Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism: A Pentecostal Political Theology in Postcolonial Africa 3031491580, 9783031491580

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Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism A Pentecostal Political Theology in Postcolonial Africa Mookgo Solomon Kgatle

Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism “Solomon Kgatle offers an engaging and expansive theologization of the politics in South Africa. He explores political theology through the innovative lens of prophecy, the connection between leading prophets and powerful politicians, and the nexus between the prophetic imagination and political practices. This book provides a rigorous theoretical framework for crafting political theology in the global Pentecostal movement. It is, indeed, a brilliant book on Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.” —Nimi Wariboko, Walter G. Muelder Professor of Social Ethics, Boston University, USA “‘Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism’ represents an important new development in Pentecostal studies. Dr. Solomon’s bold text outlines a postcolonial political theology that harnesses the emotive power of Pentecostalism in order to provide theological resources for a counter hegemonic, anti imperialist and more egalitarian South Africa. This is a must read.” —Anthony G. Reddie, Professor of Black Theology, Regent’s Park College, University of Oxford “In this well-researched and brilliantly presented constructive theological work, Dr. Solomon is breaking theological ground. As he has noted, the intersection of African Pentecostalism and politics is not a new topic in Africa. This work however goes further and presents us with a well-thought-out African Pentecostal Political Theology. It draws upon the raw materials of African Pentecostal practice and African Christian theology in Africa. It is the first of its kind to my mind. It is simply a must-read for all who are interested in the ongoing development of Pentecostalism and Pentecostal theologies, especially in the global south.” —Clifton R. Clarke, Executive Director of the Center for African Descent Studies, Pentecostal Theological Seminary, Cleveland, TN, USA

Mookgo Solomon Kgatle

Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism A Pentecostal Political Theology in Postcolonial Africa

Mookgo Solomon Kgatle University of South Africa Muckleneck, South Africa

ISBN 978-3-031-49158-0    ISBN 978-3-031-49159-7 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland Paper in this product is recyclable.

Preface

This book is an interdisciplinary study of the relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. The role and the power of prophecy in enhancing the presence of politicians in the church square are unpacked through historical dimensions and case studies of contemporary prophets. However, the influence of prophecy in politics has the potential to weaken the prophetic voice of the church in general and the Pentecostal movement in particular. The contribution of this book is a proposal of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. This theology is developed by taking into cognisance the theoretical and theological frameworks of prophetic imagination and pneumatological imagination. In addition, this theology seeks a balance between prophecy and sovereignty through the prophethood of all believers. This book is relevant for scholars interested in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics from historical, cultural, religious, anthropological, sociological, theological and political studies. Muckleneck, South Africa

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Contents

1 Introduction  1 Part I Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism  21 2 Historical  Dimensions of Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism 23 3 The Practice of Prophecy in Contemporary Pentecostalism 45 4 Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and Politics 73 5 Other  Contemporary Prophets and Politics in South Africa 101 6 Problematising  the Intersectionality of Prophecy and Politics in Post-colonial Africa127

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Contents

Part II Development of a Pentecostal Political Theology of Prophecy 153 7 Pentecostal Prophetic Imagination in Post-colonial Africa155 8 Pneumatological  Imagination: A Pentecostal Approach to the Political Theology of Prophecy181 9 Pentecostal  Political Theology of Sovereignty in Post-colonial Africa209 10 Towards  a Pentecostal Political Theology of Prophecy in Post-colonial Africa235 References259 Index299

CHAPTER 1

Introduction

1.1   Background to the Study This book explores the relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. While previous studies have looked at this relationship, the contribution here is the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. This theology is developed through a deep reflection on the development of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics within Pentecostalism. What kind of Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is relevant in post-colonial Africa, considering the development in the practice of Pentecostal prophecy? This is an important research question given the popularity of both prophecy and prophets in the Pentecostal tradition in Africa.1 Second, it is an important research question given the growth of Pentecostalism in the global south and in Africa.2 In addition, it is pivotal to look at the intersectionality of prophecy and politics given the influence of some of the prophets, in Africa, in the political sphere. Lastly, this study is important as there have been abuses of the prophetic office and prophetic gift by some prophets in neo-Pentecostalism, particularly the new prophetic churches. Therefore, it is important to explore how Pentecostals have been relating to the political landscape in South Africa through prophecy as an important aspect of Pentecostal theology. The first section of the book focuses on the historical developments of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. This relationship is traced © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_1

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from early Pentecostalism in how churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, Assemblies of God in South Africa and Full Gospel of Southern Africa have used prophecy in the political landscape. The relationship is also discussed in neo-colonial and post-colonial periods, by looking at different case studies of prophets in the new prophetic churches. However, while the historical dimensions of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics demonstrate the influence of prophecy in the political landscape on the one hand, the relationship has dire consequences of silencing the prophetic voice of the church on the other. The challenges of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics will be highlighted in this regard. In the second section, the book focuses on the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in the quest to address the challenges of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. The book uses theoretical frameworks of prophetic imagination, pneumatological imagination and sovereignty to develop this theology. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa should take these theories seriously, in order to deal with the mishaps of the prophetic office and prophetic gift in the political sphere.3

1.2   Some Gaps in the Intersectionality of Prophecy and Politics As highlighted in the background of this study, the relationship between prophecy and politics has been explored by other scholars in Africa. The book Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa4 by Afolayan Adeshina, Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso and Toyin Falola (eds) is an important contribution to the intersectionality of Pentecostalism and politics. While the book uses different scholars to study dimensions in the relationship between Pentecostalism and politics, the book has not looked at the practice of prophecy. Ambimbola Adelakun’s book Performing Power in Nigeria: Identity, Politics, and Pentecostalism5 does draw relationship between Pentecostalism and politics in the Nigerian context without a particular focus on prophecy. Her other book Powerful Devices: Prayer and the Political Praxis of Spiritual Warfare6 is an equally important contribution to the intersectionality of Pentecostalism and politics; however, this also focused on the concept of prayer, as used in the political sphere but not prophecy. The book by Paul Freston Evangelicals and Politics in Asia, Africa and Latin America did not necessarily look at Pentecostalism in

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Africa, but evangelicals in different regions.7 Other books have explored the important role of Pentecostalism in the public sphere and the political space,8 or even the non-violent nature of Pentecostals in the engagement with politics, such as Marius Nel’s Pacifism and Pentecostals in South Africa: A New Hermeneutic for Nonviolence.9 In addition, many other books in Africa have explored the intersectionality of religion and politics without a primary focus on Pentecostalism.10 Others have focused on Pentecostalism and politics, such as Amos Yong’s In the Days of Caesar: Pentecostalism and Political Theology, but the study was not located in the African context.11 This book is unique for three reasons. First, it addresses the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. Second, the book demonstrates the important role that prophecy plays not only in the religious sphere, but also in the political sphere. Lastly, the book is unique in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa.

1.3  Introducing South African Pentecostalism Pentecostalism is a protestant tradition but very distinct from other movements, because of its emphasis on a direct relationship with God through the work of the Holy Spirit.12 Hence, Pentecostals throughout the world believe in the baptism of the Holy Spirit, which they believe enhances their relationship with God. Therefore, a Pentecostal believer needs to be filled with the Holy Spirit because it is a requisite, as it forms the basis of having a meaningful relationship with God. Meyer explains that Pentecostals believe that “the relation between humans and God does not originate in human thinking and actions but in the Holy Spirit.”13 The work of the Holy Spirit produces pneumatic experiences such as the speaking of tongues, divine healing, jovial worship, prophecy and other miracles. It is these pneumatic experiences that have made the Pentecostal movement grow and very attractive to many in the world.14 Hence, this tradition has seen tremendous growth in the last two decades in the global south, particularly in Africa. The interest of this book is how the pneumatic experiences, particularly prophecy, attract crowds including politicians who visit Pentecostal churches. In other words, the Pentecostal movement and its practice of prophecy are relevant for evaluating the relationship between Pentecostalism and politics in a South African context.

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This book, therefore, works within the Pentecostal tradition in addressing the relationship between church and politics. The Pentecostal strands within South African Pentecostalism will form part of the discussions in the book. The first strand will be classical Pentecostalism which started in early twentieth century, also known as Pentecostal missionary churches, such as the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa,15 Assemblies of God in South Africa16 and the South African Full Gospel Church.17 These are churches that were planted in Africa by the western missionaries or some as being an extension of missionary churches from the global north. The second strand of Pentecostalism is neo-Pentecostalism which started in the last quarter of the twentieth century, which also includes charismatic churches and charismatic renewals in a South African context. Many of the neo-Pentecostal churches were started by Africans, hence Anderson calls them New African Initiated Pentecostal churches.18 The third strand shall be new prophetic churches in South Africa which started in the twenty-­ first century, which are churches that emphasise the prophetic as opposed to traditional neo-Pentecostal churches.19 These are churches such as the Enlightened Christian gathering of prophet Shepherd Bushiri, the Incredible Happenings of Paseka Motsoeneng and the Alleluia Ministries of Alph Lukau.20 There are other numerous new prophetic churches, but the focus shall be on churches that politicians visited in the last 15 years. Some of the discussions, particularly on the practice of prophecy, might include African Initiated Churches. Although some scholars seem to differentiate between the Pentecostal movement and the African Initiated Churches, there are other scholars, such as Anderson, who speak of the Pentecostal type of African Initiated Churches.21 Therefore, some of the African Initiated Churches shall be of great interest to this study, because prophecy is practised in these churches. These are churches such as the Zion Christian Church,22 International Pentecostal Holiness Church and others. In addition, some of the politicians have visited newer Zionist-type African Initiated Churches to influence the members of these churches to vote for them. Therefore, churches such as Rivers of Living Waters of Bishop Zondo and the Tyrannus of Apostle Mokoena shall be of great interest to this book.23 These and other churches will be discussed in the context of South African Pentecostalism, even though many suggest that they are not Pentecostal. On the contrary, most of the African Initiated Churches have embraced the fundamental teachings of the Pentecostal movement such as baptism in the Holy Spirit, salvation, divine healing and so forth. Therefore, these churches are equally important in the discussion

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of the historical dimension of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. They are equally important in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

1.4  Introducing Pentecostal Prophecy Prophecy is a message received from the divine and is communicated to human beings through the messenger, which is mainly the person of the prophet. Prophecy is the involvement of the divine in the events of the earth within a given time in history. According to Graham, prophecy is a mechanism used by God to communicate his will for the people.24 Therefore, the role of the prophet in bringing out the message is more of the servant’s role than the originator of the words. Lockyer explains further by saying: A prophet, therefore, was a forth-teller and a fore-teller, whose message was for the people of his age, and also for ages beyond his own. A preacher, or spokesman for God, is a messenger with God’s power.25

However, unlike any other messenger, the prophet is perceived as the one carrying the power of God, since he delivers the message to the people. Miller adds, “Both prophet and people are, therefore, active in the coming into being of the divine word.”26 Prophecy is common in the Bible in both the Old Testament and the New Testament, as God’s words call people to repentance. In the Old Testament, various prophets could send different words of prophecy to the nations, to correct wrongdoings and to exhort the people during difficult times. LaHaye and Hindson add that prophecy also “takes into account Revelation’s similarity to the pattern exhibited by the Old Testament prophets, who not only called God’s people to repentance, but also comforted them through visions of victory to take place in the distant future.”27 In the Old Testament, the prophets were classified into major prophets such as Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Isaiah, and minor prophets such as Nahum, Joel, Zephaniah, Habakkuk and so forth. Terry and Andrew explain that Old Testament prophecy is but part of the Old Testament revelation of God, and should never be studied in the light of the entire Hebrew dispensation. It should also be repeatedly emphasised that history, law, psalm,

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proverb, and prophecy are so many parts of a series of divine communications given sundry times, and constituting an organic whole.28

In the New Testament, prophecy is part of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, whereby only the gifted can send a word from God to the people. In addition, the New Testament speaks of not only the gift of the prophet, but also the prophetic office.29 Thus, the contemporary Christian church is expected to practise prophecy in the same way that it was practised in the early church. In addition, prophecy is common among the African traditional religion, and African indigenous religions and knowledge. The traditional healer or priest, during the consultations with their patients, seems to be giving out a word of prophecy to bring the solution to their problems.30 In the African traditional religion worldview, prophecy can be a word from ancestral spirits communicating with their generations. The word can be carrying positive news to the family or it could also be bad news such as death, sickness and so forth. In this case, prophecy is there to call the family into action, to either embrace the good news or do something to prevent the bad news. Therefore, prophecy in African traditional religions carries the mandate of diagnosing the problem and the mandate of prescribing the solution to a particular family.31 The prescription comes in the form of an instruction, where the family is expected to take action against a certain cause; if not, misfortune might occur in such a family.32 It is this practice of prophecy that draws Africans into visiting a traditional healer or a priest, thus making prophecy a key aspect of the African traditional religious worldview. There are recent practices of prophecy in the Pentecostal tradition, particularly in new prophetic churches, which seem to be combining both the biblical prophecy and the African traditional religious worldview. This new trend is found in West Africa, in countries such as Nigeria and Ghana, and in Southern Africa, in countries such as Zimbabwe and South Africa. This book focuses on the practices of prophecy as they happen in South Africa, but in some instances, parallel practices might be drawn from the countries mentioned above. However, scholars have come up to criticise this type of prophecy as being inconsistent with biblical prophecy. The interest in this book is not necessarily showing the difference between variations of prophecy or their authenticity, but demonstrating that prophecy is one of the driving forces of new prophetic churches. It is attracting Pentecostal followers in the same way as it attracted Africans to African traditional

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religions. The goal of the book is to demonstrate that prophecy is one of the key factors contributing to the attraction of politicians in their churches and, consequently, the popularity of prophets. The conceptualisation and practice of prophecy shall be discussed in detail in Chap. 3 of this book. The book will unpack the practice of prophecy within the broader South African Pentecostalism, with a focus on new prophetic churches.

1.5  Introducing South African Politics South African politics is very complex given the long history of racial oppression and segregation that undermined the well-being of black people, and divided the rest of society.33 Racial segregation was a very systematic and institutionalised mechanism that orchestrated the oppression of black people in their land.34 In addition, racial segregation, also known as apartheid, in South Africa was a system that divided people according to their race, social status and economic well-being.35 This meant that the majority of black people were not worthy to receive economic opportunities due to the colour of their skin.36 The book will provide a brief history of this oppression within South African politics. The focus shall be on the democratic era of South African politics since 1994. However, the Pentecostal prophets addressed in the book were more active during the presidency of Jacob Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa. Therefore, the book will look at the relationship between South African politics and the prophets from 2009 to the current moment. This means that this study shall focus on South African politics in the last 15 years. The book will concentrate on the nine years of the Zuma presidency and his relationship with some prophets, demonstrated in his visits to the new prophetic churches. The Zuma presidency has been classified by some as nine wasted years, given the challenges of corruption and state capture.37 The influence of the Guptas family and the Nkandla scandal has been the main blunders of the Zuma presidency, and what could be considered the causes of his downfall.38 The Nkandla scandal has to do with the upgrades that were done in Zuma’s homestead in his village, where pricing had sky-rocketed as per the public protector’s reports.39 The state capture, according to Alence and Pitcher, has been the main reason that caused civil society, in addition to political parties, to call for the resignation of Jacob Zuma.40 One of the writers even called South Africa “the republic of Guptas,” given the level of their influence in the appointment of ministers and other key strategic positions in government.41 These are

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important points of reflection for this book. However, the focus of the book will be how President Zuma related to the prophets during his tenure as president of South Africa. In addition, the book shall look at the first term of Cyril Ramaphosa’s presidency and how he related to various prophets during his term. The coming of the Ramaphosa presidency carried much hope; hence, it was classified as a new dawn and the president saw himself as the servant of the people; hence, his “Thuma mina” project.42 The “Thuma mina” concept carried a message of hope to restore the nine wasted years under the presidency of Zuma and to bring back the glory of the country.43 People had hoped that under President Ramaphosa, things would return to normal and the economy would grow again in similar ways, as during the time of the presidency of Mandela and Mbeki.44 However, various critics, including members of the opposition parties, have come up to criticise his presidency and compare it to the very Zuma presidency. The recent scandal of the Phala Phala farm has brought Ramaphosa down to the same level as Zuma, such that Zuma himself called President Ramaphosa a corrupt president.45 Other than the Phala Phala scandal, there are various challenges that the Ramaphosa presidency is facing, such as load-shedding, high levels of crime, high levels of unemployment and so forth.46 This book will look at this presidency, however, the main focus shall be on the relationship between President Ramaphosa and the prophets in new prophetic churches in South Africa. Other than President Zuma and President Ramaphosa, some other key politicians visited some Pentecostal churches. These are politicians such as the leaders of Economic Freedom Fighters, Julius Malema and Floyd Shivambu, who are very influential in the South African political landscape. Some of the Economic Freedom Fighter’s leaders, such as Naledi Chirwa, used to be very committed members of the Enlightened Christian Gathering under the leadership of prophet Shepherd Bushiri. Various political party leaders in South Africa have relationships with prophets and new prophetic churches. These key politicians shall be part of the discussions in this book, to investigate if their visits to church are part of election campaigns, in Chap. 5 of this book. In addition, the goal shall be to assess how the relationship between politicians and prophets influences the prophetic voice that the church is supposed to become to the state, in the first section of the book. The section will offer some remedies through the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

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1.6  Theoretical Framework Prophetic Imagination In the the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy, the book applies the theoretical frameworks that are relevant for the development of this theology. First, is Walter Brueggemann’s theory of “prophetic imagination,” which argues that unprophetic conservative faith promises “God of well-being and good order,” which easily becomes “the source of social oppression.”47 This theory shall be unpacked more and applied in Chap. 7, in the development of the Pentecostal prophetic imagination as an aspect of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. This theory is important in dealing with the inward-looking, other worldly approach and conservative approach in Pentecostalism with regard to their relationships with politics. In addition, the theory is important in understanding how Pentecostals are dealing or supposed to deal with challenges of social oppression. Furthermore, this theory is pivotal in dealing with the different kinds of abuses by some of the prophets in new prophetic churches. Pneumatological Imagination The second theory that is important in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is Amos Yong’s pneumatological imagination. The basis of this theory, according to Yong, is that it “provides us with a fundamental orientation to God, ourselves and the world, and renders more plausible the idea of God as present and active in the world.”48 In addition, the pneumatological imagination draws from a pneumatology in Pentecostalism as a theology, based on the work of the Holy Spirit.49 Furthermore, pneumatological imagination through the Holy Spirit is the imagination of empowerment. These aspects of the pneumatological imagination shall be established and applied in the formulation of the Pentecostal pneumatological imagination. In this book, this theory is important in understanding how pneumatology, as the basis of the Pentecostal theology, can add value in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. In other words, the same Spirit that is poured out upon all believers is important in the engagement of

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Pentecostals with the political sphere through the gift of prophecy. Therefore, this theory shall form the basis of Chap. 8 in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. Sovereignty The last theoretical framework under discussion is the understanding of the concept of sovereignty, particularly its relationship with prophecy. In this case, theories from political theology of sovereignty will be important in this regard. Sovereignty in political theology is understood in four dimensions: the sovereignty of the divine, the sovereignty of the Pentecostal movement, the sovereignty of the biblical text and the sovereign state.50 In Pentecostalism, the political theology of sovereignty will help us understand the interaction between Pentecostals in Africa and their God.51 In addition, the theory will help us understand the Pentecostal’s approach to the biblical text, with regard to the prophetic office or prophetic gift. Last, this theory is important in the engagement of Pentecostals and their location in Africa. Consequently, this theory is important in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty in Chap. 9.

1.7  Research Methods This book worked within the qualitative research methodology in the field of humanities and theology.52 While quantitative research methodology works with statistical data, qualitative research methodology, particularly in humanities, works with textual data.53 The book used literary analysis to analyse data in the study. This means that no interviews were conducted with any participants for this book, but only literature review. Literary analysis, according to McCarthy, is “closely studying a text, interpreting its meanings, and exploring why the author made certain choices.”54 It is the process of discovering the new meaning of the text through the study of literature.55 For this to happen during a study, the author should be able to select relevant literature and themes from the study when analysing the text in the study.56 Thus, the book only worked within the South African political context, the role of prophecy and its influence in society. The book also explores the text on the historical dimension of the intersectionality on prophecy and politics in South Africa. In addition, since the study is located within the Pentecostal tradition, the various literature on the

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study of Pentecostalism will be consulted, with a focus on African Pentecostalism. Some of the visits by politicians to churches were only recorded by online sources, therefore, the study will also collect data from the internet. Ross points out that online sources should be used responsibly during research in the same way that traditional literature, such as books and peer-reviewed articles, is used in qualitative research.57 Smith and Leigh outline the proper procedure for consulting internet sources in qualitative research: (i) Ethics in research demands that even if the information is available on the internet, the researcher should still ask ethical questions that will give the sources credibility. (ii) Internet sources, like any other sources in research, require an appropriate method to access and use them in an ethical manner. (iii) The sources accessed on the internet must be validated because anyone can post anything on the internet with some posters spreading wrong or inaccurate information. (iv) The internet sources should be consulted by considering the subject matter of the research being conducted by making sure that the experts in the field are a priority over and above internet sources.58 Therefore, in this book, these types of sources were analysed and referenced properly. In addition, all ethical issues were taken into consideration as methodology issues. The book also uses case studies in the selection of the new prophetic churches, which will be used to study the relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. These are churches such as Alleluia Ministries International of Alph Lukau and Enlightened Christian Gathering of Shepherd Bushiri. These churches were selected because prominent politicians had visited them to seek prayers, prophecy and support. In addition, prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri have political influence not only in South Africa, but also in his home country, Malawi, and elsewhere in Africa. The other selected church is the Synagogue Church of All Nations, as one of the politicians in South Africa had visited the church in Nigeria. These churches are of great interest if we are to understand the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in the post-colonial era.

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1.8  Chapter Outline The second chapter looks at the history of the relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. This relationship can be traced back to the apartheid years during early Pentecostalism. The relationship is explored in the second generation of black Pentecostals, such as Frank Chikane, within the context of black South African Pentecostalism. In addition, the relationship is studied in the democratic era by exploring how the prophetic voice got tamed in this period. The intersectionality between prophecy and politics is explored in the post-colonial era by taking into cognisance the influence of migration, religious freedom and so forth. The aim is to highlight the political importance of prophecy in the political sphere. This chapter is also important in establishing a ground for the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. In Chap. 3, the practice of Prophecy within South African Pentecostalism is conceptualised and discussed to apply it to the South African political landscape. This concept will be explored within the various strands of Pentecostalism, such as classical Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism, particularly the new prophetic churches. The chapter will point out that in the new prophetic churches, prophecy is practiced with a focus on the individual prophet, his or her personality and charisma. This type of prophecy makes these churches popular among Africans in different regions of the continent. Hence, new prophetic churches have been able to attract crowds including politicians. Chapter 4 singles out Prophet Shepherd Bushiri as one of the most popular prophets in South Africa and how he has been related to various politicians of the land. As a point of departure, the chapter will look at how Bushiri and his wife have, over the years, faced the mighty hand of the law in South Africa. The chapter will carry on to illustrate how the Bushiris were arrested in South Africa and the process that led to them receiving bail in their latest South African arrest. The chapter will evaluate Prophet Shepherd Bushiri’s escape from South Africa into his country of birth, Malawi. In addition, the chapter will look at the possible political influence in his escape from South Africa to Malawi. The aim is to demonstrate the relationship between prophecy and politics through Bushiri, as one of the popular prophets in Africa. Chapter 5 explores the relationship between other popular prophets and politicians in the South African context. The chapter will look at how the prophets related to the last two presidents of South Africa, Cyril

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Ramaphosa and Jacob Zuma. This is because the prophets were not so popular during the reign of Thabo Mbeki and Nelson Mandela. In addition, the chapter will explore the relationship between South African prophets and other politicians, other than Zuma and Ramaphosa. The different political views made by different prophets will be explored, including various visits made by the politicians to different new prophetic churches. The chapter will explore the nature of their visits and how these visits affect the political affiliations of church members, on the one hand, and how the political visits affect the church affiliations of the politicians, on the other. In addition, the chapter will evaluate certain politicians who received prophecies from the prophets and others who received some prayers during these visits. The chapter aims to demonstrate that these political visits contribute to the popularity of prophets in South Africa. In other words, prophets would open their doors for politicians’ visits, knowing that this boasts the image of the church and its public relations. By associating with a politician, the prophet demonstrates to their followers that their influence extends beyond the confines of the church building into society. Chapter 6 problematises the relationship between prophecy and politics in South Africa, particularly, the contemporary practices of prophecy as demonstrated by prophets such as Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, Pastor Alph Lukau and others. This chapter points to the weakening of the prophetic voice of the church within South African Pentecostalism, particularly the new prophetic church. In addition, the practices of the above-mentioned prophets compromise the public image of the church. There is also a compromise with regards to the prophetic witness by the prophets to the political arena. The behaviour of some of the prophets in relation to politics has demonstrated a lack of ethical conduct. Lastly are the challenges with regard to the engagement of the societal issues facing South Africans and other nations around the world. The challenges will later be addressed through the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. Chapter 7 introduces one of the leading theologians, Walter Brueggemann, and his theory of prophetic imagination as part of the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. In order to develop this theology, there is a need to understand prophetic imagination as the theory that seeks the freedom of the oppressed in Pentecostalism. Consequently, Brueggemann is helpful in dealing with the social oppression that existed during apartheid and in post-colonial South Africa as

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perpetuated by some prophets in new prophetic churches. Brueggemann’s prophetic imagination is also able to deal with any community’s oppressive structures and powers. Similarly, this theory is relevant in addressing the abuses that occur in new prophetic churches in the practice of Pentecostal prophecy. Furthermore, the movement will be able to deal with the power structures that exist in the practice of Pentecostal prophecy and engage the renewal in the same movement. Chapter 8 uses Amos Yong’s pneumatological imagination as the foundation for the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. The chapter will use the aspects of this theory in order to develop a relevant Pentecostal political theology. Therefore, pneumatological imagination is relevant for the connection between the work of the Holy Spirit and Pentecostal prophecy. In addition, the theory is relevant to the intersectionality among God, human beings and the world. Furthermore, this theory can be used to illustrate that the same Holy Spirit who empowered the early church, is able to empower the believers today to witness to the world, including politicians. In order to achieve the above, the pneumatological imagination, as developed by Amos Yong, is introduced in the chapter and further engaged in relation to the practices of Pentecostal theology in South African Pentecostalism. Chapter 9 engages Nimi Wariboko’s alternative sovereignty in the development of a Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty. The concept of prophecy as practiced among believers and politicians will be studied in relation to the sovereign God in Pentecostalism. The chapter also explores the relationship between the practice of prophecy in new prophetic churches and the sovereignty of the Pentecostal movement. The intersectionality of prophecy and the sovereignty of the biblical text in Pentecostalism is explored in detail. Furthermore, the sovereignty of the South African state and the practice of prophecy will be outlined in the chapter on engagement with Pentecostal political theology. These aspects of sovereignty are important in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty in post-colonial Africa. This theology should acknowledge the sovereign God, the sovereign practice of prophecy, sovereign biblical text and the sovereignty of the state in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. The last chapter uses the theories of prophetic imagination, pneumatological imagination and alternative sovereignty in the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos is proposed here as an antithesis of the malpractices of the prophecy

1 INTRODUCTION 

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in new prophetic churches in South Africa. The argument here is that a relevant Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in the twenty-first century should be developed through the intersectionality of prophecy and ethics. There is also a need to move away from individualistic sovereignty towards the sovereignty of the community where power is shared among all believers. This kind of prophecy finds a balance between prophecy and power among prophets in new prophetic churches. In addition, it moves away from the prophetic ministry that demands the subordination of others. The chapter suggests that the Pentecostal movement moves away from an inward-looking approach or the otherworldly towards an outward-­ looking approach that addresses societal challenges. This builds up to a Pentecostal political theology of engagement where societal challenges are addressed by Pentecostals in the twenty-first century. In addition, a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is where prophets in post-­ colonial Africa are expected to speak truth to power. In the end, it is a theology where all believers become part of the prophetic ministry rather than the prophecy of individual prophets who are demanding their own sovereignty in the current practice of prophecy among new prophetic churches.

Notes 1. Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: an introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). Cephas Omenyo, “Man of God prophesy unto me: The prophetic phenomenon in African Christianity.” Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (2011): 30–49. 2. “In 2015 the population of Pentecostals (renewalists) in Africa was estimated at 202.92 million, constituting 35.32 percent of the continent’s Christian population of 574.52 million and 17.11 percent of the total continent’s population of 1.19 billion.” See Nimi Wariboko, Pentecostalism in Africa. In Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. 3. Sibusiso Masondo, “The African indigenous churches’ spiritual resources for democracy and social cohesion.” Verbum et Ecclesia 35, no. 3 (2014): 1–8. Allan Anderson, “New African initiated Pentecostalism and charismatics in South Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 66–92. Allan Anderson, Allan. African reformation: African initiated Christianity in the 20th century (Africa World Press, 2001). 4. Afolayan, Adeshina, Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso, and Toyin Falola, eds. Pentecostalism and politics in Africa. (Basel: Springer, 2018).

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5. Abimbola Adelakun, Performing power in Nigeria: Identity, Politics, and Pentecostalism (Cambridge University Press, 2021). 6. Abimbola Adelakun, Powerful Devices: Prayer and the Political Praxis of Spiritual Warfare (Rutgers University Press, 2022). 7. Paul Freston, Evangelicals and Politics in Asia, Africa and Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). 8. Ruth Marshall, Political Spiritualities: The Pentecostal Revolution in Nigeria (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2009). Cf. Paul Gifford, African Christianity: its public role (London: Hurst 1998); Paul Gifford, Ghana’s new Christianity: Pentecostalism in a globalising African economy (London: Hurst & Co). cf Obadare, Ebenezer. Pentecostal Republic: religion and the struggle for state power in Nigeria (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2018). Cf. Martin Lindhardt, Pentecostalism in Africa: presence and impact of pneumatic Christianity in postcolonial societies (Leiden: Brill, 2014). Cf. Gwyneth McClendon, and Rachel Beatty Riedl. From pews to politics: Religious sermons and political participation in Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019). 9. Marius Nel, Pacifism and Pentecostals in South Africa: A new hermeneutic for nonviolence (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018). 10. Ezra Chitando, Politics and religion in Zimbabwe: The deification of Robert G. Mugabe (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). 11. Amos Yong, In the days of Caesar: Pentecostalism and political theology (Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2010). 12. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Peculiarities in the Pentecostal tradition: Disciplinal and decolonial perspectives in a South African context.” Verbum et Ecclesia 43, no. 1 (2022): 2519. 13. Birgit Meyer, “Aesthetics of persuasion: Global Christianity and Pentecostalism’s sensational forms.” South Atlantic Quarterly 109, no. 4 (2010): 741–763. 14. Chammah Kaunda, “The making of Pentecostal Zambia: A brief history of pneumatic spirituality,” Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 1 (2016): 15–45. 15. Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa is a classical Pentecostal church started by American missionaries, John G Lake and Thomas Hezmalhalch in 1908 in Johannesburg, South Africa. Today, the church boasts a membership of more than one million and branches across the globe, including in the United States of America and the United Kingdom. 16. There are so many branches of the Assemblies of God across the globe, but in South Africa, the Assemblies of God is traced through the coming of Charles Chawner from Canada and Henry Turney from the United States to South Africa who influenced the starting of the church.

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17. Just like the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa and the Assemblies of God, the Full Gospel Church was also started by the missionary George Bowie, who came from America. 18. Allan Anderson, “New African initiated Pentecostalism and charismatics in South Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 66–92. 19. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 6. 20. Ibid., 10. 21. Allan Anderson, “The hermeneutical processes of Pentecostal-type African Initiated churches in South Africa.” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 24, no. 2 (1996): 171–185. 22. The Zion Christian Church is a Zionist African initiated church that was started by Enganas Lekganyane in Boyne, Polokwane, South Africa. The church has great followership in Africa and continues to grow in many parts of the world as well. 23. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “The newer Non-Denominational Pentecostal Churches in South Africa: A Critical Approach to Non-Denominationalism in Pentecostalism,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae (2022): 14-pages. 24. William Graham, Divine word and prophetic word in early Islam: a reconsideration of the sources, with special reference to the Divine Saying or Hadîth Qudsî. Vol. 7. (Walter de Gruyter, 2010), 43. 25. Herbert Lockyer, All the Messianic Prophecies of the Bible (Zondervan, 1988), 11. 26. Patrick Miller, Israelite religion and biblical theology: collected essays (A&C Black, 2000). 27. Tim LaHaye, and Ed Hindson. The Popular Encyclopedia of Bible Prophecy: Over 150 Topics from the World’s Foremost Prophecy Experts. Harvest House Publishers, 2018. 28. Terry, Milton Spenser, and Edward D. Andrews. Biblical hermeneutics: a treatise on the interpretation of the Old and New Testaments. Christian Publishing House, 2021. 29. Wayne Grudem, The Gift of Prophecy in the New Testament and Today (Revised Edition). (Crossway, 2000), 40. 30. Ae-Ngibise, Kenneth, Sara Cooper, Edward Adiibokah, Bright Akpalu, Crick Lund, Victor Doku, and Mhapp Research Programme Consortium. “‘Whether you like it or not people with mental problems are going to go to them’: a qualitative exploration into the widespread use of traditional and faith healers in the provision of mental health care in Ghana.” International Review of Psychiatry 22, no. 6 (2010): 558–567. 31. Ndung’u, Nahashon W. “Persistence of features of traditional healing in the churches in Africa: The case of the Akurinu Churches in Kenya.” Thought and Practice 1, no. 2 (2009): 87–104.

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32. Thobane, Mahlogonolo Stephina. “Armed robbers: creating a perception of invisibility and invincibility through mysticism—are Sangomas providing protection?” Acta Criminologica: African Journal of Criminology & Victimology 2015, no. sed-4 (2015): 151–168. 33. Donald Horowitz, A democratic South Africa? Constitutional engineering in a divided society. (Vol. 46. University of California Press, 2022), 43. 34. Charity Thobile Sifunda, “The schooling system and the reproduction of selves in the post-apartheid era in South Africa: a dialogic approach.” PhD diss., University of Kwazulu Natal 2015. 35. Andrew Dawes, “Politics and mental health: The position of clinical psychology in South Africa,” South African Journal of Psychology 15, no. 2 (1985): 55–61. 36. Anita Berk, “(Con) Formations of inequality in the emergent non-racial democracy of South Africa: the relationship between economic well-being and attitude to race,” (Master’s thesis, University of Cape Town, 2006), 56. 37. Kempen, Annalise, and André Botha. “Money laundering Terrorist financing threats South Africa has urgent work to do.” Servamus Community-­ based Safety and Security Magazine 115, no. 9 (2022): 24–26. 38. Jeanne Prinsloo. “Examining the relationship between the news media and the ANC: A case study of Nkandla coverage.” Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 35, no. 2 (2014): 23–39. 39. Gareth Van Onselen. Clever blacks, Jesus and Nkandla: The real Jacob Zuma in his own words. (Jonathan Ball Publishers, 2014). 40. Alence, Rod, and Anne Pitcher. “Resisting state capture in South Africa.” Journal of Democracy 30, no. 4 (2019): 5–19. 41. Pieter-Louis Myburgh. The Republic of Gupta: a story of state capture (Penguin Random House, South Africa, 2017). 42. Thinandavha Mashau, and Mookgo S.  Kgatle. “Thuma Mina: A critical discourse on the prospect of a Ramaphosa presidency through the lenses of Isaiah 6:8.” Verbum et Ecclesia 42, no. 1 (2021): 1–7. 43. Elsabé Kloppers, “Singing and Sounding the Sacred—the Function of Religious Songs and Hymns in the Public Sphere,” Journal for the Study of Religion 33, no. 1 (2020): 1–23. 44. Greg Ruiters, “Non-racialism: the new form of racial inequality in a neo-­ apartheid South Africa,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 4 (2021): 889–904. 45. Phakamile Thwala, “The Leadership Dilemma in South African Presidency: A Focus on The Post Nelson Mandela Messiah Leadership Discourse,” Available at SSRN 4351806 (2023). 46. Cherrel Africa, “Do Election Campaigns Matter in South Africa? An Examination of Fluctuations in Support for the ANC, DA, IFP and NNP 1994–2019.” In Reflections on the 2019 South African General Elections, pp. 7–25. Routledge, 2020.

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47. See Walter Brueggemann, The Prophetic Imagination (Second Edition) (Fortress Press, 2001); Walter Brueggemann Reality, Grief, Hope: Three Urgent Prophetic Tasks (Eerdmans, 2014); Walter Brueggemann Texts Under Negotiation: The Bible and Postmodern Imagination. (Fortress Press, 1993); Walter Brueggemann, Truth Speaks to Power: The Countercultural Nature of Scripture (Westminster John Knox Press. 2013). 48. Amos Yong, “The pneumatological imagination: The logic of Pentecostal theology.” In Wolfgang Vondey The Routledge Handbook of Pentecostal Theology, pp.  152–162. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). Cf. Amos Yong, Discerning the spirit(s): A Pentecostal-charismatic contribution to Christian theology of religions. (Boston University, 1999). 49. Amos Yong, The Spirit poured out on all flesh: Pentecostalism and the possibility of global theology (Baker Academic, 2005). 50. Clayton Crockett, Radical political theology: Religion and politics after liberalism (Columbia University Press, 2013). 51. Nimi Wariboko, “African Pentecostal Political Philosophy: New Directions in the Study of Pentecostalism and Politics.” Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa (2018): 385–417. Nimi Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism. Vol. 62. Boydell & Brewer, 2014. Nimi Wariboko, Transcripts of the Sacred in Nigeria: Beautiful, Monstrous, Ridiculous. Indiana University Press, 2023. 52. Frederick J.  Wertz, Kathy Charmaz, Linda M.  McMullen, Ruthellen Josselson, Rosemarie Anderson, and Emalinda McSpadden. (2011). Five Ways of Doing Qualitative Analysis: Phenomenological Psychology, Grounded Theory, Discourse Analysis, Narrative Research, and Intuitive Inquiry. New York: Guildford Press. 53. Gabryś-Barker, Danuta, and Adam Wojtaszek, eds. Studying second language acquisition from a qualitative perspective. (Cham: Springer, 2014), 129. 54. Kathryn McCarthy, “Reading beyond the lines: A critical review of cognitive approaches to literary interpretation and comprehension.” Scientific Study of Literature 5, no. 1 (2015): 99–128. 55. Ruth Spack, “Literature, reading, writing, and ESL: Bridging the gaps.” TESOL Quarterly 19, no. 4 (1985): 703–725. 56. Athanases, Steven Z. “Diverse learners, diverse texts: Exploring identity and difference through literary encounters.” Journal of Literacy Research 30, no. 2 (1998): 273–296. 57. Wayne Ross, “Remaking the social studies curriculum.” In Wayne Ross, The social studies curriculum: Purposes, problems, and possibilities (2006): 319–332. New York: State University of New York Press. 58. Smith, Michael A., and Brant Leigh. “Virtual subjects: Using the Internet as an alternative source of subjects and research environment.” Behavior Research Methods, Instruments, & Computers 29 (1997): 496–505.

PART I

Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism

CHAPTER 2

Historical Dimensions of Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism

2.1   Introduction This chapter looks at the history of the relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. This relationship can be traced back to the apartheid years during early Pentecostalism. The relationship is explored in the second generation of black Pentecostals such as Frank Chikane within the context of black South African Pentecostalism. In addition, the relationship is studied in the democratic era by exploring how the prophetic voice was tamed in this period. The intersectionality between prophecy and politics is explored in the post-colonial era by taking into cognisance the influence of migration, religious freedom and so forth. The aim is to highlight the political importance of prophecy in the political sphere. This chapter is also important in establishing a basis for the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

2.2   Intersectionality of Prophecy and Politics The research question that needs to be answered in this section is: “Where do prophecy and politics meet up?” or “What is the foundation of this relationship?” The relationship between prophecy and politics is grounded on the foundations of the relationship that exists between religion and the state. The relationship between politics and religion has been around since ancient times, in early Christian history and the early church. Hulsether © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_2

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explains: “Religion and politics is the relationship between spiritual and secular authority and the effects of religious principles or beliefs on political life.”1 Therefore, as the state seeks spiritual direction, the role of the prophet very much becomes important in such a pursuit. From the time of the Roman Empire, there has been this constant relationship between politics and religion which also laid the ground for the intersectionality of prophecy and politics.2 It is this relationship that sometimes breeds the dominance of one religious group over other religions. Lewis-Williams explains that from ancient Greece to the Roman emperor Constantine, and his officials, Christianity has been recognised as the religion of the time.3 Hence, at times, the prophetic office is seen in confrontation with the dominant religion, which again lays the ground for the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. Even Jesus’ ministry in the gospels was in constant confrontation with the politics of the day.4 This means that Jesus became that messiah that envisaged reversing the oppression of others by the political orders of the day.5 Hence, this ministry is also a prophetic ministry that models the intersectionality between prophecy and politics. Therefore, the intersectionality of prophecy and politics converge when there is a clear relationship between religion and politics. The intersectionality of prophecy and politics emerges when the prophetic office is in confrontation with the political structures or powers. Last, the intersectionality of prophecy and politics emerges when there is a confrontation of social challenges such as the oppression of the people. In a South African context, religion, and particularly theological views and ideologies, was used to motivate certain political decisions including the decision to isolate black people from strategic positions in the economy. One of the theologies used for the motivation of the apartheid system was Christian nationalism and the predestination of Calvinist theology. This means that they saw Afrikaners as being chosen by God to form one Christian nation. Emily Welty puts it this way: Christian Nationalism was another embodiment of the theological justification for apartheid. It acknowledged that diversity existed among human beings and that God created such diversity. However, it saw structural subjugation and separation as the key to preventing the mixing of races. The nation as a concept was not a political entity but rather a divinely inspired manifestation of God on earth. Even political instruments such as voting or legislation were framed in religious terms. For the theologians of the DRC and the National Party, the vote is merely a symbol of divine authority, for

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use only by the Christian and by those who are politically mature. But possession of the vote, in any case, conveys no authority to make laws. Laws are God-given. It was not the electorate that gave legislators power—it was God. Voting was not a right but a privilege bestowed on those who were deemed competent to understand God’s intentions for the Afrikaner people.6

Therefore, religion or religious views were used as a motivation for racial segregation that oppressed most black people in South Africa.7 Hence, the oppressor saw nothing wrong with the process, because they were taught from biblical and theological dispositions on how they should oppress the other human race. This laid the ground for the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, as the prophetic voice had to emerge to fight against the oppression of the people. Against this background, black theologians used the theology of liberation as a political theology of prophecy to stand against the system of oppression; again confirming the relationship between prophecy and politics. They saw black theology as a powerful tool in the hands of the oppressed, and as something that could change the mindset of the black majority in their perception of the oppression and the oppressor.8 The use of the prophetic voice in dealing with the oppressive powers in the same way that a Calvinist theology was also used to motivate the oppression of black people. According to Boesak, black people hoped for a political theology of prophecy that would liberate them from the oppressor: We believe that God has revealed Godself as the One who wishes to bring about justice and true peace on earth; that in a world full of injustice and enmity God is especially the God of the destitute, the poor, and the wronged and that God calls the church to follow in this; that God brings justice to the oppressed and gives bread to the hungry; that God frees the prisoners and restores sight to the blind; that God supports the downtrodden, protects the strangers, helps orphans and widows and blocks the path of the ungodly; that for God pure and undefiled religion is to visit the orphans and the widows in their suffering; that God wishes to teach the people of God to do what is good and to seek the right.9

Therefore, black liberation theology and all other liberation theologies, such as contextual theology, are used as tools for reversing the use of theology in justifying the apartheid system. All the expressions of black theology are prophetic in the sense that they are meant for dealing with the injustices of the past as motivated by the political theology of oppression.10

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It must be reiterated that prophecy and politics are grounded on the relationship between religion and politics, which, at times, is the relationship between the state and the church.11 In addition, prophecy becomes effective when placed in a position where it is in constant confrontation with the wrongdoing of the political elite.12 But, when the prophetic office is controlled by politics, this function of the church ceases to be in place. Therefore, for the church to maintain its prophetic voice, she should not allow the control or intimidation of the political structures. The position of the church is important as a critical voice to the government or the state as this helps in correcting some of the weaknesses in the state through the prophetic voice. In the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, the church cannot be controlled by the political structure. To maintain the healthy intersectionality of prophecy and politics, the government should value and recognise the position of the church. Ferrari explains that, “when the government refuses to recognise churches, this can have negative consequences.”13 This happens when the politics that drive the religious life determine how the religious bodies should conduct themselves. This is the foundation of the debate on the regulation of religion by the state, which alone is perceived as the dominance of politics over religion.

