Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa (Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies) 3030697231, 9783030697235

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CHRISTIANITY AND RENEWAL – INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES

Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa Mookgo Solomon Kgatle

Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies Series Editors Wolfgang Vondey Department of Theology and Religion University of Birmingham Birmingham, UK Amos Yong School of Theology & School of Intercultural Studies Fuller Theological Seminary Pasadena, CA, USA

Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies provides a forum for scholars from a variety of disciplinary perspectives, various global locations, and a range of Christian ecumenical and religious traditions to explore issues at the intersection of the Pentecostal, charismatic, and other renewal movements and related phenomena, including: the transforming and renewing work of the Holy Spirit in Christian traditions, cultures, and creation; the traditions, beliefs, interpretation of sacred texts, and scholarship of the renewal movements; the religious life, including the spirituality, ethics, history, and liturgical and other practices, and spirituality of the renewal movements; the social, economic, political, transnational, and global implications of renewal movements; methodological, analytical, and theoretical concerns at the intersection of Christianity and renewal; intra-Christian and interreligious comparative studies of renewal and revitalization movements; other topics connecting to the theme of Christianity and renewal. Authors are encouraged to examine the broad scope of religious phenomena and their interpretation through the methodological, hermeneutical, and historiographical lens of renewal in contemporary Christianity. Under the general topic of thoughtful reflection on Christianity and renewal, the series includes two different kinds of books: (1) monographs that allow for in-depth pursuit, carefully argued, and meticulously documented research on a particular topic that explores issues in Christianity and renewal; and (2) edited collections that allow scholars from a variety of disciplines to interact under a broad theme related to Christianity and renewal. In both kinds, the series encourages discussion of traditional Pentecostal and charismatic studies, reexamination of established religious doctrine and practice, and explorations into new fields of study related to renewal movements. Interdisciplinarity will feature in the series both in terms of two or more disciplinary approaches deployed in any single volume and in terms of a wide range of disciplinary perspectives found cumulatively in the series. For further information or to submit a proposal for consideration, please contact Amy Invernizzi, [email protected]. More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14894

Mookgo Solomon Kgatle

Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa

Mookgo Solomon Kgatle University of South Africa Pretoria, South Africa

ISSN 2634-5854     ISSN 2634-5862 (electronic) Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies ISBN 978-3-030-69723-5    ISBN 978-3-030-69724-2 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Preface

I have a sturdy theological background as a trained pastor in the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) of South Africa. However, unlike many typical AFM pastors, I have had encounters with other Pentecostal traditions. My encounters were informed by my upbringing in the Zion Christian Church (ZCC) of Bishop E. Lekganyane and my earlier affiliation with a charismatic church, Revival Christian Church in Soshanguve, led by Apostle B.W. Makwakwa. Thus over the years I have encountered both classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches and African Independent Churches (AICs) in different settings that I have listed in my first book, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement. In addition, I have had encounters with some of the New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) in South Africa. My encounters with these NPCs came through my in-laws, who are members of In His Presence Ministries in Mukurumele, Bochum, Limpopo Province, South Africa. In His Presence is pastored by Apostle Mashalane, a spiritual son of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, a prominent figure in the NPCs. In its early development in 2009, I attended a night prayer service in Mukurumele. My encounters also came through my friendship with Prophet Lucky Lebepe, who once attended prophetic sessions with Prophets Shepherd Bushiri and Uebert Angel. In all these encounters I have always perceived the NPCs as Pentecostal and therefore as part of a Christian tradition. However, in my discussions with scholars interested in Pentecostalism, I would face questions such as the one posed by a South African Old Testament scholar, Hulisani Ramantswana. Ramantswana asked if what I call Pentecostal should not rather be called something else.1 I received a similar question by a v

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postdoctoral fellow at the University of South Africa (Unisa), Dr Phillip Musoni, who argued that the NPCs were not Pentecostal but should rather be called spirit churches.2 My response to both colleagues was that if we consider the fundamental teachings of Pentecostalism to be a direct personal experience of God through baptism with the Holy Spirit and the initial evidence of speaking in tongues, then the NPCs are indeed Pentecostal. Almost all the NPCs that I know in South Africa do believe in the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in tongues. In fact, most of them speak in tongues even more than many classical Pentecostals. I do however think that it is more correct to say that the NPCs are not part of mainstream Pentecostalism, and I have dealt with that dimension in my first book by introducing NPCs as the distinct wave of Pentecostalism. I also think that it is more correct to say they are non-denominational Pentecostals, hence their non-affiliation to classical Pentecostal denominations such as the AFM of South Africa, Assemblies of God and the Full Gospel Church. But being non-­denominational does not equate to being non-Pentecostal. Similarly, the elements of the abuse of religion among the NPCs do not make them non-Christian as the abuse of religion happens in other Christian traditions as well. The most contentious issue that motivated me to write this book is the correlation between the NPCs and cults. Although I did not receive any direct question on the cultic nature of these churches, I could pick up among scholars that they did not perceive them as churches but rather as cults. Therefore, titles like “fake prophets”, “false prophets”, “cult leaders” became popular in recent debates. In her article “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults in South Africa post-1994”,3 it was clear that Dr Fundiswa Amanda Kobo, Senior Lecturer at Unisa’s Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology, perceived these churches as cults. Similarly, the book by a Pentecostal pastor Makhado Sinthumule Ramabulana, Church Mafia: Captured by Secret Powers: An Untold African Narrative, accompanied by his testimony on YouTube, portrays these churches as cults. The recent interview of Prof. Derrick Mashau, Unisa’s chair of the Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology by Newsroom channel 405, also points to the same direction.4 However, even in this burning debate, I do not think that we should consider the whole movement as cultic but should rather single out the cultic elements in the movement without throwing out the baby with the bath water. And again, we need to remember that other Pentecostal and Christian traditions have some elements of a cultic nature too. In my humble opinion, by labelling them as cults we might lose out on the good that these churches bring such as their contribution to human flourishing,5 their discontinuity with neoliberalism6 and their influence in Pentecostalism.7

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Therefore, it is the purpose of this book, without labelling the NPCs as cults, to single out their cultic elements and look at ways in which these could be addressed. However, we should do so in a responsible manner, hence the importance of first understanding the background of these churches, their theology of prophetism and their peculiar practices. In addition, it is pivotal to first understand the main leaders of the NPCs and the specific churches they have founded in South Africa. Only then will we be able to single out the cultic elements they have brought in and come with proper solutions. Therefore, it is the research design of this book to first profile the NPC prophets. Each prophet will be introduced in terms of their early background, church, influences and business interests. This book will then proceed with chapters that will discuss various cults and how they are connected to the practices by the NPC prophets. In the final two chapters I will demonstrate how other Pentecostal traditions are in discontinuity with cultism and how the NPCs can make adjustments to deal with this discontinuity. Pretoria, South Africa

Mookgo Solomon Kgatle

Notes 1. The question was casually asked during the Symposium on Religion, its Texts, and Contemporary Issues held in Rustenburg, South Africa, during 9–11 December 2019, and hosted by Prof. Ramantswana and Prof. Farisani. 2. The question was asked during the European Research Network on Global Pentecostalism (Glopent) 2020 Conference, hosted by the University of Basel, Basel, Switzerland, 14–15 February 2020. 3. The paper was presented during Unisa’s College of Human Sciences Interdisciplinary Conference on the Abuse of Religion and Gullibility of the Public in the Democratic South Africa, held on 6–7 March 2019. 4. Newsroom Africa, ‘What is the fascination around Prosperity gospel in South Africa?’ [viewed 24 October 2020] https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=jkbSOvVkDOM. 5. Collium Banda. “Redefining religion? A critical Christian reflection on CRL Rights Commission’s proposal to regulate religion in South Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–11. 6. Mookgo S.  Kgatle. “The Relationship between the Economic Strand of Contemporary Pentecostalism and Neo-Liberalism in Post-1994 South Africa.” Religions 11, no. 4 (2020): 156. 7. Mookgo S. Kgatle & Thabang R. Mofokeng. “Towards a decolonial hermeneutic of experience in African Pentecostal Christianity: A South African perspective.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–9.

Acknowledgements

I work under a very supportive chair of our Department of Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology, Professor T.D. Mashau, who always makes our work environment conducive to research. He is continuing to do so even in the current challenges of COVID-19. I would therefore like to thank him and the other colleagues in the department for their support and collegiality. Our department is located in the School of Humanities, College of Human Sciences, at the University of South Africa (Unisa). I therefore would like to thank the Director of our school, Prof. R.S. Tshaka, and the Dean of our college, Prof. K.M. Masemola, for their support. My appreciation also goes to the Head of Research in our college, Prof. Mavhandu-Mudzusi. Most importantly, I would like to thank Unisa’s Directorate of Language Services for the editing of all the chapters before I sent the final submission to the publisher. Lastly, I would like to thank Unisa’s Department of Research, Innovation and Commercialisation for granting me the Vision Keepers Programme (VKP) scholarship to explore current trends of global Pentecostalism, hence the idea of this book. All of the above makes me a proud and grateful Unisan.

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Contents

1 Introduction  1 2 Prophets in New Prophetic Churches 19 3 NPC Prophets and Religious Cult in South Africa 43 4 The Practice of Secret Cult by Some NPC Prophets in South Africa 65 5 The Sex Cult Practices of Some NPC Prophets in South Africa 91 6 NPC Prophets and the Money Cult in South Africa113 7 NPC Prophets and the Celebrity Cult in South Africa135 8 Dis/Continuity with Cultic Tendencies in Classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches (PCCs)157 9 Ways of Challenging the Various Cultic Tendencies in the New Prophetic Churches177

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References199 Index223

Abbreviations

ADBN AFM AIDS AMI AOG BBC BLF CNN CRL DRC ECG ECR EFF eNCA FGC FNB GDP HIV IFCC IT ITC MGZA NICSA NPC NPO PCC

Ancient of Days Broadcasting Network Apostolic Faith Mission Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome Alleluia Ministries International Assemblies of God British Broadcasting Corporation Black First Land First Cable News Network Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities Democratic Republic of Congo Enlightened Christian Gathering Exchange Control Regulations Economic Freedom Fighters eNews Channel Africa Full Gospel Church First National Bank Gross Domestic Product Human Immunodeficiency Virus International Federation of Christian Churches Information technology Interdenominational Theology Centre Mount Zion General Assembly National Interfaith Council of South Africa New Prophetic Churches Non-profit Organisations Pentecostal Charismatic Churches xiii

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ABBREVIATIONS

POCA POWA SABC SARS SBI SCOAN STD STI TOGO YEP

Prevention of Organised Crime Act People Opposing Women Abuse South African Broadcasting Corporation South African Revenue Services Shepherd Bushiri Investments Synagogue Church of All Nations Sexually Transmitted Diseases Sexually Transmitted Infections Tim Omotoso Global Outreach Youth Empowerment Project

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

1.1   The Gap in the Study Scholars interested in African Pentecostalism in and outside the Pentecostal tradition have written scholarly books on the comparative and multidisciplinary studies between African Pentecostalism and other subjects. I cannot list all the multidisciplinary study titles here, but generally scholars have looked at “Pentecostalism and Zionism”,1 “Pentecostalism and economics”,2 “Pentecostalism and human rights”,3 “Pentecostalism and development”,4 “Pentecostalism and politics”,5 “Pentecostalism and media”,6 “Pentecostalism and other religions”,7 “Pentecostalism and Gender”,8 “Pentecostalism and religious conflict”,9 “Pentecostalism and migration”10 and “Pentecostalism and abuse of religion”.11 However, I am not aware by the time of writing this book of a title addressing “Pentecostalism and cultism” specifically in an African context. There are exceptions of course in books such as African Pentecostalism: An Introduction by Ogbu Kalu,12 Pentecostal Exorcism: Witchcraft and Demonology in Ghana by Onyinah Opoku,13 Spirit-Filled World: Religious Dis/continuity in African Pentecostalism by Allan Heaton Anderson,14 where issues related to cultism were partly addressed. I consider the relationship between Pentecostalism and cultism an important study in Pentecostal studies regardless of the controversy around cultism. This book therefore will bridge the gap by exploring the cultic tendencies © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_1

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among prophets in the New Prophetic Churches15 (NPCs) in South Africa. I am aware that venturing in this comparative study might spark controversy. However, I am not doing this study to judge any religious group as cultic but to pick up the cultic tendencies among some prophets in the NPCs in South Africa. The tone of this book, therefore, is going to be corrective than judgemental. Having said the above as a missiologist, I will suggest some remedies that can help harmonise the tension between cultic tendencies among NPCs and Pentecostalism in South Africa.

1.2   Justification for the Study Pentecostalism is a growing movement in world Christianity. Scholars have acknowledged African Pentecostal Christianity as a major contributor to the growth of both global Pentecostalism and world Christianity.16 However, the growth of Pentecostalism in South Africa has come with some challenges such as the abuse of religion by some prophets in NPCs. The abuse of religion by these prophets has caused the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (the CRL Commission) in South Africa to begin two investigations: on the commercialisation of religion17 and on the abuse of people.18 It is these two investigations by the CRL Rights Commission that had sparked the interest of scholars interested in South African Pentecostalism to start writing extensively on the abuse of religion. However, most of their writings, including my own book, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa,19 have not addressed the relationship between the abuse of religion and cultism. This book aims to make a valuable contribution to the studies that seek to understand the abuse of religion in South African Pentecostalism by addressing the cultic tendencies amongst prophets. The book will begin by naming these prophets and the churches they lead in South Africa. It will furthermore use literary and media analysis to analyse the religious practices by prophets in relation to cultism. Similarly, these two methods will be used to analyse the consultation of witchdoctors by prophets in what is termed “secret cults”. Makhado Sinthumule Ramabulana’s book Church Mafia: Captured by Secret Powers: An Untold African Narrative (2018)20 and testimonies of Pastor Jay Israel21 will be helpful in this regard. In addition, we will analyse the “celebrity cult” and how it helps promote the prophets in South Africa. The purpose of this book is threefold: first, to draw parallels between the abuse of religion and

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cultism; second, to illustrate that it is cultic tendencies including the celebrity cult that has given rise to many prophets in South Africa; last, the challenge for many of these prophets is that the Pentecostal tradition is actually anti-cultism; thus, there is a need for them to rethink their cultic tendencies in order for them to be truly relevant in a South African context.

1.3   Defining Cultism This book is about the cultic tendencies displayed by prophets in South Africa. It is therefore important to define “cult” as a point of departure. A cult is a system where the followers join through duplicitous methods such as manipulation, brainwashing and being controlled .22 A cult is a group that challenges the basic or fundamental beliefs of a specific tradition by introducing its own system of beliefs in order to make itself distinguishable from the rest.23 Therefore, “Any group or church that claims to be Christian yet deviates at any point from historical Christian faith is, by definition, a cult.”24 The followers in a specific cult generally follow a strong, radical and charismatic leader.25 Kobo adds that in a cult there is a glorification of the leader to such an extent that people commit to that leader more than to the cause or mission of the group.26 According to Stanford, cults are known for the following: • Cults are directed by ringleaders who strive to charm and fascinate people into following them by claiming to possess unique authority or supernatural powers from God. • Cults use the Bible to authenticate their false teaching by twisting God’s truth for their own personal gain—usually popularity, power and money. • Cults are not new-age religions, secular humanism or pagan religions, although they may adopt from these any combination of their characteristics and practices. • Cult leaders deceive their followers and either prohibit or discourage them from searching the scriptures. They condemn the use of the Bible to test or challenge “a word from God” they allege, demanding that their audience believe it without questioning it. They either intimidate or flatter their followers into submissive trust in their teachings.

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• Cults impose either superiority or inferiority on the fellowship, segregating its followers socially or spiritually from those who question their doctrines. • Cult members adhere to the tenets of their organisation more than to the written Word of God. Extra-biblical experiences supersede the Word.27 There are reasons for people to follow religious cults such as socio-­ economic challenges like poverty, unemployment and inequality.28 Hence, in Africa where such challenges abound, cults dominate the religious landscape. However, there could be other reasons for this great following of cults as some of the followers are very wealthy. Whatever the reason, things such as a lack of knowledge among the believers make them very gullible and vulnerable to cults or cultic tendencies. In my first book I dealt with the reasons for the gullibility of society to the abuses of religion.29 In this book I will not dwell much on the reasons why people are so gullible but focus on cults in the context of extreme religious practices by most prophets in South Africa. This book will analyse these practices in the light of their cultic tendencies. The main argument of the book is that it is the cultic nature of prophets that make them so prominent in South Africa.

1.4   Pentecostalism and Cultism The early Pentecostals such as Smith Wigglesworth, who emphasised faith as captured in their words, “I am not moved by what I see but I am only moved by what I believe,”30 have been linked with cultism. Similarly, the “word of faith” movement of E.W. Kenyon, Kenneth Hagin, Robert Schuller, Oral Roberts, Kenneth Copeland, Creflo Dollar and others who preach the triple blessings of salvation, health and prosperity has been linked with cultism.31 In South Africa, the early American Pentecostal missionary John G. Lake has been accused of having relationships with spiritualists and masquerading as a conman who used occult powers in the name of faith healing.32 However, according to Nel, “Instead of cultivating friendship with spiritualists and hypnotists, Lake at several instances confronted them in public and humiliated their supposed powers”.33 One of the critics of the “word of faith” movement is Neuman, who argues that the positive confession of the “word of faith” that says anyone who is sick can confess that they are healed by using a biblical verse of healing is cultic.34 Neuman also criticises the movement because it perceives sickness as caused by the sins of the

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believers and the fact that upon confession of the sin, the sick will be healed.35 The third target of Neuman’s criticism is the claim that Jesus materially died on the cross for the poverty of the believer, “he became poor so that we may be rich.”36 According to Neuman, the Christian faith can be summarised in three confessions: “confession of the Lordship of Christ by an unbeliever, the believer’s confession of his sins and the confessing of our faith in the Word, in Christ and God the Father”.37 However, in contesting Neuman’s criticism, Anderson opines that indeed the gospel is not silent on the material needs of people and salvation is holistic in the sense that it is relevant for the body, soul and spirit of the human being.38 Anderson continues to say that it is in fact the holistic gospel that has moved believers from the missional churches into the independent Pentecostal churches in the global south.39 Indeed, in countries such as South Africa, there has been a movement of believers from missional Christian churches to classical Pentecostal churches. Most recently, there has been a movement of believers leaving the classical Pentecostal churches for neo-Pentecostal churches. It is postulated here that this kind of movement is caused by the relevant ministration of neo-Pentecostal preachers to the needs of the people. The only problem for Anderson is that many Pentecostal and charismatic preachers assert that the “not yet” is already here in what is called the realised eschatology.40 In my view it is this problem as highlighted by Anderson that causes so many Pentecostal preachers to fall in the cultic category. The promise of the preacher about the “not yet” as the “already here” makes the believers to rely as much on the preacher as on God himself. On the issue of Pentecostalism and the ancestral cult,41 there is a clear distinction between Pentecostal beliefs and ancestral cultic practices specifically among classical Pentecostals. The manifestation of spirits in the context of the Holy Spirit should not be confused with the cultic tendencies as practised, for example, by the diviner.42 Anderson adds, “Whereas the diviner wants to maintain the traditional ancestor cult, the Christian solution is aimed at confronting these beliefs and providing an acceptable alternative that will help deepen people’s Christian commitment.”43 Pentecostals therefore do not worship the ancestors but are in confrontation with the ancestral powers and spirits through the power of the Holy Spirit.44 The main question in this book is the relationship between the prophets in South Africa and cultism. I will assess and in the end come to a conclusion as to whether prophets are cultic or not, but before we get there we need to understand the characteristics of these prophets.

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1.5   Characterising Prophets in New Prophetic Churches Love them or hate them, NPC prophets are occupying a significant position in the religious space in South Africa. While leaders in classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches45 have taken up titles such as pastor, reverend or even bishop, some of the leaders of NPCs in South Africa have taken up the title of prophet. These prophets are known for their prophetic titles such as “Seer 1”, “Major one” and “Mzansi prophet”46. These titles are related to the function of the prophet. The title “Major one”, for example, is derived from the military rank “Major General”, with the implication that the prophet is of a higher rank and thus above other prophets. Other titles like “Seer 1” are taken from the Old Testament.47 There are other leaders who fall into the category of prophets but have rather decided to keep the simple title of “pastor” because of fear of controversy or as a camouflage. However, when observing closely, they do have the characteristics that I discuss below; thus the fact that they are not specifically called “prophet” doesn’t mean that they cannot be categorised as NPC prophets. NPC prophets in South Africa are known for what I or even the prophets themselves call “forensic prophecy”.48 It is called this because in his prophecy the neo-Pentecostal prophet reveals some personal details of the person receiving the prophecy. These often include, among others, their name, residential address, banking details, car registration number, age, work position and other details.49 This kind of prophecy is not only about the triple blessings of salvation, health and wealth but also about the proclamation of the gospel to save lost souls but the daily lives of individuals. The prophecy can reveal a person’s phone number, the name of their dog or what they ate the previous night; sometimes, as mentioned in 2 Kings 6:12, even the very words that someone spoke in the privacy of their bedroom.50 This could even explain why prophetic churches have a great following as people in Africa generally like to hear about their problems and the reasons why they are encountering them. However, many have come to criticise this type of prophecy likening it to divination by diviners in African traditional religions,51 saying that there is a need to make a distinction between the two.52 This is, however, not the place for a debate about this issue but only to highlight forensic prophecy as a characteristic of prophets. The prophets are also known for their prophetic deliverance. Traditionally, the ministry of deliverance in African Pentecostalism involves

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deliverance from generational curses, deliverance as spiritual warfare against witchcraft and other demonic forces and deliverance for healing.53 But prophetic deliverance is very different to the traditional ministry of deliverance. The deliverance ministry among the prophets entails a prophetic dimension that involves consultation with the prophet in order to receive freedom from one’s predicaments.54 This dimension of deliverance raises the problem of commercialisation within the practice of deliverance in Africa.55 Usually this prophetic dimension involves a one-on-one session with the prophet whereby sometimes an exorbitant amount of something like R7000 is charged per individual. Believers or followers of prophets do not mind paying this type of a fee as long as they are promised a job, promotion, house or car. However, this becomes a problem when after paying such exorbitant amounts followers do not see the results. The prophets are also known for prophetic materials. They sell anything that one can think about, from a New Year calendar to a poster bearing the name of the prophet. The prophetic materials often serve as protection in the form of stickers on cars and houses belonging to the followers. These prophetic materials are also used for advertising the prophets where believers will put on T-shirts bearing the name of their favourite prophet.56 Among all the prophetic materials, the most common material is the anointing oil which mainly consists of olive oil, but after the prophet has prayed for it, it works miracles among the believers.57 This anointing oil can be used for healing, anointing the sick or any wound on the body. Other than healing, the prophetic materials can be used in praying for promotion at work, a different placement in the workplace, a miracle needed to go and study or even when applying to go and live overseas in the global north.58 These prophetic materials, similar to the one-on-one session in prophetic deliverance, do not come cheap and followers pay a fortune for it. The prophets are also known for prophetic miracles. South Africans have seen so many miracles like the appearance of angels during a church service—something which was also shown on television.59 Other miracles showed oil appearing in the hands of people, and it was claimed that angels dropped this oil in their hands.60 While Africans are used to whirlwinds, when it appears during a prophetic service, it is not an ordinary whirlwind but a miraculous one.61 The most common miracle among the prophets is miracle money which is the appearance of money in people’s bank accounts without a normal deposit; the claim usually is that an angel deposited such money. The most shocking miracle, however, was the resurrection of a dead man.62 Some of these miracles and other bizarre acts will be highlighted in Chap. 3 to demonstrate their relationship with cultism.

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1.6   Cultic Tendencies as a Theoretical Framework With the understanding of the nature of a cult, this book will discuss cultic tendencies among the prophets. With “cultic tendencies” I mean the religious practices that are considered or perceived by Pentecostals or members of the community as cultic. I chose to use the word “tendency” to illustrate that the prophets in their religious practices are not always full-­ blown cultic but that a few elements in their practices demonstrate a cultic nature. In other words, the word “tendency” is used here to avoid a generalisation of the whole neo-Pentecostal movement in South Africa as a cultic movement. Thus, scholars of South African Pentecostalism need to be careful not to do what Mofokeng has cautioned against, that is, “throwing the baby out with the bathwater”.63 In this context, it means that just because we have picked up mistakes in the ministry of some prophets, we shouldn’t totally dismiss them like some arguing that some of the prophets are not even Christians and others saying they are not Pentecostals. In this book, the goal is to highlight the cultic tendencies without dismissing the whole movement as such. Hence, in this book and my other publications, I have acknowledged them as Christians and as Pentecostals. The cultic tendencies in this book will be traced according to the following themes: • Religious cult • Secret cult • Sex cult • Money cult • Celebrity cult

1.7   Literary and Media Analysis of Cultic Tendencies The first method that will be used to analyse the cultic tendencies among NPC prophets is literary analysis. Literary analysis according to McGee requires that the author provides evidence to support claims made about any specific subject.64 In this case I will use literary analysis to provide evidence of cultic tendencies as practised by the prophets in South Africa. Literature on the emergence of prophets and their impact in South Africa will be helpful. In addition, literature on the whole South African Pentecostal movement will assist in understanding the stance of the

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Pentecostal tradition on the issue of cults. I will furthermore analyse literature on the subject of cults in general and religious cults in particular. As the main themes of the book, literature on religious cult, the practice of secret cult, sex cult and the celebrity cult will also be analysed in relation to cultic practices. However, literature alone is not sufficient to determine the presence and extent of cultic tendencies by prophets in South Africa as some of the content can be picked up from the media in the form of videos and audio clips. Therefore, this book will also use media analysis in addition to literary analysis to assess the videos and audio clips by the prophets. The videos will be analysed by focusing on the content that relates to cultic tendencies. Media analysis according to Macnamara is a research methodology that is able to reveal the message of the audio and images within the public space in mass media.65 Macnamara goes on to say that media content analysis: allows researchers to go further and explore what media content says about a society and the potential effects mass media representations may have on audiences. Media content analysis is a non-intrusive research method that allows the examination of a wide range of data over an extensive period to identify popular discourses and their likely meanings.66

Media analysis is conducted in a scientific manner in order to promote objectivity and avoid biases by the author.67 The method has clear benefits like providing the evaluation of media reports and strategic insights in how to deal with the possible wrong portrayal of events in the media.68 Media analysis in this book will also be used to access information from social media like YouTube, Twitter, Facebook and other social media networks.

1.8   Outline of Chapters This chapter introduces the theme of the book, that is, cultism and its relationship with Pentecostalism, prophets and cultic tendencies in a South African context. The chapter also explains the meaning of literary and media analysis and how these methods will be used in the book. Given the background of the abuse of religion in South Africa, this will explain how this phenomenon is related to cultic tendencies. The chapter is basically aimed at guiding readers into what they can expect in the rest of the book. Thus, it gives the outline of the book.

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In Chap. 2 it is pivotal to introduce the NPC prophets in South Africa. Each church prophet will be profiled by looking at their background, churches they lead and their theology of prophecy. The first prophet is the well-known and controversial Prophet Shepherd Bushiri of Enlightened Christian Gathering. The second prophet is Daniel Lesego of Rabboni Ministries and his protégés such as Penuel Mnguni and Thabang Rabalago. The third prophet is Pastor Alph Lukau of Alleluia Ministries who, like Bushiri, has also been controversial. The fourth prophet is Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng of Incredible Happenings. The last prophet is Timothy Omotoso of Jesus Dominion International. In Chap. 3 I discuss the relationship between some religious extremism and cultism in South Africa. The prophets have been engaged in some extreme religious practices such as asking congregants to eat grass, drink petrol, eat snakes, walking on air, resurrecting “dead” bodies and so forth. Some of these extreme religious practices can be linked with cultism as some scholars qualify them to be described as “cult-like” practices. These practices have had a negative impact on the followers of these prophets. Although some of the prophets argue that these practices have enhanced the faith of their followers, other Pentecostal traditions perceive them as violating human rights. Chapter 4 studies the practice of secret cults by some prophets in South Africa. There is often a tendency among prophets to visit some secret cults in order to access powers for their churches to grow to great numbers. The question is, how is a neo-Pentecostal prophet visiting a witchdoctor, for example, related to cultism as suggested by some scholars and practitioners of faith? Is the growth of some new prophetic churches in South Africa indeed related to secret cultic practices as some suggest? This chapter answers these questions by looking at the benefits of visiting a witchdoctor and other secret cult practices in an African context. In Chap. 5 I discuss the sexual abuse of women as a cultic tendency in neo-Pentecostalism. The sexual abuse of women is at the centre of the abuse of religion by the contemporary neo-Pentecostal churches in a post-­ colonial South Africa that had triggered the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (also known as the CRL Commission) to call for the regulation of churches. While this is true, the question is to what extent is the sexual abuse of women a cultic tendency? This chapter will answer this question and highlight some consequences of the sexual abuse of women in a South African context.

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Chapter 6 studies what I call money cult in the context of tendencies by prophets to collect people whole salaries, houses, cars and other properties. In addition, one of the prophets was involved in transporting a large sum of money to his home country; this aspect shall be discussed in detail here. Money cult in this chapter is also associated with materialism where almost all the prophets go around with flashy cars and live in mansions and other illustration of luxurious life. Chapter 7 starts off by explaining the meaning of a celebrity cult and then goes further by looking at how this phenomenon has made the prophets famous. The chapter will look at the use of titles and stage names in promoting the prophets’ celebrity status. This chapter will also look at the popular miracles by prophet Bushiri and Pastor Alph Lukau. It makes a connection between these popular miracles and the celebrity cult. The purpose of this chapter is to illustrate that the concept of a celebrity cult is what is making these prophets so popular. In Chap. 8 I look at the dis/continuity of cultic tendencies in other Pentecostal traditions and its implications for prophets. In this chapter, I will illustrate which practices constitute discontinuity by other Pentecostal traditions and which ones constitute some elements of continuity. It will help in coming up with solutions to address the cultic tendencies among the NPC prophets in South Africa. It will assist to make a distinction between practices that are commonly accepted among Pentecostals and the ones that should be considered a taboo in South African Pentecostalism in order to avoid generalisations. Given discontinuity with some of the cultic tendencies by other Pentecostal traditions in South Africa, Chap. 9 explores the implications of this discontinuity. What are some of the implications of Pentecostalism’s anti-cultic stance for the prophets? This chapter suggests that prophets have to rethink their practice of cultic tendencies in order for them to be accepted in South African Pentecostalism. The chapter also suggests that prophets have to rethink the literal interpretation of scriptures. Second, they have to rethink their realised eschatology. They need to rethink their theology of the “not yet” and the “already here”. Third, they need to be involved in the mission of evangelism as opposed to consulting witchdoctors for numbers. Fourth, instead of sexually abusing women, they need to show respect to women and practise sex within their marriages. Fifth, they need to embrace good financial stewardship. Last, the prophets are called upon to become servants instead of celebrities.

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Notes 1. Allan Heaton Anderson. Zion and Pentecost: The spirituality and experience of Pentecostal and Zionist/Apostolic churches in South Africa (Pretoria: University of South Africa Press, 2000). 2. There are several books that study the relationship between Pentecostalism and economics such as Paul Gifford. Ghana’s New Christianity: Pentecostalism in a Globalising African Economy (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004) cf. Katherine, Attanasi, and Amos Yong, eds. Pentecostalism and prosperity: the socio-economics of the global charismatic movement (Berlin: Springer, 2012) cf. Ezra, Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda, and Joachim Kügler, eds. Prophets, profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo (Vol. 12. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2014). 3. Francis, Machingura, Lovemore Togarasei, and Ezra Chitando, eds. Pentecostalism and human rights in contemporary Zimbabwe (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018). 4. Dena, Freeman. “Pentecostalism and Development”. Churches, NGOs and Social Change in Africa. Basingstoke [Jerusalem] (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) cf. Richard, Burgess. Nigerian Pentecostalism and Development: Spirit, Power, and Transformation (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). 5. Adeshina, Afolayan, Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso, and Toyin Falola, eds. Pentecostalism and politics in Africa. Berlin: Springer, 2018 cf. Obadare, Ebenezer. Pentecostal republic: Religion and the struggle for state power in Nigeria (London: Zed Books, 2018). 6. Katrien, Pype. The Making of the Pentecostal Melodrama: religion, media and gender in Kinshasa (Vol. 6. New York: Berghahn Books, 2012). 7. Tomas Sundnes, Drønen. Pentecostalism, globalisation, and Islam in northern Cameroon: megachurches in the making? (Leiden: Brill, 2013). 8. Maria, Frahm-Arp. Professional women in South African pentecostal charismatic churches (Leiden: Brill, 2010) cf. Tapiwa, Mapuranga. Powered by faith: Pentecostal businesswomen in Harare (Harare: Resource Publication, 2018) cf. Chammah J. Kaunda. Genders, Sexualities, and Spiritualities in African Pentecostalism (Berlin: Springer, 2020) cf. Nel, Marius. LGBTIQ+ people and Pentecostals: An African Pentecostal hermeneutic perspective. Vol. 30. Münster: LIT Verlag, 2020. 9. Ruth, Marshall. Political spiritualities: the Pentecostal revolution in Nigeria (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009) cf. Ebenezer, Obadare. Pentecostal republic: Religion and the struggle for state power in Nigeria (London: Zed Books, 2018).

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10. Afe, Adogame, Raimundo Barreto, and Wanderley Pereira Da Rosa. Migration and Public Discourse in World Christianity (Vol. 2. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 2019) cf. Afe, Adogame. Religion crossing boundaries: transnational religious and social dynamics in Africa and the new African diaspora (Leiden: Brill, 2010) cf. Afe, Adogame. The African Christian diaspora: New currents and emerging trends in world Christianity (London: A&C Black, 2013). 11. Mookgo, Kgatle, and Allan H. Anderson. The Use and Abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African Perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020. 12. Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: an introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). 13. Opoku, Onyinah, Pentecostal Exorcism: Witchcraft and Demonology in Ghana (Leiden: Brill, 2019). 14. Allan Heaton Anderson, Spirit-filled world: religious dis/continuity in African Pentecostalism (New York, Macmillan, 2018). 15. The New Prophetic Churches are different to the other three streams of Pentecostalism in South Africa: classical Pentecostal churches, African Independent Pentecostal Churches and the Charismatic movements. I have called them The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa in my book because of their new character of prophetism cf. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “New paradigms of pneumatological ecclesiology brought about by new prophetic churches within South African Pentecostalism.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 6. Ramantswana uses “new Prophetic movement” to refer to the same phenomenon, see Hulisani, Ramantswana. “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2019): 1–8. In Zimbabwe, Chitando and Biri called them a Pentecostal prophetic sector; see Chitando, Ezra, and Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s Prophetic Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: a preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85. This type of churches exists also in West Africa, for example, in Ghana, see Joseph, QuayesiAmakye. “Prophetism in Ghana’s New Prophetic Churches.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 35, no. 2 (2015): 162–173 and Cephas, N Omenyo, and Wonderful Adjei Arthur. “The Bible says! Neo-prophetic hermeneutics in Africa.” Studies in World Christianity 19, no. 1 (2013): 50–70. 16. Allan Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 103, cf. Allan Anderson, To the Ends of the Earth: Pentecostalism and the

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Transformation of World Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press). Douglas Priest & Stephen E. Burris (eds.), River of God: An Introduction to World Mission (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2012), p.  118. Jonathan James (ed.), A Moving Faith: Mega Churches Go South (New Delhi: SAGE Publishing India, 2015). 17. Paul Kibuuka Kiyingi, Carel. J. Van Aardt & Deon Herold Tustin (eds.), An Investigative Study of the Commercialisation of Religion in the Republic of South Africa: 2016 Gauteng Pilot Study (Pretoria: CRL Rights Commission/UNISA, 2016). 18. CRL Rights Commission, “Report on the hearings on the commercialisation of religion and abuse of people’s beliefs systems” (Pretoria, CRL Rights Commission, 2017). https://www.gov.za/documents/report-­ hearings-­c ommercialisation-­r eligion-­a nd-­a buse-­p eoples-­b elief-­ systems-­24-­apr-­2017. 19. Mookgo S. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019). 20. Makhado Sinthumule Ramabulana, Church Mafia. Captured by Secret Powers. An Untold African Narrative (Pretoria: Khado & Sons, 2018). 21. I have a collection of videos from YouTube and Facebook where Pastor Jay Israel accuses pastors such as Alph Lukau, Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, Emmanuel Makandiwa, T.B. Joshua, Urbert Angel and others of cultic tendencies. I also have a collection of videos where some, if not all of the above-­mentioned pastors, respond to Pastor Jay Israel. Videos representing both sides will be critically analysed in this book to understand the basis of cultic tendencies and/or the argument against such tendencies. 22. Brandon Waters. “Breaking free from cults: A guide for pastors to lead individuals to a new Christian identity.” Lynchburg, Virginia: Liberty University School of Divinity, 2016. 23. Stephan Pretorius. “Mind control: The secret weapon utilised by religious cults to control their followers.” Koers: Bulletin for Christian Scholarship= Koers: Bulletin vir Christelike Wetenskap 69, no. 4 (2004): 607–621. 24. Kenneth Boa, Cults, World Religions and the Occult (Colorado Springs: David C. Cook, 1990), pp. 168. 25. Ibid., 609. 26. Fundiswa A. Kobo. “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults in South Africa post-1994.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 3 (2019): 1–7. 27. Lee A.  Stanford, The Pentecostal Takeover (Maitland Colonnades: Xulon Press, 2005), 33. 28. Kobo, “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults”, 2. 29. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 129. 30. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 219. 31. Ibid., 219.

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32. Barry Morton. “‘The Devil Who Heals’: Fraud and Falsification in the Evangelical Career of John G.  Lake, Missionary to South Africa 1908–1913.” African Historical Review 44, no. 2 (2012): 98–118. 33. Marius Nel. “‘John G. Lake as a fraud, conman and false prophet’: critical assessment of a historical evaluation of Lake’s ministry.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 1 (2016): 1–24, cf. Gordon Lindsay (ed.), John G.  Lake, Apostle to Africa (Dallas: Christ for the Nations Incorporated, 2006). 34. Terris H.  Neuman. “Cultic origins of word-faith theology within the Charismatic movement.” Pneuma 12, no. 1 (1990): 32–55. 35. Ibid., 35. 36. Ibid., 35. 37. Ibid., 36. 38. Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism, 219. 39. Ibid., 220. 40. Ibid., 220. 41. Allan Anderson. “African Pentecostalism and the ancestor cult: confrontation or compromise.” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 21, no. 1 (1993): 26–39. In this article Anderson defines the ancestor cult as “a family affair … [where] members of a particular family usually observe the family customs relating to their particular ancestors, at least once annually”. 42. Marthinus L.  Daneel. “The Christian gospel and the ancestor cult.” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 1, no. 2 (1973): 46–73. 43. Allan Anderson, Spirit-filled World Religious Dis/Continuity in African Pentecostalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018). 44. Opoku Onyinah, Pentecostal Exorcism: Witchcraft and Demonology in Ghana (Leiden: Brill, 2019). 45. Classical Pentecostal churches refer to churches that have a link with the 20th American Pentecostalism and the Azusa Street Revival of William Seymour. In South Africa, these are churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission, the Assemblies of God and the Full Gospel Church. 46. Mzansi prophet means the “prophet of South Africa”. 47. 1 Samuel 9:9 says, “Beforetime in Israel, when a man went to enquire of God, thus he spake, Come, and let us go to the seer: for he that is now called a Prophet was beforetime called a Seer.” 48. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 49. Ibid., 3. 50. Ibid., 3.

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51. Marius Nel. An African Pentecostal Hermeneutics: A Distinctive Contribution to Hermeneutics (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2018), p. 236. 52. Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda & Joachim Kügler (eds.), Prophets, Profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo (Vol. 12, University of Bamberg Press, 2014), p. 124. 53. Most scholars have already covered the traditional practices of the ministry of deliverance. The following are examples of such literature: Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu. “Mission to ‘set the captives free’: healing, deliverance, and generational curses in Ghanaian Pentecostalism.” International Review of Mission 93, no. 370–371 (2004): 389–406; Opoku Onyinah. “Deliverance as a way of confronting witchcraft in modern Africa: Ghana as a case history.” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5, no. 1 (2002): 107–134; Paul Gifford. “Evil, witchcraft and deliverance in the African Pentecostal worldview”, Clifton Clarke (ed.), Pentecostal Theology in Africa (Eugene Oregon: Pickwick Publications, African Christian Studies Series, 2014), pp.  94–113; Claudia Währisch-Oblau & Henning Wrogemann (eds.), Witchcraft, Demons and Deliverance, vol. 32 (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2015); David Garrard. “Witchcraft and deliverance: An exaggerated theme in Pentecostal churches in Central Africa.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 37, no. 1 (2017): 52–67 and Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu. “Witchcraft accusations and Christianity in Africa.” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 39, no. 1 (2015): 23–27. 54. Cephas N. Omenyo. “Man of God prophesy unto me: The prophetic phenomenon in African Christianity.” Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (2011): 30–49. 55. Kelebogile Resane. “Commercialisation of theological education as a challenge in the Neo-Pentecostal Charismatic churches.” HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 3 (2017): 1–7, cf. Nahashon Gitonga. “Commercialization of the Gospel in Africa with particular reference to Kenya: A critique”, Kenya Methodist University, vol. 2(2), viewed 17 August 2016, from h t t p : / / w w w. k e m u . a c . k e / n e w / i n d e x . p h p / i j p p / v o l u m e s a n d -­ issues/131research/ijpp/volume-­2/v2-­issue2/320-­commercialization-­ ofthe-­gospel-­in-­africa. 56. Chima Agazue. “‘He Told Me that My Waist and Private Parts Have Been Ravaged by Demons’: Sexual Exploitation of Female Church Members by Prophets in Nigeria.” Dignity: A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence 1, no. 1 (2016): 10. 57. Joseph Quayesi-Amakye. “Prophetism in Ghana’s New Prophetic Churches.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 35, no. 2 (2015): 162–173.

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58. Jonathan Kangwa. “The role of the theology of retribution in the growth of Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016): 1–9. 59. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IZf2OJN1cQw. 60. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4zEBc3ei1lc. 61. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-­africa-­43245126. 62. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cHyMAb-­qsCA. 63. Thabang R. Mofokeng. “Throwing the baby out with the bathwater: cultural reorientation of Black Pentecostalism in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, 1940–1975.” PhD diss., Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2018. 64. Sharon James McGee. Analyzing Literature: A Guide for Students (Boston: Addison-Wesley Longman, 2001), p. 1. 65. Jim Macnamara. “Media content analysis: Its uses, benefits and best practice methodology.” Asia Pacific Public Relations Journal 6, no. 1 (2005): 4. 66. Ibid., 4. 67. Ibid., 8. 68. Ibid., 2.

CHAPTER 2

Prophets in New Prophetic Churches

2.1   Introduction This book acknowledges the work that has already been done on New Prophetic Church (NPC) prophets. But most scholars start by criticising these prophets without going into their background to understand better who they are and where they come from, their specific churches and other important personal information. I have read widely on the prophets in South Africa, many articles, theses and books, and have not come across any literature thus far that clearly gives a thorough personal overview and historical background of these prophets. This actually proves the point that scholars are only interested in the wrongfulness of the prophets. I have therefore decided in this book to first give the biographical details of five of the most prominent prophets in order to gain a broader understanding of them as people. Each prophet will be profiled in terms of their brief background, the churches they have founded and the leaders who have influenced them and/or those they have influenced in their ministry. For some, I will also highlight their business interests as this is also related to their ministry and the way they have conducted themselves in front of the public. The biographical introduction to the prophets is important before we delve into the religious practices and their link with cultic tendencies.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_2

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In this chapter the following main questions will be answered: Who are these prophets really? What is the background to the churches that they have started? Who influenced them and/or who are they influencing? What are their business interests?

2.2   Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and the Enlightened Christian Gathering 2.2.1  Brief Background The first prophet discussed in this book is Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, affectionately known by some of his followers as “Major 1” and also as “Papa”. Bushiri is followed not only by ordinary believers looking for healing, employment and promotion at their workplace but also by some of the elite in South Africa such as sports stars, politicians and businesspeople. One of the well-known followers of Major 1 is the Mamelodi Sundowns1 soccer player Tiyani Mabunda, who oftentimes acknowledges the God of Major 1 after winning a soccer match or whenever he is chosen as the man of the match.2 Other followers include the likes of the Economic Freedom Fighters3 (EFF) Member of Parliament, Naledi Chirwa, who also publicly acknowledged the God of Major 1 after her election as Member of Parliament.4 In addition, the former EFF Member of Parliament and the founder of the Black First Land First (BLF)5 political movement, Andile Mngxitama, also pledged his support to Major 1.6 These well-known people are not alone in their affection for Major 1. A Google scholarly search shows that many Master’s and PhD graduates have a section dedicated to Major 1 and his wife on their acknowledgement page.7 They would usually describe how the God of Major 1 has made it possible for them to complete their particular qualification. What all these people are actually saying is that they would not have made it in life if it were not for the God of Major 1. They are joining many of Major 1’s followers who acknowledge Major 1 not only as their pastor for his prayers and support but actually as the force behind their success, suggesting that the success could not have happened if Major 1 did not enable it. Hence, their testimonies usually begin with an acknowledgement to their spiritual father and the God of Major 1. This explains why EFF party leader, Julius Malema, condemned such admiration of and appreciation for Major 1 within a political environment. Malema argued that such open adulation, especially the gesture of bowing down to Major

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1, undermines the democratic election process in the party. Malema, in Aphiwe de Klerk and Singisa Mvumvu, said some of the party members like to say, “I receive Papa Papa, I am in parliament Papa Papa”; he further said, “That is why when you are removed from those positions you have a difficulty because you want to thank Papa.”8 But who exactly is Shepherd Bushiri? Bushiri is a Malawian prophet working in South Africa. He was born on 20 February 1983 at Lilongwe,9 grew up in Mzuzu10 and attended Moyale Secondary School.11 However, other sources reported that Shepherd Bushiri was actually born Chipiliro Gama and that Bushiri is his stage name.12 I will speak to this matter of “stage names” in Chap. 7 when I discuss the “celebrity cult”. Bushiri is the fourth-born of the six children of Huxley and Christina Bushiri. He refers to his father as someone who has inspired him to start and make a living from business rather than to depend on people. Bushiri is married to Mary Bushiri, and they are blessed with two children, Israella and Raphaela. He is more than a prophet; he is also known as a preacher, motivational speaker, businessman and author of many Christian books, some of which are prophetic.13 Bushiri is known for the performance of miracles, and according to Kallinen, “his ministry is known as the ministry of the book of Acts because of the great undeniable signs and wonders which happen in the name of Jesus”.14 Other main aspects of Bushiri such as the influences on his life and ministry, the founding of Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG), and his business interests are discussed below in more detail. 2.2.2  Influences on Bushiri Bushiri has been greatly influenced by Uebert Angel15 who has been his spiritual father over the years. Angel officially imparted the gift of prophecy to Bushiri and acknowledged him as his successor in the area of prophecy. Many people who know Angel would also know Bushiri as the two have been doing ministry together. While in Zimbabwe, Angel took time training Bushiri on how to conduct prophecy and preaching. But since Angel’s relocation to the United Kingdom, Bushiri has taken over as the master of prophecy and Angel now calls himself “a retired professor of prophecy”16 while calling Bushiri a “universal phenomenon”.17 Even after his move to the United Kingdom, Angel has been a regular visitor to Bushiri’s biggest meetings including his birthday celebrations. Bushiri is clearly one of Uebert Angels’s favourite spiritual sons. Bushiri’s style of preaching, prophesying and even dress code is similar to that of Angel.

