sitting outside it, waiting for the body to be brought, so there was no way of knowing where exactly those who had remained in church to complete the mass or one of the regular hours would meet up with them. Bernard then turns back to the ritual narrative, noting that, if the monk did not die right away, “as sometimes happens,” and his agony was prolonged, the community would recite a litany of the saints with the refrain “Pray for him.” Calling upon the ranks of the heavenly court in turn, from Christ and his mother Mary through archangels, apostles, and martyrs, to saints with particular ties to Cluny (like Benedict, of course, and their two sanctified abbots, Mayeul and Odilo), they begged each to attend to the dying monk’s needs. The series of short invocations that followed the litany is particularly interesting for its rich imagery of the dangers that could befall a soul after death, in “the dark land,” “the place of difficulties.” They also speak, however, of the rewards of salvation “in the region of the living.” They beg Christ to free the dying monk’s soul “from the weight of sins” and “spare him the lashes” of God’s wrath ; to separate his soul “from the ranks of the evil ones” and defend it against death by the devil, “the cruel ravager.” Their hope was that so freed, so defended, their brother would, through “the cross of salvation and the intercession of the saints,” be counted among those pleasing to God, who “await the Day of Judgment with confidence” and “the reward of eternal life.” The invocations balance fear and confidence in the face of death and contrast the dangers of failure and the rewards of success in protecting a brother in his final agony in a manner that is characteristic of the response to death at Cluny. They evoke an afterlife already richly embroidered by the visionary literature of the early Middle Ages. Darkness reigns and devils ravage the sentient souls of the dead with the lashes of God’s wrath in a place not yet conceived of as a hell from which there is no escape or the purgatory from which all will eventually emerge, but something in between, still perhaps associated with the journey of the soul through the upper levels of the air, where demons lie in wait.107 For all that, the monks held out the hope, even the near certainty, that the purity of their lives, their devotion to God, and their confident exercise of the liturgical weapons at their disposal would not only defeat the forces of evil, but also command the attention of a merciful God. Ideally, the monk’s death would occur during the chanting of the Credo or the litany. If he was still alive after the community had chanted the Creed a number of times, the abbot or prior would instruct some of the brothers to remain with him while the others returned to what they were doing when they had heard the signal to run to his aid. Under those circumstances, the dying monk remained on the ash-strewn hair shirt and, once again, some brothers and the infirmary servants kept vigil. In the strange climate of liminality that hung over everything, the sacristan who kept track of time checked in on him before ringing the bells for the hours to ensure that the divine office would not be interrupted (107) On the evolution of the afterlife in Latin Christianity, see Jacques Le Goff, The Birth of Purgatory, tr. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1984), and Moreira, Heaven’s Purge.

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(perhaps again) by the need to attend his death.108 Time was elastic in the Middle Ages ; intervals between daytime hours were longer in the summer and shorter in the winter. Indeed, matins of the dead extended the night office so much that it could only be sung at that time for half the year ; when the nights became shorter it was sung after vespers.109 In this case, though, that elasticity was extended even more than usual to accommodate the importance the community placed upon their obligation to attend the death of one of the brothers. The hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny did not place that obligation above the mass, regular hours, Maundy, or “the processions that take place on Sundays and principal feasts,” at least once they had gotten under way, but it allowed a certain amount of flexibility in scheduling the hours.110 Whatever the case, though, as many times as it seemed that the dying monk was on the point of death, the community was called together in exactly the same way. Everyone ran, chanting the Creed, and gathered around the bed as before. There was no lessening of the demand for the community to witness the death, for, as Bernard makes a point of noting, “a brother ought not to die without everyone present.” The only other exception to this rule, besides conventual masses, the regular offices and the Maundy, was, he now notes, processions on Sundays and feast days, no doubt for the same reason as the Maundy, that is, that they were too complex to be interrupted once underway. Behind all his insistence, however, lies that persistent note of nostalgia for a time when the community was small enough to actually expect everyone to be present at the death of any of the brothers. Having broken off his narrative to address what to do if the death signal interrupted the community while in the midst of particular services or activities, Bernard addresses the case of matins, the longest of the eight regular hours. Unlike any of the other daily hours, matins included three groups of psalms and readings known as nocturns. The readings for nocturns came from scripture or, for a saint’s feast, from accounts of his or her life or posthumous miracles. Normally there were a total of nine readings, three in each nocturn, but important feasts had four nocturns, making them so-called feasts of twelve lessons. If the tablet is struck while the community is in the midst of matins, everyone except the claustral prior and a number of monks he explicitly designates to accompany him to the infirmary is to remain in choir until the office is completed. The rest may then leave, chanting the Creed on their way to the infirmary if the monk is still alive or vespers of the dead if he is not. (108) A sacristan (known variously as sacrista, custos, apocrisarius, or secretarius) was responsible for overseeing the liturgical vessels and other ornaments of the monastic churches and altars ; see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 63-64. The head sacristan appointed a sacristan of the week (sacrista hebdomodarii) to be the timekeeper for the community. Bernard refers to him elsewhere (Bern 247) as the vicarius secretarii qui horologium temperat. MCL (122) notes, among other things, that the sacristan “takes charge of the burial both of monks and laymen…and decides the place of burial,” which may or may not have been the case at Cluny. (109) Cf. the charts in MCL xxiii-xxv ; Hunt, Cluny under Saint Hugh, 100-104 ; and Rosenwein, “Feudal War and Monastic Peace,” 134-36, none of which is completely satisfactory. (110) The five principal feasts at Cluny were Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, SS. Peter and Paul (Cluny’s patron saints) and the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, but there were many others that were celebrated with only slightly less solemnity ; see Bern 245-47.

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This leads Bernard to the question of how the monks were to reconnect with the regular round of offices after it had been interrupted by their brother’s death. His first point here is relatively clear. Once the body had been placed in the church (during a ceremony he describes later), the monks chanted the so-called familiar psalms, which were sung for relatives and benefactors of the community (its familiares) after every office except compline.111 The last of the familiar psalms (Psalm 141, Voce mea) was always dedicated to the faithful departed, which may be why they all were said at this time too. The following passage, however, is almost hopelessly opaque. The tension between Bernard’s two main goals – to write a narrative account of the death ritual as it unfolded over time as well as a reference work covering all eventualities – leads here to a breakdown in the flow of the text as Bernard fails to negotiate seamlessly the shift from narrative to expository writing, from an account of a ritual process to an accounting for every exception to its ideal form. He seems to have been relying more than usual on the fact that his audience would know what he meant even if it was only implicit in the text. Bernard says that, once the body was settled in the church and the familiar psalms sung, the monks should immediately sing morning lauds, before returning to “the office” that had been interrupted. He could not mean matins, since it was not interrupted for a death, but he does not specify the office to which he is referring. His meaning only becomes clear after taking account of a number of previous and later references. The Cluniacs had apparently developed a special office for a brother who had just died (nuper defuncto) and for commemorations of the dead, but had not given it an official name.112 Udalrich refers to it as “the office known colloquially as the vigil” (vigilia).113 Although Bernard refers here to three of the four main elements of the vigilia, by citing the incipits of the antiphons that begin vespers of the dead (Placebo domino) and lauds of the dead (Exultabunt domino) and by the incipit of the first of the five psalms for the dead (Verba mea), he never refers to it by its colloquial name.114 He does not mention the fourth major element, matins of the dead, because, it appears, he assumed that there would be enough time for the community to finish vespers and matins of the dead before the arrival of a dead monk’s body at the church, but perhaps not for lauds of the dead and the psalms for the dead as well. The main body of monks would leave the infirmary chanting vespers of the dead and continue with the rest of the office until interrupted by the arrival of the body. If so, they would process into the church and, once the body was (111) The familiar psalms at Cluny comprised four psalms, the first two of which changed from office to office ; see the table in Rosenwein, “Feudal War and Monastic Peace,” 134-36. (112) For Bernard’s use of the term nuper defuncto in related contexts see, for example, Bern 232, 266. (113) Udal 647A : semper…agitur officium…a nostratibus vigilia vulgo appellatur. (114) For more on the vigilia, see below 214-15. Udalrich refers to the basic structure of the vigilia by way of noting that, originally, the community had performed only one nocturn of matins of the dead, with its three lessons and responsories, but that the rising number of anniversaries had necessitated a full service of three nocturns with nine lessons and responsories and collects, along with two extra psalms before vespers, matins and lauds of the dead ; see Udal 647B : duo psalmi antecedent scilicet 119, 3, sicut etiam ad vesperas 145, 123. Ad matutinas, De profundis [129], et Usquequo [12]. The chart in Rosenwein, “Feudal War and Monastic Peace,” which is based in part on this passage in Udal, puts the “Vigils of the Dead” after supper, introduced by psalms 119 and 3, but gives no indication of the rest of the office. Lanfranc refers to the vigilia at one point as officia mortuorum, quod post mensa dici solet (MCL 42).

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settled, and the familiar psalms sung, immediately begin morning lauds, which they had not yet sung, after which they would finish the vigilia, taking it up at the point where they left off when the bearers had arrived with the body at the door of the church. We will return to this subject later. For now, let us consider the other exceptions Bernard mentions here. If the community heard the sound of the tablet while performing one of the secondary offices – vespers or matins of all saints (or of the dead) or the suffrages of the saints – or while eating a meal in the refectory, or at the evening reading known as the collation, they would all leave immediately for the infirmary.115 That they would do so suggests once again the precise place of the obligation for everyone to attend a brother’s death in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny. It was less important than the mass and divine office, but more so than the evening reading and liturgical accretions to the Benedictine Rule like the general office of the dead or the suffrages of the saints. Similarly, if the community was in the refectory and had completely finished eating and recited the verse and response traditionally said at the end of a meal, they would nevertheless recite them again after the body had been laid out in the church. Bernard does not say why that should be so, but it was an apt choice, since the verse and response at the end of meals comprised the beginning of Psalm 50 : “Be merciful to me, O God, according to your great mercy. And, according to the plenitude of your compassion, wipe out my iniquity.” In any case, the community was required, once the corpse had been brought to the church and the vigilia completed, to finish whatever they had been unable to complete of the minor office they had been engaged in when the signal came. Bernard’s final note at this point concerns the behavior of the children and adolescents when the tablet announcing an imminent death is struck. They are to run, just like everyone else, not even bothering to cover their beds. They are not, however, to mix in with the rest of the community in the infirmary, but to stand apart with their masters, watching the monks and saying what they say. One could not ask for a more graphic example of the traditional means of learning the Cluniac liturgy, or of the status of the boys in the monastic hierarchy.116 Having covered all these contingencies around the timing of the call to aid a dying brother, Bernard finally turns back to the ritual process itself, saying that, once there was no doubt that he had died, the community recited another group of verses and responses, as they had after the anointing and final communion. The first is from the end of the Lord’s Prayer : “And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil, Amen” and the (115) The suffrages of the saints was a short office comprising an antiphon followed by a verse with response and a collect ; at Lanfranc’s Canterbury, the suffrages of the saints were said regularly after vespers and lauds (MCL xxii-xxv). (116) On training children and adolescents in the Cluniac liturgy, see Cochelin, “Le dur apprentissage de la virginité ;” Susan Boynton, “The Liturgical Role of Children in Monastic Customaries from the Central Middle Ages,” Studia Liturgica, 28 (1998), 194-209 ; eadem, “Training for the Liturgy as a Form of Monastic Education,” in Medieval Monastic Education, eds. Carolyn Muessig, George Ferzoco (Leicester : Leicester University Press, 2000), 7-20 ; Boynton and Cochelin, “Sociomusical Role of Child Oblates ;” and Coon, Dark Age Bodies, 87-88.

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last is a blessing and response whose origins go back to the beginnings of the Latin liturgy : “the Lord be with you, and with your spirit.” The other three deserve more comment, since they are more specific to the liturgical response to death at Cluny and appear multiple times in the course of the death ritual. Requiem eternam dona ei domine Et lux perpetua luceat ei.

4 Esdras 2.34-35

Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo domine, Quia non justificabitur in conspecto tuo omnis vivens.

Psalm 142.2

A porta inferi, Erue domine animam ejus.

Isaiah 38

The ultimate source for the first of these verses and responses, “Grant him eternal peace, O Lord, and may perpetual light shine upon him,” is the so-called Latin Esdras, an apocryphal biblical text originally written in Greek. The books of Esdras were declared non-canonical in the late fifth century, but this use of them was already so common in the Latin liturgy for the dead, appearing even on tombstones, that it was apparently too late to prohibit it.117 Like so many others elements of the Cluniac death ritual, it was brought into the liturgy of the dead by Benedict of Aniane.118 It also began the introit of the mass for the dead and has remained a feature of requiem masses down to the present day.119 We have already noted the importance of the Psalm 142 in the death ritual as a whole. The community had sung it during the monk’s anointing ; they would sing it again during his funeral procession ; and then once again after he was buried, when a final singing of the penitential psalms marked the incorporation of his body into the community at rest in the cemetery. The use of its second verse here in the form of a verse and response immediately after death, and its repetition through every phase of the ritual process at Cluny, in so many different forms, suggests that it expressed something very close to the heart of Cluniac spirituality and to the ultimate meaning of the Cluniac death ritual. The monks of Cluny clearly believed that no living man could be entirely justified in the eyes of God and that contact with worldly things inevitably led to sin, even for monks who dedicated their lives to the opus dei. Since that was true of everyone, they begged God “not to enter into judgment” with their dead brother, or judge him too harshly. The last verse-response pair derives from the book of Isaiah, which records the story of the cure of King Hezekiah that has already been referenced in the first of the prayers after the dead monk’s anointing.120 After God cured Hezekiah by Isaiah’s hand, the king remembered the nearness of his death as the time when he had “gone to the gates of hell.”121 And when God told Isaiah to tell the king that he would grant him fifteen more years of life, (117) Aldo Setaioli, “The Image of Light from Pagan Religious Thought to Christian Prayer,” Cuadernos de filología clásica : Estudios latinos 20 (2001), 127-138, esp. 128-30. (118) Paxton, Christianizing Death, 146, note 66. (119) “Requiem Mass,” New Catholic Encyclopedia, 2nd ed., vol. 12 (Detroit : Thomson Gale, 2002), 134-35. (120) See above, 193. (121) Is 38.10 vadam ad portas inferi.

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he also promised to “rescue him and his city from the hand of the Assyrian king.”122 The use of the verb eruere in that passage, with its unusual connotation of delivering or rescuing (it normally meant to root out or destroy) is no doubt behind the language of the response “Rescue his soul, O Lord,” for the phrase itself does not occur in any scriptural source. The use of scriptural fragments and short compositions like these to make something new is yet another example of the liturgical creativity of Latin Christian death rituals, and the Cluniac version in particular, even in its minor elements. As much as medieval Christians worked within consistent structures and a common body of prayers, chants and readings, it was always possible to customize the material, and the Cluniacs were clearly masters of the art. Each verse and response had a point. And the points they made added up to something more than the sum of their parts. Seen as a whole and as an intentional liturgical act, the three verse-response pairs recited in direct response to the monk’s death set the promise of heaven against the fear of hell, balancing pessimism over the inevitability of sin with the hope of rescue from harm, deliverance from evil, and eternal salvation. The brothers knew that their dead brother was not without sin, so they begged God’s pardon, but they also believed in God’s covenant through Christ’s redemption and so felt free to ask for his favor too, to “let perpetual light shine upon” their departed brother. The three prayers that followed elaborate upon all of the themes introduced since the community had first been called together around their dying brother’s deathbed and, in particular, those themes struck by the verses and responses that introduced them. Pio recordationis affectu Deus cui omnia vivunt Suscipe domine animam servi tui

SP 1398 SP 1399 SP 1400

The prayers came to Cluny, as had so many others, from Benedict of Aniane’s supplement to the Roman sacramentary sent to Charlemagne by Pope Hadrian, but they are older than that and, as we shall see, represent the three main traditions that fed into the liturgy of the Carolingian Reform : Roman, Gallican and Visigothic. As such, they also represent the blending of those liturgical traditions, which gave the Cluniacs, and communities like them in the central Middle Ages, a number of late antique and early medieval registers to work with as they elaborated their liturgy. In Benedict’s supplement these three prayers begin the death ritual, as he knew it, a ceremony that may have started with a deathbed penance or communion, but no anointing or other rites of preparation.123 As we have seen, Benedict created the supplement before the anointing of the dying had become a regular part of the ritual preparation for death in religious communities in the Latin West. Indeed, if anything, his reform program was meant to turn back the tide on that issue. These three prayers for “when a soul has gone out from the body” also contain subtle hints of his reforming goals.

(122) Is 38.6 de manu regis Assyriorum eruam te et civitatem istam. (123) SP 456-57 : CII : Reconciliatio paenitentis ad mortem and CIII : Orationes in agenda mortuorum.

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Much of the material that Benedict included in his supplement was from Gallican books, which themselves transmitted a mix of indigenous, Roman and Visigothic texts, but he also drew directly from the Visigothic tradition in which he had been raised.124 He did not, however, feel compelled to transmit them in the form in which he found them, and freely adapted them to his own purposes. The first prayer, which was most probably a composition of Caesarius, bishop of Arles in the first half of the sixth century, is the most salient example. Benedict altered his source in significant ways, affecting not just the body of the prayer itself, so that it emphasized the juridical relationship between the dead and God as judge, but also its formulaic ending, which he crafted to emphasize his Trinitarian orthodoxy and, no doubt, fend off suspicions that he, as a southerner, might carry the taint of heresy.125 That Bernard makes a point of stressing the use of Benedict’s formula at the end of this prayer points to the extent of Anianian influence at Cluny over two centuries later, if not knowledge of his authorial hand in its dissemination. Benedict’s changes, however, did not fundamentally alter the sentiment or imagery of this prayer, which he left in the form of a “bidding,” a characteristic feature of the Gallican liturgy, in which the priest bade the congregation to pray to God along with him. As such, it was a collective “calling to mind” (recordatio) of the dead monk himself as well as the importance of remembering him and of appealing to heaven for his benefit.126 However altered, the language of the prayer still carries the optimism of a young Church, buoyed by confidence in its triumph over Roman paganism. It expresses a gentle regard for human weakness and a sweet hope in God’s mercy. It speaks of sins as the result not of malice or pride but “inconstant heedlessness.” While it emphasizes God’s role as judge, it portrays him not so much as fearsome but as merciful, more likely to grant the dead monk “a quiet and pleasant dwelling” and “the grace of full indulgence” for his sins, and “compensate him in full” for his faithful service, than to condemn him for his failings. The next two prayers, although not in the form of biddings, reiterate and expand upon the themes already noted. The first goes back to the Gelasian sacramentary, written in the middle of the eighth century, which mixed Roman and Gallican material ; the second is a version of a Visigothic prayer that has analogues with prayers in the Gelasian tradition.127 The priest now speaks for the community as he evokes ancient notions of angels carrying souls to the “bosom of Abraham” and the vivid images from the end of the litany they chanted before the monk’s death, begging God to free the soul he has “called forth from the prison of this world,” from “the princes of darkness,” “places of pains,” and “bond of all sins.” With the completion of the prayer service, most of the community left the infirmary, as Bernard notes, chanting vespers of the dead, which they completed in the trisantiis outside the church of St. Mary.128 (124) (125) (126) (127) (128) church,

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Paxton, Christianizing Death, 141. Paxton, Christianizing Death, 52-53, 140-42. See also Paxton, “Remembering the Dead at Cluniac Funerals,” 179. Cf. Paxton, Christianizing Death, 61-62, 143. The word trisantia is very rare but it clearly did not mean the area in front of the west door of the because that door was most likely inside the chapter house (above figs. 2, 4, 6). Thus, in trisantiis must

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So much is clear. But then the text again becomes murky, both because Bernard does not refer to the vigilia by its common name and because he apparently did not have a shorthand way of referring to matins of the dead. He could have used the incipit (Dirige) of the antiphon of its opening psalm, as he did with vespers and lauds of the dead, but avoided it, most probably because that psalm (Verba mea) was also the first of the psalms for the dead.129 He thus had to use the term officium twice, first to refer to the vigilia and then to matins of the dead, all by way of specifying the “one and only prayer” (Omnipotens sempiterne deus cui numquam) that was to be recited at the end of vespers, matins and lauds of the dead when performed as part of the larger office. His insistence that this be the only prayer said during the vigilia suggests an attempt to shorten the office, for although Udalrich says more or less the same thing at the same point in his description of the death ritual, when writing about the vigilia itself he makes a point of noting that multiple prayers were to be said at matins of the dead.130 Whatever the case, the repetition of the prayer after each of the offices of vespers, matins and lauds of the dead certainly heightened its importance in the ritual process. In the Gelasian Sacramentary, the Omnipotens was part of a mass for a dead layman, and the simplicity and directness of its language suggest that it was originally a Roman composition.131 Like so many of the oldest Roman prayers, it expresses a profound confidence that the prayers of the supplicants will be answered and that their brother, who died confessing God’s name, will be found worthy of acceptance among the saints in heaven. It was very common in death rituals throughout the Middle Ages and was the first of as many as eleven prayers that could be said at masses for the dead at Cluny.132 Bernard’s remark that it must be led by the priest of the week for the high mass suggests its importance in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny. His final note before turning back to the ritual process, that those who prepare a dead monk’s body for burial and carry it to the church of St. Mary and the cemetery must be of the same rank as the deceased, locates these actions squarely within the hierarchy of the monastic community. At once a sign of respect and a reminder to even the most senior of monks that they are as mortal as the lowest of their brothers, this custom reflected, like everything else in the death ritual, the dual nature of life at Cluny, secular and sacred, this-worldly and other-worldly, carnal and spiritual.

have meant a vaulted passageway connecting the infirmary complex to the church of St. Mary and the main church. I want to thank Susan Boynton and Neil Stratford in particular for helping me think through this problem. (129) See the Introduction above, 24. Matins of the dead did eventually become known by its opening antiphon, which is the source of the English word “dirge.” (130) Udal 647B : ipsum quoque officium nunquam agitur modo, nisi cum novem lectionibus, et responsoriis et collectis / and this office is never performed now except with nine lessons and responsories and prayers. The question of which and how many prayers were regularly said at the office of the dead at Cluny remains open and will probably remain so until modern editions of the customaries of Bernard and Udalrich appear. The closest witness, MW 131121, list three prayers each for vespers and lauds of the dead, but none for matins, a pattern that became the norm over the long run. (131) Liber sacramentorum Romanae aeclesiae, no. 1662. (132) Bern 232 ; see also Appendix 2.