2.3  Early Pentecostalism and Inward-Looking Approach Early Pentecostalism in South Africa was represented by classical Pentecostal churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, the Assemblies of God and the Full Gospel Church in South Africa.14 These are also known as Pentecostal mission churches, because most of them were started by missionaries from the Global North (United States of America and Europe), even if they have their origin in Africa.15 These churches adopted a more inward-looking approach towards politics, because the church leaders at that time did not want to be involved in politics or even conflicts in a South African context.16 The other challenge as raised by Allan Anderson is the “otherworldly” approach adopted by some Pentecostals in Africa. Anderson points out that a “preoccupation with the Spirit’s power sometimes leads to an other-worldly, ‘spiritual’ outlook that does not integrate the understanding of the ‘Spirit’ with the whole of human experience.”17 Consequently, some spirit-filled Pentecostals in Africa would not see a need to participate in political discourses. This

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approach has been largely influenced by the Western missionary theological paradigm that taught Africans that salvation means to distance oneself from the so-called things of the world. In this context, political participation was rather seen as “things of the world.” This is also informed by the fact that Pentecostals resort to a more peaceful approach when dealing with conflicts and violence in their contexts as opposed to adopting a radical approach.18 Therefore, even the first generation of black Pentecostals, such as Elias Letwaba of the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, was not vocal about the political system in South Africa.19 Similarly, the second generation of black Pentecostals such as Richard Ngidi was also quiet on the politics of the day and saw engagement in politics as a hindrance towards the advancement of the gospel at that time.20 These generations were more concerned with the preaching of the gospel and Pentecostalist practices, hence their ignorance of the political issues of their generation. They did not use their influence in the church to confront the system that oppressed them and fellow black people in the country. Rather, the conversion of black people to Christianity became the focus of their generations. They defined the mission among black communities as conversion and not necessarily liberation from oppressive powers at that time.21 Lehman explains that classical Pentecostal churches encourage their “followers to focus on personal discipline and on contributions in time and money to the movement with little attention to the transcendental, to theology or religion’s contribution to society.”22 The second reason for adopting an inward-looking approach is that early Pentecostalism was more concerned about the imminent second coming of Jesus Christ and the desire to reach more souls.23 According to Frahm-Arp, this caused classical Pentecostals to engage in a form of millennialism24 in which believers expected millennial change to be ushered in through an outside agent, in this case, God, rather than through their efforts to change the world. This led to the development of Revival Pentecostalism as a conservative, reactionary world-rejecting movement.25 They wanted to reach as many people as possible through evangelism such that political involvement was not an issue within the Pentecostal movement in South Africa.26 Consequently, they did not see the need to engage in the politics of the day, which were oppressive politics to most black people in South Africa. On the contrary, the white sections of these churches supported the oppressive system of apartheid by implementing the divisions of the political system into the ecclesial system.27 In other

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words, the divisions of people into different groups based on skin colour and ethnicity were implemented into the church without scrutiny.28 Hence, the churches mentioned above were segregated into black, white, Indian and mixed-race groups. There was a worship service for different groups as they could not meet in a single service, because of the political influence on the Pentecostal church at that time.29 They were different baptismal pools for different categories of people in South Africa as they could not be baptised in the same pool. This happened even when the American Missionaries, John G Lake and Thomas Hezmalhalch, were still in South Africa for their mission work. It became worse after their return to the United States of America, when churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa became more segregated into racial groups. Another reason for this is that early Pentecostalism in South Africa was more concerned with the pneumatic experiences within the Pentecostal movement.30 By pneumatic experiences, one refers to the practice of the baptism of the Holy Spirit with the evidence of speaking in tongues.31 Most Pentecostals in early Pentecostalism were only concerned with Spirit baptism and tongue-talking and therefore neglected the sufferings of the communities in South Africa. This experience also touches on other gifts such as prophecy, divine healing and the performance of other miracles. Among Pentecostals, the Spirit baptism and the desire for a relationship with God are perceived as fundamental and are the focus of the movement.32 Hence, other issues such as engagement with politics become secondary or are not focused on at all. Therefore, being filled with the Holy Spirit and speaking in tongues, on its own, is inward-looking. Pentecostals do not translate the infilling of the Spirit into tangible works that encourage them to take part in the politics of the day.33 Pentecostals would rather speak in tongues and prophesise than protest and confront the oppressive system that used politics to the detriment of most black people in South Africa. On the contrary, the original message of the infilling of the Holy Spirit is to motivate the recipients to become a witness in their context and beyond. Therefore, being filled with the Holy Spirit should not be used as an excuse for ignoring the responsibilities the believers have towards other people. Pentecostal churches cannot only concentrate on Spirit baptism and evangelism, but should also take part in the political discourses in the South African context. Pentecostal churches cannot only wait for the imminent second coming of Jesus Christ and not take part in the day-to-­ day suffering of the people of South Africa. The Pentecostal movement, particularly in South Africa, cannot proceed with the idea of being

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inward-looking but should engage with the suffering of black people in different contexts. The next section discusses the emergence of the prophetic voice within Pentecostal circles.

2.4  The Emergence of a Prophetic Voice It was only the third generation of black Pentecostals, such as Frank Chikane, who rose to confront the political system that oppressed people. Chikane did not follow the political trend of the first and second generations of black Pentecostals, but rather followed a more confrontational approach towards the political system during that time. Chikane did this by joining various groups such as the Black Consciousness Movement and other liberation movements to fight the oppressive system in South Africa. Heffernan et al. explain: Frank Chikane described being “converted” to a black theology perspective. He was the son of an Apostolic Faith Mission preacher and came to politics through an initial involvement in the Student Christian Movement. He was exposed to Black Theology ideas while a student at the University of the North, Turfloop, a campus where the South African Student Organisation was particularly strong. Chikane’s exposure to Black Theology and Black consciousness ensured that he was very active politically, resulting in his being arrested and tortured by the police and being defrocked as a minister of the Apostolic Faith Mission.34

Chikane also joined the contextual theologies groups to construct a theology that would be relevant to most black people in various contexts.35 Chikane’s generation within Pentecostalism helped to usher in South Africans into the democratic dispensation through the radical confrontation of the oppressive system in South Africa. In addition, Chikane confronted the racial segregation that existed in his church, the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, until they united in 1996.36 Chikane was at the forefront of leading the unity negotiation between various sections of his church; even when the white section was unwilling to unite, he persuaded them otherwise. However, the relationship between politics and Pentecostalism changed again in the democratic era in South Africa.

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2.5   Prophecy and Neo-colonialism in South Africa The relationship between politics and Pentecostalism continued during the democratic era. However, its outlook changed from a radical one to a more neutral approach. This means that, instead of being more confrontational towards the politics of the day, the church leaders became more accepting thereof in the democratic era. Pentecostal leaders such as Frank Chikane joined the government in post-colonial South Africa, more as a reward for his radical approach towards the apartheid system.37 Chikane was appointed as director general during the presidency of Thabo Mbeki in 1999 and served in that capacity until 2009.38 This made him less critical of the government and had him adopt a more neutral approach towards the wrongdoings of the South African government in a post-democratic era. There are many things that went wrong during the Mbeki presidency, but Chikane was not as vocal as he had been during apartheid. One of the issues was Mbeki’s view on HIV and AIDS, in which Mbeki said that HIV does not cause AIDS.39 Mbeki’s quiet diplomatic approach towards the crisis in Zimbabwe was another issue.40 There were many other challenges during the presidency of Mbeki, but Chikane was silent at this time, because he became more of an insider, and less critical of the hand that fed him. Only after leaving the government that Chikane became vocal again in the form of publications where he defended his silence on the wrongdoings of the Mbeki presidency.41 The reason for his silence forwarded by Chikane was the sensitivity of some of the issues he was dealing with, such as government intelligence and the privacy of information as a government official. Hence, he could not be as vocal as he was when outside the government during apartheid. However, Chikane was not alone in this silence, many other clergies that were very vocal towards the political system of apartheid suddenly became very silent during the democratic era.42 There are several reasons for the silence of church leaders during the democratic era in South Africa. This is mainly called the silence of the prophetic voice in post-colonial South Africa. What was the rationale behind this silence? First, the radical voices of the prophets became silent after the democratic elections in 1994.43 In other words, that which made the church leaders, including Pentecostals such as Chikane, more radical before was the common enemy of apartheid.44 But since apartheid was no more, it appears that many of these leaders did not see the need to become radical towards the political systems.45 Second, when the clergy, such as Chikane, joined the government, it meant that they could no longer

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criticise the system that they were now part of. Balcomb explains that it was very easy for these men of the collar to criticise the government as outsiders but once they became insiders, they became quiet.46 The government and the governing party became the hand that fed Pentecostal leaders, such as Chikane, which made it difficult for them to bite it.47 Third, these leaders that became part of the government were now less active in theological and ecclesiological activities as the foundation of their radicalism.48 They were no longer active in, for example, the contextual theology and other societies that were dealing with contextual issues in South Africa. Fourth, these church leaders lost touch with the realities of the people and their sufferings, which were originally some of the motivations for their radical approach towards political systems.49 In other words, they were no longer concerned with the challenges facing the black majority in South Africa, and democracy became like a comfort zone that did not need confrontation.50 The democratic era also opened the way for other Pentecostal and charismatic churches to have an opportunity to come into contact with the government. Pentecostal leaders, such as Ray McCauley and his Rhema Church, soon had connections or relationships with government or political leaders in South Africa. Offutt describes McCauley and Rhema’s involvement in politics in this way: Rhema’s involvement in this and other initiatives made it a legitimate place of worship for some of the most important new black leaders in the country. Former Anglo American Corporation CEO Lazarus Zim, CEOs of black investment groups, and leaders in other industries are all Rhema members. Some of the heroes of the ANC struggle and other cultural icons, including a former ANC chaplain, are also part of Rhema’s inner circle. Nelson Mandela was known occasionally to frequent Rhema during his presidency, and more recently, during South Africa’s presidential elections in 2009, Jacob Zuma spoke to the congregation.51

McCauley, as the President of the International Federation of Christian Churches (IFCC) and the co-chair of the National Interfaith Council of South Africa (NICSA), had the opportunity as a charismatic pastor to interact with the political system in the democratic era.52 Through McCauley’s influence, other charismatic pastors also had an opportunity to influence the political system. Charismatic churches such as Grace Bible Church in Soweto, also members of the above-mentioned associations and

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members of the South African Council of Churches, have, since democracy, gained influence within politics.53 Bishop Musa Sono and other charismatic pastors in South Africa have also become influential voices that speak to the government and the political system.54 Both McCauley and Sono have several other pastors that serve with them in the church who would, because of their association, also have interactions with the political parties. This, in a way, increases the level of influence that the Pentecostal churches have in the political parties in South Africa. The two pastors, that is, McCauley and Sono, might be old and near retirement, but the generation of pastors they are leaving behind will continue to exert the same influence on the political system in South Africa. Although some scholars do not consider African Initiated Churches as part of the Pentecostal movement, others do recognise them or refer to some as Pentecostal type African Initiated Churches.55 Soon after the arrival of democracy, there were also interactions between many of the African Initiated Churches and some political formations such as the African National Congress. These churches include the Zion Christian Church56 in Polokwane, Limpopo. The Zion Christian Church has over the years attracted the presence of politicians due to its strength in prayer.57 Thus, since the arrival of democracy in South Africa, a number of politicians have visited the headquarters of the Zion Christian Church in Polokwane for the sake of receiving prayers. As a result, the Zion Christian Church also has a relationship with political formations. Numerous other African Initiated Churches also have some interactions with the political parties across the length and breadth of South Africa. The other strength of the African Initiated Churches is their ability to attract numbers which is why politicians like to visit them based on the crowds in these churches.58 All these kinds of influences in the relationship between politics and Pentecostalism will be discussed in detail in the coming chapters.

2.6   Prophecy, Post-colonialism and Migration in South Africa The democratic era in South Africa also came with freedom of religion and freedom of association as enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic.59 This meant that the different religious bodies that existed in South Africa are now free to worship at any time and any place where they see fit as long as it does not harm the freedom of others. Boyle et al. explain:

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Freedom of religion and belief during the apartheid era was outward freedom only. Although religions were free to worship, erect places of worship and propagate their beliefs, the apartheid laws, particularly the Group Areas Act, placed restrictions on where people might live. Buildings such as mosques and Hindu temples could only be erected in areas set aside for coloreds or Asians.60

This also cleared the way for the practice of a multiplicity of religions in South Africa as opposed to the control of religious bodies through the Group Areas Act in the country.61 This is also seen in public spaces and during different ceremonies of government post-democracy where most religions are represented during prayer and meditation. This brought some form of religious tolerance where different religions could exist alongside one another without discrimination.62 But, it also came with the dismantling of what used to be called assembly prayer meetings in some public schools, as this kind of prayer only represented Christianity. Other religions were left out in this practice; hence, religious freedom meant such should be done away with in the democratic era. It also meant that more religious bodies could be established alongside the religions that already existed before the coming of democracy. In the context of the Pentecostal movement, this meant that there was now an opportunity for establishing churches, something which had been sporadic and limited during apartheid.63 This also meant that migrant churches outside of South Africa could now plant branches of their mothers’ assemblies here.64 These dynamics represent the complexities of the relationship between Pentecostalism and politics as informed by the freedom of religion in a democratic era. Thus, in the post-democratic era, many other churches that are not classical Pentecostal churches, charismatic churches, or African Initiated Churches were established. In other words, the freedom of religion that came with democracy also opened the way for establishing many Pentacostal-like churches that did not exist before democracy. It is this period that saw the mushrooming and proliferation of many independent Pentecostal churches in ministries in South Africa. Resane explains that, as a result of democracy, it became easy for Pentecostals to plant churches in different cities.65 In addition, the arrival of democracy opened the way for more migrant Pentecostal churches, such as the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God from Brazil, to be established in South Africa.66 Some of these churches have their headquarters elsewhere in Africa, but opened

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branches in South Africa in the democratic era. Churches such as Christ Embassy, with its headquarters in Nigeria, opened many branches in South Africa, with one of the main branches in Randburg.67 Moreover, other migrant churches such as Enlightened Christian Gathering of Shepherd Bushiri and Alleluia Ministries International of Pastor Alph Lukau were also established.68 Many other ministers of the gospel came from different parts of Africa to open the branches of their churches in South Africa, because democracy now allowed the free movement of migrants, which had not been the case during the era of oppression. However, the same aspect has caused some tension between local ministers of the gospel and migrant pastors, resulting in some of the locals resorting to xenophobic attacks on fellow pastors.69 Nonetheless, the migrant ministers believed that, while in South Africa, their ministries will be able to flourish and succeed, because the country was free. Some of the ministries were opened as a service to the migrants, who moved from their host countries to South Africa, and the pastors of these migrants followed their congregants into South Africa.70 This is a common practice across the globe, where migrant churches become a home to many migrants. The same thing is happening in South Africa, whereby migrants establish a church, not only for spiritual service but as a way of creating a home away from home. Some of the churches were started because migrants initially joined the churches in South Africa, but, as time went by, discovered some cultural differences that did not resonate with them.71 In response to these cultural dynamics, the pastors opened new churches in South Africa, adding to the notion of the proliferation of churches. Therefore, African migrants do not only leave home in search of a secular job but to also to start churches. Other than the churches started by the migrants, several independent Pentecostal churches were established in South Africa with the arrival of democracy.72 Unlike the situation during the apartheid days, where churches could only be started with caution, the democratic era meant that anyone who claimed to have received a calling from God, could start the church. In a democracy, there are churches on every corner of the cities of South Africa, and several in villages and towns. Thus, the churches in the democratic era are not only those started by the Western missionaries, and African Initiated Churches, but also the several ministries started by others in the cities of South Africa.73 In recent years, there are ministries such as Incredible Happenings of Pastor Paseka Motsoeneng and, Rabboni centre Ministries of Pastor Daniel Lesego, to list but a few.74 It must also

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be noted that these kinds of churches continue to grow, despite the fact that they were started without a vetting process.75 In addition, these churches have been established by non-ordained ministers and those who have never attended theological training.76 There is a proliferation of these churches in the democratic era, and there is a need to explore their relationship with the government, separately from other churches that were established before democracy. Hence, the rest of the chapters in this book shall focus on these types of churches. In recent years, politicians have interacted with these kinds of churches, ministries and pastors on different levels. This relationship cannot be the same as the one during the apartheid years, or even the one politicians had with classical Pentecostals such as Chikane. This relationship is also not the same as the one between politicians and the likes of Ray McCauley and Musa Sono. It is a relationship between politicians and pastors, who have never been trained or have never attended theological college—they simply claim to have been called by God to lead a church. It is a relationship between politicians and pastors, who simply aim to have a big church and attract more numbers to their churches, rather than leading more souls to Christ. It is a relationship whose goal is the accumulation of resources and other financial benefits through connections with politicians and the governing party. Some do so to beneficiate their own families through these political connections. This book aims to demonstrate that these churches use the prophetic message not only to attract followers but to also attract politicians to their ranks. However, this kind of relationship compromises the prophetic voice of the church in general. Hence, the need for the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

2.7  The Political Importance of Prophecy Prophecy plays an important role in the religious milieu within the Pentecostal circles. In his book Bantu Prophets in South Africa, Bengt Sundkler shared testimonies of many people who were healed through the ministry of the prophets in South Africa.77 Anderson says that many Pentecostals have a propensity of bringing the challenges they face to the prophet to deal with.78 The role of prophecy is not limited to a church setting, but extend to the public sphere including politics. The late Ogbu Kalu highlighted the political importance of prophecy that influences the political direction of the political elite, who are in need of both prayers and support.79 In other words, the prophecy connects with politics when

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politicians are in need of spiritual support for their political efforts. This draws the politicians closer to the clergy, who sometimes happen to be prophets with a prophetic message that may be relevant to the political elite. Pentecostals, according to Kalu, use transformative language in their prophetic preaching in order to bring about change beyond the church circles, including the political context.80 Kalu says that Pentecostals’ political struggles rests on four pillars: (i) rebuilding the individual, thus bestowing the power to be truly human; (ii) a predominantly covert form of social activism, attacking socio-political and moral structures; (iii) an increasing assertion for the rule of saints and the politics of engagement; and (iv) building the new Israel by empowering communities to participate in the foretaste of God’s reign.”81 These pillars shall be expanded upon more in section two as they are important in the formulation of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. In his book African Pentecostalism, Kalu explains that salvation in Pentecostalism is “a means of tracking political engagement because the church confronts the powers and authorities by its actions. It presents a different way of being human and exercising one’s power in a manner to assist other people to be truly human as well.”82

2.8  Challenges of the Intersectionality of Prophecy and Politics As much as scholars such as Ogbu Kalu highlighted the political importance of prophecy on the one hand, he is also critical of the same. Kalu also warns about the “false mercenary prophets who dupe the politicians.”83 Some of these prophets do not necessarily have a word from God, but rather use manipulative tactics to lure politicians to them. In addition, some of these acclaimed prophets do not necessarily prophesise by way of the Spirit of God, but through divination.84 It is, at times, doubtful whether some of the prophets are indeed sent by God, or whether they have sent themselves to the political elite. The biblical text states in Jeremiah 23:21 “I did not send these prophets, yet they have run with their message; I did not speak to them, yet they have prophesied.” It is possible that some of the prophets are self-appointed prophets, whom God did not instruct to give a prophetic word in the political sphere. These and other challenges shall be addressed in Chap. 6 (Sects. 6.1 and

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6.2) of this book, in the quest to develop a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

2.9  Conclusion This second chapter looked at the history of the relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. This relationship can be traced back to the apartheid years during early Pentecostalism. The relationship was explored in the second generation of black Pentecostals such as Frank Chikane within the context of black South African Pentecostalism. In addition, the relationship was studied in post-colonial Africa by exploring how the prophetic voice was tamed in this period. Therefore, the intersectionality of prophecy and politics was explored in the post-colonial era by taking into cognisance the influence of migration, religious freedom and so forth. The aim was to highlight the political importance of prophecy in the political sphere on the one hand, and the challenges of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics on the other. This chapter is also important in establishing a basis for the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

Notes 1. Mark Hulsether, Religion, Culture, and Politics in the Twentieth-Century United States (Edinburgh University Press, 2007), 67. 2. Michael Gaddis, There is no crime for those who have Christ: religious violence in the Christian Roman Empire (Vol. 39. University of California Press, 2005). 3. David Lewis-Williams, Conceiving God: The cognitive origin and evolution of religion (London: Thames & Hudson, 2011), 43. 4. Marcus Borg, Conflict, holiness, and politics in the teachings of Jesus (Bloomsbury Publishing USA, 1998). 5. Ruether, Rosemary Radford. To change the world: Christology and cultural criticism (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2001). 6. Welty, Emily E., Liberation or domestication? An examination of the role of religion during apartheid in South Africa. (American University, 2005), 26. 7. Dass-Brailsford, Priscilla, “Exploring resiliency: academic achievement among disadvantaged black youth in South Africa: ‘general’ section.” South African Journal of Psychology 35, no. 3 (2005): 574–591. 8. Vuyani Vellem, “Prophetic Theology in Black Theology, with special reference to the Kairos document,” HTS Theological Studies 66, no. 1 (2010):

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1–6. Cf. James Cone, Risks of faith: The emergence of a black theology of liberation, 1968–1998 (Beacon Press, 2000). 9. Allan Boesak, “To stand where God stands: Reflections on the Confession of Belhar after 25 years.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 34, no. 1 (2008): 1–29. 10. Allan Boesak, Farewell to innocence: A socio-ethical study on black theology and black power (Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2015). 11. Knill, Christoph, Caroline Preidel, and Kerstin Nebel, “Brake rather than barrier: The impact of the Catholic Church on morality policies in Western Europe.” West European Politics 37, no. 5 (2014): 845–866. Cf. Drezgić, Rada. “Religion, politics and gender in the context of nation-state formation: the case of Serbia.” Third World Quarterly 31, no. 6 (2010): 955–970. 12. Allani, Alaya. “The Islamists in Tunisia between confrontation and participation: 1980–2008.” The Journal of North African Studies 14, no. 2 (2009): 257–272. 13. Silvio Ferrari, Current Issues in Law and Religion (Brisbane: Connor court publishing), 73. 14. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle and Allan H. Anderson, eds. The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). 15. Allan Anderson, “The newer Pentecostal and Charismatic churches: The shape of future Christianity in Africa?” Pneuma 24, no. 2 (2002): 167–184. Cf. Allan Heaton Anderson, To the ends of the earth: Pentecostalism and the transformation of world Christianity (Oxford University Press, 2013). 16. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Peculiarities in the Pentecostal tradition: Disciplinal and decolonial perspectives in a South African context,” Verbum et Ecclesia 43, no. 1 (2022): 2519. Cf. Willem Saayman, “Some reflections on the development of the Pentecostal mission model in South Africa,” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 21, no. 1 (1993): 40–56. 17. Allan Anderson, Spirit-filled world: Religious dis/continuity in African Pentecostalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), 239. 18. Marius Nel, Pacifism and Pentecostals in South Africa: A new hermeneutic for nonviolence (Routledge, 2018). 19. Allan Anderson, “Pentecostals and apartheid in South Africa during ninety years 1908–1998,” Cyberjournal for Pentecostal-charismatic research 9 (2001). Cf. Kelebogile Resane, “Pentecostals and apartheid: Has the wheel turned around since 1994?” In Die Skriflig 52, no. 1 (2018): 1–8. 20. Thabang Richard Mofokeng, “Throwing the baby out with the bathwater: cultural reorientation of Black Pentecostalism in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa, 1940–1975” (PhD diss., 2018, Pretoria: University of South Africa).

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21. Musa Dube, “Searching for the lost needle: Double colonization & postcolonial African feminisms,” Studies in world Christianity 5, no. 2 (1999): 213–228. 22. David, Lehmann, “Religion as heritage, religion as belief: Shifting frontiers of secularism in Europe, the USA and Brazil,” International Sociology 28, no. 6 (2013): 645–662. 23. Allan Anderson, “Structures and patterns in Pentecostal mission,” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 32, no. 2 (2004): 233–249. Cf. Saayman, “Some reflections.” 24. The concept of millennialism as embraced by early Pentecostals refers to a belief by Pentecostalism that there is a period whereby God or the divine will come as related to the second coming of Christ to solve all the challenges of the world. Based on apocalyptical books, there is also a belief that millennialism will make the destruction of Satan and the reigning of believers over a specific period. 25. Maria Frahm-Arp, Professional women in South African Pentecostal charismatic churches (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 54. 26. Saayman, “Some reflections” 42. 27. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “A socio-historical analysis of the sections in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa from 1908 to the present,” Verbum et Ecclesia 38, no. 1 (2017): 1–10. 28. Keletso, Yende, “An Exploratory Study of Women Leadership in the South African Charismatic Church Through an African Women Practical Theology Lens.” (2022), Stellenbosch University. 29. Marius Nel, “Integrating spirituality and rationality the long and arduous journey of the historical development of theological training in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa,” In die Skriflig 50, no. 2 (2016): 1–10. 30. Walter Hollenweger and Iain MacRobert, The black roots and white racism of early Pentecostalism in the USA. (Springer, 1988). 31. Peter Kay, “The Pentecostal Missionary Union and the fourfold gospel with baptism in the Holy Spirit and speaking in tongues: A new power for missions?” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 19, no. 1 (1999): 89–104. 32. Frank Macchia, “The Oneness-Trinitarian Pentecostal Dialogue: Exploring the Diversity of Apostolic Faith,” Harvard theological review 103, no. 3 (2010): 329–349. 33. Maria Frahm-Arp, “The political rhetoric in sermons and select social media in three Pentecostal Charismatic Evangelical churches leading up to the 2014 South African election.” Journal for the Study of Religion 28, no. 1 (2015): 114–141.

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34. Heffernan Ann, Noor Nieftagodien, Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, and Bhekizizwe Peterson, eds. Students must rise: Youth struggle in South Africa before and beyond Soweto’76. NYU Press, 2016. 35. Frank Chikane, “The Apostolic Faith Mission: The Case of a Lone Mission and Evangelism Journey outside the Conferences on World Mission and Evangelism,” International Review of Mission 108, no. 2 (2019): 363–374. 36. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Servant leadership: The style of Frank Chikane from early life to the presidency of Thabo Mbeki,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 44, no. 2 (2018): 1–17. 37. Vusimuzi Goodman Nkuna, “Comparative Analysis of the State of Religious Pluralism between Intertestamental Palestine and Post-Apartheid South Africa,” E-Journal of Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences (2021). 38. Kgatle, “servant leadership,” 3. 39. Theodore Sheckels, “The rhetoric of Thabo Mbeki on HIV/Aids: strategic scapegoating?” Howard Journal of Communications 15, no. 2 (2004): 69–82. Cf. Fraser McNeill “‘Condoms cause AIDS’: Poison, prevention and denial in Venda, South Africa,” African affairs 108, no. 432 (2009): 353–370. 40. Rather than becoming more radical towards the economic crisis in Zimbabwe, former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki became more diplomatic and said that the Zimbabweans should be left to solve their own crisis. This saddened many people in South Africa because the crisis in Zimbabwe affects the South African economy in the provision of healthcare, education, and other services. See Graham, Victoria. “How firm the handshake? South Africa’s use of quiet diplomacy in Zimbabwe from 1999 to 2006.” African security studies 15, no. 4 (2006): 113–127. Cf. Chris Landsberg, “African solutions for African problems: quiet diplomacy and South Africa’s diplomatic strategy towards Zimbabwe,” Journal for Contemporary History 41, no. 1 (2016): 126–148. 41. Frank Chikane, The things that could not be said: From A (ids) to Z (imbabwe) (Johannesburg, Picador Africa, 2013). 42. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “The prophetic voice of the South African Council of Churches: A weak voice in post-1994 South Africa,” HTS: Theological Studies 74, no. 1 (2018): 1–8. 43. Kgatle, “The prophetic voice” 4. 44. Mathew Clark, “Contemporary Pentecostal leadership: The apostolic faith mission of South Africa as case study,” Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies 10, no. 1 (2007): 42–61. 45. Kelebogile Resane, “Ichabod–The glory has departed: The metaphor showing the church’s prophetic failure in South Africa,” Pharos Journal of Theology 97, no. 1 (2016): 1–12. 46. Anthony Balcomb, “From Apartheid to the New Dispensation: Evangelicals and the Democratization of South Africa,” Journal of Religion in Africa

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34, no. 1–2 (2004): 5–38. Cf. Simanga Kumalo, “‘The people shall govern’: The role of the church in the development of participatory democracy in South Africa,” Scriptura: Journal for Contextual Hermeneutics in Southern Africa 101, no. 1 (2009): 246–258. 47. Kgatle, “The Prophetic voice,” 4. 48. Balcomb, “From Apartheid to the New Dispensation” 20. 49. Jerry Pillay, “Faith and reality: The role and contributions of the ecumenical church to the realities and development of South Africa since the advent of democracy in 1994,” HTS: Theological Studies 73, no. 4 (2017): 1–7. 50. Simanga Kumalo, and Daglous Dziva. “Paying the price for democracy: The contribution of the church in the development of good governance in South Africa,” From our side: Emerging perspectives on development and ethics (2008): 171–187. 51. Stephen Offutt, “The Transnational Location of Two Leading Evangelical Churches in the Global South,” Pneuma 32, no. 3 (2010): 390–411. 52. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Dis/Continuity with Cultic Tendencies in Classical Pentecostal and Charismatic Churches (PCCs),” Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa (2021): 157–175. 53. Maria Frahm-Arp, “Surveillance and violence against women in Grace Bible Church and the Zionist Christian Church,” Journal of Gender and Religion in Africa 21, no. 1 (2015): 71–84. Cf. Tebogo Molate Sewapa, “An interdisciplinary engagement with the human dignity of the sexual minorities in Grace Bible Church, Soweto: a case study on gender, law and religion” (PhD diss., Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch University, 2019). 54. Chammah Kaunda, “Towards Pentecopolitanism: New African Pentecostalism and social cohesion in South Africa,” African Journal on Conflict Resolution 15, no. 3 (2015): 111–134. 55. African Initiated Churches because of their use of materiality of religion in the use of sacred products such as oil and water in divine healing. And because of the wearing of church uniforms have been disregarded as part of the Pentecostal movement in Pentecostal scholarship. However, scholars such as Anderson and Mwaura actually speak of Pentecostal-type, African Initiated Churches. Hence, I also include them in this discussion between politics and Pentecostalism. See Anderson, Allan H. “The hermeneutical processes of Pentecostal-type African Initiated churches in South Africa,” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 24, no. 2 (1996): 171–185. Cf. Philomena Njeri Mwaura, “Concept of Basic Human Rights in African Independent Pentecostal Church of Africa and Jesus Is Alive Ministries,” Journal of World Christianity 5, no. 1 (2012): 9–42. 56. Zion Christian Church is an African Initiated Church that was founded by Bishop Engenas Lekganyane in 1910, in Zion City Moria, in the Limpopo

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Province of South Africa. The church has a great following in South Africa and elsewhere in Africa and the globe. 57. Allan Anderson, “The lekganyanes and prophecy in the Zion Christian Church,” Journal of religion in Africa 29, no. 3 (1999): 285–312. Cf. James Kenokeno Mashabela, “Healing in a cultural context: The role of healing as a defining character in the growth and popular faith of the Zion Christian Church,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 43, no. 2 (2017): 1–14. 58. Shepherd Mpofu, “Religious and political intersections: the instrumentalisation of Christianity during Zimbabwe’s 2018 presidential elections,” Canadian Journal of African Studies/Revue canadienne des études africaines 56, no. 2 (2022): 383–406. 59. Mpfariseni Budeli, “Freedom of association and trade unionism in South Africa: from apartheid to the democratic constitutional order” (2007), University of Cape Town. 60. Kevin Boyle and Juliet Sheen, eds. Freedom of religion and belief: A world report. (Psychology Press, 1997). 66. 61. Group Areas Act 1950. 62. Alfred Stepan, “The multiple secularisms of modern democratic and nondemocratic regimes.” In APSA 2010 Annual Meeting Paper. 2010. 63. Kingsley Larbi, “African Pentecostalism in the context of global Pentecostal ecumenical fraternity: Challenges and opportunities,” Pneuma 24, no. 2 (2002): 138–166. Cf. Balcomb, “From Apartheid to the New Dispensation.” 64. Vedaste Nzayabino, “The role of refugee-established churches in integrating forced migrants: A case study of Word of Life Assembly in Yeoville, Johannesburg,” HTS: Theological Studies 66, no. 1 (2010): 1–9. 65. Kelebogile Resane, “From small country churches to explosion into megachurches: A modern Pentecostal cultural fit for the Assemblies of God in South Africa,” Verbum et Ecclesia 43, no. 1 (2022): 2460. 66. Paul Freston, “The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God: a Brazilian church finds success in Southern Africa,” Journal of religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 33–65. 67. Asonzeh Ukah, “Prophets for profit: Pentecostal authority and fiscal accountability among Nigerian churches in South Africa,” Alternative voices: A plurality approach for religious studies (2013): 134–159. 68. Elise Kisungu, “The abuse of the Spirit: an immigration-imported new wave or a development of pre-existing local beliefs?” In The Use and Abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 53–72 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). 69. Francis Nyamnjoh, Insiders and outsiders: Citizenship and xenophobia in contemporary Southern Africa. Zed Books, 2006. 70. Nzayabino, “The role of refugee-established churches.” 71. Jean Comaroff and John L. Comaroff, Of revelation and revolution, volume 1: Christianity, colonialism, and consciousness in South Africa. Vol. 1. University of Chicago Press, 2008.

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72. Allan Anderson, “New African initiated Pentecostalism and charismatics in South Africa,” Journal of religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 66–92. 73. Michael Milumba, “Partnership praxis and development? A theological assessment of the discourse and practice of partnerships among African initiated churches in the post-apartheid South Africa” (PhD diss., 2016, University of KwaZulu-Natal). 74. Collium Banda, “Unsafe spaces? An ecclesiological evaluation and response to recent controversial practices in some South African neo-­Pentecostal churches,” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–10. 75. Payne, Jennifer Shepard, “It’s kind of a dichotomy”: Thoughts related to calling and purpose from pastors working and counseling in urban resource-­poor communities,” Journal of religion and health 56, no. 4 (2017): 1419–1435. 76. Masenya, Madipoane and Malesela Masenya, “Church breakaways as a prototype of commercialisation and commodification of religion in the Pentecostal Church Movement in South Africa: considering curricula offerings for pastors,” Stellenbosch Theological Journal 4, no. 2 (2018): 633–654. 77. Bengt Sundkler, Bantu Prophets in South Africa. 2nd edition (London, UK: Oxford University Press for the International African Institute). 78. Allan Anderson, Moya: The Holy Spirit in an African Context. (Pretoria: UNISA Press, 1994); Allan Anderson, Bazalwane: African Pentecostals in South Africa. Pretoria: Unisa, 1992; Allan Anderson, Zion and Pentecost: The Spirituality and Experience of Pentecostal and Zionist/ Apostolic Churches in South Africa (Pretoria: University of South Africa Press, 2000). 79. Ogbu Kalu, O “Faith and politics in Africa: Emergent political theology of engagement in Nigeria,” Religions in Africa: Conflicts, Politics and Social Ethics, The Collected Essays of Ogbu Uke Kalu 3 (2010): 11–30. 80. Ogbu Kalu, O “Sankofa: Pentecostalism and African Cultural Heritage.” In The Spirit in the World: Emerging Pentecostal Theologies in Global Context, edited by Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, 135–52. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2009. 81. Ogbu Kalu, O “The Practice of Victorious Life: Pentecostal Political Theology and Practice in Nigeria, 1970–1996.” Mission: Journal of Mission Studies, University of Ottawa 5, no. 2 (1998): 229–55. 82. Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: an introduction (Oxford University Press, 2008), 21. 83. Kalu, “Faith and politics in Africa: Emergent political theology of engagement in Nigeria,” 12. 84. Gerhardus Oosthuizen, The Healer-Prophet in Afro-Christian Churches (Leiden, the Netherlands: E. J. Brill; 1992), 166. Cf. Gerhardus Oosthuizen et  al. Afro-Christian Religion and Healing in Southern Africa. 1989 (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press).

CHAPTER 3

The Practice of Prophecy in Contemporary Pentecostalism

3.1   Introduction Prophecy is an activity whereby God speaks to his people through the mouths of his prophets. The prophets are therefore seen as the messengers who deliver God’s word to the people. Hence, in both the Old and New Testaments, various prophets were used as mouthpieces of God to speak to nations. The prophecy can serve as a word of encouragement to the people, but it can also serve as a word of warning to the same. The same practices of prophecy from ancient times are practiced in contemporary times in the twenty-first century. In this chapter, the practice of prophecy within South African Pentecostalism is conceptualised and discussed to apply it to the South African political landscape. This concept will be explored within the various strands of Pentecostalism such as classical Pentecostalism and neo-Pentecostalism, particularly the new prophetic churches. The chapter will point out that in the new prophetic churches, prophecy is practiced with a focus on the individual prophet, his or her personality, and charisma. This type of prophecy makes these churches popular among Africans in different regions of the continent. Hence, new prophetic churches have been able to attract crowds including politicians.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_3

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3.2  The Conceptualisation of Prophecy Prophecy is an activity whereby God speaks to his people through the mouths of his prophets. Through the prophetic word, the people’s evil works are exposed to bring correction to the nation.1 Therefore, prophecy is not entertainment but the very word from above to communicate with the people of God. In addition, the prophet should never take the word personally as it is not about him or her but about the people of God. It is about the prophecy delivered to God’s people about God’s promises to them over the years. The one delivering the prophecy might change, but the message will remain and be consistent over the years.2 Therefore, the role of the prophets is to act as the messengers who deliver God’s word to the people. According to Evans: The messenger has to be careful not to tamper with the message in any way. Likewise, prophetic people must deliver the Word as God gives it to them. They should not alter the message because of personal opinion/bias, or popularity.3

This means that the integrity of the prophet as the one bringing the word of God is important because they are not delivering their own words but the word of the Lord. Therefore, prophets should be careful how they carry themselves before the people as they are messengers used by God to deliver his word. The work of the evil one is to destroy the prophet so that the word they deliver to the people does not have integrity and people will thus not believe the word. The responsible prophet, therefore, ensures that their integrity remains intact so that the word they have received from God is received by the people.4 In both the Old and New Testaments, various prophets were used as mouthpieces of God to speak to the nations. In the Old Testament, prophets delivered the word of God to the nations, particularly the nation of Israel as they received such from God.5 The goal of such prophecies to nations was to ensure that the people of God were aligned to the plan and mission of God on earth.6 Prophecy in this regard is seen as an endeavour to call the nations back to God and his mission.7 Hence, God will send his word to remind the people of his mission on earth and for the people to remain in the mission of God. However, God warned the people that some prophets continued to deliver a word while God did not speak to them or send them to deliver a word to the people (Jer 23:21). Hammerstein points out,

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In the last days where “prophets of God” will continue to speak blessings in the name of the LORD in the house of God, yet God has not sent them, and they will make people trust in a lie, rather than in the whole counsel of God’s word.8

In the New Testament, Paul refers to when the Thessalonians received the word, they did not take it as coming from human beings but as the word that came from above or from God himself (I Thess 2:13). Therefore, prophecy becomes the word of God expressed in human words; however, it is the responsibility of the recipients to discern if such words are divine or humane. The divine nature of prophecy is seen in the impact that it makes on the life or lives of those it was meant for as opposed to the normal word uttered by a human being. Therefore, those who walk in discernment should be able to tell whether the word delivered to the audience is a word from God or whether it is a word from the human mind disguised as prophecy. Prophecy can serve as a word of encouragement to the people for whom it is meant, but it can also serve as a word of warning to same. Raichur explains: “The gift of prophecy brings an inspired word to bless and enrich people’s lives by bringing strength, encouragement, and comfort.”9 Prophecy can come to the people to bring conviction of the wrong things that they are involved in or which they are perpetrating in society. Prophecy can also bring correction to the people particularly when they are led astray by the evil on earth. The prophetic word can be sent to the different leaders at different periods of their leadership as kings, governors and so forth. God sends his prophetic word to bring order among nations. Raichur explains: “Very similar to the way God used Jeremiah, God may send some of His prophets to a local area, region or nation to uproot and destroy demonic strongholds.”10 Therefore, prophecy should not always be seen as motivation; God also speaks when His people commit sin or do things that are wrong before His presence. Hence, different prophets in the Bible functioned differently as per the mandate and the calling they received from God. Some acted as prophets who inspired the people of God to move towards the mission, but, at the same time, there were prophets who were assigned to correct the people and to bring order among the nations.11 It is not the perception or the hatred of the prophet towards the people that warrants such a prophetic gesture but the word that God himself sent to the prophet to deliver to the people. Therefore,

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the messenger is only carrying the word to the people, but the message will be coming directly from God to the people. The same practices of prophecy from ancient times are practiced in contemporary times in the twenty-first century. Therefore, prophets in recent times, have followed in the footsteps of the Old and New Testament prophets in delivering or practicing the prophetic gift. There are some resemblances between contemporary practices and those of the Old Testament; hence, some prophets call themselves major prophets in the same way that there were major prophets in the Old Testament. In other contemporary churches, there is also a reference to the prophetic office or the prophetic gift in the same way that the New Testament is referring to the fivefold ministry. As Butler explains, “Whenever the New Testament explicitly uses the word ‘prophet,’ it is in direct reference to the office and not the gift of prophecy.”12 However, while prophecy was used to remind people about the mission of God in the Old and New Testaments, prophecy is used by some prophets in contemporary Pentecostalism to their advantage. Some utter their own words or ideas and pretend that it is God speaking to the people. While others use prophecy to enrich themselves or to gain popularity among the people. There are many other unusual practices of contemporary prophecy among Pentecostals. Other non-­ Pentecostals also abuse the practices of prophecy to their advantage, but they are not the focus of this book. The remaining sections of this chapter will focus on the practice of prophecy in recent times, particularly among the Pentecostal churches. The aim is to demonstrate that prophecy is one of the crowd pullers that also attracts the presence of politicians to Pentecostal churches.