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Angel received the impartation of the gift of prophecy from a Ghanaian prophet Victor Kusi Boateng, who used to visit Zimbabwe as he was also a spiritual father to Emmanuel Makandiwa.18 However, lately Angel has dissociated himself from Boateng and adopted the Nigerian pastor Chris Oyakhilome as his mentor.19 2.2.3   Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) Prophet Shepherd Bushiri is the founder and leader of the Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) with its headquarters in Malawi and branches spread all over the world.20 However, the main branch of ECG is in Tshwane, South Africa; hence, Shepherd Bushiri is known as a prophet working in South Africa. According to Maria Frahm-Arp, “ECG is a multiracial church with many middle-class and aspiring middle-class urban members”.21 The members of ECG come from all the regions of Africa and even as international visitors from Europe, America and other parts of the world.22 ECG has been growing to greater numbers over the years, and there is a plan to have a proper church building that will accommodate their large crowds in Midrand, City of Johannesburg, South Africa.23 In 2016, Kangwa reported that the church had over 10,000 members attending Sunday services on a weekly basis with many more watching these services on its television channel.24 However, in 2018, Acha-Anyi reported that the church had a membership of more 300,000 with about 100,000 members attending church on a weekly basis in the Pretoria Show Grounds, South Africa.25 Acha-Anyi continues to say that the church with this kind of growth has actually brought a new kind of dynamism within the South African religious landscape.26 However, in a South African context, it is important to make a distinction between members of a church and mere attendees. Members of different churches can attend churches such as ECG because most of their services take place on Friday and Sunday nights when other churches do not have services. ECG according to Bafford is known for promises to the believers that they will get blessed if they continue to give in the house of God.27 It is these promises coupled with the prophetic word that the prophet delivers to the members that I remarked upon in my first book: Many people will travel from other countries to South Africa. Upon their arrival, they have to queue in order to make it to the hall of the ECG church. They do not mind queueing for long hours as long as they can see their prophet.28

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It must be added that even when there is no church service at ECG, one can often see followers camping around the church premises. Hence, there are also street vendors selling their wares on the pavements around the church premises. In addition, those who have come from other countries have to book into hotels in the city for the duration of their stay in South Africa. This makes ECG one of the contributors to the economy of the city of Tshwane, where the church is located, which also contributes to the gross domestic product (GDP) of South Africa. 2.2.4  ECG Prophetic Channel Prophetic Channel is the official channel of ECG that is used to broadcast the church’s live services with a radio and a television component.29 I have already pointed out that the Prophetic Channel offers: content that relates to miracles, signs and wonders that normally happens during the ECG services led by Shepherd Bushiri. The other factor is that most services at ECG are broadcast live, which is very rare among pastors. The channel has a viewership of 18 million households across Africa and the rest of the world. Another unique factor is that the prophetic channel can be downloaded as an app on a cell phone, whereby viewers can watch even though they are not in the comfort of their homes. All supporters of the prophetic channel need to do is to download the app on Play Store or Apple Store in order to install the app called “Sunday stream”.30

Thus the Prophetic Channel does cater not only for the members and followers of ECG but also for people who like religious content, especially prophetic content. People like this are glued to their television screens in order to watch the Prophetic Channel. In addition, during the COVID-19 pandemic and the subsequent lockdown in South Africa, Bushiri launched an online church through his “Major 1 Connect app”. According to Bhengu, the app is able to connect Bushiri with his choir members and other local and international congregants through video-conferencing using multiple screens.31 However, to connect with the prophet, the subscribers need to pay a subscription fee of about R80. Bhengu continues to say that during its launch, the app had 10,000 downloads and the church expected another 20,000 subscribers to download the app. In one of the services, the church claimed to have had six million joining the service, including about 7000 subscribers to the app.32

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2.2.5  Business Interests Bushiri not only is the founder of ECG and the Prophetic Channel but also has other business interests.33 Bushiri is quoted in Dube in his response to allegations of commercialising religion as saying, “I am a businessman and that is separate from being a prophet. My prosperity is from private businesses.”34 This is true as Bushiri owns a business empire that operates from one of the economic hubs of South Africa, that is, Sandton City in Johannesburg. Bushiri has an international company called SB Investments with interests in oil, property, transport and hospitality.35 Resane summarises Bushiri’s business interests as follows: Prophet Shepherd Bushiri is an accomplished entrepreneur who has invested in various fields of activity, among them real estate, gold mining, an electronics company and a telecommunications company. He also owns several farms in the country. In addition, he owns the Bushiri University of Agriculture, which is situated in South Sudan.36

Of all the streams of his business, it is his property business that is doing extremely well as Bushiri managed to sign lucrative deals in South Africa.37 It is reported that through these businesses, Bushiri has supported various heads of states and struggling economies in Africa.38 However, Bushiri was also accused of taking money to the amount of R15 million from South Africa and fraudulently transporting it to his home country, Malawi.39 However, Bushiri has not yet been proven guilty on these alleged crimes. What is, however, important for the purpose of this book is to establish if these business interests have any connection to cultic tendencies. We will get to issues like this later in the book.

2.3   Pastor Lesego Daniel and Rabboni Centre Ministries 2.3.1  Brief Background Pastor Lesego Daniel was born on 15 May 1972 and spent much of his youth in Garankuwa, north of Pretoria, South Africa. Daniel was married, but in 2015 the news broke that Daniel and his wife were no longer living together.40 He completed some of his studies while living in that same area.41 Daniel grew up in church and began the work of the ministry at an

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early age. He can be regarded as a prophet as he has prophetic gifts with the ability to pray for the sick and ministering the Word of God.42 However, unlike Bushiri, Daniel is known more as a deliverance minister than a prophet. He does not believe that people are totally saved upon accepting Jesus Christ. His theology on the deliverance ministry is that even after accepting Jesus, people still need some form of radical prayer for them to experience their total deliverance.43 His ministry of deliverance is informed by the whole notion that generational curses do not disappear when a person gets born again.44 Daniel regards other men of God as the secret and guidance behind his success. There are many that Daniel regards as people who paved a way for him in ministry.45 He claimed to have received an honorary doctoral degree and sometimes calls himself “Professor”.46 According to his church’s Facebook page, Daniel received the honorary degree from Interdenominational Theology Centre (ITC) where the chancellor made the following declaration: With the authority vested upon me by the Chancellor of Interdenominational Theology Centre (ITC), The Trinity International Bible University under the auspices of ITC, is hereby certifying that Daniel Mokgethi Lesego Mosuoe after having satisfied all the conditions prescribed by the University, was on the 9th of December 2017, duly admitted to the Degree of Doctor of Ministry in Church Administration and Christian Therapy.47

Daniel loves looking good in front of the congregants, and like many other prophets, he likes dressing in designer outfits to impress his followers.48 However, he loves dressing up in flashy shirts more than suits in a style which is reminiscent of Nigerian prophet T.B. Joshua.49 In fact, Daniel has once claimed that T.B. Joshua was his mentor. However, when news of Daniel’s extreme religious practices came to light, T.B. Joshua severed ties with Daniel.50 2.3.2  Rabboni Centre Ministries Pastor Lesego Daniel is the founder and senior pastor of Rabboni Centre Ministries, a church situated in north of Pretoria, South Africa.51 According to their official Facebook page, the church was founded in 2002 by Pastor Lesego Daniel after he had served other men of God. Daniel as a young person at that time received a vision to start the church, and he obeyed the voice of God and founded Rabboni Centre Ministries. The church started

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as a small congregation without proper resources but grew through the teaching and preaching of the Word.52 In the words of Ebewo, the church that had humble beginnings grew to become a big church with a great following north of Pretoria.53 According to Maria Frahm-Arp, unlike ECG, Rabboni Centre Ministries “only attracts black people and has a primarily South African congregation drawn from the working class and the unemployed”.54 Rabboni Centre ministries: do not believe in having committees or church board, because in the past many churches split and/or board members created unholy friendships and become religious thus fought with the vision by not producing the fruits of the spirit because of planning and strategizing.55

However, Rabboni Centre Ministries are not alone in not believing in committees and a church board with some even saying that these structures hinder the move of the Holy Spirit. Although the anti-organisational culture among this type of churches lends itself to drawing more people, the challenge is when lack of accountability leads them to cultic tendencies. In addition, an attitude of anti-organisation might in the long term affect the growth of churches like Rabboni Centre Ministries. 2.3.3  Protégés of Pastor Lesego Daniel Pastor Lesego Daniel has spiritual sons who resemble him in terms of the style of conducting ministry and other religious practices. The first son of Daniel discussed in this book is Prophet Penuel Mnguni of End Times Disciples Ministries.56 Mnguni founded End Times Disciples Ministries at the age of 24. End Times Disciples Ministries57 is a ministry situated north of Pretoria in a township called Soshanguve.58 The close relationship between Daniel and Mnguni is informed mainly by their involvement in extreme religious practices; Mnguni, however, has sometimes outdone his mentor in the performance of miracles. These will be discussed in detail in the next chapter. The second spiritual son of Daniel is Pastor Lethebo Rabalago of Mount Zion General Assembly (MZGA) in Zebediela, Limpopo, South Africa. He seemingly has the same gifts as Daniel in terms of performing miracles before the congregants.59 Daniel, Mnguni and Rabalago are discussed together for two reasons: (1) in all their actions they claim to have heard from God; and (2) they believe that whatever substance they pray

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for, even a dangerous one, has the ability to change after their prayer. This is captured by the words of Mnguni, who said that he had “the authority to change everything into anything and it will obey because of our authority”.60 Thus, according to Mofokeng, prophet Lesego Daniel’s protégés— prophets Penuel Mnguni and Lethebo Rabalago—“serve as examples of the faithful reproduction of a questionable minister/father”.61

2.4   Pastor Alph Lukau and Alleluia Ministries International 2.4.1  Brief Background Alph Lukau is a pastor working in South Africa and was born on 25 October 1975 to Congolese parents. According to Igbo Stanford: After completing his elementary and secondary education, he gained admission in 1997 to study Accountancy at the University of South Africa, he graduated in 2000. He further proceeded to the University of Oxford Department for Continuing Education where he obtained his Master's Degree in Accountancy in 2001.62

This makes Alph Lukau the most educated among all the other prominent NPC prophets in South Africa as most of them, like Lesego Daniel, only have honorary doctorates. According to Priscilla Mueni Lukau, is the author of Christian books, a profound international speaker and teacher of the Word of God. In addition he is a mentor to many other pastors who look up to him in the field of Christian ministry. Thus, besides his main branch in Johannesburg, there are many other churches and pastors that he oversees to ensure their success in ministry.63 Lukau is also linked to the ministry of prophecy; hence, he falls within the category of the prophets in South Africa. According to Kisingu, Lukau is “famous for his highly detailed ‘visions’ which he refers to as ‘accurate prophecy’”.64 Other than the work of the ministry, Lukau is a family man who is married to Celeste Lukau, and the couple has two children, Deri Lukau and Aj Lukau.65 Celeste Lukau serves with her husband in ministry. Although she is not in the limelight, she adds value to the ministry. The members of their church call her “Mama Celeste”, the same way they would call Lukau “Papa”. The following describes her role in the church and family:

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Pastor Celeste J. Lukau is the First Lady of AMI. One phrase that describes her accurately is “a fist in a glove of velvet”, although young at heart she is very mature in the spirit and dearly loved by all. Despite her petite stature she is a spiritual giant born to Pastors and bred in a Christian home and never deviated from it. She has been married to Pastor Alph Lukau for 9 years now and they are still growing strong. She appeals to both young and old.66

The role of “Mama Celeste” as described above is not unique among the prophets as many of them like to use the concept of “first lady” to portray a good public image. In my first book, I highlighted the following: Whenever a prophet is portrayed, the wife will be alongside him. The positive thing is that these wives of the prophets appeal to a younger generation, especially the middle class and businesspersons. They are already used to the concept of “first lady” in business and politics.67

Alph Lukau finds the time in his busy schedule to devote to his family. He also likes posting pictures on social media to illustrate that he makes sufficient time for his wife and children.68 2.4.2  Alleluia Ministries International Alph Lukau together with his wife started Alleluia Ministries International (AMI) on 24 February 2002, and they have branches all over Africa.69 The ministry started in Johannesburg, but recently it has spread to other parts of South Africa and even to other countries on the continent.70 Igbo Stanford says, “Over the years, the church has greatly expanded, with branches in different Africa countries like Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Namibia, Zambia and South Africa.”71 AMI, according to their website, is based on the Bible and rooted in the Word of God.72 There are other pastors who help Lukau in the work of the ministry in other parts of the country in places that he cannot reach himself. He ensures that people who help him have similar gifts and are filled with the Holy Spirit. These sons and daughters in the ministry are sent out to different parts of the world to preach the gospel of Jesus Christ.73 Lukau’s church has at times been a centre of attraction as the former president of South Africa, Jacob Zuma, once visited it and asked for prayers.74 In addition, there are many other well-known celebrities who have visited AMI. Among them is the Nigerian Nollywood actor and movie star, Oge

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Okoye75 and the South African singer, Zahara.76 The visitations by celebrities and people like the former president are meant to boast the public image of the church as many people will begin to trust the church because a public person has been there and received prayers. Sometimes, however, the public actually believe that these celebrities have actually been paid to make a guest appearance at the church.77 2.4.3  Influences on Lukau Alph Lukau served others before opening his own ministry. He acknowledges Pastor Jacques Vernaud as his spiritual father whom he served until he passed on in 28 September 2011. According to Mueni, Pastor Jacques is known as follows: He was the son of Gaston Vernaud, who got a calling to spread the Gospel. He imparted the Holy Spirit on his son Jacques, who took heed to spread the Gospel and went ahead to open churches in Africa.78

According to Mbantoh: Jacques Andre Vernaud was called by God to open a church in Congo by the age of 50 years. It was in the course of spreading the gospel across Africa that he met and mentored Alph Lukau to the state of imparting the Holy Spirit in him to continue the work of God. This is what led to the Spiritual Birth of Alph Lukau.79

Lukau acknowledges Vernaud as the one who imparted a spiritual gift to him to preach the gospel and lead people to Christ through the work of the Holy Spirit. It was through this impartation that Lukau’s church is now able to reach many parts of Africa. He cherishes the moments with Vernaud as the important moments that enabled him to reach greater heights in ministry.80 These spiritual influences on Lukau, as we also saw in the case of Bushiri and to some extent Daniel, are very common in African Pentecostalism. Zorodzai Dube, a New Testament scholar with some interest in African Pentecostalism, calls the phenomenon “spiritual parenting”.81 However, the appropriate word that expresses this phenomenon is “spiritual fathering”. According to Dube, the phenomenon is used to express the role played by the senior pastor, in this context the prophet, in taking care of

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the sheep.82 However, the prophets would not call them sheep but “sons” and “daughters”. Similarly, the pastor’s wife plays the role of a “spiritual mother” in taking care of the women’s ministry in the church.83 The senior pastors who are female will also act as spiritual mothers to all the members of their churches, both male and female. Dube lists the three main roles of the spiritual father or mother: • To offer protection against demonic attacks • To interpret visions and dreams on behalf of the “child” • To offer advice as a role model who transfers his wisdom and spiritual insights to specific individuals for the purpose of grooming them for a specific task or responsibility84 By acknowledging Vernaud as his spiritual father, Lukau also implicitly acknowledges that Vernaud fulfilled the above three roles in his life. In turn, Lukau, Bushiri, Daniel and others act as spiritual fathers to the members of their churches whom they affectionately call “sons” and “daughters”. It must be stated that this phenomenon is not practised in classical Pentecostal churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) of South Africa, the Full Gospel Church (FGC) and the Assemblies of God (AOG). They would rather use the more common terms or titles such as shepherds and pastors. 2.4.4  Business Interests Alph Lukau has attracted media attention including on social media for his lavish lifestyle as he likes posting pictures of himself, especially with expensive cars. Lukau’s collection include many of the most expensive cars one can think of such as a Lamborghini, a Bentley, a Range Rover, a Rolls Royce and a Ferrari. In addition to these expensive cars, Lukau owns a private jet. Furthermore, oftentimes, Lukau is shown driving in a motorcade to church even accompanied by police. On top of all these luxuries, Lukau owns a multi-million mansion in Sandton, Johannesburg. He is one of the richest pastors in South Africa and on the continent with an estimated net worth of 1 billion US dollars.85 The important question then is, what is the main sources of this exorbitant wealth? Lukau owns a main investment company, the Alph Lukau Group, which is a source for the assets he owns in South Africa.86 Resane adds that this investment company “exerts much influence within the properties he owns. These

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properties make him one of the richest pastors on the continent”.87 According to the Alph Lukau Group’s official website, “it was founded by Alph Lukau in South Africa and has since developed a strong presence in many countries in the world. Alph Lukau is the Chairman of the Group.”88 Mueni lists the following companies as part of his business group, “AL Strategic Investments, AL T Travel, AL Estates, AL General Trading, AL Petroleum, AL Energy, AL Mining, AL Training & Virtual Systems, AL C Capital and AL Media”.89

2.5   Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng and Incredible Happenings 2.5.1  Brief Background Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng, also known as Pastor Mboro,90 is a South African and was born on 8 April 1968 at Tshongweni section in Katlehong, South Africa.91 He is a televangelist, founder and senior pastor of Incredible Happenings and a prophet.92 He is married to Mokgadi Motsoeneng.93 He started preaching at an early age and used to pray for fellow young people which alone proved to him that he was called by God for the ministry. Motsoeneng like many other young people at that time was poverty stricken and survived by selling fruit and vegetables.94 However, he is thankful to God today that he is able to minister to large crowds of people. It is his humble beginnings that make him passionate about the plight of young people and also the elderly. Hence, he does not only travel around preaching the gospel but is also involved in the development of young people.95 Motsoeneng is also known for gathering large crowds due to his performance of miracles. In addition, he is known for his lavish lifestyle, especially driving in expensive vehicles. Although he does not have his own television and radio station, he has television and radio shows where his services are broadcast to a wider audience.96 2.5.2  Incredible Happenings Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng is the founder and senior pastor of Incredible Happenings, situated in Katlehong near Germiston, east of Johannesburg.97 His church is a prophetic ministry as they believe that miracles have not ended in biblical times but can still happen today. The church believes that

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God has not stopped changing lives; hence, as a church they need to reach out to all people regardless of their gender, age, race and ethnicity.98 Incredible Happenings is attended by various people coming from different parts of South Africa.99 Cindy Karimi adds, “These are people who want to hear the word of God. They also go to be healed from diseases as the pastor claims to have the power of performing miracles.”100 It is this claim of healing powers and performance of miracles that draws crowds including some celebrities to Motsoeneng and his Incredible Happenings.101 2.5.3  Business Interests Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng has several expensive vehicles including a Bentley and a BMW. In addition, he owns a mansion in a suburb east of Johannesburg where he lives with his wife.102 The millionaire preacher, according to Scharnick-Udemans, “is the picture of ‘new money’; he wears designer suits, is impeccably groomed, and drives a car worth almost R1.5 million South African Rands”.103 However, when confronted about the source of his wealth and assets, Motsoeneng hid behind his business interests. Resane remarks that “Prophet Paseka Motsoeneng (Mboro) has been accused of exploiting religion to get rich, but he claims that he accumulates wealth through a construction company and funeral parlour that he owns”.104 This raises some concerns not only for Motsoeneng but also for all other prophets such as Bushiri and Lukau. The question is, do they really have functional businesses or do they simply use business names as a camouflage for their misappropriation of funds at their churches? Their businesses need validation; they should not only give the names of their businesses but also provide financial statements so that the public can be informed about their annual turnover.

2.6   Timothy Omotoso and Jesus Dominion International 2.6.1  Brief Background Timothy Oluseun Omotoso is a Nigerian national and pastor of Jesus Dominion International based in Durban, South Africa. He was born on 14 July 1958. In addition to his pastoral work, he is a televangelist, author and a music composer. He is also the author of a book titled How to Enjoy

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Health, Wealth and Longevity and a prayer book Prayer Bonanza.105 Omotoso has been a pastor for more than 16 years, and he is married to Taiwo, who is also a gospel musician. Taiwo has been standing by her husband even when he faced serious challenges, some of which will be discussed in this section and chapters to come. Omotoso and Taiwo are blessed with three children: Victoria, John and Victor.106 2.6.2  Tim Omotoso Global Outreach and Jesus Dominion International Timothy Omotoso is the founder of the Tim Omotoso Global Outreach (TOGO), an arm of his church which was focused on his preaching itinerary. In this, Omotoso has followed an American style where a pastor will have both a church name and an outreach ministry name. Hence, a mega-­ church pastor such as Bishop T.D. Jakes has the Potter’s House and the T.D. Jakes Ministries. TOGO messages were broadcasted on weekly television programmes. Some of the television stations that aired TOGO programmes included Inspiration, 1 Gospel, Soweto TV, METV and WHT in the United States. The title of TOGO’s programme was “Just as I am,” and it included restoration and healing testimonies of believers.107 The second arm of his church is the Jesus Dominion International. In addition to the main church, Omotoso has planted about 12 branches in South Africa, the United Kingdom, France and Israel.108 His church used to host “national and international interdenominational meetings every month including ‘House of Jacob,’ ‘Holy Ghost Clinic’ and an annual Holy Ghost Week. They aimed at rebuilding people’s broken wall of faith and exposing the power and wisdom of God.”109 2.6.3   Music and Youth Empowerment Project (YEP) Other than teaching the Word and praying for people, Omotoso is also known for his singing and instrumental performances. He has been involved with music since the age of ten when he was taught how to play instruments such as the piano, guitar, drums and other musical instruments. In the 1980s, he served as a music director for Ebenezer Obey’s Decross Band and the Inter Reformers’ Band.110 He formed a musical group in his church that has won music awards.111 Omotoso is gifted in music and has a record company that helps young musicians.112 According to Eben, “Music is a huge part of his ministry. Sometimes while

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ministering he will sing and play an instrument.”113 In addition Omotoso has started Youth Empowerment Project (YEP) in order to assist young and upcoming musicians to succeed in their music careers. Thus far he has helped the groups Grace Galaxy and Simply Chrysolite to release albums. 2.6.4  Ancient of Days Broadcasting Network In addition to his itinerant ministry and his church, Omotoso launched a television channel called Ancient of Days Broadcasting Network (ADBN). The station used to air the programmes of the church that were meant to build up the children of God in their Christian walk. ADBN features the following programmes: Wheel of Miracles, the Word made Flesh, Cantata of Church Music, “Just as I am”, Youthful to be Useful, Prayer Bonanza, documentaries and many more. ADBN can be viewed across Africa, Europe, Mexico, The Caribbean, United States and Canada.114

2.6.5  Timothy Omotoso Trial Timothy Omotoso is currently standing trial as he is accused of rape and human trafficking. He was arrested by the South African Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation called the HAWKS on 20 April 2017 at the Port Elizabeth Airport for the allegation of sleeping with a minor who was 14 years old at the time.115 In addition, he is facing other counts of rape and sexual harassment of about 30 other young women and girls. According to Banda: Omotoso with two female accomplices, are undergoing a protracted trial on charges of 63 accounts of rape and human trafficking. Although Omotoso’s rape trial is yet to be concluded and no convictions have been made yet, the whole scenario reeks of someone misusing their pastoral authority to sexually abuse vulnerable girls by promising blessings to those who consent and curses to those who refuse.116

This case is in the public interest and has been broadcast live on national television.117 This book is however not interested in the merits of the case but will use some of the testimonies to relate the case with a “sex cult”. We will discuss this further in Chap. 5.

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2.7   Concluding Remarks This chapter has discussed the NPC prophets, the churches they have founded, the influences on their lives and their business interests. The NPC prophets are Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, Alph Lukau, Lesego Daniel, Paseka Motsoeneng and Timothy Omotoso. The chapter found that the prophets have founded churches, are involved in various businesses and either have been influenced by others or influence other leaders in ministry. This historical background of these prophets is important in order to understand the religious practices of the NPC prophets and their connection to cultism. The next chapters will look at various cultic practices by the NPC prophets.

Notes 1. Mamelodi Sundowns is one of the best football clubs in South Africa that plays in the Premier Soccer League (PSL) and has won numerous cups, https://sundownsfc.co.za/. 2. Nyasatimes, “Sundowns star, Tiyani Mabunda thanks Bushiri after man of the match award” [accessed 15 May 2018], https://www.nyasatimes. com/sundowns-­s tar-­t iyani-­m abunda-­t hanks-­b ushiri-­a fter-­m an­of-­the-­match-­award/. 3. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) is the third largest political party in South Africa after the African National Congress (ANC) and the Democratic Alliance (DA). More information can be obtained on this link: https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/economic-­freedom-­fighters-­eff. 4. Unathi, Nkanjeni, “EFF MP Naledi Chirwa trends as video of her and pastor Bushiri re-emerges” [accessed 17 December 2019], https://www. timeslive.co.za/politics/2019-­1 2-­1 7-­e ff-­m p-­n aledi-­c hirwa-­t rends-­ as-­video-­of-­her-­and-­pastor-­bushiri-­re-­emerges/. 5. Black First Land First is a movement that was founded on the principles of Black Consciousness and Pan-Africanism by the former EFF member after his expulsion in 2015, https://blf.org.za/. 6. Keitumetse Maako, “BLF leader pledges support for Bushiri, wife” [accessed 5 February 2019], https://rekordeast.co.za/196810/ update-­blf-­leader-­pledges-­support-­bushiri-­wife/. 7. https://scholar.google.co.za/scholar?hl=en&as_sdt=0%2C5&q=Ackno wledgements%2C+Prophet+Shepherd+Bushiri&btnG. 8. Aphiwe de Klerk and Singisa Mvumvu, “‘I am not the Holy Spirit’: Malema slams EFF delegates for kneeling before him” [accessed 15 December 2019], https://www.timeslive.co.za/politics/2019-­12-­ 15-­i-­am-­not-­the-­holy-­spirit-­malema-­slams-­delegates-­for-­kneeling-­be fore-­him/.

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9. Lilongwe is Malawi’s capital city. 10. Mzuzu is Malawi’s third largest city. 11. Solomon Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), pp.78. 12. The Citizen, “Social media goes wild over Bushiri’s ‘real’ name” [accessed 7 February 2019], https://citizen.co.za/news/south-­africa/social-­ media/2078558/social-­media-­goes-­wild-­over-­bushiris-­real-­name/. 13. https://newafricanmagazine.com/15818/. 14. Timo Kallinen. “Revealing the secrets of others (on youtube): new and old in the public representations of Ghanaian traditional religion.” Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 44, no. 1 (2019): 30–50. 15. Uebert Angel is a Zimbabwean and a well-known prophet in the whole southern African region. However Angel has since relocated to the United Kingdom, hence the rise of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri in the region. 16. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 17. Stephen Mochechane. “Dealing with fear and anxiety in Pentecostalism: The Bushiri phenomenon in Pretoria.” In a CHSSA paper presented at the Third Conference of Academic Societies in the Fields of Religion and Theology, pp.  1–16. Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 2016, cf. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 43. 18. Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda & Joachim Kügler (eds.), Prophets, profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo, Vol. 12 (Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2014), cf. Ezra Chitando & Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s Prophetic Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: a preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85, and Collium Banda. “The impersonalisation of God? A theological analysis of the expression of the power of God’s kingdom among Zimbabwean Pentecostal prophets.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 1 (2019): 1–9. 19. The story of Angel joining Pastor Chris Oyakhilome can be found in the article by Nehanda radio, “Pastor Chris endorses Prophets Uebert and Beverly Angel” [accessed 25 November 2011], https://nehandaradio. com/2019/11/25/pastor-­c hris-­e ndorses-­p rophets-­u ebert-­a nd-­ beverly-­angel/. 20. Gabriel Faimau & Camden Behrens. “Facebooking religion and the technologization of the religious discourse: A case study of a Botswana-­based Prophetic Church.” Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016), https://heiup.uni-­heidelberg.de/journals/index.php/religions/article/view/23628.

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21. Maria Frahm-Arp, “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity during COVID-19 in South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 150–174. 22. Mookgo, S. Kgatle. “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 23. Ibid., 2, cf. Stephen Mochechane. “Dealing with fear and anxiety in Pentecostalism: The Bushiri-Phenomenon in Pretoria.” In a CHSSA paper presented at the Third Conference of Academic Societies in the Fields of Religion and Theology, pp. 1–16. Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 2016, https://www.academia.edu/28226346/Dealing_with_Fear_and_ Anxiety_in_Pentecostalism_The_Bushiri_Phenomenon_in_Pretoria. 24. Jonathan Kangwa. “The role of the theology of retribution in the growth of Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016): 1–9. 25. Paul Acha-Anyi. “Religious tourism–local economic development nexus: Prospects for Atteridgeville township.” Euro Economica 37, no. 02 (2018): 7–20. 26. Ibid., 11. 27. Douglas Bafford. “The Prosperity Gospel and an Unprosperous Reality in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Conservative Evangelical Responses to Charismatic Christianity.” (2019), https://wiser.wits.ac.za/system/ files/seminar/Bafford2019.pdf. 28. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 43. 29. Mookgo S.  Kgatle. “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association (2020): 1–12. 30. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 66. 31. Bhengu, “Bushiri charges followers R80 to ‘praise’ via his new app - will you join?” [accessed on 21 April 2020], https://www.timeslive.co.za/ news/south-­a frica/2020-­0 4-­2 1-­p oll%2D%2Dbushiri-­c harges­followers-­r80-­to-­praise-­via-­his-­new-­app-­will-­you-­join/. 32. Ibid. 33. Mookgo S.  Kgatle. “New paradigms of pneumatological ecclesiology brought about by new prophetic churches within South African Pentecostalism.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 6, cf. Bekithemba Dube. “‘Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land’: Foreign Prophets and Popularism in South Africa. Evoking the Need of Jonathanic Theology for Peaceful Resolution of Difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 1–12

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and Ramantswana Hulisani. “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2019): 1–8. 34. Dube, “Go and Prophesy”, 5. 35. Chomi Khumalo. “Bushiri is up for something bigger the world must watch out” [accessed 19 June 2018], https://www.nyasatimes.com/ bushiri-­is-­up-­for-­something-­bigger-­the-­world-­must-­watch-­out/. 36. Kelebogile Resane. “‘Simon the Sorcerer offered them money’ (Acts 8:19): some Pentecostals have gone commercial instead of evangelical”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020) 93–114. 37. Chomi Khumalo, “Bushiri sets to launch his multimillion dollar hotel in South Africa on his birthday Feb 20” [accessed 15 February 2018], https://www.nyasatimes.com/bushiri-­sets-­launch-­multi-­million-­dollar-­ hotel-­south-­africa-­birthday-­feb-­20/. 38. Nyasatimes, “Bushiri finalises 200 million deal with South Sudan for roads and mining” [accessed 10 November 2017], https://www.nyasatimes.com/bushiri-­finalises-­200mil-­deal-­south-­sudan-­roads-­mining/. 39. News24, “Prophet Bushiri, wife arrested on charges of fraud, money laundering” [accessed 01 February 2019], https://www.news24.com/ news24/southafrica/news/just-­in-­prophet-­bushiri-­wife-­arrested-­on­charges-­of-­fraud-­money-­laundering-­20190201. 40. Ngwako Malatji, “Wife dumps petrol pastor” [accessed 01 February 2015], https://www.pressreader.com/south-­africa/sunday-­world8839/20150201/281943131294926. 41. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “The unusual practices within some Neo-Pentecostal churches in South Africa: Reflections and recommendations.” HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 3 (2017): 1–8, cf. Marius Nel, The prosperity gospel in Africa: An African Pentecostal hermeneutical consideration (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020), p. 18. 42. Kgatle, “The unusual practices”, 3. 43. Buti Mulutsi. “Biblical understanding applied to contemporary African Christian methods of exorcism.” PhD dissertation, North-West University, South-Africa, 2020, 74. 44. Ibid., 75, cf. Collium Banda. “Regenerated without being recreated? A soteriological analysis of the African neo-Pentecostal teaching on generational curses.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 76, no. 3 (2020): 12. 45. https://www.facebook.com/rabboniministries/. 46. Nkanyiso Kingdom Maphumulo. “Imago Dei and faith-healing practices in the Newer Pentecostal-Charismatic Churches (NPCs) in South Africa:

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a human dignity perspective.” PhD dissertation, University of KwaZulu-­ Natal, 2019. 47. Rabboni Centre Ministries, “Prof Lesego Daniel receives a doctor of ministry degree graduation ceremony 2017” [accessed 30 December 2017], https://www.facebook.com/rabboniministries/posts/prof-­l esego-­ daniel-­r eceives-­doctor-­of-­ministry-­degree-­graduationceremony2017­wit/1738554219496607/. 48. Sphesihle Blessing Khanyile. “The virtualization of the Church: New media representations of Neo-Pentecostal performance(s) in South Africa.” PhD dissertation, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2016. 49. T.B. Joshua is a well-known prophet in Africa who is based in Nigeria and many of the South African prophets like connecting with T.B Joshua as they perceive him as someone with a higher power and anointing. 50. Xolani Mbanjwa, “Pastor” [accessed 5 October 2014], https://www. p r e s s r e a d e r . c o m / s o u t h -­a f r i c a / c i t y p r e s s / 2 0 1 4 1 0 0 5 / 281749857589155. 51. https://www.facebook.com/rabboniministries/. 52. Ibid. 53. Patrick J.  Ebewo, Explorations in Southern African drama, theatre and performance (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017), p. 185. 54. Frahm-Arp, “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity”, 155. 55. https://www.facebook.com/rabboniministries/. 56. Kgatle, “The unusual practices”, 4, cf. Nel, The prosperity gospel in Africa, 175. 57. Mnguni, according to Kgatle, “The unusual practices”, 5, calls his End Times Disciples Ministries “the church of horror, where horrible things happen”. 58. Khanyile. “The virtualization of the Church”, 23, cf. Jonas Sello Thinane. “Religious communities and South African politics: the case of South African Council of Churches from 1994–2016.” PhD dissertation, University of the Free State, 2019, 75. 59. Kgatle, “The unusual practices”, 5, cf. Marius Nel. An African Pentecostal hermeneutics: A distinctive contribution to hermeneutics. Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2018, cf. Elias Kifon Bongmba (ed.), The Routledge Handbook of African Theology (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020) and Elia Shabani Mligo, Rediscovering Jesus in Our Places: Contextual Theology and Its Relevance to Contemporary Africa (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020), p. 177. 60. Kgatle, “The unusual practices”, 4. 61. Thabang Mofokeng. “The weird you shall always have: a historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa”,

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Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), pp. 24–52. 62. Igbo Standford, “Pastor Alph Lukau biography, age, brief background, family, education, career, net worth and more” [accessed July 2020], h t t p s : / / w w w. i n f o g u i d e a f r i c a . c o m / 2 0 2 0 / 0 7 / A l p h -­L u k a u -­ biography.html. 63. Priscilla Mueni, “Alph Lukau biography: age, wife, resurrection, church, cars, and latest news” [accessed 11 September 2020], https://briefly. co.za/31618-­alph-­lukau-­biography-­age-­wife-­resurrection-­church-­cars-­ latest-­news.html. 64. Elise Kisingu. “The abuse of the Spirit: an immigration-imported new wave or a development of pre-existing local beliefs?” Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H.  Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), pp.53–72. 65. Standford, “Pastor Alph Lukau biography”. 66. Alleluia Ministries, “Our pastors” [accessed 21 June 2013], https://alleluiaministries.com/our-­pastors/. 67. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 80. 68. Mueni, “Alph Lukau biography”. 69. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 35. 70. Mueni, “Alph Lukau biography”. 71. Standford, “Pastor Alph Lukau biography”. 72. For the information, visit the Alleluia Ministries International official website, https://alleluiaministries.com/. 73. Mueni, “Alph Lukau biography”. 74. Timeslive, “There are prophets and then there are profits—just ask Pastor Alph Lukau VIP escort, fast cars and yes, even a Zuma connection” [accessed 26 February 2019], https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/ south-­a frica/2019-­0 2-­2 6-­t here-­a re-­p rophets-­a nd-­t hen-­t here-­a re-­ profits-­just-­ask-­alph/. 75. Odion Okonofua, “Pulse Exclusive: Oge Okoye speaks on her visit to controversial South African pastor” [accessed 29 March 2019], https:// www.pulse.ng/entertainment/celebrities/oge-­okoye-­speaks-­on-­her-­ visit-­to-­controversial-­south-­african-­pastor/q7y9g2b. 76. Lily Rose, “Zahara denies being paid to attend Pastor Alph Lukau service” [accessed 17 April 2019], https://www.all4women.co.za/1733827/ entertainment/entertainment-­news/zahara-­denies-­being-­paid-­to-­attend­pastor-­alph-­lukau-­service.

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77. Kyle Zeeman, “Zahara denies she was paid for Alph Lukau visit, says it isn’t a publicity stunt” [accessed 16 April 2019], https://www.timeslive. co.za/tshisa-­live/tshisa-­live/2019-­04-­16-­zahara-­denies-­she-­was-­paid­for-­alph-­lukau-­visit-­says-­it-­isnt-­a-­publicity-­stunt/. 78. Mueni, “Alph Lukau biography”. 79. Desemond Mbantoh, “Pastor Alph Lukau biography, wife, children and ministry” [accessed 6 March 2019], https://bestofchristianity.com/ pastor-­alph-­lukau-­biography-­wife-­children-­and-­ministry/. 80. Mueni, “Alph Lukau biography”. 81. Zorodzai Dube. “Patriarchy reinvented? ‘Spiritual parenting’ within African Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe.” Verbum et Ecclesia 39, no. 1 (2018): 1–6. 82. Ibid., 3. 83. Ibid., 4. 84. Ibid., 4. 85. Standford, “pastor Alph Lukau biography”. 86. Priscillah Mueni, “Top 5 richest pastors in South Africa and some of their most expensive possessions” [accessed 11 September 2020], https:// briefly.co.za/32661-­t op-­5 -­r ichest-­p astors-­s outh-­a frica-­e xpensive-­ possessions.html. 87. Resane, “Simon the Sorcerer offered them money”, 103. 88. https://al-­holdings.com/. 89. Standford, “Pastor Alph Lukau biography”. 90. The name “Mboro” is derogatory, and it is Shona for “penis”. Therefore this book will not use this name but only highlight it as one of the popular names given to Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng. 91. Andile Smith, “Pastor Mboro Paseka Motsoeneng biography” [accessed 10 July 2020], https://buzzsouthafrica.com/pastor-­mboro-­paseka-­ motsoeneng-­bio-­facts/. 92. Elia Shabani Mligo, Rediscovering Jesus in Our Places: Contextual Theology and Its Relevance to Contemporary Africa (Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020). 93. Student Room, “Pastor Mboro” [accessed 29 July 2020], https://www. studentroom.co.za/wiki/prophet-­mboro/. 94. Sabelo Ndlangisa, “The profits of Prophet Mboro Township ‘miracle worker’ predicts that commission chairwoman investigating him ‘will fall’” [accessed 17 August 2020], https://www.timeslive.co.za/sunday-­ times/news/2017-­08-­12-­the-­profits-­of-­prophet-­mboro/. 95. Ibid. 96. Smith, “Pastor Mboro Paseka”. 97. Ibid. 98. Ibid.

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99. Ibid. 100. Cindy Karimi, “Pastor Mboro bio, family, church, went to Heaven, cars, house, net worth, profile” [accessed 11 September 2020], https:// briefly.co.za/62545-­p astor-­m boro-­b io-­f amily-­c hurch-­h eaven-­ cars-­house-­net-­worth-­profile.html. 101. Kgatle, “Unusual practices”, 4. 102. Smith, “Pastor Mboro Paseka”. 103. Lee Scharnick-Udemans. “Gender perspectives and African scholarship: Blind spots in the field of religion, media, and culture.” African Journal of Gender and Religion 23, no. 2 (2020). 104. Resane, “Simon the Sorcerer offered them money”, 103. 105. https://peoplepill.com/people/tim-­omotoso/. 106. Adefolaju Eben Adeseke. “The Satirical Social-Media Skits as Template for New Education: Understanding the Amateurish Auteurism in Nation Building.” Ethiopian e-Journal for Research and Innovation Foresight (Ee-JRIF) 11, no. 2 (2020). 107. Adeseke. “The Satirical Social-Media Skits”, 8, cf. Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson, “Introduction: the abuse of the Spirit by some New Prophetic Churches in South African Pentecostalism”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H.  Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge), pp. 1–23. 108. Adeseke. “The Satirical Social-Media Skits”, 8. 109. https://peoplepill.com/people/tim-­omotoso/. 110. https://www.xyz.ng/360/people/tim-­omotoso-­biography-­fact-­career-­ awards-­net-­worth-­and-­life-­story-­87168. 111. Kgatle & Anderson, Use and Abuse of the Spirit, 17. 112. Adeseke. “The Satirical Social-Media Skits”, 8. 113. Adeseke. “The Satirical Social-Media Skits”, 8. 114. https://www.timomotoso.org/timomotoso.html. 115. Kgatle, The Fourth Wave, cf. Sigurd Bergmann & Mika Vähäkangas (eds.), Contextual Theology: Skills and Practices of Liberating Faith (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). 116. Collium Banda, “The poor’s weapon against inequality?: A critique of the public role of neo-Pentecostalism in unequal South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), pp. 175–202. 117. Kgatle, The Fourth Wave, 124.

CHAPTER 3

NPC Prophets and Religious Cult in South Africa

3.1   Introduction In the previous chapter, it was important for one to discuss in detail the historical background of the prophets leading the prominent New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) in South Africa. In this chapter, one is going to draw a relationship between some of these prophets and the religious cult in South Africa. This will be achieved by first defining the religious cult, how the leaders use the cult to manipulate followers and how the cult functions in a group. This chapter will also delve much into some of the controversial practices by these prophets that might be categorised as religious extremism. Later, it will assess how extreme religious practices are related to cultic tendencies in South Africa. It is pivotal to look at the interplay between cultic tendencies and the faith of the followers in the NPCs to answer questions such as are these practices preying on believer’s faith or not? Equally, this chapter discusses the extreme practices in light of the human rights of the followers of the NPCs in South Africa. The chapter will look at the role of the Human Rights Commission in South Africa together with the constitution of the country in mediating these extreme practices and make recommendations.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_3

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3.2   Defining Religious Cult In Chap. 1, I defined the meaning of cultism to explain the general framework of the book. Since this chapter is looking at the relationship between NPC prophets and religious cult, it is important therefore to also define religious cult. The definition of religious cult will assist in the evaluation of religious extreme practices and their association with cultic tendencies. The definition is important because it is easy to assess the religious nature of a cultic group that has identified itself as such, but the task of evaluating the cultic nature of a religious group is a problematic one. The challenge here is exacerbated by the status quo in the general public where many do not associate a cult with what they know as a genuine religion,1 thus making the two mutually exclusive. Hence, none of the prophets have come out openly and called their organisations cults, but have rather called themselves Christians. Even the followers on the ground would not agree that their leaders are cultic or have engaged in cultic practices, but uphold them as reverential leaders. Thus, in correlating the prophets with cultic tendencies in this chapter, one will first have to grapple with the gruelling meaning of religious cult. According to Wallis, religious cults are quintessential regarding the problems that people are going through. It is a relationship of diagnosis and prescription where a problem is identified and a solitary solution is given to the specific problem.2 Hence the role of prophecy in religious cults because prophecy is about diagnosis and prescription. Once a member has identified their problem and a solution to that problem, there is no return from a religious cult. Stark and Bainbridge articulate this relationship between those promulgating cult doctrine and those partaking of it most closely as the one that “resembles the relationship between therapist and patient, between consultant and client”.3 However, this clientele-­ based relationship can come at an extortionate cost and impose elongated distances between its clients and the consultant. The costs are informed by the need for the religious cult to expand their operation and reach more people or make their group well known. They increase the cost in order to supplement the collection that they make within the group, as at times the collections are not enough to cover the running costs of the religious cult. It is this commercial gesticulation of the religious group that can sometimes diverge it from the original mission or spiritual goals.4 Religious cultic groups do not require any obligations from their members and are ready to welcome anyone as their member without even

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outlining their prerequisites. According to Wallis, although there might be some accountabilities for members, there is no clear distinction between who is a member and who is a follower.5 The goal of a religious group is to ensure that both the member and the follower are the same, while in reality they are not. While a follower is someone who will occasionally join the group as per their need or interest, a member on the other hand remains unwavering to the cause of the mission in the organisation. But in a religious cult they are made as one, so that will result in high membership numbers that are sometimes exaggerated. In Chap. 2, I highlighted this point specifically at Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, where the church boasts high membership numbers. In my view, the numbers are high because at times they count both followers and members in one bracket. Maybe religious cults are aware that it is not easy for people to commit to membership; hence, they make theirs an open membership where members are not obligated to commit, but still attend their services and receive benefits such as prophecy and prayer for miracles. Religious groups will keep on changing their doctrines in order to confuse the followers between following them and returning to their former organisations.6 It is called mind control or brainwashing. The leaders in a religious cult are known for using different techniques for the purpose of having power or control over the mental state of their members. At the end, instead of becoming major contributors to the organisation, the followers or members become like traffic lights that turn green or red at the command of their religious leader. Consequently, the freedom to express themselves as followers is compromised as they become what Thomas Robbins calls “religious zombies”.7 According to Mufika and Stoker, it is not only the earthly destiny of members who are under the control of the leader but also their eternal destiny. In addition, the person as a whole is under control; that is, body, soul and spirit are all under the control of the leader. They will therefore control what people eat, drink, read and who should become part of their daily living.8 A religious cult is a group that is dissatisfied with former groups in the same tradition. Any community, including a nation, will consist of a group of people who are not completely exultant with their current religious institutions. Therefore, people who are attracted to a religious cult include those who are not gratified by their religious institutions and want something new that can meet their needs.9 This might be true with the followers of the prophets as many of them were dissatisfied with classical

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Pentecostalism10 and moved to join the new movement. These make up most of the prophets in South Africa independent of other denominations.11 The prophets themselves would condemn the traditional practices in classical Pentecostal churches in order to be inimitable and attractive to their followers. Hence, a religious cult attracts curious people who want to explore more in their religious experiences. In other words, curious people are more likely to join cults than conservatives; hence, many followers of these prophets are young and inquisitive.12 It must be reiterated that a religious cult does not want any relationship with former recognised institutions with similar interests. They would, according to Stark and Bainbridge, “represent an alien (external) religion, or it may have originated in the host society—but through innovation, not fission”.13 If part of an existing group, a religious cult will ensure that they “add to that culture a new revelation or insight justifying the claim that it is different, new, more advanced”.14 A religious cult therefore represents an “independent religious tradition in a society”.15 Andrea Molnar shared an example of a “new religious group that refused to accept the authority of the Catholic Church, and wanted to not only bypass the church, but also recruit people through coercion and violence to their religious cult”.16 Other than the conflict that exists between the religious cults and their former organisations, there is also a conflict that exists between them and other institutions. Thus, a religious cult will be in conflict with, for example, the government authorities in a specific country. These conflicts exist when the leaders of a religious cult try to exempt themselves from legal battles with the courts and other challenges. Other conflicts might exist among the family members between members of a religious cult and non-­ members. The family conflict might be caused by the allegiance by a member to his or her religious cult that contradicts family values or principles. The tensions at a family level are what maximises the tensions that exists between a religious cult and members of society in general.17 Finally, religious cults lack an authority that governs their hierarchy such that when heresy arises, it will be contingent on the members to decide what is right or wrong within their organisation. In this case, the individual leader of the organisation is the ultimate authority and no one can rebuke or correct them as they have the final word.18 The lack of authority and clear doctrinal values are the factors causing a movement from one cultic religious group to another.19 The movement of members may cause either group to come up with strategies to force members into their own group.20 This in my view is what causes these prophets to

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perform extraordinary practices in order to prove to other prophets how powerful they are. The only challenge, according to Robins, is that these extraordinary practices “can produce abuses; these abuses entail unfair conditions which might not be tolerated in nonreligious organisations”.21 In the next section I am going to deliberate, in detail, on what constitutes extreme religious practices by the prophets and later link them to cultic tendencies.

