Studies in Byzantine Sigillography (14) (English, French and German Edition) [Multilingual ed.] 9782503601274, 2503601278

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STUDIES IN BYZANTINE SIGILLOGRAPHY 14

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography 14 Founded by

Nicolas Oikonomides

Edited by

Nicolas Oikonomides (vol. 1-6) Werner Seibt (vol. 7) Jean-Claude Cheynet and Claudia Sode (vol. 8-12) Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (vol. 13–14)

STUDIES IN BYZANTINE SIGILLOGRAPHY 14

Edited by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos

H

F

Editorial Board Ioanna Koltsida-Makre John W. Nesbitt Vivien Prigent  Werner Seibt Elena Stepanova Zhenya Zhekova

This publication uses the Athena Ruby font (vers. 21, July 2015), courtesy Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C. © 2022 Brepols Publishers n. v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2022/0095/222 ISBN 978-2-503-60127-4 e-ISBN 978-2-503-60128-1 DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.130657 Printed on acid-free paper.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Foreword

VII

Abbreviations

IX

COLLECTIONS AND FINDS Vera Bulgurlu, Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

3

Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou, Unpublished Byzantine Lead Seals from the Acquisitions of the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections

21

Nikolaos Mastrochristos, Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from Rhodes

35

Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras, A Selection of Important Seals from the Private Collection of Zafeiris Syrras

45

HISTORY, PROSOPOGRAPHY AND ADMINISTRATION Andreas Gkoutzioukostas, The Office of oikistikos: A Reexamination of the Sigillary Material and an Unpublished Lead Seal from Konstantinos Kalantzes’ Collection

59

Werner Seibt, The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s

69

Werner Seibt, Auch der georgische Aristokrat Vač‛e Lip’arit’ emigrierte in der zweiten Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts in das Byzantinische Reich

81

BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND Michael N. Boutyrski, The Bulla of Joseph, metropolitan of Rosia

87

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Jean-Claude Cheynet, Les sceaux du bureau du génikon hors des frontières de l’Empire

91

Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov, A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod

107

Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg, Byzantium and Beyond: Siegel aus Skandinavien

121

PIETY Gert Boersema, Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine Jerusalem Pilgrimage

137

TECHNOLOGY AND MANAGEMENT Maria Teresa Catalano, Nutzen und Grenzen der RTI-Fotografie am Beispiel von zwei stark beschädigten byzantinischen Bleisiegeln

147

George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou, Integrated Management of Lead Seals: The Case of the Numismatic Museum, Athens-Greece

159

Index of Proper Names and Terms Index of Iconography Index of Metrical Inscriptions

173 186 187

VI

Foreword This volume, reviewed by anonymous readers, was produced at a time when the Covid-19 pandemic has kept the libraries of universities and research institutes closed. However, all the contributors overcame these problems by writing articles containing some new information, topics and interpretations of sigillographic data. The main part of the volume include themes presented at the 12th International Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography (St Petersburg, 28–30 May 2019), especially material from excavations or seal collections. In addition, the volume also hosts articles promoting our knowledge concerning the administration, prosopography, history and iconography of Byzantium. During the preparation of this volume, our dear colleague Prof. Dr Ivan Jordanov sadely passed away. Professor Jordanov has offered remarkable editions of Byzantine seals found in Bulgaria; he has always been present at our International Symposia and his death is a loss for the Byzantine Studies. For these reason this volume is dedicated to his memory. The editors

Abbreviations ADSV: Antičnaja Drevnost᾿ i Srednie Veka AE: Ἀρχαιολογικὴ Ἐφημερίς BHG: Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca, ed. F. Halkin, (Bruxelles, 1957–1967) BMGS: Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies BnF: Bibliothèque nationale de France Bulgurlu, Bizans Mihirleri: V. Bulgurlu, Bizans Kurşun Muhurleri (Istanbul, 2007) Byz: Byzantion ByzSl: Byzantinoslavica BV: Byzantina Vindobonensia Byzantine and Rus’ Seals: H. Ivakin – N. Khrapunov – W. Seibt (eds), Byzantine and Rus’ Seals. Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Rus’-Byzantine sigillography. Kyiv, Ukraine, 13–16 September 2013 (Kiev, 2015) BZ: Byzantinische Zeitschrift CFHB: Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae Cheynet, “Antioche et Tarse”: J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux byzantins des musées d’Antioche et de Tarse”, TM 12 (1994) 391–478, pl. I–XIII Cheynet, Société: J.-Cl. Cheynet, La société byzantine: l’apport des sceaux (Paris, 2008) Cheynet, Tatış: J.-Cl. Cheynet, Les sceaux byzantins de la collection Yavuz Tatış (Izmir, 2019) Cheynet, Zacos: J.-Cl. Cheynet, Sceaux de la collection Zacos (Bibliothèque nationale de France) se rapportant aux provinces orientales de l’Empire byzantin (Paris, 2001) Cheynet et al., Istanbul: J.-Cl. Cheynet – V. Bulgurlu – T. Gökyıldırım, Les sceaux byzantins du musée archéologique d’Istanbul (Istanbul, 2012) Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques: J.-Cl. Cheynet – D. Theodo­ ridis, Sceaux byzantins de la collection D. Theodoridis. Les sceaux patronymiques (Monographie 33) (Paris, 2010) Cheynet – Vannier: J.-Cl. Cheynet – J.-Fr. Vannier, Études prosopographiques (Paris, 1986) Corinth XII: G. R. Davidson, The Minor Objects [Corinth XII] (Princeton, 1952) CSHB: Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae Darrouzès, Notitiae: J. Darrouzès, Notitiae episcopatuum ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Paris, 1981) Dated Seals: N. Oikonomides, A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals (Washington, DC, 1986) ΔΧΑΕ: Δελτίον Χριστιανικῆς Ἀρχαιολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας

Abbreviations

De adm. imp.: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, ed. Gy. Moravcsik, tr. R. J. H. Jenkins, 2nd ed. (Washington, DC, 1967) DHGE: Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques DO: Dumbarton Oaks DOCoins cf. Grierson, Catalogue DOP: Dumbarton Oaks Papers DOSeals: Catalogue of the Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art, 1–3, ed. J. W. Nesbitt – N. Oikonomides (Washington, DC, 1991, 1994, 1996); 4–5, ed. E. McGeer – J. W. Nesbitt – N. Oikonomides (Washington, DC, 2001, 2005); 6, ed. J. W. Nesbitt – C. Morrisson (Washington, DC, 2009) ΕΕΒΣ: Ἐπετηρὶς Ἑταιρείας Βυζαντινῶν Σπουδῶν ΕΕΦΣΠΘ: Ἐπιστημονικὴ Ἐπετηρὶς Φιλοσοφικῆς Σχολῆς Πανεπιστημίου Θεσσαλονίκης EO: Echos d’Orient EPLBHC: A. G. Savvides – B. Hendrickx (eds), Encyclopaedic Prosopographical Lexicon of Byzantine History and Civilization, I–III (Turnhout, 2007–2012) Felix, Islamische Welt: W. Felix, Byzanz und die islamische Welt im früheren 11. Jahrhundert (BV 14) (Vienna, 1981) Genève: M. Campagnolo-Pothitou – J.-Cl. Cheynet, Sceaux de la collection George Zacos au Musée d᾿art et d᾿histoire de Genève (Milano, 2016) Gkoutzioukostas, Απονομή: A. E. Gkoutzioukostas, Η απονομή δικαιοσύνης στο Βυζάντιο (9ος-12ος αιώνες) (Thessaloniki, 2004) (Βυζαντινά Κείμενα και Μελέται 37) Grierson, Catalogue III: Ph. Grierson, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, III, 1–2 (Washington, DC, 1973) Guilland, Recherches: R. Guilland, Recherches sur les institutions byzantines I–II (Berlin – Amsterdam, 1967) Hagios Nikolaos: Hagios Nikolaos: Der Heilige Nikolaos in der griechischen Kirche I–III, ed. G. Anrich (Leipzig – Berlin, 1913) Hecht: J. Nesbitt – A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt – W. Seibt, Highlights from the Robert Hecht, Jr., Collection of Byzantine Seals (Thessaloniki, 2009) IFEB: Institut français d’études byzantines IRAIMK: Izvestiya Rossiyskoy Akademii Istorii Materiaľnoy Kuľtury Iviron II: P. Lemerle – N. Oikonomidès – D. Papachryssanthou, Actes d᾿ Iviron, II, Du milieu du xie siècle à 1204 (Archives de l᾿Athos 18) (Paris, 1990) Janin, Églises: R. Janin, La géographie ecclésiastique de l᾿empire byzantin, Ière partie. Le siège de Constantinople et le patriarcat oecumenique. III. Les églises et les monastères (Paris, 21969) JIAN: Journal international d’archéologie numismatique

X

Abbreviations

JÖB: Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik (formerly Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft) Jordanov, Corpus I, II, III: I. Jordanov, Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, Vol. I, Byzantine Seals with Geographical Names (Sofia, 2003), Vol. II, Byzantine Seals with Family Names (Sofia, 2006), Vol. III (Sofia, 2009) Jordanov, “Corpus, Addenda 1”: I. Jordanov, “Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, volume, 1–3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (1)”, Numizmatika, Sfragistika i Epigrafika 7 (2011), 189–228 Jordanov, “Corpus, Addenda 2”: I. Jordanov, “Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, volume, 1–3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (2)”, Bǔlgariya v Evropeǐskata Kultura, Nauka, Obrazovanie, Religiya, Chast 1 (Bulgaria in European Culture, Science, Education, Religion, Part 1 (Šumen, 2015), 124–64 Jordanov, “Corpus, Addenda 3”: I. Jordanov, “Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, volume, 1–3, Sofia, 2003, 2006, 2009. Addenda et Corrigenda (3)”, Pismenost, Knižovnici, Knigi: Bŭlgarskata sleda v kulturnata istorija na Evropa (Šumen, 2018), 124-164 Jordanov, Preslav: I. Jordanov, Pečatite ot strategijata v Preslav (Sofia, 1993) Jordanov – Zhekova: I. Jordanov – Zh. Zhekova, Catalogue of Medieval Seals at the Regional Historical Museum of Shumen (Šumen, 2017) Kestner I–II: W. Seibt, Ein Blick in die byzantinische Gesellschaft. Die Bleisiegel im Museum August Kestner, I (Rahden/Westfalen, 2011); A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt – W. Seibt, Der byzantinische Mensch in seinem Umfeld. Weitere Bleisiegel der Sammlung Zarnitz im Museum August Kestner, II (Rahden/Westfalen, 2016) Koltsida-Makre, Μολυβδόβουλλα: I. Koltsida-Makre, Βυζαντινά μολυβδόβουλλα συλλογής Ορφανίδη-Νικολαΐδη Νομισματικού Μουσείου Αθηνών (Athens, 1996) Konstantopoulos: K. M. Konstantopoulos, Βυζαντιακὰ μολυβδόβουλλα τοῦ ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἐθνικοῦ Νομισματικοῦ Μουσείου (Athens, 1917; reprinted from JIAN 5 [1902]–10 [1907]) Laurent, Bulles métriques: V. Laurent, Les bulles métriques dans la sigillographie byzantine (Athens, 1932; offprint from Hellenika 4 [1931]–8 [1935]) Laurent, Corpus: V. Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de l’Empire byzantin, V, 1–3, L’eglise (Paris, 1963–1972); II, L’administration centrale (Paris, 1981) Laurent, Orghidan: V. Laurent, La collection C. Orghidan (Paris, 1952) Laurent, Vatican: V. Laurent, Les sceaux byzantins du Médaillier Vatican (Vatican, 1962) Lavra I–IV: Actes de Lavra I–IV, éd. P. Lemerle – A. Guillou – N. Svoronos – D. Papachryssanthou (Archives de l᾿Athos 5, 8, 10, 11) (Paris, 1970, 1977, 1979, 1982) LCI: Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie

XI

Abbreviations

Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη: I. G. Leontiades, Μολυβδόβουλλα του Μουσείου Βυζαντινού Πολιτισμού Θεσσαλονίκης (Thessaloniki, 2006) (Βυζαντινά Κείμενα και Μελέται 40) Lihačev, IZIGI: N. P. Lihačev, Istoričeskoe značenie italo-grečeskoj ikonopisi: Izobraženija Bogomateri v proizvedenijah italo-grečeskih ikonopiscev i ih vlijanie na kompozicii nekotoryh proslavlennyh russkih ikon (St Petersburg, 1911) Lihačev, Vostok: N. P. Lihačev, Molivdovuly grečeskogo Vostoka, ed. V. S. Šandrovskaja (Naučnoe nasledstvo 19) (Moscow, 1991) MAIET: Materialy po Archeologii, Istorii i Etnografii Tavrii Metcalf, Byzantine Seals from Cyprus I: D. M. Metcalf, Byzantine Lead Seals from Cyprus (Nicosia, 2004) Metcalf, Byzantine Seals from Cyprus II: D. M. Metcalf, Byzantine Lead Seals from Cyprus. II (Nicosia, 2014) MK: Münzkabinett MM: F. Miklosich – I. Müller, Acta et diplomata Graeca medii aevi sacra et profana, I–VI (Wien, 1860–1890) (repr. Athens, 1996) MÖNG: Mitteilungen der Österreichischen Numismatischen Gesellschaft NE: Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων ODB: Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium Oikonomidès, Listes: N. Oikonomidès, Les listes de préséance byzantines des ixe et xe siècles (Paris, 1972) PBW: Prosopography of the Byzantine World, 2011 edition, http://www.pbw. kcl.ac.uk/ PG: Patrologia Graeca PLP: Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit (Wien, 1976–1996) PLRE: Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire (Cambridge, 1971–1992) PmbZ I: Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Erste Abteilung (641– 867), ed. R.-J. Lilie et al. (Berlin, 1999–2002) PmbZ II: Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit. Zweite Abteilung (867– 1025), ed. R.-J. Lilie et al. (Berlin, 2013) PO: Patrologia Orientalis Polemis, Doukai: D. I. Polemis, The Doukai. A Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography (London, 1968) REB: Révue des Études byzantines Regesten: F. Dölger, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches I–V (München, 1924–1965); fasc. I, 1–2, new edition by A. E. Müller (München, 2009, 2003); fasc. II and III, new edition by P. Wirth (München, 1995, 1977); fasc. V, by F. Dölger and P. Wirth (München – Berlin, 1965) Regestes: Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, I, by V. Grumel, new edition by J. Darrouzès (Paris, 1972); II–III, by V. Grumel, new

XII

Abbreviations

edition by J. Darrouzès (Paris, 1989); IV, by V. Laurent (Paris, 1971); V–VII, by J. Darrouzès (Paris, 1977, 1979, 1991) RN: Revue numismatique Šandrovskaja, Sfragistika: Iskusstvo Vizantii v sobranijah SSSR (Katalog vystavki) (Moscow, 1977), I–III, section “Sfragistika” by V. Šandrovskaja Šandrovskaja – Seibt: V. S. Šandrovskaja – W. Seibt, Byzantinische Bleisiegel der Staatlichen Eremitage mit Familiennamen. 1, Sammlung Lichačev. Namen von A bis I (Wien, 2005) SBS: Studies in Byzantine Sigillography Schlumberger, Mélanges: G. Schlumberger, Mélanges d’archéologie byzantine (Paris, 1895) Schlumberger, Sig.: G. Schlumberger, Sigillographie de l’Empire byzantin (Paris, 1884, repr. Torino, 1963) Seibt, Bleisiegel: W. Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich, I. Teil, Kaiserhof (Wien, 1978) Seibt, Skleroi: W. Seibt, Die Skleroi: Eine prosopographisch-sigillographische Studie (Wien, 1976) Seibt – Zarnitz: W. Seibt – M. L. Zarnitz, Das byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunstwerk. Katalog zur Ausstellung (Wien, 1997) Seyrig: J.-CI. Cheynet – C. Morrisson – W. Seibt, Les sceaux byzantins de la collection Henri Seyrig (Paris, 1991) Skoulatos, Personnages: B. Skoulatos, Les personnages byzantins de l’Alexiade, Université de Louvain, Recueil de Travaux d’Histoire et de Philologie, 6e série, (Louvain, 1980) Sode, Bleisiegel: C. Sode, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin II (Poikila Byzantina 14) (Bonn, 1997) Sokolova, Imperial Seals: I. V. Sokolova, Byzantine Imperial Seals: The Catalogue of the Collection = Pečati vizantijskih imperatorov: katalog kollekcii (St Petersburg, 2007) Speck, Bleisiegel: P. Speck, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin (West) (Poikila By­ zantina 5) (Bonn, 1986) Stavrakos, Bleisiegel: C. Stavrakos, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen aus der Sammlung des Numismatischen Museums Athen (Wiesbaden, 2002) Szemioth – Wasilewski: A. Szemioth – T. Wasilewski, “Sceaux byzantins du musée national de Varsovie”, Studia Zrodłoznawcze, Commentationes 11 (1966) 1–38; 14 (1969) 63–89 TIB: Tabula Imperii Byzantini TM: Travaux et memoires Vatopédi : Actes de Vatopédi. I. Des origines à 1329, éd. J. Bompaire – J. Lefort – V. Kravari – Ch. Giros (Archives de l᾿Athos 21) (Paris, 2001) Viz. Vrem.: Vizantijskij Vremennik

XIII

Abbreviations

Wassiliou, Corpus I: Al.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus der byzantinischen Siegel mit metrischen Legenden. 1, Einleitung, Siegellegenden von Alpha bis inklusive My (WBS 28/1) (Wien, 2011) Wassiliou, Corpus II: Al.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus der byzantinischen Siegel mit metrischen Legenden. 2, Siegellegenden von Ny bis inklusive Σφραγίς (WBS 28/2) (Wien, 2016) Wassiliou, Boersema:  Al.-K. Wassiliou–Seibt, Ὁ Χριστὸς αὐτὸς σφραγὶς ἀσφαλεστάτη. Byzantinische Bleisiegel der Sammlung Gert Boersema (Thessaloniki, 2022) Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel II: Al.-K. Wassiliou – W. Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich. 2, Zentral- und Provinzialverwaltung (Wien, 2004) WBS: Wiener Byzantinistische Studien Zacos, Seals II: G. Zacos, Byzantine Lead Seals II, ed. J. Nesbitt (Bern, 1984) Zacos – Veglery: G. Zacos – A. Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals I (Basel, 1972) ZRVI: Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta

XIV

COLLECTIONS AND FINDS

Vera Bulgurlu

Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk The Basilica of Ἅγιος Ἰωάννης ὁ Θεολόγος, the Apostle St John the Theologian, built over his tomb, is situated on the southern slope of the hill Ayasuluk, just below the Byzantine fortress which is enclosed within its own walls at the top of the hill. Ayasuluk, part of the theme of Thrakesion, itself is also surrounded by thick walls protecting the pilgrimage site. 1 It is very close to the center of the town of Selçuk, and about two and a half kilometers away from the ancient city of Ephesus. 2 The control of the city passed from Byzantines to the Turkish tribes as early as late eleventh century, however it was again under Byzantine rule for a period of relative prosperity before finally passing into the hands of the Turkish Beyliks in 1304 under the rule of Menteşe. The name of the city was changed to Ayasuluk (the Turkish version of Hagios Theologos). 3 In 1425, the city was captured by the Ottomans. 4 Ayasuluk has been excavated since mid-nineteenth century by various archaeological teams. Between 2007 and 2019 extensive archaeological research and restoration was carried out by the team of Prof. Mustafa Büyükkolancı from Pamukkale University. During this period, only 1 ODB III 2080 (s.v. Thrakesion [C. Foss]); C. Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge, 1979), 107 gives a possible date for the building of the walls as the seventh century; N. Karydis, “The Evolution of the Church of St John at Ephesos during the Early Byzantine Period”, Jahreshefte des Österreichischen Archäologischen Institutes in Wien 84, ( 2015), 97–127; S. Ladstaetter, “Ephesus” in P. Niewöhner (ed.), The Archaeology of Byzantine Anatolia: From the end of the Late Antiquity until the Coming of the Turks, (Oxford, 2017), 238–48; 247. 2 Ayasuluk was included when the city of Ephesus was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 2015. 3 C. Foss, “Pilgrimage in Medieval Asia Minor”, DOP 56 (2002), 129–51; Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity, 107–37. 4 F. Emecen, “Ayasuluk”, TDV İslâm Ansiklopedisi, https://islamansiklopedisi.org. tr/ayasuluk#1-tarih (23.04.2021).

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 3–20 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132241

Vera Bulgurlu

15 Byzantine lead seals, of which two are damaged, and two lead blanks, have been recovered and will be presented in this paper. Four of the Ayasuluk seals have already been published by J-.C. Cheynet as seals of Ephesus in the RN 154 in 1999. 5 I have included them in this paper as they are excavation seals and not purchases or confiscations. So far, as opposed to the Museum collection of Ephesus seals, no early seals have been discovered, although Ephesus was Christianized early and the cult of St John the Theologian was already strong in the late Roman period. It is difficult to make an assumption as the excavation is ongoing. Historically, the early Byzantine city was built within the ancient city of Ephesus. The hill Ayasuluk gained in importance after Justinian’s monumental restoration of the basilica of St John in the sixth century. However, Ayasuluk, protected by its thick walls, only became a more favorable, safer location for the people in the seventh century, during the Persian and Arabic attacks. 6 In the eleventh and twelfth centuries the theme of Thrakesion was still a wealthy agricultural, monastic and trading area, what is also reflected in the excavation seals: The majority of them belong to the eleventh century, but the earliest one stems from the first half of the ninth century, and the latest one from the twelfth century. Five of them belong to officials of the civil fiscal administration of the theme, three to the ecclesiastical administration. As could be expected on the obverse of five of our seals there is an image of St John Theologian, four in the form of a bust, and one of St John, standing facing. Important administrative and ecclesiastical seals discovered in the excavation of Kadıkalesi/Anaia, a fortress town on the Aegean coast some 20 kilometers south of St John, also reflect an active communal life in the same period. 7

5 J.-C. Cheynet, “Les sceaux Byzantins du musée de Selçuk”, RN 6e série, 154 (1999), 317–52. 6 Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity, 107. 7 See V. Bulgurlu, “Seals from the Kadıkalesi/Anaia Excavation”, in C. Stavrakos – B. Papadopoulou (eds), Proceedings of the 10th International Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography, Ioannina, 1–3 October 2009 (Wiesbaden, 2011), 277–91. A twelfth century seal of the clergyman Constantine, and two very fine specimens among these seals belonging to a Georgios, dated to the twelfth–thirteenth centuries, have a wellknown image of St John the Theologian standing, holding the Bible on the obverse. See V. Bulgurlu, “Kadıkalesi/Anaia Byzantine Lead Seals from the Excavation Seasons 2011–2017”. in C. Ünal et al. (eds), Port Cities of the Aegean World. Coins, Seals and Weight (Manisa, 2018), 43–55.



Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

Other important metal Byzantine tenth–eleventh century finds from Ayasuluk are 16 reliquary crosses and two cross pendants recently published by Andreas Pülz of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. 8 A bronze stamp seal discovered in 2013 is included in this article (see no. 14). Justinian I is known to have built the monumental basilica of St John, along with cisterns and acqueducts in order to provide the pilgrims with water. During the 2010 excavation, Mustafa Büyükolancı discovered a monumental cistern south of the basilica and south east of the possible palace. The cistern originally had nine domes which he judges to have collapsed in the eleventh century. Another monumental cistern near the castle wall and five other cisterns have been uncovered. 9 Almost all our seals except for one, Eusebios oikonomos Ephesou (9th c.), were found in the cistern. The Eusebios seal is a surface find near the Martyrion.

Catalogue Abbreviations of this article EM: Ephesus Archaeological Museum; Exc.: Excavation; D: Diameter; T: Thickness; W: Weight; STJ: Saint Jean; GDA: Güney Doğu Alan: Southeast area; GB: Güney; Batı: Southwest; S: Sarnıç: Cistern The material is grouped in the categories: I. Family names, II. Geographical terms, III. Others I. Family Names 1. Sergios Hexamilites, vestes, krites tou Velou kai ton Thrakesion (second half of the 1060s) EM Inv. 2–33–76 Excavation 1976, no details available Provenance: at the foot of south wall of fortress, atrium D: 25 mm W: 13.7 gr T: 5 mm A. Pülz, Byzantine Artefacts from Ephesos: A Catalogue (Vienna, 2017). See M. Büyükkolancı, “Ayasuluk Tepesi ve St Jean Anıtı Kazısı Takip Kapısı Projesi Raporu”. Pamukkale Üniversitesi Bilimsel Araştırma Projeleri Koordinasyon Birimi (Denizli,2013). For a discussion on the water supply of Ayasuluk, see Foss, Ephesus after Antiquity, Appendix II 183–84. 8 9

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Vera Bulgurlu

Double strike Ed. J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les sceaux byzantins du musée de Selçuk”, RN 154 (1999), 330–31, no. 21. Another specimen from Dumbarton Oaks is edited in DOSeals III 2.27 (but smaller, D. 23 mm). For the detailed analysis of the cursus honorum see A.-K. Wassiliou, “Die Familie Hexamilites. Ein Beitrag zur byzantinischen Prosopographie”, Hellenika 52 (2002), 253–56, no. 11

Obv.  Inscription of five lines. Border of dots. .KERO|.ΘEICEΡ|ΓIΩRECT,|KPITHT|RHΛ [+] Κ(ύρι)ε βο[ή]θει Σεργίῳ βέστ(ῃ) κριτῇ τοῦ βήλου Rev. Inscription of five lines. Decoration of single pellet between two leaves at the top and bottom. Border of dots. -.-|KAITΩN|ΘΡΑKHCI|ΩNTΩE,|MIΛITΗ|-.καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκησίων τῷ Ἑξ(α)μιλίτῃ As already pointed out by A.-K. Wassiliou, the family name Hexamilites is related to the town Hexamilion in the Dardanelles. The family belonged to the civilian aristocracy. Most of the members were highranking officials in the civil service, often judges appointed to themes. 10 A lot of seals with the name Sergios Hexamilites and juridical offices are known, but with exception of one type (πρωτοσπαθάριος, βασιλικὸς νοτάριος καὶ κριτὴς ἐπί τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου) they belongs to one person, who

Wassiliou, “Hexamilites”, 243–58.

10

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Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

is mentioned with the titles from βέστης to κουροπαλάτης and was in the year 1082 πρωτοπρόεδρος καὶ λογοθέτης τῶν σεκρέτων. 11 2. Alexios Palaiologos, sebastos (c. 1100-c. 1160) EM Inv. 7–7–17 Provenance: STJ 17 DDI Exc. date: 23.8.17 Grid: R30, DD room Level: 42.69 D: 43.5 mm W: 52.2 gr T: 5 mm The letters on the matrix are positively cut. The seal is in good condition. Unpublished

Obv.  A young, beardless St Demetrios standing facing. He is in military dress, holding a spear in his uplifted right hand, left hand resting on his shield on the ground. Nimbus with border of pearls. His cloak falls in elegant folds from behind his back. Border of dots. The inscription is positively cut. |ΔΗ|- Τ|ΡΙ|ΟC  Ὁ ἅγιος Δημήτριος Rev.  Inscription of five lines preceded by a cross between two pellets. Border of dots. · + ·|ΑΘΛΗΤΑΔΗ|ΤΡΙΕΠΑΛΑΙ|ΟΛΟΓΟΝCERA|ΑΛΕΙΟΝΑ,|ΜΕCKE..IC Ἀθλητὰ Δημήτριε, Παλαιολόγον | σεβαστ(ὸν) Ἀλέξιον ἀ(εὶ) (?) or (πρῶτον) (?) με σκέ[πο]ις Ibidem, 253–56, no. 17; 245–46, no. 4; Cheynet et al., Istanbul, 5.44 (with references). 11

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Vera Bulgurlu

Two dodecasyllables, with a caesura after the seventh syllable respectively. Nevertheless, problems arises with the last letter in the fourth line, what could be an A followed perhaps from an abbreviation. It could be interpreted as ἀ(εί) or πρωτο. The importance of the above seal results from his unique character. From the narrative sources and seals more persons with the name Alexios Palaiologos 12 are known. The owner of our specimen was perhaps the youngest son of Anna Doukaina, who was the sister of Eirene Doukaina, the wife of Alexios I. Komnenos, and of Georgios Palaiologos. The Alexios Palaiologos mentioned in the sources only as σεβαστός, was at first a collaborator of Nikephoros Melissenos, and later an important commander under Emperor Alexios I. 13 II. Geographical Names 3. Eusebios oikonomos Ephesou (first half of the 9th c.) EM Inv. 35–71–78 Provenance: floor of the Martyrion Exc. Date: 1978 D: 29 mm W: 20.40 gr T: 5 mm Double struck. Corroded, obv. effaced, reverse inscription only faintly visible. Small piece missing at the channel opening. Ed. Cheynet, “Selçuk”, 340, no. 35 (dated full 9th c.)

Obv.  Today corroded. Cheynet could still see an invocative cross monogram (Laurent V), with tetragram in the quarters. 12 Cheynet – Vannier 149–51, no. 14; 168–70, no. 28 (this Alexios Palaiologos is the paternal grandfather of Michael VIII); 170–72, no. 29 (Alexios Palaiologos Komnenodoukas); Jordanov, Corpus, III 621–23; Lihačev, Vostok, LXIV 5. Cf. Wassiliou, Corpus, I 74. 13 Cheynet – Vannier, 149–51, no. 14 (with references).

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Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

Rev.  The inscription, in four lines, is today poorly preserved. Border of dots. ..CE|BIωVΚΩ|N.MΩE|..COV [Εὐ]σεβίῳ (οἰ)κ(ο)ν[ό]μῳ Ἐ[φέ]σου. Eusebios was the second known oikonomos of the metropolis of Ephesus, known from a seal. 4a. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (late 10th–early 11th c.) EM Inv. 26–38–83 Provenance: GB Area Exc. Date: 30.12.1983 D: 24.21 mm W: 6.12 gr T: 2.5 mm Cracked along the channel, damaged, especially the lower half of the obverse. Ed. Cheynet, “Selçuk” 338, no. 32 (dated to the second half of the 10th c.)

Obv.  St John Theologos, standing facing. Nimbus with border of pearls. Border of dots. The inscription to the left of the Saint is lost. To his right is visible: .|I|Ω|a| Rev.  Inscription on four lines starting with a cross. Border of dots. + ΘEOΔΩ|ΡΩΑΡΧΙΕ|ΠΙCΚΟΠΩ|EΦECOV Θεοδώρῳ ἀρχιεπισκόπῳ Ἐφέσου The seal has already been published by Cheynet, but without excavation details, and dated to the second half of the tenth century. He identifies

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Vera Bulgurlu

this Theodoros as an archbishop who should be added to the Ephesos archbishop list. According to the paleographic characteristics of the inscription, we would like to relate the owner to the Theodoros archiepiskopos of Ephesos, also known from the epigraphic evidence. As D. Feissel has already pointed out, Theodoros must be the predecessor of Archiepiskopos Kyriakos (attested for the first time for the year 1027). He must have been acting as archbishop already in the tenth century. 14 This suggestion is supported by the sigillographic evidence: the three specimens in our article (4a, b, c) stem from a close period and belong to one and the same person. 4b. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (c. 1000–1020) Exc. Inv. STJ GD Area 53S Level: 1.2 cm Exc. Date: 20.07.2011 Level: lower: 40.86 D: 26 mm W: 9.40 gr A triangular-shaped piece is missing from the left half of the seal and there is some corrosion on either face. Unpublished. – A parallel specimen in very good condition was preserved in the former collection George Zacos. Ed. Zacos, Lead Seals II 898

Obv.  Bust of St John the Theologian, bearded, slightly turned towards the right, nimbus with border of pearls. The Saint holds the decorated Bible in his left hand, his right hand is raised in blessing. The “Manus Dei” on our specimen is almost completely effaced. 14 D. Feissel, “Les métropolites d’Éphèse au xie siècle et les inscriptions de l’archevêque Théodôros”, in A. Avramea et al. (eds) Βυζάντιο. Κράτος και κοινωνία. Μνήμη Νίκου Οικονομίδη, (Athens, 2003), 232–47, especially 234–41.

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Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

The circular inscription (lost on our seal) may be reconstructed according to the parallel specimen: [Θεολόγε β(οή)θ(ει)] The inscription in two columns reads:  – IΩ|Ο|Θ|Ε|Ο|Λ,  Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης) ὁ Θεολόγος. Rev.  Inscription of five lines preceded and followed by an ornament of cross between two pellets:   |ΤΩCΩΔ,|ΘΕΟΔΩ..|ΑΡΧΙΕΠΙCΚ|EΦECOV|   Τῷ σῷ δ(ούλῳ) Θεοδώ ἀρχιεπισκ(όπῳ) Ἐφέσου 4c. Theodoros Archbishop of Ephesos (first quarter 11th c.) EM Inv. 7–40–12 Provenance: STJ. GD Area 52S Exc. Date: 27.07.2012 Level: 40.57 D: 21 mm W: 7.16 gr Unpublished

Obv.  Bust of St John Theologos, holding the decorated Bible in his left hand. Right hand raised in blessing. Nimbus with pearl border. The inscription to the right of the Saint is damaged. To his left is visible: |IΩ| Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης)

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Vera Bulgurlu

Rev.  Inscription of four lines starting perhaps with an epiclesis to the Saint. Above and below the inscription an ornament of cross between two lines. Linear border.   |..OΛΓΟ |..ΗΘΘΕ|ΟΔΩρΩ|ΕΦΕC|   [Θε]ολόγ(ε) [βο]ήθ(ει) Θεοδώρῳ Ἐφέσου 5a, b. Paulos, protospatharios epi tou Chrysotriklinou, krites epi tou Hippodromou kai anagrapheus ton Thrakesion (early 11th c.) 5a: EM Inv. no Exc. Inv. No: STJ 11–2 Provenance STJ 60A 53S AO3 53S/1.39 Exc. Date: 17.08.11 Level: top: 40.28 D: 19 mm W: 5.55 gr Unpublished Flan too small for the legend. Effaced in places, especially on the reverse. 5b: EM Inv.: 6–5–15 Provenance: Cistern, Room AA; Exc. date: 24.07.2015 Level: top: 40.82, lower: 40.05 1.5 cm away from west wall, 2.54 cm away from south wall D: 26 mm W: 6.93 gr Unpublished Flan slipped to the left, two thirds of the inscription missing

5a 5b The two specimens stem from the same boulloterion. They were discovered in different excavation years, 4a in 2011 and 4b in 2015. We offer a combined transcription of the legend. Specimen 4b is in better condition than specimen 4a.

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Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

Obv.  Inscription of five lines, probably starting with a cross. .KER,.|πAVλο.|Cπαθ,επ.|TTP,K.|KPIT. [+] K(ύρι)ε β[(οή)θ(ει)] Π]αύλ(ῳ) [(πρωτο)]σπαθ(αρίῳ) ἐπ[ὶ] τ]οῦ Χρ(υσο)τρ(ι)κ[λ(ίνου)] κριτ[ῇ] Rev.  Inscription of five lines. .πITOV|..ΠΟΔΡ,μ|..ΝΑΓΡΑ|.ΕΙΤ,θΡ,|KHC, [ἐ]πὶ τ[οῦ ἱπ]ποδρ(ό)(μου) [(καὶ) ἀ]ναγρα[φ]εῖ τ(ῶν) Θρ(ᾳ)κησ(ίων) As anagrapheus, Paul was responsible for keeping the census of properties and making Land Surveys for taxation purposes. 15 More seals of the same typological structure and period are already known. They were all attributed to the same person named Paul in the past (Cheynet et al., Istanbul 3.35 [commentary]). But we would not exclude, that we have to deal with two contemporary persons. Then the owner of our seal type could be identical with Paul πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκησίων (Zacos, Seals II 1032), and the other specimens could be attributed to another homonymous (Paul πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς καὶ βασιλικὸς τοῦ Ὀψικίου (Thierry 82, photo in Vienna); Paul πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκησίων (DOSeals III 2.24]) and Paul πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ Καππαδοκίας (Cheynet et al., Istanbul 3.35). 6. N. N. ton Thrakesion (second quarter of the 11th c.) Exc. Inv. STJ 13–Y–4 Provenance: STJ GDA 51 S Exc. Date: 11.7.13 Level: 42.30 D: 25 mm W: 11.80 gr Large piece broken off at the top, one third of the seal. Very pale. Damaged on the obverse and the reverse. Unpublished

ODB I 84 (s. v. anagrapheus) (Kazdhan – Tkacz).

15

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Vera Bulgurlu

Obv.  Inscription of five lines, the first line is damaged. Border of dots. ..... |ΓΡΑΦΑC|.VΡΩΚΑΙ|ΤCΛΟ|ΓC .... γραφὰς [κ]υρῶ καὶ τοὺς λόγους Rev.  Inscription of five lines, the first line and the left part of the second are damaged. ....|... N.|....ATΩ.|ΘΡΑΚΗ.|.ΩΝ .... τῶ[ν] Θρᾳκη[σί]ων The inscription was composed as two dodecasyllables. Name and function of the owner are lost. 7. Eustathios, patrikios, krites tou Velou, chartoularios tou Genikou, arklas Thrakesion (c. middle 11th c.) EM Inv. 6–7–17 Provenance: STJ 17 AZ–I Exc. date: 24.07.2017 Level: 41.62 Area T48 D: 23 mm W: 9.31 gr In good condition. Unpublished



Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

Obv.  Bust of St John the Theologian, facing, large rectangular beard, hair shaped like a hat, nimbus with border of pearls. Holding a jewelled Bible in left hand. Linear border. Sigla: |Ω|I|O|  Θ|Eο|ΛO|ΓO|C Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης) ὁ Θεολόγος Rev.  Inscription of eight lines. KER.|.ΤΩCΩΔ.|ΕVCTAΘ,ΠΡΙ|KIΩKΡΙΤ,Τ|RHΛXTΛΑ.| TΓΕΝΙΚ,ΑΡ|ΚΛ,ΘΡΑKΗ|-C,Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)[θ(ει)] τῷ σῶ δού[λ(ῳ)] [Ε]ὐσταθ(ίῳ) π(ατ)ρικίῳ κριτ(ῇ) τοῦ βήλου χ(αρ)τουλα[ρ](ίῳ) τοῦ γενικ(οῦ) ἄρκλ(ας) Θρᾳκησ(ίων) Chartoularioi of the arklai (“chest”), 16 subordinate to the Logothete of the Genikon, and responsible for holding the cadastral register in the provincial administration are rarely mentioned in the sources. On seals, we know for example such an official for the “West” (Δύσις). 17 The owner of our seal, Eustathios, was responsible for the “chest” of the Thrakesion theme. Additionally he belongs to the group of the judges of the velum in the capital, also called “μικροὶ δικασταί”. 18

Oikonomidès, Listes, 313. DOSeals, I 1.4 (Konstantinos πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ, ἄρκλας Δύσεως, dated generally to the 11th c.) – Unfortunately the geographical unit is not preserved on Fogg 2168, ed. Laurent, Corpus II 383, because the inscription is damaged. The name of the seal owner is also problematical: Père Laurent proposed Demetrios. We date the specimen to the second half of the eleventh century. 18 Gkoutzioukostas, Απονομή δικαιοσύνης, 155. 16 17

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Vera Bulgurlu

III. Others 8. David (11th c.) EM Inv. 2–7–11 Exc. Inv. STJ 11/2 Provenance: GD Area 53 RS Exc. date 5.08.11 Level 41.84 D: 18 mm W: 4.31 gr Double strike, effaced, some letters visible beneath. Unpublished

Obv.   Bust of Theotokos Hodegetria facing, with Jesus child on her left arm, her head turned slightly towards the Child. Both have a nimbus with a border of pearls. Border of dots. From the sigla only Θ is visible. Rev.  Inscription of four lines, starting with a cross. ..E|RΟΗΘΙ|TΩCΩΔ,|ΔΑΔ [Θ(εοτό)κ]ε βοήθ(ει) τῷ σῷ δ(ούλῳ) Δαυίδ 9. Ioannes, diakonos tes Megales Ekklesias kai kouboukleisios (second quarter of the 11th c.) EM Inv. 1–7–11 Provenance: East GD Area 53S Level: 40–45 cm Exc. Inv. STJ 11–1 D: 20 mm W: 9.51 gr The print on the right field of the obverse and on the left field of the reverse is not evident. Fine patina.

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Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

Unpublished. – A parallel specimen is in an American private collection, ed. M. Braunlin – J. Nesbitt, “Selections from a Private Collection of Byzantine Bullae”, Byz 58 (1998), 172–73, no. 1 (dated to the first half of the 11th c.)

Obv.  Bust of St John Chrysostomos, facing, with curly beard, nimbus with border of pearls. The carving is rather crude. He holds the decorated Bible in his left hand, his right hand is raised in blessing. Inscription in two columns: |IΩ- Ο|..|..|. Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰω(άννης) ὁ [Χρ(υ)σόστομ(ος)]. Border of dots. Rev.  Inscription of four lines. Border of dots. .ΙΩΔ,Κ,|.HCE|..KOV|R, [+] ᾿Ιω(άννῃ) δ(ια)κ(óνῳ) [τ]ῆς Μ(ε)γ(άλης) Ἐ[κ(κλησίας) (καὶ)] κουβου(κλεισίῳ) John served in the Hagia Sophia and had the ecclesiastical title kouboukleisios. 10. N. N. epi tou theophylaktou koitonos (second quarter of the 11th c.) Exc. Inv. No: STJ 18.Y.25 Exc. date: 02.08.18 Surface find D: 27 mm W: 10.42 gr Obverse effaced and cracked along the channel. V-shaped part at the channel opening broken off on the reverse. Crack in right field. Unpublished

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Vera Bulgurlu

Obv.  Completely damaged Rev.  Inscription of four lines. Decoration of pellet between two leaves at the top –  –|SEΠIT|ΘEOΦVΛ.|KTK..|TΩNOC|–  –| (καὶ) ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοφυλ[ά]κτου κ[οι]τῶνος The name and the title of the owner were included in the damaged obverse, and from the reverse we conclude that he was a eunuch in charge of the Emperor’s Bedchamber (θεοφύλακτος κοιτών). 11. Damaged Seal Exc.Inv. STJ 13–AO6–1 Provenance: STJ Cistern AO6 Exc. Date: 11.7.13 Layer: 39.09

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Seals from the Basilica of St John the Theologian in Ayasuluk

Obv.  Traces of a figure. The half of the channel is broken. Rev.  Uncertain traces of letters 12. Seal Blank EM Inv. 6–3–13 Exc. Inv. STJ 13–9 Provenance: North – East Sounding STJ GDA, surface find Exc. Date: 29.08.13 Grid: 51.52 TUY Depth: 39.00–38.00 Level: 1 meter AN cistern D: 26.5 mm W: 12.5 gr

Blank with raised channel

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Vera Bulgurlu

13. Seal Blank Exc. Inv. STJ 13–1 Provenance: GDA AN Cistern Exc. Date: 10.7.13 13 APE E8.3 Level: top: 39.94, lower: 39.77 D: 27 mm W: 11.90 gr

Blank with raised channel

14. Bronze stamp seal EM Inv. 9–3–13 South Wall Exc. Inv. DP.1381.45 Exc.date: 1981 D: 26.15 mm W: 128.81 gr H: 50 mm

The stamp is oval. Uncertain. Part of the engraving seems to be crosses combined with other signs.



Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

Unpublished Byzantine Lead Seals from the Acquisitions of the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections This article deals with a total of sixteen Byzantine lead seals of good condition (except two), which have been admitted in the Athens Numismatic Museum as donations, between the years 1920 and 1999 as following: 1920 (two pieces, nos 1, 2), 1934 (one piece no. 3), 1971 (three pieces, nos 4, 5, 6), 1974 (one piece, no. 7), 1978 (one piece, no. 8), 1979 (one piece, no. 9), 1987 (one piece, no. 10), 1991 (four pieces, nos 11, 12, 13, 14), 1999 (one piece, no. 15). Thus, the seals are presented here according to their inventory year. The findspot of the seals is unfortunately unknown, except nos 5 and 6 originating from Turkey. One seal belonged to an emperor, six to high standing administration officials, two to church officials, one to a monastery, two to persons without titles and offices, two are iconographical, and finally two corroded ones are of uncertain reading. 1. John, chartoularios (c. first half of the 7th c.) Inv. no NM 1920/ΙΔ (4). D: 22.00 mm; field: 20.00. W: 10.964 gr. Good condition. Cf. Zacos-Veglery, pl. 236, no. 249, pl. 243, no. 496

Α: Cruciform monogram: ΙΩΑΝΝΟV

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 21–34 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132242

Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

Β: Cruciform monogram: ΧΑΡΤΟVΛΑΡΙΟV Ἰωάννου χαρτουλαρίου. 2. Euphemios (c. first half of the 7th c.) Inv. no NM 1920/Z (3). D: 22.22 mm; field: 17.59 mm; W: 10.975 gr. Good condition. // Zacos-Veglery, no. 610

A: Wreath border. Eagle with open wings. An impressive cross above his head.

Β: Wreath border. Cruciform monogram: ΕVΦΗΜΙΟV 3. George Melissenos (13th c.) Inv. no NM 1934/ΚΖ (5) no inventory. D: 36.30 mm; field: 33.00 mm; W: 19.l093 gr. Fair condition. For parallels and commentary s. Wassiliou, Corpus I 1086.

Α: Saint George standing holding spear in the right hand and shield on the ground in the left. In the field: o|Α|ΓΙ|Ο|C-γε|ωρ|γι|ο|c Ὁ ἅγιος Γεώργιος

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UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ACQUISITIONS OF THE ATHENS

Β: Metrical inscription of six lines: ΚΑΛΩΝ|ΜΕΛΙCΩΝΤΟΥ|ΧΤΜΑΡΤVCΚVΡΟV| ΤΟVΜΕΛΙCΗΝΟV|ΤΑCΓΡΑΦΑC| ΓΕΩΡΓ.. Καλῶν μελισ(σ)ῶν τοῡ Χ(ρισ)τ(οῡ) μάρτυς, κύρου τοῡ Μελισ(σ)ηνοῡ τὰς γραφὰς Γεωργ[ίου]. The members of the noble family of Melissenoi were from the ninth to the eleventh centuries primarily military commanders and governors of themes. The family remained in power in the middle of the eleventh century. During the twelfth century Melissenoi served in the civil administration. In the thirteenth century Melissenoi are known as landowners in the region of Smyrna. 1 George could be identified with Γεώργιος τζαούσιος Μελισσηνός from Smyrna, who bequeathed his fortune to the Monastery of Lembiotissa in 1283. 4. Leontios bishop of Magnesia (first to second third of the 7th c.) Inv. no NM 93/1971 (6). Provenance: Turkey. D: 25.23 mm; field: 19.03 mm. W: 14.602 gr. Good condition. Ed.: M. Karamesine-Oikonomidou, “Νομισματική Συλλογή”, Ἀρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον (hereafter ΑΔ) (1972), Χρονικά 9, pl. 11, no. 39. Cf. A. Avramea – M. Galani-Krikou – I. Touratsoglou, “Μολυβδόβουλλα με γνωστή προέλευση από τις συλλογές του Νομισματικού Μουσείου Αθηνών”, SBS 2 (1990), 258, no. 80. – An excellent preserved specimen in the Auktion Rauch 89, 5–8.12.2011 (part of the lot 2354).

Α: Wreath border. Cruciform monogram composed by the letters A, E, I, N, O, Π, Τ, V, and analysed as ταπεινοῦ (nominative: ταπεινός). In the quarters: ΛΕ|ΟΝ|ΤΙ|ΟV

ODB II 133.