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Caring for the Deceased : Preparation, Wake and Funeral Mass [above 104-124] At this stage of the ritual process, the border between rites of transition and rites of incorporation breaks down a bit, for while the newly released soul was no longer tethered to a body, it was just beginning its heavenly journey, the duration of which was incalculable. No one could know how it would fare. All the living could do was pray for its safety and besiege the heavenly court with petitions to receive it into paradise, sooner rather than later, if at all possible, but in the full understanding that only God could determine the exact moment. It might even have to wait until the end of time and the last judgment. The fate of the dead monk’s body, in the stillness of death, was more easily dealt with, so unambiguous rites of incorporation could begin immediately, as the brothers turned to the task of preparing it for burial. Until it was safely in the ground, however, and perhaps under a shadow of fear that the soul would not truly be free until it was, the uncertainty, danger and possibility of its liminal status continued to demand the vigilance, and the protective prayers, of the whole community. The monk’s death had already been signaled by the ringing of all the bells of the monastic complex, for, as Bernard notes, the sacristan would have seen to it “as soon as he has died.” It was the first use of bells in the death ritual, but not the last, for they would ring again during the procession with his body into the church of St. Mary for the wake and funeral mass and then continuously from the time his funeral procession left the church for the cemetery until his body was buried. The main purpose of the bells at Cluny was to call the community to church for mass and the divine office. Their ringing to announce a death might have acted as a call as well, to the Lord, to attend to the newly released soul who needed help finding its way to the heavenly realm, and to the monks to continue focusing their energies on its wellbeing. In order to see to the ringing of the bells, the sacristan had to leave those surrounding the deathbed. He took with him a group of conversi who would gather the equipment for the procession with the body to the church of St. Mary : “holy water, thurible, incense, cross and candlesticks.” At the same time, presumably, the infirmarian fetched “pure water” for washing the body and the chamberlain collected the clothing in which the deceased would be buried, along with needle and thread to sew it together.133 Bernard’s note that the task of providing the water had previously belonged to the cellarer suggests a change of duties in the wake of Abbot Hugh’s rebuilding and expansion of the infirmary complex.134 As soon as the sacristan and conversi returned to the infirmary, the abbot (or prior if he was not present) sprinkled holy water on the corpse and on a blanket on which it would be placed for washing, and incensed them both. The brothers who would wash, clothe and bear the body in procession then carried it into a small room off the infirmary set aside for the specific purpose of preparing a dead monk for burial. The armarius accompanied them and led them in chanting the vigilia, which the rest of the community was simultaneously singing outside the church of St. Mary, an activity which those who had remained (133) On the chamberlain’s duties, see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 58-60, and Bern 145-47. (134) On the duties of the cellarer, see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 60-61, and Bern 147-50.

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in the infirmary had no doubt begun as the larger group exited after the initial response to the monk’s death.135 The brothers washed the body from head to foot, except for the genitals, which they kept covered with an old shirt, a custom that may have had its origins in the death scene in Odo of Cluny’s Life of Gerald of Aurillac, where the dead saint covers his genitals with his hands every time the monks preparing his body for burial try to cross them over his chest.136 They then dressed it in a (presumably new) shirt, a cowl, a head wrap known as a sudary made of the same material as the shirt, and night slippers. The whole outfit was then sewn together so that no shroud was necessary, the hands folded on the chest, the cowl’s hood drawn down and sewn over them, and the slippers sewn together. In the midst of this description, Bernard seems to have been reminded of another important detail. He notes that there were two other groups who could not perform these duties besides brothers of a different rank from the deceased : anyone working with food (the cellarer, refectory workers and the cook of the week) and the priest and deacon of the week for the high mass. The reasons for these exceptions are not provided but they are rather evident. The monks must have felt, on the one hand, that direct contact with a corpse was potentially dangerous for those involved in preparing meals for the community and, on the other, that it was inappropriate for the celebrants of the Eucharistic “meal” of high mass. There seems to have been no restriction for the celebrants of the morning, or “low” mass, or private masses, however, perhaps because they were so often associated with the commemoration of the dead. Unfortunately, Bernard does not address the anomaly. His use, however, of the phrase sciendum autem…non est consuetudo / it should also be known that it is not the custom, in referring to these particular restrictions, which echoes the sciendum autem of his earlier comment about the rank of those who prepare the corpse for burial, suggests that a question on the subject may have come up in chapter, exactly the kind of issue he cited in his preface as a reason for writing up the customs in the first place.137 It also might suggest another aspect of the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny, which placed the priest of the week for the high mass in a special category above other priestmonks in the community. Turning back to the matter at hand, Bernard explains how the abbot or prior purified the corpse once again with holy water and incense before the attendants placed it upon a bier, which had also been so purified, and covered it with an embroidered funeral pall.138 (135) Udalrich seems to have been unaware of this, perhaps because it had not been the practice when he was at Cluny ; see Udal 773B : Inter lavandum lavatores quotquot sciunt psalmos, non cessant a psalmodia, et sacerdos dicit hanc collectam : Suscipe, domine, animam servi tui / While washing [the body] the washers [sing] however many psalms they know, not ceasing from the psalmody, and the priest says this collect : ‘Receive, O Lord, the soul of your servant’. (136) Jones, “Monastic Identity and Sodomitic Danger,” 43 and note 137. The scribe of Palermo seems to have gotten confused at this point (see the Reconstruction above, at note 59), writing “and then and then (sic) he is undressed from his head to the bottom of his feet,” perhaps because the image of a naked monk appeared in his mind’s eye while copying. (137) See the Introduction above, 26. (138) The bier was probably a reusable wooden trough in which corpses were transported to the church and cemetery. For images of what it may have looked like, see Neil Stratford, “La tombe d’un abbé de NotreDame d’Issoudun (Indre),” in Architektur und Monumentalskulptur des 12.-14. Jahrhunderts / Architecture et sculpture

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They then carried the bier in formal procession out of the infirmary and to the door into the church of St. Mary, along the north side of the nave, where the community had been waiting, singing the vigilia. If they were finished, the prior, using the wooden tablet that called the community to the deathbed, signaled the beginning of the next stage of the ritual, the communal procession with the bier into the church of St. Mary, where it would rest until the funeral mass and burial on the following day. If they were almost finished with the office, the procession would wait. Although Bernard does not make it clear at this point, the office to which he refers is not the vigilia as a whole, but rather matins of the dead. If they had not finished the vigilia, they would, as we shall see, interrupt it at the end of matins of the dead and then finish it once the bier was installed in the church and any other missed services, like morning lauds, had been completed. Once everyone was ready to enter the church of St. Mary, and the prior had struck the tablet, everyone bowed their heads and recited the Lord’s Prayer, with its last phrases spoken as a verse with response. This was followed by the verse and response from the book of Isaiah, “From the gate of hell, rescue his soul, O Lord,” even more appropriate in the context of the anticipated entry into the church, and the Dominus vobiscum. The abbot or prior then recited two prayers, followed by a responsory chant intoned by the armarius and, after a repetition of the same verse and response, a final prayer. Deus vitae dator Deus qui humanarum animarum eternus amator es Subvenite sancti dei Deus venie largitor

SP 1407 SP 1408 CAO 7716 Cluniac ?

The distribution of tasks among the abbot or prior and the armarius is notable. The prior is mentioned, as he often is, along with the abbot, for circumstances when he would take over in the absence of his superior, but even when the abbot was present, he had the singular task of beginning this ceremony outside the door of the church by striking the tablet. The armarius appears, once again, in his role as liturgical director, especially for complex chants such as responsories. The two collects derive, once again, from Benedict of Aniane’s supplement to the Roman sacramentary, where they are to be recited after the washing of a dead body (orationes post lavationem corporis). They are of Visigothic origin and would normally have been said separately, each with its own formulaic ending. Bernard, however, suggests that they were treated here as one single prayer, for he notes that the abbot or prior recites them “with one ending,” a curious detail, to be sure, but one that shows again the degree of precise calibration the Cluniacs brought to the ritual process. It also illustrates how even an element as common and repetitive as the formulaic endings of prayers could be altered for a particular effect.139 Both prayers are addressed to God, who is monumentale du 12e au 14e siècle, eds. Stephan Gasser, Christian Freigang, Bruno Boerner (Berlin : Peter Lang, 2006), 437-57. (139) See the Introduction above, 41.

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represented as the “giver of life,” “restorer of human bodies” and “eternal lover of human souls.” The stress on “humanness” is striking, as is the way in which the prayers concentrate attention on the fate of the dead monk’s soul, echoing once again the fear of “the torments of hell” and its “infernal prisons” and the hope of union with the “community of the saints.” The request that the soul be clothed in “celestial and immortal garments” recalls the just-completed re-clothing of the corpse, which is now the focus of the community’s attention. The responsory chant that follows, like those to come later in the ritual, has its origins in the office of the dead, especially matins of the dead, one of the places in the medieval liturgy where churches and monasteries were free to compose their own sequences of responsories.140 The Subvenite appears regularly in sources on the liturgy of death from the late eighth century on, in a variety of roles, and its roots lie deep in Christian antiquity. In the oldest witness to the Roman ordo in agenda mortuorum, it serves as an antiphon to Psalm 113, In exitu Israel, which was to be chanted at the moment of death.141 At Cluny, it was the responsory after the first reading of the second nocturn during matins of the dead.142 It rings with the crystalline clarity of the ancient Latin liturgy, asking, in the respond, for the saints and angels to receive their dead brother’s soul and offer it directly to God. In the versicle the monks speak directly to the deceased, wishing that “Christ who called you might receive you” and that the angels will lead him to the bosom of Abraham, where, as the refrain puts it, they will present his soul in the sight of the most high God. After completing the responsory, the community processed into the church of St. Mary, in the customary manner, as Bernard notes, led by the group of conversi carrying the processional items they had brought to the infirmary, and followed, in order, by the boys with their masters, the choir monks, in rank order, and the rest of the conversi, with those bearing the deceased bringing up the rear. All the bells of the monastery rang during the procession into the church, calling the community to the opus dei as always, but also calling the dead monk’s soul heavenwards, and highlighting the significance of crossing the threshold (limen, from which the English word “liminal” is derived) of the church as another step in the journey of his body to its final resting place and his soul to heaven. Unlike the procession to the infirmary for the anointing, however, and, as we shall see, the funeral procession to the cemetery, the community was silent as it moved into the church under the canopy of sound created by the ringing of the bells. The import of the order of this procession, the way it mixes the community, is not immediately apparent. Why should the choir monks be sandwiched between the boys and most of the conversi ? And to what sort of order did the choir monks adhere, least to most senior or vice-versa ? Bernard does not say, but someone must have known, for otherwise confusion would spoil the grace and solemnity of the ritual. As we have seen before, there

(140) Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 3-4. (141) Sicard, Liturgie de la mort, 66, 75-76 ; see also Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 228, 285-95, 401. (142) MW 3.1316 ; cf. Hilton, “Cluniac Office of the Dead,” 156. On the versicle, see Sicard, Liturgie de la mort, 67 ; and Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 418.

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must sometimes have been layers of complexity to Cluny’s customs that even Bernard’s fastidiousness and attention to detail did not entirely capture. The procession moved into the church and up the aisle toward the main altar until the abbot or prior called a halt to lead the community, for the third time, in the recitation of the verse and response from the book of Isaiah : “From the gate of hell, rescue his soul, O Lord.” In the space between doorway and altar, at a time when the dead monk’s soul itself was clearly still in danger from the demons of the upper air, the community once again begged God to save it from the forces of evil. The final verse and response, the ubiquitous “The Lord be with you, and with your spirit” resonates in an utterly different chord here, for the spirit invoked was the dead monk’s and God’s presence his armor against the attacks of those who would drag it down into hell. With everyone’s face turned toward the altar, the abbot or prior then recited the only prayer in the death ritual not transmitted through Benedict of Aniane, the Deus venie largitor.143 This prayer may very well be a Cluniac composition, perhaps from an older root, and if so it constitutes a specifically Cluniac contribution to the office in its definitive form.144 It shares the incipit of a popular collect in masses for a group of dead persons or for the salvation of the living and the dead, but diverges from it after the first clause. Where the Cluniac prayer petitions God, through the intercession of the patroness of the church they are standing in, “blessed Mary ever virgin,” to grant “perpetual blessedness” to the soul of a “brother of our congregation,” the more common prayer asks God to “order the names of your manservants and maidservants, which we record here in accordance with the obligation of pious devotion, to be written in the book of life through the grace of your mercy.”145 Bernard notes elsewhere that it was regularly said for dead brothers at masses for the dead.146 The bearers set the body down upon a catafalque positioned in the middle but to the left side of the church. The significance of the positioning is not immediately apparent. The church of St. Mary was used only by the community and may have comprised essentially a choir, which more or less filled the nave, and an apse, so that placing the bier in the middle would have put it in the center of the community at prayer, as the deceased monk had lain in the infirmary before his death, surrounded by his brothers. The placement “to the left” may have been in order that the cross, which was affixed to the head of the bier, as Bernard notes, was not directly in line with the altar.147 What is clear is that laying (143) Bernard’s remark about turning toward the altar suggests that some portion of the procession might not have made it yet from the doorway in the north wall to the center aisle. (144) Cf. MW 3.1313, where it is a prayer at vespers of the dead, and the Tridentine breviary, where it is prescribed for both vespers and lauds of the dead. (145) CO, no. 2204 : ut nomina famulorum famularumque tuarum, quae hic piae dilectionis officio pariter conscripsimus, in libro vitae miserationis tuae gratia jubeas conscribe : an interesting prayer in its own right for what it suggests about inscribing the names of the dead in a necrology or other memorial book or even on the altar itself as an incentive to God to do the same in the heavenly “book of life.” For the variety of ways in which the dead could be commemorated, see Treffort, Mémoires carolingiennes. (146) Bern 232 ; cf. the less complete list in Udal 652B-653A and Udal 649C, where Udalrich says that it was also a regular collect at matins of the dead. (147) See figs. 2-6, above.

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the body in state in the church of St. Mary was another change made by Abbot Hugh from previous practice. As Udalrich recorded it, the procession continued on to the main church, which may explain why he lists two additional responsories for the ceremony.148 The processional candles, like the cross, were attached to the catafalque and kept burning continuously, along with another candle outside the door to the chapter house, which was kept burning at night, suggesting a belief in the presence of the soul “as long as the deceased remains unburied.” It is interesting to note how differently this all played out for the death of Abbot Hugh, in 1109. As we have already seen, he decided to die in the church of St. Mary rather than in the infirmary. Once he had, his body was carried into the chapter house, where it was washed with wine and water and anointed with balsam and then dressed in priestly vestments.149 His wake, which lasted three days, was open to the public, so he must have been laid out in the main church rather than the church of St. Mary.150 His funeral and commemorations were also more elaborate than those of ordinary monks.151 None of these changes is striking given the central importance of the abbot in the monastic community at Cluny and the regard in which Abbot Hugh was held, but it is just possible that moving his wake and funeral mass to the main church may have set a precedent for overturning his own decision to confine those activities to the church of St. Mary, for the community did eventually return to using the main church for these purposes.152 With the deposition of the dead brother’s body in the church, the community disbanded for the first time since rushing to aid him in his agony – but not completely and not before they had completed “whatever remained” of the vigilia. If, Bernard says, no other hour, such as lauds, has been struck since the monk’s death, which would take precedence, they should sing “lauds of the dead and the psalms for the dead,” having presumably completed the first two elements of the office (vespers and matins of the dead) while waiting for the corpse to be brought to the church of St. Mary, as we have seen. As soon as they finished that, they would begin chanting the whole psalter in groups ranging in size from “some,” to half the community, to everyone. Just as everyone was expected to participate, if at all possible, in a monk’s final agony and death, everyone would participate in keeping vigil over his corpse, from the moment it was laid on the catafalque until (148) Udal 773C-D : Ne recorderis (see below, note 190) and Peccantem me quotidie et non penitentem, timor mortis conturbat me, quia in inferno nulla est redemptio Miserere mei deus et salva me / On account of sinning daily and not doing penance, I am disturbed by the fear of death because there is no redemption in hell. Have mercy on me God and save me. This was followed by the versicle Deus, in nomine tuo salvum me fac et in virtute tua judica me / O God save me in your name and in your virtue judge me. Cf. Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 400, 407, and MW 3 :1318, which is the source for the texts as given here. (149) Vita Sancti Hugonis, 102 : Defertur ergo in capitulum…aqua consequenter uino…abluitur…balsamo…perunctum est…sacerdotali ueste sacerdos sanctus unduitur / He was carried then into the chapter hall, washed with water and wine… anointed with balsam…and the holy priest was dressed in the priestly garments. See also Stratford, “La tombe,” 449-52. (150) Vita Sancti Hugonis, 103 ; Stratford, “La tombe,” 449 ; and Armin Kohnle, Abt Hugo von Cluny (10491109), Beihefte der Francia, 32 (Sigmaringen : Jan Thorbecke, 1993), 248. (151) See Bern 199-200 for additions to the normal monastic funeral service for an abbot and 272 those for an abbot’s anniversaries. (152) See Cochelin, “Évolution des coutumiers,” 59-60.

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the following day when it would be consigned to the grave. Just as before, the only things that took precedence in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny were conventual masses and the regular hours, when the ongoing psalmody over the corpse would be temporarily suspended while the community gathered in the choir of the main church. In other instances when large numbers could not be there, such as when everyone gathered for the daily chapter meeting or for meals, a small group would continue chanting the psalms over the body in the church of St. Mary. And from Easter through September, when the days were longer, his brothers would give up their customary afternoon nap to keep vigil over him. For the overnight period, the community divided into three groups (the right choir and the armarius, the left choir and the sacristans, and the boys with their masters) to keep vigil over the corpse of their dead brother. They took turns singing fifty, seventy-five, or all one hundred and fifty psalms, depending on the season, and ending with the vigilia, which Bernard describes at last in full, albeit clumsily, as “lauds of the dead preceded by vespers of the dead, before matins of the dead” (referred to once again simply as “the office,”) followed by the psalms for the dead, a particular collect, and the last of the familiar psalms (Psalm 141). The vigilia, thus, combined the three minor offices of the dead within a larger liturgical framework to make a distinct office for the commemoration of the newly deceased and anniversaries of those remembered at Cluny.153 Thanks to this final clarification by Bernard, and his earlier reference to the sole collect that was to be recited with vespers, matins and lauds of the dead when combined for the vigilia, we can now reconstruct the office in its entirety. Vespers of the dead Omnipotens sempiterne deus cui numquam

SP 1416154

Matins of the dead Omnipotens sempiterne deus cui numquam

SP 1416

Lauds of the dead Omnipotens sempiterne deus cui numquam

SP 1416

The Psalms for the dead Absolve domine Voce mea

SP 1404 Psalm 141

As we have seen, the vigilia began as the community left the infirmary after a death and ended, if necessary, after the bier was deposited in the church of St. Mary. It was then repeated after each of three vigils held by a portion of the community overnight and would figure prominently in the commemorative services held during the month after the (153) Lanfranc (MCL 184-85) described it as commendationem anime […], Vesperas, vigilias cum laudibus, Verba mea, where vigilias stood for matins of the dead, a common designation for the night office. Knowles’s translation (“the prayers for the commendation of the soul, Vespers, Vigils and Lauds of the dead with Verba mea”) is confusing, but understandably so, since Lanfranc seems to have inherited from Bernard a reluctance to refer to the vigilia by name. Elsewhere, Lanfranc refers to it as integra mortuorum psalmodia (188), which Knowles translated simply as “the office of the dead” (189) ; cf. ibid. 192-93 : plena officia / complete office of the dead. (154) Cf. CO 3809.

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monk’s death and on the anniversaries of its occurrence, for as long as the Cluniac community survived to remember him. The direct source of the collect repeated after each of the offices of the dead is from a missa unius defuncti (mass for a single deceased) that immediately follows the prayers of the death ritual and burial service in Benedict of Aniane’s supplement.155 It fits the circumstance of a monastic death particularly well, asking God’s mercy and aid for one “who has departed this life confessing your name” so that his soul “might be added to the number of your saints,” the triple repetition heightening its incantatory character. Four of the five psalms for the dead appear as well at other moments in the course of the death ritual. The first (Psalm 5) opened matins of the dead. Psalm 6, one of the penitential psalms, was sung at the anointing and at matins of the dead. Psalms 114 and 128 are part of vespers of the dead. Of the basic group of five, only Psalm 115 appears in no other context.156 The collect said after the psalms for the dead is an ancient prayer of absolution that appears as an antiphon during the funeral and then again as the prayer that marks its completion.157 It was one of only three Roman prayers in response to death in the sacramentary Pope Hadrian sent to Charlemagne.158 Its plea to God to absolve the dead monk’s soul of “every bond of its sins” (omni vinculo delictorum) echoes a similar phrase in the last of the prayers said by the community immediately after his death (omnium vinculo peccatorum) and its simplicity and directness reflect the calm faith of the early Church in the promise of God’s mercy and the resurrection of the dead. Psalm 141 (Voce mea) was, along with Psalm 69, one of the two familiar psalms that did not change from office to office. The fact that it was always sung in that context for the faithful departed explains its appearance here as a fitting ending to the vigilia. Bernard refers to this complex and important office simply as “the office” (officium) nine times in his account of the death ritual at Cluny.159 Why did he refuse to use its common name, or give it an official one ? In this instance, he may have simply wanted to avoid confusion between the three vigiliae held over the corpse of a dead brother overnight. Yet Bernard’s studious avoidance of the common name suggests a more important motivation. He may have been responding to the implied criticism in Udalrich’s account of the vigilia – which concludes with the statement that the psalmody required of monks at Cluny was greater than anywhere else – by restricting the number of collects associated with it.160 Bernard also does not mention the two extra psalms that Udalrich lists as preceding vespers, matins and lauds of the dead in the vigilia.161 He may simply have neglected to mention them, but he may also have removed them to shorten the ceremony. The community may (155) For its origins in the late antique Roman liturgy, see above, 207. (156) Cf. Appendix 1 below. (157) It was also said when the community processed to meet the body of a brother who died elsewhere (Bern 219) ; see Appendix 2 below. (158) SG 1016 ; see also the Reconstruction above, at note 70. (159) Udalrich did the same, the three times he referred to it in his description of the death ritual, but without muddling the understanding of his text to the same degree. (160) See above, note 130 ; and Udal 647B : Ergo, quantum recolo, psalmodiae non est amplius quam in usu habeamus / Therefore, as much as I recall, there is no greater psalmody than we have in our customs. (161) See above, note 114.

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even have returned to singing only one nocturn for matins of the dead, no matter how many were commemorated on any particular day, although Bernard never mentions that issue either. All this might explain Bernard’s hesitancy to refer to the vigilia by name, so as not to confuse the new form with the old. If this, admittedly conjectural, scenario is right, it opens up the possibility of other means of altering the customs of Cluny than having the abbot legislate changes, as occurred, for example, when Hugh decreed that the dead should be brought to the church of St. Mary rather than the main church. Indeed, it even suggests that changes of custom mentioned in Bernard’s account (always signaled in the text by the word olim / formerly), in the absence of any reference to a decision by the abbot, may have been the result of decisions suggested or arrived at by the second- and third-level officers, like the priors, the armarius, the infirmarian, and the cellarer, which did not rise above the level of customs to that of constitutions.162 After noting one more minor liturgical moment when the psalmody over the corpse would be interrupted, that is, when priests were changing their vestments for mass, Bernard turns to another related issue : what to do if it is a day when speech was allowed in the cloister, which normally occurred in the mornings after chapter and in the afternoons after none.163 Once again, the complexities caused by the fact that death could not be scheduled are too much for Bernard to express clearly and directly. The customs alluded to seem to be predicated on the fact that, as he points out a little further on, while discussing burials on days when the monks shaved, no one was allowed to speak before the burial of a brother. So much seems clear, as does the point he makes at the end of his discussion : that is, when speaking was not allowed, everyone would leave the chapter house chanting the psalms for the dead. What is almost hopelessly confused, however, is his account of the comings and goings. From his highly compressed description, it seems that those who had remained in the church of St. Mary singing psalms over the corpse during chapter would join the rest of the community in the chapter house. From there the abbot would lead them all back to the church to continue the psalmody over the corpse until terce or the morning mass. If they also happened to have an especially important person to commemorate that day, for whom bells would be rung and for whom the community would perform the vigilia in the main church, they would all meet back in the cloister afterwards, where the prior would strike the tablet and, after the boys had gone into the chapter house, the rest of the community would proceed back to the church of St. Mary for the ongoing vigil over the dead monk’s body.164 We need to pause at this point to consider the peculiarly Cluniac ritual bow known as the ante et retro, to which Bernard refers to twice in his discussion of the comings and goings from chapter meetings when a body is present in the church of St. Mary. We have (162) This topic deserves a separate study. Cf. Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 104, note 7, which signals that Hugh’s designation of January 31st was commanded / preceptum est as a day of general commemoration of all the Cluniac dead ; and Udal 753B, where a similar designation of the second Tuesday after Pentecost for the commemoration of all those resting in the abbey’s cemetery was decreed / constitutum est. (163) Scott G. Bruce, “Monastic Sign Language in the Cluniac Customaries,” FDON, 275. (164) I am particularly grateful to Susan Boynton for her help interpreting this passage.