3.3  The Practice of Prophecy in Pentecostal Theology The practice of prophecy is common in Pentecostalism. Given their theological approach to pneumatology, prophecy becomes the pneumatological experience such as speaking in tongues, word of knowledge and so forth. Pneumatology is the belief in the works of the Holy Spirit in the life of the believer. According to Anderson, this doctrine occupies a central place in Pentecostal theology, particularly in the majority world.13 This makes Pentecostals the people of the “Spirit,” because of their emphasis on pneumatology as opposed to other aspects of Christology. Tan-Chow

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explains that while “Christ is the content of Pentecostal worship and spirituality. However, for Pentecostals, its Christocentric focus is expressed through pneumatology.”14 In everything they do, the Holy Spirit becomes the direction or the main influence in the life of a Pentecostal believer. Murphy adds, “It is general in that the believer seeks Spirit baptism by seeking an ongoing life of prayer, and specific in that the believer “focuses particularly on the hoped-for gift of the Holy Spirit.”15 Pentecostals believe that when an individual is born again, they receive the gift of the Holy Spirit. This process is called the baptism of the Holy Spirit which many believe is accompanied by the gift of speaking in other tongues.16 The Holy Spirit is active among the believers and, therefore, can work in the life of the believer. Once baptised in the Holy Spirit, a believer then can practice different gifts, including the gift of prophecy.17 Since the Pentecostal believer is endowed with the presence of the Holy Spirit, they can utter prophetic words to one another through the same Holy Spirit. Therefore, as the gift of prophecy was active in the Book of Acts in the early church, Pentecostals believe that the gift is functional in recent times. Another aspect of Pentecostal theology that makes the gift of the Holy Spirit to be active is the notion of hearing from God. Pentecostals in their different contexts believe in the notion of hearing from God. Lee Roy explains that Pentecostals believe that “the faithful hearing of the word of God is best accomplished within the context of the believing community and under the guidance of the holy spirit.”18 The notion of hearing from God in a way also affirms the prophet in the words that he speaks because the audience will believe the words as opposed to him or her speaking generally.19 Hence, Pentecostals around the world are very strong on prayer, because it is a moment where they seek to hear from God. Prayer is perceived not only from the perspective of speaking to God through petitions but also from the perspective of God speaking to his people through his word. Pentecostals believe that as God spoke through the mouth of the prophets in the Old and New Testaments, God is also able to speak through them. This also contributes towards the exercise of the gift of prophecy. As discussed in the preceding section, a prophet is someone who hears directly from God and delivers the message to other people. Since Pentecostals can hear the voice of God directly, they then deliver such words or messages in the form of prophecy. In addition, this makes the practice of the gift of prophecy not to be confined to clergy. Since other believers in the Pentecostal liturgy can also hear from God, this means that they too can prophesy in the church. Therefore, the practice of

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prophecy among Pentecostals is more the participation of all believers as opposed to only hearing the clergy in other Christian circles. The notion of hearing from God is driven by the Pentecostal hermeneutic of experience. Pentecostals believe that the interpretation of the Bible should be based on or informed by the different experiences of the Holy Spirit. Therefore, Pentecostals do not read the Bible only from a theoretical base but as informed by the work of the Holy Spirit. Martin explains: The integration of rigorous study and faith commitment is possible partly because the heart of the Pentecostal pursuit of truth is different from the rationalist pursuit of truth. While religious rationalists (evangelical fundamentalists) define truth in terms of their dogma that is undergirded by the historicity and inerrancy of scripture, Pentecostals define truth in terms of the genuineness of their encounter and continuing relationship with God through his word and his Spirit.20

Even during sermon preparations, some Pentecostals do not believe in doing proper exegesis and bible study, but use the hermeneutics of experience to claim to have heard directly from God. It is common among Pentecostal preachers that when delivering a message, they will be referring to God speaking to them. Therefore, among Pentecostal preachers, preaching the word of God is more like delivering a prophetic word. It is based on this Pentecostal theology that most Pentecostals believe in a life-­ changing word rather than preaching to fulfil liturgical obligations. Proclamation of the word of God is not only preaching from the biblical passage but speaking the word as God has inspired it in the life of the preacher. This in a way is prophetic preaching as opposed to conventional preaching or sermon reading as happens in other traditions. However, the hermeneutics of experience does not only produce the practice of prophecy, but also visions, dreams and other experiences, which signify an encounter with God through the Holy Spirit.21 Pentecostals believe in receiving a revelation through the hermeneutics of experience.22 The Bible is approached not only as the inspired word of God, but also as a revelation for a specific situation that a Pentecostal is facing in their life.23 And revelation is part of the practice of prophecy that one receives through the same works of the Holy Spirit. Based on this kind of hermeneutics, the practice of prophecy becomes common among Pentecostals in different contexts. However, this notion breeds some level

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of abuse in some contexts, because it cannot be guaranteed that indeed a prophet has heard from God.24 Some prophets could be speaking from their minds and claim to have heard from God or they might even have heard from the evil spirits, but still insist that the message is from God. In some instances, there is confusion about what the Holy Spirit is in the life of the believer and other evil spirits in traditional African religions. However, Pentecostals do not mix the two, but are firm in their belief in the work of the Holy Spirit. On the contrary, the Holy Spirit is the power that confronts other evil spirits in the spirit world.25 Hence, Pentecostals believe that through the Holy Spirit, they can deal with various challenges facing them in different contexts. Therefore, within Pentecostal theology the Holy Spirit is perceived as that revelatory power able to conquer other powers.

3.4  Prophecy in Various Strands of Pentecostalism The discussion above gives a general overview of the practice of prophecy in Pentecostal theology. However, this practice also needs to be contextualised within the various Pentecostal strands in an African context, particularly in southern Africa. In classical Pentecostal churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission, prophecy is not practiced regularly but occasionally. In some instances, the practice of the gift of prophecy was discouraged particularly when it did not favour the church leadership at that time. Reference is made to a woman called Maria Fraser, who was a member of the Apostolic Faith Mission and very active in the practice of the gift of prophecy. Fraser could organise meetings in the east of Johannesburg, Benoni in the early twentieth century around 1927–1930. In these meetings, Fraser used to receive prophecies, particularly about sinful acts in the church, and exposed them. Burger and Nel note, in March 1927, 10 women, led by Fraser, met daily at 10:00 in the AFM’s hall in Benoni. They often fasted. In those prayer meetings, the spiritual gifts were emphasised. They stressed the role of visions and revelations using which secret matters, and especially sins, were revealed using prophecy.26

However, the leadership of the church, at that time, did not like the prophecies and decided to release her from the church. The executive leadership of the Apostolic Faith Mission then decided that Maria Fraser and her group should vacate the Apostolic Faith Mission building.27 From

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the time of Fraser until the twenty-first century, the practice of the gift of prophecy has been sporadic in the Apostolic Faith Mission.28 It is only in a few assemblies that the gift will be acknowledged and allowed to function but the rest of the congregations will not allow the gift to function. This was not the last time, the Apostolic Faith Mission had challenges with pneumatic experiences within its ranks. Another incident happened when Christina Nku began to heal people through the use of various healing products. The church did not agree with this practice and Christina was also released. She started her own Saint John Apostolic Faith Mission.29 Other than the Apostolic Faith Mission, the practice of the gift of prophecy is also not so popular in the classical Pentecostal churches such as the Assemblies of God and the Full Gospel Church.30 These churches are stronger in preaching and evangelism but not prophecy. There are a few branches of the Assemblies of God where even speaking in other tongues is not encouraged much among believers. Although there will be few people who speak in tongues in such churches, the gift is not generally accepted or embraced, as is the case in churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission. Therefore, it is reasonable to say that these churches do not actively practice the gift of prophecy. This happens because the clergy in classical Pentecostal churches are more inclined towards conventional preaching of the word, as is the case in mainline churches; hence, they do not encourage the gift of prophecy.31 In neo-Pentecostal churches and other charismatic churches, the gift of prophecy is acknowledged and practiced as part of the fivefold ministry.32 Most of these churches believe in the five offices as outlined in Ephesians 4:11–13 that he who descended is the same that ascended and gave them gifts. These are the offices of the Apostles, prophets, evangelists, teachers and pastors. Most neo-Pentecostal churches in South Africa believe in the practice of the fivefold ministry, which in a way includes the prophetic office.33 Hence, clergy within these churches are invariably called “Apostles” and “Prophets,” as opposed to “Reverend” or “priests.” This indicates that there is a great acknowledgment of the gift of prophecy and its practices within these churches. Other than those who are specifically called “prophets,” there is also room for people to share the prophetic word in the church, even if they are not trained pastors.34 Furthermore, some of the churches have the so-called prophetic schools whereby those with the gift of prophecy are trained and released into the prophetic ministry.35 This makes the gift and practice of prophecy to be very common

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among the neo-Pentecostal churches in a South African context and elsewhere in Africa. However, one needs to point out that it is not all neo-Pentecostal and charismatic churches that embrace the gift of prophecy.36 In some churches, such as Grace Bible Church, it is not common to find people practicing this kind of gift.37 It is also not so common to find the pastors of Grace Bible Church being called prophets or seers. On the contrary, this church has recently adopted more episcopal titles such as Bishop, Archbishop and so forth. The main leader in this church, Mosa Sono has recently been ordained as a Bishop and is himself a leader of many pastors under him.38 Grace Bible Church is not alone in this kind of approach to prophecy; churches such as Hope Restoration in Kempton Park on the East Rand, are not practicing the gift of prophecy like other neo-Pentecostal and charismatic churches in South Africa.39 These churches are stronger on the teachings of prosperity like American gospel teachers on prosperity such as Creflo Dollar, Joel Osteen and others.40 They are not too strong on pneumatic experiences such as the gifts of speaking in tongues, prophecy and healing. Other than the Grace Bible Church and Hope Restoration, numerous neo-Pentecostal churches in South Africa do not embrace the prophetic office or the practice of the gift of prophecy.

3.5  Prophecy in New Prophetic Churches The practice of prophecy in the new prophetic churches is different from the other strands of Pentecostalism in South Africa.41 These are churches such as Enlightened Christian Gathering of Shepherd Bushiri, Alleluia Ministries International of Alph Lukau and others.42 In these churches, prophecy not only is linked to the word from God to his people but can reveal the personal details of the person receiving the prophecy.43 These details include, among others, contact details, identity numbers, residential addresses, marital status, family information, qualifications, visa applications, business details and so forth.44 In addition, some prophecies can involve sensitive information about people’s sexuality and other sensitive details of the followers in these churches. Forensic prophecy can reveal what one has eaten the previous day and where one slept the previous night. This kind of prophecy is known as “forensic prophecy,” since it can reveal personal details and other biographical information.45 Therefore, forensic prophecy is different from biblical prophecy in the Old and New Testaments; it is not only about the word of God, but the information of

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the congregants or followers.46 However, since the congregants are very much interested in knowing that the prophet knows these details, forensic prophecy has become popular in Africa. This has caused the movement of believers from one church to another in search of this kind of prophecy. In addition, some believers from South Africa are willing to travel as far as Nigeria, so that they can receive prophecies about their lives.47 These believers do not mind spending money so that they can be prophesied to and be prayed for by the prophets in new prophetic churches. Instead of giving the prophecy to an individual privately, the prophet can call the person receiving the prophecy to the podium and expose these details to them.48 Therefore, the forensic prophecy might be given to an individual but become available to the public. This is something that seldom happens in classical Pentecostal churches such as the Apostolic Faith Mission and the Assemblies of God. However, it is very popular among the new prophetic churches in South Africa. When people are called to the podium in classical Pentecostal churches, it would be to encourage them or even lead them to Christ but not to expose their private matters in public. Similarly, in other neo-Pentecostal churches such as Grace Bible Church and Hope Restoration, this kind of practice does not happen to followers. It is also important to point out that the prophecies in new prophetic churches are then broadcast to different social media and other online platforms for public consumption.49 And since these prophecies contain very personal and biographical information about the recipients, it brings to question the ethical consideration of these prophecies. If, for example, the prophet can disclose the identity number and the cell phone number of an individual in public, should it not be seen as exposing the recipient of the prophecy to, for example, scammers in society? This is also a breach of the Protection of Personal Information Act of 2013 in South Africa.50 These prophecies, given their publicity can cause rivalry among siblings or other family members. This is because sometimes, prophecies are given about witchcraft performed by family members or relatives. During prophetic sessions, a prophet can decide to name their relative or neighbour as someone bewitching them in the name of prophecy.51 Without any ethical consideration or fear of causing harm, these prophets will name and shame someone they know as a witch.52 In one of the prophecies, Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, after hearing from God called a relative of his church member a witch.53 These claims affected the business of this individual as the perception of people changed after watching the video online.

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Consequently, the claims in the name of prophecy affected the income of the individual. It can also be assumed that the allegations of witchcraft caused much stress and trauma to the family. A prophet called Paseka Motsoeneng began a journey and operation that he called “Tswara Moloi,” which is Northern Sotho for “Catch a witch.”54 In motivating for this operation, the prophet said, People, particularly black people, are suffering. Whether you believe it or not, witches and wizards are real, and people are suffering because of them. I am going to end their reign of terror and will free their victims through prayer and the name of Jesus. We are going to show people that the power of God exists and can diminish all other powers like that of witches.55

While utterances like this might sound so powerful to the followers, they are very divisive to society. In addition, by requesting those who are bewitched to bring the soil of their homes to the church, Motsoeneng can be seen as presenting another form of witchcraft.56 The other prophet, called Apostle Musa Mohlala, has an oppression called “hlulabathakathi,” which is translated as “defeat the witches.”57 It is correct to say that this prophet is also known as “hlulabathakathi.” With this operation, witches are named and shamed in church. The immediate challenge to these kinds of prophecies is a defamation of character of the person accused of witchcraft in the name of prophecy.58 The prophecies referred to above were delivered in the public domain by naming and shaming the witch in the presence of all congregants present in the church, as well as those who watched the video, and thus also had the opportunity to identify the witch. A second challenge is that these prophecies not only involve the individual who is the object of the prophetic word but also affect other family members.59 Whenever witchcraft is exposed in public those who are close to the person accused will equally be seen as witches. In addition, witchcraft accusations have the potential to cause fights among family members, destroy relationships and cause confusion among people, which could include tribal conflict. Sometimes, a specific family may decide to isolate a family member from their household because of such family member having been accused of witchcraft. The prophecy on witchcraft holds the potential to bring financial distress upon the whole family to the extent that it can threaten their livelihood.60 The prophecies disassociate people from those next to them, their families, friends and associates so that both the individuals accused of witchcraft

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and their families end up suffering. For many suspected or accused witches, defamation of their character and loss of their reputation are a major source of emotional trauma and mental distress.61

3.6  Some Similarities with Traditional African Religions There are some similarities between the new prophetic churches and the traditional African religions, particularly when it comes to the practice of prophecy.62 These churches draw much from the African traditional customs and beliefs; however, these practices are modernised in these churches. It must be noted that the traditional African religions in many African contexts are pre-Christian religions.63 Therefore, many Africans have been familiar with these practices, customs and beliefs even before the coming of Christianity in Africa.64 It is thus not surprising that there are similarities between the practice of prophecy in traditional African religions and the new prophetic churches. During divination in traditional African religions, the diviner can reveal different details of the person consulting the diviner.65 More like the prophet in new prophetic churches, the diviner can reveal personal details such as names, places and sensitive information about the challenge faced by an individual.66 The diviner is skilled and spiritually connected to be able to reveal the specific details facing an individual in life. Although many prophets claim to be hearing from the Holy Spirit, their practice of prophecy is similar to the diviner in traditional African religions.67 Hence, believers would visit prophets in new prophetic churches in very much the same way they would visit the diviner in traditional African religions. However, the difference is that the diviner is not on an online platform such as Facebook, Twitter or YouTube as is the case with prophets in new prophetic churches.68 When the diviner will be revealing this kind of information to the individual, it will only be the family members or the person alone consulting the diviner. In addition, the diviner’s practice does not have an audience as opposed to the practice of prophecy by prophets who have the congregants in attendance. The diviner, unlike the prophet, has some level of privacy just like the practice of Western medical treatment in private rooms.69 Therefore, there is no challenge to the publicity of the matters discussed with the person receiving the prophecy. The matters discussed in that room are limited to the diviner and as long as such a

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diviner can keep matters private, the issues will not be out in public, unless an individual decides on their own to share the details with others. In this case, when the matter is in the public domain, it will be the individual and not the diviner who revealed the details. The diviner tends to accuse people of witchcraft in the same way the prophets of new prophetic churches accuse people.70 The diviner can know who has been troubling the specific individual or family and mention it to the person who is consulting them. In some instances, the names of family members can be revealed during the consultation, which in a way can potentially cause division in families. The diviner can also divide communities by mentioning the names of neighbours or other community members in the witchcraft accusations.71 But again, the big difference will be the publicity of such information on different media platforms. Although members of communities can share the accusations among themselves, the gravity of the matter will not be the same as with new prophetic churches. Therefore, the conflict created by the diviner has fewer consequences in comparison to the conflict caused by the witchcraft accusations made by prophets in new prophetic churches. However, the point made here is that there are similarities in the way prophecy is practiced in new prophetic churches and in the traditional African religions regarding witchcraft accusations. Therefore, in the delivery of forensic prophecies in new prophetic churches, the prophets are not learning from classical Pentecostal churches but from the traditional African religions. And since the followers of these churches are Africans with knowledge of traditional African religions, this knowledge can be assimilated into the practices of new prophetic churches.72 Some of the members and followers of these churches have been part of traditional African religions before joining these churches. In addition, some of the followers are practicing traditional African religions and, simultaneously, members or followers of the new prophetic churches in what scholars call dualism.73 This means that these followers can visit the diviner in the night in need of help but visit the prophet in new prophetic churches in the morning. The only difference is that one is done privately in darkness and the other openly in the light of day. However, the practices are almost the same when it comes to the prophecy in these two religious movements. Therefore, although discussed in the context of Pentecostalism, new prophetic churches are very much different in practices from other strands of Pentecostalism in South Africa. The practices of the churches draw much from traditional African religions.

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3.7  Some Similarities with African Independent Churches Some of the practices of prophecy in new prophetic churches are in continuity with the African Independent Churches. African independent churches have been growing on the continent also influencing the religious landscape.74 Some of these churches have Pentecostal features such as baptism in the Holy Spirit and the evidence of speaking in other tongues.75 This category suits the African Independent Churches that are more on the spiritual side or giving more attention to spiritual experiences than tangible experiences.76 The African Independent Churches that concentrate more on the tangible experiences are Zionist-type churches, with most of them using sacred products such as anointing oil and anointing water.77 In recent times, in South Africa, there has been an emergence of newer Zionist-type African Independent Churches.78 These should not be confused with new prophetic churches and other neo-Pentecostal churches. Nonetheless, African Independent Churches are discussed and framed within the context of Pentecostalism even if some scholars do not perceive them as Pentecostal. However, given their allegiance to the work of the Holy Spirit and with some of them beginning to acknowledge that salvation comes through confession of sins and recognition of Jesus as Lord and Saviour, scholars should consider categorising them in the Pentecostal tradition. African Independent Churches such as the Zion Christian Church practice prophecy. Prophets and seers in the Zion Christian Church are chosen by the leadership in Zion City, Moria, the headquarters of the church.79 The prophets, who are chosen, are then instructed to go and spend time at the headquarters of the church so that they can receive training and undergo an initiation process. After the training, they will function in their prophetic gifts in  local assemblies in their location. Prophecy in Zion Christian Church is not staged like the new prophetic churches, but rather conducted privately with the client.80 During the church service, the so-­ called seer or prophet would call the recipient of a prophecy aside and begin to prophesy to them.81 This prophecy, more like in the new prophetic churches, is very much diagnostic, because the prophet will reveal different issues that the recipient is going through. 82Although not detailed like in the new prophetic churches, prophets in the Zion Christian Church can outline various detail about the problems with which the client is dealing. They might not be into cell phone numbers, identity numbers,

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residential addresses or the person receiving prophecy, but they will point out the issues. In the African Independent Churches, like the Zion Christian Church, some of the prophecies will point to witchcraft attacks.83 Although the prophet will not accuse the specific witches as is the case in new prophetic churches, there will be reference to the spirits of witchcraft. Hence, a call at times for the family or an individual to protect themselves through certain rituals. There are so many rituals in the Zion Christian Church that are meant to deal specifically with witchcraft attacks.84 The difference between prophecies in the Zion Christian Church and new prophetic churches is that the prophecies on witchcraft accusations are not made public. Another difference is that in the Zion Christian Churches, fingers are not being pointed when it comes to witchcraft accusations.85 The prophet will only refer to a witchcraft attack or a spell that requires an individual or family to engage in prayer. In this way, there is no conflict caused by the prophetic word on witchcraft, but the person receiving the prophecy will still be encouraged to pray and deal with the problem. The other similarity is that both the Zion Christian Church and the new prophetic churches are involved in a prophecy of diagnosis and prescription more like in Western medical treatments.86 The process of giving a prophecy to an individual and identifying the cause of the problems is more on the diagnostic side. However, in both churches, the prophets would, after diagnosing the problem give out some instructions on how to deal with the problem. The instructions on dealing with the challenges are more on the prescription side of prophecy.87 This means that the prophets in new prophetic churches are in continuity with African Independent Churches on the prescription side of prophecy. Prophets in the Zion Christian Church would prescribe certain rituals that are known as “ditaelo”88 to deal with the problems facing the client. In addition, they might describe the performance of certain rituals such as a deliverance ceremony, called “mpogo.”89 Similarly, the prophets in new prophetic churches would prescribe certain rituals to help the client; these would include rituals such as being anointed with anointing water or anointing oil.90 The prescription side of prophecy is also what makes the ministry of deliverance in the churches so popular. In both churches, the prescription side of prophecy is highly commercialised as the rituals and products prescribed by the prophets come at a price.91

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3.8  Prophecy as a Crowd Puller Prophecy is a crowd puller, because it focuses on the problems or issues taking place in the life of an individual.92 Since so many believers of new prophetic churches in South Africa and elsewhere in Africa are going through many problems, they find prophecy very attractive. Their problems include witchcraft, misfortune, illness and other challenges located in the spirit world;93 therefore, the prophetic activities become a confrontation of these problems, as they emanate from the spirit world. In Africa, many believers do not believe in consulting professionals such as psychologists and therapists; they will rather visit a prophet who is perceived to be carrying special powers to deal with their problems.94 Even when it comes to marital problems, believers in these churches would rather visit a prophet than a psychologist or professional counsellor. Hence, some women have faced abuse as they consulted controversial and unethical prophets about their marital problems. During such sessions, instead of receiving prophetic words, they were abused in the name of prophecy. Prophecy is popular in Africa, because some people perceive that they will be able to receive direction for their lives from the prophecies.95 Some prophecies point the believers to their future, which is more like fortune telling. Amid anxiety and fear for the future, believers in these churches want some protection or security for the future through prophecy.96 Therefore, they would visit the prophet to receive direction for the future including dealing with challenges that have not yet materialised in their lives. Therefore, prophecy becomes that tool to deal with fear and anxiety for many believers,97 and as highlighted above they do not place much trust in professionals such as psychologists and therapists. Thus, whether the prophecy is fake or true, some believers do not care as long as it gives them hope for the future. Hence, there is a demand for this kind of activity because believers in Africa are longing for some form of security given the economic and social ills in many African countries. A staged prophecy is more attractive because others can see how the recipients of prophecy have been helped and therefore, they too believe that they can receive their prophecy. In other words, when the prophet stands before the congregation to reveal what the next person is going through, others will be attracted to such an activity. More so if such an activity is publicised on social media platforms such as Facebook, YouTube, Twitter and other platforms. Once a certain prophecy is publicised, the follower numbers would increase to these churches in the belief that they

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too will receive a prophecy over their lives. Once one person learns about a controversial prophecy and miracle, they begin to share the information online and it reaches many people around the globe.98 And since the prophets themselves have great followings on these platforms, anything they share gets viewed by many around the world. These prophecies and miracles are easy to follow or watch compared to the long sermons preached in conventional Christianity.99 Hence, so many people in Africa like to follow these kinds of performances in contrast to conventional sermons by pastors. What is important in this book is that prophecy can pull politicians into these churches as well. Since politicians are part of society, the great influence of prophetic churches has also affected them. As some politicians seek direction in their lives and careers, they cannot resist paying visits to prophets. Therefore, it is not only in South Africa but also in other countries on the continent that politicians will attend church services to be prayed for or to receive a prophecy about their candidature. Some politicians who are already in office would visit these churches to receive protection for the positions they hold in government. Therefore, prophecy plays an important role in the attraction of people to the new prophetic churches, including politicians. It is a strategy that prophets in new prophetic churches are using to draw crowds to their churches and for them to increase their influence in society. The next chapters of this book will be dealing with the connection between politicians and some prophets in these churches.

3.9  Conclusion Prophecy has been studied in previous literature as an activity through which God communicates His message to the nations or His people. This kind of message is delivered by messengers known as prophets with a special calling of delivering God’s word. Different literature has alluded to the practices of prophecy in ancient times, particularly in the Old and New Testaments. Previous studies have also referred to the different aspects of prophecy such as “prophecy as word of encouragement,” “prophecy as a word of warning” and other forms of prophecy. These practices are also evaluated in contemporary times including most recent practices in the twenty-first century. This chapter was interested in the practices of prophecy in Pentecostalism in the South African context. The chapter assessed the practice of prophecy in classical Pentecostal churches such as the

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Apostolic Faith Mission, Assemblies of God and Full Gospel. The practice of prophecy was also looked at in new prophetic churches such as Enlightened Christian Church, Alleluia Ministries International and others. Similarities were drawn between the practice of prophecy in new prophetic churches and the traditional African religions. Furthermore, similarities were also drawn between the practice of prophecy in new prophetic churches and the African Independent Churches. This chapter aimed to demonstrate that the practice of prophecy in new prophetic churches is the source or a contributing factor to pulling crowds to their services.

Notes 1. James Watts, and Paul R.  House, eds. Forming prophetic literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in honor of John DW Watts (London: A&C Black, 1996), 162. 2. John Goldingay, Old Testament Theology: Israel’s Faith (Westmont Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 2010), 231. 3. Roderick Evans, If They Be Prophets: Rediscovering the Ministry of the Prophet in the New Testament Church (Camden: Abundant truth publishing, 2015), 86. 4. Robert Carlson, Preaching Like the Prophets: The Hebrew Prophets as Examples for the Practice of Pastoral Preaching (Eugene Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2017), 22. 5. Junior Walter, Mission in the Old Testament: Israel as a Light to the Nations (Nashville: Baker Books, 2012). 6. Andrew Whitehead and Samuel L.  Perry, Taking America back for God: Christian nationalism in the United States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2020). 7. Gary Tyra, The Holy Spirit in Mission: Prophetic Speech and Action in Christian Witness (Westmont Illinois: InterVarsity Press, 2011). 8. Charles Hammerstein, Where is the Fear of God?: Losing the Treasure of the Lord (San Jose: More abundant life, 2010), 326. 9. Ashish Raichur, Gifts Of The Holy Spirit (Bangalore: All Peoples Church & World Outreach, 2021), 90. 10. Ashish Raichur, Understanding the Prophetic: A Training Manual for Prophetic Ministry (All Peoples Church & World Outreach, Bangalore, India, 2010), 45.

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11. Cristiano Grottanelli, Kings & prophets: Monarchic power, inspired leadership, & sacred text in biblical narrative (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). 12. Clement Butler, The Five-Fold Ministry Gifts: Understanding the Gifts of Christ in Light of God’s Purpose (Eugene Oregon: Wipf and Stock, 2021), 199. 13. Allan Anderson, Moya: The Holy Spirit in an African context (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1991). 14. Mayling Tan-Chow, Pentecostal theology for the twenty-first century: Engaging with multi-faith Singapore. (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2007), 143. 15. Karen Murphy, Pentecostals and Roman Catholics on becoming a Christian: Spirit-baptism, faith, conversion, experience, and discipleship in ecumenical perspective (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 95. 16. James Dunn, Baptism in Holy Spirit: A Re-examination of the New Testament Teaching on the Gift of the Spirit in Relation to Pentecostalism Today (London: Scm Press, 2013). 17. George Montague, Christian initiation and baptism in the Holy Spirit: Evidence from the first eight centuries (Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1991). 18. Lee Roy Martin, ed. Pentecostal hermeneutics: A reader (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 232. 19. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, The fourth Pentecostal wave in South Africa: A critical engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019). 20. Lee Roy Martin, The unheard voice of God: A Pentecostal hearing of the book of Judges (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 58. 21. Lewis Brogdon, The new Pentecostal message? An introduction to the prosperity movement (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2015). 22. Marius Nel, An African Pentecostal hermeneutics: A distinctive contribution to hermeneutics (Eugene, Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2018). 23. Michael Frost, The Spirit, indigenous peoples and social change: Māori and a Pentecostal theology of social engagement (Leiden: Brill, 2018). 24. Vhumani Magezi and Collium Banda. “Competing with Christ? A critical Christological analysis of the reliance on Pentecostal prophets in Zimbabwe.” In die Skriflig 51, no. 2 (2017): 1–10. 25. Allan Anderson, “The Holy Spirit in the Teaching of Yonggi Cho: Continuity or Change? Journal of Youngsan Theology Vol 45 (2018):

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7–37. Cf. Allan Heaton Anderson, Spirit-filled world: Religious dis/ continuity in African Pentecostalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018). 26. Isak Burger and Marius Nel. The fire falls in Africa: A history of the Apostolic Faith Mission in South Africa: A centennial edition 1908–2008. Christian Art Publishers, 2008. Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Sociological and theological factors that caused schisms in the Apostolic Faith Mission of South Africa. Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 1 (2016): 1–15. 27. Anofuechi, Benson Onyekachukwu. “Pentecostalism and the further fragmentation of Christianity: An investigation of the factors contributing to the establishment of new churches in Belhar since 2000.” (2015). University of Western Cape. 28. Marius Nel, “Prophecy in the Hebrew Bible, early Christianity and contemporary Pentecostal churches: A question of continuity and discontinuity.” Page, 1–22, accessed April 11, 2023. https://www. pcdafm.co.za/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/a21.pdf. 29. Sibusiso Theophilus Masondo, “Conversion, crisis, and growth: The religious management of change within the St John’s Apostolic Faith Mission and the Reformed Presbyterian Church in Cape Town, South Africa,” (2001). Cf. Sibusiso Masondo, “The crisis model for managing change in African Christianity: The story of St John’s Apostolic Church,” Exchange 42, no. 2 (2013): 157–174. 30. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “New paradigms of pneumatological ecclesiology brought about by new prophetic churches within South African Pentecostalism,” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–6. 31. Hulisani Ramantswana, “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context,” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2018): 1–8. 32. Kelebogile Thomas Resane, “A critical analysis of the ecclesiology of the emerging apostolic churches with special reference to the notion of the fivefold ministry,” (PhD diss., University of Pretoria, 2008). Cf. Irvin Chetty, “Origin and Development of the ‘New Apostolic Reformation’ in South Africa: A Neo-Pentecostal Movement or a Post-Pentecostal Phenomenon?” Alternation Journal 11 (2013): 190–206. 33. Quayesi-Amakye, Joseph. “Let the Prophet speak: A study on trends in Pentecostal prophetism with particular reference to the Church of

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Pentecost and some neo-Pentecostal churches in Ghana” (PhD diss., University of Cape Coast, 2009). 34. Girish Daswani, “A prophet but not for profit: Ethical value and character in Ghanaian Pentecostalism,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 22, no. 1 (2016): 108–126. 35. Godwin Olutayo Akintola, “Engaging the theme of social justice in Amos 5: 21–24: A challenge to prophetic ministry in the Apostolic Church (LAWNA), Nigeria.” PhD diss., 2021. University of South Africa. 36. Themba Shingange, “Mission as discernment of spirits in the advent of the abuse of prophecy within newer Pentecostal charismatic Christianity in South Africa.” In Mookgo Solomon Kgatle and Allan Heaton Anderson, The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 115–130. Abingdon: Routledge, 2020. 37. Maria Frahm-Arp, “Identity Issues amongst South African Pentecostal Charismatic Christians: Between Oreos and Romany Creams.” African Philosophy and the Future of Africa 2, no. 14 (2011): 129–137. 38. Maria Frahm-Arp, “The political rhetoric in sermons and select social media in three Pentecostal Charismatic Evangelical churches leading up to the 2014 South African election,” Journal for the Study of Religion 28, no. 1 (2015): 114–141. 39. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “The newer Non-Denominational Pentecostal Churches in South Africa: A Critical Approach to Non-­ Denominationalism in Pentecostalism,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae (2022): 14-pages. 40. Hobson, Nicholas M., Juensung J. Kim and Geoff MacDonald. “A camel through the eye of a needle: The influence of the prosperity gospel on financial risk-taking, optimistic bias, and positive emotion.” Psychology of Religion and Spirituality 13, no. 4 (2021): 416. 41. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, and Allan H.  Anderson. “Introduction: The abuse of the Spirit in some New Prophetic Churches in South African Pentecostalism.” In Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, The use and abuse of the spirit in Pentecostalism, pp.  1–23. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). 42. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021). 43. Kudzaiishe Peter Vanyoro, “Prophets making gendered interven tions: A feminist discourse analysis of gendered online miracles,

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advice, advertisements and testimonies,” Consumption Markets & Culture 25, no. 4 (2022): 342–355. 44. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019). 45. Ibid., 3. 46. Ibid., 3. 47. Ibid., 4. 48. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa,” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2 (2020): 132–143. 49. Most scholars have written on the publicity of prophecies to different online platforms and television stations. See Gabril Faimau, “The emergence of prophetic ministries in Botswana: Self-positioning and appropriation of new media,” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 36, no. 3 (2018): 369–385. Cf. Maria Frahm-Arp, “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity during COVID-19 in South Africa,” In Mookgo Solomon Kgatle and Allan Anderson, The Use and Abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism, pp.  150–174 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). Cf. Maria Frahm-Arp, “The practice of confession and absolution as an agent of change in a prophetic Pentecostal Church during COVID-19,” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 3 (2021). 50. The Protection of Personal Information Act also known as “The POPI Act” according to the Western Cape Government “sets out the minimum standards regarding accessing and ‘processing’ of any personal information belonging to another.” Cf. Western Cape Government, “An introduction to the Protection of Personal Information Act (or POPI Act or POPIA),” https://www.westerncape.gov.za/site-page/introduction-protection-personal-information-act-or-popi-act-or-popia#:~:text=The%20POPI%20Act%20 sets%20out,sharing%20of%20any%20such%20information. 51. David Maxwell, “Witches, Prophets and Avenging Spirits: The Second Christian Movement in North-East Zimbabwe,” Journal of religion in Africa 25, no. 3 (1995): 309–339. 52. Kroesbergen-Kamps, Johanneke. “Witchcraft after modernity: Old and new directions in the study of witchcraft in Africa.” HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 10, no. 3 (2020): 860–873.

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3. Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft” 134. 5 54. Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft” 136. 55. Timeslive, “TswaraMoloi | Pastor Mboro is on a mission to stop witchcraft” accessed June 5, 2019. https://www.timeslive.co.za/ tshisa-live/tshisa-live/2019-06-05-tswaramoloipastor-mboro-is-on-a-mission-to-stop-witchcraft/. 56. Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft” 137. 57. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “The use of anointed products during Covid-19 lockdown: An African Pentecostal spirituality experience,” Pharos, 104 no. 2 (2023): 1–12. 58. Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft” 140. 59. Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft” 140. 60. Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft” 140. 61. Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft” 140. 62. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Consultations in New Prophetic Churches and African Traditional Religions: A Case Study of Divine Healing in Assessing Syncretistic Practices in the South African Context,” Religions 14, no. 3 (2023): 400. 63. Ferdinando Keith, “Christian identity in the African context: Reflections on Kwame Bediako’s theology and identity,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society 50, no. 1 (2007): 121. 64. John Mbiti, Introduction to African religion (Waveland Press, 2015). 65. Harriet Ngubane, “Aspects of clinical practice and traditional organization of indigenous healers in South Africa,” Social Science & Medicine. Part B: Medical Anthropology 15, no. 3 (1981): 361–365. 66. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa. 67. Cephas Omenyo, “Man of God prophesy unto me: The prophetic phenomenon in African Christianity,” Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (2011): 30–49. 68. A scholar from Botswana Gabriel Faimau has written many publications on media and the prophetic ministries in southern Africa. In these publications, he highlights the challenges of publicising ­prophecies. Faimau, Gabriel. “The dynamics and digitisation of religious testimonies: A case of prophetic ministries in Botswana.” Anthropology Southern Africa 40, no. 2 (2017): 85–95. Cf. Faimau, Gabriel, and Camden Behrens. “Facebooking religion and the technologization of the religious discourse: A case study of a Botswanabased Prophetic Church.” Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016). Cf. Faimau, Gabriel. “Religious testimonial

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narratives and social construction of identity: Insights from prophetic ministries in Botswana.” Cogent Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2017): 1356620. 69. Kpobi, Lily NA and Leslie Swartz. “‘The threads in his mind have torn’: Conceptualization and treatment of mental disorders by neo-­ prophetic Christian healers in Accra, Ghana.” International journal of mental health systems 12, no. 1 (2018): 1–12. Cf. Sodi, T., P. Mudhovozi, T. Mashamba, M. Radzilani-Makatu, J. Takalani and Jabulani Mabunda. “Indigenous healing practices in Limpopo Province of South Africa: A qualitative study.” International Journal of Health Promotion and Education 49, no. 3 (2011): 101–110. 70. Niehaus, Isak. “Witches and zombies of the South African Lowveld: Discourse, accusations and subjective reality.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 11, no. 2 (2005): 191–210. 71. Bastian, Misty L. “Bloodhounds who have no friends: Witchcraft and locality in the Nigerian popular press.” Modernity and its malcontents: Ritual and power in postcolonial Africa (1993): 129–166. Cf. Ogechi, Nathan Oyori, and Sara Jerop Ruto. “Portrayal of disability through personal names and proverbs in Kenya: Evidence from Ekegusii and Nandi.” Vienna Journal of African Studies 3 (2002): 63–82. 72. Birgit Meyer, “Christianity in Africa: From African independent to Pentecostal-charismatic churches,” Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 33 (2004): 447–474. 73. Masondo, Sibusiso T. “The African indigenous churches’ spiritual resources for democracy and social cohesion.” Verbum et Ecclesia 35, no. 3 (2014): 1–8. Cf. De Witte, Marleen. “Afrikania’s dilemma: Reframing African authenticity in a Christian public sphere.” Etnofoor (2004): 133–155. 74. Philomena Njeri Mwaura, “Alternative vision for transforming development: Perspectives from Christianity with particular reference to new Christian expressions in Africa,” In Transforming Development Conference, pp. 15–17, 2007. 75. Masiiwa Ragies Gunda and Vengeyi Obvious, “The primacy of the spirit: The case of African initiated Churches as Pentecostals,” Aspects of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe (2018): 49–62. 76. James Pfeiffer, “African independent churches in Mozambique: Healing the afflictions of inequality,” Medical Anthropology Quarterly 16, no. 2 (2002): 176–199. Cf. Allan Anderson, “Types and butterflies: African initiated churches and European typologies,”

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International bulletin of missionary research 25, no. 3 (2001): 107–113. Cf. Allan Anderson, “The hermeneutical processes of Pentecostal-type African Initiated churches in South Africa,” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 24, no. 2 (1996): 171–185. Cf. Allan Anderson, “African initiated churches of the spirit and pneumatology,” Word and World 23, no. 2 (2003): 178–186. 77. Allan Anderson, African reformation: African initiated Christianity in the 20th century (Africa World Press, 2001). 78. Kgatle, “The newer Non-Denominational Pentecostal Churches in South Africa”1. 79. Victoria Morongwa Peagler, Blow the trumpet in black Zion: A phenomenological exploration of the Zionist Christian church of South Africa (Fuller Theological Seminary, School of Intercultural Studies, 2010). 80. James Kenokeno Mashabela, “Healing in a cultural context: The role of healing as a defining character in the growth and popular faith of the Zion Christian Church,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 43, no. 2 (2017): 1–14. 81. Sello Isaiah Maboea, “The influence of numinous power in the African traditional religion and the Zionist churches in Soweto—a comparative study” (PhD diss., 1999. University of KwaZulu-Natal). 82. Anderson Anderson, “The Lekganyanes and prophecy in the Zion Christian Church,” Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 3 (1999): 285–312. Oxlund, Bjarke. “‘A Blessing in Disguise’: The Art of Surviving HIV/AIDS as a Member of the Zionist Christian Church in South Africa.” Religion and AIDS Treatment in Africa: Saving Souls, Prolonging Lives (2014): 73–94. 83. Retief Müller, “The Zion Christian Church and Global Christianity: Negotiating a tightrope between localisation and globalisation,” Religion 45, no. 2 (2015): 174–190. Cf. Chimininge, Vengesai. Myths and Rituals: The Adaptation and Adoption of Karanga Religiosity in the Zion Christian Church of Samuel Mutendi in Zimbabwe (AuthorHouse, 2019). 84. Elijah Baloyi, “A pastoral examination of the Christian Church’s response to fears of and reactions to witchcraft amongst African people in the Limpopo province of South Africa,” HTS: Theological Studies 70, no. 2 (2014): 1–9.