1



Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

Β: Wreath border. Inscription in four lines, with a cross at the end: ΠΟΛΕ|ΩCΜΑ|ΓΝΗCΙ|ΑC + Λεοντίου ταπεινοῦ 2 πόλεως Μαγνησίας. In the above mentioned publications the cruciform monogram on the obverse was not read. Two cities with the name Magnesia are known. Magnesia of Maiandros and Magnesia of Sipylon, now Manisa. For both cities the sources are very poor as far as the early Byzantine period is concerned. Magnesia of Sipylon is known primarily from the bishops of the city. 3 In any case the epithet ταπεινός refers to a bishop. 5. George Gavalas, sebastos (13th c.) Inv. no NM 95/1971 (8). Findspot: Turkey. D: 24.75 mm. W: 21.063 gr. Good condition. Ed: Avramea – Galani-Krikou – Touratsoglou, “Μολυβδόβουλλα με γνωστή προέλευση”, 258, no. 81 = ΑΔ 27 (1972), 9, pl. 11, no. 41 (reference) = G. Touchais, “Chronique des fouilles et découvertes archéologiques en Grèce en 1976”, BCH 101 (1977), 519 (reference) = J.-C. Cheynet, Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963–1210) (Paris, 1990), 151 (reference).

Α: Line border. The Virgin standing, orans with the bust of Christ in front of her (Episkepsis type). In the field left and right: -Θy Μή(τη)ρ Θ(εο)ῦ

For the analysis of the monogram we would like to thank Robert Feind. B. Blysidou et al., Η Μικρά Ασία των Θεμάτων. Έρευνες πάνω στην γεωγραφική φυσιογνωμία και προσωπογραφία των Βυζαντινών Θεμάτων της Μικράς Ασίας, (Athens, 1998), 223–24, P. Culerrier, “Les évêchés suffragants d’ Ephèse aux 5e–13e siècles”, REB 45 (1987), 139–64, 157; W. Seibt – C. Ünal, “Byzantine Seals in the Tunay Demran collection”, Polisch Archaeology in the Mediterranean 30/2 (2021), 516. 2 3

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UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ACQUISITIONS OF THE ATHENS

Β: Metrical inscription in five lines, presided by a cross: +CΦΡΑ|ΓΙCCΕΒΑ|ΟYΓΑΒΑ|ΛΑΓΕΩΡ|ΓΙΟΥ Σφραγὶς σεβαστοῡ Γαβαλᾱ Γεωργίου The seal was presented for the first time in the second International Symposium for Byzantine Sigillography held at the Numismatic Museum of Athens, 16–17 May 1988. The family name Gavalas is well attested in the narrative sources, especially for the late Byzantine period, but before this time it is documented at first on seals. Most of the members were military officers, some served in the fleet, others were church officials and intellectuals. Especially for the thirteenth century some owners of this family name are landowners in the region of Smyrna. Between 1204 and 1250 a part of the family took control of Rhodes. 4 6. John (11th c.) Inv. no NM 94 /1971 (7). Findspot: Turkey. D: 23.54; field: 21.00. W: 8.059 gr. Good condition. Ed.: ΑΔ 27 (1972) 9, pl. 11, no. 40. Reference as anonymous seal.

Α: Border of dots. Bust of the Virgin with the medallion of Christ in front of her. In the field left and right: –ΘV  Μή(τη)ρ Θ(εο)ῡ. Circular inscription: +ΘΚΕROHΘ,ΤΩCΩΔΛΩΙΩ Θ(εοτό)κε βοήθ(ει) τῷ σῷ δούλῳ Ἰω(άννῃ)

4 PLP 3290–3313, 91568–70, 93282–87. A. Sabbides, “ Ἡ βυζαντινὴ δυναστεία τῶν Γαβαλάδων καὶ ἡ ἑλληνοϊταλικὴ διαμάχη γιά τὴ Ρόδο τὸν 13ο αἰ.”, Βυζαντινά 12 (1983), 405–28; idem, “Ἡ Ρόδος καὶ ἡ δυναστεία τῶν Γαβαλάδων τὴν περίοδο 1204–1250”, Δελτίον τῆς Ἱστορικῆς καὶ Ἐθνολογικῆς Ἑταιρείας τῆς Ἑλλάδος 24 (1981), 405–28; H. Ahrweiler, “L’histoire et la géographie de la région de Smyrne entre les deux occupations turques (1081–1317)”, TM 1 (1965), 81, 169; Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel II 271; Wassiliou, Corpus I 616; eadem, Corpus II 2065–2066; Genève 334; ODB II, 811.

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Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

Β: Border of dots. Metrical inscription in five lines: -+-|ΤΙΝΟC|CΦΡΑΓΙC|ΠΕΦVΚΕΝ|ΗΓΡΑΦΗ|ΛΕΓΕΙ Τίνος σφραγὶς πέφυκεν ἡ γραφὴ λέγει For this special group of seals, combining a regular legend with the name of the seals owner on one side, but with an anonymous metrical inscription on the other side, see the introduction in Wassiliou, Corpus I, pp. 42– 44 (with explanations and interpretations concerning this phenomenon). 7. Iconographical seal (11th c.) Inv. no NM 389/1974 (9). D: 24.49 mm; field: 19.11 mm; W: 12.608 gr. Good condition.

Α: Bust of St Nicholas blessing with the right hand and holding book of Gospels in the left. In the field right and left: ||ni|k.-.ao/.   Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Νικ[όλ]αο[ς].

Β: Border of dots. Radiant cross. Concerning seals with iconographic repertoire only see Cotsonis, Religious Imagery.



UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ACQUISITIONS OF THE ATHENS

For the combination of a cross depiction (reverse) with the Virgin or a Saint (obverse), see especially the index in Cotsonis, Religious Imagery (s.v. “cross”, “cross on steps” and “cross-staff ”). 8. Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067) Inv. no NM128/1978 (10). D: 32.12 mm; field: 24.89 mm; W: 27.925 gr. Good condition. // Zacos – Veglery, no. 87a, b.

Α: Border of dots. Bust of Christ holding book of the Gospels in front of him. In the field right and left: IC–XC. Circular inscription: + ΕMMANOVHΛ. Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς Χ(ριστό)ς - Ἐμμανουήλ.

Β: Border of dots. The Emperor standing, holding the labarum in the right hand and the akakia in the left. Circular corroded inscription: +KΩNRACIΛΕVCΡΩM.....ΔK, +Κων(σταντῑνος) βασιλεὺς Ῥωμ[αίων ὁ] Δούκ(ας). 9. Liberos or Liberes, krites (13th c.) Inv. no NM 149/1979 (11). D: 35.00 mm; field: 30.00 mm; W: 32.284 gr. Good condition. About parallels and the commentary s. Wassiliou, Corpus Ι 1150.

Α: Saint Daniel standing, orans in the lions’ den. In the field left and right the inscription: Ο|ΠΡ|ΟΦΙ|ΤΗ|C – Δ|Α|ΝΙ|ΗΛ Ὁ προφ(ή)της Δανιήλ.



Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

Β: Border of dots. Metrical inscription of seven lines: ΚΡΙΤΗCΔΑ|ΝΙΗΛΚΑΙΓΡ|ΑΦΩVΝΠ|ΡΟCΤΑC ΤΕΛΕΙ|CΕΒΑΟVΛΙΒΕΡ|ΑΞΕΙCΚΡΙ|ΝΩΝ Κριτὴς Δανιὴλ καὶ γραφῶν νῦν προστάτης τελεῑ σεβαστοῡ Λιβέρου πράξεις κρίνων The metrical inscription gives the family name in genitive. The nominative was Λιβέρης or Λίβερος (both forms exist in the sources). Probably the Christian name of the owner is Daniel, since, being himself a judge, he invokes the prophet judge Daniel as his protector. 10. John Tourkopoulos (first half of the 14th c.) Inv. no NM 27/1987 (12). D: 28.52 mm; W: 15.256 gr. Fair condition. For parallels and the commentary see Wassiliou, Corpus I 1018. Cf. Cheynet, Tatiş, 7.6.

Α: St John Prodromos, holding a long cross in the left hand and an open scroll in the right. Only traces of the accompaning inscription are visible: Ὁ ἅγιος - Ἰω(άννης) ὁ Πρόδρομος.

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UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ACQUISITIONS OF THE ATHENS

Β: Inscription of five lines: +ΙΩ|ΝCΦΡ|ΓΙCΑΤ.|ΤΡΚΟΠ|ΛΟV ᾿Ιωάν(ν)ου σφράγισμα τ[οῦ] Τουρκοπούλου Metrical inscription. This person is very good documented by this seal type. To him belongs also another specimen with a non metrical inscription, as already pointed out by Wassiliou, Corpus I 1018, and edited by Cheynet, Tatiş 7.6. 11. John, imperial protospatharios and strategos of the Kibyrraiotai (second quarter of the 11th c.) Inv. no NM 162/1991 (17). D: 3 cm field: 2.8 cm. W: 16.081 gr. Fair condition. Cf. DOSeals, II 59.24 (date: IX/X c., different boulloterion). Cf. A.-K. Wassiliou, “Beamte des Themas der Kibyrraioten”, in H. Hellenkemper – F. Hild, Lykien und Pamphylien (TIB 8) (Vienna, 2004), 409.

Α: Circular border. Cross on steps. Circular invocation inscription.

Β: Inscription in five lines: +IΩΑΝΝ|R’A’CΠΑΘΑ|ΡΗΩSCTΡΑ| ΤΗΓΟΤΟΝ|ΚVRI,PΕ’T’ +Ἰωάνν(ῃ) β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)σπαθαρ(ί)ῳ (καὶ) στρατηγ(ῷ) τ(ῶ)ν Κυβιρε(ω)τ(ῶν). From an earlier time stems another Ioannes β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ στρατηγὸς τῶν Κυβεριοτῶν (second quarter of the tenth century), known also from the sigillographic evidence. On the obverse a patriarchal cross with fleurons is depicted. 5 5 DOSeals II 59.24 (IX/X c.). Cf. A.-K. Wassiliou, “Beamte des Themas der Kibyrraioten”, in H. Hellenkemper – F. Hild, Lykien und Pamphylien [TIB 8], (Vienna, 2004), 409.

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Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

12. Gregory, bishop of Koloneia (1030/1070) Inv. no NM 671 /1991 (13). Donation of Petros Protonotarios. D: 22.17 mm; field: 20.00 mm; W: 8.600 gr. Good condition. Ed.: SBS 6 (1999) p. 97 = Μ. Oikonomidou, “Noμισματικό Μουσείο”, ΑΔ 46 (1991), Χρονικά 4–5, pl. 5, no. 4 (references).

Α: Border of dots. Bust of St John Prodromos, holding long cross in the left hand. In the field left and right: ΙΩ - Π/Δ Ἰω(άννης) Π(ρό)δ(ρομος).

Β: Inscription of four lines, preceded by an ornament: +ΚΕR,Θ,|.ΡΙΓΟΡΙ|.ΠΙCK,Π|,ΚΟΛΟΝ,|-Α+ Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) [Γ]ριγορί(ῳ) [ἐ]πισκ(ό)π(ῳ) Κολον[(εί)]α[ς]. One Koloneia was originally a suffragan bishopric of Nikopolis in Armenia II, but was to become an autocephalous archbishopric in the ninth century, and after 968 the seat of a metropolitan. 6 Nevertheless, the seal refers surely to the other Koloneia, a suffragan bishopric of Mokissos Kappadokias, 7 just like the seal of Nikephoros, bishop of Koloneia, in Laurent, Corpus V/1 616 (last quarter of thenth–first third of eleventh century). 13. The royal monastery of John Prodromos of Ereme (10th/11th c.) Inv. no NM 673/1991 (15). Donation of Petros Protonotarios. D: 24.61 mm; field: 20.22 mm; W: 11.120 gr. Good condition.

Cf. Laurent, Corpus V/1, 630. Darrouzès, Notitiae, e.g. 10, 462.

6 7



UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ACQUISITIONS OF THE ATHENS

Ed.: Oikonomidou, “Noμισματικό Μουσείο”, Χρονικά 4–5, pl. 5 no. 6 (reference). // Laurent, Corpus V/3 1944 = DOSeals, V 43.1 = DO 55.1.5070, Seyrig, 286.

Α: Bust of St John Prodromos holding a long cross in his left hand. In the field left and right: |ΙΩ|ΑΝ|Ν – Π Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Ἰωάνν(ης) [ὁ] Π(ρόδρομος).

Β: Inscription of five lines: +CΦΡΑ|Γ,ΤΗCRMO|NTOΥΠΡΟΔ|ΟΜ’ΤΗCΕ|.HMHC +Σφραγ(ὶς) τῆς β(ασιλικῆς) μο(νῆς) τοῡ Προδ(ρ)όμ(ου) τῆς Ἐ[ρ]ήμης. This legend is mentioned additionally on three more boulloteria from different times, 8 the Athenian seal offers a slightly different type. The problematic second letter of the toponyme is lost on all specimens. If it was a P, we have to read Ἐ[ρ]ήμης. Unfortunately, such a monastery is not attested in the sources. Nevertheless, Alexandra Wassiliou-Seibt proposes a location Ereme near Lemessos/Cyprus, which was (not only) an important medieval center. Notably, the narrative sources offer only sporadic information about this area, primarily concerning the period of the Frankish occupation. 9 In the past was proposed for the other pieces 8 Type 1: Laurent, Corpus V/3, 1944 (reading Ἐρημίας, and attributing it to a wellknown imperial female monastery in Constantinople. He dated the seal erroneously to the 10th–11th c.), and later on DOSeals, V 43.1 (Ἠρημίας?, dated 11th c., instead of second half 10th c.). Type 2: DOSeals, V 81.1a,b (Εὐήμις?, dated 10th/11th c. instead of second half of the 10th c.). Type 3: Seyrig, 286 (without proposal for reading the toponyme, but correct date (end 10th–first half of the 11th c.). Cf. at last J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Le bullaire monastique à Byzance”, TM 23/2 (2019), 246, with note 12, fig. 6 (247) (Εὐήμης). 9 Μεγάλη Κυπριακή Εγκυκλοπαίδεια 6 (2011), s.v. Ερήμη and Ερήμη αρχαιολογικός χώρος.



Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

a Y, reading Ε[ὐ]ήμις. Such a name is mentioned on an inscription on an ivory plaque. 10 14. Anonymous (11th c.) Inv. no NM 674/1991 (16). Donation of Petros Protonotarios. D: 21.00 mm; field: 19.00 mm; W: 5.464 gr. Good condition. Ed.: Oikonomidou, “Noμισματικό Μουσείο”, Χρονικά 4–5, pl. 5, no. 7. Reference of the reverse as St George.

Α: Border of dots. Bust of the Virgin Orans with the medallion of Christ in front of her. In the field r. and l. ΜΡ – Θ Μ(ήτη)ρ Θ(εοῡ).

Β: Border of dots. Bust of Saint Prokopios holding spear in the right hand and shield in the left. In the field r. and l. |ΠΡ – ΟC Ὁ ἅ(γιος) Πρ(οκόπι)ος For the combination of the Theotokos (Episkepsis type) on the obverse with St Prokopios on the reverse on seals, see also Cotsonis, Religious Imagery 10.96 and 10.118. 15. Theodore Eirenikos (late 12th–early 13th c.) Inv. no NM 163/1999 (18). D: 37 mm; field 35 mm; W: 19.909 gr. Good condition

10 N. Oikonomides, “The Concept of ‘Holy War’ and Two Tenth-Century Byzantine Ivories”, in T. S. Miller – J. Nesbitt (eds), Peace and War in Byzantium, (Washington, DC, 1995), 81.

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UNPUBLISHED BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS FROM THE ACQUISITIONS OF THE ATHENS

A parallel specimen in Dumbarton Oaks (BZS.1955.1.3011), ed. I. G. Leontiades, “Byzantine Lead Seals with Family Names”, in Ch. Stavrakos – B. Papadopoulou (eds), Ἠπειρόνδε. Proceeding of the 10th International Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography (Ioannina, 1–3 October 2009), (Wiesbaden, 2011), 301–02, no. 4. Α: Border of dots. St Theodore Tiron, standing. The inscription’s part at the right side of the Saint is lost. At his left we read: Θ..|ΔωΡ.| ΟΤΗ|Ρω|Ν [Ὁ ἅγιος] Θ[ε(ό)]δωρ[ο(ς)] ὁ Τ(ί)ρων

Β: Border of dots. Inscription of six lines preceded by a cross and followed by an ornament: +ΑΓΙΕΘΕ|ΟΔΩΡΕ...|ΘΕΙΜΟΙΤΩ..|ΔΟVΛΩΘ..|ΔωΡΩΤ...| ΡΗΝΙΚΩ Ἅγιε Θεόδωρε [βοή]θει μοι τῷ [σῷ] δούλῳ Θ[εο]δώρῳ τ[ῷ Εἰ]ρηνικῷ. Through the parallel specimen we are informed that the spelling EI in the family name was given as ligature (). The owner of this seal was already identified with Theodore Eirenikos who held a number of offices under the emperor Alexios III Angelos (1195–1203), and was Patriarch of Constantinople from 1214 to 1216. For a detailed analysis of his cursus honorum and other seal types see especially Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 98, no. 80, and Wassiliou, Corpus I 702. 16. Seal with metrical inscription (late 12th–early 13th c.) No inventory (1). D: 28.09 mm; field: 25.01 mm; W: 11.102 gr. Corroded.



Ioanna Koltsida-Makre and Yorka Nikolaou

Α: A military saint, perhaps St George, standing, holding sword in the right hand and shield in the left. The inscription referring his name is lost.

Β: Inscription of four or five lines, followed by an ornament. We can read: Κ.ΡΟVCΦ|..Γ.CΜΑΓ.|.ΑΦΩNAΓ|....: K[ύ]ρου (;) σφ[ρά]γ[ι]σμα γ[ρ]αφῶν ΑΓ... The end of the legend (probably a regular dodecasyllable) preserved in the last line is uncertain. We expect a family name starting with ΑΓ. The sigillographic material presented in this article enriches our knowledge in some cases with new seal types or completes already known types with additional specimens. In some cases, it was also possible to offer corrections concerning older editions. Of special interest is our no. 13.



Nikolaos Mastrochristos

Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from Rhodes* Εἰς μνήμην Βάσως Πέννα

The paper presents the only imperial seal in the possession of the Collection of the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese. It is in very fine condition and since 2000 it is on display in the Byzantine exhibition of the Palace of the Grand Masters in Rhodes.

Fig. 1. John VIII Palaiologos (© Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese) Unpublished. Mention in Ε. Kollias – Th. Archontopoulos – A.-M. Kasdagli – Α. Katsioti – Μ. Michaelidou – A. Nika – E. Papavassiliou – Μ. Sigala – * I would like to thank the Director of the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese, Dr Mania Michaelidou, for the permission to study the seal and to my colleague and friend Dr Vangelis Maladakis for his valuable help. My warmest thanks are also due to Prof. Dr Chr. Stavrakos for the invitation to participate in the present volume, to Professors W. Seibt and J.-Cl. Cheynet for their help and their comments, to Dr AnnaMaria Kasdagli for editing the English text and Dr Eva Apostolou, curator of the Numismatic Museum of Athens, for her assistance in tracing bibliography in pandemic times. Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 35–44 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132243

Nikolaos Mastrochristos

Κ. Kefala, Η Ρόδος από τον 4ο αιώνα μ.Χ. μέχρι την κατάληψή της από τους Τούρκους (1522), Παλάτι Μεγάλου Μαγίστρου, exh. cat. (Athens, 2000), 85 (attributed to John V). – An obvious parallel seal was presented in the auction Rauch (Vienna) 87, 8.-10. 12. 2010, lot 1476 (only the reverse published); see fig. 2 (we thank the auction house for the photo and the permission to republish it).

Fig. 2. Auction Rauch (Vienna) 87, 8.–10. 12. 2010, lot 1476. A parallel seal of John Palaiologos. The exact provenance of the seal is unknown but is was catalogued in Rhodes on 27–1–1976 without any details. It was also handed to the Archaeological Service of the Dodecanese in 1954. Its catalogue number is 366 and its diameter is 32 mm.

On the obverse, the seal displays Christ with a short beard, standing frontal before a low throne, with the right hand extended in benediction. He wears chiton and himation and in his left hand holds a book of Gospels. Dotted border. Inscribed with the sigla: iΣ ̄ x̄Σ On the reverse standing emperor, wearing a crown with cross and pendilia, divitision and a long jeweled loros whose end falls over the left wrist. He has a cross-scepter in his right hand and an akakia in the left. Border as on obverse. Vertical inscriptions on either side: iΩ̄ |ΔE|CΠO|TΗΣ|OΠẠ|Λ|EO|ΛO|ΓΣ 1 Ἰω(άννης) Δεσπότης ὁ Παλεολόγ(ο)ς

The last letter could also be a special ligature of Omikron and Sigma.

1



Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from Rhodes

The image of Christ is on the obverse, as in the majority of the imperial Byzantine seals. 2 After the Palaiologan restoration of Constantinople (1261), as in our example, he is depicted on the seals without an accompanying invocation. 3 On the reverse, the emperor is blessed by the manus Dei as on other imperial seals of the Palaiologoi, such as those of Michael VIII (1261–1282) 4, Andronikos II (1282–1328) 5 and Andronikos III (1328–1341). 6 As for his title, Δεσπότης, it was originally used for the junior emperor, despotes (lord, master). However, by the reign of Michael III the senior emperor is referred to as despotes and after the times of Nikephoros III this becomes the title used almost exclusively on imperial seals. 7 Inscriptions on coins in which the emperor was merely designated as despotes often co-existed with others, much lengthier ones echoing his full traditional titulature of imperial documents. 8 It must not be forgotten that the institutional role of the emperor was never questioned in Byzantium and, until the very end, he theoretically remained not only the head of the state and the source of all power, 9 but also of the Church, a role that was affirmed in the Council of 1409. 10 C. Stavrakos, “Οι βυζαντινές σφραγίδες και το θείον”, Οβολός 2 (1998), 149–53; V. Penna, “Εικονογραφικά βυζαντινών μολυβδοβούλλων: Ο αυτοκράτορας, η εκκλησία, η αριστοκρατία”, ΔΧΑΕ 20 (1998), 261–65. For the image of Christ on the obverse of seals, see: J. Cotsonis, “To Invoke or Not to Invoke. The Image of Christ on Byzantine Lead Seals. This is the question”, RN 170 (2013), 549–82. 3 Cotsonis, “To Invoke”, 577. 4 Zacos – Veglery, 1.1, no. 120, 121bis; Cheynet et al., Istanbul, no. 1.47; Genève 19, with discussion about the meaning of the manus Dei on seals of Michael VIII. See also Ch. Stavrakos, “The Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Lead Seals and Minor Objects from the Monastery of the Dormition of the Virgin (Zerbitsa) at Xerokampi of Lakonia”, B. Caseau – V. Prigent – A. Sopracasa (eds), Οὗ δῶρόν εἰμι τὰς γραφὰς βλέπων νόει. Mélanges Jean-Claude Cheynet [= TM 21/1 (2017)] (Paris, 2017), 764 ff. 5 Laurent, Vatican, no. 17; Zacos – Veglery, 1.1, no. 123; Sokolova, Imperial Seals, nos 196–97, 202; DOSeals, 6, no. 106.1, 106.2. 6 DOSeals 6, no. 108.1. 7 On the title despotes, see: R. Guilland, “Le despote (ὁ δεσπότης)”, REB 17 (1959), 52–89 [repr.: R. Guilland, Recherches sur les institutions byzantines II (Berlin, 1967), 1–24]; A. Failler, “Les insignes et la signature du despote”, REB 40 (1982), 171–86. 8 Andronikos II Palaiologos’ case is characteristic. Grierson, DOCoins, V/1, 7, 96, 131. Cf. C. J. Hilsdale, Byzantine Art and Diplomacy in an Age of Decline (Cambridge, 2014), 190. 9 T. Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager: Power and Political Ideology in Byzantium before 1453 (Geneva, 2011), 127. For the role of the emperor, see mainly: G. Dagron, Emperor and Priest. The Imperial Office in Byzantium (Cambridge, 2003). 10 Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager, 128. Cf. V. Laurent, “Le trisépiscopat du patriarche Mathieu Ier (1397–1410). Un grand procès canonique à Byzance au début du xve siècle”, REB 30 (1972), 55, 89–96, 135–37. 2

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There was an undoubted reduction in the number of seals during the Palaiologan period. 11 Since it is not clear who the depicted emperor is on our seal – there were three Palaiologoi named John – we will proceed to comparisons and examine the historical background. John VII (1370–1408), would be an unlikely candidate: son of Andronikos IV Palaiologos and grandson of John V, he reigned for just five months, from April to September 1390 12. John VI (1347–1354), who was a Kantakouzenos, need not be considered. 13 Also, our emperor does not resemble John V (1341–1391) who, in his iconography appears slim and less robust. 14 We should not forget that in the auction Naumann (Vienna) 62, 4. 2. 2018, lot 968, a somehow similar seal (but with important differencies!) was attributed to John V, VII or VIII Palaiologos. 15 Looking more accurately we see that the first name is not ΙΩ, but MXI, so the seal belongs to Michael VIII. On the other hand, there was really another somehow similar seal type of a John Palaiologos in the former Zacos collection (Fig. 3) with only minor discrepancies. On the left side of the reverse we read ΙΩ | ΔΕC|ΠΟ||C, the legend on the right side is more or less lost. Probably we have to do with the same emperor as on our seal. 11 G. Vican – J. Nesbitt, Security in Byzantium: Locking, Sealing, Weighing (Washington, DC, 1980), 25; N. Oikonomides, “The Lead Blanks Used for Byzantine Seals”, SBS 1 (1987), 100; Cotsonis, “To Invoke”, 576–77 and note 113, with bibliography. 12 Also, his representation on his coins is quite dissimilar. N. Oikonomides, “John VII Palaeologus and the Ivory Pyxis at Dumbarton Oaks”, DOP 31 (1977), 329–37; P. Katsoni, “Ο γάμος του Ιωάννη Ζ´ Παλαιολόγου με την Ευγενία Gattiluzi (1396/1397)”, Βυζαντιακά 11(1991), 183–201; eadem, “Δυο ταξίδια του αυτοκράτορα Ιωάννη Ζ´ Παλαιολόγου (1390–1408) στη Δύση”, Πρακτικά ΙΓ´ Πανελληνίου Ιστορικού Συνεδρίου (29–31 Μαΐου 1992) (Thessaloniki, 1993), 215–29; G. T. Dennis, “John VII Palaiologos: ‘A Holy and Just Man’”, A. Avramea et al. (eds), Byzantium, State and Society. In Memory of Nikos Oikonomides (Athens, 2003), 205–18. However, we know an imperial seal of Andronikos IV Palaiologos and his son Ioannes VII Palaiologos, dated by the editor primarily between 18. 10. 1377 and 1. 7. 1379: W. Seibt, “Der bisher jüngste Bleisiegeltypus byzantinischer Kaiser”, JÖB 56 (2006), 239–43 (photo on p. 243). 13 For the emperor, see: A. Keselopoulos, “Βίος τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Ἰωάννου ΣΤ´ τοῦ Καντακουζηνοῦ (ἢ Ἰωάσαφ μοναχοῦ), (1295–1383)”, Θεολογία 46 (1975), 573–610; D. M. Nicol, The Reluctant Emperor. A biography of John Cantacuzene, Byzantine Emperor and Monk, c. 1295–1383 (Cambridge, 1996). 14 See, for example, his depiction on the golden bulla of the Vatican: A. Martini, I sigilli d’oro dell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano (Milano, 1984), no. 18. 15 https://www.acsearch.info/search.html?term=Byzantine%20Lead%20 Seal%20Palaeologus&category=12&en=1&de=1&fr=1&it=1&es=1&ot=1&images =1¤cy=eur&thesaurus=1&order=1&company=&fbclid=IwAR0dNK8TDQ TjqPHzSKb5ZSKSAV90H0ggtN7AIIVaG-RZHnnwXLjcA6bZtqY(last visit 17–6– 2021).

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Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from Rhodes

Fig. 3. Seal of John Palaiologos from the former Zacos collection (Sigillographic photo-archive of the Division for Byzantine Research of the Austrian Academy of Sciences The Rhodes seal is comparable to the gold bullae of John VIII Palaiologos in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection (BZS.2012.08.21) 16 and the one at the Vatican, dating from 1439. 17 The similarities between them are remarkable, while the differences insignificant. Of the latter, the most important is the epithet Δεσπότης, which on the gold bullae is replaced by ἐν Χριστῷ αὐτοκράτωρ; 18 also, the manus Dei is missing from the gold seals. The closest parallel is the Vatican gold seal and the resemblances between the two are striking. On the reverse, the emperor’s posture, gestures, dress and features are almost identical – just less elaborate on the lead seal. Christ’s representation is less detailed in the specimen under examination, and the low throne is not as ornamented and rectangular as in the gold bulla. So far, it seems that the features of our seal point to John VIII. The validity of this hypothesis may be tested by exploration in other schol F. Dworschak, “Byzantinische Goldbullen”, BZ 36 (1936), 40–45; P. Grierson, “Byzantine Gold Bullae, with a Catalogue of Those at Dumbarton Oaks”, DOP 20 (1966), [239–53] 252–53; Zacos – Veglery, 1972, 128bis; H. C. Evans (ed.), Byzantium. Faith and Power (1261–1557) (New York, 2004), 35 no. 8 ( J. Nesbitt). 17 Schlumberger, Mélanges, 184–85, pl. X, V; V. Sella, Le bolle d’oro dell’Archivio Vaticano (Citta del Vaticano, 1934), nos 22–23; Martini, I sigilli d’oro, no. 22. 18 The same form is attested also on a golden bulla of John V (December 1342) at the Lavra (Mt Athos). Lavra, III, 222–23, pl. CCXXIV, 3, and at Vatopedi, F. Dölger, Aus den Schatzkammern des Heiligen Berges, Textband (München, 1948), 328 no. 5; J. Lefort – V. Kravari – C. Giros – K. Smyrlis, Actes de Vatopédi, II. De 1330 à 1376 (Archives de l’Athos XXII) (Paris, 2006), pl. XCVIII.b. A combination of both is attested at golden seals of Andronikos III Paleologos ( January 1329), where he is inscribed as: Ἀνδρόνικος ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ δεσπότις ὁ Παλαιολόγος. Ibidem, 222, pl. CCXXIV, 1. 16

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arly fields. Let’s see what happens with the inscriptions on coinage. Around 1367 John V Palaiologos introduced the stavraton, a large silver coin with abstract figures of Christ and the imperial bust. Stavrata were also issued by John VIII and remained use until the fall of the Byzantine Empire 19. During the reign of John V, but also under John VIII, they were inscribed: Δεσπότης ὁ Παλεολόγος, Θεοῦ Χάριτι Βασιλεὺς Ρωμαίων (the Lord Palaiologos, by God’s Grace Emperor of the Romans). 20 It is known that it is rather difficult to attribute stavrata to a certain emperor named John, since the differences between the specimens that each one of them minted were minor. 21 The same happens with the seals. 22 John VIII, born in 1392, was the penultimate Byzantine emperor. By the time he ruled (1425–1448), the sultanate of Mehmed II extended to the walls of Constantinople, completely surrounding it. John sought aid from the west, proclaiming a union with the Church of Rome. The people of Constantinople refused to accept the union and no aid was received. The city was already doomed when John died in 1448. In art, he is well known from his portraits in the Council of Ferrara-Florence painted by Pisanello 23 and the mural of the Magi Chapel at the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi in Florence. 24 The identification becomes more confi19 See indicatively: A. Cutler, “The Stavraton: Evidence for an Elusive Byzantine Type”, American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 11 (1964), 237–44, pl. XLI–XLII; M. Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy (c. 300–1450) (Cambridge, 1985), 542 ff.; P. Grierson, Byzantine Coinage (Washington, DC, 1999), 16, 22. 20 DOCoins V/2, pl. 65–69, nos 1231 and on ( John V), pl. 81–91 ( John VIII). 21 Cf.  T. Kourembanas, “‘Θησαυρός’ χάλκινων νομισμάτων των τελευταίων Παλαιολόγων από τη Λήμνο”, E. G. Papaefthimiou – I. P. Touratsoglou (eds), Ὁλοκότινον. Studies in Byzantine Numismatics and Sigillography in Memory of Petros Protonotarios (Bibliotheca of the Hellenic Numismatic Society 10) (Athens, 2013), 130–32. 22 See, for example, the note of N. Oikonomides concerning his thoughts on identifying the emperor John Palaiologos on a golden seal of Lavra in Mount Athos, in Lavra, III, 224–25. 23 R. Weiss, Pisanello’s Medallion of the Emperor John VIII Palaeologus (London, 1966); M. Vickers, “Some Preparatory Drawings for Pisanello’s Medallion of John VIII Palaeologus”, The Art Bulletin 60.3 (1978), 417–24; V. Juŕen, “A propos de la médaille de Jean VIII Paléologue par Pisanello”, RN 15 (1973), 219–25; S. Lazaris, “L’empereur Jean VIII Paléologue vu par Pisanello lors du concile de Ferrare – Florence”, Byzantini­ sche Forschungen 29 (2007), 293–324. The emperor’s depiction of Pisanello was copied in an illuminated manuscript of the Monastery of Saint Catherine at Sinai (Sinai gr. 2123): G. Prato – J. A. M. Sonderkamp, “Libro, testo, miniature: il caso del cod. Sinait. gr. 2123”, Scrittura e Civiltà 9 (1985), 309–23. For the depictions of the emperor in art, see: Hilsdale, Byzantine Art and Diplomacy, 333–34, with recent literature. 24 See selectively: C. Acidini Luchinat (ed.), The Chapel of the Magi. Benozzo Gozzoli’s frescoes in the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi Florence (New York, 1994); F. Cardini, The Chapel of the Magi in Palazzo Medici (Florence, 2001); D. D. Davisson, Secrets of the

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Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from Rhodes

dent if the history of Rhodes, where his seal was found, is examined. Could a likely recipient of his letter be identified? In the first decades of the fifteenth century, Rhodes became more isolated. Its defences were expanded and modernized after the battle of Nicopolis (1396), which put an end to the mass participation of Westerners against the Ottoman advance into Europe. 25 During the reign of John VIII, two grand masters ruled Rhodes: Antoni Fluvià (1421–1437) 26 and Jean de Lastic (1437–1454). 27 During his rule, in 1440, an Ottoman fleet attacking Rhodes was successfully repelled. He undertook the construction of the new walls of the town, a work that started in 1444 and was completed after his death, under grand master Jacques de Milly. During this time, the Order was at the zenith of its power, and played a significant military role in the defense of the Mediterranean against Turkish encroachment. The recipient of the letter of John may have been the grand master of Rhodes. Thus, he would follow the policy of his father, Manuel II, who visited Rhodes in 1390, before his coronation, and started discussions with the Hospitallers. 28 Certainly, the correspondence of the Byzantine emperor would be addressed, if not to the Master, to someone of high status. On the eve of the Council of Ferrara-Florence, 29 apart from the Medici Palace and Its Private Chapel: Six Studies in the early Italian Renaissance (San Bernardino, 2014); C. Riva, La Cavalcata dei Magi di Benozzo Gozzoli. Storia, ermetismo e antiche simbologie (Firenze, 2017). Recently, A. Mattiello, “Who is that man? The perception of Byzantium in fifteenth-century Italy”, in A. Mattiello – M. A. Rossi (eds), Late Byzantium Reconsidered. The Arts of the Palaiologan Era in the Mediterranean (London – New York, 2019), 177–92. 25 D. Seward, The Monks of War. The Military Religious Orders (2London, 1995), 239–40; A.-M. Kasdagli, Stone Carving of the Hospitaller Period in Rhodes. Displaced Pieces and Fragments (Oxford, 2016), 7 with literature. 26 P. Bonneaud, “Les origines du maître de l’hôpital Antoni de Fluvià - 1421– 1437”, Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire et du patrimoine de l’ordre de Malte 24‎ (2011), 26– 30. 27 B. Galimard Flavigny, Histoire de l’ordre de Malte (Paris, 2006), 317–19. 28 J. W. Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus (1391–1425). A Study in Late Byzantine Statemanship (New Brunswick, 1969), 76–77; G. P. Majeska, Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Dumbarton Oaks Studies XIX) (Washington, DC, 1984), 411–12; M. Acheimastou-Potamianou, “Δύο αμφιπρόσωπες εικόνες του Χριστού και της Παναγίας στη Ρόδο”, ΔΧΑΕ Λ´ (2009), 210. 29 From the numerous publications for the council of Ferrara-Florence, see selectively: J. Gill, The Council of Florence (Cambridge, 1959); idem, Personalities of the Council of Florence and other Essays (Oxford, 1964); V. Laurent, Les “Mémoires” du grand ecclésiarque de l’Église de Constantinople Sylvestre Syropoulos sur le Concile de Flor-

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grand master, he could have been in touch with religious representatives of the island. 30 And being a proponent of the Union, since he believed that this was the only way to get the needed support from the Latins against the Ottomans, he would readily have approached both the Orthodox and the Latin metropolitan. The Orthodox metropolitan of Rhodes at the time was Nathanael († 22.4.1455) 31. The Latin archbishop of Rhodes throughout most of the reign of John VIII was the Dominican convert Andreas Chryssovergis (1431–1447). 32 Both prelates were sent as representatives to the Council of Ferrara-Florence, and both accepted and signed the decreto of the Union 33. Fra Andrea Chryssovergis belonged to the Dominican ence (1438–1439) (Paris, 1971); C. Scourtis Gaddis, The Failure of Reconciliation: The Byzantine Experience at the Council of Ferrara-Florence (1438–39) (PhD Diss. University of Los Angeles) (Los Angeles, 2004); H. Chadwick, East and West: The Making of a Rift in the Church: From Apostolic Times until the Council of Florence (Oxford, 2005), 258 ff.; S. Kolditz, Johannes VIII. Palaiologos und das Konzil von Ferrara-Florenz (1438/39). 2 vols (Stuttgart, 2013–2014). 30 For the emperor in the Council, see: Kolditz, Johannes VIII. Palaiologos; J. N. van Sickle, “Re-evaluating the Role of Emperor John VIII in the Failed Union of Florence”, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68.1 ( Jan. 2017), 40–58. For the emperor, see also: D. Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261–1453 (2Cambridge, 1994), 339–68. For his diplomacy, see: S. Mergiali-Sahas, “A Byzantine Ambassador to the West and His Office during the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries: a Profile”, BZ 94/2 (2001), 602–04; eadem, “Το άλλο πρόσωπο της αυτοκρατορικής διπλωματίας: Ο Βυζαντινός αυτοκράτορας στο ρόλο του πρεσβευτή τον 14ο και 15ο αι.”, Βυζαντιακά 25 (2005–2006), 253–59; C. J. Hilsdale, Byzantine Art and Diplomacy in an Age of Decline (Cambridge, 2014), 190. 31 Ζ. Ν. Tsirpanlis, Ανέκδοτα έγγραφα για τη Ρόδο και τις Νότιες Σποράδες από το αρχείο των Ιωαννιτών Ιπποτών (1421–1453) (Rhodes, 1995), 205–06. 32 Fedalto, La Chiesa, II, 88; Ζ. Ν. Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες στα χρόνια των Ιωαννιτών Ιπποτών (14ος-16ος αι.). Συλλογή ιστορικών μελετών (Rhodes, 1991), 264 note 2, with literature. 33 Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες, 300. For Andreas in the council, see: Gill, The Council, 114, 124, 129, 130, 148, 145–55 passim, 169; Gill, Personalities, 47, 53, 82, 100, 159, 239, 292; Scourtis Gaddis, The Failure of Reconciliation, 77, 80, 90, 92, 98, 104, 113, 174; Z. Tsirpanlis, “Ἡ ἐφαρμογὴ τοῦ φλωρεντινοῦ ‘ὅρου’ στὸ ἑλληνικὸ ἀρχιπέλαγος. (Ἡ περίπτωση τῆς βενετοκρατούμενης Κρήτης καὶ τῆς ἱπποτοκρατούμενης Ρόδου”, Βυζαντινὰ 16 (1991), 86 ff. For the Orthodox Church and its position for the Union and the Council, M.-H. Blanchet, “L’Église byzantine à la suite de l’Union de Florence (1439–1445): de la contestation à la scission”, in A. Argyriou – C. OttenFroux – P. Racine – G. Saint-Guillain (eds), viiie Symposion Byzantinon. L’Église dans le monde byzantin de la ive croisade (1204) à la chute de Constantinople (1453). Strasbourg, 8 et 9 novembre 2002 [= Byzantinische Forschungen 29 (2007)], 79–124; eadem, “La réaction byzantine à l’Union de Florence (1439): de discours antiromain de la Synaxe des orthodoxes”, in M.-H. Blanchet – F. Gabriel (eds), Réduire de Schisme? Ecclésiologies et politiques de l’Union entre Orient et Occident (xiiie–xviiie siècle) (Paris, 2013), 181–96; M. Hinterberger – C. Schabel, “Andreas Chrysoberges’ Dialogue against Mark

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Lead Seal of John VIII Palaiologos from Rhodes

Order, although Greek by birth and born to Eastern Orthodox parents. He was from Constantinople and thus was called Andrea de Pera or de Constantinople. 34 Indeed, Pope Eugene IV addressed a letter to Chryssovergis, assuring him that when Nathanael was transferred to another bishopric, or upon the latter’s death, the metropolis of Rhodes would be integrated with his authority. 35 It is fairly certain that emperor John VIII and Andreas were old acquaintances. Many years before the Council, in 1414, as a representative of the emperor Manuel II ( John’s father), Andreas had attended the Council of Constance, where he spoke for the Union. 36 Additionally, he and Manuel II were both students of Demetrius Kydones 37. Andreas was, however, a controversial personality because of his apostacy; he had also been sent to the Council of Basle (1431), where he had delivered an

Eugenikos”, in A. Frazier – P. Nold (eds), Essays in Renaissance Thought and Letters in Honor of John Monfasani (Leiben-Boston, 2015), 492–95; M.-H. Blanchet, “Le rejet de l’Union de Florence (1439) dans les professions de foi antiunioniste: Marc d’Éphèse, Michael Balsamon et Sylvestre Syropoulos”, in M.-H. Blanchet – F. Gabriel (eds), L’Union à l’épreuve du formulaire professions de foi entre Églises d’Orient et d’Occident (xiiie–xviiie siècles) (CNRS Monographies 51) (Leuven, 2016), 191–206. 34 Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες, 264 n. 2; Laurent, Les “Mémoires”, 117, n. 5; M.-H. Laurent, “L’activité d’André Chrysobergès, O.P. sous le pontificat de Martin V (1418–1431). Étude et documents”, EO 34 (1935), 414–38; R.-J. Loenertz, “Les dominicains byzantins Théodore et André Chrysobergès et les négociations pour l’union des Églises grecque et latine de 1415 à 1430”, Archivum fratrum prædicatorum IX (1939), 5–61; J. Darrouzès, “La date de la mort d’André Chrysobergès, O. P., archevêque de Nicosie et légat apostolique à Chypre”, Archivum fratrum prædicatorum XXI (1951), 301–05; T. Ganchou, “Dèmètrios Kydônès, les frères Chrysobergès et la Crète (1397– 1401): de nouveaux documents”, in Chr. Maltézou – P. Schreiner (eds), Bisanzio, Venezia e il mondo franco-greco (XIII–XV secolo). Colloquio internazionale nel centenario della nascita di Raymond-Joseph Loenertz, O. P. (Venise, 2002), 435–95; C. Delacroix-Besnier, “Manuel Calécas et les frères Chrysobergès, Grecs et Prêcheurs”, Les échanges culturels au Moyen Âge. Actes du 32e congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public (Dunkerque, 2001), (Paris, 2002), 151–64. 35 Tsirpanlis, Η Ρόδος και οι Νότιες Σποράδες, 301. Such a thing, though, never happened. Andrea was transferred from the See of Rhodes to the one of Nicosia, Cyprus (Gill, The Council, 336–37, 391), and Nathanael died in Rhodes. 36 Gill, The Council, 23–27. 37 Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager, 39–40; Barker, Manuel II Palaeologus, 416 ff.; Ganchou, “Dèmètrios Kydônès”, 440. For Kydones, see: G. Cammelli, Démétrius Cydonès correspondence (Paris, 1930); R.-J. Loenertz, Démétrius Cydonès correspondance, Vol. I, II (Vatican, 1956–1960); K. Frances, Demetrius Cydones (c. 1324-c. 1397): Intellectual and Diplomatic Relations between Byzantium and the West in the Fourteenth Century, (PhD diss., Fordham University 1981) (New York, 1981); S. Mergiali-Sahas, “Το άλλο πρόσωπο της αυτοκρατορικής διπλωματίας”, 245.

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oration in the name of the Pope. 38 Thus, it seems that John sent a letter to Rhodes, most probably either to prepare the ground for the Council of Ferrara-Florence or after his sojourn there. The reasons are unknown, but were probably associated with religious and political rather than financial support although it is known that the coffers of the Byzantine emperor were practically empty during the council of Florence 39. In any case, John’s letter was formal. In Byzantium, the emperor would seal important documents (chrysoboullon) with gold; less important but still official documents with lead seals, and ordinary letters with wax seals. 40 Lead seals, as in our case, were used for recipients of a high status, and wax seals for all others. 41 Even though some questions that emerge from the study of this specimen remain unanswered, its significance is evident. A unique find, of known provenance, linked to the penultimate emperor of the Byzantine Empire, is evidence of contact between the Byzantine court and the capital of the Hospitaller state. It is proof of diplomatic correspondence, an indication of common interest between the emperor and either the grand master or, more likely, the notorious Andreas Chryssovergis, Latin archbishop of Rhodes. Well-known historical facts independent of our specimen indicate that such diplomatic correspondence was to be expected. The proposed identification of our lead seal palpably supports the existence of this correspondence. Past assumptions now appear highly probable. It is even possible that the three assumed principals, John VIII, Chryssovergis and Nathanael, travelled together to or from Ferrara, while the archbishop would have been a handy and expert interpreter for the emperor.

Mansi, XXIX, 468–81. For the negotiations, see: P. Loenertz, “Les dominic-

38

ains”.

Kiousopoulou, Emperor or Manager, 96 ff. J.-C. Cheynet – B. Caseau, “Sealing Practices in the Byzantine Administration”, in I. Regulski – K. Duistermaat – P. Verkinderen (eds), Seals and Sealing Practices in the Near East. Developments in Administration and Magic from Prehistory to the Islamic Period. Proceedings of an International Workshop at the Netherlands-Flemish Institute of Cairo on December 2–3, 2009 (Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta 219) (Leuven – Paris – Walpole, MA, 2012), 137. 41 Cheynet – Caseau, “Sealing Practices”, 138. 39 40

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Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras

A Selection of Important Seals from the Private Collection of Zafeiris Syrras Zafeiris Syrras began collecting Byzantine seals in March 2003; since then he has continued to acquire Byzantine lead seals and at this moment in time the collection numbers close to 1000 pieces. The collection is expected to grow, as the interest of the collector in Byzantine lead seals remains very high. It is one of the most important private collections of lead seals internationally, not only in terms of the number of seals but also in terms of quality and historical importance of its articles. Christos Stavrakos is working on the publication of this collection and it was also the focus of his summer fellowship at Dumbarton Oaks. The seal of this collection attesting an Ἰωάννης πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου καὶ βασιλικὸς χρυσογλύπτης is already published in the last volume of Studies in Byzantine Sugillography. 1 Some other seals of the collection Zafeiris Syrras are presented in the volume in honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti. They are the seals of Nikētas Tornikēs (twelfth century, possibly mid-century), Basileios bishop of Hexamilion (mid eleventh–early twelfth century), Michaēl Tzikandylos (or Tzykandylēs) (mid twelfth century–2nd half of twelfth century), Maria, nun and zōstē (3rd decade of eleventh–early twelfth century), Nikēphoros Melissēnos, magistros, vestarchēs and katepanō (1065– 1075), Theodora Komnēnē, pansebastē (1130–1180) and Kōnstantinos Theodōrokanos (2nd half of eleventh–early twelfth century; probably between 1060–1080). 2 1 Ch. Stavrakos – Ch. Tsatsoulis, “Rare Seal of a Goldsmith (Χρυσογλύπτης) from the Unpublished Collection of Zafeiris Syrras (London)”, SBS 13 (2019), 131–48. 2 Ch. Stavrakos – Z. Syrras, “Some Unpublished Byzantine Lead Seals from the Private Collection Zafeiris Syrras (London)”, in Ch. Diamanti – A. Vassiliou (eds), Ἐν Σοφίᾳ μαθητεύσαντες. Essays in Byzantine Material Culture and Society in Honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti (Oxford, 2019), 325–33.