3.3   Religious Extremism by Some Prophets Since 2014, South Africans have been taken by storm with pictures and videos of religious practices appearing in social media and some even on national television stations such as eNews Channel Africa (eNCA) and South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). As indicated in the introduction, these are the practices that caused the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (CRL Rights Commission) to instigate two investigations into the abuse of religion and the abuse of people. It is these acts that caused many of the prophets to be summoned to appear before the CRL Rights Commission to account for their actions. Some of the recommendations from the CRL Rights Commission reports called for stricter restrictions, if not regulation, of the religious sector.22 These practices by the prophets can be considered as extreme practices as some scholars such as Dube said that they posed some level of endangerment to the followers or believers in need of a miracle.23 A South African Pentecostal Church historian, Thabang Richard Mofokeng, divides these practices into three main categories: “dangerous healing practices”, “criminal acts” and “deceptive acts”.24 What Mofokeng calls “dangerous healing practices”, which in my other article have been called “unusual practices”25 and others have called “bizarre acts”,26 is what will be discussed here as extreme religious practices. These are acts such as by Pastor Lesego Daniel and two of his protégés, Pastor Penuel Mnguni and Pastor Lethebo Rabalago. As discussed in the previous chapter these three have the same spiritual DNA; hence, their actions are discussed concurrently in this section. Pastor Lesego Daniel flabbergasted South Africans when he fed his congregants grass as if they were cows in the field. Pictures were shown of the congregants in Daniel’s church eating the grass at the command of the prophet.27 The followers of Daniel are shown cutting the grass with their

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hands and eating it with fervour like the herbivores would do. However, the eating of grass by the members of Daniel’s church is quite regrettable as human beings do not have enzymes to digest grass.28 But it is as though the congregants did not care much as one of them shouted, “Yes, we eat grass and we’re proud of it because it demonstrates that, with God’s power, we can do anything,”29 and another testified, “I could not walk, but soon after eating the grass, as the pastor had ordered, I started gaining strength and an hour later I could walk again.”30 The idea of people testifying in the church is also done to corroborate that the actions of the prophet are not detrimental to anyone, but bring about healing, deliverance, job promotion and other blessings. Hence, it will take time to persuade South Africans—who are facing challenges of unemployment, inequality and poverty—otherwise. There is therefore a connection between the needs of the congregants and the religious practices by the prophet. I am of the opinion that under normal circumstances a person cannot wake up and eat grass; they only did so in desperation of getting something from God. It is for this reason that many of these congregants fall prey to the acts of the prophets. When the prophet promises healing, deliverance and prosperity, they are willing to do anything at the command of the prophet. Thus, the congregants are not only gullible to the acts of the prophet but also alacritous to preserve the actions of the prophet as if they are paid to do so. Anyone who conveys a different message other than the one preached by the prophet like Daniel is seen as the enemy of the ministry. It is here that they would come with scriptures such as Psalm 105:15: “do not touch my anointed ones, do my prophets no harm.”31 This scripture would be quoted to illustrate that the prophet is untouchable and those who dare to go against them do so at their own peril. In addition to the grass, Daniel encouraged his members to drink petrol in the hope that it would change and become a soft drink.32 Hence, Daniel claimed that both grass and the petrol turn into bread and wine for Holy Communion.33 However, according to Nel, Daniel made his congregants drink the petrol in order to bring them closer to God. After all, believers—according to Daniel—are allowed to drink anything as faith has the ability to change anything they consume to their bodies.34 It elucidates why the congregants did not see anything wrong with the petrol, but rather were happy and proud to consume it.35 The believers were told that by drinking petrol, “they would rid themselves of their sins and they would receive healing from any ailments they might have”.36 But petrol is a

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dangerous gasoline, which is also flammable and is only meant for engines; it is very concerning that a prophet would use it for healing. It is more questionable why the congregants would risk their lives to the extent of drinking something flammable. However, as explained above, it is only desperation that leads a person to engage in outrageous acts such as drinking petrol. The outrageous acts by Daniel were followed by his protégé, Penuel Mnguni, who did the unthinkable when he fed his congregants live snakes. Mnguni justified his actions by arguing that through prayer the live snakes had been turned to chocolate.37 Hence, when questioned, Mnguni defended himself by saying he did not feed live snakes to his congregants, but chocolate. This he did even when the pictures on social media and other sources showed him feeding snakes to followers. Sphesihle Khanyile in her article, “Extreme and the Exceptional: A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis of Social Media Representations of Neo-Pentecostals in South Africa”, showed the pictures of the young woman who ate the snake that was visible in her mouth.38 Khanyile pointed out that the swallowing of the snake by a young black woman at the command of a young black man is a sign of patriarchal power that depicts men as powerful and women as subservient.39 It is patriarchal because the woman is a snake eater, but a man such as Mnguni is depicted as the one who has the authority to command the snake to turn into chocolate and be eaten in church.40 In the words of Khanyile, Mnguni is depicted as “an initiator of the supernatural”, and the congregants are the ones who enjoy the snake.41 Hence, the eaters of snakes have a sense of belonging in Mnguni’s church, but those who reject the snake are lost.42 Certain powers could have motivated the eating of snake since the snake and black people are enemies. Generally, the black people in South Africa do not want to be associated with snakes given the dangerous nature of the reptile.43 Another protégé of Lesego, Lethebo Rabalago, also raised an alarm when he sprayed an insecticide on his congregants who were looking for healing. The insecticide, according to Rabalago after prayer, had the power to heal sickness.44 In a recent book that I edited with Emeritus Professor Allan Anderson, Rabalago is cited saying the following: Doom is just a name, but when you speak to it, it becomes a healing product. People get healed and delivered through Doom. It is not by might nor by power, but by the Holy Spirit. Through spraying the Doom, I anoint them.45

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Rabalago has been praying for the sick in a conventional way such as the laying on of hands, but received the revelation to spray the insecticide upon the congregants in order for them to receive supernatural healing.46 Rabalago’s claims were supported by the testimony of one of his followers: I came here with a pain on my back and stomach. Now, after the prophet sprayed me with Doom I am healed. My nose was blocked for a week, but after the prophet sprayed me with Doom I feel healed. I thank God for healing me.47

However, Rabalago’s claims were disapproved by the manufacturer of the insecticide who confirmed that the insecticide is dangerous if inhaled by human beings and all the cautions are included in the packing of the product.48 Consequently, Rabalago was taken to court by his province’s Department of Health, was charged and found guilty for contravening the Agricultural Stock Remedies Act.49 The above are the main practices discussed in this book, but there are so many numerous similar acts that one cannot discuss them all in this book. For example, Mnguni resurfaced some years later to feed his congregants dog meat.50 It is surprising that the likes of Mnguni would repeat these acts even after a reprimand by fellow pastors, political parties and society at large. I have highlighted the above as a picture of what has been going on in the religious landscape in South Africa.

3.4   Cultic Tendencies in Some Extreme Religious Practices Most of the practices highlighted in the preceding section can be categorised as cultic given the definition and understanding of a religious cult as outlined in the first section above. Feeding congregants with snakes and grass and making people to drink petrol have nothing to do with the gospel of Jesus Christ but are acts that can be classified as cultic tendencies. These are cultic acts because, by replacing the bread and the wine with the grass and the petrol for Holy Communion, Daniel is changing the traditional order of Holy Communion. As outlined above, any group that deviates from the original doctrines of Christian tradition is cultic. The traditional way in which Christ commanded his disciples is the use of bread and wine in partaking in the Holy Communion. Mathew 26:26–27 states very well:

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While they were eating, Jesus took bread, and when he had given thanks, he broke it and gave it to his disciples, saying, “Take and eat; this is my body”. Then he took a cup, and when he had given thanks, he gave it to them, saying, “Drink from it, all of you.”51

However, Daniel claimed that both the grass and petrol can be used for Holy Communion. This is a misrepresentation of the purpose of the Holy Communion and actually demonstrates an anti-sacramental spirit among the prophets. The sacraments such as baptism and Holy Communion according to Resane are replaced with these extreme religious practices.52 Second, they are cultic because the congregants are manipulated to believe that the prophet hears from God and they have been in the presence of God.53 Kgatle and Mashau highlighted the fact that practices like the eating of grass and snakes and the drinking of petrol are a sign of manipulation.54 The practices perceived by members and followers as miracles are nothing but manipulation of people’s minds.55 The reasons Resane calls this manipulative is because “The leader is totally involved in orchestrating the events by giving commands as to what actions are to be initiated. The agent is in charge and directs the events towards his desired goals.”56 In his other article, Resane in Mofokeng saw the above-­mentioned acts as self-serving on the side of the prophets and representing what he calls “cultic hermeneutics”.57 However, it must be noted that just because a prophet claims to have heard from God does not mean that God has sent the prophet to speak and perform the acts on behalf of God. God, through the mouth of Jeremiah, has already condemned such prophets who claim to speak on behalf of God. “I did not send these prophets, yet they have run with their message; I did not speak to them, yet they have prophesied.”58 On the contrary, the claim by the prophets that they hear from God might actually be a hint that they are very manipulative with regard to the congregants. Third, they are cultic because they are more like the acts of a magician. Anything magical is cultic. The only difference this time is that they are done in the name of religion.59 The people of South Africa are very familiar with the performance of magic, including in schools where the magicians will create things such as eggs in the presence of the audience.60 This in no way means that miracles do not happen, but there is a need to make a distinction between a real miracle and the acts of magicians. The Bible is full of examples where authentic leaders like Moses performed miracles, but at the same time other leaders from pagan nations performed magic.61

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However, most of the congregants fall for these practices as they are accompanied by promises of blessings, healing and other forms of prosperity.62 The believers have faith that their real-life situations will change due to the actions of the prophet, even if such actions are extreme religious acts.63 Fourth, the practices are cultic as they draw the crowds to the person of the prophet rather than the person of Christ. The centre has shifted from believing in the saviour to place so much reliance and trust in the prophet performing the miracle. Banda calls this a serious problem where believers perceive the work of Christ as insufficient to solve their problems of poverty, unemployment and inequality.64 Banda continues by saying that in order to make believers rely on them, the prophets create a gap between God and the believer: The gap is created by projecting the believer as too unholy or too inferior to personally connect with God without the aid of the prophets. African Pentecostal prophets project a huge chasm between God and the ordinary believers, and then place themselves and their anointed objects as the only agents that can effectively close the gap.65

Thus, believers are constantly taught to rely on the prophet such that, in the end, the relationship between them is much stronger than a believer’s relationship with God would be. The distance between believers and God is further increased by the cultic tendencies because instead of pointing people to Christ, the prophets are pointing people to things such as snakes, grass and petrol. Last, when people eat grass and snakes and drink petrol while they are aware that the substances can be very harmful to their bodies, it might be a sign of being under some control. As highlighted in the first section of this chapter, cultic groups or leaders are known for controlling the minds of people. Once someone is under the control of external influences, everything that they do is under that same influence. During a mind-­ control exercise, according to Resane, believers are “Taken out of touch with reality into a state where they see everything as ‘spiritual’, the congregants can be left in a very vulnerable and potentially unbalanced condition”.66 The mind-controlling technique is used on members so that they cannot see what is right and what is wrong; hence, so many of them are willing to defend their prophets for the religious extremism. Mind controlling works the same way as hypnotism, whereby people respond or

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react to the action without being aware of what is really taking place in their lives,67 and they concentrate on that action with all of their strength.68 This explains why the congregants ate snakes and grass with passion. Therefore, in almost all the extreme religious practices by Daniel, Mnguni and Rabalago, one could find a link with cultic tendencies. The link is explained in four reasons. The first is the desire by the prophets to move Christians from the traditional way of conducting Holy Communion. Then there is the manipulation of congregants into the thinking that everything they do is from God, especially when accompanied by “thus saith the Lord”. Then the followers of the prophets may perceive the practices as miracles, but a closer look into these actions reveals that they are actually magical acts. Finally, slowly but surely, the followers of these churches are made to shift their focus from Christ to the prophet in their quest to solve their daily problems. The practices exhibit some level of control on the members who participated in such because they were willing to engage in them while aware of the consequences. Other than their link to cultism, the extreme religious practices have an impact on the faith of the believers that I discuss below.

3.5   Cultic Tendencies and Believers’ Faith Cultic tendencies were used to play on the faith of the believers. Although the Constitutional Court once stated in Emma Charlene Lubaale: Religion is a matter of faith and belief. The beliefs that believers hold sacred and thus central to their religious faith may strike non-believers as bizarre, illogical or irrational. Human beings may freely believe in what they cannot prove. Yet, that their belief is bizarre, illogical or irrational to others or is incapable of scientific proof does detract from the fact that these are religious beliefs.69

The difference in this case is that most of the extreme religious practices by the prophets were actually criticised by the believers themselves as they saw these acts as outrageous. Most believers from different church denominations within the Christian faith and tradition were surprised by these actions. Hence, the main aim of the CRL Commission—triggered by the extreme religious practices—was the investigation of “the commercialisation of religion and abuse of people’s belief systems in South Africa”.70 Nonetheless, even if faith is irrational in the sense that actions that need to

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be taken may not make sense to outsiders, such actions should still be ethical and respect the rights of others. Indeed, faith without action is dead according to James.71 But the actions taken towards faith should be sound, not cultic, and most importantly, should not contradict the fundamental principles of Christian tradition. In simple words, the irrationality of faith should not be an excuse to produce unethical behaviour among the practitioners of religion. Faith should not be in conflict with the value that God has placed on human beings in creating them in God’s image. Unfortunately, Ramantswana states that the cultic tendency “opens room for the exploitation of faith on the part of the people and believers who follow such prophets”.72 I indicated in my first book that: At the time of feeding his congregants with live snakes, Mnguni claimed that, through faith, the snakes would taste like chocolate and ultimately become harmless. Claims such as these are corroborated by misquoting the Bible and giving examples such as Moses changing a rod into a snake, which has absolutely no bearing whatsoever on what the pastor was telling his congregants to do.73

Context is important as every miracle in the Bible was performed in a specific context with a specific purpose. Consequently, a question needs to be asked: what purpose does eating snake or grass serve to the believers who are engaged in these actions, and what are the benefits of engaging in such actions. Though many followers would argue that they were healed by the acts, the connection between the practices and their healing is questionable. Furthermore, biblical texts such as Romans 14:2, “One man’s faith allows him to eat everything, but another man, whose faith is weak, eats only vegetables,”74 were used to argue that those who cannot eat live snakes, eat grass or even drink petrol lack faith. This text is used and taken out of context to motivate the performance of extreme religious acts. In the text, Paul is actually talking about the need not to undermine other people’s faith even if their faith appears weak. But instead of interpreting the text correctly, according to Khanyile, the text is used to further divide the people between a strong faith and weak faith.75 It is worse in the sense that those who want to prove that their faith is strong must illustrate it by eating a snake, drinking petrol and so forth. Thus, the members of Mnguni’s church continued to eat snakes, competing against each other’s faiths. In that context, it would not be easy for members to challenge or

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argue against the eating of snakes. Therefore, Mnguni and others win over their members’ minds by playing the politics of faith and by using the divide and conquer rule.76 An impression is created that faith in God is not enough and there is a need to augment faith in God with faith in the prophet.77 Thus, instead of showing people that God is at work in their lives, prophets would rather cause people to depend on their practices.78 Therefore, the adherents of the prophets, according to Magezi and Banda, show the following: “Instead of yielding to Christ’s redemptive work on the cross, the Christians undertake efforts of appeasing Christ by religious activities.”79 In the end, the personal faith that believers have in God is contradicted by the practices of the prophets.80 Faith in God is submerged, if not done away, with by the cultic tendencies by the prophets.81 The consequence, according to Banda, is “the distortion of God as an impersonal being and undermining his relationality, which is experienced through personal faith”.82

3.6   Cultic Tendencies and Human Rights Some of these practices violated the human rights and human dignity of the members or followers of the prophets.83 Other scholars have pointed to the issue of ethics in addition to human rights and dignity.84According to Banda, some of these practices attracted the attention of “human rights organisations and advocacy groups, such as Human Rights Watch, Africa (HRW)”.85 In addition, complaints were lodged by “Sonke Gender Justice and People Opposing Women Abuse (POWA) with the Commission on Gender Equality and the South African Human Rights Commission”.86 At the level of faith, others might argue that everyone has the right to practise theirs, but at the level of human rights it is degradation: Before one can interpret the eating of grass and the drinking of petrol from a theological point of view, the actions themselves reveal that those who engage in them degrade humanity. While the faith of those who engage in these actions might not be questioned because they have freedom of religion, their intellect is questionable given the magnitude of degradation.87

It does not help, therefore, to increase people’s faith by engaging in extreme religious practices while at the same time ignoring the human dignity of the same people.88 Therefore, the main challenge with these

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cultic tendencies is the dehumanisation of the people of South Africa as grass eating and petrol drinking and so forth seem inhumane.89 Shingange concurs: “Some of the other abuses also include enforcing inhumane and degrading actions upon the followers.”90 Shingange adds that the cultic tendencies by the prophets infringe on the rights of the members of communities.91 Hence, Dube calls for lawyers, well-respected religious leaders and human rights activists to ensure that the human rights of the citizens in South Africa are adhered to and well respected by all religions.92 The genuine return by the prophets to human dignity for all the people they lead will cause them to become sensitive to their actions.93 This can be done when a balance is struck between freedom of religion, freedom of expression and the human dignity.94 Because, according to Dube, Nkoane and Hlalele, in many of the practices mentioned above, “freedom of religion violated human rights, and endangered human life”.95 In other words, one cannot exist at the expense of the other. They will have to think twice before engaging in any other form of outrageous acts that violate human rights. However, Banda cautions that the violations of human rights cannot be solved through the law only, but there is a need to address these challenges from a theological point of view as well.96 Hence, a rethinking of the cultic tendencies by the prophets is necessary. However, failure to return to human dignity by the prophets calls for major steps to be taken specifically by the state according to Mokhoathi and Rembe: The cost of religious freedom must be paid and those responsible for perpetuating the violation of human rights issues and human dignity must be held accountable. Many congregants appear to suffer silently from the abuse of Pentecostal/Charismatic pastors who impose upon their rights because they earnestly long for healing. This must come to an end.97

The prophets cannot take advantage of the religious freedom that came with our democracy in 1994 and the benefits that came with the democratic Constitution.98 Freedom of religion does not mean that the citizens have the right to violate the rights of others by abusing religion. In some countries, when the abuse of religion like these cultic tendencies happen, the authorities do not waste time; they act even if the perpetrators are religious leaders. Mokhoathi and Rembe give the following example from Brazil, “where an evangelical pastor claimed to have been endowed with heavenly milk that came out of his genitals when he received oral sex from

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his congregants; the state intervened and the pastor was arrested”.99 Surely those who are found on the wrong side of human rights cannot be granted freedom to do as they please just because we are a democratic state. Indeed, there is a need for government to rethink the balance between the rights of individuals to practise their religion freely and the dignity of other fellow citizens.100 It is incumbent upon the state to counteract against the violations of the rights of the citizens of South Africa.101 Moreover, the state should protect the values and the principles enshrined in the Constitution so that not a single person will undermine the state.102 These responsibilities, according to Mokhoathi and Rembe, cannot be the work of the CRL commission, which has been summoning religious leaders without taking proper action.103

3.7   Concluding Remarks In conclusion, the religious practices by the NPC prophets such as the eating of snakes, drinking of petrol and others are not only cultic but also play on the believers’ faith. In addition, these pose danger to people’s lives and their health. Hence, it was found in this chapter that the practices compromise the human rights of the followers of NPCs. Not only the violation of human rights requires the intervention of CRL Rights Commission but also government should intervene to restore the human dignity of the people of South Africa. The NPC prophets cannot hide behind their democratic right and the freedom of religion, but respect fellow human beings; when they fail to do so, the government should play its part.

Notes 1. James, A. Beckford. Cult controversies: The societal response to new religious movements (Vol. 285. CUP Archive, 1985), 20. 2. Roy, Wallis. “Scientology: Therapeutic cult to religious sect.” Sociology 9, no. 1 (1975): 89–100. 3. Stark, Rodney, and William Sims Bainbridge. “Of churches, sects, and cults: Preliminary concepts for a theory of religious movements.” Journal for the scientific study of religion (1979): 117–131. 4. Thomas, Robbins. “Religious Movements, the State, and the Law: Reconceptualizing the Cult Problem.” NYU Rev. L. & Soc. Change 9 (1979): 33.

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5. Wallis. “Scientology”, 89. 6. Ibid., 90. 7. Robbins. “Religious Movements”, 33 cf. Lewis, James R., and David G. Bromley. “The cult withdrawal syndrome: A case of misattribution of cause?” Journal for the scientific study of religion (1987): 508–522. 8. Mathieu B. Mufika & Hendrik Henk G. Stoker. “Turn the tide on losing members to cults: The challenge of the churches in the Congo.” In die Skriflig 54, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. 9. William, R. Catton. “What kind of people does a religious cult attract?” American Sociological Review 22, no. 5 (1957): 561–566. 10. By classical Pentecostalism one refers to churches that have a link with the twentieth-century Pentecostal movement in the Azusa Street revival, Los Angeles, the United States of America. These are churches like the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, the Full Gospel Church and the Assemblies of God. In recent years, there has been a movement of church members from the classical Pentecostal churches to New Prophetic Churches. 11. Most of the prophets in South Africa are non-denominational without any association with the well-established Pentecostal denominations. This is one of the reasons that causes the believers to move from the classical Pentecostal churches towards new prophetic churches as they perceive them to be unique. 12. Catton. “What kind of people does a religious cult attract?”, 565. 13. Stark and Bainbridge. “Of churches, sects, and cults”, 118. 14. Ibid., 120. 15. Ibid., 120. 16. Molnar, Andrea K. “An Anthropological Study of Atsabe Perceptions of Kolimau 2000. A New East Timorese Religious Cult or Internal Security Problem?” Anthropos (2004): 365–379. 17. Robbins. “Religious Movements”, 34. 18. Wallis. “Scientology”, 90. 19. Ibid., 92. 20. Ibid., 92. 21. Robbins. “Religious Movements”, 34. 22. Dion, Forster and Elisabeth Gerle, eds. Freedom of Religion at Stake: Competing Claims Among Faith Traditions, States, and Persons (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2019), 21 cf. Robins, Roger G., ed. Current Trajectories in Global Pentecostalism: Culture, Social Engagement, and Change (Basel: MDPI, 2019). 23. Bekithemba, Dube. “‘Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land’: Foreign Prophets and Popularism in South Africa. Evoking the Need of Jonathanic Theology for Peaceful Resolution of Difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 42.

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24. Thabang, Mofokeng, “The weird you shall always have: a historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa” in Mookgo S. Kgatle & Anderson Allan H. (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 24–52. 25. Mookgo, S. Kgatle. “The unusual practices within some Neo-Pentecostal churches in South Africa: Reflections and recommendations.” HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 3 (2017): 1–8. 26. Sphesihle, Khanyile. “Extreme and the Exceptional: A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis of Social Media Representations of Neo-­ Pentecostals in South Africa.” Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication/Revista Romana de Jurnalism si Comunicare-RRJC 12, no. 4 (2017). 27. Jill Reilly. “Lawn again Christians: South African preacher makes congregation eat GRASS to ‘be closer to God’” [accessed 10 January 2014] https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-­2537053/Lawn-­Christians-­ South-­A frican-­p reacher-­m akes-­c ongregation-­e at-­G RASS-­c loser-­ God.html. 28. Kgatle. “The unusual practices”, 3. 29. Leonard, Blair, “‘Yes We Eat Grass and We’re Proud of It,’ Say Congregants Who Were Convinced by ‘Miracle’ Working Preacher”, [accessed 10 January 2014] https://www.christianpost.com/news/yes-­ we-­e at-­g rass-­a nd-­w ere-­p roud-­o f-­i t-­s ay-­c ongregants-­w ho-­w ere-­ convinced-­by-­miracle-­working-­preacher.html. 30. Reilly, “Lawn again Christians”. 31. The scripture has been taken from the New International Version. 32. Lee, Scharnick-Udemans. “Gender Perspectives and African Scholarship: Blind spots in the field of religion, media, and culture.” African Journal of Gender and Religion 23, no. 2 (2020). 33. Mookgo, S.  Kgatle. The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), 117. 34. Marius, Nel. An African Pentecostal hermeneutics: A distinctive contribution to hermeneutics (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2018), 21. 35. Ibid., 21. 36. Marius, Nel. The prosperity gospel in Africa: An African Pentecostal hermeneutical consideration (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020), 18. 37. Khanyile. “Extreme and the Exceptional”, 57. 38. Ibid., 57. 39. Ibid., 57.

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40. Ibid., 58. 41. Ibid., 59. 42. Ibid., 59. 43. Ibid., 57. 44. Federico, Settler. “Race and materiality in African religious contexts.” Journal for the Study of Religion 31, no. 2 (2018): 36–56. 45. Mookgo, Kgatle & Anderson, Allan H. “Introduction: the abuse of the Spirit by some New Prophetic Churches in South African Pentecostalism”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan Anderson (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 1–23. 46. Kgatle. The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 131. 47. Kgatle. “Unusual practices”, 4. 48. Bekithemba, Dube, Milton Molebatsi Nkoane and Dipane Hlalele. “The ambivalence of freedom of religion, and unearthing the unlearnt lessons of religious freedom from the Jonestown incident: A decoloniality approach.” Journal for the Study of Religion 30, no. 2 (2017): 330–349. 49. Kgatle. The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 131. 50. Alex Mitchley and Chante Schatz. “Snake Pastor feeds dog meat to congregants for communion”, [accessed 16 October 2018] https://www. news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/snake-­pastor-­feeds-­dog-­meat­to-­congregants-­for-­communion-­20181016. 51. The scripture is quoted from the New International Version. 52. Kelebogile Resane. “‘And they shall make you eat grass like oxen’ (Daniel 4: 24): Reflections on recent practices in some New Charismatic Churches.” Pharos Journal of Theology 98, no. 1 (2017): 1–17. 53. Kelebogile T. Resane. “‘Simon the Sorcerer offered them money’ (Acts 8:19): some Pentecostals have gone commercial instead of evangelical” in Mookgo S. Kgatle & Anderson Allan H. (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 93–114. 54. Thinandavha, Mashau and Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Prosperity gospel and the culture of greed in post-colonial Africa: Constructing an alternative African Christian Theology of ubuntu.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–8. 55. Kelebogile, T.  Resane. “Miracles in the Neo-charismatic movement: Historical and theological critique.” Verbum et Ecclesia 38, no. 1 (2017): 1–8. 56. Ibid., 5.

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57. Resane. “And they shall make you eat grass like oxen”, 3 cf. Thabang, Mofokeng, “The weird you shall always have: a historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa” in ­ Mookgo S. Kgatle & Anderson Allan H. (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 24–52. 58. The scripture is taken form the New International Version. 59. Kgatle. The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 129. 60. Ibid., 129. 61. The quotation was taken from Exodus 7:22  in the New International Version. 62. Hulisani, Ramantswana. “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2019): 1–8. 63. Kgatle. The fourth Pentecostal wave, 44. 64. Collium, Banda. “Complementing Christ? A soteriological evaluation of the anointed objects of the African Pentecostal prophets.” Conspectus: The Journal of the South African Theological Seminary 2018, no. Special Edition 2 (2018): 55–69. 65. Ibid., 62. 66. Resane. “And they shall make you eat grass like oxen”, 6. 67. Lynn, Steven Jay, Joseph P.  Green, Irving Kirsch, Antonio Capafons, Scott O.  Lilienfeld, Jean-Roch Laurence, and Guy H.  Montgomery. “Grounding hypnosis in science: The ‘new’ APA Division 30 definition of hypnosis as a step backward.” American Journal of Clinical Hypnosis, 57, no. 4 (2015): 390–401. 68. Segi. “Hypnosis for pain management, anxiety and behavioral disorders.” Factiva. Retrieved December 7 (2012). https://www.clinicaladvisor.com/. 69. Lerato, Maviya. “Regulating religion: a necessity and dilemma in South Africa.” Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Laws by Coursework and Research Report at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. 70. CRL Rights Commission, 2017. “Report on the hearings on the commercialisation of religion and abuse of people’s beliefs systems”, [accessed 16 May 2018] https://www.gov.za/documents/report-­hearings-­ commercialisation-­r eligion-­a nd-­a buse-­p eoples-­b elief-­s ystems-­2 4-­ apr-­2017. 71. The text is a paraphrase of James 2: 17. 72. Ramantswana. “Prophets praying for”, 6. 73. Kgatle. The fourth Pentecostal wave, 130.

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74. The scripture is quoted in the New International Version. 75. Khanyile. “Extreme and the Exceptional”, 58. 76. Ibid., 58. 77. Vhumani, Magezi, and Collium Banda. “Competing with Christ? A critical Christological analysis of the reliance on Pentecostal prophets in Zimbabwe.” In die Skriflig 51, no. 2 (2017): 1–10. 78. Ibid., 6. 79. Ibid., 6. 80. Collium, Banda. “Mediating God’s relationality? A trinitarian perichoretic critique of the reliance on anointed objects in African neo-­ Pentecostalism.” HTS Theological Studies 76, no. 1 (2020): 1–10. 81. Ibid., 4. 82. Ibid., 4. 83. Resane. “And they shall make you eat grass like oxen”, 9. 84. Lubaale, Emma Charlene. “Assessing the Human Rights Implication of Calls for Regulation of Faith-based Organisations in Africa” speculum juris 33, no 1 (2019): 9–25. 85. Banda, Zuze J. “A survey on gender-based violence - the paradox of trust between women and men in South Africa: A missiological scrutiny.” HTS Theological Studies 76, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. 86. Scharnick-Udemans. “Gender Perspectives and African Scholarship”, 146. 87. Kgatle. The fourth Pentecostal wave, 117. 88. Mofokeng. “The weird you shall always have”, 42. 89. Elise, Kisingu. “The abuse of the Spirit: an immigration-imported new wave or a development of pre-existing local beliefs?” In Mookgo S. Kgatle & Anderson Allan H. (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 53–72 cf. Banda, Collium, “The poor’s weapon against inequality?: A critique of the public role of neo-Pentecostalism in unequal South Africa” in Mookgo S. Kgatle & Anderson Allan H. (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 175–202. 90. Themba, Shingange. “Mission as discernment of spirits in the advent of the abuse of prophecy within Newer Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity in South Africa.” In Mookgo S. Kgatle & Anderson Allan H. (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 115–130. 91. Ibid., 121.

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92. Bekhithemba Dube. “Rethinking the Seven Angels Ministry’s praxis of pneumatology as seen through the lens of decoloniality” In Mookgo S. Kgatle & Anderson Allan H. (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020, 131–149. 93. Banda, “The poor’s weapon against inequality?”, 193. 94. Scharnick-Udemans. “Gender Perspectives and African Scholarship”, 150. 95. Dube, Nkoane and Hlalele. “The ambivalence of freedom of religion”, 340. 96. Collium, Banda. “Redefining religion? A critical Christian reflection on CRL Rights Commission’s proposal to regulate religion in South Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–11. 97. Joel, Mokhoathi and Nasila S.  Rembe. “Religious liberties and the Constitution of South Africa: A call for religious accountability.” Scriptura: Journal for Contextual Hermeneutics in Southern Africa, 116, no. 1 (2017): 1–10. 98. According to the CRL Rights Commission reports, “The Constitution leaves scope for all kinds of beliefs and opinions. Even views which some may regard as extreme, are allowed and should not be regulated.” 99. Mokhoathi and Rembe. “Religious liberties and the constitution of South Africa”, 3. 100. Ibid., 6. 101. Ibid., 6. 102. Ibid., 7. 103. Ibid., 8.

CHAPTER 4

The Practice of Secret Cult by Some NPC Prophets in South Africa

4.1   Introduction This chapter is about the practice of secret cult by some prophets in the New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) in South Africa. The chapter explores the concept of secret cult and how it functions among the prophets of the NPCs in South Africa. This chapter will look at the reasons behind NPC prophets joining the secret cult as some perceive this as unconventional. The chapter discusses the visitation to the traditional healers by the NPC prophets as part of the initiation process into the secret cult. The initiation process also involves a naming ceremony where the initiate is given a new name by the specific secret cultic group and receive some benefits thereafter. Thus, this chapter discusses the various sacrifices that an initiate is supposed to give as a result of the benefits received from the cult. Somehow, secret cult has a connection with the concepts of visions and dreams in an African context; this will also be discussed in this chapter. Equally, the secret cult has a connection with divination as practised by the African traditional religions (ATR). However, in this chapter divination will be distinguished from biblical prophecy. Lastly, it will look at the benefits and the consequences of joining the secret cult as the prophet of the NPCs in South Africa.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_4

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4.2   Defining Secret Cult In order to understand the correlation between secret cult and the prophets in the NPCs in South Africa, it is imperative to first define “secret cult”. A secret cult is closely related to a “secret society” or “secret powers”; however, in line with the theme of this book, I use the term “secret cult”. In simple terms, a secret cult is a group that has secretive meetings among members. Hence, the meetings of a secret cult are held at night most of the time when others cannot see their activities. It is for this reason, according to Egbochuku, that “they are often referred to as nocturnal groups”.1 This does not mean that they never meet during the day, but just that they usually meet during the night. The main characteristic of secret cults is secrecy. Broadly speaking, a secret cult refers to: groups or organisations characterised by the use of secret initiations or other rituals, oaths, grips (or hand-clasps) or signs of recognition between members, stating that the existence, motives, membership, activities, plans and rituals of such societies are usually kept secret and not revealed to non-members.2

Secret cult members, according to Oni, “show a great disregard for existing societal norms and values as a result of the decaying societal values, peer and parental pressures placed on individuals to attain success, and a strong craving for belongingness”.3 I highlighted this point in Chap. 3, where I discuss religious cults and their spirit of non-­denominationalism. This means that existing norms are changed for the secret cult to behave as a different group for the benefit of its members. In addition, the secret cult members: perceive themselves as enjoying an elevated spiritual position which is associated with a sense of distance from the mainstream community. Cult ideology and in-group jargon are kept secret from non-cult members, which serves to accentuate the sense of special privilege and separation from the “unenlightened” interpersonal world which surrounds them.4

As we have already discussed in Chap. 3, by separating themselves from the rest of the community, secret cult members want to be seen as having higher powers than the rest of society. They will behave in a different manner but still not disclose the secret behind their success or their distinctiveness to non-members.

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In a church context, a secret cult is defined by Ramabulana as “a secret, evil force and power that has infiltrated the church of God”.5 Mashau adds that it is “the presence of demonic powers that are hidden behind activities such as divination, spiritism, magic and idolatry”.6 It is secretive as its hidden knowledge must not be revealed to other churches. The secret cult in a church setting hides behind church activities such as prophecy while at the same time contradicting the traditional doctrinal values. Ramabulana therefore opines that any secret cult draws its power from the kingdom of darkness.7 It is called a secret cult because prophets would join these groups without the knowledge of their followers. The believers and followers would still see them as Christians and reputable men and women of God.8 Ramabulana explains further that in order for a prophet not to be caught working with a secret cult, they would have to use their “disguised methods that can be accepted and not questioned by their congregations”.9 Hence so many prophets have joined a secret cult for powers, miracles and prophecies without having been exposed and continuing to attract crowds to their churches.10 However, this does not suggest that every mega-church out there is using a secret cult and every prophet out there is having some dark secrets to their success. This chapter simply wants to highlight the connection between the phenomenon of secret cults and the success of some prophets without generalising. One must point out that as much as there are secret cultic churches, there are also non-secret cultic churches that succeed through ethical principles. Potential members are usually lured into a secret cult by different promises of success. When a potential member views their current condition and the promises given, they are often persuaded to join the secret cult. According to Ramabulana, this trap has swallowed many pastors in ministry who became impatient with the slow growth of their churches, feeling the peer pressure to drive a bigger car and own a luxury mansion as proof of their success. It is this materialistic peer pressure that tempts many pastors to then seek higher powers in order to attain higher church membership and ultimately a higher lifestyle. In his own testimony, Ramabulana says: After years of struggling to accomplish my mission of pastoring a megachurch and impacting the world, I became frustrated, strayed from my true calling and fell into the trap of exploring secret powers hidden in the church today.11

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Ramabulana is one of the few who have come out to confess about joining a secret cult and its activities. However, there might be many like him who had a genuine calling from God but as they faced different challenges in life took the wrong decision and joined a secret cult. The bigger temptation is the promises which, according to Mwiti et al., include “receiving immense material wealth, fame, beauty, power, finding husbands for desperate female members, excelling in academics, success in business and acquisition of spiritual powers and ability to torment non-members”.12 The same promises are used in churches to attract a great number of members. Hence, the preaching is then no longer centred on Christ and his atonement but on the attainment and accumulation of material wealth. Because of the many challenges facing Africa today, the element of promising material prosperity has indeed caused the NPCs to have great numbers in their gatherings.

4.3   Visiting Traditional Healers The involvement in secret cults by some of the NPC prophets is demonstrated in them visiting witchdoctors,13 and here one must emphasise that most of the time it is witchdoctors outside the borders of South Africa. Generally, most South Africans perceive other African nations as having more spiritual powers than what is available locally. I am of the opinion that it is this element which makes churches led by foreign pastors have a greater following than the locals. Prophets, as we can read in the testimony of Pastor Sinthumule Makhado Ramabulana,14 will visit other countries on the continent, especially West African countries like Nigeria,15 Togo and Ghana, although they will also visit countries in southern Africa like Mozambique and Zimbabwe.16 According to his testimony, Ramabulana visited some of these countries to meet witchdoctors, spiritualists, prophets and others who then introduced him to secret cults. He subsequently used the different rituals given to him by the witchdoctors in his church without the congregation noticing that he was using rituals. Ramabulana describes the place he visited in Nigeria as more of a family gathering of cultic prophets in Africa who meet and receive all the rituals to use in their churches. He also testified about meeting the leading witchdoctor in Nigeria who introduced him to various gods within their secret cult. Ramabulana testified that he was introduced to the god of thunder,17 and the god of iron18 and water19 spirits.20

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Another testimony was given by Pastor Jay Israel21 and shared on social media platforms such as YouTube. Israel visited countries like Togo, Ghana and Benin in search of power. Israel explains that in Benin he went to a place called Cotonou which he considers as the capital of witchcraft and voodoo in Africa. During the visit, Israel says he was told that anything he wants to achieve through a secret cult is possible such as growth for his church, healing power, power for crowds and financial prosperity. Israel also mentions that he was given an option of taking a ritual that could give him power to kill the enemies of his life or ministry. In addition, he was given an option of a muti that will cause him to be feared by people around him. However, Israel states that he did not want to be involved with rituals that would involve high sacrifices like killing a member of his family. He continues by saying that he did not want to have anything to do with a money ritual; hence, he opted for lower powers through the sacrificing of a goat, sheep and chicken.22 I will discuss the aspect of sacrifices in secret cults in Sect. 4.6 of this chapter. As we have learnt in the testimonies of Ramabulana and Israel, pastors do visit witchdoctors for power, money and other benefits. In the words of Resane: In the typical African culture, a witchdoctor is consulted for various reasons, one of them being to gain power. This may be power to prevail over enemies, power to control others, or power to repel bad omens or overcome life challenging circumstances.23

Similarly, prophets who are involved with secret cults would visit the witchdoctor to gain power in order to succeed in ministry. However, according to Ramabulana, it is not only prophets who visit the witchdoctors to acquire powers; “Business people, presidents, politicians, celebrities and musicians visited particular places in Nigeria and they would return with powers to have success after their encounters.”24 However, Mwiti et  al. insist that it is especially prophets who frequently turn to witchdoctors, “thus doubling up as magicians and miracle or wonder workers. This is done either for fame, money or as poverty eradication strategy.”25 According to Mwiti et  al., this is why an African Christian practice entails a dual religious allegiance where “Christianity is practiced in the daytime and occult practice is done at night”.26 Mwiti et al. continue, “Many of the pastors will preach from the pulpit that this type of thing is wrong, but secretly take part in it at night.”27 This dualism

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continues to play itself out in African Christianity, in my view, because many Christians do not want to solely trust God for their needs but think that God should be assisted in some way. This dualism is also exacerbated by the fact that prior to joining Christian churches, many Africans have been part of traditional practices. Thus, once born again, they do not want to simply do away with these practices in their lives. I am of the opinion that churches that bring a balance between African traditional practices and Christianity are more likely to succeed in Africa. However, such a balance should not in any way compromise the Christian tradition, its values and principles because failure to do so will inevitably result in engagement with the kingdom of darkness like secret cults. The next section is about the process of initiating people into secret cults.

4.4   Initiation into Secret Cults In Africa, initiation is a practice of formally introducing and accepting new people into a specific cultural group or even into the next stage of their lives. Boys and girls are initiated into man or womanhood once they pass puberty through what is known as lebollo in Northern Sotho, a South African indigenous language.28 During such an initiation that I went through in 1996, we learnt different songs and practices that were not known by the other members of the community, and we were told to never reveal the secrets of lebollo to others or else it might result in serious repercussions. Similarly, members of a secret cult are initiated so that they are formally accepted into the group and have the necessary knowledge of the group and how it operates in different settings. According to Adogame, only a member who has been initiated will have access to that information as opposed to non-members. Thus an initiated member will have an added advantage over other religious leaders.29 This explains the reason why many prophets know one another’s secrets and are ready to expose one another. The members will learn the tricks used by other secret cults as they have a knowledge of what is real and what is fake in the practice of religion.30 Furthermore, Raboteau adds, “The practice of initiation into a cult group of the devotee, who is then prepared for the possession by the gods upon ritual occasions, is an important element of African religious life carried to the new world.”31 It is important because members are taught how they should contribute towards the group and relate to other team members. As members embark on a new journey that they were not familiar with before, they have to be taught the new rules of the game.32

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The initiation process is more like a new life or a new beginning for the members. Ramabulana describes an initiation into a secret cult as a “second touch”; the “first touch” being when the person received the Lord Jesus Christ as Lord and Saviour. However, the second touch is different because it happens “when you obtain powers from a particular person or spiritualist”.33 As highlighted in previous chapters, most Africans see the first touch as insufficient for the total salvation of their lives. They therefore feel a need to receive another touch for wealth, power and fame. Almost like the ritual of baptism where Christians are baptised as a symbol of new birth, initiation takes place through taking a “spiritual bath”. During the spiritual bath it is believed that every misfortune that has been hindering the progress of the initiated person will disappear. According to Ramabulana, a spiritual bath is made up of “magical ingredients that are believed to remove evil spirits which were claimed to be the cause of all misfortune in a person’s life”.34 Twesigye concurs that initiation is a process of renewal and is “diligently performed to cleanse the body from evils associated with the body”.35 In addition to the spiritual bath, an initiate is expected to follow other instructions given to him or her; otherwise, the initiation will not work.36 In order for the initiates to identify each other, they wear the same garments or uniform. Hence, the initiation includes using the specific colours of the secret cult which, in the case of Ramabulana, were red, blue and white.37 These colours, however, are worn in secret. Though most prophets wear designer clothes during church services, they would wear the colours of their secret cult at night. The colours differ from one secret cult to the other. In addition, the initiation process also involves getting into contact with “creepy looking sculptures and idols” which are meant to assist the prophet in manipulating people to give to them.38 Once the initiate has passed the initiation process and also gone through other rituals, they are released to practise their craft in their specific field. Hence, pastors like Jay Israel and Makhado Ramabulana returned to South Africa to come and implement the practices of the secret cults. In a South African context, a prophet who has visited other countries on the continent is perceived to have more power than those prophets who have never done it. It is for this reason that people always assume that a prophet who rises and increases in power has received that power from somewhere else on the continent. This includes pastors in other Pentecostal traditions, especially the charismatics who like to associate with American preachers as a way of boasting their network. However, it must also be stated that it

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is not wrong for pastors to connect with other ministers of the gospel as long as the connections do not involve secret cults that compromise the lives of their loved ones. Connecting with others is after all a sign that the body of Christ is united for the advancement of the kingdom.

4.5   Naming Ceremonies The ceremony to give a name to a new-born baby is an imperative cultural practice in many people’s lives, and definitely also in Africa. In African traditional and cultural life, this ceremony ensures that the baby is thoroughly introduced to her or his family including the clan. In addition, the baby is introduced to the larger community; hence, after the name is given, the rest of the community starts to familiarise themselves with the name. Often names are given according to the ancestral genealogy of the child. Or, put differently, children in most African cultures are named after their ancestors. Hence, in Africa, most people have two names: one to signify an ancestral connection and the other an English name that other people, especially from the global north, would be familiar with. Giving names is an important aspect of African life, and not only pertaining to new-born babies. In the words of Mbiti, “Naming ceremonies are held in many African societies in a number of African communities, involving circumcision and admission into adulthood, admission into “secret” societies, or other major changes in one’s life.”39 Bremer and Fleischmann concur, “Naming ceremonies are particularly important in many pre-­ modern cultures and are associated with ritual and symbolism. In rural African societies names have deep social significance and are endowed with magical significance.”40 As part of the initiation into a secret society, Ramabulana states that the secret society would give a name to the initiate that is unique to their operation. This according to Ramabulana is because secret cults “believe and promote what is called the spiritual genealogy which is similar to what is known as a family tree. The initiate then becomes the son or daughter of the person who has initiated them within the cult.”41 Furthermore, “the name empowers the initiate to be more popular than the original name and it tells other members about the rank and the level and the kinds of powers that are entrusted upon [sic] the initiate”.42 For this name to be effective the members of the church are supposed to use it and not the birth name.43 Even God is no longer known as God only but as a god of the name given by the secret cult. It might be a reason why the members

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in churches like the Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) speak of “the god of Major 1” instead of just calling him “God”. Some would argue that even in the Old Testament, God was known as the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, while others point to the fact that Elisha, when he wanted to cross the river Jordan, called on the God of Elijah. So why not the god of Major 1? I will address this matter in Chap. 7. This issue of naming might also explain why most of the prophets in Africa are known by their stage names and not their biological names or names given by their parents. It must be noted as well that music celebrities do not use their real names. Is this also part of a cultic setup? I will also discuss this aspect in Chap. 7 when I address the issue of the “celebrity cult”. Besides the specific name given to the prophet, the secret cult will demand that the church be given a specific name as well: Many churches have strange names because most occult societies insist on a church name that is in line with what the secret society stands for, as the society claims that it has the power to make a church draw crowds through the name of the church. Some occult societies also insist that their occult churches use the society’s symbols and colours in the church logo.44

This might be a reason why so many NPCs change the traditional names of churches that are common in communities to names that are new and attractive. The names have come to signify the type of secret cult and its operations that a particular church and its prophet follow. Hence, the founders and leaders of these churches do not even care if the church name does not reflect “Christ”, “God” or even “Holy Spirit”. On the contrary, naming the church with Trinitarian names might actually disturb the secret cult operations. In the words of Karen Pressley, the name-giving within secret cults has the following benefits: Names carry weight, whether light or heavy. Names provide ways of knowing—and being. Names construct and reify human bonds and social divisions. We attach value to some names and dismiss others. Much of sociology addresses relative power differentials between individuals or groups to make a name stick—or to resist the name with its attendant categorization, values, implicit or explicit directives, and implications for subsequent life.45

Finally, the secret cult name given to a prophet and their church give them some sense of authority and ferociousness in the realm of the spirit.46

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4.6   Animal and Human Sacrifices Animal killing and at times human killing as a sacrificial practice, in any context, is done to mollify the kingdom that one belongs to. Animal sacrifice, for example, in African culture and traditional life is done in order to appease the ancestors or the dead.47 The sacrifice is done in congruency with other ceremonies like dancing and chanting where a specific family or clan appease their ancestors. A sacrifice in the form of slaughtering an animal is also done for important members of society like those in royal families.48 In addition, the king and/or the queen might require a sacrifice for a big event such as a wedding and a funeral.49 However, according to Mbiti, in many African cultures, the killing of a human being as a form of sacrifice is completely condemned as murder and a crime against humanity.50 Nonetheless, secret cults practise human sacrifices regardless of the fact that it is totally prohibited. This human sacrifice is also often connected to mutilation where parts of human bodies are used as traditional medicine with the belief that it will cure certain diseases. As part of appeasing their secret cult members are required to offer a certain sacrifice to the cult. The level of a sacrifice depends on the level that the prophet wants to reach in their ministry. Thus the higher the level that one wants to reach, the higher the price to reach such a level.51 Hence, sometimes there are mysterious things happening to the people connected to certain prophets, like some of them sometimes dying.52 Secret cults are involved “in sacrifices that utilize animal or human body parts”.53 Maureen Nene Kemp did research in Nigeria and found that there were some members of secret cults that killed their own relatives. Kemp continues to say that activities like these in Africa have been “responsible for the backwardness of African societies”.54 In research in honour of Theophilus Okere, it was revealed that “almost all the secret societies engage in human sacrifice.”55 Most of the time, the non-members have no clue or are helpless in changing the situation of human sacrifice. Some prophets who would just want normal church growth and a financial breakthrough would sacrifice animals like goats, sheep and cows. Definitely not all members of secret cults are willing to sacrifice their own, they would rather opt for a lesser way of appeasing their masters. However, according to Ramabulana, others will still go to the extreme of sacrificing a loved one in order to reach the highest levels in their ministerial careers.56 Meyer shares stories that appeared in Ghanaian tabloids about men

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sacrificing their spouses in order to become rich.57 It is, however, not only the prophets who are looking for the power that they can get from human sacrifices. Shaw also writes about “the human sacrifice that many politicians are rumoured to have carried out to win elections”.58 This means that when people are desperate to reach higher heights in their careers, they can and will do anything including slaughtering their own. It might be understandable for politicians as many of them do not want to walk in the light of Christ, but for prophets who actually know the truth, it is a deep shame to the kingdom of God. Nonetheless, it is the altars that prophets serve that demand such sacrifices. Some misunderstand the biblical principle that whenever there is an altar, there should be a sacrifice as found in Exodus 20:24: Make an altar of earth for me and sacrifice on it your burnt offerings and fellowship offerings, your sheep and goats and your cattle. Wherever I cause my name to be honored, I will come to you and bless you.59

They do not understand that in the new covenant, Jesus has sacrificed his body for the salvation of many. Hebrews 9:12 states it very well, “He did not enter by means of the blood of goats and calves; but he entered the Most Holy Place once for all by his own blood, thus obtaining eternal redemption.”60 Therefore, these churches do not have to continue with the shedding of blood in order to sustain its existence. The prophets who have joined a secret cult only need to understand that Christ has done it all for them. Da Silva asserts that instead of sacrificing loved ones, people should take cognisance of “the sacrifice made by Jesus in the name of all humanity—hence it is in his name (his sacrificial blood) that the victory over evil and the attainment of eternal salvation is invoked.”61 Therefore, the blood of Jesus sacrificed on the cross of Calvary should serve as the ultimate sacrifice not only for the remission of sins but also for the salvation of lost souls.62

4.7   Visions and Dreams Dreams and visions among other features such as prophecy, healing, exorcism, speaking in tongues, revelations and miracles are the hallmarks of Pentecostalism.63 Pentecostals “are typically open to the possibility of God speaking to them in dreams and visions”.64 Anderson explains further:

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In both traditional and contemporary Africa, visions and dreams are an important part of guidance, and this is especially the case in Pentecostalism and among AICs. Through visions and dreams, people are called to special tasks and to ministry, warned of impending dangers, and given various revelations by the Spirit.65

Thus, Pentecostals believe that God is able to reveal himself to them through the dreams, visions and even prophecy as mentioned above.66 Thus, according to Stephenson, “Pentecostals understand the dreams and visions manifested among them as the workings of the eschatological Spirit”.67 Kay adds that, within Pentecostalism, believers are given opportunity to share their experiences of visions and dreams in church.68 This public sharing of dreams and visions is encouraged even among the young people of the church in accordance with what the Bible says in Joel 2:28: “And afterwards, I will pour out my Spirit on all people. Your sons and daughters will prophesy, your old men will dream dreams, your young men will see visions.”69 Furthermore, Pentecostals are taught how to interpret their dreams and visions through the Bible to make sense of the real-life situations they encounter on a daily basis.70 Hollenweger explains, “In the theological system of the Pentecostals, dreams and visions have the function of interpretations of the Bible.”71 However, those who cannot interpret their dreams and visions would come to their spiritual leader in order for them to reveal the meaning. When these leaders struggle to interpret those dreams and visions, they also sometimes fall into the trap of using the secret cult techniques. According to Ramabulana, there is an oil called “vision oil” that members buy at an exorbitant price. They would then use the oil to rub on their faces before they sleep. It is this oil that causes nightmares which will demand a consultation with the prophet at a fee.72 There is also “vision water” which causes the followers to see their dead relatives talking with them after they have drunk it. According to Ramabulana, the vision water is more effective as people do not feel in any way manipulated but experience the visions for themselves. However, in both instances, they would still believe in the prophet for making them to experience the dreams and visions.73 Thus peoples’ dreams and visions can be exploited by the secret cult as most people rely on their prophet for the interpretation. Like the Ethiopian Eunuch in Acts 8, people always see a need for someone to interpret things

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for them as they cannot understand it on their own. They fail to understand that according to John 16:13, Jesus has explained to his disciples that “when he, the Spirit of truth, comes, he will guide you into all the truth. He will not speak on his own; he will speak only what he hears, and he will tell you what is yet to come.”74 Another level of exploitation happens when a prophet appears to the believer in a dream. This causes many believers to perceive the prophets as legitimate messengers who have to save or deliver them from any challenge. It is for this reason that many people are willing to even empty their pockets and give to their prophet as they believe that they have been truly sent by God. Whilst it cannot be proven scientifically that these prophets manipulate dreams and visions, it is possible in the spirit world for prophets to appear in much the same way as ancestors appear in visions and dreams.