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already noted the importance of bows and genuflections in the ritual process, from the deep bow made by the community after the dying monk’s confession and mutual absolution in chapter to the bows of the head before and after certain prayers, like the Lord’s Prayer. The ante et retro was, however, in a class by itself. It was not a “before and behind bow,” as one scholar called it, because “the monk bowed so deeply that he began look forward and ended looking backward.”165 Nor was it always, or even usually performed in a complete circle.166 Bernard and Udalrich both define it as a very deep bow, in which the back is lower than the loins and the head is lower than the back and the person traces a half circle, beginning towards the east and ending toward the west.167 It was performed by everyone before matins and after compline, among other times, and especially when arriving or leaving the church, refectory or chapter house.168 The reference point for the east-west motion must have been the choir, where the bow would begin facing the sanctuary at the east end of the church and end facing the entrance at the west end. The whole community would move in unison, but since they faced one another from opposite sides of the choir, half would begin to their left and half to their right. This raises the question of how they moved in other contexts, such as the refectory, in which they stood facing east or west rather than north or south as they would in choir. However they did it – and they certainly had a solution since it was necessary for order – that variation may be why the bow was called ante et retro instead of oriens et occidens, for what was common in all instances would not have been movement from east to west but the back-and-forth or side-to-side motion, neither of which, however, exactly captures the whole gesture. In any case, the fact that precise instructions on where, when and how to perform the bow appear in the context of the training of novices suggests that it was a distinguishing mark of Cluniac monks.169 It was certainly the most distinctive and formal of the many ritual gestures that marked daily life at Cluny.170 Having dealt with these minor issues, Bernard takes up the last category of exceptions to the normal process : what to do if a brother is to be buried on a day when the liturgy is even more elaborate and time consuming than usual or when the monks are scheduled for shaving. Once again, he emphasizes the ideal situation, in which a brother dies sometime during the day and the ceremonies we have been following play out in order, including the overnight vigil, so that he can be buried on the day after his death. Only if he dies during the night, before the alarm rings in the dormitory (that is, before the office of prime) or (165) Jeffrey L. Singerman, Daily Life in Medieval Europe (Westport, Connecticut : Greenwood Press, 1999), 160. (166) Only boys, novices and monks who did something wrong, like coming late to church, turned in a complete circle, as a penitential exercise. See, e.g., LT 53, 216, 221. (167) Cf. Udal 702C and Bern 168 : non dorso arcuato…sed ita ut dorsum sit submissius quam lumbi, et caput submissius quam dorsum ; quam…ante et retro appellamus, quia incipit contra orientem, et finit contra occidentem. See also the Introduction, above, 49. Anselme Davril and Éric Palazzo, La vie des moines au temps des grandes abbayes (X e-XIII e siècles) (Paris : Hachette, 2000), 148, 305, seem to misinterpret the directions to mean that the person bowing traced a complete circle. (168) Bern 168 ; cf. Udal 702C. (169) See, for example, Bern 168-69 and cf. Udal 702CD. (170) I want to thank Isabelle Cochelin for helping me think through this issue.

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when one of the exceptions to be treated below occurs, or his corpse begins to smell, is he to be buried on the day of his death, in which case the community must perform the psalmody of the overnight vigil after his burial.171 In all cases, though, the burial will take place after high mass. All this points once again to the important place that death and dying held in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny and the inherent difficulties in adjusting the daily round to the fact that death could occur at any time of the day or night. The fact that processions on Wednesdays and Fridays in Lent could be replaced by a funeral procession, moreover, speaks both to the latter’s importance and to the deeply penitential nature of the death ritual in general.172 If a death occurred durning Lent on a feast of twelve lessons, when the liturgy was even lengthier and more demanding than usual, the prayers of the morning mass, normally said for the dead (and in this case the funeral mass for a brother who had just died), would be reduced from their maximum of eleven to just three.173 The first two we have already discussed, since the first was part of the vigilia and the second ended the procession with the bier to the church of St. Mary. The last, Fidelium deus, is another very old collect from a mass for the dead and breathes the familiar spirit of the late antique church, whereby the priest makes the plea for remission of sins as simple as possible, confident that a positive response will “follow” the “pious supplications” of those who pray for the dead.174 That one of each of the three prayers was, presumably, recited by one of the priests who presided over morning mass for the preceding three weeks suggests a kind of retroactive participation of the whole community in commemorating the soul of a brother who died in Lent. If he is to be buried on a Sunday in Lent, a fourth prayer (Sanctorum tuorum) was included. The author of the prayer was Charlemagne’s liturgical adviser Alcuin of York who composed it around the turn of the ninth century as part of a votive mass “for the salvation of the living or for a death ritual.”175 Derived from Alcuin’s deep familiarity with the liturgy of the Roman and the Gallican traditions, the prayer also references contemporary practices of commemoration, including confraternities of prayer (his qui nobis familiaritate juncti sunt), alms for the poor given in the name of the dead, which had become part of the Cluniac tradition, the Carolingian practice of writing the names of the dead on altar

(171) Bernard’s reference to postponing the alarm until the period (normally after prime) when the children read in the cloister refers to the fact that, in certain circumstances, for example, when the abbot was sleeping late, the alarm would be postponed so as not to disturb him. I thank Isabelle Cochelin for this clarification. (172) It is possible that Bernard meant the opposite, i.e. that the burial procession would not occur, but that seems the less likely alternative. (173) Bernard does not address the funeral mass specifically in his discussion of the death ritual, but all eleven prayers, which he lists in a chapter on the collects of the mass for the dead, were probably included under normal circumstances ; cf. Bern 232-33 and Appendix 2, below ; and see also Udal 652-53. (174) In the Cluniac office of the dead in MW (3.1313), this prayer is called oracio generalis and is the last of six prayers said at vespers of the dead. According to Udalrich (Udal 649C), it was the last of the collects for matins of the dead, and was said for the faithful departed. Bernard does not mention any collects for matins of the dead, although one was recited when matins of the dead was performed as part of the vigilia, as we have seen ; cf. Appendix 2, below. (175) SP nos. 471-72, missa pro salute vivorum vel in agenda mortuorum.

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stones, which had not, and, finally, direct reference to the dead resting in the monastic cemetery (quorum corpora in hoc monasterio requiescunt).176 Bernard’s discussion of what to do if someone died during the triduum (the three days before Easter) or on the eve of or the feast of the Resurrection, once again precisely situates the dead in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny, albeit in a typically roundabout manner. A monk who dies on Holy Thursday, Good Friday or Holy Saturday could be buried, but he would not receive the funeral mass owed him by the community until the following Thursday, when it would be sung exactly “as if he were present.” Moreover, no candles would burn next to his bier between the hours of prime and none, when the “new fire” was blessed, and if it seemed right to bury him after chapter, his funeral procession would have to do without candles. Finally, no bells would accompany his funeral procession and burial, even if it took place after high mass, which was the norm. A monk who died after the sun set on Holy Saturday and before it rose on Easter Sunday, however, would receive a funeral mass in the morning and, presumably, have a funeral procession and burial accompanied by candles and the ringing of the bells. What is this all about ? The prescription regarding candles has to do with the traditional rite of “Blessing of New Fire” on Holy Thursday, which was repeated on Good Friday and Holy Saturday at Cluny, after the hour of none.177 On each of those days “new fire” was carried in procession into the main church, where it was used to kindle the candles of the altar. Since the Cluniacs repeated the ritual each day of the triduum, they could not burn candles until after the festal mass, which immediately followed the blessing. Thus, if they decided to bury a dead monk after chapter instead of after high mass, which was the norm, because of the difficulty of fitting a funeral procession and burial into the complex liturgy of the feasts in its usual time after high mass, they would not be able to use candles, which, as Bernard notes later on, are a normal accompaniment of the procession to the cemetery and the burial service. The reason for silencing the bells is less clear, but it presumably had to do with the “solemnity of the time,” as Bernard puts it, and the desire not to let the death of a monk overshadow contemplation of the passion, death and resurrection of Christ. What is extraordinary, though, is the custom that, in spite of “the authority of the presence of the deceased,” which made it imperative to sing a funeral mass on Easter Sunday morning, for “that sort of mass is not to be postponed lightly,” it was in fact postponed if someone had to be buried on Holy Thursday, Good Friday or Holy Saturday. No indication is given as to why this should be so, but I would hazard the guess that it lies, once again, in the desire not to distract the community from Christ’s death any more than absolutely necessary, on the one hand, and the congruence of the celebration of his resurrection with the funeral rites for a newly deceased brother, on the other. Thus, while a monk could not have a funeral mass or a funeral with all the normal (176) On Carolingian forms of commemoration of the dead, see Paxton, Christianizing Death, 98-102, 134-38, and Megan McLaughlin, Consorting with Saints : Prayer for the Dead in Early Medieval France (Ithaca and London : Cornell University Press, 1994), 54-101 ; on altars with the names of the dead, see Treffort, Mémoires carolingiennes, 57-64. (177) Bern 310-11.

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accompaniments if he died during the triduum, he would at least have a funeral mass the following week, sung exactly as it would be if his body were present. If he were fortunate enough to die Saturday night or early Sunday morning, his funerals rites would proceed hand in hand with the celebrations of the resurrection of Jesus and the promise of salvation that it brought into the world. Less drastic changes were necessary if someone had to be buried on the Rogation Days, which comprised the 25th of April, called the major Rogation, and the three days before the Feast of the Ascension, called the minor Rogations, when processions were organized to beg God for forgiveness of sins and protection from public calamities. On such days, the funeral mass would be said after prime. The mass of the Rogations would take place after terce, the normal time for a funeral mass and the kiss of peace, which everyone normally gave and received, would only be exchanged between one monk and the prior.178 As a way of introducing his final exception – what to do if someone had to be buried on a day when the monks were scheduled to shave – Bernard ends his discussion of the Rogation days by reiterating that, while someone who dies during the night, before the community awakens for the day, should be buried on that same day, it was best to hold funerals on the day after a death, unless there were compelling reasons not to do so, like “smell or shaving or something like it.” Shaving was a complex process that occurred regularly at Cluny, since a clean-shaven face and tonsure were de rigueur for monks in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.179 The eventuality that a burial might be necessary on a day when the brothers were scheduled to be shaved leads Bernard to draw attention once again to the liminal state of the whole community before the burial of a brother, for he notes that nothing can be said or done on the day of a funeral until it is over, except for writing the dead man’s name in the Cluniac necrology and drafting announcements of his death to be sent to the abbeys dependencies. That being so, the vigilia (here referred to simply as “the hours,”) would be sped up and its last section, the psalms for the dead, incorporated into the psalmody that preceded shaving. Also, if the timing of his death allowed for a funeral mass after prime, the burial could take place after chapter. The formulaic expression uttered at the beginning of the funeral, “We will bury the dead monk and then we will shave,” is almost comical in the way it blends the sublime and the quotidian and points once again to the deep tension at Cluny between reverence for the dead and the practical exigencies of running a complex institution under tight time constraints. Citing that formula, however, provided Bernard with the opportunity to switch from this, his longest and most involved discussion of exceptions to the ideal response to a death, back to the ritual process itself, which he does by shifting to the indicative from the subjunctive mood as a means of reintroducing the normative situation in which a dead monk

(178) Funeral masses were simply a special type of the missa matutinalis, which was usually said for the dead ; on the liturgy for Rogation days, see Bern 327-29. (179) See Giles Constable’s introduction to Burchard, Apologia de Barbis, ed. Robert Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 62 (Turnhout : Brepols, 1985), 47-150 ; for the process and times when the Cluniacs shaved, see Bern 215-16.

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would be buried after high mass.180 And with that, he allows us to follow the community as they gathered for the procession to the monastic cemetery and laid their brother’s bodily remains to rest among the others awaiting resurrection, after which they turned their attention, exclusively, to the incorporation of his soul into the community of the saints in heaven. Rites of Incorporation Accompanying the Body to the Grave : Procession and Burial [above 124-168] As we have seen, the procession with the body into the church of St. Mary began with two prayers spoken outside the door. It then proceeded indoors to the chanting of the ancient responsory, Subvenite sancti dei, and ended with a prayer in front of the altar that has the best claim to being an original Cluniac composition of any in the death ritual. The procession to the cemetery began when everyone returned to the church the next day and “gathered around” the bier, just as they had gathered around the dying monk for his final anointing. They stayed in place for a service of alternating prayers and responsory chants before moving out of the church to the accompaniment of the same chant structure used in the anointing ceremony, psalms introduced by antiphons. Thus, the closing phase of the ritual process echoed its earlier phases, in movement and structure, meaning and tone, revealing once again the unity of the ritual process as a whole. After high mass on the afternoon of the day after the monk’s death the prior rang the bell three times. In response, the whole community gathered in the church of St. Mary, where the corpse still lay on its catafalque. While the priest of the week put on his vestments, sacristans distributed candles to everyone.181 Once all was ready, the armarius began a sequence of prayers and responsory chants like the one that had concluded the procession with the body to the church the previous afternoon, but with the addition of kyries before and after the prayers and chants and ending with an antiphon and psalm. Since Bernard notes that the armarius was free at this point to choose other responsories “appropriate to the occasion,” the reconstruction reflects only one possibility among many. Bernard’s knowledge of this custom, however, supports the notion that he was himself an armarius.182 Kyrie Non intres Heu mihi domine Kyrie Fac quesumus domine

SP 1401 CAO 6811 SP 1402183

(180) If Bernard ever intended to write specifically on the funeral mass, the complexities of the foregoing discussion may have distracted him from doing so, a possibility supported by the fact that later on he would again interrupt his narrative to note a couple of its important features ; see below at note 185. (181) The sacristans referred to here are probably the head sacristan, whom Bernard calls the apocrisarius, and his assistants, such as the sacristan of the week who kept track of the hours. (182) See the Introduction above, at note 53. (183) See also CO 2613.

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Ne recorderis Kyrie Inclina domine Libera me Kyrie In paradisum In exitu Israel

CAO 7209 SP 1403184 CAO 7091 CAO 3266 Psalm 113

The armarius led the community in reciting the kyrie. The priest then said a prayer while censing both the main altar and the bier in the form of the cross, up and down and back and forth.185 The armarius intoned the first responsory chant, sharing the versicle and refrain with a brother chosen for that purpose, followed by another kyrie. This process was repeated two more times, with two more prayers, responsories, and kyries, each element, including the movement of the censer, reinforcing the back-and-forth rhythm of the whole. The ceremony ended with an antiphon and psalm that acted as a bridge to the psalmody and prayers of the procession to the cemetery and the burial service. The three prayers of this ceremony derive, once again, from Benedict of Aniane’s supplement to the Hadrianum, where they are listed among eight to be said “when the soul has left the body.” At Cluny, however, only the first three of that group were said in the immediate aftermath of a death.186 The next three were reserved for this moment. In general, their usage illustrates the fidelity of the Cluniacs to the Anianian tradition that marked their early tenth-century origins, but the way in which they were rearranged and used in new contexts shows not just the growth of liturgical complexity over time but also the freedom and creativity of the Cluniacs in adapting old material to new purposes. Moreover, like the prayer that concluded the sequence of three prayers spoken by the community before leaving the infirmary after the monk’s passing (Suscipe domine), the first two are Visigothic in origin. Thus, they also preserve aspects of the liturgical tradition in which Benedict of Aniane himself was raised, a tradition that highlighted the relationship between God and his creatures in starkly legal terms, as well as the importance of grace in the economy of salvation and a strict adherence to trinitarianism. The first prayer begins by quoting Psalm 142.2, “Do not enter into judgment with your servant Lord” and then subtly altering the rest of the verse to highlight the deceased as defendant before the court of the high judge.187 It presents his salvation as dependent not on anything he may have done while living but on the fundamental ritual fact of his baptism, “which marked him with the sign of the Trinity,” on the one hand, and God’s (184) See also CO 3116b. (185) Not uncharacteristically, Bernard’s mention of the censing of the body seems to have reminded him that the deacon had similarly censed the body at the funeral mass, which in turn led him to note the importance of everyone’s presence at funeral masses so that they could all process to the altar during the offertory with the hosts to be consecrated. (186) See above, 205. (187) Substituting nullus apud te justificabitur homo / no man shall be justified before you for the psalmist’s non justificabitur in conspecto tuo omnis vivens / no one living shall be justified in your sight.

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willingness to respond to “the supplication” of those who commend him, on the other. The second prayer reiterates the notion that the “vows” that the Christian dead made at baptism, which marked them as members of the community of the faithful on earth, should merit their incorporation into the “angelic choirs” in heaven. The third, which is Roman in origin, asks for a similar incorporation of their brother’s soul, which God “ordered to depart from this world,” into “the company of His saints.”188 The responsory chants that followed each of the prayers were taken from the office of matins of the dead, where they followed the readings of the three nocturns that distinguished that office from all others.189 The first two, Heu mihi and Ne recorderis, may be as old as the office of the dead itself, for they appear in a ninth-century manuscript from Emilia Romagna that contains the oldest complete copy of that office.190 The third, Libera me, was sung after the third and last reading of the third nocturn, in effect ending matins of the dead. Unlike other responsories, Libera me contained at least two versicles following the initial respond and often many more, so many, in fact, that they account for half of all the versicles associated with the responsories of matins of the dead.191 In this context, though, as Bernard clearly implies, only one versicle followed the respond. While the responsory chants echo various biblical passages, especially from the psalms, they are original works of art whose authors remain anonymous as do the times and places of their composition. At this moment in the ritual process, they allowed the community once again to shift from addressing God in the third person in the prayers and assume their dead brother’s voice, expressing in the first person his sense of sinfulness and utter dependence on God’s mercy, begging the Almighty not to recall his sins on Judgment Day, and to deliver him from eternal death. “Woe is me…help me, Lord…Do not recall my sins [but] direct my way in your sight…Deliver me [for] I have been made to tremble.” They thus constitute a powerful expression of the community’s identification of their deceased brother’s fate with their own, both individually and collectively. The armarius ended the ceremony by intoning an ancient antiphon, In paradisum, whose origins lay in the Roman church of late antiquity.192 Its message is clear and simple. Speaking to, rather than for their dead brother, the monks wished him Godspeed, calling on the angels to lead him into heaven, the martyrs to receive him there and to lead him into the celestial city, where he would literally be incorporated into the community of the saints. The psalm that it introduced, In exitu Israel, which memorializes the exodus of the (188) This last prayer, Inclina domine, was also one of the eleven collects that could be said during masses for the dead ; see Bern 233 and Appendix 2. (189) The readings for matins of the dead at Cluny where a standard group taken from the Book of Job, except for the last, which was from 2 Maccabees 12.42-46 ; see Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 288. (190) Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 398-99, 403, 407, 413 ; see also Hilton, “Cluniac Office,” 156. The versicle of Ne recorderis, which echoes verse 9 of Psalm 5 (Verba mea) is also the antiphon (Dirige) that begins matins of the dead. (191) See Ottosen, Responsories and Versicles, 9 and 16, where he explains how this makes it possible to group them into traditions associated with different houses, including Cluny ; for remarks on this particular respond, see ibid. 399, 413, 414 ; see also Hilton, “Cluniac office,” 158. (192) As is so often the case, however, the earliest manuscript evidence derives from the eighth and ninth centuries ; see Sicard, Liturgie de la mort, 135, 215-20.

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Israelites from captivity in Egypt, shares the same tone of joy and triumph, so different from the focus on sin and judgment in the preceding ceremony.193 It is as if, having confessed every shortcoming and acknowledged God’s absolute authority to judge, the community shifted into a jubilant expression of their faith in his ultimate mercy and of their hope that their dead brother would reach his intended goal and become one of the blessed souls among the faithful departed. Three times they affirm, with the psalmist, that God is the “helper and protector” of his people. They revel in the blessings he has granted them. And they pray that he will rain blessings on others, as they have just prayed that their brother will receive the blessing of eternal life, for they “who live will bless the Lord, from this time forward, and even forever.” While they chanted this most celebratory psalm, the community organized themselves into a procession in a different order from the one they taken the previous afternoon to accompany the body into the church of St. Mary. The officiating priest and the armarius took the lead, followed by a few conversi carrying the cross and other processional objects, and then the rest of the community organized in strict hierarchical order : the boys with their masters, the adult novices, the rest of the conversi, the choir monks, with the most senior last, and finally the pall bearers. Other than the fact that the priest and armarius this time led the way, the major changes in order were that the main body of conversi, who had entered the church just before the pall bearers, now preceded the choir monks, making the procession a perfect expression of the monastic hierarchy, with each group – boys, adult novices, conversi and choir monks – in rank order, the most senior closest to their dead brother, where the purity of their voices could do him the most good.194 While this was going on, the church bells began to ring, just as they had the day before, but this time, as Bernard is careful to point out, they would continue without stopping until the body was lowered into the grave and covered. Thus, the prayers and actions of the burial service took place within cascades of sound, from both the church bells and the communal chant, holding back the forces of evil from the living and dead alike, and enveloping their brother’s body for its last earthly journey in layers of resounding bells, communal chant and quiet prayer. The alternation of prayers and responsory chants in the church ceremony recalled the alternation of the seven penitential psalms and the seven individual anointings in the infirmary, devised, as we have seen, as a ritual performance of a biblical narrative of healing and salvation. The funeral procession and burial service played out in a different manner, yet just as theatrically. The community as a whole, moving to the cemetery and arranging themselves as if they were in the choir of the church, alternated antiphons and psalms of praise and hope in God, but without the narrative structure of the anointing ceremony. However, the simultaneity of the burial service itself, performed by a small group gathered (193) The fact that Udal (774C) cites Psalm 117, Confitemini here and RR (159) Psalm 24, Ad te domine levavi, makes it clear that the psalm belongs to the service in the church, which allowed for a diversity of choices by the armarius, as Bernard noted, and not the funeral procession, which did not. (194) On the special status of choir monks in the monastic hierarchy, and the spiritual power of their pure voices, see Coon, Dark Age Bodies, especially chapters 3-4.

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around the grave, served as a counterpoint of prayer and intimate action to the communal psalmody, and the choice of psalms was, as we shall see, anything but haphazard. Bernard’s need to interrupt his narrative of the ritual process again to account for another consequence of Abbot Hugh’s decision to confine the ceremonies over the body of a dead monk to the church of St. Mary provides a glimpse of the place of the sick in the death ritual at Cluny. In the past, ambulant residents of the infirmary had gathered for funeral processions in the church of St. Mary, which Bernard refers to here as the “church of the sick,” with those who were eating meat as a therapeutic response to their illness standing on one side, with their hoods over the faces to indicate the impurity brought on by the eating of flesh, and those maintaining the normal monastic diet on the other.195 The community would then process through their midst en route from the main church to the cemetery, presumably through the chapter house (fig. 2).196 Since that was no longer possible, the sick had now to wait in the infirmary cloister to the south of the church of St. Mary (fig. 4) until everyone else had vacated the church. They then entered and sang the same psalmody as the community throughout the burial service and then stood in reverence as the community processed back to the main church after the completion of the burial. Upon entering the cemetery, the community arranged itself as they would in choir, with the most senior monks “across from the apse of the main church” on both the right and the left side and the children, as Bernard says a bit later on, “in the middle of the cemetery,” probably at the end of the two lines of monks and between them. Another significant change from the way they would have been arranged inside the church, which Bernard mentions later, is that everyone was to face the east and the “church of the Holy Sepulcher,” a reference to the small trefoil funerary chapel that was, as noted above, the only structure in the monastic complex that could be oriented on a precise east-west axis.197 Thus focused on the cemetery’s funerary chapel and, by extension, the ancient basilica in Jerusalem that Constantine the Great had built over the grave of Christ, the monks of Cluny stood witness to their brother’s interment. The antiphons and psalms (and one canticle) that the community chanted during the procession and burial service do not comprise a distinct group, like the penitential psalms or the psalms for the dead, but there is no doubt that they were carefully chosen. Aperite Confitemini

CAO 1446 Psalm 117

Ingrediar Quemadmodum

CAO 3335 Psalm 41

(195) See Riccardo Cristiani, “Integration and Marginalization : Dealing with the Sick in EleventhCentury Cluny,” in FDON, 287-95 ; and, for the effect of meat-eating on one’s rank in the monastic hierarchy, Coon, Dark Ages Bodies, 90, 118-19. (196) See also Baud, “La chapelle.” (197) See figs. 3-4 above, and the accompanying discussion.