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 45–56 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132244

Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras

In this paper we will present some representative and interesting pieces of the collection and we will focus on the newest acquisitions of the collector. The seals of the collection to be published here are divided in the following categories: seals with family names and seals with metrical inscriptions regardless they bear family names or not. 1. Basileios Agapetos, patrikios (2nd half of the 11th c.) 19 mm 6.16 gr // Jordanov, Corpus III 467 (discovered in the fortress Chala in Haskovo), Collection Zacos 1724. Ed Jordanov, Corpus III 467 (with further older bibliography).

On the obverse frontal bust of Theotokos with the Child of the iconographical type of Theotokos Episkepsis 3 with the usual inscription M. /ΘV On the reverse the inscription in five lines: Ker,θ, Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) ΤωCΩΔ, τῷ σῷ δού(λῳ) raciλ,π̅ρ̅� ι � ̅ Βασιλ(είῳ) π(ατ)ρι(κίῳ) ΤΩαγα τῷ ἈγαΠιτ, πιτ(ῷ) 3 See W. Seibt, Die Darstellung der Theotokos auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln, besonders im 11. Jahrhundert, SBS 1 (1987), 35–56; H. Hunger, Heimsuchung und Schirmherrschaft über Welt und Menschheit: Μήτηρ Θεοῦ ἡ Ἐπίσκεψις, SBS 4 (1995) 33–42. Concerning the period until the end of the Iconoclasm see A.-K. WassiliouSeibt, Die sigillographische Evidenz der Theotokos bis zum Ende des Ikonoklasmus, in L. M. Peltomaa et al. (eds), Presbeia Theotokou. The Intercessory Role of Mary across Times and Places in Byzantium (4th–9th Century), (Vienna, 2015), 233–42.

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A SELECTION OF IMPORTANT SEALS FROM THE PRIVATE COLLECTION

Agapetos is a family name derives from the verb ἀγαπῶ (= love). According to the suffix -ητός, Ἀγαπητὸς is the one who can be loved. The Christian name Agapetos is well attested on Byzantine lead seals. We are aware of several Agapetoi though Agapetos is used exclusively in all cases not as a family name. This seal is a unique evidence for the Agapetos as family name. This member according to its title belonged to the so called middle-class aristocracy. Τhe first attested Agapetos was pop of Rome from May 946 till December 955 and is mentioned in the short vita of Dunale of the Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae. 4 Another Agapetos from Lainon (ἀπὸ τοῦ Λαΐνου) in the second half of the temth century is recorded in the vita of St Savvas because of his miraculous therapy by the Saint. 5 A lead seal Agapetos, bishop of Akmoneia (suffragan of bishopric of Laodikeia in Phrygia) is dated around the year 1000. 6 In contrary to the testimonies of the sources of the middle byzantine period, the family name Agapetos is in the Palaiologan period well and lavishly attested. 7 2. Konstantinos Nikaeus, protoproedros (last third of the 11th–early 12th c.) 22 mm 7.03 gr Unpublished

PmbZ 20159. PmbZ 20160. 6 Problems arise concerning the reading and the analysis of the monogram on the obverse because the poor preservation of the specimen. Laurent, Corpus V 3, 1736 proposed Agapios, while the editors of DOSeals III 4.1 preferred Agapitos. Cf. PmbZ 20161. 7 PLP 111–30; 91018–24. Interesting is the name Ἀγαπητίνα as female form of this family attested around the year 1321 (PLP 91017). 4 5

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Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras

The inscription covers both sides of the seal: Obverse: Θ̅κ� ε̅ � ̅ Θ(εοτό)κε rohθei βοήθει κωναν Κωνσταν.Ινω [τ]ίνῳ Reverse: Α͂Α͂ε δρωτω νικα ει

(πρωτο)(προ)έδρῳ τῷ Νικαεῖ

Here we deal with a Κωνσταντῖνος Νικαεὺς who was πρωτοπρόεδρος. Etymologically the family name Νικαεὺς is derived from the city of Nikaia. 8 From the second half of the twelfth century we are aware of another Κωνσταντῖνος Νικαεὺς probably with a standing St Georgios on the obverse; the inscription is metrical (Κωνσταντίνου σφράγισμα τοῦ Νικαέως) 9 who probably is not related with our πρωτοπρόεδρος. The family name is well attested in the middle byzantine period and specially by several lead seals. According A.-K. Wassilou-Seibt the oldest sigillographical testimony of the family name is a lead seal of the collection of Dumbarton Oaks with the metrical inscription Νικηφόρου σφράγισμα τοῦ Νικαέως. 10 From the Palaiologan era is mentioned a Νικαεὺς without Christian name as πάροικος in Thessaly. 11 3. Georgios Tanoteres (end of the 11th till first half of the 12th c.) 17 mm 3.56 gr // private collection in Shumen Ed. Jordanov, Corpus II 697; Jordanov, Corpus III 2053.

See Wassiliou, Corpus II p. 50. Wassiliou, Corpus I 1231. 10 Wassiliou, Corpus II 1508; see also eadem, Corpus I p. 162. 11 PLP 20232. 8 9

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Obverse: Buste of St George in the usual iconographical type, holding a shield and a spear. The inscription is partially preserved, e.g. Gamma on the on the right side. Reverse: .ḲeRΘ Γεωργ, τωτανο. τερη

[+] Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Γεωργί(ῳ) τῶ Τανο(υ)τέρῃ

Our specimen is in a much better condition than the parallel piece found in Bulgaria. The family name is probably originated from the Armenian. Tanouter 12 in mediaeval Armenia means master of house, head of a family, landlord, householder, patriarch, chief of a trive/race 13 and lord of a clan. 14 According Tumanoff 15 Τer means lord and tun means house. According Adontz Tanuter corresponds in biblical texts to οἰκοδεσπότης. 16 See M. Bedrossian, New Dictionary Armenian-English. Venice 1875, 690; R. Thomson, An Introduction to the Classical Armenian (New York, 1989) (2nd edition), 251. 13 N. Garsoïan, Les “guerriers des seigneurs”, Studia Iranica 32/2 (2003), 178–80; T. Greenwood, “A Corpus of Early Medieaval Armenian Inscriptions”, DOP 58 (2004), 63, 65, 67, 83. 14 L. Avdoyan, “Feudal Histories: Praying Court to the Mamikonians and Bagratunis of Taron”, in R. Hovannisian (ed.), Armenian Bagesh/Bitlis and Taron/Mush (Costa Mesa, California, 2001), 73–74, 91. 15 C. Toumanoff, “Introduction to Christian Caucasian History, The Formative Centuries (IVth–VIIIth)”. Traditio 15 (1959), 64, 73; idem, Studies in Christian Caucasian History (Georgetown, 1963), 114 (henceforth: Toumanoff, History). 16 N. Adontz, Armeniia v epokhu Iustiniana, (St Petersburg, 1908), 404–05; see also Toumanoff, History, 115. 12

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Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras

In the Typikon of Theotokos Petritziotissa (1083) there is an interesting passage which describes the responsibilities of the office of kellarites who is called in Armenian tanouteres: Ἕτερος δὲ ἔστω κελλαρίτης, ὃς παρὰ τοῖς Ἴβηρσι τανουτέρης ὀνομάζεται, ὃς ὀφείλει κατὰ τὸν τῶν μοναζόντων ἤτοι τῶν μοναστηρίων τύπον ἀδόλως καὶ ἀσκανδαλίστως ὑπὸ τὴν χεῖρα ἑαυτοῦ ἔχειν τόν τε ἄρτον καὶ τὰ προσφάγια πάντα καὶ τὰ ἀρτύματα, οἷον ἔλαιόν τε καὶ μέλι καὶ τὰ τούτοις παρόμοια, καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν τούτων ποιήσασθαι ἔξοδον εὐκαίρως τε καὶ ἐπιμελῶς μετὰ φόβου Θεοῦ. 17

During the great celebrations in the monastery the kellarites (τανουτέρης) had the management of all κατὰ χρείαν goods and was responsible to provide the monks in the refectorium with bread, olive oil, honey and other food. 18 In some monasteries κελλαρίτης had one or more assistants; specifically in the monastery of Lazaros Galesiotes the παρακελλάριος, an assistant of κελλαρίτης, distributed to the monks an amount of money after the death of Lazaros. 19 We could find another member of the family attested by two parallel seals: a Stephanos Tanouteres without any titles or office (on the obverse of his boulla there is a depiction of bust of John Prodromos), dated to the second half of eleventh century. 20 The similar name Tanos is recorded in Thessaly (Trikala) in the first half of the fourteenth century. 21 In the collection there are also several seals with metrical inscriptions: From these we have chosen to show two: 4. Pantepoptes Monastery (end of 11th–first decades of 12th c.) 16 mm 4.57 gr // DOSeals 5, 53.1c; DOSeals 5, 53.1a and b (from the same boulloterion); Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη 20. 17 P. Gautier, “Le typikon du sébaste Grégoire Pakourianos”, REB 42 (1984), 59, 679–84. 18 B. Leontaritou, Εκκλησιαστικά αξιώματα και υπηρεσίες στην πρώιμη και μέση βυζαντινή περίοδο (Athens-Komotene, 1996), 281–85 (henceforth: Leontaritou, Aξιώματα). 19 Leontaritou, Aξιώματα, 284. 20 Jordanov, Corpus, II 698; idem Corpus, III 2054 (the parallel specimen in the former collection Zacos, photograph in Vienna/Austrian Academy of Sciences). 21 PLP 27432.

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Ed Laurent, Corpus V 2, 1171, see also the photograph Laurent, Corpus V 1172, pl. 149; N.K. Moutsopoulos, Ανασκαφή κάστρου Ρεντίνας (1995), in Το Αρχαιολογικό Έργο στη Μακεδονία και Θράκη, 9 (1995 [1998]), 335 (without picture); DOSeals 5, 53.1; Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη 20; R. Feind, Verse auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln Teil 2: Ρ–Ω. Verses on Byzantine Lead Seals Vol. 2: Ρ–Ω, (Regenstauf, 2013), 2585.

Obverse: Ω Παν Τεπο πτα

+Ὦ Παντεπόπτα

Reverse: Cω ετc ccoi ket

σῷζε τοὺς σοὺς οἰκέτ(ας)

+ Ὦ Παντεπόπτα σῷζε τοὺς σοὺς οἰκέτας The inscription covers both sides of the seal, it is a regular dodekasyllabos with caesura after the fifth syllable and paroxytony at the end. There are already several sigillographical types with the same metrical legend. 22 Furthermore the question if the lead seal of the Dumbarton Oaks collection 23 with a bust of Theotokos (iconographical type of Ma22 Schlumberger, Sig. p. 138; Laurent, Bulles métriques, 559; Laurent, Corpus, V 2, 1171 (first transcription of the obverse); Cheynet et alii, Seyrig, 281; Leontiades, Θεσσαλονίκη, 21. 23 Accession number BZS.1958.106.5040, https://www.doaks.org/resources/ seals/byzantine-seals/BZS.1958.106.5040/view.

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Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras

ria orans without Child) on the obverse and the inscription + Ὁ Παν]τεπό-πτις on the reverse is associated with the Monastery of Jesus Christ Pantepoptes must stay open. The Monastery of Pantepoptes 24 was founded in 1087 by Anna Dalassena. 25 5. Theodoros Chetames, kouropalates and doux of Melitene (1078– 1080) 28 mm 23.26 gr // Former Collection Zacos; Auktion Lanz 154, 11–12.6.2012, 615; Auction Zeus Numismatics 17, 5.6.2021, 939; Leu Numismatics 25-Oct-20, 1984; Ares Numismatics Auction 2, 28 Sep. 2019, 938 (from a private dutch collection). A very similar sigillographical type but not from the same boulloterion: Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 62 (also Auktion Lanz 154, 11–12.6.2012, 614). Ed Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus, II 1618 (with the former bibliography)

Obverse: depiction of St Theodore standing to front in military attire; he holds a beautiful decorated shield in right and spear in left hand. The inscription to the left and right of the Saint: O-a-γι-ο/θε-οδ-ωρ,  Ὁ ἅγιος Θεόδωρ(ος)

24 Janin, Églises, 513–15; V. Kidonopoulos, Bauten in Konstantinopel 1204–1328. Verfall und Zerstörung, Restaurierung, Umbau und Neubau von Profan- und Sakralbau­ ten, (Wiesbaden, 1994), 28–30. 25 See Cheynet – Vannier, 95–99; Cheynet, Société, 2, 438–47.

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The inscription of the reverse: -+OmωνυΜονconδ κακροπαλα Τηνμαρτυc Xetamhnto ṇmeλιτηνηˋ Ckεποιc -

-+Ὁμώνυμόν σον δούκα κουροπαλάτην μάρτυς Χετάμην τὸν Μελιτηνῆ(ς) σκέποις -

+ Ὁμώνυμόν σον δούκα, κουροπαλάτην, μάρτυς, Χετάμην τὸν Μελιτηνῆς σκέποις The metrical inscription consists of two dodecasyllaboi verses, both with paroxytony at the end, the first with a caesura at the fifth and seventh and the second at the fifth syllable. About the person of Theodoros Chetames is already written by V. Šandrovskaja and W. Seibt. He was commander of Melitene and later of Edessa. There are several sigillographical types 26 all connected with the same person allow us to create the cursus honorum of Theodoros Chetames. 27 We are aware also of a metrical seal of a Chetames ἀνθύπατος (depiction of Saint Theodoros on the obverse) but is not sure if it is connected to our Theodoros 28 or his father. 29 The collection Zafeiris Syrras includes also several seals with very interesting iconography. 6. Lychnites (12th c.) 32 mm 19.13 gr // Vatican 184 Ed Laurent, Vatican, 184 See Wassiliou, Corpus, II 1618. Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques, 51; idem, Zacos, 34; Šandrovskaja – Seibt 62. 28 See Wassiliou, Corpus, II 1468. 29 J.-Cl. Cheynet – E. Erdoğan – V. Prigent, “Les sceaux byzantins du musée d’Adiyaman”, SBS 12 (2016), 117–18. 26 27

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Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras

Obverse: A frontal standing figure which according the inscription is identified as the Ἀλήθεια (= Truth); she wears a long robe and is holding a scepter with her right hand. It is notworthy that the inscription carefully does not mention the Ἀλήθεια 30 as ἁγία (Saint) although she is depicted as a saint with a halo. The inscription: Hαλη // θη.  Ἡ Ἀλή-//θη[α] Reverse: +φωc Xphma Tizωκαι Λυχνοc Tωλυχνι -Τη-

+ Φῶς χρηματίζω καὶ λύχνος τῷ Λυχνί-τῃ-

+ Φῶς χρηματίζω και λύχνος τῷ Λυχνίτῃ The inscription is metrical, a regular dodecasyllabos with caesura at the fifth syllable and paroxytony at the end. It is obvious that the poet of the epigram creates a verse based on the etymology of the family name of the owner (Lychnites), that derives from λύχνος (the oil lamp) and its φῶς (light); both are connected with the Ἀλήθεια (= Truth), which is, according the inscription, the most important characteristic of the owner of the boulloterion. Λυχνίτης is also a precious stone of red colour and specially a name of Parian marble quar30 Ἀλήθεια in Ancient Greece (the Veritas of the Romans) was the personified spirit of truth and sincerity. Her opposite virtue was δόλος (Trickery): Aesopi Fabulae 530 (= 535 Perry).

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A SELECTION OF IMPORTANT SEALS FROM THE PRIVATE COLLECTION

ried by lamplight 31 and in the Byzantine period λυχνῖτις is an adjective for a reddish glowing stone. 32 The connection of ἀλήθεια with φῶς is biblical; Jesus Christ is described as the light and truth of the world. 33 This literary motive is often repeated in the byzantine literature. 34 Furthermore ἀλήθεια itself is related often with the φῶς as a vital factor of piety. 35 The personification of the truth is unique in the byzantine Sigillography. We are aware of classical personifications such as the Tyche and the Victory. In the byzantine art we are aware of some personifications of the Truth, the most famous is the depiction on the crown of Constantine IX Monomachos 36 where is depicted together with the virtue of Humility (Ταπείνωσις). 37 Personifications of the Truth we find also in illuminated manuscripts such the Vat. gr. 1927 fol. 156r (Ἀλήθεια is depicted together with Ἔλεος [Mercy]); 38 it contains a psalter Book dated in the twelfth century. The depiction in the manuscript is very similar to the depiction on our seal H.-G. Liddel – R. Scott, Greek-English Lexicon (Oxford, 1968), 1068. LBG 955. 33 John 8,12: ἐγώ εἰμι τὸ φῶς τοῦ κόσμου· ὁ ἀκολουθῶν ἐμοὶ οὐ μὴ περιπατήσῃ ἐν τῇ σκοτίᾳ, ἀλλ’ ἕξει τὸ φῶς τῆς ζωῆς; Ibid. 14,6: ἐγώ εἰμι ἡ ὁδὸς καὶ ἡ ἀλήθεια καὶ ἡ ζωή· οὐδεὶς ἔρχεται πρὸς τὸν πατέρα εἰ μὴ δι’ ἐμοῦ. 34 Indicativelly J. Grosdidier de Matons, Romanos le Mélode. Hymnes, vols 1–5 [Sources chrétiennes 99, 110, 114, 128, 283. Paris: Éditions du Cerf 1, 1964; 2, 1965; 3, 1965; 4, 1967; 5, 1981] 27 app. 1–5: Ἡ πάντων χαρά, Χριστός, ἡ ἀλήθεια, τὸ φῶς, ἡ ζωή, τοῦ κόσμου ἡ ἀνάκλησις τοῖς ἐν γῇ πεφανέρωται τῇ αὐτοῦ ἀγαθότητι, γέγονε τύπος τῆς Ἀναστάσεως, τοῖς πᾶσι παρέχων θείαν ἄφεσιν. 35 Indicativelly P. J. Alexander, Gregorii Nysseni opera, Leiden, 1962, vol. 5, 424, 12–13: ἧς τὸ ὄνομα ἀλήθειά ἐστι καὶ ζωὴ καὶ φῶς καὶ ἀφθαρσία καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα. 36 See T. Dawson, “The Monomachos Crown. Towards a Resolution”, Symmeikta 19 (2009), 183–93; N. Oikonomidès, “La couronne dite de Constantin Monomaque”, TM 12 (1994), 241–62; The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, a.d. 843–1261, in H. Evans – W. D. Wixom (eds), The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1997), 210; G. Moyseidou, “Το στέμμα του Μονομάχου· μια συζήτηση χωρίς τέλος”, in A. Avramea et al. (eds) Byzantium: State and Society – In Memory of Nikos Oikonomides (Athens, 2003), 403–16. 37 For the depiction of the virtues on the crown see E. Antonopoulos, Contribution à l’étude des abstractions personnifiées dans l’art médiobyzantin, (unpublished doctoral thesis), (Paris, 1984), 252–54 (henceforth: Antonopoulos). 38 E. De Wald, The Illustations in the Manuscripts of the Septuagint, III. Psalms and Odes. Part 1: Vaticanus Graecus 1927 (Princeton, 1941), 25–26, Pl. XXXVIb; Antono­ poulos, 146–47. 31 32

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Christos Stavrakos and Zafeiris Syrras

and this is a further element justifies our dating to the twelfth century. The Truth is the second figure from the left – depicted with Δικαιοσύνη ( Justice) – illustrated also with halo and long scepter in the right hand in the manuscript Coislin 79 fol. 2r 39 in Paris. This manuscript is dated between 1074 and 1078; 40 it contains Homilies of John Chrysostomos. In other words we have the unique depiction of the personification of the Truth on Byzantine lead seals. The collection of Zafeiris Syrras, as we have shown in previous but also in this publication, consists of a large number of important seals. These lead seals are in their majority in very good condition and bear all kinds of bullae: lead seals with family names, seals of unknown or unknown important officials of the State or Church, seals with rare iconography, many of them with metrical inscriptions.

39 I. Spatharakis, The portrait in Byzantine illuminated manuscripts, (Leiden, 1976), 110–11, fig. 71. 40 I. Spatharakis, Corpus of Dated Illuminated Greek Manuscripts to the year 1453, (Leiden, 1981), I no. 94; II pl. 173.

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HISTORY, PROSOPOGRAPHY AND ADMINISTRATION

Andreas Gkoutzioukostas

The Office of oikistikos: A Re-examination of the Sigillary Material and an Unpublished Lead Seal from Konstantinos Kalantzes’ Collection* The office of oikistikos 1 is attested in the Byzantine Taktika on court protocol, official documents and lead seals, which contain information about the persons who held the position and the duties attached to it. The sigillary material that reveals important aspects concerning the development and function of the institution was systematically studied by J. Nesbitt in a monograph on the subject, 2 and since then other seals have been published that allow us to form a more complete picture of the oikistikos. 3 The discovery of a new seal of an oikistikos in the private collection of Konstantinos Kalantzes (no. 136), which we publish here for the first time, gives a different dimension to the context of this dignitary’s field of action and at the same time provides the impetus for a review of the relevant sigillary material and consequently of the office from the institutional and prosopographical aspect. The oikistikos is mentioned for the first time in the Kletorologion of Philotheos (899), according to which he was a subordinate in the service * I would like to express special thanks to my colleague Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassi­ liou-Seibt for her invaluable assistance in the dating and reading of certain seals. 1 For the oikistikos see F. Dölger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanz­ verwaltung, besonders des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts, (Byzantinisches Archiv, 9) (Leipzig – Berlin, 1927) (repr. Darmstadt, 1960), 91; N. Oikonomidès, Les listes de préséance byzantines des ixe et xe siècles, (Le Monde Byzantin) (Paris, 1972), 313; J. W. Nesbitt, “The Office of the Oikistikos: Five Seals in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection”, DOP 29 (1975), 341–44; Laurent, Corpus II, 188–89; ODB 3, 1516; Jordanov, Corpus, ΙΙΙ, 297; J. Shea, Politics and Government in Byzantium. The Rise and the Fall of the Bureaucrats, (London, 2020), 50–51. 2 Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 341–44. 3 The newer sigillary material was commented on by Shea, Politics, 50–51, in his recent monograph on the Byzantine state apparatus, where he confirms Nesbitt’s conclusions, reproducing his readings and dating. Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 59–68 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132245

Andreas Gkoutzioukostas

of the logothetes tou genikou. 4 It should be stated, however, that the adjective οἰκιστικὸν (κώδικον) or the noun οἰκιστικόν is attested earlier than the eighth century in papyri in the sense of the financial or tax account or list. 5 Based on the etymology of the name, scholars have linked the oikistikos (from the verb οἰκίζω) with the construction of buildings 6 or with the basilikoi oikoi (from the noun οἶκος) whose assets were recorded by the oikistikos. 7 What is certain is that oikistikos was involved in keeping tax registers. According to a tax treatise (Tractatus of Cod. Marc. Gr 173), during the reign of Leo VI (886–912) the papers (χαρτία) of the service of the oikistikos recorded the estates of monasteries, nursing homes or persons who enjoyed tax exemptions. 8 This must have been the main function of the dignitary in the service of the genikon logothesion. Unlike the other employees in the service of the logothetes of genikon, 9 the oikistikos is also attested in the Escurial Taktikon (971–973). 10 This means that its importance had increased and it cannot be excluded that the oikistikos had by this time become an independent office. 11 A lead seal testifying to the existence of one of his assistants, the chartoularios, 4 Oikonomidès, Listes, 113.32 and 155.6, where the oikistikos is included in the spatharioi. An appointment as oikistikos required a payment of six gold coins to the ar­ tiklinai. See ibidem 233.10. 5 http://papyri.info/ddbdp/cpr;22;19, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/cpr;22;20, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.lond;4;1412, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.lond;4;1414, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/p.lond;4;1433, http://papyri.info/ddbdp/sb;18;13247. See also ODB, 3, 1516. Cf. E. Trapp et al., Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität, besonders des 9.–12. Jahrhunderts 6 (Vienna, 2005), s.v. οἰκιστικός. 6 See F. Dölger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der byzantinischen Finanzverwaltung be­ sonders des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts (Hildesheim, 21960), 91. 7 See Guilland, “Les logothétès”, REB 29 (1971), 15; Oikonomides, Listes, 313. Cf. ODB, 3, 1516. 8 Dölger, Beiträge, 117.1–26: “Ἰδιοστάτων τάξιν ἐπέχουσι καὶ τὰ προκατεσπαμένα λογίσιμα… Εὑρίσκονται δὲ ταῦτα ὁμαδικῶς μὲν ἐν τῷ λογαριασμῷ τῶν τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ χαρτίων κείμενα. Ἐλογάριασε γὰρ τὰς διοικήσεις ὁ δηλωθεὶς ἀποιχόμενος βασιλεὺς κῦρ Λέων καὶ δεξάμενος ἀπὸ τῶν διοικήσεων πάντων τῶν θεμάτων τὰ εὐρισκόμενα ἐν ἑκάστῳ προκατεσπασμένα λογίσιμα, προσεγράψατο μὲν ταῦτα ἐν τοῖς τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ χαρτίοις ὁμαδικῶς, ὡς δεδήλωται…”. See also ibidem 91; N. Oikonomidѐs, Fiscalité et exemption fiscale à Byzance (ixe–xie s.), (Fondation nationale de la recherche scientifique. Institut de recherches byzantines. Monographies 2) (Athens, 1996), 140. 9 Shea, Politics, 46. 10 Oikonomidès, Listes, 273.20. 11 Oikonomidès, Listes, 313. Cf. also Cheynet et al., Istanbul , p. 173, which, however, states, apparently inadvertently, that the oikistikos had previously belonged to the service of the sakelle; Shea, Politics, 51–52, who wonders if, as an employee of the genikon logothesion, the oikistikos had assistants, while he seems to lean towards the view that the office became independent in the middle of the eleventh century. See also ibidem, 129.

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is dated as early as the end of the tenth or beginning of the eleventh century, but the dating is not absolutely certain. 12 All the employees of the independent service of the oikistikos are mentioned in the chrysoboulla from the middle of the eleventh century, which speak of protonotarioi, logariastai, 13 chartoularioi, basilikoi notarioi and notarioi of oikistikos. 14 A lead seal, dating to the last third of the eleventh century, attests to Stephanos, πρωτοβέστης, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν. 15 Stephanos seems to have taken over the registration of 12 See Laurent, Corpus, II 398 (Ἰωάννης, βασιλικὸς σπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ [10th/11th c.]; unfortunately there is no photograph of the seal, for verification of the reading and dating), no. 397 (Δαβίδ, βασιλικὸς νοτάριος τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ, first half of the 11th c.). This seal could be more precisely dated to 1020–1050 taking into consideration a parallel specimen from Vienna, Münzkabinett 521. Cf. also Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 343, no. 5, who dates the seal to the tenth/eleventh centuries. 13 See also V. Laurent, Corpus, II. 400 (Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος καὶ λογαριαστὴς τῶν οἰκιστικῶν (11th/12th c.). See below p. 4. 14 JGR 1 630 (chrysoboullon of Konstantinos IX Monomachos [1045]); Lavra I, no. 32.40–57 (chrysoboullon of Michael VI [1057]): “Διὸ παρεγγυώμεθα (καὶ) πάντας ἐξασφαλιζόμεθα, ἀπό τε τῶν κατὰ καιροὺς σακελλαρ(ίων), γενικῶν (καὶ) στρατιωτ(ικῶν) λογοθ(ε)τ(ῶν), τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας σακέλλης καὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου, ὀικονόμων τῶν εὐαγῶν ὄικων, τῶν ἐπὶ τῶν ὀικεια(κῶν) (καὶ) τῶν ἐφόρ(ων) τῶν βασιλ(ικῶν) κουρατωρειῶν, γηροτρό(φων), εἰδικῶν, τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ θείου ἡμῶν ταμείου τοῦ φύλ(ακος), κουρατώρων τοῦ οἴ(κου) τῶν Ἐλευθερίου καὶ τῶν Μαγγάνων, οἰκιστι(κῶν) (καὶ) τῶν ὑπ’ αὐτοὺς πρωτονοτ(α) ρί(ων), λογαριαστῶν, χαρτου(λα)ρί(ων), βασιλι(κῶν) νοταρί(ων) (καὶ) νοταρίων, πρὸ(ς) τούτοις κριτῶν πολ(ι)τ(ικῶν) (καὶ) θεματι(κῶν), (καὶ) παντὸ(ς) ἑτέρου δουλ(είαν) τοῦ κοινοῦ μεταχειριζομένου, τοῦ μηδένα τῶν ἁπάντων δἐν οἱωδήποτε χρόνω, καθ’ οἱονδήτινα τρόπον, ἐπ’ ἀδείας ἔχειν μερικῶς ἢ ὁλοκλήρως ἐκκόπτειν τὴν τοιαύτην δόσιν ἢ τὸν καιρὸν ὑπερτίθεσθαι, (καὶ) μὴ συμπαρέχειν τοῖς προτετυπωμένοις καὶ τὰ νῦν προστεθέντα νομίσματα, ἢ συνήθ(ειαν) ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιζητεῖν ἢ ὄχλησιν τὴν οἱανδήτινα τῶ μέρει τῆς μον(ῆς) ἕνεκεν τούτων ἐπάγειν…”; Ibidem, no. 33.91–92 (chrysoboullon of Konstantinos X Doukas [1060]) 196–99; Ibidem, no. 36.27 (chrysoboullon of Michael VII Doukas [1074]); Lavra I, no. 38.58–59 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]); Actes d’Ιviron, no. 41.99–100 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]); Vatopédi I, no. 10.60 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1080]); Lavra I, no. 43.47–48 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1081]), no. 46.38–39 (chryso­ boullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1084]) and no. 48.51–52 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1086]) 258–59; Era L. Branouse, Βυζαντινὰ ἔγγραφα τῆς μονῆς Πάτμου, Α´ – Αὐτοκρατορικά (Εθνικό Ίδρυμα Ερευνών, Κέντρον Βυζαντινών Ερευνών) (Athens, 1980), no. 2.19–20 (chrysoboullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]), no. 3.53–54 (chryso­ boullon of Nikephoros III Botaneiates [1079]), no. 5.80 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1087]) and no. 6.67–68 (chrysoboullon of Alexios I Komnenos [1088]). See also P. Gautier, “Diataxis de Michel Attaliate”, REB 39 (1981), 109.1463–1465, which includes a copy of a chrysoboullon of Michael VII Doukas (1075) in which the oikistikos and his subalterns are mentioned. Cf. Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 343; Dölger, Beiträge, 91, according to which the official became independent from the service of the genikos log­ othetes circa 1044. 15 Two seals from different boulloteria: (a) Zacos, Seals, II, no. 1048 and (b) Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, no. 4, who dates the seal in the second half of the eleventh century,

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lands that enjoyed tax exemptions and were now being re-taxed as they were returned to the tax lists. 16 This responsibility for the new ὀρθώσεις is undoubtedly related to the oikistikos’ earlier function. According to J. Nesbitt – N. Oikonomides and E. McGeer, in this case “the reinstatement in stages (neai orthoseis) of the taxes due on properties which had received temporary tax alleviations” may have concerned the whole theme of the Armeniakoi and if an oikistikos was involved in such a process, then perhaps it was a massive measure. 17 In our view, it is not certain that the office was solely responsible for the Armeniakon thema. The oikistikos Stephanos may have undertaken an ad hoc activity related to the new ὀρθώσεις or the expansion of the oikistikos’ activity as denoted on his seal, 18 but in any case not necessarily in the theme of Armeniakon. 19 Nor, in our view, did the anonymous protospatharios epi tou chrys­ otriklinou, hypatos, oikistikos, judge of the hippodrome and of the Boukel­ larioi mentioned on a seal serve as krites and at the same time as oikistikos in the theme. 20 According to another documentary testimony, “ὁ τὰ τοῦ θέματος τῶν Θρακησίων δικάζων οἰκιστικός” (“the oikistikos who judges (the cases) / who is the judge in the theme of the Thrakesians”). 21 This does not necessarily mean that the officer performed his duties in the theme as krites and as oikistikos. 22 It is more probable that the krites of Thrakesion was already an oikistikos before his appointment as krites of Thrakesion, but not necessarily in the framework of the theme. The wording used in the document gives the impression that the oikistikos was a judicial officer serving in the theme, but this, of course, is not true. It cannot be excluded that the klerikos tes megales ekklesias, kouboukleisios probably between 1050 and 1070; DOSeals, IV, no. 22.22, which date the seal generally in the eleventh century. 16 For the orthosis see Dölger, Beiträge, 141; Svoronos, Recherches sur le cadastre byzantin et la fiscalité aux xie et xiie siècles: le cadastre de Thèbes, Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 83 (1959), 45; ODB, III 1539. 17 DOSeals IV 22. 22. Cf. Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 344. 18 Cf. Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 344. 19 According to Shea, Politics, 51, Stephanos belonged to the service of the (megas) oikistikos and was responsible for “a new type of reimplementing taxes on property, which itself implies that there were oikistikoi responsible for the other areas of the department’s jurisdiction”. This is an interesting assumption, but there is nothing to indicate that other oikistikoi, each with a different set of duties, also served in the department of the oikistikos as we will try to show below. 20 Nesbitt, “Oikistikos” 341–42; DOSeals IV 1. 17. 21 ΜΜ IV, p. 16 (1049). 22 Conversely Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 344.

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and epi tou patriarchikou sekretou Konstantinos, who compiled the prak­ tikon, had other documents in front of him mentioning all the offices held by the judge, which he described in the above rather unsuccessful and unclear manner. In my opinion, none of the above testimonies necessarily implies that the kritai mentioned were at the same time serving as oikistikoi in the themes. 23 They had probably served as oikistikoi before they became thematic judges. Of course, this does not mean that the oikistikos could not perform his duties in the provinces either in person or through his subordinates, as revealed by the testimonies of the chrysoboulla for the monasteries of Mount Athos and Patmos that speak of their possible presence in the estates of those monasteries. However, the information supplied by these documents does not give the impression that in addition to the oikistikos who headed his department there were other oikis­ tikoi in the provinces, and so far there is no evidence of an oikistikos with a clear geographical designation. It has been argued that the testimony of a seal of Theophylactos, ve­ starches, krites, megas oikistikos and gerokomos, indicates the elevation of the office. It is further held that the megas oikistikos was the head of the service in which “lesser” oikistikoi served. 24 Indeed, the adjective me­ gas, provided it is not a rhetorical addition, reveals a more exalted office, while at the same time distinguishing it from the rest of the oikistikoi. The question that arises, however, is whether there actually was a body of oikistikoi serving in an office under the megas oikistikos, as has been argued. 25 According to Pančenko a Michael πρόεδρος καὶ λογαριαστὴς τῶν οἰκιστικῶν is mentioned on a seal 26 dated (because of the title πρόεδρος) by V. Laurent 27 to the eleventh/twelfth century. The reading of the end of the inscription as τῶν οἰκιστικῶν should, however, be excluded. According to a photo sent to me by Elena Stepanova, to whom I am most grateful, it should be read as “Κύριε βοήθει Μιχαὴλ πρόεδρον καὶ λογαριαστὴν τὸν…” (legend in accusative), but the obscure last word, which may refer Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 343–44. Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 343. See also Shea, Politics, 51. 25 Shea, Politics, 51. 26 B. A. Pančenko, Katalog molivdovulov (offprint from the Izvestija Russ. Arheol. Instituta v Konstantinopole, 1903, 1904, 1908) p. 50, no. 128 (without picture). 27 Laurent, Corpus, II 400. According to the title of proedros, the seal could be dated between the last third of the eleventh century and the first third of the twelfth century. 23 24

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to a family name, is certainly not οἰκιστικῶν. Consequently, there was no logariastes of the oikistikon and Michael was not the logariastes of the supposedly subordinate oikistikoi of the megas oikistikos, as has been conjectured. Moreover, it should not be assumed that there was a single service in which all the oikistikoi served, since apart from the independent service of the oikistikos or megas oikistikos in which potonotarioi, logaria­ stai, chartoularioi, basilikoi notarioi and notarioi worked, there were also other oikistikoi employed in other offices, a fact that should be taken into consideration. This is at least substantiated by the evidence of the seal of Pothos, βέστης (?) (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας, 28 which due to a misreading was previously believed to refer to οἰκιστικὴ σακέλλη. 29 Consequently, an oikistikos could also serve in the office of the sakelle. In fact, this is not the only office to which an oikistikos belonged, as according to an unpublished seal from the Kalantzes collection an oikistikos also served in the vestiarion. The seal is the following:

Obv. St John Prodromos, standing, facing forward, right hand raised, an open scroll held in his left hand. To his right is a tree, with an axe placed against its foot. This is a literal rendering of Matthew 3.10: “ἤδη δὲ ἡ ἀξίνη πρὸς τὴν ῥίζαν τῶν δένδρων κεῖται· πᾶν οὐν δένδρον μὴ ποιοῦν καρπὸν καλὸν ἐκκόπτεται καὶ εἰς πῦρ βάλλεται” [And now also is the axe laid unto the root of the trees: therefore every tree which bringeth forth not good fruit is hewn down, and cast into the fire]. Only the left part of the inscription is preserved: IΩ for Ἰω(άννης) DOSeals, IV 32. 26. See also below “Oikistikoi in other departments”, no. 1. See ODB, III,1516.

28 29

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Rev.  .....|ΟCT,..|.RΔOMAΡ..|.IKICTIKΩ|TCEKΡET,|TRECT|.AΡ, .....ὀστ(ι)[αρ(ίῳ)] [ἑ]βδομαρ(ίῳ) [(καὶ)] [ο]ἰκιστικῷ τοῦ σεκρέτ(ου) τοῦ βεστ(ι)αρ(ίου) Date: third quarter of the 11th century. Consequently, the megas oikistikos, who was an independent officer, was different from his homonymous subordinates in other financial services such as the sakelle and the basilikon vestiarion. 30 This is also supported by the use of the adjective megas, as it is a matter of differentiating between homonymous dignitaries as in other cases, e.g. megas domestikos, megas droungarios. But the adjective megas is not necessarily used to distinguish the head of the service from his subordinates, which is usually done by the prefix proto- (e.g. protonotarios, protoasekretes, protokangel­ larios, etc.). Neither in this case, therefore, nor in general, can the prefix proto- and the adjective megas be considered to have the absolutely identical function. 31 Consequently, those who consider the adjective megas as indicating an increase in the importance of the office of the oikistikos have moved in the right direction, but their assumptions concerning the inclusion of “lesser” oikistikoi in his service are not convincing, since there were also oikistikoi who worked in other financial services, even if their precise responsibilities in each of these (which probably had to do with keeping financial records) are not known. The last documentary attestation of an oikistikos occurs in 1088, as has been correctly pointed out. 32 The term oikistikon mentioned later (1201) in a chrysoboullon of Alexios III Angelos from the Patmos monastery together with other taxes and claims made by government officials and employees, 33 has probably nothing to do with the office of oikis­ 30 See for these services N. Oikonomidès, “L’évolution de l’organisation administrative de l’empire byzantin au xie siècle (1025–1118)”, TM 6 (1976), 137 (= N. Oikonomides, Byzantium from the Ninth Century to the Fourth Crusade. Stud­ ies, Texts, Monuments, [Variorum Collected Studies Series], Aldershot, 1992, X); Aik. Christophilopoulou, Το πολίτευμα και οι θεσμοί της Βυζαντινής Αυτοκρατορίας 324– 1204. Κράτος–Διοίκηση–Οικονομία–Κοινωνία, (Athens, 2004), 230, 232–33. 31 On the contrary, see Shea, Politics, 51. 32 ODB, III, 1516. 33 Branouse, Βυζαντινὰ ἔγγραφα, no. 12.10–12 (1201): “ἐκχωρεῖ δὲ τῶ μέρει τ(ῆς) αὐτ(ῆς) μο(νῆς) προσκαθίσαι ἐν τοῖς δικαί(οις) αὐτ(οῦ) πρὸ(ς) συγκρότ(η)σ(ιν) ταύτ(ης) καὶ ὑπηρεσί(αν) μισθί(ους) ξέν(ους) ἐλευθ(έ)ρ(ους) καὶ ἀ̣νεπιγνώστους τῶ δημοσίω / τεσσάρ(ων)/ [ἀνω]τ̣έ̣ρ̣ο̣υ̣ς̣ σὺν τ̣(ῆ) τούτ(ου) αὐλῆ ἀπὸ πάσ(ης) καὶ [παντοίας] ἐπηρ(είας), ψωμ[ο]ζημ(ίας), ἀγγαρ(είας), οἰκ̣ι̣σ̣τ̣(ικοῦ), ζαμ.τ.., [ἐν]νομ[ίου], ..... καὶ ............κοῦ καὶ ἑτέρ(ας) ὁποιασδ[ήτινος] ἀπαιτήσ(εως) καὶ παρεισ̣πρ[άξεως]”.

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Andreas Gkoutzioukostas

tikos. Apart from the uncertain reading of the word oikistikon, the office of oikistikos did not exist after the eleventh century.

Prosopographical Catalogues Oikistikoi 1. Ῥωμανός, οἰκιστικὸς (second quarter of the 11th c.). 34 2. Ν. οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς Θρακησίων (1049). 35 3. Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Βουκελλαρίων (1040–1070). 36 4. Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, κριτής, μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ γηροκόμος (third quarter of the 11th c.). 37 5. Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς Ἀρμενιακῶν (c. last third of the 11th c.). 38 6. Θεόδωρος Σκληρός, βέστης καὶ οἰκιστικὸς (last quarter of the 11th c.). 39 Oikistikoi, probably identified with one of the above persons, are also mentioned on seals of their assistants, respectively a char­ toularios and a notarios. 40 Oikistikoi of other departments 1. Πόθος, βέστης (?) or πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας (1030/1060). 41

Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel, II 57. ΜΜ IV, 16 (1049). 36 Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 341, no. 2 (10th/11th c.); DOSeals, IV 1. 17 (11th c.). 37 Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 342, no. 3 (11th c.). 38 Two seals from different boulloteria: (a) Zacos, Seals, II, no. 1048 (middle 11th c.) and (b) Nesbitt, “Oikistikos” 342, no. 4 (1050–1070); DOSeals, IV 22.22 (11th c.). See also SBS 12 (2016) 144, no. 2549 (c. last third of the 11th c.). (Catalogue of Auctions [2007–2011] composed by A-K. Wassiliou-Seibt). 39 Seibt – Zarnitz 1.2. 6. 40 See above n. 13. 41 V. Laurent, “Sceaux byzantins inédits”, BZ  33 (1933), 356, no.  77 (11th– 12th c.); A. Bryer – D. Winfield, The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pon­ tos, with Maps and Plans by R. Anderson and Drawings by J. Winfield (Dumbarton Oaks Studies, XX) (Washington, DC, 1985), p. 318; DOSeals. IV, no. 32. 26 (11th c.), who do not exclude another honorary title rather than vestes. Protospatharios could be also possible. 34 35

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THE OFFICE OF OIKISTIKOS

2. N. ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ βεστιαρίου (third quarter of the 11th c.). 42 Uncertain seals of oikistikoi 1.  Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου or ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου (10th/11th c.), according to Nesbitt. 43 Another possible reading could be Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν δεήσεων (10th c.), although the engraver seems to have used the wrong case – nominative (οἰκιστικὸς or οἰκεῖος) instead of dative, as the editor has correctly remarked. The seal could be dated in the second half of the 11th c. 2.  Ἰωάννης Καρδάμης, σπαθάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς (?), according to the editors, who date the seal in the first half of the 11th c. and express their reservations about the name of the office, since on the obverse are inscribed the letters HCTOOIK, which, as the editors surmise, may have been falsely inverted by the engraver, for OIKHCTO.  44 But according to the same letters the reading εἷς τῶν οἰκείων is also possible, although we need here a dative. In any case, this is one more seal that cannot be attributed with certainty to an oikistikos. The seal could be dated more precisely in the second quarter of the 11th century, At this point is must be noted that a seal of the oikistikos Νικόλαος (10th c.) published by I. Jordanov, 45 has been differently read by W. Seibt who attributes the seal to Nikolaos, basilikos makellites (first half of the 11th c.). 46 Fourthermore, a seal in the State Hermitage Museum, which Pančenko 47 attributed to an ἐπὶ τοῦ οἰκιστικοῦ (?) was misread; I would like to thank Elena Stepanova for sending me a photo. This seal mentions a Manuel βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν καὶ ξενοδόχος Νικαίας (c. 940/980). 48 See above p. 64-65 Nesbitt, “Oikistikos”, 341, no. 1. 44 Cheynet et al., Istanbul, 2.143. 45 Jordanov, Corpus, III, no. 834 (10th c.). 46 W. Seibt,“Some Seals of Byzantine Professional Men”, in Ἀντιχαρίσματος ἐπισφράγισις: A Tribute to Prof. Ivan Jordanov’s 70th Anniversary (In Honorem 6) (Shumen, 2019), 433. 47 Pančenko, Katalog 47–48, no. 121, the reading was accepted by Laurent, Corpus, II 399. 48 The same person is attested on a very similar seal (see G. Schlumberger, Sig.,  6 [facsimile], dated to 10–11th c.). 42 43

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Andreas Gkoutzioukostas

In sum, the office of oikistikos was certainly held by a total of six persons, five according to the evidence of the seals and one according to the testimony of a document, while another two oikistikoi served respectively in the vestiarion and the sakelle. The only dignitary with a family name is Skleros. The highest honorary title awarded to a person who held the position of oikistikos is vestarches, but we do not know if the holder acquired this title, when he was oikistikos or when he became gerokomos, a position also listed on the relevant seal. 49 The same applies to the oikis­ tikos who bore the title of protovestes, as this may be due to his position as provincial judge, according to the evidence of seals. Only Skleros held the title of vestes having no office other than that of oikistikos (last quarter of the eleventh century). In any case, while honorary titles obviously go hand in hand with the rise in importance of the office, due to the scanty information of the primary sources we cannot trace the exact evolution of the titles borne by the holders of the office of oikistikos.

See for example ODB, II, 848–49.