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85. Simon Moripe, “The organisation and management of the Zion Christian Church,” (PhD diss., 1996. University of KwaZulu-Natal). 86. Gerhard Seibert, “But the Manifestation of the spirit is given to every man to profit withal,” Zion churches in Mozambique since the early 20th Century. Le Fait Missionnaire 17 (2005): 125–150. 87. Wouters, Jacqueline Martha Francisca, “An anthropological study of healing practices in African Initiated Churches with specific reference to a Zionist Christian Church in Marabastad.” PhD diss., University of South Africa, 2014. 88. Ditaelo is the northern Sotho word which means “instruction.” In the Zion Christian Church ditaelo is used to offer instructions during prophecy to members who want to receive healing and deliverance. The instructions would involve certain rituals, healing products and some ceremonies that need to be performed for healing and deliverance. 89. Mpogo is a ceremony performed in a family as part of the ritual for the healing and deliverance of that family. During the ceremony, the Zion Christian Church members will gather and sing at the family residence throughout the Saturday night until Sunday morning. It is believed that during the singing and the dancing, any challenge or problem in the family will be dealt with and the family can be free to worship again. 90. Kgatle, “Consultations in New Prophetic Churches and African Traditional Religions.” 91. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “‘Go deeper papa, prophesy, do something’: The popularity and commercialisation of prophetic deliverance in African Pentecostalism,” Verbum et Ecclesia 43, no. 1 (2022): 2480. 92. Mhando, Nandera Ernest, Loreen Maseno, Kupakwashe Mtata and Mathew Senga. “Modes of legitimation by female Pentecostal-­ Charismatic preachers in East Africa: A comparative study in Kenya and Tanzania.” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 36, no. 3 (2018): 319–333. 93. Mabvurira, Vincent. “Making sense of African thought in social work practice in Zimbabwe: Towards professional decolonisation.” International Social Work 63, no. 4 (2020): 419–430. 94. Mookgo Kgatle, and Andrew Spaumer, “Integrating professional counselling during marriage counselling within neo-Pentecostalism,”

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In die Skriflig 57 no. 1 (2023): 1–7 a2920. https://doi.org/10.4102/ ids.v57i1.2920. 95. Roland Owusu Ansah, “The usage of anointing oil in some Charismatic and Neo-Prophetic Churches in Kumasi in the context of Leviticus 8: 1–12, and James 5: 14–15,” PhD diss., 2011. 96. Ezra Chitando, “Deliverance and sanctified passports: Prophetic activities amidst uncertainty in Harare,” Dealing with uncertainty in contemporary African lives (2009): 29–47. 97. Steve Mochechane, Steve. Dealing with Fear and Anxiety in Pentecostalism: The Bushiri-Phenomenon in Pretoria. A CHSSA Paper Presented at the Third Conference of Academic Societies in the Fields of Religion and Theology. Pretoria: University of Pretoria. Available online: https://www.academia.edu/28226346/Dealing_ with_Fear_and_Anxiety_in_Pentecostalism_The_Bushiri_ Phenomenon_in_Pretoria (accessed on 22 August 2022). 98. Chitando, Ezra and Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s Prophetic Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: A preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85. 99. Fenga, Vincent Farirai. “Prophetic Preaching in neo-Pentecostal Christianity during the socio-economic and socio-political crisis of Zimbabwe (2000–2012): A Practical Theological exploration.” PhD diss., University of Pretoria, 2018.

CHAPTER 4

Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and Politics

4.1   Introduction This chapter singles out prophet Shepherd Bushiri as one of the most popular prophets in South Africa and how he has related to various politicians of the country. As a point of departure, the chapter will introduce Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his ministry in South Africa. The chapter will look at how Bushiri and his wife have faced the full force of the law in South Africa over the years. The chapter will then illustrate how the Bushiris were arrested in South Africa, and how the process resulted in them receiving bail the last time they were arrested in South Africa. The chapter will also evaluate prophet Shepherd Bushiri’s escape from South Africa to Malawi, his country of birth, and will look at the possible political influence in his escape from South Africa to Malawi and various attempts to re-arrest the Bushiris, while in Malawi, to face criminal charges. These factors are important to help us understand the general relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. These factors become more important as Bushiri is one of the famous prophets of the new prophetic churches in southern Africa.

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4.2   Prophet Shepherd Bushiri in South Africa Prophet Shepherd Bushiri is a Malawian-born preacher, prophet and pastor of the church.1 He not only is the preacher of the word of God, but also owns several businesses in the mine, accommodation and hospitality industries. He is one of the famous prophets and the founder of Enlightened Christian Gathering.2 This church, although started in Malawi, used to have great influence in the religious landscape of South Africa, specifically the new prophetic churches in the Pentecostal movement.3 The Enlightened Christian Gathering used to attract large crowds at the Pretoria Showgrounds in the city of Tshwane, South Africa. People used to travel to Gauteng from various provinces just to see and consult their famous Prophet Shepherd Bushiri.4 It was not only South Africans that used to gather at the Pretoria show grounds, but also believers from different neighbouring countries like Zimbabwe, Botswana, Lesotho and others. Among the people who visited prophet Bushiri, were people from the United States and the United Kingdom5. These people wanted him to pray for them; hence, the concept of international visits and diplomatic services in his church.6 This made the Enlightened Christian Gathering in South Africa one of the tourist attraction sites which attracted people from different countries and from all walks of life. Bushiri is famous for practicing Pentecostal prophecy which is common among new prophetic churches.7 He takes after his spiritual father and another controversial prophet in southern Africa, Prophet Urbert Angela of Spirit Embassy. When Urbert Angela called himself a retired professor of prophecy, he announced that Bushiri would take over from him. And, since his departure to the United Kingdom, Shepherd Bushiri has taken over the prophetic realm.8 Bushiri is known for revealing people’s personal information in public, such as their identification numbers, cell contact numbers, residential address, workplace information and other important confidential information. Kgatle and Anderson stated that, “New Prophetic Churches practice what most of their leaders call forensic prophecy or one-on-one prophecy, where believers receive direct prophecy that involves their daily living, including personal information.”9 Bushiri does this in the name of what he and Angela call “forensic prophecy.” In addition, Bushiri is known for asking members of his church to consult with him for specific prophecies that can deal with their problems. Thus, instead of laying hands on the sick, Bushiri would ask his members to consult him by paying around R7000 for special prayers and prophecy.10 This concept has

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made him very popular in South Africa because people were looking for answers to the challenges they are facing in life. Bushiri is also famous for the performance of many miracles, which have been criticised by the scholars as controversial, dangerous and infringing on the rights of the congregants on certain occasions.11 Despite performing controversial and dangerous miracles, Bushiri remains one of the most famous prophets in South Africa. What is surprising is that the audience or the followers do not necessarily perceive the miracles in Bushiri’s church as controversial, rather authentic or a demonstration of the power of God.12 Hence, miracles and prophecies have become points of attraction for many people to visit the Enlightened Christian Gathering and similar churches. Therefore, when performing controversial miracles, prophets, such as Bushiri, do not necessarily lose members but attract more people. In addition, Africans, like many other nations of the world, are fascinated by the performance of miracles and other signs and wonders.13 It is for this reason that people would come from different walks of life to see another miracle or assess the rationale behind the performance of such miracles. Therefore, instead of asking many questions on the performance of these miracles, many believers and followers of these churches demand more performances of similar miracles. Media plays a huge role in the popularity of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and other prophets in the South African context. Prophet Shepherd Bushiri has his own prophetic channel, which also streams on YouTube, Facebook and other social media platforms.14 It has therefore been easy for the believers and followers of the Enlightened Christian gathering to follow their prophet on different platforms and share his posts with others.15 This social media dimension of churches, such as Enlightened Christian Gathering, has made the church very popular among young people in South Africa and elsewhere in Africa. Furthermore, other media outlets from radio and television channels are fascinated by different practices in churches, like the Enlightened Christian Gathering. These media outlets know that the miracles and other controversial practices performed in these churches would sell and be watched by many people. It is for this reason that media has played a role in promoting prophets, such as Shepherd Bushiri and his spiritual father, Urbert Angela.16 And for similar reasons, there is a sharp connection between these prophets and their political connection. The relationship between Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and politics is discussed in the next section of the chapter.

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4.3   Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and Politics Bushiri has confessed and publicly declared that he is not a politician, but a minister of the Word and a businessman:17 “I am not a politician and I have never thought of politics. It is unfortunate that some people who protect their political masters try to fight me on social media, but I am not. I don’t really think for this country to develop needs a political solution; it needs cohesion.”18 He said this to denounce some rumours that suggested he would be the next president of Malawi. Bushiri said in an exclusive interview with the Times 360 Malawi channel that there is a difference between someone who is presidential in their leadership approach and one who is a politician.19 In Bushiri’s definition, one can be presidential without being political. He said that although he may appear presidential by giving out food parcels to the needy communities in Malawi, people should not mistake this for being political.20 According to Bushiri, every citizen of the country should give out food parcels or offer any help to the citizens of the country who are struggling in life.21 Therefore, doing philanthropic work does not mean that he wants to be better than the president. This perception exists because Bushiri and his wife would call people to stadiums to help them with food and other necessities in life. Even during the hard lockdown in South Africa, Bushiri used to criss-cross the country to give food parcels to various families. According to Timeslive, the Enlightened Christian Gathering “shared images of the food parcels donated by Bushiri which included sanitary towels, washing powder, toothpaste, canned foods, juice, cooking oil, rice, tea bags, and maize meal. The church said this was a continuation of what he and the church have been doing for months, to ensure that South Africans were ‘not just safe from Covid-19 but also they should not suffer from hunger.’”22 In a country where politicians normally do the same to buy votes from people, when any other citizen comes out to help others, chances are high that he or she will be perceived as a politician. Bushiri might deny being a politician, but he has clear political connections in the southern African region. Bushiri’s denial of politics is mainly based on his knowledge that his members and followers would not want him, as a prophet, to be politically inclined.23 It is also informed by the Pentecostals’ inward-looking and very conservative views when it comes to the involvement of church figures in politics.24 However, he is outside the church’s four corners and very much connected to various politicians in the region. When Bushiri was in South Africa, as highlighted in the

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previous chapter, he would meet powerful politicians such as former president Jacob Zuma and his ministers.25 Politicians, such as Jacob Zuma, could visit his church in search of prayers and prophecies. In addition, Bushiri could also meet other political figures in the opposition such as Julius Malema of the Economic Freedom fighters. Similarly, political figures such as Julius Malema and his deputy, Tinyiko Shivambo, could come to his Enlightened Christian Gathering, which boosted the image of his church.26 Younger politicians, such as Naledi Chirwa, also visited Prophet Shepherd Bushiri to reserve prayers. It is for this reason that when Chirwa became a member of parliament in South Africa, she returned to Bushiri to offer thanksgiving to the God of Bushiri.27 However, other than the politicians, Bushiri was also connected to police, who held high positions in the City of Tshwane.28 It is for this reason that it was not easy to make Bushiri account for many wrongdoings. It was not only ordinary citizens who used to attend the Enlightened Christian Gathering, but high-profile people, including celebrities, politicians and others, who used to attend Bushiri’s church. Bushiri and his wife were also considered as h-class individuals, not only because of their material possessions, but also because of the people they were connected to in South Africa. Therefore, they were not ordinary pastors but highly connected individuals surrounded by police, politicians and other diplomats.

4.4   Prophet Shepherd Bushiri’s Legal Woes Over the years, Prophet Shepherd Bushiri has been found on the wrong side of the law while in South Africa. Bushiri has also faced legal challenges in other countries, such as in Zimbabwe and in his home country, Malawi.29 However, the focus in this section is on the legal challenges that Bushiri has faced in South Africa, which were brought before the National Prosecuting Authority. Many of the legal woes of Bushiri came into being during the Ramaphosa presidency, as opposed to the Zuma presidency. Does it mean that the legal challenges Bushiri faced during the Zuma presidency were shielded? The reason for this assertion is that Bushiri has faced so many allegations before, but was never prosecuted. However, since Ramaphosa became president, many prophets, including Bushiri, have started to face legal challenges and have been in and out of court. Frahm-Arp opines that this might be based on Ramaphosa’s attempts to bring stability to government by dealing with many criminal elements in the country.30 Therefore, these changes in government administration also

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had ecclesial implications; hence, many pastors got into trouble with the law. The next section of the chapter highlights some of the main cases that Bushiri faced while in South Africa and this is not an exhaustive list of allegations and cases against Bushiri. The first case that Shepherd Bushiri is facing is fraud and money laundering. Bushiri is basically accused of committing fraud by soliciting money from his congregants in the form of pyramid schemes. Through these allegations, so many people came out in public claiming that they lost a lot of money through Bushiri’s pyramid schemes and scams.31 In addition to the pyramid scheme, there were “investment schemes,” where members and followers were asked to deposit money into various investment accounts, with the goal of receiving great returns. According to Kgatle, “Followers have in the past invested huge sums of money to the tune of R100,000 and more. But many are still waiting hopefully to receive large amounts.”32 This was also done in combination of forex trading where people were asked to join these schemes to make huge profits. He is also accused of transporting the money that was made in his church to his home country, Malawi. It is for this reason that charges of money laundering were laid against Prophet Shepherd Bushiri.33 This is basically the money that is not accounted for in the South African Revenue Services and the money that could be used for the growth of the South African economy. It is for these reasons that the charges laid against Bushiri were so serious: he breached South African tax laws and other economic policies in the country. Bushiri is also accused of sexually assaulting young girls, to whom he used to pay bribes not to report the allegations. It is alleged that Bushiri assaulted more than eight women, including a minor, who was 15 years old at that time. According to the Mail and Guardian newspaper, “controversial Malawi-born ‘prophet’ Shepherd Bushiri raped women and girls as young as 16, including two sisters; drugged some, bribed them into silence and threatened others with murder in six years of jaw-dropping sexual violence.”34 In addition to these allegations, Bushiri is also facing charges of rape as a different case from other sexual assaults.35 Among these women were university students, whose tuition fees Bushiri used to pay.36 It is also alleged that Bushiri’s associates assisted in the arrangement with these women and they were also responsible for silencing the voices of the victims.37 This is a tendency of some neo-Pentecostal pastors to have a team of men to organise girls for them.38 This makes the allegations very serious, as they could also result charges of organised crime, since

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there are other parties involved in the sexual assaults. The allegations could also result in them being charged for paedophilia, since there was interest in sexual relationships with younger girls.39 But, it stands to be proven in a court of law if the charges laid against Bushiri are indeed true and if the girls were minors at that time. However, the point made in this chapter is that when the clergy is involved in damning allegations of rape and other sexual assaults serious damage is done to the body of Christ. It is even a greater challenge when such clergy is well-known, such as Prophet Shepherd Bushiri. Bushiri and his wife are also facing charges of being in South Africa illegally or not having proper passports or visas for their stay in South Africa.40 They are accused of having contravened the immigration regulations of South Africa and of carrying multiple passports, which were not issued by the South African Department of Home Affairs.41 Bushiri is accused of being in possession of a diplomatic passport that was issued without following the proper procedures. According to News24, the Bushiris are “not accredited diplomats and they do not qualify for diplomatic immunity.”42 It is alleged that Bushiri used this passport for his movements between South Africa and Malawi. And, since they were diplomatic passports, he could easily move between these countries. In addition, when the Minister of Home Affairs appeared before the parliamentary inquiry, it was also found that the Bushiris carried an illegal permanent residence permit. The minister said, “the permanent resident permit that Bushiri [and his family] had was received irregularly. They were not supposed to get them and certain officials gave it to him in what we believe was a fraudulent scheme.”43 Some officials working at the Department of Home Affairs were suspended, because of their involvement in assisting Bushiris in carrying illegal passports.44 It must once again be pointed out that, even though there are many people who are in South Africa illegally, it is taken more seriously when the clergy is in the country illegally. The actions pointed out above caused serious damage to the image of the church and those who are supposed to lead the church with integrity.

4.5   Prophet Shepherd Bushiri’s Arrests Following the allegations against Bushiri as part of various cases brought to the attention of the National Prosecuting Authority, the prophet was arrested by the South African Police Service. On 1 February 2019, Bushiri and his wife were arrested by South Africa’s Directorate for Priority

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Investigations45 (also known as the HAWKS46). For this kind of unit to be instructed to arrest the Bushiris, the South African Police Service must have prioritised the cases or allegations that Bushiri and his wife were facing at the time. However, this arrest was focused on the allegations of fraud and money laundering that occurred in 2015. In addition, the Bushiris were arrested because of the contravention of South Africa’s Prevention of Organised Crime Act47 (POCA48) and the Act in relation to Exchange Control Regulations.49 On 6 February, the Bushiris were released on R100 000 bail. According to Ngqakamba: Among the bail conditions were that the couple remain in Gauteng and their travel documents remain with the state. If they needed to travel, they would need to get written permission from investigating officers. Bushiri and wife were also not allowed to make contact with any of the witnesses.50

In August 2019, the case of the controversial prophet was postponed to November 2019.51 It is also important to note that, since the first arrest, the National Prosecuting Authority has applied for asset forfeiture, specifically the private jet owned by Bushiri.52 The private jet was targeted, because the National Prosecuting Authority argued that it was procured through money laundering and fraud committed by Bushiri,53 thus connecting it to the case. But, the Bushiris argued that the private jet was procured appropriately, and the court struck the forfeiture application off the roll. The Bushiris were arrested again on 20 October 2020, on different matters that were not included in the arrest on 1 February.54 In addition, as opposed to the first arrest, the arrest also included the co-accused with the Bushiris such as Landiwe Sindani, Landiwe Ntokwana, Willah Mudolo and Zethu Mudolo.55 The co-accused were added, as it was believed that they played a role in the fraud cases involving the Bushiris. In addition, this arrest also included the fact that the Bushiris were alleged to have been in South Africa illegally, as per the discussions in the preceding section. Therefore, they were arrested for contravention of the immigration regulations in South Africa, on several occasions since 2015. The Bushiris were kept in prison during this period, as it was believed that they were a flight risk; hence, their bail application was opposed by the state.56 It was also alleged that early in 2020, the Bushiris had already started to move some of their assets back home, including a Bentley and Maserati.57 Therefore, if granted bail, they would leave South Africa, since they had

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already started to move their assets back to Malawi. However, to the public’s surprise, the Pretoria Magistrate’s Court on Wednesday 4 November 2020 released the Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) church leader Shepherd Bushiri and his wife, Mary, on R200,000 bail each.58 This happened despite the fears of the state that the couple was a flight risk. The arrest of the Bushiris is not the first arrest of clergy. Moreover, great ecclesial leaders in the biblical text were also arrested, like Joseph, Daniel and even Apostle Paul. But what makes the Bushiri story very interesting and different from the biblical examples cited here is that they were not arrested for the wrong reasons. Paul and Silas,59 for example, were arrested while preaching the gospel and for delivering a girl who was tormented by oppressive powers,60 and Joseph61 and Daniel62 were arrested after being falsely accused and were later vindicated by the same justice system. However, it remains to be seen if the Bushiris are indeed falsely accused and if they will be vindicated by the justice system in South Africa or in Malawi. However, what can be stated here is that the allegations are very serious, as they do not relate to preaching the gospel, as in the case of Paul and Silas, but for money laundering, fraud, contravention of South African immigration and finance regulations laws. More importantly, for this book, is that the arrest of the clergyman poses a serious threat to the image of the church in general and the Pentecostal movement in particular. Therefore, whether or not the Bushiris are vindicated is not the research question, the main argument here is that the damage has already been done; hence, the call for the restoration of the prophetic voice of the church.

4.6   Prophet Shepherd Bushiri’s Escape This section looks at the dramatic escape of the Bushiris from South Africa to their home country, Malawi. On 14 November 2020, it was reported that Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his wife had fled South Africa for Malawi, thereby contravening their bail conditions at that time.63 As a condition of their bail, the Bushiri family was ordered not to travel outside South Africa and to regularly report to the police during their bail. Therefore, the Bushiris went against all the odds and left the country, despite a court order that they should not travel outside South Africa. Bushiri, according to the New York Times, has performed yet another controversial miracle by fleeing from South Africa to Malawi, without detection. This is a miracle similar to the other miracles performed by

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Bushiri—like walking on air, the appearance of angels in his church, the whirlwind and so forth. The newspaper report that “Bushiri, appeared to perform another remarkable feat: spiriting himself out of South Africa, where he faces charges of fraud and money laundering, and back to his home country of Malawi, without a passport and undetected by law enforcement officials.”64 Bushiri and his wife went against the bail conditions in the performance of this miracle. The main reason given for their escape is their safety, they have been complaining about since 2015.65 According to EWN, Bushiri, immediately after the escape, said: I would like to inform the general public that my wife, Mary, and I are temporarily in our home country, Malawi, because of safety and security issues since 2015, matters that got worse when we just got out on bail. The have been clear evident attempts to have myself, my wife and my family killed and despite our several attempts to report to authorities, there has never been state protection. Our coming to Malawi, hence, is a tactical withdrawal from the Republic of South Africa.66

The complaint by the Bushiri couple seems valid, but why wait until the arrests to raise these matters in public, while they also claim that the attempts on their lives have been made for five years since 2015? Therefore, it is very doubtful that the Bushiris were running away from attempts on their lives. If this was the case, they would have left South Africa a long time ago. Another reason given by the Bushiris was that the trial that they faced in South Africa may not be a fair trial.67 Therefore, the Bushiri family were of the opinion that the justice system of South Africa might go against them as part of a plan by the state. In other words, Bushiri did not believe that the trial would be fairy because of the way in which the country treated him. According to EWN, Bushiri made the following statement: As we keep waiting for that trial to come, we were arrested again, kept in custody for over two weeks and we are not sure if we will face trial. Equally shocking is the fact that as we kept on waiting to get the facts of the recent arrest, the state brought up immigration issues that they, not us, owe the public an explanation. But they want us to explain. Against this background, we have come to the painful conclusion that what my wife and I have faced in the Republic of South Africa, since 2015, is purely persecution not prosecution.68

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Bushiri went on to say that he was the one who initially opened cases of extortion against police and other officials, but to his surprise, his case was not attended to, on the contrary, the state opened cases against him and his wife. Therefore, according to Bushiri, the police arrested him to protect their own wrongdoings and based on that he was of the opinion that the trial would not be fair. Police, on the other hand, defended themselves by saying that Bushiri was not available when they tried to investigate his extortion case against police officers. According to IOL statement, spokeswoman Ndileka Cola confirmed: [I]n 2018, Bushiri’s lawyer opened a case of police corruption/cash extortion on his behalf in Sunnyside, Pretoria, alleging officers investigating several cases of rape against Bushiri were trying to extort money from him to make the charges disappear. His poor co-operation, busy schedule and non-­ availability has stalled the investigation process as crucial information required to proceed with the investigation process is not forthcoming from him as the victim in this matter.69

Once again, the Bushiris, instead of accounting for the various allegations made against them and proving their innocence in court, opted to flee the country pre-empting that the trial would not be fair. There is no way that they can prove that the trial would not be fair if they never went through the trial. In other words, their argument is only based on assumptions and not on facts. Fleeing the country, while facing trial, makes fugitives of Bushiri and his wife. According to Waldstreicher, a fugitive is “a person (such as a suspect, witness, or defendant) involved in a criminal case who tries to elude law enforcement, especially by fleeing the jurisdiction.”70 Bushiri is not the first one to run away from the trial as the Gupta brothers are wanted back in South Africa for the same reason. The brothers also fled South Africa while facing various charges such as fraud, corruption and other crimes in South Africa.71 According to the State Capture Report, the Gupta brothers captured the government of South Africa, controlling the state, its business and resources for more than ten years.72 They also controlled who became the minister or even who gets appointed to strategic positions in government and parastatals such as Eskom and Transnet, among others, during the Jacob Zuma administration 73 Instead of accounting for their criminal acts, the Guptas, like the Bushiris, fled South Africa. However, the challenge for pastors or prophets is that it is damaging the reputation

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of the church when the prophets run away without taking accountability for their deeds. Therefore, even if the Bushiris might cite reasons such as fear of their lives and an unfair trial, the reality is that their reputation and that of the church is negatively reflected. For the Gupta family, the reputational damage is only to their businesses and a few people around them. However, for Shepherd Bushiri and his wife, the damage goes beyond their families and friends, it also affects the church in general and the Pentecostal movement in particular.

4.7   Political Influence in His Escape? There are different views as to how exactly Bushiri managed to flee South Africa for Malawi. Although these might be part of the investigations of Bushiri, this book is not interested in the merits of Bushiri’s cases, rather in assessing if there was a political hand in their escape. First, other possibilities, such as leaving in a vehicle, crossing the borders of South Africa are very slim. For those government officials who blamed border control, there was no trace of their escape at the South African border posts.74 If Bushiri left South Africa by road, there would at least have been some records at one of the border posts, like Beitbridge, if he travelled to Zimbabwe or at the Mozambique border post. However, no trace could be found of him and his wife crossing those borders. But apart from the borders, there is supposed to some traces of his traveling itinerary, because he must have passed many cities even before arriving at the borders. Various tollgates on the N1, the main national road leading towards the north en route to Beitebridge, and the tollgates on the N4, the main national road leading towards the east, en route to the Mozambique border, should have records of his vehicles on 13 November 2020. And, since this information is not available or released to the public, it can be concluded that Bushiri and his wife did not leave South Africa by crossing the borders. Bushiri’s vehicles only began to move in December 2020, long after his escape to Malawi and one vehicle was seized in Beitbridge on 20 December 2020.75 The second possibility is that Bushiri left with his president in a hired jet. The timing of the Malawian President Lazurus Chakwera’s visit to his South African counterpart, President Cyril Ramaphosa, in the same week that the Bushiris escaped from South Africa is questionable.76 It cannot be co-incidental that Chakwera visits and departs from South Africa at the same time that the Bushiris left South Africa. In addition, it was during the

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hard Covid-19 lockdown, when not only the citizens’ movements were regulated, but also those of presidents.77 It is very dramatic that President Chakwera would insist on visiting South Africa during the Covid-19 hard lockdown. Therefore, the reason that Chakwera was in South Africa to strengthen his diplomatic relations with South Africa is also very much questionable.78 Why would he risk doing this during very harsh Covid-19 conditions? Hence, the public insists that the President Chakwera had a hand in the departure of the Bushiris to Malawi and the South African government would have to prove, beyond reasonable doubt, that Malawian president did not leave with the Bushiris. In addition, they should also provide evidence on how the Bushiris left South Africa for Malawi. It is not enough to say that the president’s jet was searched for more than six hours and that Chakwera was not able to leave with his entire delegation at the planned time.79 Contrary to the South African government’s reasons, there is evidence that proves political influence in the departure of Bushiri. Rampedi says, “Fugitive prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his wife, Mary, were issued with diplomatic passports bearing decoy names and applied with cosmetic facial changes before being smuggled out of South Africa in Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera’s hired jet.”80 Rampedi goes on to say, “Several insiders in the government’s security cluster—including diplomatic and military intelligence sources, police officers, and bureaucrats—said that Bushiri left in Chakwera’s plane following an operation planned by Malawian intelligence officials and executed by its embassy in Pretoria.”81 Therefore, other than the evidence and reasons provided by the police and the South African government, there is also evidence proving the contrary. It does not matter how many times the police and government try to provide explanations to the public, there will always be a suspicion on how the Bushiris left South Africa, more so because they departed in the same week that their president visited South Africa. Below, Rampedi outlines the series of events, with some valid reasons as to why it is conceivable that the Bushiris left with their Malawian President: • Bushiri approached Chakwera for help through the Malawian embassy; Chakwera instructed the embassy to hatch a plan to save Bushiri and his multi-million rand assets or smuggle him out of South Africa. • Malawian intelligence operatives at the embassy considered options, including smuggling him through Mozambique, whisking him off in

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the presidential jet, or lobbying for Mary’s acquittal and a lesser sentence for Bushiri. • After spending two weeks in jail, Bushiri was given the options and flatly refused the SA jail option; Chakwera, through the Malawian embassy, then lobbied the Ramaphosa administration for assistance. • The Malawians banked on their constitution, which protects diplomats and bars extraditions, unless the suspect was sought for murder or treason. • Some members of the judiciary were then lobbied to ensure Bushiri was released on “soft” bail, with less stringent conditions, no attachment of his bank accounts and assets, except the R5m property in Centurion. • Both governments agreed to approve Chakwera’s request for a state visit and use it to smuggle Bushiri out via Air Force Base Waterkloof. • An advance team was then sent to South Africa to finalise logistical preparations for Bushiri’s escape. • The Bushiris were fetched from their home in Centurion in a Malawian embassy vehicle and issued with false diplomatic passports and had facial cosmetic changes applied on them. • However, South African police, military and diplomatic officers at Waterkloof raised questions about three passengers—two males and a female—whose names did not appear on Chakwera’s preapproved passenger list. • With rumours that the Bushiris failed to report to the police station, the officials got more suspicious as the height of two passengers resembled that of Bushiri and Mary. • A fracas ensued as the military police wanted to detain the three passengers, but the Malawians sought the Department of International Relations and Co-operation Minister Naledi Pandor’s intervention. • Pandor dispatched officials to sort out the problem and they agreed the three suspicious passengers would be allowed to board Chakwera’s plane at OR Tambo; Chakwera’s plane made a stopover at OR Tambo, 2 km from Waterkloof, to pick up the advanced team, which included the Bushiris. • Bushiri and Mary, with facial cosmetics to disguise them, were whisked onto the place through the diplomatic entrance; three members of the advance team were left behind to secure and dispose of Bushiri’s assets.

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• The plane left South Africa shortly after 10 pm on Friday, 13 November 2020 and landed in Malawi after midnight, 14 November 2020. • The Malawian government ordered a media blackout at the airport before Chakwera’s arrival. • The Bushiris disembarked from the plane immediately after Chakwera and his wife. • Some journalists managed to capture footage of the Bushiris disembarking, but the Malawian intelligence later confiscated and classified it as top secret. • In South Africa, intelligence officers and some government officials lobbied or spun journalists and editors to blame the country’s porous borders and corruption for Bushiri’s escape.82 Therefore, it can be concluded that there was political influence in the departure of Bushiris from South Africa to Malawi. It can be concluded that the Bushiris left with President Chakwera by a hired jet on 13 November 2020. There is a clear connection between the escape of the Bushiris and the visit of the president of Malawi to South Africa. It is also true to conclude that the political influence did not only involve the Malawian president and his delegation, but also numerous South African politicians and officials, according to Rampedi. It was a collaborative effort between the Malawian government, through its embassy and the South African government. In addition, it was also a collaborative effort of the various state departments in South Africa such as the South African Police Service and the Departments of Home Affairs and International Relations. This connection further makes the relationship between prophecy and politics very clear. The question in this book remains, how this kind of connection impacts on the prophetic voice of the church, particularly the Pentecostal movement? There is a need to explore this relationship, given the influence of the Pentecostal movement on the ecclesial and political spheres in the global south, specifically the African continent. Therefore, the Bushiris’ escape and how they managed to leave South Africa while facing charges of fraud and money laundering are of great importance in the study of the relationship between prophecy and politics.

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4.8   Attempts to Rearrest Bushiri in Malawi There have been various attempts to rearrest the Bushiris while in Malawi to face the full force of the law. On 18 November 2020, soon after their arrival in Malawi, Shepherd Bushiri and his wife handed themselves over to the police, because they knew that the police were looking for them.83 This arrest came as a result of the warrant that was issued by Interpol, which is responsible for policing international crimes.84 The Bushiris handed themselves over to the police because they wanted to prove that they are not fugitives, but are seeking a fair trial, which they thought they would not have received in South Africa.85 However, on 20 November 2020, Bushiri and his wife, Mary, were released, citing that their arrest on 18 November was illegal. According to Masina, “A court in Malawi has freed a self-proclaimed prophet wanted in South Africa for theft, money laundering, and fraud. The court released Shepherd Bushiri and his wife, calling their arrest illegal because it did not pass through the Minister of Homeland Security.”86 As it is his propensity, Bushiri went on to thank God for the release by saying, “This is not a victory of me. It’s not a victory of my lawyers. It’s a victory of God; may all glory and praise go to God. We believe justice is about to prevail.”87 On 6 January 2021, the Malawian government approached the Lilongwe Magistrate’s Court and sought to have the Bushiris arrested again. This arrest was aimed at starting the process of extraditing the Bushiris to South Africa. According to the Nyasa Times, the “Malawi government has gone back to the Lilongwe Magistrate’s Court, seeking a warrant of arrest for of Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG) church leaders Shepherd Bushiri and his wife Mary as part of beginning their extradition processes—yet the same court already ruled that they should not be arrested by just summoned.”88 But, once again, the magistrate’s court released the prophet and his wife. According to IOL, the magistrate, “Nyimba released them unconditionally stating that their arrest was unlawful because there was no formal request from South Africa.”89 In other words, the Malawian courts should wait for the formal application from South Africa to extradite the couple, and only then will their arrest be lawful. Hence, according to IOL, “Nyimba ruled that no warrant of arrest should be executed against the couple, since they need to appear in court upon being summoned. Nyimba ordered that the formal hearing of the extradition should start on March 8”90:

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On 7 September 2022 there was an attempt to kidnap Shepherd Bushiri and his wife to illegally extradite them to South Africa. It was shared by Shepherd Bushiri’s spokesperson that South African security personnel were tasked to monitor Bushiri’s movements, so that he could be abducted. According to Sunday World, the spokesperson made the following statement: “We are extremely dismayed and astonishingly shocked by continuous intrusion into the private space of prophet Shepherd Bushiri, and also attempts to kidnap him by some recognisable security personnel from South Africa. Through various tip-offs from well-wishers and our intelligence sources, we have it on record that this personnel from South Africa have been trailing the prophet to the extent of following him everywhere he goes under the guise of working for the ‘embassy.’”91

The attempt to abduct Bushiri and his wife is also used by Bushiri’s team to prove that, should he be extradited to South Africa, he will not have a fair trial. Once again, this a very tactical move and plan by Bushiri to never return to South Africa to face his allegations and prove himself innocent. The question remains, what does this do to his image as the man of the cloth and to the image of the church in general? The attempts to rearrest Bushiri over the last three years since his arrival in Malawi have all proven to be fruitless, since the courts have turned them down. There are two reasons for these failed attempts. The first reason is that, as Bushiri claims, he is innocent and the cases of attempts on his life are malicious and represent a plan to tarnish his image. Second is political connections that saw him being smuggled out of South Africa. The Malawian government is still protecting him from being arrested by local police and prosecuted by local courts. The aim of this book is to demonstrate the relationship that Bushiri has with the political structure, which directly points to the relationship between prophecy and politics. And while Bushiri’s victory in courts might be celebrated by his followers and supporters, his image and ability to speak to the powers that be are slowly tarnished by these court appearances. In addition, his court appearances also have an impact on the image of the body of Christ in general and the Pentecostal tradition in particular.

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4.9  Conclusion This chapter looked at the life and ministry of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, because he is an interesting and important figure in the study of the relationship between prophecy and politics in South African Pentecostalism. The chapter introduced the ministry of Shepherd Bushiri by focusing on the aspects that make him popular, even among politicians. However, Bushiri and his wife’s popularity has come with many challenges, as they were found on the wrong side of the law on several occasions. These have led to arrests by the police and prosecution by the National Prosecuting Authority in South Africa. The chapter also looked at the dramatic escape of the Bushiris from South Africa. It is dramatic, because the Bushiris fled South Africa while still on bail and, therefore, in contravention of their bail conditions. This led to the very important question that the chapter attempted to answer regarding political influence in the escape of the Bushiris. The aim was not only to find an appropriate answer, but to demonstrate that there is a relationship between prophecy and politics that compromises the prophetic voice of the church. The prophetic voice is further compromised when the attempts to extradite the Bushiris to South Africa have failed over the last three years.

Notes 1. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, and Allan H. Anderson, eds. The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). 2. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, The fourth Pentecostal wave in South Africa: A critical engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019). 3. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Marius Nel, and Collium Banda, eds. Christological paradigm shifts in prophetic Pentecostalism in South Africa (Abingdon: Routledge, 2021). 4. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 21. 5. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, and Allan H.  Anderson. “Introduction: The abuse of the Spirit in some New Prophetic Churches in South African Pentecostalism.” In The use and abuse of the spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 1–23. (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020).

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6. Nyamnjoh, Henrietta M. “The Materiality of Pentecostal Religious Healing: The Case of Cameroonian Migrants in Cape Town.” Alternation Journal 22 (2018): 35–56. 7. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019). Cf. Kgatle, Mookgo Solomon. “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2 (2020): 132–143. Cf. Banda, Collium. “Whatever happened to God’s holiness? The holiness of God and the theological authenticity of the South African neo-Pentecostal prophetic activities.” Verbum et Ecclesia 42, no. 1 (2021): 1–10. 8. Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa” 4. 9. Kgatle and Anderson. The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism 47. 10. Kgatle. Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa 21. 11. Banda, Collium. “Redefining religion? A critical Christian reflection on CRL Rights Commission’s proposal to regulate religion in South Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 40, no. 1 (2019): 1–11. Cf. Qiki, Vuyisile. All “Doom” and Gloom?: the Unusual Ritual Practices of New Prophetic Pentecostal Churches in South Africa in Light of the New Testament Gospels. University of Johannesburg (South Africa), 2020. Cf. Mofokeng, Thabang R. ““The weird you shall always have”: A historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa.” In The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 24–52. Routledge, 2020. 12. Banda, Collium. “Unsafe spaces? An ecclesiological evaluation and response to recent controversial practices in some South African neo-­ Pentecostal churches.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–10. 13. Meyer, Birgit. “Pentecostalism and neo-liberal capitalism: Faith, prosperity and vision in African Pentecostal-Charismatic churches.” Journal for the Study of Religion (2007): 5–28. 14. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “Social media and religion: Missiological perspective on the link between Facebook and the emergence of prophetic churches in southern Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 39, no. 1 (2018): 1–6. 15. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “Religious live-streaming in response to coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic and the subsequent lockdown in South Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–6. 16. Dube, Bekithemba. “‘Go and Prophesy in Your Own Land’: Foreign Prophets and Popularism in South Africa. Evoking the Need of Jonathanic Theology for Peaceful Resolution of Difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 42. Cf. Faimau, Gabriel, and Camden Behrens. “Facebooking religion and the technologization of the religious discourse: A case study of a

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Botswana-based Prophetic Church.” Online-Heidelberg Journal of Religions on the Internet 11 (2016). Cf. Mzondi, Abraham Modisa Mkhondo. “Clements Kadalie, the trade unionist, and prophet Shepherd Bushiri: A case study of their personality and influence in Southern Africa.” Stellenbosch Theological Journal 7, no. 2 (2021): 1–16. 17. Bushiri would rather be known as an entrepreneur than a politician. A number of scholarly works also shows that Bushiri is an entrepreneur of a businessman. See Lipenga, Ken Junior. “The Prophet in Music: Lyrical Representations of the Shepherd Bushiri Discourse.” Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies 7, no. 3 (2021): 189–203. Cf. Kallinen, Timo. “Revealing the secrets of others (on YouTube): new and old in the public representations of Ghanaian traditional religion.” Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 44, no. 1 (2019): 30–50. Cf. Kgatle, Mookgo Solomon, and Jonas Sello Thinane. “Missio Dei in the Context of Self-Proclaimed Spiritual Leaders in South Africa: A Missiological Perspective.” The International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 12, no. 2 (2022): 207. 18. Beston Luka “Prophet Bushiri Disassociates Himself with Politics” viewed 29/08/2022 https://www.zodiakmalawi.com/nw/national-­news/66-­ news-­in-­southern-­r egion/5287-­prophet-­bushiri-­disassociates-­himself-­ with-­politics. 19. Times Exclusive featuring Prophet Shepherd Bushiri—27 May 2023 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4yQNpVc_Y8A. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid. 22. Naledi Shange, “Shepherd Bushiri distributes food parcels in North West” viewed 22 April 2020 https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/ south-­africa/2020-­04-­22-­shepherd-­bushiri-­distributes-­food-­parcels-­in-­ north-­west/. 23. Frahm-Arp, Maria. “‘Can’t they see they are being manipulated?!’: Miracleprophets and secular South African radio.” Radio, Public Life and Citizen Deliberation in South Africa (2021): 103–124. Cf. Frahm-Arp, Maria. “Pneumatology and Prophetic Pentecostal Charismatic Christianity during COVID-19  in South Africa.” In The Use and Abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 150–174. Routledge, 2020. 24. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “Peculiarities in the Pentecostal tradition: Disciplinal and decolonial perspectives in a South African context.” Verbum et Ecclesia 43, no. 1 (2022): 2519. Cf. Sobolewska, Maria, Stephen D.  Fisher, Anthony F. Heath, and David Sanders. “Understanding the effects of religious attendance on political participation among ethnic minorities of different religions.” European Journal of Political Research 54, no. 2 (2015): 271–287.

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25. Resane, Kelebogile Thomas. “Popularity, Populism and Prophetism in the Neo-Pentecostal Movement: the Jehoshaphat-Ahab Narrative.” Pharos Journal of Theology 103, no. 2 (2022). 26. Motaung, Sejake Petrus. The Day the South African Constitutional Court Legalised Crime and Corruption-To the Benefit of the Guptas. Dorrance Publishing, 2020. 27. Mokalobe, Mafole. “The South African National Defence Force Parliamentary Oversight Compromised? The Institutional (in) Capacity of Parliament.” Africa Insight 50, no. 3 (2020). 28. Ukah, Asonzeh. “Prosperity, prophecy and the COVID-19 pandemic: The healing economy of African Pentecostalism.” Pneuma 42, no. 3–4 (2020): 430–459. 29. According to Zim live “On 20 February 2020, former deputy finance minister of Zimbabwe, Terence Mukupe, accused Bushiri of an adulterous affair with Mukupe’s musician wife, Rachel, which resulted in the impregnation of Rachel. He claimed to have WhatsApp evidence of his wife and the preacher arranging to meet for “sex romps in Malawi, Pretoria and Rustenburg”. He also claimed that Bushiri had taken R100000 (approx $7500) from him to finance his church, Enlightened Christian Gathering” see an article by Zim live “Shepherd Bushiri took my R100k then slept with my wife: Mukupe”. Zimbabwe News Now. 20 February 2020. Retrieved 13 March 2020 https://www.zimlive.com/shepherd-­bushiri-­ took-­my-­r100k-­then-­slept-­with-­my-­wife-­mukupe/#:~:text=Shepherd%20 Bushiri%20took%20my%20R100k%20then%20slept%20with%20my%20 wife%3A%20Mukupe,’I%20have%20material&text=BULAWAYO%20 %E2%80%93%20Former%20deputy%20finance%20minister,his%20musician%20wife%2C%20Rachel%20J. 30. Frahm-Arp, Maria. “Political Activism in Pentecostal Charismatic Evangelical Churches and the 2019 Elections in South Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa 49, no. 3–4 (2021): 312–336. 31. Kgatle, Mookgo Solomon, and Mookgo Solomon Kgatle. “NPC Prophets and the Money Cult in South Africa.” Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa (2021): 113–134. 32. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and culticism, 121. 33. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “New paradigms of pneumatological ecclesiology brought about by new prophetic churches within South African Pentecostalism.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–6. 34. Mail and Guardian, “Shepherd Bushiri faces slew of new rape claims” viewed 18 March 2021 https://mg.co.za/ africa/2021-­03-­18-­shepherd-­bushiri-­faces-­slew-­of-­new-­rape-­claims/. 35. Ibid.

