Studies in Byzantine Sigillography: Volume 8 [1 ed.] 9783110960082, 9783598779206

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STUDIES IN BYZANTINE SIGILLOGRAPHY

STUDIES IN BYZANTINE SIGILLOGRAPHY

8 PUBLISHED WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF THE "COMITE DORGANISATION DU XXE CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DES ETUDES BYZANTINES" AND THE "ASSOCIATION INTERNATIONALE DES ETUDES BYZANTINES"

K. G. SAUR MÜNCHEN · LEIPZIG

STUDIES IN BYZANTINE SIGILLOGRAPHY

8 FOUNDED BY NICOLAS OIKONOMIDES EDITED BY JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET AND CLAUDIA SODE

K. G. SAUR MÜNCHEN · LEIPZIG 2003

Editorial

board

Ivan Jordanov, Bulgaria John W. Nesbitt, U.S.A. Elena Stepanova, Russia Christos Stavrakos, Greece Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou, Austria Die Studies in Byzantine Sigillography erscheinen ab Band 8 im Verlag Κ. G. Saur München und Leipzig. Es ist vorgesehen, innerhalb von zwei bis drei Jahren einen Band zu publizieren. Zuschriften erbeten an: Prof. Dr. Jean-Claude Cheynet College de France, Centre d'Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance 52, rue du Cardinal Lemoine, 75005 Paris Dr. Claudia Sode Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, Institut für Altertumswissenschaften Fürstengraben 1, 07743 Jena Bestellungen durch alle Buchhandlungen wie auch beim Verlag: K. G. Saur Verlag, Postfach 701620 · 81316 München · http://www.saur.de Tel. (089) 76902-233 · Fax (089) 76902-150 e-mail: [email protected]

Bibliographische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet Uber http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. © 2003 by Κ. G. Saur Verlag GmbH, München und Leipzig Printed in Germany Alle Rechte vorbehalten. All Rights Strictly Reserved. Jede Art der Vervielfältigung ohne Erlaubnis des Verlages ist unzulässig. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. Gesamtherstellung: Druckhaus „Thomas Müntzer" GmbH, 99947 Bad Langensalza ISBN 3-598-77920-8

CONTENTS Vorwort Preface Abbreviations

V VII IX

Werner Seibt Probleme mit mittelbyzantinischen Namen (besonders Familiennamen) auf Siegeln

1

John Cotsonis Saints & Cult Centers: Α Geographie & Administrative Perspective in Light of Byzantine Lead Seals

9

Ioanna Koltsida-Makre The Iconography of the Virgin through Inscriptions on Byzantine Lead Seals of the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections

27

Valerij Stepanenko An Anonymous Russian Seal (Xllth/ XHIth c.): The Image of St. George as Horseman in the Byzantine and Russian Sigillography

39

John W. Nesbitt The Orphanotrophos: Some Observations on the History of the Office in Light of Seals

51

Ivan Jordanov The Katepanate of Paradounavon according to the Sphragistic Data

63

Nikolay Alekseenko Les relations entre Cherson et l'empire, d'apres le temoignage des sceaux des archives de Cherson

75

Jean-Claude Cheynet Les sceaux byzantins de Londres

85

Christos Stavrakos Unpublizierte Bleisiegel der Familie Maniakes: Der Fall Georgios Maniakes

101

Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou Neue Metropoliten- und Bischofssiegel aus Kleinasien und der östlichen Ägäis 113 Elena Stepanova New Finds from Sudak

123

Vera Bulgurlu - Ahmet Ilasli Seals from the Museum of Afyon (Turkey)

131

Seals Published 1997-2001

151

Catalogue of Auctions 1997-2001

217

Index of Proper Names and Terms

253

Index of Iconography

313

VORWORT

Nach den sigillographischen Pionierleistungen der französischen Byzantinistik am Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts haben erst die letzten Jahrzehnte des 20. Jahrhunderts unter ganz anderen Aspekten und wissenschaftlichen und technischen Möglichkeiten zu einem neuen Aufschwung der Sigillographie geführt, so dass eine Disziplin im eigentlichen Sinn entstehen konnte. Sammlungen in nahezu allen Ländern der Welt öffneten sich der wissenschaftlichen Erforschung, und die anwachsende Zahl an Vergleichsmaterialien verfeinerte auch die Identifizierungs- und Zuweisungsmethodik. Die Ergebnisse sigillographischer Forschung, aufbereitet in Einzelaufsätzen, Sammelbänden und Katalogen von Kollektionen in Museen und im Privatbesitz, sind zu einer unabdingbaren Voraussetzung bei der Neubewertung der byzantinischen Verwaltungsgeschichte und der Erweiterung unserer prosopographischen Kenntnisse geworden, aber auch nicht ohne Bedeutung für die Geschichte der Bildsymbolik, der Schrift und der Verwendung metrischer Ausdrucksformen. Neben den vielen verstreuten Publikationen kommt in diesem Rahmen den „Studies in Byzantine Sigillography" ein besonderes Gewicht zu, sind dort doch die Resultate von sigillographischen Spezialcolloquia vereinigt. Sie verdanken ihre Realisierung dem Einsatz von Nikos Oikonomides, dessen unerwarteter Tod nicht nur für die Byzantinistik insgesamt, sondern auch für die Sigillographie eine schwer zu schließende Lücke hinterließ. Die Entscheidung des Dumbarton Oaks Centers, nach dem Tod von Nikos Oikonomides die Reihe nicht mehr fortzusetzen, ließ die Gefahr deutlich werden, dass ein wichtiges Organ der jungen Disziplin verschwinden würde und die Colloquien vielleicht überhaupt in Frage gestellt sein könnten. Ich bin froh, dass der K.G. Saur Verlag, in dem schon mit großer verlegerischer Sorge die Byzantinische Zeitschrift und das Byzantinische Archiv erscheinen, sich bereit erklärte, die Reihe zu übernehmen. Mein Dank gilt Frau Dr. Elisabeth Schuhmann, die spontan die Initiative ergriff, und dem Geschäftsführer, Herrn Prof. Dr. K.G. Saur, der das verlegerische Risiko einer Weiterführung nicht scheute.

Die Bedeutung, die der Sigillographie im Rahmen der Byzantinistik und dieser Reihe im besonderen zukommt, wird aber auch dadurch evident, dass die Publikation mit dem Namen der Association Internationale des Etudes Byzantines verbunden ist, die damit erstmals in ihrer Geschichte und im Vorgriff auf neue Statuten eine Protektion für Fachschriften sichtbar zum Ausdruck bringt. Ich wünsche den „Studies" in ihrer alten Form und unter ihrer neuen Führung den verdienten Erfolg in der Erschließung neuer Ergebnisse zur byzantinistischen Grundlagenforschung. Peter Schreiner

PREFACE

Nikos Oikonomides created Studies in Byzantine Sigillography in the desire to promote the knowledge and use of one of most important sources of Byzantine history. He also thought that this collection would contribute to the development of sigillography by stimulating enthusiasm amongst young scholars. Since the appearence of the first number in 1987 the vitality of this discipline and number of major publications has increased appreciably, beginning with DO Seals edited by Oikonomides and John Nesbitt. The untimely death of the founder of the series was not to interrupt the work under way. Thanks to Werner Seibt, it was possible to complete the edition of Volume 7 at Dumbarton Oaks. However, in order to insure the continuation of the SBS it was decided, after consultation with several colleagues, amongst them the late Paul Speck, that future volumes should be put in our hands. We have retained the structure of the volumes as conceived by Oikonomides: they are intended to contain the acts of symposia and also, in every other volume, to list articles that have appeared and seals put up for auction. Volume 8 contains some of the papers given during the Congress in Paris in August 2001. The only innovation here is the inclusion of reviews of works on seals, since such reviews often correct errors in the readings of legends which would otherwise find their way into the secondary literature. The editors could not have accomplished their task without the help of numerous colleagues, many of whom are on the editorial committee which we have created in order to stress the dependence of SBS on collective effort. Werner Seibt and Alexandra Wassiliou furnished most of the notices concerning reviews and auctions. Finally, we recall with pleasure that this volume has been published with the support of the 'Comite d'Organisation du XXe Congres International des Etudes Byzantines' and the 'Association Internationale des Etudes Byzantines.' Likewise, we thank the president of the AIEB, Peter Schreiner, for his efforts to safeguard the SBS and the publishing house Saur which has accepted the series. Jean-Claude Cheynet/ Claudia Sode

ABBREVIATIONS

AAA: 'Αρχαιολογικά Ανάλεκτα έξ 'Αθηνών ADSV: Antihnaja drevnost i srednie veka (Ekaterinbourg) Ahrweiler, Mer. H. Ahrweiler, Byzance et la mer: la marine de guerre, la politique et les institutions maritimes de Byzance aux VHe-XVe siecles (Paris, 1966) Alexiade: Anne Comnene, Alexiade I-IV, ed. B. Leib (Paris, 1937-1976) ANS: American Numismatic Society, New York 'Αρχ. Δελτ.: Άρχαιολογικόν Δελτίον 'Αρχ. Έφ.: 'Αρχαιολογική Έφημερίς BAR: British Archaeological Reports Barzos, Komnenoi: K. Barzos, Έ γενεαλογία των Κομνηνών I-II (Thessalonica, 1984) BCH: Bulletin de correspondance hellenique Bibicou, Douanes: H. Antoniadis-Bibicou, Recherches sur les douanes a Byzance: l'octava, le "kommerkion" et les commerciaires (Paris, 1963) Birch: W. de Gray Birch, Catalogue of Seals in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1898) BnF: Bibliotheque nationale de France BSA : The Annual of the British School at Athens BSFN: Bulletin de la Societe frangaise de numismatique ByzSl: Byzantinoslavica BZ: Byzantinische Zeitschrift Cheynet, Antioche: J.-CI. Cheynet, "Sceaux byzantins des musees d'Antioche et de Tarse," TM 12 (1994) 391-478, XVI pi. Cheynet, Pouvoir: J.-CI. Cheynet, Pouvoir et contestations a Byzance (9631210) (Paris, 1990). Cheynet-Vannier: J.-CI. Cheynet et J.-F. Vannier, Etudes prosopographiques (Paris, 1986) Choniates: Nicetae Choniatae Historia, ed. I. van Dieten (Berlin-New York, 1975) Corinth XII: Gladys R. Davidson, The Minor Objects [Corinth XII] (Princeton, 1952) CRAI: Comptes rendus des seances de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Darrouzes, Notitiae: J. Darrouzes, Notitiae episcopatuum ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Paris, 1981) Darrouzes, Offikia: J. Darrouzes, Recherches sur les όφφίκια de l'Eglise byzantine (Paris, 1970) Dated Seals: N. Oikonomides, A Collection of Dated Byzantine Lead Seals (Washington, D.C., 1986) IX

ABBREVIATIONS

De adm. imp.: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio, ed. Gy. Moravcsik, tr. R. J. H. Jenkins, 2nd ed. (Washington, D.C., 1967) DO: Dumbarton Oaks DOP~. Dumbarton Oaks Papers DOSeals: Catalogue of the Byzantine Seals at Dumbarton Oaks and in the Fogg Museum of Art 1-4, ed. J. W. Nesbitt and N. Oikonomides (Washington, D.C., 1991, 1994, 1996, 2001) ΔΧΑΕ: Δελτίον της Χριστιανικής 'Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας Dunn, Handlist: Α. W. Dunn, A Handlist of the Byzantine Lead Seals and Tokens (and of Western and Islamic Seals) in the Barber Institute of Fine Arts, Birmingham (Birmingham, 1983) Ebersolt, Sceaux: J. Ebersolt, "Sceaux byzantins du Musee de Constantinople," RN, 4th ser., 18 (1914) 207-243, 377-409 EEBS: Έπετηρις Εταιρείας Βυζαντινών Σπουδών 'Ελλ. Φιλολ. Συλλ.: Ό έν Κωνσταντινουπόλει Ελληνικός Φιλολογικός Σύλλογος ΕΟ: Echos d'Orient Grierson, Catalogue: P. Grierson, Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, II, 1-2; III, 1-2 (Washington, D.C., 1968, 1973) Grierson, Coins: P. Grierson, Byzantine Coins (London-Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1982) Guilland, Recherches: R. Guilland, Recherches sur les institutions byzantines III (Berlin-Amsterdam, 1967) IFEB: Institut Fran^ais d'Etudes Byzantines Iviron I-IV: Actes d'lviron I-IV, ed. J. Lefort, N. Oikonomides, D. Papachryssanthou, V. Kravari, H. Metreveli (Paris, 1985, 1990, 1994, 1995) IzvestijaRAIK: Izvestija Russkago Arheologiöeskago Instituta ν Konstantinopole Janin, CPbyz.: R. Janin, Constantinople byzantine: developpement urbain et repertoire topographique, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1964) Janin, Eglises: R. Janin, La geographie ecclesiastique de l'Empire byzantin, I: Le siege de Constantinople et le patriarcat cecumenique, ΙΠ: Les eglises et les monasteres, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1969) Janin, Grands centres: R. Janin, La geographie ecclesiastique de l'Empire byzantin, II: Les eglises et les monasteres des grands centres byzantins (Paris, 1975) JI AN: Journal international d'archeologie numismatique JOB: Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik (formerly Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesellschaft) Jordanov, Preslav: I. Jordanov, Pecatite ot strategijata ν Preslav (Sofia, 1993) Kazdan, Armjane: Α. P. Kazdan, Armjane ν sostave gospodstvujuSöego klassa vizantijskoj imperii ν XI-XII vv. (Erevan, 1975) Koltstida-Makre, Μολυβδόβουλλα: I. Koltsida-Makre, Βυζαντινά Μολυβδόβουλλα συλλογής Ορφανίδη-Νικολα'ιδη Νομισματικού Μουσείου Αθηνών (Athens, 1996) Χ

ABBREVIATIONS

Konstantopoulos: Κ. Μ. Konstantopoulos, Βυζαντιακά μολυβδόβουλλα τοΰ έν 'Αθήναις 'Εθνικού Νομισματικού Μουσείου (Athens, 1917; reprinted from JIAN 5 [1902] - 10 [1907]) Konstantopoulos, Stamoules: Κ. M. Konstantopoulos, Βυζαντιακά μολυβδόβουλλα. Ή συλλογή 'Αναστασίου Κ. Π. Σταμούλη (Athens, 1930) Kühn, Armee: H.-J. Kühn, Die byzantinische Armee im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert: Studien zur Organisation der Tagmata (Vienna, 1991) Laurent, Bültes metriques: V. Laurent, Les bulles metriques dans la sigillographie byzantine (Athens, 1932; offprint from Hellenika 4 [1931] - 8 [1935]) Laurent, Corpus: V. Laurent, Le Corpus des sceaux de l'Empire byzantin, V, 1-3, L'eglise (Paris, 1963-1972); II, L'administration centrale (Paris, 1981) Laurent, Orghidan: V. Laurent, La Collection C. Orghidan (Paris, 1952) Laurent, Vatican: V. Laurent, Les sceaux byzantins du Medaillier Vatican (Vatican, 1962) Lavra I-IV: Actes de Lavra I-IV, ed. P. Lemerle, A. Guillou, N. Svoronos, D. Papachryssanthou (Paris, 1970, 1977, 1979, 1982) LCI: Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie Lemerle, Cinq etudes: P. Lemerle, Cinq etudes sur le Xle siecle byzantin (Paris, 1977) Lihacev, Datirovannye: Ν. P. Lihacev, "Datirovannye vizantijskie pecati," Izvestija Rossijslcoj Akademii Istorii Material'noj Kul'tury 3 (1924) 152-224 Lihacev, IZIGI: Ν. P. Lihacev, Istoriceskoe znacenie italo-greceskoj ikonopisi: Izobrazenija Bogomateri ν proizvedenijah italo-greöeskih ikonopiscev i ih vlijanie na kompozicii nekotoryh proslavlennyh russkih ikon (St. Petersburg, 1911) Lihacev, Molivdovuly: Ν. P. Lihacev, Molivdovuly greceskogo Vostoka, ed. V. S. Sandrovskaja (Naucnoe nasledstvo 19) (Moscow, 1991) MAIET: Materialy po Arheologii, Istorii i Etnografii Tavriki (Simferopol) Morrisson, Catalogue: C. Morrisson, Catalogue des monnaies byzantines de la Bibliotheque Nationale I-II (Paris, 1970) Morrisson-Seibt: C. Morrisson and W. Seibt, "Sceaux de commerciaires byzantins du Vlle siecle trouves ä Carthage," RN, 6th ser., 24 (1982) 222-241 NC: The Numismatic Chronicle NCirc: The Numismatic Circular NE: Νέος Έλληνομνήμων ΟDB: Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium Oikonomides, Evolution: N. Oikonomides, "L'evolution de l'organisation administrative de Γ empire byzantin au Xle s. (1025-1118)," TM 6 (1979) 126-152 Oikonomides, Kommerkiarioi: N. Oikonomides, "Silk Trade and Production in Byzantium from the Sixth to the Ninth Century: The Seals of Kommerkiarioi," DOP 40 (1986) 33-53 Oikonomides, Listes: N. Oikonomides, Les listes de preseance byzantines des IXe etXe siecles (Paris, 1972) Pancenko, Katalog: Β. A. Pancenko, Katalog molivdovulov (Sofia, 1908; reprinted from IzvestijaRAIK 1903, 1904, 1908) XI

ABBREVIATIONS

ΡLP: Prosopographisches Lexikon der Palaiologenzeit (Vienna, 1976-1996) PmbZ: Prosopographie der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit, nach Vorarbeiten F. Winkelmanns erstellt von R.-J. Lilie, Cl. Ludwig, Th. Pratsch, II. Rochow unter Mitarbeit von W. Brandes, J. R. Martindale, B. Zielke (Berlin-New York, 1998-2002) Polemis, Doukai: D. Polemis, The Doukai: A Contribution to Byzantine Prosopography (London, 1968) PLRE: The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. 1, ed. Α. Η. M. Jones, J. R. Martindale, J. Morris (Cambridge, 1971), vol. 2, ed. J. R. Martindale (Cambridge, 1980) RE: Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll-Mittelhaus, Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft REB: Revue des etudes byzantines REG: Revue des etudes grecques Regesten: F. Dölger, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches I-IV (Munich, 1924-1960); fasc. II and ΠΙ, new edition by P. Wirth (Munich, 1995 and 1977); fasc. V, by F. Dölger and P. Wirth (Munich-Berlin, 1965) Regestes: Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, I, by V. Grumel, new edition by J. Darrouzes (Paris, 1972); ΙΙ-ΙΠ, by V. Grumel, new edition by J. Darrouzes (Paris, 1989); IV, by V. Laurent (Paris, 197 1); V-VII, by J. Darrouzes (Paris, 1977, 1979, 1991) RESEE: Revue des etudes sud-est europeennes RN: Revue numismatique Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika: Iskusstvo Vizantii ν sobranijah SSSR (Katalog vystavki) (Moscow, 1977), Ι-ΠΙ, section "Sfragistika" by V. Sandrovskaja Sathas, MB: Κ. N. Sathas, Μεσαιωνική Βιβλιοθήκη I-VII (Athens-Venice-Paris, 1872-1894) SBS: Studies in Byzantine Sigillography (Washington, D.C., 1987ff) Schlumberger, Sig.: G. Schlumberger, Sigillographie de l'Empire byzantin (Paris, 1884) Schlumberger, Melanges: G. Schlumberger, Melanges d'archeologie byzantine (Paris, 1895) SCIV: Studii §i Cercetäri de Istorie Veche [§i Arheologie] SCN: Studii j; Cercetäri de Numismaticä Seibt, Bleisiegel: W. Seibt, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Österreich, I. Teil, Kaiserhof (Vienna, 1978) Seibt, "Die Darstellung der Theotokos": W. Seibt, "Die Darstellung der Theotokos auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln, besonders im 11. Jahrhundert," SBS 1 (1987) 35-56 Seibt, Skleroi: W. Seibt, Die Skleroi: Eine prosopographisch-sigillographische Studie (Vienna, 1976) Seibt-Zarnitz: W. Seibt - M.L. Zarnitz, Das byzantinische Bleisiegel als Kunswerk. Katalog zur Ausstellung (Vienna, 1997)

XII

ABBREVIATIONS

Seyrig: J.-CI. Cheynet, C. Morrisson, and W. Seibt, Les sceaux byzantins de la collection Henri Seyrig (Paris, 1991) Skoulatos, Personnages: B. Skoulatos, Les personnages byzantins de l'Alexiade: analyse prosopographique et synthese (Louvain, 1980) Skylitzes: loannis Scylitzae, Synopsis historiarum, ed. I. Thum (Berlin-New York, 1973) Sode, Bleisiegel: C. Sode, Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin II (Bonn, 1997) Sokolova, Monety: I. V. Sokolova, Monety i pecati vizantijskogo Hersona (Leningrad, 1983) Speck, Bleisiegel: Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin (West), ed. P. Speck et al., with special collaboration of J. Nesbitt (Bonn, 1986) Szemioth-Wasilewski: A. Szemioth and T. Wasilewski, "Sceaux byzantins du Musee National de Varsovie," Studia Zrodhznawcze, Commentationes 11 (1966) 1-38; 14 (1969) 63-89 Stavrakos, Bleisiegel: C. Stavrakos, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen aus der Sammlung des Numismatischen Museums Athen (Vienna, 2002) Tafel-Thomas: G. L. F. Tafel and G. M. Thomas, Urkunden zur älteren Handelsund Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig Ι-ΙΠ (Vienna, 1856-1857) "The Usual Lead Seal": Ν. Oikonomides, "The Usual Lead Seal," DOP 37 (1983) 147-157 TIB: Tabula Imperii Byzantini (Vienna, 1976ff) TM: Travaux et memoires Viz• Vrem.: Vizantijskij Vremennik Zacos, Seals II: G. Zacos, Byzantine Lead Seals II (Bern, 1984) Zacos-Veglery: G. Zacos and A. Veglery, Byzantine Lead Seals I (Basel, 1972) Zbor. Rad.: Zbornik Radova Vizantoloskog Instituta Zepos, Jus: I. and P. Zepos, Jus Graecoromanum I-VIII (Athens, 1931) Zographou: Actes de Zographou, ed. W. Regel, Ε. Kurtz, and Β. Korablev, Viz. Vrem. 13 (1907) supplement 1

XIII

Werner Seibt

PROBLEME MIT MITTELBYZANTINISCHEN NAMEN (BESONDERS FAMILIENNAMEN) AUF SIEGELN

Beinamen, ob es sich nun um echte Familiennamen oder auch nur um Herkunfts-, Spitznamen oder Ahnliches handelt,1 machen Siegel in prosopographischer Hinsicht doppelt interessant; einerseits, weil dadurch eine gewisse Gruppe von Monumenten a priori untereinander verbunden wird,2 andererseits, weil in solchen Fällen die Chancen für seriöse Identifizierungen bzw. auch für die Unterscheidung mehrerer homonymer Persönlichkeiten erheblich größer sind als sonst.3 Viele Dutzend von Familiennamen sind aus den verschiedensten Quellen recht gut bekannt und finden sich sogar im Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, zumeist von Alexander P. Kazhdan bearbeitet. In diesen Fällen bringen Siegel zumeist neue Mitglieder ins Rampenlicht der Geschichte zurück bzw. liefern neue Erkenntnisse zu bekannten Persönlichkeiten, wenn auch

1 Es empfiehlt sich, hier doch etwas sorgfältiger zu unterscheiden als es in der Vergangenheit oft geschah. Von "Familiennamen" sollte man nur dort sprechen, wo tatsächlich mehrere Personen mit diesem Namen in den Quellen nachweisbar sind. Andererseits entwickelten sich viele Herkunftsnamen später zu Familiennamen. Aber so mancher "Spitzname" (sobriquet) kam offenbar nur einer einzigen Person zu bzw. wurde von dieser wie ein offizieller Beiname akzeptiert und sogar auf das Siegel gesetzt. Zu dieser Problematik, besonders in der früheren Entwicklungsphase der mittelbyzantinischen Beinamen, vgl. W. Seibt, "Beinamen, "Spitznamen", Herkunftsnamen, Familiennamen bis ins 10. Jahrhundert: Der Beitrag der Sigillographie zu einem prosopographischen Problem," SBS 7 (2002) 119-136. 2 Es ist allerdings fraglich, ob bei Namen wie etwa "Anatolikos", "Iberopulos" usw. mit Fug verwandtschaftliche Beziehungen zwischen den einzelnen Namensträgern postuliert werden dürfen. In Fällen wie "Antiochites" gehen wir jedoch schon davon aus, nehmen also an, dass ab dem Zeitpunkt, zu dem ein Zweig der städtischen Aristokratie von Antiocheia diesen Beinamen annahm, er gewissermaßen für diese Familie "reserviert" war. 3 Vor vorschnellen Identifizierungen sind wir heute viel eher auf der Hut als noch vor wenigen Jahrzehnten, als der Vorwurf des "Identifizierungsrausches" oft berechtigt war. Schon im späteren 11. Jahrhundert dürfte es so manche Personen gegeben haben, die nicht nur den gleichen Vor- und Familiennamen hatten, sondern auch eine ähnliche Karriere einschlugen. Es ist eine der vordringlichen methodologischen Aufgaben, Kriterien zur Trennung solcher Homonymoi zu erarbeiten.

1

WERNER SEIBT

dort, wo wir nur ungenügend eng datieren können, ja selbst die Methode der relativen Chronologie nur unzureichend zur Verfügung steht, weiterhin so manche Fragen offen bleiben - was besonders für viele Dukas- bzw. Komnenos-Siegel des 12. Jh. gilt. In so mancher Hinsicht reizvoller wird die Arbeit bei anderweitig selten oder gar nicht griechisch belegten Namen. Selbst wenn die entsprechenden Zeilen gut erhalten sind (was leider viel zu selten der Fall ist, da bei nicht-metrischen Siegeln der Familienname am Ende der Legende steht, und die Randpartien besonders anfällig für Beschädigungen sind bzw. infolge von Dezentrierung nur partiell auf dem Schrötling abgedruckt waren), erschweren Abkürzungen (nicht nur am Ende des Wortes4), weitere Kürzel,5 orthographische Sorglosigkeit, vor allem im Bereich des Jotazismus oder bezüglich einer exakten Unterscheidung von Omikron und Omega, schließlich auch der Usus, Doppelkonsonanten mehrheitlich nicht auszuschreiben, die Arbeit des Sigillographen und haben somit zu manchen Fehlinterpretationen geführt. Andererseits wissen wir beim Beta oft nicht, ob ein B - oderV - Wert dahintersteckt, ja auch zwischen Y und U gibt es Schwankungen (Chrysos/Chrusos, Chrusographos/Chrysographos, Astukomites/Astykomites usw.). Falls diese Probleme durch das bekannte Phänomen mehrdeutiger oder weitgehend zerstörter Buchstaben entsprechend gesteigert werden, wird die Ausgangslage recht ungünstig. Schließlich sei darauf hingewiesen, dass es manchmal gar nicht klar ist, ob am Ende ein Familienname, ein geographischer Terminus oder nur ein Amt bzw. Kommando stand.6 Wenn wir aus der Gruppe der seltenen oder sonst nicht belegten Gentilia eher durchsichtige Herkunftsnamen (etwa Asprakanites/Ba(a)sprakanites von Vaspurakan, Anthemiotes vom hauptstädtischen Viertel τά Άνθεμίου, Arkadiupolites) oder von bekannten fremdstämmigen Individualnamen (etwa Strazimeros, Asotes, Artabasdos, Tzorbaneles, Chosrobeos, Aplesphares, Arsakenos) oder von Ämtern bzw. Rangtiteln, Truppenkörpern usw. (ζ. B. Allagitzes) abgeleitete Formen ausscheiden, bleibt immer noch viel rätselhaftes Material übrig.

4 Es fällt erstaunlicherweise auf, dass gerade der Vokal, auf dem die Betonung liegt, in vielen Fällen weggekürzt wurde. 5 Etwa Α für Προ- oder Πρώτο-, S für και- oder κε-, für Χρυσό-, oder auch Zahlzeichen für den entsprechenden Terminus (beispielsweise bei Hexamilites). 6 Wenn etwa nach dem Terminus "Strategos" der Artikel nur mit Tau abgekürzt ist und ein - ebenfalls abgekürzter - Terminus folgt, der sowohl einen Themennamen als auch den davon abgeleiteten Herkunfts - bzw. Familiennamen bedeuten kann, ist eine gewisse Vorsicht am Platz. Andererseits stellte sich so manche Hypothese bei genauerem Zusehen als Lapsus heraus: Der Oikonomos Ioannes Neuag... von Speck, Bleisiegel, Nr. 114 beispielsweise ist in Wirklichkeit ein οικονόμος των ευαγών οίκων, wie schon in RN VI 29 (1987) 273 festgehalten wurde.

2

PROBLEME MIT MITTELBYZANTINISCHEN NAMEN AUF SIEGELN

Um hier Lösungen anbieten zu können, die zumindest eine gewisse Wahrscheinlichkeit beanspruchen dürfen, ist zu untersuchen, ob von dieser Bezeichnung zu einer für Byzanz in der jeweiligen Zeit relevanten Sprache potentielle Affinitäten herstellbar sind. Bisweilen bieten sich dann mehrere Möglichkeiten an (neben griechischen auch solche aus dem iranisch-kaukasischen Bereich, aus slawischen, arabischen, türkischen, westlichen oder anderen Sprachen) - subjektive Entscheidungen, nicht zuletzt aufgrund persönlicher Ambitionen oder Vorlieben, können dabei aber durchaus in die Irre führen. Manchmal helfen Vornamen, die nicht dem üblichen byzantinischen "Standard" entsprechen,7 für die ethnische Zuordnung bestimmter "Familien" fremder Herkunft weiter; wenn diese allerdings über weibliche Linien (bzw. Großvater mütterlicherseits) in diese Familien gekommen sind, ist ihre Aussagekraft wiederum reduziert; und wir sollten ferner die Möglichkeit bedenken, dass manche Namen, wie etwa Bardas (zu armenischem Vard), mit der Zeit von vielen als durchaus "byzantinisch" empfunden wurden, d. h., dass nicht jede Familie, in der sich ein Bardas findet, automatisch dem armenischen Bereich zugewiesen werden sollte (denken wir nur an die Phokades - sie fühlten sich sicherlich nicht als Armenier, waren jedoch zeitweise mit Familien armenischer Tradition8 verschwägert). Einige Beispiele aus der "sigillographischen Werkstatt" mögen das Ringen um plausible Lösungen für die Rekonstruktion von Namen demonstrieren: BALATZERTES Im 2. Band seines mit A. Veglery erarbeiteten Kataloges las G. Zacos auf einem Siegel den Namen Βλαδτζέρτης und vermutete als Siegler einen Angehörigen der bulgarischen Aristokratie, die nach der Unterwerfung des Landes in die byzantinische integriert wurde.9 Die auf das Beta 7

Auch manche geläufigen christlichen Namen wurden von Nachbarvölkern gelegentlich anders transliteriert; so weist Δαβίθ statt Δαυίδ bzw. Δαβίδ primär auf armenische (oder georgische) Herkunft, Ίβανέ statt 'Ιωάννης auf georgische (oder allgemeiner "kaukasische" ?) usw. Zum Siegel eines Δαβήθ βέστης vgl. W. Seibt, "Armenische Persönlichkeiten auf byzantinischen Siegeln," Armenian Perspectives. 10th Anniversary Conference of the Association Internationale des Etudes Armeniennes, ed. N. Awde (Richmond, 1997) 271. 8 Die Frage, wie lange derartige Familien, etwa die Skleroi, noch als "armenisch" bzw. ab wann sie bereits eher als "byzantinisch" anzusprechen sind, wird zumeist zuwenig beachtet. In einer gewissen "Übergangszeit" mögen manche Personen zwischen beiden Positionen auch immer wieder geschwankt haben. Vgl. dazu W. Seibt, "Stärken und Schwächen der byzantinischen Integrationspolitik gegenüber den neuen armenischen Staatsbürgern im 11. Jh.," The Empire in Crisis (?). Byzantium in the llth Century (1025-1081) (Athen, 2003), 331-347. 9 Zacos, Seals II, Nr. 1059 (auf 1. Hälfte 11. Jh. datiert, das Siegel stammt aber sicher aus der Mitte dieses Jahrhunderts). 3

WERNER SEIBT

am Beginn des Wortes folgenden Buchstaben sind jedoch mehrdeutig. Die Spuren deuten u. E. eher auf Βαλαδτζέρτης, allenfalls käme auch noch Βααλδτζέρτης in Frage. Demgemäß denken wir an ein anderes sprachliches Umfeld, nämlich an einen Petschenegen, wo Βάλτζαρ, Βαλτζέρης und ähnliche Formen durchaus belegt sind.10 PARZIRESES In der Sammlung Zarnitz11 findet sich das Siegel eines Michael mit dem sonst nicht belegten Beinamen Παρζιρέσης, der sicher zu lesen ist. Die Herausgeberinnen haben überzeugend die Verbindung zum Armenischen hergestellt, wo parzeres "offen und klar, unverblümt, schuldlos" bedeutet.12 ACHLIMANOS Auf dem Siegel eines Konstantinos Kommerkiarios in der Sammlung Orghidan transkribierte V. Laurent einst das Ende: TÖAI..-...13 Lambda und Iota sind tatsächlich sicher, das als Omikron-Ypsilon-Ligatur interpretierte Zeichen davor scheint aber eher ein Chi zu sein; und der erste Buchstabe dieser Gruppe ist recht unklar, ein Tau wäre jedoch wenig wahrscheinlich. Eine Möglichkeit der Rekonstruktion wäre ΑΧΛΙΙΊΑNU, ein Name, der auf einem Siegel der Ermitaz eindeutig zu lesen ist.14 Dieser Name ist wohl mit arabischem ahl al-imäm bzw. persischem ahl-i imäm, "Leute des (wahren) Glaubens," zu verbinden. BEREBOES Von einem Theodoros Βερηβόης, Protospatharios und Strategos, sind sehr viele Bullen erhalten geblieben,15 die wir etwa in das 2. Viertel des 11. Jh. datieren würden. Ein unediertes Siegel der Sammlung Zacos

10

Vgl. W. Seibt, "Probleme der historischen Geographie Bulgariens im späteren 10. und 11. Jahrhundert - ein sigillographischer Beitrag," Izvestija N. Muzej Varna 2003 (in Druck) (dort Nr. 6). Zur Sitte, besonders in Byzanz nicht gebräuchliche Vatersnamen als Familiennamen zu verwenden, vgl. J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Du prenom au patronyme : les etrangers ä Byzance (x e -xn e siecles)," SBS 1 (1987) 57-66. 11 Jetzt in der Staatlichen Münzsammlung München. 12 A.-K. Wassiliou - M. L. Zarnitz, "Fünf unedierte byzantinische Bleisiegel mit metrischen Legenden," BZ 92 (1999) 86, Nr. 5, Taf. 3, Nr. 5. Mit Recht wurde hier auch betont, dass "es sich noch um keinen Familien, sondern eher um einen Beinamen handeln dürfte". 13 Laurent, Orghidan, Nr. 248 (früheres 11. Jh.). Av.: Büste des hl. Theodoros. 14 M-6698. Bulle des Georgios Achlimanos, Dishypatos (2. Hälfte 11. Jh.). Av.: Büste des hl. Nikolaos. 15 In Dumbarton Oaks allein 18 Stück, in der Ermitaz 4, in der Sammlung Zacos eines, somit sind bislang 23 Bullen bekannt. Vgl. dazu N. Oikonomides, "The Usual Lead Seal," DOP 37 (1983) 149f., Taf. lf.

4

PROBLEME MIT MITTELBYZANTINISCHEN NAMEN AUF SIEGELN

nennt Larissa (in Thessalien?) als ein Kommando dieses Mannes; ob er auch mit jenem Beriboes identisch ist, der 1028 einen Flottensieg errang, ist ungewiss.16 Bei Kekaumenos ist zum Jahr 1066 von der οίκία του Βεριβόου του Βλάχου die Rede.17 Der Familienname Bereboes ist auch sonst gelegentlich bezeugt. Hier liegt der slawische Name Berivoj/Berevoj/Berivoj zugrunde, mit den Wurzeln berü "ferre, rapere", voj "miles, vir".18 BERIDARES Der Name Βεριδάρης ist für die byzantinische Zeit mit einer einzigen Ausnahme 19 nur sigillographisch belegt. Eine gute Zusammenstellung der Belege, insbesondere zu einem Leon Beridares des 12. Jh., verdanken wir wiederum A.-K. Wassiliou und M.-L. Zarnitz.20 Griechisch βερηδάριος/βεριδάρις, von lateinischem veredarius, bezeichnet den "Kurier".21 Obwohl in dieser Familie auf dem bislang ältesten Beleg Baasakios als Vorname erscheint,22 wäre u. E. eine Etymologie aus Südkaukasien wenig wahrscheinlich, wie etwa die Verbindung der georgischen Negativwurzel ver mit dar "jemand gleichkommen, ebenbürtig sein", also der ganze Name im Sinne von "der Unvergleichliche". BLANGAS Der Familienname Βλάγγας ist für das 11. Jh. mehrfach sigillographisch belegt. Ein Leon war Strategos und Anagrapheus von Seleukeia,23 ein Michael Protospathar, Asekretis und Krites,24 auch ein Ioannes ist bezeugt, der allerdings keine Würde nennt.25 Man ist versucht, den Namen mit einem Viertel der Hauptstadt (ή Βλάγκα) zu verbinden, das allerdings erst ab dem 12. Jh. bezeugt ist; sollte der Familienname die ältere Form sein? Andererseits bedeutet

16

Skylitzes 373, 13; hier wird allerdings kein Vorname angegeben. Kekaumenos 256, 20f. (Litavrin); 118 (trad. Beck). 18 So nach F. Miklosich, Die Bildung der slavischen Personennamen. Denkschriften d. kaiserl. AdW, phil.-hist. Classe 10 (Wien, 1860) 246 u. 258. G. G. Litavrin verbindet (nach I. Dujcev) das Vorderglied des Namens mit b-rati, "kämpfen". Vgl. auch M. Fasmer, Etimologiceskij slovar' Russkogo jazyka. I (Moskau, 1986) 159 (u. a. Verbindung mit φέρω) u. 334f. - Wir danken Heinz Miklas für die Bestätigung der slawischen Herkunft obigen Namens. 19 ΡLP II 2656, ein für 1265 belegter Paröke auf der Chalkidike. 20 Wassiliou-Zarnitz (wie Anm. 12) 80-82. 21 LBG 1/2, 274. 22 Vgl. Wassiliou-Zarnitz 81 mit A. 5-7. Auf einem nur wenig jüngeren Stück findet sich der Vorname Gudeles. 23 Vgl. ζ. B. Cheynet, "Antioche," 426, Nr. 57; drei weitere Exemplare erhalten. 24 Fogg 735. 25 Ermitaz, M-10511. 17

5

WERNER SEIBT

ό βλάγκας (zu mittellateinischem blancus, das seinerseits auf germanisches blank zurückgeht) mittelgriechisch ein "Weißes Pferd", einen "Schimmel".26 BULIKAS Von einem Markos Βουλίκας kennen wir drei unedierte Siegeltypen ohne Rangtitel, einen mit dem Rang Protospatharios (2. Hälfte 11. Jh.);27 ein Konstantin Bulikas (11./12. Jh.) hat sich mit einer metrischen Legende verewigt;28 auch in zwei weiteren Fällen wäre dieser Familienname zumindest möglich. - Sollte hier etymologisch eher mit mittelgriechischem βολίκιν, franz. volige, kalabrisch vulice, "dünnes Brett, Schindelbrett", mit slawischem vülkü, "Wolf', verbunden werden? CHRYSOTZEPHUDES Auf einem Siegel der Sammlung Zarnitz,29 dessen Rv.-Seite zu erheblichen Teilen plattgedrückt ist, vermuteten die Editoren als Familiennamen Τζεφ[ρε]δίν[τ|];30 mit Hilfe des besser erhaltenen Parallelstückes Fogg 2401, das wir in der Zwischenzeit entdeckten, lässt sich der Name als Kaie Chrysotzephudina rekonstruieren (11./12. Jh.). Sigillographisch sind auch ein Nikephoros Chrysotzephudes Kuropalates (spätes 11. Jh.)31 und ein Konstantinos Chrysotzephudes (letztes Drittel 11.- 1. Drittel 12. Jh.)32 nachweisbar. - Türkisch gifit bedeutet den "(gerissenen) Juden", übertragen "Geizkragen"; als τσιφοΰτης gelangte das Wort ins Neugriechische und bedeutet dort auch den "Geizhals". CHORMANAKES Auf einem Siegel der Sammlung Thierry (Etampes) findet sich als Beiname eines Niketas Protospatharios und Tagmatophylax ein sonst nicht belegtes Χωρμανάκης. 33 Da sich keine griechische Etymologie anbietet, xor- ("chor" auszusprechen) jedoch im Armenischen eine häufige

26

Vgl. LBG 1/2, 281. Letzteres Siegel Ermitaz, M-6070. 28 DO 58.106.902 u. 4149. 29 Heute Staatliche Münzsammlung München. 30 Seibt-Zarnitz 1.2.3. 31 Vgl. zuletzt St. Bilik, Nepublikuvani vizantijski molivdovuli s otpeöatani familni imena. Num. i sfrag. 5/2 (1998) 59f., Nr. 14; 65, Abb. 15. Wir kennen 7 Exemplare, davon stammen 5 aus Bulgarien. 32 DO 55.1.2976. 33 Auf dem Avers ruht die Theotokos auf einem Thron mit hoher, rechteckiger Rückenlehne. Ob sie das Kind auf dem Schoß oder ein Medaillon Christi vor der Brust hält (im Sinne eines Nikopoios-Typus), lässt sich aufgrund der Beschädigungen nicht eindeutig beantworten. Das Siegel stammt sicher aus der 2. Hälfte des 11. Jahrhunderts. 27

6

PROBLEME ΜΓΓ MITTELBYZANTIN1SCHEN NAMEN AUF SIEGELN

Vorsilbe ist, schlagen wir Verbindung mit armenischem xoramank vor, das in etwa "schlau, listig, hinterlistig, gerissen, verschlagen" bedeutet.34 TOPALITES Auf zwei relativ ähnlichen Siegeltypen, wohl aus dem 3. Viertel des 11. Jh., führt ein Michael Hypatos den Beinamen Τοπαλίτ(ης) bzw. Τωπαλίτ(ης). 35 Hier liegt offensichtlich das türkische Wort topal, "hinkend", zugrunde, das bis in neugriechische Namenbildungen hineinwirkt.36 Bei solchen Untersuchungen zu den Bei- bzw. Familiennamen lassen sich nicht nur zunächst noch recht hypothetische Lesungen besser absichern, sondern auch Indizien für weitere Untersuchungen, etwa zu den Minderheiten in Byzanz, zur Aufnahme fremder Wörter und Bezeichnungen in mittelbyzantinische Sprachschichten des Alltags, zu Mentalitätsfragen usw. gewinnen.

34 H. L. Torossian, Handwörterbuch. Π. Band: Armenisch-Deutsch (Wien, 1989) 129f.; vgl. D. Froundjian, Armenisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch. (München, 1952 [Ndr. Hildesheim 1997]) 204. 35 Ersteres Stück gehört der Sammlung Zacos an, letzteres der Sammlung Theodoridis. Ich danke Dimitri Theodoridis und Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou für den Hinweis auf diesen Typus. Av.: Büste des Erzengels Michael. 36 Zu Τοπάλης vgl. M. Triantaphyllides, Τα οικογενειακά μας ονόματα (Thessalonike, 1982) 75; Alexandra-Kyriaki Wassiliou erwähnte auch Τοπάλογλου.

7

John Cotsonis

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS: A GEOGRAPHIC & ADMINISTRATIVE PERSPECTIVE IN LIGHT OF BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS*

The cult of saints has received much scholarly attention. The relative popularity and prestige of holy figures has usually been examined through hagiography,1 imagery 2 and in the context of pilgrimage or loca sancta? Less attention, however, has been paid to the medium of Byzantine lead seals. 4 Thousands of lead seals survive that bear figures of saints in conjunction with inscriptions indicating their owners' title of office and the geographical locations associated with these positions. Such datable sphragistic evidence provides a unique means of investigating chronologically the dispersion of numerous saints' cults through various regions of the empire. This paper draws upon the database that I have created and

* Portions of this paper were originally presented at the 25th Annual Byzantine Studies Conference, University of Maryland, 1999 and at the 20th International Congress of Byzantine Studies, College de France-Sorbonne, 2001. I wish to thank John Nesbitt for his valuable criticism concerning various aspects of this paper. Funds for the accompanying photographs were kindly provided by Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology. 1 For a recent example, see Byzantine Defenders of Images: Eight Saints' Lives in English Translation, ed. A.-M. Talbot (Washington, D.C., 1998). 2 For example, see H. Maguire, The Icons of Their Bodies: Saints and Their Images in Byzantium (Princeton, 1996). 3 See G. Vikan, Byzantine Pilgrimage Art (Washington, D.C., 1982); The Blessings of Pilgrimage, ed. R. Ousterhout (Urbana and Chicago, 1990); Les saints et leur sanctuaire a Byzance: textes, images et monuments, ed. C. Jolivet-Levy, M. Kaplan and J.-P. Sodini (Paris, 1993); and E. Malamut, Sur la route des saints byzantins (Paris, 1993). 4 For example, see C. Walter, "St. Demetrius: The Myroblytos of Thessalonike," Eastern Churches Review 5 (1973) 157-178 (reprinted in his Studies in Byzantine Iconography [London, 1977]); idem, "Theodore, Archetype of the Warrior Saint," REB 57 (1999) 163-210; V. Sandrovskaja, "Obraz svjatogo Georgija na vizantijskich pecatjach," Referat zum II. int. Symposium Uber georgische Kunst (Tbilisi, 1977) 1-11; A.-K. Wassiliou, "Der heilige Georg auf Siegeln: Einige neue Bullen mit Familienamen," REB 59 (2001) 209-224; I. Koltsida-Makre, "Μολυβδόβουλλα μέ απεικόνιση σκηνής άπό τό βίο του άγιου Δημητρίου," ΔΧΑΕ 23 (2002) 149154; and J.-Cl. Cheynet, " Par saint Georges, par saint Michel," TM 14 (2002) 115-134. 9

JOHN COTSON1S

maintained, consisting of 7.277 seals, including those recently published. These seals bear religious figural iconography and range in date from the sixth through the fifteenth centuries. This study will focus on just four metropolitan sees that had traditional associations with a local saint. The frequency with which occupants of these metropolitan sees chose the image of the indigenous patron saint for their seals would reflect the relative devotion that the hierarchs had for the cult of these holy figures. In addition, this investigation will examine the iconographic choices of seals belonging to the suffragan or dependent bishops of these metropolitans in order to determine how far the devotion to particular saints' cults radiated from their respective centers. Finally, this presentation will compare the iconographic seals belonging to members of the civil and military bureaucracies that parallel these ecclesiastical jurisdictions. This comparison of the administrative spheres within the same geographical regions should offer more insight as to the role and prestige of local saints and the extent of their cults' appropriation within the various official levels of the Empire. The first city for this study is Ephesos, a city of metropolitan rank since the early Christian period and celebrated as the final resting-place of John the Theologian.5 The city's two main Christian edifices were the basilica of the Virgin and that of John.6 In 431, Ephesos was the site of the third Ecumenical Synod that proclaimed the Virgin as Theotokos, thus officially acknowledging and enhancing Marian devotions.7 The shrine of the evangelist was a pilgrimage site, and surviving sixth-century terracotta ampullae bearing John's image testify to the importance of his tomb as a cult center.8

5 For the study of Christian Ephesos, see C. Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity: A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge, 1979); W. Brandes, "Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit," Klio 64 (1982) 611-622; Ephesos, Metropolis ofAsia: An Interdisciplinary Approach to its Archaeology, Religion, and Culture, ed. H. Koester (Valley Forge, PA, 1995); and Efeso Paleocristiana e Bizantinafrüchristliches und byzantinisches Ephesos, ed. R. Pillinger, Ο. Kresten, F. Krinzinger and Ε. Russo (Vienna, 1999). 6 Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity, 52-54 and 87-93, respectively, discusses these two structures; M. Andaloro, "La decorazione pittorica degli edifici cristiani di Efeso: La chiesa di Santa Maria e il complesso di San Giovanni," Efeso, 54-70; S. Karwiese, "Die Marienkirche und das dritte ökumenische Konzil," Efeso, 81-85; and M. Falla Castelfranchi, "Π complesso di San Giovanni ad Efeso nel quadro dell'architettura giustinianea dell'Asia Minore," Efeso, 89-99. 7 For a discussion of the Synod, the cult of the Virgin and the subsequent political significance of the city, see V. Limberis, "The Council of Ephesos: The Demise of the See of Ephesos and the Rise of the Cult of the Theotokos," Ephesos, Metropolis of Asia, 321-340. 8 M. Duncan-Flowers, "A Pilgrim's Ampulla from the Shrine of St. John the Evangelist at Ephesus," The Blessings of Pilgrimage (Urbana, El., 1990) 125-139.

10

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

Chart I displays the religious iconographic seals for the metropolitan see of Ephesos and its suffragan bishops.9 The chart indicates that the image of John the Theologian is found on metropolitan seals as early as the seventh century. Seventeen metropolitan seals10 bear images of the disciple (Fig. 1)" while four display that of the Virgin. Thus the two major cults associated with Ephesos are represented by the sphragistic evidence but with a definite preference for John, the traditional founder of the city's Christian community. The regional sphragistic interest in John, however, seems to have been limited to Ephesos itself. Among the suffragan dioceses of this metropolis, only one, that is Kyme, has bishops who employ the image of the Theologian for their seals. These are found Chart I: Metropolis of Ephesos ICONOGRAPHY

CITY

7

JOHN THE THEOLOGIAN

EPHESOS Kyme EPHESOS Hypaipa Trailers Bryelon Adramyttion Pitane Myrine Phokia Perqamon Priene Arkadioupolis Pyrqion Anaia Erythra Kaloe Myrina Tios Hypaipa Perqamon Adramyttion Perqamon Tios Maqnesia Assos Assos Hypaipa Maqnesia Tralleis Adramyttion Pergamon

3

VIRGIN

ANDREW ΑΝΤΙ P A S ATHANASIOS DEMETRIOS GEORGE KODRATOS MARTYRIOS NICHOLAS

THEODORE

?

7/8

8

8/9

9

1*

3

2

9/10

CENTURY 10 10/11 3*

2

1 1

11 3 2 1 1 5 2 1

11/12

12 12/13 13 2

1

1 1 1

1 1

1

1 2 2 1 1 2 1

1

1 1* 1 1 1 1 1

1 1 1

1 1* 1 1 1 1

•Homonymous Saint

9 For the lists of Ephesos' suffragan dioceses over time, see Darrouzes, Notitiae, 206-207, 219, 233, 252, 274-275, 296-97, 310-311 and 354-355. See also P. Culerrier, "Les eveches suffragants d'Ephese aux 5e-13e siecles," REB 45 (1987) 139-164 and DOSeals 3, 29-30. 10 This number represents 10 different individuals. 11 DOSeals 3.14. 9.