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Hec requies Memento

CAO 3012 Psalm 131

De terra plasmasti Domine probasti

CAO 2123 Psalm 138

Non intres Domine exaudi

CAO 7209c Psalm 142

Omnis spiritus Laudate dominum de celis

CAO 4154 Psalm 148

Absolve Domine animam famuli tui Benedictus

CAO 1211 Canticle of Zachary

They resonate with many of the themes already invoked in the course of the ritual process at Cluny, especially the tension between the dependency on God’s mercy, which followed from the inevitability of sin, and the expectation of salvation for Christians, like the monks of Cluny, who dedicated their lives to God’s service. The first five of them, which were sung, for the most part, during the burial service itself, shift into the first person in a dramatic way, so that the community, as it had in the anointing ceremony, and in the church of St. Mary, took on the voice and identity of their dead brother, using the psalmist’s words to speak for him in a kind of double impersonation. The last two, like the psalm that ended the ceremony in the church of St. Mary, shift back again into the third person, to focus on praise of God and his creative power. The first antiphon-psalm pair is very old and expresses the triumphant optimism of the Roman church of late antiquity.198 The antiphon, which is taken from verses 19-20 of Psalm 117, which it introduces, strikes the same note that marked the end of the ceremony in the church of St. Mary, when the passing of the monk’s soul from this world recalled the exodus of the children of Israel – hope and joyful expectation of the successful incorporation of their dead brother’s soul into the community of the saints in paradise. Using the psalmist’s voice in place of the dead monk’s own, the antiphon does not so much ask as demand entry into heaven, “Open the gates of justice to me.” For who could be more “just” than one of the monks of Cluny ? Who could be more worthy to “give praise to the Lord” and to receive the mercy of God, which “is forever” ? The reiteration of the latter point in each of the first four lines of the psalm, and then again at the end, softens the hint of presumption, perhaps. But where the psalmist buried that hint near the end, the antiphon put it right up front. This antiphon also accentuates, like the next in the sequence, the dead monk’s continued state of liminality, for there was still another threshold to cross before his soul could be at peace. So the community spoke for their dead brother, thanking God, as they had earlier in the church of St. Mary, for being his “helper” and for taking revenge on his enemies, who, in a monastic context, were the demons that tempted them into sloth, gluttony and other sins. God had chastised him, of course, but he would no (198) Sicard, Liturgie de la mort, 225-26.

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more “deliver him over to [eternal] death” than he would King David himself, who was not just the author of the psalms but also the human ancestor of God’s only son. The next three antiphon-psalm pairs had coalesced around graveside rituals in the later ninth century and arrived at Cluny, no doubt, among the other items in its Carolingian inheritance, which so artfully blended ancient Roman prayers of triumph over death and faith in salvation with more recent expressions of penitence and the need for mercy.199 The pairing of Psalm 41 with the antiphon used here goes back to the early ninth century at least, if not long before.200 Even more audaciously than in the previous pair, a line has been plucked from the middle of verse 5 to create an antiphon that confidently asserts that the dead brother will “enter…into the house of God.” Psalm 31 itself, though, expresses the longing that preceded such confidence and the fears of a troubled soul that had to be reminded to trust in God, as if it were a child being encouraged by a loving parent. The next psalm (131) further develops the images of the house of God as the place where the wandering soul will find its home. The antiphon, by reiterating verse 14 of the psalm, focuses attention on the place of rest, which could be understood not only as the heavenly dwelling of the soul but also the grave where the monk’s body would lay until Judgment Day.201 Psalm 138 is, in a way, even more about the intimacy between creature and creator than the others.202 Its antiphon speaks of how God “fashioned” the dead man “from earth” and “clothed” him “in flesh,” and the psalm speaks of how, once formed, the creator not only knew every move his creature made, but was always beside him, never out of sight. That physical intimacy is matched by the intensity of the psalmist’s loyalty to God’s friends and the hatred of his enemies. Together they constitute a justification for the Lord to take his hand and lead him “in the way of eternity.” Psalm 142, as we have seen, surpasses even Psalm 50 in the frequency of its use in the death ritual at Cluny in the central Middle Ages. It shifts the emphasis once again to the sinfulness of the dead monk and asks, in his name and voice, for God’s mercy. It is perhaps the ultimate expression of a soul in anguish, reminding God of its good deeds, and the onslaughts of the enemy that it has endured, while attesting, as its antiphon, drawn from verse 2, so clearly states, that justification for the living is impossible and all, even the best, must throw themselves on the mercy of the Almighty.

(199) Paxton, Christianizing Death, 177, 201-209 ; and idem, “Early Growth,” 26-31. (200) Sicard, Liturgie de la mort, 120-22 and 212-13. Psalm 41, although not necessarily with this antiphon, had also been incorporated into matins of the dead, where it was the last of the trio sung during the third nocturn. (201) In the ninth-century Vita of Hathumoda, the first abbess of Gandersheim, she hears a heavenly choir singing this verse during a vision in which she sees her own grave dug into the floor of the cloister church ; see Agii vita et obitus Hathumodae, ed. G. Pertz, MGH scriptores 4 (Hannover : Hahn, 1841), 170 ; and Frederick S. Paxton, Anchoress and Abbess in Ninth-Century Saxony : The Lives of Liutbirga of Wendhausen and Hathumoda of Gandersheim (Washington, D.C., Catholic University of America Press, 2009), 129, note 22. (202) CAO 2123 has formasti instead of plasmasti ; cf. MW 3.1294 and Sicard, Liturgie de la mort, 119-21, 12425. The antiphon is inspired by Psalm 73.17 : Tu fecisti omnes terminos terrae : estatem et ver tu plasmasti ea / You have made all the limits of the earth : the summer and the spring were formed by you.

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The last two psalms are from lauds of the dead, although only the first of the antiphons was used in that office.203 Their tone is no longer personal. They neither speak for the dead monk or in his voice. They express neither the necessity of mercy in the face of the inevitability of sin nor confidence that the dead monk’s baptism and life as a servant of God has earned him a place in paradise. This shift away from the personal tone that has marked the psalmody of the burial service is a fitting accompaniment to the closing of the grave and the end of the rites of incorporation of the monk’s bodily remains. The antiphon for Psalm 148 is the last verse of Psalm 150, and thus the last verse of the whole psalter. It not only accentuates the closure of another step in the ritual process, but also shifts the focus of attention from the microcosm of one individual life to the macrocosm of all God’s creation. In the same style but with a different purpose from the litany chanted around the deathbed, the psalm almost hypnotically enumerates the elements that should give praise to the God that created them, from the “heavens” to “all deep places” from the “sun and moon” to “fire, hail, snow, ice, windstorms,” from the “angels” and heavenly “hosts” to “beasts” and “cattle,” “serpents” and “feathered flying things,” from “kings” and “leaders and all judges of the earth” to “young men and virgins.” The final chant, the New Testament canticle of Zachary, which marks the reincorporation of the burial party with the main body of the community, “in the middle of the cemetery among the boys,” is introduced by an antiphon that we have already met as the prayer that ends the office for someone who has just died. Before discussing the antiphon and chant in more detail, however, let us go back to the graveside and focus on the burial service and its prayers. Deus qui fundasti Obsecramus misericordiam Deus apud quem mortuorum spiritus vivunt Oremus fratres karissimi pro spiritu cari Deus qui justis supplicationibus Debitum humani corporis Temeritatis quidem est deus Tibi domine commendamus animam famuli tui

RR 153 SP 1409 SP 1410 SP 1411 SP 1412 SP 1413 SP 1414 SP 1415

Because of the arrangement of the funeral procession, which was led by the officiating priest and the armarius, while the pall bearers brought up the rear, there was an interval of time between the arrival of the burial party at the grave and the body. So the priest normally would wait there, joining the psalmody with the rest of the community while they arranged themselves in the cemetery, until the end of the procession came into view. If the armarius had not already seen to the blessing of the grave, the priest sprinkled holy water into it and censed it and the armarius recited a prayer of uncertain origin that draws on an ancient stock of images of death and the afterlife. It begins with an echo of Psalm 101, verse 26, as quoted by St. Paul in his first epistle to the Hebrews : et tu in principio Domine terram fundasti et opera manuum tuarum sunt caeli / And : In the beginning, O Lord, you founded the (203) MW 3.1321.

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earth : and the heavens are the work of your hands. It then invokes the Old Testament, as the priest called upon God, who had already snatched the dead monk’s “captive soul” from death through baptism, and entered the names of those buried in the “double cave,” to bless this grave too, as he made the sign of the cross above it, and let their dead brother’s soul be gathered up in the bosom of Abraham.204 Finally, echoing the images of rest in Psalm 131, the prayer asks that the Holy Spirit be sent down to ensure that the dead monk will enjoy “peaceful sleep” until the final judgment, and be deemed worthy of resurrection among the saints in heaven. Having spied the pall bearers, the priest then recited the two prayers from the supplement of Benedict of Aniane to be said “at the graveside before burial.”205 Like the blessing of the grave, these prayers draw heavily on the common stock of images of death and the afterlife that appear throughout the death ritual. They once again beg God, who created their dead brother in his image, to gather up his soul into the bosom of Abraham. The first recalls the “shadows of death” of Psalm 22.4, in which the psalmist does not fear to tread, as well as the last line of the Canticle of Zachary (Luke 1.79), in which Zachary refers to the Christ child who will “illuminate those who sit in darkness and in the shadow of death” and “direct our feet in the way of peace.” Both prayers contrast the limitations to sight, brought on by sin, to the limitless light of paradise, where the “shadows of death,” “the fog of hell,” “the transitory power of seeing” and the “frightening vision” of damnation, will be replaced with “light and refreshment” and “solace of that eternal light.” The contrast is stark, for the stakes were high, as the priest prayed that the dead monk’s sins would be forgiven and that, through the mercy of God, he would “obtain the promised joy of hoped-for rest” and “be brought back to life” on Judgment Day among the “saints and chosen ones.” By the time the priest finished the two prayers before the burial, the pall bearers had arrived at the gravesite. As soon as they had done so, he sprinkled holy water once more into the grave and incensed it, after which the body was “immediately and without any pause” lowered into it with the feet facing the east. The priest then again sprinkled holy water into the grave and incensed it, after which the body was covered with a wooden board, upon which he then, using a spade, sprinkled a little earth three times, perhaps in honor of the trinity. While Bernard leaves the meaning of those final gestures unclear, he leaves no doubt about how quickly the burial should be completed, using two different words for “immediately” – continuo and statim – in the same sentence, and the emphatic phrase sine quolibet intervallo, “without any pause whatsoever,” in the next. He also makes a point of stressing that the priest should perform all of the necessary actions without paying any attention to the community or they to him, with the participation of no one but the armarius, the pall bearers and the conversi who accompanied him to the grave. It is hard to know what to make of this. Was it in response to a lingering fear of the grave or squeamish(204) On the spelunca duplici, see Gen 25.9 and 50.13 ; the reference is to the so-called Tombs of the Patriarchs in Hebron, where Abraham and Sarah, Isaac and Rebekah, and Jacob and Leah were buried. (205) Orationes ante sepulchrum prius quam sepeliatur ; on their origins in the Visigothic liturgy and other peculiarities, see Paxton, Christianizing Death, 141, 146.

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ness about the final disposal of the corpse ? That hardly seems likely, given the care taken to prepare and purify both of them, and the lack of any other evidence of such attitudes at Cluny. So perhaps it was precisely because those preparations had been so intensive that there was no point in delaying the disposal of the remains, and the reminders to the priest to keep his attention focused on the burial and to the community to keep theirs on the heavens toward which they were directing their psalmody were nothing more than that. Either way, Bernard’s comments highlight the human poignancy of the small cluster of men around the gravesite, seeing to the work of burial, against the backdrop of the larger community, gathered between the apse of the main church and the church of St. Mary, amid the sound of their chanting and the ringing of the bells, which ceased, abruptly and dramatically, as soon as the wooden cover was laid over the corpse in the grave. The prayers after burial, which follow the sequence set down by Benedict of Aniane in the supplement, support such a reading.206 The first of them, which is in the Gallican form of a bidding, asks the “dearest brethren” to pray together with the priest for their “dear one…whose body is delivered today to the grave.” As the priest had done in the blessing and the prayers before the burial, he begged God to find the dead monk “worthy of being gathered up (collocare) in the bosom of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob” (the patriarchs buried in the double cave in the Holy Land) and joined in eternity with the “chosen ones gathered together (collocandum) on his right hand.” The next two prayers, while not biddings, are also of Gallican origin. The first is particularly evocative of the emotional state of the living as they “tender services of human kindness” through the rites of burial to a loved one. The second introduces the standard requests for the reception of the deceased among the saints in paradise with a similar emphasis on the “service of burial owed to the human body.” The last prayer maintains the focus on humanity, but like all the prayers of Visigothic origin in the supplement, puts more emphasis on the gulf separating creature and creator, even while it repeats the familiar requests for the incorporation of the dead monk’s soul into the bosom of Abraham and contrasts the “muddy abyss of this world” and “the raging fires of hell” with the “dew of refreshment” and the “blessed repose” of heaven. The prayer’s opening words are a powerful reminder of that gulf : “It is indeed audacious, Lord, for a man, mortal, ash, to dare to commend to you our Lord God, a man, mortal, ash.” After finishing the four prayers, the priest and the burial party left the gravesite to join the rest of the community, among the boys, in the middle of the cemetery. Bernard does not say that they should join in the singing, as he did earlier when the priest, armarius and conversi had arrived at the grave before the pall bearers, so it is hard to say exactly how this latter portion of the funeral service played out. Did the priest say the remaining prayers very slowly or space out their recitation, so that he would finish at the same time as the community finished chanting the psalms ? Or did he say them quickly and then stand silently with the burial party among the community as they finished the last couple (206) SP 1411-14 equal four of the five orationes post sepultum corpus ; see also Paxton, Christianizing Death, 141, 147.

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of psalms ? Or did they join in ? Whatever the case, the interplay of themes and images in the prayers and the psalmody suggests that they were meant to complement each other, as before. When the community finished Psalm 148, the priest silently began the Lord’s Prayer, speaking out loud the penultimate line, “and lead us not into temptation,” which provoked the response “but deliver us from evil,” completing the prayer while simultaneously moving from silence to speech, and thereby reconnecting with the community. The priest then led a recitation of the verse and response that had already been said in the immediate aftermath of the newly buried monk’s death and chanted as the antiphon to the psalm that had just ended, whose second verse is their common source : “And do not enter into judgment with your servant. For all the living will not be justified in your sight.” The repetition of this verse in so many contexts accentuates the centrality of penitence and God’s mercy in the death ritual. The traditional verse and response “The Lord be with you, and with your spirit” closed this little ceremony, which served to reunite the priest and his party with the rest of the community, and put him and the armarius back in charge of directing the liturgical action.207 The priest then said, “Let us pray,” and recited the last of the five “prayers after burial” from Benedict of Aniane’s supplement. The Tibi domine commendamus is another Gallican prayer, slightly altered by Benedict of Aniane, which commends the soul to the grace of God’s “merciful piety,” so that his sins might be “wiped away” and, although “dead to the world, he might live” in paradise.208 There follows the ancient verse and response – “Grant him eternal rest, O Lord, and let perpetual light shine upon him,” which had also been said in the immediate aftermath of the monk’s death. Here it functions as an introduction to the final chant piece of the funeral liturgy. The text of the antiphon is the same as the prayer that followed the psalms for the dead in the vigilia.209 The Canticle of Zachary, which it introduced, was also sung at lauds of the dead. It comes from that moment in the Gospel of Luke when John the Baptist’s father expresses his joy at his child’s birth, which he sees as the coming to fruition of the covenant with Abraham. For John will “go before the face of the Lord : to prepare his ways, to give knowledge of salvation to his people for the remission of their sins” and “to illuminate those who sit in darkness and in the shadow of death.” The canticle references the foundation upon which the whole of the Christian economy of salvation rested, and with it, the efficacy of the Cluniac death ritual itself. When the Canticle ended, everyone blew out their candles, as dramatic and final an effect as the silencing of the bells after the burial. At this point, the community’s attention shifted to all of those resting in the cemetery, for whom they sang Psalm 50 and recited the Lord’s Prayer. The priest then led them once again in reciting the last two lines of the prayer as a verse and response, followed by the last of the three verses and responses that had been said in the immediate aftermath (207) The brother who assisted the armarius with the responsories before the funeral procession may have led the communal chant while the armarius was busy with the burial service. (208) Cf. CO 5884 ; and see also Paxton, Christianizing Death, 141, 147. (209) See above, notes 157-58.

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of their brother’s death, “from the gate of hell, rescue him O Lord.” In this way, the community linked their specific appeals for the salvation of their dead brother’s soul with their ongoing work attending to the needs of all the dead, beginning with the dead members of their community resting in the cemetery, “all who repose here,” but extending beyond them to “all who repose…everywhere in Christ.” After the prayer, they asked God that all of them “May rest in peace.” The ceremonies in the cemetery ended with a performance of the ritual bow known as the ante et retro, after which the community processed back to the main church, in the same rank order as before, chanting the seven penitential psalms, which they completed while prostrated in front of the altar, the most abject form of “begging pardon and favor.”210 After removing his vestments “as quickly as possible,” the priest joined the rest of the community to complete the psalmody. The funeral services ended with repetitions of the request that God grant their dead brother “eternal rest, and let perpetual light shine upon him,” the Lord’s Prayer, followed by the verse with response “from the gate of hell, rescue his soul, O Lord,” the absolution prayer, for the fifth time since the monk’s death, and the ante et retro. Bernard takes advantage of this break in his narrative to interject another note on the ambulant sick. Just as they had been performing the funeral psalmody in the church of St. Mary along with the community in the cemetery, they should also participate in the chanting of the penitential psalms while prostrate, affirming their membership in the community as a whole even while recognizing the separation caused by their sickness. Bernard also notes that if more than one person is being buried, each should have a separate burial party with a priest, a point that highlights the importance of the “tender services…owed to the human body” of each of their brothers. The fact that the priest of the week for the high mass would, however, lead the service in the church of St. Mary before the procession to the cemetery, the commendation of the souls resting in the cemetery and a final absolution after the penitential psalms for all of them, emphasized their common membership in the Cluniac congregation, both living and dead. Aiding the Soul in the Afterlife : Commemorative Services [above 168-171] Having consigned the dead monk’s body to the grave, where it would remain until the resurrection of the dead, the focus shifted to the welfare of his soul. No new liturgy was needed for commemorative purposes and not much coordinated movement occurred other than the normal flow to and from the two churches, but the intensity of ritual activity remained very high for the first week and only slightly less so for the following three. Every priest said a private mass for the deceased on the day of his burial. The community celebrated a conventual mass and the vigilia for their dead brother for the next seven days (the septenarius) and six priests celebrated five masses each for him over the next thirty days (the tricenarius). Bernard does not specify which of the two daily conventual masses were said for the deceased brother during the septenarius, but he seems to indicate that it was (210) Koziol, Begging Pardon and Favor, index, s.v. prostration.

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the high mass, for he notes that if a feast day should happen to occur during that time, the mass should nevertheless be sung primarily for him, except on the day after a feast of twelve lessons, at least between the end of October and Septuagesima, the seventh Sunday before Easter. Whatever his precise meaning, it is clear that these initial commemorative masses were high on the scale of the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny. The thirty masses of the tricenarius were most probably private masses, but they could also have been morning masses for the dead. In any case, when each of the priests finished his set of five, he would announce it in chapter, so the next could take over. The fact that the sequence of thirty masses was interrupted only for the most holy days of the year – Christmas, Easter, the Triduum and Pentecost – situates the tricenarius at an equal if not even higher place than the septenarius in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny. For the same thirty days, the community also chanted the psalms for the dead for him after matins and Psalm 141 after each of the hours. Thus, for the first seven days after his death both a private and a conventual mass, a vigilia, a special performance of the psalms for the dead and the last of the familiar psalms were dedicated to his memory and for the next twenty-one, he was remembered with a mass, the psalms for the dead and eight recitations of Psalm 141. While the ritual commemorations for the deceased brother did not call for services that had not already been performed as part of the death ritual, they did encompass a new group of people, the poor. All the wine and bread left over from supper or dinner on the day of a monk’s burial was given to the poor as well as the daily allotment of food (known as the prebenda) he would have been served during the thirty days of his tricenarius. There were some eighteen poor men, known as prebendaries, who lived permanently in the monastery’s almonry when Bernard was writing, but they were not the ones who would have received such alms, since they had a regular prebend of food and drink, just like the rest of the community.211 Those who benefitted from the food distributed for the good of the dead monk’s soul would have been among the thousands who showed up at the gates of the abbey every year for a meal or the needy whom the almoner personally identified on his weekly trips into the town just outside the abbey precinct. Udalrich noted that the number of poor fed at Cluny could have been as many as 17,000 per year.212 The care given to the needy in this world would ease the dead monk’s suffering in the next, in two ways. On the one hand, the poor would remember him in their prayers ; on the other, the refreshment they received from the food and drink would mirror the refreshment those acts of charity brought to his soul in the afterlife. This ritual of mutual refreshment would be repeated “for several of the coming anniversaries of his death,” thus maintaining the close connection between the poor and the dead monk for a number of years. If more than one person was buried on a particular day, the tricenarius and septenarius could be sung for both or all of them together, but each of their prebends of food would be given to the poor,

(211) On these men, see Hunt, Cluny under St. Hugh, 66, and, for the almonry, which was between the cellar and the atrium of Cluny II, cf. figs. 2 and 4 above. (212) Udal 753B : hoc ipso anno : illi qui pauperes recensuerunt testati sunt septemdecim millia fuisse / in this same year those who keep track of the poor testified that there were 17000 of them.

233

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another indication of the one-to-one relationship between the souls in the afterlife and the impoverished people on earth who were nourished in their names. The chapter meeting on the day following the burial was central to the organization of these commemorative services. That was when the prior assigned the six priests who would celebrate the masses of the tricenarius. It was also the setting for another personal connection created between the living and the dead. The dead monk’s clothing, after being washed, was brought into the chapter house and, when the reading of a chapter of the Rule, the reciting of the names of the dead in the necrology and the chanting of the psalms for the dead were finished, the clothes were taken away and stored “until some novice might be received for the soul of the dead man,” a striking new custom that had been instituted by Abbot Hugh. Previously, the monks had divided a dead brother’s clothing among those who had need of it and given the rest to the poor. Hugh’s change pointed towards the creation of a more formal bond between a living member of the community and a dead one, not unlike the custom that only brothers of the same rank as the deceased would wash, dress, and accompany a dead brother to the church for the wake and to his final resting place in the abbey’s cemetery. When that was done, the prior absolved the dead brother one last time, effectively completing the immediate ritual response to his death and opening the period of ongoing commemoration. Before ending his discussion of the death ritual at Cluny, Bernard treats one last question : what to do if a member of the community died while away on business at one of the abbey’s dependencies. The tricenarius should be performed there, he says, but if it cannot, perhaps because of the lack of the requisite six priests, the motherhouse would take on the responsibility. In either case, as soon as the news of such a death arrived at Cluny, all the priests would say a private mass for him and the community would offer a conventual mass and a vigilia, just as they would have done on the day of his burial if he had died at Cluny. Everyone also privately recited fifty psalms or, if they were children, novices or conversi, who did not know the psalms by heart, as many Our Fathers, undoubtedly to make up for the overnight psalmody the dead brother would have received if he had died at Cluny. The community would also perform a septenarius and, even if the house where he died were able to support a full tricenarius of masses, the motherhouse would see to the thirty days of alms to the poor, and chant the psalms for the dead with Psalm 141 in his memory. Bernard ends with the note that reciprocal services along these lines were owed by other Cluniac houses to those who died at the motherhouse. Again, though, smaller houses whose resources might be strained by the food allotments given to the poor for the deceased were exempted from the full burden. Speaking, it seems, from personal experience, Bernard ends with the comment that they nevertheless would almost always give something.213 The death ritual at Cluny was designed to serve the members of the monastic community itself. Deceased Cluniac monks were thus the primary beneficiaries of the com(213) Bern 269 (ch. 74.14) gives further details about what to do when announcements of deaths elsewhere arrived at Cluny or when a brother requested the commemoration of a family member or friend.