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36. Nyaradzo Mashayamombe. “youth culture, religion and sexuality in a context of increasing religious fundamentalisms in Africa”, A Journal on African Women’s Experiences, 8 no. 1 (2017):81–87. 37. eNCA “Shepherd Bushiri accused of rape | eNCA”. Retrieved 10 March 2022. https://www.enca.com/news/ shepherd-­bushiri-­accused-­rape-­two-­congregants. 38. Kgatle, Mookgo Solomon, and Mookgo Solomon Kgatle. “The Sex Cult Practices of Some NPC Prophets in South Africa.” Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa (2021): 91–111. 39. Konrad, Anna, Till Amelung, and Klaus M. Beier. “Misuse of child sexual abuse images: Treatment course of a self-identified pedophilic pastor.” Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy 44, no. 3 (2018): 281–294. 40. Nyuke, Simbarashe. “Pentecostal urbanism? Exploring the experiences of immigrants in Johannesburg.” PhD diss., Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2021. 41. Department of Home Affairs, “Home Affairs Minister Dr Aaron Motsoaledi welcomes the arrest of senior government officials for contravening immigration laws” 04 September 2020 http://www.dha.gov.za/index.php/ statements-­speeches/1368-­home-­affairs-­minister-­dr-­aaron-­motsoaledi-­ welcomes-­the-­arrest-­of-­senior-­government-­officials-­for-­contravening-­ immigration-­laws. 42. News24, “Bushiris hold Malawian diplomatic passports, court hears as State opposes bail” 30 October 2020 https://www.news24.com/ news24/southafrica/news/bushiris-­allegedly-­hold-­malawian-­diplomatic-­ passports-­court-­hears-­as-­state-­opposes-­bail-­20201030. 43. Business day, “Home affairs official in Bushiri saga appeals dismissal, MPs told” 13 September 2022 https://www.businesslive.co.za/bd/ national/2022-­0 9-­1 3-­h ome-­a ffairs-­o fficial-­i n-­b ushiri-­s aga-­a ppeals-­ dismissal-­mps-­told/. 44. Department of Home affairs, “Home Affairs dismisses two officials and suspends four for identity related fraud” 05 July 2022 http://www.dha. gov.za/index.php/statements-­speeches/1570-­home-­affairs-­dismisses-­ two-­officials-­and-­suspends-­four-­for-­identity-­related-­fraud. 45. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and culticism, 126. 46. According to the official website of the South African Police Services, HAWKS is “The Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation has been established as an independent directorate within the South African Police Service in terms of Section 17C of the South African Police Service Act, 1995 as amended by the South African Police Service Amendment Act, 2008 (Act 57 of 2008). The Directorate for Priority Crime Investigation is now responsible for the combating, investigation and prevention of national priority crimes such as serious organized crime, serious commer-

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cial crime and serious corruption in terms of Section 17B and 17D of the South African Police Service Act, 1995 as amended”. See https://www. saps.gov.za/dpci/index.php. 47. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and culticism, 126. 48. According to the official website of the South African government POCA is meant to “introduce measures to combat organised crime, money laundering and criminal gang activities; to prohibit certain activities relating to racketeering activities; to provide for the prohibition of money laundering and for an obligation to report certain information; to criminalise certain activities associated with gangs; to provide for the recovery of the proceeds of unlawful activity; for the civil forfeiture of criminal assets that have been used to commit an offense or assets that are the proceeds of unlawful activity; to provide for the establishment of a Criminal Assets Recovery Account; to amend the Drugs and Drug Trafficking Act, 1992; to amend the International Co-operation in Criminal Matters Act, 1996; to repeal the Proceeds of Crime Act, 1996; to incorporate the provisions contained in the Proceeds of Crime Act, 1996; and to provide for matters connected therewith.” https://www.gov.za/documents/ prevention-­organised-­crime-­act. 49. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and culticism, 126. 50. Sesona Ngqakamba (6 February 2019). “Self-proclaimed prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his wife granted R100 000 bail”. News 24. Retrieved 6 February 2019. https://www.news24.com/news24/self-­ proclaimed-­prophet-­shepherd-­bushiri-­and-­his-­wife-­granted-­r100-­000-­ bail-­20190206. 51. ENCA “Bushiri case postponed to November viewed” 29 August 2019 https://www.enca.com/news/bushiri-­case-­postponed-­until-­november. 52. News24, “Preservation order for Bushiri’s aircraft, investigators allege loan agreement fabricated” viewed 17 February 2019 https://www. news24.com/news24/bushiri-­aircraft-­attached-­investigators-­allege-­loan-­ agreement-­fabricated-­20190217. 53. News24, “Bushiri empire crashes—state looks to seize assets including luxury cars, private jet” 04 February 2019 https://www.news24. com/citypress/news/bushiri-­empire-­crashes-­state-­looks-­to-­seize-­assets-­ including-­luxury-­cars-­private-­jet-­20190203. 54. Lipenga, Ken Junior. “The Prophet in Music: Lyrical Representations of the Shepherd Bushiri Discourse.” Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies 7, no. 3 (2021): 189–203 55. EWN, “Co-accused in Bushiri fraud case, Willah Mudulo, denied bail” viewed 22 December 2020 https://ewn.co.za/2020/12/22/ co-­accused-­in-­bushiri-­fraud-­case-­willah-­mudulo-­denied-­bail

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56. News24, “Bushiri fraud case: State argues co-accused is just as likely to flee if granted bail” viewed 16 December 2020 https://www.news24.com/ news24/southafrica/news/bushiri-­fraud-­case-­state-­argues-­co-­accused-­is-­ just-­as-­likely-­to-­flee-­if-­granted-­bail-­20201216 57. Timeslive, “Bentley & Maserati shipped illegally to Malawi: state in Shepherd Bushiri bail bid” viewed 30 October 2020 https://www. timeslive.co.za/news/south-­a frica/2020-­1 0-­3 0-­b entley-­m aserati-­ shipped-­illegally-­to-­malawi-­state-­in-­shepherd-­bushiri-­bail-­bid/. 58. Gabela, Muziwandile. “An exploration of the policing of religious extremism in South Africa.” PhD diss., 2023. University of South Africa. 59. The story of Paul and Silas is taken from Acts 16 where Paul and Silas were arrested for delivering the young girl who was possessed with a demon. When Paul and Silas casted out the spirit, the masters who were using the girl, advocated for the arrest of Paul and Silas. In this way, Paul and Silas were arrested for doing the work of God in delivering the young girl. This is different to Bushiri and his wife’s arrests. 60. Trebilco, Paul R. “Paul and Silas—’Servants of the Most High God’ (Acts 16.16–18).” Journal for the Study of the New Testament 11, no. 36 (1989): 51–73. 61. Joseph was put in prison for refusing to sleep with Potifar’s wife. In this way, Joseph was arrested for standing for the truth which is different from the arrests of Bushiri and his wife. 62. Daniel in the bible, on a number of occasions was persecuted for standing for his beliefs and religion. In those occasions, he was vindicated but it is different with the Bushiri’s cases of money laundering, fraud, sexual assaults, rape, and contravening immigration laws and the finance policies in South Africa. However, if these allegations are false, it must be proven as such, hence the Bushiris must insist on appearing before the courts instead of running away from them. 63. Timeslive, “Prophet Bushiri and wife skip bail, flee to Malawi for ‘safety’”, viewed 14 November 2020 https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-­ africa/2020-­11-­14-­prophet-­bushiri-­and-­wife-­skip-­bail-­flee-­to-­malawi-­ for-­safety/. 64. NYtimes, “Millionaire Preacher Skips Bail in South Africa, Fueling International Dispute” 19 November 2020 https://www.nytimes. com/2020/11/19/world/africa/south-­a frica-­m alawi-­s hepherd-­ bushiri.html. 65. Timeslive, “‘We were persecuted, not prosecuted’: Claims embattled pastor Bushiri Self-proclaimed prophet announces his escape from SA and arrival in Malawi via Facebook” 14 November 2020 https://www. timeslive.co.za/news/south-­africa/2020-­11-­14-­we-­were-­persecuted-­not-­ prosecuted-­claims-­embattled-­pastor-­bushiri/.

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66. EWN, “Shepherd & Mary Bushiri say they’ll return to SA if govt meets their demands” 14 November 2020 https://ewn.co.za/2020/11/14/ shepherd-­a nd-­m ar y-­b ushiri-­s ay-­t hey-­l l-­r eturn-­t o-­s a-­i f-­g ovt-­m eets-­ their-­demands. 67. News24, “Bushiri defends his decision to flee South Africa, claims he won’t get a fair trial” 15 November 2020 https://www.news24.com/ news24/southafrica/news/watch-­bushiri-­defends-­his-­decision-­to-­flee-­ south-­africa-­claims-­he-­wont-­get-­a-­fair-­trial-­20201115 68. EWN, “Shepherd & Mary Bushiri say they’ll return to SA if govt meets their demands” 14 November 2020 https://ewn.co.za/2020/11/14/ shepherd-­a nd-­m ar y-­b ushiri-­s ay-­t hey-­l l-­r eturn-­t o-­s a-­i f-­g ovt-­m eets-­ their-­demands 69. IOL, “Ipid say Shepherd Bushiri did not co-operate with them after opening case of extortion” 16 November 2020 https://www.iol.co.za/ pretoria-­n ews/news/ipid-­s ay-­s hepherd-­b ushiri-­d id-­n ot-­c o-­o perate-­ with-­them-­after-­opening-­case-­of-­extortion-­6c9c050f-­5c25-­456a-­bc5f-­ af61afdc7c30. 70. Waldstreicher, David. “Reading the runaways: self-fashioning, print culture, and confidence in slavery in the eighteenth-century mid-Atlantic.” The William and Mary Quarterly 56, no. 2 (1999): 243–272. 71. Rapanyane, Makhura B. “Seizure of State Organs, Corruption and Unaccountability Promotion in South Africa: Case Study of Jacob Zuma Administration.” African Journal of Development Studies 11, no. 3 (2021): 251. 72. Khambule, Isaac. “Capturing South Africa’s developmental state: State-­ society relations and responses to state capture.” Public Administration and Development 41, no. 4 (2021): 169–179. Cf. Canen, Nathan, and Leonard Wantchekon. “Political distortions, state capture, and economic development in Africa.” Journal of Economic Perspectives 36, no. 1 (2022): 101–24. 73. Mlambo, Daniel N. “Governance and service delivery in the public sector: the case of South Africa under Jacob Zuma (2009–2018).” African Renaissance 16, no. 3 (2019): 207–224. Mathebula, Ntwanano Erasmus, and Tyanai Masiya. “Governance Issues and State Capture at Eskom and Transnet: A Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Theory for Policy Studies.” African Journal of Governance & Development 11, no. 1.1. (2022): 146–163. Cf. Fredericks, Jordan, and Nicola de Jager. “An Analysis of the Historical Roots of Partisan Governance within the ANC: Understanding the Road to State Capture.” Politikon 49, no. 1 (2022): 21–42. 74. Mail and Guardian, “Motsoaledi blames ‘porous’ and ‘rotten’ borders for Bushiris’ escape” 17 November 2020 https:// mg.co.za/news/2020-­1 1-­1 7-­m otsoaledi-­b lames-­p or ous-­a nd-­

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rotten-­borders-­for-­bushiris-­escape/ Cf. News24, ‘Bushiri’s great escape’ raises red flags over SA’s borders, say MPs”, 18 November 2020, https://www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/ bushiris-­great-­escape-­raises-­red-­flags-­over-­sas-­borders-­say-­mps-­20201118. 75. Sunday world, “Vehicle owned by Bushiri seized at Beitbridge border, church left outraged” viewed 20 November 2020 https:// sundayworld.co.za/news/breaking-­n ews/vehicle-­o wned-­b y-­b ushiri-­ seized-­at-­beitbridge-­border-­church-­left-­outraged/. 76. Mail and Gurdian, “The president, the preacher and the great escape” 21 November 2020 https://mg.co.za/ africa/2020-­11-­21-­the-­president-­the-­preacher-­and-­the-­great-­escape/. 77. South African government, “President Cyril Ramaphosa hosts President Chakwera of Malawi on a working visit, 13 Nov 2020” https://www. gov.za/speeches/president-­ramaphosa-­host-­president-­chakwera-­malawi-­ working-­visit-­12-­nov-­2020-­0000. 78. Dailly maverick, “Pretoria’s relations with new Malawian President Chakwera get off on wrong foot” 16 November 2020 https://www. dailymaverick.co.za/article/2020-­11-­16-­pretorias-­r elations-­with-­new-­ malawian-­president-­chakwera-­get-­off-­on-­wrong-­foot/. 79. News24, “Malawi government fuming over search of presidential plane as Shepherd Bushiri makes a run for it” viewed 16 November 2020 https:// www.news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/malawi-­g overnment-­ fuming-­over-­search-­of-­presidential-­plane-­as-­shepherd-­bushiri-­makes-­a-­ run-­for-­it-­20201116. 80. Piet Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA” viewed 21 November 2020 https://www.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/news/ how-­the-­bushiris-­were-­smuggled-­out-­of-­sa-­c101b74e-­cd6b-­4c17-­9f87-­ d0272de3bed9. 81. Piet Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA” viewed 21 November 2020 https://www.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/news/ how-­the-­bushiris-­were-­smuggled-­out-­of-­sa-­c101b74e-­cd6b-­4c17-­9f87-­ d0272de3bed9. 82. Piet Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA” viewed 21 November 2020 https://www.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/news/ how-­the-­bushiris-­were-­smuggled-­out-­of-­sa-­c101b74e-­cd6b-­4c17-­9f87-­ d0272de3bed9. 83. News24, “Bushiris hand themselves over to police in Malawi” 18 November 2020. 84. Du Toit, J. J., and Marko Svicevic. “the unconstitutionality of section 5 (1) (a) of the extradition act 67 of 1962—implications for ongoing and future extradition proceedings in light of a decision of the constitutional court/ die ongrondwetlikheid van artikel 5 (1)(a) van die wet op uitlewering 67

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van 1962—implikasies vir voortgesette en toekomstige uitleweringsverrigtinge.” Journal of South African Law 2021, no. 3 (2021): 538–562. 85. Eye Witness News, “Bushiris arrested after handing themselves over to Malawi police”, 18 November 2020 https://ewn.co.za/2020/11/18/ bushiris-­arrested-­after-­handing-­themselves-­over-­to-­malawi-­police. 86. Lameck Masina, “Malawi Court Frees Preacher Bushiri After Deeming His Arrest Illegal” viewed 20 November 2020 https://www.voanews.com/a/ africa_malawi-­c ourt-­f rees-­p reacher-­b ushiri-­a fter-­d eeming-­h is-­a rrest-­ illegal/6198625.html. 87. Lameck Masina, “Malawi Court Frees Preacher Bushiri After Deeming His Arrest Illegal” viewed 20 November 2020 https://www.voanews.com/a/ africa_malawi-­c ourt-­f rees-­p reacher-­b ushiri-­a fter-­d eeming-­h is-­a rrest-­ illegal/6198625.html. 88. Nyasa times, “Malawi Govt Seek Arrest Warrant for Bushiri At Lilongwe Magistrate Court” 6 January 2021. 89. IOL, “Malawi court rules against prophet Bushiri’s arrest” 6 January 2021 https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-­africa/gauteng/malawi-­court-­r ules-­ against-­prophet-­bushiris-­arrest-­fc3f9d90-­1c9c-­5f73-­b082-­475d2f57cbee. 90. IOL, “Malawi court rules against prophet Bushiri’s arrest” 6 January 2021 https://www.iol.co.za/news/south-­africa/gauteng/malawi-­court-­r ules-­ against-­prophet-­bushiris-­arrest-­fc3f9d90-­1c9c-­5f73-­b082-­475d2f57cbee. 91. Sunday world, “Bushiri threatened by ‘SA operatives attempting to kidnap him’” viewed 7 September 2022 https://sundayworld.co.za/news/ bushiri-­threatened-­by-­sa-­operatives-­attempting-­to-­kidnap-­him/.

CHAPTER 5

Other Contemporary Prophets and Politics in South Africa

5.1   Introduction This chapter explores the relationship between various prophets and politicians in the South African context. The chapter looks at how the prophets related to the last two presidents of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa and Jacob Zuma. The reason for this is that the prophets were not so popular during the reign of Thabo Mbeki and Nelson Mandela. In addition, the chapter explores the relationship between South African prophets and politicians other than Zuma and Ramaphosa. Different political views of different prophets are explored, including visits made by politicians to different new prophetic churches. The chapter explores the nature of their visits and how these visits affected the political affiliations of church members on the one hand and the church affiliations of politicians on the other. In addition, the chapter looks at politicians who received prophecies from the prophets and others who received prayers during these visits. The chapter aims to demonstrate that these political visits contribute to the popularity of prophets in South Africa.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_5

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5.2   Prophets During the Zuma and Ramaphosa Presidencies The new prophetic churches became more visible and more popular during the presidencies of Jacob Zuma and Cyril Ramaphosa. Of the two presidents, Zuma was always seen among pastors, particularly those belonging to the Pentecostal and charismatic churches.1 Urbaniak and Khorommbi explain that “Zuma can be seen—it is argued—as an emblem of the entanglement of Pentecostal-Charismatic Christianity and politics in South Africa post-1994, and perhaps as a part of a broader global trend toward religious-populist politics.”2 Therefore, according to Gerald West, Zuma has very serious religious alliances with the Pentecostal and charismatic churches, from the days of Ray McCauley and his Rhema church to the days of the snake pastors. This actually may be the strength of Jacob Zuma from his time as deputy president to Thabo Mbeki until his election as the president of the African National Congress in 2007, the Polokwane moment that saw him ascend to the Union Buildings in 2009. Zuma knew about the influence of Christian churches, particularly Pentecostal churches, on society since the days of racial segregation. Therefore, he made this a mission to visit and consult with the Pentecostal churches, which are located in communities. Therefore, by connecting with the churches, in a way Zuma connected with the communities. According to West, he saw the role of the church in strengthening democracy, good governance and the constitution, hence his alliance with the Pentecostal churches.3 West writes that “Ramaphosa like Zuma is not familiar with the minority religions in South Africa. He is most comfortable with Christianity and, increasingly in public since his presidency, with African Religion.”4 West continues that “Ramaphosa felt comfortable in a Pentecostal setting, and found it relatively easy to identify with their spirituality.” Ramaphosa grew up in the Student Christian Movement of his university days at the University of the North, and he is familiar with the Pentecostal churches. He has a propensity for greeting the audience with “hallelujah,” particularly when addressing Pentecostal churches. Like his predecessor, Ramaphosa acknowledges the role of the church in countering moral regeneration and promoting ethical leadership and the development of the country. Therefore, Ramaphosa urges the church not to take the back seat but to continue to be involved in the development and sustainability of the country.5 It is for this reason that immediately after being elected as

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the president of South Africa, Ramaphosa gave a message of hope that resonated well with the Christian community, particularly Pentecostal churches.6 Ramaphosa came with the message of “Thuma mina” to illustrate that he was sent by God to make a difference in the lives of the people of South Africa. Thuma mina became a vision whereby the lives of South Africans would be transformed because every department and minister would adopt this message. However, it has become a huge failure over the years. The difference between Ramaphosa and Zuma is that although Ramaphosa is close to the Pentecostal churches, he is not as close to the new prophetic churches as Zuma was during his presidency. This may be because Ramaphosa has his roots in the classical Pentecostal church and assemblies of God, and is not so familiar with the new prophetic movements.7 In addition, Ramaphosa (as a president with moral fibre to correct the wrongdoings of the past) may have purposed not to mingle with the controversial neo-Pentecostals but rather with the classical Pentecostal churches such as the Assemblies of God. Thinane explains that “Ramaphosa believes in him being called not only to fight against corruption but to implement policies like a step-aside policy which seeks to uproot corruption in its integrity and for him to achieve the goal of clean governance he needs men and women who will join the Thuma Mina call.”8 This may be as be a valid reason for his dissociation from the new prophetic churches or the neo-Pentecostals in comparison to Zuma’s alliance with these churches. This chapter looks at the political visits to the new prophetic churches. These are churches that are very strong on the concepts of prophecy, prayer and deliverance. This kind of theology is pivotal in attracting politicians to these churches to receive prayers and prophecies. In addition, prophets of these churches are perceived as carrying special prayers that can make politicians win political office. Hence, the tendency of going to these churches to receive prayers during elections and other critical political moments. Prophets Alph Lukau of Alleluia Ministries International, Paseka Motsoeneng of Incredible Happenings, Daniel Lesego of Rabboni Centre Ministries and others became more famous during the presidency of Jacob Zuma. Prophets such as these have been involved in one controversy after another. However, regardless of these controversies, they have been able to attract a lot of politicians to their churches. This chapter seeks to look at the visits by politicians, their intersections with political affiliations and church affiliations, and how these affect the perceptions of the

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people who follow both the politician and the prophet in a South African context.

5.3   Politicians Who Visited Prophets The two presidents, Zuma and Ramaphosa, visit Pentecostal churches to advocate for nation building, moral regeneration and ethical leadership. According to Resane, “President Zuma himself regularly visits these ecclesiastical formations where he always receives a hero’s welcome.”9 Van Wyk (in Resane) explains: Jacob Zuma is well-versed in the prosperity gospel. Apart from his longstanding membership in various [new prophetic churches], Zuma was ordained as an honorary pastor in the Full Gospel Church in 2007. In the run-up to the April 2009 general elections, Zuma visited several [new prophetic churches] and preached a [new prophetic churches] message in the Rhema Bible Church.10

Again, this demonstrates the connection that the then president had with various new prophetic churches in South Africa because of his visits to these churches. Frahm-Arp explains that Zuma himself is a very charismatic leader, hence his connection with the charismatic pastors in South Africa.11 This is why there is a great following whenever Zuma visits these churches, because they have fallen in love with his charisma, including his singing abilities. However, some of the churches use Zuma’s popularity to boast their church image and publicity. Resane explains, “Some from African Independent Churches and Neo-Pentecostal churches, view Jacob Zuma as an angel, hence constantly surrendering their pulpits for his populist rhetoric and organising night vigils at his Nkandla homestead on the eves of his court appearances.”12 This might mean that Zuma does not voluntarily go to these churches, but rather that pastors and prophets invite him to increase the visibility of their churches. These reasons may explain why other presidents, such as former president Thabo Mbeki, did not visit these churches as often as Zuma visited them. It is because the popularity of the two presidents is not the same, including the current president (Cyril Ramaphosa). Basson and Du Toit (in Resane) explain that “Zuma wasn’t like Mbeki at all. Where Mbeki was aloof, Zuma was personable; where Mbeki was distant, Zuma was warm; and where Mbeki was

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dismissive, Zuma was inclusive.”13 This is what made Jacob Zuma a president of the people regardless of his many weaknesses that were exposed in the media. The majority of people, including pastors and prophets, just want to be closer to him and care less about his scandals. The former president of South Africa once visited Pastor Alph Lukau in Randburg, Johannesburg.14 In a video shared on YouTube on 11 November 2016, Zuma is seen entering Alleluia Ministries International’s hall in Randburg accompanied by his bodyguard. Alph Lukau, as the senior pastor took the podium and officially welcomed President Jacob Zuma. Upon ascending the stage, Zuma declared to the audience that he was in the church not for other business but specifically to listen to the word of God. He also said that in a church setting, the people of God have a lot to say to him instead of him saying a lot of things to them. Zuma said t he was in church to be prayed for because there were challenges for the world, hence the importance of prayers, which need to be offered by the people of God to nations. These prayers are needed to ask God to help his children, and even the developments in South Africa require prayers. Zuma told the audience that if the rest of the members of society were to become like the members of Alleluia Ministries International, South Africa would be a better place. He asked for prayers for the economy of South Africa to grow, for investment to yield fruits in terms of job creation, and for politicians to lead by example. The members of Alleluia Ministries International were also asked to pray for those in government to govern the country according to the will of God.15 Zuma did not only visit the new prophetic churches one of them ordained him as their pastor in the province of Kwa-Zulu Natal, South Africa.16 Other than Zuma and Ramaphosa, there are politicians such as Julius Malema and Tinyiko Shivambu who visited the new prophetic churches. Julius Malema is one of the most popular politicians, second to Zuma,17 and hence some prophets and pastors would want to associate themselves with him. Malema visited the late Prophet TB Joshua to receive prayers. According to eNCA: The Economic Freedom Fighter commander-in-chief said he was there to visit TB Joshua to receive blessings for the journey ahead. His visit had local media abuzz over a private and spiritual retreat that Malema said was his way of seeking blessings and better counsel. “We all seek divine intervention, blessings of spiritual leaders and it happened that this time, we came to TB Joshua and it should not be seen to be any controversial activities.”18

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Therefore, both Zuma and Malema—as the most popular politicians in South Africa—tend to visit prophets and pass this on to their mentees, such as Malusi Gigaba who served under President Jacob Zuma and emerging politicians such as Naledi Chirwa of the Economic Freedom Fighter under Julius Malema. But the main question that this book seeks to answer is: What is the effect of this on the image of the church or the prophetic voice? The next section deals with the importance of prayers during political visits.

5.4   Politicians Who Received Prayers Prayer and spirituality play an important role in the life of politicians, hence the constant visits to churches. Politicians believe that by visiting a prophet or pastor, they will be able to receive blessings and spiritual guidance. According to West, prayer becomes more needed during elections, when politicians believe that prayer plays a vital role for peaceful elections and a smooth transition from one administration to the other.19 Hence, politicians such as President Jacob Zuma would request prayers during elections. It is also believed that for one to win elections, prayer is important, particularly from Pentecostal churches. Therefore, during the election period, special prayers would be made around the country, asking God for peace, nation building and security in the country. In addition, the time of apartheid until now, South Africa has been a prayerful nation. Hence, politicians (like Pentecostal believers) believe in the power of prayer and that things that do not change under normal circumstances will change because of prayer. In the South African context, even during political rallies and other gatherings the national anthem is not sung for the sake of singing but in the context of offering prayer to God for the protection and prosperity of the nation. The national anthem is a prayer for God to bless Africa and for His presence to abide forever.20 It is from this context that politicians know and understand the importance of prayer in their political life and career. And some of them, especially those who were involved in the struggle, saw the power of prayer in the past and hence they continue to seek prayers for their political office. However, at times, prayer can be used to hide the weaknesses of politicians. In other words, politicians can ask for prayer even when they know that they are not willing to change their immoral or corrupt behaviour. Urbaniak and Khorommbi cite an example where Zuma negatively asked for prayers:

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In one of his informal remarks, he used somewhat distorted notions of prayer and forgiveness when addressing the mainly black African audience; he called them to pray for political leaders “so that when we make mistakes, you can ask God to forgive us because Satan is always around trying to derail us.”21

In this way, prayer becomes a way of escaping accountability and an excuse to continue to do the wrong things just because God can forgive the politician. In cases where politicians have to be responsible and pay for their sins, it is necessary to do so rather than always ask for prayers in a quest to replace accountability. The role of prayer is not for people to continue to hide their sins, but prayer should assist politicians to deal with their challenges of immorality, corruption and maladministration. Therefore, church and prayer should not be a hiding place for politicians and a way of running away from their responsibilities. During Zuma’s visit to the Alleluia Ministries International, Alph Lukau (the senior pastor of the church) called the president to the podium after the sermon to pray for him. Lukau asked congregants to stretch out their hands and begin to pray for the president for God to grant him wisdom so that he could lead the country. I Timothy 2:1–4 encourages the church to pray for those who are in government. The biblical text says, “I urge you, first of all, to pray for all people. Ask God to help them; intercede on their behalf, and give thanks for them. Pray this way for kings and all who are in authority so that we can live peaceful and quiet lives marked by godliness and dignity.”22 Lukau continued to pray for the president, for God to build a hedge of fire around him, so that his life and career would be protected and that there would be no danger to his life. Lukau continued to declare the blessing of the Lord upon the president so that God may continue to protect him at all times. At the end of the prayer, the president took the microphone to thank the pastor, the congregation and the leadership for the prayers they made for him.23 This again makes Zuma a very spiritual politician who always acknowledges prayer as a way of dealing with various challenges facing the nation. Other than the prayers made by Lukau, Pentecostal pastors in South Africa continue to pray for Zuma even beyond his political office. Resane puts it this way:

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The Neo-Pentecostal church leaders rally around Zuma whenever he faces political scrutiny for his scandals. They would offer their pulpits as a political platform to air his innocent sacrificial slaughtering. They mobilize protest demonstrations and marches to express their solidarity. Even post his presidency, court cases are going on, and on the steps of courts, his supporters liken him to Jesus, decrying his crucifixion and convening special prayer vigils for him.24

In this way, since Zuma has lost support and influence in the African National Congress, meetings organised by Pentecostal pastors become a mechanism to maintain Zuma’s political influence. Now that he is out of office, it is not easy for him to organise meetings in the name of the African National Congress. Hence, the churches and pastors have become a source of support in times like these. This is important for Zuma, as he continues to face many court battles given the allegations of corruption and state capture. Pastors support him with the hope that his victory over the court cases will help to revive the radical transformation faction of the African National Congress. In a way, by supporting Zuma, pastors are involved in the political battles of the African National Congress. Ramaphosa also received prayers from different pastors in Pentecostal circles, especially during the period leading to his election as the president of the African National Congress. He was seen in different churches being prayed for to receive the blessings and be elected as the president of the African National Congress and subsequently as the president of the country. Ramaphosa also asked for the prayers of South Africans during the hard Covid-19 lockdown. Resane states: President Cyril Ramaphosa called for a National Day of Prayer on the eve of the 21-day national lockdown which was set to begin at midnight on Thursday 23 March 2020. He invited South Africans to observe two minutes of prayer, reflection, or silent meditation Thursday between 18:00 and 18:30. He quipped: These are challenging times. We are traversing a path we have never traveled before. Many among us are fearful, uncertain, and vulnerable. I call on our people to offer a prayer and a thought for the protection and healing of our land and its people from this disease.25

Once again, there is a connection between politicians and pastors in making requests for prayers for their political careers. This was seen during Zuma’s presidency and the trend continues during Ramaphosa’s

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presidency. This connection makes the Pentecostal churches closer to politicians than ever before. In the same way, Julius Malema, by visiting the late Prophet TB Joshua, wanted to seek prayers and spiritual guidance for his career in politics. Prayer became a way of justifying his visits to the two prophets because he was aware that the two prophets had been involved in one controversy after the other. During his visit to Nigeria, Malema pointed out that he was not visiting TB Joshua for any other reason but to request prayers for a new party that he was going to launch in South Africa.26 In this way, prayer became a way of justifying controversial prophets in Africa. And since society does not see anything wrong with prayer, they would understand why Malema had visited such prophets. Therefore, prayer becomes an aspect of spirituality that brings a politician and a prophet to one place. This connection is very strong among Pentecostal churches, since they are very emphatic about the importance of prayer. The next section discusses the politicians who received prophecies.

5.5   Politicians Who Received Prophecies Prophecy also plays a role in bringing together politicians and prophets or pastors in Pentecostal circles. This happens as politicians seek solutions to their lives and careers or in their quest to occupy political office. Chitando points out that prophets can prophesy even in the absence of the politician and are able to articulate the message that the Pentecostal audience will receive as truth.27 So prophets would prophesy not because they have a word from God to the politicians but to show other prophets that they are senior prophets who know issues in political circles.28 This they do to intimidate fellow prophets or to show them who is who in the ministry of prophecy. Prophets would prophesy to announce who would to win particular elections in a country or even to predict the death of politicians. Thus, Omenyo points out: Some African heads of state are believed to seek assistance from powerful “men/women of God” in times of serious national crises and this trend is more popular in times when there is an approaching presidential and parliamentary elections. During these times, all kinds of prophets emerge to make predictions about the fortunes of various political parties and politicians.29

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Some neo-Pentecostal prophets who take chances would just claim that they have given prophecy to prominent politicians. But when one looks closely, it is clear that the prophecy was given later after the elections and inaugurations were completed in the country. And, at times, the congregants and followers of these prophets are not able to make a distinction between a true prophecy and a staged prophecy.30 Prophecy is an influential aspect of the Pentecostal spirituality that has an impact on the life of the politician.31 This makes the gift of prophecy a prominent one not only in the church but also in the public sphere.32 Consequently, certain politicians would visit prophets to receive direction through the prophetic word uttered by the prophet. Prophecy is taken seriously by politicians as a way in which they can receive direction for their lives. In addition, in Africa, people love prophecy because it does not only give them direction but points out the adversaries that they face in life. Similarly, when politicians receive prophecy, they can know who are their strongest political opponents so that they can devise means to defeat them. The prophecies of neo-Pentecostal pastors in Africa become a point of attraction for the various politicians who ordinarily would not visit a church but do so to receive a word from God.33 It is for this reason that it is not only the believers who travel from one country to another in search of prophecy, but the politicians do the same. Consequently, certain politicians visit prophets to receive direction through the prophetic word uttered by the prophet. The late Pastor N. J. Sithole once gave Zuma a prophecy about him being put in the pit the same way Joseph in the bible was put in the pit. It is therefore believed that the pastor was prophesying about Zuma’s time in prison. Pastor NJ Sithole claimed to be hearing from God, especially the Holy Spirit, when delivering the prophecy about Zuma. He pointed out that Zuma would face many challenges, including prison, the same way Joseph had been imprisoned but he would emerge victorious because of the favour of God upon his life. The pastor said in a video uploaded on YouTube that Zuma would be the president of South Africa even though he would face many obstacles before his election. Pastor NJ Sithole continued to say that people should not undermine Zuma because he is not educated but should value his political contribution to the freedom of South Africa. He said that Zuma should be applauded within the Christian community because he supported Christianity against a parliamentary process that wanted to legislate against the religion. Pastor NJ Sithole said

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all these things around 2003 and later, in 2021, Zuma was indeed arrested by police at his home in Nkandla.34

5.6  The Rationale Behind Political Visits Politicians carry certain powers with them that influence every place they visit, including churches. This at times affect the influence of the church in ministering to politicians or the political powers.35 The power play between politics and the church is present, as discussed above, even when some politicians are np longer in power. Therefore, at times, politicians may use certain powers to undermine the influence of the church or to control the church. This reduces the influence of the church in terms of the roles that it is supposed to play in government or in society.36 In the case of Zuma, he continues to visit new prophetic churches even years after being out of office. The important question is: What is the rationale behind these political visits is or even the meetings organised by the church in support of the former president? It is to seek support from communities through the church as the main well-organised form of community? Therefore, the first reason why politicians would visit a church is to continue to influence the communities because the church is located in a community.37 In other words, former presidents like Zuma might not have a political platform through which they can air their views, and the church and its formations may become possible platforms for the politician.38 The second reason for the political visits is electioneering, which is mainly done to gather support for a particular visit so that people can vote for them. This means that even for politicians who are normally not used to visiting churches, when it is time for elections, they will normally visit the church for prayers. This, in a way, may influence the outcome of elections. Politicians persuade members of society, particularly the electorate, to vote for their political party.39 The practice of influencing the electorate during elections is known as electioneering. In addition, electioneering is a process whereby a political leader and his or her campaign team take part in the practice of recruiting voters to win the elections.40 This happens in most cases in highly contested elections. Agbaje and Adejumobi point out that in Africa, electioneering has become a costly exercise, as different parties are determined to contest and win the elections.41 So, whether in local or national elections, contestation is a political game because each party believes it can win the electorate’s hearts.42 How different political parties engage in their election campaigns will determine the outcomes of such

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elections.43 This book does not ignore other factors such as the rigging of election results, which can influence the outcome of elections, as happened in countries such as Zimbabwe. Nonetheless, electioneering may become the main factor influencing the election results in a democracy. Banducci and Karp explain that it is also the tool that can encourage the less interested to finally gain an interest in taking part in politics.44 And this is the focus of this book amid other factors influencing the outcomes of elections. Given its history, South Africa is one such country where elections are highly contested and electioneering is a tool for winning votes. Since the dawn of democracy in South Africa, political parties have emerged to contest elections for governing the republic of South Africa. Unlike in the United States (Democrats and Republicans) and many countries in Europe (e.g. the Labour Party and the Conservative Party in the United Kingdom), South Africa is a multi-party democracy where many parties engage in electioneering because the levels of contestation are very high. And this multi-party democracy is growing and maturing, with new parties born in every election cycle that breeds more contestation. Therefore, it must be reiterated that South Africa is fertile ground for electioneering, given its highly contested elections both locally and nationally. This is more so in this technological era where many parties have a great presence on social media to garner support for their members. So social media outlets such as Twitter are used in South Africa as part of electioneering. The last reason is that politicians visit prophets and pastors, as discussed in the preceding sections, to ask for spiritual support in executing their responsibilities. This includes support for the government and the country in general. In some cases, this affects the way people perceive both the president and the prophet. In one way or another, both will be affected in terms of people’s perception, particularly given the controversy around prophets such as Alph Lukau. Some people may view the political visit to the church as not a good idea that can tarnish the image of the president. However, most importantly, the political visit contributes to the embracement of the prophet of particular politicians, their political views and the political party they represent. It may be difficult in the future for the prophet to speak when such a politician is engaged in wrongdoing because they have received the president in the first place. This may explain why the church during democracy is not that vocal about the wrongdoings and decisions of politicians. It is because the prophets have embraced the politicians, which hinders them from being very critical of them in challenging times or when politicians are involved in corruption and other activities.

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5.7   Political Visits and Political Affiliations Political visits to churches, whether disclosed or not, have to do with the political affiliations of the politicians. A politician may have been sent by his or her political party to mobilise support for the political organisation they represent at the time of the visit to the church.45 This is because in South Africa, and elsewhere in the world, the church has been involved in political mobilisation, particularly in dismantling racial segregation.46 Therefore, if the church is not careful, it may be used again by political parties for their selfish ambition.47 It appears that when certain individuals want to accomplish their political dreams and visions, they look to the church as potential ground for mobilisation. It is the responsibility of the church to be on the lookout for possible exploitation by different political leaders and their political parties. This they can do by observing the intentions of politicians when they visit their churches, as highlighted in the preceding section of this chapter. Are politicians visiting the church for the sake of fellowship or do they have hidden agendas for the mobilisation of their political parties? When the church is aware of the different reasons why politicians visit the church, they will be able to decide whether to permit or prohibit them from coming to their premises. This is the case even when a politician is about to launch a new political party, as their intentions will ultimately be known by the congregants. Therefore, it is contended in this chapter that politicians do not just visit churches to while away time, but they do so to mobilise support for their political parties. For example, most South Africans, whether in the regalia of the party or not, would know that President Jacob Zuma is the president of the African National Congress before he is the president of the country.48 Therefore, politicians visit the churches representing their parties even if it is not disclosed during their visit. And, therefore, receiving a president such as Jacob Zuma in the church may mean that the prophet or the pastor is endorsing his political party.49 This is not good for the image of the church because the church has members who belong to other political parties such as the Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters. Therefore, welcoming politicians in a church in the absence of other politicians and their political parties may appear to be embracement of one political party at the expense of other political parties and their leaders. In this way, a church may in continuity be linked with the hegemony of a specific political party and not open up to new political entrants. In other words, the perception is created that a prophet welcomes a certain political party but not to other parties even if the prophet

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himself or herself has not confessed such to the public. Therefore, there is a very close relationship between political visits and the political affiliations of the politicians who are visiting the church. It is difficult to separate specific politicians from the political party they represent when they visit a church. The ideal, therefore, may be a platform created in a church setting where all the different political parties have an opportunity to speak to the congregation. In this way, it is not the ideas of one political party shared by one politician but the views shared by representatives of different political parties. In such cases, it will not even be necessary for the prophets or the pastors to convince their members to vote for a specific party. Because this will be seen as taking the side of a certain party instead of being neutral and objective as a pastor of a congregation. Hence, sometimes it is not easy for pastors such as Kenneth Meshoe to have their political parties and continue to pastor a church.50 The question that arises then is: What if some members of his church do not want to be members of his political party? How will leaders like Kenneth Meshoe find a balance between managing the church objectively on the one hand and managing the political party on the other hand? This is because, in a democratic state like South Africa, a political party must be seen as being non-partisan and serving people of all religions.51 Equally, a church organisation must be seen as being non-partisan and serving people of different political affiliations.52 Therefore, it is difficult when the leader leads both a political party and a church, to strike a balance between the two, particularly in terms of political visits. Henke and Reno sum it up in this way: The church presents itself as an apolitical institution and assures the state that it will not use its structure and potential to mobilise political opposition; the state for its part guarantees the normalisation of relations and spaces, albeit limited, for the religious and social concerns of the church.53

5.8   Political Visits and Church Affiliations The same as with political affiliation, when a politician visits a particular church, particularly several times, this may mean that he or she embraces that church and no other churches. Some of the reasons why a politician would prefer to visit one church, as opposed to another, may be for fear of criticism. The fact that one politician can talk freely in one church does not mean that they will be able to do the same in another church. Some

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churches, particularly mainstream churches belonging to the South African Council of Churches, have been very critical about presidents such as former president Jacob Zuma.54 Therefore, it would not be easy for him to visit these churches because he would fear the criticism they might raise during such visits. Thus, politicians may visit a church that would agree with their political orientation or even one that is less critical of their lifestyle. Presidents such as Jacob Zuma are wise enough not to throw themselves in the den of lions that will eat them alive and therefore would prefer visiting a church that would embrace them rather than one that would be too critical of them. Hence, politicians like Jacob Zuma would visit new prophetic churches such as Alleluia Ministries International. Another tendency is that politicians visit bigger churches with large constituencies rather than smaller churches with few numbers. This attests to the point discussed in the preceding section that politicians visit churches for the primary purpose of mobilising for their political parties. In this case, it does not make sense for a politician to visit a smaller church fellowshipping under a tree or at school. Hence, there is a propensity of influential politicians such as Jacob Zuma to visit big churches such as Rhema Bible Church or Alleluia Ministries International, or even the Enlightened Christian Gathering.55 This is because there are a lot of people a politician can reach in a bigger church than they would in a smaller church in a village.56 The same rationale motivates prophets and pastors to always endear more numbers in their churches to gain more influence, such as attracting politicians in their midst.57 This also explains why prophets would display a lavish lifestyle to impress people of high influence, including political figures.58 Politicians’ choice of churches and pastors is linked to the kind of churches or pastors who gets invited to political rallies. These would not be ordinary pastors but the ones leading bigger congregations. It is not common for a pastor leading a smaller congregation to get an opportunity to pray or read scripture during a celebration of Freedom Day or any other celebration. Only an influential pastor with a larger following would be given such a platform to address the crowds.59 This shows bias when it comes to political visits to churches and explains the hidden agenda of politicians when visiting churches. This means that churches on the margins will never get an opportunity to be visited by politicians because they do not serve the mandate of the politicians. This relationship between politics and the church in South Africa is at an elitist level only, between the higher leaders of influence in terms of politicians and pastors with

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numbers.60 The majority of pastors who are on the periphery would never be visited by a politician or get an opportunity to present something on a political platform. However, these inequalities also occur among pastors when they do not approve of one another. This means that the churches and pastors who do not approve of a particular prophet may not understand why a president would visit such a church. Generally, classical Pentecostals are very sceptical of neo-Pentecostals. According to Yong, they are very suspicious of anything that is not consistent with the teachings or fundamental doctrines of classical Pentecostals.61 Therefore, for example, a visit by Zuma to Alleluia Ministries International may not be well received by classical Pentecostals.62 It gets worse when comparing the pastors of mainline churches and the pastors of new prophetic churches, because the former do not approve of the latter. Therefore, in the end, the best is for a politician to be neutral when it comes to church issues, in the same way that a prophet or a pastor is expected to be neutral when it comes to political matters. This is done by affording the political visit a negative reception, even if some will be excited to see their favourite politician in church. It is worse when politicians visit a church for electioneering, as they may receive a negative reception from church members who have different political affiliations. This call for a balanced relationship between politics and the church is to maintain the prophetic voice of the church. However, the prophets are only excited about receiving popularity as a result of political visits, as discussed below.