49

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Werner Seibt

The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s On 26 August 1071, the Byzantine emperor Romanos IV Diogenes (and several high officers) fell into Seljuq hands during the battle of Mantzi­ kert, an enormous catastrophe for the Empire. 1 Some leaders of the re­ maining forces, like Andronikos Doukas proedros, immediately left the army to escape to the capital, but others gathered to discuss the situation and to decide who would take overall command for the time being. As a seal in the collection of my wife clearly proves, the very experi­ enced Norman general, Erbebios Phrangopolos, proedros and stratelates and a member of the imperial war council, was acknowledged leader of the army, (“δίκαια ὑπερέχων ἀκεφάλης Ἀνατολῆς”). 2 About this time Paulos, the katepano of Edessa, left the stratopedon and became doux of Theodosioupolis (Iberia). 3 We do not know if this was a decision of the war council or if he left the army because he was bypassed in favour of Erbebios. At any rate Erbebios did not remain long in this position, since it surely ended when the emperor was freed from captivity (after eight days). Perhaps it was due to Erbebios’ prowess that the Seljuqs did not use their chance to annihilate the Byzantine army. But his name is not mentioned in conjunction with events after the emperor left the Sultan (and many officers and soldiers had abandoned Mantzikert). The Byzantine sources do not report any territorial concessions by Romanos IV, but the Oriental ones (esp. Sibt ibn al-Ğausī) enumerate 1 For the exact date cf. P. Schreiner, Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken, Bd. 2 (CFHB 12/2). (Wien, 1977), 155–56. 2 Coll. Wassiliou-Seibt 404. Ed. W. Seibt, “Übernahm der französische Nor­ manne Hervé (Erbebios Phrangopolos) nach der Katastrophe von Mantzikert das Kom­ mando über die verbliebene Ostarmee?”, SBS 10 (2010), 92–94. For a parallel in the collection Tatış see Cheynet, Tatış  3.43 (with a slightly different interpretation). 3 Also Mantzikert was part of this doukaton.

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 69–80 DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132246 ©FHG

Werner Seibt

the “towns” Mantzikert, Edessa, Manbiğ and Antiocheia, 4 probably including the doukates of Antiocheia and Edessa. Anyway, the peace treaty did not work, as Romanos was soon deposed and was not able to regain supreme authority. On October 1, 1071, Michael VII Doukas and his mother Eudokia were proclaimed emperors, as a result of the preparatory intrigues of kaisar Ioannes Doukas. 5 But Romanos IV Diogenes did not surrender and was soon assisted by the doux of Antiocheia, Khatchatour, a mem­ ber of the Armeno-Iberian clan of the Theodorokanoi. 6 In the spring of 1072 an imperial army under Andronikos Doukas protoproedros, the kaisar’s elder son, overcame the troops of Khatchatour who was taken prisoner. Soon afterward Romanos himself was also taken prisoner and blended on June 29, 1072 in Kotyaion so brutally that he died. 7 For some time the real power behind the throne was kaisar Ioannes Doukas, assisted by his two sons Andronikos and Konstantinos. Prob­ ably it was his plan to engage more members of the Eastern aristocracy in the defense of the endangered eastern military districts. Of course, the most efficient Byzantine armies were stationed in the border regions. Till the early years of Alexios Komnenos the military system was main­ tained there and we have good information about the commanders in the East, esp. through seals. The “interior” themata were less heavily de­ fended, so the Turkish invaders found less resistance there. Philaretos Brachamios played apparently a decisive role between c. 1072 and 1074. After he had disappointed the emperor Romanos IV in 1069 (as he was not able to intercept the Seljuq hordes who had conquered Ikonion on their return), the emperor did not honour him with new commands – and he did not accompany the imperial army in 1071. 8 Recently a new seal type appeared in an auction. 9 It presents 4 Cf. F. Dölger – P. Wirth, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des Oströmischen Reiches von 565–1453. 2. Teil. Regesten von 1025–1204 (München, 1995), 972. 5 Cf. Schreiner, l. c. 156. 6 Cf. W. Seibt, “The Theodorokanoi. Members of the Military Aristocracy with an Armeno-Iberian Origin”, SBS 13 (2019), 88. 7 Schreiner, l. c. 158. 8 Some seals mention him as μάγιστρος καὶ δούξ, recently also a single type as πρόεδρος καὶ δούξ was published by N. Alekseenko in Bosporskie issledovanija 30, 316– 28. Perhaps he became proedros only in 1071/1072. 9 Zeus, Budget Auction 15, 21. 2. 2021, 656 (now in the collection Cheynet). The seal is in “provincial” style.

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The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s

Philaretos probably as proedros and doux of Edessa, of course before his promotion to kouropalates, probably in 1072. In this year Philaretos was promoted to kouropalates and stratopedarches πάσης Ἀνατολῆς, as some seals document. 10 Probably he was responsible for the south-east­ ern frontier regions of the Empire; he stayed at least partially in Cilicia with his troops. I would prefer to date the command of the former king of Greater Armenia, Gagik (Kakikios Aniotes in Byzantine sources) in his capacity as protoproedros, ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος, megas komes of the imperial stables and megas doux (resp. protodoux) of Charsianon, to this year 1072 as well. 11 Perhaps Gagik held this command only for a short time because of problems with prominent Byzantines (not the least with the metro­ politan of Sebasteia). Somewhat later he appears on a seal as kouropa­ lates and doux (perhaps only as “former” doux, simply belonging to the class of doukes). 12 Seals inform us that Konstantinos Senachereim, the youngest son of Yovhannēs Senekʽerim (the last king of Vaspourakan), was promoted (probably also at this time) to proedros and doux of Kappadokia and Charsianon; 13 later on be became kouropalates and doux – his elder brothers had been promoted only in terms of their successive rank titles, but did not obtain any command. 14 In ad 1072 the Armenian Aplłarib (son of Hasan, son of Xul Xačʽik, a relative of the royal house of the Artsruni, became commander of Tar­ sos (till 1078). 15 10 e.g.  Cheynet, Société, 396–97; Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques (Paris, 2010), 37. 11 Cf. W. Seibt, “The Eastern Frontier of Byzantium in the Decennia after Man­ tzikert – Can seals help reconstruct developments?” SBS 12 (2016), 25 (with elder lit­ erature). One more specimen of the “protodoux”-type appeared recently in the auction Demos 7, 29. 1. 2022, 752. 12 Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques 7. 13 Coll. Cheynet, from Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 11, 1.8.2020, 988; parallels in the coll. Feind (Cologne) and in nomos, Auction 22, 26.06.2021, 4/6. 14 W. Seibt, “The sons of Senekʽerim Yovhannēs, the last king of Vaspurakan, as Byzantine aristocrats”. Revue des Études Arméniennes 37 (2016–2017), 126. Abusahl/ Aposachles is even documented by a seal as nobellisimos, perhaps for some years later (l. c. 124). 15 Surely seals mentioning Apelgaripes Chasanios once as magistros bestes and strategos of Tarsos and Sou[loun]de (?) (perhaps another name for Kulak near the Pylai Kilikias or Podandos, modern Pozantı), with St Theodoros on the obverse ( J.Cl. Cheynet, Les sceaux byzantins de la collection Yavuz Tatış [Izmir, 2019], 3.48), and once as proedros and strategos of Tarsos and CΛNTE, with St Georgios on the ob­

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Werner Seibt

Also in Cilicia arrived c. 1073 some Hetʽumides from the region of Ganjak. 16 They emigrated because of problems with the Kurdish Šaddadids of Ganjak and the Turkish danger. Their leader received a command in Lampron, perhaps as topoteretes or as kastrophylax, under the superior command of Aplłarib. Recently the seal of Sanpatis (Smbat) magistros and katepano of Mopsuestia was acquired for the collection Wassiliou-Seibt; 17 it does not stem from the years after 1078, this Armenian probably also received his command probably around 1072. Perhaps he is identical with the Smbat who was for some months commander of Edessa after Apokapes’ death in 1083. 18 For c. 1073 Matthew of Edessa reports about a fight between Philar­ etos and (the Iberian) Tornikios, the commander of Sasun (south of Taron), 19 who did not want to obey the stratopedarches. Though Philar­ etos’ troops consisted also of a strong Frankish regiment under Ŕabłat (Raimbaud?), Tornikios won a victory. Nevertheless, soon thereafter Tornikios was killed by Turks under the command of ‘Amr-Bakr (?), in­ stigated by Philaretos – according to Matthew. 20 verse (Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 10, 12. 7. 2020, 972; J.-Cl. Cheynet informed us about parallel specimens in the auctions Naumann 64, 1. 4. 2018, in lot 845, and Themis numismatics 7, 27. 6. 2020, 843), can belong to the above Aplłarip. There are some more seals of an Apnelgaripes magistros (with St George on the obverse), which were often attributed to this person; cf. e.g. Seyrig, 44; Zacos, Seals, II 362; D.M. Metcalf, Byzantine Lead seals from Cyprus (Nicosia, 2004), 263 f., no. 227; M. N. Butyrskij – I. A. Oreckaja, Zapečatlevšie istoriju. Vizantijskie i drevnerusskie pečati iz častnych sobranij (Moscow, 2018), 44. Additionally we know another type of an Apel­ garipes magistros bestes, with St George on the obverse, which could belong to the latter synchronous officer. Not to forget one more seal, now in Gaziantep, which has only the metrical inscription Σώζοις μάγιστρον Ἀπελγαρίπην, Λόγε: J.-Cl. Cheynet – E. Erdoğan – V. Prigent, “Les sceaux byzantins du musée de Gaziantep”, REB 78 (2020), 44. On the other hand Grigor Magistros had a grandson of this name who was in the early twelfth century master of Pir on the Euphrat. 16 They were probably Albanians, perhaps more or less “Armenized”; their names were unusual in Armenia before this time. Cf. G. Dédéyan, Les Arméniens entre Grecs, Musulmans et Croisés. Etude sur les pouvoirs arméniens dans le Proche-Orient méditerranéen (1068–1150) (Lisbonne, 2003), 663. 17 No. 499, from Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 7, 10. 5. 2020, 757. A paral­ lel in the museum of Antiocheia was published by J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux byzantins des musées d’Antioche et de Tarse”. TM 12 (1994), 423–24, no. 55; pl. V, 55. 18 Cf. Matthew of Edessa 147 (trad. Dostourian). 19 A little bit earlier Βῆκεν had been ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος καὶ στρατηγὸς Σασοῦν, ac­ cording a seal in the Ermitaž (M-2837); cf. V. S. Šandrovskaja, “Popravki i dopolnenija k ‘katalogu molivdovulov’ B. A. Pančenko”. Viz. Vrem. 38 (1977), 115, no. 20; pl. V, no. 1. 20 Matthew of Edessa 137–39 (trad. Dostourian).

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The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s

In the important doukate of Iberia (probably including VanandKars) c. 1072 Gregorios Pakourianos (of Ibero-Armenian origin) be­ came doux (till c. 1074), 21 at least with the title proedros, but probably already as protoproedros or even as kouropalates. Basileios Apokapes, who conquered Edessa in 1078 and became as proedros doux of this military district, 22 is mentioned on other seals as proedros and doux (without a geographical specification); 23 perhaps he was active in the East in the period 1072–1074. Ioseph Tarchaneiotes was promoted to proedros and established as doux of Antiocheia, c. 1072. 24 Soon afterward he became even proto­ proedros, but passed away (still as commander of Antiocheia) in 1074. 25 His son Katakalon Tarchaneiotes who had been with him in Antiocheia (with the title magistros) tried to calm the unrest in the city, but without great success. Probably, he was not the new appointed doux but the com­ mander of a military unit. In former times scholars thought that Isaakios Komnenos became his immediate successor, but we would prefer to settle Michael Maurex between the two commanders. A new seal type 26 presents Maurex as πρόεδρος καὶ δοὺξ Ἀντιοχ(είας). It could well be that Maurex was appointed doux of Antiocheia immediately after the news of Tarchaneiotes’ death had reached the capital, but lost this command shortly afterward, when the internal power politics had changed and the new protagonists appointed Isaakios Komnenos as commander of this very important doukate. In 1073 Isaakios Komnenos was elevated to the post of domestikos ton scholon of the East (with the title of protoproedros 27) to fight the

21 Cf. P. Lemerle, Cinq études sur le xie siècle byzantin (Paris, 1977), 166–67, with n. 112; W. Seibt, “Das byzantinische Militärkommando ‘Iberia’”, in G. Tcheishvili (ed.), Scientific Paradigms (Tbilisi, 2009), 156. 22 Vgl. Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques 13; DOSeals, 4.73.1. 23 Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques 12; J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux byz­ antins des musées d’Antioche et Tarse”, TM 12 (1994), 423, no. 79; idem, “Sceaux de la collection Khoury”, RN 159 (2003), 426, no. 7. 24 His seals in Seyrig, 161 and DOSeals, 5.9.3. 25 I. G. Leontiades, Die Tarchaneiotai. Eine prosopographisch-sigillographische Stu­ die (Βυζαντινά κείμενα και μελέται 27) (Thessaloniki, 1998), 43–45. 26 Zeus, Web Auction 18, 27. 6. 2021, 706 (now in the collection Cheynet). A bust of St George on the obverse. 27 For his career cf. Zacos – Veglery 2701. The title of protoproedros is document­ ed by an unpublished seal in the museum of Bilecik.

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Werner Seibt

Frankish commander Roussel who had started a rebellion. 28 In theory the command of the domestikos was higher than that of the stratopedar­ ches (though Philaretos’ title kouropalates was higher than protopro­ edros), but the two generals did not bother each other; Isaakios was ac­ tive (though without success) in north-western Anatolia, Philaretos at the south-eastern border of the Empire. In the year 1074 much changed. Ioannes Doukas kaisar lost his power and became a monk, esp. after the Norman leader Roussel had pro­ claimed him emperor, 29 and the eunuch Nikephoritzes and the metro­ politan Ioannes of Side became the real power behind the throne. They replaced many commanders who had been appointed in the last years. Philaretos Brachamios lost his high command as stratopedarches of the East, but he refused to step down. He won over at least a part of his sol­ diers and enlisted new ones, became a rebel and withdraw with his fol­ lowers to the Cilician mountains, bringing a certain region there under his (independent) dominium. 30 Probably in this time another former Byzantine officer, Ruben, the ancestor of the Armenian Rubenids, withdraw in a similar way with his military retinue also to the Cilician mountains and established a small dominium there (perhaps at least in the beginning in cooperation with Philaretos). After some time he subjugated Kopitaŕ and other places (and held them until his death in 1093). Gregorios Pakourianos was recalled from Iberia (and Kars?); soon the Georgians used their chance and annexed not only the Byzantine thema of Anakopia and Soteropolis (in Abkhazia), but managed even to occupy Kars, the capital of Vanand (and probably also some regions of the doukate of Iberia). 31 Pakourianos was accused of facilitating this loss (because of good relations with the Georgian king), but was reha­ bilitated later on and could ascend in his career.

28 On a seal from his earlier career Roussel calls himself Χουρσέλιος ὁ Φράγ(γ) ος, βέστης: J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux de la collection Khoury”. RN 159 (2003), 436–37, no. 20; cf. Schlumberger, Sig. 660. 29 Cf. Polemis, Doukai, 37–38. 30 In this time he used seals as κουροπαλάτης καὶ δούξ, cf. e.g. Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, 43; Cheynet, Société, 396; Seibt, “Philaretos”, 286 f. 31 Only four years later, around 1078, the Georgians were expelled from Kars by a Turkish army under the command of Ahmed. Cf. Seibt, “Eastern frontier”, 28; Dédéyan, Les Arméniens, 133.

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The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s

In Antiocheia Isaakios Komnenos, still as protoproedros, became the new doux, where he remained till 1077/1078. 32 But he had many prob­ lems – he was even arrested for some time by people of Antiocheia, who supported the seditious patriarch of Antiocheia, Aimilianos (1074); 33 in 1075 Isaakios was taken prisoner by a Turkish army under Aḥmad Šāh. 34 A metrical seal type of Michael Maurex as kouropalates and “δοὺξ τῆς Ἀντιόχου” was already published long ago; 35 it is quite possible that the experienced Maurex was sent as short-term helper in need during one of these occasions, honoured with the higher rank. In Edessa Leon Dawatanos 36 (probably Leon Diabatenos 37) be­ came doux; in 1078 he was overcome by Basileios Apokapes. 38 The historian Nikephoros Bryennios mentions by chance, that in 1077, when Nikephoros Botaneiates started his rebellion, Nikephoros Palaiologos (the father of Georgios Palaiologos) was doux of Mesopo­ tamia. A new seal in the collection Wassiliou-Seibt 39 documents a Michael as protoproedros and doux of Mesopotamia (with a standing figure of St Theodore on the obverse). Michael could well be the predecessor of Palaiologos, perhaps c. 1074/1076. He does not mention a family name and we cannot see any indicia connecting this seal with any other one – to learn more about this personality. In ad 1077, when Nikephoros Botaneiates started his usurpation, much changed again in the East. Turks and Turcomans had destroyed the pub­ lic order in many parts of Anatolia, wandering around eager for booty, Cf. his seal in Zacos – Veglery 2701 and Seyrig 162. Cf. J.-Cl. Cheynet, Pouvoir et contestations à Byzance (963–1210) (Paris, 1990), 80–81, no. 100. 34 Cf. K.-P. Todt – B. A. Vest, Syria (Syria Prōtē, Syria Deutera, Syria Euphratēsia) (TIB 15). Wien, 2014, Teil 1, 571. 35 Seibt, Bleisiegel, I, p. 170, n. 18. A parallel specimen existed in the former Zacos collection. From this Michael Maurex we know also a seal as proedros and doux of An­ tiocheia: Zeus, Web auction 18, 27. 6. 2021, 706. On the other hand, we do not know if the damaged seal of a Michael protoproedros and katepano of Theoupolis belonged to Maurex, cf. DOSeals V 9.8. 36 According Matthaios of Edessa 143 (trad. Dostourian). 37 According a seal type he was βέστης καὶ κατεπάνω in the 1060s (Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, 61); 1071 he was already bestarches, and for 1078 he is mentioned as katepano of Mesembria. 38 Matthaios of Edessa (trad. 142 Dostourian). 39 No. 412. 32 33

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Werner Seibt

some starting already to settle, and c. 1080 even a separate Soultanate (of Rum) was established in Ikonion. In Central and Eastern Anatolia the capable emir Danişmend became very dangerous to the Byzantines. Sometimes Turkish hordes were even used by the Byzantine government or high dignitaries in special cases against their internal enemies. In the meantime Philaretos Brachamios had become the master of a considerable private army based in the mountains of the Tauros north of Cilicia, gathering subsidies for his troops, but guaranteeing a certain security for the people in the region under his control. In Antiocheia riots broke out after Isaakios Komnenos had left the city, and the officer in charge there, Vasak Pahlavouni, was killed. 40 A part of the population, primarily Armenians, 41 invited Philaretos to take over the control of the city – and he took advantage of this extraor­ dinary chance. There is actually a seal of Philaretos as kouropalates and doux of Antiocheia, 42 though he had not been officially invested by the emperor. It was the time of Botaneiates’ insurrection and it became necessary for him to find an agreement with Philaretos. The solution was the (relatively modest) promotion of Philaretos from the rank of kouropalates to protokouropalates, but with the appointment as domes­ tikos of the Scholai of the East, making him again the defender of the south-eastern regions of the Empire (in 1078) (with the highest possible command). This way Philaretos returned into the imperial administra­ tive system but he possessed a sort of half-autonomy, as the central gov­ ernment did not have many possibilities to control him strictly. Anyway, it would be wrong to declare him a Byzantine “vassal” or even an inde­ pendent ruler. It is not sure if emperor Botaneiates sent a new doux to Anti­ ocheia in the following years. In the list of the governors of Antioch, 969–1084, the editors of DOSeals 5 closed the list of the doukes with Philaretos Brachamios for the time-span 1078/79–1084. 43 But already the first seal in their series 44 offers a serious problem. This DO seal 40 A seal in a private collection with the legend Βαασακίου σφραγ(ὶς) – τοῦ Ἀρσακίδους stems probably from this son of Grigor magistros. It is not sure that he had been already officially invested as doux of Antiocheia; perhaps Isaakios Komnenos had left him as deputy in the city till a new doux was appointed. 41 There were apparently tensions between the different ethnic (and religious) enti­ ties in this big metropole. 42 Seibt, “Philaretos”, 287. 43 DOSeals, 5, p. 22. 44 DOSeals, 5.9.1.

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The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s

(58.106.3289) presents a Konstantinos protokouropalates and doux; they transcribed the last two lines as κὲ δουκ(ὶ) Ἀ{τ}ντιοχ(είας). I would propose κὲ δούκα τ(ῷ) [Ἀ]ντιόχ(ῳ), preferring the family name Antio­ chos to the doukate of Antiocheia. 45 Perhaps from this man stems the seal type of a Konstantinos Antiochos proedros, also with a standing figure of St Demetrios on the obverse; another synchronous homony­ mus with different depictions of the Theotokos on the obverse should be separated. 46 ad 1078 Basileios Apokapes, a comrade and friend of Philar­ etos, conquered Edessa after some months of siege (with the help of Philaretos) and became doux of Edessa, first still as proedros, 47 then as protoproedros, 48 later on as protonobellisimos (perhaps at the end of Botaneiates’ reign), 49 and Alexios Komnenos made him even a sebastos, 50 before Apokapes died in 1083. In Samosata (Samsat, northnorthwest of Edessa) the Armenian Tav­ tukas became katepano with the title of proedros, probably also 1078 or shortly after this year. 51 Under Botaneiates (or in the first years of Alexios Komnenos) Elpi­ dios Brachamios, a relative of Philaretos, became kouropalates and doux of Cyprus. 52 Philaretos had in this time surely the right to propose (but not to invest!) governors of the cities in his domain, but the granting of rank titles was anyway an imperial prerogative. On the other hand, Michael the Syrian mentions e.g. four com­ manders of Melitene as “men of Philaretos”; the first (probably in 1078) was Theodoros Chetames (Hetʽum) whom seals mention as kouropa­ In the new volume of DOSeals, 8.45.2, we offer both possibilities. Cf.  DOSeals, 8.45.2–4. Also in this group one type mentions the title proedros (45.4). 47 Cf. n. 22. 48 The first seals in this position are of a relatively provincial style. For this person cf. M. Grünbart, “Die Familie Apokapes im Lichte neuer Quellen”, SBS 5 (1998), 38. 49 On the seal type of the auction Obolos by nomos 14, 15.12.2019, 653, the family name is transcribed ΑΠΚ[ΑΠΗC]. 50 Cheynet, “Antioche” 53; Wassiliou, Corpus, I 652; Leu Numismatics, Webauk­ tion 10, 7.-8.12.2019, 1884. 51 For his Viennese seal cf. Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel, II 279; a till now unknown parallel was in the Archaeological Museum of Zagreb. Probably this Tavtukas, the broth­ er of Konstantin of Keŕkeŕ, who also had built up a dominium in the region of Edessa, plaid in 1098 an important role in Edessa, for some time as partner of the crusader Bal­ duin of Boulogne, and esp. as his father-in-law; cf. Dédéyan, Les Arméniens, 1035–1044. 52 Wassiliou – Seibt, Bleisiegel, II 254. 45 46

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Werner Seibt

lates and doux of Melitene. 53 This man was later on invested as emir of Edessa by the Seljuq prince Tutuš (1094/1095). 54 The other three com­ manders of Melitene were Hareb (Ariebes), 55 Balatianos (Abalantes or Balantios), 56 and Gabriel. 57 In Mesopotamia Nikephoros Palaiologos was Doux when Botanei­ ates started his rebellion, as mentioned above; if Michael protoproedros had not been his predecessor he became his successor; we do not have any information about the circumstances there in the later period. 58 The situation in Vaspourakan is still less clear. We do not know a sin­ gle Byzantine commander during the 1070s. The country was more or less already under the control of the Turks, but perhaps some regional commanders started to establish first semi-independent domains (in agreements with the neighbouring Turkish emirs). Some seal types mention Philaretos as sebastos and megas domes­ tikos of the East. 59 It could well be that Philaretos reached this very high position already under Botaneiates, shortly after Alexios Komnenos was honoured with it, or even simultaneously. 60 Emperor Alexios I Kom­ 53 Cf. Šandrovskaja – Seibt 62; Wassiliou, Corpus, II 1618; Leu Numismatics, Auk­ tion 7, 24.-25.10.2020, 1984. Theodoros Chetames had an Albanian origin (cf. Seibt, “Eastern frontier” 26). This man had been in the imperial service since some years, as seals document him already with the much lower rank titles patrikios (nomos, obolos Webauktion 13, 2.7.2019, 746) and anthypatos (Wassiliou, Corpus, 1468). He was surely related with the Hetʽumides who came 1073 to Cilicia. 54 As emir of Edessa he was not any more a Byzantine dignitary or a vassal of the emperor, though he continued to emphasize his former Byzantine title of kouropalates, perhaps especially regarding the Greek population. Otherwise he would have been re­ warded with a much higher title, as we had seen concerning Apokapes. 55 A seal in DO (58.106.1816) from the 1080s or a little bit later mentions him as noubellisimos and doux. He surely was an Armenian and should play an important role in Cilicia after the arrival of the crusaders. 56 This family is well-documented in this time. 57 This personality, also of Armenian origin (though not belonging to the Arme­ nian church), is very well-known. Seals mention him as protokouropalates, emir and doux, as well as protonobellisimos and doux (Zacos, Seals, II 464–65; Wassiliou, Corpus, I 492 and 479), and he became even sebastos, before he died in 1102. 58 The exact date when Mesopotamia came under the control of Danişmend is un­ known. This Turcoman emir had started to establish a dominium in Eastern Anatolia in the 1070s (with Sebasteia as center). Recently his seal appeared in an auction; the reverse legend reads: Σφραγὶς Τανισμὰν ἀμηρᾶ (Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auktion 10, 12.7.2020, 995); it stems probably from his later period (he died in the year 1104). 59 Seibt, “Philaretos” 289–90. 60 For the title of sebastos before Alexios I Komnenos became emperor, cf. W. Seibt, “Der byzantinische Rangtitel Sebastos in vorkomnenischer Zeit”, TM 16 (2010) (= Mé­ langes Cécile Morrisson), 759–64.

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The Byzantine Eastern Frontier in the 1070s

nenos promoted the commander of the East (resp. South-East) even to protosebastos, probably 1082 at the latest, to find a modus vivendi and to avoid confrontation with him. But Philaretos’ position became more difficult when his ally Apokapes, the doux of Edessa, died in 1083, and esp. in 1084, when Antiocheia was lost to Sulaiman b. Qutlumiš. When Philaretos travelled to the Sultan in 1086 he probably had already lost the imperial confidence. 61 Concerning Iberia and Kars two seals offer the information that at least a part of these doukates came again under Byzantine control after a Turkish horde had expelled the Georgians from Kars, c. 1078, as they mention a Georgios Alousianos as protonobellisimos and doux of Karin (i.e. Theodosioupolis vel Iberia) and of Kars. 62 The title protonobellisi­ mos points to a date immediately before the accession of Alexios I or dur­ ing his first years as emperor. This Alousianos is not known otherwise, but we could postulate an identification with the Ałusian/Alousianos who was appointed as emir of Antiocheia by the Seljuq sultan at the end of 1086. 63 At the end of the eleventh century we come across some Armenian relatively independent masters of certain regions, who continued to mention Byzantine titles on their seals. A good example is a Konstan­ tinos who calls himself nobellisimos, doux and archon. 64 It could well be that this man is identical with Konstantinos master (išχan) of Kaŕkaŕ on the Euphrates, who played a certain role around 1098, when crusad­ ers arrived in Edessa. 65 He could have been a Byzantine commander at earlier times, but was honoured with the title of nobellisimos only at the end of the century. Another example is Vasil (Basileios) Goł, the master of the Komma­ gene († 1112), who appears as Basileios sebastos and doux on his seal. 66 He had been apparently a doux (in the East) already in the time when Seibt, “Philaretos”, 292. W. Seibt, “Byzantine Imperialism against Georgia in the Late 10th and 11th Centuries?” Georgian Diplomacy 16 (2013), 113–14; Wassiliou, Corpus I 265–66; Genève, 134. 63 Perhaps he had been sent as an ambassador to the sultan but changed the sides. It could also be that personal rivalries or jealousy with Philaretos played a special role, as Alousianos remained one step under sebastos. 64 Cf. Seibt, “Eastern frontier”, 30–31. 65 Cf. Dédéyan, Arméniens, 1034–38; 1050–51. 66 Cf. W. Seibt, “Vasil Goł – Basileios der ‘Räuber’ – Βασίλειος σεβαστὸς καὶ δούξ”, JÖB 58 (2008), 153–58; Wassiliou, Corpus, I 180; Dédéyan, Les Arméniens, 1057–1137. 61 62

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Werner Seibt

Philaretos was still Megas Domestikos, 67 but he surely was honoured with the high title of sebastos only by Alexios I Komnenos, when the crusaders arrived in the East, and Byzantium hoped to restore the old order, searching for allies (with the hope to re-integrate them later on). Vasil’s brother Bagrat had also been a Byzantine officer before he was incarcerated for some time; 1097 he was already free and accompanied the crusaders, becoming a confident counsellor of Balduin (Baudouin de Boulogne). 68 In a similar way Gabriel, the master of Melitene, was honoured with the title of sebastos in this time. We should have in mind that the Byzantine economy broke down in many parts of the empire during the 1070s; the government could not supply the regular pay of the armies in the East, forcing the single com­ manders to provide it from the people under their control (esp. the rich ones, including the church, though they had had certain privileges in former times). This way the bond between the leaders and their troops became closer than normally, making the latter willing to assist even a separatist, autonomous policy of the officers who guaranteed their sala­ ries.

67 Cf. also the seal of a Basileios sebastos, who was apparently a relative of the me­ gas domestikos (Philaretos): Wassiliou, Corpus, II 2194. 68 Dédéyan, Les Arméniens, 1137–55.

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Werner Seibt

Auch der georgische Aristokrat Vač‛e Lip’arit’ emigrierte in der zweiten Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts in das Byzantinische Reich Für die Verbindungen der georgischen Fürstenfamilie Lip’arit’ (die dem Clan der Baγvaši angehörte) mit Byzanz, wo sie als Liparites (Λιπαρίτης) erscheint, konnte für das 11. und 12. Jahrhundert bereits einiges Material zusammengestellt werden, primär auf der Basis byzantinischer Bleisiegel. 1 Kürzlich erschien in einer Auktion 2 ein weiteres Siegel, mit einem bisher für diese Familie noch nicht belegten Vornamen, leider ohne Rangtitel oder Amt. Auf dem Avers findet sich die – wenig aussagekräftige – Anrufung KE RΘ | ΤΩ CΩ | ΔOVΛ|Ω; darüber ein kleines Kreuz, rechts und links lange Kürzungsstriche, und der Buchstabe der letzten Zeile wird von zwei eher längeren Zierstrichen eingerahmt. Die fast vollständig erhaltene Revers-Legende weist breite, massive Buchstaben auf: RATC|.AN TΩ | ΛΗΠΑΡ|ΙΤ Βατσ[έ]αν τ(ὸ)(ν) Λ(ι)παρίτην.

1 Vgl. zuletzt W. Seibt, „Die georgische Fürstenfamilie Lip’arit’ / Liparites und Byzanz im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert“, in K. Pagava (ed.), Baghwashi. Paper collection (Tbilisi, 2021), 136–51; A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt – G. Boersema, „War der georgische Fürstensohn Niania Lip’arit’ in den frühen 1050er Jahren byzantinischer Militärkommandant von Iberia?“ Ibidem, 152–58. Das hier vorgestellte Siegel war damals noch nicht bekannt. 2 Zeus Numismatics, Budget Auction 15, 21. 2. 2021, Nr. 664. Gewicht 11 gr; Durchmesser 22 mm. Im Katalog wird Βατσεάντῳ (Batseantos) als Vorname vorgeschlagen und auf ca. 12. Jahrhundert datiert.

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 81–84 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132247

Werner Seibt

Darüber und darunter eine kleine Perle zwischen langen Querstrichen. Der erste Buchstabe der zweiten Zeile ist plattgedrückt, die Spuren lassen primär an Epsilon denken. Während der Familienname klar und gut bekannt ist, lässt sich der Vorname in byzantinischen Quellen nicht nachweisen, ist aber offenbar der Versuch, einen georgischen Vornamen (mit griechischer Endung „hellenisiert“) wiederzugeben. Im georgischen Namen-Lexikon von Al. Γlont’i finden sich folgende Varianten: Vač‛a (mit aspiriertem Č‛ani), Vač‛e, Vač‛an, Vadza (mit Dzili) und Vac‛a (mit C’ili); 3 die auch heute noch beliebteste Form ist die zweite, Vač‛e. Genau diese Form (Vač‛ē) findet sich auch im Armenischen, nicht zuletzt bei sehr prominenten Familien. 4 Offenbar ist der Name iranischen Ursprungs. 5 Ein gewisses Problem bereitet der Wechsel vom Dativ auf den Akkusativ, aber dergleichen kommt öfters vor. Wenn wir Batsean als Akkusativ interpretieren, bietet sich als Nominativ primär Batseas an, also eine Form von Vač‛ē, verbunden mit der griechischen Endung -ας. Störend ist allerdings, dass danach der Artikel τῷ im Dativ steht, worauf dann der Familienname wieder im Akkusativ folgt. Wir haben den Artikel demgemäß als Verschreibung für τόν aufgefasst. Die Palaeographie der Buchstaben lässt an 2. Hälfte 11. Jh. denken; die langen Zierstriche sprechen primär für das Ende dieser Epoche, also ca. letztes Viertel 11. Jahrhundert. Zu dieser Zeit war der berühmte Fürst Li’parit’ schon verstorben († 1062/1064), und da wir die Namen seiner beiden Söhne, Ivane und Al. Γlont’i, Kartveluri sak’utari saχelebi. Antrop’onimta leksik’oni (Tbilisi, 1986),

3

122.

4 H. Ačaŕean, Hayoc‘ anjnanunnreri baŕaran V (Erevan, 1962; Ndr. Beirut, 1972), 39–41. 5 F. Justi, Iranisches Namenbuch (Marburg, 1895; Ndr. Hildesheim, 1963), 342– 43, s. v. Wačē; cf. 516.



AUCH DER GEORGISCHE ARISTOKRAT VAČ‛E LIP’ARIT’ EMIGRIERTE IN DER ZWEITEN

Niania, ohnehin kennen, kommen diese für die Identifizierung mit Vač‛e sicher nicht in Frage. 6 Eine eher missverständliche Passage bei Matthaios von Edessa zum Jahr 1058 deuten wir dahingehend, dass ein Liparites, dessen Vorname nicht genannt wird, byzantinischer Kommandant von Melitene war, als diese Stadt von den Seldschuken eingenommen und geplündert wurde. 7 Wir kennen auch einen weiteren Liparites (ohne Vornamen überliefert), der 1082 auf seldschukische Seite gewechselt sein soll, aber später, 1096, vom georgischen König Dawit῾ eingekerkert und später nach Byzanz gesandt wurde, wo er umkam. 8 Ob unser Siegler mit einem der beiden identisch war oder es sich um eine weitere Person dieses Geschlechts handelt, bleibt ungewiss. Der berühmte georgische Fürst Lip’arit’, der große Gegenspieler des georgischen Königs Bagrat’, den er sogar drei Jahre lang vertrieb (dieser musste in Byzanz Zuflucht suchen), wurde ca. 1060 entmachtet und emigrierte nun seinerseits nach Byzanz, wo er bald danach starb. Vielleicht begleitete ihn der oben vorgestellte Vač‛e. Ob dieser im kaiserlichen Dienst Karriere machte, sagt das Siegel leider nicht aus, da es weder Rangtitel noch Amt oder Kommando anführt; da es auch keine Heiligendarstellung bietet, kann nicht einmal auf diesem Weg eine Vermutung erarbeitet werden. Wir wissen auch nicht, wie Vač‛e mit dem Fürsten verwandt war. Letzterer hatte mindestens einen Bruder, und überhaupt war der Namen Lip’arit’ im großen Clan der Baγvaši keineswegs selten. Im Gegensatz zu Vač‛ē wäre die zusammengesetzte Form Βαρασβατζέ auch byzantinisch belegt. 9 Skylitzes erwähnt zum Jahr 1029 einen Γεώργιος Βαρασβατζέ, der der Verschwörung verdächtigt wurde. 10 Ein Iberer namens Βαρασβατζέ mit dem Rangtitel protospatharios war im Jahr 1038 Kommandant von Edessa, als er einen arabischen Angriff erfolgreich abwehrte. 11 Ein Siegel der Ermitaž, das ich – vorsichtiger als die Editorin – in letztes Drittel 10.-früheres 11. Jh. datieren möchte, nennt einen Tornik(ios) Βαραβατζέ als protospatharios und strate 8 9

Gelegentlich wird auch ein Rat’i als dritter Sohn angenommen. Cf. Seibt, „Lip’arit’“, 138. L.c. 139. Vgl. auch Justi, 350, s. v. Waraz-Wačē. 10 Skyl. 377, 95. 11 Skyl. 403, 31–404, 49. 6 7

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Werner Seibt

gos. 12 Ein sehr ähnliches, aber nicht stempelidentisches Siegel aus Athen edierte I. Koltsida-Makre. 13 In Kolophonen georgischer Handschriften des Iberon-Klosters aus dem 10. Jahrhundert wird mehrfach ein Ivane Varazvač‛e erwähnt. 14

12 Ermitaž M-1265, ed. V. Šandrovskaja, „Odno utočnenie teksta chroniki Skilicy po materialam sfragistiki“, Soobščenija G. Ermitaža 40(1975), 46–47. Die Autorin vermutet Βαρασβατζέ, aber ein Sigma ist definitiv nicht vorhanden. Ob das beigefügte Siegel eines Tornikios (M-8668) wirklich einen Strategen von Edessa nennt, möchte ich lieber offenlassen. Vgl. auch V. S. Šandrovskaja, Sfragistika, 730 (ohne Abb.). 13 I. Koltsida-Makre, „New acquisitions of Byzantine lead seals in the Athens Numismatic Museum collections“, SBS 9 (2006), 19, Nr. 10. 14 Iviron I, 8–9; vgl. auch S. 16 (Versuch eines Stammbaumes).



BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND

Michael N. Boutyrski

The Bulla of Joseph, metropolitan of Rosia This article represents the personal lead seal of a Joseph, metropolitan of the Rus’, in a private collection in Moscow. In our opinion, the owner of the seal was the metropolitan Joseph at the end of the pre-Mongol era (1236–1240) (fig. 1). D: 37 mm; weight: 26.3 gr.

Obverse: Traces of the Virgin with the Child on a throne with rectangular back. The halo of the Virgin is unusually big. Traces of the sigla  – ΘV. Reverse: Inscription of six lines (double dodecasyllable). ΤΟΝΠ.ΕΝ ΑΡΧΙΩΣΗΦ ΤΗCΡΩCIACE ΠΙCΚΟΙCCHC .KOΡΗΚΑΤΑ ΙΟV Τὸν π[οι]μενάρχην Ἰωσὴφ τῆς Ῥωσίας, Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 87–89 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132248

Michael N. Boutyrski

ἐπισκ(ο)πῆς σῆς, [ὦ] κόρη, καταξίου Virgin, honor Joseph, the Poimenarches of Rosia, Thy patronage. 1 The ornament above the first line is totally lost, probably there was a cross. In the first line Ny and Pi are ligated, then follows perhaps a very thin Omikron and a Iota, but pressed. Poimenarches is a very common paraphrase for a metropolitan. 2 Ἐπισκοιπῆς is simply a mistake for ἐπισκοπῆς. Ἐπισκοπῆς σῆς puts the metropolis of the Rus’ under the special patronage of the Virgin. Instead of ὦ also σύ would be possible. Καταξιῶ (honor) is quite rare in metrical legends. At the end of the last line there is an ornament (four dots in cross-order); perhaps there was a similar ornament also on the left side of the line. In the Sheremetiev collection there is a fragment of a parallel seal. 3 The paleography and the impression of the seal point primarily to the first half of the thirteenth century. The available sources allow us to restore the sequence of metropolitans, but not always the years of their installation and/or death. After the catastrophe of 1204, the Rus’ian Church was perhaps still ruled by Nikephoros II, who was appointed in the early 1180s and was succeeded by metropolitan Matthew (firstly mentioned in 1210 and died on August 19, 1220 or shortly later). 4 After a vacancy position in 1224/25 Kyrillos was appointed to the chair by the Nicene Patriarch Germanos II and ruled until 1233. His successor became Joseph, a Greek sent from Nicaea. Neither the circumstances of his appearance in Kiev around 1236–1237, on the eve of the Batu invasion, nor his activities during a short period of stay at Kiev, nor his subsequent fate are known. Scholars believe that Joseph either died when the Mongols took the capital of Old Rus’ in 1240, or he left the city before and survived for some time. The next metropolitan, Kyrillos II, was able to occupy the chair only in 1242/47 and ruled until 1281. Perhaps after him there was

1 I thank my colleagues W. Seibt, D. Athinogenov and A. Vinogradov for their help in reading this legend. 2 Already Michael I, metropolitan of Rosia from 1130 untill at least 1145 (before 1156) had used it. Cf. W. Seibt – O. Alf ’orov, Byzantine seals and Rus’ seals in Byzantine manner found on the territory of Ukraine (Collection of the Sheremetiev’s Family Museum, Kyiv) (Kiev, 2022), metropolitans no. 6 (in print). 3 Cf. Seibt – Alf ’orov, Μetropolitans no. 12. 4 Nikephoros is for the last time mentioned in 1201/1202.



THE BULLA OF JOSEPH, METROPOLITAN OF ROSIA

another metropolitan Nikephoros though for a short time (1281/1282). His successor was Maximos (1282–1305). From these metropolitans of the Rus’ian Church in the XIII century, only the following ones left seals: Nikephoros II calls himself at least on one type ποιμενάρχης Ῥωσίας πάσης, on another one ὑπέρτιμος Ῥωσίας. 5 Kyrillos presents himself as μοναχός, ἐλέῳ Θεοῦ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος τῆς μητροπόλεως Ῥωσίας (many seals are extant). 6 A single seal mentions a Nikephoros, who must not be identified with Nikephoros II, as μητροπολίτης πάσης Ῥουσίας. 7 Maximos preferred ἐλέῳ Θεοῦ μητροπολίτης ἁπάσης Ῥωσίας καὶ ὑπέρτιμος. 8 The image of Virgin was established on the Rus’ian metropolitans’ seals from the end of the XI century, but it appeared more often in another iconography – Orans with the medallion of Christ before her (Znamenie) with the epitheta Ἡ Ἱερά and Ἡ ἁγία Σοφία. The bullae of metropolitan Joseph have the image of the Virgin seated on a highbacked throne with the Child (obv.). Such images appear on the seals of the patriarchs of Constantinople; Methodios II (1241), Germanos III (1265–1266), and Gregorios II (1283–1289) used even a very similar Type of the rectangular throne of the Theotokos. 9

Seibt – Alf ’orov, Μetropolitans no. 11 (five different boulloteria). Most of the elder publications had mistakes. 6 Seibt – Alf ’orov, Μetropolitans no. 13 (with elder literature). On the obverse there is a standing figure of the Theotokos Episkepsis (Znamenie) with the epitheton Ἡ Ἱερά. 7 Seibt – Alf ’orov, Metropolitans no. 14. On the obverse a bust of St Polyeuktos, the patriarch of Constantinople. Alekseienko attributed this type erroneously to Nikephoros II: Seal of Nikephoros, the Metropolitan ΠΑΣΗΣ ῬΩΣΙΑΣ from Byzantine Cherson. ADSV 48 (2020), 270–89. 8 Seibt – Alf ‘orov, Metropolitans no. 15. On the Ἡobverse we find again a standing figure of the Theotokos Episkepsis, but with the legend Ἡ ἁγία Σοφία. 9 Cf. Zacos, Seals II, 36, 38, and 40. 5



Jean-Claude Cheynet

Les sceaux du bureau du génikon hors des frontières de l’Empire L’Empire romain d’Orient, entouré d’ennemis, utilisa pour s’en défendre toutes ses ressources militaires, mais aussi la diplomatie pour rechercher des alliés potentiels ou décourager des agresseurs 1. Le service du drome, dirigé par son logothète, était chargé de la réception des ambassadeurs étrangers et de l’envoi des émissaires byzantins.

Les sceaux byzantins découverts hors des frontières de l’Empire Les bulles byzantines retrouvées hors des frontières de l’Empire sont assez rares, puisqu’elles furent émises en bien moins grand nombre que celles qui servirent à l’administration des provinces de l’Empire. Quant aux bulles émises par le patriarcat de Constantinople, elles relèvent d’une autre logique, puisque les limites du patriarcat ne coïncidaient pas avec celles de l’Empire. La répartition chronologique des bulles laïques correspond à l’intensité des relations diplomatiques du moment. Ainsi, les bulles découvertes en Ukraine et en Russie sont les plus abondantes aux xie et xiie siècles. Parmi les bulles ayant franchi les frontières de l’Empire, on s’attend à voir, parmi les mieux représentées, celles du bureau du drome en charge des relations diplomatiques, ainsi que les bulles impériales. Cependant ces dernières se rencontrent rarement, alors que nombre d’entre elles scellaient la correspondance impériale avec les chefs d’Etat. Mais elles étaient le plus souvent appendues à des chrysobulles ; leur poids mesurait l’importance accordée par la chancellerie impériale à ses correspon Les travaux sur la diplomatie byzantine sont nombreux. Signalons l’un des plus importants récemment parus : N. Drocourt, Diplomatie sur le Bosphore. Les ambassadeurs étrangers dans l’empire byzantin des années 640 à 1204 (Louvain – Paris, 2015). 1

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 91–106 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132249

Jean-Claude Cheynet

dants, et variait entre un et quatre nomismata, parfois davantage, en cas d’exceptionnels efforts diplomatiques 2. Cela explique qu’elles ne soient guère parvenues jusqu’à nous, compte tenu de leur valeur intrinsèque. Elles ont été depuis dérobées et refondues. Dans quels territoires ces bulles ont-elles été découvertes ? Elles sont abondantes dans les Balkans, principalement en Bulgarie, mais il faut bien distinguer les moments où la Bulgarie fut indépendante et ceux où elle était intégrée à l’Empire (972–986 et 1018–1187). Beaucoup ont été également mises à jour dans les principautés russes au nord de la mer Noire, Chersôn jouant un rôle d’intermédiaire crucial. Je me fonde sur le travail de V. Bulgakova, mais évidemment la prochaine publication de la collection Sheremetiev par W. Seibt et A. Alf ’orov donnera une meilleure vue de ces trouvailles. Les autres régions frontalières sont moins représentées, à l’exception de Chypre qui, avant la reconquête byzantine, constituait un cas particulier d’une province démilitarisée dont les ressources étaient partagées entre l’Empire et le califat. Des bulles byzantines ont été découvertes en Palestine, émises postérieurement à la conquête arabe 3. De manière un peu surprenante, en Italie, le nombre de bulles byzantines provenant des territoires restés hors du contrôle impérial ou l’ayant quitté, est faible, alors que les relations avec les principautés lombardes, les villes marchandes italiennes ou encore la papauté furent intenses 4. À ma connaissance, les pays du Caucase qui entretinrent aussi des relations suivies avec l’Empire aux xe et xie siècles sont aussi quasiment absents, sauf en quelques villes de la zone immédiate d’influence de l’Empire, comme à Pétra, en Géorgie de l’Ouest 5. Enfin, il faut ajouter quelques trouvailles plus lointaines qui ne sont pas nécessairement le fait du hasard. 2 Constantin VII Porphyrogénète, Le livre des cérémonies, sous la direction de G. Dagron († ) et B. Flusin [CFHB LII/1, Series parisiensis], (Paris, 2020) : Livre II, éd., trad. et notes par G. Dagron († ), à l’exception des chapitres II 42, 44–45 et 51 éd., trad. et annotés par D. Feissel – B. Flusin – C. Zuckerman, avec la coll. de M. Stavrou, 359–75. Ph. Grierson, “Byzantine Gold Bullae, with a Catalogue of Those at Dumbarton Oaks”, DOP 20 (1966), 239–40. 3 Par exemple, J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux du xie siècle trouvés en Palestine”, SBS 13 (2019), 45–65. 4 En revanche, les sceaux d’autochtones reprenant des modèles byzantins sont abondants : cf. V. Prigent, “L’usage du sceau de plomb dans les régions italiennes de tradition byzantine au haut Moyen Âge”, in J.-M. Martin – A. Peters-Custot – V. Prigent (éd.) L’héritage byzantin en Italie (viiie-xiie siècle), I. La fabrique documentaire (Rome, 2012), 207–40. 5 I. Iashvili († ) – W. Seibt, “Byzantinische Siegel aus Petra in Westgeorgien”, SBS 9 (2006), 1–9. Parmi les dix sceaux édités, se trouve celui d’un notaire impérial du génikon, Christophore, hypatos (ixe siècle).