11

JOHN COTSONIS

Fig. 1- Lead Seal of a Metropolitan of Ephesos, llth/12th c. (DO 58.106.41): John the Theologian (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

on specimens belonging to two eleventh-century hierarchs of that see (Fig. 2).12 The remaining diocesan bishops did not adopt the same sphragistic iconography as their metropolitan center. The majority of suffragan bishops preferred an image of the Virgin, demonstrating the strength of her cult among this group of the hierarchy.

Fig. 2- Lead Seal of Philotheos, Bishop of Kyme, 11th c. (DO 47.2.206): John the Theologian (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

The chart also indicates that, after the Virgin, a variety of other sphragistic images were used by the suffragans. In some instances, the cult of the local saint took priority over that of the more distant metropolis. For example, the figure of Antipas, the early Christian martyred bishop of Pergamon, is found on a seal belonging to a bishop of that city.13 Similarly, the martyr Kodratos is depicted on two seals of bishops from the city of Magnesia.14 Sometimes, the name of the owner of the seal determines iconographic choice. Andrew, the bishop of Hypaipa, preferred his homonymous saint,15 as did Nicholas of the same diocese.16 Overall, the prestige of the saintly founder of the metropolitan see of Ephesos, according to the sphragistic evidence, did not extend to its suffragan jurisdictions. No iconographic allegiance bound subordinate dioceses to their mother church. Local cults may take precedence over 12

Ibid., no. 20.1. The other Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 14 Ibid., no. 270 and Seyrig, 15 Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 16 Ibid., no. 265. 13

12

seal is listed in Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 299. 289. no. 257. 264.

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

those associated with more distant authority. The role of the homonymous saint is also a factor in determining a bishop's sphragistic imagery, testifying to some degree of personal choice within the established office of the episcopacy. In the absence of any local cult, the image of the Virgin is the most popular sphragistic iconography for ecclesiastical leaders. The second metropolitan see that proves instructive is the Peloponnesian city of Patras. Chart II represents a list of the seals bearing religious figural iconography that belonged to its metropolitans and suffragan bishops.17 A number of seals bear the image of the apostle Andrew, who Chart II: Metropolis of Patras ICONOGRAPHY

CITY

ANDREW VIRGIN

PATRAS PATRAS Lakedaimonia Korone Olenos Helos Helos Methone PATRAS

PRODROMOS JOHN THE THEOLOGIAN

?

9

9/10

10

CENTURY 10/11 11

1 1 1

2 1 1

11/12 I

6 1

ί 12/13

2 2

1

12

1 2

1

1 1 1

3

2 1 Shaded Area: period of Metropolitan Status

according to tradition, was there martyred and buried.18 The city boasted a church dedicated to this saint and his figure appears on the seals of seven different metropolitans (Fig. 3).19 As was true of Ephesos, the local saint's image is limited to the seals of the metropolitan see. Here, none of the suffragan bishops employed Andrew's portrait. Among these dependent dioceses, the image of the Virgin is also encountered most frequently.

Fig. 3- Lead Seal of Niketas, Metropolitan of Patras, 11th c. (DO 58.106.3): Andrew (photo: Dumbarton Oaks) 17 For the list of Patras' suffragan dioceses, see Darrouzes, Notitiae, 284, 303, 325-326, 362 and 421. For a history of the metropolis, see V. Laurent, "Les metropoles de Patras et de Lacedemone," REB 21 (1963) 129-141 and DOSeals 2, 62 and 90. 18 For a discussion of the association of Andrew with the city of Patras, see F. Dvomik, The Idea of Apostolicity in Byzantium and the Legend of the Life of the Apostle Andrew (Cambridge, MA, 1958) 208-222. 19 DOSeals 2.34.4.

13

JOHN COTSONIS

For the suffragan see of Methone, six seals, belonging to three different bishops, depict John the Theologian. 20 A church with this dedication existed in this city21 and hence the local cult receives more attention than that based in the metropolis. A third metropolitan city for discussion is Corinth. Chart III offers iconographic seals belonging to hierarchs of this see and to its suffragans.22 The metropolitan church of Corinth was dedicated to the two Saints Theodores (Teron and Stratelates).23 Two metropolitan seals bear the image of the patron saints (Fig. 4)24 while three others display an image of just one of the Theodores. 25 Only one suffragan bishop, that of Argos, selected an image of Theodore for his seal.26 Again, the image of the Virgin is most frequently encountered. Among the various other saints represented, two appear for reasons of homonymity: Nicholas 27 and Gregory the Theologian. 28 Chart III: Metropolis of Corinth CENTURY

ICONOGRAPHY 2 THEODORES THEODORE VIRGIN

CHRIST NICHOLAS JOHN THE THEOLOGIAN GREGORY THE THEOLOGIAN ANASTASIOS ?

CITY CORINTH CORINTH Argos CORINTH Damalas Arqos Monemvasia Zakynthos Maine Monemvasia CORINTH Monemvasia CORINTH Monemvasia CORINTH Argos

8/9

9

9/10

10

10/11

11 1

11/12

1

2

12

12/13 13

1

1 1 1

2 1 2

2

1 1 1

1

1 1* 1 1*

1 2 1 •Homonymous Saint

20

Ibid., nos. 30.1, 30.2a, b and c, 30.3 and 30.4. Ibid., 85. For the list of the suffragan dioceses of Corinth, see Darrouzes, Notitiae, 222, 244-245, 282, 302, 323, 361, and 420 and DOSeals 2, 77-93. For the medieval city, see J. Finley, "Corinth in the Middle Ages," Speculum 7 (1932) 477-99 and T. Gritsopoulos, 'Εκκλησιαστική 'Ιστορία και Χριστιανικά Μνημεία Κορινθίας, I (Athens, 1973) 45-204, passim. 23 Gritsopoulos,'Εκκλησιαστική 'Ιστορία, 166 and 203-204 and DOSeals 2, 78. 24 DOSeals 2.25.2 and Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 564. 25 DOSeals 2.25.4a & b and Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 562. 26 Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 576. 27 I. Koltsida-Makre, Μολυβδόβουλλα, no. 49 (Latin). 28 Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 566. 21 22

14

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

Fig. 4- Lead Seal of Nicholas, Metropolitan of Corinth, 12th/13th c. (DO 55.1.4975): Theodore Teron & Theodore Stratelates (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

The fourth area of this investigation is Thessalonike, the center of the cult of Demetrios. 29 His basilica was the locus of pilgrimage, 30 and like Ephesos, surviving ampullae bearing the saint's image indicate the significance of this cult.31 Chart IV lists the metropolitan and suffragan seals with religious figural iconography for this metropolis. 32 Demetrios appears on hierarchs' seals of Thessalonike beginning in the eighth century (Fig. 5).33 Like Ephesos and Patras, the image of the Virgin is again the second most frequently occurring portrait used on these metropolitan seals. The Virgin served as a second patron of the city of Thessalonike. Chart IV: Metropolis of Thessalonike ICONOGRAPHY CITY 8 DEMETRIOS THESSALONIKE 1 Tourkoi THESSALONIKE VIRGIN Kitros Berroia Servia BASIL THESSALONIKE GEORGE THESSALONIKE ?

8/9

9

9/10 2

1

2

1

10 4

CENTURY 10/11 11 11/12 2 4 1 2 5 1 1

12 7

12/13 13 13/14 3

2

3

1 2*

1 1

1* •Homonymous Saint

29

For discussion of the cult of Demetrios, see C. Bakirtzis, "Le culte de SaintDemetrios," Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 20 (1995) 58-68. 30 For discussion of the saint's shrine within the basilica, see A. Mentzos, To Προσκύνημα τοΰ 'Αγίου Δημητρίου Θεσσαλονίκης στα Βυζαντινά Χρόνια (Athens, 1994). 31 C. Bakirtzis, "Byzantine Ampullae From Thessalonike," The Blessings of Pilgrimage, 140-149, Figs. 48-54. 32 For the list of the suffragan dioceses of Thessalonike, see Darrouzes, Notitiae, 278-279, 299, 316-317, 358 and 420 and DOSeals 1, 50-89. 33 DOSeals 1.18.86. 15

JOHN COTSONIS

Fig. 5- Lead Seal of Peter, Archbishop of Thessalonike, 8th c. (Fogg 1307): Demetrios (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

She had her own basilica, the Acheiropoietos,34 and her image appears several times in surviving mosaics in the church of St. Demetrios itself.35 The one seal bearing the image of Basil belonged to a certain Metropolitan Basil,36 demonstrating again the factor of homonymity in iconographic choice. The same principle can explain the figure of George.37 As great as the cult of Demetrios was for Thessalonike and the frequency with which his portrait is found on Byzantine seals in general (273 examples), it is somewhat surprising to find only one suffragan, that of Tourkoi, that employed the saint's image for his seal.38 The remaining dependent bishops preferred the image of the Virgin. Again, suffragans appear to act independently of their ecclesiastical authorities in the realm of sphragistics: the metropolitan cult tends not to migrate into the surrounding provinces. Space does not permit the inclusion of material from other metropolitan sees but the sphragistic data consistently exhibit similar trends. Metropolitans most often selected the image of the indigenous saint for their seals whereas their dependent bishops usually did not adopt the iconography of their superiors.39 Many preferred some type of Marian imagery

34 Ε. Κουρκουτίδου-Νικολαίδου, "' Ο Ναός της Άχειροποιήτου," Ή Θεσσαλονίκη και τά Μνημεία της, ed. Χ. Μαυροποΰλου-Τσιοΰμη (Thessalonike, 1985) 59-67. 35 R. Cormack, Writing in Gold: Byzantine Society and Its Icons (London, 1985) 87-89. For the links between the cult of Demetrios and that of the Virgin in Thessalonike, see idem, "The Making of a Patron Saint: The Powers of Art and Ritual in Byzantine Thessaloniki," World Art: Themes of Unity in Diversity, Acts of the XXVth International Congress of the History of Art, III, ed. I. Lavin (University Park, PA and London, 1989) 550-551. 36 DOSeals 1.18.80. 37 Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1610. 38 DOSeals 1.26.1. 39 J.-CI. Cheynet and C. Morrisson, "Texte et image sur les sceaux byzantins: les raisons d'un choix iconographique," SBS 4 (1995) 22, state in general terms that metropolitans and bishops customarily place images of the city's patron saint on their seals but they do not discuss iconographic choices in light of metropolitans and their subordinate suffragan bishops.

16

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

while others chose their homonymous saint or that of a more proximate cult. The image of the Virgin on seals of metropolitans and their suffragans alike demonstrates that her cult was particularity promoted by the upper echelons of the clergy.40 Even where there was a strong local tradition, her image was still employed for hierarchs' seals. In some cases, the image of the local saint took precedence over that of the metropolis. This variety in sigillographic imagery reflects some flexibility and freedom of choice in official sphragistic imagery for hierarchs.41 In addition, the seals indicate that Demetrios appears not to be the only saint's cult that had a strongly local character but those of John the Theologian and Andrew as well. One may conclude, that in the realm of their official seals, local bishops regarded themselves as independent of their ecclesiastical superiors and did not iconographically associate themselves with the cults of their metropolitans. At first glance, this lack of iconographic similarity between metropolitans and suffragans seems unexpected, especially in the case of such popular saints as Demetrios and John the Theologian whose powerful cults could lend prestige to provincial bishops seeking to share in the authority of their superiors in larger cities. Also, the metropolitan see was perceived as an ecclesio-political unit that one would expect to find reflected in the iconography of these official seals. According to ecclesiastical canonical prescriptions, metropolitans and their suffragans were to collaborate closely in addressing concerns regarding their eparchy. Metropolitans were to approve episcopal candidates for dioceses under their jurisdiction from the nominees offered by the other suffragan bishops of the metropolis (Canon 4 of Nicaea I);42 suffragan bishops were required to acknowledge the precedence of their metropolitans and were to do nothing extraordinary in their own diocese without the metropolitan's consent (Canon 9 of Antioch)43 but the same canon also stipulates that while metropolitans should take thought for their whole province they should not undertake matters without consulting their suffragan bishops;44 metropolitans were to be ordained by bishops of their own provincial synods (Canon 2 of Const. I);45 and the metropolitan was also required to

40

Ibid., 24-25 and 32. Ibid., 24, where a similar observation is made drawn upon a smaller sample. 42 G. Rhalles and M. Potles, Σύνταγμα των Θείων και Ιερών Κανόνων, II (Athens, 1852) 122. See also, R. Rhalles, "Περί τοΰ 'Αξιώματος των Μητροπολιτών," Πρακτικά της 'Ακαδημίας 'Αθηνών 13 (1938) 762-763. 43 G. Rhalles and Μ. Potles, Σύνταγμα, III (Athens, 1853) 140-141. See also, Rhalles, "Περί τοΰ 'Αξιώματος των Μητροπολιτών," 757. 44 Ibid. 45 G. Rhalles and Μ. Potles, Σύνταγμα, II, 169-170. 41

17

JOHN COTSONIS

call a synod of his bishops twice a year (Canon 19 of Chalcedon).46 The canonical decrees outline a collegial and conciliar relationship between a metropolitan and his suffragans, albeit assigning a privileged position to the former. Ecclesiastical provinces were intended to operate as harmonious unified entities as Apostolic Canon 34 designates, "for so there will be unanimity, and God will be glorified..."47 That was the ideal. In practice, a different arrangement evolved. As early as 431, at the Council of Ephesos, the protocol was initiated whereby metropolitans and their suffragans no longer approached to sign conciliar statements as a unified group.48 Suffragans now had to affix their signatures after all metropolitans had signed, thus undermining the perception of provincial unity by highlighting their subordinate status. In 451, the 28th Canon of Chalcedon stipulated that the metropolitans of Pontus, Thrace and Asia (which included Ephesos) should be ordained by the Patriarch of Constantinople and be subject to him rather than receiving their consecration from their own provincial synods.49 Later, in the ninth-and tenth-century taktika, bishops were not ranked immediately following metropolitans in imperial ceremonies, but rather the prestigious, lay protospatharioi took precedence by occupying the position between these two ranks of the higher clergy.50 Also by the tenth century, it became customary for metropolitans in general to be elected by the synod in Constantinople, not by their suffragans.51 From the tenth century onwards, emperors even claimed the right to raise the status of a bishopric to metropolitan rank.52

46

Ibid., 265. Ibid, 45, "Ουτω γαρ ομόνοια έσται, και δοξασθήσεται ό Θεός..." For the English, see A Select Library ofNicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, ed. P. Schaff and H. Wace, Second Series, XIV (New York and Oxford, 1900 [reprinted Grand Rapids, 1952]) 596. 48 A. Crabbe, "The Invitation List to the Council of Ephesus and Metropolitan Hierarchy in the Fifth Century," Journal of Theological Studies, n.s. 32/2 (1981) 394-396 and Limberis, "The Council of Ephesos," 332. 49 G. Rhalles and M. Potles, Σύνταγμα, II, 280-281. For discussion of this canon and its ecclesiological consequences, see J. Darrouzes, Documents inedits d'ecclesiologie byzantine (Paris, 1966) 11-53, with the middle Byzantine texts and French translations following at 107-249 and P. Karlin-Hayter, "Notes sur quatre documents d'ecclesiologie byzantine," REB 37 (1979) 249-258. 50 Listes, 51, 143-145 and 269. 51 Darrouzes, Documents inedits, 11-53 and 107-249; Karlin-Hayter, "Notes," 249-258; and J. Hussey, The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire (Oxford, 1986) 318-326. 52 Darrouzes, Documents inedits, 16-19, 24-27, 42-53, 108-115, 116-159 and 176-249 and Hussey, The Orthodox Church, 311, 320 and 322-323. 47

18

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

The cohesiveness of the provincial synod began to suffer on the episcopal level as well. From the ninth century onwards, there is evidence pointing to the election of diocesan bishops also taking place in Constantinople, thus detaching the choice of the local hierarch from his suffragan colleagues.53 By the mid-eleventh century, this practice had become frequent enough for the patriarch Michael Kerularios to raise objections. Yet his attempts at preventing these elections failed and subsequent patriarchs continued to sanction such procedures in the capital.54 Naturally, this drastically reduced the role and significance of provincial synods. Ultimately, the resulting centralization of authority created a dynamic that was far less concerned with conciliar and collegial relations among the occupants of metropolitan sees and their dependent suffragans. These ecclesiastical administrative developments provide, therefore, a context, in which the sphragistic data may be understood. The lack of iconographic congruence between metropolitans and their dependent bishops reflects the actual fractured and severed connections that came to prevail. The mutual interaction between metropolitans and suffragan bishops appears to have been rather nominal and formal. Why would suffragan bishops feel any connection or loyalty to superiors whom they have not elected or have little contact with as well as the more distant, saintly cults that such metropolitans came to represent? By choosing different sphragistic images than those of their superiors, dependent bishops could at least give visual expression to their own independent spheres of authority. The next step in this investigation is to observe the iconographic seals belonging to members of the civil and military bureaucracies that parallel the same ecclesiastical jurisdictions discussed above. This comparison of the administrative spheres within the same geographical regions should offer more insight into the role and prestige of local saints. Although not the capital, Ephesos was the largest city of the Thrakesian theme.55 Chart V displays iconographic seals belonging to individuals who held positions within the civil and military administrations for this theme. As is clearly evident, none chose the figure of John the Theologian for their seals. The Virgin appears to be the most frequently selected image, not just for hierarchs, but even for a strategos, or military governor of the theme (Fig. 6).56 After the Virgin, no single figure predominates.

53

N. Oikonomidcs, "Un decret synodal inedit du Patriarche Jean VIII Xiphilin," REB 18 (1960) 75-76 and Hussey, The Orthodox Church, 326. 54 Oikonomides, "Un decret," 55-78 and Hussey, The Orthodox Church, 326. 55 For the Thrakesian theme, see R.-J. Lilie, " 'Thrakien' und 'Thrakesion'," JOB 26 (1977) 7-47; Foss, Ephesus After Antiquity, 195-196; and DOSeals 3, 2. 56 DOSeals 3.99.9. 19

J O H N COTSONIS

Chart V: Thrakesion Theme CENTURY

ICONOGRAPHY

THRAKESION THEME

VIRGIN

Anagrapheus Chrysoteles Krites Praitor Protonotarios Strateqos Epoptes Krites Chrysoteles Krites Chartoularios Krites Krites Praitor Chartoularios

MICHAEL NICHOLAS GEORGE THEODORE GREGORY CHRYSOSTOM & MARK ?

9/10

10

10/11

11 3

1 1

8 1 2 1

2* 1

1* 1* 3(1*)

1 1* 1* 1 1 •Homonymous Saint

Seven are examples demonstrating the selection of a homonymous saint.57 No great preference for military saints is indicated even among those holding military offices.58

Fig. 6- Lead Seal of Theodore, strategos of the Thrakesian Theme, 11th c. (DO 47.2.196): The Virgin & Child (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

For the corresponding ecclesiastical charts of Corinth and Patras, Chart VI lists iconographic seals from individuals within the civil and military administrations for the theme of the Peloponnesos, whose capital was Corinth.59 Similar patterns emerge. Here, three images of Theodore appear, all belonging to strategoi,60 whereas Theodore paired with Mark is found on four seals belonging to a krites,61 No image of the Apostle Andrew is found. Again, the Virgin's image predominates. There is no 57

DOSeals 3.2.5, 2.9a & b, 2.13, 2.18, 2.20 and 2.28. Cheynet and Morrisson, "Texte et image," 31 state that military saints are a minority among images of the civil functionaries but make no mention of those holding military office. 59 For discussion of the Peloponnesos and Corinth, see A. Bon, Le Peloponnese byzantin jusqu'en 1204 (Paris, 1951); P. Lemerle, "Une province byzantine : le Peloponnese," Byzantion 21 (1951) 341-354; G. Huxley, "The Second Dark Age," LakSp 3 (1977) 84-110; and DOSeals 2.62 and 78. 60 Konstantopoulos, no. 73 and Corinth XII, nos. 2764 and 2785. 61 Schlumberger, Sig., 189, no. 7, and DOSeals 2.8.19a, b and c. 58

20

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

Chart VI: Theme of the Peloponnesos CENTURY

ICONOGRAPHY VIRGIN

NICHOLAS

THEODORE MARK MARK & THEODORE BASIL

?

THEME OF THE PELOPONNESOS Chrysoteles Dioiketes Dux Ek Prosopou Kommerkiarios Krites Praitor Protonotarios Protopraitor Strategos Krites Protonotarios Strategos Strateqos Krites Krites Krites Episkeptites Strategos

10

10/11

11

11/12

12

?

1 1 1 1 1 3

7

1 1

1 3 3 3 1 1 1

2 6 4 1* 1

1

2

1

'Homonymous Saint

overwhelming preference for military figures among those holding military positions and only one example of a homonymous saint appears.62 The six seals bearing the image of Mark (Fig. 7) 63 and the four examples depicting Mark and Theodore (Fig. δ)64 belong to one or more individuals

Fig. 7- Lead Seal of Basil, krites of the Peloponnesos & Hellas, 11th c. (DO 55.1.2242): Mark (photo: Dumbarton Oaks)

Fig. 8- Lead Seal of Basil Xeros, krites of the Peloponnesos & Hellas, 11th c. (DO 55.1.3407): Mark & Theodore (photo: Dumbarton Oaks) 62

Laurent, Corpus II, no. 339. DOSeals 2.8.17b. The other five are: Konstantopoulos, no. 398; Seyrig, no. 179; and DOSeals 2.8.16a and b and 8.17a. 64 DOSeals 2.8.19a. The others are listed in note 61, supra. 63

21

JOHN COTSONIS

named Basil of the Xeros family as outlined by both Oikonomides65 and Nesbitt.66 The prestige of the apostolic figure of Andrew did not migrate into the civil and military administrations. Yet the figure of Theodore is present in these spheres of the theme of the Peloponnesos in addition to his patronal role in the Corinthian metropolitan office as noted above. Thessalonike served as the capital of the theme of Thessalonike.67 Chart VII demonstrates that despite the popularity of the local saint, the image of Demetrios is found on just four seals of individuals associated with the administration of this theme.68 The figure of the Virgin enjoys only a slight majority. Again she is also seen on seals belonging to occupants of military positions. There exist a variety of images and the role of the homonymous saint can explain seven examples.69 The prestige of the local cult, therefore, is only slightly represented by members of the civil and military bureaucracies, as was the case for Theodore in the Peloponnesos. The trends observed in these charts appear to be consistent. The cult of the metropolitan see had little or no significance for the subordinate suffragan bishops. Sphragistic imagery paralleled the fractured realities of Chart VII: Theme of Thessalonike CENTURY

ICONOGRAPHY CHRIST VIRGIN

MICHAEL

PRODROMOS NICHOLAS DEMETRIOS

DEMETRIOS & NESTOR THEODORE GEORGE PANTELEIMON THOMAS

THEME OF THESSALONIKE 9 9/10 10 10/11 11 11/12 12 12/13 13113/14 14 Kommerkiarios Strateqos Apographeus Dux Katepano Kommerkiarios Krites Strateqos Dux Kommerkiarios Krites Krites Krites Strateqos Emperor of Thessalonika Dux Protonotarios of Koumerkion Kommerkiarios Krites Kommerkiarios Anaqrapheus Epoptes

1

1 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 3* 1* 1* 1 1 1 1 1 1 1* 1 1* 'Homonymous Saint

65

"The Usual Lead Seal," 147-157. DOSeals 2.8.16-2.8.19. 67 For Byzantine Thessalonike, see A. Vacalopoulos, A History of Thessaloniki (Thessalonike, 1972) and DOSeals 1, 50-51. 68 Konstantopoulos, no. 7; Zacos-Veglery, no. 115; Dated Seals, no. 91; and DOSeals 1.18.37. 69 Schlumberger, Sig., 728, no. 3; Pancenko, Katalog, no. 418; Zacos, Seals II, no. 594; Dated Seals, nos. 63 and 85; and DOSeals 1.18.25a and b. 66

22

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

the ecclesiastical administration of the provinces. When the ecclesiastical imagery is compared with that of the corresponding geographical civil and military bureaucracies, similar results are obtained. The great metropolitan cults appear to be unrelated to the civil and military offices as well. There is only a slight representation of the military figures Demetrios and Theodore in the civil and military administrations associated with their parallel ecclesiastical regions. Sphragistic data indicate that within the same region, the different spheres of authority follow divergent paths of emblematic and devotional expressions. This lack of iconographic congruence reflects the realities of provincial administration. Metropolitans and bishops were expected, at least in theory, to remain in their positions for life. Officials in the civil and military bureaucracies changed their positions usually every three years, often hoping to obtain more prestigious assignments in Constantinople. 70 The superior administrative capabilities of a stable provincial hierarch over those of an oft-replaced and corrupt civil official were illustrated by Herrin in her study of twelfth-century Greece, focusing on the activities of Michael Choniates, the metropolitan of Athens.71 Her findings describe conditions that existed throughout the empire. The ecclesiastical authority often was a more effective force of government in the provinces than that of the civil and military structures. The Church was an element of continuity in everyday provincial life. A high ranking cleric with a lifelong commitment to a specific location would feel a greater sense of identification with his city and its local cult traditions than a provincial official whose assignment was only temporary. Furthermore, the prestige of a holy predecessor, that is, the local saint's cult, would be seen as transferable to the leading churchman in his capacity as the saint's spiritual successor rather than to some transient governor or judge. In her study of Michael Choniates' correspondence, Herrin highlighted the hierarch's exemplary commitment to the local inhabitants regarding all aspects of provincial life. To his doctor, Nicholas Kalodoukes, the metropolitan described himself as the physician's co-sufferer and addressed him as beloved son (όμοιοπαθές and άγαπώμενε υιέ). 72 To a local friend, the sebastos Manuel Hyaleas, the metropolitan wrote that even though he (the hierarch) is not a biological father, he knows well the compassion of fathers for their children. 73

70 J. Herrin, "Realities of Byzantine Provincial Government: Hellas and Peloponnesos, 1180-1200," DOP 29 (1975) 258-259.

71 72

Ibid., 253-284. Μιχαήλ 'Ακομινάτου του Χωνιάτου τά Σωζόμενα, ed. S. Lampros, II

(Athens, 1880 [reprinted Groningen, 1968]) 147. 73 Ibid., 244, Εί γαρ καΐ πατήρ ουκ έγενόμην, ά λ λ ' οίδα τά έπι τοις παισι των πατέρων σπλάγχνα...

23

JOHN COTSONIS

Michael Choniates was, however, especially concerned with the welfare of the poor and for their protection against the habitual financial abuses they suffered under the systems of taxation. The fiscal vexations placed upon the local inhabitants by the strategos as head of both the civil and military administrations within a province were a commonplace, 74 so much so, that in his Taktika, of c. 905, Leo VI regarded the virtue of άφιλαργυρία (the complete absence of avarice) as the premier moral quality expected of a strategos,75 The fiscal policies established for the provinces by Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969), in order to pay for his military campaigns and for organizing new themes during the years of famine, 76 remained in the memory of the Byzantines as particularly harsh. The twelfth-century historian Zonaras seriously criticized the tenth-century emperor for his disregard of the plight of the poor.77 In his history for the period, Zonaras wrote that whenever a bishop died, the emperor dispatched representatives to the widowed diocese who greedily appropriated any financial reserves. 78 Also, the historian noted that Nikephoros did not delay in sending to every town such officials as apographeis, epoptai, strateutai, and protonotarioi who, Zonaras states, oppressed the subjects with all manner of abuse, not sparing the poor any hardships, often even conscripting them into one of the various military services. 79

74

H. Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches sur 1'administration de l'Empire byzantin aux ixe-xie siecles," BCH 84 (1960) 17, 36-52. See also R. Morris, "The Powerful and the Poor in Tenth-Century Byzantium: Law and Reality," Past and Present 73 (1976) 3-27; J. Haldon, "Military Service, Military Lands, and the Status of Soldiers: Current Problems and Interpretations," DOP 47 (1993) 28-29, 38-39, 50 and 56-57; N. Oikonomides, "The Social Structure of the Byzantine Countryside in the First Half of the Xth Century," Symmeikta 10 (1996) 105-125; and E. McGeer, The Land Legislation of the Macedonian Emperors (Toronto, 2000)25-31. 75 PG 107, 684, "Άφιλάργυρον δέ. Kai γαρ ή άφιλαργυρία τοΰ στρατηγού δοκιμάζεται, δταν άδωροδοκητως και μεγαλοφρόνως προΐσταται των πραγμάτων, και δι' άρετήν μόνην δωρεάν προβάλλεται τάς άρχάς τοΰ ΰπ' αυτόν θέματος" and Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches," 45. 76 For Novels 18, 20, and 21, see Zepos, Jus I, 247-248, 253-256. For discussion concerning this legislation, see P. Lemerle, The Agrarian History of Byzantium (Galway, 1979) 100-103 and 128-131; Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches," 16-23; and Haldon, "Military Service," 50-53, esp. note 122. For the recent English translation and discussion, see McGeer, Land Legislation, 86-103. 77 Epitome historiarum, ed. M. Pinder and M. Büttner-Wobst, III (Bonn, 1897) 505-506 and Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, "Recherches," 16-23. 78 Epitome historiarum, 505, "... άλλά καν έτεθνήκει έπίσκοπος, βασιλικον ϋπηρέτην εις την χηρεΰσασαν έκκλησίαν έξέπεμπε και γλίσχρως παρ' έκείνου των άναγκαίων γινομένων άναλωμάτων, αυτός ώκειοΰτο τά περιττεΰοντα." 79 Ibid., "ού διέλιπον δ' έν ταΐς χώραις άπάσαις αύτοΰ βασιλεύοντος άπογραφεΐς στελλόμενοι έπόπται τε και στρατευται και οί κεκλημένοι 24

SAINTS & CULT CENTERS

In his letters, Michael Choniates referred to similar ill treatment. He complained to the emperor about the taxes that favored the wealthy.80 He condemned the rapacious greed of the praktores (fiscal agents) and referred to them as the destroyers of the poor.81 He asked that the prayer of the poor be heeded (προσέσχε trj δεήσει των πτωχών),82 and that they will be sent a redeemer (στέλλεται δεΰρο πενήτων άντιλήπτωρ...). 83 He wrote that the oppressive provincial officials were more numerous than the frogs that plagued Egypt (... πράκτορες, πραίτωρες, απογραφείς, αναγραφείς, δασμολόγοι, ναυτολόγοι και δσοι άλλοι τοΰ πονηρού τοΰδε κόμματος, ους ή των πόλεων βασιλίς στέλλει πανταχόσε, μάλιστα δέ είς Ε λ λ ά δ α έτησίους, και όσους οΰδ' ό θεός ποτε βατράχους εις Αιγυπτον). 84 Although Choniates may represent an idealized image of the paternal spokesman for his city, Angold has shown that similar tensions existed between numerous metropolitans, who attempted to protect their ecclesiastical rights and the concerns of the poor, and those local aristocratic families and/or civil and military officials.85 In addition to Choniates, Angold's survey includes such figures as Theophylact, 86 Demetrios Chomatianos of Ohrid87 and John Apokaukos of Naupaktos.88 Even the recalcitrant Eustathios of Thessalonike sought relief for the poor and

πρωτονοτάριοι, οΐ παντοίαις κακώσεσιν έξεπίεζον το ΰπήκοον και είς έσχάτην άπορίαν συνήλασαν, ουδέ των παντάπασιν άπορων φειδόμενοι... έφκει γαρ τό παν τη στρατιώτιδι μεταχειρίσει έπιγραφόμενος." 80 Τα. Σωζόμενα, ed. Sp. Lampros, I (Athens, 1879 [repr. Groningen, 1968]) 307-308 and Herrin, "Realities," 269. 81 Τά Σωζόμενα I, 146 and Herrin, "Realities," 271. 82 Τά Σωζόμενα I, 142. 83 Ibid., 145. 84 Τά Σωζόμενα II, 105 and Herrin, "Realities," 274. 85 Μ. Angold, Church and Society in Byzantium Under the Comneni, 10811261 (Cambridge, 1995) 139-265, pass im. 86 Ibid., 158-172. The information is drawn from the archbishop's letters as found in Theophylacte d'Achrida, ed. R Gautier, II: Lettres (Thessalonike, 1986). See also M. Mullett, "Patronage in Action: the Problems of an Eleventh-Century Bishop," Church and People in Byzantium, ed. R. Morris (Birmingham, 1990) 125-147. 87 Angold, Church and Society, 240-262. Discussion of this hierarch's activities is based upon his legal works as found in J. Pitra, Analecta sacra et classica spicilegio Solesmensi parata, VII (VI) (Rome, 1891 [repr. Farnborough, 1967]). 88 Angold, Church and Society, 213-231. The chapter regarding this metropolitan was taken from his writings as found in S. Petrides, "Jean Apokaukos, lettres et autres documents inedits," IRA IΚ 14 (1909) 69-100 and N. Bees and E. Bee-Seferle, "Unedierte Schriftstücke aus der Kanzlei des Johannes Apokaukos des Metropoliten von Naupaktos (in Aetolien)," Byzantinisch-Neugriechische Jahrbücher 21 (1976) 57-160. 25

JOHN COTSON1S

remained in the city during the Norman invasion while the governor, David Komnenos, fled for safety.89 Zonaras' criticisms and the correspondence of Choniates, along with that of other such metropolitans, offer a textual parallel to our sphragistic evidence. The seals exhibit little or no association with the local cults on the part of the military and civil officials of a region in contrast to the ecclesiastical officials who appear to be more connected to their metropolitanates and to the needs of the local inhabitants. The lack of iconographic congruence between the ecclesiastical, civil and military bureaucracies within a particular region reflects the absence of any indigenous coherence among these provincial structures of authority. The competing and divisive elements of provincial rule present a fractured system lacking any sense of social cohesion and this is reproduced in the sphragistic iconography. No single saint's image appears to function as an allencompassing emblem of unity for the population of the region. Saints' cults are rather geographically restricted, often even individualized by the selection of homonymous figures, or taken up for motives that remain unknown to us. The Virgin's image alone is consistently present. By choosing different sphragistic images, therefore, officials within the various bureaucracies of the provincial administration provide visual expression to these independent and often antagonistic spheres of authority as well as to the display of their owners' personal piety.

89

Angold, Church and Society, 181. For this archbishop's administration, see Opuscula, ed. T. Tafel (Frankfurt am Main, 1832 [repr. Amsterdam, 1964]) and The Capture of Thessaloniki, trans. J. Melville Jones (Canberra, 1988).

26

Ioanna Koltsida-Makre THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN THROUGH INSCRIPTIONS ON BYZANTINE LEAD SEALS OF THE ATHENS NUMISMATIC MUSEUM COLLECTIONS

This paper is dedicated to the memory of Professor Nicolas Oikonomides The study of the iconography of the Virgin through byzantine lead seals has been recently very much developed, together with the great historical interest shown for these tiny monuments, almost neglected in the past. The praiseworthy effort of the dear departed Professor Nicolas Oikonomides to focus on this significant historical source has actually become fruitful. Professor George Galavaris was the first to give emphasis to the fact that images engraved on lead seals play an important role in the study of byzantine iconography, since they reproduce items of worship, icons or paintings and mosaics decorating the churches of the Empire, which are not preserved to our days.1 Eversince many scholars have dealt with this topic, offering a vast bibliography for reference, nevertheless the subject is not yet exhausted. As far as the iconography of the Virgin is concerned, there is a big variety of registered iconographic types, some of which remain still confusing. These types have been grosso modo grouped and distinguished one from another: thus, when referring to the Hodegetria type, we all have in mind the famous icon, reputed to be the work of Luke the Evangelist, housed in the Monastery of Hodegon in Constantinople, depicting the Virgin holding Christ on her left hand.2 This must also have been the type represented in the church of Hagia Sophia, described by Photius in his

1

Galavaris, Seals: G. P. Galavaris, "Seals of the Byzantine Empire," Archaeology 12 (1959) 264-270, 268. 2 N . Kondakov, Ikonograflja Bogomateri, 1-2 (St. Petersbourg, 1914-1915); Seibt, Darstellung: W. Seibt, "Die Darstellung derTheotokos auf byzantinischen Bleisiegeln, besonders im 11. Jahrhundert," SBS 1 (1987) 35-56; Nersessian, Two images: S. Der Nersessian, "Two images of the Virgin in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection," DOP 14 (1960) 71-86; Μπαλτογιάννη, Μήτηρ Θεού: Χρυσάνθη Μπαλτογιάννη, "Η Παναγία στις φορητές εικόνες", Μήτηρ Θεοϋ, Απεικονίσεις της Παναγίας στη βυζαντινή τέχνη, Μουσείο Μπενάκη (Αθήνα, 2000) 139151, 143. 27

IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE

seventeenth Homily delivered in March the 29th of the year 867 A. D., a type very much used in Constantinople after the iconoclasm: Ή παρθένος τον κτίστην χερσιν ώς βρέφος βαστάζει..., παρθένος μήτηρ ά γ ν α ΐ ς ά γ κ ά λ α ι ς τον κοινον φέρουσα πλάστην..., ώς βρέφος ά ν α κ λ ι νόμενον..., και γάρ... τή μεν στοργή των σ π λ ά γ χ ν ω ν την δ ψ ι ν προς τό τεχθέν συμπαθώς έπιστρέφουσα. 3 A variant of this representation is the so-called Dexiokratousa Hodegetria, that is the Virgin holding the Child on the right hand. When talking about the Blachernitissa type, we imagine the Virgin praying with outstreched hands, having the medallion of Christ before her. This is a replica of an icon or possibly of several sacred images once housed in the monastery of the Blachernai Church in Constantinople. This is also an iconographic type often labeled with the invocation enic^e^ic.4 The Nikopoios type is related with the representation of the Virgin holding the medallion of Christ before her breast, 5 while the Kyriotissa type is the one depicting the Virgin standing, having the Child before her chest, as she is represented on the lead seal of the eparchos Epiphanios Kamateros in the 2nd half of 11th c. 6 Finally, the Hagiosoritissa type depicts the Virgin standing in three quarters profile with both hands extended out from her chest in prayer. This image reflects probably an original in a church with a holy soros or reliquary chest, which enshrined a widely venerated relic, the girdle of the Virgin. This church is probably identified with the Soros chapel, either in the Constantinopolitan monastery of Blachernai, or the church

3

Λαοΰρδα: Φωτίου Όμιλίαι, έκδ. Βασιλείου Λαούρδα (Θεσσαλονίκη, 1959),'Ομιλία δεκάτη έβδομη· Τοΰ αΰτοΰ άγιωτάτου Φωτίου, πατριάρχου Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ομιλία, λεχθεΐσα έν τω άμβωνι της μεγάλης έκκλησίας τω μεγάλω Σαββάτω έπι παρουσία των φιλοχρίστων βασιλέων, δτε της Θεοτόκου έξεικονίσθη και άνεκαλΰφθη μορφή, 164-172, 17024"25, 1777 8 . 4 Hunger, Heimsuchung: Η. Hunger, "Heimsuchung und Schirmherrschaft über Welt und Menschheit: Μήτηρ Θεοΰ ή Επίσκεψις," SBS 4 (1995) 33-42, Μπαλτογιάννη, Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, 139. 5 W. Seibt, "Der Bildtypus der Theotokos Nikopoios. Zur Ikonographie der Gottesmutter-Ikone, die 1030/31 in der Blachernenkirche wiederaufgefunden wurde," Δώρημα στον I. Καραγιαννόπουλο, Βυζαντινοί 13 (1985) 549-564. The writer refers to a lead seal, dated ca. 1050, inscribed "Νικοποιός," which he accepts to be the copy of the homonymous icon of the Virgin, Μπαλτογιάννη, Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, 139. 6 Konstantopoulos, no. 345; Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 1028; Seibt, Darstellung, 46, ft. 31. 7 Seibt, Darstellung, 49, Τ. Bertele, "La Vergine aghiosoritissa nella numismatica bizantina," REB 16 (1958) 233-234, Μπαλτογιάννη, Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, 147, G. Touratsoglou, "Εγκόλπιο στεατίτη από τη Βέροια," Ευφρόσυνον, Αφιέρωμα στον Μανώλη Χατζηδάκη, t. 2, (Athens, 1992) 601-606. 28

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN

of the Chalkoprateia, near Hagia Sophia.7 This image bears the name Hagiosoritissa first on seals from the 1040s and on coins from the 12th c. This iconographic type is closely related to the Virgin Paraklesis, except that the Virgin here does not carry a scroll. Images of this type also may be labeled the Virgin Paraklesis, Kecharitomene or Episkepsis on wall paintings.8 So far things seem to be clear enough with the above referred types, which are depicted on plenty of lead seals, provided that Virgin Mary is the most venerated person of the Orthodox Church, as the principal intercessor of the mankind to God. However, thorough research shows that in several cases there is considerable discrepancy between the type depicted and the invocation of the Virgin, usually an epithet, attached to it: even identical images are accompanied by quite different epithets or designations.9 This is clearly shown from several lead seals of the Athens Numismatic Museum Collections, on which various invocations appear, stating classical iconographic types of the Virgin. 1. The Hodegetria type is accompanied by the following inscriptions: a) Βασσιώτισσα, F F P - θ ν |H|f\| A|C|I-U|T|I|C|C|[A], Seal of the eparch Michael Philokalis dated to the 11th century, depicting a Dexiokratousa Hodegetria (Fig. I).10 The same representation and inscription appears on the seals of: the metropolitan of Mithymna Michael Vouchis, 12th c.,11 Leon Kamahou, second half of 11th c.,12 the mystographos Philip Doxapatris, second half of 11th c.13

Fig. 1 8 Nersessian, Two Images, 81, E. Tsigaridas, "Η Παναγία στη μνημειακή ζωγραφική'," Μήτηρ Θεοΰ, Απεικονίσεις της Παναγίας στη Βυζαντινή τέχνη, Μουσείο Μπενάκη (Athens, 2000) 125-137, 125. 9 Α. Grabar, "L'Hodigitria et l'Eleousa7b. Lik. Umet 10 (1975) 3-14, Galavaris, Kanikleion: G. P. Galavaris, "The Mother of God of Kanikleion," Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies 2 (1959) 179-182, pi. 9, 182. 10 Konstantopoulos, no. 415, Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 1033. The figures presented are plastercasts of the original lead seals. 11 Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 806, DOSeals 2.52.2. 12 Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1778, Zacos, Seals II, no. 551. 13 Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 147.

29

IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE

The epithet was probably used to designate the icon of the Virgin in the famous monastery of Bassou in Constantinople.14 According to Nicephoros Gregoras, who wrote the life of princess Theophano, wife of Leo VI, this icon was located in the right part of the church.15 b) Ευεργέτις, R-P-§V |H|6|V|e|P-r|6|T|l|C on the seal of Konstantinos Melissenos (Fig. 2).16 The person is known by a series of published seals

Fig. 2

showing the Virgin Hodegetria: in the Seyrig Collection17 and the Dumbarton Oaks Collection18 with different metrical inscriptions, all bearing the same invocation to the Virgin. The Athens specimen differs showing the inscription in the field of the obverse reproducing thus the original icon of the Virgin kept in the homonymous monastery in Constantinople.19 Constantine Melissenos considered the Virgin Evergetis his protector, as assumed by his seals. This iconographic type is identical to that of the Virgin Vassiotissa. c) Τράίανουπολίτισσα, [ΓΪ-Ρΐ-ΘΝ/ |[HTPAIANt)]-no|Al|TIC|CA on the seal of Michael Varis, metropolitan of Traianoupolis, dated to the 11th c., depicting a standing Hodegetria (Fig. 3).20This epithet does not exist anywhere

Fig. 3 14

Janin, Eglises, 61-62. Vita Theophano, Memoires de l'Academie imperiale des sciences de SaintPetersbourg, VHIe serie, ΙΠ, Ed. E. Kurtz, 2 (1898) 1-24, 16. 16 Konstantopoulos, no. 661a. 17 Seyrig, no. 311. 18 John W. Nesbitt, "Overstruck Seals in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection," SBS 2 (1990) 67-93, 73, Laurent, Bulles metriques, no. 212. 19 Janin, Eglises, 178-183. 20 Konstantopoulos, no. 12, Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 692. 15

30

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN

else, but only recalls a toponyme and brings in mind the iconographic type of the Virgin Atheniotissa, worshipped in the ancient Parthenon. 21 d) Αθήναις, FFP-0V |HA-0|hl|NAl|C on the seal of the metropolitan Nicholas Hagiotheodorites, w h o died in Athens in 1175, representing the Virgin Hodegetria in bust (Fig. 4). 22

Fig. 4 e) Ειρηνοποιός, FFP-[0V] | H e i | P I N 0 - [ n 0 l 0 C ] on an anonymous seal with metrical inscription representing a standing Hodegetria (Fig. 5). 2 3 This is an interesting epithet, because it is very rare. It does not appear in the hymnography, but only the substantive: ειρήνη των π ο λ ε μ ο υ μ έ ν ω ν . 2 4

Fig. 5 f ) Βοηθός, FFp|ev |HK0|H30|C on two seals of Christophoros Timonites, judge of the velon, representing the Virgin Hodegetria in bust, dated to the 11th-12th c. (Fig. 6 et 7). 25 This invocation often appears in the

21

Seal of Michael Choniates, metropolitan of Athens, Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 607. 22 Konstantopoulos, no. 58 reads "Αθηνιώτισσα." Similar from different boulloterion in DOSeals 2.9.7, Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 605, Galavaris, Seals, 267 no. 6. 23 Konstantopoulos, no. 963. 24 Eustratiades: S. Eustratiades," Ή Θεοτόκος εν τί; ύμνογραφψ" (Paris, 1930)20. 25 Konstantopoulos, no. 397α, β, Laurent, Corpus II, no. 828. A similar specimen in the Ermitage Collection, no. Μ 26, Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika, no. 797. The inscription "ΒΟΗΘΙΑ" appears on the seal of the clergy of St. Sophia in Constantinople assigning the standing three quarters Virgin (13th-14th c.), cf. Laurent, Vatican, no. 156, and the inscription "βοηθιτική δέσποινα" on a similar seal kept in the Royal Library of Belgium, cf. V. Tourneur, "Quelques bulles byzantines du Cabinet des Medailles de la Bibliotheque royale de Belgique," Revue beige de numismatique et de sigillographie 86 (1934) 89-96. 31

IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE

Fig. 7

hymnography: βοηθός άκαταίσχυντος, βοηθός των άπορων, βοηθός και αρωγός και προστάτις και ρΰστις των πιστών, βοηθός των έν δεινοΐς χειμαζόμενων, βοηθός των έν θλίψεσι, βοηθός των καταπονουμένων, βοηθός ορφανών, βοηθός έν πειρασμοΐς, 26 but scarcely on lead seals. We should furthermore note that the inscription "Νικοποιός" on the seal of the judge Nicetas of the 11th c.27 assigns a standing Hodegetria. However, the epithet '"Οδηγήτρια" properly inscribes the corresponding type of the Virgin on the seals of the magister Nicholas Skleros of the second part of the 11th c.28 2. The Kyriotissa type bears the corresponding inscription M-P-GtV] |HKV|PIU|T[ll|C[A] on the anonymous lead seal of thelOth-llth c.(Fig. 8).29 According to Laurent, this is the seal of the Monastery of Kyriotissa founded in Constantinople in 518, in the place of a sanctuary built by the

Fig. 8 26

Eustratiades, 13. Laurent, Corpus Π, no. 900. 28 Laurent, Corpus II, nos. 251-252. 29 Konstantopoulos, no. 747, Laurent, Corpus V/2, no. 1156. 27

32

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN

eparch Kyros, during the reign of Theodosius II (408-450 A. D.); the church was devoted to the Annunciation.30 In the Comnenean period this was the official icon of the imperial house, used as a symbol against the theological controversies and heresies.31 An icon of the Kyriotissa was very probably found in the Palace of Kanikleion, mentioned in byzantine texts, which was transformed into a monastery probably by the middle of the tenth c. According to Pr. Galavaris this icon inscribed as "Kanikleiotissa" has been reproduced on a lead seal dated to the llth-12th c., of some person called Ioannis Doukas.32 Nevertheless, on the lead seal of Romanos Argyropolos, patrikios and imperial notarios, of the 11th c.33 the inscription: H|KV|Pl|U|Tl|C|A |Μ-Ρ-θν is applied to the so-called "Νικοποιός" type (Fig. 9). Moreover, the type known as Kyriotissa is accompanied by the inscription "Επίσκεψις on the seal of Peter, metropolitan of Thebes.34 This invocation sometimes identifies the so called Blachernitissa type.35

Fig. 9

The interpretation of the term leads to the meaning "visit" referring to the belief that the Blachernai image was visited regularly by divine powers, or it is derived from the word skepe, meaning shelter. The latter should refer to the protective role of the Virgin's maphorion, kept at the Blachernai Monastery and regarded as the sacred palladium of Constantinople. 3. TheNikopoios Virgin is inscribed as FFP-0V|Η OPORHTICA (Οροβίτισσα) on the seal of the monk Gabriel36 in the Monastery of Orovi close to Magnesia at the river Meandros (second half of the 11th c.), certainly reproducing the icon of the monastery (Fig. 10).

30

Janin, Eglises, 193-194, "Μονή της Θεοτόκου των Κΰρου." Mirjana Tatic-Djuric, L'icöne de Kyriotissa, Actes du XVe Congres International d'etudes byzantines, Athenes, Septembre 1976, II Β (Athenes, 1981) 759-786, 778. 32 Galavaris, Kanikleion, pl. 9. 33 Konstantopoulos, no. 428, Laurent, Corpus II, no. 209. 34 Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1785, DOSeals 2.21.2, llth/12th c. 35 Hunger, Heimsuchung, passim. 36 Konstantopoulos, no. 136, Laurent, Corpus V/2, no. 1275. 31

33

IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE

Fig. 10 4. The type of the Virgin orans, as described by Photius in his tenth Homily, decorating the apse of an inaugurated church in the Palace of Constantinople, 37 is depicted on the seal of the nun Eudokia in the Monastery of Peridoxos 38 with the inscription: Π-Θ|ΗΠ6ΡΙΔ0Ζ00 (Fig. 11). This seems to be another unusual invocation of the Virgin, since this monastery is not mentioned in the sources. On the other hand, there is no evidence of the epithet in the Virgin's hymnology.

Fig. 11 Eudokia should be the Reverend Mother of the monastery, possibly a member of the nobility, or one of the princesses who became nun at that time. Schlumberger has assumed that she might be Eudokia Makrembolitissa, the widow of Romanos IV Diogenes, who was forced to become a nun in the Monastery of Theotokos, known in the sources as the Piperoudion (Πιπεροΰδιον) monastery at the asian coast of Bosporus. 39

37

Λαοΰρδα, 'Ομιλία δεκάτη • Τοΰ αύτοΰ άγιωτάτου Φωτίου άρχιεπισκόπου Κωνσταντινοπόλεως ομιλία, ρηθείσα ώς εν εκφράσει τοΰ έν τοις βασιλείοις περιωνύμου ναοΰ, 99-104. The homily was delivered in the period between 12 April 864 and 21 April 866. The matter of the identification of the church described by Photius remains still a problem, cf. Λαοΰρδα, 60, 102, στ 28: Ή δ' από τοΰ θυσιαστηρίου ανεγειρόμενη άψίς τη μορφή της παρθένου περιαστράπτεται, τάς άχραντους χείρας υπέρ ήμών έξαπλοΰσης και πραττομένης τφ βασιλεΐ την σωτηρίαν και τά κατ' έχθρων ανδραγαθήματα. 38 Konstantopoulos, no. 184. 39 Janin, Grands centres, 28. Ν. Oikonomides, "Le serment de l'imperatrice Eudocie (1067). Un episode de l'histoire dynastique de Byzance," REB 21 (1963) 10128, 128. 34

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN

b) The same type of the Virgin orans but standing, appears on the seal of some person called Andronikos 4 0 with the inscription: MP-0V|HAX[6I]ΡΟΠΟΙ (Fig. 12).