4.8   Divination Versus Prophecy Divination is about telling the events that are going to happen in the future by using different magical objects that assist the diviner to see the future.75 Prophecy also reveals the future by using the Word of God and the work of the Holy Spirit. According to Ramabulana, the diviner in the secret cults uses a divination board where they are able to reveal, for example, the name of the football club that will win a match and the name of the contesting presidential candidate that will win an election.76 In a secret cult they use this kind of divination and disguise it as true prophecy. In doing so, the prophets in NPCs have replaced the African traditional way of conducting divination by making it more fashionable, modern and believable by conceptualising it as prophecy. Thus they have managed to close the gap between traditional religion and the failure of Christian missionary churches.77 The only challenge is that instead of using the Holy Spirit, they would use the spirit of the diviner in a secret cult to execute their prophecy. The same spirit of divination will be used by some prophets in the church, pretending that they have received the revelation from God. Although cultic prophets claim to be used by the Holy Spirit of God, according to Chimuka, “they have the same pneumatological status as nganga78 ministering under the influence of the ancestral spirits”.79 The question is not the content of the prophecy but mainly the source of the prophecy. Muindi clarifies the distinction between divination and

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prophecy by saying, “diviners and prophets are alike in being mediators of the divine, but prophets speak forth the divine word directly without reading it off a symbolic medium”.80 According to Daneel, true prophecy should come from the work of the Holy Spirit and not from the diviner as used by the secret cult.81 Daneel goes further to say that even when the prophecy is claimed to have come from the Holy Spirit, it does not mean that it is true or accurate. But all prophecy should be subject to testing in order to prove its validity.82 However, the reliance on the work of the Holy Spirit in prophecy remains an important sign showing that the prophet is not directed by other spirits.83 Another sign is that true prophecy unlike divination is not done to appease the spirits tormenting the person receiving the prophecy. On the contrary, it is the moment of revealing the power of God that saves, heals and delivers those who are in bondage.84 The problem is that, in Africa, many believers are failing to make a distinction between a person prophesying by the Holy Spirit and someone divining by evil spirits from a secret cult. Deke adds, “The church in Africa … is failing to differentiate between true prophets and false prophets. It places much emphasis on the spoken word without evaluating the source.”85 People do not care about the source as long as the content is promising them health, wealth and prosperity.86 Hence the prophets have taken advantage of the believers because they are desperate for the next miracle that can solve their difficult life situations. Consequently, according to Anderson, “people go to a prophet for direction, in much the same way that they would visit a diviner”.87 When the congregants do not have a spirit of discernment, they cannot make a distinction between what is divination by the cultic spirits and true prophecy by the true prophet.88 Sometimes the prophets who use the spirit of divination would trick the congregants by making reference to the Holy Spirit while they are actually used by other powers.89 It is therefore incumbent upon the Christian community to develop the spirit of discernment whereby they can decide on their own what is prophecy and what is divination.90 The distinction is important because Pentecostals should not make the mistake of dismissing the gift of prophecy as it is one of the gifts of the Holy Spirit. The important issue is to deal with the cultic elements of prophecy without doing away with the gift because as much as there are false prophets, there should be true prophets who accurately and truthfully deliver the word as directed by the Holy Spirit.

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4.9   Secret Information Technology (IT) Specialists One of the major contributors to South Africa’s economy is the information technology infrastructure, especially in the context of the fourth industrial revolution. According to Das, “Information technology (IT) is increasingly influencing every aspect of the human life and functions of cities across the world”.91 Similarly, in the words of Gillwald et al., “South Africa has long recognised communications networks as the backbone of the modern economy and society”.92 Although “[t]here is little reliable and publicly available information on the state of the IT industry in South Africa”,93 Das maintains that there is potential and opportunities that need to be explored within the IT sector.94 One of the groups that have seen the potential of the IT industry in South Africa is the NPC prophets. According to Ramabulana, for example, IT specialists often work tirelessly to assist a prophet by retrieving people’s identification numbers and vehicle registration numbers which the prophet would then use to “authenticate” their prophecies.95 These will be fulltime, well-paid professionals who will work hard in making the staged prophecy appear real in the eyes of the congregants.96 At the end the unsuspecting congregants will clap in adulation without the knowledge that they have been conned and are actually the soft targets of secret IT specialists.97 Another matter involving IT specialists is the concept called “miracle money”.98 South Africans have witnessed on their screens this “miracle money” being deposited into people’s bank accounts. This money is, however, just the result of IT specialists having worked hard to transfer money into specific congregants’ bank accounts, which the prophet would then announce as “miracle money”.99 The secret IT specialists would also deposit money into someone’s bank account to serve as an approved loan that had been declined some months ago. Similarly, people who have owed money and failed to pay the banks would receive a notification that their debts were cancelled, again through the work of the secret IT specialists.100 The relieved church member would then testify about one of the well-known miracles in NPCs, “debt cancellation”. However, this time around it would not have been cancelled by any financial institution but by the secret IT specialists. Besides using IT specialists, “miracle money” is also sometimes directly put into people’s bags by the ushers of the church who would walk around and observe when people are busy praying and closing their eyes.101 Once

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again the unsuspecting church members will view this as a great miracle they have never seen before in their lives while the people closer to the prophet would actually know what has been happening behind the scenes. The secret IT specialists would also prey on the unemployed youth who are looking for job placements. According to Statistics South Africa: The youth aged 15–24 years are the most vulnerable in the South African labour market as the unemployment rate among this age group was 55,2% in the 1st quarter of 2019. Among graduates in this age group, the unemployment rate was 31,0% during this period compared to 19,5% in the 4th quarter of 2018.102

The prophets take advantage of the great numbers of youth unemployment in South Africa. According to Ramabulana, the IT specialists work with the prophets by sending computerised short messages to the young people’s cell numbers informing them that they have received a job interview. The youths who have received such messages would then go and testify in front of everyone about their “breakthroughs”.103 Another area is marriage for the singles,104 which is also important in Africa as young people are constantly looking for life partners. The prophet would announce a single person’s contact details to another single person who would then contact them, hooking up to form an arranged relationship/marriage, as they would be under the impression that it was a message and instruction from God.105 However, it’s not only IT specialists who assist in “prophecy” but also journalists who will inform a prophet about current affairs of national and, at times, international interests. These journalists also inform the prophet about the breaking news from other countries and ensure that the prophet is the first one to receive the news even before it is officially released electronically, on television or in print. The prophet will then share the news as a “prophetic word”.106 When the congregants receive the news, it will appear like prophecy as most of them will be hearing the news for the first time. The time difference across the globe also plays an important part in this instance because at times people will still be asleep when the news first breaks in another country so that by the time they wake up they hear the news from the mouth of the prophet. Hence, in this way, prophets have delivered great “prophecies” such as who is going to be the president and which great politician is going to die.107

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4.10   The Benefits of a Secret Cult Though a secret cult is not a positive group to join, it still presents its members with some temporary benefits even though it lasts only for a while. It is these benefits as highlighted in previous sections that attract many young prophets to join secret cults. Many of them are tempted because of the economic challenges that are facing the continent of Africa. As many congregations fail to take care of the prophets and their families, many of them opt for a shortcut route in joining these cults in order to survive. As we have seen in the testimony of Jay Israel and Sinthumule Ramabulana, they were under pressure and wanted to compete against other ministers of the gospel in their cities. The peer pressure to drive bigger cars and live in luxury is what lured these prophets to join secret cults. It was also the pressure for their churches to grow rapidly, forgetting that sometimes it takes time to grow something from the ground up. These worldly pressures coupled with the needs of their households misled the prophets to neglect the biblical principles for prosperity and success and rather look for instant gratification. Nonetheless, the prophets who have received the “second touch” discussed above began to experience tremendous growth in their churches accompanied by a sudden change in their financial wellbeing.108 Ramabulana recalls being given a black horn by a witchdoctor that he used to blow and then people would come to his church. He also recalls being given a certain muti109 which he had to bury in the church yard so that it could attract many people to attend his church, which is what happened.110 Another practice that brought him benefits was to collect soil from other big churches and important hotspots in city—something which then also attracted people to his church.111 Another technique, according to Ramabulana, is that a “secret agent” gets assigned to conduct a spiritual survey of the churches in an area and the pastors leading those churches. In addition, the agent will profile these pastors in terms of where they live, the cars they drive and other important information.112 The prophet will then use this information to do a staged demon confession that will downplay the efforts of those other pastors in the area. During the confession, a supposed demon will confess that the other pastors are not real men or women of God in order to sway the crowds away from those churches and entice them to rather join the one linked to a secret cult.113

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4.11   Consequences of Joining Secret Cults The practices of the prophets in relation to secret cults come with some consequences. For every action that one takes in life, big or small, there will be consequences. Galatians 6:8 states it very well: Do not be deceived: God cannot be mocked. A man reaps what he sows. The one who sows to please his sinful nature, from that nature will reap destruction; the one who sows to please the Spirit, from the Spirit will reap eternal life.114

This biblical text applies to everyone, young or old, declaring that for every action there will be a reaction. Any action taken to please the desires of the flesh will be reaped accordingly. In contrast, any action taken in order to please God will bring a reward. This means that the prophets in the New Prophetic Churches might rejoice when receiving various benefits through the secret cults, but these also come at a high price, at times even loss of life including the death of a family member. However, some prophets might join in ignorance, not aware of the repercussions.115 According to Joyce Lowinson, this is because “[c]ults are successful at masking the harm they do to members usually by blaming some cosmic defect in the member for any ill effect”.116 The secret cults are good in mentioning the benefits of people joining but continue to hide the negative consequences. The leaders in secret cults make it difficult for members to withdraw so that once they try to withdraw they face the consequences.117 There are indeed dangerous consequences of joining a cult, some of which only become evident when a prophet wants to leave. Ramabulana shares a story of how he was arrested by the police who accused him of using muti; he was incarcerated for months. He continues by sharing that on the day of his release he miraculously survived a mob killing by the members of his community.118 Ramabulana’s testimony is a sign that it might be prodigious to receive the benefits of a secret cult while it lasts, but such benefits might end in tears. Earlier on I referred to the initiation process into a secret cult. According to Egbochuku: Candidates who are unable to survive the ordeal may die during the initiation ceremony. The corpses of dead candidates are buried secretly in shallow graves or thrown into the bush. In some cults, some vital organs of the deceased (such as private parts, breasts and tongue) may be removed for ritual purposes.119

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4.12   Concluding Remarks This chapter has studied the secret cult practised by some NPC prophets in South Africa. The findings of the study are that some prophets join secret cults because of peer pressure in ministry. This is the pressure to drive big and live in big mansions and luxurious lifestyle. When they do not receive the above material things through conventional ways, they opt to join secret cults. However, some of them regret later after joining the cults as they begin to discover the harsh consequences of such secret cults. The practice involves the visiting of traditional healers who then initiate them into the cult by giving them specific cultic names. The initiated person often gives some certain sacrifices in return of the benefits that they receive from the cult. Other practices of the secret cult involve visions and dreams together with divination. However, this kind of divination should be separated with the biblical prophecy. Thus, followers of NPCs can make a distinction between a prophet using divination and the one making a true prophecy.

Notes 1. Elizabeth Omotunde Egbochuku. “Secret cult activities in institutions of higher learning: lessons from the Nigerian situations.” Studies of Tribes and Tribals 7, no. 1 (2009): 17–25. 2. Uchenna M. Nnam. “Secret cult menace in Nigeria within the context of social structure and political economy: A critical analysis.” International Journal of Criminal Justice Sciences 9, no. 2 (2014): 171; cf. “Azoba: Cultism and the school factor: its implication for development of education in Nigeria”, Sunday Ifeanyi Okoli & Lawrance U.  Ezeani (eds.), Education in Nigeria: a critical analysis (Onitsha: Lincel Publishers, 1999): 162–169. 3. Adesoji A. Oni. “Citadel of violence: effect and control of cult activities on students’ social adjustment in Nigeria.” African Journal of Crime & Criminal Justice (AJCJ) 1, no. 1 (2009): 257–275. 4. Marvin, F. Galper. “The cult phenomenon: Behavioral science perspectives applied to therapy.” Marriage & Family Review 4, no. 3–4 (1982): 141–149. 5. The book by Makhado Sinthumule Ramabulana. Church Mafia: Captured by secret powers: An untold African narrative (Pretoria: Khado & Sons, 2018), p. 1, is important for this chapter as the author had an experience with secret cults.

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6. Thinandavha, D. Mashau. “Occultism in an African context: a case for the Vhavenda-speaking people of the Limpopo Province.” In die Skriflig 41, no. 4 (2007): 637–653. 7. Ramabulana. Church Mafia, 40. 8. Ibid., 44. 9. Ibid., 45. 10. Ibid., 114. 11. Ibid., 114. 12. Salome Gathoni Mwiti, Joyce W. Nderitu & Simon Nderitu Wambugu. “Innovative Christian strategies for confronting syncretic practices in selected Methodist and Pentecostal churches in Abogeta division, Meru County, Kenya.” International Journal of Social Science and Humanities Research 3, no. 1 (2015): 42–54. 13. A traditional healer is someone with the ability to deliver people from witchcraft or challenges they incurred as a result of witchcraft. 14. Makhado Sinthumule Ramabulana is a grandson of chief Ramabulana from the Venda ethnic group in South Africa. He grew up going to church and is a well-trained pastor. However, Ramabulana joined a secret cult as he experienced the pressures of ministry. He gave a testimony in a video posted on YouTube and in his book that he is no longer part of any secret cult. He soon returned to his roots, the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa. 15. Nigeria, according to Hugo Africa. Mental Slavery: The Liberation Chant (Primedia: Sandton, Johannesburg, 2012) is “home to numerous secret societies, secret cults and strange religious activities. In Nigeria, most secret societies and cults have transformed into institutions of evil against the nation and non-initiates who may be part of the society at large. Their activities range from witchcraft, voodoos and occult practices.” 16. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 39–90. 17. The god of thunder is the spirit that gives the prophet the power to renounce negative things in their life. 18. The god of iron is the spirit that operates with the eating of dog meat. Hence, Ramabulana testified that those engage with the eating of dog meat are serving or worshipping the god of iron. 19. The water spirits work with the streams and rivers that are close to the prophet’s church. When the prophet uses water spirits, he or she is able to gather crowds. 20. Makhado Sinthumule Ramabulana. “Shocking truth of how I got secret powers as a fake pastor:| I’ve been through the most,| Ps Makhado” [accessed on 27 November 2019] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= jH7ZTcT3ev4&t=566s.

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21. Pastor Jay Israel used to serve and submit to the ministry of Pastor Alph Lukau and Alleluia Ministries International. He came out testifying against secret cults and how he used to manipulate Christians in churches. 22. Jay Israel, “Ex Occultist Testimony Of Jay Israel Now In Christ” [accessed on 5 July 2020] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FuFa0iQcp-­o. 23. Kelebogile T. Resane. “‘Simon the Sorcerer offered them money’ (Acts 8:19): some Pentecostals have gone commercial instead of evangelical”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 93–114. 24. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 36. 25. Mwiti et al., “Innovative Christian strategies”, 47. 26. Ibid., 47. 27. Ibid., 47. 28. Lebollo, according to Lutendo, Maharaj and Rogan, is “a cultural and traditional practice that the Basotho society follows to construct the manhood identity”, see Malisha Lutendo, Pranitha Maharaj & Michael Rogan. “Rites of passage to adulthood: traditional initiation schools in the context of HIV/AIDS in the Limpopo Province, South Africa.” Health, Risk & Society 10, no. 6 (2008): 585–598. 29. Afe Adogame (ed.), The Public Face of African New Religious Movements in Diaspora: Imagining the Religious ‘Other’ (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016). 30. Victor I. Ezigbo, Re-imagining African Christologies: Conversing with the interpretations and appropriations of Jesus in contemporary African Christianity, vol. 132 (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 175. 31. Albert J. Raboteau, Slave religion: The “invisible institution” in the antebellum South (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 15. 32. Oni, “Citadel of violence”, 215. 33. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 35. 34. Ibid., 35. 35. Emmanuel K. Twesigye, Religion, politics and cults in East Africa: God’s warriors and Mary’s saints, vol. 11 (Bern: Peter Lang, 2010), p. 25. 36. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 35. 37. Ibid., 115. 38. Ibid., 116. 39. John S.  Mbiti, The prayers of African religion (London: SPCK, 1975), p. 89. 40. Thomas Bremer & Ulrich Fleischmann, History and Histories in the Caribbean (Berlin: Colloquium Verlag, 2001). 41. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 53.

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42. Ibid., 96. 43. Ibid., 96. 44. Ibid., 139. 45. Miriam Williams Boeri & Karen Pressley. “Creativity and cults from a sociological and communication perspective: The processes involved in the birth of a secret creative self.” Cultic Studies Review 9, no. 1 (2010): 173–213. 46. Sansone Livio, Eliseé Soumonni & Boubacar Barry. “Africa, Brazil and the Construction of Trans-Atlantic Black Identities.” African Diaspora Archaeology Newsletter 12, no. 2 (2008): 13. 47. Vincent F. Biondo & Richard D. Hecht. “Religion and Everyday Life and Culture.” Religion in the Practice of Daily Life (Westport: Praeger, 2010), p. 894. 48. Bruce G. Trigger. Understanding early civilizations: a comparative study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 89. 49. It is a practice among many cultures in Africa that when there is an event in the community, a certain portion of the animal that is slaughtered will be given to the king or the queen. 50. John S.  Mbiti, African religions & philosophy (Portsmouth, New Hampshire: Heinemann, 1990). 51. Sasha Newell. “Pentecostal witchcraft: Neoliberal possession and demonic discourse in Ivorian Pentecostal Churches.” Journal of Religion in Africa 37, no. 4 (2007): 461–490. 52. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 139. 53. Ron Rhodes. The challenge of the cults and new religions: The essential guide to their history, their doctrine, and our response (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Academic, 2009), p. 303. 54. Maureen Nene Kemp, Family Secrets and Satanic Contract (Bloomington: Xlibris, 2012), p. 102. 55. Theophilus Okere, African philosophy and the hermeneutics of culture: Essays in honour of Theophilus Okere, vol. 2 (Münster: LIT Verlag Münster, 2005), p. 134. 56. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 139. 57. Birgit Meyer. “Pentecostalism and neo-liberal capitalism: faith, prosperity and vision in African Pentecostal-Charismatic churches.” Journal for the Study of Religion (2007): 5–28. 58. Rosalind Shaw. “Displacing violence: Making Pentecostal memory in postwar Sierra Leone.” Cultural Anthropology 22, no. 1 (2007): 66–93. 59. The text has been taken from the New International Version. 60. Ibid. 61. Vagner Gonçalves da Silva. “Neo-Pentecostalism and Afro-Brazilian religions: explaining the attacks on symbols of the African religious heritage in contemporary Brazil.” Mana 3, no. SE (2007): 0–0.

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62. Diane J. Austin-Broos. “Pentecostals and Rastafarians: Cultural, political, and gender relations of two religious movements.” Social and Economic Studies (1987): 1–39. 63. A number of scholars have written on the topic of the hallmarks of Pentecostalism specifically in the African context. Gerhardus Cornelis Oosthuizen, Pentecostal penetration into the Indian community in metropolitan Durban, South Africa (Publication Series, 1975), p. 375; Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: An Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 25, 81; cf. Allan H. Anderson, To the ends of the earth: Pentecostalism and the transformation of world Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); James Robinson, Divine Healing: The Years of Expansion, 1906–1930: Theological Variation in the Transatlantic World, vol. 3 (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2014), p. 39. 64. Mookgo S.  Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), p. 3. 65. Scholars interested in African Pentecostalism have written on the relationship between Pentecostalism and their use of visions and dreams as a way of confirming a call bestowed upon pastors. Allan Anderson, Spirit-­ filled world: Religious Dis/Continuity in African Pentecostalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018); cf. Marthinus Louis Daneel & Dana Lee Robert (eds.), African Christian Outreach: African Initiated Churches, vol. 1 (Pretoria: Southern African Missiological Society, 2001), p. 90; cf. Kudzai Biri, African Pentecostalism, the Bible, and Cultural Resilience: The Case of the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa, vol. 24 (Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2020), p.  66; cf. Gerhardus Cornelis Oosthuizen, The healer-prophet in Afro-Christian churches, vol. 3 (Leiden: Brill, 1992); cf. Bengt Sundkler, Zulu Zion and some Swazi Zionists (London: Oxford University Press, 1976). 66. Michael, Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal movement in the twentieth century (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Eerdmans Publishing, 2008), p. 130. 67. Christopher Stephenson, Types of Pentecostal theology: Method, system, spirit (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 68. William K.  Kay, Pentecostalism: A very short introduction, vol. 255 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 6. 69. The text has been taken from the New International Version; cf. Phyllis Thompson (ed), Challenges of Black Pentecostal Leadership in the Twenty-­ First Century (London: SPCK, 2013); cf. Eric Nelson Newberg, The Pentecostal Mission in Palestine: The Legacy of Pentecostal Zionism (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2012), p. 15. 70. James Robinson, Divine Healing: The Holiness-Pentecostal Transition Years, 1890–1906: Theological Transpositions in the Transatlantic World, vol. 2 (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf & Stock Publishers, 2013), p. 31.

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71. Walter J. Hollenweger, The Pentecostals (Ixtheo, 1972), p. 133. 72. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 104. 73. Ibid., 121. 74. The text has been taken from the New International Version. 75. Pius Abioje. “Critical prophecy and political leadership in biblical, African and Islamic worldviews.” Koers 75, no. 4 (2010): 787–810. 76. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 45. 77. Gideon Tetteh. “Analysing perspectives on evil, enemy and divinatory consultation among participants in neo-prophetic movements in Pentecostal Ghana.” (Doctoral dissertation, University of Oslo, 2016), p. 12. 78. The word nganga is used in Africa to refer to a traditional healer and sometimes used interchangeably with “witchdoctor”. 79. Tarisayi Andrea Chimuka. “Pentecostalism and contested holiness in Southern Africa.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 1 (2016): 124–141. 80. Samuel W.  Muindi. “The nature and significance of prophecy in Pentecostal-charismatic experience: an empirical-biblical study” (PhD diss., University of Birmingham, 2012), p. 12. 81. Marthinus Daneel. “African independent church pneumatology and the salvation of all creation.” International Review of Mission 82, no. 326 (1993): 143–166; cf. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2 (2020): 132–143. 82. Daneel, “African Independent Church pneumatology”, 150. 83. Ibid., 150. 84. Ibid., 150. 85. Augustine Deke. “The politics of prophets and profits in African Christianity.” Politics 12, no. 1 (2015): 11–24. 86. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 87. Allan Anderson. “African initiated churches of the spirit and pneumatology.” Word and World 23, no. 2 (2003): 178–186. 88. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 31. 89. Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson. “Introduction: the abuse of the Spirit by some New Prophetic Churches in South African Pentecostalism”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), pp. 1–23.

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90. Themba Shingange. “Mission as discernment of spirits in the advent of the abuse of prophecy within Newer Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity in South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), pp. 115–130. 91. Dillip Kumar Das. “Exploring Perspectives of the Information Technology Industry in a South African City.” Sustainability 11, no. 22 (2019): 6520. 92. Alison Gillwald, Onkokame Mothobi & Broc Rademan. “The state of ICT in South Africa.” Policy Paper no. 5, Series 5: After Access State of ICT in South Africa (2018). https://researchictafrica.net/after-­access-­ south-­africa-­state -­of-­ict-­2017-­south-­africa-­report_04/ [accessed July 2018]. 93. Tina James, Philip Esselaar & Jonathan Miller. “Towards a better understanding of the ICT sector in South Africa: problems and opportunities for strengthening the existing knowledge base.” Cape Town: Tina James Consulting and Miller, Esselaar and Associates. Mimeo (2001). 94. Das, “Exploring Perspectives of the Information Technology”, 6520. 95. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 99. 96. Ibid., 99. 97. Ibid., 99. 98. Pentecostal scholars in southern Africa have written on the subject of “miracle money”. Kudzai Biri & Lovemore Togarasei. “But the One who Prophesies, Builds the Church”, Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda & Joachim Kügler (eds.), Prophets, profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo, vol. 12 (Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2014), p. 79; cf. Ezra Chitando & Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s Prophetic Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: a preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85; cf. Tabona Shoko & Agness Chiwara. “The prophetic figure in Zimbabwean religion”, Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda & Joachim Kügler (eds.), Prophets, profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo, vol. 12 (Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2014), pp.  217–231; cf. Christian Tsekpoe. “Contemporary prophetic and deliverance ministry challenges in Africa.” Transformation 36, no. 4 (2019): 280–291. 99. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 101. 100. Ibid., 101. 101. Ibid., 101. 102. Statistics South Africa, “Youth graduate unemployment rate increases in Q1: 2019” [accessed 15 May 2019] http://www.statssa.gov. za/?p=12121.

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103. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 101. 104. Damaris, Parsitau. “Praying for Husbands! Single Women Negotiating Faith and Patriarchy in Contemporary Kenya.” The Palgrave Handbook of African Social Ethics (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020), pp. 69–91. 105. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 103. 106. Ibid., 129. 107. Nyasatimes, “Malawi: Bushiri’s Election Prophecies Dominates Social Media, Stirs Controversy” [accessed 5 February 2020] https://allafrica. com/stories/202002050850.html. 108. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 35. 109. Muti is a name given to a traditional medicine normally given by the traditional doctor upon consultation. 110. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 57. 111. Ibid., 103. 112. Ibid., 109. 113. Ibid., 139. 114. The text has been taken from the New International Version. 115. David Goodenough, Cult Awareness: A Hot Issue (New York: Enslow Pub Inc., 2000), p. 51. 116. Joyce Lowinson (ed.), Substance abuse: A comprehensive textbook (Lippincott Williams & Wilkins, 2005), p. 502. 117. Ibrahim Jimoh Kayode. “Secret cult and cultism: antidote to the hydra-­ headed monster in Nigeria’s tertiary institutions.” Ilorin Journal of Arts and Social Sciences: IJASS: A Publication of the School of Arts and Social Sciences, Kwara State College of Education, Ilorin 4, no. 1 (2006): 190. 118. Ramabulana, Church Mafia, 157–161. 119. Egbochuku, “Secret cult activities”, 20.

CHAPTER 5

The Sex Cult Practices of Some NPC Prophets in South Africa

5.1   Introduction This chapter discusses a very controversial but important issue of sex cult among the New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) in South Africa. It is important in light of the violence against women and children in South Africa and elsewhere in the world. This chapter not only is about women sexual abuses as they happen among NPCs but makes a connection between such abuses and the sex cult practices. This will be achieved by defining sex cult and highlighting some of its practices. The chapter will also look at the role of patriarchy in perpetrating women sexual abuse that ultimately results in sex cult. It discusses three cases among the NPC prophets in South Africa. The first case comes from a controversial prophet Penuel Mnguni and the sexual practices in his church. The second case involves Paseka Motsoeneng and his sexual tendencies in his Incredible Happenings. The last case is about Timothy Omotoso and his trial on the various charges on him, including rape, human trafficking and racketeering. This chapter concludes by looking at the cultic nature of the three cases mentioned above.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_5

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5.2   Sex Cult Practices In earlier chapters, I have defined both a religious cult and a secret cult as entailing some form of control or manipulation by the leader of the cult over the members and followers. Thus in the context of prophets from the New Prophetic Churches (NPCs), we are talking about the manipulation and control of the prophets over the members or the followers of their churches. A sex cult therefore, according to Dayan, is about “controlling someone’s sexuality or sex life as an effective method of all-inclusive manipulation and control. Once sexual control is in place, no part of life is left untouched by the cult leader’s influence.”1 In other words, in order to control other areas of their members, cult leaders would use sexual control as the main or central point of control. The problem, however, is that the church members or the followers of these NPC prophets do not see it for what it is, namely control and manipulation, but believe that they are being delivered from their sexual problems. These problems can be varied, for example, not being able to find a marriage partner, struggling to have children and other sexually related problems. Sometimes a female member receives a prophecy that she is being tormented by a “spiritual husband”, leading to her needing urgent deliverance.2 In order to have control over the sex life of members, these prophets present themselves as prophets of revelation and power so that followers would believe in them.3 Therefore, the leader’s supposed closeness to divinity is used as a tool to lure members into believing in them. Once they believe in that leader, their whole life, and not only their sex life, starts to fall under the spell of the cult. Hence, Beumier opines that it is not correct to purely or completely label a sex cult as being all about sex.4 Scholars and religious practitioners can therefore not ignore a sex cult as it also affects the other areas of people’s lives.5 A sex cult, like any other cult, has at its core some form of worship or adoration of one individual who is perceived by the followers as having a divine connection. In the analysis of Hava, “cult leaders are perceived as being close to God, and cult members feel that they have direct contact with God’s representative, being at times even more real than an abstract God”.6 The commitment to the leader is high and often reaches a level of idol worship, where followers even put up the leader’s framed photo on their walls. Goble concurs, a “[s]ex cult leader whose worship involves erotic acts and public immorality is worshiped whose worship apparently [is] based on imitative magic: that is, magic that attempts to control the

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universe by mimicking the desired event.”7 Some leaders then take advantage of the leader and follower relationship and reach a level where they get involved with their followers sexually. According to Till, a “sex cult is considered the epitome of all that is deviant and dangerous because of its attitude to sexuality, acceptance of sexual practices considered unacceptable to mainstream society or traditional family values.”8 Lingan adds, “Whimsical, symbolist theatre, public exhibition of blasphemous and gratuitous practices formed the liturgy of a sex cult.”9 Hence, through explicit visuals of various sexual practices, a sex cult violates the mainstream values on sexuality. In addition, minors sometimes get exposed to some practices which are only meant for adults with the intention of deliberately harming society.10 But Glicksberg warns that when the lives of the sex cult members are centred on sexuality and various sexual activities, it may lead to an empty life without purpose and sense of belonging. Glicksberg continues by saying, “An obsession with sex for the sake of sex leads one to failure in life.”11 In the NPC sex cult practices the focus seems to be more on the nakedness of women performing the actions and practices of the cult while the men are the observers of what is taking place. It generally happens in this way to illustrate that women are the ones with impurity and on the wrong side of what is publicly and traditionally acceptable by the society.12 The sex cult practices may include the following: inserting sticks into the women’s genitals; women masturbating in front of the cult leader and others (in front of other women and sometimes even their own children and the children of the other women); group sex; lying in full nudity on naked body for long periods of time; looking on exposed buttocks. When these practices are performed in the presence of the household members, including children, while everyone is watching they are a form of sex cult.13

In summary, a sex cult is about the control of a member’s sexual life and various practices related to that. As said already, when a member’s sexuality is controlled, it actually means their whole life is under someone else’s control. This kind of control and manipulation becomes possible by having shown that the leader has a divine connection to God; hence, most cult leaders are worshipped by their followers. It is also this perceived closeness to God that causes church members and followers to fall for a sexual encounter with their leaders without questioning anything. The

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activities of a sex cult involve women more as they are often manipulated into degrading positions, for example, to do certain actions completely naked and exposed in front of others. Within the NPCs, there are many features of a sex cult, including the inserting of objects into the private parts of members, the leader having sexual intercourse with multiple women including group sex, publicising sexual intercourse specifically in the presence of children and other vulnerable groups, and exposure of women’s bodies in front of male leaders in the name of receiving spiritual or religious remedies to certain life challenges. Before I further discuss the sexual practices in the NPCs that are related to a sex cult, I first want to look at the sexual abuse of women that is taking place within this context.

5.3   Sex Cults and the Sexual Abuse of Women The sexual abuse of women is not peculiar to NPC prophets but is a huge and widespread societal problem. It is also a common phenomenon in many other church traditions. According to Banda, “There are many current news reports about religious leaders across diverse church and religious traditions being accused or standing trial on allegations of sexual offences, including rape, harassment and human trafficking.”14 Hence, across the globe even high-ranking spiritual leaders in reputable church traditions have been accused of female sexual abuse. A number of scholars have highlighted sexual misconduct in the form of the abuse of young girls and boys by bishops and priests.15 Tapsell pointed out the “investigations and trials against clerics for the matters set out in Crimen Sollicitationis: soliciting sex in the confessional, homosexuality, bestiality and sex assaults on children”, actions that have all taken place in the Roman Catholic Church.16 I have already pointed out elsewhere that the sexual abuse of women “happens everywhere, including at places of employment, whereby the employer and employee relationship is compromised. Sexual abuse has made its way into the schooling system and school children are abused by their teachers.”17 The #MeToo movement18 has also attested to the fact that sexual harassment and abuse happen everywhere, but at least it showed women taking action against it.

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The sexual abuse of women is clearly a universal phenomenon and a cause of huge concern across the globe. This also explains why the area has attracted the attention of scholars in various disciplines. However, given the focus of this book, I want to concentrate on various forms of female sexual abuse as practised by some of the NPC prophets. In addition, Agazue says that it is important to make a distinction between normal sexual abuse and the kinds of sexual abuse committed as part of a sex cult.19 Female sexual abuse among NPC prophets presents two contrasting points as opposed to other Pentecostal traditions: on the one hand, the NPC prophets are at the forefront of empowering women to take leadership positions in the church; on the other hand, there are more accusations of female sexual abuse against the NPC prophets than in other Pentecostal traditions.20 Allowing full participation of women in the church is not a licence to abuse those same women. The sexual abuse can take many forms from sexual harassment, rape and human trafficking to other vile offences. Some of the NPC prophets are facing serious allegations of sexual crimes while others have behaved in a manner that has utterly degraded women. There are many instances where pastors are reported to have abused their female congregants by having sexual intercourse with them.21 According to Agazue, prophets convince “the female victims that the sex acts will save them from being possessed by an evil spirit or simply enable them to fulfil the will of God”.22 In this regard, Haram and Yamba add, “The prophetic claim of having unlimited spiritual power has forced many women to suffer in silence. The treatment of women as objects for male sexual pleasure is seen in these instances.”23 Women are unsuspecting as some of these abuses take place during the counselling sessions where women come to receive prayers for their predicaments.24 Often in these counselling sessions the wife of the prophet will not be present. Similarly, the husband of the woman being counselled is often not present. This should really not happen; one could see that even when Jesus was counselling the Samaritan woman, his first instruction to her was to go and call her husband. I am of the opinion that Jesus was simply protecting himself in that instance. However, most NPC prophets do not bother to call for the husbands to be present, and somehow the women believe and trust their pastors, manipulated to think that a sexual encounter will solve their problems such as needing a marriage partner or barrenness.25

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Another reason for women’s vulnerability is that other than being subservient to their male pastors and wholly trusting them, they are also perceived as impure by the perpetrators who claim that they can become holy by engaging in sexual intercourse with them.26 Finally, according to Manyongayise, “the most possible cause could be that the women who throng these churches are not sophisticated, hence their inability to interrogate and question some of the activities of the prophets”.27 The majority of the victims as we shall discover in the coming sections are naive and oblivious to the tricks and tactics of their prophets. I will now explore the role of patriarchy in the sexual abuse of women.

5.4   NPCs and the Role of Patriarchy in the Sexual Abuse of Women Patriarchy in simple terms refers to a social system that is male-dominated and where the father in a family and male leaders in society hold primary power in terms of authority, privilege and control of property, as opposed to their female counterparts. In the words of Haj, “Patriarchy is reflected in the relative inferiority of women compared with men in the family, as well as in the financial, educational, religious, political, and legal institutions of society and the state”.28 Ackermann adds, patriarchy means “the legal, economic and social system that validates and enforces the sovereignty of the male head of the family over its other members”.29 Furthermore, patriarchy can be described as a system of “social stratification, which means that it uses a wide array of social control policies and practices to ratify male power and to keep girls and women subordinate to men”.30 Thus patriarchy is a system that encourages the dominance of men over women in the world we live in. It is a system that gives priority to men and less attention to the advancement of women.31 Patriarchy is a widespread system that is common not only in Africa but in many countries, and it has clearly had a huge impact on the world. As a system, patriarchy does not acknowledge women’s rightful place as given to them by God, emanating from God having created both men and women in his image.32 Patriarchy does not only lead to women being oppressed and dominated by their male counterparts but also lead to women being excluded from taking their rightful place in society. Hence, it is related to sexism which undermines the role that women can play in every realm of society, including in the church. Patriarchy refuses to allow the full

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participation of women through the use of their gifts and other abilities in society. On the contrary, it often perceives them as lesser human beings that can be treated as the objects of abuse, manipulation and control by others.33 Patriarchy clearly plays an important role in the sexual abuse of women in the NPCs as most of the pastors or prophets perpetrating the abuse are men whilst the victims are mostly women. Haram and Yamba state: prophetesses appear to be more sensitive to the needs of women than male prophets are. Although criticisms relating to false prophets, and especially their sexual abuse of women, were directed at the prophetic office, there were fewer cases involving female healers.34

In a South African context there are many female prophets leading big churches in cities and townships, but we seldom hear about them abusing fellow women (or men, for that matter). In most cases it is men abusing women in the name of their deliverance or counselling, all for the sake of the “redemption” of these women. Women’s subservience to men is one of the main causes of this kind of abuse. It is as if these women don’t think they have the power to say no to the abuses as they have been taught to do whatever their leaders demand of them, even when it is wrong. Some are also afraid that by reporting their prophet, the whole community might turn against them as they too have the same attitude of subservience resulting from patriarchy. According to Kobo, female sexual abuse among NPC prophets represents patriarchy that is demonstrated in the “male-dominated language and symbols”.35 The male leaders continue to exploit the women and abuse them, even knowing that they are often the main contributors to the progress of their churches and society at large.36 Unfortunately, the oppression and abuse of women continue unabated because women often continue to believe that they have to be subservient to men. They then become subservient and obey even when such submission is at their own peril. The patriarchal system has caused them to believe that men are the head and that they are to submit to the head.37 Thus the tendency to make women objects of sexual abuse emanates from this patriarchal system that is still dominant in society today. It is the same legacy of patriarchy that causes women to endure even when the situation demands that they should quit or rather call for help.38 One can safely assume that patriarchy exists wherever women within the sex cults

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are being manipulated to have sexual intercourse without consenting to the act. They are only obliged to do so because their male prophet has in one way or another commanded them to obey.39 Hava points out that “in circumstances of power imbalance between cult leader and followers, sexual contact is never truly consensual and is achieved through theological tactics used to ensure the women’s submission in the course of personal abuse”.40 Therefore, according to Hava, patriarchy contributes to the vulnerability and the degradation of women in the sex cults.41 Hava continues by saying, “the vulnerability of cult women is due to conservative family patterns espoused by cults within enclaves of patriarchy, as manifested in men’s political, social, economic and sexual domination over women.”42 This vulnerability is exacerbated by the connection between masculinity and the divine, specifically through the exclusive maleness of the deity.43 Thus, most women at the receiving end of sexual abuse are convinced that it was simply an act of carrying out the mission, plan and instructions of the Almighty.44 When they finally at some stage get in touch with the pain of the abuse, they are required to forgive because, according to Kobo, women are made to think that “the mistakes that are committed by males, which include patriarchal violence and sexism, must be forgiven because God is forgiving”.45 They are forced to forgive because the perpetrator has a close relationship with God the ultimate forgiver, whereas women as seen within a patriarchal society can’t have that close a relationship.

5.5   Penuel Mnguni and His Sexual Practices Among Penuel Mnguni’s many practices as discussed in Chap. 3, there are also those practices that can be classified as sexual in nature. In 2017, Mnguni told the members of his church to masturbate during the church service in order to produce “a holy fluid” that would make the church floor as sacred as heaven.46 Elsewhere I wrote about the incident as follows: Penuel Mnguni asked his members to undress in church and start masturbating until they reached orgasms. According to the pastor, the Holy fluid of masturbation would produce a sacrosanct fluid which would make the church floor as sacred as heaven. Church members, both males and females, were heard screaming in sexual excitement and they reached orgasms in church during masturbation. Some fell into a deep sleep after the act.47

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Referring to a divine connection, Penuel Mnguni claimed that the “holy fluid” would connect the congregants to God; hence, all the members, male and female, took part in the event as they all desired to get closer to the Almighty. In another event, Mnguni requested the women in his church to undress and kneel down in order for him to pray and anoint them. This act was done so that some women could deal with barrenness and others could deal with unhappiness in their marriages.48 Consequently, a prayer was said for the women to have strong and lasting marriages. Another time Mnguni preached in church, and it became so hot inside that some female congregants started to take off their clothes until they were naked. Mnguni said that the power of God was able to change the weather conditions; when it was hot, he could pray for the temperature to cool down and the other way round. According to Luhanga, describing this incident, Mnguni “preached some more and they said they were too hot and started undressing. They ended up lying on the ground and many of them ended up stripping down to their underwear.”49 He said God placed them in the Garden of Eden naked, and because they had faith in the Lord, they did not even know they were naked. He quoted Genesis 2:25 that said Adam and Eve were as they were created. Having no clothes on them, they stood in need of none to shelter them from the heat or cold or to conceal any parts of their bodies from the sight of others. There is no shame in nakedness if you truly believe in God.50

After having stripped naked, according to Udodiong, “he removed ‘evil spirits’ by sitting [on] or walking over their naked bodies.”51 He also slept on some of the naked bodies lying on the floor and climbed onto others. All of these acts were done in the name of praying for the deliverance of some and the healing of others.

5.6   Paseka Motsoeneng and His Sexual Practices We have discussed Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng and his Incredible Happenings Ministry more fully in Chap. 2. As you will remember, Pastor Motsoeneng has a tendency of touching his female congregants inappropriately when praying for them; he would, for example, touch the private parts of his congregants calling them “biscuits”.52 In the words of Mulutsi,

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“Motsoeneng appeared on the media to have inserted his finger in the vaginas of women as a ritual of expelling demons that had troubled them”.53 Timeslive reported on an incident where “a 17 year-old-girl went to the pastor for healing—and he claimed that her belly was swelling because a sorcerer had cast a spell on her. So he pumped his fingers into her vagina.”54 Not only does Motsoeneng place his hand in or on the private parts of women but will even place his foot there claiming to heal their infertility and other sexual problems.55 Timeslive also reported on another incident: Another woman was called to the stage. She explained that she suffered from dyspareunia—which is to say sex hurts. One of the causes of this is vaginismus—which ironically can be caused by “cultural or religious taboos around sex”. He put his foot on her vagina.56

This at times might be dangerous to the health of the innocent women who come to the prophet because they need help for their difficult life and health situations. Both the hand and foot of the prophet are detrimental to the wellbeing of one of the most sensitive parts of a woman’s body, that is, her vagina; besides such acts being out of bounds and considered sexual abuse. However, according to Banda, “Motsoeneng denied touching women in a sexually inappropriate manner or undressing them.”57 However, Motsoeneng’s denial doesn’t seem to hold much water as videos and pictures posted online show him praying for women by touching their private parts. Furthermore, many of these acts were done in church while the congregants were watching with some of them agreeing in jubilation. Other than touching women inappropriately and placing his foot on their private parts, Motsoeneng told his female congregants to remove their underwear and wave it in the air in order for him to pray for them. In addition, he then prayed for the underwear in order to invite the presence of God and to remove satanic spirits tormenting people when they are in bed and also to deal with all other sexual problems.58 According to the Pulse report: In April 2016, [the] South African pastor of the Incredible Happenings ministries revealed that he blesses people's underwear. According to him, he does it to transfer anointing. “So instead of laying my hands, I speak to the underwear. We call it transfer of anointing, I speak the word of God into the underwear and the power of God gets in.”59

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To publicly take off one’s underwear and wave it in the air can be considered quite a shameful act in a South African context as most people probably believe one’s underwear is a very private and individual matter. However, many followers believed that the practice of taking off and waving their underwear in the presence of the Lord in church would help their sexual dysfunctionality. They did not realise that doing this as a group might have constituted a cultic act. Motsoeneng also appeared in a video requesting all the members of his church to place their hands on their private parts while he prayed for them.60 In another video posted online, the prophet also touched his own private parts while the congregants agreed with him in prayer.61 There is also a video showing Motsoeneng praying for a couple who had struggles in their marriage. Motsoeneng then requested the couple to kiss and have sexual intercourse before the cameras.62 In the video, the pastor first prayed for the husband by touching his genitals and then proceeded to the wife. After the prayer, he asked both not to be shy and practise step by step until they were really good in bed. He then asked them to proceed by having sex in front of the cameras.63 Motsoeneng confirmed to Ngwako Malatji that “Joseph Chabangu and his wife Thabisile shocked him and his crew when they made love in front of them after he helped them regain their libido.”64 Motsoeneng’s own account of what had happened is the following: Thabisile came to church a while ago and complained that although she was blessed with three children and recently got a promotion at work, she was sex-starved because her husband suffered from erectile dysfunction. Thabisile suspected that jealous people might have conjured up an evil spirit or cast a bad spell in their bedroom.65

Motsoeneng then said, “I went there and entered their bedroom and asked them to put their hands on their private parts. After that I prayed for them … the husband immediately regained his erection.”66 Motsoeneng wanted to show the video on Soweto TV, where he has a weekly Sunday show. However, according to Ngwako Malatji, “Soweto TV bosses … would hear none of it and refused to beam the couple’s ‘testimony’ on air, arguing it contained pornographic material”.67 Motsoeneng was angry that they refused to air the video and complained that people watched pornographic material on television every day, yet they refused to show his video even though it wasn’t pornographic but simply the testimony of a couple who struggled to make love but were supernaturally enabled to engage in sexual activity again.