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La Bulgarie représente le cas le plus intéressant, car nous disposons d’un matériel considérable grâce aux multiples fouilles officielles, notamment à Preslav, et aux découvertes dans de nombreuses forteresses et parfois de simples villages. De manière exceptionnelle, nous connaissons le lieu de provenance de ces bulles. Ces informations, enregistrées dans les nombreuses publications d’Ivan Jordanov, ont été finalement reprises dans un Corpus substantiel de plus de 3000 sceaux. Cet ensemble donne une plus grande valeur statistique à l’interprétation du nombre de bulles conservées issues des différents services de l’administration impériale. Nous avons également des dates précises concernant les grandes phases des relations entre l’Empire et la Bulgarie, soumise une première fois après 972 jusqu’en 986, puis définitivement, d’abord dans sa partie orientale, puis à partir de 1018 dans sa totalité. Certaines villes côtières comme Débeltos ont une histoire plus complexe et sont restées byzantines pendant la majeure partie du temps, ce pourquoi nous ne les prenons pas en compte. Or, il se trouve que la datation des sceaux des ixe et xe siècles est relativement précise en raison, entre autres, de l’évolution du motif iconographique dominant, la croix. De plus, certains personnages mentionnés par des bulles sont aussi attestés par d’autres sources et donc chronologiquement bien situés.

La prépondérance du génikon Quelles sont les statistiques concernant le service du drome dans le Corpus des sceaux d’Ivan Jordanov ? Dix-huit sceaux de logothètes appartiennent à huit fonctionnaires distincts 6. Il faut décompter de cette liste les trois plombs du logothète Thomas, découverts dans le bâtiment des douanes de Débeltos, alors sous administration byzantine. Comparons cet ensemble avec celui des services financiers, notamment celui du génikon 7 ? On compte soixante-six bulles de ce bureau 8, soit un nombre bien supérieur. Il faut y ajouter les sept plombs appartenant à des logothètes et les trois autres à des chartulaires décrits dans

Jordanov, Corpus III, nos 839–57. I. Jordanov, “The Seals of Fiscal Institutions discovered in Bulgaria (815/816– 971)”, SBS 9 (2006), 97–143. 8 Id., Corpus III, nos 765–831. 6 7

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les suppléments publiés par Ivan Jordanov, contre seulement deux bulles supplémentaires de logothète du drome 9. La répartition des sceaux du génikon en Bulgarie est explicitée par I. Jordanov. Le plus grand nombre a été découvert à Débeltos, soit plus de trente spécimens, contre quarante environ dans les capitales bulgares, Pliska et Preslav. La collection de sceaux trouvés à Preslav est toutefois composée en majeure partie des bulles d’un seul logothète, Paul Monomaque, avec douze exemplaires dans le Corpus et cinq ajoutés dans le corpus supplémentaire. Sa titulature de patrice nous assure qu’il exerçait sa charge avant 954, date à laquelle il est attesté comme magistre 10. I. Jordanov avance l’hypothèse que cette abondance de sceaux du génikon à Débeltos serait liée aux douanes de la ville, principal port d’échange vers la Bulgarie depuis la mer Noire 11. Cette proposition serait renforcée par l’exemple de Cherson, point d’entrée vers la Russie où ont été découverts de très nombreux sceaux de commerciaires locaux, mais aussi beaucoup de bulles du génikon, le service central de l’Empire à nouveau le mieux représenté. Cependant il est difficile d’expliquer pourquoi le sékréton du génikon, présent sur place grâce à ses commerciaires, aurait eu besoin d’envoyer constamment des missives du logothète, puisque les commerciaires avaient une fonction précise et répétitive qui ne nécessitait pas d’instructions complémentaires. Malheureusement, ce même rapport ne peut être vérifié entre logothètes du génikon et commerciaires pour les ports

9 I. Jordanov, “Corpus of Byzantine Seals from Bulgaria, volumes 1–3, (Sofia, 2002, 2006, 2009). Addenda et Corrigenda (2), Bulgaria in European Culture, Science, Education, Religion (en bulgare), Part 1” (Shumen, 2015), nos 42 à 48 inclus pour les logothètes, et nos 49 à 51 inclus pour les chartulaires. 10 Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis historiarum, rec. I. Thurn [CFHB, Series Berolinensis 5] (Berlin – New York, 1973), 241. Alexandra Wassiliou-Seibt appelle à la prudence sur le nom de l’ambassadeur traditionellement appelé Monomaque (“Byzantium and Beyond. Siegel aus Skandinavien”, in this volume. Le nom pourrait se lire aussi Monomachatos ou même simplement Monachos. Cependant les meilleurs manuscrits du texte de Skylitzès donnent la lecture Monomachos, choisie par l’éditeur J. Van Dieten. Le monogramme de ses bulles peut être lu des trois façons proposées. L’intégration de l’article dans le monogramme est unique, mais le monogramme d’un nom transmissible au xe siècle est aussi exceptionnel. Ajoutons que les ambassades sont conduites par des diplomates de très haut rang. Les Monomachoi appartenaient à la plus haute aristocratie des xe et xie siècles, ce qui n’est pas le cas des Monomachatoi. 11 Jordanov, Corpus III, 282.

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situés à l’intérieur de l’Empire, comme Thessalonique 12, Abydos 13 ou Attaleia, car nous n’avons pas une masse de bulles trouvées sur place ou dans la province. Lorsque nous disposons d’un abondant matériel local, comme à Chypre, c’est la très faible présence de sceaux de logothètes qui frappe. Sur plus de mille sceaux, D. Metcalf et ses co-auteurs publient deux sceaux de logothètes du drome, ceux de Léon et de Serge, datables du ixe siècle, c’est-à-dire de l’époque où l’île est neutralisée 14, mais aucun plomb de logothète du génikon 15. En conclusion, il est clair que les logothètes du génikon adressaient de nombreux courriers aux ports frontaliers comme Cherson, Sougdaia 16, Débeltos, restés le plus souvent sous l’autorité byzantine, car leur administration est la mieux représentée parmi les trouvailles de sceaux. L’exemple de Matracha dans la péninsule de Taman, dont plus de 80 plombs ont été publiés par V. Chkhaidze, confirme ce constat. Cette ville n’a pas été longtemps administrée par des fonctionnaires impériaux, sauf entre l’époque postérieure à la chute du khaganat khazar sous Tzimiskès, et la fin de la révolte de Georges Tzoulas, vers 1016, mais ensuite elle est restée en proche relation avec Cherson 17. Or la très grande majorité des sceaux de fonctionnaires civils trouvés à Matracha, soit seize sur dix-neuf, appartiennent à des logothètes du génikon du ixe au xie siècle, ce qui, à la différence des ports précédemment cités, ne se justifie pas par la présence de commerciaires byzantins. La plupart des logothètes découverts à Matracha sont aussi bien représentés dans le bullaire de Cherson, puisque ce port était lié à cette dernière ville, et à Sougdaia, mais certains d’entre eux sont également attestés dans la Bulgarie indépendante 18. À Matra I. Koltsida-Makre, “Ἡ βυζαντινή Θεσσαλονίκη μέσα από τη σιγιλλογραφική μαρτυρία (8ος-10ος αι.)”, Ὀβολός 4 (2000), 243–67. 13 Sur les sceaux liés à Abydos, cf. les références données dans G. Leveniotès, Η Άβυδος του Ελλησπόντου και η περιοχή της (Thessalonique, 2014), 422–52. Mais à la différence des bulles de Débeltos, Cherson ou Sougdaia, nous n’avons pas de plombs issus de fouilles provenant de ce port si crucial pour le contrôle du trafic vers Constantinople. 14 Metcalf, Byzantine Seals from Cyprus I et II, nos 832 et 996. 15 Anastase, le seul génikos, est plus tardif car il a exercé sous la domination byzantine (Ibid, no 988). 16 V. Šandrovskaja, “Die Funde der byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Sudak”, SBS 3 (1993), 85–98 ; E. Stepanova, “New Seals from Sudak”, SBS 6 (1999), 47–58 ; ead., “New Finds from Sudak”, SBS 8 (2003), 123–30. 17 C. Zuckerman, “The End of Byzantine Rule in North-Eastern Pontus”, MAIET 22 (2017), 314–18. 18 Serge (ixe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 21 et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 812 ; Jean (ixe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 26 (trois exemplaires) et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 783–85 ; 12

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Jean-Claude Cheynet

cha, un seul sceau de logothète du génikon est postérieur au règne de Tzimiskès et aucun n’est datable après le règne de Basile II. Parmi les sceaux trouvés loin des frontières de l’Empire, celui de Polyeucte, vestès, juge du Velum et logothète du génikon, aurait été découvert en Afghanistan 19. Une autre bulle d’un logothète du génikon jusqu’ici non attesté, le proèdre Constantin Splèniarios, provient de Palestine 20. Quant à Polyeucte, il était sans doute en rapport avec les Seldjoukides au temps de l’empereur Monomaque ou de ses successeurs immédiats. Les relations de l’Empire avec le sultan Toghrul Beg sont confirmées puisque l’empereur envoya Georges Drosos auprès de lui en vue du rachat du Géorgien Liparitès, capturé lors de la bataille de Kapétrou en septembre 1048 21. Le sceau de Polyeucte est à peu près contemporain, mais il est impossible de déterminer s’il agissait de concert avec Drosos ou avec un ambassadeur postérieur. De même, le sceau de Splèniarios, fonctionnaire issu d’une famille bien en cour à cette époque, peut être lié aux négociations qui se déroulaient avec les Fatimides, notamment pour faire face aux mêmes Seldjoukides.

Les oblitérations volontaires Le groupe le plus significatif est constitué par les bulles découvertes à Londres 22. Elles sont peu nombreuses, seulement dix, mais forment un ensemble homogène. J’en rappelle les principales caractéristiques. 1. Léon, anthypatos, patrice et logothète du génikon vers 1000 (oblitéré sur les deux côtés) 2. Étienne, juge et antiprosôpôn du génikon logothésion vers 1030–1040 (oblitéré sur les deux côtés) 3. Théodore (?), protospathaire, hypatos, épi tou koitônos et protonotaire du génikon logothésion (cassé dans la partie oblitérée) Léon (xe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 27 (trois exemplaires) et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 786–88 ; Léon (xe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 28 et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 790–98 ; Elissaios (xe siècle) : Chkhaidze, Taman 35 et Jordanov, Corpus III, no 769. 19 J.-Cl. Cheynet, “De Tziliapert à Sébastè”, SBS 9 (2006), 215–18. 20 J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Sceaux de Palestine”, SBS 13 (2019), 67. 21 Skylitzès, Synopsis Historiarum, 452. 22 J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les sceaux byzantins de Londres”, SBS 8 (2003), 85–100 repris et augmenté dans Id., Société byzantine, “The London Byzantine Seals”, 145–59.

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4. N. (Xèros ?), anthypatos, patrice et juge… (oblitéré sur un côté) 5. N. (Xèros), anthypatos and antiprosôpon (?) (oblitéré sur les deux côtés) 6. Etienne (Xèros), vestarque, juge du Velum and logothète du génikon (oblitéré sur les deux côtés, avec au revers une trace faible du grand B) 7. N. (Xèros ?), proèdre et logothète du génikon (oblitéré sur les deux côtés avec un grand B) 8. + 9. N. (oblitéré avec un grand B) et N. (pas de photo) 10. N. oblitéré, s. Marc et s. Jean (ce n’est pas un parallèle d’une des bulles précédentes)

Sceau de Étienne Xèros, vestarque, juge du Velum et logothète du génikon (no 6 de la liste) Sceau de N., proèdre et logothète du génikon (no 7)

Cinq bulles relèvent explicitement du génikon et il n’est pas exclu qu’il en soit de même pour les autres, car les légendes sont incomplètes. Cinq portent l’effigie fort rare de saint Marc qui est très fortement associée à la famille des Xèroi. Chronologiquement, elles sont regroupées, sauf une, plus précoce, et sont datables du moment où la famille des Xèroi semble dominer l’administration du génikon, dans la seconde moitié du xie siècle.

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Jean-Claude Cheynet

Trois des sceaux trouvés à Londres portent une marque visible, un grand B, gravé sur la partie écrasée des bulles. Cette opération peut avoir lieu soit au départ du document scellé à Constantinople, soit à son arrivée, mais cette dernière hypothèse me paraît très peu vraisemblable, car qui aurait à Londres un tel marqueur pour cette contremarque ? Ce groupe de sceaux m’avait permis de forger un scenario que je rappelle : les lettres du service du génikon étaient accompagnées, soit de numéraire pour encourager l’embauche des mercenaires par le versement d’une prime, soit d’objets précieux à offrir aux officiers recruteurs locaux ; puis ces missives passaient par un autre service chargé d’apposer le B sur la bulle du fonctionnaire du génikon, qui scellait un petit sac contenant de la monnaie ou des objets de prix, comme cela est attesté pour les apokombia. Les autorités se souciaient, en effet, du danger de vol que suscitaient ces produits précieux, ce qui justifiait le scellement des emballages. Par hypothèse, on peut supposer que les sacs étaient fermés et scellés dans le bureau recevant l’ordre impérial, puis contremarqué par le bureau qui exécutait l’ordre. Cette opération se déroulait donc dans la capitale, selon une procédure identique à celle des chrysobulles de donation de terre où figuraient au verso les signatures des différents bureaux concernés par l’opération. Comme le montre le contrôle subi à Constantinople par Liudprand de Crémone avant son retour en Italie, seuls les tissus sur lesquels un sceau de plomb avait été apposé étaient autorisés à quitter le territoire impérial avec l’ambassadeur 23.

L’interprétation de la rare contremarque B Nous connaissons des plombs comportant sur tout le champ un B ; A ; C et sur l’autre face un B ; A ; C à l’intérieur d’un grand C 24. Sur ces bulles, le B ; A ; est sûrement une abréviation de basilikos 25 et le C de l’autre face renvoie très probablement à la sacelle. La datation de ces pièces est délicate, car il ne s’agit pas à proprement parler de monogrammes, mais Liudprand de Crémone, Œuvres. Présentation, traduction et commentaire par Fr. Bougard (Paris, 2015), 408. 24 Dans l’ancienne collection de George Zacos, on en comptait un grand nombre, au moins neuf : cinq exemplaires édités (Zacos – Veglery, nos 483 a-e) et mention de quatre autres supplémentaires. 25 Sur certains exemplaires, la boucle inférieure du B enferme un A (Zacos – Veglery, nos 483 c et d). 23

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LES SCEAUX DU BUREAU DU GÉNIKON HORS DES FRONTIÈRES DE L’EMPIRE

d’abréviations. Cependant la bordure en fine arête de poisson est en principe antérieure au ixe siècle. Ce même B se retrouve sur deux autres types de sceaux institutionnels, ceux de l’eidikon 26 et du vestiarion 27.

Sceau du vestiarion impérial (Zacos – Veglery, no 569a, auj. BZS 1951.31.5.904)

Chacun de ces trois services financiers pouvait être légitimement associé au génikon. La sacelle renfermait le trésor de l’Etat, l’eidikon, un autre trésor où se trouvaient du numéraire pour payer les rogai, des objets précieux et des étoffes de grand prix, enfin le vestiarion abritait le matériel pour armer une flotte, mais aussi des objets précieux 28. Au ixe siècle, Théodose, patrice et chartulaire du vestiarion, c’est-à-dire le chef du bureau, fut chargé d’une mission diplomatique par son parent, l’empereur Théophile. Ses bulles ont été retrouvées à Ribe et Tissø au Danemark, et à Hedeby, en Allemagne. Théodose séjourna à Venise en 840 pour aider à lutter contre les Arabes, puis repartit négocier un mariage impérial avec l’empereur franc Lothaire en 842 29. Ces missions seraient en liaison avec sa charge de chartulaire du vestiarion. Le B contremarqué sur les sceaux se réfère donc très probablement au vestiarion public. Dans ce cas, les bulles n’accompagnaient pas une roga, versée seulement lorsque les soldats enrôlés étaient arrivés sur le lieu de leur service dans l’Empire, car le versement des rogai ne relevait ni 26 Zacos – Veglery, no 320 : l’eidikon impérial, trois exemplaires datables du tournant des viiie et ixe siècles. 27 Zacos – Veglery, no 569 : le vestiarion impérial, deux exemplaires datables du tournant des viiie et ixe siècles. 28 Oikonomidès, Listes, 314–17. 29 J. Shepard, “Theodosios’voyages” dans S. N. Sindbaeck – A. Trakadas (éd.), The World in the Vikings Age (Roskilde, 2014), 68–72.

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du génikon, ni du vestiarion, mais de l’eidikon 30. La bulle accompagnait un don, sans doute sous forme monétaire, à titre d’incitation à recevoir davantage d’or en se mettant au service de l’Empire.

Sceau de Théodose patrice et chartulaire du vestiarion 31

Les sceaux parvenus jusqu’à nous ont subi plus ou moins de dommages et leur surface est souvent partiellement écrasée. Toutefois, nous avons vu que les sceaux de Londres étaient intentionnellement pressés à l’époque même de leur usage. Ces marques se reconnaissent en ce qu’elles sont aplaties sur les deux bords des deux faces, en épargnant du mieux possible une partie des informations, notamment le nom du bureau concerné. Dans ce cas le sceau n’est plus une marque d’authenticité, car si les destinataires des sceaux de Londres savaient probablement ce qu’était le génikon, ils connaissaient sans doute peu les Xèroi, encore qu’ils eussent pu se familiariser avec leur nom, puisqu’il fut le seul à apparaître sur ces bulles pendant quelques années. L’exemple londonien est malheureusement unique par le nombre de pièces contremarquées, alors que les autres sceaux contremarqués d’un B sont très rares. 30 J. Shepard, “Theodosios’ Voyages”, 68–73, et pour les sceaux, J. Shepard et J.Cl. Cheynet, Ibid., “The Seals of Theodosios”, 88–89. L’identité de ce Théodose est contestée. Depuis Vitalien Laurent, les sceaux de Haithabu sont attribués au cousin de l’empereur, Théodose Baboutzikios. Alexandra Wassiliou-Seibt rappelle qu’au moins un autre Théodose contemporain, surnommé Môsélè, fut aussi patrice. Mais celui-ci semble décédé bien après l’ambassadeur qui mourut durant sa mission. 31 Cette bulle est partiellement écrasée et l’on remarque qu’est gravé sur chacune des faces un rectangle traversé par une diagonale. Cela pourrait suggérer une sorte de marque comptable, qui ne peut avoir été faite à Constantinople. La difficulté vient de ce qu’on ne peut déterminer si elle a été gravée au lieu d’arrivée du sceau par le destinataire, ou si cette marque est postérieure et a été apposée lors de circonstances qui nous échappent.

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En parcourant rapidement les clichés des très nombreux sceaux conservés à Dumbarton Oaks, j’ai relevé un splendide B sur un sceau appartenant à un Xèros, identique à celui des sceaux de Londres, celui de Basile, grand chartulaire et juge des Bucellaires 32. Les grands chartulaires relèvent du génikon, même si le nom du bureau n’est pas précisé. Cette bulle de Basile, dont le lieu de trouvaille est inconnu, fut sans doute découverte à Istanbul, puisqu’elle appartenait à la première collection de George Zacos, constituée en majeure partie des bulles trouvées sur le rivage de la Propontide. Ce serait la preuve que la contremarque est bien frappée dans la capitale.

Sceau de Basile Xèros, protospathaire, grand chartulaire et juge des Bucellaires

Parmi tous les sceaux du Corpus III de Bulgarie, le numéro 807 frappé par le logothète du génikon Paul Monomaque est clairement oblitéré sur le modèle défini plus haut. Mais d’autres bulles de ce même logothète présentent aussi des écrasements symétriques 33. Cependant, affirmer qu’il s’agit de contremarques serait imprudent, puisque ces écrasements ne sont pas nets et que sur d’autres plombs du même personnage il n’y en a pas de semblables. Un élément fourni par le supplément au Corpus vient toutefois conforter cette hypothèse. Sur le numéro 3220 (pl. XLII, no 6) apparaît un B. Le numéro 3221 est sans doute un parallèle, mais il n’en subsiste qu’une moitié en partie écrasée et l’autre moitié, qui aurait pu être contremarquée, est perdue. Les deux exemplaires proviennent de la région de Silistra. La légende elle-même, mal sauvegardée, n’est pas complètement déchiffrée, mais il s’agit sans doute d’un eidikos. Deux autres bulles, à la légende mal conservée [nos 32 BZS.1955.1.3404, éd. DOSeals 4, no 1.9a et J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les Xèroi, administrateurs de l’Empire”, SBS 11 (2012), 4–5. 33 Jordanov, Corpus III, nos 801, 802, 806, 809, 810.

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3222 (pl. XLII, no 8) et 3224 (pl. XLII no 10)] portent les écrasements suspects, mais sans le B 34.

Planche XLII : sceaux d’Etienne (?), protospathaire et eidikos (?) nos 3220 et 3221

Planche XLII : nos 3222 et 3224

Un plomb du musée archéologique d’Izmir porte également la marque du B au revers 35. Au droit, est représenté un saint évêque, peutêtre Nicolas. Le revers du sceau est mal conservé en raison de l’oblitération bilatérale, mais la légende ne comportait sans doute qu’un prénom commençant par M ou si δ(ούλῳ) est très abrégé, [Ῥ]ωμ[αν(ῷ)] et un nom dont l’initiale est également un M suivi d’un signe d’abréviation (Mantoulès ?, Maroulès ? …), sans mention de fonction ou de dignité. Nous savons cependant que des fonctionnaires pouvaient sceller des documents sans indiquer leurs titres sur leurs bulles.

Jordanov, Corpus I, II, III. Jordanov, “Corpus, Addenda 1”, 221–22 (pl. XLII). Je remercie le Professeur Ergün Lafl℩ de m’avoir autorisé à publier la photographie de cette bulle qui sera reprise dans un travail sur les sceaux du musée d’Izmir (inv. 26630). 34 35

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LES SCEAUX DU BUREAU DU GÉNIKON hORS DES FRONTIÈRES DE L’EMPIRE

Enfin, un plomb portant le fameux B a été récemment proposé dans une vente aux enchères. Il appartenait à un certain Nicolas, protospathaire, épi tou chrysotriklinou et juge 36. Le saint au droit n’est plus identifiable en raison des sigla écrasés, mais il s’agit sans doute de saint Nicolas.

Sceau de Nicolas, protospathaire épi tou Chrysotriklinou et juge

Malheureusement nous ignorons où ce sceau fut découvert et dans quelles circonstances il fut surfrappé. Le juge Nicolas n’étant rattaché à aucun bureau financier, n’a assurément pas été engagé dans le même processus que les membres du génikon des sceaux londoniens. Toutefois, des juges étaient parfois choisis pour mener des missions à l’étranger. Tout récemment ont été publiés une partie des quinze sceaux d’un juge de Thrace et Macédoine, Nicolas Zônaras, tous découverts en Russie. Les auteurs de la publication mettent en relation ces nombreux sceaux avec un partage territorial entre princes russes à Liubech en 1097. C’est possible, mais c’est aussi le moment où les princes russes furent sollicités pour combattre les Coumans qui menaçaient la frontière danubienne. Le juge aurait été envoyé par l’empereur Alexis Comnène qui lui accordait sa confiance puisqu’il en fit plus tard un drongaire de la Veille 37.

D’autres marques d’écrasement sont-elles significatives ? Il faut rechercher les marques régulières d’écrasement, qui doivent être nettement délimitées par une ligne droite et paraissent donc effecVente Zeus Numismatics 1 (17–11–2019) n° 419. W. Seibt – D. huletski – y. Tiguntsev, “Was Nikolaos Zounaras, the thematic judge of Thrake and Makedonia, active in the Rus’ after the council of Liubech (1097) ?” ByzSl 76 (2018), 274–79. Il reste à expliquer pourquoi Nicolas Zônaras a utilisé des flans de trop petite taille qui ne permettaient pas l’identification du sigillant. 36 37

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Jean-Claude Cheynet

tuées volontairement, notamment sur les sceaux issus du génikon. Le résultat est un peu décevant, peut-être parce n’ont été sauvegardées qu’un nombre infime des bulles byzantines 38. Par exemple, le livre de Victoria Bulgakova sur les sceaux découverts en Russie, ne fournit qu’un sceau du génikon, celui du primicier Léon ; la pièce est bien partiellement écrasée, mais plutôt en raison d’accident de conservation 39. Toute la difficulté réside dans la difficulté de déterminer si les marques d’écrasement sont intentionnelles et donc significatives de pratiques administratives byzantines. Sans être exhaustive, ma recherche sur les sceaux de Dumbarton Oaks présentant ces caractéristiques d’écrasement m’a conduit à en vérifier certains. Que penser des quatre sceaux de Méligalas, spatharocandidat, chartulaire du génikon et paraphylax d’Abydos, qui présentent des écrasements très similaires, sans qu’aucune contremarque ne soit visible 40 ? On hésite à y voir le seul effet du hasard.

BZS.1955.1.1067 BZS.1955.1.1069

38 On a conservé au moins 80 000 bulles et peut-être jusqu’à 100 000. Si l’on tient compte du nombre de fonctionnaires, civils, militaires, ecclésiastiques, habilités à posséder un boullôtèrion dans l’administration centrale ainsi que dans les provinces, et des documents de toutes sortes comme les testaments exigeant jusqu’à sept sceaux, on peut estimer que la production annuelle de 20 000 bulles constitue une évaluation imprécise, mais conservatoire. Or les bulles furent employées durant un millénaire, et intensément entre les viiie et les xiie siècles. 39 V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa. Die Funde auf dem Territorium Altrußlands (Wiesbaden, 2004), no 1.2.5. 40 Zacos – Veglery, nos 2178a et 2178c, aujourd’hui respectivement BZS.1955.1.1067 et BZS.1955.1.1069. Deux autres exemplaires, celui publié par G. Zacos et A. Veglery (no 2178b, auj. BZS.1955.1.1071) et le BZS.1955.1.1072, sont aussi marqués, mais moins nettement, alors que les autres sceaux de Méligalas ne révélant pas de fonction exercée dans le bureau du génikon ne sont pas écrasés. Toutes les bulles de Méligalas, chartulaire du génikon, conservées à Dumbarton Oaks, ont été publiées ou republiées dans DOSeals 3, nos 40.29 et 40.30.

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LES SCEAUX DU BUREAU DU GÉNIKON hORS DES FRONTIÈRES DE L’EMPIRE

BZS.1955.1.1071 BZS.1955.1.1072 Sceaux de Méligalas, spatharocandidat, chartulaire du génikon et paraphylax d’Abydos

Une question se pose en effet à propos d’une autre bulle de la collection de Dumbarton Oaks : la contremarque B n’était-elle pas, elle aussi, parfois effacée par l’oblitération ? Sur la bulle de Nicétas, protospathaire et juge des Thracésiens 41, apparaît dans la zone aplatie la trace d’un B à peine perceptible, qui contraste avec la netteté du B visible sur certains sceaux londoniens par exemple. Cette discrétion du B résulte-t-elle d’une faible frappe ou d’un écrasement postérieur, voire d’une illusion d’optique ?

Sceau de Nicétas, protospathaire et juge des Thracésiens

Pour finir, quel scenario imaginer ? Pour garantir une étude plus nourrie, s’il advenait que soit construite une base globale des sceaux byzantins, il faudrait systématiquement signaler les sceaux découverts (ou conservés) hors des limites de l’Empire et il conviendrait également d’obtenir la liste de sceaux avec la double oblitération similaire à ceux que nous avons examinés. Peut-être une marque spécifique serait-elle alors détectable sur quelques-uns d’entre eux. Au xie siècle et sans doute au siècle précédent, les diplomates byzantins se rendaient à l’étranger en emportant souvent un document scellé dans le 41

BZS.1951.31.5.994, éd. DOSeals 3, no 2.21b.

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JEAN-CLAUDE ChEyNET

service du génikon. La présence de ces sceaux en des territoires parfois éloignés peut se justifier par les négociations souvent fort longues pour conclure des alliances, facilitées par des cadeaux diplomatiques. À cette date, le logothète du génikon était devenu le personnage clé des finances de l’Empire. Quelques-unes de ces bulles étaient contremarquées d’un B, sans doute parce qu’elles étaient passées par le bureau du vestiarion impérial. Le corpus bulgare est instructif. Aux viiie et ixe siècles, cinq sceaux de ce bureau, où le B occupe tout l’avers, ont été découverts à Débeltos et à Pliska et deux sceaux de chartulaire du vestiarion du ixe siècle ont été trouvés l’un à Débeltos et l’autre à proximité de la capitale de la Bulgarie à cette époque, Pliska 42. Ce n’est sans doute pas une coïncidence si les nombreux sceaux du génikon apparaissent à partir du xe siècle, comme si les liens économiques avec la Bulgarie indépendante étaient passés de la responsabilité directe du vestiarion à celui du génikon, le vestiarion imposant parfois une contremarque avec ou sans B. Toutefois cette reconstitution reste du domaine de l’hypothèse.

Appendice Depuis la rédaction de cette contribution, il a été proposé dans une vente aux enchères un flan d’un type unique jusqu’ici, qui comporte un B très net, préexistant à toute autre frappe. Ce type implique-t-il un moule de fabrication spécifique, qu’on supposera réservé au bureau du vestiarion à Constantinople ? Dans cette hypothèse, son emploi se conçoit difficilement. Toute frappe sur le flan aboutit, en effet, à écraser la lettre originelle et à la faire disparaître. D’autre part ce B ne semble pas provenir d’un instrument de scellement, car il n’y a pas de trace d’écrasement autour de la lettre. Le B était-il déposé par un autre moyen sur le flan vierge et sur les sceaux conservés où il est présent ? Photo du flan :

42

Jordanov, Corpus III, nos 898–902 inclus (le bureau) et nos 903–04 (les chartulaires).

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Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov

A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod In 2017 the Novgorod archaeological expedition of the Institute of Archaeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences investigated the plot of land reserved for the construction of a dwelling house (Oborony street, 2). The territory is located in the Southern part of the Sophia side, beyond the wall and moat of the Okolnyj settlement, the area which in the sixteenth–seventeenth centuries bore the name of Alexeevskaja sloboda or Alexeevskoe zapolje. It was named so after the wooden church of Alexis the God’s Man built somewhere in the vicinity. The church was first mentioned in the third chronicle of Novgorod in 1391. The excavated area is 560 m2. The thickness of the cultural strata of the late eleventh–nineteenth centuries is 1 m 1. The oldest materials recovered by these excavations are ground burials dating to the first half of the eleventh century. They are located in the North-West part of the trench – six burial pits set in a row slightly curving, possibly running along some fence. It is possible to presume that there was some structure to the West of the graves, a chapel or a church. The burial pits were rectangular, 30–50 cm deep. It is the most ancient cemetery of the first century of the city of Novgorod. The set of grave goods and the construction of graves find direct parallels in the materials from Kiev, Chernigov and Pskov. 2 1 A. A. Isaev – P. G. Gajdukov – O. M. Olejnikov, “Velikij Novgorod. Sofijskaja storona (ul. Oborony, d. 2)”, Goroda, selishcha, mogil’niki. Raskopki 2017. Materialy spasatel’nyh arheologicheskih issledovanij 25 (Moskva, Institut arheologii RAN, 2018), 124–31. 2 P. G. Gajdukov – A. A. Isaev – O. M. Olejnikov, “Otkrytie nekropolja nachala XI v. v Novgorode”, Arheologija i istorija Pskova i Pskovskoj zemli. Ezhegodnik seminara imeni akademika V. V. Sedova 34 (Moskva, Pskov, 2019), 166–74.

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 107–119 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132250

Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov

By the end of the eleventh century the cemetery was abandoned, and estates fenced with palisades were founded in its place. In the late eleventh–early twelfth centuries there was a small settlement set at some distance from city quarters, possibly connected with trade or customs activities. In the course of excavations jewelry was recovered, private religious implements and a considerable collection of 46 lead seals of the late eleventh–early twelfth centuries. These finds can be divided into three groups: Old Russian seals (3), Old Russian sealings for trade goods (28) and Byzantine molybdobullae (15 pieces). Old Russian seals belong to Yaropolk (Ivan) Vladimirovich (1082– 1139), duke of Pereslavl and Kiev, son of Vladimir Vsevolodovich Monomach and junior brother of Mstislav Vladimirovich (1096–1117), duke of Novgorod. They were struck from two boulloteria (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Yaropolk (Ivan) Vladimirovich (1082–1139)

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A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod

One side of the seals bears the bust of St John the Baptist, the celestial protector of the duke, the other side – Greek inscription in four lines: “Lord, help your servant John”. It is the first find of this duke’s seals in Novgorod. Most often they occur in South Russia. From the area of Kiev and Chernigov come several finds of similar seals of the same matrices. 3 One more seal of the same kind originates from Poltava, but stamped from other matrices. 4 28 sealings for trade goods can be divided into four groups after the images they bear. The first one displays saints on both sides, the second one – a saint and a flourishing cross, the third – a saint and the duke’s sign, the fourth – flourishing crosses on both sides. All these images are common for sealings found in Novgorod (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Old Russian trade sealings

The sphragistic collection includes 15 Byzantine seals, all coming from one estate. 5 Such a concentration of lead bullae from one small trench, moreover beyond the city territory, occurs in Novgorod for the first time. It should be mentioned that Byzantine molybdobullae are not often found in North-West Russia. In all there are about 50 Byzantine bullae registered in Novgorod in the course of many years of excavations. The molybdobullae coming from the trench belong to the following groups: V. V. Nechitajlo, Katalog drevnerusskih pechatej X–XIII vv. T. 1: Drevnerusskije pechati velikih knjazej Kievskih i mitropolitov Rusi (Kiev, 2012), 61, nos 234, 235. 4 V. L. Janin – P. G. Gajdukov, Aktovye pechati Drevnej Rusi. Vol. III: Pechati, za­ registrirovannye v 1970–1996 gg. (Moskva, 1998), 117, no. 39a. 5 Gajdukov, Isaev, Olejnikov, “Otkrytie nekropolja nachala XI v., 173. Fig. 8б. 3

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Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov

1. Five seals of John (?) Hikanatos (11th/12th c.) (Fig. 3) All seals come from the same boulloterion.

Fig. 3. Seals of John (?) Hikanatos (11th/12th centuries)

Obv. Bust of a saint, blessing with right hand and holding a cross on a long staff with left hand. No epigraphy. Rev. Inscription of five lines: +|OMωNV|MOVMOI|CΦPAГIC|TOVIKAN|ATOV Ὁμωνύμου μοι σφραγὶς τοῦ Ἱκανάτου. The inscription is metric. 6 A private seal. We know 14 earlier finds of similar seals. They come from Novgorod (3 pieces), Beloozero, from Vladimir region, also from the Ukraine (Kiev and Rovno region). 7 Wassiliou, Corpus II, no. 1645. Among the published ones: V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteu­ ropa (Wiesbaden, 2004), 111–13, no. 1.5.4; P. G. Gajdukov – O. M. Olejnikov, “Sfragisticheskije nahodki Loukinskogo-2 raskopa v Novgorode”, Novgorod i Novgorodskaja zemlja: Istorija i arheologija 27 (Velikij Novgorod, 2013),147–49, 151. Fig. 4; K. Smychkov, “Neskol’ko molivdovulov s territorii Drevnej Rusi i Chersonesa (po materialam chastnogo sobranija)”, ΧΕΡΣΩΝΟΣ ΘΕΜΑΤΑ: “imperija” i “polis” (Sevastopol’, 2013), 337–38, no. 3. Five specimens are kept in A. Sheremetiev collection (Kiev, the Ukraine). 6 7

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A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod

The name of the saint on the obverse is not indicated. Judging by the iconography he could be either St John the Prodromos or St Andrew the Apostle. We prefer the first attribution, because in Byzantine sigillography the images of this saint were widely used while the appearance of St Andrew was connected, as a rule, with places of his special veneration, first of all in Russia or in Patrae. 8 Since the owner of the seal bore the name of the saint, his name was probably John. The name of John Hikanatos does not occur in written sources. However, the family of Hikanatoi was well known in Byzantium especially under Alexis I (1081–1118) and till the middle of the twelfth century. A. P. Kazhdan attributed the family of Hikanatoi to the class of purely civilian officials. 9 Numerous seals of the representatives of this family are known. 10 2. Three seals of Kyriakos, dishypatos (11th/12th c.) (Fig. 4)

Fig. 4. Seals of Kyriakos, dishypatos (11th/12th centuries.)

Obv. Inscription of three lines: J. A. Cotsonis, The religious figural imagery of Byzantine lead seals II. Studies on images of the saints and on personal piety. Variorum collected studies series (London-New York, 2020), 80–82. 9 A. P. Každan, Sotsial’nyj sostav gospodstvujushchego klassa Vizantii XI–XII vv (Moskva, 1974), 128–29, 178, 192. 10 Laurent, Corpus II, no. 1037; Likhachev, Molivdovuly, pl. LX, 7; LXV, 1; Seyrig, no. 300–01; Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, 166–68, no. 94. 8

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Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov

CΦPA|ΓICMA|EIMI Rev. Inscription of three lines: KVPIA|KΔICV|ΠATOV Σφράγισμά εἰμι Κυριακοῦ δισυπάτου. There are 11 earlier finds of similar seals from the territory of Old Russia. Two come from Novgorod, several originate from Beloozero, Yaroslav region, from the Ukraine (Chernigov, Rovno and Lvov districts). 11 The title of dishypatos appears at the beginning of the ninth century, disappears in the tenth century in the course of the consulate reforms, appears again in the second half of the eleventh and finally disappears by the end of the eleventh or at the beginning of the twelfth century. 3. Three Latin seals representing St Andrew (11th–12th c.) (Fig. 5)

Fig. 5. Latin (?) seals with St Andrew (11th–12th centuries) Among the published ones: Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa, 97–99, no. 1.4.3 (the author read the name of the owner of the seal as Cyril); O. Alf ’orov, “Rus’ko-vizantijs’ki stosunki u vidobražennjah sfragistiki (za materialami sfragistichnoj kolektsii Oleksija Sheremet’eva)”, Sofija Kiivs’ka: Vizantija. Rus’. Ukraina II (Kiev, 2012), 160–62; Smychkov, “Neskol’ko molivdovulov”, 334–36, no. 2. Two unpublished seals are in the State Hermitage collection (both come from the Sheksna river). 11

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A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod

Obv.  Bust of St  Andrew. A|N|Δ||P|E|A|C = Ἀνδρέας.

Greek

inscription

by

the

sides:

Rev. Latin inscription possibly of three lines: ROFA|DADENA|RIAL It is the first find of similar seals in Novgorod. Two more seals coming from the same boulloterion are known. One is in the collection of the State Historical Museum in Moscow (acquisition of 1959, origin unknown). 12 Another one (unpublished) in a private collection belonging to K. D. Smychkov (Ukraine). The name of the saint can be definitely reconstructed. V. Bulgakova suggested that it was St Andrew Stratelates. However the seals from Novgorod demonstrate that it could not be any saint warrior, for he wears a himation and in his right hand he holds a richly decorated book. One may suggest that he is Apostle Andrew – St Andrew the FirstCalled, so popular in Old Russia. If so, the iconography of the saint on this seal demonstrates one specific feature. St Andrew was usually depicted holding a scroll and a cross on a long staff, like on the seals of duke Vsevolod Yaroslavich (second half of the eleventh century), 13 but not with the Gospels. If the inscription is in Latin, then the seals belong to the small group of molybdobullae which affected both the Byzantine and the Western traditions, like the Norman seals from Sicily. 14 Often the inscriptions of such seals are hardly legible. The ones from Novgorod are no exception. Though the inscription can be reconstructed, it still remains incomprehensible.

Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa, 169–70, no. 1.7.9. V. L. Janin, Aktovye Pechati Drevnej Rusi X–XV vv. I (Moskva, 1970), 168–70, nos 15–22. 14 A. Engel, Recherches sur la Numismatique et la Sigillographie des Normands de Sicile et d’Italie (Paris, 1882); E. Stepanova, “Obrazy vostochnohristianskih svjatyh na pechatjah Italii XI–XIII vv.”, Piligrimy. Istoriko-kul’turnaja rol’ palomnichestva (SanktPeterburg, 2001), 60–69. 12 13

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Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov

4. Two seals of kommerkiarioi of the Ros’ (11th/12th c.) (Fig. 6)

Fig. 6. Seals of the kommerkiarioi of the Ros’ (11th/12th centuries)

Obv. Patriarchal cross on two steps with fleurons rising from base, its top and each arm are decorated with roundels. The usual inscription surrounding the cross is missing, but some letters are visible by the sides, of which “C” is clearly seen. It could be the regular formula coming along with the cross IC–XC (XC – possibly presented specularly). Rev. Inscription of three lines: +TωN|KOMMEP|KΙAPIωN|TωNPωC Τῶν κομμερκιαρίων τῶν Ρῶς. There are three more seals of the same matrices. One was found in 2004 in Rybinsk at the Old Russian settlement of Ust’-Sheksna in the strata of the twelfth–fourteenth centuries. 15 The other one, discovered in 2019, comes from Novgorod from the Troitskij trench (section XV), from the layers of the first half of the twelfth century. 16 The third one is kept in the 15 I. I. Rykunova – A. N. Rykunov, “Srednevekovoje poselenije Ust’-Sheksna”, Rossijskaja arheologija (Moskva, 2005), no. 4, pp. 145, 147; fig. 8, 12. 16 V. L. Janin – E. A. Rybina – L. V. Pokrovskaja – V. K. Singh – A. M. Stepanov – E. A. Tjanina, “Raboty v Ljudinom kontse Velikogo Novgoroda v 2019 g. (Troitskije

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A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod

Hermitage collection and was acquired from the antiquary Nuri-Bey of Constantinople in 1914 (its provenance is unknown). These seals are noteworthy due to several aspects. On the obverse they bear the image of a flourishing cross on steps. The similar sphragistic type is characteristic of the second half of the ninth–first half of the eleventh century. 17 There are single cases when crosses appear on Byzantine seals in the second half of the eleventh century. 18 The seals published here, judging by their epigraphy and the archeological context from which they come, should be dated to the end of the eleventh–early twelfth century. Possibly it is one of the latest or even the latest one case when a similar cross appears on seals of this sphragistic type. The style of the image is rather crude, possibly borrowed not from sphragistics or at least not from Byzantine seals. The toponym “Ῥῶς” on Byzantine seals occurs here for the first time, though in Byzantine texts it appears starting from the end of the ninth century – the earliest one in “The Life of Georgios of Amastris”. The meaning of this term is disputable. While in the tenth century it was associated with Scandinavians (as in the treatise “De administrando imperio” by Constantine Porphyrogenitos), in later times it was used to indicate Old Rus’. 19 No less interesting is the office indicated in the legend: kommerkiarioi of the Ros’. The seals of kommerkiarioi, primarily collectors of customs duties are known till the eleventh century. The latest examples we find among the seals of Develtos, Dristra, Presthlavitza, Cyprus and Attalia, Abydos, Chaldia, Seleucia. 20 It is noteworthy that all these seals are personal (names of the owners are indicated in the legends). The seals of kommerkiarioi of the Ros’ do not follow this general rule because they raskopy)”, Novgorod i Novgorodskaja zemlja: Istorija i arheologija 34 (Velikij Novgorod, 2021), 26, 27. Fig. 3, 2. 17 I. Koltsida-Makre, “The Representation of the Cross on Byzantine Lead Seals”, SBS 4 (1995), 43. 18 DOSeals 5, no. 25.7. 19 M. V. Bibikov, BYZANTINOROSSICA. Svod vizantijskih svidetel’stv o Rusi I (Moskva, 2004), 41–56, 636–52. For the linguistic analysis of the term Ρῶς see: S. P. Tochtasiev, Jazyk traktata Konstantina Bagrjanorodnogo De administrando imperio i jego inojazychnaja leksika (Sankt-Peterburg, 2018), 181–98. The metropolitans in Kiev preferred the term Ρουσία. 20 See, for example: V. S. Shandrovskaya, “Pechati kommerkiariev Debel’ta v sobranii Ermitazha”, Antichnaja drevnost’ i srednije veka 32 (Ekaterinburg, 2001), 150; DOSe­ als 1, nos 65.2, 76.1, 78.1–3; DOSeals 2, no. 64,3 = Stepanova, SBS 12 (2016), 89, no. 9; DOSeals 3, nos 40.8,17; DOSeals 4, nos 32.15,26,27; DOSeals 5, no. 6.16.

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Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov

belonged to a group of kommerkiarioi. Possibly the specific character of these seals was determined by their provenance. These in many aspects unique seals demand further investigation, including the location of the customs offices of the Ros’ and their functions. 21 5. The seal of John Spanopoulos, proedros (last quarter of the 11th c.) (Fig. 7)

Fig. 7. Seal of John Spanopoulos, proedros

Obv. Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis (orans with a medallion of Christ on her chest). Part of the title visible on the left:  = Μ(ήτη)ρ [Θ(εο)ῦ]. Rev. Inscription of four lines: ...RΘ|..ÂEΔP|.TOCΠA|.OΠΛ/ [Θ(εοτό)κε] β(οή)θ(ει) [Ἰω(άννῃ)] (προ)έδρ[ῳ] τ(ῶ) Σπα[ν]οπούλ(ῳ). The first seal of John found at the beginning of the twentieth century in Kiev was badly preserved. N. P. Likhachev ascribed it to the number of the bullae issued by the metropolitan of Kiev. The last lines of the legend he read as προέδρῳ τῆς πάσης Ῥωσίας. 22 Later the same interpretation was supported by A. V. Soloviev. 23 The correct reading was suggested by 21 W. Seibt informed us about seals with the metrical legend Σφράγισμα τῶν Ρῶς τυγχάνω κομμερκίου from the second or third third of the twelfth century, all found on the territory of Old Rus’. 22 N. P. Likhachev, Materialy dlja istorii vizantijskoj i russkoj sfragistiki, 2 (Leningrad, 1930), 12, note 1. 23 A. V. Soloviev, “Metropolitensiegel des Kiever Russland”, BZ 55 (1962), 294, no. 3; A. V. Soloviev, “Zu den Metropolitensiegeln des Kiever Russlands”, BZ 56 (1963), 317–19, pl. VII,1.