Fig. 12 The inscription of the reverse is not clear because this is an overstruck seal. The epithet designates the quality of the image of the Virgin which is made by no man's hands, according to the legend telling that the Evangelist Luke painted himself the first icon of the Virgin by God's grace. Professor Xygopoulos 4 1 had suggested that this iconographic type of the Virgin reproduced the icon of the Acheiropoietos Church in Thessaloniki. 42 According to the legend the first icon of the Acheiropoietos was that of the Virgin Hodegetria, which miraculously turned into a standing orans Virgin. 43 Due to this miracle the church took the name Acheiropoietos, since the icon was changed by divine power, without the interferance of the painter's hand. In the sources of thel4th c. the church is also called Hodegetria, probably for the above referred reason. 44 Konstantopoulos does not date the seal. However, from its size and type of letters, it can be dated to the 13th c. The chronology coincides with the period in which the Acheiropoietos church of Thessaloniki came to the Abramites monks of the homonymous monastery in Constantinople. 45 The monastery was built by the archbishop of Ephesos Abraham

40

Konstantopoulos, no. 949a. Ξυγγόπουλος, Αχειροποίητος: Ά. Ξυγγοποΰλου, " Ή λατρευτική είκών τοΰ ναοΰ της Άχειροποιήτου Θεσσαλονίκης," 'Ελληνικά 13 (1954) 256-62. 42 Ε. Κουρκουτίδου-Νικολαίδου, Α. Τούρτα, Περίπατοι στη βυζαντινή Θεσσαλονίκη (Αθήνα, 1997) 185, Θεσσαλονίκη: Βυζαντινά και μεταβυζαντινά μνημεία Θεσσαλονίκης (Thessaloniki, 1997) 61. 43 Cf. below the lead seal of Kerameus, where a standing Hodegetria is labeled as Acheiropoietos. 44 Θεσσαλονίκη, 61. 45 Ξυγγόπουλος, Αχεφοποίητος, 260. 41

IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE

in the late 5th or 6th c., and therefore called the monastery of Abramites. It was very probably destroyed in 1204, because it is not mentioned in the late-byzantine sources. However, the invocation has survived on the lead seal of Kerameus, imperial official, dated to 13th c.46 The Virgin is represented standing holding the Child on her right hand. The effigy is inscribed "Άχειροποίητος". Xygopoulos points out that this type of the Virgin on this seal reproduces the icon of the Acheiropoietos Monastery in Constantinople. 47 5. The Hagiosoritissa type on the seal of Nicetas, notarios of the West (11th-12th c.) (Fig. 13)48 and the seal of Nicholas Hagiotheodorites (Fig. 14)49 bear the corresponding inscription. It is important to underline that this is the unique unvaryingly labeled type of the Virgin on seals. Summing up now the so far examined types, we may conclude to the following indicative table:

Fig. 13

Fig.14

46

Schlumberger, Sig., 157. Ξυγγόπουλος, Αχειροποίητος, 261. Morover, two seals of Nikolaos monk of Acheiropoietos (Seibt-Zarnitz, no. 5.3.5 and Zacos, Seals II, no. 622) dated to 11th c. represent the Virgin enthroned holding the medallion of Christ. W. Seibt assigns this representation to the Monastery of Abramites in Constantinople, where was kept one of the icons of the Virgin painted by Luke. 48 Konstantopoulos, no. 335. 49 Konstantopoulos, no. 599a. 47

36

THE ICONOGRAPHY OF THE VIRGIN INSCRIPTION

ICONOGRAPHIC TYPES OF THE VIRGIN 1. Hodegetria standing

a) Βασσιώτισσα b) Ευεργέτις c) Τραϊανουπολίτισσα d) Ειρηνοποιός e) Άχειροποίητος f ) Νικοποιός g) Οδηγήτρια

Hodegetria bust

h) Αθήναις

2. Kyriotissa

a) Κυριώτισσα

3. Nikopoios

a) Κυριώτισσα

4. Virgin Orans bust

a) Περίδοξος

j) Βοηθός

b) Οροβίτισσα standing 5. Hagiosoritissa

b) Αχειροποίητος Αγιοσορίτισσα

Thus, it is clear that the above referred designations are not iconographic in character, since there are four types accompanied by various invocations, among which the Virgin Hodegetria presents the biggest variety of epithets. Attempting, therefore, to detect the reasons for this discord between inscription and conventional image, we conclude to the following arguments: 1. A replica of a famous icon in one sanctuary, such as the Hodegetria, is made for a different sanctuary taking the name of its new home without any alteration in the image. Thus, the Bassiotissa, the Evergetis, the Traianoupolitissa and the Athenais refer to the famous original of the Hodegon Monastery. This original must had variants such as the Dexiokratoussa Hodegetria, the standing Hodegetria or the Hodegetria in bust. 2. The sanctuary has more than one icons, probably two, of the same or different iconographic type, replicas of both, even if they are quite different in appearance, may both bear the name of that sanctuary or a qualitative epithet, provided that uniqueness and authenticity was not a prerequisite for a "special" icon.50 On the other hand these two iconographic types may signify the same theological spirit with a slight variation, as far as the Holy Union is concerned. For example the close theological conception of the Holy Incarnation, between Kyriotissa and Nikopoios may have resulted the interchange of the two epithets. 3. The production of some variants of the same iconographic type, have resulted from the increased vividness of the liturgical poetry, especially from the attempts to bring certain traditional images closer to the poetic

50

N. Oikonomides, "The Holy Icon as an Asset," DOP 45 (1991) 35-44, 43.

IOANNA KOLTSIDA-MAKRE

epithets that accompany them, or to appropriate the special qualities of one type for another. As both image and epithet have their own independent history and particular resonance, the interplay of the two, while confusing to the modern scholar, actually does serve to enrich the meaning of the icon. This is the case of the above examined invocations Eirenopoios and Boethos.

38

Valerij Stepanenko AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL (Xllth/ XHIth C.): THE IMAGE OF ST. GEORGE AS HORSEMAN IN BYZANTINE AND RUSSIAN SIGILLOGRAPHY

At the end of the XlXth c. in Novgorod (North Russia) during construction on the site of the old princely residence, workers discarded soil into the river Volhov. In doing so, they also threw away the remains of the prince's archives, among them thousands of the seals. Until today the seals can be found on the bank of the river. Among them was the anonymous seal with the image of St. Demetrios as a warrior in full height on one side and St. George as a warrior horseman on the other, with perhaps Greek inscriptions. Today, this specimen is kept in the Russian department of the State Hermitage of St. Petersburg as part of N.P. Lihacev's collection. A second and a third specimen of this seal were found during the archaeological excavations in Tatarstan (Bulgaria on the Volga) and in Jaroslavl' (North-Eastern Russia) (Fig. 1-2).1 When the first specimen was found in Novgorod, V. L. Janin attributed this seal to the local prince Vsevolod (IV) (1212-1238). At the same time Μ. V. Sedova attributed this seal to his grandfather, the Great Prince of the Vladimiro-Suzdalian Rus' Vsevolod ΙΠ (1154-1212).2 The Christian name of both Vsevolods was Demetrios. What is more, the Christian

Fig. 1- The seal from Tatarstan. 1 V. S. Janin, P. D. Gajdukov, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XVw. 3 (Moscow, 1998) no. 212; Μ. V. Sedova, "Aktovye pecati knjazja Vsevoloda ΙΠ," Dmitrievskij sobor. Κ 800 letiju pamjatnika (Moscow, 1997) 274-279. 2 V. S. Janin, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XVw. 1 (Moscow, 1970) 99-102.

VALER1I STEPANENKO

Fig. 2- The seal from Jaroslavl'.

name of Vsevolod's III father, the Great Prince of the Kiev Rus' Jurij Dolgorukij (1098-1157) and of Vsevolod's ( I V ) father, Jurij Vsevolodovic (1188-1238), was George. A s a result, the seal might be dated anywhere between 1154 and 1238. A l l scholars noted that this seal is distinguished from other Russian seals by the quality of the images. In my opinion this might be connected with the personality of the probable owner of the seal, the Great Prince Vsevolod. According to information from Russian chronicles, Great Prince Vsevolod was a son of Byzantine princess from the Comnenoi family, the second w i f e of the Great Prince of Rus' Jurij Dolgorukij. After the death of his father Vsevolod, his mother and brothers were exiled to Byzantium and lived in Constantinople, and perhaps also in Salonica, between 1162 and 1169.3 H e returned to Russia after the death of his stepbrother and predecessor Andrej in 1169. During his rule in Vladimir (1176-1212) the contacts between NorthEastern Rus' and Byzantium were very close, and culture of the Vladimiro-Suzdalian Rus' was under strong Byzantine influence. The church of St. Demetrios of Salonica, the patron saint of the prince, was built in Vladimir. A n icon of St. Demetrios was transferred from Salonica to Vladimir in 1997 and Byzantine artists were invited for the painting of frescoes in the church.4 The image of St. Demetrios on the icon of 1197 is very traditional in the art of Salonica (Fig. 3, 4). Iconographically it is a copy of a famous Byzantine icon probably in the basilica of the saint in Salonica.

3 Novgorodskaja letopis' starsego i mladsego izvodov (Moscow - Leningrad, 1950) 468. 4 E. S. Smirnova, "Culte et image de St. Demetre dans la principaute de Vladimir ä la fin du xne-debut du xme siecle," Βυζαντινή Μακεδονία. Διεθνές Συμπόσιο, Θεσσαλονίκη, 29-31 Οκτωβρίου 1992 (Thessaloniki, 1995) 267277; Ο. Popova, "Freski Dmitrievskogo sobora vo Vladimire i vizantijskaja zivopis' XII v.," Dmitrievskij sobor, 93-119.

40

AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL

St. Demetrios is presented as a warrior in full height in cuirass and pteryges with a sword in his right hand and a scabbard in his left. The icon of 1197 is lost, but Russian copies of it exist.5 The same image appears on our anonymous seal. Its probable source is either an icon in the basilica or the icon of 1197.1 prefer the first explication, because the image of the saint on the icon of 1197, reproduced in 1701, differs iconographically to a certain degree.6 The type of the image of St. George on the other side of the seal is more rare. Representations of holy warriors as horsemen are known in Byzantine monumental painting and applied art. The iconographical type of the representation of saint warriors can be found in the traditional imperial triumphant cycle in Roman times, with the

Fig. 3- St. Demetrios. The serpentine calice. Xllth c. Venice. S. Marco. Treasury.

5 E. S. Smimova, "Hramovaja ikona Dmitrievskogo sobora," Dmitrievskij sobor, 221, 223, 224, 233,111.132, 134, 135, 140. 6 E. S. Smirnova, "Culte et image de St. Demetre", 233, ill. 140.

41

VALERIJ STEPANENKO

Fig. 4- Sts. Demetrios and George. The steatite icon from Cherson. Xllth c. State Hermitage. SPb. t r i u m p h a n t emperor represented either as a victorious general (in the garment of a warrior: in the tunic, the cuirass and with the weapons in his hands) 7 or as a hunter with a spear in the right hand and with a booty under the hooves of his horse. 8 The second image differs f r o m scene of the triumph in meaning and iconography.

7 See: E. Künzl, Der römische Triumph (München, 1988); A. Grabar, L'empereur dans I'art byzantin (London, 1971) 31-43. 8 The Roman prototypes see, for example, on the coins of Constantine I and Crispus (31-326) - (Rom und Byzanz. Schatzkammerstücke aus bayerischen Sammlungen [München, 1998] 97, no. 3rv) and of Magnentius (350-353) (K. Shelton, "Usurper's Coins, The Case of Magnentius," Byzantinische Forschungen 8 (1982) 211-213, PI. XXV-XXX).

42

AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL

The second type of representation of the saint with the traditional spear in the right hand and with the dragon (St. George) - or Diocletianus (Miracles of St. Demetrios) under the hooves of the horse - was very popular in the art of the states of the Byzantine cultural circle (Russia, Bulgaria, Serbia, Georgia and others). Representations of holy warriors are very different and very common in Byzantine art. Nevertheless, concerning the iconography of St. George, V.N. Lazarev noted the rarity of the image of the saint as a triumphant horseman both in Byzantium and in the states on the Byzantine cultural circle. As examples he named the fresco of the church of St. George in Staraja Ladoga near Novgorod (1167), and the steatites with the image of St. George in Bargello (Florence) and in the museum of Angers. The same iconography can be found in the steatite of the St. Demetrios of Thessalonica in the Moscow Kremlin Armory.9 Compared with the multitude of the representations of St. George spearing a dragon and St. Demetrios defeating a pagan in monumental painting, icons, sculpture and applied art, the images of holy warriors as triumphant horseman are very rare. We can find them, for example, on the Xlth c. frescoes of the cave churches of Cappadocia: the images of St. Theodore and St. George in the church St. Barbara, St. Theodoros in Dzhulanli Kilise in Göreme.10 It is possible to complete this list with the images of holy warriors as triumphant horsemen and hunters. Such twin images can be found in numerous examples: on three stone plates from Kiev, dated to 1068, which were copied from Byzantine originals,11 on the Pala d'Oro from 9

V. N. Lazarev, "Novyj pamjatnik stankovoj zivopisi XII v. i obraz Georgija ν Vizantijskom i drevnerusskom iskusstve," V. N. Lazarev, Russkaja srednevekovaja zivopis' (Moscow, 1970) 79. Unfortunately the time of the creation of the last icons is disputable. V. N. Lazarev dated all steatites to the Xllth c., as did M. Alpatov (Μ. V. Alpatov, "Barel'ef Dimitrija Solunskogo ν Oruzejnoj Palate," M. V. Alpatov, Ocerki istorii russkogo iskusstva 1 [Moscow, 1967] 52), Α. V. Bank to the Xlth c. (Α. V. Bank, Prikladnoe iskusstvo Vizantii IX-XII vv. [Moscow, 1978] 97-98), I. Kalavrezou-Maxeiner to the XIVth c. (I. Kalavrezou-Maxeiner, Byzantine Icons in Steatite [Vienna, 1985] 198-200), H. Wentzel to the XHIth c. (H. Wentzel, "Die Kamee mit dem hl. Georg im Schloss zu Windsor," Festschrift Fr. Gerke [Baden Baden, 1962] 108-110), as did V. Putsko (St. Demetrios) (V. G. Putsko, "Rannepaleologovskij steatit s izobrazeniem Ioanna Predteci," ByzSl 50 [1989] 209). 10 See: De Jerphanion, Les eglises rupestres en Cappadoce III (Paris, 1934) PI. 189, ill. 2; Μ. Restle, Die byzantinische Wandmalerei in Kleinasien, II (Recklinghausen, 1967) no. XXIII, PI. 246-247. 11 Gosudarstvennaja Tretjakovskaja Galereja. Katalog 1: Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo X-nacalo XV v. (Moscow, 1995) 195-196, no. 91; V. Putsko, "Kievskie rel'efy svjatyh voinov," Starinar 27 (1977) 111; G. V. Sidorenko, "Mihailovskie reliefnye plity XI v.," The Iconastasis. Original-Evolution-Symbolism (Moscow, 2000) 243-266.

43

VALERIJ STEPANENKO

Caorle near Venezia, executed by Byzantine craftsmen in Venice in the 2th third of the XHIth c.; 12 on the bronze icon of St. Demetrios f r o m the middle of the XHIth c. in the State Hermitage, 1 3 on two identical Russian silver icons with the images of St. George f r o m the beginning of the XIVth c.; and on a Russian stone icon of the XIVth c. f r o m Novgorod depicting St. George 14 and on the Byzantine provincial silver cup f r o m Berezovo, dated to the 1st half of the XHIth c. also with the image of St. George (Fig. 5). 15

Fig. 5- St. George. The silver cup from Berozovo. 1st half of the Xlllth c. State Hermitage. SPb. 12

See: Omaggio a San Marco, Tesori dall'Europa (Milano, 1994) 174-176. V. Zalesskaja, "Fessalonikskie ikony evlogii i obrazki epohi Latinskoj imperii," Piligrimy. Istoriko-kul'turnaja rol' palomnicestva (Saint Petersburg, 2001) 79. Although in my opinion the date and the attribution of the icon is questionable, it certainly comes from the period of the Latin Empire (1204-1261). 14 See: Τ. V. Nikolaeva, "Kamennaja ikonka, naidennaja ν Novgorode," PKNO 1974 (Moscow, 1975) 225 ill. V. P. Solomina, "O dvuh pamjatnikah novgorodskoj melkoj plastiki," PKNO 1977 (Moscow, 1978) 202-205. Most recently see: N. Chatzidakis, "Saint George on horseback "in Parade". A fifteenth century icon in the Benaki museum," ΘΥΜΙΑΜΑ I (Athens, 1994) 61-62. 15 V. P. Darkevic, Svetskoe iskusstvo Vizantii (Moscow, 1975) 80 ill; Sokrovisca Verhnei Obi. Katalog vystavki Ermitaza (Saint Petersburg, 1996) 142. 13

44

AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL

This type of image of the triumphant saint warrior is rarely found in the Balkans and in the Caucasus. The representations on the door of the church St. Nicholas in Ohrid and the icons from Georgia may be mentioned. 16 Taking these observations into consideration I agree with the conclusion of V. Sandrovskaja on the rarity of the representations of holy warriors as horsemen in Byzantine sigillography in general, and of St. George in particular. These images stand in contrast with other representations of warrior saints in the Byzantine sigillography from the Xth to the XHIth c.17 There are however some examples: the seals of an anonymous protospatharios of the Xth c. (S. George), 18 of the spatharokandidatos and tourmarches George of the Xth-XIth c. with the image of a holy warrior horseman (George?), 19 of the protospatharios and kleisourarches Tatikios at the end of the Xth or the beginning of the Xlth c. (George), 20 of the praitor George Spanopoulos in the end of the Xlth c. (George), 21 of John Isys of the Xllth c.(George), 22 of the sebastokrator Alexis Angelos (11851195), the future emperor (George),23 of an unknown of the Xllth c. (George), 24 of the sebastos Constantine Doukas (George), 25 of an 16 Z. Licenoska, "Les influences byzantines dans l'art medieval en Macedonie. La sculpture sur bois," ByzSl 49 (1988) 42, Fig. 4; The icons with the image of the St. Georgios as horseman triumphant. - G. N. Cubinasvili, Gruzinskoe cekannoe iskusstvo 1 (Tbilisi, 1959) 354-355; II, 111. 245; See, too: S. Amiranasvili, Les emaux de Georgie (Paris, 1962) 84-85-XIIIth c. 17 V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Obraz sv. Georgija na vizantijskikh pecatjah," II mezdunarodnyj simpozium po gruzinskomu iskusstvu, Resümees (Tbilisi, 1977) 7; V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Izobrazenija svjatyh voinov ν Vizantijskoj sfragistike i numizmatike," Vizantija i Bliznij Vostok (Saint Petersbourg, 1994) 70-89; I. I. Tolstoi, "Slutcai primenenija vizantijskoj sfragistiki k voprosy po russkoj numizmatike," Trudy VII arheologitceskogo s"ezda ν Jaroslavle (1887) I, (Moscow, 1891) 7381; V. P. Stepanenko, "Obraz sv. Georgja vsadnika ν vizantijskoj i drevnerusskoj sfragistike domongol'skogo perioda," Problemy istorii Rossii 3: Novgorodskaja Rus'. Istoriceskoeprostranstvo i kul'turnoe nasledie. Κ 70 letiju akademika V. L. Janina (Ekaterinburg, 2000) 106-117. 18 The upper part of the seal in the collection of the Historical Museum Shumen. Bulgaria. My gratitude to I. Iordanov for the photo and for his comments. 19 DOSeals 2.7.1. 20 Seibt -Zarnitz, 3.3.7. 21 Laurent, Corpus II, no. 1144. 22 L. Maksimovic, M. Popovic, "Les sceaux byzantins de la region Danubienne en Serbie. Π. La collection du Musee National de Belgrade," SBS 3 (1993) 122, no. 8. 23 Zacos-Veglery, no. 2745 a, b. 24 J. Nesbitt, "Overstruck Seals in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection: Reused or Counterstamped?," SBS 2 (1990) 71-72, no. 2. 25 We know three specimens from the collections G. Zacos (Byzantine seals from the collection of G. Zacos. Spink Auction 127/1 [London, 1998], no. 79), from Sofia and from Athens. Unfortunately we cannot identify the owner of the

45

VALERIJ STEPANENKO

unknown protospatharios έπΐ του χρυσοτρικλίνου και δομέστικος της υπουργίας του φιλοχρίστου δεσπότου of the Xlth (?) c. (Theodore?), 26 of Demetrios Aelgazes of the Xlllth c. (Demetrios),27 of the sebastos John Steiriones of the beginning of the XHfth c. (Theodore),28 of an anonymous Comnenus (Palaiologos?) of the Xlllth c. (George), 29 of an anonymous of the Xllth c. (George). 30 There may be more such seals, but probably not many. In my opinion the likeness of the iconography of the images of triumphant saint warriors can be explained by the existence of one prototype, probably a worshipped icon in Constantinople. Otherwise it is impossible to explain the identity of the iconography of so geographically distant works as the Russian icon of St. Boris and Gleb (XIVth c.) from Novgorod 31 and the icons of St. George Diasorites and St. Theodore

seals with one of the Constantine Doukas of the Xllth c., known from the index of Barzos. 26 Schlumberger, Sig., 502 regarded the saint as St. George, supposing the existence of the dragon under the hooves of the horse. This seal together with parts of the Schlumberger's collection was bought by N. P. Lihacev and is today kept in the State Hermitage (M-8759). Lihacev who noted the rarity of this image, dated the seal to the Xlllth c. V. S. Sandrovskaja thinks that it can be one of Theodore, either Teron or Stratelates. Our gratitude to the colleague for a photo of the seal and for her comments. 27 Spink Auction 127/1 (London, 1998) Catalogue, no. 88. 28 N. Oikonomides, " Ό σεβαστός 'Ιωάννης Στειριόνης," Χαρακτήρ. Αφιέρωμα στη Μαντώ Οικονομίδου, (Athens, 1996)209-213. 29 Unpublished seal Μ-12291 from the Ν. P. Lihacev collection in the Hermitage. Lihacev read the inscription on the rev. with the image of the ruler horseman as "Comnenus Palaiologos." 30 The seal M-12374 from the Hermitage. (Sicily?) cf. E. Stepanova, "Izobrazenija vostocno-hristianskih svjatyh na ital'janskih pecatjah XI-XII vv.," Vizantija i Hristianskij Vostok. Naucnaja Konferencija pamjati A. Bank. Hermitage, Tezisy (Saint Petersbourg, 1999) 58. 31 V. N. Lazarev, Novgorodian icon-painting (Moscow, 1976) 20, ill. 21. A parallel is found in the little stone statues of the Vladimiro-Suzdalian Rus'. These are icons of the XlVth c. with twin images of Boris and Gleb, George and Demetrios as horsemen. T. Nikolaeva, Drevnerusskaja plastika iz kamnja (Moscow, 1983) nos. 283, 292, tabl. 49, 111. 5; Tabl. 51, 111. 51. A. Ryndina thinks that this iconography developped under West-European influence. (Prikladnoe iskusstvo Velikogo Novgoroda. Hudozestvennyj metall X-XV vv. [Moscow, 1997] 84). T. Nikolaeva saw here the episode of the Life of St. George, when he is victorious in battle at Thessalonica with the help of a banner, presented to him by an angel. (T. Nikolaeva, Zagorskij muzej zapovednik. Proizvedenija melkoj plastiki XII-XVII vv. [Zagorsk, 1960] 137). In Georgia we find the image of the triumphant St. George on a stone relief from the church of Agara. - Materialy po arheologii Kavkaza 4 (Moscow, 1894) 40, Tabl. XVI. The triumphant sense of this scene is obvious, as is the influence of the images the emperor's triumph on this iconography. 46

AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL

Stratelates which were painted for the crusaders and are kept in the Monastery of the St. Catherine on Sinai.32 The circle of such works may be extended by the icons of St. Sergios and Bacchos and St. George with the donor (XHIth c.) in the same cloister.33 St. George on our seal, however, represents a third type, halftriumphant and halfhunter. It differs from the simple triumphant warrior by the allure of the horse, presented in a flying gallop, and differs from the hunter by the absence of the the spear in the hand and of the dragon under the hooves of the horse (which is unique in the Byzantine iconography of this saint). The closest iconographic analogues to the image of St. George on our seal are the images of St. Demetrios on a Byzantine gold icon, which now is kept in the Berlin Museum of Arts and Crafts34 (Fig. 6) and, to a certain extent, a representation of St. George on the silver cup from Berezovo, preserved in the Hermitage. Both date from the end of the Xllth or to the beginning of the XHIth c. and are thougt to be provincial works. On the first icon, St. Demetrios is depicted as a horseman without weapons, with the reins in the right hand. On the cup from Berezovo, St. George is depicted as warrior with a spear in the right hand, but without the dragon under the hooves of his horse. On our seal the spear and the dragon are absent. The absence of the spear in the hand of the saint may be a mistake of the craftsman, but it is more probable that it is a very rare type of representation of the saint. It is known in Byzantine and Russian painting of the XHIth-XIVth c. only on the Byzantine icon of St. George in the Life of the XHIth c. in the Monastery of St. Catherine on Sinai (scene 14),35 and on the Russian icon of St. George in a life of the beginning of the XlVth c. in the Novgorod Museum.36 It depicts the saint in the triumphal scene after the binding of the dragon "by the God's word," but before of its murder. 32 K. Weitzmann, "Crusader Icons and Maniera Greca," Byzanz und der Westen (Wien, 1984) 148, Taf. LIII. 33 K. Weitzmann, "Icon Painting in the Crusader Kingdom," DOP 20 (1966) 71-72, fig. 49. It is significant that the image of the holy warrior horseman was popular in Byzantium in the Xlllth c. The are not only the rare seals, but also a great number of glass cameos with the image of St. Theodore as a horseman spearing the dragon, both from Constantinople and Russia. M. C. Ross, Catalogue of the Byzantine and Early Medieval Antiquities in the Dumbarton Oaks collection, 1 (Washington, 1962) 89, nos. 106, 107; T. Nikol'skaja,"Redkaja nahodka iz Serenska," Drevnosti slavjan i Rusi (Moscow, 1988) 45-51. 34 D. Kötzsche, "Der Welfenschatz im Berliner Kunstgewerbemuseum," Bilderheft der Staatlischen Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz 20-21 (Berlin, 1973) 65, no. 2. 35 Ε. S. Konstantinides, "Une icöne historiee de Saint Georges du XHIe siecle au monastere de Sainte-Catherine du Mont Sinai," Drevnerusskoe iskusstvo. Rus', Vizantija, Balkany. XIII v. (Moscow, 1997) 88 ill. (scene 14). 36 V. Ν. Lazarev, Novgorodian icon painting, 16, ill. 17.

47

VALER1J STEPANENKO

Fig. 6- St. Demetrios. The gold icon. Xllth c. Museum of Arts and Crafts. Berlin.

According to the "Life and the miracles of St. George," after the binding of the dragon, the saint with or without spear (as on the our seal) gallops in the wake of the princess, dragging the dragon to the town in the presence of the townsmen (Byzantine fresco of 1167 in the church of St. George in Staraja Ladoga). In the "Miracles" the saint is only the instrument in the hands of God, and the dragon is defeated by "God's word" and only after the triumph the dragon is murdered by the saint. In the popular mind, this last event was the main achievement of the saint.37 For this reason this scene became very popular in the art of Byzantium and the states of the Byzantine cultural circle, whereas the scene of the triumph before the exploit of the saint was unintelligible to the crowd and consequently very rare in Byzantine art.

37

Sanct Georg. - Der Ritter mit dem Drachen. Kataloge. (Freising-Lindenberg i. Allgäu, 2001). My gratitude to Ν. Seibt for the indication of this catalogue.

AN ANONYMOUS RUSSIAN SEAL

The plateglass inscriptions with Greek letters point to the production by Russian craftsmen. On the obverse we read: Τ Δ On the reverse: Ο r e Ρ Μ I Ο

PHI

This seal does not correspond either to Byzantine or Russian sigillographical tradition of the Xllth-XIIIth c. The very high quality of the matrix, the Greek plate-glass inscriptions and very rare type of the image of the saint lead to the assumption that the matrix was the work of a Russian craftsman on the basis of a Byzantine non-sphragistic original, for example, a lead, bronze or steatite portative icon, probably from Salonica. The last publications of portative lead icons from Bulgaria38 and Russia (Novgorod)39 support this assumption. A second type of seal with the images of standing St. Demetrios on one side and standing St. George on the other side by another twin matrix with correct inscriptions is quite traditional.40 It may have belonged to the same owner. If this seal belonged to the Great Prince Vsevolod, it is perhaps the first image of the saint warrior as a horseman in Russian sigillography.

38 As, for example, the lead icons of the Xllth c. with the standing St. George as a triumphant warrior. - K. Totev, "Srednevekovye vizantijskie svincovye ikony iz Severo-Zapadnoj Bolgarii (K ikonografii Sv. Georgija drakonobortca)", MAIET 7 (2000) 362-369. 39 V. N. Zalesskaia, "Fessalonikskie ikony," 81 ill. 3: a Byzantine (?) lead medallion of the end of the Xllth c.-lst half of the XHIth c. from Novgorod with the image of St. George (or St. Demetrios) as horseman and of a youth behind him. 40 V. S. Janin, P. D. Gajdukov, Aktovye pecati Drevnej Rusi X-XV vv. 3 (Moscow, 1998) no. 211-4.

49

John W. Nesbitt THE ORPHANOTROPHOS: SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE HISTORY OF THE OFFICE IN LIGHT OF SEALS

The orphanotrophos, the director of the main orphanage in Byzantium - the orphanage of Sts. Peter and Paul - was one of the emperor's most important agents in upholding the tenets of Christian charity. Numerous seals attest the office and the activities of the orphanotrophos's subordinates, but until now there has been no systematic attempt to group and study these specimens in relation to texts. The great majority of these seals were published after 1965, the year in which R. Guilland published the standard work of reference on the office and its personnel.1 The purpose of this short essay is, at base, to update Guilland's bibliography and to revise his prosopographical list by adding in the names of persons attested on seals.2 The earliest seal to claim our attention is a sixth-century specimen published (with a line drawing) by Schlumberger.3 On the obverse appears affronting busts of Sts. Paul (1.) and Peter and a cross above (fig. 1). In the center is a monogram easily resolvable from coins as: Ίουστίνου και Σοφίας; around is an inscription which Schlumberger has read as

1

R. Guilland, "Etudes sur l'histoire administrative de l'Empire byzantin. L'orphanotrophe," REB 23 (1965) 205-221. But see now the more recent researches of T. Miller, "The Orphanotropheion of Constantinople," in Throught the Eye of a Needle: Judeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare, ed. E. Hanawalt and C. Lindberg (Kirksville, MO, 1994) 83-103. The school at the orphanage is the subject of an excellent study by S. Mergiali-Falangas, "L'ecole Saint-Paul de l'orphelinat ä Constantinople. Bref aper?u sur son Statut et son histoire," REB 49 (1991) 237-246. 2 It is a curious fact that in compiling his massive Corpus of Byzantine Seals, Father Laurent failed to incorporate into his magnum opus the seals of the orphanotrophoi and subordinate officials of his office. For this reason several important seals have remained relatively unknown. One purpose of this paper is to spotlight them and to restore them to their rightful place in the literature on Byzantine orphans. 3 Schlumberger, Sig., 380. The specimen is cited in Zacos-Veglery, no. 1261, where it is observed that it was known to Bury (The Imperial Administrative System in the Ninth Century [London, 1911] 103-104) who read the monogram as IOVCTINOV KAI COilAC. Schlumberger had incorrectly assigned the seal to the reign of Justinian I. 51

JOHN W. NESBITT

+ΟΡ?ΑΝΟΤΡΟ?Ι. As printed we are obliged to read "orphanotropheion". The seal reflects Justin's patronage of the Church of Sts. Peter and Paul and confirms information which the Chronicle of Theophanes places under the year 571/572: "In this year Justin began to build the church of the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul in the Orphanage" (translation of Mango

Fig. 1 4

and Scott). As Mango and Scott note, Theophanes implies that at the site where the Church of Sts. Peter and Paul was erected the Orphanage already existed and indeed we know from another source that the Orphanotropheion was already functioning in the later 5th century. In 472 the emperor Leo promulgated a Novel guaranteeing privileges to charitable institutions. It is expressly stated therein that the current holder of the office of orphanotrophos is a priest named Nikon and that Nikon's property shall enjoy the same protection as his "predecessor, Zotikos of most blessed memory, who is said (dicitur)" to have first acquired the office devoted to the sustenance and rearing of orphans.5 Whether the building housing the Orphanage in 472 and the one referred to in 572 are the same is of course problematic. The Novel's reference to "Zotikos of most blessed memory" requires clarification. 4 Theophanes the Confessor, trans. C. Mango and R. Scott (Oxford, 1997) 361 (= Theophanes, 244 6 7 ): Τοΰτφ τφ ετει ήρξατο κτίζειν Ίουστΐνος την έκκλησίαν των άγιων αποστόλων Πέτρου και Παΰλου έν τω ορφανοτροφεία). The same information is transmitted (but in a more muddled form) in Scriptores originum constantinopolitarum, ed. Th. Preger (Leipzig, 1901) 267 (and 235). The name Zotikos is mentioned twice. In the first instance a Zotikos is referred to as the person to whom Justin entrusted the direction of the Orphanage. In the second a Zotikos is described as a person living in the time of Constantius and a benefactor of individuals in need of food and clothing. In sum the Patria separates Zotikos the leper saint from his role as an orphanotrophos - a recognition that the two roles do not fit comfortably together? For a different view, see T. Miller, "The Orphanotropheion of Constantinople," 87. The historian Joseph Genesios describes the "church of St. Paul" as the place "where the funds for the nourishment of the orphans are kept." Translation of A. Kaldellis, Genesios. On the Reigns of the Emperors (Canberra, 1998) 12 (= Josephi Genesii regum quattuor, ed. A. Lesmüller and I. Thum [Berlin, 1978] 9 78 " 79 ). 5 Codex Iustinianus, ed. P. Krueger (Berlin, 1929) 1.3.34.

52

THE ORPHANOTROPHOS

The Novel is here referring to a tradition which we find independently expressed in the Synaxarium (December 31) that the fourth-century leper saint, Zotikos, was an orphanotrophos ("On this day let there be remembrance of the contention [of martyrdom] of St. Zotikos the orphanotrophos"). 6 According to the Synaxarium, Zotikos was a civil official of middling rank, specifically a magistrianos (an agens in rebus), who came to grief at the hands of Constantius for establishing a leper colony across the Golden Horn at a place called Elaia. I have argued elsewhere that Zotikos's directorship of the Orphanage should be viewed with considerable scepticism. 7 It seems highly unlikely - to this author at least - that a person would have functioned in the beginning of his career as the supervisor of the Orphanage and then finished it as the founder of a leprosarium. Such a dichotomy in professional activities appears highly suspicious and indeed even Leo's Novel uses the sort of circumspect wording ("it is said") suggestive of a polite fiction. In addition there is the fact that the Aubineau Vita does not claim that its saintly hero was an orphanotrophos. 8 It focuses on Zotikos's concern for lepers and although it refers to the Orphanage, it only does so in circumspect terms. It notes that Justin and Sophia had the apostolic church of St. Paul (also called the Orphanotropheion) constructed and they ordered that this establishment should furnish to the house of the holy martyr everything necessary for the support of the infirm. 9 In other words, the orphanotrophos was responsible both for the care of orphans and the needs of lepers. Obviously the latter activity involved a different locale, for the orphans did not live side-by-side with lepers. The orphans lived within the walls of the City, while the lepers were secluded in a complex outside the walls, presumably in Galata and on the hill known as Elaia. 10 The motif of apostle busts persists among seals of orphanotrophoi into the late seventh/early eighth century. We republish here the seal of a 6

H. Delehaye, Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris (Brussels, 1902), cols. 359-362. 7 The author's views are set forth in an article to be published by the Institute for Byzantine Research (Athens) in memory of Prof. Nicolas Oikonomides. 8 I am referring here to the Vita of St. Zotikos published by M. Aubineau, "Zoticus de Constantinople. Nourricier des pauvres et serviteur des lepreux," Analecta Bollandiana 93 (1975) 67-108. The edition is based on Walters Art Gallery 521, a manuscript of the 11 th century. In a later Vita written by Constantine Akropolites and edited by T. Miller, "The Legend of Saint Zotikos according to Constantine Akropolites," Analecta Bollandiana 112 (1994) 339-376 there is also no reference to Zotikos as an orphanotrophos. 9 Aubineau, "Zoticus de Constantinople," 83. 10 The need to control the movements of lepers is seen in Islam, as well. Al-Walid is reported to have restricted the circulation of lepers in Medina. See the interesting article of L. Conrad, "Did al-Walid I Found the First Islamic Hospital?," ARAM 6 (1994) 225-244. 53

JOHN W. NESBITT

Stephanos, koubikoularios and orphanotrophos (fig. 2).11 The obverse features facing, half-length representations of Sts. Paul (1.) and Peter (r.). On the reverse appears an inscription of six lines: K6BOH0H|CT6fANUlKOVBIKOVA.lPIUSOPtlANOTP.IfU: Κ(ΰρι)ε βοήθη Στεφάνω κουβικουλ[α]ρίφ (και) όρφανοτρ[ό]φφ. An interesting aspect of Stephanos's tenure in the office of orphanotrophos is the fact that we are dealing here with a koubikoularios and hence a member of the laity. We are poorly informed about holders of the office in the sixth and seventh centuries and so it is not possible to generalize. We simply note that two of Stephanos's known predecessors were clerics. The first is Akakios who, before becoming patriarch in 472, had earlier been an orphanotrophos; and the second is the priest Nikon, mentioned in Leo's Novel of 472.12 A contemporary of Stephanos, Andrew, bishop of Gortyna, is another cleric; Andrew occupied the office of orphanotrophos before 692.13 From the meager data at our disposal it would appear that before 700 it was not uncommon for a member of the ecclesiastical establishment to occupy the office of orphanotrophos, but after this date appointments were also drawn from the ranks of the laity and indeed one of the major developments in the office is the pronounced shift after 700 to the promotion of lay persons to the directorshop of the Orphanotropheion. We can follow this trend quite easily among the seals which we now list: 1) Prokopios, hypatos and orphanotrophos (8th century);14 2) Stephanos, patrikios and orphanotrophos (750-850);15 3) Christopher, imperial proto11 The specimen (DO 55.1.2650) has been published in Zacos-Veglery, no. 1268a. A similar seal in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection is DO 58.106.4388. 12 Άκάκιος πρεσβύτερος καΐ όρφανοτρόφος: Nicephori archiepiscopi constantinopolitani opuscula historica, ed. C. de Boor (Leipzig, 1880; reprint New York, 1975) 116. Akakios became patriarch of Constantinople in 472. Guilland, "L'orphanotrophe," lists the patriarch Euphemios (498-495) as an ex-orphanotrophos of Neapolis, but in the Nicephori opuscula historica (117 1 2 ) he is in fact described as the former "ptochotrophos" of Neapolis. 13 The date is not wholly certain; for the latest discussion of the chronology of Andrew's career see now A. Kazhdan, A History of Byzantine Literature (650-850) (Athens, 1999) 38. 14 Zacos-Veglery, no. 3171. 15 Zacos-Veglery, no. 2395.

54

THE ORPHANOTROPHOS

spatharios and orphanotrophos (9th century, first half; fig. 3); 16 4) Sisinnios, imperial protospatharios and orphanotrophos (9th century); 17 and 5) Damianos, imperial protospatharios and orphanotrophos (9th century). 18 We should note, however, that in the ninth century the office was on occasion held by a cleric. At the 4th Council of Constantinople one of the participants in 869-870 was a certain "George the Orphanotrophos". 1 9 He may well be the "George, diakonos and orphanotrophos" w h o was the recipient of a letter f r o m Photios. 2 0 We further observe that in 878 when 16

Zacos-Veglery, no. 1795a and b; specimen b = DO 55.1.743 (our fig. 3).

Fig. 3 17

Zacos-Veglery, no. 3181. 18 Zacos-Veglery, no. 1841a (late 9th/early 10th century) (= Fogg 668; our fig. 4) and b (= DO 58.106.5385). Zacos and Vegleiy misdate these specimens; the form of the beta shows that the specimens belong to the ninth century. Cheynet (SBS 6

Fig. 4 (1999) 11-12) has corrected Laurent's reading of a seal in Vatican, no. 89, proposing that one substitute the reading Στεφάνω πατρικίφ και όρρειαρίψ των Πετρίου for Στεφάνφ πατρικίφ και όρφανοτρόφφ. To the list of seals should be added from texts the name of Paul the orphanotrophos. Paul, who was involved with others in a plot against Romanos I, was exiled to the isle of Antigonos and was tonsured (Skylitzes, 213.56; Guilland, "L'orpanotrophe," 211-212). 19 Guilland, 211. Guilland's reference is vague: see Mansi, Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, XVI (Paris-Leipzig, 1902), col. 136AB. Another person to be added is the orphanotrophos Leo, the recipient of a letter from Theodore of Stoudios: see Theodori Studitae Epistulae, pars prior, ed. G. Fatouros (Berlin, 1992) 80 (letter 29). Interestingly his wife is described as χαρτουλαρέαν. Cf. the commentary on this letter, 170-171. 20 Photii patriarchae constantinopolitani epistulae et amphilochia, ed. B. Laourdas and L. Westerink, I (Leipzig, 1983) 186 (letter 136). Following Bury, Guilland repeats the suggestion that George might be a provincial orphanotrophos, but he seems to be an important individual and for this reason should be counted among the orphanotrophoi of the Great Orphanotropheion. 55

JOHN W. NESBITT

Nikephoros, archbishop of Nicaea, was forced to abdicate his throne he assumed the duties of orphanotrophos.21 In the Taktikon Uspenskij (842-843) the orphanotrophos is listed as an imperial official and is grouped under those patrikioi who head a bureau.22 According to the Treatise of Philotheos the orphanotrophos had under his direction the following group of officials: χαρτουλάριοι τοΰ οίκου; χαρτουλάριοι τοΰ οσίου; an άρκάριος; and κουράτωρες. 23 Bury, in our opinion, has rightly conjectured that the term χαρτουλάριοι τοΰ οσίου refers to officials who maintained the account books of the leprosarium, in distinction to the χαρτουλάριοι τοΰ οϊκου, who assisted in managing the fiscal affairs of the Orphanage.24 Dumbarton Oaks preserves one unpublished seal (eleventh century) of a chartoularios of the orphanotropheion (DO 47.2.26; fig. 5). A bust of St. Theodore in military costume, holding a spear (r. hand) ornaments the obverse; on the reverse appears an inscription of eight lines: KefV&I.eOAUPyl.cnAeAPJ-l.niTUtfrKA |.VC"[>rPA(j)|SXAPTUAA|. bOPtA.|..Otlü: Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) [Θ]εοδώρ(ω) [(πρωτο)]σπαθαρί(φ) [έ]πι του Χρ(υσο)(τρι)κλ(ίνου) [μ]υστ(ο)γράφω (και) χαρτουλα[ρ(ίφ)] τοΰ όρφα[ν(ο)τρ]οφίου. Zacos and Veglery have also published the seal of a chartoularios of this philanthropic bureau.25 This specimen of the 11th century, decorated on the obverse with a bust of the Virgin, remembers the name of Constantine, protospatharios, exaktor, judge of the Velum and great chartoularios (μεγάλφ χαρτουλαρίφ) of the Orphanotropheion.

21

See the Vita Ignatii of Niketas Paphlagon: PG 105, col. 5735-6; cf. G. Dagron, "Le traite de Gregoire de Nicee," TM 11 (1991) 346 and note 164. Zacos-Veglery (no. 1776 = DO 58.106.3276; fig. 6) have published the ninth/ early tenth-century seal of a Basil grand orphanotrophos. On the obverse is a cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent type V) and an inscription of five lines on the reverse: P,ACIAei|UMe..AU|..tANOT.|.f > U: Βασιλείφ με[γά]λφ [όρ]φανοτ[ρό]φφ. Obviously it is not possible to say if Basil was a layman or a cleric. 22 Oikonomides, Listes, 51.9. 23 Ibid., 12323-27. 24 Bury, Administrative System, 103-105. We agree with Oikonomides (Listes, 319) that the administrative title of chartoularioi tou oikou can be profitably compared with the term χαρτουλάριος των ευαγών οίκων. 25 Zacos, Seals II, no. 432.

56

THE ORPHANOTROPHOS

Neither specimen uses the phrase του οίκου or τοΰ οσίου, but we do encounter the phrase τοΰ οσίου in a text of Theophanes Continuatus and on a Dumbarton Oaks seal of the twelfth century (DO 55.1.5006 = Laurent, Corpus V/3, no. 1916). 26 The seal's obverse features a representation of St. Zotikos standing and as an orant; the inscription on the reverse reads: .CtPAr.|AA8Atü.|T0V0CI0V|Z(JTIK0V: [+] Σφραγ[ν(ς)] άδελφώ[ν] τοΰ οσίου Ζωτικού. It seems to the author that the seal is to be associated with the leprosarium of St. Zotikos, but what is unclear is the meaning of the term "brother". This could refer to a monastery of monks, but it might also denote a lay diaconate. In this regard I note a passage from the Itinerary of Antony of Novgorod which Prof. George Majeska has translated for me into English from his forthcoming edition: "St. Zotikos is buried in a hospital on a mountain beyond" the Golden Horn.27 The manner in which Antony describes the leprosarium leaves the question open as to whether its medical attendants were religious or lay. On a Dumbarton Oaks seal of the 9th/early 10th century we encounter the following inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σ φ δοΰλφ Βασιλείω μεγάλω όρφανοτρόφφ (see fig. 6 and note 21). We further encounter the

Fig. 6 26

In Theophanes Continuatus there is mention (p. 449 4 ; cited by Oikonomides {Listes, 319, note 186) of a "νοσοκομείου τοΰ όσιου". Originally this hospital was small, but then later it was enlarged "in order to bring together all those afflicted by so terrible a disease" and to cover all of their bodies with ointments. Surely the disease alluded to is leprosy and this hospital "of the saint" is Zotikos's leprosarium. 27 In Janin's "Listes des monasteres au concile de Nicee (787)," we find listed "John, hegoumenos τοΰ άγιου Ζωτικού". See Janin, Grands centres II, 435, no. 64.1 suggest that the Zotikos to whom this monastery was dedicated was not the leper saint Zotikos, but another Zotikos, perhaps, for example, the Zotikos remembered in the Synaxarium of Constantinople (cols. 913-915) under August 20 - a saint martyred in the reign of Maximian with St. Agathonikos and others. The relics of a St. Zotikos are known to have been preserved and honored at Daphnousia (sited along the Bithynian coast of the Black Sea): see the Vita S. Andreae, PG 120, col. 221D (cited in M.-F. Auzepy, M. Kaplan, B. MartinHisard, La chretiente orientate [Paris, 1996] 152), the same place where relics of the martyrs Photios and Aniketos were located (Janin, op. cit., 104). Janin cites a passage from the writings of Balsamon (G. Rhalles-M. Potles, Σύνταγμα των θείων και ιερών κανόνων, II [Paris, 1852] 4467) in which there is specific mention of a πρώτος τοΰ Όσίου. He is identified as a priest (ιερεύς), leaving us to wonder if he might not be the spiritual head of a diaconate. 57

JOHN W. NESBITT

term "grand" on the eleventh-century seal of Constantine, protospatharios, exaktor, judge of the Velum and grand chartoularios of the Orphanotropheion, as well as among a group of seals of the eleventh century belonging to a Niketas, bishop of Ionopolis and chartoularios of the Grand Orphanotropheion (fig. 7 = DO 58.106.38).28 How is the term "grand" to be understood? In regard to Constantine one is tempted to conclude that

Fig. 7

the term is meant to indicate that two or more chartoularioi operated under the direction of the orphanotrophos and that Constantine was superior in rank. As for Basil and Niketas we note that Guilland calls attention to an Athonite document of 942, the copy of a report to Thomas, epoptes of Thessalonika. The document was drafted by the hand of one Demetrios, who identifies himself as a cleric, kouboukleisios and orphanotrophos. I agree with Guilland that Demetrios was a local ecclesiastical official attached to the diocese of Thessalonika. 29 Demetrios's situation recalls the fact that throughout the Empire there were numerous local orphanotrophoi. By using the term "grand" Basil and Niketas are distancing themselves from orphanotrophoi and subordinates who exercised their duties in provincial settings. Niketas's seals show a revival in the 11th century of the use of clerics to administer the Orphanage's affairs. The most famous instance is of course that of the monk and orphanotrophos, John, whose career and seals we will discuss below. To be sure, John's career might easily be viewed in the light of a lay courtier, but we prefer to categorize him according to the terminology which he employed on his seals-namely, a monk. For the moment we simply note that in Niketas's case we are confronted by an ecclesiastical personnage who held posts both in the capital and in Paphlagonia (a crony of John the Orphanotrophos?). If we assume that Niketas was actually resident in Ionopolis, then we may conclude that he was "farming" the office of chartoularios. Niketas is not, however, the only person we encounter who was an official of the Orphanage and at the same time involved with provincial administration. Nikephoros Ouranos addressed a letter to John, orphano-

28 29

58

See our note 25 and DOSeals 4.18.2, 3 (with bibliography). Guilland, "L'orphanotrophe," 211.

THE ORPHANOTROPHOS

trophos and judge of the Armeniakoi.30 Recently there was published the eleventh-century seal of Pothos Monomachos, orphanotrophos and judge of the Armeniakoi (fig. 8 = DO 58.106.2211).31 It appears in both cases that the occupants of the office of orphanotrophos used their influence in imperial circles to obtain (or retain) the additional post of judge of the Armeniakoi, an office which potentially offered much in the way of monetary rewards.

Fig. 8

John the Orphanotrophos (died 1043) was of Paphlagonian origins.32 He held the post of orphanotrophos from Romanos III (1028-1034) and in 1034 used his influence to raise his brother to the throne. He was at this period the true ruler of Byzantium. Numerous seals of John are extant, as well as copper tesserae. By way of example, we reproduce a copper tessera (fig. 9) from the Fogg Collection (Fogg 2967 = ZacosVeglery, no. 2677b).33 On the obverse appears a bust of St. Nicholas; on the reverse is an inscription of six lines: -lM+KefVQ-|TUCUAU|AUIü"ÄS|OPtANO|TPOt: IR'· κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) τω σω δοΰλω Ίω(άννη) μ(ονα)χ(φ) (και) όρφανοτρόφ(φ). As Zacos

Fig. 9 30

See J. Darrouzes, Epistoliers byzantins du xe siecle (Paris, 1960), Letter 14 (p. 224); cited by Guilland, 211. Note the seal of John, protospatharios, orphanotrophos and judge of the Armeniakoi published in Zacos, Seals II, no. 827. 31 DOSeals 4.22.18. The obverse is decorated with a half-length representation of St. George. The inscription on the reverse has been completed from DO 58.106.861. 32 For a good biographical note and for examples of his seals, see ZacosVeglery, no. 2677 and 2677 bis. Cf. W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society (Stanford, 1997) 586-588. 33 Concerning Byzantine copper tesserae in general, see J. Nesbitt, "Byzantine Copper Tokens," SBS 1 (1987) 67-75.