234

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memorations of the dead that occurred on a daily basis in the ecclesia cluniacensis, from the motherhouse to its many priories and other dependencies. But that did not mean that the Cluniacs failed to extend their attention or the benefits of their prayers and acts of charity to others. At every regular hour except compline, they prayed for their families and abbey’s familiares, both living and dead. This large and ever-growing community of “friends of St. Peter” encompassed every level of the population, from kings who showered riches on the abbey, through the ranks of the landowning rich to the poor and penniless. All had their roles to play in the medieval economy of salvation, which ultimately determined so much of life, and death, at Cluny. Elsewhere in his customary, Bernard gives an accounting of four different levels of commemorations on the anniversary of the death of a lay benefactor.214 The highest category, which included emperors, empresses, and kings, those who had given “much” to the ecclesia cluniacensis, received the same treatment as Cluniac abbots.215 All the bells were rung “for a considerable time” for them at vespers, the vigilia and mass, and the church services were performed with extra splendor. Twelve paupers were fed with bread, wine and meat in their name and the brothers received extra portions in the refectory that day. For the next two categories of donors, which were distinguished from one another only by a slight change in the splendor of the liturgy, the twelve paupers were fed as before, but the bells were rung only at mass. The two largest bells stayed silent during the mass and vigilia for the last group and the poor received just a single measure of wine with their food. All of this was “was arranged to be done in accordance with the gifts granted to the [Cluniac] church by those whose anniversaries they are.”216 Those gifts allowed Cluny to grow, to attract ever more monks, who were themselves attracted to the community for its care of the dead, especially dead monks, and to feed and care for the poor, in the name of the dead, by the thousands, for hundreds of years. Without the extravagant giving of the German Emperors in the early eleventh century, and the Kings of Léon-Castile later on, Abbots Odilo, Hugh and Peter could not have expanded the monastic complex over and over again, nor continued to accept so many new monks and conversi, and serve their many priories.217 The local nobility and knightly families who created sub-priories and even sub-sub-priories as a way to secure burial in a monastic house and a share in the commemorations of Cluny extended the abbey’s reach throughout its zone of influence, reaching across the mountains to Spain, Italy, and Germany and across the channel to England.218

(214) Bern 272 (ch. 74.27) ; cf. Bishko, “Liturgical Intercession,” 57. (215) Bern 199-200, “De sepeliendo abate.” (216) Bern 272 : et hoc secundum quod beneficia, ab illis quorum sunt anniversaria, ecclesiae collata fieri ordinata sunt. (217) Bishko, “Liturgical Intercession at Cluny.” (218) Dietrich W. Poeck, Cluniacensis Ecclesia : Der cluniacensische Klosterverband (10.-12. Jahrhundert), Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften, 71 (Munich : Fink, 1998).

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Conclusion Reconstructing and analyzing the death ritual as Bernard presented it in his customary has yielded several valuable insights into Cluniac monasticism in the central Middle Ages. The texts of the ritual’s spoken and sung elements, from short verses and responses to responsory chants, collects and psalms, flesh out Bernard’s bare-bones description of what Cluniac monks did in response to a death in their community. They shed new light on what they thought and believed, but also on how they used the liturgy to reflect and shape those thoughts and beliefs. Using their basic tool kit of psalter, sacramentary, and antiphonal, with occasional forays into biblical texts, the monks of Cluny devised a ritual response to death and dying that was so creative, so carefully articulated, that it played out on an almost operatic scale, with chorus and principals acting out the drama of the separation of body and soul across the stage of the monastic complex to the accompaniment of music and movement over two days and more. The living played the part of their dead brother when monks of the same rank as the deceased were cast as those who prepared the corpse, bore it to the church and cemetery, and buried it. They also spoke for him, assuming the voice he could no longer access. In the anointing ritual before his death, they used verses from different Gospels as antiphons to perform a story of miraculous healing. At each step of the ritual process, they spoke, gestured, moved and chanted in unison and in counterpoint. Like the performance of the mass, the death ritual did not just memorialize salvation history, but replayed it, in hopes of affecting the state of the soul of their dead brother for the better. Thanks to the reconstruction as a whole, we can also see how images and themes echo back and forth across the various moments of the ritual process, tying it together in multiple ways, from the repetition of short verses and responses, to the psalms, which appear again and again, either individually, like Psalms 50 and 142, or in groups, like the seven penitential psalms, the psalms for the dead and the psalms of vespers, matins and lauds of the dead, to the many prayers, infused as they were with all the imagery of the afterlife that had accumulated over the course of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages. The conscientious manner in which Bernard covered every eventuality under which the ritual process had to be altered or suspended as a consequence of not knowing exactly when someone would die has been equally revealing. It shows exactly where the treatment of the dead fit in the hierarchy of the sacred at Cluny. The mass and divine office came first, of course, because the worship owed by the community to God was more important than anything else the Cluniacs did. But caring for a dying or dead brother came next in importance, worth interrupting or postponing just about any other service or activity, including minor offices in church, processions that had not quite gotten underway and meals. It necessitated breaches in normal behavior, like running, and the total suspension of speech and other work between death and burial. It has long been known that the monks of Cluny devoted time on a daily basis to prayer for the dead, but less well known is the degree to which their dedication to the care of the dead was grounded in their response to death within the monastic community itself. It lay at the core of Cluny’s role 236

COMMEN TARY

in the medieval economy of salvation. By dedicating themselves so thoroughly to the care of the dying and the dead in their own community, they honed their skills of intercession at the heavenly court and in so doing increased the value of the services they rendered in return for the gifts of land and lordship that came their way for so many years. A less obvious outcome of the analysis has to do with the complexity and hierarchy of the monastic community itself. Close attention to Bernard’s description of the ritual process has revealed the roles that either the abbot or the prior could play, those that the prior would take even if the abbot was present, and those that fell to other obedientiaries, the armarius, claustral prior, infirmarian, cellarer, sacristans, priests of the week, choir monks, both senior and junior, conversi, and the boys. Processions reflected the lineaments of the monastic hierarchies even as they were changed to accommodate different phases of the ritual process. Attention to rank was ever-present in the Cluniac death ritual, yet no matter how senior a brother was, how assiduously he performed his duties while alive, it was impossible to know when, or even if, he would be admitted into the heavenly kingdom. The language of the prayers leaves no doubt that the monks believed that that could happen at any time, even immediately after death, but also that they would never presume that it had, even for their greatest abbots, who were otherwise revered as saints. A final category of results include the insights into what was old and what was new in the ritual response to death at Cluny in the central Middle Ages. It is striking but nevertheless understandable, given Cluny’s origins, to see that almost all of the prayers in the death ritual derive from the work of Benedict of Aniane, the Carolingian reformer responsible, as much as anyone, for the imposition of the Benedictine Rule in the Frankish empire, and for melding Roman, Gallican, and Visigothic prayers in the death ritual he sketched out in the supplement for the Roman sacramentary sent to Charlemagne by Pope Hadrian I. Those, and other elements of the ritual process that do not derive from any of those sources, like the Deus venie largitor, have a good claim to being Cluniac compositions. Other distinctively Cluniac features, beside the myriad ways the whole ritual was articulated and performed, are the so-called psalms for the dead, and the vigilia, the special office of the dead at Cluny, whose general outline has emerged from this analysis for the first time, but whose exact form and history remain elusive. The Liber tramitis and the earliest Cluniac customaries, the so-called consuetudines antiquiores, refer regularly to the psalms for the dead, which is evidence that their use dates at least from the abbacy of Odilo. However, the absence from the Liber tramitis of references to the vigilia as Bernard and Udalrich knew it suggests that it may have been instituted under Abbot Hugh, as a response to the growing number of dead commemorated at Cluny.219 The questions that remain – above all, why Bernard so studiously avoided referring to the vigilia by name and what that might mean about its status as a custom of the abbey – may be unanswerable, but they hint that the death ritual may still have been evolving even as it was, in a sense, frozen into a final form by Bernard’s act of writing it down so fully for the first time for Cluny itself. (219) In the Liber tramitis, vigiliae is a synonym for matins or matins of the dead, nothing more ; see the index entries in LT 378.

237

APPENDI XES

APPENDIX 1 A 1330 1430

BROTHER DIES ON A W IN TER

A F TER NOON

IN THE YE AR

1100*

1530 1600 1630 1700 1800 1830 2230

the community rushes to the infirmary in response to the signal tablet the brother dies, most of the community processes to the church of St. Mary, chanting the vigilia, while a small group washes and dresses his corpse his body is brought to the church of St. Mary ; after a ceremony of prayers and chants, continuous psalmody begins None the armarius writes letters announcing his death to affiliated houses Vespers + vespers of the dead Supper Compline First vigil : half the choir monks chant the psalter and vigilia Second vigil : half the choir monks chant the psalter and vigilia

0230 0400 0600 0700 0900 1100 1200 1300 1430 1600 1630 1700 1730

Matins + matins of the dead Third vigil : the boys and their masters chant the psalter and vigilia Lauds + lauds of the dead Prime + chapter + psalms for the dead Terce Morning Mass is celebrated by the community for him Sext High Mass Procession to the cemetery and burial None Vespers + Vespers of the dead all priests celebrate mass and leftovers from supper are fed to the poor for him Compline

0230 0630

Matins and Lauds + matins and lauds of the dead Prime + chapter : six priests are assigned to the tricenarius, his clothing is distributed, the prior absolves him again ; and the septenarius begins

1500

* In setting out this timetable, I relied in part on the cogent remarks on the monastic horarium by Jean Leclercq in “Prayer at Cluny,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion, 51 (1983), 651-65.

239

240

Domine ne in furore 2

Expectans expectavi

Beatus qui intellegit

Quemadmodum

Miserere mei

Deus in nomine tuo

Miserere mei Deus

Deus Deus meus

Te decet

Deus misereatur

Deus in adiutorium

37

39

40

41

50

53

56

62

64

66

69

Dominus inluminatio

Beati quorum

Ad te Domine

24

31

Dominus reget me

22

26

Domine ne in furore 1

Domine deus meus

Procession to the infirmary ×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

Lauds of the Dead

×

×

Funeral procession ×

×

×

×

× ×

×

DE ATH R ITUAL

Familiar (all offices except compline) and processions to meet brother who died elsewhere

Familiar (sext) and processions to meet brother who died elsewhere

Familiar (terce)

Processions to meet brother who died elsewhere

Processions to meet brother who died elsewhere

For dead abbots (all offices except compline) and processions to meet brother who died elsewhere

Familiar (prime)

Familiar (lauds)

Familiar (prime)

Familiar (matins)

C LUNI AC Other

×

×

×

×

×

Anointing 7 Penitentials

7

CAN TICLES ) OF THE

After the burial 7 Penitentials

6

( AND Matins of the Dead

Verba Mea

PSAL MS

Psalms for the Dead

5

T HE

APPENDIX 2

APPENDI XES

Vespers of the Dead

Laudate Dominum de

Ego dixi

Magnificat

Benedictus Dominus

Lk 1.46-55

Lk 1.68-79

Domine exaudi 2

142

Is 38.10-20

Voce mea

141 ×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

Lauds of the Dead

148

Confitebor tibi

Memento Domine

131

Domine probasti me

De profundis

129

138

Levavi oculos

120

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

×

Canticle of Zachary

Canticle of Mary

Canticle of Hezekiah

Familiar (vespers) and source for a prayer and a verse with response used twice in the death ritual

Familiar (all offices except compline, for the faithful departed) and the vigilia

Familiar (none)

Relic processions and processions to meet brother who died elsewhere

Familiar (sext)

Other

137

Confitemini Domino

Ad Dominum

×

Vespers of the Dead

119

Credidi propter

115

×

×

Psalms for the Dead

117

In exitu Israel

Dilexi quoniam

114

Funeral procession

113

×

Anointing 7 Penitentials

Domine exaudi 1

After the burial 7 Penitentials

101

APPENDI XES

Matins of the Dead

Procession to the infirmary

241

242 × × × × × ×

Preveniat hunc famulum

Dd noster qui offensione

Adesto domine…nec sit

Adesto domine…et me qui

Presta quesumus domine

Deus humani generis

×

×

Exaudi domine preces

Suscipe domine animam

×

Dspo eterne deus qui

×

×

Virtutum caelestium deus

Deus cui omnia vivunt

×

Deus qui humano generi

×

×

Deus qui facturae tuae

Pio recordationis affectu

×

Respice domine

Final anointing ×

In reponse to death

Deus qui famulo tuo

Burial service

×

PR AYERS OF THE

DE ATH R ITUAL

SP 1400

SP 1399

SP 1398

SP 1385

SP 1384

SP 1383

SP 1381

SP 1382

SP 1380

SP 1379

SP 1391

SP 1390

SP 1389

SP 1388

SP 1387

SP 1386

TC 3988

Source

Osd qui per beatum

C LUNI AC The Vigilia

T HE

APPENDIX 3

APPENDI XES

Procession to meet a brother who died elsewhere

Office of the dead and other commemorations

Mass for the dead

Procession to cemetery

Procession to church

× × × × ×

Debitum humani corporis

Temeritas quidem est deus

Tibi domine commendamus

Deus cuius miseratione Absolve domine animam

×

× × × ×

Da, quesumus

Deus qui inter apostolicos

Osd in cuius arbitrio regnorum

Quesumus, domine, perpetua

×

×

Deus qui justis supplicationibus

Deus cui proprium

×

Oremus fratres karissimi

×

×

The Vigilia

×

×

Deus apud quem mortuorum

×

×

female familiars

kings of Spain, abbot

popes

recently dead brothers

familiars

buried in the cemetery brothers/faithful departed

relatives

brothers

×

Procession to meet a brother who died elsewhere

Osd cui numquam sine spe

×

×

Inclina domine

Burial service

Obsecramus misericordiam

×

Fac quesumus domine

Procession to cemetery ×

Mass for the dead ×

Office of the dead and other commemorations

Non intres

×

Deus venie largitor

Final anointing ×

In reponse to death ×

Procession to church

Deus qui humanarum

TC 1860 ?

TC 2025

TC 2818

TC 2819

TC 2204

SP 1416

SP 1444 SP 1404

SP 1415

SP 1414

SP 1413

SP 1412

SP 1411

SP 1410

SP 1409

SP 1403

SP 1402

SP 1401

Cluniac ?

SP 1408

SP 1407

Source

Deus vitae dator

APPENDI XES

243

SP 1429

SP 1448

Source

SP 1437

APPENDI XES

×

× Sanctorum tuorum

Mass for the dead

Fidelium deus

The Vigilia

Burial service Procession to cemetery Procession to church In reponse to death

244

Presta quesumus domine ut

Final anointing

for the day

those in the necrology

×

queen, countess, abbot

Office of the dead and other commemorations

faithful departed

Procession to meet a brother who died elsewhere

TR ILINGUAL GLOSSARY

TRILINGUAL GLOSSARY/GLOSSAIRE TRILINGUE Latin terms not translated into English and/or French are marked with an asterisk. Les termes latins non traduits en anglais et/ou français sont marqués d’un astérisque.

abbas abbot abbé aîle du cloître alba alb aube

head and spiritual father of a monastery supérieur et père spirituel d’un monastère

voir trisantia liturgical garment ; essentially a long white tunic vêtement liturgique consistant, essentiellement, en une longue tunique blanche

ante et retro* ritual bow : when in church, a monk bowed toward the east until his back was horizontal to the floor, and then made a half turn to the west before rising ; elsewhere distinguished by its turning motion, even if not always from east to west salutation rituelle : dans l’église, le moine s’incline en direction de l’orient, puis, le dos à l’horizontal, se tourne pour enfin se relever en direction de l’occident ; dans les autres lieux, même mouvement mais pas toujours d’est en ouest

antiphona antiphon antienne

short text, recited or sung, before and usually after a psalm or canticle courte pièce récitée ou chantée avant et, habituellement aussi, après un psaume ou un cantique

armarius* monk responsible for the library and also, at Cluny, for overseeing the liturgy ; in other words, the librarian and precentor moine responsable de la bibliothèque et aussi, à Cluny, du déroulement de la liturgie ; autrement dit, le bibliothécaire et le chef de chœur

camerarius chamberlain camérier

cantor choir monk

monk responsible for the monastery’s goods, from clothing to money (but not the contents of the treasury) moine en charge des biens du monastère depuis les vêtements jusqu’à l’argent comptant (à l’exception de tout qui concerne le contenu du trésor) monk who is a member of the choir, thus not normally a child, novice or conversus ; ranked as junior or senior depending on experience 245

GLOSSAIR E TR ILINGUE

chantre

capitulum chapter

moine faisant partie du chœur et n’étant donc normalement ni un enfant, ni un novice, ni un convers ; selon son expérience, il peut être classé comme « junior » ou « senior »

chapitre

(1) daily meeting at which a chapter of the Benedictine Rule is read and the monastic community tends to discipline and other business (2) room in which the daily chapter is held : the chapter house (or hall) (3) a short biblical passage used in the divine office (1) réunion quotidienne des moines pendant laquelle un chapitre de la règle de saint Benoît est lu ; on y débat aussi des questions de discipline et des autres affaires de la communauté (2) salle dans laquelle cette réunion prend place, aussi nommée salle capitulaire (3) court extrait biblique utilisé pendant l’office divin

cell celle

dependency of the monastery dépendance du monastère

cella

cellerarius cellarer cellérier chapter/chapitre choir monk church of Saint Mary cilicium hair shirt cilice claustral prior cloister range collatio collation collation collecta collect collecte

collectaneum collectar collectaire completorium compline complies

246

monk responsible for the cellar, and for food and drink moine responsable du cellier, de la nourriture et des boissons

see/voir capitulum see cantor see ecclesia beatae Mariae haircloth garment worn as a penitential exercise tunique de crin portée à même la peau, par pénitence

see prior qui tenet ordinem see trisantia evening gathering in the chapter house for a reading réunion du soir, au chapitre, pour une lecture collective variable theme-prayer recited at the beginning of the mass (ad collectam) ; for Bernard a synonym for prayer (oratio) prière au thème variable, récitée au début de la messe (ad collectam); pour Bernard, aussi un synonyme de prière book containing prayers for the divine office livre contenant des prières pour l’office divin last office of the liturgical day, performed before retiring for the night dernier office de la journée liturgique, célébré avant de se retirer pour la nuit

TR ILINGUAL GLOSSARY

consuetudo custom coutume

conventual mass conventus community communauté

(1) custom in general (2) custom specific to Cluny (1) sens usuel du mot « coutume » (2) une pratique spécifique à Cluny

see missa generalis, missa in conventu the monks of a monastery as a group la communauté des moines en son entier

conversus

convers

coule/cowl cucullus cowl coule

monk entering the monastery as an adult who cannot (or not yet) perform the divine office at Cluny with the choir monks frère entré à Cluny à l’âge adulte et qui ne sait pas (ou ne sait pas encore) participer à l’office divin avec les moines du chœur

voir/see cucullus long hooded garment worn by monks long vêtement surmonté d’un capuchon porté par les moines

ebdomadarius

hebdomadier

ecclesia beatae Mariae church of Saint Mary église Sainte-Marie

ecclesia major main church église majeure

étole Exultabunt domine familiar psalms festivitas duodecim lectionum feast of twelve lessons fête de douze leçons

generale main dish

monk serving in a specific capacity for a week’s time, for example, the priest of the week moine remplissant pendant une semaine un office spécifique, tel le prêtre hebdomadier smaller of the two principal churches at Cluny, adjacent and connected to the chapter house plus petite des deux églises principales à l’intérieur de la clôture de Cluny, accotée et connectée à la salle capitulaire larger of the two principal churches at Cluny, dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul plus grande des deux églises principales à l’intérieur de la clôture de Cluny, dédiée à saint Pierre et saint Paul

voir stola voir laudes pro defunctis see psalmi familiares an important liturgical day, marked by the reading of twelve lessons at matins journée liturgique importante au cours de laquelle douze leçons sont lues aux matines normal serving at meals, as opposed to a pittance, or side dish 247

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plat principal

grand-messe high mass hora (regularis) hour heure

infirmarius infirmarian infirmier laudes lauds laudes

laudes pro defunctis lauds of the dead laudes des morts

lectio lesson leçon

letania litany litanie main church mandatum* maundy manipulum maniple manipule matutinae laudes matutini matins

248

portion individuelle normale lors d’un repas, à distinguer de la pitance ou d’un plat d’accompagnement

see missa maior see missa maior one of the eight divine offices : matins, lauds, prime, terce, sext, none, vespers and compline un des huit offices de l’office divin : matines, laudes, prime, tierce, sexte, none, vêpres et complies monk in charge of the infirmary moine en charge de l’infirmerie dawn office ; sometimes written (laudes) matutinae or matutinae laudes, that is, morning lauds office de l’aube, appelé parfois (laudes) matutinae ou matutinae laudes, c’est-à-dire les laudes du matin office of the dead chanted before or after lauds ; identified by the incipit to its opening antiphon, Exultabunt domine office des morts chanté avant ou après les laudes et identifié par l’incipit de sa première antienne, Exultabunt domine reading from scripture or the lives of the saints ; the readings at matins of the dead at Cluny were from the book of Job lecture, habituellement d’un passage biblique mais il peut aussi s’agir d’un extrait d’une vie de saint ; les lectures des matines des morts à Cluny étaient tirées du livre de Job series of short petitions to God and the saints suite d’invocations brèves à Dieu et aux saints

see ecclesia major ritual washing of the feet of others rituel du lavement des pieds liturgical cloth worn at mass over the left arm linge liturgique porté sur le bras gauche pendant la messe

voir/see laudes night office ; the longest of the eight daily offices ; sometimes written nocturni matutini, that is, night matins

TR ILINGUAL GLOSSARY

matines

matutini de defunctis matins of the dead matines des morts

maundy messe conventuelle messe matinale messe privée missa de festivitate missa de jejunio mass of the fast messe de jeûne

missa generalis missa in conventu conventual mass messe conventuelle

missa maior high mass grand-messe

missa matutinalis morning mass messe matinale

missa privata private mass messe privée morning mass nocturni matutini nocturnus nocturn

office nocturne (parfois appelé nocturni matutini), le plus long des huit offices quotidiens office of the dead performed after matins in winter and between supper and compline in summer office pour les morts prenant place en hiver après matines et en été entre le dîner et complies

see mandatum voir missa in conventu voir missa matutinalis voir missa privata see/voir missa maior third daily conventual mass, added during Lent and other times of fasting troisième messe conventuelle quotidienne ajoutée pendant le temps du Carême et les autres périodes de jeûne

see/voir missa in conventu mass celebrated by all, as opposed to a private mass ; Cluny normally had two conventual masses each day, morning mass and high mass messe célébrée par tous, à la différence des messes privées ; Cluny avait normalement deux messes conventuelles quotidiennes, la messe matinale et la grand-messe second, longer and more elaborate of two daily conventual masses at Cluny la plus longue et la plus élaborée des deux messes conventuelles quotidiennes célébrées à Cluny first and shorter of two daily conventual masses at Cluny, usually said for the dead la première et la plus courte des deux messes conventuelles quotidiennes célébrées à Cluny, généralement dédiée aux morts mass said in private, as opposed to a conventual mass messe célébrée en privé, à la différence des messes conventuelles

see missa matutinalis voir/see matutinum one of three sequences of psalms, readings, and responsories that comprise matins ; sometimes used in the plural as a synonym for matins 249