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A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod

V. L. Janin after the find in 1967 in Novgorod of one more seal of the same kind, much better preserved. 24 Before the excavations of 2017 five seals of John Spanopoulos were known struck from two boulloteria. They originated from Novgorod (2 pieces), Kiev and Kiev region (2 pieces). 25 Besides these there are two seals with slightly different legends, one in Vienna, in the Numismatic cabinet of the Fine Arts Museum, and one in the Fogg Museum. 26 The Spanopouloi come to view around the middle of the eleventh century. They were purely civilian nobles. Many representatives of the Spanopouloi family are known, their names appear on seals and in written sources. 27 The title of proedros which came into being under Nikephoros II Phokas (963–969) was initially a high one and intended exclusively for eunuchs. By the eleventh century it devaluated, became widespread and from the middle of the eleventh century could be granted to bearded ones. It was last mentioned in the middle of the twelfth century. 28 6. A seal with a quotation from Gregory the Theologian (12th c.) (Fig. 8)

Fig. 8. Seal with a quotation from Gregory the Theologian (12th century)

Obv. Parts of three lines are visible: EI...|.KΓEN.|..OΔ.. 24 Janin, Aktovye Pechati Drevnej Rusi, 51–53; see also Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa, 91–95, no. 1.4.1. 25 Alf ’orov, “Rus’ko-vizantijs’ki stosunki u vidobražennjah sfragistiki (za materialami sfragistichnoj kolektsii Oleksija Sheremet’eva)”, 160. 26 Seibt, Bleisiegel, 284–86, no. 150. 27 Každan, Sotsial’nyj sostav, 92, 128, 135; see comments on no. 150 (Seibt, Bleisiegel 284–86) and no. 197 (Cheynet – Theodoridis, Sceaux patronymiques, 206– 07); DOSeals 2.40.16; 3.71.26; 4.55.3 = Pančenko, Katalog, no. 216; DOSeals 5.28.1. 28 Oikonomidès, Listes 299.



Elena Stepanova, Piotr Gaydukov and Oleg Oleynikov

Rev. Parts of three lines are visible: .....|..ΓAΠN|..MA Εἷ[ς Θ(εὸ)ς ἐ]κ γεν[έτα]ο δ[ι’ Υἱέος ἐς μέ]γα Πν[εῦ]μα. Some seals coming from the same boulloterion are known for a long time. At present there are 12 of them. Besides the one found in Novgorod by the Oborony street there are four found in Novgorod earlier, and several from other places: Staraja Ladoga, Beloozero, the Ukraine (Kiev, Kiev region, Rovno, Ivano-Frankovsk region and of no definite provenance). 29 None of them display a full legend, but W. Seibt managed to restore and read it with the help of TLG. 30 It is a quotation from “Carmina moralia” by Gregory of Nazianzus, the Theologian: “You are one God – from Parent through the Son to the Great Spirit”. 31 The authors suggest that the owner of the seal was doubtless an educated person and probably a cleric. 32 To sum up: I. Seals were found within an archaeological complex which allows us to reconstruct the historical context of their appearance, along with documents, in Novgorod. II. Of the five types of legible seals only one presents official ones – those belonging to the kommerkiarioi of the Ros’. Other seals bear no indication of offices or locations. Seals of John Hikanatos 29 V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa. Die Funde auf dem Territo­ rium Altrußlands (Wiesbaden, 2004), 180–82, no. 1.7.18, 1.7.19; S. V. Beletskij – A. N. Kirpichnikov, “Pamjatniki sfragistiki iz raskopok v Staroj Ladoge v 2011 g.” Nasledije Nikolaja Petrovicha Likhacheva: Interpretatsija teksta i obraza. Proceedings of the confer­ ence commemorating the 150th anniversary of the birth of Academician N. P. Likhachev (1862–1936), Transactions of the State Hermitage museum LXXI (St Petersburg, 2014), 304, 307, no. 17. 30 Seibt – Alf ’orov, Rus’, Part II, III J 1 (dated c. 1130/1180). Already earlier mentioned by A.-K. Wassiliou-Seibt, “Inscriptions of church and state officials on Byzantine lead seals”, M. D. Lauxtermann – I. Toth (eds) Inscribing texts in Byzantium. Continuities and transformations, (London – New York, 2020), 193. 31 PG 37, col. 632, 7. 32 Recently another (erroneous) reading of the legend on this seal has been suggested: COCE | MEГAN | EVMA || ΘIONE | ГENE | AOΔIV – Σῶσε | μέγαν | Εὐμά||θιον ἐ(κ) | γένε(ως) | ἀο(ι)δίου (resp. ἀο(ι)δί(μ)ου) – “Save Great Eumathios of illustrious origin”: A. Ju. Vinogradov, V. N. Chkhaidze, “‘Spasi velikogo Evmafija iz roda dostoslavnogo’: K prochteniju legendy odnoj gruppy vizantijskih pechatej”, ΧΕΡΣΩΝΟΣ ΘΕΜΑΤΑ: “imperija” i “polis”. Proceedings of the XII International Byzan­ tine Seminar, (Simferopol’, 2020), 71–76.



A Collection of Byzantine Seals from Velikij Novgorod

are private, those of Kyriakos and John Spanopoulos indicate only their titles, so they can not be treated as official ones. III. The seals found at Oborony street belong to groups well known due to previous finds from Old Russia. They come from places significant from the point of view of local economic life – from Novgorod to Kiev. Considering the places of their discovery one may suggest that their owners were involved in trade, which allows to trace trade connections of Old Russia. IV. It is possible to suggest that the excavations in Novgorod, beyond the limits of the medieval city, revealed a factory, a trade post – a settlement of merchants, most probably from Kiev along with several representatives from the Byzantine Empire. The settlement existed at the end of the eleventh–early twelfth century, obviously in the reign of Yaropolk Vladimirovich, duke of Kiev (1082–1139).

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Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

Byzantium and Beyond Siegel aus Skandinavien*

Folgender Beitrag erwuchs im Rahmen der Vorbereitungsarbeiten zur Ausstellung „Byzanz und der Westen. 1000 vergessene Jahre“. Schalla­ burg / Niederösterreich (17.03–11.11.2018) (primär finanziert vom Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Mainz) 1. Das ursprüngliche Konzept beinhaltete eine Reihe von Siegelexponaten mit Bezug zum „Westen“, wovon leider dann ein größerer Teil – aus finanziellen Gründen im Rahmen von Sparmaßnahmen – ausgeschlossen wurde. Darunter befanden sich auch byzantinische Bleibullen, die in Skandinavien gefunden wurden und unser besonderes Interesse erweckt hatten, sodass wir sie zum Gegenstand eines Referats beim Internationalen Siegelsymposium in St. Petersburg machten (29. Mai 2019). Das Material war zwar schon in der Vergangenheit veröffentlicht worden, jedoch wichen die bisherigen Auswertungen und Interpretationen von unseren deutlich ab, sodass ich mich dazu entschied, die Problematik nochmals aufzurollen. Es handelt sich um Siegel des 9. und 10. Jh., die in Haithabu/Hedeby (im Norden von Schleswig-Holstein/Deutschland), Ribe und Tissø (beides in Dänemark) entdeckt wurden, alles bedeutende Handels-

* Unser aufrichtiger Dank für Abbildungs- und Publikationserlaubnis gilt der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, dem Sydvestjyske Museer in Ribe, sowie dem Nationalmuseet i København. 1 Für die Exposition ist der umfangreiche Katalog Byzanz & der Westen. 1000 vergessene Jahre (Schallaburg, 2018) entstanden. Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 121–134 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132251

Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

orte (emporia), Hauptumschlagsplätze und Elitenzentren der Dänen 2, (Abb. 1, Übersichtskarte) 3. Birka Kaupang

DÄNEMARK AN

OSTSEE

GE

NORDSEE

Ribe

LSÄ

Haithabu

CH

Groß Strömkendorf Wolin Menzlin

Hamburg

Truso

ES

CH

SIS

York

EN ND

GLA Hamwic

Ipswich

Dorestad Elb e

Domburg

London

Cologne

Quentowic

Lo

i re

Reims

Rhein

Mainz Rouen

FRÄNKISCHES REICH

Tours

Salzburg

Chur

Abb. 1. Übersichtskarte

Das bedeutendste dieser Zentren war das spätestens im 1. Drittel des 9. Jh. vom dänischen König gegründete Haithabu, das sich durch seine begünstigte Lage (an der schmalsten Stelle der Jütländischen Halbinsel am Ende der Schlei in der Schleswigschen Landenge zwischen Nordsee und Ostsee in der Nähe des sogenannten Ochsenwegs) zur Drehscheibe internationalen Ranges im überregionalen Handelsnetzwerk vom 9. 2 V. Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen in Haithabu 2003–2015. Aussagemöglichkeiten und Erkenntnisgewinn für die Entstehung eines wikingerzeitlichen Handelszentrums“, in V. Hilberg – Th. Lemm (Hrsg), Viele Funde – große Bedeutung? Potenzial und Aussagewert von Metalldetektorfunden für die siedlungsarchäologische Forschung der Wikingerzeit (Kiel, 2018), 125–54. Zur günstigen geographischen Lage dieser Zentren s. einschlägig M. McCormick, „Where do trading towns come from? Early medieval Venice and the northern emporia“, in J. Henning (ed.), Post-Roman towns, trade and settlement in Europe and Byzantium. Vol. 1. The heirs of the Roman West (Berlin, 2007), 41–68; M. McCormick, Origins of European Economy. Communications and Commerce ad 300–900 (Cambridge, 2001); Idem, „Voyageurs, monnaies, et esclaves. Aux origines de l’économie européenne“, Dossiers d’archéologie 256 (2000), 47. 3 Aus Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“ 126, Abb. 1.

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Byzantium and Beyond

bis ins 11. Jh. entwickelte und insbesondere in der 2. Hälfte des 10. Jh. seine Blütezeit erreichte, bis es schließlich 1066 (Plünderung durch die Westslawen) aufgegeben und in das ca. 2 km entfernte Schleswig verlegt wurde. Zu den anderen beiden Machtzentren, Ribe und Tissø, dürfte Haithabu enge Verbindungen unterhalten haben 4. Diese drei Knotenpunkte sind zugleich Fundorte von Siegeln des byzantinischen Funktionärs Theodosios πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου (1. Hälfte 9. Jh.), die zwar einander sehr ähnlich, aber doch nicht stempelidentisch sind. Alle drei Exemplare wurden zuletzt in der gemeinsamen Publikation von J. Shepard und J.-Cl. Cheynet analysiert 5. Aus praktischen Gründen ziemt es sich jedoch, sie nochmals zu edieren. Beginnen wir mit dem Stück aus Haithabu (Abb. 2, Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen Schloss Gottorf, Schleswig, Inv.-Nr. SH1966–3.4124 ([KS D 602.130]) 6.

Abb. 2. Theodosios β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου

Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 127 (mit einschlägiger Bibliographie). J. Shepard – J.-Cl. Cheynet, „The seals of Theodosios“, in S. N. Sindbaeck – A. Trakadas (eds), The World in the Vikings Age (Roskilde, 2014), 88–89. Das Siegel aus Tissø ist schlecht erhalten, abgebildet wurde nur die Rv.-Seite. Vgl. jetzt auch E. Wamers, in S. Holst – L. Jørgensen – E. Wamers (Hrsg.), Odin, Thor und Freyja. Skandinavische Kultplätze des 1. Jahrtausends n. Chr. und das Frankenreich. Eine Ausstellung des Archäologischen Museums Frankfurt und des Dänischen Nationalmuseums Kopenhagen (Regensburg, 2017), 131, Kat.-Nr. 64. Die Exemplare aus Ribe und Haithabu wurden auch in einer Exposition in Paderborn (1999) ausgestellt. Dazu s. den Katalog Kunst und Kultur der Karolingerzeit. Karl der Große und Papst Leon III. in Paderborn, I (Mainz, 1999), 376, Nr. VI 78 (das Exemplar aus Haithabu) und Nr. VI 79 (das Exemplar aus Ribe). 6 Das Stück edierte zuerst V. Laurent, „Ein byzantinisches Bleisiegel aus Haithabu“, Bericht über die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu 12 (1978), 36–40; idem, Corpus II, 695. Cf. zuletzt Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 139–40, Abb. 10.2 (auf S. 140), mit A. 6. 4 5



Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

Auf dem Av. führt es ein Anrufungsmonogramm vom Typus Laurent V (Θεοτόκε βοήθει) an, dessen vier Zwickel das Tetragramm [τ]ῷ - σῷ | δού-λῳ füllt. Es ist anzumerken, dass die beiden Teile des geschlossenen Beta an der Basis einander nicht berühren (). Die Aufteilung der Rv.Legende lautet: + θεΟΔΟ|ςιΩπαΤΡικ,|..σπαθ,ϗχαρ.|βεσΤι.ρ, Θεοδοσίῳ πατρικ(ίῳ) [β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)]σπαθ(αρίῳ) (καὶ) χαρ(τουλαρίῳ) [τ(οῦ)] βεστι[α]ρ(ίου). Auf beiden Seiten des Siegels findet sich ein Zeichen, das einer Rune ähnelt, und vom Empfänger des Stückes angebracht wurde 7. Die beiden Bullen aus Ribe (Sydvestjyske Museer) und Tissø (Nationalmuseet i København/Abteilung für Dänische Urgeschichte) gehen auf das gleiche Bulloterion zurück 8, weichen jedoch minimal in der Anordnung der Lettern von jener aus Haithabu ab und werden in vergleichender Perspektive ediert. Während der Erhaltungszustand des ersteren recht gut ist, weist das zweite größere Ausbrüche und fortgeschrittene Korrosion auf. Auf dem Av. ebenfalls ein Anrufungsmonogramm vom Typus Laurent V (auch hier berühren die beiden Teile des Beta einander nicht), mit Tetragramm. Im Unterschied zum Stück aus Haithabu ist hier das Beta an der Basis halbrund und der zentrale Buchstabe Theta scheint etwas schmäler geschnitten zu sein. Auf dem Rv. verteilt sich die Inschrift wie folgt: . θεΟΔΟ|..ΩπαΤΡικ,B,|..πα,ϗχαρ,T|βεσΤιA. [+] Θεοδο[σί]ῳ πατρικ(ίῳ) β(ασιλικῷ) [(πρωτο)σ]πα(θαρίῳ) (καὶ) χαρ(τουλαρίῳ) τ(οῦ) βεστια[ρ(ίου)]. Man beachte die etwas differenzierte Anordnung der Lettern, insbesondere den Verzicht auf das Θ bei πρωτοσπαθαρίῳ. Von einem weiteren Stempel wiederum stammt ein Stück aus Istanbul 9, mit mehreren Feldverlusten. Auf dem Av. ebenfalls das gleiche Anrufungsmonogramm, samt Tetragramm. Die Legende auf dem Rv. lautet: J.-Cl. Cheynet interpretierte dieses Zeichen als „an extra Y in protospatharios“ (Shepard – Cheynet, „The seals of Theodosios“, 89). 8 S. unsere A. 6. 9 Zuletzt Cheynet et al., Istanbul 2.21, wobei für eine Ähnlichkeit mit dem Stück aus Haithabu plädiert wird (S. 97, A. 23). 7



Byzantium and Beyond

+θεΟΔ.|CIΩπαΤΡ.. |B,A,Cπα,ϗχ..|...... Θεοδ[ο]σίῳ πατρ[ικ(ίῳ)] β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)σπα(θαρίῳ) χ[αρ(τουλαρίῳ) τ(οῦ) βεστιαρ(ίου)].

(καὶ)

Das Vorhandensein dreier verschiedener Siegeltypen mit der gleichen Legende bezeugt, das der Siegler länger im Amt war und eine rege Siegeltätigkeit ausübte. Auf Grund eines Missverständnisses wollte K. Bennett Hughes ein etwa synchrones, leider schlecht erhaltenes Siegelfragment aus Novgorod auch diesem Theodosios zuweisen, wobei er sich irrig auf F. Androshchuk berief 10. Dort ist allerdings von einem ganz anderen in Novgorod gefundenen Siegel die Rede, das V. Bulgakova einst einem Leon πρωτοσπαθάριος (oder σπαθάριος) und δομέστικος zugewiesen hatte 11, und das sicher nichts mit obigem Theodosios zu tun hat. Theodosios war verantwortlich für das Bestiarion, einem wichtigen staatlichen Finanzressort, wo wertvolle Gegenstände, Metalle und Münzen, sowie Materialien für die Flotte aufbewahrt wurden 12. Die Siegel des Theodosios stammen aus der 1. Hälfte 9. Jh. und wurden bisher fast ausschließlich mit Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος verbunden 13, eine Suggestion, die auf Père Laurent zurückgeht und in der Forschung weitgehend übernommen wurde 14. Laurent bevorzugte eine Datierung auf ca. 820–860 und erwog die Gleichsetzung mit Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος, weil er wohl keinen weiteren Theodosios πατρίκιος in den narrativen Quellen für diese Zeit bezeugen konnte. Wir wissen, dass Babutzikos ein enger Vertrauter des Kaisers Theophilos war und als dessen Gesandter im Ausland agierte: Gestützt auf die Monographie von K. Bennett Hughes, Seals in Strange Places (Senior Thesis Univ. of Memphis, 2019), 6 (Abb. 4 auf S. 13), mit Berufung auf F. Androshchuk, Vikings in the East: Essays on Contacts along the Road to Byzantium (800–1100) (Uppsala, 2013), 94. 11 V. Bulgakova, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Osteuropa. Die Funde auf dem Territorium Altrußlands (Wiesbaden, 2004), 1.2.4 (S. 53–55). 12 Vgl. Oikonomidès, Listes, 316; R. Guilland, „Chartulaire et grand chartulaire“, RESEE 9 (1971), 414–15 = Titres et fonctions de l’Empire byzantin (London, 1976), XVIII 414–15. Es wäre sicherlich falsch, die Aufgaben des bestiarion (βεστιάριον) auf ein Arsenal für die Flotte einzugrenzen. 13 PmbZ 7874 (auch dort wird diese Identifikation nicht ausgeschlossen). 14 Zuletzt Cheynet et al., Istanbul 2.21. Theodosios sei vermutlich als Gesandter vom Kaiser Theophilos in den Westen geschickt worden, weil sein Siegel in Haithabu gefunden wurde. Als er sich in Venedig aufhielt, entwickelte er Kontakte zu Ribe und Haithabu, beides bedeutende Zentren in Nordeuropa. 10



Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

T. C. Lounghis über byzantinische Gesandtschaften im Westen entnehmen wir, dass Theodosios Babutzikos zunächst im Jahre 840, als Oberhaupt einer byzantinischen Gesandtschaft zum Dogen von Venedig, die Unterstützung des letzteren gegen die sizilianischen Araber gewinnen konnte (diese hatten 839 Tarent eingenommen). Allerdings vertrieben die Araber ziemlich schnell die venezianische Flotte vor Tarent 15. Als im Jahr 841 die Araber weiter nördlich vorrückten, Ankona plünderten und der venezianischen Flotte ein zweites Mal eine Niederlage zufügten, war der kritische Moment gekommen, wo sich der byzantinische Kaiser entschied, Theodosios Babutzikos mit einer Gesandtschaft (841/842) zum Kaiser der Franken, Lothar I., nach Trier zu senden. In einem Schreiben des Theophilos (sogenannter Brief von St. Dénis), das Babutzikos mit sich trug, sollten die Franken zum gemeinsamen Vorgehen gegen die Araber in Italien gewonnen werden. Die Byzantiner wurden wohl vor 19. August 842 am Hof Lothars empfangen und dieser ging auf den Vorschlag des Kaisers Theophilos ein; es wurde auch über eine eheliche Verbindung zwischen einer Tochter des Theophilos und dem Sohn Lothars, Ludwig II., dem König des fränkischen Italien, verhandelt. In der Zwischenzeit war aber Theophilos in Konstantinopel verstorben (Ende Jänner 842), und auch Babutzikos kam während dieser Gesandtschaft ums Leben (wohl auf dem Rückweg) – das angestrebte Ziel wurde nicht erreicht 16. Außerdem begann damals die Spaltung des großen Frankenreiches in drei Teile. Um eine Verbindung zwischen dem obigem Siegler Theodosios und Theodosios Babutzikos herzustellen, suggerierte Père Laurent eine (nicht dokumentierte) Reise des letzteren nach Skandinavien wegen Erz- und Eisenkäufen, womit die Waffenarsenale nach der Niederlage der Byzantiner durch die Araber in Amorion (838) gefüllt werden sollten. Sowohl dem Identifizierungsvorschlag Laurents als auch dem Grund des Besuches von Babutzikos in Skandinavien entgegnete mit Recht Viktor Tiftixoglu in der annotierten Bibliographie der BZ bereits 1979 17 – das 15 T. C. Lounghis, Les ambassades byzantines en Occident depuis la fondation des états barbares jusqu’aux Croisades (407–1096) (Athen, 1980), 169. 16 Lounghis, Ambassades, 170–74. 17 BZ 72 (1979), 563. Zitat: „Da Erzeinfuhren aus Skandinavien nicht zuletzt auch verkehrstechnisch schwer vorstellbar sind, wäre u. E., unbeschadet der Identifizierung mit Babutzikos, zu überlegen, ob nicht dieses Siegel mit den Ros᾿ in Verbindung zu bringen ist, die nach den Annales Bertiniani auf Fürsprache des Metropoliten Theodosios von Chalkedon beim deutschen Kaiser, 839 von Konstantinopel kommend, durch den Westen in ihre schwedische Heimat zurückzukehren versuchten“. Zur Gesandtschaft selbst s. Lounghis, Ambassades 169. Zum detaillierten Datum der Reise der Ros᾿ nach

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Byzantium and Beyond

wurde allerdings bisher zu wenig zur Kenntnis genommen. Tiftixoglou überlegte, ob die Siegel des Theodosios patrikios und Chartularios tu Bestiariu in Zusammenhang mit der byzantinischen Delegation von 839 zu bringen wären, welche die Gesandtschaft vom Chagan der Rus᾿ beim byzantinischen Kaiser auf deren Rückweg in ihre skandinavische Heimat unterstützte. Die Gesandten aus der Rus᾿ kamen 838 nach Konstantinopel, sie bereicherten die Byzantiner nicht zuletzt mit Informationen über die Kampfesstärke der Wikinger/Waräger, aber mussten wegen der inzwischen ausgebrochenen Konflikte der Chazaren mit den Ungarn über das Frankenreich zurückkehren, was ihnen durch die Byzantiner ermöglicht wurde, welche die Erlaubnis zum Durchmarsch erwirkten, sodass sie im Mai bzw. Juni 839 von Kaiser Ludwig dem Frommen in Ingelheim empfangen wurden 18. Es ist nicht ausgeschlossen, dass diese byzantinische Delegation Kontakte mit den Dänen aufnehmen sollte, auch im Hinblick auf Waffenhilfe gegen die Araber, und dafür mit wertvollen Geschenken aus dem Bestiarion ausgerüstet wurde. Selbst wenn das zutreffen sollte, ist aber weder a priori Theodosios Babutzikos als Teilnehmer der Gesandtschaft (diese wurde von Theodosios, Μetropolit von Chalkedon, und Theophanes πρωτοσπαθάριος geleitet 19) anzunehmen, noch der Siegler Theodosios als damaliger Leiter des Bestiarion. Jonathan Shepard, der sich auf die von Père Laurent vorgeschlagene Gleichsetzung des Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος mit dem Siegelinhaber Theodosios πατρίκιος χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου stützte, fuhr wiederum fort, dass dieser während seines jeweiligen Aufenthaltes im Westen (840 und 842) Briefe, die er mit seinem Siegel versah, in den Konstantinopel und zum Grund, der die Rückkehr in ihre Heimat auf normalem Weg behinderte, s. jetzt C. Zuckerman „Les Hongrois au pays de Lebedia: Une nouvelle puissance aux confins de Byzance et de la Khazarie ca 836–889“, in K. Tsiknakes (ed.), Το εμπόλεμο Βυζάντιο (9ος–12ος αι.) (Athen, 1997), 51–74, insbesondere 53–54. 18 Zu dieser Gesandtschaft, die in den Annales Bertiani festgehalten ist, s. Lounghis, Ambassades 167–68. Cf. W. Duczko, Viking Rus. Studies on the Presence of Scandinavians in Eastern Europe (The Northern World 12) (Leiden – Boston, 2004), 15–18; J. Shepard, „The Rhos guests of Louis the Pious: whence and wherefore?“, Early Medieval Europe 4 (1995/1), 41–60; zur Frage der Rhos/Rus᾿ auch A. V. Nazarenko, „Die Rus᾿ im 9. Jahrhundert: Ein Überblick über die Schriftquellen“, in N. A. Makarov (Hrsg.), Die Rus᾿ im 9.-10. Jahrhundert. Ein archäologisches Panorama. Studien zur Siedlungsgeschichte und Archäologie der Ostseegebiete 14 (Kiel, 2017), 20–43, bes. 37 mit Anm. 43. 19 PmbZ 7873 (Theodosios, Metropolit von Chalkedon) und 8132 (Theophanes protospatharios). Cf. PmbZ 7874, S. 523; Lounghis, Ambassades, 167. Der Versuch, Theodosios Metropolit von Chalkedon zu Theodosios patrikios zu „korrigieren“, verdient keine weitere Beachtung; so W. Treadgold, The Byzantine Revival (780–842) (Stanford, 1988), 309 und A. 425 (auf S. 446); Duczko, Viking Rus, 51–54;  Bennett Hughes, Seals, 8–12.

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Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

Norden geschickt habe 20, mit der Absicht, „an alliance between western emperor and Danish king close enough for them to liaise with Byzantine personnel against the Muslims“ zu schmieden; „vessels being prepared for them at Venice“ 21. Duczko geht noch einen Schritt weiter in der Interpretation: Die Rus᾿ in der Funktion der Mittelsmänner („messengers of the emperor Theophilos to the Danish kingdom“) zwischen den Byzantinern und den Dänen wären mit Schreiben des Babutzikos ausgestattet gewesen, um im Namen des Kaisers bei Letzteren um Unterstützung im Kampf gegen die Araber zu werben 22. U. E. ist die vorgeschlagene und bisher in der Forschung weitertradierte Identifizierung des Theodosios πατρίκιος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου mit Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος mehr als fraglich, wenn überhaupt plausibel, weil: 1) Theodosios Babutzikos in den narrativen Quellen zwar mit dem damals hohen Titel πατρίκιος bezeugt, aber weder als χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου noch in einem anderen Amt greifbar ist, und 2) Für die gleiche Zeit ungefähr auch Theodosios Mosele, ein Bruder des Alexios Mosele (Schwiegersohn des Kaisers Theophilos) 23, den Titel πατρίκιος besaß 24. Alexios Mosele gründete ein Kloster im hauptstädtischen Stadtviertel τὰ Ἀνθεμίου, in welches beide Brüder nach 839 eintraten. Eine vorschnelle Gleichsetzung des Theodosios Mosele mit Theodosios, dem Leiter des Bestiarion, wäre aber ebenso wenig gesichert, zumal wir ebenfalls keinerlei Informationen über die Karriere des letzteren aus den narrativen Quellen beziehen. Wahrscheinlich handelt es sich um eine dritte Person, nicht zuletzt deswegen, weil Theodosios kein allzu seltener Name war. Shepard, „Theodosios’ voyages“, 68–73. Zitat: „Three seals of Theodosios Baboutzikos have been found at Ribe and Tissø in Denmark and at Hedeby in Germany; they were most probably issued by him while on assignment, sealing letters he sent. One cannot exclude the possibility that all three seals and their documents were sent during Theodosios’ embassy to the Frankish court, but he could equally well have issued them from Venice in 840. Indeed, Theodosios could have sent messages to the Nordic world on each visit to the west, seeing that his seals found at Ribe and Tissø came from a different boulloterion, or seal stamp, from the one that stamped the third seal“. 21 Ibidem. Cf. zuletzt im vorliegenden Band J.-Cl. Cheynet, „Les sceaux du bureau du génikon hors des frontières de l’Empire“ 100. 22 Duczko, Viking Rus, 57–59. 23 PmbZ 195. Alexios wurde mit der jüngsten Tochter des Theophilos verheiratet (eventuell zwischen 836 und 839) und war von diesem als Nachfolger erwünscht. Daher avancierte er ziemlich schnell zum kaisar. Er wurde jedoch verleumdet, nach der Kaiserwürde zu streben. Nach dem Tod seiner Gattin, der Prinzessin Maria, wurde er Mönch. 24 PmbZ 7875. 20

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Byzantium and Beyond

Da die drei aufgefundenen Siegel des Chefs des Bestiarion Theodosios im damaligen Herrschaftsbereich der dänischen „Könige“ (de facto regionale Häuptlinge, deren Einfluss auf ihre Gefolgschaft begrenzt war) aufgefunden wurden, schließen wir, dass nach Haithabu und Ribe (beides in Jütland), sowie nach Tissø (auf der Insel Seeland) wertvolle Gegenstände bzw. Münzen aus diesem Finanzressort ausgeführt wurden, wofür die Genehmigung des Vorsitzenden (χαρτουλάριος) erforderlich war. Oder lag diesen Pretiosen ein Schreiben bei, das ihren Wert genauer erörterte und worin der Chartular des Bestiarion bestätigte, dass sie aus dem kaiserlichen Schatz stammten? Weniger hingegen wäre anzunehmen, dass letzterer persönlich nach Skandinavien reiste oder Briefe vom Westen aus dorthin schickte. Ausgehend von der Stempelidentität der Siegel aus Ribe und Tissø ist zu schließen, dass diese in einem anderen Zeitrahmen als das in Haithabu aufgefundene Stück verwendet wurden. Zudem sehen wir keinerlei sigillographische Indizien, die eine Datierung der Siegel des Theodosios πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου vor 840 ausschließen könnten. Byzantinische Kontakte zum Frankenreich mit der definitiven Ambition der Erlangung einer Hilfeleistung gegen feindliche Bedrohungen sind in den Quellen bereits für 812 (in erster Linie gegen Krum, den Chagan der Bulgaren, der ab 811 eine existentielle Gefahr für Byzanz darstellte) greifbar 25. Wahrscheinlich gab es auch weitere, die nicht festgehalten wurden. Die Kontakte zwischen Byzanz und dem Frankenreich intensivierten sich infolge der Ankunft der Araber im Mittelmeer: Byzantinische Gesandtschaften zum König der Franken sind für 824, 833 und 839 bezeugt, ihr Anliegen wird aber nicht in den Quellen genannt. Man nimmt jedoch an, dass um militärische Hilfe ersucht wurde 26. Eine Hilfeleistung seitens der Franken dürfte jedoch nicht tatkräftig umgesetzt worden sein, zumal weder lateinische noch griechische Quellen davon berichten. Die beiden Reiche waren vielmehr bestrebt, auf diplomatischer Ebene aufeinander zuzugehen und fanden auch einen modus vivendi für ihre gegenseitige Toleranz in der damaligen Ökumene, vor allem angesichts der fortschreitenden arabischen Expansion im Mittelmeerraum. Zu einem gemeinsamen militärischen Unternehmen kam es jedoch nicht – abgesehen vom fehlgeschlagenen

25 Lounghis, Ambassades, 160–62, mit A. 3 auf S. 162: „contra Bulgares et ceteras barbaras gentes“ (Annales Laurissences minores, in MGH SSRG I 122, anno 814). 26 Lounghis, Ambassades, 164–68.

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Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

Versuch, mit dem Dux von Venedig gegen die Araber Siziliens (anno 840) vorzugehen 27. Unter diesen Umständen wäre ein Ersuchen um Hilfeleistung im Kampf gegen Bulgaren und Araber bei den Dänen Jütlands und Seelands seitens der Byzantiner zumindest zu überlegen, selbst wenn Derartiges in keiner Quelle nachweisbar ist. Falls diese Hypothese zutrifft, dann hat man aus dem Bestiarion Geld und Luxusgüter als Präsent bzw. als „Anzahlung“ für eine angestrebte Hilfeleistunǥ / Koopertion dorthin transferieren lassen. Archäologische Untersuchungen der Jahre 2003/2004 ließen noch zwei weitere byzantinische Bleisiegel in Haithabu ans Tageslicht kommen. Für das erste (Fundnr. Hb 2004/10821) wurde bisher die Lesung Hypatios πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ μέγας χαρτουλάριος vorgeschlagen und an eine Datierung auf 8., spätestens frühes 9. Jh. gedacht, eben weil dessen Inhalt größtenteils in monogrammatischer Form verschlüsselt ist 28. Das Siegel ist aber auf 1. Hälfte 10. Jh. zu datieren, es bezeugt einen Paulos Monomachatos (weniger hingege Monomachos) πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός (Abb. 3).

Abb. 3. Paulos Monomachatos πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός

Das Siegel ist auf beiden Seiten in einen inneren Kreis und einen Kreisring aufgeteilt. Im Kreisring des Av. findet sich die übliche Anrufung (am Scheitel beginnend): .KErOHθEIΤΩσ......Den Κreis füllt ein kreuzförmiges Monogramm bestehend aus den Elementen A, Λ, Π, V und Ω, das mit Παύλῳ, (Nominativ Παῦλος) aufzulösen ist. In den vier Zwickeln ΠΑ-ΤΡ,-ΚΙ-Ω Lounghis, Ambassades, 168–76. Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 139, Abb. 10.1 auf S. 140. Zum genauen Fundort s. Abb. 9, Hb 2004/10821 (auf S. 138). 27 28

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Byzantium and Beyond

[+] Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθει τῷ σ[ῷ δούλῳ] Παύλῳ πατρ(ι)κίῳ. Die Legende findet ihre Fortsetzung im Kreisring des Rv. (am Scheitel beginnend): R.......ΠΡΩΤΩCΠΑΘΑΡΙ., worauf im Kreisfeld ΚΑΙ – ΓΕΝΙ-ΚΩ in den vier Zwickeln eines Kreuzmonogramms folgt, das aus den Elementen A, M, N, O, T, X und Ω, besteht, was die Auflösung (τῷ) Μονομαχάτῳ (oder τῷ Μονομάχῳ) ergibt. Die Legende lautet insgesamt: [+] Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθει τῷ σ[ῷ δούλῳ] Παύλῳ πατρ(ι)κίῳ β[ασ(ι)λικῷ] πρωτ(ο)σπαθαρί[ῳ] καὶ γενικῷ τῷ Μονομαχάτῳ (oder τῷ Μονομάχῳ). Da die Inschrift nach dem standardisierten Aufbauformular strukturiert ist, das den Artikel vor dem Familiennamen verlangt, ist auch ersterer in der Auflösung des Monogramms auf dem Rv. einzubeziehen. Von dieser Person sind mehrere Parallelstücke (oder zumindest einander sehr ähnliche) in Bulgarien gefunden worden und sind durch die Editionstätigkeit von I. Jordanov bekannt 29. Ein weiteres Parallelstück (Fundort unbekannt) wurde in Auktionen 30 (ohne Lesevorschlag, datiert auf 8.–9. Jh.) angeboten. Der Siegler war der Chef des Genikon (Logothesion), einem Finanzressort, dem unter anderem die Kontrolle der Ausfuhr von bestimmten Gütern oblag. Somit kann obiges Stück zweifellos als Beweis von Handelsbeziehungen bzw. -aktivitäten mit dem Ausland gewertet werden. Ob diese Byzanz und die Dänen oder Byzanz und das Frankenreich betrafen, ist nicht genauer zu konkretisieren, weil Haithabu damals zum „Zankapfel“ zwischen den Dänen und dem Ostfränkischen (RömischDeutschen) Reich wurde 31. S. zuletzt Jordanov, Corpus, III 801–811A, wobei für Monomachos anstelle von Monomachatos als Familienname plädiert wird. Derselben Person wurde zudem ein jüngerer Siegeltypus zugewiesen, der ihn als ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ β. σακελλάριος bezeugt. Dazu s. Jordanov, Corpus, II 481 (ohne Foto); idem, Preslav, 134 (ebenfalls ohne Foto). Der Editor erwog Monomachatos statt Monomachos, weil er eine Identität mit dem bei Ioannes Skylitzes (ed. Thurn 241.30) erwähnten annahm. Jedoch war dort der Familienname gekürzt, wie der textkritische Apparat erhellt (Μονομάχος: μοναχὸς BMH). Cf. zuletzt Cheynet, „Les sceaux du génikon“ 94 (Monomachos). 30 Zuletzt Auktion Gorny & Mosch 191, 2010, Lot 2685, aus Auktion Gorny & Mosch 108, 2001, Lot 2170. 31 In einer Schlacht im dänisch-ostfränkischen Grenzraum im Jahr 932 oder 934 besiegte der ostfränkisch-sächsische König Heinrich I. die Dänen unter König Knut/Knuba I. Die genauen Auswirkungen auf das Handelszentrum Haithabu wie auch eine angenommene „deutsche“ Oberhoheit über Dänemark sind durch Schriftquellen nicht belegt und lassen auch die weiteren militärischen und politischen Ereignisse bis ins Jahr 983 in einem 29

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Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

Das dritte Stück (Fundnr. Hb 2003/4347) (Abb. 4) stammt aus dem späteren 10. Jh., überliefert einen Nikephoros β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἰδικοῦ λόγου und ist von schlechtem Erhaltungszustand, insbesondere was die Av.-Seite betrifft 32, die eine Büste des hl. Prokopios ziert, umgeben von der gewöhnlichen Anrufungsumschrift ......ΘΕΙ.Ω...... [+ Κ(ύρι)ε βοή] θει [τ]ῷ [σῷ δούλῳ]. Zu dieser Erkenntnis kamen wir dank mehrerer sehr ähnlicher Siegel aus Preslav 33, die wohl auf zwei Typen (mit minimalen Unterschieden) zurückzuführen sind und von demselben Mann stammen.

Abb. 4. Nikephoros β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ἰδικοῦ λόγου

Rv.-Seite in Vergrößerung ungenauen Licht erscheinen. Cf. K. Ploetz, Auszug aus der Geschichte (Würzburg, 1962), 163; Lexikon des Mittelalters, Band 4 (München, 1989) 1865, s. v. Haithabu (Ch. Radtke); hierzu kritisch J. Fried, „Wendezeiten. Ein Jahrhundert der Krisen und Haithabus Untergang, zugleich eine Entmythologisierung“, in V. Hilberg (Hrsg.), Haithabu 983–1066. Der Untergang eines dänischen Handelszentrums in der späten Wikingerzeit. Mit Beiträgen von J. Fried – B. Gratuze – S. Merkel – I. Pactat. Ausgr. Haithabu 19 (in Druck für 2022). 32 Hilberg, „Detektoruntersuchungen“, 139, Abb. 10.2, S. 140. Für den Av. wurde eine Kreuzdarstellung suggeriert. Zur genauen Fundstelle s. Abb. 9, Hb 2003/4385, S. 138. 33 S. zuletzt Jordanov, Corpus, III 887–95 (dort wird allerdings von einem Bulloterion ausgegangen).

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Byzantium and Beyond

Das Stück aus Haithabu geht auf ein weiteres Bulloterion zurück, das unbedeutend jünger ist, eine andere Aufteilung der Legende und teilweise unterschiedliche Schreibweise aufweist (Abb. 4): +NIK.|ΦΟΡΩR,.|CΠΑΘ,SΕ.|ΙΤ,ΗΔΙΚ|..Γ.. Νικφόρῳ β(ασιλικῷ) σπαθ(αρίῳ) (καὶ) ἐὶ τ(οῦ) (εἰ) δικ(οῦ) [λό]γ[ου]. Nikephoros war Chef eines anderen Finanzressorts (ἰδικόν/εἰδικόν), der kaiserlichen Schatzkammer, wo wertvolle Metalle, wie in etwa Gold, Münzen und andere Luxusgegenstände, sowie Militärmaterialien aufbewahrt wurden. Das Ressort händigte darüber hinaus Gelder für den Ankauf von Ausrüstungen für Flotte und Heer im Rahmen von Kriegsexpeditionen aus, zudem sorgte es für den notwendigen Unterhalt der Truppen während solcher Expeditionen. Angesichts der Tatsache, dass mehrere Exemplare dieses Funktionärs in Preslav entdeckt wurden, können letztere präziser in die Zeit der Etablierung der byzantinischen Herrschaft in Bulgarien unter Ioannes Tsimiskes (971) eingegrenzt werden. Somit dürfte der konzentrierte Fund von mehreren Exemplaren in Preslav als Indiz für den Einzug von gehorteten bulgarischen Ressourcen bzw. wertvollen Gegenständen unmittelbar nach dem endgültigen Sieg des Tsimiskes über Svjatoslav, den Fürsten der Rus’, zu interpretieren sein 34. Für die logistischen Vorbereitungen auf den danach wiederaufgenommenen Kampf gegen die Araber an der Ostgrenze des Reiches (972) 35 haben diese Ressourcen optimale Verwendung gefunden. Es wäre aber auch nicht ausgeschlossen, dass mit Ressourcen dieses Finanzressorts um Unterstützung beim dänischen König angesucht wurde. Somit erscheint Haithabu als Fundort eines Siegels des damaligen Leiters des (ε)ἰδικόν nicht verwunderlich. Fassen wir zusammen: Die Siegeltypen des Theodosios πατρίκιος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου (1. Hälfte 9. Jh.) sind nicht mit der Person des Theodosios Babutzikos πατρίκιος in Verbindung zu bringen. Ihr Fundort spricht eher für die Ausfuhr von Geld bzw. Luxusgütern aus dem Bestiarion, was dessen Vorsitzender bestätigen musste. Für die 34 Dazu s. ausführlich I. E. Karagiannopulos, Ἱστορία Βυζαντινοῦ Κράτους, ΙΙ. Ἱστορία Μέσης Βυζαντινῆς Περιόδου (565-1081) (5Thessaloniki, 1993), 412–14, 416–20. 35 Ebenda 421–24.

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Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Volker Hilberg

beiden anderen Siegel, die in Haithabu gefunden wurden, konnten wir, nicht zuletzt dank einiger Parallelstücke, Korrekturen der bisherigen Lesungen und Datierungen anbringen: Die Bleibulle des Paulos Monomachatos (eher als Monomachos) πατρίκιος, β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός (1. Hälfte 10. Jh.) ist ein Indiz für Handelsbeziehungen zwischen Byzanz und den dänischen Wikingern bzw. dem Frankenreich. Das Siegel des Nikephoros β. πρωτοσπαθάριος καì ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ λόγου wiederum könnte als Hinweis auf die Sendung von Ressourcen des εἰδικόν an den dänischen König interpretiert werden, in der Hoffnung auf seine Unterstützung im Kampf gegen die Araber.

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PIETY

Gert Boersema

Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine Jerusalem Pilgrimage Jerusalem pilgrimage began almost immediately after the “discovery” of the Holy Sepulchre in the 320s, during the reign of Constantine. 1 Several travelers’ diaries are preserved, the earliest of which was written by a pilgrim from Bordeaux visiting the Holy Land in 333–334. 2 By the sixth century a vast network of sacred shrines (loca sancta) had evolved, with a supporting structure of hostels and hospices (xenodocheiα/ξενοδοχεῖα) that accomodated pilgrims who had traveled to the Holy Land from all over the ancient world. 3 Jerusalem pilgrimage also had a profound impact on Byzantine material culture. 4 Most notable are the portable “blessings” (εὐλογία) taken home by pilgrims, like the pewter ampullae associated with the Holy Sepulchre, 5 and clay tokens, manufactured from earth gathered at the various loca sancta, and bearing iconography related to the sites. 6 Two lead seal 1 E. D. Hunt, Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire a.d. 312–460 (Oxford, 1982); P. Maraval, “The Earliest Phase of Christian Pilgrimage in the Near East (before the 7th Century)”, DOP 56 (2002), 63–74. 2 J. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (2Liverpool, 2002 [first edition 1977]). 3 M. Voltaggio, “‘Xenodochia’ and ‘Hospitia’ in Sixth-Century Jerusalem: Indicators for the Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Places”, Zeitschrift des Deutschen PalästinaVereins 127, H.2 (2011), 197–210. 4 See G. Vikan, Early Byzantine Pilgrimage Art (Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, DC, 1982, 22010) for an overview of pilgrimage art throughout the Byzantine empire, including material outside the scope of this article. 5 A. Grabar, Les ampoules de Terre Sainte (Monza-Bobbio) (Paris, 1958); M. C. Ross, Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Mediaeval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection, Vol. 1: Metalwork, Ceramics, Glass, Glyptics, Painting (Dumbarton Oakas, Washington, DC, 1962), 71–72, no. 87; L. Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz – Europas östliches Erbe (München, 2004), 200, nos 273–75; O. Wulff – W. F. Volbach, Die altchristlichen und mittelalterlichen byzantinischen und italienischen Bildwerke (Berlin, 1923), 26, no. 6697. 6 R. Camber, “A Hoard of Terracotta Amulets from the Holy Land”, in Actes du xve Congrès international d’études byzantines, Athènes, Septembre 1976. II. Art et ar-

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 137–143 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132252

Gert Boersema

types currently residing in a private collection are presented here to add sigillographic evidence to the discussion of early Byzantine pilgrimage. 1. Crucifixion and Adoration of the Cross. Paulos (late 6th–1st half 7th century) From Auction Leu Numismatik 4 (24 June 2018), lot 1496 (part, unattri­buted), ed. Boersema & Wassiliou-Seibt (2019), 7 no parallel examples known. Weight: 10.86 gr. Ø 21 mm (total), 17 (field).

Obv.  Crucifixion and Adoration of the Cross: a Greek cross surmounted by a bust of Christ wearing a nimbus cruciger. Below the cross, two pilgrims on either side, raising their hands in veneration. In the outer fields, the two crucified thieves, with their hands behind their backs.

Fig. 1. Crucifixion and Adoration of the Cross. Paulos

Rev.  Cruciform monogram A, Λ, O, Π and V for Παύλου. An identical scene appears on a contemporaneous seal bearing a monogram of the name Elpidios (Ἐλπιδίου) on its reverse 8. Another contemporaneous seal shows the Crucifixion without the pilgrims (fig. 2). The reverse has a cruciform monogram identifying the seal’s owner Stephachéologie (Athens, 1981), 99–106; L. Y. Rahmani, “Eulogia Tokens from Byzantine Bet She’an”, Atiqot 22 (1993), 109–19. Vikan, Pilgrimage Art,31–40. 7 G.  Boersema – A.-K.  Wassiliou-Seibt, “Seltene Heilige und eine bibli­ sche Szene auf byzantinischen Siegeln einer niederländischen Privatsammlung” in ΑΝΤΙΧΑΡΙΣΜΑΤΟΣ ΕΠΙΣΦΡΑΓΙΣΙΣ. A tribute to Prof. Ivan Jordanov’s 70th anniversary (Shumen, 2019), 108–21, no. 8. 8 N. P. Lichačev, Istoričeskoe značenie italo-grečeskoj ikonopisi. Izobraženija Bogomateri v proizvedenijach italo-grečeskich ikonopiscev i ich vlijanie na kompozicii nĕkotorych russkich ikon (St Petersburg, 1911), 141, fig. 325 (dated 5th–7th century); Boersema – Wassiliou-Seibt, “Seltene Heilige”, 119.