59

JOHN W. NESBITT

and Veglery point out, the letters may stand for "indiction) 12" or "i(ndiction) 2".34 It seems to me that the interpretation "i(ndiction) 2" is the preferable reading since it was in the second indiction (1033/1034) that John travelled to Myra, asking for St. Nicholas's help in curing an ulcer.35 Copper tesserae were traditionally used as grain tokens. We recall here that in the years of 1033 and 1034 the Empire experienced grain shortages and it is tempting to see this tessera as part of a systematic program on John's part to alleviate hunger. At all periods the office of orphanotrophos attracted bureaucrats of relatively high status. In the earlier period it was a rung on the ladder to enthronement as patriarch. In the ninth and tenth centuries there was a regular parade of orphanotrophoi who had been honored with the rank of patrikios and protospatharios. In the case of John the Orphanotrophos it was the office which he preferred to occupy while governing the Empire. We submit that the reason why the office attracted these officials was that the Orphanage controlled considerable wealth. The orphanotrophos administered the holdings which belonged both to the Orphanage and to the leprosarium. The holdings were sufficiently large that the office required the services of chartoularioi, a treasurer and kourators. The post was lucrative enough that a person as greedy as John the Orphanotrophos wanted to secure and maintain control of the Orphanage's finances. Where did all this wealth come from? Surely, some of it was generated by imperial largess either in the form of donatives or tax privileges. This imperial support was linked in part, one may assume, with the use of orphans for the performance of choral music during imperial ceremonies.36 But I suggest that the wealth of the Orphanage may well have been rooted in the status of its clientele. Since the Orphanage of Sts. Peter and Paul was the principal Orphanotropheion of Byzantium, it was here, I submit, that were collected as adopted children the offspring of the aristocracy-persons who as adults were in a position to show gratitude for the rearing in the form of gifts and bequests. The Orphanage looked after the property interests of the aristocracy, at least until the reign of Alexios Komnenos and the institution's refoundation. Alexios of course founded a school with a well-rounded curriculum wherein orphans were instructed as well as the children of the poor. It also served as a place of religious instruction for cathecumens of non-Christian background. It could be that the Orphanage functioned after 1081 with a greater percentage of imperial support than in the past, but from all appearances 34 Zacos and Veglery are quite correct that the letters might refer to a measure of quantity. In such a case, I would expect the letters to be of larger size. 35 St. Nicholas regularly appears on John's seals - sometimes in bust and other times standing and turned toward a manus Dei. 36 Oikonomides, Listes, 187.

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THE ORPHANOTROPHOS

the Orphanage of Sts. Peter and Paul had been throughout its earlier history an elitist institution and that it continued to be so until the conquest of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade. ADDENDUM

Some of the scholarship regarding the Orphanotropheion has suffered from unfortunate timing. Guilland's article, presenting a comprehensive overview of the institution and its personnel, was published in 1965, a decade before the publication of any significant number of seals. For this reason I have thought it desirable to offer a list below of the known occupants of the office of orphanotrophos. The list is indebted to Guilland's study. Its purpose is to integrate new names, to update Guilland's bibliography, and to correct some of Guilland's mistakes. For the sake of brevity I refer the reader, when appropriate, to footnotes where citations of texts and catalogues are already mentioned. For orphanotrophoi of the 12th century the reader is referred to Guilland's article. 1. Akakios, who became patriarch of Constantinople in 472 (see our footnote no. 12). 2. Nikon, mentioned in Leo's Novel of 472 (see our footnote no. 5). (Correction of Guilland: Patriarch Euphemios was not orphanotrophos of Neapolis, but ptochotrophos of Neapolis: see our footnote no. 12). 3. Andrew, archbishop of Gortyna; orphanotrophos before 692 (see our footnote no. 13). 4. Stephanos, koubikoularios and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 11).

5. Prokopios, hypatos and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 14). 6. Stephanos, patrikios and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 15). 7. Christopher, imperial protospatharios and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 16). 8. Sisinnios, imperial protospatharios and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 17). 9. Damianos, imperial protospatharios and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 18) 10. Leo, orphanotrophos before 826; Guilland is incorrect in describing him as a patrikios (see our footnote no. 19). 11. George the orphanotrophos (869-870); possibly the same as George, diakonos and orphanotrophos (see our footnotes nos. 19 and 20). 12. Nikephoros, orphanotrophos after 878 (see our footnote no. 21). 13. Stephanos, patrikios and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 18). 14. Paul the orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 18). 15. Basil, grand orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 21). 61

JOHN W. NESBITT

16. John, orphanotrophos and judge of the Armeniakoi (see our footnote no. 30). 17. Melias, patrikios and orphanotrophos in 1030 (see Guilland, "L'orphanotrophe," 212-213). 18. John, monk and orphanotrophos (see our footnote no. 32). 19. Pothos Monomachos, orphanotrophos and judge of the Armeniakoi (see our footnote no. 31). 20. Nicholas Datos, vestarches and orphanotrophos (Ebersolt, Sceaux, no. 566; I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. A.-K. Wassiliou for sending me a photo of this specimen). The seal has on the obverse a half-length representation of the Virgin holding Christ on 1. arm; the reverse bears an inscription of six lines reading: +9KeRQ'|NIK0AAU|fteCTAPXH|S0PtANU|TP0tUT, au sommet Ρ sous Τ surmonte de V, ä la base A; ä gauche 0 et ä droite Ν. Solution assuree: όρφανοτροφίου. A la circonference, inseree entre deux cercles de feuillage fin, court la legende, commen^ant au sommet, precedee d'une croisette: +T0V€VAr0VCtierAAOV. Τοΰ εΰαγοΰς μεγάλου. La presence de ce plomb temoigne des relations de l'Eglise de Cherson avec l'une des principales institutions de bienfaisance du patriarcat, et revele aussi l'etablissement sur place de services analogues. En effet, le

5 Ν. A. Alekseenko, "Pecat' patriarha Nikolaja Mistika iz Hersonesa," Drevnosti1999/2000 (Kharkov) [sous presse], 6 Ν. Α. Alekseenko, "Pecati bosporskih cerkovnych ierahov iz Hersona," Problemy religij stran cernomorsko-sredizemnomorskogo regiona (Sebastopol, 2001) 132-133. 7 Ν. A. Alekseenko, Pecat' kievskogo mitropolita Kirilla iz Hersonesa," Rossijskaja arheologia 1 (1999) 186-190.

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musee de Cherson conserve egalement la bulle d'un ξενοδόχος, celle d'un κουράτωρ του ορφανοτροφείου, et les matrices en ceramique de sceaux de πτώχεια, ou asiles de vieillards. 8 Parmi les bureaux centraux, les services financiers sont les mieux representes. Les archives conservent en effet une cinquantaine de sceaux de logothetes du genikon. Nous retiendrons notamment les sceaux de fonctionnaires honores de hautes dignites, ainsi le patrice Sisinnios, le magistre Nicolas, Yanthypatos Jean.

2. Sisinnios, patrice, protospathaire imperial et logothete general Collection privee (C-41-95). Decentre; oblitere partiellement, mais la gravure est nette. Dia.: 25 mm (total); ep. 2, 5 mm. // Zacos-Veglery, no. 2372; Laurent, Corpus II, no. 284 (DO 58. 106.1547). Inedit.

Au droit, monogramme marial cruciforme, de type Laurent V, cantonne par le tetragramme habituel: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σω δοΰλφ. Au revers, legende sur cinq lignes, precedee d'une croisette: +ΟΙΟ.|.ΝΙΟΠΑΤ|.ΙΚ/(νΑ'ΟΠ'|.Γ€ΝΙΚ^Λ|.ΓΟβ' Σ ι σ [ ι ν ] ν ί ω πατ[ρ]ικ(ίφ) β(ασνλνκω) (πρωτο)σπ(αθαρίω) [(καν)] γενικ(ω) λ[ο]γοθ(έττ|). Les premiers editeurs ont date l'exemplaire parallele de la periode 750-850. 9 Mais V. Laurent precise que la frappe de cette bulle doit etre placee ä la fin du Vllle siecle, 10 et estime des lors que Sisinnios ne saurait etre confondu avec l'eparque de la Ville homonyme qui, peu apres l'accession au trone de Romain II (959-963), fut promu patrice et logothete general. 11

8

1. V. Sokolova, "Vizantijskie pecati iz Hersonesa," ADSV 26 (1992) 192-194; N. I. Hrapunov, "Administracija ευαγείς οίκοι ν Hersone," MAIET 8 (2000) 357-361; V. V. Latysev, "Greceskie i latinskie nadpisi, najdennye ν Juznoj Rossii ν 1895-1898 gg.," Materialy po arheologii Rossii 23 (1899) 30-31, no. 42; L. G. Kolesnikova, "Hram ν portovom rajone Hersonesa," Viz. Vrem. 39 (1978) 172, fig. 13. 9 Zacos-Veglery, no. 2372. 10 Laurent, Corpus II, no. 284. 11 Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn, 1838), 470. 77

N1KOLAY ALEKSEENKO 3. Nicolas, magistre, anthypatos, patrice, protospathaire imperial et logothete general Collection privee (C-93-96). Decentre; gravure est nette et bien conservee. Dia.: 24 mm (total); ep. 1, 5 mm // K. D. Smyckov, 2000, no. 1-3. Inedit.

Au droit, dans un cercle de grenetis, croix patriarcale, elevee sur plusieurs degres, ornee de fleurons issant ä mi-champ, en forme de fleurs de lys stylisees; au sommet de la croix, comme aux extremites du bras superieur, un globule, repete sous la traverse inferieure, au contact des fleurons. A la circonference, legende invocative commengant ä la base, ou eile est partiellement emportee: ©ITUCUAOV.. [+ Κ(ύρι)ε βοή]θ(ε)ν τφ σφ δοΰ[λφ], Au revers, precedee d'une croisette, legende sur cinq lignes dont la derniere est restee hors champ: +NIKli)/V|.Ar/AN.Vn|.ATPIK/fV)V.|..asreNl| Νικωλ(άφ) [μ]αγ(ίστρω) άν[θ]υπ(άτω) [π]ατρικ(ίφ) β(ασιλικω) (πρωτο)[σπα]θ(αρίφ) (και) γενι[κ(φ) λογοθέτη]. Un sceau tres proche, qui se distingue par la presence du 0 au lieu du U dans le nom, a ete publie par V. Laurent (DO 58.106.4951; Shaw, no. 671 et no. 672) et G. Zacos, provenant de sa propre collection. Laurent date le sceau du tournant des IXe-Xe siecles, Zacos prefere la premiere moitie du Xe siecle.12 Des sceaux paralleles provenant de Cherson ont ete mentionnes par I. V. Sokolova13 et par K. D. Smyckov.14

12

Zacos, Seals II, no. 242 bis; Laurent, Corpus II, no. 317. 1. V. Sokolova, "Les sceaux byzantins de Cherson," SBS 3 (1993) 104-105, no. 2. 14 K. D. Smyckov, "Novye nahodki molivdovulov glavnyh logofetov X v. ν Hersonese," Numizmatika i Faleristika 2 (14) (Kiev, 2000) 28-29, no. 1-3. 13

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LES RELATIONS ENTRE CHERSON ET L'EMPIRE

4. Jean, anthypatos, patrice, protospathaire imperial et logothete general Collection privee (C-77-95). Oblitere partiellement, mais la gravure est nette; perce dans la partie centrale. Dia.: 25 mm (total); ep. 2,5 mm. Inedit.

Au droit, croix ä double traverse, elevee sur trois degres, depourvue d'ornement. A la circonference, inseree entre deux cercles de grenetis, legende invocative partiellement conservee: [+K.e]ftOH0eiT(JC(i)AOVA(i). [Κ(ύρι)ε] βοήθει τω σψ δούλω. Au revers, legende sur cinq lignes, precedee d'une croisette et surmontee d'une autre croisette accostee de perles: ·+·| +IUANN-I AN0VnAT.|nA..IK/fV.|CnAQ'Sr6|....Or.. Ίωάνν[χ|] άνθυπάτ[φ] πα[τρ]ικ(ίω) β(ασιλικω) [(πρωτο)]σπαθ(αρίω) (και) γε[νικ(ω) λ]ογ[οθ(έττι)]. Jean exergait sa charge au IXe/Xe siecle. Les sceaux de logothetes du genikon trouves ä Cherson appartiennent en majorite aux IXe-Xe siecles. Certains sont sans equivalent dans les collections byzantines, et leur etude peut enrichir notre connaissance sur ces fonctionnaires. Un second groupe de plombs decouverts ä Cherson rassemble les bulles echangees par les services financiers et fiscaux avec d'autres administrations provinciales. Les plus anciennes appartiennent aux commerciaires des douanes: cinq pieces, gravees aux effigies imperiales, qui se rapportent aux regnes d'Heraclius (610-641),15 et de Constant II (659-668).16 D'apres les sceaux paralleles, on peut penser que ces fonctionnaires controlaient vraisemblablement les apotheques d'Abydos et de Constantinople. 15 Ν. A. Alekseenko, "Pecati cinovnikov balkano-maloazijskogo regiona iz Hersonskogo arhiva," Izvestija N. Muzej Varna 45 (Varna, 2003) no. 1-2, fig. 1 1-2 (sous presse). 16 Ibid., no. 3, fig. 1.3; Id. "Molivdovuly adressantov Hersona," Drevnosti 1996 (Kharkov, 1997) 122-124, no. 1-2, pi. 1. 1-2.

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Le sceau d'Artavasde, patrice et comte de l'Opsikion, retient egalement l'attention. 17 Le plomb a ete frappe ä la charniere des annees 710/720, dates qui correspondent ä la revoke, en 711, des habitants de Cherson contre Justinien II, et ä la proclamation du futur promoteur de l'iconoclasme, Leon III l'lsaurien (717-743), dont Artavasde etait justement le compagnon d'armes. Les recents travaux des chercheurs ont souligne l'influence economique et politique de la Crimee, notamment pendant les «siecles obscurs», et la presence ä Cherson du plomb d'Artavasde confirme ce role politique de la region dans les affaires de Γ Empire, pour qui la Crimee ne fournissait pas seulement un sejour d'exil suffisamment eloigne pour y releguer les opposants au pouvoir central. D'autres sceaux confortent cette these. Cherson possede un unique plomb, datable du VHIe siecle, issu du bureau de douanes de Hierön. 18 Le comte de Hieran avait pour charge le contröle ä l'entree du Bosphore des marchandises qui venaient de mer Noire, sous la responsabilite de l'eparque de Constantinople. Deux autres sceaux, de la premiere moitie du IXe siecle, ont appartenu ä des «comtes des Detroits», en charge des principales douanes maritimes, celle de Hieron et celle d'Abydos. 19 Au tout debut du Xe siecle encore, le sceau de Constantin, commerciaire d'Abydos, 20 atteste le maintien des echanges entre Cherson et ce centre, qui auront dure cinq siecles. Les archives de Cherson contiennent aussi les sceaux de dicecetes, l'un exer^ant ä Amastris (fin du IXe s.-debut du Xe s.),21 l'autre ä Mitylene (IXe s.).22 Or c'est justement ä Cherson que la fonction est, pour la premiere fois, mentionnee. Ces «inspecteurs des finances» ont vraisemblablement contröle les livraisons de grain provenant de Paphlagonie, des Bucellaires, des Armeniaques et du reste de 1'Empire. La Paphlagonie notamment etait au nombre des pourvoyeurs de Cherson. 23 Le sceau d'un episkeptites de Hierön, Leon, datable du Xe s.,24 constitue un apport nouveau et original ä l'etude de la fonction d'episkeptites·, son existence suggere une relation entre Cherson et des domaines imperiaux.

17 Id., "Molivdovul komita Opsikija naCala VIII v. iz Hersonesa," ADSV 30 (1999) 65-82. 18 Id, comme n. 16, 124, 126, no. 3, pi. 1. 3. 19 Ibid., 124, 127-128, no. 4-5, pi. 4-5. 20 Ibid., 124, 128-129, no. 6, pi. 1-6. 21 Id., "Cherson i goroda Maloj Azii po dannym sfragistiki," ADSV 31 (2000) 99, no. 1. 22 Id., comme n. 15, no. 4, fig. 3. 1 (sous presse). 23 De adm. imp., 286.

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Deux autres plombs, datables de la fin du Xe s. ou de la premiere moitie du Xle s., appartiennent encore ä un fonctionnaire du fisc, Jean, chartulaire et genimatos de Chrysoupolis, charge de controler la livraison des denrees agricoles destinees ä la capitale lorsqu'elles traversaient le Bosphore. 25 On connait neuf plombs emis par ce meme fonctionnaire; or il est hautement significatif de constater que cinq de ces pieces aient ete trouvees ä Cherson meme. II est probable que la juridiction du genimatos de Chrysoupolis s'etendait bien au-delä de Constantinople, jusque dans la lointaine Taurique. Des commandants de themes balkaniques ont laisse leurs sceaux. Deux ont ete strateges de l'Hellade: un protospathaire, peut-etre nomme Basile,26 et Jean Proteuön,27 bien connu aussi par les sources ecrites.28 Deux autres furent strateges de Thessalonique: Jean, protospathaire et epi tou Chrysotriklinou,29 et le patrice Michel.30 Leurs plombs ont tous ete frappes au Xe siecle. Le sceau de Leon, tourmarque de Gothie (deuxieme moitie du Xe siecle),31 permet de saisir comment 1'administration byzantine s'est adaptee au cadre particulier de l'arriere-pays montagneux de la Crimee. Un lot de plombs conserves ä Cherson, cent cinquante pieces environ, ont appartenu ä divers fonctionnaires locaux, archontes, 32 proteudntes,33 kyroi,34 strateges 35 et commerciaires. 36 Grace ä de recentes trouvailles, on sait aussi que d'autres fonctionnaires et dignitaires, ekdikoi,37 pateres

24

N. A. Alekseenko, comme n. 15, no. 5, fig. 3. 3. Id, comme n. 16, 124, 129, no. 7, pi. 1. 7; Id., "Herson i goroda Maloj Azii po dannym sfragistiki," ADSV 31 (2000) 99, 101, no. 2. 26 Id., comme n. 16, 124, 129, no. 8, pi. 1. 8. 27 Id., comme n. 15, no. 7, fig. 4. 2. 28 N. A. Alekseenko, A. Romancuk, I. V. Sokolova, "Die neuen Funde an Bleisiegeln aus Cherson," SBS 4 (1994) 142, no. 3; N. A. Alekseenko, "Stratigi Chersona po dannym novyh pamjatnikov sfragistiki," MAIET6 (1998) 710, 722724, fig. 5. 9, 24-27. 29 N. A. Alekseenko, "Molivdovuly adressantov Hersona," Drevnosti 1996 (Kharkov, 1997) 124, 130, no. 9, pi. 1. 9. 30 Id., comme n. 15, no. 6, fig. 4. 1. 31 N. A. Alekseenko, "Un tourmarque de Gothie sur un sceau inedit de Cherson," REB 54 (1996) 271-275; Id., "Gotija ν strukture vizantijskoj administrativnoj sistemy ν Tavrike vo vtoroj polovine X veka", Hersonesskij sbornik IX (Sebastopol, 1998) 230-235. 32 Id., "Novye nahodki pecatej predstavitelej gorodskogo upravlenija Hersona," Μ AI ET \ (1996) 156-159, no. 1-6; Id., "Arhontija Hersona ν νίΠ-ΙΧ vv.", MA1ET 9 (2002) 455-500. 33 Id., "Les sceaux des proteuontes de Kherson au Xe siecle", SBS 7 (2002) 79-86. 34 Id., comme n. 32, 160, no. 9. 35 Id., "Stratigi Hersona po dannym novyh pamjatnikov sfragistiki", MAIET 6 (1998) 701-743. 36 Id., "Tamoznja Hersona i pecati kommerkiariev VIII-IX vv.," [sous presse]. 37 Id., comme η. 32, 162-163, no. 11-12. 25

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poleös,3S notaires, 39 etaient en poste ä Cherson; ainsi se precise notre connaissance des structures administratives de la ville. C'est le nombre des sceaux de strateges et de commerciaires qui s'est le plus accru, permettant de suivre, pour certains d'entre eux, leur carriere et leur avancement dans la hierarchie aulique de la capitale. On sait ainsi que des archontes de Cherson ont obtenu la dignite de stratör imperial, 40 les proteuontes ont regu les titres de protospathaire imperial, de protospathaire et epi tou Chrysotriklinou\4i les strateges ont ete faits patrices, 42 les commerciaires, cubiculaires. 43 Le groupe des sceaux patronymiques s'est aussi etoffe, fournissant ainsi un plomb du patrice Michel Chersonitis (deuxieme moitie du Xe s.), personnage jusque-lä connu seulement par les sources ecrites. 44 L'apport de ces plombs recemment decouverts, celui de Michel Chersonitis comme ceux d'Ignace et Michel Tzoulas, 45 ajoutes au sceau dejä connu de Georges Tzoulas, confirme le fait qu'entre la seconde moitie du Xe siecle et le debut du Xle siecle, Γ administration de Cherson etait exercee par quelques families de notables locaux. Les archives conservent des sceaux episcopaux de titulaires inconnus des Notitiae episcopatuum de Constantinople: Zacharie, 46 qui fut eveque au Vlle/VIIIe siecle, puis Luc 47 et Etienne, 48 au Xe siecle. Le reste du materiel sigillographique rassemble diverses bulles de militaires, d'eveques, de fonctionnaires ou dignitaires civils, mais ces pieces sont privees du nom du signataire ou du lieu d'exercice de la charge. A l'inverse, d'autres sceaux ä usage «prive» component seulement le nom du signataire, inscrit en toutes lettres ou en monogramme.

38

Ibid., 164, no. 13. Id., "Κ voprosu ο suscestvovanii sluzby notariev ν Hersone," ADSV 29 (1998) 221-227. 40 Id., comme n. 32, 157-158, no. 4-6. 41 Id., comme n. 33. 42 Id., "Hersonskaja rodovaja znat' X-XI vv. ν pamjatnikah sfragistiki," MAIET 8 (2000) 256-266. 43 Id., "Tamoznja Hersona i pecati kommerkiariev VIII-IX vv.," no. 74. 1-3 [sous presse]. 44 Liutprandi Cremonensis Opera omnia, ed. Ρ .Chiesa [Continuatio Mediaevalis CLVI] (Turnhout, 1998), Relatio de Legatione Constantinopolitana, § 64110°-1140; G. Schlumberger, Un empereur byzantin au dixieme siecle: Nicephore Phocas (Paris, 1890) 662. 45 N. A. Alekseenko, "Novye nahodki pecatej roda Culy iz Hersonesa," Drevnosti 1995 (Kharkov, 1995). 46 Alekseenko, comme n. 32, 161, no. 10. 47 N. A. Alekseenko, A. Romancuk, I. V. Sokolova, "Die neuen Funde an Bleisiegeln aus Cherson," SBS 4 (1994) 146-147, no. 10. 48 N. A. Alekseenko, "Pecati cerkovnyh ierarhov iz Hersona," Nomos 28/29 (Cracovie, 1999/2000) 101-102, fig. 6-7. 39

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Sont datables des VIIIe-IXe siecles quelques sceaux d'hypatos (3), un nombre significatif de spathaires (28), le plomb d'un comte, celui d'un drongaire, deux bulles de chartulaires et trois de notaires. Les pieces les plus anciennes remontent aux Vie et Vile siecles: trois eveques, deux apo eparchon, deux asekretis. Leur enumeration, ä defaut de tout autre element de connaissance, temoigne du moins d'une certaine activite locale. Constatons, pour conclure, que les sceaux des archives de Cherson s'etendent sur un large champ chronologique, du Vie s. jusqu'au XHIe s.; la majeure partie cependant, plus de 300 exemplaires, concerne les IXeXe siecles. Les regions avec lesquelles Cherson entretenait des relations etaient proches de la capitale: Chrysoupolis, Hierön, Amastris, Abydos, Mitylene (Lesbos). Des strateges de themes micrasiatiques et balkaniques, ceux de Thessalonique, de l'Hellade, de l'Opsikion ont aussi scelle leurs correspondances destinees ä Cherson. Les plombs ressortissent ä un large choix representatif de Γ ensemble des categories de fonctionnaires et de dignitaires, oü les bulles d'empereurs et d'eveques se distinguent de l'abondante collection des plombs de fonctionnaires locaux et de sceaux prives. En somme, l'ensemble de ces documents embrasse l'histoire de Cherson durant tout le Moyen Age. On attend avec interet de nouvelles trouvailles, propres ä completer nos informations sur 1'administration locale, ses relations avec le pouvoir central, et l'essor des liens economiques de cet avant-poste du nord, aux lisieres de Yoikoumene grecque.

83

Jean-Claude Cheynet LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

Les sceaux byzantins sont rarement decouverts en dehors de l'espace politique occupe ä un moment ou ä un autre par l'Empire byzantin, ä l'exception toutefois de la Russie oü la presence d'un nombre appreciable de plombs s'explique aisement par l'influence de l'Empire dans l'emergence de la chretiente russe. Cependant, un pays occidental, l'un des plus eloignes de Constantinople, la Grande-Bretagne, l'ile de Thüle comme la nommait Anne Comnene,1 a fait sortir de son sol une quantite surprenante de plombs byzantins d'epoque medievale. Deux d'entre eux ont ete publies par V. Laurent. Le premier, trouve ä Winchester en 1962, a appartenu ä Jean, protospathaire, epi tou theophylaktou koitdnos et ek prosdpou tou Pantheou.2 Laurent a su, comme ä l'accoutumee, identifier le signataire; il s'agit de Jean Raphael, qui fut ulterieurement patrice et catepan. Nous disposons aujourd'hui d'un autre sceau qu'on peut attribuer au meme personnage, celui de Jean, protospathaire et strategies (le commandant de l'infanterie), trouve ä Trebizonde.3 Ces soldats etaient probablement des Varanges, car des garnisons varanges, on le sait, etaient souvent stationnees dans le theme de Chaldee. Se fondant sur les titres et les fonctions, Laurent a date les plombs dans une fourchette allant de 1060 ä 1080. Cependant, Raphael, anthypatos, patrice et catepan d'ltalie, est atteste en 1046-1047.4 De ce fait, la carriere de Raphael est plus precoce que ne le pensait Laurent. Au reste, l'epigraphie et l'iconographie du sceau confortent cette datation. Notons au passage que le plomb est anterieur ä la conquete de l'Angleterre par le due de Normandie, Guillaume.5 1

Alexiade, I, 92, 98, passim. V. Laurent, "Byzance et l'Angleterre au lendemain de la conquete normande. A propos d'un sceau byzantin trouve ä Winchester," NCirc 71 (1963) 93-96. 3 A. W. Dunn, A handlist of the Byzantine lead seals and tokens (and of Western and Islamic seals) in the Barber Institute of Fine Arts (Birmingham, 1983) 9, no. 43. 4 Toutes references dans Vera von Falkenhausen, La dominazione bizantina nell'Italia meridionale dal IX all'XI secolo (Bari, 1978) 97. 5 Sur la presence des Francs et notamment des Anglo-Saxons, cf. J. Shepard, "The Uses of the Franks in Eleventh-Century Byzantium," dans Anglo-Norman Studies 15 (Woodbridge, 1993) 275-305 et J.-Cl. Cheynet, "Le röle des Occidentaux dans l'armee byzantine avant la Premiere Croisade," dans Byzanz und das Abendland im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert, ed. Ε. Konstantinou (Cologne, 1997) [cite ensuite Cheynet, Occidentaux p] 111-128. 2

85

JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET

Un second sceau, celui du patriarche de Jerusalem Sophronios II, a ete trouve ä Winchester.6 Les dates du patriarcat de Sophronios ont ete rectifiees par Ph. Grierson.7 On estimait que le prelat occupait sa charge lors du grand pelerinage allemand qui avait atteint la ville Sainte en 10641065, et qu'il etait peut-etre dejä en poste avant 1059. Selon le seul temoignage fiable, celui de William de Malmesbury, Sophronios a assiste ä la capture de Jerusalem par les Turcs en 1076. Depuis les travaux de V. Laurent, un troisieme sceau, celui d'Euthyme, patriarche d'Antioche, plus tardif (datable du Xllle siecle), a ete decouvert ä Portsmouth. 8 Plus recemment enfin, un sceau de l'empereur Alexis Comnene est sorti du sol du Lincolnshire. 9 Simon Bendall, que je remercie vivement pour toutes les informations qu'il m'a fournies, m'a signale que de nouveaux plombs avaient ete exhumes fortuitement, ä Londres meme, lors de travaux publics dans la City, c'est-a-dire dans un quartier qui remonte ä l'epoque medievale et qui correspond au centre administratif de la ville ä l'epoque normande. Lui-meme avait acquis un de ces plombs, qu'il a depuis donne au Musee de Londres. Dans ce meme musee, Geoffroy Egan m'a fait savoir, apres enquete, qu'on avait pu retrouver huit sceaux byzantins de meme provenance. 10 Si Γ etat de conservation de ces pieces est souvent mediocre, les photographies que m'a envoyees S. Bendall et celle que G. Egan m'a autorise ä prendre sur les sceaux alors disponibles au Musee de Londres, m'ont permis de reunir l'essentiel de ce dossier. Les sceaux byzantins du Musee de Londres'1 1. Leon, anthypatos, patrice et logothete du genikon In v.: no. 99.67. Dia.: 29. Des.: Fortement presse aux deux bords et sur les deux faces. Inedit.

6

V. Laurent, "Un sceau inedit du patriarche de Jerusalem Sophrone II trouve ä Winchester," NCirc 64 (1964) 49-50. 7 Ph. Grierson, "The dates of Patriarch Sophronius II of Jerusalem (post 10481076/1083)", REB 43 (1985) 231-235. 8 S. Bendall, "A Thirteenth Century Byzantine Seal Found in England," NCirc 102 (1994) 356-357. 9 Ph. de Jersey, "An Imperial Byzantine Seal from Lincolnshire," Oxford Journal of Archeology 15.3 (1996) 349-351. 10 G. Egan m'a egalement donne le texte de sa communication: "New archaeological Evidence for the 11th Century Links between England and the Byzantine World." Cet article m'a ete precieux, car il fait aussi etat de recentes trouvailles de monnaies byzantines ä Londres. 11 Les sceaux sont classes en ordre chronologique.

86

LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

Au droit, dans un cercle de grenetis, buste de saint Michel, tenant un globe en main gauche et de Γ autre un sceptre, sans doute trifolie. Au revers, legende sur six lignes, surmontee et suivie d'une perle accostee de tirets, et precedee d'une croisette: —|..e(JN|..0vn..|.cnAT..|...CKA...|.iKoc..|.o0e...|-— [+ Λ]έων [άν]θΰπ[ατο]ς πατ[ρίκιο]ς κα[1 γεν]ικος [λογ]οθέ[της]. Xe siecle (fin)/XIe siecle (debut). Un autre sceau du meme personnage, ä un stade anterieur de sa carriere, nous est connu: au droit, Leon faisait dejä figurer saint Michel, et au revers il mentionne, outre sa charge, la dignite de patrice. V. Laurent l'identifiait, ä juste titre, au Leon patrice et logothete du genikon, signataire d'un acte date de 994.12 Leon servit done sous Basile II. 2. Etienne, juge et antiprosopdn du genikon logothesion Inv.: no. 1212. Dia.: 32. Des.: Sceau decentre vers la partie inferieure. Ecrase sur le bord droit et le bord gauche du champ sur les deux faces. A l'origine nettement grave. Inedit.

Au droit, dans un cercle de grenetis fin tres partiellement conserve, buste de la Vierge, le medaillon de l'Enfant pose sur la poitrine. Le decentrage du sceau ne permet pas de determiner avec certitude le type de la Vierge. Π semble qu'elle tienne le medaillon de l'Enfant. Gravüre de tres belle qualite. De part et d'autre de l'effigie, les sigles:.. - 0V. [Μ(ήτη)ρ] Θ(εο)ΰ. 12

Laurent, Corpus II, no. 320. 87

JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET

Au revers, legende sur sept lignes, surmontee d'une perle accostee de tirets et precedee d'une croisette: --|..Ke(ve^iTüC(i)Ab..|CTetAN...|THSAN..|Äcunü..|TüceKP..| TUreN-A [+ Θ(εοτό)]κε β(οή)θ(ει) τω σφ δοΰ[λφ] Στεφάν(φ) [κρι]τή (καν) άν[τι](προ)σωποΰ[ντι έν] τφ σεκρ[έτ(φ)] του γεν(ικοΰ) λ(ογοθεσίου). Xle s. (milieu). La datation est assuree par l'iconographie tres fine de la Vierge, qui se rencontre principalement au cours de la premiere moitie du Xle siecle, et par la presence dans la legende de la lettre double t), qui remplace le ö autour des annees 1030-1040.13 La fonction d'antiprosopdn du sekreton du genikon est attestee pour la premiere fois par un sceau. L'antiprosopdn est l'equivalent de l'ek prosopou, le second d'un service qui represente ä Γ occasion son chef. Des sceaux nous font connaitre d'autres antiprosdpountes de bureaux de la capitale: - Le sekreton de la sacelle, d'apres le sceau de Theodore, juge et antiprosopdn du sekreton de la sacelle (Xle siecle).14 - Le sekreton des maisons pieuses, d'apres le sceau de Thomas Xeros, anthypatos, patrice, antiprosopdn des maisons pieuses (Xle siecle).15 - Le sekreton de Yephoros, d'apres le sceau de Polyeucte, patrice, hypatos, juge du Velum et antiprosopdn de l'ephore (1030-1040). 16 3. Theodore (?), protospathaire, hypatos, epi tou koitdnos et protonotaire du genikon logothesion Inv.: V 21-26. Dia.: 30. Des.: Casse dans la partie gauche du flan et partiellement ecrase dans la partie superieure du champ. Inedit.

13

Dated Seals, nos. 80,81. Laurent, Corpus II, no. 817. 15 Vente Spink 127 (Londres, octobre 1998) no. 51. Piece parallele inedite: DO 58.106.4902. Sceau du meme personnage, lorsqu'il occupait la meme fonction alors qu'il n'etait qu'hypatos: DO 55.1.3411. 16 W. Seibt, "Drei byzantinische Bleisiegel aus Ephesos," Litterae numismaticae Vindobonenses Roberto Goebl dedicatae (Vienne, 1979) 152-154. Piece parallele: DO 55.1.2094. 14

88

LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

Au droit, dans un cercle de fin grenetis, legende sur six lignes: ...Ι\θ|...ΙΤϋ|..ΔϋΛυ|..ΔϋΡϋΑ|.ΠΑΘΑΒ'ϋ|.ΠΑΤω [+ Κ(ΰρν)ε] βο[ήθε]ι τω [σφ] δούλφ [Θ(εο)]δώρφ (πρωτο)[σ]παθαρ(ί)φ [ύ]πάτφ. Au revers, suite de la legende sur six autres lignes: eniT..|KOIT/K..|THSÄN.|TAPTtir.|NII^AOr.|0eO T έπ\ τ[οΰ] κοιτ(ώνος) κ[ρι]τη (καν) (πρωτο)ν[ο]ταρ(ίφ) τοΰ γ[ε]νικ(οΰ) λογ[ο]θεσ(ίου). Xle siecle (troisieme quart). La restitution du prenom, Theodore, est incertaine meme si la lecture des quatre dernieres lettres parait assez sure. Cependant, le graveur n'a pu disposer d'une place süffisante, devant ces caracteres, pour inscrire les trois premieres lettres du prenom, et il faut supposer une abreviation insolite pour Θεο-. On pourrait aussi songer au prenom Isidore, dont les premieres lettres exigent moins de place pour etre gravees. Toutefois, ä cette date, Isidore n'est pas atteste parmi les plus hauts fonctionnaires de l'Empire, mais un Isidore cependant etait chartulaire au Xle siecle.17 Le titre d'hypatos, «consul», qui s'etait eteint au cours du IXe siecle, a connu un regain de faveur autour de 1040, avant de disparaitre definitivement vers 1080.18 L'association des deux dignites, hypatos et protospathaire, est rare. 19 Le titre d'hypatos, inferieur ä celui de patrice et magistre, est trop modeste pour un logothete apres 1050, mais il convient ä un fonctionnaire place sous l'autorite d'un logothete, en 1080. Le protonotaire du genikon, ä la difference de celui du drome, n'est pas mentionne dans les taktika, mais il est bien atteste par les sceaux. 20

17

Ebersolt, no. 320. La dignite A'hypatos est conferee de nouveau dans le second quart du Xle siecle, puisque la premiere attestation datee est de 1039 (Oikonomides, 18

Listes, 296). 19 A titre d'exemple, W. Seibt a publie le sceau de Constantin Kourtikios, protospathaire, hypatos et taxiarque de Möxegaz [W. Seibt, "Ταξίαρχος Μωξηγάζ - Ein byzantinischer Kommandant in Mokk' um die Mitte des 11. Jahrhunderts?," Handes Amsorya (1993) 145-148], L'editeur propose de dater le plomb des annees 1060. 20 Laurent, Corpus II, nos. 384-387.

89

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4. Ν., anthypatos, patrice et juge... Inv.: V 14-15. Dia.: 29: Des.: Double frappe. Flan trop petit et rogne. Inedit.

Au droit, buste de saint Marc. Dans le champ, l'inscription en colonne, departetd'autredel'effigie,restelisibleädroite:... || M|AP|K: [Όάγιος] Μάρκ(ος). A la circonference subsistent quelques lettres seulement de la legende: ...ΝΘνΐΊΠΡΙ': ... [ά]νθυπ(άτω) π(ατ)ρι(κίω). Ä l'extremite du pourtour, on distingue la trace de la premiere frappe, comportant encore les lettres ΠΡΙ. Au revers, buste d'un saint eveque. L'inscription qui donnait le nom est perdue, ä l'exception d'un (J surmonte, semble-t-il, par la trace d'une marque d'abreviation; l'effigie serait done celle d'un saint Jean. D'apres la forme du visage emacie, il s'agirait plutöt de Jean Chrysostome que du Theologien. A la circonference, precedee d'une croisette, legende partiellement conservee, car le sceau est troue: + ...,Ι\6ΚΡΠ>Τ>Π ... βέστ(τ)) κριτ(η) τ(οΰ) ou τ(ής) Π Xle siecle (seconde moitie). Les juges de cette epoque portent les dignites d'anthypatos et de patrice. Au debut du regne d'Alexis Comnene, les juges sont generalement titres magistres, mais quelquesuns sont honores du seul titre de patrice.21 Le decentrage et l'usure du sceau nous privent du nom de son proprietaire. Remarquons toutefois le motif, rare, de saint Marc. II est associe ä toute une serie de sceaux appartenant ä un Basile Xeros ou ä des contemporains homonymes qui, tous, furent aussi des juges exergant dans les grands themes.22 Sur l'un de ses sceaux, Basile mentionne ses fonctions de chartulaire du genikon et de

21

Cf. J.-Cl. Cheynet, "La resistance aux Turcs en Asie Mineure entre Mantzikert et la Premiere Croisade," dans ΕΥΨΥΧΙΑ, Melanges offerts ä Helene Ahrweiler, ed. Μ. Baiard et alii (Paris, 1998) 131-147. 22 Sur ce personnage, cf. DOSeals 2.8.16.

90

LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

protonotaire, sans doute du meme bureau. Basile fut juge du Peloponnese, mais le signataire de notre sceau n'est sans doute pas juge de cette province car le nom, en principe, n'est pas precede de l'article, et le Π ne parait pas suivi d'un β. 5. Ν., anthypatos et antiprosopön

(?)...

Inv.: Sceau donne par S. Bendall au Musee de Londres. Dia.: 30. Des.: Le plomb est presque totalement oblitere et a ete volontairement presse sur les deux bords de chaque face. Inedit.

Au droit, buste d'un saint tenant le livre des Evangiles, mais le visage est oblitere. A gauche de l'effigie, caracteres diposes en colonne : ®|M|A|P. Les lettres, gravees en colonne ä droite, sont totalement ecrasees, mais on peut restituer avec vraisemblance: K-|o|C; le nom du saint ne fait aucun doute, il s'agit ä nouveau de saint Marc: Ό ά(γιος) Μάρκος. Au pourtour, le debut de la legende circulaire est partiellement lisible; les lettres: ...ΑΝΤΙ sont süres, mais les deux hastes verticales qui suivent peuvent etre interpretees comme un Ν ou comme ΙΠ. Dans le premier cas on pourrait penser au prenom Constantin, dans le second ä la fonction, rencontree sur un sceau precedent, d'antiprosopön, et cette face correspondrait alors au revers du plomb. Au revers, nous rencontrons, dans une disposition analogue, une effigie en buste, celle d'un saint ou de la Vierge, aujourd'hui detruite. Au pourtour, traces d'inscription dont les seules lettres distinctes sont V Π Α Τ, soit ΰπατ[ος], mais les traces des lettres precedentes n'interdisent pas l'hypothese [άνθ]ΰπατ[ος]. Le terme designe ä coup sür une dignite, aussi pouvons-nous, sans hesiter, dater le sceau du Xle siecle, sans doute de la seconde moitie.

91

JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET

6. Etienne [Xeros], vestarque, juge du Velum et logothete du genikon Inv. no. 17875. Dia.: 30. Des.: Les bords du flan ont ete ecrases volontairement. Inedit.

Au droit, effigie de saint Marc, en pied, tenant les Evangiles. Dans le champ, de part et d'autre de l'effigie, inscription en colonne: 0|A.... M|AP|KO|C. Ό α[γιο(ς)] Μάρκος. Au revers, qui se trouve grave ä 180° par rapport au droit, la legende, inseree dans un cercle de grenetis, est repartie sur six lignes et surmontee d'une croisette. Sur la partie gauche du flan, qui a ete ecrasee, on distingue un grand Β. +|..e [Στ]έφα[ν(ος)] [β]ε[σ]τά[ρ]χ(ης) [κρι]τή[ς] του [βή]λ(ου) (καν) γενι[κ(ος)] λογ(ο)θέτ(ης). Dernier tiers du Xle siecle.23 II se trouve qu'on peut restituer avec une quasi-certitude le nom de famille du proprietaire du plomb, quoiqu'il ne le mentionne pas, car nous connaissons deux plombs d'un Etienne Xeros, logothete du genikos, qui presentent des caracteristiques trop proches du nötre pour que le lien entre ces plombs ne soit pas etabli. a) Au droit, saint Marc en pied, au revers une legende en six lignes: Στέφανος πατρίκιος, βεστάρχης, κριτής του βήλου και γενικός λογοθέτης ό Ξηρός.24 b) Au droit, saint Marc en pied, au revers une legende sur six lignes: Στέφανος, προνοία Θεοΰ πρόεδρος, κριτής τοΰ βήλου και γενικός λογοθέτης ό Ξηρός.25

23

On notera que la legende comporte un ö, et non un d, comme c'etait la mode quasi exclusive ä cette date. 24 Vente Spink 127 (Londres, octobre 1998), no. 52. Piece parallele inedite: DO 55.1.3410. 25 Sceau inedit du musee archeologique d'Istanbul no. Ist. 657-147 (le catalogue de la collection est prepare par Τ. Gökyildirim, V. Bulgurlu et moi-meme).

92

LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

Les Xeroi forment une des plus importantes families de fonctionnaires civils au Xle siecle. Basile Xeros, qui a laisse de nombreux sceaux ä diverses etapes de sa carriere, etait attache, nous l'avons dit, ä saint Marc.26 La presence du meme saint sur les sceaux d'Etienne suggere que les Xeroi lui vouaient un culte particulier. Etienne n'est pas connu par ailleurs, et η'a done pas ete releve par R. Guilland dans sa liste des logothetes du genikon. Mais Etienne, comme Basile, avant de parvenir ä la fonction de logothete, a dü occuper divers postes administratifs. II aura sans doute exerce assez longtemps sa charge de logothete, quoique l'epoque ait ete favorable aux promotions rapides, puisque sur le premier des deux autres sceaux de ce meme personnage comme logothete, il jouissait de la dignite de patrice, inferieure ä celle de vestarque, et sur le second plomb, il possedait le titre superieur de proedre. On peut raisonnablement conjecturer qu'il aura servi Constantin Doukas ou l'un de ses successeurs immediats. On notera avec interet qu'il n'est pas le seul membre de la famille qui devint logothete du genikon en cette fin du Xle siecle.27 Cette piece confirme la pratique de placer ses parents aupres des bureaux ou l'on etait influent. Dernier point remarquable, sur le sceau conserve ä Istanbul, Etienne a fait ajouter une reference ä la providence divine. II semble que cette formule ait ete brievement ä la mode sous les Doukas ou le premier Comnene, alors que la situation interieure et exterieure de l'Empire laissait craindre le pire pour son avenir. 7. N., proedre et logothete du genikon Inv.: V 17-28. Dia.: 31. Des.: Fortement et volontairement ecrase sur les deux faces. Inedit.

Le mauvais etat de conservation du sceau rend ä nouveau impossible une lecture complete de la legende. Au droit, on discerne quelques lettres disposees en colonne, de part et d'autre d'un saint, sans doute en pied ou ä mi-corps, d'apres les proportions de la tete; ä gauche un M, surmonte 26 27

"The Usual Lead Seal," 147-157. Laurent, Corpus II, no. 327: Basile Xeros, proedre et logothete du genikon.

93

JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET

d'un caractere dote d'une perle centrale - l'abreviation classique pour « ο hagios » - ; ä droite se devinent K.|0|C. La restitution en [Μάρ]κος parait la plus probable. Dans la partie inferieure du champ apparait un grand Β, dont la frappe a provoque l'ecrasement de l'effigie. Au revers, qui est frappe ä 180° du droit, l'ecrasement de la contremarque n'a laisse lisible qu'une partie de la legende primitive. Sur les six, voire sept lignes de la legende, trois sont partiellement lisibles: I Ι....ΔΡω.|Γ6ΝΙΚ(Μ..|Θ6Τ>Τ.|ΤΗ .... [προέ]δρφ [(και)] γενικω λ[ογ(ο)]θέτ(·η) τ[....] Nous pouvons affirmer que le signataire etait logothete du genikon et portait la dignite de proedre, sinon protoproedre. Cette double information invite ä dater le plomb dans une fourchette comprise entre 1060 et 1118. Nous connaissons les sceaux de trois logothetes du genikon, honores de la meme dignite: Basile et Etienne Xeros, dejä mentionnes plus haut, et Nicephore, fils d'Euthyme, 28 mais aucune de ces pieces n'est parallele ä ce sceau. Nous ne connaissons en fait qu'un nombre limite de logothetes du genikon, actifs dans la seconde moitie du Xle siecle. La liste s'etablit ainsi:29 a) les logothetes connus par les textes: - Basile Chalkoutzes, magistre et vestarque, en fonction en 1087.30 Neanmoins cette mention n'est pas assuree, car Basile est atteste l'annee suivante honore des memes dignites, alors qu'il etait simplement notaire, dans le meme bureau. 31 - Michel Aktouarios, magistre, en charge en 1088.32 - Georges Spanopoulos, avant 1109. - Jean Tzirithön, avant 1109.33 - Michel Koutrikos, en 1109.34

2S

SBS 3 (1993) 196, no. 296. Une liste dejä ancienne et incomplete des logothetes du genikon a ete donnee par R. Guilland, "Les Logothetes. Etudes sur l'histoire administrative de l'Empire byzantin," REB 29 (1971) 20-24. Lorsque le texte utilise par R. Guilland pour ses references a fait l'objet d'une nouvelle edition, celle-ci est donnee. 30 Βυζαντινά έγγραφα της μονής Πάτμου, Α - Αυτοκρατορικά, ed. Ε. Vranoussi, Athenes 1980, no. 46, 330 11 . 31 Ibid., no. 48, 338 2 1 8 . 32 Ibid., nos. 48 et 49. 33 Laurent, Corpus II, no. 329. 34 Les noms sont donnes par un document imperial de 1109 edite par Zepos et traduit par C. Morrisson, "La Logarike: reforme monetaire et reforme fiscale sous Alexis Ier Comnene," TM 7 (1979), repris dans Monnaie et finances a Byzance: analyses, techniques, no. VI (Aldershot, 1994). Les logothetes sont mentionnes p. 431 et 436. Les dignites respectives des differents logothetes ne sont pas notees. 29

94

LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

b) les logothetes connus par leurs sceaux: - Nicephore, fils d'Euthyme, proedre.35 - Etienne Xeros, proedre. - Basile Xeros, proedre. - Georges Promoundenos. 36 En un mot, il est difficile d'avancer une datation trop precise, car la dignite de proedre ne peut etre octroyee avant 1060, ni au-delä du regne d'Alexis Comnene, oü eile est devenue caduque.

Sceaux 8 et 9 Je n'ai pas vu de photos des deux autres sceaux, mais l'avers de l'un d'eux est reproduit dans un ouvrage sur Londres ä l'epoque medievale. 37 On voit nettement que le sceau a ete contremarque avec un grand Β, le reste du flan paraissant oblitere. D'apres G. Egan, les quelques lettres visibles seraient Γ6ΝΙ, ce qui est peu mais suggere qu'il s'agit encore d'un sceau emis par le bureau du genikon. Le dernier plomb, tres corrode, comportait ä l'avers un buste, mais la legende est devenue illisible. Commentaire Ces sceaux peuvent etre regroupes en petites series partageant une caracteristique commune: - La presence de l'effigie de saint Marc; - La plupart des plombs et peut-etre la totalite sont issus du bureau du genikon; - Plusieurs ont subi un ecrasement volontaire et portent la contremarque Β. Nous avons dejä donne les raisons qui nous invitent ä a t t r i b u e r la premiere serie aux Xeroi: la C h r o n o l o g i e et s u r t o u t la rarete du m o t i f de s a i n t Marc sur trois de ces bulles, emises dans un laps de temps resserre. Six plombs furent frappes par des fonctionnaires du genikon, dont trois par le logothete lui-meme. Deux autres relevent probablement du meme bureau, meme si la lecture des legendes est desormais lacuneuse.

35 Ce Nicephore est connu par ailleurs, car il participa ä un complot vers 1050. II fut pardonne et reprit sans doute une carriere de fonctionnaire qui le mena ä la fonction de logothete du genikon (Skylitzes, ed. Thurn, 471; Vie de Lazare le Galesiote, 541). 36 Laurent, Corpus II, no. 328. 37 N. Bateman, Gladiators at the Guildhall. The story of London's Roman amphitheatre and medieval Guidehall (Londres, 2000) 61.