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5.7   The Case of Timothy Omotoso As has been previously stated, Omotoso is currently standing trial as he is facing more than 90 various charges including of rape, human trafficking and racketeering. Furthermore, it is alleged that Omotoso has sexually abused 30 girls and other women in his church.68 It is also alleged that Omotoso’s co-accused have helped in recruiting and preparing these young girls and women for him.69 The court heard that when Omotoso was arrested on 20 April 2017, his mission house became so mournful as if someone had died. The whole horrific story came to light when one of the witnesses, Cheryl Zondi,70 came forward to speak against Omotoso.71 According to Gopolang Chawane, “The 22-year-old Zondi claimed in court that Omotoso sexually abused her over a period of two-and-a-half years while she was a member of his church. She testified that she was just 14 years old when the first incident occurred.”72 In the words of Ramantswana, “Cheryl not only spoke on her own behalf but also spoke on behalf of other women who have been sexually violated”.73 She was bold in speaking out against a man who had been her pastor for many years as many would not have dared to speak against the man of God in fear of victimisation. In her testimony, Zondi shared how Omotoso sexually assaulted her: “He called her to his room and said she must climb in his bed. Instructing her to remove her doek as it ‘made her look old’. Omotoso then proceeded with the assault. Zondi was still a virgin then.”74 Zondi also shared “[d]etails of how the pastor ejaculated on her body and asked her to clean up. The only time she would catch a break was when she was on her menstrual cycle.”75 According to her testimony, “He recited Psalm 51 and told Zondi this was a covenant between them and God. The alleged sexual assault continued over weekends and [at] other church gatherings across the country.”76 Another witness was Andisiwe Dike who also “testified that Omotoso allegedly groomed and molested her”.77 She further testified that: as soon as she arrived at the house, after she was allegedly been recruited by a syndicate that lured girls and young women to the house for Omotoso's sexual pleasure, she was exposed to the Nigerian televangelist's sexual side.78

However, Andisiwe pointed out that she never consented to have sex with Omotoso but was forced to do so. In her own words she said, “I was not participating in what he was doing and I would limit my time of going to

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his room after the encounters”.79 In her mind, she thought that the perpetrator knew about her being uncomfortable and her lack of consent. However, “she was scared of him, scared of going against whatever he was doing to her. She was told to always pray and do whatever was done there and be strong.”80 She admitted, “I was afraid I’d be punished because I had offended God’s favoured child.”81 Indeed, by not consenting she had offended the man of God because some months later, after her home visit, he treated her very differently. She described the situation as follows: He became very mean to me and when I went to greet him, he no longer patted me or brushed my back, but he would hit me very hard on my back. Omotoso became blatant and arrogant at the same time.82

In addition to the negative treatment, Omotoso boasted that he was like Solomon in the Bible, who had many wives and many concubines. According to Andisiwe, Omotoso further boasted to her that “[e]ven my wife knows that I carry girls in my bus, and if you check—the finest girls in the church are with me.”83 Andisiwe further testified that even after Omotoso’s arrest, his wife organised food and other necessities for “his girls”. It was only after some weeks that she delegated another person to take care of those girls. In addition, during the church services, according to Andisiwe, Omotoso would ask the pastors’ wives to come to the podium and ask them if they would prefer him or their husbands. Andisiwe testified, “The church would be laughing and cheering as if nothing untoward was being said.”84 Indeed, Omotoso might have been better than the pastors because according to Andisiwe, Omotoso’s co-accused, Lusanda Sulani and Zukiswa Sitho, also had sex with their pastor despite the fact that they were married women and their husbands served in Jesus Dominion International as pastor and protocol member, respectively.85 Omotoso targeted young women and lured them by using the benefits they would receive after joining the church such as singing in church and travelling around with him. When they fell for the benefits, Omotoso then took an opportunity to have sexual intercourse with these girls.86 According to Eben, upon arrival: they will see other girls and relax and then one night the man of God will call the girls to massage his leg in his room and then he will tell them to perform oral sex with him. If they refuse he will say it is God’s will for them to do it.87

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Omotoso also targeted girls who were living with single parents as girls living with both parents posed a threat to him. His belief was that girls raised by single parents were desperate for help and that the parents would not be concerned when they were gone. Omotoso would say a prayer and place the Bible (specifically Psalm 51) on the women and girls he used to sleep with so that God would forgive him and the victim.88 By doing this, according to Dube, Nkonane and Hlalele, Omotoso “used religious hegemony and abused the trust that the girls had for him as a religious person”.89 However, it must be pointed out that his actions will probably come back to haunt him for many years to come. In the words of Ramantswana, Omotoso has struck the rock. Ramantswana uses the Zulu words “Wathint’ Umfazi, Wathint’ Imbokodo, Uzakufa”, which translated means, “You strike a woman, you strike a rock, you will die” to illustrate that “In raping Cheryl and other girls, Omotoso, in a sense, had struck the women and at the same time, he had struck a rock that will cause him to stumble.”90

5.8   The Cultic Nature of the Sex Practices The first and foremost reason why the above-mentioned practices by the three prophets, Mnguni, Motsoeneng and Omotoso, can be labelled sex cult practices, is that almost all of them were done in public where vulnerable members of the church like children and the elderly were watching. Most of these acts were also widely publicised on social media platforms and other electronic media. In fact, as mentioned above, Motsoeneng even wanted to force Soweto TV to broadcast a video of sexual acts. Something like this would suggest that the prophet was quite intentional in unashamedly wanting to make the acts public and known to as many people as possible. Furthermore, Motsoeneng was even willing to invite cameras into the privacy of a couple’s bedroom so that the world could see the sexual acts. Embarrassing as it is to appear in public while engaging in any sexually related act, the members of these churches did not mind even being filmed in church while being sexually abused. Furthermore, they were even willing for those videos to be made public. They did not care about the children, the elderly and others in the church service witnessing what was happening, let alone the general public that afterwards would have access to the videos. The members did not care because they indeed believed that, in the one instance, the bodily fluid they produced was sacrosanct.

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They really believed that the prayer of the prophet on their naked bodies would solve their marital problems or other sexual problems; hence, they did not care who was witnessing what was happening. They did not care what anybody thought as they believed that waving their underwear in the air would help deal with a spiritual husband, amongst other things. But at least the young girls whom Omotoso had abused cared enough to have come out and testified against him. This brings me to my next point. The practices are also cultic because, like in the case of Timothy Omotoso, it involves more than one woman. A sex cult is also related to a leader having sex with multiple partners or rather with multiple victims. Hence, Omotoso had many girls who would sexually entertain him stay in his house. According to Cheryl Zondi’s testimony, Omotoso had sexual encounters with more than 30 women including young girls. It is also astounding how the recruiters were skilled in ensuring that these young girls were all in the same age group and almost the same size and body shape. The next question is, why chose young girls who were almost three times younger than Omotoso at the time of the alleged crimes? Could not Omotoso have approached women of his age? But his target was young girls staying with a single parent. This suggests he wanted girls who were not economically active but also not at school still so that they would be available for him on a daily basis. This suggests that he could not go a night without sleeping with one or more of these girls, and this would indeed make it a sex cult. Another important aspect is the fact that his wife had been supportive since the trial began, which seems to confirm Andisiwe’s testimony that she must have been aware of everything. In the case of Paseka Motsoeneng, the practices were cultic because they involved him placing his hand and/or foot on the private parts of his female members, calling it methods of deliverance. As we have learnt in the first section of this chapter, such acts are cultic. While it is supposedly done in the name of healing and deliverance, the practices are actually sexual abuse as no one else but a partner is supposed to touch a women’s body there. These practices degrade women, manipulating them to allow the prophet to do it to them. In the case of Penuel Mnguni, the practices are also clearly cultic, manipulating a group of women to undress and masturbate in front of everybody in church. It is shockingly degrading to them and constitutes a cultic act, especially since it was done in the name of bringing healing and deliverance to them in areas of their lives where they were suffering.

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5.9   Concluding Remarks In conclusion, sex cult, unlike other cults discussed in this book, has an ability to control the life of an individual as a whole. The idea of cultic leaders is that once they control the sexual lives of their followers, they will be able to control their spiritual life, money and other aspects. In this chapter, it was found out that prophets such as Paseka Motsoeneng and Penuel Mnguni have engaged in practices that would normally be classified as sex cults. These are acts of asking members of their churches to strip, masturbate and wave their underwear in the air which are cultic in their nature. In addition, there are acts of touching or placing their foot on the private parts of female members of their churches. Furthermore, it was found out here that Timothy Omotoso, in sleeping with more than 30 girls, engaged in a sex cult. These sex cult practices call for NPC prophets to reimagine their view of the practice of sex, especially in respect of their marriages. I will discuss this aspect in full detail in Chap. 9.

Notes 1. Dayan Hava. “Sexual abuse and charismatic cults.” Aggression and Violent Behavior 41 (2018): 25–31. 2. “Spiritual husband” refers to the spirits that torment a woman especially in her dreams by sexually harassing or sleeping with her. One of the well-­ known practitioners of deliverance in Africa is Daniel K.  Olukoya in his book Deliverance from Spirit Husband and Spirit Wife (Lagos: The Battle Cry Christian Ministries, 1999). He refers to the issue as one of the greatest spiritual problems which has pervaded societies of the world. 3. John Portmann, Sex and Heaven: Catholics in Bed and at Prayer (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p.191. 4. Frank Bond Beumier, Sex Cults and Other Phenomena (Morrisville, NC: Lulu Press, 2005), p. 5 5. James Ballantyne Hannay, Sex Symbolism in Religion (Pomeroy: Health Research Books, 1991), p. 433. 6. Hava, “Sexual abuse and charismatic cults”, 29. 7. Phillip E. Goble, The Complete Book for Artists for Israel (Sasana Kijang: Afi Publications, 1992), p. 557. 8. Rupert Till, Pop Cult: Religion and Popular Music (Bloomsbury: A&C Black, 2010), p. 32. 9. Edmund Lingan, The Theatre of the Occult Revival: Alternative Spiritual Performance from 1875 to the Present (Berlin: Springer, 2014), p. 101. 10. Till, Pop Cult, 32.

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11. Charles I. Glicksberg, The sexual revolution in modern American literature (Berlin: Springer Science & Business Media, 2012), p. 200. 12. Ariadne Staples, From good goddess to vestal virgins: sex and category in Roman religion (Hove, East Sussex: Psychology Press, 1998). 13. Hava, “Sexual abuse and charismatic cults”, 26. 14. Zuze J. Banda. “A survey on gender-based violence—The paradox of trust between women and men in South Africa: A missiological scrutiny.” HTS Theological Studies 76, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. 15. Jo Renee Formicola. “The Vatican, the American bishops, and the churchstate ramifications of clerical sexual abuse.” Journal of Church and State 46, no. 3 (2004): 479–502; cf. Mary Gail Frawley-O’Dea. “Psychosocial anatomy of the Catholic sexual abuse scandal.” Studies in Gender and Sexuality 5, no. 2 (2004): 121–137; cf. Thomas P. Doyle. “The Australian royal commission into institutional responses to child sexual abuse and the Roman Catholic Church.” Child Abuse & Neglect 74 (2017): 103–106. 16. Kieran Tapsell, Potiphar’s wife: The Vatican’s secret and child sexual abuse (Bristol: ISD LLC, 2014), p. 127. 17. Mookgo S. Kgatle. The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), p. 121. 18. The MeToo movement (or #MeToo movement), with a large variety of local and international alternative names, is a movement against sexual harassment and sexual assault (“From Politics to Policy: Turning the Corner on Sexual Harassment—Center for American Progress.” Center for American Progress, 31 January 2018. Retrieved 14 April 2018 https://www.americanprogress. org/issues/women/news/2018/01/31/445669/politicspolicy-­turning-­ corner-­sexual-­harassment/. The movement began to spread virally in October 2017 as a hashtag on social media in an attempt to demonstrate the widespread prevalence of sexual assault and harassment, especially in the workplace. Also see Nicole Smartt. “Sexual Harassment in the Workplace in a #MeToo World.” Forbes. Archived from the original on 16 January 2018. Retrieved 16 January 2018. https://www.forbes.com/sites/forbeshumanresourcescouncil/2017/12/20/sexual-­harassment-­in-­the-­workplace­in-­a-­metoo-­world/#63cda2f65a42. 19. Chima Agazue. “‘Spiritual Cleansing’ through Private Parts: New Patterns of Sexual Exploitation of Female Church Members by their Revered ‘Prophets’ in Nigeria.” Proceedings of the International Conference on “Exploring Sexuality and Spirituality”, Wednesday, 6th July—Friday, 8th July 2016, Oxford, United Kingdom. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/305434422_Spiritual_ Cleansing_through_Private_Parts_New_Patterns_of_Sexual_Exploitation_ of_Female_Church_Members_by_their_Revered_Prophets_in_Nigeria.

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20. Paloma Blasco. “Gender and Pentecostalism among the Gitanos of Madrid: Combining approaches.” Romani Studies 22, no. 1 (2012): 1–18. 21. Timo Kallinen. “Revealing the secrets of others (on YouTube): new and old in the public representations of Ghanaian traditional religion.” Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 44, no. 1 (2019). 22. Chima Agazue. “‘He Told Me that My Waist and Private Parts Have Been Ravaged by Demons’: Sexual Exploitation of Female Church Members by ‘Prophets’ in Nigeria.” A Journal on Sexual Exploitation and Violence 1, no. 1 (2016): 10. 23. Liv Haram & Bawa Yamba. Dealing with uncertainty in contemporary African lives (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 2009), p. 39. 24. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 123. 25. Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson. “Introduction: the abuse of the Spirit by some New Prophetic Churches in South African Pentecostalism”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 1–23. 26. Hava, “Sexual abuse and charismatic cults”, 28. 27. Molly Manyonganise. “Zimbabweans and the Prophetic Frenzy”, Johannes Hunter & Joachim Kügler (eds.), The Bible and Violence in Africa (Bamberg: University of Bamberg, 2016): 269. 28. Muhammad M.  Haj-Yahia. “Can people’s patriarchal ideology predict their beliefs about wife abuse? The case of Jordanian men.” Journal of Community Psychology 33, no. 5 (2005): 545–567. 29. Denise Ackermann. “Being women being human”, in Denise M.  Ackermann, Jonathan A.  Draper & Emma Mashinini (eds.), Women hold up half the sky: Women in the Church in South Africa (Pietermaritzburg: Cluster Publications, 1991): 95. 30. Meda Chesney-Lind. “Patriarchy, crime, and justice: Feminist criminology in an era of backlash.” Feminist Criminology 1, no. 1 (2006): 6–26. 31. Abeda Sultana. “Patriarchy and Women’s Subordination: A Theoretical Analysis.” Arts Faculty Journal (2010): 1–18. 32. Oniccah Selokela. “African women overcoming patriarchy: a study of women in Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) Church in Rustenburg—South Africa.” (PhD diss., Pietermaritzburg: University of Kwazulu-Natal, 2005). 33. Daniël Nicolaas Andrew. “From vision to structure: Assessing the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa in the light of the one, holy, catholic and apostolic church.” (PhD diss., Bellville: University of the Western Cape, 2005), 34. 34. Haram and Yamba, Dealing with uncertainty, 41.

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35. Fundiswa A. Kobo. “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults in South Africa post-1994.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 3 (2019): 4. 36. Fundiswa A. Kobo. “A womanist exposition of pseudo-spirituality and the cry of an oppressed African woman.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 74, no. 1 (2018): 1–8. 37. Fundiswa A. Kobo. “‘If I only touch His clothes, I will be healed’: A reading of Mark 5 v 21–34 by women who seek to name and reclaim their place in society and in the ministry of Jesus. A cry to God of life.” (National Council of Churches, Washington, 2013), p.  6. https://www.nationalcouncilofchurches.us/docs/GETI-­FundiswaKobo.pdf. 38. Kobo, “A womanist exposition of pseudo-spirituality”, 3. 39. Hava, “Sexual abuse and charismatic cults”, 27. 40. Ibid., 30. 41. Ibid., 28. 42. Ibid., 28. 43. Ibid., 28. 44. Agazue, “Spiritual Cleansing”, 7. 45. Kobo, “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults”, 4. 46. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 130. 47. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “The unusual practices within some Neo-Pentecostal churches in South Africa: Reflections and recommendations.” HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 3 (2017): 1–8; cf. Marius Nel, The prosperity gospel in Africa: An African Pentecostal hermeneutical consideration (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020), p. 175. 48. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 130. 49. Everson Luhanga, “Let us pray and strip.” [accessed 22 May 2015] https://www.dailysun.co.za/News/National/Let-­u s-­a ll-­p ray-­a nd-­ strip-­20150522. 50. Ibid. 51. Inemesit Udodiong. “10 times South African pastors have embarrassed Christianity” [25 November 2016] https://www.pulse.ng/communities/ religion/pulse-­l ist-­1 0-­t imes-­s outh-­a frican-­p astors-­h ave-­e mbarrassed-­ christianity/qqtbrzw; cf. Marius Nel, An African Pentecostal hermeneutics: A distinctive contribution to hermeneutics (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2018), p. 21. 52. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 123. 53. Buti David Mulutsi. “Biblical understanding applied to contemporary African Christian methods of exorcism.” (PhD diss., North-West University, South-Africa, 2020). 54. Timeslive. “Pastor Mboro—when a prophet takes the biscuit.” [14 April 2016] https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-­africa/2016-­04-­14­pastor-­mboro%2D%2D-­when-­a-­prophet-­takes-­the-­biscuit/.

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55. Federico G. Settler. “Race and materiality in African religious contexts.” Journal for the Study of Religion 31, no. 2 (2018): 36–56; cf. Khanyile Sphesihle Blessing. “The virtualization of the Church: New media representations of Neo-Pentecostal performance(s) in South Africa.” (PhD diss., Johannesburg: Wits University, 2016), 26. 56. Timeslive, “Pastor Mboro”. 57. Collium Banda. “The poor’s weapon against inequality?: A critique of the public role of neo-Pentecostalism in unequal South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020):175–202. 58. Ibid., 178. 59. Pulse. “Controversial pastor explains why he blesses underwear.” [20 April 2016] https://www.pulse.ng/communities/religion/prophet-­mboro-­ controversial-­pastor-­explains-­why-­he-­blesses-­underwear-­video/dwtsldb. 60. Banda, “The poor’s weapon against inequality?”, 185. 61. Talkgeria Media. “SA pastor, Mboro, asks congregants to remove their pants, rub their privates video.” [14 May 2018] https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=fsG9mC4zvqg. 62. Banda, “The poor’s weapon against inequality?”, 185. 63. Talkgeria Media, “SA pastor”. 64. Ngwako Malatji. “Mboro resurrects manhood—couple have sex in front of TV crew after prayers.” [6 November 2017] https://www.sowetanlive. co.za/sundayworld/news/2017-­1 1-­0 5-­m boro-­r esurrects-­m anhood­couple-­have-­sex-­in-­front-­of-­tv-­crew-­after-­prayers/. 65. Ibid. 66. Ibid. 67. Ibid. 68. Ibid. 69. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 124. 70. Cheryl Zondi is a 22-year-old and the only state witness who came forward to describe the incidents that have happened while she was still a member of the Jesus Dominion International. 71. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 124. 72. Gopolang Chawane. “Court hears how Omotoso sexually assaulted 14-year old Zondi.” [10 October 2018] https://citizen.co.za/news/ s o u t h -­a f r i c a / 2 0 2 0 7 1 7 / c o u r t -­h e a r s -­h o w -­o m o t o s o -­s e x u a l l y -­ assaulted-­14-­year-­old-­zondi/. 73. Hulisani Ramantswana. “Wathint’ Umfazi, Wathint’ Imbokodo, Uzakufa [You Strike a Woman, You Strike a Rock, You Will Die]: Dinah and Tamar as rape protestors.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 1 (2019): 1–8.

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74. Chawane, “Court hears”. 75. Ibid. 76. Ibid. 77. Nosipiwo Manona. “Witness reveals Omotoso also had sex with his married co-accused women.” [accessed 26 February 2020] https://allafrica. com/stories/202002260160.html. 78. Ibid. 79. Ibid. 80. Ibid. 81. Ibid. 82. Ibid. 83. Ibid. 84. Ibid. 85. Ibid. 86. Ramantswana, “Wathint’ Umfazi, Wathint’ Imbokodo, Uzakufa”, 5. 87. Adeseke Adefolaju Eben. “The Satirical Social-Media Skits as Template for New Education: Understanding the Amateurish Auteurism in Nation Building.” Ethiopian e-Journal for Research and Innovation Foresight (Ee-JRIF) 11, no. 2 (2020). 88. Banda, “A survey on gender-based violence”, 7; cf. Kobo, “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults in South Africa post-1994”, 1–7. 89. Bekithemba Dube, Milton Molebatsi Nkoane, and Dipane Hlalele. “The ambivalence of freedom of religion, and unearthing the unlearnt lessons of religious freedom from the Jonestown incident: A decoloniality approach.” Journal for the Study of Religion 30, no. 2 (2017): 330–349. 90. Ramantswana, “Wathint’ Umfazi, Wathint’ Imbokodo, Uzakufa”, 3.

CHAPTER 6

NPC Prophets and the Money Cult in South Africa

6.1   Introduction In this chapter, money cult is discussed by defining how it functions among the prophets in New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) in South Africa. It will start by defining the meaning of the money cult in the context of the NPCs. This chapter discusses ways in which those involved in money cult use to manipulate their followers to give money in their churches. These are strategies such as blessing, generosity, “name it and claim it”, modelling and personal testimony. Although some of these strategies are conventional among many Pentecostals, in this chapter, one points out their unique functions and/or controversies among the NPCs. Other than manipulation strategies, this chapter will explore various ways of how NPCs make their money, such as one-on-one consultations, pyramid schemes and money laundering. This chapter concludes by looking at how these strategies are related to money cult practices and make recommendations.

6.2   Defining the Money Cult While this chapter is about the subject of “money cults”, some people might well ask whether there is any connection between money and cults. Does money have anything to do with cults? Or, do cults have anything to do with money? Both these questions are indeed relevant even though © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_6

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Aristotle, one of the most famous Greek philosophers, never saw any association between money and cults.1 However, if we consider the importance of sacrifices within cults, as discussed in Chap. 4, we will see that in many respects, money as a means of exchange has become a substitute for various kinds of sacrifices in cults.2 Money in itself is not cultic; the way money is obtained and used, however, can be cultic within a specific context. Religious cult leaders, for example, might nowadays demand money instead of animal or, in extreme cases, even human sacrifices. Followers might perceive these cults as innocent because there are no animal or even human sacrifices, while in a far more subtle way money as a sacrifice is required from them.3 Some followers may well rejoice over the fact that seemingly no real sacrifices are required, completely ignorant of the fact that they themselves are actually the foot soldiers bringing in the money for the cult leaders. Even though in antiquity Aristotle might not have perceived any link between money and cults, it seems that in modernity money has evidently become the tool of exchange between the leaders of religious cultic groups and their followers. This places money right at the heart of cultic activities and concretise the relationship between money and cults. The money cult entails the control and manipulation of people’s finances and assets by encouraging them to give even when they do not have the capacity to do so, in other words, when people do not give willingly but are propelled to do so because of the manipulation strategies used by the cult leaders. In addition, when money is driving the leaders’ performance of religious activities, a money cult has developed.4 Therefore, one can talk about a money cult when the cult leaders use religious activities to manipulate their followers in order to make money for themselves.5 According to Shingange, in the context of NPCs, the plan is to use the rituals of religion in order to implore the followers to give money and other material possessions.6 In this regard, Lehmann adds that money cults use the rituals and the rites of passage to encourage members to give in the church. In addition, biblical texts would be used to prove that since the time of the Bible, giving had been an integral part of what believers had to do. When the sacred texts are used to strengthen leaders’ demands, followers are left with no choice but to give in church.7 A money cult is also evident when money is used to determine who is powerful and who is less powerful, thus producing some form of elitism. In simple terms, a money cult is often in operation when money is used as

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a tool of inclusion and exclusion, where some are welcome and others not. Whenever money is used as the key to enter into the very presence of the cult leader, with others being prohibited because they don’t have that kind of money, then money is used in a cultic sense.8 In an African context where so many are poor, most people don’t stand a chance to get close to their cultic leaders. This means that in an African context, the money cult implicitly also becomes a cult of exclusion because most people cannot afford the steep prices charged to become closer. Thus, while these people do give what they can in church, it only makes the leader richer without getting them any closer to the seat of power. In money cults, people are motivated to sell their assets and give the proceeds to their cult leaders in order to succeed in life. In the words of Thompson, followers are often persuaded “to sell their homes and donate the money to the cult to ensure that they would become part of an elite group”.9 Again, in an African context where one’s home is often one’s only pride and giving one a sense of belonging, it is quite disturbing that cult leaders would have the nerve to even take that away from people. When people are manipulated into giving their important assets away, it doesn’t make them rich but rather strips them of their dignity. Through manipulation like this, leaders cruelly use the money cult to undermine the dignity of their followers. These followers are actually impoverished by the leaders’ zeal to amass wealth at their expense. Therefore, a money cult amounts to the accumulation of much money by a few individuals in the midst of, and at the expensive of, mostly the suffering majority.10 Money is collected and accumulated by means of various manipulation strategies that I discuss below.

6.3   Manipulation Strategies Used to Compel Followers to Give 6.3.1  The Blessing Manipulation The first kind of manipulation used to encourage people to give away their money and other belongings is called the blessing. This is not to say there is something wrong in granting people blessings, but people’s need to get blessed is often being abused by cultic leaders as they know people need blessings. Many NPC prophets claim to be very close to God and therefore having the ability to release a certain spiritual blessing upon people’s

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lives that only they can do and nobody else. Thus the prophet becomes a vehicle to release the needed blessing upon their followers. Hence the NPC prophets have positioned themselves very well in Africa as mediators of God’s blessings.11 Consequently, the believers are told that by giving to them, they will receive two much-needed things: the end of their suffering and the flow of their material blessing.12 With the promise of such blessing, the people are given a sense of hope that in future their predicaments will be solved and they will attain a life of prosperity.13 The NPC prophets preach that “[f]aith and the need to sow the seed by giving is needed for one to receive God’s blessings in his or her life. The more you believe and the more you give the more God blesses you.”14 This makes free-will offerings, tithes, sowing seeds and other forms of offerings an important feature in many NPCs. These giving of tithes, offerings and special seeds sown into the life of the prophet are seen as the means of people accessing their much-needed blessing.15 As Anderson explains it, “Christians are urged to ‘sow seeds’ in the form of their tithes and offerings to bring about the abundant blessing of financial and physical prosperity that is assured to every person who believes”.16 Ramantswana states: [P]rophetic calls [are given] to sow the seed in faith so that there will be an overflow of blessings in the form of health, protection over one’s material possessions, release from the curse of poverty, financial breakthrough, flourishing of business and an increase in material wealth.17

Furthermore, according to Frahm-Arp, “Tithing and paying money to the prophet for specific prophecies is understood as a way to unlock God’s material blessing on his people”.18 Therefore, in many NPCs there will be a specific day where the followers are requested to bring a special seed that will be directed to the man or woman of God. Besides, in many NPCs even the general tithes and offerings given in church still end up in the hands of the prophets as many do not have proper channels in handling the giving of finances in their churches. I will address this matter in the last section of this chapter. As we have seen, the motivation given to people to give their money to the prophets is the promise of receiving their blessings from God.19 Similarly, according to Anderson, “success, prosperity, and health, is evidence of the blessing of God, of an increase in abundant life force, and of being a person with more power to live life in enjoyment and security”.20

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Anderson continues by saying, “Many African Pentecostals see financial success and prosperity as evidence of the blessing of God and the reward for faith in difficult financial circumstances”.21 However, the payment of money to access a blessing suggests that blessings are reserved to those who only give to the prophet and no one else. Some prophets have a practice whereby they will tell the believers to write down the money that they need and then give them a certain amount that they need to “sow” in order to access such money.22 Other prophets have a practice whereby members of the church are encouraged to write down their prayer requests and place them in the envelopes together with the money they wish to give to the prophet. This practice equally suggests that the prayer requests will not receive attention as long as there is no money attached to the request. Thus it presents the monetisation of prayer whereby money is used in congruency with the rituals in a church context. It is a very good example of the commercialisation of religion, in this instance in the NPCs. Nonetheless, it is mainly the promise of a blessing that causes politicians and other personalities to flock to these types of churches too, also in their quest to seek these blessings.23 However, Mashau and I have already argued that most of the time, it is the believers who claim these blessings while in reality only the prophets receive the blessings.24 Bafford shared a story of “how congregants were left without taxi fare to return home after donating all their money in the hope of receiving additional blessings.”25 One prophet, according to Kangwa, boasted of having received material things such as cars but alluded to the fact that he never paid a cent for them but was given them by the people he had blessed.26 It can be deduced that as members of these churches try their best to give their all, only the leaders become the beneficiaries of such transactions. There is no proof that once someone has given away their belongings in a quest to be blessed, they do indeed receive such blessings. There is, however, a lot of proof that as the members of the church give to their prophets, they become able to buy luxurious cars and houses with some of them even able to buy private jets. 6.3.2  The Generosity Manipulation The second manipulation strategy to propel people to give money is generosity. There is nothing wrong with being generous, but at times people can take advantage of the next person’s generosity or force the next person to be generous even when it is not their place to do so. Members of NPCs

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are encouraged to be kind and give to such an extent in church that those who aren’t giving will have a guilty conscience. At times those who have given large amounts are called to the podium so that others can see who has been giving and who was not. In addition, when giving in public, followers are encouraged to display their notes and wave them in the air, demonstrating that they are giving with all their hearts and that God will bless them.27 The NPC prophets would quote scriptures about giving generously to encourage members to give even when they are not able to do so.28 Scriptures 2 Corinthians 9:6, “God loves a cheerful giver” are used to encourage people to give with all their hearts. Anderson adds, “Biblical promises, especially the prophet Malachi’s command to bring in a tenth so that God would pour out abundant blessing, are invoked to encourage the faithful to give generously.”29 However, Anderson points out that it is in the same area of generosity where followers would be exploited and manipulated by their leaders.30 It is for this reason that the poor would give in the hope that they would come out of poverty; the manipulation to give generously pushes them to give to the limit.31 Another form of motivation for followers to be generous specifically in giving large sums of money is the notion that the blessing comes back to one at the same level of the offering that one has given. Scriptures such as Luke 6:38 are used, “Give, and it will be given to you. A good measure, pressed down, shaken together and running over, will be poured into your lap. For with the measure you use, it will be measured to you.”32 Giving and then receiving according to your measure is used to illustrate that if, for example, the follower gives a number of cars, they will receive a number of cars in return. Thus, those who can only give lesser amounts or fewer assets will always endeavour to move to a higher level where they too can give much. In addition to receiving according to the measure one has given, followers are also encouraged to give in abundance so that they can reap in abundance.33 Here, the scripture used will be Galatians 6:7: “Do not be deceived: God cannot be mocked. A man reaps what he sows.”34 6.3.3   “Name It and Claim It” Manipulation The third strategy of manipulation is called “name it and claim it” where people are encouraged not only to sow seeds but also to openly confess the blessing upon their lives. In simple terms the “name it and claim it” teaching says that “whatever a believer is looking for in their lives, they can

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name it and claim it at the same time.”35 The “name it and claim it” belief is derived from Mark 11:23 where believers are encouraged to speak to their situations in order for it to change. The “name it and claim it” belief is connected to the prosperity gospel where those who are in need of a blessing are encouraged to speak it out in order to later receive it.36 The “name it and claim it” doctrine in the prosperity gospel teaches on the attainment of wealth through the use of faith.37 This teaching, according to Sharpe, centres on two key ideas: The first is that God is a benevolent deity who wants believers in His son Jesus Christ to be socio-economically prosperous as well as healthy in body and soul. Second is the idea that believers can actively claim as a kind of covenanted right this-worldly abundance. The means to do this is through “positive confession” and power of the spoken word (rhema) coupled with financial offerings or tithes to their churches and unwavering faith that God will provide.38

According to Resane, “name it”, “claim it”, “just have faith” and “give and you will get” are “catchphrases used to convince many Christians that trusting in God will bring health and wealth”.39 Therefore church members are taught that they cannot have something until they have had the courage to confess it. They are taught that anything that they desire is achievable through “naming it and claiming it”; if you speak a blessing over yourself, it will come. The teaching is not new among the NPCs as Jacobsen links it with the teaching of E.W. Kenyon (1867–1948), who taught that it was the believer’s legal right to access God’s power through the Lord Jesus Christ.40 The teaching is clear that in addition to the believer’s salvation, God also wants to make them rich.41 This power as much as it has the ability to heal sickness and disease, it also has the ability to make one prosperous. The same teaching has been adopted by the NPC prophets whereby they teach their followers to name whatever it is they want and claim it. The only challenge is that the believers keep on naming it without being able to effectively “claim” it; thus it becomes some form of manipulation by the prophets. 6.3.4  Modelling Manipulation The NPC prophets use what I call the “modelling” manipulation where whatever they preach and teach is exemplified by their daily living. The

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idea is that they cannot speak of riches if they are not rich, and they cannot speak of houses, cars and designer clothes if they do not have them. Hence, the NPC prophets do not have a problem posting pictures of their cars and houses on social media. This technique is used to motivate the believers as they also have to believe that they can make it in life. The preaching of giving money in church is confirmed through the lifestyles of the prophets as many of them live luxurious lives.42 Some of them even have the boldness to use the church funds to purchase properties and register them in their names and the names of family members.43 According to Ramantswana, “As prophets function as mediators of health, protection, wealth and prosperity, they come in the process to accumulate gifts and money, which assumes that some become rich and now live luxuriously.”44 Furthermore, they would use the money they have accumulated to buy expensive cars and houses for their families while the majority of their followers are perishing in poverty.45 According to Benya, this kind of lifestyle is influenced by “consumerism as an ethos and matrix of lifestyles. The nature of the culture of consumerism, which is exacerbated by neo-liberal capitalist ideologies and tendencies, has hitherto influenced the way religion and religious lifestyles are.”46 It is for the reasons stated above that many NPC prophets live lives of luxury. They are known for wearing designer clothes, driving sports cars and living in affluent suburbs in South Africa.47 Others like Pastor Alph Lukau and Prophet Shepherd Bushiri are also known for owning private jets that they use to crisscross the country and the globe. Both, as highlighted in Chap. 2, live in the upmarket suburb of Sandton, part of the bigger Johannesburg area. In addition, they “spend a lot of money buying expensive cars for themselves and their families. During their own birthday parties and those of their spouses, it is time for them to show off what they have bought with the money of their congregants.”48 However, some of the houses whose photos they post on social media are actually rented with monthly bills of tens of thousands of South African rand. Many of the NPC prophets do not care if they don’t actually own their own mansions as long as they can portray an image that they are wealthy in order for believers to continue to invest in them. In addition, they will discourage their followers from attending churches whose pastors do not live lives of opulent luxury, arguing that a man cannot give you what they themselves do not have. Their goal is to lead as many as possible of the Christian community towards the NPCs and ultimately have the majority of them giving into their lives.

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The modelling manipulation works as many adherents would want to emulate the lifestyle of their favourite prophet. However, the problem is that many end up getting into debt trying to reach the living standard of these NPC prophets as seen in their posts on social media. People try to emulate their lifestyles without realising the source of their exorbitant wealth, hence making unrealistic purchases that they cannot possibly afford, landing them into debt that they struggle to pay back. According to Nel, many believers go to the extent of violating biblical principles and teachings in order to suit their luxurious lifestyles.49 Whereas in the past people would desire the lifestyle of, for example, television stars, today these NPC prophets are viewed as the people with the kind of lifestyle one should strive to attain. It is for this reason that when it comes to giving in the church, believers are willing to give everything as they believe that they too will then be able to live in a mansion, drive a sports car and dress in expensive apparel. 6.3.5  Personal Testimony Manipulation Giving a personal testimony is one of the core activities of a Pentecostal liturgy. The notion of giving a testimony in church is taken from 1 John 5:9 that those who have the son, Jesus Christ, have a testimony. Thus it is expected of anyone who claims to have accepted Jesus to testify. Anderson adds, “Pentecostalism’s emphasis on experience is spread through testimony.”50 This activity is used to attract more people to the church services and ultimately for them to join as members. In some cases the testimonies of individuals will be posted on various social media platforms in order to reach a larger audience.51 Similarly, the NPCs use the testimonies of individuals in order to show other people what God is doing in their churches. Thus, personal testimonies are being used in addition to the preaching of the word. However, testimonies can also be used to manipulate people to give more to the prophets. Thus, the NPC prophets will often use testimonies to encourage those who are yet to give to give more in church. Sometimes these testimonies are manufactured just to serve as motivation for others to give their money and even assets in the form of houses and cars. Thus, when someone stands before the congregation and say that they have been blessed by giving away something, it will automatically serve as a motivation for others. Hence in NPCs testimony time is an important session of

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the service where prophets take it upon themselves to interview those giving the testimonies. In the following example, Sarah Mthembu, attending the International Visitors Program with Prophet Shepherd Bushiri at his Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG), testified about the success of her business: I am here to testify about my business that was struggling to get big business, I only received small business like for R10 000 and R20 000 until I decided to come at ECG as an international visitor and my father spoke to me one-on-one that he saw my business moving. In 2016, other business called me to do quotation for them for an urgent job that needed to be done very quick. After been in contact with the company several times, I finally received a contract of about R190 000. Thanks to the God of Major 1.52

After her testimony, Bushiri emphasised that although Sarah Mthembu’s testimony was small, it was important specifically because she attended the International Visitors Program. The main goal of allowing her to testify was not to show the contracts that she received as such, but rather to demonstrate to the congregants that it pays off to attend the International Visitors Program, where people get to spend time with Bushiri personally—something for which they will have to fork out huge amounts of money. In another testimony, a woman from Botswana testified that she had struggled for a long time to conceive, but when she came to ECG, the God of Major 1 caused her to conceive a child. She was holding the baby when giving the testimony to show that indeed a miracle had happened in her life. In her case, the most important point of her testimony was the use of the “Lion of Judah” anointing oil that she had purchased at the church and applied to her body in order to conceive the child. She testified that immediately after applying the anointing oil she was able to receive her miracle baby.53 In both testimonies, the “products” of the church were actually the main point, and those products were surreptitiously being marketed; after having listened to the testimonies, people would ideally have been motivated to fork out money and try out these “products” for themselves. While products like “Lion of Judah” anointing oil are made of ordinary olive oil, when followers testify about their miracle power they become a high-demand product.

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The last testimony is very similar to the previous one. A woman testified that she had been a teacher for 22 years without ever receiving a promotion. However, after using the “Lion of Judah” anointing oil, she was promoted to become the head of a department. This woman also thanked the God of Major 1 and proclaimed to the congregants that they could question the methods but they couldn’t question the results.54 All of these testimonies were clearly used to encourage the followers to either give directly to the prophet or buy some of the church’s products.

6.4   Various Ways of Making Money 6.4.1  One-on-One Consultations with the Prophet The manipulation strategies outlined above are applied in various ways in order to get money from the congregants or the followers of NPCs. The NPCs had to devise special strategies because under ordinary circumstances, people do not give extraordinarily. It must also be noted that unlike classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches, NPCs are not so strong on the ordinary collection of tithes and offerings. Thus, they always craft other ideas. The first one is a one-on-one meeting with the prophet, otherwise known as a “prophetic consultation”.55 I indicated that: the phenomenon is used to describe the fact that during a formal service, the prophet cannot minister to everyone in full detail. Therefore, there is a need for individuals to seek a spiritual direction by making an appointment to see the prophet privately, one-on-one.56

These sessions are not offered for free but come at a specific price depending on the need of the believer and the time spent with the prophet. The price also depends on how close you want to sit to the man of God. In this regard Resane states: The closer a person sits to the “man of God” (papa, apostle, prophet or pastor), the more money they should pay and the higher the blessings they will receive. Sometimes these rows of seats are designated as golden, diamond, silver, copper and so forth.57

Depending on these designations, prophets can charge “anything between R5 000 and R7 000 for such services”.58 Followers of the NPC prophets

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do not mind paying large sums of money to meet the prophet one-on-one as this grants them an opportunity to come up close and personal with the man of God.59 Although the price attached to these consultations is exorbitant, the prophets would always argue that the money is paid to cover the costs of hosting individuals in private hotels and catering for.60 The one-on-one consultations work well with the “international visitors program” in many of the NPCs. Normally, international visitors would refer to followers travelling from the southern Africa region and other parts of the continent to come to South Africa. In addition, it would also involve visitors from other continents like the United States of America, Europe, and so forth.61 However, this programme at ECG is mainly joined by followers in South Africa and a few others from neighbouring countries, particularly Botswana and Zimbabwe, who seek personal prophecy but cannot get it until they join this programme. A high cost is involved here; for example, at ECG, the International Visitors Program offers the following four options: The first option is for people who are willing to pay R7,000 per person in one of the guest houses belonging to ECG. However, the form does not give an indication as to the number of days that are covered for the R7,000. The second option is R10,500 for a VIP (Very Important People [sic]) room at one of the ECG guest houses, and again, no mention is made of the duration of the stay. The third option is R8,200 per room but with an allowance to stay with one child, thus implying that the amount can increase if there are more children. The last one is R14,000 for an adult who wants to stay with two children, but the children should be older than four years.62

The practice of hosting the followers of the church in hotels and guest houses is not peculiar to ECG but common among other NPCs as well. They do this as a means of collecting money from their followers in addition to tithes, offerings, seeds and other types of offerings. The unfortunate thing is that one-on-one consultations are done in the name of giving people special prophecies that will solve their problems. However, problems do not disappear because one has met with the prophet or received a special prophecy. Some of the challenges that believers experience are systemic and historical in nature; they need a proper holistic approach to deal with them thoroughly. However, prophets in Africa and other parts of the world have taken advantage of governments’ lack of urgency in dealing with the socio-economic challenges facing the majority of people. Hence, prophets can be fairly sure that their followers

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will fall into the trap of one-on-one consultations and other schemes that they are using to enrich themselves. This brings us to the NPC prophets’ next method of getting money from their followers, pyramid schemes. 6.4.2  Pyramid Schemes As if all the strategies we have already discussed are not enough to make the NPC prophets rich, some of them have even engaged in pyramid schemes,63 where followers are encouraged to deposit large sums of money into their bank accounts and the bank accounts of their churches with the promise of receiving a big profit from their investments. Some followers are even encouraged to quit their jobs and deposit their pension money into these pyramid schemes. Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, for example, has been involved in such pyramid schemes.64 Followers have in the past invested huge sums of money to the tune of R100,000 and more. But many are still waiting hopefully to receive large amounts of money and profit in return.65 Dube shares about a member in a similar church, “who was a teacher for eleven years, [and who] told us that she was instructed to withdraw all her pension money and bring it to the church”.66 According to Lampietti, “devotees spend money to move up the ladder to enlightenment, hence they will have more and more invested in the belief that the pyramid scheme is working”.67 According to Bongani Nkosi, one of Bushiri’s followers who had invested money into Bushiri’s “forex trading”68 scheme fought through lawyers to get his money back with interest. The man finally received R100,000, but he was actually expecting around R597,000 according to the scheme’s projected investment. The scheme was introduced in the ECG in order to empower the members financially through an investment in forex trading in China. Members were encouraged to invest large sums of money, some R1000, some R20,000 and others R100,000. The followers were told that the money would grow exponentially within a few months of investing it. However, after months, the congregants realised the profits were not forthcoming and were subsequently informed that the project was not going well. Some members had to go the legal route to get their money back; hence, Bushiri was served with summonses to make their payments. The lawyers argued in court that Bushiri’s failure to pay their money constituted a breach of contract.69 This is an example of how greed can bring shame to the name of the church and consequently to Christianity.

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Bongani Fuzile reported a story where about 250 ECG members in Limpopo province, South Africa, had given their money to an ECG pyramid scheme. They ended up having nothing, unable to even feed their children. They then took the matter to the police. In this case the members had invested their money not with Bushiri but with the senior pastor at the Phalaborwa branch, Nicholas Mgiba. The total amount invested came close to R10 million, made up of individual contributions of as much as R200,000, and even R1 million. Most of the members of this branch, however, were pensioners who were promised huge profits in return for their investments which they were told were for six months. However, after the six-month period when they haven’t seen any of the promised profits, they were told that Bushiri’s company, Shepherd Bushiri Investments (SBI), was defrauded. But in actual fact all the money was deposited in the personal bank accounts of church leaders of different branches of the ECG.70 Most recently, Prophet Paseka Motsoeneng has taken Bushiri to court in defence of all the people who have lost their money through these pyramid schemes.71 Though Motsoeneng is playing a “better devil” trick here as he also has his own stories, he definitely makes an important point that old people should never be defrauded out of their pension funds. 6.4.3  Money Laundering Some of the money raised by NPC prophets through one-on-one consultations and pyramid schemes has been transferred to these prophets’ home countries in what is known as money laundering. As the South Africa rand is one of the strong currencies in Africa, it means taking money in South African rand out of the country to Malawi, for example, allows the prophet to make more profit as a result of the exchange rate. But this kind of practice hurts the South African economy badly because the money would not have gone through the official channels.72 Prophet Shepherd Bushiri was arrested early in 2019 for allegedly transporting a huge amount of cash, R15 million, into his home country, Malawi, using his private jet.73 According to News24: Bushiri and his wife were arrested by the police in Rustenburg, South Africa on charges of fraud and money laundering as well as the contravention of the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (POCA) which has been committed from 2015. The contravention of the Act was in relation to Exchange Control Regulations (ECR) relating to foreign currency of R15m.74

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Bushiri’s arrest on fraud and money-laundering charges has some implications. It means that the money collected through one-on-one consultations, pyramid schemes, the selling of anointed objects, normal church offerings, and so forth, are not banked with and channelled through the South African commercial banks, and hence he could cross the nation’s borders with such a huge amount of cash. The second implication is a question mark over the credibility of the law enforcement in South Africa: if people can transport so much cash illegally, where were the law enforcement officials when it happened? And how many such illegal activities have the police and special investigative units missed over the years? However, what is important for this book is how these practices are linked with the money cult.