5.9   Political Visits and the Popularity of Prophets Politicians’ visits to congregations such as Alleluia Ministries International and Enlightened Christian Gathering are major boosts to the popularity of the prophets.63 In other words, a president’s visit to a church is an endorsement of that church and its spiritual leader. This means that even if some people doubt the pastor or the prophet, the fact that the president of the republic or some prominent politician visited the church, provides affirmation to the church leader, pastor or prophet. The fact that the president of a nation, particularly presidents such as Jacob Zuma, is known by many people adds to the popularity of the prophets.64 This means that more people will know about the prophet than before the political visit.

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Politicians’ visits to churches may take place during a church service on a Sunday but because new prophetic churches have a huge following on social media platforms such as YouTube, they will be viewed by other people.65 This means that such videos will reach non-churchgoers, as people are interested to watch the president of a country being prayed for by a prophet of a church. Therefore, prophets such as Pastor Alph Lukau are very strategic in inviting presidents such as Jacob Zuma and other influential political figures in South Africa such as Julius Malema and to a certain extent Malusi Gigaba. It is not only to pray for them but also for the political connections, influence and favours granted to the prophets or the pastors. It should be noted that there are many ways in which prophets can pray for politicians, including by telephone or as a prayer request in church. However, prophets and pastors would rather insist on political visits to the church premises to increase their influence on social media and other platforms.66 In addition, instead of sending their delegates such as ministers or other officials close to the president, they demand that the president himself should be present in the meetings. Therefore, there is no other way to explain this but that prophets seek popularity from visits by well-known politicians in South Africa.67 Hence, the media teams of these churches are ready to ensure that the services where the president was present are shared on different online platforms. For example, Alph Lukau made sure to call the president to the podium to pray for him, which alone is another level of influence.68 It is not common for the president to be prayed for or laid hands upon by just anyone, hence Lukau ensured that the president came to the podium to show his followers that he was not only anointed to pray for them but also anointed to pray for a president and so forth. It is not only influence that is at play here, but it is also a matter of power. Hence, the prophets in new prophetic churches want to be seen as powerful.69 And such power is demonstrated not only in the ability to chase out demons but also in the ability to invite presidents and pray for them during a church service.70 It is a level that any Pentecostal pastor would want to reach but cannot because they are not connected to the powers that be. However, pastors of Lukau’s calibre can access that influence and demonstrate it during a church service with a president in their midst. It is for this reason that Lukau was one of the most popular pastors in South Africa, demonstrated by the number of followers in the church.71 The popularity of the pastors is also demonstrated by the number of

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followers they have on social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter.72 Most importantly, the influence and popularity of these pastors are illustrated by the kind of politicians they can invite to their churches.73 And there are South Africans who would visit Malawi just to be with their prophet. It is very surprising that after so many controversies about these prophets, they still attract numbers to their gatherings. Under normal circumstances, people would have had second thoughts in following and supporting the prophet, this is not the case with prophets such as Lukau. They continue to demonstrate influence within Pentecostal and charismatic circles through a huge following in and outside South Africa.74

5.10  Conclusion This chapter explored the relationship between various prophets and politicians in the South African context, particularly prophets from the new prophetic churches. The chapter looked at how the prophets related to the last two presidents of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa and Jacob Zuma. The reason for this is because the prophets were not so popular during the presidencies of Thabo Mbeki and Nelson Mandela. In addition, the chapter explored the relationship between South African prophets and politicians other than Zuma and Ramaphosa. The political affiliations of different prophets were explored, including visits made by politicians to different new prophetic churches. The chapter also explored the nature of the visits and how these visits affected the political affiliations of church members on the one hand and the church affiliations of the politicians on the other. Furthermore, the chapter looked at politicians who had received prophecies from the prophets and others who had received prayers during their visits. The finding is that these political visits contributed to the popularity of prophets in South Africa.

Notes 1. West, Gerald O. “People’s theology, prophetic theology, and public theology in post-liberation South Africa.” Mwenisongole, Tuntufye Anangisye. Dube, Z., Maseno-Ouma, L. & Mligo, E.S. (eds). The Bible and Sociological contours: Some African perspectives: Festschrift for Professor Halvor Moxnes. Stellenbosch: Peter Lang (2018): 71–84.

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2. Jakub Urbaniak, and Tshinyalani Khorommbi. “South Africa’s Jacob Zuma and the deployment of Christianity in the public sphere.” The Review of Faith & International Affairs 18, no. 2 (2020): 61–75. 3. West, “People’s theology, prophetic theology, and public theology” 80. 4. West, “People’s theology, prophetic theology, and public theology” 81. 5. West, “People’s theology, prophetic theology, and public theology” 81. 6. Thinandavha Mashau, and Mookgo S. Kgatle. “Thuma Mina: A critical discourse on the prospect of a Ramaphosa presidency through the lenses of Isaiah 6:8.” Verbum et Ecclesia 42, no. 1 (2021): 1–7. 7. Urbaniak and Khorommbi. “South Africa’s Jacob Zuma and the deployment of Christianity.” 8. Jonas Sello Thinane, “Thuma Mina—An Isaiah 6: 8 perspective in crossfire with Step-aside: SA ruling party’s moral restoration efforts.” Pharos Journal, 102, no. 2 (2021): 1–15. 9. Resane, Kelebogile Thomas. “From Mandela to Ramaphosa: Theology of dialogue cruising on a bumpy road.” Pharos Journal 101. No. 1 (2020): 1–16. 10. Van Wyk, Ilana. “7 Jacob Zuma’s shamelessness: Conspicuous consumption, politics and religion.” Van Wyk, Ilana, and Deborah Posel. Conspicuous consumption in Africa. Johannesburg: Wits University Press (2019): 112. 11. Frahm-Arp, Maria. “Political activism in Pentecostal charismatic evangelical churches and the 2019 elections in South Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa 49, no. 3–4 (2021): 312–336. 12. Resane, Kelebogile T. “Populism versus constitutionalism in South Africa: Engaging public theology through dialogue.” In die Skriflig 56, no. 1 (2022): 1–9. 13. Basson, Adriaan, and Pieter Du Toit. Enemy of the people: How Jacob Zuma stole South Africa and how the people fought back. Cape Town: Jonathan Ball Publishers (2017). 14. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa. London: Palgrave Macmillan (2021: 28. 15. Alph Lukau, “President Jacob Zuma with Pastor Alph Lukau at Alleluia Ministries International,” viewed on 11 November 2016 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dJ4JeImBhS8&t=489s. 16. Frahm-Arp, “Political activism in Pentecostal charismatic evangelical churches” 319. 17. Akinola, Adeoye O., Tella Oluwaseum, and T.  J. Adeogun. “From reformist to pugnacious rhetoric: Julius Malema and the South

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African political space.” Gandhi Marg Quarterly 37, no. 1 (2015): 103–120. 18. eNCA, “Malema visits TB Joshua,” viewed on 13 August 2013 https://www.enca.com/africa/malemas-visits-tb-joshua. 19. West, “People’s theology, prophetic theology, and public theology” 79. 20. Kloppers, Elsabé. “Performing the sacred—Aspects of singing and contextualisation in South Africa.” HTS: Theological Studies 76, no. 2 (2020): 1–9. 21. Urbaniak and Khorommbi. “South Africa’s Jacob Zuma and the deployment of Christianity” 65. 22. This text was taken from the New Living Translation (NLT). 23. Lukau, “President Jacob Zuma with Pastor Alph Lukau.” 24. Resane, “From Mandela to Ramaphosa” 11. 25. Resane, “From Mandela to Ramaphosa” 12. 26. eNCA, “Malema visits TB Joshua” viewed on 13 August 2013 https://www.enca.com/africa/malemas-visits-tb-joshua. 27. Chitando, Ezra. “‘Down with the devil, forward with Christ!’ A study of the interface between religious and political discourses in Zimbabwe.” African Sociological Review/Revue Africaine de Sociologie 6, no. 1 (2002): 1–16. 28. Fenga, Vincent Farirai. “Prophetic preaching in neo-Pentecostal Christianity during the socio-economic and socio-political crisis of Zimbabwe (2000–2012): A practical theological exploration.” PhD diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. 29. Omenyo, Cephas N. “Man of God prophesy unto me: The prophetic phenomenon in African Christianity.” Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (2011): 30–49. 30. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019). Cf. Kgatle, M.S., “Developing a theology of discernment in response to the abuse of religion by some Pentecostal churches in postcolonial South Africa.” Alternation Special Edition 38a (2021) 442–458. 31. Chitando, Ezra, and Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s prophetic healing and deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: A preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85. 32. Asamoah-Gyadu, J.  Kwabena. “‘Christ is the answer”: What is the Question?’ A Ghana Airways prayer vigil and its implications for reli-

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gion, evil and public space.” Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 93–117. 33. Ramantswana, Hulisani. “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2018): 1–8. Cf. Meyer, Birgit. “Pentecostalism and neo-liberal capitalism: Faith, prosperity and vision in African Pentecostal-charismatic churches.” Journal for the Study of Religion (2007): 5–28. 34. Daily Maverick, “Jacob Zuma speeds out of Nkandla and into custody at Estcourt Correctional Centre,” viewed on 07 July 2021 https://www.dailymaverick.co.za/article/2021-07-08-jacobzuma-speeds-out-of-nkandla-and-into-custody-at-estcourt-correctional-centre/. 35. Calhoun-Brown, Allison. “African American churches and political mobilization: The psychological impact of organizational resources.” The Journal of Politics 58, no. 4 (1996): 935–953. 36. Petzoldt, Matthias. “‘The limited political mandate of the church’: Reflections from an East German context.” Studies in Christian Ethics 10, no. 2 (1997): 64–78. 37. Kuperus, Tracy. “The political role and democratic contribution of churches in post-apartheid South Africa.” Journal of Church and State 53, no. 2 (2011): 278–306. 38. Masoga, M.  A. “Chasing the wind amidst roaring lions! Problematisation of religiosity in the current South African sociopolitical and economic landscape.” Theologia Viatorum 40, no. 1 (2016): 68–89. 39. Shamit Saggar (ed.). Race and British electoral politics. Abingdon: Routledge (2004): 194. 40. Emmanuel Osewe Akubor, “Campaigns and electioneering: Reflecting on the 2015 general elections in Nigeria.” Polish Political Science Yearbook 49, no. 4 (2020): 72–86. 41. Adigun Agbaje, and Said Adejumobi. “Do votes count? 1 The travails of electoral politics in Nigeria.” Africa Development 31, no. 3 (2006): 25–44. 42. Andreas Schedler, “The nested game of democratization by elections.” International Political Science Review 23, no. 1 (2002): 103–122. 43. Nick Sparrow, and John Turner. “The permanent campaign—The integration of market research techniques in developing strategies in

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a more uncertain political climate.” European Journal of Marketing 35, no. 9/10 (2001): 984–1002. 44. Suzan Banducci, and Jeffrey A. Karp. “How elections change the way citizens view the political system: Campaigns, media effects and electoral outcomes in comparative perspective.” British Journal of Political Science 33, no. 3 (2003): 443–467. 45. Odmalm, Pontus. “Civil society, migrant organisations and political parties: Theoretical linkages and applications to the Swedish context.” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30, no. 3 (2004): 471–489. 46. Anderson, Gregory M. “Racial identity, the apartheid state, and the limits of political mobilization and democratic reform in South Africa: The case of the University of the Western.” Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research 3, no. 1 (2003): 29–52. 47. Comaroff, Jean, and John L. Comaroff. “Occult economies and the violence of abstraction: Notes from the South African postcolony.” American Ethnologist 26, no. 2 (1999): 279–303. 48. Twala, Chitja. “Jacob Zuma’s ‘Zuluness’ appeal during the April 2009 elections in South Africa: An attempt to break the IFP’s grip on Zulu social and political structures?” Journal for Contemporary History 35, no. 2 (2010): 66–83. 49. Frahm-Arp, Maria. “The political rhetoric in sermons and select social media in three Pentecostal charismatic evangelical churches leading up to the 2014 South African election.” Journal for the Study of Religion 28, no. 1 (2015): 114–141. 50. Anderson, Allan. “New African initiated Pentecostalism and charismatics in South Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 66–92. Cf. Anderson, Allan. “Pentecostals and apartheid in South Africa during ninety years 1908–1998.” Cyberjournal for Pentecostal-­Charismatic Research 9 (2001). Cf. Matshobane, Mangaliso. “Caring for grieving congregations in South Africa after the death of their pastors from COVID-19.” In Pastoral interventions during the pandemic: Pentecostal perspectives on Christian ministry in South Africa. Cham: Springer International Publishing (2022) 115–134. 51. Muriaas, Ragnhild L. “Local perspectives on the ‘neutrality’of traditional authorities in Malawi, South Africa and Uganda.” Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 47, no. 1 (2009): 28–51. 52. Smith, Amy Erica. “Democratic talk in church: Religion and political socialization in the context of urban inequality.” World Development

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99 (2017): 441–451. Cf. Adeboye, Olufunke. “‘A starving man cannot shout halleluyah’: African Pentecostal Churches and the challenge of promoting sustainable development.” In Philipp Öhlmann, Wilhelm Gräb, & Marie-Luise Frost (eds), African initiated Christianity and the decolonisation of development. Oxfordshire: Routledge (2020): 115–135. 53. Henke, Holger, and Fred Réno (eds). Modern political culture in the Caribbean. Mona, Jamaica: University of West Indies Press (2003). 54. Vorster, Nico. “Assessing the role of the South African Council of Churches in democratic South Africa (1994–2014).” Church and civil society. German and South African perspectives (2017) 127–158. Cf. Klaasen, John Stephanus, and Demaine Solomons. “Religion and social justice: A critical analysis of the South African Council of Churches in post-apartheid South Africa.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 45, no. 2 (2019): 1–14. Thinane, Jonas Sello. “Religious communities and South African politics: The case of South African Council of Churches from 1994–2016.” PhD diss, University of the Free State, 2019. 55. Potgieter, Andre. “The material dimension of religion: A case study of selected neo-Pentecostal churches in Woodstock, Cape Town.” PhD diss, University of the Western Cape, 2013. Cf. Robins, Roger G. (ed.). Current trajectories in global Pentecostalism: Culture, social engagement, and change. MDPI (2019). 56. Abers, Rebecca. “From clientelism to cooperation: Local govern ment, participatory policy, and civic organizing in Porto Alegre, Brazil.” Politics & Society 26, no. 4 (1998): 511–537. 57. Quayesi-Amakye, Joseph. “Let the prophet speak: A study on trends in Pentecostal prophetism with particular reference to the Church of Pentecost and some neo-Pentecostal churches in Ghana.” PhD diss, University of Cape Coast, 2009. 58. Parsitau, Damaris, and Adriaan van Klinken. “Pentecostal intimacies: Women and intimate citizenship in the ministry of repentance and holiness in Kenya.” Citizenship Studies 22, no. 6 (2018): 586–602. 59. Magbadelo, John O. “Pentecostalism in Nigeria: Exploiting or edifying the masses?” African Sociological Review/Revue Africaine de Sociologie 8, no. 2 (2004): 15–29. 60. Scheufele, Dietram A., Matthew C. Nisbet, and Dominique Brossard. “Pathways to political participation? Religion, communication con-

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texts, and mass media.” International Journal of Public Opinion Research 15, no. 3 (2003): 300–324. 61. Yong, Amos. “‘Not knowing where the wind blows...’: On envisioning a Pentecostal-charismatic theology of religions.” Journal of Pentecostal Theology 7, no. 14 (1999): 81–112. Kwateng-Yeboah, James, and Pamela Holmes. “A re-appraisal of the prosperity gospel in African neo-Pentecostalism: The potency of “multiple modernities” paradigm.” Unpublished master’s thesis: Queen’s University (2017). Cf. Coutinho, Raquel Zanatta, and André Braz Golgher. “The changing landscape of religious affiliation in Brazil between 1980 and 2010: Age, period, and cohort perspectives.” Revista Brasileira de Estudos de População 31 (2014): 73–98. 62. SA On point, “Pastor NJ Sithole prophesied Zuma’s imprisonment before he died” viewed on 10 July 2021, https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=bi-DCoObV-4. 63. Mofokeng, Thabang R. ““The weird you shall always have”: A historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa.” In The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism. Oxfordshire: Routledge (2020) 24–52. 64. West, Gerald. “Jesus, Jacob Zuma, and the new Jerusalem: Religion in the public realm between Polokwane and the presidency.” Journal for the Study of Religion (2010): 43–70. 65. Faimau, Gabriel. “The emergence of prophetic ministries in Botswana: Self-positioning and appropriation of new media.” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 36, no. 3 (2018): 369–385. Cf. Mujinga, Martin. “Technologization of religion: The unstoppable revolution in the Zimbabwean mainline churches.” In African values, ethics, and technology: Questions, issues, and approaches. Cham: Springer International Publishing (2021) 263–280. 66. Gukurume, Simbarashe. New Pentecostal churches, politics and the everyday life of university students at the University of Zimbabwe. Cape Town: University of Cape Town (2018). 67. Vengeyi, Obvious. “Mapositori churches and politics in Zimbabwe: Political dramas to win the support of Mapositori churches.” Exchange 40, no. 4 (2011): 351–368. 68. Moore, Candace. “Celebrity pastors’ designer fashion representations on Instagram: A qualitative star studies analysis applying the sociology of impression management, visual communication, and semiotics.” PhD diss, Regent University, 2023.

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69. Agazue, Chima. “‘He told me that my waist and private parts have been ravaged by demons’: Sexual exploitation of female church members by ‘prophets’ in Nigeria.” Dignity: A Journal of Analysis of Exploitation and Violence 1, no. 1 (2016): 10. 70. Newell, Sasha. “Pentecostal witchcraft: Neoliberal possession and demonic discourse in Ivoirian Pentecostal churches.” Journal of Religion in Africa 37, no. 4 (2007): 461–490. 71. Dube, Bekithemba. “‘Go and prophesy in your own land’: Foreign prophets and popularism in South Africa. Evoking the need of Jonathanic theology for peaceful resolution of difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 42. 72. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “Social media and religion: Missiological perspective on the link between Facebook and the emergence of prophetic churches in southern Africa.” Verbum et Ecclesia 39, no. 1 (2018): 1–6. 73. Frahm-Arp, Maria. “‘Can’t they see they are being manipulated?!’: Miracle-prophets and secular South African radio.” Radio, Public Life and Citizen Deliberation in South Africa (2021): 103–124. Cf. Kgatle, Mookgo S. “The role of ecumenical bodies in curbing abuses in new prophetic churches in South Africa.” In die Skriflig 56, no. 1 (2022): 1–7. 74. Kisungu, Elise B. ““Who has bewitched you?”: The Christological shift from faith to works in Galatians 3:1–9 applied to South African Pentecostalism.” In Christological Paradigm Shifts in Prophetic Pentecostalism in South Africa. Oxfordshire: Routledge (2021) 39–60.

CHAPTER 6

Problematising the Intersectionality of Prophecy and Politics in Post-colonial Africa

6.1   Introduction This chapter problematises the relationship between prophecy and politics in South Africa, particularly the contemporary practices of prophecy as demonstrated by prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri, Alph Lukau, and others. This chapter points out the shielding of prophets by politicians, resulting in defeating the ends of justice, and weakening the church’s prophetic voice within South African Pentecostalism, particularly the new prophetic church. In addition, the practices of the above-mentioned prophets compromise the church’s public image. The prophetic witness by the prophets to the political arena is equally compromised. The behaviour of some of the prophets in relation to politics has demonstrated a complete lack of ethical conduct. Lastly is the challenge regarding the engagement of societal issues facing South Africans. The challenges will later be addressed through the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

6.2   Prophets and Political Interference This section looks at the shielding of prophets by politicians using political influence and interference in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. A literature review on the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, particularly when focusing on the practice of prophecy by some of the © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_6

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prophets, demonstrates the shielding of prophets by some politicians. In the case of prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri, politicians went out of their way to protect him from the law in South Africa. The big question is: if the allegations faced by Bushiri were faced by an ordinary Malawian citizen in South Africa without a title of “prophet” or “major one,” would they have been shielded the way Bushiri has in the past years? The answer is complex, but the reality is that foreign nationals facing different allegations of crime in South Africa are regularly arrested with successful prosecutions, convictions, and sentencing.1 Why then is it so difficult to successfully arrest and prosecute the Bushiris? The challenge here is the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. In other words, the proximity of the Bushiris to some of the politicians, both in South Africa and in Malawi, has complicated the different allegations and charges that the Bushiris are facing in South Africa.2 This is illustrated in the escape, the failure of the rearrests, and the problematic extradition processes. In the case of Bushiri escaping from South Africa, some politicians helped him in the escape, if the article by journalist, Piet Rampedi, is anything to go by.3 As discussed in Chap. 4 of this book, Rampedi reported that the Bushiris were smuggled out of South Africa by president Chakwera. They were picked up from the OR Tambo Airport with their faces disguised, which rendered them unidentifiable at the airport.4 In addition, the visit to South Africa by the Malawian president in the same week that Bushiri disappeared from the country demonstrates political interference in the case of Bushiri, which aided his escape. Equally so, Rampedi reported that the South African government, through its politicians and officials, had an opportunity to insist on following procedure but rather conceded to the tactics of the Malawian government.5 Therefore, both the South African political elites and the Malawian politicians, as discussed in Chap. 4 of this book, had a role in the escape of Bushiri and his wife.6 An ordinary citizen released from prison under very strict conditions could not have escaped from South Africa that easily. It takes a prophet with significant connections to politicians to escape from a country while facing serious criminal charges. The escape of Bushiri from South Africa is not magical, but masterminded by politicians with a vested interest in the escape of the prophet.7 Therefore, the relationship between Prophet Bushiri and the politicians is problematic when the politician protects the prophet from facing the charges laid against him. Consequently, it demonstrates the problem of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics.

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As discussed in Chap. 4 of this book, there have been different attempts to rearrest Bushiri and his wife in Malawi after their escape from South Africa. However, all these attempts have failed on a technicality of the law. There is clear evidence that some politicians in Malawi are shielding Prophet Bushiri from being rearrested by the Malawian police or even accounting for the charges in the country.8 Even if the Bushiris are innocent, there is a need for them to appear in court in order to prove their innocence.9 The fact that, on several occasions, the police have tried to arrest the Bushiris, only for the magistrate to conclude that the arrests were illegal, also shows a political interference in these attempts to arrest them.10 There is an intentional misinterpretation of the law to make the arrests illegal so that the prophet is not rearrested in his home country.11 Again, the question can be asked whether, if this had been an ordinary citizen, what would have happened to such a citizen upon their arrival in Malawi after escaping South Africa? Would such an ordinary citizen survive both the South African police arrest and the Malawian arrest? Was it not going to be announced to the public how such a citizen escaped from South Africa? Was the media not going to be invited so that their arrest be made public? The fact that this did not happen with the Bushiris, is a clear indication of intervention by politicians in the Bushiri matter. This presents a challenge to the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. There is also a clear shielding of Prophet Bushiri in the process of extraditing12 him so that he can face the mighty hand of the law in South Africa.13 Some politicians have actually spoken out against the extradition of Bushiri. For example, the Black First Land First leader, Andile Mngxitama, defended Bushiri by saying that the South African government should not extradite him because he would not have a fair trial in South Africa. In addition, Mngxitama said that the Bushiris were only persecuted because they were black and some people did not like black excellence.14 However, for a politician such as Mngxitama to be involved in a criminal court case involving fraud and money laundering charges faced by Bushiri is a sign of political interference in the justice system.15 In addition, his comments demonstrate that the political office is aware of the prophet facing serious allegations of crime. Here, the challenge of the intersectionality of prophecy and politicians is demonstrated by the difficulty of the extradition processes due to the political influence of the Bushiris. This means that politicians do not join or befriend politicians for the primary purpose of ministering to them, but they join for the purpose of protection. In this instance, there is a clear abuse of the relationship

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between prophecy and politics when the prophets use this relationship as a shield to cover up their wrongdoing. Therefore, the intersectionality of prophecy and politics is compromising when there is a clear motive of hiding behind the political elite when one faces legal challenges or charges such as fraud and money laundering.

6.3   Prophecy, Politics and Justice Defeating the ends of justice refers to an obstruction in the process of justice by an individual or group of people who are either part of the court case or outsiders. According to the South African Police Service, “The crime of defeating or obstructing the course of justice consists of unlawfully and intentionally engaging in conduct which defeats or obstructs the course or administration of justice.”16 In defeating the ends of justice, the culprits block the processes that may lead to the finalisation of the court processes. In simple terms, defeating the end of justice prevents justice from being done to an individual or others. Therefore, defeating the ends of justice itself is a criminal offence in terms of which a person can be charged and sentenced to prison. This section of the book aims to indicate elements that demonstrate defeating the ends of justice. Therefore, this subject is not approached as judgment or prejudice against anyone. However, it is important to point out that in running away from South Africa while facing a number of charges and being out on bail under serious conditions, Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his wife prevented justice in their own case.17 In other words, Bushiri and his wife, Mary, became an obstruction to the process that sought to see him in court so he could clear his name.18 Furthermore, he became an obstruction to the bail conditions that were set when he was released from prison.19 Therefore, even if this is yet to be proven in the courts, there are indications that the couple might have defeated the ends of justice in their escape from South Africa to Malawi. Second, according to Rampedi, the political figures around Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and his wife were instrumental in assisting him to obstruct the goals of justice, including the bail conditions.20 As discussed in the preceding section, the escape of the Bushiris would not have been possible without the aid of political figures in South Africa and Malawi.21 The political figures in both countries knew the seriousness of the allegations that the Bushiris were facing at that time, yet aided his escape.22 However, instead of ensuring accountability to the law and justice system

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in both countries, they opted to oppose the law. The politicians have indirectly worked with the couple to obstruct the law so that the end of it is not seen. Therefore, in the relationship between the prophet and politicians, the justice system both in South Africa and in Malawi is compromised.23 Instead of working together to support law and justice in both countries, the prophet and politicians worked together against law and justice.24 Instead of modelling law and order, the politicians and prophets became the culprits who planned to defeat justice in both countries. This says a lot about the pursuit by prophets to be in the proximity of politicians. It is not for the primary purpose of ministering the gospel but rather to serve as protection during times of trouble, such as facing criminal charges. In the end, the importance of prophecy is compromised, as the prophet will no longer be perceived as the one who speaks on behalf of God but the one who needs cover-ups by politicians. In the escape of Shepherd Bushiri and his wife from South Africa, we should look at not only the criminal cases that the couple was facing at that time but many other laws that were broken in their escape. Other than laws, immigration protocols and procedures were broken in smuggling the Bushiris from South Africa.25 If the narrative that they left with Malawian president, Chakwera, is correct, then the president has also broken many other protocols and procedures by leaving with a fugitive.26 This will mean also that President Chakwera is implicated in defeating the end of justice. Therefore, not only did they defy their bail conditions, but they defied a number of immigration and other government protocols; hence, the obstruction of the justice system. Is it one of the reasons the Bushiris do not want to come back to South Africa? Is this what complicates the extradition application by the South African government? Are they afraid that new charges will be brought in addition to the money laundering and fraud charges that they are currently facing? Is it an escape from an unfair trial as they have previously indicated in their court appearances or is it an escape from facing the justice system to prove their innocence?27 In any event, the justice system of both Malawi and South Africa has clearly been compromised. There is also a clear compromise of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in defeating the ends of justice by the political elite. The intersectionality of prophecy and politics is problematic when the law in countries such as South Africa and Malawi is compromised. If the prophets and politicians do not follow the law, how can ordinary citizens in South Africa and in Malawi follow the same?28 Ideally, the prophet should be someone who supports the law and justice, not the one who

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defeats its end.29 Even in the Old Testament, the prophets, kings, and priests worked together to preserve the law.30 Similarly, in a South African context, the politicians as lawmakers in parliament and legislators in provinces should be the custodians of the law.31 They should be seen as protecting the same law that they have drafted and constitutionalised in democratic South Africa.32 When it is politicians who are helping people facing criminal charges to run away, what can the citizens do? In this book, the main point raised is that the relationship between prophecy and politics is seriously compromised when there are plans to defeat the ends of justice by both the prophetic and political elites.

6.4   Prophetic Voice and Politics in South Africa The prophetic voice of the church in the political space also has implications for the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. The prophetic voice of the church means that the church can speak authentically against the injustices happening in society.33 It is simply the voice of the church in society which also includes the political space.34 However, the church does not only exist to fight the injustices but also to provide direction to the nation and its citizenry.35 The prophetic element of this voice means that the church does not only speak its voice but what the mission of God demands of the church.36 This means that the church cannot fall into the trap of following the political voice at the expense of the mission of God on earth.37 Therefore, the prophetic voice is about speaking truth to power rather than embracing the political rhetoric of the politicians in South Africa. In other words, a prophetic voice makes prophecy relevant to society without compromising the stance of the church. The prophetic voice is important in outlining the role of the church to the state and the role of the church in the political arena.38 The church is well-positioned through its prophetic voice to be an example of integrity to other institutions, including the government. The latter is modelled by the church leaders in the form of pastors and prophets within New Prophetic Churches. However, in the controversial practices of prophecy, dangerous faith practices, and controversial miracles, the church loses its prophetic voice, or it is weakened.39 The prophets in new prophetic churches in South Africa have been involved in one controversy after the other. In addition, some of the prophecies delivered in these churches appear as gimmicks that entertain the ecclesial audience without making a real impact in

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society.40 Similarly, when politicians visit such prophets, this compromises the prophetic voice of the church in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics.41 While the practices of prophecy in new prophetic churches appear to be very popular among the congregants and followers of these churches on the one hand, they also contribute to the weakening of the prophetic voice on the other.42 In other words, prophets may entertain the church in various performances of prophecies and other miracles without necessarily conveying the message from God to society.43 In the end, prophecy becomes entertainment for the political elite instead of a prophetic voice.44 In this way, there is a serious deviation from the purpose of the church with regard to ministering purposively to the political sphere. Consequently, this has a bearing on the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in the compromise of the prophetic voice. In the legal challenges that many prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri have been embroiled in, they cease to be models of the church to the political elites.45 In other words, even before the conviction of a crime when there are serious allegations brought before a prophet, they add a serious threat to the integrity of the same. Bushiri is not alone; other prophets, such as Timothy Omotoso, have faced serious legal challenges involving the abuse of women.46 This also has a bearing on the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in post-colonial Africa, because prophetic voice is not only about conveying the message—the integrity of the messenger is equally important.47 The point made here is that the prophetic voice of the church is compromised by the prophets themselves who are supposed to convey the message. This makes the prophets important figures regarding the integrity of the prophetic voice when looking at the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. Lastly, in befriending the politicians, the prophets in post-colonial Africa might lose their stance on becoming the prophetic voice to the same.48 As discussed in Chap. 2 on the historical dimensions of prophecy and politics, it has been discovered that the prophetic voice of the church was weakened when many prophets became part of the government of the day.49 In this case, they could no longer bite the hand that was feeding them. The prophets in post-colonial Africa might not be employed in government as directors general in the same way the likes of Chikane were part of the government. However, some of them, such as Prophet Shepherd Bushiri and Pastor Alph Lukau, are very close to politicians like Zuma, which compromises the prophetic voice.50 In simple terms, when the same politicians are the ones defending the prophet in his

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wrongdoings, can he later become a voice for them in correcting their wrongdoings? If the answer is “no,” then this compromises the prophetic voice in the context of the new prophetic churches in South Africa. Consequently, this compromises the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in the proximity of the prophets to the political figures in countries such as South Africa and Malawi.

6.5   Prophecy, Media and Politics in the Public Sphere The church is viewed not only in terms of its spirituality but also in relation to its public image in the public sphere. This aspect of the church is important in understanding the intersectionality of prophecy and politics.51 Pentecostalism is one such a movement with a strong presence in the public arena, given its ability to use mass media and, recently, social media platforms as well.52 The new prophetic churches are ahead of other Pentecostal sub-traditions, given their ability to market religion in the public sphere. Meyer Birgit explains that the churches are able to do this given their “flamboyant pastors, skillful use of media, emphasis on the prosperity gospel, and mobilization of a mass following—in particular.”53 Therefore, technology, media, civilisation, modernism and other factors all contribute to the presence of the Pentecostal movement in the public sphere. Given this dimension, it is not easy to ignore the presence of the Pentecostal movement in the public sphere. The Pentecostal movement, particularly its newer forms, can therefore be considered public religion given this presence.54 Consequently, the conduct and actions of the Pentecostal movement become an interesting matter in the eyes of the public. In other words, the criticism of the Pentecostal movement will come from not only insiders but also outsiders, given the public sphere dimension of the movement. As much as going public through media and other means is beneficial in terms of the popularity of the Pentecostal movement, it also exposes it to public scrutiny.55 In other words, the more private religion is, the less criticism it receives. The opposite is also true: the more public religion is, the more the scrutiny. Therefore, the new prophetic churches have to first make sense of what it means to go public than only look at the benefits such as the popularity of the prophets.56 Looking deeply at the public presence of the new prophetic churches, it opens up other avenues for the

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people to interact with the movement, including criticism of the same.57 This means that the public has access to information about these churches that would not ordinarily become accessible if the churches were private. The new prophetic churches cannot only desire to enjoy popularity in the public sphere without being open to public scrutiny.58 This explains the reason for the interest of the public in matters involving the likes of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, Pastor Alpha Lukau, and others. The presence of these men of God in the public sphere has sparked interest in their affairs because they are not only pastors in their churches, but well-known figures in the public domain. This public scrutiny is compounded by their connection to the political elites in the political context of countries such as South Africa and Malawi. Politics is another aspect that contributes to the presence of the Pentecostal movement in the public sphere. In Africa, in countries such as Ghana and Nigeria, religious figures, including Pentecostal pastors and prophets, even participate in the contestation for political offices, which contributes to the presence of movement in the public sphere.59 Therefore, the interactions between the prophets and the politicians contribute immensely to making Pentecostalism a public religion. In Ghana and Nigeria, pastors actively participate in politics. 60 The new prophetic churches are contributing to the Pentecostal movement by defining the movement as a public religion. This happens, as discussed previously, through the political visitations in the new prophetic churches in post-1994 South Africa. In addition, it happens through prophecy, which the new prophetic churches have also used to introduce themselves to the political sphere, which is also the public sphere. Furthermore, and as highlighted in previous chapters, the politicians themselves are demanding the services of the prophets in new prophetic churches by requesting prophecies and prayers. This presence of the political elites has added to the Pentecostal movement becoming a public religion. However, through recent events, such as the arrests of prophets like Shepherd Bushiri, and other dynamics, the new prophetic churches have compromised their public image in the political sphere.61 In other words, the public perceptions about the movement have changed over the years, given the controversies around some prophets in the new prophetic churches.62 The challenge for the Pentecostal movement is that the public is not able to differentiate between strands of Pentecostalism, and therefore ends up criticising all Pentecostals for these controversies. When various controversies emerge through media and other platforms, people are

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not able to distinguish between false and true prophets. Consequently, they resort to generalising and painting everyone with the same brush.63 Therefore, the way prophets have carried themselves in the last decade has contributed to how the public perceives them. In a way, it also tarnishes the image of the church in general because Pentecostalism is part of the broader church. Hence, there have been some interventions by other interest groups that sought to restore the public image of the church. In this book, the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is proposed in addressing some of the challenges.

6.6   Prophetic Witness and Politics In this book, a distinction is made between the prophetic witness and the prophetic voice of the church. While the prophetic voice refers to the voice of the church in society, the prophetic witness refers to the ability of the church to witness the gospel of Jesus Christ to the world.64 In this context, prophetic witness refers to the ability of the church to minister the gospel to politicians.65 In addition, this book makes a distinction between the personal prophecy that a prophet is able to give to an individual politician and the witnessing to such a politician. It is opined here that it is easier to give a prophetic word to a politician but not so easy to witness the same. There is also a sharp contrast between offering prayers for the politician and being able to share the gospel of Jesus Christ to the same politician.66 In other words, are the politicians only interested in receiving personal prophecies and prayers? Or do they also open their hearts to receiving the gospel? Are prophets primarily relating to the politicians for the prophetic word or do they also use the opportunity to minister the word of God to the same politicians? These questions are important in assessing the relationship between the prophetic witness and politics, which helps in the evaluation of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. Prophetic witness is important, as the biblical text has already pointed out that the gospel of Jesus Christ needs to be preached to all nations.67 The calling of witnessing to other people is the primary calling of every believer, including the prophets.68 The great commission,69 the command to every believer to preach the gospel to all the earth, is a command to every believer, including the politicians. In addition, in Acts 1:8 it is recorded that when they were filled with the Holy Spirit, they became witnesses to all the regions of the world.70 Therefore, it is required of anyone

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who is born again and filled with the Holy Spirit to become a witness in the preaching of the gospel of Jesus Christ to those who have not yet received it. In the context of this section of this chapter, it means that the messenger becomes the prophet in new prophetic churches and the receiver becomes the politician. Thus, prophets in these churches are expected to not only prophesy but to actually minister the gospel of Jesus Christ to those who need it. Considering that not everyone gets an opportunity to be in the proximity of politicians, this means that prophets are well positioned given their proximity to politicians to minister the gospel to them. In African Pentecostalism, the ability of a minister of the gospel to witness to others depends on their good relationship with God.71 Therefore, the ability of the prophets in new prophetic churches to minister to others depends on how the prophets carry themselves and their relationship with God.72 In recent years, the kind of controversies that the prophets in new prophetic churches have been involved in raises doubt about their ability to be the proponents of the gospel of Jesus Christ.73 The prophets in new prophetic churches must live the gospel before they can minister it and convey the message to others. It is therefore important, for the purpose of prophetic witness, for prophets to practise what they preach to be able to minister to others. The question then is how the different practices of the prophets in new prophetic churches affect the ability of the prophets in conveying the message to the world, including the politicians. Given the various controversies around the prophets in new prophetic churches, it is doubtful if they are in a position to witness the gospel of Jesus Christ to politicians.74 Meaning, if the politicians are the ones who are facilitating the escape of the likes of Bushiri from South Africa to Malawi, how then can Bushiri turn around and preach Christ to the same politicians? There is, therefore, a distinct relationship between prophetic witness and politics. The relationship is based on the ability of the prophets in new prophetic churches to witness to the politicians in the political sphere.75 This is basically the ability to preach the gospel to the politicians. It is opined here that the politicians need the gospel more than entertaining prophecies delivered by some of the prophets in new prophetic churches.76 It is also opined here that politicians need the gospel more than they need the controversial miracles and other dangerous practices.77 Therefore, the greatest work that can be done by the prophet when meeting a politician is not to prophesy or to perform a miracle, but to witness. However, in recent years, the prophets have only been interested in the prophecies and

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controversial miracles instead of witnessing to people of all levels and influence. The prophets have been concentrating on their popularity, instead of their ability to minister to the gospel to the politicians. These dynamics have a bearing on the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, hence the call in this book for the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

6.7  Ethics, Prophecy and Politics The other challenge with the intersectionality of prophecy and politics is the ethical conduct of some of the prophets in new prophetic churches. The biggest challenge is the lack of prophetic ethos, meaning the lack of ethical conduct in the practice of prophecy. The word “ethos” as used in the Bible refers to a custom or an acceptable way of doing things in a specific society (Lk 1:9; Lk 2:42; Acts 6:14). This means that what is a norm and custom in one place might not apply to the other. Thus, the ethics— the moral standard—is following a certain pattern that is already set and considered standard in a certain society and by the people thereof.78 In the context of the new prophetic churches, it refers to practising prophecy in a way that is acceptable in the Pentecostal movement. The word “ethos” in other biblical texts refers to something that is done or practised as prescribed by the law. It means that prophecy in new prophetic churches should be practised in a way that is acceptable according to the norms in the Bible. It is used in John 19:40, Hebrews 10:25, and Acts 15:1 as the manner of doing things properly or acceptably. This implies that, other than being a prescription of law, ethos becomes a ritualised way of doing things, it becomes a habit. The caution here is that there are bad habits whereby some prophets habitually do wrong things. The remedy is that ethics be based on a good habit or behaviour that is acceptable to the social life of a nation. Another remedy is that ethics be based on moral rather than immoral behaviour. In the end, ethics as used in the Bible is about the character of an individual that manifests fruit that is the norm in society. Others have defined ethics as the conduct of individuals in a specific situation that they encounter in their daily lives.79 Doing ethics involves an analysis of people’s moral behaviour in their experiences and reflecting on such behaviour to conclude whether it is acceptable or not.80 The study of ethics involves the description and prescription of standardised moral prerequisites with the ability to lead an individual to acceptable moral

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behaviour. Some moral standards are tolerated by a community and others can never be accepted. According to Mihelic et al., anyone who aspires to be ethical, embraces the values and principles that enhance good moral behaviour.81 Therefore, ethical study becomes a reflection of the way people in society have to behave and how much good behaviour can be attained.82 Thus, some actions and behaviour can be rejected by society, while others become acceptable.83 Ethics, Tshaka adds, refers to ‘the ability to discern right conduct from wrong conduct. To be able to discern right conduct from wrong conduct, it is imperative to be familiar with the context in which the ethical decision is to be made’.84 Unfortunately, the behaviour of some of the prophets in new prophetic churches and politicians in South Africa shows a lack of a moral compass. This also means that they have lost their ethics. Therefore, ethical behaviour needs to be defined from an understanding of the etymology of the word “ethos.” What is gathered from above, is that ethos is a custom, law, and habit acceptable to society. It involves good behaviour or a moral way of doing things and good conduct of a person based on their character.85 Ethical behaviour is based on the law and customs of society. Ethical prophets and politics are those who conduct themselves in a way that society will find acceptable. Unfortunately, some prophets and politicians do not conduct themselves in a way that enables society to accept them as role models. In addition, Freeman and Steward caution that ethical behaviour requires an attitude of humility rather than righteousness.86 This means that in order to be ethical, prophets and politicians should display humility. This is not the case considering the life of luxury displayed by some of the prophets and politicians, not only in South Africa, but elsewhere in Africa. Furthermore, ethical behaviour is not only about right and wrong or the good and the bad, but about upholding principles. It is a promise of faithfulness to the values by being open to a variety of opinions from other people, including those outside their organisation or even their own country. As a result, the values and principles that people hold together, become enhanced and improve the social life of everyone. This means that ethical behaviour can benefit both the prophets in new prophetic churches and the political elites. However, in recent years, there has been an intentional ignorance of the principles that govern states such as South Africa and Malawi. This has affected the ethical conduct of prophets such as Prophet Bushiri and others. When the prophet as a man of God is not behaving to an acceptable standard, it affects their ministration to the political elites.