95

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Le genikon etait, on le sait, l'un des principaux sekreta financiers. Les plombs de ce service sont parmi les plus repandus, notamment dans les bullaires provinciaux, comme ceux de Sicile, de Cherson ou de Sougdaia,38 ces dernieres villes servant clairement de relais vers les princes de la steppe. De meme, ce n'est sans doute pas un hasard si l'un des rares sceaux byzantins trouves en fouille sur le sol hongrois est celui d'un logothete du genikon?9 De meme encore, un sceau du Xe siecle du primicier, protospathaire imperial et logothete du genikon Leon, a ete decouvert dans le district de Cernigov. 40 Tout recemment enfin, le sceau datant du Xle siecle, de Polyeucte, vestes, juge du Velum et logothete du genikon, est presente dans une exposition consacree aux objets provenant d'Afghanistan. 41 On doit alors s'interroger sur la nature des relations que ce service entretenait avec un pays aussi eloigne que l'Angleterre. II ne pouvait s'agir de liens diplomatiques, depuis que l'autorite competente appartenait au logothete du drome. La participation du genikon supposait des liens financiers. Dans quel dessein? Ces plombs pouvaient sceller une correspondance, ou bien encore une bourse contenant une somme d'argent: les fameux apokombia. Quatre plombs portent un grand Β sur la partie du sceau volontairement ecrasee, puisque les limites des parties comprimees sont regulieres; sur une cinquieme bulle pressee de la meme fagon, l'empreinte du Β n'est pas visible parce que la surfrappe a manque de force. En quel lieu ce signe, qui apparait comme une contremarque plutöt qu'une surfrappe, a-t-il ete frappe? Le Β correspond sans doute ä la lettre grecque meme si, ä l'epoque presumee de la frappe, le Β est habituellement grave sous une forme ouverte ä la base (f\). A supposer qu'il ait ete frappe ä Londres, que signifierait-il? Je ne saurais donner d'hypothese intelligible, car on peut exclure 1'initiale de Varange, puisque, en latin, on aurait grave un V. II est plus logique de supposer que la contremarque a ete apposee ä Constantinople, fait qui ne s'explique pas facilement. Toutefois on rencontre un Β de grande dimension sur quelques sceaux de la collection Zacos, mais de date sensiblement plus haute: 38 Pour Cherson, le catalogue est prepare par N. Alekseenko. Pour Sougdaia, cf. V. Sandrovskaja, "Die Funde der byzantinischen Bleisiegel in Sudak," SBS 3 (1993) 90-93 et E. Stepanova, "New Seals from Sudak," SBS 6 (1999) 55. 39 Ch. G. Chotzakoglou, "Byzantinische Bleisiegel aus Ungarn," SBS 6 (1999) 62-63. 40 V. Bulgakova, "Vizantijskij molivdovul 10. v. iz Sestovicy," in F. A. Androscuk (ed.), Normany i slov'jany ν Podesenni (modeli vzaimodu kul'tur doby rannjogo serednjoviccja) (Kiev, 1999) 109-117. 41 Je dois ce renseignement ä P. L. Gatier que je remercie vivement. Le sceau aurait ete trouve ä Kandahar. Ce n'est pas la premiere fois que des objets byzantins auraient ete transportes jusqu'en Asie Centrale, mais c'etait ä plus haute epoque, cf. M. Mundell Mango, "Byzantine Maritime Trade with the East," ARAM Periodical 8 (1996) 157-158.

96

LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

- Zacos-Veglery, no. 320. La boucle inferieure du Β abrite un A, que l'editeur restitue par basilikos (eidikos, au revers). - Zacos-Veglery, no. 483. Le Β est considere, la encore, comme l'abreviation pour basilike (tandis que 1'autre face du plomb porte un C occupant tout le champ et enfermant un A, abreviation probable de sakelle). - Zacos-Veglery, no. 569. Le Β se restitue en basilikos (bestiarios, au revers). II s'agit des sceaux du vestiarion imperial. On admettra tout de meme que le Β grave sur des sceaux de Londres se rapporte sans doute ä l'un des bureaux de Γ administration centrale; si nous ne pouvons pas preciser lequel, notons du moins que tous ceux mentionnes sur les sceaux Zacos correspondent ä des services financiers. Peut-etre cette contremarque fut-elle faite dans le bureau du vestiarion? Le vestiarion public, qui etait un service financier, disposait dans ses reserves d'objets precieux, de metaux et de monnaie. On pourrait concevoir que, selon les instructions de l'empereur, le bureau du genikon recevait 1'ordre d'effectuer un paiement, qu'un fonctionnaire du vestiarion remettait alors la somme ou les objets exiges et que le paquet etait scelle par le plomb du fonctionnaire du genikon, contremarque par le vestiarion, pour confirmer que l'ordre imperial avait ete execute. II s'agit d'une simple hypothese.42 Ces sceaux s'echelonnent tout au long du Xle siecle, et quatre d'entre eux semblent plus precisement frappes entre 1070 et 1100. Iis ne sont pas tout ä fait isoles, puisque des monnaies de la meme epoque ont aussi ete decouvertes en nombre modeste,43 mais dans un contexte archeologique, ce qui leve toute suspicion sur la date de leur perte. Quatre pieces de bronze partagent la provenance des sceaux:44 - un follis anonyme attribue ä Constantin IX Monomaque, - un follis anonyme d'une classe issue entre 1065 et 1070, - une copie provinciale d'un tetarteron posterieur ä la reforme d'Alexis Comnene (1092-1118),

42

Le vestiarion fut parfois directement engage dans ce type d'echange. On a trouve deux exemplaires, datant de la premiere moitie du IXe siecle, du sceau de Theodose, patrice, protospathaire imperial et chartulaire du vestiarion dans les comptoirs danois de Haithabu et de Ribes (Μ. McCormick, "Voyageurs, monnaies et esclaves. Aux origines de l'economie europeenne," Dossiers d'archeologie 256 (sept. 2000) 44-47. 43 Je dois toutes les informations sur les monnaies ä G. Egan, sauf celle du miliaresion de Constantin X, qui m'a ete signalee par C. Morrisson. Qu'ils soient tous deux remercies de ces precieuses indications. 44 Les references sont donnees dans la communication de G. Egan, "Byzantium in London? - New Archaelogical Evidence for 11th Century Links between England and the Byzantine World." 97

JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET

- une copie « barbare » d'un tetarteron de Manuel Comnene. Ä cette liste on peut ajouter d'autres trouvailles du meme secteur, conservees, sauf la premiere, au musee de Londres: - une copie d'un demi-tetarteron de Manuel Comnene, - un miliaresion de Jean Tzimiskes, piece exotique d'un tresor date d'environ 1075, - une piece attribuee ä Romain Lecapene, - une piece non identifiee du Xle siecle, - une piece attribuee ä Justinien Ier. II faut ajouter egalement un deux-tiers de miliaresion emis par Constantin X Doukas, decouvert dans les deblais du Thames Exchange, c'est-a-dire dans le meme contexte que les sceaux. 45 On peut done tenter de mesurer l'apport du materiel archeologique, en s'appuyant prioritairement sur les sceaux qui forment un echantillonnage coherent, d'un ensemble sans doute plus important ä l'origine, 46 pour notre connaissance des relations entre Byzance et l'Angleterre. On distinguera trois moments: autour de l'an mil, au temps d'Edouard le Confesseur, le dernier tiers du Xle siecle enfin. On a, depuis longtemps, souligne la fascination des souverains anglais, notamment Edgar (959-975), pour le ceremonial byzantin. Des tissus byzantins parvinrent des le Xe siecle sur le sol anglais. Les noms de quelques Grecs residant en Angleterre des la fin du Xe siecle ont ete releves par Κ. N. Ciggaar. 47 La presence du sceau du logothete Leon temoigne de contacts officiels au temps de l'empereur Basile II et de l'envoi probable de cadeaux diplomatiques. Connaitre quels etaient les objectifs de l'empereur reste delicat ä determiner. Basile multiplia les ambassades vers Γ Occident et accepta que des princesses byzantines epousent des Occidentaux. 48 II s'efforsa egalement, plus que ses predecesseurs, de recruter des mercenaires etrangers, dont des Occidentaux, quoique encore en modeste quantite. 49 Une nouvelle phase s'est ouverte au temps d'Edouard le Confesseur, qui fut sensible ä l'influence byzantine, puisque son sceau, oü il se declare basileus Anglorum, etait, d'un point de vue technique, proche des bulles pontificales et des plombs byzantins. 50 Plusieurs autres indices prouvent 45

Th. Curtis, "A Byzantine Coin with a London Provenance," NCire (1989) 116. G. Egan precise que les sceaux ont ete decouverts dans les deblais du Thames Exchange, l'une des rares places qui permette la conservation d'objets de plomb. 47 Κ. N. Ciggaar, Western Travellers to Constantinople. The West and Byzantium, 962-1204: Cultural and Political Relations (Leiden, New York, Cologne, 1996) [desormais Ciggaar, Travellers] 130-131. 48 J. Shepard, "Marriages towards the Millenium," in Byzantium in the Year 1000, ed. by P. Magdalino (Leyde - Boston, 2003) 1-33. 49 Cheynet, Occidentaux, 113. 50 Ciggaar, Travellers, 135, qui donne la bibliographie anterieure. 46

98

LES SCEAUX BYZANTINS DE LONDRES

que la cour anglaise d'Edouard le Confesseur entretenait des liens avec le Proche-Orient. Des fragments de tissus precieux, dont on pense qu'ils ont appartenu au vetement porte par le roi Edouard lors de la ceremonie du couronnement, proviennent d'Orient. Selon les dernieres etudes, ces tissus ne seraient pas byzantins, mais fabriques dans le monde islamique, peut-etre en Perse.51 Meme si cette derniere hypothese doit etre retenue, Byzance, qui importait de nombreuses soieries syriennes, peut avoir servi d'intermediate. Ensuite, il est remarquable que des echos de la revolte du Stratege Georges Maniakes soient parvenus ä la cour.52 Enfin, le sceau du catepan Raphael indique certainement que les empereurs souhaitaient recruter en Angleterre.53 La decouverte des sceaux d'un ou de deux fonctionnaires contemporains du genikon (nos. 2 et 3) s'explique alors plus facilement. Les dernieres decennies du siecle marquent un net renforcement des liens entre Byzance et l'Angleterre. La victoire de Guillaume le Conquerant donna le pouvoir aux Normands, dont nombre d'entre eux connaissaient bien l'Empire pour avoir effectue le pelerinage de Terre sainte ou avoir servi dans les armees byzantines qui, au meme moment, sur toutes les frontieres, etaient confrontees ä de multiples adversaires. Dans le meme temps, des Saxons chercherent ä quitter l'ile et l'on sait qu'ils furent assez nombreux ä s'enröler dans l'armee imperiale pour former un contingent specifique, le «tagma Inglindn»54 et remplacer en grande partie, au sein de la garde des Varanges, les Rhös qui la composaient depuis sa creation. De nombreux temoignages litteraires confirment les relations entre Constantinople et l'Angleterre.55 La majeure partie des sceaux de Londres sont dates de ces annees-lä et plusieurs monnaies egalement, y compris celle de Tzimiskes, puisqu'elle fut trouvee dans un tresor date de 1075. La valeur de ces monnaies est tres faible et suggere qu'elles ne resultent pas d'un paiement officiel ou d'un don imperial. Elle se seront trouvees dans les mains de quelque pelerin, soldat ou marchand, eux qui, parmi les Latins, avaient l'occasion de se rendre ä Constantinople. Qu'elles existent montre seulement la realite de ces liens.

51

Byzantium: Treasures of Byzantine art and culture from British collections, ed. by David Buckton (Londres, 1994) no. 166, Silk from the tomb of Edward the Confessor. 52 Ciggaar, Travellers, 36 et Cheynet, Occidentaux, 115. 53 Cheynet, Occidentaux, 115-116. 54 Cf. N. Oikonomides, Fiscalite et exemption fiscale ä Byzance (IXe-XIe s.) (Athenes, 1996) 269, 301. 55 lis sont rassembles avec la bibliographie anterieure dans Ciggaar, Travellers, 138-148. 99

JEAN-CLAUDE CHEYNET

Pour expliquer la presence des sceaux du genikon et leur surfrappe singuliere, on pourrait proposer le scenario suivant. Avant la conquete de l'Angleterre par Guillaume de Normandie, Raphael avait sollicite du roi Edouard le droit d'enröler des soldats latins, des fantassins pour l'essentiel, destines ä combattre aux cötes de l'Empire, contre les Normands ä l'ouest et contre les Turcs ä l'est. Apres 1066, des Saxons se rendirent frequemment ä Constantinople, ä un moment oü les empereurs byzantins, de Constantin Doukas ä Alexis Comnene, cherchaient ä recruter des mercenaires en nombre croissant pour s'opposer aux Turcs. Les recrues latines, de retour au foyer, vantaient les avantages, numeraire ou objets precieux, acquis au service de l'Empire. 56 Ces soldats auront pu aussi adresser des courriers, voire des fonds, dans leurs pays d'origine, destines ä envoyer ä leur tour de nouvelles troupes ä Byzance. Ou bien encore y avait-il, ä Londres meme, un bureau de recrutement, en liaison avec le genikon de Constantinople, qui y faisait parvenir de quoi susciter des vocations, de Γ or et des tissus precieux, conserves au sekreton du vestiarion. Assurement, pour valider cette hypothese, il faudrait decouvrir des plombs issus du sekreton tou stratidtikou, le bureau de Constantinople responsable du recrutement, mais ä la fin du siecle, celui-ci connaissait un declin prononce.

56

Pour un exemple de cette formation militaire acquise ä Constantinople et de la propagande faite par les beneficiaires latins des largesses imperiales, cf. E. Amsellem, "Les Stigand: des Normands ä Constantinople," REB 57 (1999) 283288.

100

Christos Stavrakos UNPUBLIZIERTE BLEISIEGEL DER FAMILIE MANIAKES: DER FALL GEORGIOS MANIAKES

Die Familie Maniakes zählte nicht zu den byzantinischen aristokratischen Familien ersten Ranges; durch die Sigillographie allerdings lassen sich manche bis jetzt unbekannte Mitglieder dieser Familie belegen. Insbesondere die Laufbahn Georgios Maniakes' lässt sich durch das gemeinsame Lesen von Siegellegenden und Geschichtsschreibung ins Detail beleuchten. Bezüglich der Etymologie des Familiennamens gibt es mehrere Vorschläge. Der Name Μανιακής steht dem griechischen Wort μανιάκον (militärisches Halsband, das die Kaiser getragen haben) nahe. Andere behaupten, die Familie wäre türkischen Ursprungs.' In einem vor kurzem erschienen Artikel wird ein etymologischer Versuch anhand des Namens des Vaters von Georgios Maniakes, Γουδέλιος, vorgenommen. Die Autoren vertreten die Meinung, daß es sich um eine aristokratische Familie slavischer Abstammung handelt.2 1. Ευδοκία ή Μανιάκηνα, πρωτοπροέδρισσα (2. Hälfte 11. Jh.) Sammlung Zacos (drei Stück). Keine weiteren Parallelstücke bekannt. Unediert.

1 K. Amantos, "Πόθεν το δνομα Μανιακής;" Hell 8 (1935) 246; vgl. ODB III 2098. 2 V. Krsmanovic - A. Loma, "Georgije Manijakis, ime Γουδέλιος i Pselova 'skitska autonomija'," ZRVI36 (1997) 233-263.

101

CHRISTOS STAVRAKOS

Αν.: Büste der Gottesmutter vom Typus virgo orans mit Christusmedaillon. Die übliche Beischrift ist ligiert: M-P - 0V. Rv.: -+-|ΘΚ6ΚΘ^|ενΔ0ΚΙΑ|ΑΠΡ06ΔΡΐ|0ΑΤΙΜΑΝΐ|ΑΚΗΝΑ Θ(εοτό)κε β(οή)θ(εν) Ευδοκία (πρωτο)προεδρίσ(σ)α τι Μανιακηνα. Die Person ist anderweitig nicht belegt. 2. 'Αλέξανδρος ό Μανιακής, βεστάρχης και στρατηγός (letztes Drittel 11. Jh.) Sammlung Better. Kein Parallelstück bekannt. Unediert.

Av.: Büste des Erzengels Michael im üblichen ikonographischen Schema. Von der Beischrift ist ein Μ und wahrscheinlich ein X jeweils links und rechts zu erkennen. Rv.: +K6f\a|AAeZAN|AP0KeCTA|PXHSCTPA|Tir/T0MA|NIAI^ Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Άλεξάνδρρ βεστάρχη (και) στρατιγ(φ) τφ Μανιάκ(τι). Die Person ist aus anderen Quellen nicht bekannt. 102

UNPUBLIZIERTE BLEISIEGEL

3. Γεώργιος ό Μανιακής (letztes Drittel 11. - erstes Viertel 12. Jh.) Auktion Hirsch 212; Auktion Classical Num. Group 37. Kein weiteres Parallelstück bekannt. Ed.: Auktion Hirsch 212, 22.24. 11. 2000, 678; Auktion Classical Num. Group 37 (20. 03. 1996) 2666; (22.-25. 05. 1999) 1174. 4*€3ϊ

Αν.: Büste des hl. Georgios. Er trägt den Speer in der rechten und den Schild in der linken Hand. Die Beischrift: © r | e - ,.|..|.C. Ό α(γιος) Γε[ώργιο]ς. Rv.: +Κ€ΚθΊΓ6υΡΠΊτυΐ1ΑΝ.|ΑΚ.Η Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Γεωργί(ω) τ

1

See articles of V. Sandrovskaja and E. Stepanova in SBS 3 (1993) 6.

ELENA STEPANOVA

[Κύριε] βοήθει [Κ]ωνστ[αντίν]ω πατ(ρικίω) (καΐ) γενικ(ώ) [λ]ογοθέτ(τι). The seals of archons and genikoi logothetoi form a considerable part of the Sudak archive, respectively, eleven and nine specimens. 3. Sisinnios, hypatos (late Vllth-VIIIth c., first half) D. 23 mm. Half missing.

Obv. Cruciform invocative monogram of uncertain type. Rev.: Inscription of four lines: .CI|.NIU|.ΠAT|U ... βοήθει [Σι]σι[ν]νίφ [ύ]πάτω. Seals of Sisinnios, hypatos, from different boulloteria, are known from the Corpus of Zacos-Veglery.2 4. N. (second half of the Vllth c.-first half of the Vlllth c.) D. 27 mm.

Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram: Q6UT0K6 Β0ΙΘ6Ι Θεωτόκε βοίθει. One can see this unusual type of monogram on the seal of Paul, deacon.3 Rev.: Complex cruciform monogram consisting of Θ, f in the center, Ν, Γ in ligature to the left, Β, Κ, Ε, C (?) in ligature to the right, Ρ ,T in ligature at the top, U, A, A(?) below. It may include a name (probably, Theophanes, Theophilos or Theophylaktos) and a title or office of the seal's user. 2 Zacos-Veglery, nos. 2366 (650-750), 2367 (first half of the Vlllth c.), 3047 (first half of the Vlllth c.), the closest one is no. 3048 (first half of the Vlllth c.). 3 Zacos-Veglery, no. 1576 (type XXXVI, 650-750).

124

NEW FINDS FROM SUDAK

5. Ka...(?), imperial spatharios and strategos of Cherson (IXth c.) D. 25 mm. Strongly bent.

Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type V). In the quarters: .. - CU - .. - AU. Rev.: Inscription of four lines: KA|cnA|CTPAT|xePC Θεοτόκε βοήθει [τω] σφ [δοΰ]λφ Κα[... β(ασιλικω)] σπα[θαρίω και] στρατ[ηγφ] Χερσ[όνος]. This seal is of particular interest. An epigraphical peculiarity of the inscription is the letter "A " with a broken horizontal bar. Such a form is typical mostly for the VI-VIIth centuries. Only a few specimens date back to 750-850. Taking into account the time of the foundation of the Cherson theme the seal can be dated to the middle of the IXth century. Though some letters of the first line are not clear, they can be read as the beginning of the name Karpos. The letter placed before σπαθαρίφ is quite damaged but some traces of it make me think that it is a "B" and can be read as β(ασιλικφ). Thus the owner held the dignity of imperial spatharios. This object belongs to a small group of the earliest seals of strategoi of Cherson with a cruciform invocative monogram on the obverse. This group includes seals of Phokas, Constantine and Zoilos.4 All these military commanders had very insignificant titles for their actual rank, that is βασιλικός σπαθάριος or even ύπατος. All specimens date back to the 40s-50s of the IXth century. The low status of their users may be connected with the political situation in the Crimea, when the new theme of Cherson lost its importance soon after its foundation.

4 I.V. Sokolova, Monety i pecati vizantijskogo Hersona (Leningrad, 1983), nos. 15, 15a, 59. N. Seibt, W. Seibt, "Pecati stratigov vizantijskoj femy Herson," Anticnaja drevnost' i srednie veka 27: Vizantija i srednevekovyj Krym (Simferopol', 1995) 91.

125

ELENA STEPANOVA

6. The imperial kommerkia of...up to Polemonion (735/736) D. 30 mm. Half missing.

Obv.: Half-length representation of the emperor Leon III holding a long cross on globus (the figure of Constantine V is absent here). Rev.: Inscription of 6 (?) lines: ...|...|ΙΊ|€ΧΡ|0Λ€Μ|0+Δ The character of the image on the obverse makes us assume that this inscription includes the words των βασιλικών κομμερκίων typical for the period of 730-833.5 I consider the letters of the fourth line as the remnants of the word μέχρι. It is mentioned in the legend of other seals of kommerkiarioi, for example of 721-722 from the Hermitage collection: 'Αναστασίου ... κομμερκιαρίου αποθήκης Όνωριάδος, Παφλαγονίας και της παραλού του Πόντου μέχρι Τραπεζοΰντος.6 The fifth and the sixth lines can be read as nOAGliONIö. Several seals of the bishops of Polemonion, who were subordinate to the metropolite of Neokaisareia, dated to the Vinth-XIth centuries, are known.7 In some cases in the legends of these seals the article του precedes the name of the city. The same can be suggested for the Sudak seal because of the sequence of the letters in the legend. It is important to note that this specimen is the first one among the seals of kommerkiarioi where the toponym Πολεμώνιον appears. The expression μέχρι του Πολεμωνίου presupposes another geographical name before it, for example: Kerasous, Sinope, Trapezous. Hence the title of the whole region stretching along the South shore of the Black sea is mentioned in the legend of the seal. In full this legend can be read as follows: "[των βασιλικών κομ] μ[ερκιαρίων...μ]έχρ[ι τοΰ Π]ολε[μωνί]ου. Indiction 4". This indiction shows that the seal was produced in 735/736. This is the sixth seal of kommerkiarioi in the Sudak archive.

5 6 7

126

Zacos-Veglery, no. 136. Lihacev, Molivdovuly, 214-215, pi. LXXIII, 3. Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 499; DOSeals 4.30.1.

NEW FINDS FROM SUDAK

7. George Kedrenos, vestarches (XI-XIIth c.) D. 18 mm.

w

w'-ilüj

Obv.: Inscription of four lines: CtPA|riCRe|CTAP|XOV Rev.: Inscription of four lines: .Κ.|ΔΡΗΝ0ν|Γ6(ι)ΡΓΐ|0ν Σφραγίς βεστάρχου Κ[ε]δρηνοΰ Γεωργίου. Other examples of the seal in SBS 3 (1993) 139 and JOB 49 (1999) 90-91. 8. Kourkouas, doux (XI-XIIth c.) D. 24 mm.

Obv. Inscription of three lines: AOV|K.OCCtPA|riZU Rev.: Inscription of four lines: TAC.PA|?ACTOV|K...Kö| A Δουκος σφραγίζω τάς [γ]ραφάς του Κ[ουρ]κοΰα. The reading is given by some parallel seals.8 9. John, protospatharios and strategos of... (Xlth c.) D. 26 mm. Two halves.

8 All references in I. Jordanov, "Byzantine Lead Seals from the Stronghold near Dobri Dol, Plovdiv Region,"/JAf 157 (2001), no. 7.

127

ELENA STEPANOVA

Obv.: Bust of an unknown saint (St. Nicholas?). Rev.: Inscription of five lines: +K..Qr>|T..AV|... Κ(ύρν)[ε β(οή)]θ(ει) Ίω(άννΐ]) (πρωτο)[σ]παθ(αρίω) (και) στ[ρ]ατ(η) γ(ω) τ..δου... At the end of the legend a geographical name is mentioned. 10. Michael, imperial protospatharios (Xlth c.) - N. (Xlth c.) D. 25 mm. Two halves.

Overstrike. Obv.: Remnants of four lines: IU|f\|V|U are in the left low quarter. Rev.: Traces of overstrike: C|H|U Original strike. Obv.: Bust of the Archangel Michael with a globe in his right hand and a cross in the left. The letters M-X are to be seen on the right side. One can distinguish the traces of a circular legend ...I6...T.. inscribed around the bust of the Archangel. Rev.: Inscription of four lines: Μ..|Α|ΗΛ.Α0|ΠΑΘΑΡ-.... ...βοήθει] Μ[ιχ]αήλ [β(ασιλικω)] (πρωτο)σπαθαρί των Άνατολικ(ών).

137

VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI

These are two different seals of a similar type: DO 58.106.3020, ed. Zacos-Veglery, no. 1715; DOSeals 3.86.49. On the latter seal, the article which precedes the name of the theme ist TON, instead of TUN on the seal of Afyon. The editors of DOSeals prefer a dating of the ninth century, whereas Zacos and Veglery opt for the second half of the eighth and identify the person with the strategos of the Anatolika mentioned in 777/778 by Theophanes (451). With several hesitations, we prefer this latter date. It would appear that Artavasdos had a stock of flans which were too small when he struck this type of legend, for the parallel seal presents the same characteristics. 14. Petronas, patrikios and homes of the imperial Opsikion guarded by God (VHIth c.) Inv.: no. Ε 5068. Bought from a villager from Ilfehisar (Dokimea, ex Synada) in 1982. D.: 27, 22. Worn, broken edges, flan slipped. / / D O 55.1.1131. Ed.: Zacos-Veglery, no. 2315 (a); DOSeals 3.39.33a.

Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (probably type VIII). In the quarters, TU - CU- Δ0 - AU: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σω δοΰλω. Rev.: Legend on six lines, starting with a cross; wreath border: + .e|TPONAn|.TPII^SKO.|.00eOt.|..B'O4'l|K.. [Π]ετρονα π[α]τρικ(ίω) (καν) κό[μ(ητι) τ]οΰ θεοφ[υλά(κτου)] β α σ ι λικού) Όψικ[ίου]. Petronas is mentioned in the Acts of the Second Council of Nicea in 787.5

5

J. Haldon, Byzantine Praetorians, Ποικίλα Βυζαντινά 3, (Bonn, 1984) 360361, no. 14.

138

SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON

15. N., patrikios and strategos of the Anatolikoi (VHIth c.) Inv.: no. 3249. Prov.: Dinar (Apameia). D.: 28. Broken at entry and exit of the canal. Very worn. Unpublished.

Obv.: Cruciform in vocative monogram, in the quarters: TU - CU Δ0 - Λ (J. Wreath border. Θεοτόκε (or) Κύριε, βοήθει τω σω [δούλφ. Rev.: Legend on five lines. Wreath border. + nA|TPIK.US|CTPA..rU|.NANA.|OAIK ...] πατρικ[ί]ω (και) στρα[τη]γφ [τώ]ν Άνα[τ]ολικ(ών). Uncertain reading. Perhaps this is the strategos John, for at the beginning of the second line there appears to be an A, and the reverse is very similar to the seal DOSeals 3.86.53. 16. Theognostos, protostratorl (Vlllth c.) Inv.: no. 5649. D.: 34, 24. Rather white in colour. Unpublished.

Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type V). In the quarters: TO CU - Δ8 - ΛU. Wreath border. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σω δοΰλω. Rev.: Legend on four lines. Wreath border. +0eor|NUCTUnP|..CTPATO|..+ Θεογνώστω πρ[ωτο]στράτο[ρι]. Uncertain reading. The same person is known from a bull with an identical legend published by Zacos and Veglery, no. 2494. 139

VERA BULGURLU / AHMET ILASLI

17. Photeinos, chartoularios (VHIth-IXth c.) Inv.: no. 2884. Prov. Dinar (Apameia) D.: 26, 20. Worn on the reverse. Unpublished.

Obv.: Cross on base with short fleurons emerging, wreath like branch on either side, in the square: IC - XC - Nl - ΚΑ. Ί(ησοΰ)ς Χ(ριστό)ς νίκα. Wreath border. Rev.: Legend on five lines, first two lines barely visible. Wreath border. ...|...Oe-|CE>OH0lt|UTeiNO|XAP/ + ... β]οήθι Φωτεινό χαρ(τουλαρίφ). The bull of an another chartoularios Photeinos has been published by Zacos-Veglery (no. 2327). 18. Mousilios, imperial spatharios and chartoularios of the Opsikion (VHI-IXth c.) Inv.: no. 680. Excavation, survey of Prof. Calder, Ahatköy (Acmeia) 1933. D.: 29, 24. A little worn. // Zacos (BnF) 4305. Unpublished.

Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type V) with TU - CU - Δ0 - AU in the angles. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλω. Line border. Rev.: Legend on four lines starting with a cross. Line border. +Mi5Cl|AIUfVCn.|Q'SXAPT|.T>0*IIC Μουσιλίω β(ασιλικψ) σπ[α]θ(αρίφ) (και) χαρτ(ου)[λ(αρίφ)] τ(οΰ) Όψικ(ίου). 140

SEALS FROM THE MUSEUM OF AFYON

Mousilios was of Armenian origin, a representative of the genikon logothesion in Constantinople. It is possible that this is the same Mousilios as that on a seal of more recent date, where the owner is styled spatharios and epi ton oikeiakon.6 19. Theophylaktos [or Staurakios], patrikios and logothetes of the agela (VHI-IXth c.) Inv.: no. 1886. Bought from villager in U§ak. D.: 23, 20. Good condition, a little worn; too big for the flan. Unpublished.

Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram, possibly type VIII, or V. In the quarters:.. - .. - Δ8 - AU. Θεότοκε (ou) Κύριε βοήθει [τω σω] δοΰλφ. Rev.: Legend in three lines. Wreath border. AKTO| PIK/SAO I Τ/ΑΓ6 [Θεοφυλ]άκτ9 [πατ]ρικ(ίω) (και) λογοθέτη] τ(ών) άγε[λών]. It is also possible to read the third letter of the first line as an I, in which case the name could be Staurakios. The owner of the seal was the supervisor of state herds of horses and mules used for the transportation of baggage and the cavalry. Zacos refers to him as "minister of the Flocks and Herds." The office is first mentioned in the mid IXth c. in the taktikon Uspenskij (p. 105). According to the Klet. of Philotheos, as Guilland states in (Logothetes, REB 29 [1971] 71) the logothete was responsible for the great pastures of Western Asia Minor and thus Phrygia, as well as the private domains of the emperor. There are several seals of logothetes of the Herds in Laurent, (-Cn.

Remarks: Perhaps στρα(τηγφ) συν Θ(εφ) β(ασιλικφ) σπ(αθαρίφ). 29. Proposed date: VI c. Obv.: Partial remains of a box monogram, three six-rayed stars visible r. and below. Rev.: Partial remains of a box monogram, three six-rayed stars visible 1. 30. Proposed date: VI c. Obv.: Faint outline of a box monogram based on a large Π ? Rev.: Partial remains of a box monogram? 31. Proposed date: VI c. Obv.: Box monogram, perhaps Έλπιδίου νοταρίου. Rev: Another box monogram? 32. Proposed date: VI-VII c. Obv.: Remains of a cruciform monogram? Rev.: Remains of a box monogram? 33. Proposed date: VI-VII c. Obv.: Ίεροσολΰμον. Rev.: + ,C|O..TO|K,O.HC|e..

..

Remarks: The good reading is given by D. Feissel, "Bulletin epigraphique," in REG 114 (2001) 583: της Θεοτόκου της Νέας 'Ιεροσολύμων. 34. Proposed date: VI-VII c. Obv.: ,ÖKU|ANÖC|XOAA|C.. Rev.: T O V | B O C r | P H C Ö

Remarks: Ίουλιανοΰ σχολαστικού τοΰ Βοστρηνοΰ (Ίουλιανοΰ better than Λουκιανοΰ).

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SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001

35. Proposed date: VI-VII c. Obv.:.. I ..Α |Mö Rev.: .Α. I ΟΠΔ |BII 36. Proposed date: III-V c. Obv.: A chair of a plinth, an eagle with oustretched wings between the arms of the chair. Rev.: Blank. Remarks: Tessera. J. W. Nesbitt, "A Lead seal of Iohannes Faletrus, bishop of Malamocco/Choggia (ca. 1162)," Θησαυρίσματα 30 (2000) 21-23. Proposed Date : ca. 1162. Obv.: The Virgin enthroned holding Christ on left knee. Rev. : Iohannes Faletrus Dei Gratia Metamaucensis episcopus. Remarks: = Fogg 2972. J. W. Nesbitt, Review of Ch. Stavrakos, Die byzantinischen Bleisiegel mit Familiennamen aus der Sammlung des Numismatischen Museums Athen (Wiesbaden, 2000), in Speculum 77 (July 2002) 996-998. Y. Nikolaou in Byzantium: an Oecumenical Empire. Byzantine Hours, Works and Days in Byzantium. Hellenic Ministry of Culture (Athens, 2002) 148-186. Photos of seals which are already published. N. Oikonomides, Review of Sode, Bleisiegel, in BZ 92 (1999) 168f. No. 184. Oikonomides: The monogram on the reverse has to be read as Μαυρικίου. Cf. Seibt, JOB 48 (1998). No. 192. Oikonomides: The monogram on the obverse can be read as: Σαβωρίου. Seal of Saborios zygostates. No. 200. Oikonomides: The monogram on the reverse can be read as: βασιλικού χαρτουλαρίου. Seal of Constantine imperial chartoularios. No. 352. Sode: ...τον, Πάναγνε ση ρώμη σκέποις. Oikonomides: [Κωνσταν]τΐ v(ov) [Π]άναγνε, [Ξ]ηρό[ν] με σκέπο(ις). Cf. also Wassiliou, Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten 33 (1998). No. 423. Sode: 'Ιωάννης μάγιστρος ... την χάριν, στρατηγέτης, δούξ δοΰξ τε πατρόθεν, Λόγε. Oikonomides: 'Ιωάννης μάγιστρος εύροι την χάριν, στρατηγέτης, δούξ Δούξ τε πατρόθεν, Λόγε. Cf. Wassiliou, Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten 33 (1998). No. 425. Sode: 'Ιωάννης ό Μάμαλος. Oikonomides: perhaps 'Αλαμανός. Α. Oikonomou-Laniado, "Un sceau de Georges Akropolite trouve ä Argos," REB 55 (1977) 291-294. Proposed date: XII c. (end)-XIII c. (beginning). Obv.: Έγώ κρατυσμδς και γραφών και σκεμμάτων. Rev.: Άκροπολιτών έκ γένους Γεωργίου. Remarks: The seal belonged to a forefather of the historian George Akropolites. Ch. Pennas, "Αδημοσίευτα βυζαντινά μολυβδόβουλλα του Βυζαντινού Μουσείου," ΔΧΑΕ 20 (1998) 285-290. 1. Proposed date: VII c. Obv.: Γεωργίου. Rev.: δούλου της Θεοτόκου.

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2. Proposed date: VII c. Obv.: Uncertain and damaged. Rev.: Monogram read as: χαρτουλάριος. 3. Proposed date: VII c. Obv.: Cruciform in vocative monogram (type V). Rev.: T(i)C|UAOVA|... 4. Proposed date: VIII c. Obv. : Cruciform invocative monogram (type V). Rev.: τω δούλφ σου 'Ιωάννη Πατρικίφ, άμ[ή]ν. Remarks: Better πατρικίφ than Πατρικίφ. See the parallel specimen ZacosVeglery, no. 1518. 5. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Patriarchal cross potent on three steps. Rev.: + Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οήθει) τω σω δ(οΰλω) Ίωάν(ντ)). 6. Proposed date: XII c. (probably second half). Obv.: Hagia Sophia. Rev.: + Τοις θεοσεβε[σ]τάτο[ις] π[ρε]σ[βυ]τέρο[ις και] έκκ[λησε]κδί[κοις]. 7 and 8. Proposed date: ΧΠ-ΧΙΠ c. Obv.: St. Michael Archangel standing. Rev.: Ό των άύλων ταγμάτων άρχηγέτης σκέποις ευμενώς Άτζίμην Ίωάννην. Remarks: More probably second half ΧΠ c. or first half of ΧΠΙ c. See Chotzakoglou, SBS 6 (1999), 69 no. 10; Lihacev, Molivdovuly, no. 124 = SBS 6 (1999), 103; JOB 52 (2002) 346. The piece of the Byzantine Museum of Athens is a metallic copy. 9. Proposed date: ΧΙΠ c. (second half). Obv.: The Virgin standing. [MP - 6V h] Q60CK6nACT0C. Rev.: St. George and St. Theodore, both standing. 10. Date: 1282-1328. Obv.: Christ standing. Rev.: Emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos standing. Remarks: Imperial lead seal of Andronikos II Palaiologos. Cf. Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, no. 197. 11. Date: 1282-1328. Obv.: Christ standing. Rev.: 'Ανδρόνικος έν Χ(ριστ)φ δεσπότης ό Παλα[ι]ολόγ[ο]ς. D. V. Penna, "Εικονογραφικά βυζαντινών μολυβδοβοΰλλων· Ο αυτοκράτορας, η Εκκλησία, η Αριστοκρατία," ΔΧΑΕ 20 (1998) 261-274. All seals studied are already published. D. V. Penna, "The Mother of God on Coins and Lead Seals," in Mother of God, Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine Art (Benaki Museum, 20 October 2000-20 January 2001) [in Greek too with the same page numbers] 209-217. All the seals studied are already published. D. V. Penna, "Η εκκλησία των Σερρών (11ος-12ος αι.) · Η μαρτυρία των μολυβδοβοΰλλων." Πρακτικά Συνεδρίου "Οι Σέρρες και η περιοχή τους από την Αρχαία στη Μεταβυζαντινή κοινωνία," Serres Sept. 29th-Oct. 3rd. Serres (Municipality of Serres, 1998) II, 491-500. All seals studied are already published, mainly in DOSeals 1.42.

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SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001

V. Prigent, "L'archonte Georges, prötos ou emir ?" REB 59 (2001)193-207. Proposed date: 1123-1133. Obv.: Bust of St. George, holding spear and shield. Rev.: + Κ(ΰρι)ε βοήθ(ει) Γεοργίφ ά(μηρά) κέ αρχο(ν)τ(ι). R. Rasev, "Za dva olovni pecati s runoobrazni znaci", Numizmatika i sfragistika 5/2 (Sofia, 1998) 98-104. Proposed date: IX-X c. Obv.: Patriarchal cross with short floral ornaments at base. Circular inscription: + Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: At center, some old bulgarians runes. Circular inscription: Εύφυμίου. The second seal was engraved only with runes. "Rom und Byzanz. Schatzkammerstücke aus bayerischen Sammlungen." Katalog zur Ausstellung des bayerischen Nationalmuseums München, 20.10.1998 bis 14. 2.1999, hrsgb. von R. Baumstark (München, 1998) (M. Restle). 31. Proposed date: Late VII c. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent type I): Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Θεοδότου. Remarks: München, Staatliche Münzsammlung, without no. 32. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on four steps. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Θεοφυλάκτφ βασιλικά σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ. Remarks: München, Staatliche Münzsammlung, Acc. 1997/42. 33. Proposed date: IX-X c. Obv.: The Virgin standing (Dexiokratousa). Circular inscription as read by the author: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Λέον(τι) ρ(αίκτωρι); recte: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Λέοντι. Rev.: St. Panteleemon standing. Remarks: München, Staatliche Münzsammlung, Acc. 1997/43. Date: XI-XII c. Cf. SBS 6 (1999), 130. 34. Proposed date: 1067-1081. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans with the medallion of Christ in front of her. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τή ση δοΰλη "Αννη μονάχη και κουροπαλατίσση τή Δαλασσηνη. Remarks: München, Staatliche Münzsammlung, Acc. 90210. 35. Proposed date: VIII c. (first quarter). Obv.: Eagle. Between the wings, cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent V) Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Νικήτςι ΰπάτφ. Remarks: München, Staatliche Münzsammlung, Acc. 1997/40. 36. Proposed date: 1071-1078. Obv.: Emperor Michael VII Doukas standing. Circular inscription: Μιχαήλ αυτοκράτωρ 'Ρωμαίων ό Δούκας. Rev.: Christ seated on a throne. Remarks: München, Staatliche Münzsammlung, Acc. 81532. 37. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on four steps between fleurons. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Νικολάφ μαγίστρφ άνθυπάτφ πατρικίφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ καΐ γενικφ λογοθέτη. Remarks: Kulmbach, Obermainmuseum. Found on the Turmberg near Kasendorf in 1995. 190

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38. Seal of Egica and Witiza; cf. Stumpf (1997). G. Roux, Salamine de Chypre XV. La basilique de Campanopetra (Paris, 1998) 222 (photo p. 289). Proposed date: VII c. (first half). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin. Rev.: Monogram of Paulos. Remarks.: The monogram could be read Paltos, Plautios, Palatios (W. Seibt). G. H. Sarandi , "The Oecumenical Character of Byzantium," in Byzantium: An Oecumenical Empire. Byzantine Hours, Works and Days in Byzantium. Hellenic Ministry of Culture (Athens, 2002) 21-33. Date: 1043-1058. Lead seal of the patriarch Michael Keroularios (obv.: St. Michael). Cf. Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 16. V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Predstaviteli vizantijskih rodov ν Hersone-Hersonese po dannym pecatej," ADSV 29 (1998) 300-304, 337-338. 1. = V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Pecati predstavitelej roda Sinadinov ν Ermitaze", Viz. Vrem. 51 (1990) 181-182. New reading: Σφραγις σεβαστού Συναδηνοΰ έκ μητρόθεν τοΰ Τειχομΰρου Μιχαήλ έκ πατρόθεν. 2. = Sokolova, Monety, p. 160-161, nos. 45, 45a. New reading of rev.: 'Ιωάννη βασιλικά) πρωτοσπαθαρίω και στρατηγφ Χερσώνος ό Πρωτεύον. V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Ob izobrazenii Hrista na vizantijskih pecatjah IX-XIV vv.," ADSV 30 (1999) 116-123, 403-406. V.S. Sandrovskaja, "PeSati i monety vizantijskih imperatorov s izobrazeniem Bogomateri," Viz. Vrem. 58 (63) (1999) 194-210. V.S. Sandrovskaja, "Pecati ΕΠΙ ΤΩΝ ΒΑΡΒΑΡΩΝ ν Ermitaze," ADSV 31 (2000) 105-116, 386-388. The article is devoted to the seals of έπι των βαρβάρων not published before. 1. Proposed date: IX-X c. Obv.: Inscribed in vocative cruciform monogram. Rev.: Σταυρακίφ πρωτοσπαθαρίω κριτή τοΰ βήλου και έπι των βαρβάρων. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 5737. 2. Proposed date: IX-X c. Obv.: St. Michael standing. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σω δούλω. Rev.: + Μιχαήλ βασιλικφ σπαθαρίφ και έπι των βαρβάρων. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 3083. 3. Proposed date: Χ c. Obv.: Griffin catching animal. Rev.: Cruciform invocative monogram: Κΰριε βοήθει. In the quarters: Σταυρακίω. Circular inscription: βασιλικφ σπαθαρίφ και έπι των οίκειακών και έπι των βαρβάρων. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 3773. Cf. Laurent, Corpus II, 260, no. 526 (Μ 1312, 11445). 4. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Eagle between two dragons. Rev.: + Κωνσταντίνφ βασιλικφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και έπι των βαρβάρων. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 10382. Cf. Laurent, Corpus II, no. 516. 5. Ermitage Μ 3328. Similar to no. 4 (from different boulloteria). 191

SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001

V. S. Sandrovskaja, "O neskol'kih nahodkah vizantijskih pecatej ν Krymu," MAIET1 (2000) 247-255. 1. Proposed date: X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλω. Rev.: Έπιφανίφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου και στρατηγρ Χερσώνος. Remarks: Found in Cherson in 1904. Ermitage Μ 12293. 2. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Saint standing. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλω. Rev.: 'Ιωάννη βασιλικω πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου και στρατηγφ Χερσώνος. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 12420. Found in Cherson. 3. Proposed date: XI c. Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ [Κωνσταντίνφ]. Rev.: πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου καΐ στρατηγφ Χερσόνος. Remarks: Cf. DOSeals 1.82.11. 4. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ και στρατιγφ Χερσόνος Καταφλώρφ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 12406. 5. Proposed date: Χ c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: + Λέοντι βασιλικω πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατιγφ Χερσόνος τφ Τζοΰλφ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 12443. 6. Publication (Ermitage Μ 1650, 1966) and new reading of the seal (Ermitage Μ 368), different specimens of which with different readings were published by Birch, no. 17589; PanCenko, no. 368; SBS 3, 111; N. Alekseenko, "Molivdobuly adresantov Hersona VII-IX vv. (novye nahodki)," Drevnosti 1996 (Har'kov, 1997) 129: 'Ιωάννου χαρτουλαρίου και γενιμάτου Χρυσοπόλεος και τδν Πόρον. 7. = SBS 6 (1999) 43-46. V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Pecati kommerkiariev Devel'ta ν sobranii Ermitaza," ADSV 32 (2001) 148-153. 1. Proposed date: early XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios. Rev.: ... κουμερκιάριος Δεβελτοΰ ό Άκά.πί. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 321. Perhaps the last name is Akapnes. 2. Proposed date: X c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: + Κωνσταντίνφ κομερκιάριος Δεβελτοΰ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 3297. 3. Proposed date: Late IX-early X c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios. Circular inscription: + Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: + Θεογνώστφ βασιλικω πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και κουμερκιαρίφ Δεβελτοΰ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 6066.

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4. Proposed date: XI c. Obv.: + Κωνσταντίνος σπαθαροκανδιδάτος καν κουμερκιάριος. Rev.: Δεβελτοΰ ό Συρόπουλος. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 6141. 5. Proposed date: Χ c. Obv.: + Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη κουβουκλησίω. Rev.: κομερκιαρήφ της Δεβελτοΰ ρωμαϊκού. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8442. Ed. Sig., 113, no. 5. Cf. I. Jordanov, "Pecatite na kommerkiarijata Develt," Poselistsni proucvanija (Sofia, 1992) VI, 7. The end of the legend is uncertain. 6. Proposed date: X c. (second half). Obv.: + Κύριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη κουμερκιαρίφ 'Ρωμανίας. Rev.: τφ κουμερκιαρίφ Δεβελτοΰ των 'Ρωμαίων. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8456. Ed.: Sig., 113, no. 2. The reading is insecure. 7. Proposed date: X c. (second half). Obv.: Cruciform monogram of a name. Rev.: κουμερκιαρίφ (or κουμερκιάριος) Δεβελτοΰ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7652. 8. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Syrian (?) inscription. Rev.: Μιχαήλ σπαθαροκανδιδάτος και κουμερκίαριος Δεβελτοΰ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8834. V.S. Sandrovskaja, "Pecati s izobrazenijami anargirov," Piligrimy. Istoriko-kul'turnaja rol'palomniöestva (Saint Petersburg, 2001) 69-78. 1. Proposed date: V E c. (first half)· Obv.: Invocative cruciform monogram Κΰριε βοήθει. Rev.: Παΰλφ άρχιατρφ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7506. Ed.: Sig., 441, no. 4. 2. Proposed date: Early XI c. Obv.: Busts of Sts. Kosmas and Damianos. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Δαμιανω. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 12525. Found in the Vologda region (Russia). 3. Proposed date: Mid-XI c. Obv.: Busts of Sts. Kosmas and Damianos. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Δαυίδ έπισκόπφ Ύψοΰ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 4309. 4. Proposed date: XI c. Obv.: Busts of Sts. Kosmas and Damianos. Rev.: Δαμιανός σπαθάριος και ... Remarks: Ermitage Μ 4410. 5. Proposed date: X-XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Kosmas. Rev.: Bust of St. Damianos. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 4087. 6. Proposed date: XI c. Obv.: Busts of Sts. Kosmas and Damianos. Rev.: Bust of St. Panteleemon. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 4273. 7. Proposed date: X-XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Panteleemon. Rev.: Patriarchal cross on steps with tendrils. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 3757. 193

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8. Proposed date: X-XI c. Ob v.: Busts of Sts. Kosmas and Damianos. Rev.: Bust of St. Panteleemon. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 4339. 9. Proposed date: XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Panteleemon. Rev.: + 'Ιωάννης βασιλικός σπαθαροκουβικουλάριος. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 2762. 10. Proposed date: X-XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Panteleemon. Rev.: Νικήτας σπαθαροκουβικουλάριος και χαρτουλάριος. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 2311. 11. Proposed date: X-XI c. Obv.: St. Kosmas and St. Damianos standing, hands raised toward bust of Christ. Rev.: St. Nicholas standing. Inscription: Κύριε βοήθει τφ Μιχαήλ ζωγράφφ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 5136. Ed. Pancenko, Katalog, no. 253. 12-13. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Busts of Sts. Kosmas and Damianos. Rev.: Σφραγις των άναργΰρων του Κοσμιδίου. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 5566, 4382. 14 = Damianos (W. Seibt). V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Pecati s izobrazeniem armjanskih mucenikov," Istorikophilologiceskij zumal 2 (157) (Erevan, 2001) 44-49. 1. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Circular inscription: + Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: St. Eustratios standing. Around four medallions with busts of saints. Circular inscription: Μιχαήλ πριμηκηρίω τω Εΰγενίφ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 6262, 6075. Μ 6262 edited in: Lihacev, Molivdovuly, LXVII, no. 13. 2. Proposed date: XI c. (third quarter). Obv.: St. Eustratios standing. Around four medallions with busts of saints: Auxentios, Mardarios, Eugenios, Orestos. Rev.: Σφραγις κένσωρος δικαστού θεμάτων των 'Αρμενικών ήδε τοΰ Παναρέτου. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 6850. 3. Proposed date: Obv.: St. Eustratios standing. Around four medallions with busts of saints. Rev.: Τον Κραμνίτην σκέποιτε τάς μάρτυρας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 5650. The name is perhaps Krambonites. V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Obraz Bogomateri na vizantijskih pecatjah", Nikodim Pavlovic Kondakov. 1844-1925. Liönost', naucnoe nasledie, arhiv (Saint Petersburg, 2001) 75-83 (all seals with photographs). 1. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios. Circular inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Νικηφόρω κουροπαλάτη τω Συναδηνω. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 21. 2. = Lihacev, Molivdovuly, LXVII, no. 13. 3. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 2, no. 800. 4. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 3, no. 1034. 194

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5. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 2, no. 791. 6. = Pancenko, Katalog, no. 499. Correct reading in: Sandrovskaja, "Popravki i dopolnenija k "Katalogu molivdovulov" B. A. Pancenko," Viz. Vrem. 38 (1977) 115. 7. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 3, no. 1032. 8. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 2, no. 797. 9. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 2, no. 793. 10. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 2, no. 803. 11.= Lihacev, Molivdovuly, LXI, no. 6. 12. = 555 6(1999) 105, no. 4. 13. = 555 6(1999) 105, no. 1. 14. = Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika 2, no. 802. V. S. Sandrovskaja, "Rodstvennye svjazi po dannym vizantijskih pecatej," Μοσχοβία 1 (Moscow, 2001) 469-480. Most examples are taken from different editions. The new ones: 1. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Μαρίςχ σεβαστή και αύταδέλφη του βασιλέως τη Κομνηνη. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 25. Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 2712; Seibt, Bleisiegel, no. 38. 2. Proposed date: Late XII c. Obv.: Πρωτοσεβάστου των γραφών 'Αλεξίου σφραγίς Βρανα μεν. Rev.: έκ πατρός γεναρχίας ρίζης δέ μητρός Κομνηνοβλάστου κλάδου. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 1609. W. Seibt, Sigillographische Beiträge zur bulgarischen Geschichte, Dobroudja 12 (Dobrich, 1995) 224-232. 1. Proposed date: Late X c./early XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: + Βασιλείφ βασιλικά) πρωτοσπαθαρίρ και στρατηγώ Τρίστρας. 2. Proposed date: 1057-1065. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ααρών προέδρφ πρωτοστράτορι και δουκί. Remarks: Fogg 1410. 3. Proposed date: Mid-XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas (?). Rev.: ... έκ προσώπου Μώρας και Φιλιππουπόλεως τω.... Remarks: The name at the end of the legend could be Proteuon. 4. Proposed date: Mid- XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: + Κΰριε βοήθει Νικολάφ έκ προσώπου [Μώ]ρ(ας) και Φιλιππουπόλεως. Remarks. First publication = Schlumberger, Sig., 115, no. 2, now Ermitage Μ 6407. Mora is hypothetic. 5. Proposed date: XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: + Λέων χαρτουλάριος Μώρας. 6. Proposed date: 1055-1065. Correction of former editions of the seal belonging to Leon Drimys, vestes and katepano of Boulgaria. 195

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7. Proposed date: 1056-1065. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin "Minimalorantengestus." Rev.: + Θεοδοΰλφ άρχιεπισκόπφ πάσης Βουλγαρίας. Remarks: No photo. 8. A seal of the tsar Symeon with the inscription: Συμεών βασιλεΰ, πολλά τα έτη. W. Seibt, Review of Jordanov, Peöatite, in BZ 89 (1996) 134-138. 19. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σω δούλφ Εΰσταθίφ βασιλικφ κοιτώνος. Seibt: βασιλικφ χαρτουλαρίφ. 23. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Χριστοφόρφ όστιαρίω και έπισκεπτίτη. Seibt: ... χαρτουλαρίφ των Όπτιμάτων (?). 31. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει Στυλιανό) έπι της βασιλικής τραπέζης. Seibt: Θεοφάνη. 56. Jordanov: Obv.: Μιχαήλ β. πρωτοσπαθάριος και έπι τοΰ μαγγλαβίου. Seibt proposes for the Rev.: Στέφανος έπι τοΰ Πανθέου. 64. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπΙ τοΰ Χρυσοτρικλίνου και έπι της μεγάλης έταιρείας. Seibt: Beginning uncertain; perhaps: Ίσαακίφ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ. 67. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ ... πριμικηρίφ. Seibt: Perhaps: Σισιννίφ. 94-95. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδώρφ βασιλικφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ τω Ταυτούκα. Seibt: ... τφ Τζοΰκα. No. 96. Jordanov: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δούλφ 'Ιωάννη β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ τω Ταρωνίτη. Seibt: ... τφ Ταρσίτη. 121-122. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει Γρηγορίφ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ καΐ νοταρίφ. Seibt: και νομικφ (?). 124. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Στεφάνφ β. νοταρίφ. Seibt: ... β. πρωτονοταρίφ (?). 125. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σω δοΰλφ Κωνσταντίνφ β. σπαθαροκουβικουλαρίφ και μανδάτωρι. Seibt: ... κουράτωρι. 126. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μεγίστφ άνθυπάτφ, πατρικίφ, β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και γενικω λογοθέτη. Seibt: The personal name perhaps Έλισέος (for Έλισσαΐος). 139. Jordanov: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Μαριανφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και κριτή έπΙ τοΰ ιπποδρόμου. Seibt: Μαρίνφ (?). 178. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Ν. β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και δομεστίκφ των έξκουβίτων. Seibt: Κωνσταντίνφ (?). 189. Jordanov: ... Α IC- ταξίαρχος ό Στραβοτρηχάρης. Seibt: perhaps Theophylaktos. 191. Jordanov: Λέων πατρίκιος κόμης τοΰ σταΰλου και πρωτοστράτωρος ό Σαρακινόπουλος. Seibt: μονοστράτηγος. No. 193. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ πρωτοστρατηγω. Seibt: Michael was μονοστράτηγος. 197-198. Jordanov: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Ανδρέα πρωτοπαπία καΐ β. κουράτωρι 'Αγχιάλου. Seibt: κουράτωρι 'Αχελώου. 206-207. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Άνδρονίκφ διοικητή και έκ προσώπου Άρκαδιουπόλεως καΐ Μεσημβρίας. Seibt: ... 'Ανδρονίκφ δοΰλφ / 'Ιωάννου έκ προσώπου ... 227. Jordanov: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Κατακαλών σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ και τουρμάρχη Έρακλείας. Seibt: ... Θρςίκης (?)