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Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine Jerusalem Pilgrimage

nos (Στεφάνου). 9 The Crucifixion could be presented in several different ways by early Byzantine image-makers, adding and leaving out narrative elements. Elaborate Crucifixion scenes, including the figures of Lon­ ginus and Stephaton and Mary and John are found in the illuminated Rabula Gospels in Florence and on the painted panel of the Sancta Sanctorum “blessings” box in the Vatican, both from the sixth century. On smaller media, the scene appears in a basic design that is similar to the seal of Stephanos, without the pilgrims, or it is reduced to a bust of Christ on top of a cross. 10 Indeed, the addition of the two adoring pilgrims is significant. It is indicative that the scene does not only show the Crucifixion, but rather the Adoration of the Cross – specifically, the Adoration of the relic of the True Cross, which was kept and venerated in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre until it was captured by the Persians in 614. 11

Fig. 2. Crucifixion without the pilgrims. Stephanos

9 Unpublished. Collection Stephen  S. McIntosh, United States (25  mm, 12.00 gr). 10 Ring: C. Stiegemann (ed.), Byzanz. Das Licht aus dem Osten: Kult und Alltag im Byzantinischen Reich vom 4. bis 15. Jahrhundert; Katalog der Ausstellung im Erzbi­ schöflichen Diözesanmuseum Paderborn (Mainz, 2001), 332, no. IV.72; Armband: G. Vikan, “Art, Medicine, and Magic in Early Byzantium”, DOP 38 (1984), 75; Gems: J. Spier, Late Antique and Early Christian Gems (Wiesbaden, 2007), 116, nos 676–78 and 127, no. 713; Ring and gems: Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz, 330, nos 663, and 334, 694, 696. 11 Grabar, Les ampoules, 55–56; G. Vikan, “Pilgrims in magi’s clothing: the impact of mimesis on early Byzantine pilgrimage art”, in G. Vikan (ed.), Sacred images and sacred power in Byzantium (Routlege, 2003), 102–03. For the problematic claim that a memorial cross decorated with gems that was gifted by Theodosius II was placed at the rock of Golgotha, seen by early pilgrims and represented in art, see C. Milner, “Lignum Vitae’ or ‘Crux Gemmata’? The Cross of Golgotha in the Early Byzantine Period”, BMGS 20 (1996), 77–99.

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Gert Boersema

The scene of the Adoration of the Cross appears notably on the pewter “Monza-Bobbio” ampullae, provenanced to sixth century Palestine. These exquisitely manufactured ampullae were used by pilgrims to carry home oil or holy water from the Holy Sepulchre. The ampullae show the Adoration scene in a number of variations (see fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Adoration of the Cross and the Women at the Tomb on a “Monza-Bobbio” ampulla for holy oil: Ἔλαιον ξύλου ζωῆς τῶν Ἁγίων τοῦ Χριστοῦ Τόπων

One clay token, likely also connected to the Church of the Holy Sepul­chre, shows a very similar scene as compared to the seal, the difference being that Christ is shown full-length and his arms are outstretched. 12 The same design appears on a sixth century amuletic copper-alloy pendant. The inscription shows that the cross is central to the significance of the scene: Σταυρὲ βοήθει Ἀβαμούν (“Cross, help Abamoun”). 13 On this amulet, the Adoration of the Cross is paired with the scene of the Women at the Tomb, a connection that is also frequently encountered on the Monza-Bobbio ampullae, 14 evidently because Christ’s tomb and 12 G. Vikan, “Two unpublished pilgrim tokens in the Benaki Museum and the group to which they belong”, in Vikan (ed.), Sacred images, 341–46. Variant versions of the Adoration of the Cross appear on 5 clay tokens from 2 moulds. The first shows two angels, with veiled hands, adoring a cross set upon a substantial base and surmounted by a titulus (Camber, “A Hoard”, 104 nos 55–56). The other shows a bust of Christ at the top of an indistinct cross set upon rocks (Camber, l. c., 104, no. 54). 13 Now in the Cabinet des médailles, Paris, from Egypt (?). G. Schlumberger, “Quelques monuments byzantins inédits”, BZ 2 (1893), 187–88; Vikan, Pilgrimage Art, 65. 14 A group of lead medaillic pendant amulets, possibly also connected to the Holy Sepulchre, show the same combination of scenes: Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz,

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Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine Jerusalem Pilgrimage

the rock of Golgotha were the loca sancta of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. 2. Women at the Tomb and Cross. Uncertain (late 6th–1st half 7th century) From Auction Ares 4 (24 November 2019), lot 1627 (unattributed), unedited, no parallel examples known. A generally well-preserved gray seal. Some breakage at both channel mouths. Weight: 11.14 gr. Ø 23 mm (total), 18 mm (field).

Obv.  The Women at the Tomb or the Myrrh Bearers: the empty tomb of Christ surmounted by a cross. To the left, a nimbate angel is standing facing right, raising his right hand, and holding a scepter in his left. To the right, the two women, standing facing left. Likely both are nimbate, but only for the woman on the left a nimbus can be seen.

Fig. 4. Women at the Tomb and Cross. Eucharistos eparchos/Aretarchos eparchos (?) (reverse detail in enlargement)

Rev.  Large “palm” cross with two small diagonal lines at its base. The cross is set on three large globular rocks. Below, to the left of the broken out channel, two curved lines flowing towards the left. The reading of the cruciform monograms on both sides of the “palm” cross is uncertain because of their insufficient preservation. The monogram on the left could be read as Εὐχαρίστου or Ἀρετάρχου if the letter in the center is a rho including an omikron. Without the rho we could suppose ἐλαχίστου as an expression of humility for a cleric. The monogram on the right could be read as ἐπάρχου (prefect), if epsilon and chi are assumed on 200, nos 273–75. Some Monza-Bobbio ampullae also pair the Adoration of the Cross with the Ascension: Grabar, Les ampoules, 26–27, 29–30 (Monza ampullae 10, 11, 14). This pairing also occurs on a type of copper-alloy amulet: Wulff – Volbach, Bildwerke, 45, no. 6726. An unpublished parallel is in the British Museum, ac. no. 1923, 1103.22.

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Gert Boersema

the right side. If there was only chi, ὑπάρχου (another form of ἐπάρχου) would be a possibility. Another hypothesis would be πατριάρχου, if tau would be read in the center. Concludingly, these possibilities can be suggested: a) Εὐχαρίστου ἐπάρχου/ὑπάρχου or Ἀρετάρχου ἐπάρχου/ὑπάρχου, and b) ἐλαχίστου πατριάρχου without mention of a personal name. All four Gospels tell the story of the women preparing to anoint the body of Christ, only to find his empty tomb. 15 The only sphragistic parallel for this narrative scene, alluding to the Resurrection of Christ, is a seal in the Zacos collection. 16 Apart from seals, imagery of the Women at the Tomb is encountered on multiple media in early Byzantine times. 17 Most notably, as mentioned above, the scene occurs on the Monza-Bobbio ampullae (see fig. 3). 18 As on the seal, the angel is raising his right hand in a gesture of speech. His words appear in the usual legend: ἀνέστι ὁ Κύριος (“the Lord has risen!”). By the sixth century, the representation of Christ’s tomb in Byzantine art had come to be modelled on the actual shrine (aedicula) built over the locus sanctus in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. 19 In many depictions, including this seal, the grillwork of the metal doors allowing entrance to the tomb can be discerned. The “palm” cross as it appears on the reverse of this seal (see detail in fig. 4) is also found on several Monza-Bobbio ampullae, usually as part of the Adoration scene. 20 In Christianity the palm symbolizes Paradise Matthew 28:1–10; Mark 16:1–8; Luke 24:1–12; John 20:1–10. Zacos – Veglery 2964, cited by J. Cotsonis, “Narrative Scenes on Byzantine Lead Seals (Sixth–Twelfth Centuries): Frequency, Iconography, and Clientele”, Gesta 48/1 (2009), 59–60 and figure 1. 17 Rings: Stiegemann (ed.), Byzanz, 332, no. IV.73; Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz, 330, no. 664; Armbands: G. Vikan, “Two Byzantine Amuletic Armbands and the Group to Which They Belong”, The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 49/50 (1991/1992), 33–51; Gems: J. Spier, Late Antique and Early Christian Gems (Wiesbaden, 2007), 116, nos 679, 680; Lead amuletic pendants: Wamser (ed.), Die Welt von Byzanz, 200, nos 273–75. 18 Grabar, Les ampoules, 18–30 (Monza ampullae 2–3, 5–15) and 34–36, 39–40 (Bobbio ampullae 3–7, 15–18). The clay tokens only show the angel at the tomb (Camber, “A Hoard”, 104 nos 49–53). 19 C. R. Morey, “The Painted Panel from the Sancta Sanctorum”, in P. Clemen et al. (eds), Festschrift zum sechzigsten Geburtstag von Paul Clemen, 31. Oktober 1926 (Bonn, 1926), 150–66; Grabar, Les ampoules, 58; Vikan, Pilgrimage Art, 19–20. The most elaborate depictions of the tomb also include a representation of the Anastasis rotunda that surrounded the tomb aedicula. 20 Grabar, Les ampoules, 24–27 (Monza ampullae 9–11) and 33–37 (Bobbio ampullae 1–8). 15 16

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Sigillographic Evidence for Early Byzantine Jerusalem Pilgrimage

and the formation of palm leafs as a Cross expresses that Eternal Life is found in Paradise. Monza ampulla 10 (see fig. 3) shows a “palm” cross set upon the three-lobed rock of Golgotha and the four rivers of Paradise flowing beneath, to left and right. All of these elements appear on the seal, although the two rivers flowing to the right are missing due to breakage on the channel mouth. This particular cross design likely alludes to the relic of the True Cross being the “Wood of Life” (ξύλον ζωῆς), an epithet that occurs in the usual circular legend of these ampullae. The streams of Paradise also identify the cross of Golgotha as such, by alluding to the “Tree of Life” that was planted in the Garden of Eden. 21 The large central cross on this seal may thus be connected to the cross on Golgotha and more specifically, to the relic of the True Cross. The two cruciform monograms flanking the central cross may even be interpreted as a visual allusion to the three crosses of the Crucifixion. The “palm” cross imagery has no parallel on seals, but a seal in Dumbarton Oaks shows a simple Latin cross on the three-lobed rock of Golgotha. Its owner is identified on the reverse with a block monogram of the name Paulos (Παύλου) (late sixth–early seventh century). The seal is published by G. Zacos and A. Veglery, and reviewed and discussed by A. WassiliouSeibt in her article devoted to the topic of the Cross, partially on coins and especially on seals. 22 Finally, it should be noted that the pairing of the Cross imagery with the scene of the Women at the Tomb on both sides of this seal is once again indicative of its connection to Jerusalem pilgrimage, specifically to the Holy Sepulchre. It may be assumed that the choice to adorn these seals with these particular images was a result of their owners’ personal experiences as pilgrims to the loca sancta of late sixth–seventh century Palestine.

Genesis 2:10–14. C. Milner, “‘Lignum Vitae’”, 91; Vikan, “Pilgrims”, 102. Zacos – Veglery 1363 (“cross on hill?”, proposed date: 550–650); A.-K. Wassi­ liou-Seibt, “Σύμβολον ζωηφόρον. Παραστάσεις σταυρών σε βυζαντινά μολυβδόβουλλα”, in Th. Korres et al. (eds), Φιλοτιμία. Τιμητικός τόμος για την ομότιμη καθηγήτρια Αλκμήνη Σταυρίδου-Ζαφράκα (Thessaloniki, 2011), 674, with note 34, and figure 2. A German summary with the main results of the article on the pages 684–85. – Cf. also the seal database from Dumbarton Oaks https://www.doaks.org/resources/seals/byzantine-seals/ BZS.1958.106.4469/view, without mention of the former publications. Proposed date: 6th/7th c. 21 22

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TECHNOLOGY AND MANAGEMENT

Maria Teresa Catalano

Nutzen und Grenzen der RTI-Fotografie am Beispiel von zwei stark beschädigten byzantinischen Bleisiegeln Ein beträchtlicher Anteil von Bleisiegeln kann bislang aufgrund einer stark beschädigten Oberfläche entweder nur unvollständig oder gar nicht gelesen werden. In vielen Fällen handelt es sich um Korrosionsschäden, die die Inschrift lediglich als eine reliefartige Struktur erscheinen lassen; in anderen Fällen sind die Buchstaben stark abgeflacht und nur als einzelne, grobe Elemente erkennbar. Wenn es durch direkte Inspektion des Objekts und Anwendung traditioneller fotografischer Methoden nicht gelingt, eine beschädigte Inschrift zu lesen, kann der Einsatz weiterer Techniken hilfreich sein, wie z. B. der Bildgebungstechnik Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI), 1 die gerade für die byzantinische Sigillographie vielversprechend erscheint. 2 RTI ist schon seit längerem im archäologischen Bereich bekannt, wo es auf unterschiedliche Materialien, inklusive Metall (z. B. bei alten Münzen), angewendet worden ist. 3 Seit einigen Jahren wird diese Technik an der Abteilung für Byzantinistik und Neugriechische Philologie T. Malzbender – D. Gelb – H. Wolters, „Polynomial Texture Maps“, in L. Pocock (ed.), SIGGRAPH ’01: Proceedings of the 28th Annual Conference on Computer Graphics and Interactive Techniques (New York, 2001), 519–28. Eine gute Einführung in RTI befindet sich auf den Webseiten von Cultural Heritage Imaging: http://culturalheritageimaging.org/Technologies/RTI/ [17.11.2021]. 2 M. T. Catalano – M. Filosa – C. Sode, „Byzantine Seals from the Robert Feind Collection in Cologne: Research and Publication in the Context of the Digital Humanities“, REB 79 (2021), 297–322, hier 298–304; F. Fischer – S. Makowski, „Digitalisierung von Siegeln mittels Reflectance Transformation Imaging (RTI)“, Paginae historiae. Sborník Národního archivu 25/1 (2017), 137–41. 3 M. Mudge – J.-P. Voutaz – C. Schroer – M. Lum, „Reflection Transformation Imaging and Virtual Representations of Coins from the Hospice of the Grand St. Bernard“, The 6th International Symposium on Virtual Reality, Archaeology and Cultural Heritage VAST (Pisa, 2005); H. Mytum – J. R. Peterson, „The Application of Reflectan1

Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 147–157 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132253

Maria Teresa Catalano

der Universität zu Köln in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Cologne Center for eHumanities (CCeH) an byzantinischen Bleisiegeln erprobt und inzwischen erfolgreich eingesetzt. 4 Für die Produktion von RTI-Dateien werden die Siegel zuerst mit Hilfe einer für diesen Zweck am CCeH gebauten kuppelartigen Konstruktion, die Dome genannt wird, fotografiert. Dabei bleibt die Position der Kamera unverändert, während das Objekt aus unterschiedlichen Richtungen beleuchtet und seriell fotografiert wird. Die 60 Aufnahmen werden dann zu einer einzelnen Datei verarbeitet und können schließlich mit einem RTI-Viewer dynamisch betrachtet werden, indem Licht aus unterschiedlichen Richtungen auf das Objekt projiziert wird. Ein Vorteil des RTI-Viewers gegenüber konventionellen Bildgebungsverfahren liegt darin, dass er eine detailliertere und stärker reliefierte Darstellung der Oberfläche des Siegels liefert. Während der Analyse können auch einzelne, schlecht lesbare Zeichen durch eine dynamische Variierung des Lichteinfalls fokussiert werden. Somit können zusätzliche Informationen über die Ikonographie und vor allem den Text entschlüsselt werden. Wie ein erstes, stark beschädigtes Exemplar aus der Sammlung Robert Feind (Köln) durch den Einsatz von RTI gelesen werden konnte, wurde während des 12. Internationalen Symposiums für byzantinische Sigillographie 2019 in Sankt Petersburg vorgestellt. 5 Gegenstand dieses Beitrags sind zwei weitere Siegel aus der Sammlung Feind, die mit der RTI-Technik fotografiert und analysiert wurden. Es werden Nutzen und Grenzen des Verfahrens beschrieben und dadurch die Bedeutung der RTI-Fotografie für die Erforschung byzantinischer Bleisiegel aufgezeigt. Für die Studie wurden zwei stark beschädigte Stücke ausgewählt, deren Inschriften nicht oder nur teilweise lesbar waren. Das Siegel der Anna zeigt eine stark abgeflachte, fast komplett abgenutzte Oberfläche; das Siegel des Georgios ist stark korrodiert. Bei beiden ist aber die reliefartige Struktur der Inschrift noch vorhanden, weshalb sie für die Untersuchung mit RTI geeignet sind. ce Transformation Imaging (RTI) in Historical Archaeology“, Historical Archaeology 52 (2018), 489–503. 4 Catalano – Filosa – Sode, „Byzantine Seals“, 301–04. 5 M. T. Catalano, „RTI: A User-Friendly Imaging Technology Applied in Byzantine Sigillography“, 12th International Symposium of Byzantine Sigillography (St Petersburg 28.-30. Mai, 2019); teilweise publiziert in Catalano – Filosa – Sode, „Byzantine Seals“, 298–304.

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NUTZEN UND GRENZEN DER RTI-FOTOGRAFIE AM BEISPIEL

Anna, Tochter des Isaakios, Bruder des Kaisers Ioannes II. Komnenos Inv.-Nr.: Sammlung Robert Feind, S-81. Maße: Durchmesser 22 mm, Gewicht 6,4 gr. Beschreibung: Nach oben dezentriert. Ein Teil des Stücks Av. rechts, Rv. links fehlt. Abgeflachte, fast komplett abgenutzte Oberfläche auf beiden Seiten. Grünbeige Patina. Unpubliziert. //: (1) Regional Historical Museum, Shumen, Nr. 15074; (2) unbekannte Privatsammlung (ursprünglich aus Bulgarien); 6 (3) Archäologisches Museum, Nessebar, Nr. 2150. Ed. der //: (1) Jordanov – Zhekova, Nr. 390; (2) Münz Zentrum, Auktion 97 (6.-8. Januar 1999), Los. 790 (= SBS 8 [2003], 241, Los. 790); I. Jordanov, „Pečati na imperatorskata familija Komnini-Angeli (1081–1203) ot teritorijata ne dnešna Bŭlgarija“ Pliska-Preslav 9 (2003), 25-59, Nr. 12; idem, Corpus II, Nr. 319; Münz Zentrum, Auktion 152 (2.-3. September 2009), Los 931 (= SBS 12 [2006], 180, Nr. 931); (1) (2) (3) Jordanov, Corpus III, Nr. 422–24; Wassiliou, Corpus I, Nr. 118; R. Feind, Verse auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln. Teil I: A-Π (Regenstauf, 2012), Nr. 92. Datierung: 1138 bis um die Mitte des 12. Jh.

Feind S-81 fotografiert mit Spiegelreflexkamera Canon EOS 300D und Makro-Objektiv. Fotos: Robert Feind

6 Das Stück wurde erstmals von A. Peikov und Pl. Pavlov in einem Abstract für das 6. Internationale Symposium für byzantinische Sigillographie (Veliki Preslav, 16.18. September, 1998) beschrieben und stammt aus der Region von Nova und Stara Zagora. I. Jordanov erkannte das Siegel wieder, als es ein Jahr später im Auktionskatalog Münz Zentrum, Los 790, angeboten wurde, s. Jordanov, Corpus II, 213–14, Nr. 319.

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Maria Teresa Catalano

Feind S-81, Aufnahmen erzeugt mit dem RTI-Viewer und dem Filter „Diffuse Gain“.

Bei diesem Stück sind die einzelnen Buchstaben gut abgrenzbar, wegen der stark abgeflachten Oberfläche konnten bei der direkten Inspektion und anhand der Standardaufnahmen aber nur wenige Zeichen entziffert werden. Lediglich die letzte Zeile des Reverses konnte als .ωανν. (Ioannes) gedeutet werden. Da die Profile der Buchstaben aber zu erkennen sind, erschien eine weitere Analyse des Siegels mit dem RTI-Verfahren sinnvoll. Mit den RTI-Aufnahmen war es möglich, einen Großteil der Zeichen bzw. Zeilen beider Seiten sowie einen fast vollständigen neuen Namen in der letzten Zeile des Averses zu lesen: σαακιο., Isaakios. Die Buchstaben φργι (σφραγίς) auf dem Avers deuten auf eine Datierung ab dem 11. Jh. und vielleicht auf ein metrisches Siegel hin. Trotz der guten Lesbarkeit der RTI-Aufnahmen konnte (mit diesen allein) die Inschrift nicht vollständig rekonstruiert werden. Die ersten Versuche, den Siegelinhaber mit der Hilfe einer SiegelDatenbank 7 als Isaakios oder Ioannes zu identifizieren, waren erfolglos. Erst eine allgemeine Suche nach dem Vorkommen beider Namen auf Siegellegenden führte zu den Parallelstücken. Dadurch wurden die fehlenden Teile der Inschrift ergänzt, und es stellte sich heraus, dass die erste Zeile des Averses auf dem untersuchten Stück vollständig fehlt. Nun konnte der Avers mit einer Legende in vier Zeilen rekonstruiert werden. Als Zierelemente befinden sich unterhalb der Inschrift zwei Striche; die ursprünglich oberhalb der Inschrift vorhandene Verzierung ist nicht erhalten. Der Perlrand ist teilweise erkennbar. Es handelt sich um die private Siegel-Datenbank von Robert Feind, die er freundlicherweise zur Verfügung gestellt hat. 7

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NUTZEN UND GRENZEN DER RTI-FOTOGRAFIE AM BEISPIEL

.....|.υ̣γa ̣ τρ̣ ..|.φργι..|σαακιου̣| [Ἄννης θ]υγατρ[ὸς σ]φραγὶ[ς Ἰ]σαακίου Der Revers zeigt auf den RTI-Aufnahmen eine Legende in vier Zeilen und darunter Striche als Zierelemente. Der Perlrand ist kaum mehr sichtbar. .δελ|.α̣νακτο.|ε ̣υ̣σεrου.|ιωανν|  [ἀ]δελ[φ]άνακτο[ς] εὐσεβοῦ[ς] Ἰωάννου Die Inschrift ist metrisch und besteht aus zwei Zwölfsilbern. 8 Die Siegelnde ist Anna Komnene 9, Tochter des sebastokrator Isaakios Komnenos 10 und somit Nichte des Kaisers Ioannes II. Die Besonderheit der Legende besteht darin, dass Isaakios und Ioannes in Annas Familiendarstellung zusammen erwähnt werden, obwohl sie im Datierungszeitraum unseres Siegels verfeindet waren. I. Jordanov datiert den Siegeltyp in die Zeit zwischen 1130, dem Jahr der Hochzeit der 14-jährigen Anna mit Ioannes Arbantenos 11 und 1143, dem Todesjahr des Kaisers Ioannes II. 12 Das Jahr 1130 ist ein Wendepunkt in der Beziehung zwischen Ioannes II. und Isaakios, denn nach Annas Hochzeit wurde eine Verschwörung gegen den Kaiser aufgedeckt, und Isaakios musste als einer der Hauptdrahtzieher ins Ausland fliehen. Er verbrachte die folgenden Jahre im Exil am Hof verschiedener Herrscher, von Nordanatolien bis Armenien, wo er Verbündete suchte und seine Umsturzpläne weiter verfolgte. 13 Im Jahr 1138 versöhnten sich Isaakios und Ioannes II., als dieser sich auf dem Rückweg von seinem Syrien-Feldzug befand, und beide zogen Anfang 1139 zusammen 8 Die Lesung ἀδελφάνακτος ermöglicht die Einordnung der Inschrift des Reverses als Zwölfsilber, s. W. Seibt, „I. Jordanov, Corpus of Byzantine seals from Bulgaria II, bespr. von W. Seibt“, BZ 101 (2008), 819–26, hier 821. 9 PBW, Anna 20121; Κ. Barzos, Ἡ γενεαλογία τῶν Κομνηνῶν I (Thessaloniki, 1984), 488–92, Anna Komnene 86. 10 PBW, Isaakios 102; Barzos I 238–54, Isaakios Komnenos 36. 11 PBW, Ioannes 450; s. auch Ioannes 20286. 12 Jordanov, Corpus II, 214, Nr. 319. 13 Zum Kontext der Verschwörung und den ersten Jahren danach: P. Magdalino, „The triumph of 1133“, in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds.), John II Komnenos, Emperor of Byzantium: In the Shadow of Father and Son (London, 2016), 53–70, hier 62–66; zu Isaakiosʾ Ambition und Programm s. K. Linardou, „Imperial impersonations: Disguised portraits of a Komnenian prince“, in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds.), John II Komnenos, 154–82, hier 155–59.

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Maria Teresa Catalano

in Konstantinopel ein. 14 Aus dieser Zeit stammen drei Gedichte des Theodoros Prodromos sowie ein Enkomium in Prosa zu Ehren des Isaakios, die die neu gewonnene Nähe bezeugen. 15 Diese hielt aber nicht lange: bald kam es wieder zum Zerwürfnis und der sebastokrator begab sich erneut ins Exil nach Heraclea Pontica, aus dem er erst nach Manuels Thronbesteigung im Jahr 1143 zurückkehrte. 16 Die Inschrift auf Annas Siegel betont in erster Linie die Verbindung der Siegelnden zur Familie der Komnenen und zum Kaiser. Es fällt auf, dass sie sich dabei nicht als sebaste vorstellt und somit auf den Titel ihres Mannes verzichtet. 17 Die Erwähnung der beiden rivalisierenden Brüder könnte ein Hinweis darauf sein, dass das Siegel aus der kurzen Phase der Versöhnung nach 1138 stammt. Alternativ könnte es auch nach dem Tod des Ioannes II. im Jahr 1143 entstanden sein. Eine frühere Datierung um das Jahr 1130, vor Annas Ehe und bevor die Verschwörung des Isaakios aufgedeckt wurde, ist aus paläografischen Gründen 18 unwahrscheinlich. 19 Die wenigen verfügbaren Informationen über Anna und ihren Mann Ioannes Arbantenos deuten an, dass das Paar treu zum Kaiser stand. Ioannes Arbantenos können zwei Siegeltypen zugeschrieben werden, deren Avers eine Darstellung des hl. Theodoros zeigt. Auf einem Exemplar 14 Nicetas Choniates 32.31–33.59 [I. van Dieten (ed.), Nicetae Choniatae Historia (CFHB 11) (Berlin, 1975)]. Der Kaiser blieb kurz in der Hauptstadt und begab sich schon in den ersten Monaten des Jahres 1139 auf einen Feldzug in das Sangariosgebiet, s. Niketas Choniates 33.61–63 und Kommentar dazu in R. Maisano (ed.), Niceta Coniata. Grandezza e catastrofe di Bisanzio I (Mailand, 1994), 539, Anm. 176. Zur Versöhnung s. M. Ch. G. Lau, The Reign of Emperor John II Komnenos, 1087–1143: The Transformation of the Old Order (Diss. University of Oxford, 2015), 258; Barzos I, 243–44. P. Magdalino datiert die Rückkehr des Isaakios nach Konstantinopel in das Jahr, 1136, s. P. Magdalino, The empire of Manuel I Komnenos, 1143–1180 (Cambridge, 1993), 193. 15 Prodromos 107–08; 109; 110–11 und 112–17 [E. Kurtz (ed.), „Unedierte Texte aus der Zeit des Kaisers Johannes Komnenos“, BZ 16 (1907), 69–119]; Prodromos, Nr. XL–XLII [W. Hörandner (ed.), Theodoros Prodromos. Historische Gedichte (Wien, 1974)]. 16 Kinnamos 32.8–22 [A. Meineke (ed.), Ioannis Cinnami Epitome rerum ab Ioanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum (Bonn, 1836)]. Das Exil des Isaakios nach Heraclea fand laut Kinnamos in der Kaiserzeit des Ioannes II. statt – vermutlich nicht lange nach 1139, s. Barzos I, 244–45; Linardou, „Imperial impersonations“, 158–59. P. Magdalino sieht in der Verbannung eine Vorsichtsmaßnahme in Verbindung mit dem Tod des Ioannes im Jahr 1143, s. Magdalino, Manuel, 193. 17 Dazu s. Jordanov, Corpus II, 214, Nr. 319. 18 Das Zeichen  wird frühestens ab den 30er Jahren des 12. Jh. wieder verwendet, s. Dated Seals, 163. 19 Ich danke dem Gutachter für den Vorschlag der Datierung des Siegels nach dem Tod des Kaisers sowie für den Hinweis, dass Paläographie und Gesamtgestaltung des Stückes für eine Zeit nach 1140 bzw. Mitte des 12. Jh. sprechen.

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NUTZEN UND GRENZEN DER RTI-FOTOGRAFIE AM BEISPIEL

präsentiert er sich mit dem Titel sebastos, den er vermutlich nach der Eheschließung mit Anna erhalten hatte. 20 Im Typikon des PantokratorKlosters in Konstantinopel 21 aus dem Jahr 1136 wird er vom Kaiser als ὁ ἐπ’ ἀνεψιᾷ γαμβρὸς τῆς βασιλείας μου, ὁ πανσέβαστος σεβαστὸς κῦρις Ἰωάννης ὁ Ἀρβαντηνός bezeichnet und es wird erwähnt, dass er dem Kloster unter anderem Landgüter gestiftet hat und dort auch sein Grab sein wird. 22 Das Pantokrator-Kloster wurde als Familienmausoleum gegründet. Dass Arbantenos dort begraben werden durfte ist ein Hinweis auf die gute Beziehung zwischen ihm und Ioannes II. Anlässlich der Stiftung von encheiria für die Ikone der Theotokos Hodegetria durch Anna bzw. Ioannes Arbantenos verfasste der Dichter Nikolaos Kallikles zwei Epigramme, in denen sich die beiden Stifter jeweils in der ersten Person an die Muttergottes wenden. 23 In dem einen Gedicht bittet Arbantenos sie um das Wohlwollen des Kaisers sowie um Nachkommen. Außerdem dankt er ihr, weil sie ihm zu Ruhm verholfen und ihn durch seine Ehe in Verbindung mit der Kaiserfamilie gebracht hat. 20 Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 44 (Kommentar zu Nr. 24). Weitere Siegeltypen mit diesem Namen s. in Šandrovskaja – Seibt, Nr. 23; 24; 28. Wie aus den Kommentaren zu Nr. 24 und 28 hervorgeht, ist es nicht immer möglich, diese Siegel dem sebastos Arbantenos zuzuschreiben, dazu s. auch Jordanov, Corpus, II, Nr. 59; Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, Nr. 24; Laurent, Bulles métriques, Nr. 179. 21 P. Magdalino, „The Foundation of the Pantokrator Monastery in Its Urban Setting“, in S. Kotzabassi (ed.), The Pantokrator Monastery in Constantinople (Boston-Berlin, 2013), 33–55; R. Ousterhout, „Architecture, Art and Komnenian Ideology at the Pantokrator Monastery“, in N. Necipoğlu (ed.), Byzantine Constantinople: Monuments, Topography and Everyday Life (Leiden – Boston – Köln, 2001), 133–53; idem, „Architecture and patronage in the age of John II“, in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds), John II Komnenos, 135–54. 22 P. Gautier, „L’obituaire du typikon du Pantocrator“, REB 27 (1969), 235–62, hier 241.85–97; idem, „Le typikon du Christ Sauveur Pantocrator“, REB 32 (1974), 1–145, hier 45.270–47.288; D. Stathakopoulos, „John II Komnenos: a historiographical essay“, in A. Bucossi – A. Rodriguez Suarez (eds), John II Komnenos, 1–10, hier 6–7. P. Gautier identifiziert Ioannes Arbantenos mit einem Ravendinos, der aus einer lateinischen Quelle als Abgesandter des Kaisers Ioannes II. im Fürstentum von Antiochia in den Jahren 1119–1123 bekannt ist; auch K. Barzos erzählt in Annas Biographie die abenteuerliche Mission des Abgesandten. V. Šandrovkaja und W. Seibt halten es für unsicher oder gar unwahrscheinlich, dass es sich um denselben Mann handelt, s. Gautier, „Obituaire“, 260–62; Barzos I, 489–91; Šandrovskaja – Seibt, 44 (Kommentar zu Nr. 24). 23 Kallikles, Nr. 1. und Nr. 26 [R. Romano (ed.), Nicola Callicle. Carmi (Napoli, 1980)]. Dazu s. I. Drpić, Epigram, Art, and Devotion in Later Byzantium (Cambridge, 2016), 85–87; 103–05; V. Nunn, „The Encheirion as adjunct to the Icon in the Middle Byzantine Period“, BMGS 10 (1986), 73–102, hier 99–100; M. Grünbart, Inszenierung und Repräsentation der byzantinischen Aristokratie vom 10. bis zum 13. Jahrhundert (Paderborn, 2015), 152.

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Maria Teresa Catalano

Annas Gedicht ist politischer. Sie sucht die Gunst der Muttergottes, weil sie schwanger ist und ihr Mann krank. Dabei bezeichnet sie sich selbst stolz als „sebaste, Spross aus dem Stamm der Komnenen“, und ihren Mann als „treuen Diener des Kaisers“. 24 Es handelt sich hierbei nicht um rein rhetorische Wendungen, sondern – angesichts der Tatsache, dass sich ihr Vater Isaakios in dieser Zeit auf der Flucht im Ausland befand 25 – um eine Loyalitätsbekundung gegenüber Ioannes II. Im Online-Katalog der byzantinischen Bleisiegel von Dumbarton Oaks befinden sich zwei Siegeltypen einer Anna Komnene sebaste 26. Der Avers zeigt in beiden Fällen eine Muttergottes in Orans-Haltung mit Christusmedaillon. Eine Identifizierung mit unserer Anna ist möglich, kann aber nicht gesichert werden. Siegel des Georgios Inv.-Nr.: Sammlung Robert Feind, SB-448. Maße: Durchmesser 28 mm, Gewicht 22,1 gr. Beschreibung: leicht nach unten dezentriert; Randverlust. Der Avers ist im linken Bereich stark eingedrückt und zum Großteil zerstört. Starke Korrosionsschäden. Schwarzbeige Patina. Unpubliziert. //: Datierung: 11.-12. Jh.

Feind SB-448, fotografiert mit einer Spiegelreflexkamera Canon EOS 300D und Makro-Objektiv. Fotos: Robert Feind 24 Ἄννῃ σεβαστῇ, Κομνηνῶν ῥίζης κλάδῳ und τῷ βασιλεῖ φύλαττε πιστὸν οἰκέτην, s. Kallikles, Nr. 26.14 und 26.23. 25 Beide Epigramme sind vermutlich nicht lange nach der Hochzeit, also auf Anfang der 1130er Jahre zu datieren, da das Paar noch kinderlos ist. 26 DO BZS.1958.106.4049 und DO BZS.1958.106.1795.

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NUTZEN UND GRENZEN DER RTI-FOTOGRAFIE AM BEISPIEL

Feind SB-448, Aufnahmen erzeugt mit dem RTI-Viewer und den Filtern „Diffuse Gain“ (oben) und „Specular Enhancement“ (unten).

Auch bei diesem zweiten Stück ist die Oberfläche beidseitig sehr mitgenommen, teils abgerieben und gebrochen, teils aufgeraut. Bei der direkten Inspektion und anhand der Standardaufnahmen ließ sich die stehende Figur auf dem Avers als der hl. Georgios identifizieren, da die Beischrift rechts im Feld noch vorhanden ist: γ̣ε-ωρ-γι-οσ, [ὁ ἅ(γιος)] Γεώργιος. Der Revers weist eine Legende in fünf Zeilen mit wenigen noch lesbaren Zeichen auf: T, C, MA jeweils am Anfang der zweiten, dritten und vierten Zeile; E in der Mitte der fünften. Da die Reliefabdrücke der meisten Zeichen aber zu erkennen sind, erschien eine weitere Analyse des Siegels mit dem RTI-Verfahren auch hier sinnvoll. Mithilfe der produzierten RTI-Aufnahmen ließ sich ein Großteil der Inschrift rekonstruieren, und es ergab sich folgende Lesung: ..|Του..|συν.νιμ|Μαρτυσ|σκεπιc ̣ ... συνώνιμον μάρτυς σκέπις

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Maria Teresa Catalano

Die Anwendung verschiedener im RTI-Viewer verfügbarer Filter war für die Lesbarkeit entscheidend, und insbesondere der Filter „Specular Enhancement“ erwies sich als hilfreich, um die einzelnen Zeichen korrekt voneinander abzugrenzen und ihr Profil zu erkennen. Die Lesung der ersten zwei Zeilen bleibt problematisch. Vor allem im oberen rechten Feld ist das Buchstabenrelief so stark aufgeraut bzw. abgetragen, dass Informationen verlorenen gegangen sind. Auch die RTI-Bilder konnten dort keine gesicherten Daten liefern, sondern erlaubten höchstens Spekulationen über einzelne Zeichen. So könnte ein αI, δI oder ΛI am Anfang der ersten Zeile stehen und vielleicht ein M am Ende der zweiten. Für die Ergänzung der Legende erfolgte eine Suche nach einem passenden Familiennamen in der Datenbank, die allerdings zu keinem Ergebnis führte. Denkbar wäre in diesem Fall eine Lesung mit einem Partizip, wie z. B. αἰτοῦντα με συνώνιμον μάρτυς σκέπις, die hypothetisch bleibt. Die Rekonstruktion der Legende ist somit zwar auch mit RTI nicht vollständig möglich, kann aber in der Zukunft gegebenenfalls durch ein Parallelstück ermöglicht werden.

Zusammenfassung Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung zweier stark beschädigter Siegel mit der RTI-Technik zeigen den Nutzen, aber auch die Grenzen dieses Verfahrens für den Einsatz in der byzantinischen Sigillographie. Im Vergleich zu gängigen Bildgebungsverfahren können RTI-Aufnahmen die reliefartige Struktur der Siegeloberfläche detaillierter darstellen und die Analyse und Lesbarkeit der Inschrift bzw. der ikonografischen Details verbessern. Vor allem kaum lesbare Siegel, die starke Beschädigungen und Abnutzungsspuren aufweisen, kommen für das Verfahren in Frage, wenn die Umrisse der Legende auf der Oberfläche noch erkennbar sind und der Materialverlust nicht zu erheblich ist. Auf den RTI-Aufnahmen werden die einzelnen Zeichen hervorgehoben, wodurch zumindest Teile der Inschrift erschlossen werden können. Selbst wenn die Legende nicht vollständig gedeutet werden kann, ist auf Basis der neu gewonnen Informationen die Suche nach Parallelstücken möglich. Dem Siegel von Anna konnte so ein zweites Exemplar zugeordnet werden. Beim Siegel des Georgios war das bislang nicht möglich.

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NUTZEN UND GRENZEN DER RTI-FOTOGRAFIE AM BEISPIEL

An Grenzen stößt die RTI-Technik, wo die reliefartige Struktur der Prägung zu stark abgetragen bzw. verloren gegangen ist, denn an diesen Stellen fehlt die Voraussetzung zur Informationsgewinnung. Die Untersuchung hat gezeigt, dass sich der Einsatz des RTI-Verfahrens gerade bei sehr stark beschädigten Siegeln lohnt. In dieser Hinsicht eröffnet die RTI-Technik der Sigillographie vielversprechende Perspektiven zur weiteren Erschließung von bislang unbeachteten, nicht umfassend erforschten Sammlungsstücken.

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George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou

Integrated Management of Lead Seals The Case of the Numismatic Museum, Athens-Greece*

The Sigillographic Collection of the Numismatic Museum at Athens numbering more than 3,500 specimens and still expanding, constitutes the fourth largest collection of its kind worldwide, after the larger collections at the Dumbarton Oaks Centre for Byzantine Studies, Washington, D.C. (c. 17,000 specimens), the State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg (c. 13,000 specimens) and the two sigillographic collections in Paris, at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and the Institut Français d’Etudes Byzantines (both c. 10,000 specimens). 1 A large part of the collection was described systematically for the first time by Konstantinos Konstantopoulos, a pioneer in the field of Byzantine sigillography and Director of the National Numismatic Museum between 1928 and 1943, in a series of articles that appeared in the Journal International d’Archéologie Numismatique (JIAN) between 1902 and 1907. 2 A decade later all these articles were collected in a single volume entitled Βυζαντιακὰ Μολυβδόβουλλα τοῦ ἐν Ἀθήναις Ἐθνικοῦ Νομισματικoῦ Μουσείου (Athens 1917). These articles presented acquisitions under the directorship of Achilles Postolacas (1856–1888), as well as sigillographic collections given to the Numismatic Museum (e.g. the collections of the Archaeological Society and the University of Athens) or bought by the Greek government (e.g. the private collection of Constantine Macrides, * We would like to thank Christos Stavrakos and Olga Karagiorgou for their help in preparing this text. 1 On the size of these collections see, Cheynet, Société 1, 3–7. 2 K. M. Konstantopoulos, “Βυζαντιακὰ μολυβδόβουλλα”, JIAN 5 (1902), 149–64, nos 1–52 and 189–228, nos 53–185; 6 (1903), 49–88, nos 186–340 and 333–64, nos 341–479; 7 (1904), 161–76, nos 480–550 and 255–310, nos 551–774; 8 (1905), 53–102, nos 775–1057 and 195–222, nos 1058–1199; 9 (1906), 61–146, nos 1a–702d; 10 (1907), 47–112, nos 703a–1257 and indices. Studies in Byzantine Sigillography. Volume 14, ed. by Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt and Christos Stavrakos (Turnhout, 2022), pp. 159–172 ©FHG DOI 10.1484/M.SBS-EB.5.132254

George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou

a Constantinopolitan physician). The wealth of material included in this publication and presented in the most efficient way by contemporary standards give to the Numismatic Museum world-wide prominence, as a major collection of Byzantine lead seals, which continuous to grow over the years. In the 1920s the Museum acquired the numismatic and sigillographic collection of Anastasios Stamoulis and the collections of Ioannis Orphanidis and Savvas Nikolaidis. 3 After 1930 the Museum’s Sigillographic Collection was further enriched with excavation finds, further donations and seals bought in auctions. In 1998, on the occasion of the relocation of the Museum’s offices and galleries from the building of the National Archaeological Museum to the so-called Ιλίου Μέλαθρον (“Palace of Troy”), built between 1878– 1880 by the famous German architect Ernst Ziller as the mansion of the archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann, all lead seals acquired since 1930, mostly Byzantine and to a lesser degree Western medieval, were for the first time placed as a separate group in their own storeroom. In addition, lead seals still at that point kept together with some of the Museum’s numismatic collections (e.g. the Mourouzis and Kantas collections) were separated and added to the Museum’s main sigillographic collection. Worth noting among the most recent sigillographic acquisitions of the Museum (from 1996 onwards) are a number of specimens from the former collection of George Zacos (1911–1983), a Constantinopolitan art dealer and great connoisseur of sigillography, which were auctioned by Spink after the death of this great collector. 4 An indicative specimen acquired during one of these auctions is the seal of an Anonymous logo­ thetes, a member of the renowned family of Palaiologoi 5 (Fig. 1). 3 These collections have also been published by K. M. Konstantopoulos, Βυζαντιακὰ μολυβδόβουλλα. Ἡ συλλογὴ Ἀναστασίου Κ. Π. Σταμούλη, (Athens, 1930);  Koltsida-Makre, Mολυβδόβουλλα, reviewed by W. Seibt and A.-K. Wassiliou, BZ 91.1 (1998), 146–50 and J.-Cl. Cheynet, REB 56 (1998), 308–09. 4 On the three main auctions of this important collection see Spink Auction 127 (London, 7 October 1998): Byzantine Seals from the collection of George Zacos (Part I: nos 1–111); Spink Auction 132 (London, 25 May 1999): Byzantine Seals from the collection of George Zacos (Part II: nos 112–227); Spink Auction 135 (London, 6 October 1999): Byzantine Seals from the collection of George Zacos (Part III: nos 228–331). On four of the specimens acquired by the Numismatic Museum during these auctions, see I. Koltsida-Makre, “New acquisitions of Byzantine Lead Seals in the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections”, SBS 9 (2006), 11–22, esp. pp. 11–15 (nos 1–4). 5 The seal was presented at first in the Sale catalogue Spink Auction 127 (London, 7 October 1998), no. 53 (starting price of £500). Cf. also PBW (2006): http://db.pbw. kcl.ac.uk/pbw2011/entity/boulloterion/ 3858; I. Koltsida-Makre, New acquisitions of Byzantine Lead Seals in the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections, SBS 9 (2006)

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INTEGrATED MANAGEMENT OF LEAD SEALS

Fig. 1. The seal of an Anonymus Palaiologos, logothetes (late 12th–early 13th c.), Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 725 /1998)

After Konstantopoulos’ death in 1943, the study and publication of the lead seals at the Athens Numismatic Museum fell into abeyance. During the last 20 years or so, however, keeping pace with a rising interest in sigillography world-wide, several individual studies and doctoral dissertations relevant to the sigillographic collection of the Museum have been published. 6

Museum Practices concerning the recording and Identification of Lead Seals from Private Collections, Excavations and Confiscations throughout Greece Due to the high degree of specialization of its scientific staff, the Numismatic Museum is the only Special regional Agency of the Ministry of Culture and Sports, responsible for the identification of all sigillographic finds. As such, it steadily and unfailingly supports the work of the Archaeological Service by recording and identifying every type of seal, including a great number of lead seals. These lead seals (some of

no. 4. See also Wassiliou-Seibt, Corpus, I, 1291 and eadem, Corpus, II, 1855 (with references). 6 Leaving aside several articles referring to isolated sigillographic holdings of the Numismatic Museum, we may mention here the publications of I. Koltsida-Makre (see op. cit., fn. 3) and Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, reviewed by Cl. Sode, BZ 95 (2002), 168–70 and J. Nesbitt, Speculum 77 (2002), 996–98.

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GEOrGE KAKAvAS AND ELENI KONTOU

them in private collections) may enter the Museum as donations (Fig. 2) 7 or confiscations, as excavation finds or purchases, mainly from auctions. This allows the Museum’s scientific staff to form an almost complete picture of the lead seals directly or indirectly connected to Greece.

Fig. 2. The seal of Pardos, paraphylax of Abydos (9th c.), Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. ΒΠ 2215/2015)

Museum Policy Concerning the Enrichment of Its Sigillographic Collections Despite the recent economic difficulties, the Sigillographic Collection of the Numismatic Museum is constantly expanding as a living organism, filling the chronological and typological gaps diligently and with zeal. This conscious and consistent effort may be seen in the accumulation of unique and/or very rare pieces representing all strata of the Byzantine society. Worth noting here, is the enrichment of the Museum’s Sigillographic Collection through the system of long-term loans. In other words, lead seals that were originally kept in Archaeological Ephorates or other peripheral museums in Greece were given over to the Numismatic Museum, not simply because of its national character, but also because these finds accord far better with its objectives.

This exceptional object has recently enriched the collections of the Numismatic Museum as a donation by Mr roberto Tzamtzis on October 7, 2015. 7

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INTEGrATED MANAGEMENT OF LEAD SEALS

Fig. 3. The seal of Symeon Metaphrastes, magistros and logothetes of the dromos (975–990). Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. ΒΠ 2250Α)

To give but a few examples, worth mentioning is the lead seal of Symeon Metaphrastes, who served as logothetes of the dromos under Basil II (976–1025), 8 the only one of its kind ever to be discovered in Greece 9 (Fig. 3). This lead seal was found near Lamia (Central Greece) by a private citizen who then handed it over to the authorities. In March 2016 it was delivered, along with other finds, to the Numismatic Museum, the state agency responsible for its identification and evaluation.

Fig. 4. The lead seal of Patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos (1254–1259 and 1261–1265). Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. ΒΠ 2086Α)

The lead seal of Patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos, the only one, so far, of its kind in existence, is also worth mentioning (Fig. 4). This lead seal 8 Y. Nikolaou, “Lead Seal of Symeon the Metaphrastes Magister and Logothetes tou dromou, 975/990”, Noμισματικά Χρονικά 34, (Athens, 2016), 71–83. 9 Two more similar seals, both kept at Dumbarton Oaks, were published by N. Oikonomides, “Two seals of Symeon Metaphrastes”, DOP 27 (1973), 323–27; Ivan Jordanov, Corpus ΙΙΙ, nos. 851-54, Sofia, 2009 (with further bibliography).

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George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou

was confiscated in the region of Thessaly and was brought to the Museum along with the rest of the evidence pertaining to the case in question.