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However, ethical behaviour is not only concentrated on the actions of the prophet and the politician alone—the actions of the followers are equally important. According to Mihelic et al., ethical behaviour is built on the demonstration of normatively appropriate conduct through personal actions and interpersonal relationships, and the promotion of such conduct to followers through two-way communication, reinforcement, and decision-making.87

The way that the followers in new prophetic churches have been treated over the years does not demonstrate ethical behaviour. As is reported in the case of Bushiri, many congregants and followers have been robbed of their pensions and other investments in pyramid scams, which demonstrates unethical behaviour by the prophets.88 It is surprising that the wellbeing of the followers in New Prophetic Churches has not been the priority of these prophets and politicians in South Africa. Another aspect of ethical behaviour is integrity. According to Chen and Shindika, ethical behaviour ‘develops from fundamental features and conduct, which include demonstrating integrity and high ethical standards’.89 According to Heres and Lasthuizen, ethical behaviour has three dimensions: The first concerns the personal integrity of the leader also termed the ‘moral person’ component of ethical leadership. The second emphasizes the extent to which a leader can cultivate integrity among his or her followers, i.e. the ‘moral manager’ component. The third component concerns the quality of the leader-follower relationship, which bridges the moral person and moral manager components and facilitates their effects on followers.90

In abusing the finances of their followers, prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri have failed the ethical test that expects not only moral behaviour but integrity in dealing with their followers.

6.8   Prophecy, Politics and Societal Challenges This section deals with the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in addressing or not addressing societal challenges. The intersectionality of prophecy and politics is problematic when it concentrates on the protection of prophets as ecclesial elites, but fails to address the societal challenges facing South Africans and other nations on the continent. In other

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words, it is problematic when the relationship between prophecy and politics is not benefitting the majority on the ground, but only the elites. When the prophets and politicians prioritise themselves at the expense of the majority of the followers in their churches, this is a challenge. This is because a prophet is expected to plead on behalf of the people with the governments or authorities in their country, namely, the politicians.91 This means that a prophet is not only a mouthpiece of God, but also a servant of the people in advocating for their needs in the political space.92 Equally, the politicians are expected to serve the people and their needs, instead of prioritising the prophets who are in trouble with the law.93 Hence, it is difficult when the challenges facing society are ignored. South Africa is faced with numerous challenges, such as gender-based violence, including the abuse of women by intimate partners. Gender-­ based violence has also been defined as an abuse of women by their close relatives.94 In addition, South Africa experiences high rates of crime, such as the killing of innocent people, including women and children.95 Environmental crises also pose a challenge, such as the floods that killed many people in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Recently, the Western Cape also experienced severe flooding.96 Other socio-economic challenges are unemployment, poverty, and inequality that continue even after 30 years of democracy.97 These socio-economic challenges are aggravated by load-­ shedding, where constant power cuts are destroying small businesses in South Africa.98 Therefore, an average congregant in new prophetic churches is not interested in meeting former president Jacob Zuma or the current president Cyril Ramaphosa for entertainment, but in knowing that their problems can be resolved. An opportunity for a politician to visit a new prophetic church should be not only about the popularity of the prophet, but a quest to address various challenges that the people of South Africa are facing. The new prophetic churches, particularly churches like the Enlightened Christian Gathering of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri, have been involved in charity works in trying to deal with poverty in Africa.99 This helps poor communities who have basic needs such as food. However, the challenges facing Africa today need actions beyond the distribution of food parcels and other charitable works. The challenges need confrontation of the political systems in order to change policy and the direction of African countries towards economic liberation. The challenges facing Africa need to be addressed within the political system through a political will, rather than just dealing with it on a surface level through the distribution of food

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parcels. However, as long as there is an unhealthy relationship between the prophets and the politicians, there will never be a serious confrontation between the political systems that have oppressed the people in Africa. It will just be lip service or a connection that benefits only the prophets in receiving protection when facing legal challenges. Therefore, if the challenges highlighted above are not addressed by the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, the relationship benefits only the ecclesial and political elites. Prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri will continue to be shielded by cover-ups in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, but the majority of the people will continue to suffer. This renders the intersectionality of prophecy and politics an elite relationship that only benefits the connected few. In one way or another, the intersectionality of prophecy and politics perpetuates the various challenges that the people in Africa are facing, such as poverty, unemployment, inequality, and so forth. This calls for an alternative Pentecostal political theology of prophecy that will be able to deal with these challenges. The next section of the book is dedicated to the development of this theology through prophetic imagination and pneumatological imagination as theoretical frameworks.

6.9  Conclusion This chapter problematised the relationship between prophecy and politics in South Africa, particularly the contemporary practices of prophecy as demonstrated by prophets such as Shepherd Bushiri, Pastor Alph Lukau and others. This chapter outlined the rationale behind the weakening of the church’s prophetic voice within South African Pentecostalism, particularly the new prophetic church. The practices of the above-mentioned prophets that compromised the public image of the church were also highlighted. Prophets compromising prophetic witness for the benefit of the political arena was discussed at length. The behaviour of some of the prophets in relation to politics has demonstrated a lack of ethical conduct. Lastly, there is the challenge regarding the engagement of societal issues facing South Africans and other nations around the world. These challenges point to the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. The next four chapters in part 2 of this book are dedicated to addressing the challenges highlighted above and developing the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

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Notes 1. Lea Mwambene, and Maudri Wheal, “Realisation or oversight of a constitutional mandate? Corrective rape of black African lesbians in South Africa,” African Human Rights Law Journal 15, no. 1 (2015): 58–88. 2. Collium Banda, “Whatever happened to God’s holiness? The holiness of God and the theological authenticity of the South African neo-Pentecostal prophetic activities,” Verbum et Ecclesia 42, no. 1 (2021): 1–10. 3. Piet Mahasha Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA” 22 November 2020 https://www.iol.co.za/sundayindependent/news/ how-­the-­bushiris-­were-­smuggled-­out-­of-­sa-­c101b74e-­cd6b-­4c17-­9f87-­ d0272de3bed9. 4. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 6. Hulisani Ramantswana, and Ithapeleng Sebetseli, “Prophets competing against each other in a commercial age: Have some prophets or neoprophetic churches gone too far?” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021): 1–7. 7. Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA.” 8. City press, “Justice officials set to testify against Bushiri in Malawi” 06 May 2023 https://www.news24.com/citypress/news/ justice-­officials-­set-­to-­testify-­against-­bushiri-­in-­malawi-­20230506. 9. Eye Witness, “Bushiri: I’m looking forward to starting my trial to prove my innocence” 15 November 2020 https://ewn.co.za/2020/11/15/ bushiri-­i-­m-­looking-­forward-­to-­starting-­my-­trial-­to-­prove-­my-­innocence. 10. News24, “Bushiris obtain court interdict preventing Malawian police from arresting them, lawyer says” 23 February 2021 https://www. news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/bushiris-­obtain-­court-­interdict-­ preventing-­malawian-­police-­from-­arresting-­them-­lawyer-­says-­20210223. 11. Sowetan live, “Bushiri extradition: Department clarifies ‘misinterpreted’ ruling No witnesses in fraud trial will have to go to Malawi to testify, says government” 15 February 2023 https://www.sowetanlive.co.za/news/ south-­a frica/2023-­0 2-­1 5-­b ushiri-­e xtradition-­d epartment-­c larifies-­ misinterpreted-­ruling/. 12. “The extradition request for Mr and Mrs Bushiri, has been duly served in terms of Article 6 of the SADC Protocol on extradition as well Article 10 of the Extradition Agreement Between the Government of Malawi and Republic of South Africa entered in terms of the Republic of South Africa Extradition Act No 67 of 1962 as amended” see https://www.iol. co.za/news/politics/sa-­asks-­malawi-­to-­extradite-­shepherd-­bushiri-­and-­ wife-­3bc4fa77-­39c9-­511b-­a778-­de4760a15af6.

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13. News24 “Bushiri has valid defence in terms of SADC protocol on extradition, legal expert says” 24 March 2021 https://www.news24.com/ news24/southafrica/news/bushiri-­has-­valid-­defence-­in-­terms-­of-­sadc-­ protocol-­on-­extradition-­legal-­expert-­says-­20210324. 14. IOL, “SA asks Malawi to extradite Shepherd Bushiri and wife.” 15. Eye Witness News “Mngxitama says white monopoly capital behind ‘attack’ on bushiri: BLF leader Andile Mngxitama believes that charges of fraud and money laundering are cooked up to bring a fall of Pastor Shepherd Bushiri” https://ewn.co.za/2019/02/04/andile-­mngxitama-­ says-­white-­monopoly-­capital-­behind-­attack-­on-­shepherd-­bushiri. 16. https://www.saps.gov.za/faqdetail.php?fid=9. 17. Abraham Modisa Mkhondo Mzondi, “Clements Kadalie, the trade unionist, and prophet Shepherd Bushiri: A case study of their personality and influence in Southern Africa,” Stellenbosch Theological Journal 7, no. 2 (2021): 1–16. 18. Muziwandile Gabela, “An exploration of the policing of religious extremism in South Africa,” (PhD diss., Pretoria: University of South Africa 2023). 19. Stezron Brandon-Lee Moses, “Hermeneutical practices amongst African Neo-Pentecostal churches in Southern Africa: a critical review,” PhD diss., North-West University (South-Africa), 2022. 20. Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA.” 21. Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA” Cf. Orogun, Daniel, and Jerry Pillay. “Poverty, corruption, and religious opportunism in Africa: A Neo-Pentecostal perspective.” HTS Teologiese Studies/ Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021): 1–7. 22. Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA.” 23. Maria Frahm-Arp, “‘Can’t they see they are being manipulated?!’: Miracleprophets and secular South African radio,” Radio, Public Life and Citizen Deliberation in South Africa (2021): 103–124. 24. Rampedi, “How the Bushiris were smuggled out of SA.” 25. News24, “Anger as Bushiri escapes SA, govt initiates extradition” 15 November 2020 https://www.news24.com/citypress/news/ anger-­as-­bushiri-­escapes-­sa-­claims-­lives-­are-­in-­danger-­20201115. 26. News24, “Malawi government fuming over search of presidential plane as Shepherd Bushiri makes a run for it,” 16 November 2020 https://www. news24.com/news24/southafrica/news/malawi-­government-­fuming-­ over-­search-­of-­presidential-­plane-­as-­shepherd-­bushiri-­makes-­a-­r un-­for-­ it-­20201116. 27. Bushiri has pointed out on a number of times that he will not appear in South African courts because he fears that he will not receive a fair trial. However, is this a genuine concern or just an escape from accountability? See news24 “Bushiri defends his decision to flee South Africa, claims he

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won’t get a fair trial” 15 November 2020. https://www.news24.com/ news24/southafrica/news/watch-­bushiri-­defends-­his-­decision-­to-­flee-­ south-­africa-­claims-­he-­wont-­get-­a-­fair-­trial-­20201115. 28. Bekithemba Dube, “‘To Hell with Bishops’: Rethinking the Nexus of State, Law and Religion in Times of Crisis in Zimbabwe,” Religions 12, no. 5 (2021): 304. 29. News24, “From ‘people of integrity’ to skipping the country: A timeline of the Bushiris’ escape” 17 November 2020. h t t p s : / / w w w. n e w s 2 4 . c o m / n e w s 2 4 / s o u t h a f r i c a / n e w s / bushiri-­escape-­a-­timeline-­of-­what-­we-­know-­so-­far-­20201117. 30. Mashau, Thinandavha D. “The cloth of Elijah: Reimagining sustainable leadership in the context of uncertainty.” Verbum et Ecclesia 44, no. 1 (2023): 6. Cf. Levinson, Bernard. “The reconceptualization of kingship in Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomistic history’s transformation of Torah.” Vetus Testamentum 51, no. 4 (2001): 511–534. 31. Syma Czapanskiy, Karen, and Rashida Manjoo. “The right of public participation in the law-making process and the role of legislature in the promotion of this right.” Duke J. Comp. & Int’l L. 19 (2008): 1. 32. Heinz Klug, Constituting democracy: Law, globalism, and South Africa’s political reconstruction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 33. Nico Koopman, “Freedom of religion and the prophetic role of the church: Congress: Freedom of religion under a new constitutional dispensation in South Africa.” Dutch Reformed Theological Journal= Nederduitse Gereformeerde Teologiese Tydskrif 43, no. 1_2 (2002): 237–247. 34. Moses Maponya, and Eugene Baron, “The recovery of the prophetic voice of the church: The adoption of a ‘missional church’ imagination,” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. Cf. Mbengu Nyiawung, “The prophetic witness of the church as an appropriate mode of public discourse in African societies,” HTS Theological Studies 66, no. 1 (2010): 1–8. 35. Ndikho Mtshiselwa, “The emergence of the Black Methodist Consultation and its possible prophetic voice in post-apartheid South Africa.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 71, no. 3 (2015). Cf. 36. Nico Botha, “Mission as prophecy: Reading the Apocalypse as forthtelling rather than foretelling,” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 33, no. 2 (2005): 315–328. 37. Karabo Makofane, and N. Botha. “Christianity and social transformation in post-apartheid South Africa: From prophetic quietism to signs of ­prophetic recovery.” Acta Theologica 39 (2019): 88–103. Cf. Nico Botha, “Mission as prophecy: Reading the Apocalypse as forthtelling rather than foretelling,” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 33, no. 2 (2005): 315–328.

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38. Mookgo Kgatle, “The prophetic voice of the South African Council of Churches: A weak voice in post-1994 South Africa.” HTS: Theological Studies 74, no. 1 (2018): 1–8. 39. Kelebogile Resane, ““And they shall make you eat grass like oxen’ (Daniel 4: 24): Reflections on recent practices in some New Charismatic Churches,” Pharos Journal of Theology 98, no. 1 (2017): 1–17. 40. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa: A critical engagement,” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 75, no. 4 (2019): 1–7. 41. Chammah Kaunda, The nation that fears God prospers: A critique of Zambian Pentecostal theopolitical imaginations (London: Fortress Press, 2019). 42. Kgatle, “Reimagining the practice of Pentecostal prophecy in Southern Africa” 4. 43. Joseph Quayesi-Amakye, Joseph. “Let the Prophet speak: A study on trends in Pentecostal prophetism with particular reference to the Church of Pentecost and some neo-Pentecostal churches in Ghana.” PhD diss., University of Cape Coast, 2009. 44. Afolayan, Adeshina, Olajumoke Yacob-Haliso, and Toyin Falola, eds. Pentecostalism and politics in Africa. (Basel: Springer, 2018.) Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021). 45. Veronica Zatu, “Moral (trans) formation of church leaders in the Grace Apostolic church of South Africa: guidelines for ethical, authentic and moral Christian leadership,” (PhD diss., North-West University (South-­ Africa), 2022. 46. Kgatle, Mookgo S., and Maria Frahm-Arp. “Abuse, power and discourse in the public trial of Timothy Omotoso.” Verbum et Ecclesia 43, no. 1 (2022): 2270. 47. Jill Harshaw, “Prophetic voices, silent words: The prophetic role of persons with profound intellectual disabilities in contemporary Christianity,” Practical Theology 3, no. 3 (2010): 311–329. Cf. Parsitau, Damaris Seleina. “From prophetic voices to lack of voice: Christian Churches in Kenya and the dynamics of voice and voicelessness in a multi-religious space.” (2012). University of South Africa. 48. Kgatle, “The prophetic voice of the South African Council of Churches” 4. 49. Ibid. 50. Mookgo Kgatle, and Allan H. Anderson. “Introduction: The abuse of the Spirit in some New Prophetic Churches in South African Pentecostalism.” In The use and abuse of the spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 1–23. Routledge, 2020. Cf. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa. 28.

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51. Martin Lindhardt, ed. Practicing the faith: the ritual life of Pentecostal-­ charismatic Christians (Berghahn Books, 2011). 52. The following books are important in understanding the role of media in making Pentecostalism a public religion. Birgit Meyer, and Annelies Moors, eds. Religion, media, and the public sphere (Indiana University Press, 2005). Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: an introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). Cf. Simon Coleman, The globalisation of charismatic Christianity, No. 12. Cambridge University Press, 2000. Cf. Birgit Meyer, Aesthetic formations: Media, religion, and the senses (Basel: Springer, 2009). Cf. Donald Miller., Kimon H.  Sargeant, and Richard Flory, eds. Spirit and power: The growth and global impact of Pentecostalism. (Oxford: Oxford University Press on Demand, 2013). Cf. Katrien Pype, The Making of the Pentecostal Melodrama: religion, media and gender in Kinshasa, Vol. 6. (Berghahn Books, 2012). Cf. Katrien Pype, “Religion, migration, and media aesthetics: Notes on the circulation and reception of Nigerian films in Kinshasa.” Krings, Matthias, and Onookome Okome, eds. Global Nollywood: The transnational dimensions of an African video film industry Indiana University Press (2013): 199–222. 53. Birgit Meyer. Going and Making Public: Pentecostalism as Public Religion in Ghana. In Christianity and Public Culture in Africa. ed. Harri Englund. Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 149–166, 2011. 54. Different essays in a book edited by Nimi Wariboko and Adeshina Afolayan point to the presence of Pentecostalism in the public sphere. See Nimi Wariboko, and Adeshina Afolayan, eds. African Pentecostalism and World Christianity: Essays in Honor of J.  Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu. Vol. 18. (Eugene Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020). 55. Birgit Meyer, “Introduction: from imagined communities to aesthetic formations: religious mediations, sensational forms, and styles of binding,” Aesthetic formations: media, religion, and the senses (2009): 1–28. 56. Gabriel Faimau, “The emergence of prophetic ministries in Botswana: Selfpositioning and appropriation of new media,” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 36, no. 3 (2018): 369–385. Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Mediatization of Dangerous Faith Practices in the New Prophetic Churches in South Africa.” The International Journal of Religion and Spirituality in Society 14 no. 2 (2023): 15–25. https://doi.org/10.18848/2154-­8633/ CGP/v14i02/15-­25. 57. Kgatle, “Mediatization of Dangerous Faith Practices in the New Prophetic Churches in South Africa.” 21. 58. Kgatle, “Mediatization of Dangerous Faith Practices in the New Prophetic Churches in South Africa.” 23. 59. Ebenezer Obadare, “Pentecostal Presidency? The Lagos-Ibadan ‘Theocratic Class’& the Muslim ‘Other.’” Review of African political econ-

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omy 33, no. 110 (2006): 665–678. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu, “‘Christ is the Answer: What is the Question?’ A Ghana Airways Prayer Vigil and its Implications for Religion, Evil and Public Space,” Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 1 (2005): 93–117. Cf. Matthew Ojo, “Pentecostal movements, Islam and the contest for public space in Northern Nigeria,” Islam– Christian Muslim Relations 18, no. 2 (2007): 175–188. 60. Paul Gifford, Ghana’s New Christianity, New Edition: Pentecostalism in a Globalising African Economy (Indiana University Press, 2004). 61. Collium Banda, “Whatever happened to God’s holiness? The holiness of God and the theological authenticity of the South African neo-Pentecostal prophetic activities,” Verbum et Ecclesia 42, no. 1 (2021): 1–10. 62. Ezra Chitando, and Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s Prophetic Healing and Deliverance (PHD) Ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: a preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85. 63. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Developing a Theology of Discernment in Response to the Abuse of Religion by Some Pentecostal Churches in Postcolonial South Africa. Alternation Special Edition 38a (2021): 442–458. 64. Mbengu Nyiawung, “The prophetic witness of the church as an appropriate mode of public discourse in African societies,” HTS Theological Studies 66, no. 1 (2010): 1–8. Etienne de Villiers, “Prophetic witness: An appropriate mode of public discourse in the democratic South Africa?” HTS Theological Studies 66, no. 1 (2010): 1–8. 65. Barry Morris, Faithful Public-Prophetic Witness: Dynamics, Challenges, and Ambiguities of Success in Urban & Community Ministries. (Eugene Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020). Cf. Urbaniak, Jakub, and Blazio M.  Manobo. “Canaan Banana, Churches and the Land Issue: Revisiting Theology of Zimbabwe’s Vilified Prophet.” Political Theology 21, no. 3 (2020): 225–246. 66. Charles Marsh, Wayward Christian soldiers: freeing the Gospel from political captivity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). Cf. Nimi Wariboko, “African Pentecostal Political Philosophy: New Directions in the Study of Pentecostalism and Politics,” Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa (2018): 385–417. 67. Rebecca Kim, “9 Korean Missionaries: Preaching the Gospel to “All Nations,” including the United States.” In Religion on the Move! pp. 179–202. Brill, 2013. Cf. Jackson Wu, J One Gospel for All Nations: A Practical Approach to Biblical Contextualization (William Carey Publishing, 2015). Cf. Lamin Sanneh, Disciples of all nations: Pillars of world Christianity. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).

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68. Annemie Dillen, and Anne Vandenhoeck, eds. Prophetic Witness in World Christianities: Rethinking Pastoral Care and Counseling. Vol. 13. LIT Verlag Münster, 2011. 69. The great commission is found in Matthew 28:19–20 [19]: “Go therefore and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, [20] teaching them to observe all that I have commanded you; and lo, I am with you always, to the close of the age” (Revised Standard Version). 70. Allan Anderson, To the ends of the earth: Pentecostalism and the transformation of world Christianity. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013). 71. Marius Nel, The prosperity gospel in Africa: An African Pentecostal hermeneutical consideration (Eugene Oregon: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020). 72. Bill Hamon, Prophets, Pitfalls, and Principles (Revised & Expanded Edition of the Bestselling Classic): God’s Prophetic People Today (Destiny Image Publishers, 2021). 73. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021). 74. Coolium Banda, “Whatever happened to God’s holiness? The holiness of God and the theological authenticity of the South African neo-Pentecostal prophetic activities,” Verbum et Ecclesia 42, no. 1 (2021): 1–10. Cf. Collium Banda, “Doctrine as security? A systematic theological critique of the operational theological framework of the controversial South African neo-­Pentecostal prophets,” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021). 75. Luke Bretherton, Christianity and contemporary politics: The conditions and possibilities of faithful witness. (John Wiley & Sons, 2011). 76. Melani McAlister, “Prophecy, Politics, and the Popular: The Left Behind Series and Christian Fundamentalism’s New World Order.” The South Atlantic Quarterly 102, no. 4 (2003): 773–798. Cf. McAlister, Melani. “Prophecy, Politics, and the Popular: The Left Behind Series and Christian Fundamentalism’s New World Order.” The South Atlantic Quarterly 102, no. 4 (2003): 773–798. 77. Thabang Mofokeng, Thabang R. ““The weird you shall always have”: A historical look into the causative factors behind neo-prophetic scandals in South Africa.” In Mookgo Solomon Kgatle The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 24–52 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020). Cf. Shingange, Themba. “Mission as discernment of spirits in the advent of the abuse of prophecy within newer Pentecostal charismatic Christianity in South Africa.” In The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism, pp. 115–130. Routledge, 2020.

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78. Baixauli-Olmos, Lluís. “Ethics codes as tools for change in public service interpreting: symbolic, social and cultural dimensions.” The Journal of Specialised Translation 28, no. 8 (2017): 250–272. 79. Weaver, Gary R., and Bradley R. Agle. “Religiosity and ethical behavior in organizations: A symbolic interactionist perspective.” Academy of management review 27, no. 1 (2002): 77–97. 80. Russell Connors, and Patrick T. McCormick. Character, choices & community: The three faces of Christian ethics (New York: Paulist Press, 1998), 175. Cf. Schubert, Ralph Ipyana. A Christian-ethical comparison of leadership styles in the West and in Tanzania and their impact on crosscultural partnerships. (Diss. Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 2007), 7. 81. Mihelic, Katarina Katja, Bogdan Lipicnik, and Metka Tekavcic. “Ethical leadership.” International Journal of Management & Information Systems (IJMIS) 14.5 (2010). https://clutejournals.com/index.php/IJMIS/article/view/11. 82. Nürnberger, Klass, Theological Ethics: previous study guide for TEA100-4 (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1988), 9. Cf. Schubert, Ralph Ipyana. A Christian-ethical comparison of leadership styles 7. 83. Kretzschmar, Louise, Theological Ethics: previous study guide for TEA100-4 (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1993), 10. 84. Rothney Tshaka, The dilemma of ethical leadership in present-day South Africa. Missionalia: Southern African journal of Mission Studies, 37.2 (2009): pp. 153–164. 85. Bernard Bass, and Paul Steidlmeier. “Ethics, character, and authentic transformational leadership behavior.” The leadership quarterly 10, no. 2 (1999): 181–217. 86. Edward Freeman, and Lisa Stewart. “Developing ethical leadership.” Business Roundtable Institute for Corporate Ethics 9.1 (2006): pp. 1–17. 87. Mihelic et al “Ethical leadership”32. 88. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “NPC Prophets and the Money Cult in South Africa.” Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa (2021): 113–134. 89. Priviledge Cheteni, and Emmanuel Selemani Shindika. “Ethical Leadership in South Africa and Botswana.” BAR-Brazilian Administration Review 14.2 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1590/1807-­7692bar2017160077. 90. Heres, Leonie, and Karin Lasthuizen. “Ethical leadership: A variform universal phenomenon.” Annual Conference of the European Group for Public Administration. 2010: pp. 1–36. 91. Alexander Paul Isiko, “Religious construction of disease: An exploratory appraisal of religious responses to the COVID-19 pandemic in Uganda,” Journal of African Studies and Development 12, no. 3 (2020): 77–96. 92. Fenga, Vincent Farirai. “Prophetic Preaching in neo-Pentecostal Christianity during the socio-economic and socio-political crisis of

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Zimbabwe (2000–2012): a Practical Theological exploration.” PhD diss., University of Pretoria, 2018. 93. Collium Banda, “Not anointing, but justice? A critical reflection on the anointing of Pentecostal prophets in a context of economic injustice,” Verbum et Ecclesia 39, no. 1 (2018): 1–11. 94. Kiss, Ligia, Lilia Blima Schraiber, Lori Heise, Cathy Zimmerman, Nelson Gouveia, and Charlotte Watts. “Gender-based violence and socioeconomic inequalities: Does living in more deprived neighbourhoods increase women’s risk of intimate partner violence?” Social science & medicine 74, no. 8 (2012): 1172–1179. 95. Institute for Security Studies. “Soaring murder rates underline the lack of sound direction for policing.” Accessed February 09, 2023. https:// crimehub.org/iss-­t oday/soaring-­m urder-­r ates-­u nderline-­t he-­l ack-­o f-­ sound-­direction-­for-­policing. Cf. Frazer, Luke. “Violent crime in South Africa is getting worse—here are all the latest stats.” Accessed February 17, 2023. https://businesstech.co.za/news/lifestyle/665791/violent-­crime-­ in-­south-­africa-­is-­getting-­worse-­here-­are-­all-­the-­latest-­stats/. 96. Udo, Fidelis, and Maheshvari Naidu. “Exploring black African women’s experiences of vulnerability and adaptation to flood impacts in the eThekwini metropolitan municipality, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa.” International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction (2023): 103798. 97. Oyedemi, Toks, and Desline Mahlatji. “The ‘born-free’ non-voting youth: A study of voter apathy among a selected cohort of South African youth.” Politikon 43, no. 3 (2016): 311–323. 98. Tembe, Zwelithini Nhlosenhle, and Dumsile Cynthia Hlengwa. “Strategies Used by B&B’s and Guesthouses to Mitigate the Impacts of Load Shedding in South Africa.” Strategies 11, no. 3 (2022): 1020–1037. 99. Timeslive, “Shepherd Bushiri distributes food parcels in North West” 22 April 2020 https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-­africa/2020-­04-­22-­ shepherd-­bushiri-­distributes-­food-­parcels-­in-­north-­west/.

PART II

Development of a Pentecostal Political Theology of Prophecy

CHAPTER 7

Pentecostal Prophetic Imagination in Post-­colonial Africa

7.1   Introduction This chapter introduces one of the leading theologians, Walter Brueggemann, and his theory of prophetic imagination as part of the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. To understand this theology, it is important to know that prophetic imagination is a theory that seeks the freedom of the oppressed in Pentecostalism. Consequently, Brueggemann is helpful in dealing with the social oppression that existed during apartheid and in post-colonial South Africa as perpetuated by some prophets in new prophetic churches. In fact, Brueggemann’s prophetic imagination is helpful in dealing with any community’s oppressive structures and powers. Therefore, this theory is relevant in addressing the abuses that occur in new prophetic churches in the practice of Pentecostal prophecy. Furthermore, the movement will be able to deal with the power structures in the practice of Pentecostal prophecy and enable renewal.

7.2   Walter Brueggemann’s Theory of Prophetic Imagination Brueggemann introduces prophetic imagination as a process that allows human beings to live in God’s imagination.1 Prophetic imagination is more than just having a good idea; it involves the participation of the © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_7

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believers in dealing with the real challenges facing humanity. Wilson explains that this is because “the prophetic imagination receives truth from a much higher authority—from the Holy Spirit, who communicates revelation. This ultimate truth frees the prophet from the wearied culture of the dominant imagination.”2 Brueggemann states that prophetic imagination “is a concrete practice that is undertaken by real believers who share the conviction of grief and hope that escapes the restraints of dominant culture.”3 Prophetic imagination is concerned with a concrete and real situation that involves the believers. The task of the prophet is to share the narrative about God in such a way that it becomes the dominant story over and above other imaginations. The dominant culture seeks to make human beings think that they can make it on their own in what Brueggemann calls “self-sufficiency.”4 Therefore, the prophetic imagination stands in contrast to or in tension with the dominant story and the story about God’s redemptive work. The prophetic imagination cannot be about reiterating the existing narrative in the world, but is about confronting the same crises. Therefore, the task of the prophet should be to bring a message that is outside the dominant narrative in order to bring hope to the people of God. Prophetic imagination is relevant in addressing oppression in society by different political structures. Brueggemann says, “The point that prophetic imagination must ponder is that there is no freedom of God without the politics of justice and compassion, and there is no politics of justice and compassion without a religion of the freedom of God.”5 Therefore, a prophet, in delivering the prophetic word, is engaged in the political struggle that seeks the freedom of the people from the injustices they face daily. In this way, the prophetic imagination is a word of justice that promises to deal with the injustices in the world through the words delivered by the prophet. This kind of imagination can be defined as “prophetic freedom.” Although Brueggemann does not use this phrase, it can be construed using the word “freedom” in the theory of prophetic imagination. Even Jesus’s ministry is tasked with bringing freedom to the oppressed, particularly the poor and the marginalised in communities. The prophetic freedom narrative of Jesus is found in Luke 4:18–19: 18 “The Spirit of the Lord is on me, because he has anointed me to proclaim good news to the poor. He has sent me to proclaim freedom for the prisoners and recovery of sight for the blind, to set the oppressed free, 19 to proclaim the year of the Lord’s favour.”6 Therefore, the task of the prophet is not to oppress but to deliver the people from oppression.

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Prophetic imagination is connected to what Brueggemann calls “prophetic criticism,” where a prophet of the nation is able to criticise the powers that be.7 Therefore, a prophet is not one who is always in agreement with the empire, but one who is able to criticise it. According to Brueggemann, the freedom of the people comes when the prophet can adopt a “radical criticism” and “radical delegitimising” of the system that oppresses the people.8 Therefore, the task of prophetic imagination, according to Brueggemann, is “to cut through the numbness, to penetrate the self-deception, so that the God of endings is confessed as Lord.”9 However, Brueggemann cautions that prophetic criticism should not only criticise for the sake of criticising, but be done by someone who is willing to enter into the pain of the one who is being criticised. Hence, prophetic criticism should be connected with the theology of the cross in recognising what Christ has done to deliver people from their pain and grief. Brueggemann puts it this way: Without the cross, prophetic imagination will likely be as strident and as destructive as that which it criticizes. The cross is the assurance that effective prophetic criticism is done not by an outsider but always by one who must embrace the grief, enter into the death, and know the pain of the criticized one.10

Prophetic imagination, according to Brueggemann, should be able to produce what he calls “prophetic energizing.” This happens when the prophet is able to bring hope to the nation in a time of hopelessness. In addition, prophetic imagination is able to bring newness to the lives of those who are receiving the prophetic word. The prophetic word should not bring discouragement but should bring new energy into the lives of the recipients. Hence, Brueggemann focuses on the new reality and the singing of new songs that is able to revitalise people by giving them new energy. He suggests three ways in which this newness can come and deal with hopelessness among the people. First, “[t]he offering of symbols that are adequate to contradict a situation of hopelessness in which newness is unthinkable,”11 which means that the prophetic imagination should be able to bring the antithesis of hopelessness by using the symbols of hope and newness. Second, the task of prophetic imagination and ministry is to bring to “public expression those very hopes and yearnings that have been denied so long and suppressed so deeply that we no longer know they are there.”12 This means that the prophetic imagination seeks to bring the

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prophetic ministry from the four pillars of the church into the public sphere through the public expression of hope. Third, “[t]he prophet must speak metaphorically about hope but concretely about the real newness that comes to us and redefines our situation.”13 The prophetic imagination is about the words coming out of the mouth of the prophet in declaring hope in the midst of hopelessness. This, in a way, gives the people hope that the new reality has come to their lives. Prophetic imagination is also connected with what Brueggemann calls “prophetic consciousness,” where a prophet is conscious of the challenges of pain, grief and suffering. Prophetic consciousness, according to Brueggemann, is in contrast with the royal consciousness that always wants to maintain self-satisfaction. Brueggemann says, “Suffering is central to the prophetic consciousness. The prophet is prepared for pain. One of the effects of his presence is to intensify the people’s capacity for suffering, to rend the veil that lies between life and pain.”14 However, the dominant culture through royal consciousness seeks to conscientise the people about human satisfaction instead of human suffering. In a way, royal consciousness becomes a false consciousness because somewhere, somehow, people will encounter human suffering. Therefore, it is the task of the prophetic consciousness to bring people to the knowledge that suffering is a reality. Humanity should be brought to the knowledge of the existence of suffering, such as sickness, disease, pandemics or even death. Brueggemann states, “It is the task of prophetic ministry and imagination to bring people to engage their experiences of suffering.”15 This task can easily be achieved by using prophetic consciousness as people or believers become conscious of the challenges they are facing. In summary, Brueggemann’s theory of prophetic imagination has five aspects. First is prophetic freedom, which is the idea that the prophet should be able to share a message that delivers people from the oppression of the political system. Second is prophetic criticism, where the prophet of the nation is tasked with a critical approach and speaking truth to the powers that be. Third is radical criticism, which is basically the confrontation of the oppressive structures and the oppressive powers in society. Fourth is the prophetic energising, which is the message of hope amid hopelessness. This message of hope can bring new energies into the lives of those who receive the prophetic word. In the end, these new energies produce a new reality for those who receive the prophetic word. Last is the message of suffering, pain and grief, which Brueggemann calls the “prophetic consciousness” and which is in contrast with the royal consciousness.

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7.3   Prophetic Freedom, Justice and Pentecostalism The Pentecostal prophetic imagination should include the imagination of freedom in its discourses. Pentecostals cannot escape the reality of oppression, particularly the oppression black people in South Africa suffered in the past. In addition, black people continue to suffer under oppressive economic, social and political structures in post-colonial Africa. The neoliberal economic policies of the African National Congress (such as the Reconstruction and Development Programme; Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa; Growth, Employment, and Redistribution; and the National Development Plan) have not yielded fruit in terms of dealing with the socio-economic challenges of unemployment, poverty and inequality.16 On the contrary, some of the policies such as Black Economic Empowerment have reproduced inequalities between the black elite and the majority of poor black people.17 Instead of creating real businesses that can change the majority of black lives, these policies have actually produced tenderpreneurs.18 The latter has become a funding mechanism for the ruling party. In addition, so many young people today find themselves in the challenging situation of joblessness, which also produces poverty in post-colonial Africa. Furthermore, black people in South Africa still live in informal settlements where there is no proper water and sanitation.19 These problems have persisted, even with the black leadership in terms of the political system. Under these conditions and circumstances, prophetic imagination is tasked with the freedom of the people through prophetic freedom. Prophets in post-colonial Africa should not seek unhealthy friendships with politicians but should use prophetic imagination for the liberation of the people.20 Prophets used liberation theology in advocating for the liberation of the people during apartheid,21 and the prophets in post-colonial Africa seek the same. The regime has changed but the challenges remain the same because black people still find themselves under harsh conditions 30 years after democracy.22 While the ruling party is boastful of the minor changes they have made, the reality is that there are still many challenges (as highlighted above). Therefore, to address these challenges, prophetic imagination should be an alternative to the political narrative or the dominant culture in politics. In this case, it is a dominant culture of oppression that has continued for many years in South Africa and elsewhere on the continent. Prophetic imagination is not about maintaining the status quo but about challenging the current regime in the same way other prophets

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challenged the apartheid system.23 In other words, as much as black people confronted the wrongdoings of apartheid in search of political freedom, there should be a confrontation with the current regime in search of freedom from harsh socio-economic challenges in post-colonial Africa. The prophetic imagination within the Pentecostal movement in post-­ colonial Africa should seek justice for the people who are facing injustices in the world. It is an imagination that remains focused on justice for all people, not just elites such as those holding political office.24 The prophetic imagination recognises God as the God of justice for all people.25 The prophets who acknowledge this imagination are able to stand on the side of the God of justice and with those seeking justice. The task of the prophet in this context is the proclamation of God’s justice. Hence, the prophetic imagination is relevant in addressing the wounds of most of the people in Africa. Prophecy should not be entertainment but imagination that addresses the injustices of the world. Prophets in new prophetic churches should not seek the attention of politicians for their own benefit, but to address the injustices in Africa and the rest of the world. First, these injustices should be identified by the prophets and there should be a plan to address them in society. Second, the injustices should be addressed not only from an ecclesial context but also in public. This enables the Pentecostal churches such as new prophetic churches to be involved in public discourse. In addition, it is an opportunity to demonstrate concern for the oppressed, the marginalised and those on the periphery. Third, the new prophetic churches and other Pentecostal churches should not only deal with the injustices from a theoretical point of view, but be involved in social action in dealing with various injustices in post-colonial Africa. The task of the prophet is to minister freedom from different oppressive structures.26 These structures exist in economics, politics and other areas of influence. In other words, prophetic imagination is not only concerned with spiritual freedom or the salvation of the soul; it should be concerned about the liberation of the people in totality.27 This is possible within the Pentecostal movement, since Pentecostalism has moved away from an anthropocentric approach to salvation to holistic salvation.28 This salvation is concerned not only with the human spirit but also with the body and the soul. Therefore, the Pentecostal movement (including the new prophetic churches) is relevant in the implementation of prophetic freedom, particularly total freedom. After all, the same Spirit that the Pentecostal movement has embraced for years is the Spirit of freedom. Furthermore, the Pentecostal movement is concerned with the well-being

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of the person in totality. However, to achieve prophetic freedom, the movement should move away from an “otherworldly” and conservative approach to political issues. There is a need for the Pentecostal movement not to be only concerned with the quest for heaven but to also consider other earthly responsibilities. Some of the Independent Pentecostal churches, particularly in West Africa, have already started moving towards involvement in issues society faces in Africa.29

7.4   Prophetic Criticism and Pentecostalism The intersectionality of prophecy and politics is also seen in the critical voice of the prophets towards the political office. Prophecy is a critical voice in the political space. What is meant by the critical voice here is that the prophet should not always agree with what the politicians are doing in government. But the prophet should be able to point out their wrongdoings. This is the political importance of prophecy. In prophetic criticism, it is expected of the prophet to address the political elites, particularly when they engage in wrongful activities. The prophet is not the friend of the politician, but someone who is expected to be critical of the political office. Prophetic criticism is relevant for the prophetic office to maintain the prophetic critical voice in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. According to Brueggemann, it “consists of mobilizing people to their real restless grief and in nurturing them away from cry-hearers who are inept at listening and indifferent in response.”30 However, Brueggemann cautions that criticising the powerful structures should not be done in anger but with openness.31 Because change is not achieved through angry voices, but through real resistance to oppressive powers and openness. This means that prophetic criticism is not necessarily an angry voice but one that acknowledges the wrongful acts of the political elite. According to Brueggemann, “[t]he criticism consists not in standing over against but in standing with; the ultimate criticism is not one of triumphant indignation but one of passion and compassion that completely and irresistibly undermine the world of competence and competition.”32 Prophetic criticism acknowledges the prophet’s calling not as a praise song for the powers that be but as a critical voice of them. The task of the prophet is to identify the areas where the political office is oppressing the people and point these out in a constructive way. Therefore, the continuation of the oppressive powers in the political structures is a sign that the prophetic office has become less critical.

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Prophets in the twenty-first century cannot be as critical if there is friendship between them and the politicians.33 As discussed in Chaps. 4 and 5, the prophets in new prophetic churches have some connection with the political elite that sometimes makes it difficult for the churches to be critical of politicians. This is not the first time that prophetic criticism is compromised; the prophets who joined the government after 1994 became silent about the wrongdoings of the politicians.34 In other words, they could no longer be critical of the government given their proximity to the ruling party and by virtue of them being government officials.35 In the context of the new prophetic churches, it is not necessarily being part of the government as workers but becoming the friends of the political elite. The consequences are the same; being in friendship with the politicians hinders the prophets from being critical, in the same way that the likes of Frank Chikane could not be critical of the government when they became part of it. This does not mean that the prophetic imagination calls for enmity in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, but it does call for the prophets to distance themselves in order to be more critical. This means that for a prophet to be more critical, they should be able to do away with unhealthy friendships with politicians. This should be done to maintain the critical nature of the prophetic voice of a prophet in post-­ colonial Africa. The prophets in the new prophetic churches cannot be critical if they are at the mercy of the politicians, as was the case with Shepherd Bushiri’s escape from South Africa to Malawi.36 This means that being at the mercy of politicians is a compromise to the prophetic office. Therefore, one of the roles of the prophet is to denounce possible capture by the political elite. In the case of Bushiri, the political office captured the prophetic office and tamed it so that it could not be critical of the same.37 Therefore, the prophet should be independent to maintain their critical voice to the political elite. Hence, the prophetic imagination is the one that always guards against the possible forces of capture seeking to tame the prophetic voice. The prophet should not engage in wrongful acts that compromise their position to be critical of politicians. Because in situations where the prophets are at the mercy of the politicians, it is not possible to be a critical voice. Brueggemann calls this being at the “mercy of Babylon”—to illustrate that when a prophet is at the mercy of the ungodly empire, they cannot turn and criticise it.38 This means that a prophet should be without reproach so that they do not become part of the political capture. In the words of Brueggemann, they should not be besieged by the Babylonian

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system because they will not be able to criticise it thereafter. Hence, prophets such as Daniel in the biblical text were determined not to be part of the Babylonian system so that they could be in a position to criticise it. To maintain prophetic criticism, there is a need for the prophets in new prophetic churches not to allow capture by the political elites (as pointed out above). Prophetic imagination is one that stands in contrast with popular imagination, which seeks to control the voice of the prophet.39 In addition, the prophets in new prophetic churches should not allow themselves to be in a compromising position that makes them less critical. This is important in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. As discussed previously, the conduct of some of the prophets in new prophetic churches compromises the prophetic office in being critical of the political elite. Some of the performances that prophets have been engaged in become a compromising factor that hinders them from being critical of the political elites. Therefore, the way that the prophets in new prophetic churches practice their prophecy is instrumental in how they can become the critical voice in the political sphere. To restore prophetic criticism to the political structures in post-colonial Africa, there is a need for the prophets in new prophetic churches to know their position and respect the prophetic office. Furthermore, the prophets in new prophetic churches should maintain their independence from the political forces. Because the restoration of the prophetic office has to do with the independence of the prophet and the respect they have for the office.40 This is possible when their conduct does not jeopardise their independence, as previously discussed regarding the lifestyles of prophets such as Bushiri and Alph Lukau.