6.5   Cultic Nature of the Practices The practices discussed in this chapter such as the different ways in which NPC followers are manipulated to give money, the expensive one-on-one consultations, various pyramid schemes and money laundering are all cultic. First of all, people are not giving from their own point of willingness but are manipulated to surrender their wealth in the name of prosperity. There are many incidents listed in the preceding sections where people were manipulated to give, trying to impress their leaders but then suffering the consequences thereafter. The biggest problem is that the promised prosperity seldom materialises. These actions are cultic when, according to Dube, they “subject the poor to even worse poverty, and … [they] dehumanise people through criminal acts that extort money from them”.75 In other words, people might have claimed as many blessings as they could, but when the blessings do not materialise into real or tangible things, it is disempowering them. Money-making practices such as pyramid schemes are done in the name of wealth and prosperity, but when people who have resigned from decent jobs suffer in poverty, then the practice is clearly unethical and manipulative, and therefore cultic. In these instances, when people give their money, it exacerbates their socio-economic challenges, and in fact it leaves them poorer instead of better off. It is indeed a pyramid model of prosperity where a few become wealthy but the rest suffer in poverty. The practice for people to pay a certain fee in order to access the prophet creates an impression that God’s grace comes at a price.76 In

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addition, followers have to pay a fee for them to receive certain prayers from their prophets, whereas the traditional practice is that pastors should pray for their congregants as part of their job description.77 It is therefore quite surprising that the prophets will pray for the nation and say other general prayers without necessarily asking for a fee.78 This actually proves the financial exploitation of their members if they require a fee from them but not from others. However, it must be noted that raising funds in a conventional way without manipulating people is welcome in churches.79 Many churches have in fact no other way of raising money since they are not receiving any government subsidy. Thus the cultic nature of the practices does not lie with the money itself but in how it is raised, received and used in these churches. According to Dube, the good practice would be that: the money that church members give to ministries should contribute to transforming their lives and also be used in projects that generate money so that they are not continuously burdened by having to give money without ever receiving anything in return.80

Hence, the call for the financial responsibility and accountability on the side of these leaders of the NPCs.81 According to Banda, “A genuine concern for the human dignity of the poor should radically challenge the pastors and prophets in how they handle and use people’s hard-earned money that they give to the church.”82 The call for good practice is made because the current practice in many NPCs is that the money would be received by the prophets but never banked with any commercial bank in South Africa. In fact, often this money would be deposited into the personal bank accounts of the prophets. In some instances, members would be directed to deposit money into a bank account that belongs to a foreign banking institution, a practice that often has to do with money laundering.83 In instances where there is a proper South African bank account, the prophet is “only accountable to his wife who at many times is also the signatory of the church accounts”.84 In many NPCs there is no organisational structure where the pastor can report to others and be held accountable when it comes to finances and other important matters. Hence most of these prophets can just wake up one day and decide to buy a private jet with the income of the church.85 Another factor that makes these practices cultic is that when followers do not receive their promised blessings, they themselves would be blamed

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for not having given enough money.86 The main aim is that believers should blame themselves for not having given enough and not the prophet.87 The big question then is, how much is enough to really attain the kind of blessings preached by the NPC prophets? What if a believer has actually given their best or their all? What if others have actually given their houses and cars and still haven’t seen the promised blessings? It is clearly neither here nor there. But at the end of the day, the pyramid schemes, money laundering and other practices bring shame to Christianity as all these things are done in the name of the Lord. In the words of Resane, besides, “the self-­enrichment of these men and women of God, commercialisation of the gospel is severely damaging the African social fabric, as well as undermining the nobility and integrity of Christianity itself”.88

6.6   Concluding Remarks In conclusion, money cult is similar to other cults discussed in this book in the sense that they are all known for the manipulation of people. Hence, it is submitted here that in money cults people are manipulated to give their possessions without thoroughly thinking about the consequences. Therefore, money cult among the NPC prophets involves the manipulation of their congregants to give money, houses, cars at times without even discussing with their family members. Money among some NPCs is collected through one-on-one consultations with the prophet at the payment of a certain fee depending on the need of the congregant. In addition, money is collected through pyramid schemes where congregants are manipulated to cash out their pension money and deposit it for pyramid schemes. The sad thing is that most congregants never received the profits of their investments but have rather lost them. These money cultic tendencies call for a different view or approach to money among NPCs. I will discuss this aspect in Chap. 9.

Notes 1. Sitta von Reden, Money in classical antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 156. 2. Von Reden. Money in classical antiquity, 156. 3. Rupert Till, Pop cult: religion and popular music (Bloomsbury: A&C Black, 2010).

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4. Kelebogile T.  Resane. “‘Simon the Sorcerer offered them money’ (Acts 8:19): some Pentecostals have gone commercial instead of evangelical”. Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 93–114. 5. Themba Shingange. “Mission as discernment of spirits in the advent of the abuse of prophecy within Newer Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity in South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 115–130. 6. Shingange, “Mission as discernment of spirits”, 118. 7. Chris Lehmann, The Money Cult: Capitalism, Christianity, and the Unmaking of the American Dream. (Johannesburg: Melville House, 2016). 8. Sphesihle Blessing Khanyile. “The virtualization of the church: New media representations of Neo-Pentecostal performance(s) in South Africa” (PhD diss., Johannesburg: University of Witwatersrand, 2016), 94. 9. Emily G. Thompson. Cults Uncovered: True Stories of Mind Control and Murder (London: Penguin Random House, 2020). 10. Bryan J.  Gordon. “Hoarding and the Cult of Money” (PhD diss., Concordia University, 2019), 69. 11. Vhumani Magezi & Collium Banda. “Competing with Christ? A critical Christological analysis of the reliance on Pentecostal prophets in Zimbabwe.” In die Skriflig 51, no. 2 (2017): 1–10. 12. Magezi & Banda, “Competing with Christ?”, 3. 13. Khanyile, “The virtualization of the Church”, 97. 14. Thinandavha D. Mashau & Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Prosperity gospel and the culture of greed in post-colonial Africa: Constructing an alternative African Christian theology of Ubuntu.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–8. 15. Mangena Fainos & Samson Mhizha. “The rise of white collar prophecy in Zimbabwe: A psycho-ethical statement”, Johannes Hunter & Joachim Kügler (eds.), Prophets, profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo (Bamberg: University of Bamberg, 2013): 133–152. 16. Allan H.  Anderson, Spirit-Filled World: The Spirit of Dis/Continuity in African Pentecostalism (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), p. 138. 17. Hulisani Ramantswana. “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2019): 1–8. 18. Maria Frahm-Arp. “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity during COVID-19  in South Africa”, Mookgo S.  Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism:

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South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 150–174. 19. Magezi & Banda, “Competing with Christ?”, 3. 20. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 138. 21. Ibid., 206. 22. Maria Frahm-Arp, “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity”, 160. 23. Jonathan Kangwa. “The role of the theology of retribution in the growth of Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016): 1–9. 24. Mashau & Kgatle, “Prosperity gospel and the culture of greed”, 2. 25. Douglas Bafford, “The Prosperity Gospel and an Unprosperous Reality in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Conservative Evangelical Responses to Charismatic Christianity” (2019). https://wiser.wits.ac.za/system/files/ seminar/Bafford2019.pdf. 26. Kangwa, “The role of the theology of retribution”, 7. 27. David Maxwell. “‘Delivered from the Spirit of Poverty?’: Pentecostalism, Prosperity and Modernity in Zimbabwe.” Journal of Religion in Africa 28, no. 3 (1998): 350–373. 28. Resane, “Simon the Sorcerer offered them money”, 103. 29. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 138. 30. Ibid., 206. 31. Buti D. Mulutsi. “Biblical understanding applied to contemporary African Christian methods of exorcism” (PhD diss., North-West University (South-Africa), 2020), 15. 32. The text has been taken from Luke 6:38 in the New International Version. 33. Deji Ayegboyin. “A rethinking of prosperity teaching in the new Pentecostal churches in Nigeria.” Black Theology 4, no. 1 (2006): 70–86. 34. The scripture has been taken from Galatians 6:7 in the New International Version. 35. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 50. 36. Khanyile, “The virtualization of the church”, 97. 37. Andrea Althoff. “Divided by faith and ethnicity: religious pluralism and the problem of race in Guatemala.” International Journal of Latin American Religions 1, no. 2 (2017): 331–352. 38. Matthew Sharpe. “Name it and claim it: Prosperity Gospel and the global Pentecostal reformation”, Matthew Clark (ed.), Handbook of research on development and religion (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2013): 164. 39. Resane, “Simon the Sorcerer offered them money”, 109.

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40. Douglas G. Jacobsen (ed.), A reader in Pentecostal Theology: Voices from the first generation (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), p.15. 41. Kevin Phillips. Bad money: Reckless finance, failed politics, and the global crisis of American capitalism (New York: Penguin, 2009). 42. Collium Banda. “The poor’s weapon against inequality?: a critique of the public role of neo-Pentecostalism in unequal South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 175–202. 43. Collium Banda. “Redefining religion? A critical Christian reflection on CRL Rights Commission’s proposal to regulate religion in South Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–11. 44. Ramantswana, “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith”, 6. 45. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 52. 46. Francis Benyah. “Commodification of the gospel and the socio-­economics of neo-Pentecostal/Charismatic Christianity in Ghana.” Legon Journal of the Humanities 29, no. 2 (2018): 116–145. 47. Bongani Fuzile & Sino Majangaza. “Church leaders flaunt flamboyant lifestyles” [10 March 2018] https://www.dispatchlive.co.za/ news/2018-­03-­10-­church-­leaders-­flaunt-­flamboyant-­lifestyles/. 48. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wav, 52. 49. Marius Nel. “Prophetic witness in weakness: A response to Prof Robert Vosloo from a Pentecostal perspective.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 50. Allan Anderson, Spirit-filled World, 6. 51. Gabriel Faimau & Camden Behrens. “Facebooking religion and the technologization of the religious discourse: A case study of a Botswana-­based Prophetic Church.” Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016). https://heiup.uni-­heidelberg.de/journals/index.php/religions/article/view/23628. 52. Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, “Powerful testimonies” [viewed 10/09/2017] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sAa9MuzTRF8. 53. Bushiri, “Powerful testimonies”. 54. Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, “Grass To Grace Testimonies, Life Transformations From Dead Ends with Prophet Shepherd Bushiri” [accessed 23 May 2010] https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=_0WTGcEnYqU. 55. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7; cf. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2

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(2020): 132–143; cf. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “New paradigms of pneumatological ecclesiology brought about by new prophetic churches within South African Pentecostalism.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 6; cf. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 132. 56. Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy”, 4. 57. Ibid., 6. 58. Ibid., 4. 59. Ibid., 4. 60. Ibid., 4. 61. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 140. 62. Major 1 connect, “International Visitors”, https://submit.prophetic-­ channel.org/international-­visitors/. 63. “Pyramid schemes” refers to a business model whereby the few at the top recruit other members on the ground by selling various products to them. The sales of these products benefit only those at the top while those at the bottom continue to suffer or their lives remain the same. But the system is such that only the selected few will prosper while the rest can only hope for such prosperity. 64. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 132. 65. Ibid., 132. 66. Bekhithemba Dube. “Rethinking the Seven Angels Ministry’s praxis of pneumatology as seen through the lens of decoloniality”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 131–149. 67. Heidi Lampietti, How to Start Your Own Cult for Fun and Profit (Redjack, 2005), p. 7. https://www.bookdepository.com/publishers/Redjack. 68. The latest model of a pyramid scheme has been forex trading, an investment of money with the hope that it will increase with huge profits. 69. Bongani Nkosi, “Bushiri repays congregant R100k as dubious forex scheme fails.” [accessed 14 November 2018] https://www.iol.co.za/the-­ s t a r / n e w s / b u s h i r i -­r e p a y s -­c o n g r e g a n t -­r 1 0 0 k -­a s -­d u b i o u s ­forex-­scheme-­fails-­18110702. 70. Bongani Fuzile, “Bushiri’s flock out of pocket after cash ‘lost’ in investment scheme: A church-linked investment scheme promised big returns” [24 February 2019] https://www.timeslive.co.za/sunday-­times/ news/2019-­0 2-­2 4-­b ushiris-­f lock-­o ut-­o f-­p ocket-­a fter-­c ash-­l ost-­i n-­ investment-­scheme/. 71. Zelda Venter, “Shepherd Bushiri loses first round of legal battle with Prophet Mboro” [accessed 23 September 2020] https://www.iol.co.za/ pretoria-­news/news/shepherd-­bushiri-­loses-­first-­round-­of-­legal-­battle-­ with-­prophet-­mboro-­8976acda-­9dae-­48ec-­8bb5-­09bd5cb0a26d.

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72. Bekithemba Dube. “‘Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land’: Foreign Prophets and Popularism in South Africa. Evoking the Need of Jonathanic Theology for Peaceful Resolution of Difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 42. 73. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 131. 74. News24, “Prophet Bushiri, wife arrested on charges of fraud, money laundering” [1 February 2019] https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/just-­i n-­p rophet-­b ushiri-­w ife-­a rrested-­o n-­c harges-­ of-­fraud-­money-­laundering-­20190201. 75. Dube, “Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land”, 42. 76. Collium Banda. “Mediating God’s relationality? A trinitarian perichoretic critique of the reliance on anointed objects in African neo-­Pentecostalism.” HTS Theological Studies 76, no. 1 (2020): 1–10. 77. Shingange, “Mission as discernment of spirits”, 120. 78. Maria, Frahm-Arp, “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity”, 163. 79. Shingange, “Mission as discernment of spirits”, 121. 80. Dube, “Rethinking the Seven Angels Ministry”, 141. 81. Collium Banda, “The poor’s weapon against inequality”, 191. 82. Ibid., 193. 83. Elise Kisingu. “The abuse of the Spirit: an immigration-imported new wave or a development of pre-existing local beliefs?” Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 53–72; cf. Banda, “Redefining religion?”, 6. 84. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Towards a balancing act between the emergence of prophetic churches and organisational culture in South African Pentecostalism.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41 no. 1, 2020: a2118. https://doi. org/10.4102/ve.v41i1.2118. 85. Ibid., 5. 86. Resane, “Simon the Sorcerer offered them money”, 97. 87. Zorodzai Dube. “Patriarchy reinvented? ‘Spiritual parenting’ within African Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe.” Verbum et Ecclesia 39, no. 1 (2018): 1–6. 88. Resane, “Simon the Sorcerer offered them money”, 97.

CHAPTER 7

NPC Prophets and the Celebrity Cult in South Africa

7.1   Introduction The last cultic tendency discussed in this book is the celebrity cult among the New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) in South Africa. Thus, this chapter is about NPC prophets in their role as celebrities and how this role is connected to celebrity cult. As a point of departure, this chapter defines the celebrity cult in general and how it is connected to celebritism in a church context. In this chapter, parallelism is made between celebrity cult and popularity of the NPC prophets. Thus, it is pivotal to look at the factors contributing to the popularity of the prophets such as titles and stage names, social media, the gift of prophecy, the non-confrontational message, uplifting message and popular staged miracles. This chapter uses two NPC cases to highlight how miracles make prophets popular in South Africa. The first case involves Shepherd Bushiri and some of the staged miracles that he performed in his church. The second case is about Alph Lukau and the popular resurrection miracle that he performed in his church. At the end, it makes a connection between these miracles and the celebrity cult among the NPCs in South Africa.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_7

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7.2   Defining the Celebrity Cult A celebrity refers to a person who is widely known and popular with broad public recognition due to media attention. There is totally nothing wrong with being widely known as a religious person, community leader, politician, sport star, musician, and so forth. However, when a person becomes more exalted and widely recognised than the church they lead, their sports team or even their political organisation, a celebrity cult starts to form around them. A celebrity cult also starts to form within an organisation whenever the organisation begins to exalt the individual leader over and above the goals of the organisation.1 The celebrity cult in the context of religion is related to what Resane coined as “celebritism”, that he explained as “a formal religious veneration or worship, a system of religious beliefs and rituals with adherents where a celebrity commands a huge amount of influence on people across all socio-cultural divides”.2 Mulutsi adds that in Christianity, the celebrity cult is related to “celebrity worship when the leader is adored and comes to the forefront above the Christian message itself”.3 Hunter concurs that the celebrity cult is an idea of making the leader more important than the position they occupy in an organisation.4 Resane continues to say that with the celebrity cult in the church, the leader uses the organisation “to advance his or her own power, prestige and popularity”.5 In this context, spiritual leaders are no servants of the people but instead become celebrities who use their churches to become popular and subsequently cause others to support them. Hence, according to Kobo, the celebrity cult exists whenever there is an abnormal commitment within the church to one person at the expense of others.6 The followers commit to that person to such an extent because of their charisma and other abilities they possess. Celebrities have a zeal to “use their names to become great people in society”.7 Thus all celebrities have a goal to protect their reputation in society, more so than their character. Hence, within the context of the church, such people often do not care about their vertical relationship with God or even their horizontal one with people as long as their reputation and their name are well known. Similarly, according to Resane, the prophets from the New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) have embraced the celebrity cult based on their appearance in “gossip magazines to entertainment TV, from blogs to adverts featuring famous faces, the stars and other personalities”.8 By embracing the celebrity cult, the NPC prophets know very well that they stand a good chance to benefit from being a celebrity

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and won’t have to live like ordinary pastors.9 They know that by being popular they will attract a great number of followers who will believe in them. Ultimately, a great number of followers will mean a huge financial contribution that will increase their financial status considerably. However, having built financial muscle means that they also have to spend lavishly. Celebrities are known for spending more than they have in order to please other people’s expectations of them including those they do not even know.10 Thus celebrities are known for living a luxury lifestyle with big houses, fancy cars and designer clothing. According to Mofokeng, the high spending is based on a desire to stand out from the rest and attract fame in society.11 As mentioned in previous chapters, such a spirit of materialism is typical of NPC prophets and is reflected in their choice of expensive cars, designer clothes and luxury mansions. The desire to spend is driven by their adoption of a celebrity status which comes with the pressure of always appearing extremely wealthy and looking different than the ordinary members of the public. The big problem with celebrity prophets, however, is the source of their wealth, which often is money from the poor. Celebrities in South Africa and, in fact, across the globe are generally known for their strong presence in the media and for their success in their career. They maintain their reputation and image by regularly appearing on various media platforms. A big media presence is the greatest factor as there are many successful career people, but not everyone is a celebrity because they do not appear on various media platforms. It means that in every field there is the possibility to attain celebrity status as long as a person can get enough media exposure in that space (although there are obviously many other contributing factors to becoming a celebrity). Hence there are celebrity politicians, religious leaders, sport personalities, and so forth. As we have said, there are many factors that contribute to a person attaining celebrity status, not only their media presence. Therefore, in discussing the celebrity nature of the NPC prophets, I am going to look at what exactly makes them so popular and even famous. We will discuss these factors within the context of the main features of the celebrity cult in an organisation: • When the leader completely overshadows and in a sense overpowers their organisation and/or their followers. • When the leader uses their stage name to attract followers.

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• When the leader features a lot in the media, including on various social media platforms and television. • When the followers are so devoted to the leader that they almost worship him. • When the leader views their reputation as more important than their character. • When the leader overspends on a flashy, luxury lifestyle.

7.3   Factors Contributing to the Popularity of the NPC Prophets 7.3.1  Titles and Stage Names As has been discussed previously in Chap. 1, the conventional titles for leaders of churches are pastor, reverend, priest, bishop and others. However, according to Faimau and Behrens, the NPC prophets are addressed with different titles which include among others “the prophet of God”, “man of God”, “mighty man” and “servant of God”.12 The “man of God” is the most common one as it also shows some form of reverence: Those who carry this title are connected to the divine even as human beings. They carry an ability to speak for the divine as they represent divinity. Thus, every word they speak carries more weight than when it is spoken by an ordinary person. Hence, men of God can perform extraordinary miracles because they carry power of the divine. Everything that God wants to do on earth, He uses the man of God, because wherever the man of God is, God will be there as well. Hence, most men of God attract huge followings because the followers believe that they carry the presence of God.13

For the female ministers, it will be “woman of God”, but the feminine title is not as popular as the masculine one, that is, “man of God”. Faimau and Behrens continue by saying that “addressing the prophet as ‘man of God’ suggests that the prophet’s authority transcends human form of authority on the basis that he has the divine power from God”.14 In addition, as we have seen in Chap. 1, the NPC prophets use titles such as “Major 1”, “Seer 1” and “Mzansi prophet”. Kobo also speaks of titles such as “Papa” and “Daddy” that are often used by devotees to refer to NPC prophets.15 However, the “Papa” and “Daddy” titles signify the

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relationship between the NPC prophets and their followers, whereas “man of God” signifies the relationship between the NPC prophets and their God. In addition, the title “man of God” with its masculinity implies some form of authority over the followers. Furthermore, NPC prophets will often fake other reputable titles such as academic titles for the purpose of upgrading their social status. Mofokeng points out that “[t]here is also a growing tendency of using honorific titles such as ‘doctor’ and ‘professor’ awarded by questionable international Christian universities.”16 None of the NPC prophets we have discussed bears the title of doctor or professor except for Pastor Lesego Daniel whom we also know as Professor Lesego Daniel. Nonetheless, almost all of the above-mentioned titles say a lot about the authority that the NPC prophets wield among their followers.17 The use of these titles is in line with the first feature of the celebrity cult described above, that is, the leader overshadowing and in a sense overpowering their followers. Other than the prophetic titles and the academic titles, most of the NPC prophets use their stage names instead of their real names just like celebrities. As we have learnt in Chap. 2, Prophet Shepherd Bushiri according to some sources was actually born Chipiliro Gama. Others like Lesego Daniel and Paseka Motsoeneng are also using their stage names. Leslie explains that there are two reasons why celebrities use their stage names instead of their real names: “First, celebrities may wish to preserve the small amount of privacy afforded them by using a ‘stage name’. Second, many celebrities have complicated names that will be difficult for the public to remember.”18 Thus they prefer to become famous by the stage names that they have given themselves rather than the names given to them by their parents. In addition, the stage names end up becoming brand names for many celebrities to such an extent that they cannot change back to their real names. Celebrities would use their real names only when their signatures are required in business transactions. Although the two reasons as outlined by Leslie make sense, in the context of NPC prophets some might perceive it as an excuse not to be accountable. Others might not see any reason for NPC prophets to seek privacy as their position already implies that they are constantly in the limelight anyway. Nonetheless, the NPC prophets’ use of stage names is in line with the second feature of the celebrity cult mentioned above, that is, the use of stage names to boost the number of followers and/or business.

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7.3.2  Social Media and Other Platforms NPC prophets use social media to popularise their practices because, according to Khanyile, “social media is a convenient space for public display and representational work”.19 Through the use of social media like Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, the NPCs and their prophets have become very popular in Africa.20 Khanyile, in her other article, stated that the NPC prophets use “social media platforms to propagate their ritual practices, church performances, institutional ideologies and discursive deliberations”.21 Of the three social media platforms, Facebook is the most commonly used among the NPC prophets. In addition, the Facebook pages used by the NPCs have a huge following, including by other celebrities such as musicians, politicians and sports stars.22 In Botswana, for example, Prophet Shepherd Bushiri is listed in the top ten of Pentecostal preachers liked by fans on Facebook.23 Bushiri’s popularity on Facebook can also be seen by the many likes and comments that his posts elicit.24 Other NPC prophets have an equally strong presence on Facebook; for example, Alph Lukau currently has more than one million page likes with many likes for his posts as well. Given their celebrity status, NPC prophets also have a following on other platforms such as Twitter.25 Bushiri has about 60,000 followers on Twitter, while Lukau has about 30,000. Other than Facebook and Twitter, the NPCs use YouTube to popularise their sermons as it allows them to post videos as well. The other advantage of YouTube is that the prophets are able to create their personal channels which followers can subscribe to and thus get informed about new videos. Currently, Bushiri has 475,000 subscribers to his Prophet Shepherd Bushiri channel on YouTube,26 while Lukau has 985,000 subscribers to his Alph Lukau YouTube channel.27 Thus both prophets have a great following on YouTube with Lukau leading with the highest number of subscribers. It is also important to note that the viewership for some videos is higher with some of the videos reaching more than one million views. Bushiri and Lukau are the most subscribed NPC prophets in South Africa as other prophets have lower numbers; for example, Lesego Daniel under his Rabboni Ministries label has only 10,000 subscribers,28 while no information could be retrieved for other NPC prophets. Nonetheless, this is sufficient to illustrate that the NPC prophets have a great following on different social media platforms, including YouTube.

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In addition to social media, these churches are often fuelled by their own broadcasting networks that also feature other pastors in different time slots.29 As indicated in Chap. 2, some of the NPC prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri and Timothy Omotoso own television channels, thus broadcasting their services and messages across the globe. The advantage of these private channels is that the content is uniquely religious and services can be broadcast without interruptions. The prophetic channel of Bushiri, for example, also broadcasts live services and those that cannot physically attend the services have an opportunity to view the messages on the channel. Those NPC prophets who do not have their own television channels, would still buy airtime from other television channels in order to publicise their messages. This becomes another stream of business among NPCs as the television slots are sold at a certain price and can be costly, especially the evening prime time slots. The churches’ television ministry, similar to the social media platforms, contribute to the popularity of the NPC prophets and grant them a celebrity status as they are widely seen by the public. Most recently, some of the NPC prophets have also appeared on national television especially with the negative publicity of their sometimes abhorrent practices. Thus, five of the most prominent NPC prophets, Bushiri, Daniel, Motsoeneng, Lukau and Omotoso, have all appeared on national television, being interviewed for various reasons. Furthermore, the NPCs have even attracted the attention of international media powerhouses such as the BBC and CNN.30 Locally, the eNews Channel Africa (eNCA) covered the story of Pastor Lesego Daniel regarding congregants eating grass and drinking petrol several times through interviews and commentary.31 Equally so, the story of Prophet Penuel Mnguni feeding his congregants various things from rodents to snakes received a lot of attention over time from eNCA because his story ran for a long time as he repeatedly introduced new practices.32 It is interesting that the story of Pastor Lethebo Rabalago spraying his congregants with an insecticide (“Doom”) was not only reported in South Africa but even reached BBC News as they also covered the outcome of his court case.33 The South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) Morning Live show, which is one of the best current affairs shows in South Africa, interviewed Prophet Shepherd Bushiri on the allegations of money laundering.34

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This section on the NPS prophets’ presence on different media platforms clearly links them with the third feature of the celebrity cult, that of the leader appearing regularly in the media. 7.3.3  The Gift of Prophecy Another reason NPC prophets are so popular is the gift of prophecy as most people in Africa have a propensity of being curious about the future.35 The NPCs and their prophets appeal to South Africans because the churches are centred on foretelling the future. In addition, according to Modiko, “Prophecy in Africa also often becomes an extremely effective form of pastoral therapy and counsel, mostly practiced in private, a moral corrective and an indispensable facet of Christian ministry.”36 The practice of prophecy is therefore popular on the whole continent of Africa.37 Scholars like Jonathan Kangwa have come to acknowledge prophecy as a major role player in the religious landscape in Africa.38 For example, Amanze demonstrated that prophecy has made T.B. Joshua and his church, Synagogue Church of All Nations (SCOAN), very popular in Nigeria.39 Similarly prophecy has made the NPCs in South Africa to be popular not only in Africa but across the globe through their presence on different media platforms. In the words of Frahm-Arp, the NPCs have “recently grown significantly in size and popularity due to the gift of prophecy by their prophets”.40 Therefore, according to Kgatle, “Prophecy is the most significant feature of these churches and has been the source of growth amongst the NPCs in South Africa”.41 Besides, often South Africans love to listen to the prophetic word more than they want to listen to the formal sermon preached in the church. Finally, it is prophecy that causes people to stand for long hours waiting for their prophet to appear on the stage in a specific service to speak into their lives. In addition, it is prophecy that causes others to travel even from other countries so that they can hear what God is speaking over their lives. The most watched videos on the social media and other media platforms are the prophetic videos. The NPCs in Africa do not concentrate much on sermons but rather on prophecy. It is therefore the prophecy that causes people to watch the television channels and the social media platforms in great numbers. Even when South Africans travel to other countries on the continent to visit, for example, Prophet Makandiwa or Prophet Magaya in Zimbabwe or even T.B. Joshua in Nigeria, they will be doing so to seek direction for their lives through prophecy. This makes prophecy to be at

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the centre of the Pentecostal theology espoused by the NPCs. Furthermore, prophecy is clearly the main point of attraction for people joining the NPCs from other Pentecostal traditions. However, this should not give the NPC prophets a licence to manufacture prophecies just because people are attracted to prophecy. There is a need to practise the gift in an ethical manner, not just give prophecies as a popularity stunt. Prophecy, as I discussed in Chap. 1, should serve as edification. In other words, the prophetic word when it is delivered should not discourage people from serving God but should give them encouragement. Second, prophecy should serve as an instrument for unification. This means that if prophecy seeks to divide, for example, families or marriages, it cannot be from God because true prophecy unifies people and do not divide them further. Third, prophecy should be discerned as such; this point relates to what has been discussed in Chap. 4 on divination and prophecy. When the spiritual gift of discernment of spirits is operating, believers will be able to discern between true and false prophecy. Last, prophecy should be confirmed as true by one or two people present when the prophecy is given. Regardless of the trust that the NPC followers grant to their prophets, they need to know that they are not infallible. NPC prophets can prophesy amiss. Therefore, there is a need for mature people who will bear witness to what is being prophesied in order to discern and affirm it as a true prophecy.42 7.3.4  Non-confrontational Message Another reason why the NPC prophets are so popular is because their message is non-confrontational. They somehow preach messages that are motivational instead of challenging and confrontational. They do not preach messages that will address sin in the church but will rather speak of blessing, promotion, a job, house, car and other good things. Maybe this is one of the reasons that when the followers of NPCs face challenges in life, they often do not know how to handle it because they are not taught how to endure hardships and other challenges in life. While it is good for the prophet to say all the nice words that people like on the pulpit, the reality is that life is full of challenges that any Christian will face regardless of their church affiliation. The reality is that what unbelievers go through, believers will also face at a stage. Therefore, it is not helpful to avoid talking about life’s challenges and how to deal with them. By only preaching motivational messages, the NPC prophets are missing an opportunity to prepare their followers for the challenging times ahead. Thus

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non-­confrontational messages might be very pleasant and soothing for followers to hear, but ultimately it is not sustainable. Nonetheless, regardless of the content, the NPC prophets will still be excellent in the way they execute their message. According to Quayesi-­ Amakye, the prophetic churches are popular because of “verbal theology, conscious pneumatic expression and normalization, and existential concerns”.43 They are also able to communicate the message of the gospel in a way that the African people can understand very well.44 Unlike the messages in many other traditions that are full of theological terminology, the NPC prophets preach in a simple way that the majority of their followers are able to understand easily. In essence, the NPC prophets are “contextual preachers, who indigenise the biblical truth by presenting it in a way that is familiar to his or her audience”.45 Asamoah-Gyadu concurs that an important reason for NPC prophets’ popularity is their “ability to adapt itself to different cultures and societies and give contextualised expressions of Christianity”.46 In addition, they use modern technology in their presentation of their sermons boasted by the popular kind of music sang in their churches. 7.3.5  Uplifting Messages The NPC prophets’ messages are motivational, thus uplifting to those who hear them. This is because when listening to an NPC prophet, there is a sense that they understand what the followers are going through. Although the NPC prophets are reluctant to address the life challenges people go through, their followers are still happy to hear from their religious leader on the pulpit seemingly knowing about and understanding their problems. To them, this means that God has been listening to their prayers. Hence, according to Chitando, in Zimbabwe, for example, the negative changes in social, economic and political conditions of the citizens have driven them towards prophetic churches looking for solutions to their predicaments.47 In seeking, for example, job promotions and other ways to make their lives better, Chitando continues by saying “[even] some highly educated professionals are actively involved in the prophetic activities”.48 Therefore, in the context where so many people continue to suffer because of poverty, unemployment and inequality, the NPCs have an important role to play in the empowerment of people. Moreover, in a context where many people do not have medical aid and cannot get help from government hospitals when they become sick with various ailments,

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the NPCs have often made a big difference in people’s lives through the uplifting message.49 It is for reasons like these that scholars like Banda have actually argued against the closure of these churches as it might disadvantage the poor and the marginalised in South Africa.50 Who would not shout “I receive!” when the prophet speaks about getting a job, a promotion or even a business? The followers have no choice but to shout “I receive!” or even “Go deeper, Papa”, “Prophesy!”, because of the economic hardship that the majority of South Africans are still suffering even 26 years after the birth of democracy. Similarly, who would not shout “I receive!” when the prophet tells you to receive your healing, deliverance or miracle, given peoples’ challenges with the South African healthcare system that is in places almost falling apart. Thus, when the healthcare system fails, the word of the prophet becomes the preferred option of the sick. Hence, the NPC prophets are understandably popular among the poor, the unemployed and the sick. In addition, they are also popular among the middle class or professionals who want to improve their lives, strive to live in a bigger house and drive a smarter car. The middle-class NPC followers who want to send their children to a better school or university are also in need of the NPC prophets. Thus, according to Banda, as much as NPC prophets should be critiqued for their extreme practices, there is also a need to appreciate their concern for what people are going through in life.51 Thus the NPC prophets might be perceived by some scholars as a negative influence in society, but the majority of poor and destitute people appreciate their concern for their wellbeing. The only problem, as pointed out by Banda, is that “some prophets preach the wellbeing of the poor, but dispossess the same poor people by taking away even their social grants given by the government to cushion them against poverty”.52 In order to address this challenge, Anderson and I suggested that NPCs: should seriously consider how they deal with the lives and hopes of poor South Africans, who look up to them to overcome their lack of human flourishing. They should reflect on whether they are acting in the best interests of their followers or are merely exploiting them.53

7.3.6  Popular Staged Miracles Another reason why the NPC prophets are so popular is because they like performing miracles of which many of them, as seen in the previous chapters, are very controversial.54 Maybe the NPC prophets are aware of these

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controversies and do not mind as long as they make them popular. The miracles in their different categories like extreme practices, criminal acts and staged miracles have hugely contributed to the popularity of the prophets. Some of the prophets would not have been known in the wider society if it were not for the extreme acts they have performed in their churches. In fact, prophets such as Penuel Mnguni and Lethebo Rabalago are not known for anything else but their outrageous acts. According to Dube, it is clear that “fake miracles are one of the ways in which prophets gain popularity.”55 The rise of the NPCs actually largely came about as a result of their staged miracles.56 Thus the religious practices performed by these prophets are not only acts of seemingly helping their followers but also basically acts to increase their popularity. Hence, they ensure that these acts are often extreme and extraordinary. Furthermore, one has observed that even after public scrutiny and reprimand, the NPC prophets do not show remorse and are not repentant of their actions. On the contrary, they continue with even more dubious and extreme miracles or performances. This can only mean that they are continuing to seek attention from the media, church and society in general. In the next section, I look at some NPC prophets and their popular miracles. 7.3.6.1 Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and His Popular Staged Miracles Bushiri has performed countless “staged miracles” in his church. Bushiri’s first staged miracle was the “walking on air” miracle. A video shows him seemingly walking on air; however, there were actually two men alongside him assisting him to walk. The shadows of the two men are actually visible on the video. In addition, there is a sound of people talking in the background which sounded like the crew who produced the video.57 Another blunder in this video is that it shows Bushiri walking down the staircase until the last step where he then decides to walk on air. If this was a real miracle of walking on air, it would have made sense if he started to walk on air from the beginning. But the big question is, why manufacture this fake miracle when so many people were already following him, attending his services and giving into his life and ministry? Why fake this miracle when he was already filling one of the largest stadiums in South Africa, the FNB Stadium in Johannesburg, to full capacity (more than 78,000 people) during his crossover nights?58 The simple answer is that he did it so that he could become more popular. However, instead of bringing more popularity, it brought him shame.

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The second staged miracle can be seen on the video showing the prophet announcing the physical appearance of angels in the service. As the announcement was made, people began to look around while the cameras showed pictures of angels in another venue called “the overflow tent”.59 “Pictures were taken of angels appearing and blessing the people.”60 The purpose of these angels was to drop oil in the hands of the congregants in order for them to receive great blessings. This miracle has blunders too; while the prophet prayed authentically for the appearance of angels, the problem is that the “angels” did not appear where he was but in another venue. Thus there is no proof if indeed these were real angels or if they were just mere pictures.61 The pictures that looked like angels, however, could not possibly have been angels because the people who were in the overflow room did not look as jubilant as those who were in the main venue where the prophet was at the time of the apparent appearance. Nonetheless, those who were with the prophet shouted, while others sobbed in tears as though they were seeing the physical angels in reality. The third staged miracle was Bushiri using an IPad to capture the photo of someone who was not present in the service. The prophet called out a man and pretended as if he was struggling to pronounce the name of the man’s son. But actually, while he struggled to reveal this name, the man actually helped him by mentioning that his son’s name was Sipiwe. Bushiri then decided that he will take the picture of the man’s son in absentia.62 In the video, however, one can see that the photo was actually already on the IPad before the prophet claimed to have taken it supernaturally. One can see his fingers selecting the photo while claiming to be capturing it supernaturally in the air. And as if that was not enough, Bushiri then went further and also seemingly captured a picture of the man’s wife, also in absentia. While the congregation shouted and cried, the reality is that these pictures were on the IPad prior to being “supernaturally captured” by the prophet. What all these three staged miracles have in common, is that Bushiri performed them in order to enhance his image and hence increase his popularity. 7.3.6.2 Prophet Alph Lukau and His Popular Staged Miracles The first popular “miracle” that Lukau performed was a miracle to help single women find their partners. According to Kisungu: Lukau organised a meeting to pray for women’s ring fingers, promising them that they would be receiving marriage proposals within 90 days of that “miracle prayer”. Tickets to this meeting were sold at prices varying between R450 and R5000.63

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In a similar miracle, Lukau called out a man whom he claimed struggled with relationships. The man confirmed that he was not married and was struggling to find a suitable life partner. However, the man of God said he found a wife for him and the man confirmed that he was prepared to be given a wife. Lukau confirmed that his wife was present in that church service. Lukau then assured the man that there was a lady who had been fasting for seven days and was looking for her husband. Lukau then went ahead, trying to supernaturally locate this lady for the man who had been single for many years and whose brothers could not get married before him as he was the firstborn. The prophet paused for few minutes and asked the congregants to sit while he sang and prayed for the man’s future wife to be revealed to him. He did it this way so that the congregants could believe that what they were witnessing was indeed divine and supernatural. Finally he managed to locate her and confirmed that she was indeed the woman who had fasted for seven days in need of a husband.64 This “miracle”, like the Bushiri miracles, was all staged miracles for the popularity of the performer. The second well-known staged miracle was the resurrection miracle that took South Africans and the religious fraternity by storm. A person arrived in a coffin at Alleluia Ministries International (AMI) where Lukau is pastoring. Lukau began to pray for the person, and he was subsequently “resurrected” from the coffin. Many factors around the resurrection story proved that the resurrection was not real. I listed these factors in my book The Fourth Pentecostal Wave: • The person’s cell phone had been placed in the coffin with him. • There were no reports of this man’s death either at the mortuary or at the Department of Home Affairs. • The man was seen breathing inside the coffin. • The man actually lifted up his head even before the pastor could pray for him.65 The clear lack of authenticity of this “resurrection miracle” caused many religious leaders to condemn the story. One of the people who condemned Lukau was Paseka Motsoeneng, who actually called out the miracle as fake and called on Lukau to repent for playing with the name of God. He continued to say that if Lukau had such resurrection power, he should resurrect Nelson Mandela and all other dead people in their graves.66 But not

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all condemned the miracle; one listener, who called in during the Thabiso Tema show on Power FM, said, “As much as you believed that Jesus was resurrected more than 2000 years ago, so you must believe that Alph Lukau can resurrect a dead body.”67 Nonetheless, with all the clear proof that the miracle was staged and with many condemning the act, Lukau still maintained that he never claimed to have resurrected the man but only prayed for him.68 According to Lukau: I did not necessarily raise the dead person, but rather prayed for his strength while the man was in a state of weakness. It was the family that reported the man dead during a church service. I then walked out to see what was happening, only to find to my surprise that the man was alive and breathing. The man was very tense and needed prayer to be restored to his original state.69

Lukau issued the above statement to argue that anyone who is in a state of weakness needs prayer, and therefore, the miracle was not fake according to his version of what had taken place. However, all the evidence as stated points to the fact that the miracle was staged for increasing the popularity of Alph Lukau. My understanding is that Lukau changed the story when he realised that his staged miracle had failed but was actually already in the public domain. It is astonishing because he was actually the one who confirmed with family members and the woman who claimed to be the dead man’s landlord that the man was indeed dead. He also confirmed the “resurrection” after having made some prayers. The reason for including these fake miracles in this chapter is to illustrate their connection with the celebrity cult. They are connected to the celebrity cult because the NPC prophets have prioritised their reputation and popularity over their character.

7.4   Popular Staged Miracles as Part of the Celebrity Cult Some of the factors that we have already discussed which make the NPC prophets so popular, including the staged miracles, are part of the celebrity cult because they have only one purpose, namely boosting the popularity of the NPC prophet. There is, however, a need to make a distinction between popularity through real miracles and popularity through staged

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miracles. As Jesus performed miracles among the people in cities such as Capernaum, Nain, Jerusalem and others, he became popular in those cities. But his popularity was based on miracles that added value to people’s lives. Jesus’s miracles were bringing healing to the sick and meeting the needs of the poor, and brought recovery of sight to the blind. I can rightfully pause and ask, what benefit does it bring to anyone to walk on air, taking a picture of someone in absentia, faking resurrection, and so forth? It has no value other than to serve as a publicity stunt and to make the person who performs these “miracles” well known in society. This type of publicity, when so-called miracles are done in the name of the Lord, does not only degrade the performer but also brings shame to the name of the Lord. This brings me to my next point, using the name of the Lord in vain. Staged miracles such as the fake resurrection of the dead man become problematic because the name of the Lord is used in vain. In the context of the fake resurrection, using the name of the Lord in vain meant that there was a claim that by the power of God, the man who was dead managed to become alive again. The truth is, however, that the man was never dead at all, thus making Lukau’s claim that the power of God was at work just part of a deceptive act. It was simply playing with the name of the Lord as if God was a comedian. Exodus 20:7 states, “you shall not misuse the name of the Lord your God, for the Lord will not hold anyone guiltless who misuses his name.”70 Indeed, the Lord did not leave the one who used his name in vain unpunished as the man who played dead, died for real shortly thereafter.71 This in my view is a great illustration that NPCs should not engage in acts that will ultimately become dangerous for the people they involve. There is nothing wrong with the use of a stage name as it happens in other fields and areas of influence like music, sports, politics, and so forth. After all, a person should be as proud of their real name as they are of their stage name. Where necessary, one should not be reluctant to reveal one’s true and real identity. In addition, the titles used by the prophets should not represent a form of worship to a level where the prophet replaces God in the life of the follower. It is not wrong to honour and respect the prophet, but it is wrong to revere them to a level of idolism. The titles such as “man of God”, “servant of God”, “mighty man” and others should not be used to worship the NPC prophets. Similarly, when someone is called “Major 1”, it should not be in the sense of exalting him above his fellow NPC prophets. No impression should be created to suggest that some prophets are more important than other prophets.

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7.5   Concluding Remarks This chapter has defined and discussed the celebrity cult in the context of the NPC prophets. The celebrity cult in this context is typified by the leader completely overshadowing and in a sense overpowering their church. Usually such a celebrity prophet would use a stage name in order to boost their fame and popularity and increase their number of followers. Most importantly, celebrities are known for their great presence in the media in the form of social media, television and other platforms. The celebrity cult in the NPCs is also known by the devotion and commitment to the charismatic leader to the extent of worshipping them. It is also typical of a celebrity cult in this context that the prophet prioritises their reputation over their character and when they overspend on their luxury lifestyle in order to please their followers. As we have seen in this chapter, there are many factors that contribute to the popularity of the NPC prophets. Some of these factors are very conventional, while others are specifically related to the celebrity cult. One of these is the staged miracles where people are manipulated to think that they are real miracles; it is specifically associated with the celebrity cult because the purpose of performing them is solely for the purpose of the prophet wanting to increase their popularity. The NPC prophets do not have to fake miracles in order to become more famous but need to instead serve their followers with faithfulness and diligence. Finally, it is common for celebrities to use stage names, media and other platforms to promote themselves. However, in a church context such self-promotion is perceived negatively specifically when it replaces the mission and the vision of the church.

Notes 1. Mookgo S. Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 2. Kelebogile T.  Resane. “‘And they shall make you eat grass like oxen’ (Daniel 4: 24): Reflections on recent practices in some New Charismatic Churches.” Pharos Journal of Theology 98, no. 1 (2017): 1–17. 3. Buti D. Mulutsi. “Biblical understanding applied to contemporary African Christian methods of exorcism” (PhD diss., North-West University [South-­Africa], 2020), 80.

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4. Sarah G. Hunter. “Love and exploitation: Personality cults, their characteristics, their creation, and modern examples” (PhD diss., Athens, GA: University of Georgia, 2012), 3. 5. Kelebogile T.  Resane. “‘Simon the Sorcerer offered them money’ (Acts 8:19): some Pentecostals have gone commercial instead of evangelical”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 93–114. 6. Fundiswa A. Kobo. “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults in South Africa post-1994.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 3 (2019): 1–7. 7. Mookgo S. Kgatle. The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), pp. 45. 8. Resane, “‘And they shall make you eat grass like oxen’”, 3. 9. Mookgo S.  Kgatle, and Thabang R.  Mofokeng. “Towards a decolonial hermeneutic of experience in African Pentecostal Christianity: A South African perspective.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–9. 10. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 53. 11. Thabang R.  Mofokeng. “‘The weird you shall always have’: a historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 24–52. 12. Gabriel Faimau, and Camden Behrens. “Facebooking religion and the technologization of the religious discourse: A case study of a Botswana-­ based Prophetic Church.” Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016). https://heiup.uni-­heidelberg.de/journals/index. php/religions/article/view/23628. 13. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 36. 14. Faimau and Behrens, “Facebooking religion”. 15. Kobo, “Spirituality trapped in androcentric celebrity cults”, 1. 16. Mofokeng, “‘The weird you shall always have’”, 26. 17. Themba Shingange. “Mission as discernment of spirits in the advent of the abuse of prophecy within Newer Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity in South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 115–130. 18. Larry Z. Leslie. Celebrity in the twenty-first Century: A Reference Handbook (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2011), p. 174.

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19. Sphesihle B. Khanyile. “The virtualization of the Church: New media representations of Neo-Pentecostal performance(s) in South Africa” (PhD diss., Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand, 2016), 46. 20. Faimau, Gabriel, and Camden Behrens. “Facebooking religion and the technologization of the religious discourse: A case study of a Botswana-­ based Prophetic Church.” Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016). https://heiup.uni-­heidelberg.de/journals/index. php/religions/article/view/23628. 21. Sphesihle B.  Khanyile. “Extreme and the Exceptional: A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis of Social Media Representations of Neo-­ Pentecostals in South Africa.” Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication/Revista Romana de Jurnalism si Comunicare-RRJC 12, no. 4 (2017): 3. 22. Faimau and Behrens. “Facebooking religion”. 23. Ibid. 24. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 43. 25. Ibid., 69. 26. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCBqCngp6EZvMt4pLlqPYRHw. 27. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCmBMGitwFg3dDFNtOSQT1JQ. 28. https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCWnCfp6jZHGuuX547SJ5F7g. 29. Thinandavha D. Mashau, and Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Prosperity gospel and the culture of greed in post-colonial Africa: Constructing an alternative African Christian Theology of Ubuntu.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–8. 30. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “The unusual practices within some Neo-Pentecostal churches in South Africa: Reflections and recommendations.” HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 3 (2017): 1–8. 31. The coverage on Lesego Daniel can be retrieved under the topic “Grass-­ eating pastor now has congregation drinking petrol”, https://www.enca. com/shock-­s cenes-­g rass-­p astor-­g iving-­h is-­c ongregation-­p etrol-­ drink#:~:text=GA%2DRANKUWA%20%2D%20Pastor%20Lesego%20 Daniel,It%20tastes%20like%20pineapple%20juice. 32. The coverage on Penuel Mnguni can be retrieved under the topic “Prophet feeds snakes to congregation”, https://www.enca.com/south-­africa/ prophet-­feeds-­congregation-­snakes. 33. The story can be retrieved under the topic “South Africa’s ‘Doom Pastor’ found guilty of assault”, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-­africa­43002701#:~:text=A%20South%20African%20self%2Dstyled,Act%2C%20 a%20court%20ruling%20said. 34. The broadcast can be viewed under the headline “Prophet Shepherd Bushiri answers on alleged money laundering claims 1” on https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=e_kz3w0JgoI.