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278. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Κωνσταντίνφ πατρικίφ και στρατηγφ Καππαδοκίας. Seibt: perhaps Κοντοστεφάνφ. 290. Jordanov: Άδράλεστος πρωτοσπαθάριος καΐ έκ προσώπου τοΰ Παραδουνάβου ό Σπανόπουλος. Seibt proposes: ... έκ προσώπου Θρςίκης και Ίωαννουπόλεως. 296. (second imprint). Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Βασιλείφ δομεστίκφ τοΰ Δ... . Seibt: τοΰ δουκός Βουλγαρίας (?). 305. Jordanov: Άέτιος πρωτοσπαθάριος και στρατηγός Περσθλαβίτζας. Seibt: Περσθλάβας. 308 and 308α. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγφ Περσθλαβίτζας τφ Μαλέση. Seibt: ... στρατηγφ Περσθλάβας τω Μαλεςι. 311. Jordanov: Μελίας πρωτοσπαθάριος και στρατηγός Πρεσθλαβίτζας. Seibt: Περσθλάβας. 315-319. Seibt: Metrical inscription: Σταυρός σφραγίς μοι και φΰλαξ 'Ιωάννου. 332-333. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Άβραμίω πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγφ. Seibt proposes the personal name Taurinos. 356. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγφ τφ Κασταμονίτη. Seibt: τφ Κασσίτεροι (?). 358. Jordanov: Θεοφΰλακτος β. πρωτοσπαθάριος και στρατηγός ... Seibt: στρατηγός Δρίστρας (?). 369-371. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει Λέοντι πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγφ τον Ήασίτην. Seibt: στρατηγφ των Κασσηνών (?). No. 386. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σω δοΰλφ Σισινίφ ... κουβουκλισίφ. Seibt: κληρικφ και κουβουκλισίφ (?). 404-406. Jordanov: ... ό Καζάνης. Seibt proposes the personal name Marinos. 420. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Νικολάφ τω Φραγγοποΰλω. Seibt: τω Φαρακοποΰλφ (?). 431. Seibt: metrical inscription: Όμωνυμοϋντι την βοήθειαν νέμοις. 442. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Νικολάφ. Seibt: Νικηφόρφ (?). 445. Cf. Stavrakos, SBS 4 (1995), 191: Γραφής φράσις και Κραγένους σφραγις πέλω. 464. Jordanov: Θεόδωρος πρωτοσπαθάριος και στρατηγός ό Κασνίτζης. Seibt: The family name could be Καντζής/Καντζοΰς. 489. Jordanov: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ ..αλσατ... και στρατηγφ. Seibt: The personal name could be Βάλς or Βαλσάρ. 538. Seibt: Seal of Anastasios patrikios (?). Family name beginning with C (Spanopoulos?). 544. Jordanov: ... σπαθαρίφ και ταξιάρχφ τοΰ Δη... Seibt: ταξιάρχφ Διποτάμου (?). 546. Seibt reads the reverse as: Θεοδώρου τοΰ 'Ρουπενίου or 'Ροΰκν. W. Seibt, "Armenische Persönlichkeiten auf byzantinischen Siegeln," in Armenian Perspectives. 10th Anniversary Conference of the Association Internationale des Etudes Armeniennes ed. N. Awde (London, 1997) 269-272, notes 408-409. p. 270. Proposed date: after 1025, before 1034 or 1035. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with both hands raised in front of her. Usual circular invocative inscription. Rev.: + Χουσοΰ[σ]α ζοσχή [x(rj)] μη(τ)ρ(ι) Δα(βιδ) μαγίστρου τ(οΰ) Σεναχερήμ. 197

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Remarks: Xusus, widow of the last king of Vaspurakan. No of the seal: Zacos BnF 567. p. 271. Proposed date: 1025-1050. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios, holding medallion in front of her. Rev.: + Θ(εοτό)κε [β]οήθει [τ]φ σφ δοΰ(λφ) [Δ]αβήθ βέστ[ή]. Remarks: = Zacos BnF 3534. p. 272. Proposed date: ca. second third or third quarter of the XI c. Obv.: Γραφάς σφραγίζ(ω) Δα(βι)δ π(ατ)ρι(κίου). Rev.: + Daw-it' pa-trik (in Armenian letters). W. Seibt, Review of DOSeals 2, BZ 90 (1997) 460-464. 2.8.12. Κύριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Άναστασίω β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και αναγραφεί και κριτή Ελλάδος. Seibt: Χαλδίας. 2.8.24. [Κΰριε or Θεοτόκε β]οήθ(ει) [τω σφ δοΰλφ Ί?]ω(άννη) [(πρωτο)?]σπ[αθ(αρίφ) (και) κρι[τή Έλ]λάδ[ος τ]φ Ξ[ηρφ or -ένφ?]. Seibt: ... 'Ιωάννη μαγίστρφ ... . If the family name is Xeros, John is probably to be identified with John διοικητής Πελοποννήσου καΐ κουράτωρ Δύσεως και Λαγουβαρδίας (Laurent, Vatican, no. 111). 2.8.39. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Γρηγωρίω (πρωτο)πρ[έ]τωρι Πελοποννήσου κέ Ελλάδος τω Καματηρφ. Seibt: (πρωτο)κ(ουρο)π(αλάττ|). 2.8.49. 'Αγία Θεοτόκε βοήθει τδ σφ δοΰλφ Μανουήλ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγώ Ελλάδος ό Βαρσάκης. Seibt: Ναρσάκης. 2.22.32. "Αγιε Νικόλαε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Νικολάφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγώ Πελοποννήσου ό Τρελ(λός). Seibt: Πρετ, (sc. praitor). 2.22.35. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Σισιννίφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγώ Πελοποννήσου τω Έξ(α)κ[ιονίτη?]. Seibt: Έξαμιλίτη. 2.23.1. Νικολάφ πρωτονοταρίφ καΐ διυκιτή Άχάίας. Seibt: Θυνίας. 2.24.1. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Γρηγορίφ έπισκόπφ "Αργούς. Seibt: έπικέρνη Αύγοΰστης. 2.26.1. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδώρφ έπισκόπφ "Ελους καΐ συγκέλλφ. Seibt: [Μ]έλ(ης) or [Μ]ελ(ενίκου), cf. Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 397 (with corr.). 2.36.3. Σφραγις Νικήτα έκ προσώπου της Κρίτης. Seibt: του προέδρου. 2.38.3. Βάρδςι β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου (και) [β(ασιλικφ)] (?) Κΰπρου. Seibt: δ(ιοικητή). 2.39.1. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ Βασιλείφ όριαρίφ Πάφου. Seibt: Πάρου or Πόρου (?). 2.40.3. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Πέτρφ β. σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ, β. νοταρίφ και χαρτουλαρίφ τοΰ Αιγαίου Πελάγους. Seibt: πρωτονοταρίφ. 2.42.3. Σφραγις 'Ιωάννου πρ[οέδ(ρου) or -ώτου?], δισυπάτου, και κριτοΰ των Κυκλάδων νήσων τοΰ Κωστομΰρη. Seibt: πατρικίου or πριμικηρίου. 2.44.9. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Νικήτα προέδρφ, στρατηγφ της Σάμου και λογοθέτη τοΰ δρόμου. Seibt: in an further line perhaps a family name: τφ Ξυλινίττ). 2.46.1. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Ναθαναήλ δουκι Βολησοΰ. Seibt: διοικητή. 2.47.1. Κΰριε βοήθει Εΰστρατίφ έπισκόπφ Ικαρίας. Seibt: Χεριάνων. 2.49.1. Ευσταθίου έπισκόπου Κώου. Seibt: Χώ[μ(ατος)]. 2.59.6. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τώ σφ δοΰλφ Βασιλείφ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ, κριτή έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου και τών Κιβυρειοτών τφ ΗΜΑ.. or ΑΝΑ... . Seibt: Μονομαχάτφ.

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2.77.2. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ άρχιεπισκόπφ Σέλγης. Seibt: έπισκόπφ Μαγ(ΰ)δ(ου). W. Seibt, Review of Sode, Bleisiegel, in JOB 48 (1998) 316-317. 184. Seibt: The monogram on the reverse has to be read as Μαυρικίου. Seal of the emperor Maurikios. Cf. Oikonomides, BZ 92 (1999). 300. Sode: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Τίρωνι ύπάτφ. Seibt: Κίμωνι. Cf. Wassiliou, Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten 33 (1998). 306. Sode: ... βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ ... β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ (?) ... και τοποτηρητή Παφλαγονίας. Seibt: κριτή έπι του ιπποδρόμου. Cf. Wassiliou, Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten 33 (1998). 350. Sode: Γραφής προέδρου σφραγίς εΐμι Θεοδοσίου. Seibt: Σμυρνής προέδρου σφραγίς είμι Θεοδοσίου. 353. Sode: Όμωνυμοΰντι ... τε νέμοις / ίλλουστρίω τε ... Seibt: Όμωνυμοΰντι σήν χάριν, μάρτυς, νέμοις / ίλλουστρίω τε κένσωρι τω Πηγωνίττ). 354. Sode: Σφράγισμα λόγων Πρόδρομος τοΰ ποιμένος φυλάττοι. Seibt: Σφραγίς λόγων Πρόδρομος, οϋ ποίμνης ΦΥΛΑΤ, (falsly for φΰλαξ?). Cf. Wassiliou, Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten 33 (1998). 373. Sode: Κύριε βοήθει Λέοντι νοταρίω καΐ άκτουαρίφ τω Κρινίτη (?). Seibt: τω Κραμβονίτη. Cf. Wassiliou, Geldgeschichtliche Nachrichten 33 (1998). ' 387. Sode: Θεογνόστφ βασιλικώ πριμικηρίω ... Seibt: Διποταμωνίτη. 439. Sode: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Άσωτίφ άπο έπαρχων. Seibt: Έσαγίφ άπο έπάρχων. 441. Sode: Θεοτόκε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη άπο έπάρχων. Seibt: Στεφάνου άπο έπάρχων. 459. Seibt: The monogram on the reverse can be read as: a s(ecretis). Seal of Kosmas a secretis. 469. Seibt: The monogram can be read as: s(igillum) Aurelii. W. Seibt and A.-K. Wassiliou, review of Koltsida-Makre, Μολυβδυβουλλα, in BZ91 (1998) 146-150. 10-11. S./W. read: Σεπτή ξυνωρις των σοφών άθληφόρων / σκέποιτε Δοΰκαν σεβαστόν Ίωάννην (Seibt, Bleisiegel, no. 39). 14. Seal of Constantine Komnenos Laskaris. Cf. Wassiliou, BZ 90 (1997) 416, no. 1. 16. Θεοδώρφ ..μ.κ.. έβδομαρίφ και χαρτουλαρίφ τών 'Ανατολικών. S./W. propose: πριμικηρίφ. 17. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Λέοντι διηκυτή Παλεοπόλεως. S./W. propose: Άλεξάνδρφ. 19. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Πετρωνφ άνθυπάτφ και κριτή τών Θρακησίων τφ Γυμνφ. S./W. propose: Πέτρφ πατρικίφ άνθυπάτφ. 28. Κΰριε βοήθει ... βεστάρχι κέ στρατιγφ Χαντιάρτη. S./W. propose: τω Μανιάκη. 30. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τρ σδ δοΰλφ ... πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου, χαρτουλαρίφ, κριτή έπι τοΰ Ιπποδρόμου και Σεβαστίας. S./W. propose: ... Γεωργίφ ... Σελευκείας. 31. Κΰριε βοήθει Γεωργίφ βέστη, ύπάτφ, κριτή τοΰ βήλου και τών Κιβυρραιωτών τφ Άρταβάσδφ. S./W.: 'Ιωάννη (cf. SBS 5 (1998), 143 no. 102).

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43. Λέοντι άσηκρήτη, κριττ) Θεσσαλονίκης και τοΰ Στρυμόνος τφ Άγιοποιλίττ). S./W. propose: τφ Άγιοπολυευκτίτη. 44. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Κοσμφ διοικητή Θεσσαλονίκης. S./W. propose: Κομιτφ (?) οίκονόμφ Θεσσαλονίκης. 46. Κύριε or Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ ...ρίφ β. σπαθαρίφ, κουράτορι και διοικητή Ελλάδος. S./W.: Γρηγορίφ. 51. Γραφή θείον δώρον κριτοΰ Σικελίας. S./W.: Γρηγορίφ μοναχφ και ήγουμένφ Καμάχου. 58. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Βασιλείφ προέδρφ και δουκι τφ Παρσακουτηνφ. S./W.: Άλουσιανφ. 66. Κύριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Ίωσίφ προέδρφ καΐ μεγάλφ δομεστίκφ πάσης Δύσεως τφ Ταρχανιώτη. S./W.: δουκι πάσης Δύσεως. 83. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Κωνσταντίνο) α πραιποσίτφ και έπί τοΰ κοιτώνος. S./W.: πρωτοσπαθαρίφ. 85. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Άδραλέστρ επί της οικιακής τραπέζης. S./W.: Βάρδα. 87. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ σκ υ.τ. έπί τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου. S./W.: σπαθαροκουβικουλαρίφ. 91. Κύριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Νικηφόρφ β. κανδηδάτφ και έπη των άλαξίμων. S./W.: έπί των βαρβάρων. 107. Κΰριε βοήθει Βασιλείφ β. νοταρίφ και έκ προσώπου. S./W.: πρωτονοταρίφ. 114: "Αγιε Θεόδωρε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδώρφ άνθυπάτφ, πατρικίφ και δεκανω. S./W.: Θ 6 0 ί , άνθυπάτφ, πατρικίφ και πρωτοσπαθαρίφ. 118. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδώρφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, ,ριτου... α.,.κυτ και κουράτορι τοΰ οξέος δρόμου. S./W.: έπί τοΰ θεοφυλάκτου κοιτώνος. 130. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ ... έπί τοΰ .... νοταρίφ και β. σακελλαρίφ. S./W.: πρωτονοταρίφ των Βουκελλαρίων. 135 ... σπαθαρίφ άσηκρήτη και άναγφραφεΐ τω Ξηρφ. S./W.: Βασιλείφ σπαθαροκουβικουλαρίφ. 141. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ ,ηρανο. βεστάρχη και οίκονόμφ τοΰ Τροπεοφόρου. S./W.: Πέτρφ (?) πριμικηρίφ πρωτονοταρίφ δημάρχφ και μεγάλφ οίκονόμφ ... 150. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδόρφ πατρικίφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και δημάρχφ. S./W.: πριμικηρίφ. 151. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Βασιλείφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και έπί τοΰ ... S./W.: έπάρχφ. 154. Νικολάφ πριμικηρίφ και έπί τοΰ σεκρέτου. S./W.: Νικολάφ κληρικώ; cf. Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 133. 161. Κΰριε βοήθει Συμεωνήο κουροπαλάτι τφ Βατάτζη. S./W.: Συμβατικίφ; cf. J. Langdon (1993) = SBS 6, 96. 164. Κΰριε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ μαγίστρφ τφ Τραπι.πιφ. S./W.: Ταπιπιόνη. 168. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Λέοντι βέστη ..ε. S./W.: τω Άλωπώ. 169. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Πέτρφ βέστη ..ω.. S./W.: τφ Γυμνφ. 171. 'Αγία Θεοτόκε σκέποις Μινφ άνθυπάτφ. S.AV.:'Αγνή με σκέποις Κωνσταντίνφ πρωτανθυπάτφ. 200. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ β. βεστίτορι τφ Πα..εμι..α. S./W.: τω Μακρεμβολίτη. 208. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ ..ασ.ίφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και έπί των ΰκειακών. S./W.: Άναστασίφ. 209. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Λέων β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ τω Καρ.ουαλ. 200

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S./W.: β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και χαρτουλαρίφ. 226. Κύριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ στράτορι. S./W.: κουβουκλισίφ. 237. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Άδριανφ άρχιεπισκόπφ Αίνου. S./W.: Λεοντοπόλεως. 248. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδώρφ έπισκόπω 'Αρίστης. S./W.: 'Αφρικής. 249. Τίμιε Πρόδρομε βοήθει Θεοδώρο έπισκόπο Σκαμανδροΰ. S./W.: Μελενίκου or Μελίνων. 251. Θεοτόκε or Κΰριε βοήθει τφ δούλφ σου Θεοδώρφ έπισκόπφ Σινώπης. S./W.: Σεργίφ. 256. ...η. πρόεδρον σομει.τόν σκέποις. S./W.: Κρήτης πρόεδρον ώς όμώνυμον σκέποις. Perhaps Michael. 261. Λέον κουβουκλίσιος ό Σαγόπουλος. S./W.: κουβουκλίσιος 'Αγχιάλου. 267. ΣφραγΙς Νικηφόρου κληρηκοΰ της μεγάλης έκκλησίας και έπΐ ... S./W.: έπι τοΰ σεκρέτου. 273. Λεοντίρ μοναχφ και πρεσβυτέρφ τοΰ μοναστηρίου τοΰ Δαλμάτου. S./W.: τοΰ Άρματίου. 276. ΣφραγΙς μοναχδν μελέτη Θεοΰ. S./W.: CtPATIC ΠΟΝΑΧΟΝ ΜεΛβΤΗΟΝ. Parallel specimens: Athens 262γ; Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 645 (not read). 280. Της μονΐς τοΰ Καρμαλά. S.AV.: Καραμάλλου or Καρακάλλου. 290. Κύριε βοήθει βα.κα... τ(...) τής.η. τδ Γαβρά. S./W.: Μαρίνφ. 291. Καλοκυροΰ σφράγισμα τοΰ Γουρνηκιώτου. S./W.: Οΰρβικιώτου. Parallel to Fogg 2830. 292. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ τφ Δερμοκάΐτη. S./W.: Φαρμακάίτη. Parallel specimen Zacos (BnF) 1203. 298. Χριστέ συν τή άλΰπφ Θεοτόκφ σκέπετε 'Ιωάννη τδ Κάνδω or Κάνδφ or Κανδίδφ. S.AV.: ΧΑΝΔ,. Perhaps Chandrenos. Parallel to DO 58.106.4330.' 299. Μάρτυς σκέποις με Καραντηνον Νικήτα. S.AV.: Σαραντηνόν. 302. Νικολάου or Νικηφόρου σφράγισμα Κοντοστεφάνου ... S./W.: Νικηφόρου σφράγισμα Κοντοστεφάνου / Κομνηνοδουκών πορφυροβλάστου κλάδου. 310. 'Ιωάννου σφράγισμα Μαχηταρίου. S.AV.: Κωνσταντίνου. A parallel specimen in Dumbarton Oaks. 313. Όξάζηνον 'Ρομανδν σκέποις με κόρη. S./W.: Τον Κοζάζην μέ 'Ρωμανον σκέποις, κόρη. 317. Ίωάννην φΰλαττε τον 'Ρωμέον. S.AV.: Άγνή, φΰλαττε Κωνσταντΐνον. 318. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Όνουφρίφ τφ Σαρασίτη. S.AV.: Seal of Maria Dalassene protoproedrissa. Parallel specimens in Dumbarton Oaks. 325. Γραφάς σφραγίζω Φυλίρα Θεοδώρου. S.AV.: Ά γ ν ή τό σφράγισμα γραφών Γεωργίου. 326. 'Ιωάννης ό Φραγγοπουλίτζης. S.AV.: Φραγγόπουλος. 328. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Αγαθονήκφ . δακνο.. ,νο. S.AV.: διακονώ και οΐκονόμφ. 329. Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Αδραλέστφ τφ Τ.... S .AV.: Ίασίτη. 345. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Δαυίδ ... S.AV.: Δαυίδ μοναχφ. 361. Κΰριε βοήθει Θεοφάνη. S.AV.: Λέοντι. 376. 'Ιωάννου σφράγισμα τοΰ Φρ,.τζ. S.AV.: Όφρυδίτζη. 377. 'Ιωάννου κγ.χσυκ..λ....ι... S.AV.: Γεώργιον σΰγκελλον, ώ μάρτυς, σκέποις; cf. Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 229.

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389-391. Λέοντα Παρθένε σκέποις. S./W.: Τον Σκυλίτζην Λέοντα, Παρθένε, σκέποις. Parallel specimens in Dumbarton Oaks. 393. Λέοντι ..οχω.ανιζη. S./W.: Ό έλεών πτωχόν δανίζει Θεφ. Parallel to DO 58.106.1867. 400. Σύ Παρθένε σκέποις τον οίκέτην Μιχαήλ. S./W.: Τον οίκέτην με, Χριστέ, συν πάθω σκέποις. 420. Ρομ(έ)ου or Ρομ(α)νοΰ. I Ron.o re. ica. S./W.: The monogram on the obverse could be read as Maroules. Rev. perhaps Constantine protonobellisimos. 424. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Στεφάνφ. S./W.: τή στ) δούλη Στεφανία. 429. Γραφάς σφραγίζω Μορτίτου Γεοργίου. S./W.: Γραφάς σφραγίζοις οίκέτου Γεωργίου. 430. Μάρτυς Θεόδωρον άθάνατον σκέποις. S./W.: Μαντέλλην Θεόδωρον, άθλητά, σκέποις. 432. Κΰριε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ σουνκοφαρίφ. S./W.: Κΰριε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ συγκέλλφ τφ Φαρισαίφ. 433. Θεοφάνιον σκέπης με πράτην κόρη. S./W.: Θεόφιλον σκέποις με Πριγοΰλην, κόρη. 434. Θεοτόκε or Κΰριε βοήθει τω σώ δοΰλρ Θεωφύλακτον ήατρόν τφ ,ανω. S./W.: Θεοφυλάκτφ μαγίστρω τω Ξένω. 485. .. σκέποις σύ κόρη ... S./W.: Σκέποις Συμεών Τετραγωνίτην, κόρη. Parallel to Ermitage Μ 8278. 487. ... σφραγίζω ... S./W.: Άφτός σφραγίζω Μιχαήλ διακόνω. 495. S./W.: 'Ιωσήφ μητροπολίτης Καρίας. Parallel to Zacos II, no. 536; Laurent, Corpus V/1, no. 515. 499. S / W : Θεοφυλάκτω έπι του θεοφυλάκτου ... 509. S./W.: Perhaps a priest. 531. Θεοτόκε βοήθει έπΙ ... S./W.: Έπιφανίφ. 539. S./W.: Ιωάννη β. κανδιδάτω και έπι της έταιρείας. 565. S./W.: Muräd b. .rsän (e.g. Fursän). W. Seibt, Review of DOSeals 3, BZ (1999) 538-541. 3.2.6. Έπιφάνιον έκτυπώ τή σφραγίδι χαρτουλάριον τοΰ ναοΰ Θεοΰ Λόγου, δομέστικόν τε σεκρέτων τοΰ δεσπότου και τον μόνον άρχοντα τοΰ Θρακησίου. Seibt proposes to read the last verse as follows: και των μονών άρχοντα τοΰ Θρακησίου (= έξαρχος). 3.2.10. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σώ δοΰλφ Στεφάνφ βασιλικω πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπί τοΰ Χρυσοτρικλίνου καΐ επόπτη τοΰ θέματος τών Θρακησίίον [τω] CTen...OT. Seibt: ... τών Θρακησίων και τών Όπτιμάτων. Parallel to ANS, Mabbott 194. 3.2.39. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Άνδρονίκφ πρωτοπροέδρφ και στρατιγώ τών Θρακησίων τω άνθρώπφ Καίσαρος τοΰ Δοΰκα. Seibt: ... τών Θρακησίων τω υίώ καίσαρος τοΰ Δοΰκα. 3.21.1. Αιμιλίου αναξίου έπισκόπου της Λαοδικέων μητρωπόλεως. Seibt: The monogram on the obverse can also be read as: Μαμάλου, i.e. Mamalos me-tropolitan of Laodikeia. 3.39.20. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ ... πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, έξάκτωρι, κριτή έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου τοΰ θεοφυλάκτου Όψηκίου τφ Άβαλάντη. Seibt: ... έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου, τοΰ βήλου και τοΰ Όψηκίου τω Άβαλάντη. 3.39.32. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Μαρίνφ κόμητι τοΰ Όψικίου τ[(ώ) τ(οΰ)] έξάρ...

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Seibt: ... κόμητι τοΰ Όψικ(ίου) υ(ί)οΰ τοΰ έξάρ.... Cf. Wassiliou (1999). 3.40.14. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Είρηνέφ διακόνφ αρχοντι τοΰ βλατίου και κομμερκιαρίφ Άβΰδου. Seibt: ... αρχοντι τοΰ βλατίου και κόμητι Άβΰδου. 3.40.15. Θεοτόκε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ Χρυσοτρικλίνου και κουμερκιαρίφ Άβίδου τ φ Χιονίδη. Seibt reads (with the help of Ermitage Μ 6766): ... και κουμερκιαρίφ Άβίδου τω Κρομίδη. 3.40.35. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σ φ δοΰλφ Νικολάφ β. κανδιδάτω και φορολογώ Άβίδου. Seibt: ... και ύπολογίφ Άβίδου. 3.53.9. Ό Κυζίκου Στέφανος σπουδή με γράφι. Seibt: Ό Λιζίκου Στέφανος... Cf. Zacos II, no. 712. Cf. Wassiliou (1999). 3.55.1. Κΰριε βοήθει Λέοντι αρχοντι τοΰ Λουπαδίου. Seibt: ... τοΰ Λοΰλου. 3.71.3. Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλω Νικολάου βασιλικοΰ σπαθαρίου και χαρτουλαρίου τδν Όπτημάτον. Seibt: ... Νικολάου β. σπαθαρίου τόν Όπτημάτον (?) 3.78.2. Σφραγις της Θεοτόκου της Χρυσοπολιτίσης. Seibt: ... της Χρυσοπόλεως. 3.86.27. Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, μυστογράφφ και μεγάλφ χαρτουλαρίφ τοΰ γενικοΰ λογοθεσίου, κριτή έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου και των Άνατοληκών τω Προμουνδηνω. Seibt: ... κριτή έπι τοΰ 'Ιπποδρόμου και των Κυκλάδων νήσων τω Προμουνδηνω. Cf. Wassiliou (1999). 3.99.12. Κΰριε βοήθει Νικ[ μα]γίστρφ, βέστη, βεστάρχη και στρατηλάτη της Ανατολής τω Μουσαράφ. Seibt reads (with the help of a parallel specimen in the Zacos collection): ... Νικηφόρω ... τφ Μουσαράφ. Cf. Wassiliou (1999). 3.100.1. Γεωργίρ έπισκόπφ Άδριανουπόλεως. Seibt: Γεωργίφ έπισκόπω Άδρανοΰς. W. Seibt, "Weitere Bleisiegel aus Ephesos," Steine und Wege. Festschrift für Dieter Knibbe zum 65. Geburtstag (Vienna, 1999) 145-151. 1. Proposed date: VI c. (second half)-VII c. (first half). Obv.: Indistinct. Rev.: [στρ]α[τη]λάτου. 2. Proposed date: VI c. (end). Obv.: Eagle facing, head turned r., above indistinct: cross or monogram. Rev.: Block monogram: Έπιφανίου (?) Remarks: If considering also Τ: possibly Στεφάνου, and υπάτου. So, maybe Έπιφανίου or Στεφάνου, υπάτου. 3. Proposed date: VI C./VII c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with the Infant before her, between crosslets. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ρωμανοΰ. Remarks: Also possible: Μαρώνου / Μαρωνίου. 4. Proposed date: VI c.(end)/VII c. (beginning). Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Παΰλου. Rev.: κανδιδάτου. Remarks: Cf. Cheynet, RN 155 (1999) no. 42; Seibt, Coll. Köhler-Osbahr (2001) no. 15. 5. Proposed date: VII c. (beginning). Obv.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ιωάννου. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: possibly κουβικουλαρίου. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 376. 6. Proposed date: VIII c. (second third). Obv.: 'Αγία Τριάς ό Θεός ήμών βοήθει.

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Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Κωνσταντίνφ χαρτουλαρίφ or Κοσμφ χαρτουλαρίφ. 7. Proposed date: VIII c. (second-third third). Ob v.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type V). Rev.: [Ιωάννη] σπαθαρίφ και δρουγαρίφ. 8. Proposed date: 741-743? Obv.: 'Αγία Τριάς ό Θεός ήμών βοήθει τφ δοΰλω σου. Rev.: Χριστοφόρφ κουβικουλαρίω και παρακοιμωμένω. 9. Proposed date: VIII c. (second half)-IX c. (beginning). Obv.: Inscribe cruciform invocative monogram (type V). Rev.: ... [(πρωτο)σπ]αθαρ(ίω).. β(ασιλικω) ..[(και) στρα]τ(ηγω) ...των ... W. Seibt - D. Theodoridis, "Das Rätsel der Andrapoda-Siegel im ausgehenden 7. Jh. - Waren mehr Slawen oder mehr Armenier Opfer dieser Staatsaktion?," ByzSl. 60 (1999) 404-406. 1. Date: 694/695. Obv.: Emperor Leontios standing facing. Indiction 10. Circular inscription: Θεωφάνους άπο [ύπατων or έπαρχων]. Rev.: 'Αποθήκης των άνδραπόδων Δεκαπόλεως. Remarks: Coll. Theodoridis, no. 378. 2. Date: 696/697. Obv.: Emperor Justinian standing facing. Indiction 8. Circular inscription: Γεωργίου άπό ύπατων. Rev.: Των άνδραπόδων Ε>- Γαλατίας. Remarks: Coll. Theodoridis, no. 519. W. Seibt, "Miszellen zur historischen Geographie von Armenien und Georgien in byzantinischer Zeit," Handes Amsorya 90 (1976) 633-642, Nachtrag von 1999 zu Nr. 2, in Österreichische Beiträge zur Armenologie, CD-Rom (Wien, 1999) 2002. The seal Schlumberger, Sig. 737, no. 3, corrected by Seibt in Handes Amsorya (Νικητή βέστη δουκι Ά ν ί ο υ Μεγάλης 'Αρμενίας και Κογωβιτ τω 'Ρέκτορι, cf. SBS 5, 121) is preserved in the collection of IFEB, no. 688). The owner of the seal was δούξ Ά ν ί ο υ Μεγάλης 'Αρμενίας καΐ 'Ιβηρίας. Seibt thinks now the personal name could be Μιχαήλ or 'Ιωάννης, the family name Καραβιτζιώτης. [W. Seibt], Sammlung Köhler-Osbahr, Band V/4. Byzantinische Münzen und ihr Umfeld. Bleisiegel und -plomben sowie Gewichte aus dem östlichen Mittelmeerraum (Duisburg, 2001). 1. Proposed date: 1056-1057. Obv.: Bust of Christ Emmanuel. Rev.: Bust of the emperor Michael VI (?). Circular inscription: Μιχαήλ (?) αυτοκράτωρ. 2. Proposed date: 1143-1180. Obv.: Bust of Christ Emmanuel. Rev.: The emperor Manuel I Komnenos standing. Circular inscription: Μανουήλ δεσπότης ό πορφυρογέννητος. Remarks: Cast copy. Several other copies are known. 3. Proposed date: 1253-1268. Obv.: St. Mark seated on a throne (on the right) and Doge Rainerius Ceno standing (on the left). Inscription: Rainerius Ceno dux. Sanctus Marcus. Rev.: Rainerius Ceno Dei gratia Venetie Dalmatie atque Chroatie dux. 204

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4. Proposed date: IX c. (first half). Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent V) with tetragram: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Πανθηρίω πατρικίφ και χαρτουλαρίφ τοΰ βεστιαρίου. Remarks: Modern cast copy. Several other copies are known. Ed. of the type: Laurent, Corpus II, no. 694. 5. Proposed date: Later IX c. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on three steps. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Λέοντι άνθυπάτφ πατρικίφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και λογοθέτη τοΰ γενικοΰ. Remarks: Probably a cast copy; original unknown. 6. Proposed date: XI c. (twenties). Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps with fleurons. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπί τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου μεγάλφ χαρτουλαρίφ και έπί των δεήσεων. Remarks: Cast copy or modern fake. 7. Proposed date: IX c. (first half). Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent V) with tetragram: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Θεοφυλάκτφ πατρικίφ πραιποσίτφ και βασιλικφ σακελλαρίφ. Remarks: Modern cast copy. 8.Proposed date: VIII c. (second half). Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent V): Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Κωνσταντίνφ σκρίβωνι. 9. Proposed date: Mid-XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Panteleemon. Rev.: Παΰλου σφραγις κρίνοντος Αιγαίον πλόον. Remarks: Several specimens known, e.g. DOSeals 2.40.19. 10. Proposed date: XI c. (second quarter). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria. Circular inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Κωνσταντίνφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπί τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου κατεπάνω των βασιλικών αξιωμάτων και κριτή των Βουκελλαρίων. 11. Proposed date: IX c. (first half). Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (probably Laurent V) with tetragram: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: ... έκ προσώπου των Θρςικησίων. 12. Proposed date: 720/721. Obv.: Busts of Leon ΙΠ on the left, and Constantine V on the right. On the left: ϊνδικτιώνος. Below inscription: 'Αναστασίου υπάτου βασιλικοΰ βαλνίτορος. Rev.: και γενικοΰ κομμερκιαρίου αποθήκης Κωνσταντινουπόλεως. Remarks: Cast copy. Several other copies are known. 13. Proposed date: Vn/VIII c. Obv.: Inscription between palm branches: Γαβριήλ. Rev.: Inscription between palm branches: δρουγγαρίου. Remarks: Probably the same person as Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 265. 14. Proposed date: XI c. (sixties-seventies). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Κωνσταντίνφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ ύπάτφ και στρατηγώ τω Κατακαλφ. 205

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15. Proposed date: VI/VII c. Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Α, Λ, Ο, Π, V: Παύλου (also possible: Άλυπίου). Rev.: κανδιδάτου. Remarks: Parallel specimen: W. Seibt, "Weitere Bleisiegel aus Ephesos," in Steine und Wege. Festschrift für D. Knibbe zum 65. Geburtstag (Sonderschriften der Osterr. Akad. Wiss. 32) (Vienna, 1999) 14, no. 4. 16. Proposed date: 1074-1077. Obv.: St. Demetrios standing holding a spear (r. hand), 1. hand resting on a shield set on the ground. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Νικηφόρφ κουροπαλάτη τφ Βοτανειάτη. Remarks: Cast copy. Several other copies and originals are known. 17. Proposed date: XI c. (fourth quarter)-XII c. (beginning). Obv.: Bust of St. George. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Γεωργίφ προέδρφ τφ Άργυροπώλφ. Remarks: Parallel specimen is Ermitage Μ 5610 (= Sig., 573, no. 3; 621, no. 1). 18. Proposed date: XII c. (third quarter)-XIII c. (beginning). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans with Child before her. Rev.: Μήτερ Θεοΰ, σκέπε τον σον δοΰλον σεβαστόν τον Γλαβάν Γεώργιον. Remarks: Cast copy. Several other copies are known. 19. Proposed date: XII c. (end)-Xni c. Obv.: Daniel standing between lions. Rev.: Κριτής Δανιήλ, καΐ γραφών νΰν προστάτης τελεί σεβαστού Λιβέρου πράξεις κρίνων. Remarks: Cast copy. Several other copies are known. 20. Proposed date (of the pattern): later IX c. Obv.: Patriarchal cross. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Γεωργίφ βασιλικω σπαθαρίφ. Remarks: Modern fake. 21. Proposed date: Last third of the XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: 'Αρχάγγελε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ τφ Έλαφανίτη (?); also possible Έλουρανίτη (for Αίλουρανίτης) or Έληρηνίτη. 22. Proposed date: Late VII c. Obv.: Invocative cruciform monogram (type Laurent Π): Θεοτόκε βοήθει. In the lower quarters: Γεωργίου. Rev.: Eagle. Between the wings, monogram: στρατηλάτου. 23. Proposed date: VIII. c. (first half). Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Άρτεμίφ ύπάτφ. Remarks: Several parallel specimens are known, cf. e.g. Sode, Bleisiegel, nos. 436-438. 24. Proposed date: XII. c. Obv.: The Virgin Hodegetria Dexiokratousa. Rev.: Άρταβάσδου σφράγισμα τοΰ Νικηφόρου. Remarks: Parallel specimen: auction R. J. Myers (March 1981), no. 9. 25. Proposed date: Early ΧΠΙ c. Obv.: St. Eleutherios standing. Rev.: Δαυίδ Κομνηνού πορφυροβλάστου λόγους Ελευθέριος προσκυροΐ, Θεοΰ θΰτης. Remarks: Cast copy. Several other copies are known. Discussion of other seals (and copies) of the same person.

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26. Proposed date: IV-VI c. Obv.: Female figure standing to the left. Circular inscription: Εΰπιστίου. Remarks: Medallion? 27. Proposed date: VI/VII c. Obv.: Eagle. Between the wings: cross. Rev.: TSV-ChlH (Hesychiu). Remarks: Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 625. 28. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholaos. Rev.: "Αγιε Νικόλαε βοήθει τω σω δούλω Νικολάφ. Remarks: Parallel to DO 58.106.4529. 29. Proposed date: VII c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Α, Β, Ο, Τ, V (probably Βεάτου). Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 292. 30. Proposed date: Late VII c. Obv.: Bust of saint, on the left: 0 - Α - Γ , the letters on the right are not legible (not identified, perhaps St. Barnabas). Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Α, Ε, Κ, Ν, 0 , Π, Ρ, V, X, (J: 'Ιωάννου αρχιεπισκόπου (if sigma is to be read in the epsilon). Remarks: Perhaps a copy. Parallel to Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 327: The saint is identified with St. John the Baptist, the sigle on the right could be rfl (Πρόδρομος). The monogram is read: 'Ιωάννου άπό έπάρχων. 31. Proposed date: VII c. (second third). Obv.: Eagle. Between the wings, cruciform monogram: Θεοτόκε βοήθει (unknown type). Rev.: Block monogramm: Α , Ε , Ο , Π , Ρ , ν , Χ : Πέτρου έπαρχου (?) Remarks: Perhaps the same person as the owner of Zacos-Veglery, no. 677A (cf. PmbZ I, # 5973). 32. Proposed date: VI c. (late)-VII c. (first half). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with bust of Christ before her, between two small crosses. Rev.: Cruciform monogram with Α, Ε, Μ, Ν, Ο, V. Probable solutions are: Υμεναίου, Μεμμιανοΰ, Άνεμίου, Άμιννείου, Άμμεννιανοΰ, Μαειμοΰν or Εϋνομιανοΰ. 33. Proposed date (of the pattern): ca. VII c. (end)-VIII c. (first half). Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (Laurent type V): Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: I, Ν, Π, C, U (not read). Remarks: Modern fake. 34. Proposed date: VI-VII c. (or earlier). Obv.: Eagle to the right. Circular (Greek or Latin) inscription beginning on the top: 6PAC, on the left: C or B, then 0 . Remark: Tessera. 35. Proposed date: None. Obv.: Bust of of a saint, probably St. Theodore. Rev.: Empty, perhaps overstruck. Remarks: Uncertain, if the specimen is a seal. 36. Proposed date: None. Obv.: St. Michael standing. Circular inscription, not legible. Rev.: The Virgin (on the right) and a saint (Nicholas?). Circular inscription, not legible. Remarks: Fake. 207

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37. Proposed date: ca. V c. One-sided plomb. Half figure. Circular inscription, beginning on the right on the top: IC6 - Ο or0..C. 38. Proposed date: Early Byzantine. One-sided plomb. Bust of a nimbated male figure, bearded. 39. Proposed date: Late Roman. Obv.: Stag to the right before statue. Rev.: Wreath. Remarks: Tessera. 40. Proposed date: Early Byzantine. Obv.: Latin or Greek letters: Β6. Rev.: Empty. Remarks: Tessera. 41. Proposed date: Late Roman. Obv.: Standing figure. Rev.: Empty. Remarks: Tessera. 42. Proposed date: Late Roman. Obv.: Standing figure. Rev.: Empty. Remarks: Tessera. 43. Proposed date: Late Roman. Obv.: Male figure standing. Letters on both sides: CCΑ-ΪΑ. Rev.: Empty. Remarks: Tessera. 44. Proposed date: Late Roman. Obv.: Eagle with raised wings. Above perhaps a head to the right. Rev.: Empty. Remarks: Tessera or metal application. 45. Proposed date: VII. c. (late) - Vm. c. (early). Obv.: St. Theodore on a horse to the right. Rev.: "Αγιε Θεόδωρε βοήθι τοΰ φοροΰντος. Remarks: Medallion. 46. Proposed date: Late Byzantine. Obv.: Standing female figure. Circular inscription, perhaps: 'Αγία Καθαρίνα. Rev.: Empty. Remarks: Perhaps a modern lead application. 47. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: St. Peter (on the left) and Paul (on the right) standing. Rev.: Αποστόλων σκέποις με, δυάς άγία, Τορνίκιον πρόεδρον έκ πάσης βλάβης. Remarks: Copy of a copper tessera. 49. Proposed date: none. Obv.: Oriental looking letters. Rev.: Oriental looking letters. W. Seibt, "Liparites als "byzantinischer" Familienname in der Komnenzeit", Dedicatio. Istoriko-filologiieskie izyskanija (Festschr. M. Lortkipanidze) (Tbilissi, 2001), 123-131. 1. = Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, no. 149. 2. = SBS 2 (1990) 41-42. 3. Ca. 1171. 208

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Obv.: + Κριτοΰ σφραγίζω τάς γραφάς Βασιλείου. Rev.: ένος δικαστών έκ γένους Λιπαρίτου. 4. Seal of Bardas Liparites (1150-1175). I. Shahid, "Sigillography in the Service of History," Novum Millennium. Studies on Byzantine history and culture dedicated to Paul Speck, ed. CI. Sode and 5. Takacs (Aldershot, 2001) 369-377. The author identifies the owner of the seal of Gabala, patrikios, (Seibt, Bleisiegel, no. 129) with the last Ghassanid King dead in 640/641. K. D. Smyckov, "Pecati tserkovnyh ierarhov iz Hersona," ADSV 30 (1999) 124129, 407. Seals found in Cherson. 1. Proposed date: X c. (first quarter). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding Christ before her chest. Circular inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Δαμιανφ αρχιεπισκοπή Χερσώνος. 2. Proposed date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: The Virgin seated on a throne holding the medallion of Christ before her. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Γεοργίφ άρχιεπισκόπφ Χερσώνος. 3. Proposed date: Χ c. (second half). Obv.: Patriarchal cross with fleurons. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σώ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Γεωργίφ άρχιεπισκόπφ Βοσπόρου. P. G. Spanu, La Sardegna bizantina tra VI e VII secolo (Oristano, 1998) 90-95. The author mentions the existence of seals found at Cabras with photo (or drawing) of the obverse: seals of Anastasius archbishop, Citonatus archbishop, George, imperial koubikoularios, Pantaleon, imperial mandator, Katzes, apo eparchon and droungarios, Salomon, stratelates, Serge archon of Arb... Ch. Stavrakos, "Sceaux inedits d'Arabes au service de Byzance," Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Graeco-Oriental and African Studies, Nicosia 30 April-5 May 1996, Graeco-Arabica VII-VIII (1999-2000) 511-518. 1. Proposed date: XI c. (end). Obv.: Half-length figure of a saint bishop, possibly Nicholas. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Νικολάφ προέδρο τφ Άπλισφάρη. Remarks: = Zacos BnF 14. la. & lb. Proposed date: 1150-1180. Obv.: St. Nicholas standing. Rev.: Πρόεδρε Μΰρων, έκ πάσης βλάβης ρΰου Άπλεσφάρων σον Νικόλαον οίκέτην. Remarks: = Zacos BnF 835; Zacos BnF 836; DO 58.106.5538 is a parallel. 2. Proposed date: XI c. (end)-XII c. (first half). Obv.: The Virgin Άγιοσωρίτισσα standing. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ τό Άπλεσφάρη. Remarks: = DO 58.106.1075. 3. Proposed date: XI c. (1030-1050). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding the medallion. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σώ δοΰλφ 'Ιωάννη πατρικίρ ώ Άμιρόπουλος. Remarks: = Zacos BnF 39. Perhaps the strategos of Euxeinos Pontos homonym (DOSeals 3.72.4).