GLOSSAIR E TR ILINGUE

nocturne

nonae none none officium office office

officium pro defunctis office of the dead office des morts

les matines sont constituées de trois nocturnes comportant chacun psaumes, leçons et répons ; au pluriel, ce terme peut être synonyme de matines mid-afternoon office office célébré en milieu d’après-midi (1) one of the eight daily offices of the monastic liturgy (2) any liturgical service (3) task or area of responsibility (1) un des huit offices quotidiens de la liturgie monastique (2) tout service liturgique (3) tâche ou fonction spécifique addition to the offices of vespers, matins, and lauds ; performed daily for the dead ajout aux offices des vêpres, matines et laudes ; célébré chaque jour en commémoration des morts

ordo order

ordre

parlatorium parlor parloir partial respond petere veniam beg pardon faire la venia

250

(1) hierarchical rank, based primarily on seniority (2) the customs of the monastery taken together and, by extension, the monastic family living in accordance with its customs as opposed to other monastic groups (3) liturgical rite, like the ordo in agenda mortuorum (1) rang hiérarchique basé principalement sur l’ancienneté (2) ensemble des coutumes du monastère et, par extension, la famille monastique vivant selon ces coutumes en opposition aux autres groupes monastiques (3) rite liturgique, tel l’ordo in agenda mortuorum room suitable for conversation, next to the chapter house salle propice aux échanges verbaux, à côté du chapitre

see responsorium request for indulgence or forgiveness that might take any number of forms, from a bow of the head to a genuflection to a full prostration, with our without speaking demande d’indulgence ou de pardon pouvant prendre diverses formes, depuis une inclination de la tête jusqu’à une prostration de tout le corps, avec ou sans parole

Placebo domino prebenda prebend prébende

see/voir vesperi pro defunctis

prieur claustral

voir prior qui tenet ordinem

daily allotment of food and drink ration quotidienne de nourriture et de boisson

TR ILINGUAL GLOSSARY

prima prime prime prior prior prieur

prior qui tenet ordinem claustral prior prieur claustral private mass processio procession procession

psalmi familiares familiar psalms psaumes familiers

psalmodia psalmody psalmodie

psalms for the dead psaumes familiers psaumes pour les morts pyxis pyx pyxide réclame refectorarius refectarian réfectorier refectorium refectory réfectoire

early morning office, normally followed by chapter office du matin, normalement suivi du chapitre (1) monk who is second-in-command to the abbot (2) monk with the highest rank of any given group (1) second dans la hiérarchie monastique, après l’abbé (2) moine de rang le plus élevé dans un groupe donné monk responsible for maintaining discipline (ordo) moine responsable du maintien de la discipline (ordo)

see missa privata (1) cross and other liturgical objects carried in a procession (2) objects carried in a procession with their bearers (3) all the people and objects constituting a procession (1) croix et autres objets liturgiques portés en procession (2) objets portés en procession et leurs porteurs (3) tous les objets et personnes faisant partie de la procession group of four psalms sung after each of the regular hours, the last (Ps. 141, Voce mea) for the faithful departed groupe de quatre psaumes chantés après chaque heure régulière dont le dernier, Ps. 141 (Voce mea), est chanté pour les fidèles décédés chanting of a group of psalms, like the familiar psalms or the psalms for the dead chant d’un ensemble donné de psaumes, tels les psaumes familiers ou les psaumes pour les morts

see Verba mea voir psalmi familiares voir Verba mea receptacle for consecrated hosts contenant réservé aux hosties consacrées

voir regressus monk in charge of the refectory and serving daily meals moine chargé du réfectoire et des repas qui s’y déroulent monastic dining room salle à manger des moines 251

GLOSSAIR E TR ILINGUE

regressus refrain réclame responsorium responsory répons prolixe

responsum response répons rogationes rogations rogations

part of the respond that is repeated in a responsory partie du répons répétée dans un répons prolixe chant normally comprising a respond, a versicle, and a refrain (regressus) chant normalement constitué d’un répons, d’un verset et d’une réclame (regressus) short text said with a verse texte court suivi d’un verset the three days preceding Ascension Day, and particular the eve of the feast, the day of the largest procession of the monks outside of Cluny in order to pray for good harvests les trois jours précédant l’Ascension, et plus particulièrement le dernier, au cours duquel a lieu la plus grande procession des moines à l’extérieur de Cluny, pour implorer de bonnes récoltes

secretarius sacristan sacristain

monk in charge of liturgical objects, vestments and the treasury moine en charge des objets et vêtements liturgiques et du trésor

septem psalmi penitential psalms psaumes pénitentiels

set of seven psalms with a penitential theme groupe de sept psaumes à connotation pénitentielle

septenarius*

septénaire

sexta sext sexte

midday office office célébré à la mi-journée

simbolum Creed Credo

prayer affirming the principal dogmas of the Catholic church prière détaillant les principaux dogmes de l’Église catholique

stola stole étole

252

week-long service, beginning on the day after a burial, in which morning mass and the office of the dead are sung for the soul of a deceased brother service s’échelonnant sur une semaine, commençant le lendemain de l’enterrement d’un moine. Pendant cette semaine, la messe matinale et l’office des morts sont célébrés pour l’âme du frère défunt

liturgical vestment comprised of a long band of cloth draped around the neck of a priest and the shoulder of a deacon vêtement liturgique en forme de longue bande d’étoffe porté par le prêtre autour du cou et par le diacre sur l’épaule

TR ILINGUAL GLOSSARY

sudarium sudary suaire tabula tablet tablette tertia terce terce

head-wrapping for a corpse voile servant à couvrir la tête d’un défunt signaling device that is struck to bring the monks together instrument qui, par le bruit provoqué en le frappant, appelle les moines à se réunir the mid-morning office office célébré en milieu de matinée

tricenarius*

trentenaire

trisantia cloister range aîle du cloître tur(r)ibulum thurible encensoir venia Verba mea psalms for the dead psaumes pour les morts

versus verse versicle verset vesperi vespers vêpres

month-long service, beginning the day after a burial, comprising alms to the poor, communal psalms and thirty private masses offered in commemoration of a deceased brother by six priests in turn service quotidien pour un frère défunt, répété sur trente jours, commençant le lendemain de son enterrement et comprenant des aumônes pour les pauvres, des psaumes chantés par la communauté et une messe. Celle-ci est célébrée par six prêtres œuvrant à tour de rôle, chacun célébrant cinq jours de suite a covered gallery along one of the four sides of a cloister galerie couverte le long d’un des quatre côtés d’un cloître incense burner suspended on a chain so it can be swung ; censer contenant dans lequel brûle de l’encens et qui pend au bout de chaînettes afin de pouvoir être balancé

see/voir petere veniam group of five (or seven) psalms sung during commemorative services for the dead and identified in Latin by the incipit of the first of the group (Ps. 5) groupe de cinq (ou sept) psaumes chantés lors des services commémoratifs pour les morts et identifié en latin par l’incipit du premier psaume (Ps. 5) (1) short phrase that cues a response in a verse with response pair (2) longer text that follows the respond in a responsory (1) phrase courte associée à un répons dans un couplet verset/répons (2) texte plus long qui fait suite au répons dans un répons prolixe evening office, between none and compline office célébré en fin de journée, entre none et complies 253

GLOSSAIR E TR ILINGUE

vesperi defunctorum/pro defunctis vespers of the dead office of the dead sung after vespers ; identified by the incipit of the antiphon that begins it, Placebo domino vêpres des morts office pour les morts chanté après vêpres, identifié par l’incipit de l’antienne initiale, Placebo domino vigilia vigil vigilia

vigile vigilia

254

(1) overnight service of prayer for someone who has died, whether or not the body is present, including some or all of the psalter together with the office described under (2) (2) colloquial name at Cluny for a special office of the dead, comprising vespers, matins and lauds of the dead, with one collect only, followed by the psalms for the dead and a collect, or the last of the familiar psalms (Voce mea) ; sung multiple times in the days and weeks after a death and on anniversaries (1) service nocturne pour un individu qui vient de mourir, que son corps soit présent ou non ; on y récite l’ensemble ou une partie du psautier ainsi que l’office décrit en (2) (2) nom donné à Cluny à un office particulier pour les morts, comprenant les vêpres, matines et laudes des morts, avec une seule collecte, suivie des psaumes pour les morts et une collecte, ou le dernier des psaumes familiers (Voca mea) ; cet office est chanté plusieurs fois dans les jours et semaines qui suivent une mort et aux anniversaires

BIBLIOGR APH Y

BIBLIOGRAPHY Manuscript Sources/Sources manuscrites Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Lat. 13875 Palermo, Biblioteca centrale della regione siciliana, Fondo Monreale 7 (olim, Biblioteca Nazionale, Santa Maria Nuova, XXV F 29)

Published Primary Sources/Sources imprimées Aelfric. Aelfric’s Letter to the Monks of Eynsham, ed./tr. Christopher A. Jones, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, 24. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 1998. Agius. Agii vita et obitus Hathumodae, ed. G. Pertz, MGH scriptores 4. Hannover : Hahn, 1841. Ambrose of Milan/Ambroise de Milan. S. Ambrosii de bono mortis, ed. William Theodore Wiesner, Catholic University of America Patristic Series, 100. Washington, D.C. : Catholic University of America Press, 1970. De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus, ed. Edmond Martène, 2nd ed., 4 vols. Antwerp : J. B. de La Bry, 17361738, repr. Hildesheim : Georg Olms, 1969. Bernardus Cluniacensis [Bernard of Cluny/Bernard de Cluny]. “Ordo cluniacensis,” in Marquard Herrgott, Vetus disciplina monastica, 133-364. Bernold of Constance, Micrologus de ecclesiasticis observationibus. PL 151.997-1022. Biblia sacra iuxta vulgatam versionem, ed. B. Fischer et al., Stuttgart : Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 19944. Burchard. Apologia de Barbis, ed. Robert Huygens, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, 62. Turnhout : Brepols, 1985. Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, eds. Candida Elvert, Pius Engelbert, CCM 15. Siegburg : Schmitt, 2010. Consuetudines benedictinae variae (saec. XI-saec. XIV), ed. Giles Constable, CCM 6. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1975. Consuetudines Cluniacensium antiquiores cum redactionibus derivatis, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM 7.2. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1983. Consuetudinum saeculi X/XI/XII monumenta : Introductiones, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM 7.1. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1984. Corpus antiphonalium officii, ed. René-Jean Hesbert, 6 vols, Rerum Ecclesiasticarum Documenta, Series Maior, Fontes 7-12. Rome : Herder, 1963-1979. Corpus orationum, eds. Eugene Moeller, Jean-Marie Clément, completed by Bertrand Coppieters ’t Wallant, 13 vols, Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina, 160. Turnhout : Brepols, 1993-2003. The Customary of the Benedictine Abbey of Eynsham in Oxfordshire, ed. Antonia Gransden, CCM 2. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1963. Dhuoda, Handbook for William : A Carolingian Woman’s Counsel for Her Son, translated and with an introduction by Carol Neel. Lincoln, Nebraska : The University of Nebraska Press, 1991 ; reprinted with an Afterword by Carol Neel, Washington, D.C. : The Catholic University of America Press, 1999. 255

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Gilo, Vita Sancti Hugonis abbatis, ed. H. E. J. Cowdrey, “Two Studies on Cluniac History, 10491109,” Studi Gregoriani per la storia della “Libertas ecclesiae,” 11 (1978), 45-109. Historia Sancti Martini, ed. Martha Fickett. Ottowa : Institute of Medieval Music, 2006. Initia consuetudines benedictinae, consuetudines saeculi octavi et noni, ed. Kassius Hallinger, CCM 1. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1963. John of Salerno/Jean de Salerne. Vita Odonis, PL 133.43-86. English translation/traduction anglaise : The Life of St. Odo of Cluny, tr. and ed. Gerald Sitwell, in St. Odo of Cluny. London : Sheed and Ward, 1958, 3-87. Jotsald/Jotsaud. Iotsald von Saint-Claude, Vita des Abtes Odilo von Cluny, ed. Johannes Staub, MGH scriptorum rerum germanicarum, 68. Hannover : Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1999. Lanfranc. The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed./tr. David Knowles. London : Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1951 ; rev. ed. Christopher N. L. Brooke, Oxford : Clarendon Press, 2002. Liber sacramentorum Romanae aeclesiae ordinis anni circuli, eds. Leo Cunibert Mohlberg, Leo Eizenhöfer, Petrus Siffrin. Rome : Herder, 19813. Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis, ed. Peter Dinter, CCM 10. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1980. The Missal of Robert of Jumièges, ed. H. A. Wilson, HBS 11. Woodbridge, Suffolk : Boydell and Brewer, 1994. Missale ad usum Ecclesie Westmonasteriensis, ed. John Wickham Legg, 3 vols, HBS, 1, 5, 12. London : Harrison and Sons, 1891, 1893, 1897. Das Necrologium des CluniacenserPriorates Münchenwiler (Villars-les-Moines), ed. Gustav Schnürer, Collectanea Friburgensia, Neue Folge, 10. Freiburg, Schweiz : O. Gschwend, 1909. Les ordines romani du haut moyen-âge, ed. Michel Andrieu, 5 vols, Spicilegium Sacrum Lovaniense 11, 23, 24, 28, 29. Louvain : Spicilegium Sacrum Officii, 1931-1961. Petrus Venerabilis [Peter the Venerable/Pierre le Vénérable]. De miraculis libri duo, ed. Denise Bouthillier, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Medievalis, 83. Turnhout : Brepols, 1988. —. Statuta Petri Venerabilis abbatis Cluniacensis IX (1146/7), ed. Giles Constable, in Consuetudines Benedictinae Variae (saec. XI-XIV), CCM 6 :39-106. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1975. Le Pontifical Romano-Germanique du Xe siècle, vol. 2 : Le texte, eds. Cyrille Vogel, Reinhard Elze, Studi e Testi, 227. Vatican : Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1963. Les plus anciens documents originaux de l’abbaye de Cluny, vol. 1, eds. Harmut Atsma, Jean Vezin, avec la collaboration de Sébastien Barret. Turnhout : Brepols, 1997. Radulfus Glaber/Raoul Glaber. Rudolfi Glabri historiarum libri quinque / Rodulfus Glaber, The Five Books of the Histories, ed. and tr. John France. Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1989. Recueil des chartes de l’abbaye de Cluny, eds. Auguste Bernard, Alexandre Bruel. Paris : Imprimerie nationale, 1876-1903. Regularis concordia Anglicae nationis, eds. Thomas Symons, Sigrid Spath, CCM 7.3 : 69-147. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1984. Regularis concordia Anglicae nationis monachorum sanctimonialiumque : The Monastic Agreement of the Monks and Nuns of the English Nation, ed./tr. Thomas Symons. London/New York : Nelson, 1953. Das Rheinauer Rituale (Zürich Rh 114, Anfang 12. Jh.), ed. Gebhard Hürlimann, Spicilegium Friburgense, 5. Freiburg, Schweiz : Universitätsverlag, 1959. Le sacramentaire grégorien : ses principales formes d’après les plus anciens manuscrits, ed. Jean Deshusses, 3 vols, Spicilegium Friburgense 16, 24, 28. Fribourg : Éditions universitaires, 1971-1982. 256

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Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant, ed. Luc d’Achery, 3 vols. Paris : Montalant, 1723. Sulpicius Severus. Vie de Saint Martin, ed. Jacques Fontaine, SC 133. Paris : Cerf, 1967. Syrus. Vita sancti Maioli, ed. Dominique Iogna-Prat, in Agni immaculati : recherches sur les sources hagiographiques relatives à Saint Maïeul de Cluny (954-994), Paris : Cerf, 1988, 163-285. Udalricus Cluniacensis [Udalrich of Zell/Udalrich de Zell]. Antiquiores consuetudines Cluniacensis Monasterii Collectore S. Udalrico Monacho Benedictino, in Luc d’Achéry, Spicilegium, 1.641-703 ; repr. PL 149.643-778. Vetus Disciplina Monastica, ed. Marquard Herrgott. Paris : Osmont, 1726 ; repr. Pius Engelbert. Siegburg : Schmitt, 1999. Visions of Heaven and Hell Before Dante, ed. Eileen Gardiner. New York : Italica Press, 1989. Vita Odilonis, see/voir Jotsald/Jotsaud. Vita Odonis, see/voir John of Salerno/Jean de Salerne. Vita Sancti Hugonis, see/voir Gilo. Vita sancti Maioli, see/voir Syrus. Wilhelmus Hirsaugiensis [William of Hirsau/Guillaume de Hirsau]. Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, eds. Candida Elvert, Pius Engelbert. 2 vols, CCM 15. Siegburg : Schmitt, 2010.

Internet Resources/Sources électroniques Biblia sacra juxta vulgatam clementinam, editio electronica, Michael Tweedale London : http ://vulsearch. sourceforge.net, 2005. Bibliotheca Cluniacensis Novissima, Institut für Frühmittelalterforschung, Universität Münster, http ://www.uni-muenster.de/Fruehmittelalter/Projekte/Cluny/BiblClun/. Cantus : A Database for Latin Ecclesiasical Chant, http ://publish.uwo.ca/~cantus/. Cursus ; The Vulgate for Cursus Use, http ://www.cursus.uea.ac.uk/vulgate. Holy Bible. Catholic Public Domain Version, Based on the Douay-Rheims version, ed. and tr. Ronald L. Conte, Jr. http ://www.sacredbible.org/index.htm. Holy Bible. Douay-Rheims version, 1899 edition of the John Murphy Company, Baltimore, Maryland : http ://www.biblegateway.com/. La sainte Bible, tr. Louis-Claude Fillion. Paris : Librairie Letouzey et Ané, 1889, editio electronica, Éditions Magnificat, http ://www.magnificat.ca/textes/.

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270

INDEX

INDEX OF PERSONS, PLACES, SUBJECTS AND LATIN TERMS AND INCIPITS A facie inimici see Responses A porta inferi see Verses Abbots of Cluny Hugh 17, 22-24, 26, 30-31, 33-34, 174, 178, 181, 196-198, 208, 213, 216, 225, 233, 235, 237 Mayeul 24, 27, 30, 97, 177, 200 Odilo 23-25, 27-31, 33, 94 n. 41, 97, 177-178, 189-190, 196-197, 200, 235, 237 Odo 21 n. 26, 34, 36-37, 177, 209 Peter the Venerable 22, 33-35, 181 Pons 34 Abraham 139, 141, 161, 231 Bosom of 107, 115, 139, 145, 155, 206, 211, 229230 Absolution 30, 85, 88 n. 31, 119, 161, 167, 169, 178-180, 189, 192, 215, 232 Absolve domine animam famuli tui see Antiphons, Prayers Ad te Domine see Psalms and psalmody Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, et me qui see Prayers Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, nec sit see Prayers Adolescents 105 see also Boys Aelfric 198 n. 100 Afterlife 19, 21-22, 25, 174, 200, 228-229, 233-234, 236 Agony 20, 30, 38, 95, 103, 173, 182, 195, 197-200, 213 Alarm 121, 217, 218 n. 171 Alb 57, 125, 167 Alcuin of York 42 n. 106, 191, 218 All Souls 24-25, 27 n. 59, 175 Almoner 233 Almonry 233 Alms and almsgiving 20, 22-23, 27 n. 59, 123, 169, 171, 218 Altar 30, 33, 71, 89, 115, 117, 123, 127, 139, 194, 201 n. 108, 212, 218-219, 222, 232 Ambrose 192 n. 83 Ambrose, Kirk 37 n. 83 Angels 107, 115, 118 n. 70, 129, 131, 157, 196, 200, 206, 211, 223, 228 Anima mea turbata est valde see Versicles

Anniversaries 23, 47, 118 n. 74, 171, 202 n. 114, 213 n. 151, 214-215, 233, 235, 254 Anointing the dying 19, 23, 80 n. 18, 82 n. 22, 205 Anointing the dying at Cluny 15, 23, 27, 30, 41, 44-45, 59-79, 80 n. 18, 90 n. 33, 180-193, 212, 224, 226, 236 Antiphons and Psalms 42 n. 105, 44-46, 181-182, 184-188, 190, 193, 204, 215, 221, 224 Prayers 118, 182-183, 189, 193-197, 204 Anointing the sick 27, 182-183, 193, 197 Ante et retro 49, 119, 121, 125, 165, 167, 216-217 see also Bows and bowing Antiphonary 40, 48, 68 n. 11 Antiphons 36 n. 77, 38, 42-46, 80 n. 18, 94 n. 38, 102 n. 46, 160, 180, 183, 185-186, 188-190, 203 n. 115, 221, 224-225, 230, 248, 254 Absolve domine animam famuli tui 160, 226 Aperite 134, 225 Asperges me 70, 182 Cor contritum 68, 70, 185 Cum sol autem occidisset 78, 185 De terra plasmasti 148, 226, 227 n. 202 Dirige 207, 223 n. 190 Domine ascende 72, 185 Domine non sum dignus 76, 185 Domine puer meus 64, 185 Erat quidam regulus 62, 185 Exultabunt domino 102, 202 Hec requies 144, 226 In paradisum 130, 222-223 Ingrediar 140, 225 Non intres 152, 226 Omnis spiritus 156, 226 Placebo domine 38, 199, 202 Sana me domine quoniam conturbata 60, 185 Subvenite 211 Verba mea 202 Aperite see Antiphons Apse 28, 30-31, 33 n. 70, 36, 45, 135, 212, 225, 230 Aquitaine 21 n. 25 Ariès, Philippe 11, 178 n. 20

271

INDEX

Armarius 26, 44-45, 48, 57, 89, 95, 111, 115, 119, 125, 129, 133, 138 n. 100, 139, 145, 180, 208, 210, 214, 216, 221-224, 228-231, 237, 239 Arms 38, 198, 248 Ashes 73, 81, 91, 155, 188, 196, 197 n. 93, 230 Asperges me see Antiphons Assumption 201 n. 110 Augustine 18 St. Augustine’s, Canterbury 11 Auvergne 21 n. 25 Back 217, 245 Bangor 68 n. 11 Baptism 18-19, 95, 138 n. 99, 139, 193 n. 83, 222, 228-229 Baud, Anne 30 n. 67 Beati quorum see Psalms and psalmody Beatus qui intellegit see Psalms and psalmody Bed 15, 30, 57, 91, 105, 131, 180, 189, 196, 197 n. 93, 198, 201, 203 see also Deathbed, Sickbed Begging pardon and favor 47-48, 57, 153, 179-180, 183, 187, 193, 200, 204-206, 212, 220, 223, 229230, 232, 250 Bells 37-38, 109, 115, 118-119, 123, 124 n. 83, 132 n. 93, 133, 170 n. 124, 200, 211, 216, 218 n. 172, 219, 224, 230-231, 235 Benedict 97, 171, 198 n. 102, 200 see also Benedictine Rule Benedict of Aniane 42, 182-183, 191, 192 n. 74, 204-206, 212, 222, 237 see also Supplement Benedictine monasticism 11, 15, 17, 43, 174, 176177, 184 n. 49, 187 Benedictine Rule 17, 24, 179, 198, 203, 237, 246 Benedictus see Canticle St. Bénigne, Dijon 23 Bernard, Philippe 191 n. 68 Bernard of Cluny 26, 174-184, 188-189, 192, 194195, 197-203, 206-217, 219-221, 223-225, 229230, 232-237, 246 Customary of 25-27, 39-48, 174, 178-179, 188, 192, 195, 207 n. 130, 235 Bernold of Constance 88 n. 31 Biay, Sébastien 37 n. 83 Bible 14, 42, 112 n. 62 Bidding 206, 230 Bier 30, 111, 113, 117, 133, 209-210, 212, 214, 218-219, 221-222 Blanket 61, 75, 111, 169, 171, 208