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35. Jonathan Kangwa. “The role of the theology of retribution in the growth of Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016): 2; cf. Ezra Chitando, and Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s Prophetic Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: a preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85. 36. Buti V. Modiko. “The concept of healing power in the African Initiated Churches (AICs) with special reference to the Vaal Triangle” (PhD diss., North-West University [South Africa], 2011), 44. 37. Mookgo S. Kgatle “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 38. Kangwa, “The role of the theology of retribution”, 2; cf. James N. Amanze. “The role of prophecy in the growth and expansion of the Synagogue Church of All Nations.” Scriptura: Journal for Contextual Hermeneutics in Southern Africa 112, no. 1 (2013): 1–14; cf. Allan H.  Anderson. Bazalwane: African Pentecostals in South Africa. Pretoria: University of South Africa Press, 1992.; cf. Ogbu Kalu. “Preserving a worldview: Pentecostalism in the African maps of the universe.” Pneuma 24, no. 2 (2002): 110–137; Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: an introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). 39. Amanze, “The role of prophecy”, 5. 40. Maria Frahm-Arp. “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity during COVID-19  in South Africa”, Mookgo S.  Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 150–174. 41. Mookgo S.  Kgatle. “New paradigms of pneumatological ecclesiology brought about by new prophetic churches within South African Pentecostalism.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 6; cf. Ramantswana Hulisani. “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2019): 1–8. 42. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2 (2020): 132–143. 43. Joseph Quayesi-Amakye. “Prophetism in Ghana’s New Prophetic Churches.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 35, no. 2 (2015): 162–173. 44. Christian Tsekpoe. “Contemporary prophetic and deliverance ministry challenges in Africa.” Transformation 36, no. 4 (2019): 280–291.

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45. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 92. 46. Kwabena J.  Asamoah-Gyadu. Contemporary Pentecostal Christianity: Interpretations from an African context. (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2013); Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy”, 1. 47. Ezra Chitando. “Deliverance and sanctified passports: Prophetic activities amidst uncertainty in Harare”, Liv Haram & C.  Bawa Yamba (eds.), Dealing with uncertainty in contemporary African lives (Uppsala: The Nordic Africa Institute, 2009): 29–47. 48. Chitando, “Deliverance and sanctified passports”, 42. 49. Collium Banda. “Redefining religion? A critical Christian reflection on CRL Rights Commission’s proposal to regulate religion in South Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–11. 50. Banda, “Redefining religion?”, 10. 51. Collium Banda. “The poor’s weapon against inequality?: A critique of the public role of neo-Pentecostalism in unequal South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020):175–202. 52. Banda, “The poor’s weapon against inequality?”, 192. 53. Mookgo S. Kgatle, and Allan H. Anderson. “Epilogue”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 203–204. 54. Jonathan Kangwa. “The role of the theology of retribution in the growth of Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016): 1–9. 55. Bekithemba Dube. “‘Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land’: Foreign Prophets and Popularism in South Africa. Evoking the Need of Jonathanic Theology for Peaceful Resolution of Difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 42. 56. Timo Kallinen. “Revealing the secrets of others (on YouTube): new and old in the public representations of Ghanaian traditional religion.” Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 44, no. 1 (2019). 57. Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy”, 2. 58. Ibid., 2. 59. Ibid., 5. 60. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 59. 61. The Holy Spirit TV, “Angels appears in Church during a LIVE Service Prophet Shepherd Bushiri” [accessed 9 July 2017] https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=0xCLEs3wQ0c

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62. Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, “Prophet Shepherd Bushiri Exposed: Supernatural Capturing Photos in the Spirit” [31 May 2015] https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=hmJFOD91QZY 63. Elise Kisingu. “The abuse of the Spirit: an immigration-imported new wave or a development of pre-existing local beliefs?”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 53–72. 64. Pastor Alph Lukau, “NOT SEEN BEFORE: Pastor Alph LUKAU gives a man a wife right in Church” [1 August 2018] https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=HrXSw2wzQpc. 65. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 133. 66. IOL, “Pastor Mboro fails to draw out Alph Lukau, but succeeds in setting Twitter on fire.” [28 February 2019] https://www.iol.co.za/news/ south-­a frica/gauteng/pastor-­m boro-­f ails-­t o-­d raw-­o ut-­a lph-­l ukau­but-­succeeds-­in-­setting-­twitter-­on-­fire-­19568021. 67. Thabiso Tema Show on Power FM, 98.7 [accessed 26 February 2019] https://www.power987.co.za/power-­drive/. 68. Dube, “Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land”, 42. 69. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave, 133. 70. The text is taken from the New International Version. 71. Yethu Dlamini, “Resurrected man’s family say he died under mysterious circumstances in Zim.” [15 April 2019] https://www.iol.co.za/the-­star/ news/resur r ected-­m ans-­f amily-­s ay-­h e-­d ied-­u nder-­m ysterious­circumstances-­in-­zim-­21155472.

CHAPTER 8

Dis/Continuity with Cultic Tendencies in Classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches (PCCs)

8.1   Introduction The New Prophetic Churches (NPCs) are studied and understood within the broader Pentecostal movement in South Africa. Therefore, the study of cultic tendencies amongst the NPCs should equally be studied and understood within the context of the broader Pentecostal movement. In this chapter I seek to demonstrate ways in which the classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches (PCCs)1 as one of the sub-tradition in Pentecostalism are in dis/continuity with the practices of the NPCs. While in discontinuity with some of the practices, I will illustrate that classical PCCs are also in continuity with other practices. Hence, scholars have to be cautious with their judgemental stance on the NPCs in South Africa because some of the practices that they accuse them of are taking place among classical PCCs as well. In this chapter we will look at all the cults discussed in this book and assess which practices reflect elements of discontinuity and which ones have elements of continuity with the classical PCCs in South Africa. By first identifying those cultic practices within the NPCs that will be condemned in the classical Pentecostal tradition, it will help us find ways in which to address those practices. As we will see below, some of these practices are disapproved of and shunned not only in classical Pentecostalism but in the wider Christian tradition. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_8

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8.2   Dis/Continuity in Pentecostalism Before I can discuss dis/continuity with cultic tendencies in classical PCCs, it is important to understand the challenge of dis/continuity in the broader Pentecostal movement. Many scholars have highlighted the challenge of dis/continuity in Pentecostalism.2 This challenge has been exacerbated by the different categories within Pentecostalism. Thus, while scholars grapple with the “what” in dis/continuity, they also have to address the issue of “who”, in other words, which category of Pentecostalism are involved in the dis/continuity. One such scholar who attempted to address both “what” and “who” is Allan Anderson, a leading international Pentecostal scholar and professor emeritus at the University of Birmingham, who first came up with the theme of religious dis/continuity in African Pentecostalism. Anderson, in his new book, Spirit-Filled World: Religious Dis/Continuity in African Pentecostalism, demonstrated African Pentecostalism’s “continuity with African cultural beliefs and confrontation of such beliefs in discontinuity”.3 This book is important for scholars who seek to study the balance between discontinuity and continuity with African cultural-traditional beliefs among African Pentecostals. The book is also important because with few exceptions, most previous studies by scholars of anthropology, theology and religious studies have only pointed out the continuity of Pentecostalism with local traditional cultures. One of the exceptions is Timo Kallinen who concurs with Anderson that: Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity accepts the cognitive claims of traditional religion concerning the existence of spirits and their powers, but it does not agree on the moral values attached to them. It demonizes the indigenous spirit world and urges the followers of true Christianity to combat the spirits as representatives of the devil.4

There is a need therefore to strike a balance between continuity and discontinuity in Pentecostalism by taking into consideration the various streams that exist in the movement. Scholars simply cannot use a blanket approach when actually speaking to a sub-tradition of Pentecostalism such as classical PCCs or NPCs. Thus, within a specific tradition, while acknowledging some level of continuity in specific instances, we should also prove the other side of discontinuity to bring a balance. Similarly, in this chapter I seek to illustrate that the classical PCCs in South Africa are in continuity

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with some cultic practices of the NPCs while in discontinuity with others. This is important as it helps us not to associate something that is generally practised by all Pentecostals only with the NPCs and also not to associate something that is uniquely practised by the NPCs with Pentecostals in general. In order to responsibly determine this, each cultic practice as discussed in previous chapters will be analysed in terms of the classical PCCs’ position regarding that practice. This will assist us regarding what needs to change in the NPCs in order to bring them into balance with other traditions.

8.3   Dis/Continuity with the Religious Cult In Chap. 3, the religious cult was discussed mainly in the context of the practices by Daniel Lesego and his protégés, Penuel Mnguni and Lethebo Rabalago. These are religious practices like feeding members snakes and grass while making others to drink petrol, even spraying congregants with insecticide in the name of healing them. Prior to these practices by the NPC prophets, no one within the Pentecostal ranks has ever fed congregants snakes, grass and petrol. I mentioned in my first book that it was the first time in the history of Pentecostalism that things like these took place.5 These practices were strongly and outrightly condemned by the classical PCCs through the South African Council of Churches (SACC).6 Furthermore, the organised Pentecostal church structures in Gauteng province,7 South Africa, stated: “We all in one accord, together condemn these harmful practices as heretical and alien to the work of Christ and the message of the Christian Gospel.”8 They further said, “We observe with painful realization, that there are people who consciously and deliberately, maybe for their personal gain and self-interest, engage in gimmicks that have no relation with the gospel of Jesus Christ.”9 Thus the classical PCCs in South Africa through their various platforms condemned these practices by the NPC prophets not as a personal position but in defence of the message of the gospel of Jesus Christ. In condemning the practices by Lesego Daniel, one of the pastors in the classical PCCs declared, “No man of God would tell the people of his flock to eat grass. This man is not of God, run away as far as you can from him and his teachings.”10 This pastor did not only see Daniel’s practices as unorthodox but also as posing a danger to his followers, hence his admonition that they needed to get as far away from him as possible. Another pastor asked Lesego Daniel, “Did you yourself taste that grass? Why feed

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it to your congregation? This is purely abuse of power and betraying God’s word?”11 Indeed, Lesego Daniel would not have eaten the grass and drank the petrol like his poor congregants desperate to improve their lives; by virtue of him being the founder of a big church, he was in a different financial position from them. Many more came out to condemn the acts as barbaric, outraged because a church is supposed to be a place where congregants receive protection.12 Penuel Mnguni’s practices also received strong criticism and condemnation. A pastor from the classical PCCs condemned Mnguni for encouraging his congregants to eat snakes while he had the Bible in his hand. According to the pastor, this represented a satanic act, showing that Mnguni did not think properly but was out of his mind. This pastor’s comment is in line with one of the characteristics of cults, namely the manipulation and control of people’s minds. Thus, by declaring that Mnguni was out of mind, the pastor was actually classifying him with that same cultic characteristic.13 Another pastor from the classical PCCs said that Mnguni should not be called a pastor because he seemed to be representing another kingdom; Mnguni was desperate for fame, and hence he was even willing to work for the devil. The same pastor continued by saying that Mnguni was not following in the footsteps of Jesus because he was not feeding the hungry in a conventional way with real food; instead, he was feeding them snakes.14 The classical PCCs also condemned the action by Lethebo Rabalago, who sprayed an insecticide called Doom on congregants in the name of healing. Rabalago, according to the PCCs, represented the abuse of religion that takes advantage of poor people in communities. He also represented the emergence of prophets who were not only looking for money from the poor but also giving them poison. According to the PCCs, the people fell prey to this because they were desperate for breakthroughs in their lives due to all the challenges they were facing.15 Rabalago received criticism not only from the PCCs but due to the toxicity of the insecticide even from the company that produced it: We want to make very clear that it is unsafe to spray any Doom … onto people’s faces. Doom has been formulated to kill specific insects, which are detailed on the cans, and the packaging has very clear warnings which must be adhered to. Using this product for purposes other than what it is intended for poses risks and is therefore dangerous.16

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Thus, it can be concluded that classical PCCs are in discontinuity with all the practices marking the religious cult as outlined in this book. In all the data that I have analysed, I did not come across any of the pastors or even church members within the classical PCCs in support of these practices. On the contrary, almost all the data available proved that the PCCs were in disagreement with the practices of these NPC prophets. This means that pastors Lesego Daniel, Lethebo Rabalago and Penuel Mnguni need to rethink their actions. That is, if they still see themselves as part of the Christian tradition in general and the Pentecostal movement in particular. If they do see themselves as such and they do not change their ways, the PCCs and other Christians will continue to perceive them as satanic and cultic.

8.4   Dis/Continuity with Secret Cults In Chap. 4 we saw that what constitutes a secret cult is consulting witchdoctors, sacrificing human beings and animals, receiving a special name from the cult or ancestors, using visions and dreams to manipulate people, and using divination in prophecy. On the issue of consulting witchdoctors, Anderson pointed out that while most Zionists and Apostolics were comfortable with consulting witchdoctors, “Pentecostals saw the practice as incompatible with their Christian faith”.17 In addition, other scholars in West African countries such as Ghana and Nigeria have indicated that classical PCCs are in confrontation with witchcraft instead of consulting witchdoctors.18 Scholars have also illustrated the same confrontation in the Southern African region by showing that early Pentecostals did not support witchcraft but believed that through the power of the Holy Spirit witchcraft was defeated.19 Thus it can be concluded that while the PCCs acknowledge the existence of witchcraft in Africa, they are in discontinuity with those spirits through prayer and the power of the Holy Spirit. Regarding the second issue of sacrificing animals and at times even human beings in order to appease cultic leaders or in other contexts the ancestors, an authority on African Pentecostalism, the late Ogbu Kalu, indicated, “Many African leaders espouse Christianity in public but dance with secret societies behind the scenes and commit ritual murders in secret.”20 However, Anderson says that while some Apostolics supported ritual killing for ancestors, Pentecostals did not support such a practice.21 Anderson says that most of the Pentecostals he interviewed in Soshanguve,

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South Africa, were opposed to the practice of ritual killing.22 Robins concurs that PCCs do not support ritual killing which is sometimes done to help politicians win elections.23 We can therefore conclude that ritual killing is condemned by both leaders and church members from the classical PCCs. It is, however, important to acknowledge that there may well be leaders within the PCCs who secretly visit witchdoctors, but unlike in the NPCs, they have not normalised the practice. With regard to being given a name according to your cult or ancestors,24 Anderson says that most Pentecostals do not believe in using the names of ancestors but would rather change their names in order to break with their past.25 Machingura et al. explain that naming children after an ancestor is not practised by Pentecostals as many believe that this might have a negative impact upon their children. Consequently, they demonise the naming of children according to ancestral genealogies.26 Thus while those with old ancestor names might keep them for consistency, the new parents in Africa and within the PCCs are reluctant to give their children names according to ancestors. There is a tendency in recent times to use simple names like Peace, Blessing, Gift and others instead of the old names that ancestors used in the past. Therefore, one can conclude that name-­ giving as practised within secret cults is not a common practice among classical PCCs. There is, therefore, a discontinuity of ancestor or cult name-giving in classical PCCs. The other matter signifying secret cults is the use of visions and dreams where sometimes in the NPCs followers are being manipulated through these mediums. However, in classical PCCs, according to Anderson, “people are called to special tasks and to ministry, warned of impending dangers, and given various revelations by the Spirit”.27 Visions and dreams are thus not used for manipulation but as a gift that even young people in church are given an opportunity to partake in. In the classical PCCs, visions and dreams are tools to discern God’s direction and those gifted in interpreting dreams can reveal its meaning. Another important use of the gift of vision and dreams among the classical PCCs is that God is able to reveal himself to the believer through them. Thus, God is not only revealed through sermons and prayer, but a believer can also on their own have a revelation of God through a vision or a dream. Therefore, the classical PCCs are in discontinuity with the manipulation of visions and dreams at the expense of believers; they only use gifts such as visions and dreams to the benefit of believers. On the use of divination in prophecy, Anderson says:

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Because Pentecostals believe that they are solidly “biblical,” most of them resist the idea that there are any pre-Christian religious ideas or “syncretism” in their beliefs and practices. Indeed, they reject such practices as divination, while acknowledging the spiritual power behind them that needs to be overcome.28

As has already been determined above, followers and leaders from PCCs do not visit diviners, traditional healers or even witchdoctors; therefore, the use of the prophetic word is purely based on the gift of prophecy and not divination. There is a clear distinction between prophecy through the power of the Holy Spirit and prophecy through a spirit of divination. The diviner needs to be in a trance through incantations by the evil spirits, but the true prophet needs only the work and the presence of the Holy Spirit. Therefore, classical PCCs are in discontinuity with the use of divination in prophecy as they only use the Bible through the work of the Holy Spirit to deliver the prophetic word.

8.5   Dis/Continuity with Sex Cult Practices The sex cult practices that we are focusing on in this book are the ones performed by the three NPC prophets: Penuel Mnguni, Timothy Omotoso and Paseka Motsoeneng. The practices, as we learnt in Chap. 5, involved asking members of the church to undress and masturbate during a church service, the tendency of touching female members’ private parts while praying for them, asking members to take off their underwear and wave it in the air, asking members to have sex in public and a leader having sex with multiple women including young girls. These kinds of practices also received harsh criticism by the Christian community and the classical PCCs. There were some who called for Omotoso to leave South Africa given the seriousness of his alleged crimes, although he is now standing trial for rape and human trafficking. Scholars such as Dube saw the call for Omotoso to leave as xenophobic since citizens like Penuel Mnguni and Paseka Motsoeneng behaved unconventionally as well.29 Although their practices involved sexual abuse, one can still distinguish between what was the alleged incidents of rape by Omotoso and sexual abuse by Mnguni and Motsoeneng. The call for Omotoso to leave the country might therefore have been justified and not xenophobic. Nonetheless, all these sex cult practices were condemned by the classical PCCs. One such condemnation came from well-known pastor and

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politician Kenneth Meshoe, who asked, “How does making churchgoers strip off their clothes in church glorify God except to satisfy the lustful eyes of people who want to see naked women in church?” According to Meshoe, some of these practices were done as a result of these NPC prophets misinterpreting scripture due to them not having received proper theological training. Meshoe went further to say that “[w]hat they are doing is wrong and is bordering on witchcraft and magic and should therefore be condemned in the strongest possible terms”. His view was that the NPC prophets were seeking publicity through wrongful ways which served as a mockery of the body of Christ and the Christian faith. Meshoe then suggested, “If these so-called prophets want to help their communities, then let them help the poor, destitute, and those that are being destroyed by drugs such as Nyaope.”30 Thus, judging by Meshoe’s comments, these practices are condemned among the PCCs. They are clearly very dangerous and harmful to many communities in South Africa.31 Motsoeneng’s practices, just like Mnguni’s, were widely condemned, not only among the classical PCCs but also by people from other Christian traditions. Motsoeneng’s actions, in the words of Settler, have left many leaders within Pentecostal circles at a loss at how to describe them.32 What surprised many was Motsoeneng’s insistence that the women he touched inappropriately consented to his actions as they needed such prayer. But this “consent” was questionable as some of his actions involved a 17-year old, a minor. Again pastors from the PCCs condemned these practices as a violation of women through sexual abuse; even worse, it also involved Motsoeneng touching young girls’ private parts.33 According to these pastors, Motsoeneng was just creating a spectacle in order to seek publicity. These kinds of practices might also be happening in other churches including the PCCs, but the difference is that these churches are addressing the challenges, which makes all the difference. The NPC prophets, on the other hand, perceive touching women inappropriately as an opportunity to massage their ego and fulfil their lustful desires. Finally, the alleged raping of young girls by Timothy Omotoso is receiving intense scrutiny and widespread condemnation by the PCCs. One of the pastors who not only condemned the alleged rapes but also pointed out its historicity is Nompumelelo Msimang, who said that “[t]his is not a new issue since we were all children in the church when these issues were being swept under the carpet.”34 Msimang continued, “We need to stand our ground and start protecting ourselves from each other.”35 However, Msimang was not alone in pointing out the harshness of the alleged crimes.

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About the Omotoso trial itself, the South African Council of Churches (SACC) said, “The manner in which the victim‚ young and courageous Cheryl Zondi‚ was traumatised during a cross-examination … was reminiscent of the apartheid security branch interrogation‚ [and] left many aghast and with serious questions about the conduct of the judicial system.”36 In addition to all the above condemnation and rejection of different kinds of sexual abuse, according to Dobbins, classical PCCs see sexuality as sacred and sexual intercourse as something that ought to be practised exclusively within the confines of marriage. They also condemn the abuse of children by violating their sexuality.37 Marius Nel, a South African Pentecostal scholar of note, concurs that most Pentecostals condemn sexual abuse of any kind.38 In cases where a pastor or leader engaged in sexual immorality such as having sex with a congregant, she or he will be encouraged to confess and repent in order to be restored in the church again.39 In some classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches, a minister can be excommunicated or even dismissed for sexual immorality.40 The classical PCCs in South Africa usually stipulate in their constitutions that should a pastor engage in an extramarital affair, it would constitute misconduct. Therefore, although pastors from some classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches might face challenges of sexual misconduct, at least there are proper procedures in place on how to deal with such matters.41 Regarding extramarital affairs, this is the main difference with the NPCs where pastors and prophets can freely engage in extramarital affairs without any consequences. The NPCs should also rethink this issue as their handling of it currently gives them a very bad image.

8.6   Dis/Continuity with the Money Cult In Chap. 6, manipulating people through the message that they will receive a blessing when they give money, that they will receive much when they give much (a message of generosity), the “name it and claim it” gospel, the prophet modelling wealth and personal testimony have been identified as some of the ways in which the NPCs motivate people to give money. With regard to the message of receiving a blessing when one gives, most classical PCCs according to Anderson encourage people to give as they believe that by doing so Christians are not only delivered from sickness and disease but also delivered from poverty. The deliverance from

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poverty happens as a result of the power of a blessing that will come upon the life of the believer after they have given. Therefore, the PPCs encourage their members to give generously in order to receive back that power of a blessing attracting material wealth.42 Classical PCCs believe that the acquisition of financial benefits is a sign that such a blessing has been bestowed upon the life of a believer.43 Furthermore, many classical PCCs in Africa believe that God’s blessing should translate into an accumulation of wealth in tangible things like houses, cars and other symbols of material blessing.44 Therefore, the message of giving leading to receiving a blessing not only is preached by the prophets from the NPCs but is a message that resonates well within classical PCCs as well.45 Therefore, classical PCCs are in continuity with the message of giving in order to receive blessing to encourage believers to give their money in church. The “name it and claim it”, “give it and receive it”, “believe it and confess it” gospel is not an invention of the NPC prophets but has originated decades earlier in what is known by scholars as prosperity theology, also sometimes known as the prosperity gospel. The prosperity theology can be traced back to Essek William Kenyon,46 popularly known as E.W. Kenyon (1867–1948), who then passed it on to the likes of Oral Roberts, T.L. Osborn and Kenneth Hagin. In recent times the prosperity gospel is evident in preachers like Kenneth Copeland, Creflo Dollar, Joel Osteen and numerous others in the American context. In West Africa, the late Benson Idahosa, David Oyedepo, Mensa Otabil, Duncan Williams and others can also be classified as prosperity gospel preachers. In South Africa, the face of the prosperity gospel would be the Rhema Bible Church founder, President of the International Federation of Christian Churches (IFCC), co-chair of the National Interfaith Council of South Africa (NICSA), Pastor Ray McCauley. McCauley and numerous other black pastors who attended the Rhema Bible College have been identified by the tabloids as paparazzi and celebrity pastors because of their luxurious lifestyles, that is, characterised by luxury cars, mansions and designer clothes.47 It can be concluded therefore that classical PCCs and some newer PCCs are in continuity with the prosperity gospel including modelling it through living lives of luxury. On the issue of testimonies, these are used in the classical PCCs as well, according to Faimau and Behrens, “Giving testimony is a core value in Pentecostalism because it is regarded as the best way to express the good that God has done for an individual.”48 Testimonies are used to authenticate the message that preachers present during the services; it usually

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entails the same message of wealth, health and prosperity. In demonstrating that the gospel works, believers are required to testify; hence, it becomes a form of advertising for the gospel showing to everyone that yes, indeed, the gospel really works. Anderson concurs, “The primary motivation for the early expansion of Pentecostal forms of revivalism was the revivalists’ overwhelming sense of divine calling and empowerment to proclaim their personal testimony to the whole world.”49 As more people testify about the gospel and what it has caused them to achieve in life, there will be an increasing interest by others to join. Testimonies are used across all the traditions of Pentecostalism, not only in the NPCs. The conclusion therefore is that classical PCCs basically use the same conventional methods of encouraging people to give their money in church as the NPCs, namely the message of giving in order to receive blessing, to give generously and thus receive generously, the prosperity gospel, the leader modelling wealth and personal testimonies. However, the difference between the PCCs and the NPCs with regard to money lies in the unconventional methods the NPCs often use to get money from their followers. These methods include one-on-one consultations and pyramid schemes as seen in Chap. 6. This does not mean that the NPCs do not collect tithes and offerings like the PCCs; they also do, but it is not their most fruitful and common way of getting money. Their large sums of money come from the one-on-one consultations and the pyramid schemes which have guaranteed returns as opposed to the tithes and offerings that followers give whenever they choose to do so. It is these unconventional ways of collecting money from their followers that cause disharmony between the classical PCCs and the NPCs, so much so that some of the NPCs have been called to appear before the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities (CRL Rights Commission) to account for the huge amounts of money they have received over the years. Therefore, it can be concluded that the PCCs are in discontinuity with the NPCs with their unorthodox ways of getting money from their followers like one-on-one consultation fees and pyramid schemes.

8.7   Dis/Continuity with the Celebrity Cult In Chap. 7 we discussed some of the techniques used by the NPC prophets to boost their celebrity status, including pseudo-academic and other titles and stage names, using the media, including various social media

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platforms, to distribute their photos and videos, giving non-­confrontational messages, always giving uplifting messages and staged “miracles”. The use of titles in both the classical and newer PCCs is very common; Togarasei pointed out that in Zimbabwe even pastors’ wives often use big titles such as “Prophet”, “Bishop” and “Apostle”.50 However, these titles are conferred and used as per the Constitution of a specific church; in other words one cannot just wake up one day and decide to be called “Apostle”; it must come through theological training and approval of the national leadership of a denomination. For example, in the Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM) of South Africa, pastors do sometimes call themselves “Apostle” or “Bishop” in their local church branch, but they would not be recognised as such in the national leadership structure. However, among the newer PCCs, pastors would often ordain other pastors and their wives as “Prophet”, “Apostle”, “Prophetess”, and so forth, without having to consult their national structures.51 What seems to be the difference between the PCCs and the NPCs is that the latter have the liberty to use any titles without prior theological training and the approval of any authoritative structure consisting of other ordained and experienced pastors. Hence, anyone can call themselves “Prophet” and use the title to popularise their ministry. While it can be concluded that the PCCs are in continuity with the use of titles, they generally do so by following proper protocols as opposed to their NPC counterparts who simply do as they please. The use of different media is equally common among the classical PCCs to spread the message of the gospel.52 The use of electronic media has actually contributed to the growth of classical PCCs as opposed to other mainline denominations.53 Marleen De Witte explained this well when she described how the PCCs in Ghana have been allowed to televise their services with healing miracles and prophecies, which has attracted many people to start attending the services.54 The classical and newer PCCs have also been able to buy slots on national television stations to publicise their sermons.55 It is the electronic media that has made the PCCs to be influential not only within their own circles but also in the public sphere influencing politics and other important areas in society.56 Thus through various electronic media the PCCs have been able to reach out to the world outside their own context and evangelise people.57 In Ghana, for example, preachers would use the television screen to “physically” connect with people and pray for them through what Asamoah Gyadu calls “anointing through screens”.58

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Others have also used other media such as flyers, posters and even billboards to advertise their programmes in a specific city.59 This makes all the different media an important factor contributing hugely to the growth of the PCCs in Africa.60 The different media has also caused the PCCs to almost become a public religion in Africa.61 This is because the media has become a vehicle to disseminate a lot of information to many people.62 Therefore, one can conclude confidently that the different media are used not only by the NPC prophets but by the PCCs as well. However, the difference is that the NPCs have exploited the social media platforms better than many classical and newer PCCs in Africa. The classical PCCs do present uplifting messages, similar to the NPCs. In the words of Anderson, “The African concept of power is a positive preparation for the Pentecostal message of the power of the Spirit.”63 In addition, he says, “They declare that Christ is the one who by his Spirit transforms the lives of Christians in a radical ‘born again’ experience and makes them useful in this world in the service of God and humanity.”64 Consequently: the growth of Pentecostal churches can be seen primarily as the result of the proclamation of a message addressing the communities’ felt needs—a local response to the Bible that enables people to cope with these intangible, often fearful spiritual forces that govern their lives.65

Kangwa concurs: It is evident that the success of prophets and pastors in many Pentecostal-­ charismatic churches is based on an ability to select certain elements from the Bible that appeal to African people and give them hope that their spiritual, social, economic and political needs will be fulfilled.66

Finally, regarding the use of staged miracles, which was one of the controversial issues plaguing the NPC prophets as outlined in Chap. 7, the classical PCCs do not use staged popular miracles. On the contrary, miracles are believed to happen as a result of the work of the Holy Spirit. Miracles are not used to boost the image of the pastor but as a way of reaching out to unbelievers as they are able to see the power of God through miraculous works. Furthermore, the first and biggest miracle is salvation that happens through repentance, confession and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ.

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Therefore, in the PCCs, believers are not encouraged to run after miracles but to rather seek a personal encounter with Christ after which they can receive miracles. It can be concluded therefore that the PCCs are in discontinuity with the performance of staged miracles but in continuity with authentic miracles as happening through the work of the Holy Spirit. Therefore, this might be a reason for many classical PCCs’ rejection of the miracles performed by the likes of Shepherd Bushiri and Alph Lukau as they do not serve the purpose of connecting people with Christ.

8.8   Concluding Remarks Most of the practices by the NPC prophets took South Africans and scholars by surprise and many asked: what on earth is this? In addition, as proved in this book, most of the practices by the NPCs constitute some elements of cultism. However, we need to be cautious before we conclude that all these practices are unique to the NPCs. As we have seen in this chapter, some of the practices are generally exercised by classical PCCs in South Africa too. Similarly, there are some of these practices even if not practised in the classical PCCs that are common in the newer PCCs in South Africa. The practices endorsed by classical PCCs mean that they have become acceptable within the wider Pentecostal community since classical PCCs in South Africa serve as the origin of Pentecostalism. However, classical PCCs are in discontinuity with many of the NPC practices. It is these practices that require attention by scholars interested in African Pentecostalism. As one such scholar, I will, in Chap. 9, look at ways that can address the cultic tendencies that classical PCCs do not accept as orthodox within the broader Pentecostal movement. In my view, addressing these practices will help create a harmony between the NPCs and other Pentecostal traditions, specifically the classical PCCs.

Notes 1. I use the phrasing classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches (PCCs) to refer to older Pentecostal denominations in South Africa that have links with the Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles. However, we should also take note of what Allan Anderson calls, “the newer Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches”. See Allan H. Anderson. “The Newer Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches: The Shape of Future Christianity in Africa?” Pneuma 24, no. 2 (2002): 167–184 and “New African initiated Pentecostalism and charismatics in South Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 66–92.

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2. Gerhardus Cornelis Oosthuizen, Pentecostal penetration into the Indian community in metropolitan Durban, South Africa (Durban: Publication Series, 1975), 25; cf. Allan H.  Anderson, Pentecostals after a century: Global perspectives on a movement in transition (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999), p. 129; cf. Chammah J. Kaunda, Genders, sexualities, and spiritualities in African Pentecostalism: “Your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit” (Berlin: Springer, 2020), p. 7; cf. Allan H. Anderson, Michael Bergunder, Andre F. Droogers & Cornelis Van der Laan (eds.), Studying global Pentecostalism: Theories and methods. Vol. 10 (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2010), p.  160; cf. Nimi Wariboko & Adeshina Afolayan (eds.), African Pentecostalism and World Christianity: Essays in Honor of J.  Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu. Vol. 18 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020); cf. Wolfgang Vondey (ed.), Pentecostalism and Christian unity: Ecumenical documents and critical assessments (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 157; cf. Christopher A. Stephenson, Types of Pentecostal theology: Method, system, spirit (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 3. Allan H.  Anderson, Spirit-Filled World: Religious Dis/Continuity in African Pentecostalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018). 4. Timo Kallinen. “Revealing the secrets of others (on YouTube): new and old in the public representations of Ghanaian traditional religion.” Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 44, no. 1 (2019): 30–50. 5. Mookgo S. Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019), p. xiv. 6. The South African Council Churches (SACC) is an organisation that governs Christian churches in South Africa. Most of the classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa are affiliates of the SACC. Thus they have raised their voices through the SACC. 7. Most of the practices happened in Gauteng province except for the spraying of the insecticide which happened in Limpopo province, South Africa. 8. Valeska Abreu. “The South African Council of Churches (SACC) has called on parishioners to be vigilant of unethical practices by pastors in the name of the Christian faith.” [accessed 08 August 2015] https://citizen. co.za/news/south-­africa/444233/sacc-­condems-­pastors-­freaky-­ploys/. 9. Abreu, “The South African Council of Churches (SACC)”. 10. News24, “SA pastor under fire over grass-eating followers.” [accessed 13 June 2014] https://www.news24.com/News24/SA-­pastor-­under-­fire­over-­grass-­eating-­followers-­20140113. 11. News24, “SA pastor under fire over grass-eating followers”.

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12. Mookgo S. Kgatle. “The unusual practices within some Neo-Pentecostal churches in South Africa: Reflections and recommendations.” HTS Theological Studies 73, no. 3 (2017): 1–8. 13. Jane Flanagan. “Pictured: The shocking moment a ‘miracle-working prophet’ fed worshippers LIVE SNAKES to test their faith.” [20 July 2015] https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-­3168202/Pictured-­ shocking-­m oment-­m iracle-­w orking-­p rophet-­f ed-­w orshippers-­L IVE-­ SNAKES-­test-­faith.html. 14. Jane Flanagan, “Pictured: The shocking moment”. 15. Connor Gaffey. “South Africa’s Pesticide Pastor Condemned by Church Groups.” [accessed 25 November 2016] https://www.newsweek.com/ south-­africas-­pesticide-­pastor-­condemned-­church-­groups-­525218. 16. ENCA. “Reaction to Doom ‘prophet’: Informal pastors trying to outdo each other.” [accessed 21 November 2016] https://www.enca.com/ south-­a frica/infor mal-­p astors-­i n-­c ompetition-­t o-­o utdo-­e ach­other-­clr-­on-­doom-­prophet. 17. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 60. 18. Opoku Onyinah. “Deliverance as a way of confronting witchcraft in modern Africa: Ghana as a case history.” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 5, no. 1 (2002): 107–134; cf. Joseph Quayesi-Amakye. “This nonsense must stop! Pentecostal negotiation of evil.” Australasian Pentecostal Studies 17 (2015); cf. Kwabena J.  Asamoah-Gyadu. “Witchcraft accusations and Christianity in Africa.” International Bulletin of Missionary Research 39, no. 1 (2015): 23–27. 19. Elijah M.  Baloyi. “A pastoral examination of the Christian Church’s response to fears of and reactions to witchcraft amongst African people in the Limpopo province of South Africa.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 70, no. 2 (2014); cf. Collium Banda & Gift Masengwe. “Overcoming fear? A search for an empowering theological response to the fear of witchcraft among urban Zimbabwean Christians.” Verbum et Ecclesia 39, no. 1 (2018): 1–10; cf. Collium Banda. “3. A Soteriological Response to the Congolese Pastors’ Engagement with Children Accused of Being Witches.” OKH Journal: Anthropological Ethnography and Analysis Through the Eyes of Christian Faith 4, no. 1 (2020). 20. Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: an introduction (Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 200. 21. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 60. 22. Ibid., 105. 23. Roger G.  Robins (ed.), Current Trajectories in Global Pentecostalism: Culture, Social Engagement, and Change (Basel: MDPI, 2019), p. 138. 24. According to Stan Chu Ilo, Pentecostalism, Catholicism, and the Spirit in the World (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2019), p.  181, “In

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African belief systems, ancestors survive only when they are remembered through their descendants’ being named after them. It is for this reason that, in African religion and spirituality, the cult of the ancestors is omnipresent and deep.” 25. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 85. 26. Francis Machingura, Lovemore Togarasei & Ezra Chitando (eds.), Pentecostalism and human rights in contemporary Zimbabwe (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018), p. 29. 27. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 205; cf. Kudzai Biri, African Pentecostalism, the Bible, and Cultural Resilience: The Case of the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa. Vol. 24 (Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2020), p. 66. 28. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 13. 29. Bekithemba Dube. “‘Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land’: Foreign Prophets and Popularism in South Africa. Evoking the Need of Jonathanic Theology for Peaceful Resolution of Difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 42. 30. Nyaope, a street drug commonly found in South Africa, is a mixture of low-grade heroin, cannabis products, antiretroviral drugs and other materials added as cutting agents. It is a highly physiologically addictive substance which is smoked by users. Cf Carla Bernardo. “ACDP condemns snake ‘prophet’” [15 June 2015] https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-­ africa/gauteng/acdp-­condemns-­snake-­prophet-­1885790. 31. Sphesihle Khanyile. “Extreme and the Exceptional: A Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis of Social Media Representations of Neo-­Pentecostals in South Africa.” Romanian Journal of Journalism & Communication/ Revista Romana de Jurnalism si Comunicare-RRJC 12, no. 4 (2017). 32. Federico G. Settler. “Race and materiality in African religious contexts.” Journal for the Study of Religion 31, no. 2 (2018): 36–56. 33. Lee Scharnick-Udemans. “Gender perspectives and African scholarship: Blind spots in the field of religion, media, and culture.” African Journal of Gender and Religion 23, no. 2 (2020). 34. Lwandile Bhengu. “Council of Churches distances itself from Timothy Omotoso and slams defence counsel.” [31 October 2018] https://www. timeslive.co.za/news/south-­africa/2018-­10-­31-­c ouncil-­of-­c hurches­distances-­itself-­from-­alleged-­sex-­pest-­pastor-­and-­slams-­defence-­counsel/. 35. Ibid. 36. Ibid. 37. Richard Dobbins. “Psychotherapy with Pentecostal Protestants.” (2000). https://psycnet.apa.org/record/1999-­08299-­007. 38. Marius Nel, LGBTIQ+ people and Pentecostals: An African Pentecostal hermeneutic perspective. Vol. 30 (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2020).

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39. Geoffrey W.  Sutton, Counseling and Psychotherapy with Pentecostal and Charismatic Christians: Culture & Research, Assessment & Practice (New Delhi Sunflower, 2020), p. 104. 40. Dela Quampah, Good pastors, bad pastors: Pentecostal ministerial ethics in Ghana (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2014), p. 101. 41. Jeffrey W.  Barbeau & Beth Felker Jones (eds.), Spirit of God: Christian Renewal in the Community of Faith (Westmont: InterVarsity Press, 2015), p. 110. 42. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 138. 43. Ibid., 138. 44. Jonathan Kangwa. “The role of the theology of retribution in the growth of Pentecostal-Charismatic churches in Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 37, no. 1 (2016): 1–9. 45. Thinandavha D. Mashau & Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Prosperity gospel and the culture of greed in post-colonial Africa: Constructing an alternative African Christian Theology of Ubuntu.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–8. 46. Essek William Kenyon (1867–1948) was a pastor of the New Covenant Baptist Church and founder and president of Bethel Bible Institute in Spencer, Massachusetts. 47. Mashau & Kgatle, “Prosperity gospel”, 1. 48. Gabriel Faimau & Camden Behrens. “Facebooking religion and the technologization of the religious discourse: A case study of a Botswana-­based Prophetic Church.” Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016). https://heiup.uni-­heidelberg.de/journals/index.php/religions/article/view/23628. 49. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 29. 50. Lovemore Togarasei (ed.), Aspects of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe (Berlin: Springer, 2018), p. 57. 51. Opuku Onyinah, Pentecostal exorcism: Witchcraft and demonology in Ghana (Leiden: Brill, 2019), p. 159. 52. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 181. 53. Ibid., 29. 54. Marleen De Witte, Spirit media: charismatics, traditionalists, and mediation practices in Ghana (PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 2008), 198. 55. Martin Lindhardt. “Presence and impact of Pentecostal/charismatic Christianity in Africa.” (2018). Retrieved from: https://www.researchgate. net/publication/322478159_Presence_and_Impact_of_ PentecostalCharismatic_Christianity_in_Africa. 56. Although not written in an African context, an article by Marleen De Witte, “Pentecostal forms across religious divides: Media, publicity, and the limits of an anthropology of global Pentecostalism.” Religions 9, no. 7 (2018): 217, assists in the understanding of the relation between global Pentecostalism and the media.

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57. Selome Kuponu & Lagos Nigeria Ojo. “Pentecostalism and Media: a reflection on space contestation on the internet.” International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Review 5, no. 1 (2015): 45–79. 58. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu. “Anointing through the screen: Neo-­ Pentecostalism and televised Christianity in Ghana.” Studies in World Christianity 11, no. 1 (2005): 9–28. 59. Asonzeh Ukah. “Roadside Pentecostalism: Religious advertising in Nigeria and the marketing of charisma.” Critical Interventions 2, no. 1–2 (2008): 125–141. 60. Ogbu Kalu. “Pentecostalism, media and cultural discourse in Africa.” Media Development 54, no. 1 (2007): 41–44. 61. Although not an African Pentecostal theologian, Birgit Meyer has done some fieldwork in Ghana. Therefore, her article “Going and Making Public: Some Reflections on Pentecostalism as Public Religion in Ghana” published in H. Englund (ed.), Christianity and Public Culture in Africa (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2011): 149–166, is valuable. 62. Kuponu & Ojo, “Pentecostalism and Media”, 45–79. 63. Anderson, Spirit-Filled World, 244. 64. Ibid., 245. 65. Ibid., 30. 66. Kangwa, “The role of the theology of retribution”, 7.

CHAPTER 9

Ways of Challenging the Various Cultic Tendencies in the New Prophetic Churches

9.1   Introduction The previous chapter discussed the dis/continuity of cultic tendencies in other Pentecostal traditions, specifically the classical Pentecostal Charismatic Churches (PCCs). Where the classical PCCs are in discontinuity with some of the extreme religious practices signifying cultic tendencies, it has serious implications for the New Prophetic Churches (NPCs), among others that they simply cannot continue with these cultic practices. The aim of this chapter is to propose ways that can assist the NPCs to deal with these cultic tendencies, specifically the ones evident in the extreme religious practices that the classical PCCs are in discontinuity with such as visitations to witchdoctors, sexual abuses and exploiting followers for money through one-on-one consultations and staged miracles. In order to deal with these practices, I propose in this chapter a rethinking of the literal interpretation of scripture, another look at Pentecostal eschatology, engaging in the mission of evangelism, practising sex only within the confines of marriage, rethinking the love of money and embracing good financial stewardship, and accepting servanthood. All of these proposals are made with the view of bringing the NPCs in harmony with the PCCs and other Pentecostal traditions within the broad Pentecostal movement in South Africa. I am not suggesting that these

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2_9

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proposals will solve all the complex challenges faced by the NPCs, but at least they could be steps in the right direction to bring this sub-tradition in line with the others.

9.2   Rethinking the Literal Interpretation of Scripture One of the implications for the NPC prophets is a necessary rethink of the literal interpretation of the biblical text. Many of the NPC prophets engaging in some of the extreme religious practices have quoted scriptures with some of them applying the literal interpretation of those scripture in defending their actions. By literal interpretation of scripture, I refer to reading a biblical text and applying it as is, adhering to its plain meaning conveyed by its grammatical construction and historical context. According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, the literal interpretation of scripture means: The biblical text is to be interpreted according to the plain meaning conveyed by its grammatical construction and historical context. The literal meaning is held to correspond to the intention of the authors. This type of hermeneutics is often, but not necessarily, associated with belief in the verbal inspiration of the Bible.1

Many scholars have acknowledged that “Pentecostals engage in literal interpretation of the Bible.”2 Kaunda adds that the Pentecostals use “two aspects of Pentecostal hermeneutics namely literal reading of the Bible and proof texting of the same”.3 It is this literal interpretation of scripture coupled with the proof texting that Pentecostals impose on the scriptures in order to align it with their actions and experiences with God.4 A literal interpretation of scriptures is not new in Pentecostalism; according to Courey, the “[i]mmediacy of early Pentecostals was fuelled by a sense of calling and empowerment arising from an even more extremely literal interpretation of Scripture”.5 There are various reasons why Pentecostals follow this type of interpretation of scripture. Steward explains that “Pentecostals had a distinct understanding of biblical authority. They held an abiding conviction that the bible was infallible.”6 In other words, when reading the Bible, Pentecostals take everything the way it is without questioning its validity because they consider the Bible the final word.

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Okafor explains three reasons for Pentecostals’ literal interpretation of scripture. First is their love for the Bible and second is their love of the Holy Spirit as the one helping them to interpret the scripture. The relationship between the Bible and the Holy Spirit is imperative for the interpretation of scripture among Pentecostals.7 They see every word in the Bible as inspired by the Holy Spirit, and therefore, the biblical text is inerrant and nothing in it can be questioned or challenged. Third, from all the traditions Pentecostals take the most fundamentalist approach to the study of the Bible.8 Jordan agrees with Okafor’s third reason that “Pentecostalism is intimately wedded to Christian Fundamentalism, requiring a literal interpretation of the Bible and the spurning of the religious significance of myth, thus stilling the intellect and the imagination”.9 It is this fundamentalist approach that causes most Pentecostal preachers to read only the Bible and not even prepare their messages as they rely solely on the revelation of the Holy Spirit. There is a link between religious extremism and a literal interpretation of scripture in the Pentecostal movement. In other words, the way Pentecostals interpret scripture has motivated them to perform certain practices; or else they would use the scriptures to justify certain practices. Hill makes such a link between what he calls dangerous acts like the handling of snakes and a literal interpretation of scripture.10 Thus the handling of snakes would be motivated and justified by a biblical text such as Mark 16:17–18, which speaks about believers picking up snakes without being harmed because they have authority. Such texts are misinterpreted as referring to the literal handling of poisonous snakes. Anderson concurs, “The first Pentecostals always appealed to the Bible and their literal and pragmatic interpretation of it to justify their sometimes controversial practices. These justifications were often couched in fundamentalist language.”11 Once scriptures are used in this way, the people on the ground including the followers of controversial Pentecostal leaders believe in such actions because they are backed up by the biblical text. This kind of strategy is meant to manipulate the biblical text to suit practices that would otherwise be perceived as controversial and unconventional; because the Bible is quoted, followers trust it and do not think there could be anything wrong with it. One can even say that in these instances Pentecostals read into the text instead of from the text in order to justify their actions.

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Similarly, many NPC prophets would read a text from the Bible and take it the way they read it without any exegetical explanation regarding its meaning. Thus the eating of snakes and grass and the drinking of petrol were all done in the name of a biblical text that was somehow interpreted literally. Scriptures such as Mark 16:17–18 mentioned earlier are thus used and interpreted literally: these signs shall follow them that believe; in my name shall they cast out devils; they shall speak with new tongues; they shall take up serpents; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt them; they shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover.12

This creates problems as many scriptures such as the one quoted above cannot simply be taken as is but need proper exegesis. Some complex issues in the Bible actually need the input of experts in order to bring clarity about their complexities. Hence, the Ethiopian eunuch read Isaiah but could not understand it until Philip came along and interpreted the scripture for him and only then could he begin to understand its real meaning. Therefore, in order to deal with the extreme practices by the likes of Penuel Mnguni, Lesego Daniel and Lethebo Rabalago, there is a need to rethink these pastors’ literal interpretation of scripture. The Bible is not a holy text the way some Pentecostals perceive it; like any other form of literature, it needs thorough study and a proper interpretation. As much as the Bible can be used to achieve good things, the Bible can also be used to oppress others like apartheid apologists in South Africa have done. Thus, it is not a holy book that cannot be touched but a closed text that needs keys to open it up. In order to correctly interpret scriptures, the NPC prophets not only can rely on the power of the Holy Spirit but also need skills of biblical interpretation. This means that NPC prophets should go through proper theological training to learn how to read and interpret the scriptures correctly. Lastly, a rethink of a literal interpretation of the scriptures also means a rethink of a fundamentalist approach among the NPC prophets. As much as they believe everything in the Bible to be literally true, the reality is that some of the biblical texts could be literally read and applied at the time of writing but would require a different understanding or approach when a believer reads them today.