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4. Proposed date: XI c. (end)-XII c. (first-half). Obv.: + Σφράγισμα Δαυίδ. Rev.: τοΰ Χαασανοποΰλου. Remarks: = Zacos BnF 805. 5. Proposed date: XI c. (end)-XII c. (first-third). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans with the medallion on her chest. Rev.: Μιχαήλ Χασανόπουλον πόθφ σκέποις. Remarks: = Zacos BnF 804. 6. Proposed date: ΧΠ c.(second-third) Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans with the medallion on her chest. Rev.: 'Ιωάννης σέβων είσχυπώ Κουλέπης. Remarks: Schenk-Behrens (Nov.-Dec. 1994), no. 670; Münz Zentrum 81 (April 1995), no. 1527 = Hirsch 187 (Sept. 1995), no. 1802. SBS 6 (1999), 131, 154, 157. V.P. Stepanenko, "Pecati latinskogo vostoka ν sobranijah Sankt-Peterburga. Pecati Balduina II (1240-1261)," Viz. Vrem. 58 (83) (1999) 212-219. E. Stepanova, "Peüati Sicilii VIII-XI vv. iz sobranija Ermitaza," ADSV 29 (1998) 290-299, 335-336 (with photographs of every seal). 1. = Lihacev, Molivdovuly, pi. LXXII, 1. 2. = Lihacev, Molivdovuly, pi. LIX, 10. 3. Proposed date: late VIII c. Obv.: Inscribed cruciform invocative monogram. Rev.: Νικήτα πατρικίφ και στρατιγφ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 582. 4. Proposed date: IX c. Obv.: Inscribed cruciform invocative monogram. Rev.: Πετρονφ (?) β. πρωτοσπαθαρίω και στρατηγφ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7085. 5. Proposed date: IX c. Obv.: Inscribed cruciform invocative monogram. Rev.: Έπιφανίφ πατρικίφ β. πρωχοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγώ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 12256. Found in Cherson. Ed.: I. V. Sokolova, "Vizantijskie pecati Vl-pervoj poloviny IX v. iz Hersonesa," Viz. Vrem. 52 (1996) 211. 6. Proposed date: Late IX - early X c. Obv.: Cross on steps. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: 'Ιωάννη β. πρωτοσπαθαρίω και στρατηγφ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 1315. 7. Proposed date: Early X c. Obv.: Cross on steps. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: ...ατζίκα β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγφ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7120. 8. Proposed date: IX c. (second half)-X c. Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Έυσταθίφ πριμικηρίφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατιγφ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8450. 9. Proposed date: Χ c. (first half). Obv.: Peacock. Circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: 'Ιωάννη πατρικίφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατιγφ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 5161. Cf. DOSeals L5.17. 210

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10. Proposed date: Late X c. Obv.: Annunciation. Circular inscription: Κύριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Λέοντι β. πρωτοσπαθαρίψ και στρατιγφ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8262. 11. Proposed date: IX c. Obv.: Inscribed cruciform invocative monogram. Rev.: Μιχαήλ β. σπαθαρίφ και κόμιτι της κόρτης Σικηλήας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 753. 12. Proposed date: IX c. Obv.: Inscribed cruciform invocative monogram. Rev.: 'Ιωάννη βασιλικφ σπαθαρίφ και μονηταρίψ Σικελίας. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 1249. Ε. Stepanova, "Imperatorskie pecati ikonoborceskogo perioda. Nekotorye nabljudenija," ADSV 30 (1999) 83-94, 401-402. E. Stepanova, "K evoljucii monogramm na rannevizantijskih pecatjah," Viz.. Vrem. 59 (84) (2000) 230-240. 1. Proposed date: VII c. (second half). Obv.: Block monogram: Κωνσταντίνφ surrounded by: 0-eO-TO-K.e. Rev.: Block monogram: άπό υπάτων surrounded by: Β-Ο-ΗΘΗ. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 11928. Cf. Μ 7488; Zacos-Veglery, no. 302. 2. Proposed date: VI c.(second half) - VII c. (first half)Obv.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ιωάννου. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: έπισκόπου. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 1019, 1020. 3. Proposed date: VI c. (second half) - VII c. (first half). Obv.: The Virgin Hodegetria standing. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Ζαχαρία έπάρχου. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8285. 4. Proposed date: VI c. (second half) - VII c. (first half). Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Στεφάνου. Rev.: σινάτορος. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7661. 5. Proposed date: VII c. Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Θεοδώρου. In the quarters: υίοΰ. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Θεοδώρου. In the quarters: πατρικίου. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 1101, 1151, 7492, 7500, 7512 (from different boulloteria). Cf. Sig., 566, no. 10. 6. Proposed date: late VII c. Obv.: Cruciform monogram: 'Αγία Τριάς. In the quarters: ό Θεός ήμών. Traces of circular inscription. Rev.: Στεφάνου βασιλικοί) σπαθαρίου και χαρτουλαρίου. Traces of circular inscription. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7146. Ε. Stepanova, "Sudakskij arhiv pecatej: predvaritel'nye vyvody," ADSV 32 (2001) 97-108. E. Stepanova, "Obrazy vostocnohristianskih svjatyh na pecatjah Itaiii XIXIII vekov," in Piligrimy. Istoriko-kul'turnaja rol' palomnicestva (Saint Petersburg, 2001) 60-69, nos. 4-13. 211

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4. Proposed date: XII c. Obv. Bust of the Virgin orans with Christ before her chest. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει (?) Marcello imperialis protonobilissimo. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 11383. 5. Proposed date: XI-XII c. Obv.: Transfiguration. Inscription: Ή Μεταμόρφωσις. Rev.: Maurus filius Sergii... Remarks: Ermitage Μ 12267. 6. Proposed date: XI-XII c. Obv.: St. Paul standing. Rev.: Bust of St. Andrew. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 4415. 7. Proposed date: ΧΠ-ΧΠΙ c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Sigillum sanctu Nicolau. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 2446. 8. Proposed date: X-XII c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: I(oannes) p(res)b(yte)r(i)... Remarks: Ermitage Μ 3428. Ed.: Pancenko, Katalog, no. 37 (38). 9-10. Proposed date: XII c. Obv.: St. Nicholas and St. Jacob standing. Rev.: Wilgelm (?) magister camerarius. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 8254, 4692. 11. Proposed date: XI-XII c. Obv.: St. Stephen standing. Rev.: St. George on horseback. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 10388. 11. Proposed date: XII c. Obv.: Bust of St. Catherine. Rev.: Alexander comes Gravine. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 2221. Ed.: Lihacev, Molivdovuly LXXXI, no. 11. 12. Proposed date: XI-XII c. Obv.: Bust of a saint. Rev.: S(anctus) Avercius. Remarks: Ermitage Μ 7855. D. Stoimenov, "Unpublished Byzantine seal from Morovdis," Macedonian Numismatic Journal 3 (1999) 97-101. Proposed date: ΧΠ c. Obv.: Δοΰλην παριστώ και νόησιν και λόγον. Rev.: της πανσεβάστου Κομνηνού Θεοδώρας. Remarks: Found in the narthex of the episcopal church of Morovizdon. Κομνηνής rather than Κομνηνού (?) G. Stumpf, "Egica et Wittiza, reges Hispaniae. Zu zwei Neuerwerbungen der Staatlichen Münzsammlung München," Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte 47 (1997) 73-76. Date: 687-702 (695-702). Obv.: Two busts facing each other, holding a scepter with cross between them. Circular inscription: In dei nomine Egica rex victor. Rev.: Circular inscription: Wittiza rex reges. Cruciform monogram: Ispanie. Remarks: Photo. Cf. Rom und Byzanz (1998) no. 38. 212

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Ο. Tekin, "Byzantine Coins from Yumuk Tepe including a Lead seal," Anatolia Antiqua 6 (1998) 273-278. Proposed date: XI c., or XII c. (?). Obv.: Bust of St. John the Baptist. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ. Μ. Vaklinova, "An Unpublished Byzantine Seal from Veliki Preslav," Archeologia Bulgarica, IV, 1 ( Sofia, 2000) 87-93. Proposed date ( 1099-1108). Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: + Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Βαρδ(ανίφ) (πατ)ρι(κίφ) (και) κατεπ(ά)ν(ω) τφ Βαλν(έςι). Remarks: See Jordanov, Preslav, no. 327; Jordanov, Zlati Voyvoda, no. 2, where it is dated to the 60s of the Xlth c. K. Velkov, "Rannovizantiiski peiati (V-VI v.) ot krepostta do grad Shivacevo [Early Byzantine Seals (Vth-VIth c.) from the fortress near the town of SivaCevo]," Numizmatika i sfragistika 5/2 (Sofia, 1998) 94-97. 1-2. = supra, Numizmatika i sfragistika 5/2 (Sofia, 1998) 77, no. 2. 3. Proposed date: (Vth -Vlth c.). Obv.: Eagle and cruciform monogram containing the name Λεοντίου. Rev.: Leonti. Remarks: Early VIII c. A.-K. Wassiliou,' Ο άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίτης auf Siegeln. Ein Beitrag zur Frühgeschichte der Laskariden," BZ 90 (1997) 416-424. 1. Proposed date: Late ΧΙΙ-early XIII c. Obv.: St. George standing holding a spear (r. hand), 1. hand resting on a shield set on the ground. Inscription:' Ο άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίτης. Rev.: Σκέποις Κομνηνόν Λάσκαριν Κωνσταντΐνον οΰ και γραφάς σφράγιζε, μαρτύρων κλέος. Remarks: Former Zacos collection. Parallel specimens: Koltsida-Makri, Μολυβδόβουλλα, no. 14 (partly read), Shaw 1176 (Dumbarton Oaks). Some remarks on Constantine Komnenos Laskaris, who is to be identified with the brother of Theodoras I Komnenos Laskaris, emperor of Nikaia (1208-1222). 2. Proposed date: Late XII - early ΧΙΠ c. Obv.: St. George standing, holding a spear (r. hand), 1. hand resting on a shield set on the ground. Inscription:' Ο άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίχης. Rev.: Σφραγις Λάσκαρη Κομνηνού Θεοδώρου πρωτοβεστιαρίτου σεβαστού πέλω. Remarks: Ed. J. Sabatier, "Plombs, bulles et sceaux byzantins," Revue archeologique 15 (1858-1859) 82-100, pi. 1; cf. Sig., 21. 3. Proposed date: XIII c. (first half). Obv.: St. George standing. Inscription: Ό άγιος Γεώργιος ό Διασορίτης. Rev.: 'Ιωάννης ό Άλτοΰμης. Remarks: DO 58.106.5396. A.-K. Wassiliou, Review of Sode, Bleisiegel, in Geldgeschichtliche 33. Jg., 186 (1998).

Nachrichten

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300. Sode: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Τίρωνι ύπάτφ. Wassiliou: Τίμωνι. Cf. Seibt, JOB 48 (1998). 306. Sode: ... βοήθει τω σφ δούλω ... β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ (?) ... και τοποτηρητή Παφλαγονίας. Wassiliou: κριτή έπί τοΰ ιπποδρόμου. Cf. Seibt, JOB 48 (1998). 352. Sode: ...τον, Πάναγνε, ση ρώμη σκέποις. Wassiliou: Σον οίκέτην, Πάναγνε, τήρει με, σκέποις. Cf. Oikonomides, BZ 92 (1999). 354. Sode: Σφράγισμα λόγων Πρόδρομος τοΰ ποιμένος φυλάττοι. Wassiliou: Σφραγις λόγων Πρόδρομος, ου ποίμνης ίVAAT, (falsly for φύλαξ?). Cf. Seibt, JOB 48 (1998). 360. Sode: Κΰριε βοήθει Γαβριήλ τοΰ δοΰλου Χριστοΰ. Wassiliou: Άγαπίφ or Άγαπητφ. 373. Sode: Κύριε βοήθει Λέοντι νοταρίφ και άκτουαρίφ τφ Κρινίτη (?). Wassiliou: τω Κρομμΰδη or Κραμβονίτη. Cf. Seibt, JOB 48 (1998). 423. Sode: 'Ιωάννης μάγιστρος ... την χάριν, στρατηγέτης, δούξ δοΰξ τε πατρόθεν, Λόγε. Wassiliou: 'Ιωάννης μάγιστρος φέρει την χάριν, στρατηγέτης, δούξ Δούξ τε πατρόθεν, Λόγε. Cf. Oikonomides, BZ 92 (1999). Α.-Κ. Wassiliou - Μ. L. Zarnitz, "Fünf unedierte byzantinische Bleisiegel mit metrischen Legenden," BZ 92 (1999) 80-88. (Photos). 1. Proposed date: XII c. (first-second third). Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Σκέποις Λέοντα τον Βεριδάρην, μάκαρ. Remarks: Parallel to DO 58.106.4181 and two seals in the Zacos collection (BnF 819 and 1187). Discussion of other seals of the same person and family members. 2. Proposed date: XII c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Σκέποις με Νικόλαον Μεγαλομμάτην, μυροβλύτα μέγιστε, τοΰτον ίκέτην. 3. Proposed date: XII c. (second half)-XIII c. (beginning). Obv.: Σφραγις Λέοντος πορφύρας της σταγόνος. Rev.: Δούκα Κομνηνού πατρόθεν και μητρόθεν. Remarks: The second verse is also to be found on an unedited seal of Constantine Doukas Komnenos sebastos (DO 58.106.5583). 4. Proposed date: XII c. (second half). Obv.: St. Theodore Stratelates standing. Rev.: Σεβαστόν Θεόδωρον σκέποις μοι, μάρτυς, τον Μυρέλιον έκ γένους προσκεκλημένον. 5. Proposed date: XII c. (last third)-XIII c. (beginning). Obv.: The Virgin (Hodegetria?) seated on a throne. Rev.: Φρούρει, Πάναγνε, Μιχαήλ Παρζιρέσην. 6. Blank. A.-K. Wassiliou, Review of DOSeals 3, in JOB 49 (1999) 378-380. 3.2.10. Κύριε βοήθει τω σω δούλω Στεφάνφ βασιλικφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπί τοΰ Χρυσοτρικλΐνου και έπόπτη τοΰ θέματος των Θρςικησίων [τφ] CT6M...0T. Wassiliou: ... των Θρςικησίων STUNOnT-IMATUN. Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999). 3.39.3. Κύριε βοήθει τω σφ δούλφ ... βασιλικφ κανδιδάτφ και δομεστίκφ τοΰ Όψικίου. Wassiliou: ... Θωμφ (?) βασιλικφ κανδιδάτφ και δομεστίκφ τοΰ Όψικίου. 214

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3.39.32. Θεοτόκε βοήθει Μαρίνφ κόμητι τοΰ Όψικίου τ[(φ) τ(οΰ)] έξάρ(χου?). Wassiliou: κόμητι τοΰ Όψικ(ίου) τοΰ τοΰ έξάρ(χου). Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999). 3.40.12. Seal of Constantine imperial protospatharios and kommerkiarios of Abydos. Cf. N. A. Alekseenko, "Molivdovuly adresantov Chersona V I-XI vv." (Drevnosty,1996) 125, no. 6. 3.40.15. Reading of Nesbitt-Oikonomides: Θεοτόκε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ Χρυσοτρικλίνου και κουμερκιαρίφ Άβίδου τω Χιονίδη. Wassiliou reads (with the help of Ermitage Μ 6766): ... και κουμερκιαρίω Άβίδου τφ Κρομίδη. Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999). 3.53.7. Τον Κυζίκου με Μιχαήλ σκέποις. According to Wassiliou the inscription is metrical and contained one more word, perhaps κόρη. 3.53.9. Ό Κυζίκου Στέφανος σπουδή με γράφι. Wassiliou: Ό Λιζίκου Στέφανος σπουδή με γράφει; cf. Zacos II, no. 712. Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999). 3.71.18. ...υν... βασιλικφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και δομεστίκφ των Όπτιμάτων. Wassiliou: Αϋξεντίω (?)... 3.86.27. Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, μυστογράφφ και μεγάλφ χαρτουλαρίφ τοΰ γενικοΰ λογοθεσίου, κριτή έπι τοΰ ιπποδρόμου και των 'Ανατοληκών τω Προμουνδηνφ. Wassiliou: ... κριτή έπι τοΰ ιπποδρόμου και των Κυκλάδων νήσων τω Προμουνδηνφ; cf. Hirsch Auction 183 (20-24.9.1994) no. 1779 [= SBS 6, 127]. Cf. Seibt, BZ 92 (1999). 3.86.35. Χριστέ φήδου Φλοΰλι (?) βασιλικοΰ πρωτοσπαθαρήου κέ κριτοΰ τδν 'Ανατολικών. Wassiliou: ... Λούλη. 3.86.43. Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Θεοδώρφ βασιλικφ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ καΐ πρωτονοταρίφ των 'Ανατολικών. Wassiliou: ... [Νικ]οδ(ήμφ). 3.99.12. Κΰριε βοήθει Νικ[ μα]γίστρφ, βέστη, βεστάρχη και στρατηλάτη της 'Ανατολής τφ Μουσαράφ. Wassiliou reads (with the help of a parallel specimen): Νικηφόρφ ... τφ Μουσαράφ. A.-K. Wassiliou - Η. Winter, "Ein neues Bleisiegel des Kaisers Markianos (450457) aus Flavia Solva (Steiermark)," Mitteilungen der österreichischen Numismatischen Gesellschaft 40 (2000) 92-96. Parallel to Seibt, Bleisiegel, no. 5a,b. A.K. Wassiliou, "Der heilige Georg auf Siegeln: einige neue Bullen mit Familiennamen," REB 59 (2001) 209-224. All the seals are from the former Zarnitz collection. 1. Proposed date: Last third of XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. George, holding spear and shield. Rev.: + Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Βασιλείω βέστη τω Γελ(ω)τ(ή). Remarks: Auction Künker 25 (Oct-Nov. 1993)'no. 568. 2. Proposed date: Last third of XI c.- beginning of XII c. Obv.: Bust of St. George, holding spear and shield. Rev.: Μάρτ(υς), φυλάτ(το)ις Νικηφόρ(φ) τω Ήνόχ(φ). 3. Proposed date: ΧΙ/ΧΙΙ c. Obv.: St. George standing, wearing chlamys and himation. Rev.: Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) τφ σω δοΰλ(φ) Νικηφόρ(φ) (πρωτο)νωβελλισίμ(φ) τφ Κ(ο)τέρτζ(η). 4. Proposed date: XIII c. Obv.: St. George standing, with spear and schield. Rev.: Γραφάς γεωργεΐν ένδικους, μάρτυς, δίδου ώς Θ(εο)ΰ γεώργιον τω Μετοχίτη. Remarks: Exemplar of the auction Vecchi 13 (Sept. 1998) no. 1324; Münz Zentrum 97 (Jan. 1999) no. 791. 215

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5. Proposed date: XII c. (end) - XIII c. (beginning). Obv.: St. George standing, with spear and schield. Rev.: [Γεω]ργίου [σφρ]άγισμα τοΰ ΟΙναι[ώ]του. 6. Proposed date: Ca. last third of XI c. Obv.: St. George standing, wearing spear and schield. Circular inscription: + Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) [τφ σφ δοΰ(λφ)]. Rev.: [Γ]εωργί(φ) [σ]παθαρ(ο)κ(αν)δ(ιδάτφ) (και) κόμιτ(ι) τοΰ άριθμοΰ τ(ω) Σαραντάρη. Remarks: Auction Münz Zentrum 94 (May 1998), no. 941. W. Weiser, Review of Sode, Bleisiegel, in Numismatisches Nachrichtenblatt Al12 (1998) 74. 464: Seal of the archbishop of Trani (ca. 1180/1204); cf. A. Engel, Recherches sur la numismatique et la sigillographie des Normands de Sicile et d'ltalie (Paris, 1882) 109, no. 88, pi. 4, no. 5.

216

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Baldwin & Sons (Selection no. 30 [May 1999]) 50. = Spink Auction 127, no. 14. Baldwin & Sons (Selection no. 34 [October 2000]) 52. = Münz Zentrum 100, no. 767 (Ioannes metropolites of Sardeis) Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. Mail Bid Sale 46 (June, 1998) 1628. Proposed date: 565-578, but probably modern. One side: cruciform monogram: Φως / Ζωή. Other side: Two busts above two monograms. Circular inscription beginning with Ευλογία. Remarks: Photo. The specimen appears to be an "eulogia" token, but is more likely a "fantasy" specimen with iconography and inscriptions drawn from glass weights and religious tokens. 1629. Proposed date: 550-650. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with Christ before her. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Στεφάνου. Remarks: Photo. Similar to Zacos-Veglery, no. 1205. 1630. Proposed date: VI-VIII c. Obv.: Παναγία Θεοτώκε. Rev.: βωήθει Λέοντος. Remarks: Photo. Date: VIII c. 1631. Proposed date: 680-750. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram. Rev.: A cruciform monogram consisting of the letters Η at 1.; C at r.; Ν at bottom and Ö at top; in the lower quarters the letters Κ - Ο. 1632. Proposed date: 680-750. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram. Rev.: τφ δοΰλω σου Θεοφάνει. Remarks: Photo. VIII c. 1633. Lot of two seals, (a) Proposed date: VIII c. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram; in the quarters: τφ σφ δοΰλω. Rev.: Νικητή πρωτονοταρίφ. (b) Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Ornamental cross on three steps with circular inscription. Rev.: 'Ιωάννη (πρωτο)σπαθαρίφ έπΐ τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου, αναγραφεί και έπί τον βασιλικών κτημάτων. Remarks: Photos. Cf. SBS1 (2000) 96-97. 1634. Proposed date: 785-850. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram; in the quarters: τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Χριστοφόρφ βασιλικφ σπαθαρίφ και τουρμάρχη των 'Ανατολικών. Remarks: Photo. 1635. Lot of two seals. 217

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(a) Proposed date: Late XI-early XII c. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Γραφάς σφραγίζω και λόγους Κωνσταντίνου. (b) No date. Obv.: Bust of a bearded saint. Rev.: Cruciform monogram, consisting of Θ in the center; A at 1.; Λ at r.; Κ below; above Ρ in ligature with Ö. Remarks: Photos. VI c. 1637. Proposed date: 1070-1150. Obv.: The Virgin standing, holding Christ on r. arm. Circular inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Λέοντι. Rev.: St. Panteleemon standing. Remarks: Photo. XI c. Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. Mail Bid Sale 49 (March, 1999) 1963. Proposed date: 659-668. Obv.: Busts of Constans II and Constantine IV. Below: Στεφάνου. Rev.: Busts of Herakleios and Tiberios. Below: κομμερκιαρίου αποθήκης... Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. Mail Bid Sale 51 (September, 1999) no. 1761. Ex Spink Auction 127, no. 39. Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. Mail Bid Sale 53 (March, 2000) 1855. Proposed date: 550-650. Obv.: Μαρίνου. Rev.: δεσποτικού βουκαλίου. Remarks: Photo. Concerning the boukalioi ("cantors"), see Oikonomodes, Listes, 167 and note 146. Classical Numismatic Group, Inc. Mail Bid Sale 58 (September, 2001) 1503. Ex Sternberg Auction 25, no. 507. 1504. Ex Spink Auction 132, no. 112. 1505. Ex Spink Auction 132, no. 118. 1506. Ex Sternberg Auction 25, no. 504. 1507. Ex Spink Auction 132, no. 119. 1508. Ex Sternberg Auction 25, no. 505. 1509. Ex Spink Auction 132, no. 129. 1510. Proposed date: Χ-ΧΠ c. Obv.: St. Theodore standing, holding a spear (r. hand), his 1. hand resting on a shield set on the ground. Rev.: Bpavctv Μιχαήλ σον λάτριν μάρτυς σκέποις. Remarks: Photo. Twelve-syllable verse. XII c. 1511. No date proposed. Obv.: Partial remains of an invocative monogram; in the lower quarters: δοΰλφ. Rev.: ... στρατηγώ των Άρμενιακών. Remarks: Photo. VIII c. Gorny, (Giessener Münzhandlung) (Munich) Sale 87 (2 March 1998) 847. Proposed date: Ca. 1050-1080. Obv.: The Virgin and Justinian holding a model of St. Sophia. 218

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Rev.: Τοις θεοσεβεστάτοις πρεσβυτέροις και έκκλησεκδίκοις. Remarks: Date: XI c. Cf. Zacos, Seals II, no. 63a. 848. Proposed date: Ca. 1260-1290. The Virgin and Justinian holding a model of St. Sophia. Rev.: Τοις θεοσεβεστάτοις πρεσβυτέροις και έκκλησεκδίκοις. Remarks: Date: XII c. Cf. Zacos, Seals II, no. 63a. 849. Date: 1080/1100. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σω δοΰλφ Χριστοφόρω μαγίστρφ, βεστάρχη και πραίτορι των Κιβυρραιωτών τφ 'Ραδηνφ. Remarks: Wrong description. Date: 1050/1080. 850. Proposed date: Ca. 1050/1080 Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ πατρικίω Rev.: και μεγάλφ χαρτουλαρίφ τοΰ στρατιωτικού. Gorny, Sale 89 (5 May 1998) 570. Date: Third quarter of the XI c. Obv.: St. Peter and St. Paul standing. Rev.: 'Αποστόλων σκέποις με, δυάς αγία, Τορνίκιον πρόεδρον έκ πάσης βλάβης. Remarks: Copper token. Wrong attribution. 571. Proposed date: X/XI c. Obv.: The Virgin and Justinian holding a model of St. Sophia. Rev.: Τοις θεοσεβεστάτοις πρεσβυτέροις καΐ έκκλησεκδίκοις. Remarks: 1150/1250. Gomy, Sale 90 (12-13 October 1998) 1408. Proposed date: VI/VII c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding Christ in a medallion in front of her, invocative monograms: Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Incomplete cruciform monogram. Remarks: Date: VII/VIII c. 1409. Proposed date: X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ πρωτοπροέδρφ καΐ πρωτοβεστιαρίτη. Remarks: Last third of the XI c. Catalogue reads πρωτοβεστιαρίφ. 1410. Proposed date: Ca. X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Stephanos. Rev.: T 0 Χριστέ, σώζης Στεφάνω Ψωδηνήτη. Remarks: 1050/1120. Catalogue reads Ίωαννίτη. 1411. Proposed date: Ca. XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. George. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Βασιλείφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, ύπάτφ και στρατηγφ Άναβάρσις ό Τριχινωπόδης or Άτριχινωπόδης. Remarks: Mid-XI c. Parallel to Cheynet, Zacos 4a,b. A similar specimen Fogg 587, ed. J. Nesbitt, SBS 2 (1990) 89, no. 23 (A.-K. Wassiliou, JOB 49 [1999] 382). 1412. Proposed date: Ca. XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with both hands raised in front of her. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Κωνσταντίνφ, πατρικίω άνθυπάτω, βέστη και στρατηγώ τοΰ Στενοΰ τφ Χαγέ. Remarks: XI c. (second third). Misread. 1413. Proposed date: XI/XII c. 219

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Obv.: Military saint, perhaps George. Rev.: Military saint, perhaps Theodore. 1414. Proposed date: XIII c. Obv.: St. George standing. Rev.: Σφραγις ό μάρτυς των έμών νυν πρακτέων, ομωνύμων μοι Σκαράνω Γεωργίφ. Remarks: Legend not read in the catalogue. Parallel to Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, no. 232. Gorny, Sale 95 (9 March 1999) 1053. Date: VI c. Obv.: Nike dancing. Rev.: Bust of an emperor, perhaps Justinos I. 1054. Proposed date: Ca. VI c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (type IX). Rev.: Κομιτα ύπατου. Remarks: VII c. (second half). 1055. Proposed date: Ca. VII/VIII c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: Νικητή β. σπαθαροκανδιδάτω και τοποτηρητή. Remarks: IX c. (second half). 1056. Proposed date: VII/VIII c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), rare tetragram: τω δοΰλω σου. Rev.: Γεωργίφ πατρικίφ και στρατηγφ. Remarks: VIII c. (first half). 1057. Date: Before 1217. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Γραφάς σφραγίζω Νικήτα Χωνειάτου. Remarks: Cf. Sandrovskaja, Sfragistika, no. 863. 1058. Proposed date: VIII/IX c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: Σισιννίφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ. Remarks: IX c. (first half). 1059. Proposed date: VIII/IX c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: Άναστασίφ κόμιτι καΐ έπήκτη. Remarks: Catalogue reads 6ΛΗΚΤΗ. 1060. Proposed date: VIII/IX c. Obv.: Bust of a military saint, probably Theodore. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σω δούλφ Νικολάω μοναχω, έπισκόπω Προινων. Remarks: XI c., Misread. 1061. Repetition of Gomy 90, no. 1413 (iconographical seal). Gomy, Sale 96 (7 June 1999) 703. Date: 730-741. Obv.: Leon III and Constantine V. Rev.: Των βασιλικών κομμερκίων Κωνσταντινουπόλεως. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 257. 704. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding the medallion of Christ in front of her, circular inscription. Rev.: Γεωργίφ άρχιεπισκόπφ Βουλγαρίας. 220

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705. Date: Ca. 1060/1071. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios, circular invocative inscription. Rev.: Bust of John Doukas, caesar. Circular inscription: 'Ιωάννη τω εΰτυχεστάτφ καίσαρι. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 2683. 706. Proposed date: ΧΠ c. (first half). Obv.: Bust of St. Demetrios. Rev.: 'Ιωάννης σεβαστός και μέγας δομέστικος πάσης 'Ανατολής και Δύσεως. Remarks: Cf. Zacos, Seals II, no. 526a,b; DOSeals 1.99.8. 707. Proposed date: Mid-ΧΠ c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Άλεξίω σεβαστώ τω Παλαιολόγφ. Remarks: No photo. XII c. (third quarter). Parallel to Jordanov, Numizmatika i Sfragistika V/2 (1998) 7, no. 4. From a different boulloterion, ibidem, no. 3. 708. Proposed date: ΧΠ c. Obv.: Three standing saints, Nicholas (1.), George (m.) and John Prodromos (r.) Rev.: Γραφάς σφραγίζω πρωτονωβελλισίμου δουκός Γαβριήλ πόλεως Μελω νόμου. Remarks: No photo. Partly misread. Date: End of the XI c. From a different boulloterion Zacos, Seals II, no. 465 (= Spink II, no. 127); Dated Seals, no. 108. 709. Date: XII c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis, circular inscription Θεοτόκος ή Ξηροχωραφίτισσα. Rev.: St. Nikephoros standing, circular inscription Ό άγιος Νικηφόρος ό τοΰ Ξηροχωραφίου. Gorny, Sale 97 (11 October 1999) 1306. Proposed date: IV/VI c. Plomb. Lamb. Circular inscription Ζώσιμον ζήσης. Remarks: Catalogue reads ρώσης. 1308. Date: 1143-1180. Obv.: Bust of Christ Εμμανουήλ. Rev.: Manuel I Komnenos standing. Remarks: Cf. Seibt-Zarnitz 1.1.9. 1309. Date: 1163-1202. Obv.: St. Peter and St. Paul. Rev.: Horseman, circular inscription: Sigillum Boiamundi principis Antiochiae. 1310. Proposed date: Ca. VIII/IX c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (type II), tetragram. Rev.: Θεοδοσίφ έπισκόπω Εφέσου. Remarks: VIII c. Parallel to Münz Zentrum 82, no. 1188. Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 154. 1311. Proposed date: Ca. XI c. Obv.: The Virgin seated on a backless throne, holding Christ in her lap. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Σαμουήλ προέδρφ και δουκι τφ Άλουσιάνω. Remarks: Ca. 1070/1090. Partly misread (Λ ΑΘ VC ΑΑΠ!). Parallel to SeibtZarnitz 3.1.9. 1312. Proposed date: Ca. X c. Obv.: Bust of St. John Prodromos. 221

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Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Γεωργίω πρωτοσπαθαρίω. Remarks: XI c. (first half). 1313. Proposed date: Ca. X/XI c. Obv.: St. Nicholas standing. Rev.: ΣφραγΙς Λέοντος τοΰ Μυλασίτου. Remarks: XII c. 1314. Proposed date: Ca. X c. Obv.: The Virgin seated on a high-backed throne, holding the medallion of Christ in front of her, circular invocative inscription. Rev.: St. George standing, circular inscription: Λέοντα τφ Άντιό[χω] (?). Remarks: XI c. (second half). The editor prefers Leon. 1315. Proposed date: Early VIII c. Obv.: Eagle, invocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Άνθίμφ άπό ύπατων. 1316. Proposed date: VII/VHI c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent Π), crosses in the quarters. Rev.: Cruciform monogram Γεωργίου, with ornaments in the quarters. Gomy, Sale 101 (6 March 2000) 1160. Proposed date: 680/700. Obv.: Busts of St. Peter and St. Paul. Rev.: Πλάτωνος μητροπολίτου. Remarks: VII c. 1161. Repetition of Gorny 97, no. 1308 (Manuel I Komnenos). 1162. Proposed date: XIII/XIV c. Obv.: St. Michael and St. Gabriel standing, circular inscription: Σκέποιτε, άύλων αρχαγγέλων. Rev.: Θεόδωρον Δοΰκαν με Παλαιολόγον συμπένθερόν τε τοΰ κρατούντος Αΰσόνων. Remarks: XII c. (last quarter). Misreadings. 1163. Date: 976-1025. Obv.: Bust of Christ. Rev.: Basileios II and Constantine VIII. 1164. Proposed date: XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Demetrios with invocation. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Μιχαήλ πατρικίφ άνθυπάτφ και στρατηγφ τφ Ταρχανειώτη. Remarks: Ca. 1060-1090. Parallel to Leontiades, Tarchaneiotai 46, no. 6b. Gomy (& Mosch), Sale 102 (24 May 2000) 653. Proposed date: ΧΠ/ΧΙΠ c. Obv.: Bust of St. John Prodromos, circular inscription: Κΰριε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη Rev.: Bust of St. Prokopios, circular inscription: β. πρωτονοταρίφ τοΰ Πετρίου. Remarks: XI c. (second half). Gorny, Sale 104 (9-10 October 2000) 1495. Date: 1259-1282. Obv.: The Virgin seated on a backless throne, holding Christ in front of her. Rev.: Theodora standing, inscription: Θεοδώρα εύσεβεστάτη αΰγοΰστα Δοΰκαινα ή Παλαιολογίνα. 222

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Remarks: Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 122a-b. 1496. Proposed date: Ca. XI c. Obv.: St. Demetrios standing. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Εύστρατίφ πατρικίφ άνθυπάτω καν στρατηγώ Ζεβέλου τρ Βοτανιάτη. Remarks: 1060-1070. The editor reads Δεβέλου. 1497. Date: X c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding the bust of Christ in front of her, circular inscription. Rev.: Γρηγορίφ μητροπολίτη Νικομήδειας. 1498. Date: VII c. Obv.: Θεοδοσίου άπο έπαρχων. Rev.: δοΰλου της Θεοτόκου. 1499. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 767 (Ioannes metropolites of Sardeis). 1500. Proposed date: Ca. XI c. Obv.: St. Nicholas standing. Rev.: Σκέποις "Αοινον Μιχαήλ, μυροβλΰτα. Remarks: XII c. (second half). Gorny, Sale 108 (3 April 2001) 2166. Proposed date: None. Obv.: Bust of an emperor. Rev.: Victory. Remarks: V c. 2167. 527-565. Obv.: Bust of Justinian I. Rev.: Victory dancing between two crosses. Remarks: Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 3. 2168. 1057-1059. Obv.: Bust of Christ Εμμανουήλ. Rev.: The emperor Isaakios I Komnenos standing, circular inscription. Remarks: Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 85. 2169. Proposed date: Ca. X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σω δοΰλω Νικολάω μητροπολίτη Εύχανείας και συγκέλλω. Remarks: Mid-XI c.; partly misread (Εύχαΐτων Άμασείας). 2170. Proposed date: VIII/IX c. Obv.: Cruciform monogram, probably Παΰλφ, in the quarters: πατρικίφ, surrounded by an invocation. Rev.: Cruciform monogram, perhaps χαρτουλαρίφ, in the quarters: και γενικω, surrounded perhaps by βασιλικφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ. Remarks: X c. (first half), only partially read. 2171. Proposed date: Ca. X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: Παντολ(έων) σπαθ(αρο)κανδ(ι)δ(&τος) (και) άντ(ι)γραφεύς ό Χα(λ)κοπρ(α)τίτ(ης). Remarks: XI c. (second quarter). The family name is misread as Μακοπίτιος. 2172. Proposed date: Ca. X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Demetrios.

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Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Λέοντι. Remarks: XI c. (second quarter). 2173. Proposed date: Ca. XIII c. Obv.: Bust of the Theotokos Episkepsis, circular inscription. Rev.: Γεωργίφ σεβαστφ τφ Παλαιολόγφ. Remarks: ΧΙ/ΧΠ c. Cf. I. Jordanov, SBS 3 (1993) 72, nos. 3-4 (from another boulloterion) 2174. Proposed date: Ca. ΧΙΠ c. Obv.: Strange military saint standing. Rev.: Σφραγις σεβαστόν και AnPHOVIO. Remarks: Suspicious type. 2175. Proposed date: Ca. IX/X c. Obv.: The Virgin Blachernitissa standing. Rev.: "Εσο σφραγίς, πάναγνε, Θεοφυλάκτω. Remarks: XI c. (last third). Parallel to Schlumberger, Sig. 724c (obv. mistake); Zacos, Seals II, no. 759; Konstantopoulos, no. 965. Gomy, Sale 112 (17 October 2001) 4452. Proposed date: 1042-1055. Obv.: Bust of Christ. Rev.: Bust of the emperor Constantine IX Monomachos, circular inscription. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 79. 4453. Proposed date: 1059-1067. Obv.: Bust of Christ. Rev.: The emperor Constantine X Doukas standing, circular inscription. 4454. Proposed date: 1043-1058. Obv.: The Virgin Hodegetria standing, holding Christ in her left arm, circular inscription. Rev.: Μιχαήλ άρχιεπισκόπφ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, Νέας 'Ρώμης. Remarks: Seal of Michael Kerullarios. Cf. Zacos, Seals Π, no. 15; Dated Seals, no. 88 (early part of this period). 4455. Proposed date: Xm/XIV c. Obv.: Virgin orans standing, inscription ή Θεοσκέπαστος. Rev.: St. George (1.) and St. Theodore (r.) standing. Remarks: Ca. XIII c. (second half). Many parallels, cf. Seibt-Zamitz 3.3.6. Gorny, Sale 113 (18 October 2001) 6167. Proposed date: XIII c. Obv.: St. Nicholas standing. Rev.: Όμωνυμοΰντα Μαυροζώμην με σκέποις. Remarks: XII c. (second half)· 6168. Proposed date: XIII c. Obv.: Theotokos Episkepsis standing, inscription ή Άντίληψις, circular inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει 'Ιωάννη μοναχφ, έπισκόπφ και συγκέλλφ. Rev.: St. John Prodromos standing, circular inscription: τφ σφ [δοΰ]λων δ(οΰ)λ(φ) καΐ φίλων Θ(εο)ΰ (?) Remarks: XI c. (last third). 6169. Proposed date: X c. Obv.: St. Peter and St. Paul. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει Δανιήλ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ τω νΠ6ΧRemarks: Between second and third third of the XI c.; the family name is perhaps based on the Arabian form Ubayd. The catalogue prefers Εύπέτης. 224

CATALOGUE OF AUCTIONS

6170. Proposed date: X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Σφράγισμα δή Μουσέως τοΰ Εύλογίου. Remarks: XI c. (second half). In the catalogue and in BZ 95 (2002) 352 partly misread as Δημοΰσης. 6171. Proposed date: Late ΧΙ/ΧΠ c. Obv.: St. Demetrios standing. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ κουροπαλάτη και δουκί τφ Κοντοστεφάνφ. Remarks: Late XI-first third of the XII c. Cf. Lihacev, Vostok, LXXXI 9. 6172. Proposed date: X/XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Blachernitissa. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δούλω 'Ραδωμιρφ προτοπρωέδρφ τφ Ά(α)ρώ(ν). Remarks: XI c. (last third). A parallel specimen in MuM Numismatics 1, 7.12.1997, no. 410. Grün, Sale 25 (1999) 465. Proposed date: Ca. 613-635. Obv.: Cross on steps between two stars. Rev.: Cruciform monogram Στεφάνου. Remarks: VII c. 466. Repetition of Hirsch 182, no. 1113 (Theodosios apo hypaton?). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 126. 467. Repetition of Numismatisches Nachrichtenblatt 46 (1997) 548, no. 5 (Artemios hypatos). Remarks: From the same boulloterion Münz Zentrum 75, no. 1586. 468. Proposed date: Ca. 820-850. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: Νηκηφόρφ β. σπαθαρίφ. Remarks: IX c. (first half). Cf. Speck, Bleisiegel, no. 56. 469. Proposed date: Ca. 900-930. Obv.: Cross potent, circular invocative inscription. Rev.: Χαήρφ (?) β. σπα(θαρο)κ(αν)δ(ι)δ(άτφ) και τουρμάρχω (sic) Μεσο(ποταμίας). Remarks: IX c. (second half). Perhaps XAMPO, cf. Arabic 'amr. 470. Proposed date: Ca. 1068-1071. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Blachernitissa. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Βασιλείφ πρωτοσπ(αθαρίφ) και προνοητήν. Remarks.: XI c. (second half). 471. Proposed date: Ca. 1080-1100. Obv.: St. George standing, circular inscription: Ούπερ σφραγις πέφυκα. Rev.: St. Demetrios standing, circular inscription: γραφή δεικνύει. Remarks: Inscription not read in the catalogue. 472. Proposed date: Ca. 1080-1150. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios, circular invocative inscription. Rev.: Bust of St. Peter, fragmentary and unclear traces of inscription. Remarks: Between 1040 and 1080. 473. Repetition of Gorny 46, no. 837 (Goudelios Tzykandyles). Remarks: XI c. (last third), not 1166! 474. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 94, no. 953 (Ioannes Komnenos Maurozomes).

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Grün, Sale 28 (1999) 1060. Proposed date: Ca. 870-900. Obv.: Cross potent, circular inscription. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Στυλιανφ στράτορν και διοικητή. 1061. Proposed date: Ca. 950-975. Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοτίμψ (?) Rev.: β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, κουράτορι των β(ασιλικών) κτημάτων. 1062. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 98, no. 653 (Andronikos Batatzes sebastos). 1063. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 98, no. 655 (Basileios Batatzes sebastos). Hauck and Aufhäuser, Sale 15 (21-22 March 2000) 518. Date: 1071-1078. Obv.: Christ seated on a high-backed throne. Rev.: The emperor Michael VII Doukas standing, circular inscription. Remarks: Zacos-Veglery, no. 95d. 519. Date: 1253-1282. Obv.: The Virgin seated on a backless throne, holding Christ in front of her. Rev.: Theodora standing, inscription: Θεοδώρα εΰσεβεστάτη αύγοΰστα Δοΰκαινα ή Παλαιολογίνα. Remarks: Zacos-Veglery, no. 122d; Seibt-Zarnitz 1.3.3. Hirsch, Sale 194 (19-22 February 1997) 665. Date: ΧΠ c. (second-third quarter). Obv.: Σφραγίς σεβαστής. Rev.: Μαρίας τής Δουκαίνης. Remarks: Parallel to Spink Auction 127, no. 78. 666. Proposed date: Ca. 618-715. Obv.: Invocative monogram, type Laurent IX (Θεοτόκε βοήθει). Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Γεωργίφ. Remarks: Date: Late VII-early VIII c. 667. Proposed date: Ca. 800-820. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram, type Laurent V (Θεοτόκε βοήθει) with tetragram τω σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Μαρήνφ δωμεστ(ί)κφ. Remarks: Date: VIII c. (second half). 668. Proposed date: 1040-1045. Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Κατακαλω. Rev.: πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγφ τω Γλαβφ (or Γαβρφ ?) Remarks: Date: XI c. (second quarter). 669. Proposed date: Ca. 680-720. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type Laurent I). Rev.: Λυκάστου υπάτου. Remarks: Date: VE c. (second half). From the same boulloterion: Künker 20, no. 1072-1073 (cf. SBS 3 [1993] 188). Parallel specimens, Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 280-283; cf. ibidem, no. 284 (from a different boulloterion). 670. Proposed date: Ca. 670-720. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type Laurent I). Rev.: 'Ιωάννου σιλεντιαρίου. Remarks: Date: Late VII c.; parallel to Speck, Bleisiegel, no. 50. 671. Repetition of Hirsch 187, no. 1796 (Komitas metropolitan of Sardeis?) Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 130. 672. Proposed date: Ca. 650-690. Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει. 226

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Rev.: Block monogram, probably: Μαριανφ έπάρχφ. Remarks: Date: ν Π Μ Π c. 673. Proposed date: Ca. 1090-1150. Obv.: Bust of the Theotokos Episkepsis. Rev.: Βαρθολομαίος ό ευτελής μονάζων. Remarks: ΧΙ/ΧΠ c. Hirsch, Sale 195 (5-7 May 1997) 1020. Date: 1030/1050. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios, circular inscription. Rev.: Κωνσταντίνφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και έπι τοΰ χρ(υσοτρικλίνου) (?) ό Κατακαλός. 1021. Date: V n i c. Obv.: In vocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: Fragmentary cruciform monogram, in the quarters: πα-τρι-κί-φ. Remarks: Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 2368a. 1022. Date: 1071-1078. Obv.: Christ seated on a high-backed throne. Rev.: The emperor Michael VII Doukas standing, circular inscription. Remarks: Zacos-Veglery, no. 95d. 1023. Date: 1070-1080. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios. Fragmentary metrical circular inscription: άναγνε Θεόφ(ι)λ(ον) οίκ σον Rev.: Εϊης γραφών μοι και βίου φΰλαξ, Κόρη. 1024. Date: Χ c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of a bearded saint bishop. Circular inscription. Rev.: 'Ρωμανφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και έπι της μεγάλης έταιρείας. Hirsch, Sale 196 (24-27 September 1997) 1027. Date: XIII c. Obv.: St. John Prodromos standing. Rev.: Όμώνυμον σκέποις, μάρτυς, φΰτλης λύχνε, Κομνηνοφυήν Μαυροζώμην πατρόθεν. Remarks: From the same boulloterion: Künker 67, no. 1393. 1029. Date: X c. (first half). Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V [?]), tetragram. Rev.: Λέοντι β. κανδιδ(άτφ) (και) δομ(εστίκφ) των Κιβυρ(ραιωτών). 1031. Date: Χ c. (second half). Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons, ornaments in the two quarters, circular inscription. Rev.: 'Ρωμανφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και κριτή Θράκης και Μακεδονίας. Remarks: The name is not sure. 1032. Date: VI/VHI c. Obv.: Busts of St. Peter and St. Paul. Rev.: Block monogram Παύλου (υπάτου?). 1033. Date: XI c. (second quarter). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria with Christ in the left arm, circular inscription. Rev.: .... πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, μεγάλφ κουράτορι και κριτή των 'Ανατολικών. Remarks: Perhaps the name of the owner was Leon. Cf. a similar type of a Leon as πρωτοσπαθάριος, έπι τών δεήσεων και κριτής τών 'Ανατολικών (Zacos, Seals II, no. 835; DOSeals 3.86.28). 227

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1034. Date: XI c. (third quarter). Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τω σφ δοΰλφ Λέοντι στρατηγφ. Rev.: και αναγραφεί Σελευκείας τφ Βλάγγςι. Remarks: Parallel to J.-Cl. Cheynet, TM 12 (1994) 426, no. 57. Hirsch, Sale 198 (11-13 February 1998) 837. Date: XI c. (first half). Obv.: Bust of St. George. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ πατρικίφ, ύπάτφ τφ Μανικαΐτη. 838. Date: XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria holding Christ in her left arm. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ Θεοφύλακτος. Hirsch, Sale 199 (6-8 May 1998) 681. Repetition of Hirsch 196, no. 1027 (John Maurozomes Komnenos). 682. Repetition of Hirsch 196, no. 1033 (...protospatharios, megas kourator and judge of Anatolikon). Hirsch, Sale 202 (25-27 November 1998) 635. Date: X/XI c. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons. Rev.: Νικολάφ τουρμάρχη. 637. Date: 1057-1065. Obv.: Bust of St. George. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Ιωάννη κουροπαλάτη τω Κομνηνφ. Remarks: Zacos-Veglery, no. 2681. 638. Date XI-XII c. Obv.: The Virgin Hodegetria standing, holding Christ in the r. arm. Rev.: St. Theodore standing. Hirsch, Sale 203 (24-26 February 1999) 762. Date: VIII c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram, circular inscription: Έξελοΰ με, Κΰριε, έξ άνθρωπου πονηρού Rev.: Σισιννίφ πατρικίφ και στρατηγφ. Circular inscription: άπό ανδρός αδίκου και δολίου ρΰσαί με. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 2373; Konstantopoulos, no. 154a. 763. Date: IX c. (first half). Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: ...,-TOC β. σπαθ(αρίφ) (και) τουρμάρ(χη) των ΜΚ. Remarks: Perhaps Μ(α)κ(εδόνων), the owners name is unclear, perhaps Λέοντος. Cf. DOSeals 1.43.39. 764. Date: Last quarter of the XI c. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore Stratelates, metrical circular inscription: "Αμφω σκέποιτε τον συνώνυμον θΰτην Rev.: Bust of St. Theodore Tiron, metrical circular inscription: δυάς προέδρων των σεβών Θεοδώρων. 765. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 94, no. 946 (Methodios bishop of Akroinon). Hirsch, Sale 204 (5-7 May 1999) 862. Date: 1253-1282. Obv.: The Virgin seated on a backless throne, holding Christ in front of her. 228

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Rev.: Theodora standing, inscription: Θεοδώρα εΰσεβεστάτη αΰγοΰστα Δοΰκαινα ή Παλαιολογίνα. Remarks: Zacos-Veglery, no. 122d; Seibt-Zarnitz 1.3.3. 863. Repetition of Hirsch 198, no. 837 (Michael Manikaites as πατρίκιος and ύπατος). 864. Repetition of Hirsch 198, no. 838 (Theophylaktos). Hirsch, Sale 205 (22-25 September 1999) 1169. Repetition of Hirsch 199, no. 681 (John Maurozomes Komnenos). 1171. Date: XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with both hands in front of her. Rev.: Unclear inscription in five lines. 1172. Date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Two military saints. Rev.: Unclear inscription in four or five lines. 1173. Repetition of Hirsch 202, no. 638 (iconographic seal). 1174. Date: XI c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of St. George. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Γεωργίφ τω Μανιακή. 1175. Date: Between late XI and first half of the XII c. Obv.: St. George standing. Rev.: Λόγους σφραγίζω και γραφάς τοΰ Έλπίδη. 1176. Date: XI c. (last third). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Θ(εοτό)κε β(οή)θ(ει) [Λ]έωντα [σ]παθ(αρο)κ(αν)δ(ι)δ(άτφ) [έ]π(ι) τ(οΰ) χρ(υσο)(τρι)κλ(ίνου) τω τ(οΰ ) Έξ(α)μ(ι)λ(ί)τ(ου). Remarks: In BZ 93 (2000) 768, no. 3034 misread as Tex(o)mat(es)(?). A parallel specimen in the Zacos collection, ed. by A.-K. Wassiliou, Hellenika 52 (2002) 253, no. 16, fig. 13, p. 260. 1177. Date: XI c. Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τω σω δοΰλω Rev.: Γρηγορίφ τω Μαυροκατακαλφ. 1178. Repetition of Hirsch 192, no. 778 (Sisinnios hypatos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 133. 1179. Date: XI c. (last quarter). Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Metrical circular inscription: Άρχάγελλε, σκέποις με ν or ν θΰτην. Rev.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Metrical circular inscription: Ίωάννην σκέποις με, Κόρη, Χωνών ποιμένα. Remarks: Repetition of Hirsch 192, no. 777. Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 133 (partly read). 1180. Date: VI c. Obv.: Busts of St. Peter and St. Paul. Rev.: Block monogram Παύλου (ύπατου ?). Hirsch, Sale 206 (24-26 November 1999) 618. Date: XIII c. Obv.: St. John Prodromos standing. Rev.'Ως έν ψυχή φέρω σε, φωνή τοΰ Λόγου, τη σφραγίδι Θεόδωρος Πανηγύρης.