272

Blessing 43, 45, 83, 121, 133, 142, 147, 182, 199, 204, 224 see also Fire, Grave Body 15, 18, 23, 30, 38-39, 41, 45-46, 83, 93, 95, 103, 105, 109, 111, 113, 115, 118 n. 75, 123, 127, 132 n. 94, 133, 141, 145, 153, 173, 177 n. 17, 178, 182-188, 192-193, 195-196, 199-200, 202204, 207-216, 220-230, 232, 230, 239, 254 see also Corpse, Jesus Christ Boethius 36 Bows and bowing 47, 49, 57, 113, 125, 177, 180, 210, 216-217, 232, 250 see also Ante et retro, Prostration Boynton, Susan 12, 24 n. 37, 39 n. 96, 45, 175 n. 7, 184 n. 49, 207 n. 128, 216 n. 164 Boys 91, 115, 117, 118 n. 71, 119, 121, 133, 159, 195, 203, 211, 214, 216, 217 n. 166, 224, 228, 230, 237, 239 see also Adolescents, Children Bread 73, 81, 113, 143, 147, 169, 180, 188, 194195, 233, 235 Breast 111, 198 Brow 198 Burgundy 187 Burial 18, 43, 114 n. 165, 134 n. 96, 201 n. 108, 215, Burial at Cluny 30, 33-34, 44-45, 114 n. 65, 121, 125, 134 n. 96, 135, 167, 173, 180, 199, 207-210, 218-220, 224-232, 235-236, 239 Prayers 228-230 Bynum, Caroline 18, 173 n. 2 Caesarius of Arles 206 Candles and candlesticks 48, 57, 89, 91, 105, 111, 117, 123, 125, 127, 133, 135, 163, 180, 196, 208, 213, 219, 221, 231 Canticle 45, 143, 225, 245 Of Mary (Magnificat) 241 Of Hezekiah (Ego dixi) 241 Of Zachary (Benedictus) 160-161, 226, 228-229, 231, 241 Cantor see Armarius Carolingian Europe 17, 19-21 38, 186, 191, 218, 219 n. 176 see also Benedict of Aniane, Charlemagne Carolingian Reform 20, 175, 182, 205, 237 Catafalque 30, 212-213, 221 Cell 125, 171 Cellarer 111, 208-209, 216, 237 Cemetery 23, 28, 30-31, 33, 34 n. 74, 44-45, 134 n. 95, 135, 159, 162 n. 118, 163, 167, 169, 188,

INDEX

204, 209 n. 138, 216 n. 162, 219, 224-225, 228, 231-232 Chailley, Jacques 37 n. 83 Chalice 89, 91, 194-195 Chamberlain 111, 169, 208 Chant 12, 15, 18, 23, 36, 38, 40-42, 44, 47, 174, 177, 180, 182, 185, 187, 198-199, 202, 230, 231, 236 see also Antiphons, Canticle, Psalms and psalmody, Refrains, Respond, Responsories, Versicles Chapter 15, 24, 26, 49, 57, 119, 123, 125, 168 nn. 121122, 169, 174, 179-180, 192, 209, 214, 216-217, 219-220, 233-234, 239, 251 Chapter book 24 Chapter house 28-30, 33, 117, 119, 121, 169, 171, 180, 194, 206 n. 128, 213, 216-217, 225, 234, 247, 250 Charlemagne 19, 42, 182, 190-191, 205, 215, 218, 237 Charles the Fat 19 Child oblation 16-17, 26, 48, 175 n. 5 Children 105, 118 n. 71, 121, 165, 195, 203, 218 n. 171, 225, 234 see also Adolescents, Boys Choir 36, 38, 89, 95, 119, 135, 165, 188, 194, 201, 212, 214, 217, 225 Angelic 129, 223 Heavenly 227 n. 201 Choir monks 48-49, 133, 179-180, 184, 211, 224, 237, 239, 247 see also Senior monks Christmas 169, 176, 201 n. 210 Church of the Holy Sepulcher 30, 159, 225 Church of St. Mary, 28, 30-31, 33, 41, 44-46, 89, 109, 113, 115, 117, 118 n. 74, 133, 135, 181 n. 31, 188, 194, 197, 199, 206-208, 210-214, 216, 218, 221, 224, 225-226, 230, 232, 239, 247 Church of SS. Peter and Paul (Cluny II, III) 17, 24, 27-36, 45, 194, 233 n. 211, 247 see also Main church Cistercians 26, 33, 49 Claustral prior 48, 57, 95, 199, 201, 237 see also Prior Cloister 33, 93, 103, 109, 119, 121, 125, 133, 198, 216, 218 n. 171 see also Infirmary, trisantia Cloth 89, 196 Clothing 22, 57, 111, 115, 125, 147, 149, 168 n. 122, 169, 173-174, 208, 211, 227, 234, 239, 245 see also Garment, Hair shirt, Shirt, Vestments Cluniac death ritual see Death ritual at Cluny Cluny 11-13, 15-17, 19-45, 47-49, 51-54, 88 n. 31

Carolingian inheritance at 186, 205-206, 227, 237 Foundation 16, 19, 197 Foundation charter 20-22 Gifts to 17, 235 Growth of 181 Hierarchy of the sacred at 185, 201, 203, 207, 214, 218-219, 233 Office of the dead at 94 n. 38, 223 n. 189, 237 see also Abbots of Cluny, Church of the Holy Sepulcher, Church of St. Mary, Church of SS. Peter and Paul, Ecclesia cluniacensis, Economy of salvation, Peter and Paul Cluny I, II see Church of SS. Peter and Paul Cochelin, Isabelle 12, 26 n. 50, 39, 40 n. 100, 48, 217 n. 170, 218 n. 172 Collation 105, 203 Collationes see Abbots of Cluny, Odo Collectar 167 Collects 48, 59, 81, 83, 84 n. 25, 89, 105, 106 n. 53, 109, 117, 119, 121, 125-127, 129, 139, 141, 145, 149, 153, 155, 159, 162 n. 118, 167, 202 n. 114, 203 n. 115, 209 n. 135, 210, 212, 214-215, 218, 236, 254 see also Prayers Communion 81, 194, 205, 195 As viaticum 18-19, 23, 30, 118 n. 70, 189, 197, 203 Community 15, 17, 21, 23-24, 26, 30-31, 33, 39-41, 44-45, 48-49, 57, 89, 91, 94 n. 38, 105, 108 n. 55, 109, 111, 113, 117, 123, 125, 133, 134 nn. 95-96, 135, 145, 159, 163, 167, 168 n. 121, 169, 173, 175-184, 186-190, 192, 194-206, 208-226, 228237, 239, 246 Christian 20 Of the blessed 19, 174 Of the faithful 223 Of “friends of St. Peter” 235 Of the saints 115, 211, 221, 223, 226 Of the saved 18, 193 Commemoration of the dead 18, 24, 26, 33, 107, 132, 212 n. 145, 219 n. 176 Commemoration of the dead at Cluny 15, 24-26, 30, 33, 35, 38, 49, 175, 179, 202, 209, 213-214, 216, 218, 232-235, 237 see also Anniversaries Compline 38, 188, 217, 235, 240-241, 249, 253 Conant, John Kenneth 28 Confession 15, 19, 23, 30, 57, 61, 63, 84 n. 25, 85, 87, 88 n. 31, 89, 95, 109, 135, 137, 139, 143, 145,

273

INDEX

151, 159, 178-180, 191-193, 207, 215, 217 see also Penance Confitemini see Psalms and psalmody Confiteor see Prayers Confraternity 218 Constitutions of Lanfranc see Lanfranc Consuetudinary see Customaries Consuetudines 17, 42 see also Customaries Consuetudines antiquiores 23, 24, 237 Consuetudo 181, 209, 247 see also Customs, Customaries Conversi 45, 48-49, 57, 73, 103, 109, 115, 133, 145, 180, 184, 208, 211, 224, 229-230, 234, 235, 237, 245 Cooks 111, 209 Coon, Lynda 33 n. 69 Cor contritum see Antiphons Corpse 31, 33, 111, 127, 176, 181 n. 31, 188, 195, 199, 203, 208-209, 211, 213-216, 218, 221, 230, 236, 239, 253 Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum 25 Court see Heavenly court Cowl 111, 209 Credo in unum deum see Creed, Prayers Creed 92 n. 37, 93, 95, 101, 103, 198-201 Cross 45, 48, 57, 89, 91, 103, 111, 117, 127, 133, 138 n. 100, 167, 180, 195, 200, 208, 212-213, 222, 224, 251 Sign of the 59, 196, 229 Cum sol autem occidisset see Antiphons Customaries 12, 17, 23-27, 38-40, 42-43, 46, 82 n. 23 see also Bernard, Consuetudines antiquiores, Lanfranc, Liber tramitis, Udalrich Customs 11, 17, 40 see also Consuetudo, Customaries Customs of Cluny 11-12, 22-27, 38, 81, 91, 101, 105, 111, 115, 117, 119, 124, 139, 169, 175-176, 188-189, 191, 194, 198, 207, 209, 211-213, 215 n. 160, 216, 218 n. 171, 219, 221, 234, 237, 247, 250 David 147, 161, 187, 227 see also Psalmist Davril, Anselme 217 n. 167 De terra plasmasti see Antiphons Deacon 127, 222 n. 185, 252 Of the week for high mass 111, 209 Death 11-13, 15, 17-20, 26, 30, 36-37, 61, 85, 101, 137 Attitudes toward 11, 18, 178 n. 20, 229-230 Eternal 129, 223, 227

274

Liturgy of 33, 188, 193, 204-206, 211 Moment of 211 News of a 234 Of Abbot Hugh 213 Of Abbot Odilo 25, 189-190 Of the body 38 Of Christ 197 Of Gerald of Aurillac 209 Of the soul 193 Perpetual 99 Prayers after 42 Rites of preparation for 188, 192, 195 Response to 237 Second 87 Shadows of 141, 163, 229, 231 Snare of 139 Torment of 141 Death of a monk at Cluny 15, 23-24, 30, 38-39, 90 n. 34, 91, 93, 101, 103, 121, 123, 171, 174-180, 182-183, 185, 187-188, 193, 195-197, 199-206, 214-221, 231 Announcement of see Letters Death ritual at Cluny 12, 15, 17, 23 n. 5, 27-28, 30, 33, 37-40, 42-43, 45, 46, 82 n. 23, 173-178, 181, 184, 190-197, 204, 218, 231, 237 Phases of 188, 194-195 Prayers of 205, 215, 218, 221, 229, 237 Psalms of 180, 187-188, 215, 224 Role of the sick in 225, 227 Verses and responses in 190 Death rituals 20, 22 n. 30, 192, 205 Deathbed 18, 19, 23, 33, 103, 190-193, 198, 201, 205, 208, 210, 228 Debitum humani corporis see Prayers Demons 23, 36, 196, 200, 212, 226 see also Devils Deshusses, Jean 191 n. 68 Deus apud quem mortuorum spiritus vivunt see Prayers Deus cui omnia vivunt see Prayers Deus cuius miseratione animae see Prayers Deus humani generis benignissime see Prayers Deus, in nomine tuo salvum me fac see Versicles Deus meus sperantem in te see Responses Deus qui facturae tuae see Prayers see Prayers Deus qui famulo tuo Ezechiae see Prayers Deus qui fundasti see Prayers Deus qui humanarum animarum eternus amator es see Prayers Deus qui humano generi see Prayers Deus qui justis supplicationibus see Prayers

INDEX

Deus venie largitor see Prayers Deus vitae dator see Prayers Devils 25, 87, 109, 190, 196, 200 see also Demons Dhuoda 20 Dirige see Antiphons, Versicles Discipline 17-18, 48, 168 n. 121, 169, 179, 196, 246, 151 Divine judgment 19, 79, 107, 127, 153, 159, 204, 222, 224 see also Judgment Day Divine office 17, 23, 38-39, 176, 200, 203, 208, 236, 246-247 see also Compline, Hours, Lauds, Matins, None, Prime, Sext, Terce, Vespers Domine ascende see Antiphons Domine deus noster qui offensione see Prayers Domine ne in furore see Psalms and psalmody Domine non sum dignus see Antiphons Domine probasti see Psalms and psalmody Domine puer meus see Antiphons Domine sancte, pater omnipotens, eterne deus qui see Prayers Dominus reget me see Psalms and psalmody Dominus vobiscum see Verses Dormitory 28, 93, 105, 121, 198, 217 Drink 73, 105, 171, 188, 233, 246 Dum veneris in novissimo die see Refrains Dum veneris judicare seculum per ignem see Refrains Ears 63, 77, 131, 183, 187 see also Hearing East 30, 145, 159, 217, 225, 229, 245 Easter Sunday 122 n. 81, 123, 169, 176, 188, 201 n. 110, 214, 219, 233 Ecclesia cluniacensis 31 n. 68, 235 Economy of death 22 n. 27 Economy of salvation 16-20, 222, 231, 235 Cluny and 22, 25, 38, 175, 235, 237 Protestant Reformation and 22 n. 29 Ego dixi see Canticle Emiglia-Romagna 23, 223 England 22 n. 30, 235 Epistle of James 182-183 Epistle to the Hebrews 228 Erat quidam regulus see Antiphons Esdras 106 n. 50, 204 Esto ei domine turris fortitudinis see Verses Et cum spiritu tuo see Responses Et de Sion tuere eum see Responses Et filius iniquitatis non adponat nocere eum see Responses Et lux perpetua luceat ei see Responses Et ne nos inducas in temptationem see Verses Evil 23, 67, 69, 85, 91, 99, 194, 200, 205, 212, 224

Exaudi domine preces nostras see Prayers Extreme unction 173 see also Anointing the dying Exultabunt domino see Antiphons Eyes 65, 67, 115, 131, 137, 147, 151, 183, 198 see also Sight Fac quesumus domine see Prayers Familiares 202, 235 Families 16-17, 20-23, 87, 231 n. 213, 235 Farfa 23-24, 45 see also Hugh Fassler, Margot 48 n. 7 Fasts 118 n. 72, 119, 121, 176 see also Lent Feet 67, 77, 111, 133, 145, 147, 163, 176, 183, 186187, 199, 209 n. 136, 229, 248 see also Maundy Ferreira, Manuel Pedro 36 n. 78 Fickett, Martha 36 n. 77 Fidelium deus see Prayers Fillion, Louis-Claude see Bible Fingers 91, 194-195 Fire 81, 129, 137, 155, 157, 188, 198 n. 101, 228, 230 Blessing of new 122 n. 81, 123, 181 n. 36, 219 Flesh 65, 67, 73, 135, 141, 149, 155, 184, 187, 225 see also Meat Fleury (St.-Benoît-sur-Loire) 92 n. 37 Fonte Avellana 80 n. 18 Food 22, 169, 171, 209, 233-235, 246 Friday 121, 218 see also Good Friday Funerals 15 see also Mass Funerals at Cluny 15, 24, 213, 220-221, 230, 232 see also Pall, Pall bearers Antiphons 215, 225-228, 231 Procession 44, 105, 165, 167, 181 n. 31, 188, 204, 208, 211, 218-225, 228, 232 Prayers 215 Psalms182, 204, 225-228 Galilee 30, 33, 62-63, 186 Garment 75, 115, 211, 213 n. 149, 245-247 see also Clothing Genitalia 11, 184, 209 Genuflection 47-48, 89, 179, 194, 217, 250 Gerald of Aurillac 209 Germany 235 see also Salian emperors Gifts and gift-giving 16-17, 21-22, 34, 59, 83, 87, 104 n. 48, 149, 155, 180, 193, 235, 237 Gloria 68 n. 11 Good Friday 123, 219 Gospels 120 n. 76, 177, 185, 197, 236

275

INDEX

John 62 n. 7, 72 n. 12, 120 n. 75, 186 Luke 78 n. 15, 112 n. 62, 160 n. 117, 231 Matthew 64 n. 8, 76 n. 13, 112 n. 62, 186 Grave 18, 33, 45, 109, 138 n. 98, 139, 145, 159, 167, 214, 224-225, 227-230, 232 Gregory the great, pope 19 Hadrian I, pope 42, 190, 205, 215 Hadrianum 191, 222 see also Sacramentaries Hair shirt 91, 101, 188, 196, 197 n. 93, 200, 246 see also Clothing Hallinger, Kassius 25 Handmaids 121, 123 Hands 21, 54, 63, 65, 67, 73, 78 n. 15, 79, 81, 85, 87, 89, 107, 111, 127, 131, 133, 137, 149, 153, 155, 183-184, 188, 194, 209, 227, 229 Hathumoda of Gandersheim 227 n. 201 Head 38, 47, 65, 111, 127, 135, 145, 179, 209-210, 217, 250, 253 Health and healing 18, 61-65, 67, 73, 77, 83, 85, 87, 180, 185-187, 191-193, 224, 236 Hearing 63, 71, 183 see also Ears Heart 36, 65, 67, 69, 71, 73, 79, 87, 151, 153, 163, 186 Heaven 20-21, 75, 93, 113, 129, 131, 133, 149, 159, 174-175, 179-180, 188, 200, 205-208, 211, 212 n. 145, 221, 223, 260-230, 237 Heavenly court 179-180, 200, 208, 222, 237 Hebron 229 n. 204 Hec requies see Antiphons Hell 61, 107, 113, 115, 133, 139, 141, 149, 155, 163, 165, 200, 204-205, 210-212, 213 n. 148, 229-230, 232 Henry of Lausanne 33 Herrgott, Marquard 184 Heu mihi domine see Responsories Hezekiah 193, 204, 241 Hierarchy 176, 178, 207, 224, 237, 250 see also Rank, Seniority Hierarchy of the sacred see Cluny Hiersau see Otto, William Holy Land 230 Holy oil see Oil of the sick Holy Saturday 42, 122 n. 81, 123, 219-220 Holy Sepulcher see Church Holy Spirit 71, 93, 139, 229 Holy Thursday 102 n. 46, 123, 181 n. 36, 191, 193, 199, 219 see also Maundy

276

Holy water 45, 57, 89, 103, 109, 111, 145, 167, 180, 182, 208-209, 228 Hood 111, 135, 209, 225, 247 Hours 24, 38, 90 n. 34, 95, 101, 125, 169, 176, 194, 199-201, 214, 219-220, 221 n. 181, 233, 251 see also Divine office Hugh, abbot of Farfa 27 Hunt, Noreen 179 n. 28 Illness 85, 224 see also Health and healing, Remedies, Sickness In exitu Israel see Psalms and psalmody In paradisum see Antiphons Incense 89, 109, 111, 127, 145, 177, 208-209, 222, 228-229, 253 see also Thurible Inclina domine see Prayers Incorporation 204, 221, 223, 228, 230 Rites of 173-174, 188, 208, 228 Indulgentiam et remissionem omnium peccatorum tuorum see Prayers Infirmarian 59, 91, 111, 197, 208, 216, 237, 248 Infirmary 15, 28, 30, 33, 38, 41, 46, 57, 59, 89, 91, 93, 101, 105, 109, 111, 179-182, 188-189, 194, 197-203, 207-214, 222, 225, 239, 247 Cloister 194, 198, 225 Servants 30, 91, 93, 101, 178, 196-198, 200 Ingrediar see Antiphons Intercession 20, 22, 99, 117, 118 n. 70, 123, 200, 212, 237 Ireland 183 Isaac 139, 145, 229 n. 204, 230 Isaiah 204, 106 n. 52, 193, 204, 205 n. 122, 210, 212 Israel 77, 131, 133, 135, 159, 161, 187 Italy 23, 235 Jacob 131, 139, 145, 147, 229 n. 204, 230 James see Epistle Jerome 42 Jerusalem 71, 75, 131, 187, 225 Jesus Christ 63, 73, 79, 120 n. 75, 139, 145, 180, 186, 190, 195, 197, 200, 205, 225, 229 Body of 89, 195 Body and blood of 185, 188, 194 Passion of 90 n. 34, 93, 101, 197, 219 Resurrection of 18, 24, 37, 93, 119, 220, 163, 211, 219, 220, 232 Job 138 n. 99, 223 n. 189, 248 Johannes of Mons Opuli 23, 27

INDEX

Kiss 91, 195 Of peace 123, 195, 220 Knees 47, 179, 198 Knowles, David 47-49, 214 n. 153 Kyrie 44-45, 96, 100, 124-126, 128, 221-222

Roman 20, 42, 182-183, 193-194, 197, 205, 206207, 211, 215, 218, 223, 226-227, 237 Visigothic 42, 191, 205-206, 210, 222, 229 n. 205, 230, 237 Loins 67, 78 n. 14, 79, 147, 183, 187, 217 Lord’s Prayer (Pater noster) 112 n. 62, 203, 210, 217, 231-232 see also Our Father, Prayers Louis the German 19-20 Louis the Pious 19, 182, 191 Luke see Gospels Lust 19, 79, 184 n. 51, 189

Lady Chapel, see Church of St. Mary Laity 33, 36-38, 182, 185, 201 n. 122, 207 Lanfranc 11, 24 n. 39, 47, 48 n. 4, 49 n. 9, 124 n. 83, 168 n. 121, 188 n. 59, 199 n. 105, 201 nn. 108109, 202 n. 114, 203 n. 115, 214 n. 153 Lantern 101, 105, 119 Laudate dominum de celis see Psalms and psalmody Lauds 38, 103, 118 n. 71, 185, 202-203, 210, 213, 240, 250 Of the dead 102 n. 46, 103, 108 n. 55, 109, 117, 118 n. 69, 119, 160 n. 117, 188, 207, 212 n. 144, 213-215, 228, 231, 236, 254 Lay brothers 48 see also Laity Layman see Laity Leclercq, Jean 175 n. 9, 196 n. 88, 239 Lent 105, 121, 176, 185, 188, 191, 218, 249 see also Fasts Léon, king-emperors of 17, 235 Letters 19, 24, 125, 170 n. 124, 171, 239 Liber tramitis 23-24, 27, 181-182, 196, 198, 237 Libera me see Responsories Librarian see Armarius Liminality 173-174, 186, 188, 195-196, 199-200, 208, 211, 220, 226 Lips 65, 71, 183 Litany 45, 94 n. 41, 95, 101, 103, 105, 113, 119, 121, 125 Liturgical books 22, 40, 42-43, 46, 88 n. 31, 160 n. 117, 197 Liturgy 13, 17, 22, 23 n. 35, 26-27, 33, 38-39, 46, 48-49, 175-176, 179 n. 23, 180-185, 190-191, 193, 196-197, 200, 201 n. 108, 203-205, 207, 211, 214, 217-219, 220 n. 178, 222, 231-232, 235-236, 245-248, 250, 251-252 Gallican 42, 191, 194, 205-206, 218, 230-231, 235