Fig. 5. The metrical lead seal of Ioannes Blachernites, metropolitan of Athens (1068–1086)

The same procedure will be soon followed in the case of the metrical lead seal with Mother of God in the type of Hodegetria belonging to Ioannes Blachernites, metropolitan of Athens and protosynkellos, whose death in November 1086 is reported in one of the Parthenon inscriptions. 10 This seal was unearthed by the Ephorate of Antiquities of Athens during a rescue excavation in the city’s Ancient Theatre of Dionysos (Fig. 5). On the reverse, above the 7-line legend, we see secondary decorative motifs consisting of an X flanked by horizontal bars (only the bar on the left is visible). The legend reads: –.|cναθ.|ννcφ.|σηθεολο|γοσϗποις|παναγν.| προ εδρ.|-ι– [-]| Σῶν Ἀθ[η]νῶν, ὡς φ(η)σ(ὶ) Θεολόγος, σ(κέ)ποις Πάναγν[ε] πρόεδρ[ο(ν)] Ἰω(άννην) 11

10 A. K. Orlandos – E. Vranousis, Τὰ χαράγματα τοῦ Παρθενῶνος (Athens, 1973), col. 6, no. 58: Ἐτελειώθη ἐν Κυρίῳ ὁ ἁγιώτατος μητροπολίτης Ἀθηνῶν καὶ πρωτοσύγκελλος κῦρ Ἰωάννης ὁ Βλαχερνίτης (μηνὶ νοεμβρίῳ εἰς τὰς … ἰνδ., ἔτους ͵ϛφϞε´), see PBW (2016), http://db.pbw.kcl.ac.uk/pbw2011/entity/person/162266. The most recent study on the Parthenon graffiti is by M. Xenaki, Recueil des inscriptions grecques chrétiennes de l’Attique (vie/viie – xiie siècles), Ecole française d’Athènes (in print), no. 54. 11 Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt sees traces of more letters above the 7-line legend and thus proposes the reading + Κ[λεὶ]ς ὦν Ἀθ[η]νῶν, ὡς φ(η)σ(ὶ) Θεολόγος, // σ(κέ)ποις, Πάναγν[ε]πρόεδρ[ο(ν)] Ἰω(άννην).

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Integrated Management of Lead Seals

The first verse is incomplete (11 syllables) but with a caesura after the seventh syllable and paroxytony at the end. 12 The second verse is a regular dodecasyllable with a paroxytony at the end and a caesura after the fifth syllable. We notice that the letter C in the fourth line, although engraved once, serves both as the last letter of the word Θεολόγος, as well as the first letter of the word σκέποις, while the κέ in the first syllable of σκέποις is rendered with the symbol S (= καὶ). The free rendering of the inscription could be: May you, All-holy One, protect Ioannes, metropolitan of the city of Athens, which, as (Gregory) the Theologian says, is your city. It is worth mentioning that Gregory the Theologian, who stayed in Athens for some years during his studies, mentions Athens in his writings as a city dedicated to the Virgin Mary. 13 Indeed, near the Tower of the Winds (the Horologion of Andronikos Kyrrhestes) are the ruins of a Byzantine church dedicated to Panagia Athiniotissa. This seal will also be added to the Numismatic Museum’s acquisitions as soon as the excavation in the Theatre of Dionysos will be fully published.

Conservation of the Lead Seals The Conservation Laboratory of the Numismatic Museum has always been at the forefront of efforts to conserve and preserve the fragile lead seals both in the Museum’s collections, as well as in the collections of the Ephorates of Antiquities and the archaeological museums throughout Greece. 14

Incomplete dodecasyllables (with 11 syllables) are found in several metrical inscriptions on seals, cf. indicatively Wassiliou, Corpus I, nos 669, 717, 755, 818, 870, 992. 13 I owe this information to Dr Ioannis Vitaliotis, Senior Researcher at the Research Centre for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art of the Academy of Athens. 14 M. Lykiardopoulou-Petrou, “Storage and Display Conditions in the Numismatic Museum of Athens”, in N. Holmes (ed.), Proceedings of the XIth International Numismatic Congress, IV (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1993), 435–37. M. Oeconomides and M. Lykiardopoulou, “The Conservation of the Byzantine Lead Seals in the Numismatic Museum of Athens”, SBS 2 (1990), 1–6. 12

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George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou

Preventive Conservation All the various elements in the coin cases (drawers, box-cases, labels) and in the room (walls, floor, ceiling, bookcases and desks) were made of inert materials. Proper materials have also been used for the showcases and for the mounting of lead seals (Laser-cut stems of polyethylene terephthalate - PET). 15 The example on Fig. 6 illustrates the reverse of the seal of Alexios I of Trebizond (1204–1224), depicting St George (on the right) holding with his right hand the arm of Alexios I, who stands next to him in military attire with a pointed helmet and a sword in his right hand. 16

Fig. 6. Laser-cut stems with three tips made of polyethylene terephthalate (PET) used to mount the lead seal of Alexios I of Trebizond (1204–1222), Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 2030/1998)

In order to create the proper environment both in the galleries and in the vault, we have paid special attention to every single parameter linked to storing conditions: the relative humidity, the temperature, the light, the ventilation, and the atmospheric pollutants. Given the capabilities of the Museum’s systems, we have selected for the vault a relative humidity (RH) of 35% and a temperature of around 15ο to 18οC. 17 15 Ε. Kontou, D. Kotzamani, “Η προληπτική συντήρηση στην προστασία των νομισματικών συλλογών και μεταλλικών αντικειμένων από μη ανασκαφικό περιβάλλον”, in Ch. Karydis – E. Kouloumpi – A. Sakellariou (eds), Η Επιστήμη της Προληπτικής Συντήρησης, διατήρηση και διαχείριση συλλογών (Athens, 2015), 222–31. 16 This seal was also bought from the Spink Auction 127 (London, 7 October 1998), no. 93 (starting price: £1200–1500). See also, I. Koltsida-Makre, “New acquisitions of Byzantine Lead Seals in the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections”, SBS 9 (2006), 13, no. 3. 17 N. Stolow, Conservation and Exhibitions, Packing, transport, storage and environmental considerations (London, 1987), 132–38.

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Integrated Management of Lead Seals

Interventive Conservation: Active Corrosion and Consolidative Reduction In tandem with preventive conservation, a project of interventive conservation started as early as the 1970s, to treat lead seals that showed traces of lead carbonate in the form of a brittle white powder substance produced by lead in the presence of humidity and vapours of organic acids. 18 This active corrosion of lead artifacts may lead to the loss of details and possibly the partial destruction of the legends/images. The method that was applied, and continues to be applied, was that of consolidative reduction treatment, used for the reduction of silver. The first time this method was applied to lead seals worldwide was in the laboratory of the Numismatic Museum by Marina Lykiardopoulou-Petrou. The Principle of the Consolidative Reduction Method The object, wrapped in a lead strip, is attached to the cathode of the consolidative reduction device, while a pure lead foil is attached to the anode facing the object. The two electrodes are immersed in a beaker containing a 10% solution of sulphuric acid as an electrolyte. The current density is 80–100mA per dm2, a low density being necessary to prevent the appearance of hydrogen bubbles. The process may require from two weeks to three months. In order to ascertain that the process has been completed, the object is removed from the electrolyte and visually inspected under a microscope. The resulting layer is relatively porous and sensitive. 19 The two reduction methods applied to heavily corroded lead objects, the consolidative one presented above and the electrolytic redaction using cathodic polarization at constant potential, 20 create in fact a thin 18 L. S. Selwyn, Metals and Corrosion. A Handbook for the Conservation Professional (Ottawa, 2004), 118–22; R. Bertholon and C. Relier, “Les métaux archéologiques”, in M. C. Berducou (ed.), La Conservation en Archéologie (Paris, Masson 1990), 184. 19 M. Petrou-Lykiardopoulou, “Coping with the problem of the decay of Byzantine Lead Seals in the Numismatic Museum at Athens”, in J. Black (ed.), Proceeding of the Recent Advances in the Conservation and Analysis of Artifacts, Jubilee Conservation Conference, (Institute of Archaeology, London, 1987), 165–67; M. Lykiardopoulou-Petrou, “Unfolding of heavily corroded lead curse – tablets”, in F. Esmael – Z. Hawass (eds) Proceedings of the First International Conference on Ancient Egyptian Mining and Metallurgy and Conservation of Metallic Artifacts (Cairo, 1995), 311–17; M. LykiardopoulouPetrou, “Το Πρόγραμμα Συντήρησης στο Νομισματικό Μουσείο τα Χρόνια της Μάντως Οικονομίδου”, in Πρακτικά Συνεδρίου της Z´ Επιστημονικής Συνάντησης αφιερωμένης στη μνήμη της Μάντως Οικονομίδου (Athens, 20–21 April 2016), Οβολός 13 (Athens, 2018), 217–26. 20 C. Degrigny and R. Le Gall, “Conservation of Ancient Lead Artifacts Corroded in Organic Acid Environments: Electrolytic Stabilization/Consolidation”, Studies in

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George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou

new layer of lead on the surface, which, however, preserves the ridge details that would otherwise be lost. This is why, even before the method of consolidative reduction was applied, it was customary to perform an analysis of the alloy. In recent years, after the laboratory of the Numismatic Museum acquired an XRF device (X-ray fluorescence spectrometer), the lead seals that are to undergo the aforementioned treatment are analyzed in appropriate points. Interventive Conservation: Passive Corrosion and Removal of Soil Deposits Active corrosion of basic lead carbonates is usually mentioned extensively, since it is conducive to the loss of details and possibly the decay of the artifact; however, the majority of lead seals are covered in solid lead corrosion products that act as a buffer, also in soil deposits. 21 In lead objects there is no “original” surface to be discerned among the corrosion products, however the soil deposits have to be removed. Among the methods, we use micro-hand tools under a microscope. Some of the lead corrosion products are similar in color to soil deposits, so firstly they should stand out from each other. The lead seal is immersed or soaked in a mixture of solvents (alcohol and acetone), depending on its condition. This causes soil deposits to become dark, while the corrosion products with the inclusions retain their color and are thus clearly distinguished.

Exhibiting and Promoting the Sigillographic Collection The scientific staff are unfailing in their commitment to preserve, conserve, catalogue, study, exhibit and promote the Sigillographic Collections of the Numismatic Museum, in accordance with the most recently developed scientific guidelines with regard to museum collections. 22 This modern approach is embodied in the balance that needs to be

Conservation 44/3 (1999), 157–69. 21 J. M. Cronyn, The Elements of Archaeological Conservation (London1990), 202– 04. 22 C. Caple, Conservation Skills, Judgement, Method and Decision Making (London-New York, 2000), 33–36.

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Integrated Management of Lead Seals

struck between current and future users, museum’s employees, researchers and visitors, as Jonathan Ashley-Smith characteristically mentions. 23 The permanent exhibition of the Athens Numismatic Museum includes a few dozen of lead seals. More specifically, thirty-eight Byzantine lead seals are displayed in two showcases in the Byzantine Gallery (2.5) and the Middle Ages Gallery (2.6) on the second floor of the Museum. Among them, worth noting is the unique and historically important seal of the imperial tribunal restored by Michael VIII Doukas Angelos Komnenos Palaiologos after the recapture of Constantinople from the Latins on August 15, 1261, the feastday of the Dormition of the Virgin (Fig. 7). On the obverse of this seal, the emperor is holding aloft the icon of the Hodegetria, the patroness of the city. The legend on the reverse refers to the restoration of the secreton, the imperial tribunal, that was abolished by the Latins: Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου | ὃ νῦν κρατύνει τῷ χρόνῳ βεβυσμένον | ὁ Μιχαήλ, τὸ θαῦμα τῶν βασιλέων, | ποινὴ Θεὸς τὰ πρῶτα καὶ κρίσις κόσμου (?). 24 Last, but not least, the gold bulla of Michael VI Stratiotikos (Fig. 8) is also exhibited in the Donors’ Gallery on the first floor. Given the exceptional rarity of Byzantine gold bullae, the Numismatic Museum is fortunate to have, among its acquisitions, not only the unique gold bulla of Michael VI Stratiotikos (1056–1057), donated in 1993 by the devoted friend of the Numismatic Museum and well-known collector Petros Protonotarios, but also the gold bulla of Nicephoros Botaneiates (1078–1081) 25 (Fig. 9). 23 J. Ashley-Smith, Challenges of Managing Collection Environments, Conservation Perspectives, vol. 33.2 (The Getty Conservation Institute, 2018), 4–9. 24 Α 3D view of this seal can be seen on the website of the Numismatic Museum, https://www.nummus.gr/μολυβδόβουλλο-μιχαήλ-η’-παλαιολόγου/. This specimen has been part of important exhibitions, see Heaven and Earth: Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections, eds. A. Drandaki, D. Papanikola-Bakirtzi, and A. Tourta, (Athens 2013), 297, fig. 122; Living a Mark on History, Treasures from Greek Museums, ed. G. Kakavas, (Athens 2013), 199. The reconstruction of the last word of the legend on the reverse of this seal has caused an intense scholarly discussion. On the various opinions that have been expressed so far, including the relevant references, see the articles of A. Γκουτζιουκώστας, «Το μολυβδόβουλλο του Μιχαήλ Η΄ Παλαιολόγου «Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου...»», Βυζαντινά Σύμμεικτα 22 (2012), 1130 and more recently Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou-Seibt, ««Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου…» Die Wiederherstellung des Kaisergerichts in Konstantinopel», in Ch. Dendrinos I. Giarenis (eds), Bibliophilos: Books and Learning in the Byzantine world: Festschrift in Honour of Costas N. Constantinides (Byzantinisches Archiv 39) (Berlin, 2021), 403-09, proposing to read κόσμου at the end of this legend. 25 M. Oikonomidou, “Ένα ανέκδοτο Χρυσόβουλλο του Νομισματικού Μουσείου Αθηνών”, Σύμμεικτα 9 [= Μνήμη Δ. Α. Ζακυθηνού] / II (1994), 177–81. See also, Y. Nikolaou, “Τα δύο χρυσόβουλλα του Νομισματικού Μουσείου. Στοιχειακή και ποσοτική

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GEOrGE KAKAvAS AND ELENI KONTOU

Fig. 7. The lead seal of the imperial tribunal restored by Michael vIII Palaiologos. Athens, Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 2032/1998)

Fig. 8. The gold bulla of Michael vI Stratiotikos (1056–1057) displayed in the Donors’ Gallery, on the first floor of the Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 177/1993)

ανάλυση”, in E. G. Papaefthymiou – I. P. Touratsoglou (eds) Ολοκότινον, Studies in Byzantine Numismatics and Sigillography in Memory of Petros Protonotarios (Bibliotheca of the Hellenic Numismatic Society), (Athens, 2013), 195–202.

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INTEGrATED MANAGEMENT OF LEAD SEALS

Fig. 9. The gold bulla of Nicephoros Botaneiates (1078–1081), Numismatic Museum (acc. no. NM 2027/1998)

Holdings of the sigillographic collection of the Numismatic Museum have been selected to form part of several temporary exhibitions, usually those travelling abroad. Indicative examples include the exhibition “Leaving a Mark on History. Treasures from Greek Museums” in Bulgaria (Archaeological Museums at Plovdiv and Sofia, Bulgaria, 2013–2014), 26 or the exhibition “Heaven and Earth. Art of Byzantium from Greek Collections”, held at the National Gallery (Washington, DC), the Getty villa (Los Angeles, CA), and the Art Institute of Chicago (Chicago, IL) between 2013 and 2014. 27 In recent years the Numismatic Museum has been promoting its acquisitions through the museum’s website (UrL: http://www.nummus.gr). Wishing to keep in pace with all major developments in the field of Byzantine Sigillography the Museum has engaged in recent years as an active partner in international research Projects such as the TAKTIKON 28 26 On the holdings from the Athens Numismatic Museum, see the relevant entries in the exhibition catalogue G. Kakavas (ed.), Leaving a Mark on History. Treasures from Greek Museums (Athens, 2013), nos 184, 187, 189. 27 See above, fn. 24. 28 The TAKTIKON research Project, which is being realised at the Academy of Athens, investigates the prosopography and administrative structure of the Byzantine themata on the evidence of molybdoboulla and other sources, see O. Karagiorgou – P. Charalampakis – Chr. Malatras, “State officials in the themes of Opsikion, the Anatolikoi and the Kibyrraiotai: new and recently revisited sigillographic evidence”, Βυζαντινά Σύμμεικτα 26 (2016), 247–308, esp. 249–52, and O. Karagiorgou, Yet another TAKTIKON?, in O. Karagiorgou – P. Charalampakis – Chr. Malatras (eds), TAKTIKON. Studies on the Prosopography and Administration of the Byzantine themata, Athens: Academy of Athens, research Centre for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art, 2021, 63108.

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George Kakavas and Eleni Kontou

and the SigiDoc. 29 Our next goal is the digitization of the entire body of the approximately 3,500 lead seals kept in the Numismatic Museum into a concise database linked to the Museum’s website, which will be made available to researchers upon request. This online database should serve as a reliable reference point for all students of Byzantium. Furthermore, it will also form an important contribution in the ongoing effort to create a universal database presenting online the Byzantine seals hoarded in various museums and collections around the globe.

The SigiDoc (the XML-based and TEI compliant encoding standard optimised for the digital edition of seals, coins, and other coin-like objects) is currently being developed by a research team based at the CNRS-UMR 8167 Orient et Méditerranée (Équipe Monde Byzantin, Paris) and at the Department of Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies of the University of Cologne. On the genealogy of SigiDoc and its interaction with the EpiDoc and EFES ecosystems see A. Sopracasa – M. Filosa – S. Stoyanova, “The Digital Enhancement of a Discipline: Byzantine Sigillography and Digital Humanities”, Magazén (1/1, 2020), 101–28, and A. Sopracasa – M. Filosa, “Encoding Byzantine Seals: SigiDoc”, in C. Marras et al. (eds), Atti del IX Convegno Annuale AIUCD. La svolta inevitabile: sfide e prospettive per l’Informatica Umanistica (Bologna, 2020), 240–45. 29

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Index of Proper Names and Terms

Abalantes 78 Ἀβαμούν 140 Abydos  95, 104, 105, 115, 162 aedicula 142 Afganistan 96 Agapetos, bishop of Akmo­ neia 47 Ἀγαπητὸς Βασίλειος, πατρίκιος  46 Aimilianos 75 Akmoneia 47 Alexios/Ἀλέξιος, see Mosele; Παλαιολόγος Alousianos Georgios, protonobel­ lisimos, doux of Karin and Kars 79 ἀναγραφεύς, τῶν Θρᾳκησίων, Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου  12, 13 Anaia 4 Anakopia (thema)  74 Andronikos, see Doukas Ἄννα, daughter of Isaakios (broth­ er of the emperor Ioannes II Komnenos)  148, 149, 150, 151 ἀνθύπατος, Χετάμης Θεόδωρος  53 Κωνσταντῖνος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως  67

Κωνσταντῖνος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου) 67 Λέων, πατρίκιος καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ  96 Xeros (?) Ν., ἀντιπροσωπών  97 Xeros (?) Ν., πατρίκιος καὶ κριτής 97 Ἀντιόχεια  70, 73, 75, 76, 77, 79 ἀντιπροσωπών, Xeros (?) Ν., ἀνθύπατος  97 τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου, Στέφανος, κριτής  96 Aplłarib 71 Apokapes Basileios  75 πρόεδρος, δοὺξ Ἐδέσσης  73 πρωτονωβελλίσιμος, δοὺξ Ἐδέσσης 77 πρωτοπρόεδρος, δοὺξ Ἐδέσσης 77 σεβαστός, δοὺξ Ἐδέσσης  79 apokombion 97 Ἀρβαντηνὸς Ἰωάννης, πανσέβαστος σεβαστός 153 Ἀρέταρχος 141 ἄρκλα, Θρᾳκησίων, Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ  14, 15 ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Ἐφέσου, Θεόδωρος  9, 10, 10, 11, 12 Artsruni 71

Index of Proper Names and Terms

Athens 164 Attaleia  95, 115 Ayasuluk  3, 4 Baboutzikos, see Θεοδόσιος Baγvaši  81, 83 Bagrat  80, 83 Balatianos 78 Balkans 92 Βαραβατζὲ Τορνίκιος/Tornik  83 Βαρασβατζὲ Γεώργιος  83 Basileios/Βασίλειος, see Ἀγαπητός; Apokapes; Xeros βασιλικός 98 τοῦ Ὀψικίου, Paul, κριτής  13 Βατσέας, see Λιπαρίτης Batu 88 Beloozero  110, 118 βεστάρχης, Θεοφύλακτος, κριτής, μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ γηροκόμος 66 Xeros Stephanos, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ 97 βέστης, Ἑξαμιλίτης, Σέργιος κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου καὶ τῶν Θρᾳκησίων  5, 6, 7 Polyeuktos 96 Πόθος, (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας  64, 66 Σκληρός, Θεόδωρος, οἰκιστικός 66

βεστιάριον, χαρτουλάριος, Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος  99, 100 Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπα­ θάριος  123, 124, 125, 129 Ν. , ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου  65, 67 Blachernites, see Ἰωάννης Βουκελλάριοι, κριτής, Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου 62 Brachamios Philaretos  70, 74, 76, 77 Caucasus 92 Χαλδία 115 κομμερκιάριος, Πόθος, βέστης (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης  64, 66 χαρτουλάριος (μέγας), Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων  14, 15 Ἰωάννης  20, 21 Xeros Basileios, πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς τῶν Βουκελλαρίων 101

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Index of Proper Names and Terms

τοῦ βεστιαρίου, Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος  99, 100 Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπα­ θάριος  123, 124, 125, 129 τοῦ γενικοῦ, Μελιγαλᾶς, σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος καὶ παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου  104, 105 Chernigov  107, 109, 112 Cherson  92, 95 Χετάμης Θεόδωρος, κουροπαλάτης καὶ δοὺξ Μελιτηνῆς  52, 53 Xul Xač῾ik  71 Coumans 103 Cyprus  77, 92, 95 Danemark  99, 121 Dawatanos Leon  75 Dawit῾, 83 Δαυίδ (;)  16 Debeltos/Develtos  95, 115 διάκων, τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας καὶ κουβουκλήσιος, Ἰωάννης 17 Δικαιοσύνη 56 Dionysos theater (Athens)  164, 165 δισύπατος, Κυριακός  111, 112 δομέστικος, Λέων, πρωτοσπαθάριος  125 Δούκας Ἀνδρόνικος, πρόεδρος  69 Δούκας Ἀνδρόνικος, πρωτοπρόεδρος 70

Δούκας Ἰωάννης, καῖσαρ 74 δούξ, Basileios, sebastos  79 Konstantinos, protokouropa­ lates 77 δοὺξ Ἀντιοχείας, Μαύρηξ, Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος 73 δοὺξ Μελιτηνῆς, Χετάμης, Θεόδωρος, κουροπαλάτης  52, 53 Dristra 115 Δρόμος 163 Drosos Georgios  96 Edessa  70, 71, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79 katepano, Paulos  69 εἰδικόν  100, 133 εἰδικός 101 Stephanos, πρωτοσπαθάριος 102 Εἰρηνικὸς Θεόδωρος  32, 33 ἐλάχιστος 141 Ἔλεος 55 Ἐλπίδιος 138 emperors / empresses Alexios I (of Trebizond)  166 Constantine X (Doukas)  27 Ioannes II (Komnenos)  148, 149, 150, 151 John VIII (Palaiologos)  35, 36 Michael VI  170 Michael VII (Doukas)  70 Michael VIII (Doukas, Angelos, Komnenos, Palaiologos)  169, 170 Nikephoros III (Botanei­ ates) 171 Romanos IV (Diogenes)  69, 70

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Index of Proper Names and Terms

emporion/-a 122 ἐξάκτωρ, Πόθος, βέστης (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας  64, 66 ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου, see ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκιστικός 67 Νικόλαος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτής  102, 103 Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος, κριτὴς καὶ ἀναγραφεύς  12, 13 Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Βουκελλαρίων  62, 66 ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ λόγου, Νικηφόρος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος 132, 133 ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος, Θεόδωρος (?), πρωτοσπαθάριος, ὕπατος καὶ πρωτονοτάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου 96 Ν., 17, 18 ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν, Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, ξενοδόχος Νικαίας  67 ἐπίσκοπος, Κολωνείας, Γρηγόριος  30 Μαγνησίας, Λεόντιος  23

Ῥωσίας, Ἰωσήφ  87, 88 Ἐφέσου, ἀρχιεπίσκοπος, Θεόδωρος  9, 10, 11, 12 οἰκονόμος, Εὐσέβιος  8, 9 Ἐρήμη (Monastery Ἰωάννου τοῦ Προδρόμου) 30 Eugene IV (pope)  43 Εὐμάθιος 118 Εὐσέβιος, οἰκονόμος Ἐφέσου  8, 9 Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων  14, 15 Εὐφήμιος 22 Εὐχάριστος 141 Fatimids 96 Γαβαλàς Γεώργιος, σεβαστός  25 Gagik 71 γαμβρός 153 Ganjak 72 γενικόν  92, 93, 94, 95, 98, 100, 101, 104, 106 λογοθέτης, Λέων, ἀνθύπατος, πατρίκιος 96 χαρτουλάριος, Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων 14, 15 Μελιγαλᾶς, σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος καὶ παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου  104, 105 γενικός (λογοθέτης), Μονομαχάτος, Παῦλος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπα­ θάριος  130, 131



Index of Proper Names and Terms

Georgios / Γεώργιος  148, 154, 155 see Alousianos; Βαρασβατζέ; Drosos; Γαβαλάς; Μελισσηνός; Τανοτέρης; Tzoulas γηροκόμος, Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, κριτής, μέγας οἰκιστικός  66 Golgotha 143 Gregorios, see Pakourianos Γρηγόριος, ἐπίσκοπος Κολωνείας  30 Hareb 78 Hasan 71 ἑβδομάριος, Ν. , ὀστιάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ βεστιαρίου  65, 67 Ἑξαμιλίτης Σέργιος  5, 6, 7 Ἱκανᾶτος 110 Horologion (of Kyrrhestos)  165 ὕπατος, Πάρδος, παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου 162 Θεόδωρος (?), πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος καὶ πρωτονοτάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου 96 Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Βουκελλαρίων  62, 66 ὑπέρτιμος, Maximos, μητροπολίτης Ῥωσίας 89 Nikephoros, μητροπολίτης Ῥωσίας 89

Ikonion  70, 76 Ἰωάννης  25, 108, 109 see Ἀρβαντηνός; Blach­ ernites; Doukas; Καρδάμης; Σπανόπουλος; Τουρκόπουλος χαρτουλάριος  21, 22 διάκων τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας καὶ κουβουκλήσιος  17 μητροπολίτης Ἀθηνῶν  164 βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, στρατηγὸς τῶν Κιβυρραιωτῶν 29 Ἰωσήφ, ἐπίσκοπος, Ῥωσίας  87, 88 Isaakios, brother of the emperor Ioannes II Komnenos  148, 149, 150, 151 Ivane 82 Kadıkalesi/Anaia 4 kaisar, Doukas Ioannes,74 Kappadokia 71 Καρδάμης Ἰωάννης, σπαθάριος καὶ οἰκιστικός (?)  67 Kaŕkaŕ 79 Kars  74, 79 Katakalon, see Tarchaneiotes κατεπάνω Ἐδέσσης, Παῦλος 69 κελλαρίτης 50 Khatchatour 70 Κιβυρραιῶται, Ἰωάννης, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, στρατηγός 29 Kiev  88, 107, 108, 109, 110, 117



Index of Proper Names and Terms

κληρικός, τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας, Κωνσταντῖνος, κουβουκλήσιος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ σεκρέτου 62,63 Κολώνεια, ἐπίσκοπος, Γρηγόριος  30 Kommagene 79 κομμερκιάριος/κομμερκιάριοι/ κομμέρκιον, Χαλδίας, Πόθος, βέστης (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης  64, 66 τῶν Ῥῶς  114 Kopitaŕ 74 Kotyaion 70 κουβουκλήσιος, Ἰωάννης, διάκων τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας 17 Κωνσταντῖνος, κληρικὸς τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ σεκρέτου 62,63 κουροπαλάτης Χετάμης Θεόδωρος, δοὺξ Μελιτηνῆς  52, 53 κριτής, Νικόλαος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου  102, 103 Paul, βασιλικὸς τοῦ Ὀψικίου 13 Stephanos, ἀντιπροσωπὼν τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου  96 Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ γηροκόμος 66

Xeros (?), Ν., ἀνθύπατος, πατρίκιος 97 κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου, Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων  14, 15 Λίβερος/Λιβέρης 27, 28 Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου καὶ ἀναγραφεὺς τῶν Θρᾳκησίων  12, 13 Ν. , πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τῶν Βουκελλαρίων  62, 66 κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, Εὐστάθιος, πατρίκιος, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων  14, 15 Xeros Stephanos, βεστάρχης, λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ  97 κριτὴς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν, Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων  61, 66 κριτὴς τῶν Βουκελλαρίων, Xeros Basileios, πρωτοσπαθάριος, μέγας χαρτουλάριος  101 Ν. , πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός 62 κριτὴς τῶν Θρᾳκησίων Ἑξαμιλίτης Σέργιος, βέστης, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου  5, 6, 7 Νικήτας, πρωτοσπαθάριος  105 Ν., οἰκιστικός  66 Kyriakos, ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Ἐφέσου 10



Index of Proper Names and Terms

Κυριακός, δισύπατος  111, 112 Kyrillos II (metropolitan of Kiev)  88, 89 κῦρις 153 Κωνσταντῖνος 79 see Νικαεύς; Senachereim; Splenarios ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως  67 ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου)  67 κληρικὸς τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας, κουβουκλήσιος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ σεκρέτου 62,63 protokouropalates and doux 77 Laïnon 47 Lamia (Central Greece)  163 Lampron 72 Λίβερος/ Λιβέρης, κριτής  27, 28 Lembiotissa (monastery)  23 Lemessos 31 Λέων/Leon 95 see Dawatanos ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ 96 πριμικήριος 104 πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ δομέστικος 125 Λεόντιος, ἐπίσκοπος Μαγνησίας  23, 24 Liparites / Li᾿parit᾿, 81, 82, 96

Λιπαρίτης Βατσέας  81, 82 Liutprand (of Cremona)  98 λογαριαστὴς τῶν οἰκιστικῶν, Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος  63 λογοθέσιον τοῦ γενικοῦ, ἀντιπροσωπών, Stephanos, κριτής  96 πρωτονοτάριος, Theodoros (?), πρωτοσπαθάριος, ὕπατος, ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος 96 λογοθέτης, Παλαιολόγος  160, 161 λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ, Leon, ἀνθύπατος, πατρίκιος 96 Xeros Stephanos, βεστάρχης, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου  97 Xeros (?) Ν., πρόεδρος  97 λογοθέτης τοῦ δρόμου, Συμεών (Μεταφραστής), μάγιστρος 163 Lothar I  126 Lvov 112 Λυχνίτης 53 μάγιστρος, Συμεών (Μεταφραστής), λογοθέτης τοῦ δρόμου 163 Μαγνησία, Λεόντιος, ἐπίσκοπος  23, 24 Manbiğ 70 Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν καὶ ξενοδόχος Νικαίας 67 Mantoules (?)  102 Mantzikert 70



Index of Proper Names and Terms

Maroules (?)  102 Matracha 95 Maximos, μητροπολίτης Ῥωσίας καὶ ὑπέρτιμος  89 Μαύρηξ Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος καὶ δοὺξ Ἀντιοχείας 73 Μέγα Πνεῦμα  118 Μεγάλη Ἐκκλησία, Ἰωάννης, διάκων καὶ κουβουκλήσιος 17 Κωνσταντῖνος, κληρικὸς, κουβουκλήσιος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ σεκρέτου 62,63 Μελιγαλᾶς, σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ καὶ παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου  104, 105 Μελισσηνός, Γεώργιος  22, 23 Γεώργιος, τζαούσιος  23 Μελιτηνή  76, 83 δούξ, Χετάμης Θεόδωρος, κουροπαλάτης 52, 53, 77 Menteşe 3 Mesopotamia 75 Μεταφραστής, see Συμεὼν Μetropolitan, Ῥωσίας, Maximos, ὑπέρτιμος  89 Nikephoros, ὑπέρτιμος  89 Μιχαήλ, see Μαύρηξ πρόεδρος καὶ λογαριαστὴς τῶν οἰκιστικῶν 63 μικροὶ δικασταὶ  15 Mokissos 30

Monastery, Ἰωάννου Προδρόμου τῆς Ἐρήμης 30 Παντεπόπτου  50, 51 Μονομαχάτος Παῦλος, πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός  94, 130, 131, 134 Μονομάχος, see Μονομαχάτος Mopsuestia 72 Mosele Alexios  128 Nathanael, metropolitan of Rho­ des 42 Νικαεύς, see Κωνσταντῖνος Νίκαια, ξενοδόχος, Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν  67 Nikephoritzes 74 Νικηφόρος, see Palaiologos bishop of Koloneia  30 μητροπολίτης Ῥωσίας, ὑπέρτιμος 89 βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ λόγου  132, 133 Νικήτας, πρωτοσπαθἀριος καὶ κριτὴς τῶν Θρᾳκησίων 105 Nikolaos, see Zonaras πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου καὶ κριτής  102, 103 Nikopolis (Armenia)  30



Index of Proper Names and Terms

Nikopolis (Bulgaria)  41 nomisma / nomismata  92 Novgorod  107, 108, 109, 110, 113, 114 Ν., see Xeros (?) ἐπὶ τοῦ θεοφυλάκτου κοιτῶνος  17, 18 ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ βεστιαρίου  65, 67 πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Βουκελλαρίων  62, 66 πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ εἰδικός 102 τῶν Θρᾳκησίων  13, 14 οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως, Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος 67 οἰκιστικόν  60, 63 οἰκιστικός 62 Καρδάμης Ἰωάννης, σπαθάριος 67 Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου)  67 Νικόλαος 67 Πόθος, βέστης (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, τῆς σακέλλης καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας  64, 66 Σκληρὸς Θεόδωρος, βέστης 66

Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης, τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν  61, 66 Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, κριτὴς καὶ γηροκόμος  66 Ν., κριτὴς Θρᾳκησίων  66 Ν., πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Βουκελλαρίων  62, 66 οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων, Στέφανος, πρωτοβέστης, κριτὴς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν  61 οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ βεστιαρίου, N., ὀστιάριος, ἑβδομάριος  65, 67 οἰκονόμος Ἐφέσου, Εὐσέβιος  8, 9 Okolnyj 107 ὀστιάριος, Ν. , ἑβδομάριος καὶ οἰκιστικὸς τοῦ σεκρέτου τοῦ βεστιαρίου  65, 67 Ὀψίκιον, βασιλικός, Paul, κριτής  13 Pahlavouni Vasak  76 Pakourianos Gregorios  73 Παλαιολόγος  160, 161 Παλαιολόγος Ἀλέξιος, σεβαστός  7, 8 Παλαιολόγος Νικηφόρος, δοὺξ Μεσοποταμίας 78 Palestina  92, 96 παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου, Μελιγαλᾶς, σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ  104, 105



Index of Proper Names and Terms

Πάρδος, ὕπατος  162 Parthenon 164 patriarchs 142 Arsenios (Autoreianos)  163, 164 Germanos II  88 Germanos III  89 Gregorios II  89 Methodios II  89 πατρίκιος Ἀγαπητὸς Βασίλειος  46 (Baboutzikos) Θεοδόσιος  125, 126, 127, 128, 133 Εὐστάθιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ ἄρκλας Θρᾳκησίων  14, 15 Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως  67 Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου)  67 Λέων, ἀνθύπατος, λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ 96 Μονομαχάτος Παῦλος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ γενικός  130, 131 Θεοδόσιος, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου  99, 100 Θεοδόσιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου  123, 124, 125, 129

Xeros (?), Ν., ἀνθύπατος καὶ κριτής 97 Παῦλος  138, 143 see Μονομαχάτος katepano of Edessa  69 κριτὴς καὶ βασιλικὸς τοῦ Ὀψικίου 13 πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ ἀναγραφεὺς τῶν Θρᾳκησίων  12, 13 Pereslavl 108 Petra 92 Philaretos, see Brachamios φῶς 55 Pliska 94 ποιμενάρχης 89 Ῥωσίας, Ἰωσήφ  87, 88 Poltava 109 Polyeuktos, βέστης  96 Πόθος, βέστης (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, οἰκιστικὸς τῆς σακέλλης καὶ κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας  64, 66 Preslav  93, 94 πριμικήριος, Λέων  104 πρόεδρος, Doukas Andronikos  69 Μαύρηξ Μιχαήλ, πρόεδρος καὶ δοὺξ Ἀντιοχείας  73 Μιχαήλ, λογαριαστὴς τῶν οἰκιστικῶν 63 Σπανόπουλος Ἰωάννης  116 Xeros (?) Ν., λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ 97 Propontis 101 πρωτοβέστης,



Index of Proper Names and Terms

Στέφανος, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν  61, 66 protokouropalates, Konstantinos, doux  77 πρωτονοτάριος, τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου, Θεόδωρος (?), πρωτοσπαθάριος, ὕπατος, ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος 96 πρωτοπρόεδρος, Doukas Andronikos  70 Νικαεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος  47 πρωτοσπαθάριος, Ἰωάννης, στρατηγὸς Κιβυρραιωτῶν 29 Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, οἰκεῖος τοῦ βασιλέως 67 Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀνθύπατος πατρίκιος, οἰκιστικὸς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου (or ἐπὶ τοῦ βεστιαρίου) 67 Λέων, δομέστικος  125 Μανουήλ, ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν καὶ ξενοδόχος Νικαίας  67 Μονομαχάτος Παῦλος, πατρίκιος καὶ γενικός  130, 131 Νικηφόρος, ἐπὶ τοῦ εἰδικοῦ λόγου  132, 133 Νικήτας, κριτὴς τῶν Θρᾳκησίων 105 Νικόλαος, ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου καὶ κριτής  102, 103 Παῦλος, ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ ἀναγραφεὺς τῶν Θρᾳκησίων  12, 13

Θεόδωρος (?), ὕπατος, ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος καὶ πρωτονοτάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου 96 Θεοδόσιος, πατρίκιος, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου  123, 124, 125, 129 Xeros Basileios, μέγας χαρτουλάριος καὶ κριτὴς τῶν Βουκελλαρίων  101 Ν., εἰδικός  102 Ν., ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, ὕπατος, οἰκιστικός, κριτὴς τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ τῶν Βουκελλαρίων  62, 66 Pskov 107 Rhodes  25, 35, 36, 41 Ribe  99, 121, 123, 129 roga 99 Ῥωμανός (?)  102 Ῥωσία, ἐπίσκοπος, Ἰωσήφ  87, 88 μητροπολίτης, Maximos, ὑπέρτιμος  89 Nikephoros, ὑπέρτιμος 89 Roussel 74 Rovno  110, 112, 118 Ruben 74 Rubenids 74 σακέλλη, οἰκιστικός, Πόθος, βέστης (or πρωτοσπαθάριος), ἐξάκτωρ, κομμερκιάριος Χαλδίας  64, 66 Samosata 77 Sasun 72



Index of Proper Names and Terms

seal, blank  19, 20, 106 damaged 18 σεβαστή 153 Sebasteia 71 sebastokrator 151 σεβαστός, Basileios, doux  79 Παλαιολόγος Ἀλέξιος 7, 8 σέκρετον, πατριαρχικόν, Κωνσταντῖνος, κληρικὸς τῆς Μεγάλης Ἐκκλησίας 62,63 τοῦ βεστιαρίου, Ν. , ὀστιαριος, ἑβδομάριος καὶ οἰκιστικός  65, 67 Seldjukids 96 Seleukeia 115 Senachereim Konstantinos  71 Σέργιος, see Ἑξαμιλίτης Šaddadids 72 Sicily  113, 130 Side 74 Σκληρὸς Θεόδωρος, βέστης καὶ οἰκιστικός 66 Smbat (magistros and katepano of Mopsuestia) 72 Soteropolis 74 Sougdaia 95 Σπανόπουλος Ἰωάννης, πρόεδρος 116, 117 σπαθάριος, Καρδάμης Ἰωάννης, οἰκιστικός (?) 67 σπαθαροκανδιδᾶτος, Μελιγαλᾶς, χαρτουλάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ καὶ παραφύλαξ Ἀβύδου  104, 105

Splenarios Konstantinos, πρόεδρος 96 stamp seal (bronze)  20 Staraja Lagoda  118 Stephanos Tanouteres  50 Στέφανος  138, 139 see Xeros πρωτοβέστης, οἰκιστικὸς τῶν νέων ὀρθώσεων καὶ κριτὴς τῶν Ἀρμενιακῶν  61, 66 στρατηγὸς τῶν Κιβυρραιωτῶν, Ἰωάννης, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος 29 Συμεών (Μεταφραστής), μάγιστρος καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ δρόμου 163 Taman 95 Tanos 50 Τανουτέρης Γεώργιος  49 τανουτέρης/tanouter 50 Ταπείνωσις 55 Tarchaneiotes Katakalon  73 Tarsos 71 Θεόδωρος, see Χετάμης; Εἰρηνικός; Σκληρός ἀρχιεπίσκοπος Ἐφέσου  9, 10, 11, 12 πρωτοσπαθάριος, ὕπατος, ἐπὶ τοῦ κοιτῶνος καὶ πρωτονοτάριος τοῦ γενικοῦ λογοθεσίου 96 Θεοδόσιος, Baboutzikos πατρίκιος  125, 126, 127, 128, 133 πατρίκιος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου  99, 100

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Index of Proper Names and Terms

πατρίκιος, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος καὶ χαρτουλάριος τοῦ βεστιαρίου  123, 124, 125 Theodosioupolis (Karin)  69, 79 Θεοφύλακτος, βεστάρχης, κριτής, μέγας οἰκιστικὸς καὶ γηροκόμος 66 Thessaloniki 95 Thessaly  48, 164 Θρᾳκήσιοι/Θρᾳκησίων, κριτής, Ἑξαμιλίτης Σέργιος, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου  5, 6, 7 Νικήτας, κριτής, πρωτοσπαθάριος 105 Παῦλος, πρωτοσπαθάριος ἐπὶ τοῦ Χρυσοτρικλίνου, κριτὴς ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἱπποδρόμου καὶ ἀναγραφεύς  12, 13 Tissø  99, 121, 123, 129 Toghrul Beg  96 Tornik(ios), see Βαραβατζέ  83 Tornikios, commander of Sasun 72 Τουρκόπουλος Ἰωάννης  28, 29 Trebizond 166 Trier 126

Tutuš 78 τζαούσιος, Μελισσηνὸς Γεώργιος 23 Tzoulas Georgios  95 Vač῾a / Vač῾an / Vač῾e  82 Vadza 82 Vanand 74 Vasak Pahlavouni  76 Vaspourakan  71, 78 Venice 98 ξενοδοχεῖον 137 ξενοδόχος Νικαίας, Μανουήλ, βασιλικὸς πρωτοσπαθάριος, ἐπὶ τῶν οἰκειακῶν  67 Xerokampi 37 Xeros (?)  97 Xeros Basileios, πρωτοσπαθάριος, μέγας χαρτουλάριος καὶ κριτὴς τῶν Βουκελλαρίων 101 Xeros Stephanos, βεστάρχης, κριτὴς τοῦ βήλου καὶ λογοθέτης τοῦ γενικοῦ  97 Zonaras Nikolaos, judge of Thrake and Makedo­ nia 103

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Index of Iconography

Adoration  138, 139, 140 Aletheia (Ἀλήθεια), see Truth Alexios I (of Trebizond)  166 Archangel (standing)  161 Cross  109, 139, 141 (with fleurons)  114 radiant 26 Crucifixion  138, 139 Jesus Christ, bust  27, 171 enthroned 170 standing  35, 36 Michael VIII (standing, holding a medallion of the Virgin, Episkepsis type)  169, 170, 171 Monogram  8, 21, 22, 23, 124, 130, 138 Saints, Andrew (bust)  111 (?)  112, 113 Daniel (standing in the lion’s den) 27 Demetrios (standing)  7 George (standing)  22, 154, 155, 166

John Chrysostomos (bust) 17 John Prodromos, bust  30, 31, 64, 108, 111 (?) standing 28 John Theologos, bust 15 standing  9, 10, 11 Nicholas (bust)  26 Prokopios (bust)  32, 132 Theodoros (standing)  33 Theodoros Tiron  52 unidentified (bust)  109, 110 Theotokos, Enthroned, with Child  87 Episkepsis type (bust)  26, 32, 46, 116, 164 (standing) 24 Hodegetria type (bust)  16 Tomb (of Jesus Christ)  141 Truth (standing)  54 Women (at the tomb of Jesus Christ) 141

Index of Metrical Inscriptions (1) (Αἰτοῦντα με) συνώνυμον, μάρτυς, σκέπ(οι)ς  155, 156 (2) Ἄννης θυγατρὸς σφραγὶς Ἰσαακίου ἀδελφάνακτος εὐσεβοῦς Ἰωάννου  151 (3) Ἰωάννου σφράγισμα τοῦ Τουρκοπούλου  29 (4) Καλῶν μελισσῶν, τοῦ Χριστοῦ μάρτυς, κύρου τοῦ Μελισσηνοῦ τὰς γραφὰς Γεωργίου  23 (5) Κλεὶς ὦν Ἀθηνῶν, ὡς φησὶ Θεολόγος, σκέποις Πάναγνε πρόεδρον Ἰωάννην  164 (6) Κριτὴς Δανιὴλ καὶ γραφῶν νῦν προστάτης τελεῖ σεβαστοῦ Λιβέρου πράξεις κρίνων  28 (7) Κ[ύ]ρου (;) σφράγισμα γραφῶν ΑΓ…, 34 (8) Λογοθέτου σφράγισμα Παλαιολόγου  160-161 (9) Ὁμώνυμόν σον δούκα, κουροπαλάτην, μάρτυς, Χετάμην τὸν Μελιτηνῆς σκέποις  53 (10) Ὁμωνύμου μοι σφραγὶς τοῦ Ἱκανάτου  110

Index of Metrical Inscriptions

(11) Σφράγισμά εἰμι Κυριακοῦ δισυπάτου  112 (12) Σφραγὶς σεβαστοῦ Γαβαλᾶ Γεωργίου  25 (13) Σῶν Ἀθηνῶν, ὡς φησὶ Θεολόγος, σκέποις Πάναγνε πρόεδρον Ἰωάννην  164 (14) Τίνος σφραγὶς πέφυκεν ἡ γραφὴ λέγει  26 (15) Τοῖς ἀθετοῦσι τὴν δίκην τοῦ σεκρέτου ὅ νῦν κρατύνει τῷ χρόνῳ βεβυσμένον ὁ Μιχαὴλ, τὸ θαῦμα τῶν βασιλέων, ποινὴ Θεὸς τὰ πρῶτα καὶ κρίσις κόσμου (?)  169-170 (16) Τὸν ποιμενάρχην Ἰωσὴφ τῆς Ῥωσίας, ἐπισκοπῆς σῆς, ᾦ κόρη, καταξίου  87-88 (17) Φῶς χρηματίζω καὶ λύχνος τῷ Λυχνίτῃ  54 (18) Ὦ Παντεπόπτα, σῷζε τοὺς σοὺς οἰκέτας  51 (19) …. γραφὰς κυρῶ καὶ τοὺς λόγους …. τῶν Θρᾳκησίων  14

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