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Hirsch, Sale 208 (17-19 February 2000) 2319. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 768 (Alexios Komnenos Kontostephanos). 2320. Date: IX c. (first half). Obv.: In vocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Σισιννακίω β. κανδιδάτφ. 2321. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 765 (Theodoras Bebaptismenos as protospatharios, hypatos and strategos). 2322. Repetition of Hirsch 204, no. 863 (Michael Manikaites as patrikios and hypatos). 2323. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 758 (Andreas). 2324. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 766 (anonymous, bishop of Nyssa). 2325. Repetition of Goray 95, no. 1053 (Bust of an emperor, perhaps Justinos I). 2326. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 100, no. 761 (Olbios apo eparchon). Hirsch, Sale 209 (3-5 May 2000) 696. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 107, no. 277 (Herakleios patrikios). 697. Date: XII c. Obv.: Busts of St. Peter and St. Paul. Rev.: Της 'Αδριανού ποιμένος σφραγις Μάρκου. 699. Repetition of Hirsch 205, no. 1179 (John bishop of Chonai). 700. Repetition of Hirsch 196, no. 1032 (Paulos ύπατος ?). 701. Repetition of Hirsch 205, no. 1173 (iconographical seal). Hirsch, Sale 212 (22-24 November 2000) 675. Falsification. Cf. A.-K. Wassiliou, Siegel in Kopie und Fälschung, 129f., no. 36. 676. Repetition of Hirsch 208, no. 2321 (Theodoras Bebaptismenos as protospatharios, hypatos and strategos). 677. Falsification. Cf. A.-K. Wassiliou, Siegel in Kopie und Fälschung, 133f., no. 38. 679. Repetition of Hirsch 208, no. 2324 (anonymous, bishop of Nyssa). 680. Repetition of Hirsch 208, no. 2325 (Bust of an emperor, perhaps Justinos I). 682. Repetition of Hirsch 208, no. 2323 (Andreas). 683. Repetition of Hirsch 208, no. 2326 (Olbios apo eparchon). 684. Repetition of Hirsch 208, no. 2319 (Alexios Komnenos Kontostephanos). 685. Repetition of Hirsch 205, no. 1177 (Gregorios Maurokatakalos). Hirsch, Sale 215 (2-4 May 2001) 740. Seal of Beser as patrikios and strategos. Remarks: Many specimens. Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 126-127. Hirsch, Sale 218 (28-30 November 2001) 996. Date: XI c. (second quarter). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria holding Christ in her left arm. Rev.: Σφραγις Θωμά σπαθαροκανδιδάτου, άσηκρήτις και β. νοταρίου τοΰ Ειροΰ. 997. Date: Late ΧΙΙ/early XIII c. Obv.: St. George as horseman. Rev.: Σφράγισμα Δούκα σεβαστοί Κωνσταντίνου, δνπερ, άθλητά, έκ πάσης βλάβης ρΰου. Remarks: Same other specimens. Cf. Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, no. 70. 230

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Italo Vecchi, Sale 5 (5 March 1997) 1002. Date: VII c. (second half). Obv.: The Virgin standing between two invocative monograms. Rev.: 'Ανδρέου επισκόπου. 1003. Date: VII c. Obv.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ιωάννου. Rev.: άπό υπάτων. 1004. Date: VI (second half) - VII c. (first half). Obv.: Anastasii. Rev.: notarii. 1005. Date: VII c. (second half). Obv.. Eagle, invocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Πέτρου βασιλ(ικοΰ) μανδ(άτορος). Remarks: Editor's readings: Πέργου BACM Γ1ΑΝΔ. 1006. Date: VIII c. (first half). Obv.: Eagle, invocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Στεφάνω πατρικίφ. 1007. Date: Early IX c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), rare tetragram: τφ δοΰλω σου Rev.: Θεοδώρφ πατρικίφ και στρατηγφ. 1008. Date: Χ/ΧΙ c . ' Obv.: Bust of St. Michael, circular inscription. Rev.: Ίγνατίω έπισκόπω Λαρίμων. 1009. Date: Ca. 1040. Obv.: Bust of St. Eustratios. Rev.: Μηχαήλ κριτ(η) Λαγγ(ι)αρδ(ίας) (και) Καλαβρ(ίας) τω Χοιρ(ο)σφάκτη. 1010. Falsification. Obv.: Bust of Christ. Rev.: Bust of the Virgin with Christ in front of her. Italo Vecchi, Sale 13 (4 September 1998) 1279-1331: Repetitions for the most part in other catalogues. 1279. Date: VII/VIII c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent I). Rev.: Εύσεβίω άπό έπάρχων. 1298. Date: VII c. (second half). Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent I). Rev.: Φιλίππου στρατηλάτου. 1300. Date: VII c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding the medallion of Christ in front of her. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Θεοδώρου. 1301. Date: VII c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with Christ in front of her. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Θεοδώρου. 1302. Date: XI c. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria holding Christ in her left arm. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει xrj orj δούλη 'Ροδάμνη. 1306. Date: 693/694. Obv.: Justinian II standing, indiction Ζ, circular inscription: Γεωργίου άπό υπάτων. Rev.: άποθηκης των άνδραπόδων Ήσαυρίας (και) Κιλικίας. Remarks: Cf. Seibt-Zarnitz 1.3.4. 231

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1311. Date: X c. (second half). Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons, circular inscription. Rev.: Λέοντι β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπι τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου και έπι των δεήσεων. Remarks: Laurent, Corpus II, no. 249. 1314: Date: Ca. Mid-XII c. Obv.: Virgin Episkepsis standing, inscription: ή 'Επίσκεψις. Rev.: Κουβουκλεισίου σεβαστού Νικολάου κΰρος, Κόρη Πάναγνε, τοις έργοις νέμοις. 1315. Date: Ca. Mid-XIII c. Obv.: Virgin Episkepsis standing, inscription: ή Επίσκεψις. Rev.: Άπλοΰσα χείρας είς έπίσκεψιν κόσμου σκέπην κάμοΰ, Πάναγνε, πρακτέοις δίδου. Remarks: Many analogies. Cf. Hunger, SBS 4 (1994) 39. 1317. Date: XI c. (third quarter). Obv.: Virgin seated on a high-backed throne, holding the medallion of Christ in front of her. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Βασιλάκη βέστη καΐ κατεπάνω Καρσί ου και 'Ιβηρίας τω Φλόρω. 1320. Date: XI c. (first half)Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas, circular inscription. Rev.: Νικολάφ σπαθαροκανδιδάτφ και έπισκεπτίτη. 1325. Date: Ca. 1080-1100. Obv.: St. Michael standing. Rev.: Σφραγ(ίς) 'Αλεξάνδρου νουβελισίμου τοΰ Καβάσιλα. Remarks: Cf. Seibt, Bleisiegel, no. 125; Stavrakos, Bleisiegel, no. 95. 1326. Date: XIII c. (second half). Obv.: The Annunciation. Rev.:"Avavöp8 μήτερ, πορφυροβλάστου κλάδον Άνδρόνικον Δοΰκαν με, παρθένε, σκέποις. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 2738. 1327. Date. XIII c. Obv.: St. Michael standing. Rev.: Φυλαξ γραφών γένοιο των 'Αλεξίου τοΰ Μανασση, πρώτιστε ταγμάτων νόων. Remarks: Cf. Laurent, Vatican, no. 186 (copy: partly misread); SzemiothWasilewski, no. 86 (copy: partly misread). 1328. Date: Before 1206-after 1235. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria holding Christ in her left arm. Rev.: Συμεών έλεφ Θεοΰ πατριάρχης Θεουπόλεως Μεγάλης 'Αντιοχείας και πάσης 'Ανατολής. Remarks: Parallel to Zacos, Seals II, no. 59 = Dated Seals, no. 131; SeibtZarnitz 5.1.9. 1329. Date: 852-899. Obv.: Bust of Christ, circular inscription: Κύριε βοήθη Μηχαήλ άρχοντα Βουλγαρίας. Rev.: Bust of the Virgin, inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθη Μηχαήλ άρχοντα Βουλγαρίας. Remarks: Cf. J. Youroukova-V. Penchev, Bulgarian mediaeval coins and seals, Sofia 2000, 24f. Italo Vecchi, Sale 15 (15 Juny 1999) 1490-1499: Repetitions for the most part in other catalogues. 232

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1492. Date: ΧΠ c. (second half). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Γραφάς Κομνηνής σφραγίζω Θεοδώρας. Italo Vecchi, Sale 17 (15 December 1999) 1338-1343: Repetitions for the most part in other catalogues. 1340. Date: IX c. Obv.: Nimbed patriarchal cross on steps, circular inscription. Rev.: Θεοδοσίφ β. σπαθαρακανδιδάτφ και άρχοντι Κΰπρου. 1342. Date: Ca. 1035-1100. Obv.: The Virgin seated on a high-backed throne, holding the Child (or a medallion) in front of her. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ ραίκτωρι τφ Άμασειανφ. Münz Zentrum, Sale 88 (7 January 1997) 1208. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 78, no. 793 and Hirsch 181, 1034a (Zoetos, bishop of Christoupolis). Remarks: Seibt-Zarnitz 5.2.3. 1209. Date: 921-931. Obv.: Bust of Christ. Rev.: Busts of Romanos I, Christophoros and Constantine. 1210. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 77, no. 1172 (Nikephoros II Phokas). 1211. Proposed date: 990/1020. Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Βασιλεΐφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ (?) και στρατηγώ τω 'Αποκάτηΐ· Remarks: Dating too narrow; better first half of XI c. The editor read σπαθαρίω instead of πρωτοσπαθαρίφ. 1212. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 78, no. 801 (Nikephoros Botaneiates μάγιστρος, βεστάρχης και δούξ Όψικίου). 1213. Date: 1068-1071. Obv.: In the center Christ crowning Romanos IV and Eudokia. Inscription: 'Ρωμανός και Ευδοκία. Rev.: In the center Michael VII; on the left and right figures of Constantine and Andronikos. Inscription: Κωνσταντίνος, Μιχαήλ, Ανδρόνικος. 1214. Date: 1078-1081. Obv.: Bust of Christ. Rev.: The emperor Nikephoros III Botaneiates standing. Traces of the circular inscription right: ROTANIATx Remarks: Parallel to Lanz 72, no. 963. Münz Zentrum, Sale 90 (14-16 May 1997) 1038. Proposed date: 350/550. Obv.: (Good?) Shepherd. Rev.: Legend in three lines, perhaps: τω φοροΰντι. 1039. Proposed date: Ca. 570/650 . No photo'. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with Christ between crosses. Rev.: Block monogram, perhaps: Παντολεοντος κόμιτος. 1040. Proposed date: Ca. 580/650. Obv.: Lion. Rev.: Block monogram: Ευγενίου. Remarks: No photo. Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 1379 (VII c.). 233

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1041. Proposed date: 580/660. Obv.: Eunomia with crown, cross and fleur-de-lys. Inscription: Ευνομία. Rev.: Cruciform monogram, proposed reading Κωνσταντίνου σκρινιαρίου. Remarks: Perhaps 'Ιωάννου χαρτουλαρίου. Date: VII c. 1042. Proposed date: Ca. 680/750 . No photo. Obv.: Invocative monogram. Rev.: Μιχαήλ δούλου Χρίστου. 1043. Proposed date: Ca. 700/725 . No photo. Obv.: Sergius, ex consule et chartularius Rev.: δούλου της Θεοτόκου. Remarks: From Sicily. A little bit earlier. 1044. Proposed date: Ca. 700/750. Obv.: Invocative monogram with the rare tetragram τφ δοΰλφ σου. Rev.: As circumscription: Ώρθ[...]λίφ υείω Σισιννίφ. Cruciform monogram: άπό υπάτων. Remarks: The editor proposes "son of Orthokles." 1045. Proposed date: Ca. 705/717. Obv.: Virgin standing between two cypresses, holding Christ in her left arm. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Σεργίου. 1046. Proposed date: Ca. 775/815. No photo. Obv.: Invocative monogram with tetragram. Rev: Θεοφυλάκτφ έπισκόπφ NIIOM ? Remarks: Editor's reading. 1047. Proposed date: Ca. 810/840. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), with tetragram. Rev.: Σισινήω πατρικίφ, πρωτοσπαθαρίφ καΐ κόμιτι τοΰ Όψικίου. Remarks: Second half of the VIII c. 1049. Proposed date: Ca. 1025/1030. No photo. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin orans. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει Βάρδςι όριαρίρ Κίου. Remarks: Editor's reading. 1050. Proposed date: Ca. 1030/1080. Obv.: Bust of the Theotokos Nikopoios. Rev.· Θ(εοτό)κε β(οή)θ(ει) τφ σφ δούλω Άλεξίφ (μονα)χ(φ) (και) έπισκόπ(φ) Άταλείας. 1051. Date: 1056/1057. Obv.: Κύριε βοήθει τω σφ δούλω 'Ιωάννη Rev.: πατριάρχη Θεουπόλεως Μεγάλης 'Αντιοχείας. Remarks: Cf. Laurent, Corpus V/2, no. 1520. 1052. Proposed date: Ca. 1065/1075. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει τω σφ δούλω Χριστοφόρφ μαγίστρφ, βεστάρχη και πραίτωρι των Κιβυραιωτών τω 'Ραδηνω. Remarks: Parallel to Gomy 87, no. 849. Cf. the similar type of the same person without family name by Zacos, Seals Π, no. 400; V. S. Sandrovskaja, Vizantijskie pecati ν sobranij Ermitaza (na vystavke "Istkusstvo Vizantii" iz sobranij Sovetskogo Sojuza) (Leningrad 1975) 24, photo between 8/9. 1053. Repetition of Hirsch 192, no. 780 (John Doukas, caesar). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 134. 1054. Repetition of Hirsch 177, no. 1418 (Andronikos Lapardas, sebastos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 123. 234

CATALOGUE OF AUCTIONS

1055. Proposed date: Before 1199. Obv.: St. George standing. Rev.: Γεωργίου σφράγισμα Παλαιολόγου Κομνηνοδουκόβλαστον αύχοΰντος γένος. Remarks: Cf. Seibt-Zarnitz 1.2.10 (second half of the XII c.). 1056. Repetition of Hirsch 181, no. 1034 (Theodoras Kalochorinos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 124. Münz Zentrum, Sale 91 (4-5 September 1997) 793. Repetition of Gorny 82, no. 419 (Leon patrikios and strategos). 794. Proposed date: Ca. 800/840. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), with tetragram. Rev.: Νικηφόρφ β. πριμηκηρίω. 795. Proposed date: Ca. 900/950. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons, circular inscription. Rev.: Βάρδςί β. σπαθαροκανδιδ(άτφ) (και) τρομάρχ(τ|) Βικτόρ(ων). Remarks: Ca. Χ c. (second quarter). 796. Repetition of Hirsch 194, no. 668. 797. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 78, no. 805 (Niketas chartophylax). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 152. Cf. Spink, Auction 127, no. 37. 798. Repetition of Hirsch 194, no. 693 (Bartholomaios monk). 799. Proposed date: Ca. 1180/1204. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Κ(ύρι)ε β(οή)θ(ει) Θεοδόρφ (πρωτο)νοβελίσημος ό ΓΜΜΠΑΝRemarks: Perhaps Γημπάνης. Date: First half of the XII c. Münz Zentrum, Sale 93 (8-9 January 1998) 569. Proposed date: IV-V c. Obv.: Victoria standing. Rev.: Female bust, circular inscription: ΠΟΛΟ - C BONI. Remarks: The editor proposes Polo G(aii) Boni. Cf. Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 309 (parallel). 571. Repetition of Sternberg 23, no. 370 (Modestos presbyteros). Remarks: SBS 3 (1993) 203. 572. Proposed date: Ca. 620/670. No photo. Obv.: Cruciform monogram, perhaps: 'Ηρακλείτου. Rev.: Cruciform monogram, perhaps: βικαρίου. 573. Date: 659-668. Obv.: Bust of Constans II and Constantine IV, as legend: Στεφάνου πατρικίου και γεννικοΰ κομμερκιαRev.: Bust of Herakleios and Tiberios, as legend: -piου αποθήκης Καππαδοκίας Α' και Β'. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 142a,b; DOSeals 4.43.8. 574. Proposed date: Ca. 670/730. Obv.: Eagle, invocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Block monogram, perhaps: Παΰλφ έπάρχω. Remarks: End of VII c. 575. Proposed date: Ca. 670/730. Obv.: Χρ(ιστέ) iuba Rev.: Georgium not(arium)

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576. Proposed date: Ca. 670/730. Obv.: Χρ(ιστέ) iuba. Rev.: Theodoto reg(ionario). Remarks: Date: VII c. (second half). 577. Date: 694/695. Obv.: Justinian II standing, indiction Η. Γεωργίου άπό ύπατων. Rev.: αποθήκης Ίσαυρίας (και) τδν άνδραπόδον. 578. Proposed date: 710. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram τω δοΰλφ σου. Rev.: Θεοδόρω πατρικίφ και στρατηγφ. Remarks: Found in Southern Italy or in Sicily. 579. Repetition of Schenk-Behrens, 28-30.5.1997, no. 515 (Beser). 580. Repetition of Schenk-Behrens, 4-6.5.1998, no. 633 (Bardanes). 581.Repetition of Hirsch 196, no. 1029 (Leon). 582. Proposed date: 950/980. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons, circular inscription. Rev.: Μιχαή(λ) (πρωτο)σπαθ(άριος (και) κριτής Θρςάας (και) Μακεδονήας. 583. Proposed date: Ca. 960/980. Repetition of Auction Italo Vecchi, 5 March 1997, no. 1008 (Ignatios έπίσκοπος Λαρίμων). Remarks: X/XI c. 584. Proposed date: Ca. 960/990. No photo. Obv.: Cross with fleurons, circular inscription. Rev.: Μιχαήλ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγώ Σελευκείας. 585. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 86, no. 582 (Michael juge of Anatolikon). Remarks: Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 155. 586. Proposed date: Ca. 1050/1075. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Σον Γρηγόριον οίκέτην σώσον, Λόγε, τον δοΰνα (sic) λιταΐς μάρτυρος Θεοδώρου. Remarks: Late XI c. Falsification. Cf. A.-K. Wassiliou, Siegel in Kopie und Fälschung, 137f, no. 41. 587. Proposed date: Ca. 1055/1075. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Blachernitissa. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Βασιλείφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ τφ Τζαμα(ν)δηνφ. Remarks: Mid-XI c. 588. Repetition of Gorny 84, no. 6209 (Theodores Chryselios, judge). 589. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 88, no. 1214 (Nikephoros III). 590. Proposed date: 1216/1236. Obv.: Monogram: 'Αλεξίου. Rev.: Σφράγησμα τοΰτο Κρατερού 'Αλεξίου. Remarks: Date 1211. A.-K. Wassiliou, SBS 1 (2002) 141f. 591. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 90, no. 1056 (Theodoras Kalochorinos). Münz Zentrum, Sale 94 (13-15 May 1998) 911. Proposed date: Ca. 600/660. Obv.: Bust with crown. Rev.: Block monogram, perhaps: Μιχαήλ σκρινιαρίου. 912. Proposed date: Ca. 600/700. Obv.: Block monogram, perhaps: Προκοπίου. Rev.: στρατηλάτου. Remarks: VI c. Repetition of Grün 14, no. 780. Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 481. 236

CATALOGUE OF AUCTIONS

913. Proposed date: Ca. 600/700. Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Γεωργίου. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: σκρίβωνος. 914. Proposed date: Ca. 602/610. Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Δομνιντζιόλου. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: πατρικίου. 916. Proposed date: Ca. 610/640. Obv.: Τρύφωνος στρατηλάτου. Rev.: και ανθυπάτου. Remarks: VII c. Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 1085. 917. Proposed date: Ca. 610/650 (before 626?) Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Γεωργίου. Rev.: άπδ υπάτων. 919. Proposed date: VII-VIII c. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Γεωργίω. In the quarters: ΰπ-ά-τ-ω. Remarks: VIII c. (first half). 920. Proposed date: VII-VIII c. No photo. Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Γεωργίου. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: διακόνου. 921. Proposed date: VII-Vin c. No photo. Obv.: Invocative monogram. Rev.: Cruciform monogram. The editor proposes Constantine Charules (?) Remarks: Improbable. 922. Proposed date: Ca. 620/670. No photo. Obv.: Παντολέοντος. Rev.: χαρτουλαρίου. 923. Repetition of Müller 72, no. 677. Remarks: Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 142. 924. Proposed date: Ca. 670/710. Obv: Invocative monogram (Laurent I). Rev.: 'Ιωάννη βεστίτορι. Remarks: Early VIII c. Parallel to Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 274. 925. Proposed date: Ca. 670/720. Obv.: Eagle, cruciform monogram: Θεοδώρου. Rev.: υΐοΰ Εύπατερίου. Remarks: Date VII c. 926. Repetition of Müller 72, no. 672 (Θερδάτου, δούλου της Θεοτόκου). Remarks: Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 142. 927. Proposed date: Ca. 700/715. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V). In the quarters Θε-οφ-άν-ει. Rev.: βασιλικφ σπαθαρ(ίω). 928. Proposed date: VIII c. (first half). Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Βάρδςί πατρικίφ. Remarks: No photo. Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 1427. 929. Repetition of Künker 25, no. 554 (Theodosios). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 137. 930. Proposed date: Ca. 717/730. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V). Stars in the quarters. Rev.: Νικητή πραιποσίτφ. Remarks: First third of the VIII c. Repetition of Lanz 60, no. 1017. 237

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931. Proposed date: Ca. 720/7No photo. Ob v.: Invocative monogram, stars in the quarters. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Νόννου χαρτουλαρίου (?) 932. Repetition of Kiinker 25, no. 556 (Drosos protonotarios). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 137. 933. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 84, no. 876 (Basileios hypatos and chartularios). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 154. 934. Proposed date: X-XI c. Obv.: Theotokos Episkepsis standing, circular inscription: Θ(εοτό)κε βοήθ(ει)... Rev.: St. John Prodromos standing, inscription. Remarks: XI c. The name of the owner is unclear, perhaps Ίω(άννης). The editor suggested for the rev. Christ standing. 935. Repetition of Kiinker 25, no. 563 (Nikephoros magistros and domestikos of the scholai). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 138. Many other specimens. 936. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V). In the quarters the owner's name, perhaps Θε-οδ-[ώ-ρφ]. Rev.: ύπάτω και β. σπαθαρίω. Remarks: Date: VIII c. (first half). The editor suggested as name Basileios. 937. Proposed date: Ca. 960/990. No photo. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding the medallion of Christ in front of her; circular inscription. Rev.: Κυριακφ μοναχφ και ήγουμένφ της μονής τοΰ Πανκάλου. 938. Proposed date: ΧΙ-ΧΙΙ c. Obv.: Bust of the Theotokos Episkepsis. Rev.: 'Αλεξίου σφράγισμα τοΰ Κεκαυμένου. Remarks: XIII c. 939. Proposed date: Ca. 990/1030. Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Ιωάννη πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, κριτή έπι Rev.: τοΰ ιπποδρόμου, Σελευκείας και κουράτορι Ταρσού τφ Καλοψύχφ. Remarks: XI c. (second quarter). 941. = A.-K. Wassiliou, REB 59 (2001) 221f„ no. 6. 942. Repetition of Hirsch 175, no. 1567 (Nikephoros Botaneiates, protoproedros and doux of Hellas and Peloponnesos). 944. Proposed date: Ca. 1030/1070 ((no photo).). Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Άκυνδήνρ κουμερκια(ρίφ) Σελευκήας. Remarks: Date: XI c. (second quarter). Cf. Schlumberger, Sig. ,271, no. 3 (facsimile). 945. 1042-1055. Obv.. Bust of Christ 'Εμμανουήλ. Rev.: The emperor Constantin IX standing. Remarks: Cf. Zacos-Veglery, no. 80. 946. Proposed date: Ca. 1050/1095. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Blachernitissa, circular inscription: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Μεθοδίφ. Rev.: Bust of St. Basileios, circular inscription: έπισκόπφ Άκροιν(ών). 947. Proposed date: Ca. 1060/1085. Obv.: Cross with fleurons, in the two quarters: IC - XC. Rev.: Σφραγ(ις) Βασιλείου κριτοΰ έπι τοΰ ίπποδρ(όμου) τοΰ Μαλ(έ)σ(η). Remarks: Date: 1070/1090. 238

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948. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 88, no. 1231. 949. Repetition of Oldenburg 31, no. 279 (Lucas monk). Remarks: Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 125. 950. Proposed date: Ca. 1070/1080. Obv.: Theotokos Hodegetria standing, with Christ in her left arm. Rev.: Θωμα φΰλαττε κλάσματα γραφάς, Κόρη. Remarks: XI c. (last third). 951. Proposed date: 1070/1100. Obv.: Μ(ήτ)ηρ Θ(εοΰ) βοήθει μ(οι). Rev.: τω δοΰλφ σου Νικήτ(ςι). Remarks: The editor suggested as name Μιχαήλ Νικερίτης. 952. Proposed date: Until 1117. Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Νικηφόρφ βεστάρχη τφ Βοΰρζ·η. Remarks: Provincial seal; the letter Beta is closed (B). Date: XI c. 953. Proposed date: Ca. 1255/1285. Obv.: John Prodromos standing. Rev.: Όμώνυμον σκέποις, μάρτυς, φΰτλης λΰχνε, Κομνηνοφυήν Μαυροζώμην πατρόθεν. Remarks: ΧΠΙ c. (second half). 956. Proposed date: None. Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: Κωνσταντίνος πρωτοσπαθάριος καΐ επί του μαγλαβίου ό Άριανίτης. Remarks: XI c. (second quarter). Münz Zentrum, Sale 96 (10-12 September 1998) 632. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 81, no. 1504 (Amazaspes?). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 153. 634. Proposed date: Ca. 560/590. Obv.: Block monogram, perhaps: 'Αμμωνίου Rev.: Block monogram: έξκέπτορος. Remarks: Doubtful reading. 635. Proposed date: Ca. 560/600. Obv.: Bust of a male saint, cross. Rev.: Block monogram, perhaps: Αινείου or Αυξεντίου. Remarks: The editor suggests St. Leontios, as name he proposes Λεοντίου. 636. Proposed date: Ca. 560/600. Obv.: Female nimbate bust, perhaps the Virgin. Rev.: Bock monogram: Δεινοστράτου. Remarks: Doubtful reading. 637. Proposed date: Before 588. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with Christ before her, crosses. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Φιλίππου. Remarks: VII c. 638. Proposed date: 614/631. Obv.: Μοδέστου. Rev.: πρεσβυτέρου. Remarks: VII c. Many other specimens. Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 153. 639. Proposed date: Ca. 640/660 (no photo). Obv.: Cruciform monogram: Θεοδώρου. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: ρεφερενδαρίου. 239

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640. Proposed date: Ca. 640/720. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin holding Christ in front of her. Inscription starting with MAPllA...] Rev.: Cruciform monogram, perhaps: Άρηλάτου, Ταυρίνου or 'Ονοράτου. Remarks: The editor proposes as name Άρήτου. 641. Proposed date: Ca. 640/720. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin with Christ in front of her, crosses. Rev.: 'Ιωάννου έλαχίστου. Remarks: VII c. 643. Proposed date: Ca. 740/765. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: 'Ιωάννη ΰπάτφ βασιλικψ σπαθαρίφ και προτοστάτορι. 644. Proposed date: Χ c. Obv.: Peacock. Rev.: ΣφραγΙς σκεποΰσα γράμματα Θεοκτίστου. Remarks: XI c. (second quarter). Misread. 645. Proposed date: Ca. 1050/1080 (no photo). Obv.: Bust of St. Michael. Rev.: Σφραγις Μιχαήλ τοΰ πρώτου των 'Ανάργυρων. 646. Repetition of Gorny 87, no. 850 (Michael patrikios and megas chartularios of the stratiotikon). Remarks: 1040/1070. 647. Proposed date: Ca. 1055/1070. Obv.: St. Nicholas standing. Rev.: Θωμφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ έπΐ τοΰ χρυσοτρικλίνου, ϋπάτω και στρατηγφ Γερμανικείας. Remarks: Ca. mid-XI c. 648. Proposed date: Ca. 1070/1110. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios. Rev.: Σκέποις, Μήτηρ, Χριστόφορον λάτριν Μετελ(λου)πόλεος. Remarks: Between 1050 and 1080. Parallel to Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 731 (wrong reading). 649. Proposed date: Ca. 1193/1194. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Σκέποις με, μάρτυς, 'Ιωσήφ τον Βατάτζην. Remarks: XII c. (second half, perhaps last third). 651. Proposed date: Ca. 1250/1275. Seal of the presbyteroi and ekklesiekdikoi of Hagia Sophia. Remarks: Many parallels. Cf. Zacos, Seals Π, nos. 62-77. 652. Proposed date: Ca. 1253. Obv.: St. Theodore standing. Rev.: Είκών άθλητοΰ, Φωκάν με φρουρεί, σκέπε. Remarks: The identification with Michael Phokas is doubtful. Münz Zentrum, Sale 97 (6-8 January 1999) 781. Proposed date: 663/668. Obv.: Horseman. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ανδρέου. In the quarters: cu-bi-cu-la(riu). Remarks: VII c. (second half). Similar to Seibt-Zarnitz 4.3.11.

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782. Proposed date: Ca. 720/750 (attested 765/766?). Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), with the rare tetragram τφ δου' λ φ σου. Circular inscription: Έξελοΰ με, Κύριε, έξ άνθρόπου πονηρού. Rev.: Κωνσταντίνφ ύπάτφ και β. πρωτοστράτορη. Circular inscription: άπό ανδρός αδίκου και δολίου ρΰσέ με. Remarks: The editor suppose an identity with Constantine spatharios and protostrator, son of Bardanes patrikios. Cf. PmbZ II 3825. 783. Repetition of Hirsch 185, no. 1505. Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 129. 784. Proposed date: Ca. 1030/1040. Obv.: Bust of St. George, circular inscription. Rev.: Θεοφΰλακτον τον Γ(α)στρ(ο)πώλον. Remarks: XI c. (second quarter). 785. Proposed date: Ca. 1070/1100 (no photo). Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis, circular inscription. Rev.: Bust of St. Michael, circular inscription: Νικολάφ τφ Δερμοκαήττ). Remarks: XI c. (last third). Parallel to Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 315. 786. Proposed date: Ca. 1075/1150. Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Γραφάς σφραγίζω και λόγους Κωνσταντίνου. Remarks: Late XI/early XII c. 787. Proposed date: Ca. 1077. Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ. Rev.: Κωνσταντίνφ τφ Θεοδωροκάνφ. Remarks: XI c. (second half). 788. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 81, no. 1525 (Basileios). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 154. 789. Proposed date: Ca. 1090/1120. Obv.: Bust of St. Stephen. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Στεφάνφ. Remarks: XI c. (last third). 790. Proposed date: Before 1143. Obv.:"Avvης θυγατρός σφραγίς Ίσαακίου. Rev.: άδελφάνακτος εΰσεβοΰς 'Ιωάννου. 791. = Α.-Κ. Wassiliou, REB 59 (2001) 217f„ no. 4. Münz Zentrum, Sale 98 (5-7 May 1999) 632. Proposed date: V/VI c. Three figures, one in the middle nimbate. Perhaps Christ between two apostels. Remarks: Plomb. 633. Proposed date: Ca. 300/450 (no photo). Provincia Europa (?). Remarks: Plomb. 634. Proposed date: Before 439. Obv.: Eagle. Rev.: Female figure. Remarks: Doubtful interpretation as Carthago. 635. Proposed date: 474. Obv.: Block monogram: Leonis et Zenonis, circular inscription: Ίουλιανοΰ. Remarks: Plomb. Doubtful reading. 636. Proposed date: Ca. 594. Obv.: Bird, cross. 241

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Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Hospitoni. Remarks: Doubtful reading. 637. Proposed date: ca. 660/690. Obv.: St. Thekla orans between two beasts, crosses. Rev.: Block monogram: Α , Β , Κ , , Μ , Ο , Π , Ρ , Τ , υ , perhaps: Μακροβίου υπάτου; Μακροβίου πατρικίου; Άβακούμ υπάτου; Άβακούμ πατρικίου. Remarks: Parallel to Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 317 (Άβραμίου πατρικίου ?). 639. Proposed date: Vl/Vn c. Obv.: St. Thekla orans between two beasts, crosses. Rev.: Block monogram, perhaps: Άβραμίου υπάτου ? Remarks: Cf. Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 319. 640. Proposed date: Ca. 660/690. Obv.: 'Ιωάννου Πλαγιώτου. Rev.: ίλλουστρίου. Remarks: VII c. Cf. Speck, Bleisiegel, no. 165. 641. Proposed date: Ca. 670/700. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent I). Rev.: Cruciform monogram: Πέτρφ άπο έπάρχων. Remarks: VIII c. Editor's reading: Λεοντίφ έπάρχφ. Parallel to Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 237. 642. Proposed date: Ca. 680/695. Obv.: Block monogram: Πέτρφ, circular inscription: Χρίστε ό Θεος βοήθει. Rev.: άπό υπάτων, πατρικίφ. Remarks: VII/VIII c. Cf. Müller 76, no. 682; SBS 6 (1999) 141. 643. Proposed date: Ca. 720-740. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent I), stars in the quarters. Rev.: Cruciform monogram: 'Ιωάννη (?). In the quarters: πατρικίφ. Remarks: VII/VIII c. Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 1516. 644. Proposed date: Ca. 865/875. Obv.: Patriarchal cross, nimbate on steps, circular inscription. Rev.: Μανουήλ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, έπί των ύκηακών και ρογάτορι. Remarks: IX c. (second half). 645. Repetition of Schenk-Behrens 78, no. 322. 646. Proposed date: Ca. 870/900. Obv.: Cross potent, circular inscription. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Στυλιανφ, β. στράτορι και διοικητή. 647. Proposed date: Ca. 950/975 (no photo). Obv.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δούλφ Γεωργίρ. Rev.: κουράτωρι των β. κτιμάτον. 648. Proposed date: Ca. 1045/1080. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria holding Christ in her left arm. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Κυριακφ σπαθαροκανδιδάτω, έπι ταΰ μαγγλαβίου καΐ έκ προσώπου Μεσημβρίας. 649. Proposed date: Ca. 1045/1080. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hodegetria holding Christ in the left arm. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει 'Ηλία προτοσπαθαρίφ και χαρτουλαρίω. 650. Proposed date: Ca. 1070/1080. Obv.: St. Nicholas and St. Basileios standing. Rev.: Ού σφραγίς είμι την γραφήν γνώστ) βλέπων. 651. Proposed date: ca. 1070/1080. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Hagiosoritissa turned to the right, circular inscription: Ή Άγιοσορίτισσα. 242

CATALOGUE OF AUCTIONS

Rev.: Ού σφραγίς είμι την γραφήν βλέπων νόει. Remarks: XI c. (last quarter). 652. Date: 1072/1079. Obv.: The Virgin seated on a high-backed throne nursing Christ in her left arm, circular inscription: Κΰριε ό Θεος μου, ό εις σε έλπίζων οΰ κατεσχύνεται. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλφ 'Ρωμανφ μητροπολίτη Κυζίκου και συγκέλλφ. Remarks: Cf. Laurent, Corpus V/l, no. 353; Zacos, Seals II, no. 879; DOSeals 3.53.8. 653. Proposed date: Ca. 1166/1181. Obv.: Σφραγις αΰτη τον Βατάτζην μηνύει. Rev.: σεβαστον Άνδρόνικον έκ της αξίας. Remarks: XII c. (second half). 654. Proposed date: Ca. 1180-1204. Obv.: St. Theodore as horseman. Rev.: Σκέποις με, μάρτυς, Γα βαλαν Ίωάννην. Remarks: XII c. (second half). 655. Proposed date: 1189-1193/94. Obv.: The Virgin Episkepsis standing. Rev.: Ταΐς του σεβαστού Βατατζή Βασιλείου γραφαΐς τό κύρος, παντάνασσα, συ δίδου. Remarks: Α.-Κ. Wassiliou, SBS (2002) 7, 143f., no. II 3. Münz Zentrum, Sale 100 (8-10 September 1999) 757. Proposed date: 565-578. Obv.: Bust of Justinos II. Rev.: Victoria standing between two crosses. Remarks: Zacos-Veglery, no. 5. 758. Proposed date: Ca. 680-720 (no photo). Obv.: Invocative monogram (Zacos XLI, pi. 258). Rev.: 'Ανδρέα δοΰλου Χρίστου. Remarks: Cf. Hirsch 212, no. 682; VII c. (the same specimen?) 759. Proposed date: 698/705. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V). Rev.: Ήρακλείφ πατρικίω. 760. Proposed date: 698-705. Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθη Θεοφανίου. Rev.: κόμ(ι)τ(ι) κατά Ήράκλιν. 761. Proposed date: Ca. 698-705. Obv.: Invocative monogram. Rev.: 'Ολβίου άπο έπάρχων. Remarks: Second half of the VII c. 762. Proposed date: Ca. 810/820. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), with tetragram. Rev.: Μιχαήλ σιλεντιαρίφ και β. νοταρίφ. Remarks: IX c. (first half); repetition of Italo Vecchi, 4.9.1998, no. 1299. 763. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 94, no. 935 (Nikephoros magistros and domestikos of the scholai). 764. Proposed date: Ca. 1020/1050 (no photo). Obv.: Bust of St. Demetrios. Rev.: Ύπάτιος σπαθαροκανδιδάτος, άσηκρητις και κριτής Καππαδοκίας. Remarks: Ca. 1030. A parallel specimen in Istanbul, no. 259. Cf. A.-K. 243

SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001

Wassiliou, Προσωπογραφία και Σφραγιστική · Κριται Καππαδοκίας (10ος11ος αι.). Σκέψεις σχετικά με την επιστημονική προσέγγιση του σφραγιστικού υλικοΰ, in: Actes of the Vlth Symposium about Asia Minor, Thessaloniki 2002, 43-44, no. 3. 765. Proposed date: Ca. 1055/1065. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Θεοδώρφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ, ΰπάτφ και στρατηγώ τφ Βεβαπτισμένφ. Remarks: XI c. (third quarter). 766. Proposed date: Ca. 1060/1070. Obv.: Bust of the Theotokos Nikopoios. Rev.: Άγνή, σκέποις με τον Νΰσσης έπίσκοπον. Remarks: Ca. 1050-1080. Cf. Laurent, Corpus V/1, no. 250. 767. Proposed date: Ca. 1071/1082. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Nikopoios. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει τφ σω δούλω 'Ιωάννη μητροπολίτη Σάρδεων. Remarks: 1040/1080. From the same boulloterion: Münz Zentrum 78, no. 804. Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 152. Another parallel specimen in Athens, ed. Konstantopoulos, no. 132. 768. Proposed date: Ca. 1176. Alexios Komnenos Kontostephanos, pansebastohypertatos, son of Stephanos Kontostephanos (metrical inscription). 813. Clay seals. Remarks: Originals (?) 818. Lot of 21 plombs and 118 seals, with the same illustrations. Münz Zentrum, Sale 101 (15-18 December 1999) 557. Repetition of Gorny 97, no. 1306 (Zosimos). 558. Proposed date: Ca. 580/650. Obv.: Cross. Rev.: Block monogram, proposed reading: Έλπιδίου. Remarks: VI/VII c. Monogram, perhaps: Ήρόδικος. 559. Proposed date: Ca. 650/680. Obv.: 'Αναστασίου. Rev.: άπδ υπάτων. Remarks: VII c. Parallel to Seibt, Bleisiegel, no. 98. 560. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 78, no. 796 (Eustathios bishop of Tarsos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 151. 561. Repetition of Schenk-Behrens 77, no. 661 (Baanes dioiketes of Stauroupolis). 562. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 101, no. 562 (Theodosios bishop of Ephesos). Remarks: Parallel to Münz Zentrum 82, no. 1188. Cf. SBS 6 (1999) 154. 563. Proposed date: Ca. 815/843 (no photo). Seal of Konstantinos imp. spatharios. 564. Proposed date: 867/886. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), tetragram. Rev.: Λέοντι πατρικίφ και στρατηγώ τών 'Ανατολικών. Remarks: VIII c. (second half). 565. Proposed date: Ca. 930/960. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons, circular inscription. Rev.: Έφρέμ μοναχώ και ήγουμένφ τοΰ Σπηλέου (?) Remarks: Χ c. (second half). 566. Proposed date: Ca. 930/960. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons, circular inscription. 244

CATALOGUE OF AUCTIONS

Rev.: Συμεών β. πρωτοσπαθαρίω και αναγραφεί των Άρμενιακών. 567. Proposed date: Before 927/934 (no photo). Sisinnios imp. spatharokandidatos and kleisouriarches of Seleukeia. 568. Ca. 945/970 (no photo). Konstantinos patrikios, imp. protospatharios epi tou chrysotriklinou. 569. Proposed date: Ca. 1022/1050. Obv.: Bust of St. Demetrios. Rev.: Νικηφόρος πατρίκιος ανθύπατος και στρατηγός Καππαδοκίας ό Συναδηνός. Remarks: Ed. Stavrakos, SBS 1 (2002) 175 (ca. mid-XI c.). 570. Proposed date: Ca. 1030/1090 (no photo). Leontas (?) Antiochites (?) 571. Proposed date: Ca. 1040/1060. Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Ήλίςι πατρικίφ κριτή έπι τοΰ ιπποδρόμου, τοΰ βήλου και των Κιβυρραιωτών. Remarks: Shortly after the middle of the XI c. 572. Proposed date: Ca. 1045/1065. Obv.: St. Prokopios standing. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει Άσωτηφ πατρικίφ άνθυπάτφ και στρατηγφ Βάρνας. Remarks: Mid-XI c. To be published in: Istvestija N. Muzej Varna 2003. 573. Repetition of Gorny 87, no. 849 (Christophoros Radenos magistros, vestarches and praitor of the Kibyrraiotai). 574. Proposed date: Ca. 1069/1071. Obv.: ΣφραγΙς Ίω(άννη) πρωτοσπαθαρίω, θεσμοφΰλακη. Rev.: άσικρΐτης και κριτ(οΰ) τοΰ Έξακιονίτου. Remarks: XI c. (third quarter). 575. Proposed date: Ca. 1070/1100. Obv.: Bust of St. George. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει Λέοντι τφ Τζηντζιλοΰκη. Remarks: Parallel to St. Bilik, Numizmatika i Sfragistika 5/2 (1998) 56f., no. 10. 576. Proposed date: Ca. 1100/1200. Obv.: Bust of St. John Theologos. Rev.: Γραφάς σφραγίζω Βερβέρη Γεωργίου. Remarks: XII c. (first half). 577. Proposed date: 1250/1275. Seal of the ekklesekdikoi of Hagia Sophia. Münz Zentrum, Sale 102 (3-5 May 2000) 612. Proposed date: Ca. 670/730. Obv.: Eagle, invocative monogram (Laurent I). Rev.: Block monogram: Παΰλου. Remarks: VII c. (second half). 613. Proposed date: Ca. 680/720. Obv.: Virgin holding Christ in the left arm, St. Ioannes Theologos standing. Rev.: Cruciform monogram, perhaps: Μιχαήλ ήγουμένου. Remarks: VII c. 614. Proposed date: Ca. 940. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons, circular inscription. Rev.: Άλυπίω έπισκόπφ Μιωλιάς (?) Remarks: X c. (second half). 245

SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001

615. Proposed date. Ca. 1090/1204. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin Episkepsis. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Μιχαήλ νεοφοτίστφ και πρωτονοβελλισίμρ τς> Άμηρα. Remarks: XII c. (first half). 616. Proposed date: Ca. 1166/1204. Obv.: Bust of St. John Chrysostomos. Rev.: Σφραγις Στεφάνου όστιαρίου πέλω. 617. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 94, no. 894 (Ioannes Maurozomes Komnenos). 618. Proposed date: 1259-1303. Theodora Doukaina Palaiologina augusta. Remarks: Zacos-Veglery, no. 122c-d. Münz Zentrum, Sale 103 (23-24 June 2000) 348. Proposed date: Ca. 700/730. Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Τατιανω πατρικίφ. 349. Proposed date: Ca. 1055/1060 (no photo). Obv.: St. George standing. Rev.: Κύριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλω Κωνσταντίνφ πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και ύπάτφ. 350. Proposed date: Ca. 1284. Obv.: St. Michael standing. Rev.: Μιχαήλ σφράγισμα του Ταρχανειώτου. Remarks: ΡLP 11, no. 27505. Münz Zentrum, Sale 104 (6-8 September 2000) 649. Date: 679/680. Obv.: Bust of Constantine IV, indiction 8. Πέτρου άπδ υπάτων και γενικού κομμερκιαρίου. Rev.: Busts of Herakleios and Tiberios. 'Αποθήκης έκατέρας Κιλικίας. 650. Repetition of Schenk-Behrens 79, no. 348 (Konstantinos Katakalos magistros, vestarches and ethnarches). Münz Zentrum, Sale (Rheinland) 105 (10-12 January 2001) 936. Proposed date: 717-741. Obv.: Leon III and Constantine V. Rev.: Των βασιλικών κομμερκίων Βιθυνίας, Σαλουταρίας, Πακατιανής και Λυδίας, indiction Β'. Remarks: Date: 733/734. Parallel to Zacos-Veglery, no. 248a-b; DOSeals 3.24.4. 946. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 103, no. 348 (Tatianos patrikios). 947. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 103, no. 350 (Michael Tarchaneiotes). Münz Zentrum, Sale 106 (28-29 March 2001) 782. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 104, no. 649 (Petros apo hypaton and genikos kommerkiarios of both Kilikia). 783. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 104, no. 783 (Konstantinos Katakalos magistros, vestarches and ethnarches).

246

CATALOGUE OF AUCTIONS

Münz Zentrum, Sale 107 (30 May-1 June 2001) 277. Proposed date: 698-705. Obv.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει. Rev.: Ήρακλείφ πατρικίφ. Remarks: VIII c. (first third). 278. Repetition of Schenk-Behrens, 7.1.2001, no. 323 (Bardas imp. spatharokoubikoularios and epi ton oikeiakon). Münz Zentrum, Sale 108 (5-7 September 2001) 849. Proposed date: Ca. 800. Obv.: Invocative monogram, tetragram. Rev.: Νικηφόρφ τοποτηρητοΰ CVP or CöP, perhaps: Συρακουσών. Remarks: IX c. (first third). 850. Proposed date: Ca. 1057/1068. Obv.: Bust of the Virgin standing, holding Christ in her left arm. Inscription: Ή Νικοποιός. Rev.: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Νικητή προέδρω, πρωτοβεστιαρίφ και δομεστίκω των σχολών της 'Ανατολής. 851. Proposed date: Ca. 1200/1275. Obv.: Cross, in the quarters: IC-XC - NI-K.A. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τώ σφ δοΰλφ Νικολάφ κλιρικφ το ΑΡΧ, perhaps Άρχ(αγγέλου). Remarks: Editor's reading: Άβυδ(ηνοΰ). Schenk-Behrens, Sale (28-30 May 1997) 484. Proposed date: 393-423. Obv.: Victoria standing. Rev.: Busts of Honorios and Theodosios II (?). Remarks: Cf. Laurent, Vatican, no. 1. 515. Repetition of Müller 77, no. 1168 = Hirsch 183, no. 1775 = Hirsch 186, no. 1633 (Beser patrikios and strategos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 126-127. Cf. Sode, Bleisiegel, no. 212 (probably from another boulloterion). 516. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 78, no. 800 = Hirsch 188, no. 1139 (Niketas dikaiophylax). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 152. 517. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 88, no. 1214. 524. Proposed date: None. Obv.: Bust of a saint. Rev.: ... - ΛΟΓΟν Τ-.. ΗΡΙ. 525. Proposed date: None. Obv.: Standing saint. Rev.: Cross with letters in the quarters. Schenk-Behrens, Sale (27-28 November 1997) 411. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 90, no. 1041 (Konstantinos skriniarios ? or Ioannes chartoularios). 412. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 90, no. 1052 (Christophoros magistros, vestarches and praitor of the Kibbyrraiotai). 413. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 90, no. 1054 (Andronikos Lapardas). 414. Lot of five seals (VII-X c.): - Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram (type Laurent IX). Rev.: Θεοδοσίου άπό υπάτων. 247

SEALS PUBLISHED 1997-2001

Remarks: VII c. - Leon (no photo). - Repetition of Münz Zentrum 84, no. 879 (.... ek prosopou of Aigaion Pelagos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 155. - Obv.: Patriarchal cross on four steps; circular inscription. Rev.: ......IU β. κανδηδάτφ και δηυκιτή. Remarks: Late IX c. The editor proposes as name Nikolaos. - Perhaps repetition of Münz Zentrum 88, no. 1212 (Nikephoros II Phokas). 415. Lot of six seals (XI-XII c.): e. g. - Repetition of Münz Zentrum 88, no. 1211 (Basileios Apokapes, protospatharios kai strategos). - Obv.: Bust of St. Nicholas. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει τφ σφ δοΰλω Μιχαήλ άσικρΐτ(ις). Remarks: Ca. second-third quarter of XI c. - Obv.: Bust of St. George. Rev.: Κΰριε βοήθει Μιχαήλ άνθυπ(άτφ).... Schenk-Behrens, Sale (4-6 May 1998) 627. Proposed date: VI c. Obv.: Hypapante. Rev.: Plomb. 628. Proposed date: VI c. Obv.: Eagle with hare? Rev.: Lion. 629. Proposed date: Ca. 500/580. Obv.: Block monogram: 'Ιωάννου. Rev.: Block monogram: Δομετίου or Μοδέστου. Remarks: VII c. 630. Proposed date: Ca. 500/580 (no photo). Obv.: Block monogram, perhaps: Στεφάνου. Rev.: Block monogram, perhaps: Ευωνύμου. 631. Repetition of Schenk-Behrens, 30.11-2.12.1994 (Διακονίας Γερμανοί)). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 157. 632. Proposed date: Ca. 717-730. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), with stars in the quarters. Rev.: Γεωργίφ ύπάτφ. Remarks: From the same boulloterion: Kölner Münzkabinett 60, no. 542, cf. SBS 6 (1999) 135. 633. Proposed date: Ca. 797. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent V), with tetragram. Rev.: Βαρδάνει πατρικίφ, β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ και στρατηγώ των Θρακησίων. Remarks: Cf. Seibt-Zarnitz 4.2.9. 634. Proposed date: Ca. 905-925. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps with fleurons, circular inscription. Rev.: Πέτρφ β. πρωτοσπαθαρίφ τ(ω) Μινγάν(η) or Μιχράν(η). Remarks: Χ c. (first half). The editor reads ΑΜΙΝΓΑΝ-. Cf. Seibt, SBS 1 (2002) 128f. 635. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 81, no. 1522 (Philaretos Brachamios as protokouropalates). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 154. 248

CATALOGUE OF AUCTIONS

636. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 81, no. 1526 (Philaretos Brachamios as sebastos). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 154. 637. Repetition of Münz Zentrum 81, no. 1524 (John Alopos, kouropalates). Remarks: SBS 6 (1999) 154. 638. Repetition of Hirsch 185, no. 1511 and Sternberg 26, no. 507 (Romanos Philaretos, protonobelissimos). Remarks: SBS 3 (1993) 207. 639. Lot of five seals, with three illustrations (mostly repetitions). Obv.: Bust of St. Theodore. Rev.: Κ(ΰρι)ε β(οή) τω σφ δ Ίω(άνντι) (πρωτο)σπθαρ(ίφ) τ(φ) Κ(α)μάλ(λφ). Remarks: The family name is uncertain. Date: XI c. (second quarter). 640. Lot of five seals, three illustrations (repetitions). Schenk-Behrens, Sale 76 (26-28 November 1998) 484. Proposed date: Ca. 400-500. Obv.: Male figure orans between two animals (beasts). Rev.: Male figure dancing, at left a branch of a plant. Remarks: The editor supposes Daniel (?). 485. Date: 527-565. Obv.: Bust of the emperor Justinian I. Rev.: Winged Victory. Remarks: Similar to Zacos-Veglery, no. 3a,b. 486. Proposed date: Ca. 650-700. Obv.: Cruciform monogram, perhaps: Θεοτόκε βοήθει Παΰλου. Rev.: Paulus. 487. Proposed date: Ca. 670-720. Obv.: Cruciform invocative monogram: Θεοτόκε βοήθει (?). Rev.: Cruciform monogram, unsolved. Remarks: The proposal δοΰλω Θεοδώρφ does not work. 488. Proposed date: Ca. 690-710. Obv.: Πέτρου και Γεωργίου. Rev.: άπό έπαρχων. Remarks: VII c. 489. Proposed date: Ca. 730-780. Obv.: Invocative monogram (Laurent VIII) with tetragram. Rev.: Κοσμά διοικιτη. 490. Proposed date: Ca. 920-945. Obv.: Patriarchal cross on steps, fleurons; circular inscription. Rev.: Κωνσταντίνφ κληρικφ, χαρτουλαρίφ και πατριαρχικά έξάρχφ τ(ής) Θρ