Maccabees 223 n. 189 Mâcon 21 Magnificat see Canticle Main church 27-28, 30-31, 33, 38, 116 n. 167, 117, 118 n. 74, 119, 133, 135, 165, 167, 181 n. 36, 188, 207 n. 128, 213-214, 216, 219, 225, 230, 232 see also Church of SS. Peter and Paul Mandatum see Maundy Marchesin, Isabelle 37 n. 83 Martène, Edmond 43 Martin of Cluny 24 Martin of Tours 36, 97, 196 Mary 31 n. 68, 117, 118 n. 70, 200, 201 n. 110, 212 see also Church of St. Mary Mass 17-20, 39-40, 48, 68 n. 11, 88 n. 31, 89, 94 n. 38, 100 n. 44, 119, 120 n. 76, 170 n. 24, 176, 180, 188, 199, 200-201, 203, 208, 216, 236 Conventual 95, 117, 125, 127, 171, 199, 201, 214, 232-234 Easter vigil 122 Festal 121, 219 For the dead 19, 23, 25, 30, 33, 121, 169, 171, 204, 207, 212, 215, 218, 223 n. 188, 233-234 For the salvation of the living 218 For the sick 181, 191 n. 173, 192 Funeral 18, 31, 33, 123, 208, 210, 213, 218-220, 222 n. 185 High 15, 30, 109, 111, 121, 123, 167, 189, 207, 209, 218-219, 221, 232-233 In cemeteries 162 n. 118 Morning 123, 216 Of the fast 118 n. 72, 121 Of the Rogations 123, 220 Private 171, 209, 232-234 Requiem 204 Masters 105, 115, 118 n. 71, 119, 133, 203, 211, 214, 224, 239

John see Gospels John the Baptist 231 Judgment Day 19, 87, 99, 108-109, 129, 139, 141, 145, 194, 200, 208, 223, 227, 229 see also Divine judgment

277

INDEX

Matins 38, 95, 101, 117, 119, 169, 185, 201-203, 207 n. 130, 217, 233, 237 n. 219, 247, 250 Of all saints 103, 203 Of the dead 38, 103, 108 n. 55, 109, 118 n. 69, 119, 188, 201-202, 207, 210-211, 212 n. 146, 213-216, 218 n. 174, 223, 227 n. 200, 236, 237 n. 219, 254 Matthew see Gospels Maundy 95, 176, 199, 201 see also Holy Thursday Meals 104 nn. 48-49, 165, 169, 174, 203, 209, 214, 233, 236, 247, 251 see also Drink, Food, Prebend Meat 225, 235 see also Flesh Memento see Psalms and psalmody Memorial book 125 see also Necrology Mercy 20-21, 61, 65, 75, 81, 85, 87, 89, 91, 107, 109, 123, 125, 129, 131, 135, 139, 141, 143, 145, 155, 161, 163, 178, 186, 194-195, 203, 206, 212, 213 n. 148, 215, 223-224, 226-229, 231 Meyer, Kathi 36 n. 82, 37 n. 83, 38 n. 86 Ministers 87, 119, 121 see also Deacons, Priests Misereatur vestri see Prayers Miserere mei deus miserere mei see Psalms Missa matutinalis 220 n. 178 Mitte ei domine auxilium de sancto see Verses Monastery 15, 21, 30 n. 67, 31, 33-34, 36, 95, 123, 171, 176, 187-188, 199, 211, 233, 245-247, 250 Monica 18 Monk-priest 19, 43 Mouth 67, 71, 89, 131, 161, 194 Music 11-12, 36-38, 236 Music-Thanatology 11-12 Nave 30, 33, 210, 212 Ne recorderis see Responsories Necrology 24, 175, 179, 212 n. 145, 220, 234 see also Memorial book New Testament 180, 228 Nicaea, Council of 18 see also Creed Nichil proficiat inimicus in eo see Verses Night office see Matins Nocturns 103, 201, 202 n. 114, 211, 216, 223, 227 n. 200 Non intres in judicium cum servis tuis see Antiphons, Versicles Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo see Prayers, Verses Nonantola 23 None 38, 119, 123, 216, 219, 253, 241 Nose 69, 131, 183 see also Smell

278

Oblate, oblation see Child oblation Obsecramus misericordiam see Prayers Offerentes eam in conspectus altissimi see Refrains Offering 16, 127 Office of the dead 38, 46-47, 94 n. 38, 119, 203, 207 n. 130, 211, 214 n. 153, 218 n. 174, 223, 237, 252, 254 see also Lauds, Matins, Vespers Officium 47, 108, 110, 112, 118, 132, 134, 152, 166, 168, 170, 202 n. 113, 207, 215 Oil of the sick 30, 57, 59, 181-182, 184, 188, 196 Oil lamps 93 Old Testament 38, 229 Omnipotens sempiterne deus cui numquam sine spe see Prayers Omnipotens sempiterne deus qui per beatum apostolum see Prayers Omnis spiritus see Antiphons Opus dei 39, 204, 211 Oracio generalis 218 n. 174 Ordo in agenda mortuorum 197, 211 Oremus fratres karissimi pro spiritu cari see Prayers St. Ouen, Rouen 43, 184 Our Father (Pater noster) 113, 163, 171, 234 see also Lord’s Prayer, Prayers Otto of Hirsau 43 Ottosen, Knud 114 n. 65, 223 n. 191 Palazzo, Éric 217 n. 167 Palermo (Biblioteca centrale della regione siciliana, Fondo Monreale 7) 39 n. 97, 94 n. 40, 110 n. 59, 118 n. 71, 124 n. 84, 209 n. 136 Pall 113, 209 Pall bearers 224, 228-230 Paradise 18-19, 21, 115, 131, 149, 174, 183, 193, 195-196, 199, 208, 226, 228-231 Pardon see Begging pardon and favor Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Latin 13875 39-40, 55, 56 n. 1, 58 nn. 3-4, 60 n. 6, 64 nn. 910, 78 n. 16, 80 n. 21, 82 n. 24, 84 n. 26, 86 n. 29, 88 n. 30, 90 nn. 32 and 35-36, 98 n. 42, 100 n. 43, 110 n. 61, 112 n. 63, 118 n. 71, 122 n. 82, 124 n. 85, 128 n. 91, 134 n. 96, 140 n. 102, 144 n. 105, 152 n. 111, 160 n. 117, 166 n. 119, 170 n. 123, 174 n. 5 Parlor 30, 89, 103, 194 Pater noster see Lord’s Prayer, Our Father, Prayers Patriarchs 107, 141, 229 n. 204, 230 Paul 97 see also Peter and Paul Pax huic domui see Verses

INDEX

Peccantem me quotidie see Responsories Penance 18-19, 47, 85, 87, 88 n. 31, 191, 193, 205, 213 n. 148 Penitents 18, 191-193 Pentecost 169, 176, 185, 201 n. 210, 216 n. 162, 233 Peter 97, 118 n. 70, 120 n. 75, 235 see also Peter and Paul Peter and Paul, patron saints of Cluny 21, 177, 201 n. 110 Peter of Bruys 33 Petere veniam 47, 179 St. Peter’s, Rome 17 Pio recordationis affectu see Prayers Placebo domine see Antiphons Poor, the 20-22, 25, 33, 147, 174-176, 199, 218, 233-235, 239, 253 Prayer for the dead 17, 21, 236 Prayers 5, 17-21, 25, 38, 40-45, 174, 180, 205-208, 218, 221, 227, 233, 235-237 see also Collects Absolve domine animam famuli tui 118, 160, 166, 192 n. 81, 214 Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, et me qui 86, 191 Adesto domine supplicationibus nostris, nec sit 84, 191 Confiteor 88, 194, 195 n. 85 Credo in unum deum 92 see also Creed Debitum humani corporis 152, 228 Deus apud quem mortuorum spiritus vivunt 138, 140, 228 Deus cui omnia vivunt 106, 205 Deus cuius miseratione animae 162 Deus humani generis benignissime 86, 191 Deus qui facturae tuae 82, 190 Deus qui famulo tuo Ezechiae 82, 190 Deus qui fundasti 138, 228 Deus qui humanarum animarum eternus amator es 114, 210 Deus qui humano generi 82, 190 Deus qui justis supplicationibus 148, 228 Deus venie largitor 116, 120, 210, 237 Deus vitae dator 112, 210 Domine sancte, pater omnipotens, eterne deus qui 82, 190 Domine deus noster qui offensione 84, 190 Exaudi domine preces nostras 84, 190 Fac quesumus domine 126, 221 Fidelium deus 120, 218 Inclina domine 128, 222-223 Indulgentiam et remissionem omnium peccatorum tuorum 90

Misereatur vestri 90 Non intres in judicium 126, 166 Obsecramus misericordiam 138, 140, 228 Oremus fratres karissimi pro spiritu cari 144, 228 Omnipotens sempiterne deus cui numquam sine spe 108, 120, 214 Omnipotens sempiterne deus qui per beatum apostolum 58, 182 Pater noster 112, 162, 170 see also Lord’s Prayer, Our Father Pio recordationis affectu 106, 205 Presta quesumus domine huic famulo tuo 86, 191 Preveniat hunc famulum 84, 190 Respice domine famulum tuum in infirmitate 82, 190 Sanctorum tuorum 122, 218 Suscipe domine animam servi tui 108, 205 Temeritatis quidem est deus 154, 228 Tibi domine commendamus animam famuli tui 158, 228, 231 Virtutum celestium deus 82 Prebend 169, 171 Prebendary 233 Precantor see Armarius Preparation, rites of 20, 23, 173, 177, 180, 182-183, 186, 189, 192, 195, 197, 205 Presta quesumus domine huic famulo tuo see Prayers Preveniat hunc famulum see Prayers Priest 18, 30, 43-45, 52, 57, 59, 81, 89, 91, 105, 132 n. 93, 133, 134 n. 96, 139, 141, 145, 147, 159, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 173, 178-185, 188-189, 191, 193-195, 206, 216, 218, 222, 224, 228, 229234, 237, 239, 247, 252-253 Of the week 109, 111, 125, 167, 209, 221 see also Monk-priest Prime 38, 121, 123, 179, 217, 218 n. 171, 219-220, 240 Prior 48, 75, 91, 93, 95, 101, 105, 109, 111, 113, 115, 119, 121, 125, 169, 171, 178-180, 192, 197, 200, 208-210, 212, 216, 220-221, 234, 237, 239 see also Claustral prior Priory 178, 235 Processional objects 57, 109, 115, 224 see also Processions Processions 30, 38, 48, 57, 103, 109, 115, 121, 133, 176, 180-182, 188, 201, 208, 210-213, 218-220, 236-237, 241, 252 see also Funerals at Cluny, Processional objects Prognosis 197

279

INDEX

Prostration 47, 165, 167, 179, 232, 250 see also Bows and bowing Psalmist 186-187, 224, 226-227, 229 see also David Psalms and psalmody 12, 18, 20, 23, 38, 42, 45-47, 93, 95, 101, 103, 105, 119-120, 125, 135, 139, 159, 171, 174, 180, 185, 189-190, 197, 199, 201, 209 n. 135, 214, 218, 220-225, 227-228, 230-232, 234, 239, 245, 249 5 (Verba mea) 24, 202, 207, 223 n. 190 6 (Domine ne in furore) 24, 60-61, 161, 186-188, 215 19 80 n. 19, 189 22 (Dominus reget me) 229 24 (Ad te Domine) 224 n. 193 31 (Beati quorum) 62-63, 186-187, 227 37 (Domine ne in furore) 64-65, 186 40 (Beatus qui intellegit) 240 41 (Quemadmodum) 142, 225, 227 50 (Miserere mei deus) 56-57, 69, 163, 181-182, 186, 188, 203, 227, 231, 236 53 (Deus in nomine tuo) 56-57, 181 56 (Miserere mei deus miserere mei) 56-57, 181 60 80 n. 21, 189-190 63 181 66 (Deus misereatur) 56-57, 181 69 (Deus in adjutorium meum) 56-57, 181, 215 73 227 n. 202 86 189 88 80 n. 20, 189 101 (Domine exaudi orationem) 72-73, 186-188, 228 113 (In exitu Israel) 130-131, 211, 222-224 114 24, 215 115 24, 215 117 (Confitemini) 134-135, 224 n. 193, 225 119 182 128 215 129 (De profundis) 24, 76-77, 187-188 131 (Memento) 146-147, 226-227, 229 138 (Domine probasti) 148-149, 226-227 141 (Voce mea) 24, 143, 171, 202, 214-215, 233234 142 (Domine exaudi orationem) 24, 78-79, 106 n. 51, 152-153, 187-188, 204, 222, 226-227, 236 143 160 n. 117 148 (Laudate dominum de celis) 156-157, 226, 228, 231 150 228 Familiar 103, 202-203, 215, 233, 254 see also Familiares

280

For the dead 24, 103, 117, 119-120, 125, 171, 182, 188, 202, 207, 213-216, 220, 231, 233234, 236-237, 239, 254 Penitential 30, 44, 59, 165, 167, 169, 182-188, 204, 232, 236 Psalter 42 n. 105, 43, 44 n. 115, 46, 102 n. 46, 114 n. 65, 117, 119, 128 n. 89, 213, 228, 236, 239, 254 see also Psalms and psalmody Psaltery 36 Purification 173-174, 182-183, 186, 194-196, 209, 230 Quemadmodum see Psalms and psalmody Quia non justificabitur in conspecto tuo omnis vivens see Responses Ralph Glaber 25 Rank 48, 109, 176, 207, 209, 211, 224, 225 n. 195, 232, 234, 236-237, 251 see also Hierarchy, Seniority Reading 24 n. 40, 90 n. 34, 93, 101, 105, 121, 177, 179, 197, 246-247 Readings 48, 105, 179, 201, 203, 205, 213, 223, 234, 246-249 see also Collation, Nocturns Rebekah 229 n. 204 Refectarians 111, 209 Refectory 105, 119, 203, 217, 235 Refrains 41, 44, 129, 200, 211, 222, 252 see also Responsories Dum veneris in novissimo die 41, 126 Dum veneris judicare seculum per ignem 128 Offerentes eam in conspectus altissimi 114 Regressus see Refrains Regularis Concordia 198 n. 100 Reichenau 19 Relics 18, 182 Remedies 82-82, 85, 193 see also Illness, Health and healing, Sickness Requiem eternam dona ei domine see Verses Requiescant in pace see Verses Requiescat in pace see Verses Respice domine famulum tuum in infirmitate see Prayers Respond 41, 44, 126 n. 88, 128 nn. 80-90, 211, 223, 252-253 see also Responsories Responses 38, 41-42, 45, 81, 105, 189-190, 197, 203, 205, 236 see also Verses A facie inimici 80, 189 Deus meus sperantem in te 80, 189 Erue domine animam ejus 106, 116, 162, 164, 204

INDEX

Et cum spiritu tuo 41, 58, 106, 112, 158, 162, 164, 166 Et de Sion tuere eum 80, 189 Et filius iniquitatis non adponat nocere eum 80, 189 Et lux perpetua luceat ei 106, 160, 164, 204 Quia non justificabitur in conspecto tuo omnis vivens 106, 204 Responsories 38, 41-45, 115, 125, 129, 202 n. 114, 207 n. 130, 210-211, 213, 221-224, 231 n. 207, 236, 249, 252-253 Ne recorderis 128, 213 n. 148, 222-223 Heu mihi domine 41, 114 n. 65, 126, 221, 223 Libera me 128, 222-223 Peccantem me quotidie 213 n. 148 Subvenite sancti dei 114, 210-211, 221 Resurrection of the dead 18-19, 30, 37-38, 95, 109, 119, 139, 161, 167, 215, 221, 229, 232 see also Jesus Christ Rheinau ritual book 43, 134 n. 96, 192-193 Rites of passage 20, 173-174, 183 see also Liminality, Preparation, Transition, Incorporation Ritual books 12, 42-43, 45, 82 n. 23, 185, 192 Rogations 123, 220 Rouen see Ouen Rollier, Gilles 30 n. 67 Romuald of Ravenna 23 Rosenwein, Barbara 175 n. 8 Running 15, 30, 93, 95, 101, 103, 105, 173, 177, 188-201, 203, 236 Sacramentary 92 n. 37, 162 n. 118, 236 Gelasian 43, 191, 206-207 Gregorian 181 n. 34, 191-192 Roman (Hadrianum) 42, 190-191, 205, 215, 237 Senlis 185 Tours 185 Sacrarium 188 Sacristans 101, 109, 119, 125, 200, 201 n. 108, 208, 214, 221, 227 Saints 16, 18-19, 45, 89, 94 n. 41, 95, 97, 99, 109, 115, 118 n. 70, 119, 123, 129, 139, 141, 145, 147, 149, 153, 157, 161, 167, 174, 196, 200-201, 207, 211, 215, 221, 223, 226, 229-230, 237, 248 see also Gerald, Martin of Tours, Matins, Peter and Paul, Relics, Suffrages, Vespers Salian emperors 17, 235 Salvation 16-17, 19-20, 69, 71, 81, 83, 93, 117, 137, 139, 143, 145, 147, 161, 175-176, 180, 183, 185, 187, 189, 193, 195-196, 199-200, 205, 212, 218,

222, 224, 226-227, 231-232, 236 see also Economy of salvation Salvum fac servum tuum see Verses Sana me domine quoniam contra see Antiphons Sanctorum tuorum see Prayers Sarah 229 n. 204 Saturday see Holy Saturday Scripture 42, 47, 93, 182-183, 190, 201, 205, 248 Senior monks 48, 135, 165, 179, 207 see also Choir monks Seniority 115, 211, 224-225, 237, 245 see also Hierarchy Senlis see Sacramentary Senses 38, 184, 186-187 Septenarius 46, 169, 171, 232-234, 239 Septuagesima 233 Septuagint see Bible Servants 196 n. 90 see also Infirmary servants Setlak-Garrison, Hélène 36 n. 82, 38 n. 86 Sext 38, 119, 240-241 Shaving 121, 125, 176, 216-217, 220 Shirt 111, 209 see also Clothing, Hair shirt Sicard, Damien 197 n. 96 Sick, the 33, 43, 135, 167, 182-183, 191, 193, 225 see also Anointing, Mass, Oil Sickbed 83, 193 Sickness 83, 186, 193, 232 see also Illness, Health and healing, Remedies Sight 59, 79, 107, 118 n. 70, 129, 153, 159, 183, 187, 211, 222 n. 187, 223, 227, 229, 231 see also Eyes, Vision Sleep 119, 139, 147, 218 n. 171, 229 Slippers 209 Smell 69, 121, 131, 177, 183, 218, 220 see also Nose Soul 15-16, 19-25, 36 n. 78, 38-39, 61, 67, 77, 79, 81, 83, 93, 95, 103, 107, 109, 113, 115, 117, 119, 121, 123, 127, 129, 141, 143, 145, 151, 153, 155, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167, 169, 173-177, 183, 185186, 192-193, 195-196, 199-200, 205-206, 208, 210-215, 218, 221-224, 226-227, 229-236, 252 see also All Souls, Salvation Spain 235, 243 see also Léon Speaking and speech 47, 119, 121, 125, 131, 168 n. 121, 169, 184, 186-187, 211, 214, 216, 223, 226, 228, 231, 236, 250 Stole 57, 125, 167 Stratford, Neil 207 n. 128 Subvenite sancti dei see Antiphons, Responsories Sudary 111, 209

281

INDEX

Suffrages of the saints 103, 203 Summer 102 n. 46, 201, 227 n. 202, 249 Sundays 30, 103, 121, 185, 189, 201, 218, 233 see also Easter Supplement 42, 191, 205-206, 210, 215, 222, 229231, 237 see also Benedict of Aniane Suscipe domine animam servi tui see Prayers Suscipiat te Christus, qui vocavit te see Versicles Tablet 93, 95, 101, 103, 105, 113, 119, 121, 125, 198-199, 201, 203, 210, 216, 239 Tears 61, 143 Temeritatis quidem est deus see Prayers Terce 38, 119, 121, 216, 220, 240 Thurible 45, 109, 111, 167, 208 see also Incense Thursdays 123, 185 see also Holy Thursday Tibi domine commendamus animam famuli tui see Prayers Tombs of the Patriarchs 229 n. 104 Tours 43, 185 see also Martin, Sacramentary Transition 17, 173, 182, 185 Rites of 173, 194-196, 198, 208 Tremens factus sum ego et timeo see Versicles Tricenarius 46, 169, 171, 232-234, 239 Triduum 219-220, 233 see also Easter Trinitarianism 206, 222 Trinity 127, 22, 229 Trisantia 108, 206 Turner, Victor 173 n. 2 Tutsch, Burkhardt 25 n. 49 Twelve lessons, feast of 103, 121, 176, 185, 188, 191, 218, 249 Udalrich of Cluny and Zell 11, 25-27, 40 n. 100, 43-45, 47-48, 80 n. 18, 88 n. 31, 94 n. 41, 110 n. 60, 174-175, 179 n. 24, 181 n. 36, 182, 184, 192, 195, 198-199, 202, 207, 209 n. 135, 212 n. 146, 213, 215, 217, 218 n. 174, 233, 237 Customary of 25-27, 39, 43-44, 64 n. 8, 82 n. 22, 124 n. 86, 178, 184, 192, 195, 207 n. 130 Unction see Anointing, Extreme unction Urban II, pope 15 Van Gennep, Arnold 173 Verba mea see Antiphons, Psalm 5, Psalms for the dead Verses 38, 41-42, 45, 80 n. 18, 105, 189-190, 197, 203, 205, 236 see also Responses A porta inferi 106, 112, 114, 162, 164, 204

282

Dominus vobiscum 41, 58, 106, 112, 158, 162, 164, 166, 210 Esto ei domine turris fortitudinis 80, 189 Et ne nos inducas in temptationem 104, 112, 158, 162, 164 Mitte ei domine auxilium de sancto 80, 189 Nichil proficiat inimicus in eo 80, 189 Non intres in judicium cum servo tuo domine 106, 204 Pax huic domui 58, 182 n. 41 Requiem eternam dona ei domine 106, 164, 204 Requiescat in pace 166 Requiescant in pace 162 Salvum fac servum tuum 80, 189 Versicles 41, 44-45, 80 n. 18, 125, 126 n. 88, 129, 185, 211, 222-223 see also Responsories Anima mea turbata est valde 41, 60, 126, 142 Deus, in nomine tuo salvum me fac 213 n. 148 Dirige, domine, deus meus, in conspectu tuo 128 Non intres in judicium cum servis tuis 128 n. 89 Suscipiat te Christus, qui vocavit te 114 Tremens factus sum ego et timeo 128 Vespers 38, 95, 119, 121, 197 n. 93, 201, 203, 235, 241, 250 Of all saints 103, 203 Of the dead 94, n. 38, 95, 102 n. 46, 103, 108 n. 55, 109, 118 n. 69, 119, 182, 188, 199, 202, 206-207, 212 n. 144, 213-215, 218 n. 174, 236 Vestments 119, 165, 213, 216, 232, 252 Viaticum see Communion Vigil 20, 102 n. 46, 119, 181, 202, 217-218, 239, 254 Easter 122 n. 81 Keeping 15, 30-31, 33, 73, 176, 181 n. 31, 196, 200, 213-214 Vigilia 46-47, 94, 103, 109, 110 n. 57, 113, 117, 119, 169, 170 n. 124, 171, 202-203, 207, 210, 213216, 218, 220, 231-235, 237, 239, 254 Virtutum celestium deus see Prayers Vision 141 see also Sight Visions 19, 21, 141, 177, 200, 227 n. 201, 229 Visitation 15, 83, 161, 163, 173, 182 Vulgate see Bible Wednesdays in Lent 121, 191, 218 West 24, 30, 145, 194, 206, 217, 225, 245 Westminster Abbey 44, 82 n. 22 Missal of 88 n. 31 Psalter of 44 n. 115, 114 n. 65, 128, n. 89

INDEX

Wetti of Reichenau 19 William of Hirsau 11, 26, 174, 192 William of Volpiano 23 William the Pious, Duke of Aquitaine 15, 20-22 Winchcombe 92 n. 37 Wine 89, 91, 169, 180, 189, 194-195, 213, 233, 235

Winter 102 n. 46, 201, 249 Wollasch, Joachim 25 Wounds 85, 87, 89 Zion 71, 75, 81, 147, 187, 189-190 Zither 36

283