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9.3   Rethinking a Realised Eschatology Eschatology has to do with the events of the end times specifically the second coming of the Lord Jesus Christ. It is basically the theology of the end times. Eschatology, according to Ma, “has at least two dimensions: the time of the Lord’s return and the nature of the church and Christian life”.13 On the nature of the Christian life, eschatology is defined in two ways, a futurist eschatology and the realised or present eschatology. Pentecostals, regardless of their sub-traditions, do practise a realised eschatology which believes in the here and the now instead of the there and the then. Althouse and Waddell explain realised eschatology as perceiving the kingdom of God as the already present in the here and the now.14 This is opposed to be the future eschatology that perceives the kingdom in the there and the then. Balfour adds that “it may be described as realised i.e., the eschaton is already here. This has been referred to by Pentecostals as ‘Kingdom-now’ theology.”15 In other words, Pentecostals have a position that Christians do not have to wait for the second coming of Christ to experience the kingdom of God as it is already here. According to Blumhofer et al., this position has made many Pentecostals to ask the question, who needs the kingdom of God in the future when it is already here in the present?16 Historically, according to Balfour, a realised eschatology was sought by the Pentecostal groups who: found themselves ostracised, even persecuted, by the mainstream churches … And they returned to an eschatological position that reflected the ostracised, persecuted church of the earliest Christian centuries.17

Today African Pentecostals are often also ostracised, but this time around, it happens because of poverty, sickness and other social ills. The reasons for a realised eschatology are therefore valid and understandable in Africa where these pressing needs are prevalent. In this regard Anderson says, “A realised eschatology which always sees the ‘not yet’ as ‘already’ may be no worse than one that sees the ‘not yet’ always as ‘not yet’.”18 Africans therefore seek a solution in the here and now and not one that is always in the future. Furthermore, a realised eschatology is sought by those who cannot wait for the eternal glory of a future eschatology but want an eschatology that has the power to liberate here and now. They are impatient to wait for something they are not sure of when it will come; therefore, according to

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Horton, they desire to experience “heaven on earth, with perfect health, wealth, and prosperity”.19 In an African context, the message that Jesus will come and deliver them in his second coming does not sell as opposed to the message that Jesus is here now to liberate them from whatever negative things they are experiencing in life. Pentecostals love to hear that Christ is already here to give them life and life in abundance. Other reasons Pentecostals desire the realised eschatology include their hermeneutics of experience where the presence of God is in the here and the now. Thus, through the baptism of the Holy Spirit and the initial evidence of speaking in tongues, Pentecostals feel that God is already present among them and therefore they do not have to wait for him to come back in the distant future.20 Thus the Holy Spirit represents the deity that connects the believer with their saviour, Jesus Christ, in order to connect them with God the Father. Therefore, in this context, many feel that already Jesus is present and they do not have to wait for his second coming. The present Jesus represents the kingdom of God that is able to solve their current problems and give them a life of health, wealth and prosperity. The NPC prophets have engaged in practices that suggest that they are not so much focused on a future eschatology and rather too much focused on the here and now. This is because when they do not experience the full liberation in the here and now, they end up performing weird acts pretending it to be the here and now. Other than the practices that have been highlighted in the previous chapters of this book, prophets such as Paseka Motsoeneng have posted pictures of himself in heaven, where he took a selfie with God. According to eNews Channel Africa (eNCA): Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng was “captured” to heaven during an Easter Sunday service and took pictures on his Galaxy Smartphone and came back down later that same day. He went on to say that the pictures are available for R5,000 and can be sent to recipients via WhatsApp.21

Other practices involve dialling heaven and talking to God on a personal basis. According to The Citizen, a Zimbabwean pastor claimed to have a direct phone number to heaven, after a video of him talking on the phone during a church service had emerged. In the video, the pastor can be seen holding his cell phone and responding to God’s questions.22 The NPC prophets need to redirect their focus from themselves to God and his son Jesus Christ where they will see the glory of God which is still going to come in the future. By doing this they would redeem themselves

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from an overemphasis on a realised eschatology to under-realised eschatological expectations whereby they do not force God to perform the unrealistic in the present.23 The NPC prophets do not have to pressurise themselves into actions of forcing the future to come into the present through engaging in extreme religious practices. According to Macchia, there is a need for this redirection because not everything can be revealed in the here and now as some revelations are still hidden through Christ in God.24 In the context of the Eucharist, Stephenson adds that the reality is “the kingdom is still not here in its fullness and Jesus is still absent.”25 Therefore, the kingdom shall fully be realised when Christ finally appears on earth to take those who will spend eternity with Him. Therefore, to believe that everything should be fully realised in the here and now, Pentecostals are pre-empting a future eschatology that seemingly has nothing to offer. This creates a lack of expectation in the second coming of Christ among believers as they only focus on the here and now. This is very unfortunate because in reality future eschatology holds a promise of a life without sickness, without pain, without the worries of this world and other hardships that believers are going through in the present. Fortunately, in a future eschatology, believers will not have to pay the prophet to be healed or to receive a promotion, but everything will be available for free.

9.4   Engaging in the Mission of Evangelism In this chapter, I also call on NPCs to engage in the mission of evangelism. When the NPC prophets experience pressure for their churches to grow more rapidly, they often opt for shortcuts to bring about a faster growth. Some are not aware that the process of growing an organisation such as a church naturally takes time because of many factors involved; while others know very well what it takes but choose to ignore it because they are desperate to have ever-increasing numbers and resultant rapid financial increase. This is why pastors like Makhado Ramabulana and Jay Israel, as discussed in Chap. 4, visited witchdoctors elsewhere in Africa in order for their churches to grow faster and in great numbers and for financial gain. I am suggesting here that instead of visiting witchdoctors for the powers that will enable the NPCs to grow, they should rather engage in the mission of evangelism that will win souls for Christ and ultimately bring

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growth to their churches. By the mission of evangelism, I mean placing evangelism at the centre of the mission of the church. After all, evangelism is pivotal for any church in order to win souls. When evangelism takes centre stage, the task of leading people to the Lord through repentance, confession and salvation becomes the priority.26 Such a church will also invest financially in order to have a strong missionary team for the purpose of evangelism. In the words of McLean-Farrell, the mission of winning souls through evangelism should be combined with a “focus on discipleship, with the aim that the church members will win and disciple others”.27 Discipleship in conjunction with evangelism takes up the task of orientating people and teaching them in the way they should live as new converts in the church. In fact, it is the great commission to go into all the world and make disciples of nations. Althouse and Wadell add, “For Pentecostals, the Pentecost narrative of Acts is the natural place to begin formulating the rudimentary principles of a biblically based theology of church mission aimed at the integration of social concern with evangelism and discipleship.”28 In this case, the church not only is growing in numbers but also will grow in terms of the quality of membership. Members that have been discipled will be able to know and understand the Bible and thus reject any false teachings that may come their way. But for this to happen it requires a church with a discipleship programme that can train and teach people biblical principles. Once a disciple, the individual will be well trained to read and interpret the Bible without placing much of a burden on the main leader or the pastor to do that for them. On the contrary, disciples in any church become leaders in their own right. Pentecostalism, since its inception, has always been involved in the mission of evangelism. This, according to Anderson, is also the reason for its growth in recent times wherever Pentecostal churches are found, which is in most countries of the world. Anderson makes a connection between evangelism and pneumatology because to many Pentecostals, the outpouring of the Holy Spirit upon all flesh means that they should go out and preach the gospel to the ends of the world.29 For Pentecostals it means that they, after having received the power of the Holy Spirit as indicated in Acts 1:8, should become witnesses to others who have not yet received that same power. Hence, we see Pentecostals over the world crossing the borders of their own countries in order to preach the gospel to others.30 The other reason motivating Pentecostals to win souls is their perception that the coming of Christ is imminent; hence, in early Pentecostalism,

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there were some who did not see the importance of education and work.31 They only focused on winning souls for the coming of the Lord Jesus Christ. In addition, Pentecostals are very strong on church planting, according to Ma: Evangelism and church planting are two distinct features of Pentecostal mission from the early stages of its mission. History shows that church planting in turn became a great means of bringing myriad souls to Christ. Needless to say, this thrust, which has continued through generations, has caused the phenomenal growth of Pentecostal churches throughout the world.32

However, the NPC prophets, instead of having been involved in the mission of evangelism, discipleship and church planting, have been involved in the mission of travelling from one African country to the other in search of special spiritual powers that will draw people to their churches. The NPC prophets instead of following and teaching their members the biblical strategies and principles for church growth would rather ask them to pay for their next flight to Nigeria or some other African country to seek special powers for their church to grow faster. It is these unorthodox ways of drawing increasing numbers of people to church that cause so many NPCs not to focus on the biblical instructions for evangelism. As discussed in earlier chapters, the NPCs also use various popular and staged miracles to become famous celebrities so that they can draw more followers to their churches. Consequently, people come to see them instead of coming to have a direct relationship with God through prayer, study of the Bible and fellowship with other saints. Thus among the NPCs there is no proper mission for evangelism, hence the use of these various extreme practices as strategies for drawing followers to their churches. A call is made here for the NPCs to return to the traditions of the fathers of Pentecostalism and begin to engage in the mission of evangelism and win souls for Christ. They should desist from cultic practices and their own mission to actually just draw Christians away from their churches to join theirs. They should move away from fishing from the fishing ponds of others and win sinners who have not yet heard the gospel. Thus, evangelism should become a priority in the NPCs instead of their prophets focusing on tricks to attract other Christians to their churches. There is a need therefore for the NPCs to train their members to get involved in the mission of winning souls through different programmes. There are programmes that other churches have used before such as cell

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meetings33 where neighbours and people in a specific area are invited into fellowship. It is in programmes such as these cell groups that many people can be won to Christ including non-churchgoers. Other programmes include having mission conferences or mission Sunday services that are intentionally aimed at winning souls for Christ. The NPCs can also win people to Christ by turning national or international days such as Teacher’s Day into missional days. They can win people for Christ by becoming child-friendly churches and through the fulfilment of the great commission. The NPCs should also be intentional about investing financially in these programmes whereby money is dedicated to evangelism on a monthly basis instead of prophets buying luxury cars and private jets.

9.5   Practising Sex Exclusively Within the Confines of Marriage The practices of sexual harassment by Paseka Motsoeneng and Penuel Mnguni together with the alleged rapes by Timothy Omotoso show clearly that NPC prophets practise sex outside marriage. In addition, Dube pointed out other incidents in which NPC church leaders had sexual intercourse with women other than their wives including young girls, the youngest of whom being 12 years old.34 Some of these incidents are criminal in nature where the perpetrators must be charged and the law must take its course to ensure that the victims receive justice. However, a closer look at these incidents also shows church leaders disrespecting their marital union. If a church leader can sleep with women in the same church where his wife is also fellowshipping, it is a sign that he is totally disrespecting the union of marriage. This challenge could possibly be addressed to an extent by calling on the NPC prophets to engage only in sexual intercourse within the confines of marriage. According to Nel, the good practice of a sexual intercourse is “an activity that is morally appropriate only within the confines of marriage”.35 This is because God himself has instituted sex to be practised within the confines of marriage; hence, there are many consequences when sex takes place outside the union of marriage. I will discuss this aspect later in this section. Most classical Pentecostal Charismatic Churches (PCCs) teach their young people about regulations and restrictions regarding sex before marriage as they believe that sex should be practised only within marriage. They therefore encourage young people to abstain until they get

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married.36 As we have seen in Chap. 8, the classical PCCs will even go so far as to excommunicate a church leader for sexual misconduct. The church will then grant that leader an opportunity to repent and confess their sins so that their life can be restored. Only after such a process of repentance and restoration has taken place, will that leader be allowed to serve again or participate in church. Thus, classical PCCs teach: Self-control, self-discipline and liberation from temptation are abiding tenets of Pentecostalism, with the conversion with its emphases on asceticism, conservative gender relations, sex within the confines of monogamous marriage, home to comply with the moral norms of restraint.37

However, the NPCs under discussion do not have any strict measures in place regarding sexual behaviour, not for their youth, their members or their leaders; consequently, they engage in premarital sex and extramarital affairs respectively. Such measures would at present not even be possible for NPC leaders, as they are the authority in their churches and as a result cannot be corrected by others. It is very evident in the case of Timothy Omotoso, for example, where he was able to sleep with so many girls with the knowledge of his church leadership and his wife. This means there were no corrective measures in his church to deal with sexual misconduct, let alone punitive measures. Otherwise, after the first incident the matter could have been picked up by the elders who could have brought correction before it became worse. It is clear whenever sexual misconduct comes to light years after the incidents have taken place that there were no measures in place in the church to bring correction and discipline. What is astounding is that other women in the church are willing to still support their pastor even when it is evident that he finds himself on the wrong side of the law. Now, I am afraid, it is solely left to the courts of law to bring the matter to rest. There are also other dangers of engaging in sex before or outside marriage such as unwanted pregnancies which result in children being born out of wedlock. In addition, it also exposes many people to various kinds of diseases such as sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), besides the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) leading to acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS). Although there are protective measures that people can take to prevent these diseases, the problem is that most people do not use them. Sex outside marriage clearly has many negative consequences, some even life-threatening.

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In addition, sexual misconduct can even have legal implications as in the criminal case of Omotoso. Omotoso is standing trial because he allegedly had forced sex with women other than his wife including young girls as per the testimonies in court. According to Mofokeng, it is the “accusations of sexual predatory behaviour outside marriage that have led to the arrest and prosecution of Timothy Omotoso”.38 Whilst Omotoso’s trial continues, the damage to his image and that of his church has already been enormous. Different kinds of sexual intercourse outside the covenant of marriage, ranging from extramarital affairs to rape, are not innocent acts but have severe consequences. There is therefore a need for a theology that gives clear biblical guidelines on sexual conduct in order to encourage NPC prophets to practise sex exclusively in their own marriage and encourage those who are not married to get their own life partners. Paul wrote to the Ephesians, saying that there should not even be a hint of sexual immorality among them as it is improper for God’s chosen.39 In addition, those who are married should respect their marriage and honour it without defiling their marriage covenant because it will bring judgement upon their lives.40 The married couple should also satisfy each other sexually in order to avoid sexual temptations to come between them. In this regard, the wife should not deprive her husband of his conjugal rights whilst the same goes for the husband; after all, according to Paul, once married the body of the wife belongs to her husband and the body of the husband belongs to the wife.41 Once the NPC prophets understand this matter theologically, there should be no need to engage in extramarital affairs as both partners would ideally be sexually satisfied in their marriage.

9.6   Embracing Good Financial Stewardship There is also a need for NPC prophets to rethink the ways in which they get money from their congregants. They should become good stewards of money instead of engaging in “money cult” activities. The one-on-one consultation fees, pyramid schemes and money-­ laundering case of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, for example, are signs of a love for money and greed. Some of his practices have landed Prophet Shepherd Bushiri into serious problems with the mighty hand of the law where, if convicted, he might receive a harsh sentence. The NPC prophets should find moral ways to collect money from their congregants instead of fraudulent and manipulative ways.

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It should be noted that money itself is not the problem; it is the love of money, according to scripture, that is the root of all evil. Money is an important resource, and in the context of the church, it can be used as a vehicle for evangelism in addressing some of the challenges faced by various communities in Africa.42 Money in this context is therefore connected to the mission of evangelism as discussed above—a mission that can ultimately lead to the salvation of many. But this can never be a licence to use illegal and immoral ways to receive money from the people of God. By stewardship in this context I refer to a spiritual leader’s ability to take care of something that they are responsible for in an organisation.43 It is about “holding something in trust for another”.44 This deep definition of stewardship in the church means more than simply taking charge of and being responsible for finances, but it actually entails partnering with God for his mission on earth.45 It is about becoming an ambassador of the kingdom of heaven. Good financial stewardship in the church also means that the leader takes care of the finances with the knowledge that the money does not belong to him or her but to the organisation. The leader, in this context the NPC prophet, is thus called upon to take care of the church’s finances not as the owner but as its steward. The NPCs should become good stewards of the money they receive in their churches; however, good stewardship also pertains to the ways in which they collect that money. The NPCs, like the classical PCCs, should use the conventional ways to receive money from their congregants in church. As discussed in Chap. 8, the PCCs collect tithes and offerings as a normal way of receiving money from their congregants. They also have other ways such as fundraising initiatives, but it would always be done in a way that is proper and above board. Whereas the NPCs should also use the conventional ways to receive money from their congregants such as tithes and offerings, this does not mean they are limited to these ways. However, any other strategy the NPCs come up with should not compromise their integrity or the integrity of their prophets in any way. It should definitely not be a strategy that will cause a prophet to end up in prison. There is therefore a need to be good stewards of money because it is an important resource and medium of exchange. Good stewardship among the NPC prophets means that they will have to open bank accounts with the commercial banks in South Africa where they will have to deposit money on a weekly basis. These bank accounts should be registered in the name of the church with independent signatories as opposed to registering it in the name of the prophet with their family members as signatories.

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When the NPC prophets want to transfer money internationally to their home countries, it needs to be done in a way that is above board using proper official channels instead of getting involved with dodgy money-­ laundering schemes. Thus, the NPCs will have proper financial statements and be able to account for the income that they receive in church. This will allow the NPCs to file tax returns at the South African Revenue Service (SARS) as there is proof that these churches make a lot of money, often much more than many big businesses. However, it must be pointed out that this is not unique to NPCs as many other churches make huge collections without accountability. Many of the NPCs may claim to be non-profit organisations (NPOs), but in reality they are making a lot of money. They should rather openly present themselves as businesses in order to properly give an account of their finances. After all, being good stewards of money will assist the NPC prophets not only in running their churches well but also encourage others to invest in them. When the NPCs in South Africa have proven that they are running their churches well, they will draw investors to invest in them. This will also encourage government to allocate funds to these churches as they will be behaving in a way that shows financial accountability.

9.7   Embracing Servanthood The NPC prophets need to embrace servanthood in order to deal with the cultic tendency of the “celebrity” cult. The true meaning of Pastoring is not for one to become a celebrity that goes around on social media showing off one’s cars, mansion and expensive apparel, but it is a calling to become a servant to the poor, the sick and the broken-hearted in communities. One of the great scholars of servant leadership is Robert Greenleaf, the founder of the servant leadership movement and the Greenleaf Centre for Servant Leadership. In his book Servant leadership: A journey into the nature of legitimate power and greatness, he concluded that a great leader is seen as a servant first and that simple fact is the key to their greatness.46 Thus we learn from Greenleaf that servanthood is about prioritising service, and then other things such as position and titles will follow. Therefore, servant leaders are not chasing after positions and titles but are focused on serving the people they are leading in an organisation. There are many characteristics of servant leadership discussed by various scholars of servant leadership. For example, Larry C. Spears outlined

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ten principles: listening, empathy, healing, awareness, persuasion, conceptualisation, foresight, stewardship, commitment to the growth of people and building community.47 In contrast to the celebrity cult, I discuss three characteristics of servant leadership in this section: service, simplicity and humility. If a NPC prophet can embrace servanthood, they will prioritise service instead of attempting to make themselves more popular and famous. As discussed in Chap. 7 of this book, the NPC prophets have a tendency of using titles and stage names to promote themselves; however, servant leaders become great through their service. Servant leaders are focused on empowering other people through serving them and do not covet the position or title of leader. Servanthood is therefore centred on service and not position and title. Such a leader is not driven by their ego but by serving people. Tan summarises it in this way: True greatness and true leadership is achieved not by reducing men to one’s service, but in giving oneself in selfless service to them. True servants with a servant’s heart make themselves available to serve and pay attention to the needs of others.48

Thus, service is putting more into other people than taking from them. Service is when a person commits to something outside themselves, and it becomes an essential ingredient in the process of leading others. A servant leader will live a simple and authentic life, whereas the NPC prophets live lives of luxury and show it off as much as they can on the various media platforms. They too, however, can become servant leaders living simple and authentic lives so that their followers will feel free to approach them.49 In this regard, Bennet says, “This longed-for simplicity on the other side of complexity reveals itself in care for one another and for the earth, and is the whole thrust of servant leadership.”50 In the context of the NPC prophets, a simple lifestyle expressing itself in people caring for one another will also bring together leaders and followers, closing the gap between them. Thus the NPC prophets do not have to become celebrities with complicated lives making it difficult for them to serve the people they are supposed to be leading in their churches. One of the ways that make NPC prophets to behave as celebrities is what scholars have defined as Pentecostal triumphalism. Pentecostal triumphalism in this context refers to an abnormal display of what the prophets have achieved in their ministries. Courey asserts that although early

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Pentecostals rose to fight against triumphalism in other churches, they have also developed a new form of triumphalism.51 Thus over the years, triumphalism has made Pentecostals to see themselves as better than others.52 Sometimes according to Anderson, “it is the emphasis on miracles that has led Pentecostals to shameful showmanship and triumphalism”.53 The triumphalist side of the Pentecostal movement has been widely criticised by scholars.54 Most recently, Wariboko et al. asserted that “A onesided triumphalist, power theology is dangerous,”55 and Menzies et  al. warned Pentecostals to “avoid falling prey to the risk of triumphalism”.56 However, the challenge is still persistent amongst NPC prophets in South Africa. Thus the relevant question is how can Pentecostals avoid triumphalism? In this book, humility as a servanthood trait is suggested as an effective way to deal with Pentecostal triumphalism.57 Humility will make NPC prophets realise, according to Studebaker, that “their triumph should be centred on the crucified Christ and rooted in the self-giving love of God.”58 An NPC prophet as a servant will live a life of humility in contrast to being prideful and overpowering other people. Humility is not a state of weakness but rather an attitude of making room for others and allowing them an opportunity to present and express themselves in church. Servant leaders understand that the mission is not about themselves; therefore, they allow others to participate. Thus, humility, according to Dierendonck and Pattterson, “is the willingness to stand back, putting the interest of others first and facilitating their performance”.59 The humble leader must be able to demonstrate the highest form of modesty and be able to shy away from pride. Thus humble leaders as opposed to celebrities know when they have to stand back and allow others to shine.60 In essence, humility will help the NPC prophets not to stand in the way of their followers but allow them to take part in the mission and vision of the church. If the NPC prophets could become humble leaders, they will be able to prioritise the needs of their followers instead of buying flashy cars, big houses and other material things for themselves. The ultimate model of servanthood in the context of the three characteristics above is Christ himself who did not come to the earth to be served but instead to serve others and give his life as a ransom for many.61 According to Philippians 2:5–9, Christ, although he was God, came in the form of a man in order to save man. He humbled himself unto death including the death on the cross and God the Father exalted him and gave him a name which is above every name, that at the name of Jesus every knee shall bow and every tongue shall confess that Jesus is Lord. All

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Christ’s exaltation came as a result of his humility. Christ’s characteristics of servanthood, service, humility and simplicity therefore make him the epitome of servanthood. It shows that being a great leader comes not by manipulating other people or performing strange “miracles” but through servanthood. Most importantly, Jesus did not lord it over other people and exercised his authority over them but served every person he met including children and women. Therefore, servanthood, in contrast to the celebrity cult, does not exercise authority over people but rather serves them regardless of their age, race and gender.

9.8   Concluding Remarks Since there are many discontinuities in the classical PCCs with cultic tendencies in the NPCs, the NPCs are facing some serious challenges. Their reputation has been badly damaged by extreme religious acts, sexual misconduct, criminal trials, and so forth. This chapter has looked at ways that can help deal with these cultic tendencies as they have been discussed in the preceding chapters of this book. These chapters outlined the religious cult (Chap. 3), the secret cult (Chap. 4), the sex cult (Chap. 5), the money cult (Chap. 6) and the celebrity cult (Chap. 7) with each being practised by various NPC prophets. In order to deal with these cultic tendencies, this final chapter proposes a rethink of the literal interpretation of scripture, a rethink of Pentecostal realised eschatology, engaging in the mission of evangelism, practising sex exclusively within the confines of marriage, embracing good financial stewardship and accepting servanthood. Dealing with the hugely problematic cultic tendencies will assist in bringing the Pentecostal traditions in unison with one other. Although the NPCs also have other challenges, the above suggestions should for now at least assist in dealing urgently with these cultic tendencies.

Notes 1. Encyclopaedia Brittanica, Britannica concise encyclopaedia (Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., 2008), p. 425. 2. Francis Machingura, Lovemore Togarasei & Ezra Chitando (eds.), Pentecostalism and human rights in contemporary Zimbabwe (Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2018), p. 26; cf. Lovemore (ed.), Aspects of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe (Berlin: Springer, 2018), p. 215; cf.

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Wolfgang Vondey (ed.), Pentecostalism and Christian unity: Ecumenical documents and critical assessments (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 118. 3. Chammah J.  Kaunda, Genders, sexualities, and spiritualities in African pentecostalism: “your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit” (Berlin: Springer, 2020), p. 76. 4. Michael Wilkinson & Steven M.  Studebaker (eds.), A liberating Spirit: Pentecostals and social action in North America. Vol. 2 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 194. 5. David J. Courey, What Has Wittenberg to Do with Azusa?: Luther’s Theology of the Cross and Pentecostal Triumphalism (Bloomsbury Publishing, 2015), p. 88. 6. Stanley A.  Steward, Where sin abounds: A religious history of Las Vegas (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2012), p. 27. 7. Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, Spiritus ubi vult spirat: Pneumatology in Roman Catholic-Pentecostal dialogue (1972–1989) (Luther-Agricola-Society, 1998), p. 117. 8. Jerome Njikwulim Chukwu Okafor (ed.), The challenge of Pentecostalism (Lagos: Mercury Bright Press, 2004). 9. Paper Jordan, The mystic experience: A descriptive and comparative analysis (State University of New York Press, 2004), p. 154. 10. Samuel Hill (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Southern Culture. Volume 1: Religion. (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), p. 212. 11. Allan H. Anderson, To the ends of the earth: Pentecostalism and the transformation of world Christianity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 12. The text is taken from the King James Version. 13. Ma Wonsuk. “Pentecostal eschatology: What happened when the wave hit the west end of the ocean.” AJPS 12, no. 1 (2009): 95–112. 14. Peter Althouse & Robby Waddell (eds.), Perspectives in Pentecostal eschatologies: World without end. (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 100; cf. Anderson, To the ends of the earth, 169. 15. Glenn Balfour. “Pentecostal eschatology revisited.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 31, no. 2 (2011): 127–140. 16. Edith L.  Blumhofer, Russell P.  Spittler & Grant A.  Wacker (eds.), Pentecostal Currents in American Protestantism (Champagne, Ill: University of Illinois Press, 1999), p. 12. 17. Balfour, “Pentecostal eschatology revisited”, 134. 18. Anderson, To the ends of the earth, 220. 19. Michael Horton, The Law of Perfect Freedom: Relating to God and Others Through the Ten Commandments (Chicago: Moody Publishers, 2004), p. 249.

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20. Terry L. Cross & Emerson B. Powery (eds), The Spirit and the Mind: Essays in Informed Pentecostalism (Lanham: University Press of America, 2000), p. 253. 21. ENCA, “Pastor went to heaven and took pics to prove it.” [accessed 12 April 2016] https://www.enca.com/south-­africa/pastor-­went-­heaven-­ and-­took-­pics-­prove-­it. 22. The Citizen, “WATCH: Pastor talks to ‘God’ on the phone during church service.” [accessed 22 May 2017] https://citizen.co.za/news/news-­ africa/1520681/watch-­p astor-­t alks-­t o-­g od-­o n-­t he-­p hone-­d uring­church-­service/. 23. Gordon D.  Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 1987), p. 46. 24. Frank D.  Macchia, Baptized in the Spirit: A global Pentecostal theology (California: Zondervan Academic, 2009), p. 49. 25. Christopher Stephenson, Types of Pentecostal theology: Method, system, spirit (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 26. Claudia Währisch-Oblau, The missionary self-perception of Pentecostal/ Charismatic church leaders from the global South in Europe: bringing back the Gospel (Leiden: Brill, 2009), p. 226. 27. Janice A. McLean-Farrell, West Indian Pentecostals: Living Their Faith in New York and London (London: Bloomsbury, 2016), p. 167. 28. Althouse & Waddell, Perspectives in Pentecostal eschatologies, 160. 29. Allan H. Anderson. An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p. 206. 30. Arlene Sanchez Walsh, Latino Pentecostal identity: Evangelical faith, self, and society (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), p. 20. 31. Nick Caric, Pentecostalism and Globalization: The Impact of Globalization on Pentecostal Theology and Ministry. Vol. 2 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), p. 30. 32. Julie C. Ma & Wonsuk Ma, Mission in the Spirit: Towards a Pentecostal/ Charismatic Missiology (Oxford: Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2010), p. 117. 33. The cell group is a form of church organisation that is used in many Christian churches. Cell groups are generally intended to teach the Bible and personalise Christian fellowship. 34. Bekhithemba Dube, “Rethinking the Seven Angels Ministry’s praxis of pneumatology as seen through the lens of decoloniality”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 131–149.

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35. Marius Nel, LGBTIQ+ people and Pentecostals: An African Pentecostal hermeneutic perspective. Vol. 30 (Münster: LIT Verlag, 2020), p. 53. 36. Elias Kifon Bongmba (ed.), Routledge Companion to Christianity in Africa (Abingdon: Routledge, 2015), p. 478. 37. Sylvia H. Chant & Nikki Craske, Gender in Latin America (Latin American Bureau, 2003), p. 137. 38. Thabang Mofokeng, “‘The weird you shall always have’: a historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa”, Mookgo S. Kgatle & Allan H. Anderson (eds.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: South African perspective. Routledge New Critical Thinking in Religion, Theology and Biblical Studies Series (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020): 24–52. 39. The scripture is taken from Ephesians 5:3. 40. The text is taken from Hebrews 13:4. 41. The text is taken from 1 Corinthians 7:1–40. 42. Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: an introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 145. 43. Saner Marc & Jake Wilson. “Stewardship, good governance and ethics.” Institute on Governance Policy Brief 1 no. 19 (2003): 1–6. 44. Gene C. Wilkes, Jesus on leadership (Chicago: Tyndale House Publishers, 1998), p. 108. 45. Ray H.  Hughes, Classic Pentecostal Sermon Library. Vol. 1 (Cleveland, OH: Pathway Press, 2011), p. 125. 46. Robert K. Greenleaf, Servant leadership: A journey into the nature of legitimate power and greatness (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 2002); cf. Mookgo S.  Kgatle, Servant leadership: The path to success (Morrisville, NC: Lulu Press, 2016), p. 15. 47. Larry C. Spears, Insights on leadership: Service, stewardship, spirit, and servant-leadership (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley, 1998). 48. Siang-Yang Tan, “The primacy of servant-hood”, Eric O. Jacobsen (ed.), The three tasks of leadership: Worldly wisdom for pastoral leaders (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2009), pp. 77–90. 49. Don M.  Frick, Robert K.  Greenleaf: A life of servant leadership (San Francisco, CA: Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 2004). 50. Bennett J. Sims, Servanthood: Leadership for the third millennium (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2005), p. 14. 51. Courey. What Has Wittenberg to Do with Azusa? 16 cf. Vinson Synan, and Amos Yong, eds. Global Renewal Christianity: Spirit-empowered Movements Past, Present, and Future. (Mary Lake: Charisma Media, 2017). 52. May Ling, Tan-Chow. Pentecostal theology for the twenty-first century: Engaging with multi-faith Singapore. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016), 27. 53. Anderson. To the ends of the earth

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54. cf. Wolfgang, Vondey. “Pentecostalism: A Guide for the Perplexed.” London and New York: Bloomsbury (2013), 97. 55. Nimi, Wariboko, and Adeshina Afolayan, eds. African Pentecostalism and World Christianity: Essays in Honor of J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu (Vol. 18. Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020). 56. William, W. Menzies, and Robert P. Menzies. Spirit and power: Foundations of Pentecostal experience (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan, 2000), 15. 57. Peter D. Neumann. Pentecostal experience: An ecumenical encounter (Vol. 187. Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2012), 180 cf. Andrew, Lord. Spirit-shaped mission: A holistic charismatic missiology (Paternoster: Paternoster press, 2005), 11. 58. Steven M. Studebaker, ed., Pentecostalism and Globalization: The Impact of Globalization on Pentecostal Theology and Ministry (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010), 218. 59. Dirk Dierendonck & Kathleen Patterson (eds.), Servant Leadership: Developments in Theory and Research. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), p. 159. 60. Dirk Dierendonck & Laurens Rook, “Enhancing innovation and creativity through servant leadership”, D. Dierendock & K. Patterson (eds.), Servant leadership: Developments in theory and research (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010): 155–168. 61. The text has been taken from Mark 10:45.

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Index1

A Abuse people, 2, 47, 53 religion, vi, 2, 4, 9, 10, 47, 56, 160 Academic titles, 139 professor, 139 Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS), 85n28, 187 Acts bizarre, 7, 47 criminal, 47, 127, 146 deceptive, 47, 150 erotic, 92 Adherents, 121, 136 Advertising, 7, 167 African Christian practice, 69 communities, 72 context, 1, 3, 9, 10, 13n15, 22, 65, 71, 87n63, 97, 101, 115, 182

culture, 69, 72, 74 indigenous language, 70 life, 70, 72 people, 144, 169 African traditional religions (ATR), 6, 65 Alleluia Ministries, 10 Ancestral genealogy, 72, 162 Ancient of Days Broadcasting Network (ADBN), 34 Angel, Uebert, v, 14n21, 21, 22, 36n15, 36n19 Anointing oil, 7, 122, 123 Anthropology, 158, 174n56 Apartheid apologists, 180 Apostolic Faith Mission (AFM), v, vi, 15n45, 30, 58n10, 84n14, 108n32, 108n33, 168, 171n6 Assemblies of God (AOG), vi, 15n45, 30, 58n10

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 M. S. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, Christianity and Renewal - Interdisciplinary Studies, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69724-2

223

224 

INDEX

B Barrenness, 95, 99 Biblical authority, 178 Biblical principles, 75, 81, 121, 184 Black First Land First (BLF), 20, 35n5 Boateng, Kusi, 22 Born again, 25, 70, 169 Bushiri, Shepherd, v, 10, 11, 14n21, 20–25, 29, 30, 32, 35, 36n15, 36n17, 45, 120, 122, 125–127, 135, 139–141, 146–148, 170, 188 Business interests, vii, 19–21, 24, 30–32, 35 Business transactions, 139 C Catholic Church, 46, 94 Celebrity pastors, 166 politicians, 137 prophets, 11, 151 status, 11, 137, 140, 141, 167 Christian community, 78, 120, 163 faith, 3, 5, 53, 161, 164 fundamentalism, 179 gospel, 159 message, 136 ministry, 27, 142 therapy, 25 tradition, v, vi, 50, 53, 54, 70, 157, 161, 164 Church Administration, 25 Circumcision, 72 Commercial banks, 127, 128, 189 Commercialisation of religion, 2, 53, 117 Constitution, 43, 56, 57, 63n98, 165, 168 Consumerism, 120

COVID-19, 23, 37n21 CRL Rights Commission, 2, 47, 57, 63n98, 167 Crossover nights, 146 Cult ancestral, 5 celebrity, vi, 2, 3, 8, 9, 11, 21, 73, 135–151, 167–170, 190, 191, 193 hermeneutics, 51 ideology, 66 leaders, vi, 3, 92, 93, 98, 114, 115 members, 4, 66, 74, 92, 93 money, 8, 11, 113–129, 165–167, 188, 193 non-members, 46 powers, 69, 115 religious, 4, 8, 9, 43–57, 66, 92, 114, 159–161, 193 secret, 2, 8–10, 65–83, 92, 161–163, 193 sex, 8, 9, 34, 91–106, 163–165, 193 tendencies, 1–5, 8–11, 14n21, 19, 24, 26, 43, 44, 47, 50–57, 129, 135, 157–170, 177–193 D Daniel, Lesego, 10, 24–27, 29, 30, 35, 47–51, 53, 139–141, 159–161, 180 Deity, 98, 119, 182 Deliverance, 6, 7, 16n53, 25, 48, 92, 97, 99, 105, 106n2, 145, 165 Democracy, 56, 145 Democratic election, 21 Denominations, vi, 46, 53, 58n11, 168, 170n1 Discernment, 78, 143 Discipleship, 184, 185 Dis/continuity, vi, vii, 1, 11, 157–170, 177, 193

 INDEX 

225

Divination, 6, 65, 67, 77–78, 83, 143, 161–163 Divine calling, 167 Divine power, 138 Diviner, 5, 6, 77, 78, 163 Dualism, 69, 70

First lady, 28 Foreign pastors, 68 Fourth industrial revolution, 79 Freedom of religion, 55–57, 60n48 Full Gospel Church (FGC), vi, 15n45, 30, 58n10

E Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), 20, 35n3, 35n5 Economics, 12n2, 24, 81, 96, 98, 144, 145, 169 Elitism, 114 End Times Disciples Ministries, 26 Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG), 10, 20–24, 26, 45, 73, 122, 124–126 Eschatology futurist, 181 present, 181 realised, 5, 11, 181–183, 193 Ethiopian Eunuch, 76, 180 Evil spirits, 71, 78, 95, 99, 101, 163 Exchange rate, 126 Extra-marital affairs, 165, 187, 188 Extraordinary miracles, 138

G Gender, 32, 55, 187, 193 equality, 55 Generational curses, 7, 16n53, 25 Generosity, 113, 117–118, 165 God iron, 68, 84n18 thunder, 68, 84n17 water, 68 Government, 46, 57, 124, 128, 144, 145, 190 Gross domestic product (GDP), 23

F Faith healing, 4 Fasting, 148 Female, 30, 34, 68, 92, 94–100, 105, 106, 138, 163 Feminine, 138 Financial accountability, 128, 190 muscles, 137 responsibility, 128 statements, 32, 190 stewardship, 11, 177, 188–190, 193

H Heresy, 46 Higher powers, 39n49, 66, 67 Holistic gospel, 5 Holy Communion, 48, 50, 51, 53 Holy Spirit, vi, 5, 26, 28, 29, 49, 73, 77, 78, 161, 163, 169, 170, 179, 180, 182, 184 Homosexuality, 94 Human beings, 5, 48, 50, 53, 54, 57, 74, 97, 138, 161 dehumanisation, 56 dignity, 55–57, 128 flourishing, vi, 145 inhumane, 56 life, 56, 79 rights, 10, 43, 55–57 rights commission, 43, 55 trafficking, 34, 91, 94, 95, 102, 163

226 

INDEX

Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), 85n28, 187 Hypnotists, 4 I Idol worship, 92 Impartation, 22, 29 Incredible Happenings, 10, 31, 91, 99, 100 Information technology (IT), 79–80 Initiation, 65, 66, 70–72, 82, 85n28 Insecticide, 49, 50, 141, 159, 160, 171n7 Interdenominational Theology Centre (ITC), 25 International Federation of Christian Churches (IFCC), 166 International visitors, 22, 122, 124 Investment, 24, 30, 125, 126, 129, 133n68 IT specialists, 79–80 J Jakes, T. D., 33 Jesus Christ, 25, 28, 50, 71, 119, 121, 159, 169, 181, 182, 185 Jesus Dominion International, 10, 32–34, 103, 110n70 Joshua, T. B., 14n21, 25, 39n49, 142 K Kenyon E. W., 4, 119, 166, 174n46 Kingdom of God, 75, 181, 182 L Law enforcement, 127 Literal interpretation of scriptures, 11, 177–180, 193 Literary and media analysis, 2, 8–9

Local traditional cultures, 158 Lukau, Alph, 10, 11, 14n21, 27–32, 35, 85n21, 120, 135, 140, 141, 147–150, 170 Luxurious lives, 120 M Makandiwa, Emmanuel, 14n21, 22, 142 Man of God, 102, 103, 123, 124, 138, 139, 148, 150, 159 Marriage, 11, 80, 92, 95, 99, 101, 106, 143, 147, 165, 177, 186–188, 193 Masculinity, 98, 138, 139 Masturbating, 93, 98, 105, 106, 163 Materialism, 11, 137 Media, 2, 8–9, 30, 31, 59n26, 100, 104, 136–138, 140–142, 146, 151, 167–169, 173n33, 174n56, 191 British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), 141 broadcasting networks, 34, 141 Cable News Network (CNN), 141 eNews Channel Africa (eNCA), 141 exposure, 137 platforms, 69, 104, 121, 137, 138, 140–142, 151, 159, 168, 169, 191 presence, v, 9, 31, 51, 67, 93, 94, 100, 101, 115, 137, 142, 151 television channels, 141, 142 Medical aid, 144 Megachurch, 67 Member of Parliament, 20 Message motivational, 143 non-confrontational, 135, 143–144 uplifting, 135, 144–145, 169 Mighty man, 138, 150 Migration, 1, 13n10

 INDEX 

Mind controlling, 14n23, 45, 52 Miracle fake, 146, 149–151 money, 7, 79, 89n98 resurrection, 135, 148, 150 staged, 135, 145–151, 168–170, 177, 185 walking on air, 146 Misfortune, 71 Missional churches, 5 Mission of evangelism, 11, 177, 183–186, 189, 193 Mnguni, Penuel, 10, 26, 27, 47, 49, 50, 53–55, 91, 98–99, 104–106, 141, 146, 153n32, 159–161, 163, 164, 180, 186 Money launderings, 113, 126–129, 141, 153n34, 188 Motsoeneng, Paseka, 10, 31, 35, 41n90, 91, 99–101, 104–106, 126, 139, 141, 148, 163, 164, 182, 186 Mount Zion General Assembly (MZGA), 26 N Naked bodies, 93, 99, 105 Naming ceremony, 65, 72–73 National Interfaith Council of South Africa (NICSA), 166 Neo-liberal capitalist ideologies, 120 New covenant, 75, 174n46 New Prophetic Churches (NPCs), v, 2, 6–7, 10, 13n15, 19–35, 43, 58n10, 58n11, 60n45, 65, 82, 88n81, 88n89, 91–106, 108n25, 113–129, 135–151, 157, 177–193 New Testament, 29 New-age religions, 3 Non-profit organisations, 190 Nudity, 93

227

O Occult churches, 73 powers, 4 societies, 73 Offerings, 75, 116, 118, 119, 123, 124, 127, 167, 189 Old Testament, v, 6, 73 Omotoso, Timothy, 10, 32–35, 91, 102–106, 111n77, 141, 163–165, 173n34, 186–188 One-on-one, 7, 113, 123–127, 129, 167, 177, 188 Organisational culture, 134n84 Oyakhilome, Chris, 22, 36n19 P Pagan religions, 3 Pastoral therapy, 142 Patriarchy, 91, 96–98 Pension money, 125, 129 Pentecostalism African, v, 1, 2, 6, 8, 11, 12n8, 13n15, 15n41, 29, 37n33, 60n45, 87n65, 88n89, 154n41, 158, 161, 170 beliefs, 5, 158 classical Pentecostal churches, 5, 13n15, 15n45, 46, 58n10, 58n11 global, 2, 5, 174n56 liturgy, 121 neo-, 5, 6, 8, 10, 42n116, 49, 62n80, 62n89, 86n61, 110n57, 130n8, 132n42, 132n46, 134n76, 155n51 Pentecostal, 1, 52, 56, 71, 75, 76, 95, 113, 117, 121, 123, 140, 143, 157–170, 177, 178 triumphalism, 191, 192

228 

INDEX

Pneumatology, 63n92, 88n81, 88n87, 102n81, 133n66, 184, 195n34 Political movement, 20 Politics, 28, 55, 150, 168 Popularity, 3, 135, 136, 138–151 Practices controversial, 43, 179 dangerous healing, 47 extraordinary, 47 extreme, 10, 25, 26, 43, 44, 47, 50–55, 145, 146, 177, 178, 180, 183, 185 gratuitous, 93 unusual, 47, 59n25, 153n30 Private parts, 82, 94, 99–101, 105, 106, 163, 164 Proof texting, 178 Prophecy affirmation, 143 edification, 143 false, vi, 78, 97, 143 forensic, 6 gift, 21, 22, 78, 135, 142–143, 163 professor, 21 true, 77, 78, 83, 143 unification, 143 Prophetic channel, 23, 24, 141 consultation, 2, 7, 76, 113, 123–126, 129, 188 dimension, 7 materials, 7, 116, 117 service, 7, 23, 45, 71, 122, 123, 141, 142, 147 titles, vi, 6, 135, 138, 139, 150, 168, 191 Prosperity theology, 166 name it and claim it, 119, 166 Public exhibition, 93

immorality, 92 religion, 169 Publicity stunt, 150 Pyramid schemes, 113, 125–127, 129, 133n63, 133n68, 167, 188 R Rabalago, Lethebo, 10, 26, 27, 47, 49, 50, 53, 141, 146, 159–161, 180 Rabboni Centre Ministries, 24–27 Real names, 73, 139, 150 Religious beliefs, 53, 136 conflict, 1 extremism, 10, 43, 47–50, 179 hegemony, 104 independent, 46 landscape, 4, 22, 50, 142 life, 70, 120 new, 46 non, 47 Revivalism, 167 Rhema Bible College, 166 Rituals, 66, 68–72, 82, 100, 114, 117, 136, 140, 161, 162 S Sacred texts, 114 Sacrifices animal, 74–75, 114, 161 human, 74–75, 114 Samaritan woman, 95 Second touch, 71, 81 Secret initiations, 66, 70–72, 82 powers, 66, 67, 84n20 society, 66, 72–74, 84n15, 161 Secular humanism, 3

 INDEX 

Servanthood humility, 192, 193 service, 190, 191, 193 simplicity, 191, 193 Servant of God, 138, 150 Sexual abuse, 10, 91, 94–98, 100, 105, 163–165, 177 activities, 93, 101 challenges, 165 control, 92 dysfunctionality, 101 encounters, 93, 95, 105 excitement, 93, 94, 98, 101 group, 94 harassment, 34, 94, 95, 107n18, 186 intercourse, 94–96, 98, 101, 103, 165, 186, 188 life, 93 misconduct, 94, 165, 187, 188, 193 offences, 94, 95 pleasure, 95, 102 practices, 91–106, 163–165, 186, 188 problems, 92, 100, 105 Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs), 187 Sexually transmitted infections (STIs), 187 Social control, 96 stratification, 96 system, 96 Social media network Facebook, 9, 14n21, 25, 140 Twitter, 9, 140 YouTube, vi, 9, 14n21, 36n14, 69, 84n14, 140 Socio-economic challenges inequality, 4 poverty, 4 unemployment, 4

229

South African Council of Churches (SACC), 159, 165, 171n6, 171n8 South African Revenue Services (SARS), 190 South African, 159, 165, 171n8 Sowing seeds, 116 Spiritual bath, 71 blessing, 115–117, 166 DNA, 47 father, 5, 20–22, 29, 30, 182, 192 genealogy, 72 gift, 29, 143 husband, 92, 105, 106n2 leaders, 76, 94, 136, 189 mother, 30 parenting, 29 sons, 21, 26 warfare, 7 Spiritualists, 4, 68, 71 Stage name, 11, 21, 73, 135, 137–139, 150, 151, 167, 191 Supernatural powers, 3 Synagogue Church of All Nations (SCOAN), 142 T Televangelism, 31, 32, 102 Testimony, vi, 2, 20, 33, 34, 50, 67–69, 81, 82, 84n14, 101, 102, 105, 113, 121–123, 165–167, 188 Theological training, 164, 168, 180 Theology, vii, 10, 11, 25, 62n89, 143, 158, 166, 181, 184, 188, 192 Tim Omotoso Global Outreach (TOGO), 33

230 

INDEX

Tithes, 116, 119, 123, 124, 167, 189 Traditional healers, 65, 68–70, 83, 84n13, 88n78, 163 Trinitarian, 62n80, 73 Triple blessings health, 4, 6 prosperity, 4 wealth, 6 U Universal phenomenon, 21, 95 Unorthodox, 159, 167, 185 Uplifting messages, 144–145, 168, 169 V Vagina, 100 Verbal theology, 144 Visions and dreams, 30, 65, 75–77, 83, 87n65, 161, 162 oil, 76 water, 76

W Winning souls, 184–186 Witchcraft, 7, 16n53, 69, 84n13, 84n15, 161, 164, 172n19 Witchdoctors, 2, 10, 11, 68, 69, 81, 88n78, 161–163, 177, 183 Woman of God, 116, 138 Women abuse, 10, 91, 94–98, 105, 164 degradation, 98 Women’s ministry, 30 Word of faith, 4 World Christianity, 2 X Xenophobic, 163 Y Youth Empowerment Project (YEP), 33–34 Z Zionism, 1 Zuma, Jacob, 28