7.5  Radical Criticism and Radical Delegitimisation of the Empire in Pentecostalism Prophetic imagination is the political theology of radical criticism and radical delegitimisation of the empire. It is a process designed to change the status quo in a radical way through confrontation with the powers that be. Brueggemann defines radical criticism as the process of dismantling the powers of the empire.41 It must be reiterated that radical criticism also deals with the dominant narrative pushed by the empire through offering an alternative narrative. Brueggemann outlines how the ministry of Moses in the Old Testament and the exodus story delegitimised the empire.

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According to Brueggemann, “[t]he narrative of the Exodus is designed to show the radical criticism and radical delegitimizing of the Egyptian empire.”42 Therefore, radical criticism is the process of replacing oppressive politics with the politics of love, justice and humility. It is the process of replacing people’s bondage with freedom, in the same way Moses did when he led the children of Israel out of Egypt. Therefore, radical criticism is confrontation with the captivity of the people in dismantling the powers of their captivity. According to Brueggemann, “[t]he primary work of Moses was to make a new human beginning with the religion of God’s freedom and the politics of justice and compassion.”43 This should be the work of the prophet in the twenty-first century, that is doing away with bondage for freedom of the people. The ministry of Jesus, similar to the ministry of Moses, was also a ministry of radical criticism and radical dismantling of the empire and oppressive systems. Brueggemann uses the ministry of Jesus to illustrate that Jesus was radical in forgiving those whom the authorities did not desire to be forgiven, thus dismantling the powers of unforgiveness as designed by the empire. To authorities such as the zealots, Pharisees, scribes and Sadducees in the first century, this was blasphemous; however, Jesus was willing to face the consequences of the violation because of his radical critical approach to the prophetic ministry. Jesus healed the sick even if it meant the healing happened on the Sabbath day. Jesus was willing to have fellowship with the outcasts. Brueggemann states: The outcasts were the product of a legal arrangement that determined what was acceptable and unacceptable, clean and unclean, right and wrong. Crossing over the barrier of right and wrong implied that in the dispensing of mercy, the wrong was as entitled as the right, and therefore all meaningful distinctions were obliterated.44

Jesus was also radical in confronting the spiritual powers or demons that tormented the people when he cast them out to liberate the people. In addition, Jesus was associated with women who at that time were regarded as unclean or of a different tribe to Jesus, such as the Samaritan woman. Brueggemann also states, “Jesus’s association in public with women who were not his kin was a scandalous breach of decorum and a challenge to the gender boundaries of the first century.”45 Therefore, in being radical, it is expected of the prophets in new prophetic churches to be in confrontation with the systems that are designed

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to oppress the people. The prophetic challenge in the 21st is for the prophets not to be too concerned about the self but about dismantling oppressive powers.46 The prophets in the twenty-first century in Africa can learn from the ministry of Jesus, who was in confrontation with the systemic oppressive powers of the first century. These are the systems designed to oppress women, the marginalised and the outcasts. Jesus’s ministry was in constant confrontation with these forces and, therefore, it is expected of the prophet in the twenty-first century to rise against the oppressive system that undermines the freedom of the oppressed. Similarly, the prophets can learn from the ministry of Moses, who also confronted the Egyptian empire in delivering the people of Israel from the oppression of Pharaoh. Therefore, the prophetic ministry is not about pleasing the empire but about the confrontation of the empire.47 In the context of the prophets in new prophetic churches, the prophetic ministry is not about befriending politicians in countries such as South Africa and Malawi, but rather about confronting wrongdoing in the political space. In this way, the prophets in the twenty-first century will be involved in the radical criticism and radical delegitimisation of the empire. However, as much as Jesus was in constant confrontation with the power structures and oppressive systems, he remained humble. His humility was demonstrated in how he gave himself to the world through his death on the cross. He humbled himself and became obedient unto death, even the death of the cross. He was not human but allowed himself to be born of a human being in order to reach humanity. Therefore, the prophetic ministry of Jesus was full of radical humility in order to reach the oppressed, the poor, the marginalised women, and the sinfulness of the world. Brueggemann asserts: That tradition of radical criticism is about the self-giving emptiness of Jesus, about dominion through the loss of dominion, and about fullness coming only by self-emptying. The emptying is not to be related to self-negating meditation, for it is a thoroughly political image concerned with the willing surrender of power; it is the very thing kings cannot do and yet remain kings. Thus, the entire royal self-understanding is refuted. The empty one who willingly surrendered power for obedience is the ultimately powerful one who can permit humanness where no other has authority to do so.48

Therefore, humility is not a weakness but the strength of a prophetic figure in a quest to reach the oppressed in the world. It means that to

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reach the oppressed and the lost in the world, the prophet should be willing to give away power, position and prestige. As much as the prophets can learn from the radical criticism in terms of the confrontation of the empire, they can also learn the virtues of humility from the ministry of Jesus. Is it correct for prophets such as Bushiri and Lukau to live lavishly, driving sports cars such as Maseratis, Ferraris, Rolls-­ Royces and Lamborghinis while most of their congregants are starving?49 Would Jesus, if he was the prophet in the twenty-first century, be driving these kinds of cars? If the answer is no, then the prophets in new prophetic churches should think deeply about their lavish lifestyles, particularly in an African context where so many people are suffering. It is necessary that the prophets in the twenty-first century think deeply about the importance of owning a private church while some of their followers do not even have food. Therefore, the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should be accompanied by radical humility, as demonstrated in the ministry of Jesus. Radical humility in the prophetic ministry is just as important as radical confrontation of the empire. In other words, the prophetic ministry cannot confront the empire if it is as proud as what they are confronting.

7.6   Prophetic Energising and Pentecostalism Prophetic imagination has the potential to bring hope to people in times of hopelessness through what Brueggemann calls “prophetic energising.” This means that prophetic imagination is able to bring new energy to an individual facing a hopeless situation in life. This means that a prophetic ministry should not lead people to a state of hopelessness but should be able to bring new energy that brings new hope. Brueggemann states, “Energizing is closely linked to hope. We are energized not by that which we already possess but by that which is promised and about to be given.”50 This means that to gain energy, the prophetic imagination looks beyond the current hopeless situation to the promises of a bright future. This is the intersectionality of energy and hope: where there is more hope, the people of God shall be more energised. It is, therefore, the task of the prophet to take people beyond their current situation into the future that is full of hope in order to energise them for the present. However, the task of the dominant narrative is to keep the people of God in hopeless realities so that they are not energised and cannot see their future. The prophet stands in contrast to the dominant narrative by depositing energies in the lives of the believers. The prophetic imagination also stands in

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confrontation with the old order to bring the hope needed for the prophetic energising. Because when the nations are energised, they will be able to conquer the state of despair. Prophetic energising is more than optimism; it is more about hope. While optimism is the feeling and confidence that the future will be better, hope is the feeling that the expected end will indeed happen.51 Thus, it is more than the confidence that one has; it is the belief that change will happen as expected. Brueggemann says, “The point of this idiom is to permit the community to engage in amazement that will not be prevented by the despair of the community for whom everything has collapsed.”52 This kind of hope is not necessarily for those who are in a comfort zone but for those who are in challenging situations. Hence, according to Brueggemann, it is not easy for people to embrace such a hope that brings prophetic energising. It is not an easy hope but one that requires determination to break the realities of the old order. Brueggemann also says that “[h]ope is easy and flimsy for those who already have richness, fullness, and laughter now; but hope is hard for those who are denied the riches, prevented from fullness, and have no reason to laugh.”53 Therefore, the difficult task of prophetic energising is to minister this hope to people who have already become hopeless so that they can receive the new energy. Brueggemann goes further and says that “the task of prophetic imagination and ministry is to cut through the despair and to penetrate the dissatisfied coping that seems to have no end or resolution.”54 Brueggemann suggests the language of amazement as a tool that is able to cut through despair and the state of hopelessness among the people of God. Brueggemann states: The hope-filled language of prophecy, in cutting through the royal despair and hopelessness, is the language of amazement. It is a language that engages the community in new discernments and celebrations just when it had nearly given up and had nothing to celebrate. The language of amazement is against the despair just as the language of grief is against the numbness.55

Amazement has to do with a feeling of wonder; it is a feeling of being astonished or of being surprised.56 The language of amazement is the language that the prophets in the Old Testament used in confronting despair. It is the language that Moses used in bringing hope to the children of Israel who were in bondage in the land of Egypt. The ministry of Moses

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was full of signs and wonders as the language that God used in order to bring hope to the people. Saperstein points out, “When the redeemer Moses appeared and brought hope to the downtrodden and enslaved, he was welcomed not only by the Israelites but by all the oppressed Egyptians as well.”57 It is ultimately the language that God himself reveals to his prophets so that they can use it to deliver the people of God from despair. This is what the ministry of Jesus did; he brought hope in a time of hopelessness in order to energise the people who followed and believed in him. By turning water into wine, Jesus ministered hope to those who had lost wine during the wedding in Cana of Galilee.58 When Jesus multiplied the bread and fed thousands who were hungry, this was also the ministry of hope. Moreover, Jesus showed love and compassion to the crowds and was concerned about their wellbeing, which are also energising qualities.59 Similarly, the healing of many people in the gospels such as the lepers, the palsy, the woman with the issue of blood, the tormented, the blind, the deaf, the crippled and so on was a demonstration of hope to the hopeless.60 Furthermore, Jesus ministered hope to those living in bondage. It was the ministry of removing old energies and bringing in new energies. When he cast the demonic spirits out of their lives, it was the ministry of hope to them. In addition, we should look at Jesus as the epitome of the energy that is able to bring hope to the people not only through his ministry but also through his ultimate death on the cross. Brueggemann points out that “[t]he fully energized Lord of the church is not some godly figure in the sky but the slain Lamb who stood outside the royal domain and was punished for it.”61 Therefore, by dying on the cross of Calvary, Jesus ministered hope to a world full of despair and hopelessness. Prophetic energising is relevant for the prophetic ministry in the twenty-first century in Africa. This means that the prophet in new prophetic churches has the task of ministering hope to the people so that they can receive new energy. It is not the task of the prophet to discourage the people of God further through malpractices of prophecy, but to bring the believers in Africa to a place of much hope amid their hopelessness. The prophets of the twenty-first century can use the language of amazement to bring hope to the people of God who are in a state of despair. However, they need to be cautious of misusing this language of amazement, Brueggemann does not just speak of amazement but about the ethos of amazement. This means that the miracles or signs that prophets perform in a quest to bring hope to the hopeless should be performed ethically.

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Therefore, there is no need to engage in dangerous faith acts and controversial miracles in the name of giving people hope. The language of amazement should be done with careful consideration of not leading people astray in the name of bringing hope to them.

7.7   Prophetic Consciousness and Royal Consciousness in Pentecostalism Prophetic consciousness, as defined previously, is the consciousness of the suffering of the believers in their surroundings. As much as the believers want to be ignorant of the world around them as some Pentecostals in the early formation did, the reality is that while in the world they are susceptible to the sufferings of this world. In a world where there is so much going on in the twenty-first century, the practice of prophetic consciousness is a relevant one. It is an important theory within the framework of the prophetic imagination that reminds believers of the various challenges around them. According to Brueggemann, the notion of suffering is one of the important aspects of prophetic consciousness. The role of the prophet, then, is to prepare the people so that they can deal with the challenges of pain and suffering.62 Similar to other aspects of the prophetic imagination, the prophetic consciousness is able to reverse the dominant narrative created by politicians. According to Brueggemann, “[p]rophetic consciousness thereby is put on notice against every historical agent that assigns to itself enduring, even ontological, significance.”63 In this context, it is an approach that helps prophets to be conscious of their calling in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. Prophetic consciousness is discussed in contrast to the royal consciousness within the framework of prophetic imagination. In the words of Brueggemann, prophetic consciousness is perceived “as a paradigm for prophetic imagination in the formation of a consciousness that is a genuine alternative to the royal consciousness.”64 In other words, it is an approach that can move the believers away from the pretence of the royal consciousness in making them aware of the realities of life. According to Brueggemann, we need prophetic consciousness because: The royal consciousness with its program of achievable satiation has redefined our notions of humanness, and it has done that to all of us. It has created a subjective consciousness concerned only with self-satisfaction. It has denied the legitimacy of tradition that requires us to remember, of authority

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that expects us to answer, and of community that calls us to care. It has so enthroned the present that a promised future, delayed but certain, is unthinkable.65

It is the same reason why so many prophets in new prophetic churches are so much concerned about self-satisfaction, self-aggrandisement and self-gratification at the expense sometimes of their congregations, the majority of whom remain poor. Hence, the importance of the prophetic consciousness that stands in the gap between the followers of these prophets in bringing consciousness, reminding prophets not to be only concerned about their political connections but to also care about the people. Royal consciousness, which is sometimes termed “false consciousness,” deceives people into thinking that the world has no suffering. This is what the prosperity gospel, which is also embraced by the new prophetic churches, has done to believers. The prosperity gospel has made them think that the world is all about prosperity or success.66 Consequently, some prophets in the new prophetic churches have failed to address the challenges faced by the people in pursuit of a prosperous life. In this way, the prophet joins the politician in the propagation of the socio-economic challenges faced by the people in the twenty-first century. However, there is also the challenge of suffering while on earth. It is for this reason that Brueggemann suggests the prophetic consciousness to alert people that life is not only about enjoyment but also about suffering. The prophets in the twenty-first century need to teach the people that life is not only about the prosperity of the believers but also about the sufferings. Brueggemann asserts, “The royal consciousness leads people to despair about the power to move to new life. It is the task of prophetic imagination and ministry to bring people to engage the promise of newness that is at work in our history with God.”67 If we look carefully at the ministry of Jesus, it embraced the concept of suffering to bring victory to humanity. Christ and the cross are the ultimate symbols of the suffering that people must endure to receive ultimate victory in their lives. The cross is an example that one can go through suffering on the one hand and be able to overcome it on the other hand. Therefore, it is important that the prophet points the people not to the politician but to Christ in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. In addition, Christ and the cross represent the movement away from the royal consciousness towards the prophetic consciousness. Jesus was in

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constant confrontation with false consciousness by embracing the reality of suffering, but used the cross to overcome it. Brueggemann states: It is the crucifixion of Jesus that is the decisive criticism of the royal consciousness. The crucifixion of Jesus is not to be understood simply in good liberal fashion as the sacrifice of a noble man, nor should we too quickly assign a cultic, priestly theory of atonement to the event. Rather, we might see in the crucifixion of Jesus the ultimate act of prophetic criticism in which Jesus announces the end of a world of death.68

Therefore, rather than placing more reliance on the politician as prophets, such as Bushiri has done, there is a need to depend on the redemptive work of the cross of Jesus Christ. In doing so, prophets in new prophetic churches will reverse the dominant culture of the royal consciousness and embrace prophetic consciousness. A transition from royal consciousness to prophetic consciousness is possible when there are concrete prophets in the twenty-first century. This book does not aim to make a distinction between the false prophets and the true prophets in new prophetic churches. Except to point out (as discussed in the first section of the book) that the relationship between the prophets and the politicians demonstrates some aspects of falsehood in both the practices of prophecy and the conduct of the prophets. Therefore, it is pivotal to move to prophetic consciousness to embrace that concreteness in the practice of prophecy. The prophets in post-colonial Africa need to go back to the basics and ask what exactly is the role of the prophet in the church and in the public sphere. Is it to connect with politicians and get their mercy when facing challenges, or is it about the proclamation of the message of Christ on the cross and bringing hope to the people through such a message? In the words of Brueggemann, “It is the vocation of the prophet to keep alive the ministry of imagination, to keep on conjuring and proposing future alternatives to the single one the king wants to urge as the only thinkable one.”69 Therefore, the role of the prophet is not to entertain the politician but to bring an alternative message that will confront the old-order message or the dominant narrative sometimes propagated by the same politician. The role of the prophet is not only to conscientise the people of God about suffering, but also to point out that Christ has overcome such suffering.

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7.8  New Reality, Alternative Community and Pentecostalism The prophetic imagination can do away with the old realities in the lives of the people facing various challenges and bring in new realities. It ushers in the prophetic ministry to a new way of doing things, of thinking, acting and even living. However, for the new to come, the prophetic imagination also offers the prophetic ministry the ability to do away with the old order. This is the main task of the prophetic imagination and prophetic ministry: it is to offer an alternative way by bringing new realities and options for the people.70 According to Brueggemann, “[i]t is the task of the prophet to bring to expression the new realities against the more visible ones of the old order.”71 The new reality is the one that will energise the people, as opposed to the old order, which basically refers to the dominant culture. Hence, the prophetic imagination does not necessarily seek the repentance of the old regime, but its total dismantling to bring in the new one. Therefore, prophetic imagination is concerned with dismantling oppressive political structures to bring new ones. It follows that a prophet in new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa should also be concerned about bringing the new reality rather than conforming to the old oppressive realities. The prophet in the new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa is tasked with bringing hope to the people in order for them to move to new realities. Going back to the prophetic ministry of Moses, there is a realisation that his story was about bringing a new reality to the children of Israel as opposed to the realities that they faced when they were in the land of Egypt. In other words, the life of bondage in Egypt represents an old order for the children of Israel; whereas, the new life outside Egypt represents the new realities for them. Brueggemann puts it this way: “Moses and this narrative create the sense of new realities that can be trusted and relied upon just when the old realities had left us hopeless.”72 Hence, it is pointed out here that the prophetic ministry of Moses is an example that the old reality can be done away with to embrace the new reality. God worked in the prophetic ministry of Moses to usher the people of Israel into a new reality. This was not going to be possible if Moses was captured by the empire in Egypt. In addition, Moses and the Exodus story are an example that the old realities do not require renewal but needs to be dismantled to bring a new one that will usher in freedom for the people. According to Brueggemann, “Moses was also concerned not with societal

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betterment through the repentance of the regime but rather with totally dismantling it in order to permit a new reality to appear.”73 This means that the prophetic ministry in post-colonial Africa should not entertain the empire but rather envisage dismantling it. The prophetic imagination is a tradition that produces an alternative community. Brueggemann says, “The formation of an alternative community with an alternative consciousness is so that the dominant community may be criticized and finally dismantled. But more than dismantling, the purpose of the alternative community is to enable a new human beginning to be made.”74 However, for an alternative community to emerge, there is a need for new realities to be embraced in contrast to the old realities. In the case of Moses, he was able through the message of freedom (new reality) to introduce an alternative community outside the oppression that the Israelites faced in Egypt. Brueggemann lists the characteristics of an alternative community as follows: “First, the alternative life is lived in this very particular historical and historicizing community. Second, this community criticizes and energizes by its special memories that embrace discontinuity and genuine breaks from imperial reality. Last, this community, gathered around the memories, knows it is defined by and is at the disposal of a God who yet is unco-opted and uncontained by the empire.”75 Therefore, for an alternative community to be created in post-­ colonial Africa, the new prophetic churches cannot be captured by the empire but should speak against the oppression of the empire. The concrete prophetic ministry in post-colonial Africa cannot be deceived through political manipulation but should stand as an alternative community for the oppressed and the marginalised. Brueggemann states, “The alternative community to be shaped from the poor, hungry, and grieving is called to disengage from the woe pattern of life to end its fascination with that other ordering, and to embrace the blessing pattern.”76 Again, we can learn about the alternative community from both the prophetic ministry of Moses and the prophetic ministry of Jesus. According to Brueggemann, “the alternative community of Moses was given a new future by the God who brought freedom for slaves by his powerful word, which both dismantled and created a future and which engaged in radical energizing and radical criticizing.” In the New Testament, we also learn that Jesus—through his prophetic message of freedom and empowerment—sought to bring an alternative community for the people of God. Brueggemann continues to say that “the resurrection of Jesus made

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possible a future for the disinherited, as did the newness announced by Second Isaiah. The non-people in the non-history of Babylon were given a homecoming like the poor, hungry, and grieving in the history of Jesus.”77 This means that those previously perceived as outsiders by the political structures in the old order are now part of the kingdom of God. In this way, the alternative community is inclusive of all people, including the poor, marginalised, outcasts and so on. It is not the community that only concentrates on the relationship between the elite prophets and the political elites. Therefore, prophetic imagination is important in the development of an alternative community that includes all the people as opposed to the dominant community of the elites. This alternative community is important in the twenty-first century, where the current practice of prophecy only concentrates on the relationship between the prophets and the politicians. In summary, the prophetic imagination is the tradition that offers the prophetic ministry a new reality. This new reality is not necessarily a renewal project but rather a dismantling of the old order, as we saw in the prophetic ministry of Moses. In addition, the new reality ushers in an alternative community for the people of God. The new realities, as brought by the hopeful message of the prophet, are in a way creating an alternative community for the people. It embraces those who used to be downtrodden and outcasts. Therefore, the poor, the marginalised and the outcasts are part of the new reality in the alternative community. The prophet in new prophetic churches should be able to create a new reality that dismantles the old order. Hence, the importance of dissociating with the political elites to create such a new reality. In addition, the prophets in new prophetic churches should create an alternative community that is full of hope. This is an alternative community that will be able to embrace all the people of God regardless of their social status in post-colonial Africa. In the alternative community, the prophet in the twenty-first century should bring a message of hope (as opposed to a message of hopelessness) in the dominant community. It is for this reason that in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics in post-colonial Africa, prophets should not be in a compromising proximity to politicians.

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7.9  Conclusion This chapter unpacked Brueggemann’s theory of prophetic imagination to apply it to the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. It highlighted the five main aspects of this theory: prophetic freedom, prophetic criticism, radical criticism, prophetic energising and prophetic consciousness. In summary, Brueggemann’s theory of prophetic imagination is about five aspects. First, these are important in the development of the Pentecostal prophetic imagination, as new prophetic churches will be able to advocate for the freedom of the people through prophecy. Second, the prophets in prophetic imagination are expected to criticise constructively the political structures and systems that propagate the oppression of the people. Third, this theory is pivotal in confronting the empire that oppresses the people. Fourth, the prophetic imagination is important in the Pentecostal movement, as it brings new energy, new realities and new perspectives through prophetic energising. Fifth, the prophetic imagination is important to conscientise the people about their suffering, pain and grief, including the time of death.

Notes 1. Walter Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination. Revised edition. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press (1978). 2. Jessica Hooten Wilson, The scandal of holiness: Renewing your imagination in the company of literary saints. Ada, MI: Baker Publishing (2022): 112. 3. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 121. 4. Walter Brueggemann, The practice of prophetic imagination: Preaching an emancipating word Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press (2012). 5. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 9. 6. This biblical text is Luke 4:18–19. 7. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 9. 8. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 9. 9. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 45. 10. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 99. 11. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 64. 12. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 65. 13. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 67. 14. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 24. 15. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 41.

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16. Moyo, T. and M. Mamobolo, “The National Development Plan (NDP): A comparative analysis with the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) programme and the Accelerated and Shared-Growth Initiative (ASGISA).” Journal of Public Administration 49, no. 3 (2014): 946–959. 17. Metji Makgoba, “Constructing symbolic agendas with the discourse of black economic empowerment: Structural and political change in South African mining” (PhD diss., Cardiff University, 2019). 18. Sarah Bracking, “Black economic empowerment policy in Durban, eThekwini, South Africa: Economic justice, economic fraud and ‘leaving money on the table’,” Review of African Political Economy 46, no. 161 (2019): 415–441. 19. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “The relationship between the economic strand of contemporary Pentecostalism and neo-liberalism in post-1994 South Africa,” Religions 11, no. 4 (2020): 156–166. 20. Allan Aubrey Boesak, Kairos, crisis, and global apartheid: The challenge to prophetic resistance. New York: Springer (2016). 21. Rothney Tshaka and M. Karabo Makofane. “The continued relevance of black liberation theology for democratic South Africa today.” Scriptura: Journal for Contextual Hermeneutics in Southern Africa, 105, no. 1 (2010): 532–546. 22. Rothney Tshaka, “The black church as the womb of black liberation theology: Why the Uniting Reformed Church in Southern Africa (URCSA) is not a genuine black church.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 71, no. 3 (2015): 1–10. 23. The following scholarly books followed on the work of Walter Brueggemann in demonstrating that the prophetic imagination seeks to liberate the people from the oppressive powers. See Edmondson, Todd, Priest, prophet, pilgrim: Types and distortions of spiritual vocation in the fiction of Wendell Berry and Cormac McCarthy. Vol. 13. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2014). Cf. Ward-Lev, Nahum, The liberating path of the Hebrew prophets: Then and now. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books (2019). Cf. Ager, Alastair and Joey Ager, Faith, secularism, and humanitarian engagement: Finding the place of religion in the support of displaced communities. New York: Palgrave Macmillan (2015). 24. The following scholarly works define the prophetic imagination as a narrative and discourse of justice for all people. Sims, Michael J., “The prophetic imagination as the conduit for grace and fertile ground for students on the flatlands of a desacralized world.” DTh dissertation, La Salle University, 2021. Cf. Kevin Huber, Thy kingdom come: Healing racial dysfunction in the faith community through preaching and the prophetic imagination. St Louis, MO: Aquinas Institute of Theology (2008).

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25. Walter Brueggemann, The practice of prophetic imagination: Preaching an emancipating word. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press (2012). 26. Nyiawung, Mbengu D., “The prophetic witness of the church as an appropriate mode of public discourse in African societies.” HTS Theological Studies, 66, no. 1 (2010): 1–8. Cf. Justin West, “Mysticism and liberation: An exploration into the relationship between Howard Thurman’s spirituality and black theology,” Black Theology, 11, no. 1 (2013): 31–57. 27. Lisa Stephenson, “Prophetically political, politically prophetic: William Cavanaugh’s ‘theopolitical imagination’ as an example of Walter Brueggemann’s ‘prophetic imagination’.” Journal of Church and State, 53, no. 4 (2011): 567–586. 28. Golo, Ben-Willie Kwaku, “Redeemed from the earth? Environmental change and salvation theology in African Christianity: Christian faith and the earth.” Scriptura: Journal for Contextual Hermeneutics in Southern Africa, 111, no. 1 (2012): 348–361. Cf. Banda, Collium, “Complementing Christ? A soteriological evaluation of the anointed objects of the African Pentecostal prophets.” Conspectus: The Journal of the South African Theological Seminary, 2018, no. se2 (2018): 55–69. 29. Phillip Öhlmann, Wilhelm Gräb, and Marie-Luise Frost, African initiated Christianity and the decolonisation of development: Sustainable development in Pentecostal and independent churches. Abingdon, Routledge (2020). 30. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 13. 31. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 81. 32. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 95. 33. Michael Dantley, “Critical spirituality: Enhancing transformative leadership through critical theory and African American prophetic spirituality.” International Journal of Leadership in Education, 6, no. 1 (2003): 3–17. 34. Tracy Kuperus, “The political role and democratic contribution of churches in post-apartheid South Africa.” Journal of Church and State, 53, no. 2 (2011): 278–306. Cf. Kelebogile Resane, “Ichabod–The glory has departed: The metaphor showing the church’s prophetic failure in South Africa.” Pharos Journal of Theology, 97, no. 1 (2016): 1–12. 35. Anthony Balcomb, “From apartheid to the new dispensation: Evangelicals and the democratization of South Africa.” Journal of Religion in Africa, 34, no. 1–2 (2004): 5–38. 36. Collium Banda, “Mediating God’s relationality? A trinitarian perichoretic critique of the reliance on anointed objects in African neo-­Pentecostalism.” HTS: Theological Studies, 76, no. 1 (2020): 1–10. 37. Banda, Collium, “Is Africa godforsaken? Neo-Pentecostal prophetism on African human agency and transcendence.” Verbum et Ecclesia, 44, no. 1 (2023): 2696. Cf. Dube, Siphiwe Ignatius, “Decolonising the theologico-­ ­ political problem: Reading African neo/Pentecostalism

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through Mbembe’s improvisation.” Journal of Religion in Africa, 1, no. aop (2022): 1–21. 38. Walter Brueggemann, “At the mercy of Babylon: A subversive rereading of the empire.” Journal of Biblical Literature, 110, no. 1 (1991): 3–22. 39. Walter Brueggemann and Tod Linafelt, An introduction to the Old Testament: The canon and Christian imagination. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press (2021). Cf. Walter Brueggemann, Hopeful imagination: Prophetic voices in exile. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press (1986). 40. Noel Woodbridge and Willem Semmelink, “The prophetic witness of Amos and its relevance for today’s church in African countries for promoting social justice, especially in democratic South Africa.” Conspectus: The Journal of the South African Theological Seminary, 16, no. 09 (2013): 79–100. Cf. Parsitau, Damaris Seleina, From prophetic voices to lack of voice: Christian churches in Kenya and the dynamics of voice and voicelessness in a multi-religious space. (Pretoria: Unisa Press (2012). Cf. Maponya, Moses S. and Eugene Baron, “The recovery of the prophetic voice of the church: The adoption of a ‘missional church’ imagination.” Verbum et Ecclesia, 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–9. 41. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 9. 42. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 9. 43. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 9. 44. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 86. 45. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 86. 46. Allan Boesak, Children of the waters of Meribah: Black liberation theology, the Miriamic tradition, and the challenges of twenty-first-century empire. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2019). 47. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 9. 48. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 98. 49. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Dis/continuity of economic inequality and new prophetic churches in post-1994 South Africa.” In Ezra Chitando (ed) Religion and inequality in Africa. London: Bloomsbury, pp. 195–205 (2023). Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan (2021): 120. Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, The fourth Pentecostal wave in South Africa: A critical engagement. Abingdon: Routledge (2019). Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle and Allan H.  Anderson (eds), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Abingdon: Routledge (2020). 50. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 14. 51. Fred Bryant and Jamie A. Cvengros, “Distinguishing hope and optimism: Two sides of a coin, or two separate coins?” Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 23, no. 2 (2004): 273–302.

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52. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 101. 53. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 110. 54. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 63. 55. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 68. 56. Michael Dow, An Instruction Manual: Helping to lay the foundation for the Good Life for all of us by synchronizing our society with the fundamentals (based on science, research and observation), (Lulu.com, Morrisville, 2010). 57. Marc Saperstein, Agony in the pulpit: Jewish preaching in response to Nazi persecution and mass murder 1933–1945. Cincinnati, OH: Hebrew Union College Press (2018): 1–1200. 58. Darell Johnson, The glory of preaching: Participating in God’s transformation of the world. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press (2010). 59. Dawn Ottoni-Wilhelm, Preaching the Gospel of Mark: Proclaiming the power of God. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press (2008): 117. 60. Zorodzai Dube, Richard Bariu, Manus Chris Ukachukwu, Loreen Maseno, Hlulani Mdingi, Jesse Mugambi, Rose Nyirimana and Elliot Tofa, Healer: Reception of Jesus as healer during early Christianity and today. AOSIS (2020). 61. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 113. 62. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination xv. 63. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 34. 64. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 39. 65. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 37. 66. Hasu, Päivi, “Prosperity gospels and enchanted worldviews: Two responses to socio-economic transformation in Tanzanian Pentecostal Christianity.” In Pentecostalism and development: Churches, NGOs and social change in Africa. London: Palgrave Macmillan (2012), pp. 67–86. 67. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 60. 68. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 95. 69. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 40. 70. Michael Crosby, The dysfunctional church: Addiction and codependency in the family of Catholicism. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2011): 220. 71. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 14. 72. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 14. 73. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 21. 74. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 101. 75. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 101. 76. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 109. 77. Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination 113.

CHAPTER 8

Pneumatological Imagination: A Pentecostal Approach to the Political Theology of Prophecy

8.1   Introduction This chapter uses Amos Yong’s pneumatological imagination as the foundation for the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. The chapter will use the aspects of this theory to develop a relevant Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. Pneumatological imagination is relevant for the connection between the work of the Holy Spirit and Pentecostal prophecy. In addition, the theory is relevant to the intersectionality between God, human beings and the world. Furthermore, this theory can be used to illustrate that the same Holy Spirit who empowered the early church is able to empower believers today to witness to the rest of the world, including politicians. To achieve the above, the pneumatological imagination, as developed by Amos Yong, is introduced in the chapter and further engaged in relation to the practices of Pentecostal theology in South African Pentecostalism.

8.2   Amos Yong’s Theory

of Pneumatological Imagination

Amos Yong, one of the leading Pentecostal theologians of the twenty-first century, attributes the pioneering of the concept, “pneumatological imagination,” to Lucien Richard.1 However, it was Yong who framed pneumatological imagination as a theory that “provides us with a fundamental © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_8

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orientation to God, ourselves and the world, and renders more plausible the idea of God as present and active in the world.”2 Pneumatological imagination is rooted in the process of how the divine connects with the humane in making an impact in the world. The Spirit becomes that connection between the divine and the humane, which enables such an impact to be activated in terms of different aspects of life. This kind of imagination takes into cognisance the role of the Spirit and of pneumatic experiences in the imagination, which, in a way, have formed the foundations of the Pentecostal movement since its beginning.3 In other words, the pneumatological imagination is, first and foremost, founded on the Pentecostal theology of the Spirit, since Pentecostals believe in the baptism of the Holy Spirit as a foundational tenet of their theology. As their imagination is one of encountering God through the power of the Holy Spirit,4 Pentecostals tend to emphasise the direct relationship with God through the Holy Spirit.5 Yong explains that the pneumatological imagination’s reach “is extended by way of delving deeper, more radically, into the Pentecost narrative that is the bedrock of the Pentecostal theological movement and retrieving its pneumatological impulses for the wider ecumenical Christian theological task.”6 Therefore, the pneumatological imagination is closely connected to Pneumatology, being the theology of the Spirit within the Pentecostal movement. However, pneumatological imagination is not limited to the ordinary theology of the Spirit. Instead, it is the imagination itself that is inquisitive, thereby allowing us to question what is occurring in the world today, instead of merely accepting the existing status. In other words, pneumatological imagination, as opposed to ordinary pneumatology, transcends pneumatic experiences, so as to evaluate the impact that follows on the occurrence of such experiences. In other words, how the impact of being baptised in the Spirit or being filled with the Spirit relates to the challenges of the world requires consideration. Accordingly, a pneumatological imagination can be seen as a critical theoretical and theological framework for the investigating of the role of pneumatic experiences in the world. Yong states: The pneumatological imagination allows us to focus more explicitly on asking normative and material, questions pertaining to the various powers in the world-whether divine, natural, human, demonic, or otherwise; central to the normative aspect of the pneumatological imagination is normativism-­ the rejection of a positivistic and materialistic interpretation of power in the

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universe in favor of an approach that recognises power is not devoid of moral or spiritual values and disvalues within the cosmological and natural processes of the world.7

Drawing from this explanation by Yong, it suffices to say that pneumatological imagination is a critical imagination that addresses power structures in the world, from the vantage point of the theology of the Spirit. Therefore, a pneumatological imagination is a relevant imagination, in terms of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy, because prophecy is not to be understood only from a Spirit-filled theological approach, but also in regards to how it engages with the politics of the present world. Therefore, in framing a pneumatological imagination, Yong exceeds the various aspects of pneumatological theology. In addition to the pneumatological imagination being rooted in pneumatology, it also takes cognisance of the different elements of Christology, including the birth, life, crucifixion, death and resurrection of Christ.8 Pentecostal Christology itself is closely related to pneumatology.9 Christ himself is seen as the one who baptises in the Holy Spirit and in the fire.10 In addition, it is through the Spirit, according to Kärkkäinen, that “the believer is able to confess that Jesus is Lord.”11 It is also important to point out that the events of the infilling of the Holy Spirit happen at Jesus’ command in Luke–Acts. The Holy Spirit does not emerge from a vacuum, but arises out of Jesus having asked for such from his Father, in terms of which Jesus instructs his disciples to wait for the event of being filled with the Spirit. For Yong, Christology and pneumatology in Pentecostal theology are interwoven, or, rather, inseparable.12 Therefore, pneumatology must not be perceived as a separate entity within Pentecostal theology, but as an essential part of Pentecostal Christology. In addition, a pneumatological imagination should not be seen as a “Spirit” only imagination, but, instead, as being inclusive of a Pentecostal Christology, as well. The point is key in the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-­ colonial Africa, due to such a theology not only having to be based on the “Spirit,” but also having to be Christocentric. However, significantly, the difference that pneumatology makes as opposed to Christology is that, in the case of the former, the omnipresent Spirit is regarded as dwelling in many believers throughout different parts of the world. In addition, the Spirit illuminates further the initial revelation of Christ, as taught to the disciples, although it is still important to point out that he in no way contradicts the original message of Christ.

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Pneumatological imagination is connected to the events of the Pentecost festival.13 Such a reference is made to the event of receiving the Holy Spirit and other pneumatic experiences following on the infilling of the Spirit. Pentecostal theology recognises Pentecost as an important event for the pneumatological imagination. Yong says that the pneumatological imagination both flows out from, and then allows performative engagement with, the truths that feature in the Pentecost narrative that are central to Pentecostal theology.14 Hence, Pentecost forms the centre of the pneumatological imagination. The pneumatic experiences, as they are narrated in the biblical text in Acts 2:1–4, are a point of departure for a pneumatological imagination. In accordance with the text, Yong expounds on the three aspects of the pneumatological imagination that are key to the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. The first aspect is “the elements related to the Spirit’s infilling.”15 The biblical text clearly states that, on the day of Pentecost, as they were gathered together, they received the Holy Spirit. Hence, receiving the Holy Spirit, which is also known as the infilling of the Holy Spirit, is the basis for a pneumatological imagination. This aspect of the pneumatological imagination recognises the work of the Holy Spirit in connection with the divine, as well as in relation to the need to accept, and to act in terms of, earthly responsibilities. Yong explains: The pneumatological imagination thus construed both emerges from out of the day of Pentecost blustering of the divine wind and invites us to think in, through, and with that breath. The work of the Spirit therefore makes possible our stepping into that experiential reality but yet surely in and through such entry, makes possible our seeing or understanding God and the world, ourselves included, from within that space-time.16

In accordance with the above, the believer partakes in the divine experience through their pneumatic experiences, as informed by the work of the Holy Spirit. The relationship between humanity and God is established through Pentecost. However, for Yong, the concept does not end there, as such an experience must result in a thorough understanding of what is currently occurring in the world. This means that pneumatological imagination helps the Spirit-filled believer to engage with the world, including the world of politics. Consequently, the Spirit-filled prophet is able, in the twenty-first century, to engage in the political world through Spirit-filled prophecy.

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The second aspect, according to Yong, consists of “the aspects related to sensory engagement,”17 as occurred on the day of Pentecost. By “sensory engagement” is meant that, when the Spirit comes upon the believer, it causes bodily reactions or movements. Such engagement marks the transition from pneumatic experience to bodily experiences in terms of the Pentecost event or festival. The pneumatological imagination, especially in regard to the Pentecost experience in Acts 2:1–4, has an impact on human bodies. Not only does the Holy Spirit come to dwell within the human spirit, but it also has an impact on the human body as well. Such an experience not only occurred during the original Pentecost, but even occurs today, in the twenty-first century, each time believers receive the Holy Spirit internalising itself within them, there is a bodily reaction. Yong says that the impact of the introduction of the Holy Spirit into the life of humans, in terms of their physical bodies, “means that there is an embodied, which means also richly affective, dimension of the pneumatological imagination so that theological thinking emerges from out of, not by ignoring, the affections of human life and experience.”18 In addition, the above means that the pneumatic experiences that are originally activated by the Holy Spirit do not only end at the spirit level, but are also able to spread throughout the human body in its totality, meaning that the pneumatological imagination penetrates the physiological, psychological and emotional domains.19 This is where the pneumatological imagination connects with the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. As the pneumatological imagination is not only concerned with the divine connection made possible through the Spirit, the same Spirit also connects with human nature. Therefore, the task of the prophet in the twenty-first century is not only to connect with the Spirit, but also to translate the spiritual into both the natural and the physical. The task of the prophet in the twenty-first century, in other words, is to bring the work of the Holy Spirit, as occurred during Pentecost, into equilibrium with the sociopolitical challenges brought about in developing the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. The infilling of the Spirit must, therefore, result in tangible works that affect human beings within both the theoretical and the theological framework of a pneumatological imagination. The final aspect of the pneumatological imagination consists of the “features related to the phenomenology of environmental experience.”20 In this book, the current authors prefer to express the concept as “features related to the phenomenology of sociopolitical experiences.” However, Yong and the formulation in this text are closely related, since

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environmental experience includes sociopolitical experience. In terms of the above, pneumatological imagination is understood, not as an individualistic experience, but as one that involves other human beings and their social and political relations with others. According to Yong, “[p]neumatological imagination is a modality of engaging with and then reflecting on the world that is both interpersonal and intersubjective and can be so surely in and through dynamically embodied relations.”21 The events of Pentecost, as recorded in Acts 2:1–4, enabled the existing believers to begin to understand, and to relate, to one other, even leading to engagement with one another as a result of them being Spirit-filled.22 This aspect of pneumatological imagination makes the intersectionality of prophecy and politics possible, because, to be Spirit-filled does not mean being ignorant of the pre-existing sociopolitical aspects, as some early Pentecostals were, at the beginning of the twentieth century. It is, therefore, a challenge to the prophets in the twenty-first century to engage with the sociopolitical aspects of their lives, through the framework of pneumatological imagination. The following sections of this chapter are based on the three aspects of pneumatological imagination as developed by Yong, that is, Spirit-infilling, sensory engagement and sociopolitical experience. However, firstly, we need to understand the nature of pneumatological imagination as being the convergence of God and human beings.

8.3   Pneumatological Imagination as the Convergence of God and Humanity Pneumatological imagination recognises the importance of God, as the source of all human activity. In terms of such an imagination, the images of God and of human beings are interconnected, as a sign of God’s involvement with humanity.23 Although Yong makes such a connection from the events of Pentecost, it is important to point out that, right from the time of Genesis, at the beginning of creation, humans could not perform anything until God himself breathed his breath into them, at which time they became living souls. Even in relation to the issues of environmental experience, the Spirit moved upon the face of the waters in Genesis. Therefore, the inspiration of the Spirit of God upon human beings starts not with the Pentecost festival in the New Testament, but, rather, with God breathing his Spirit upon human beings in the Old Testament. However, Pentecost becomes a secondary event that connects to the

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creation story in Genesis. Similarly to in the case of the creation story, the day of the Pentecost signifies the coming of the divine to participating in human life. The Pentecost event, as with the announcement of the birth of Christ, marks the coming of the kingdom of God to human beings on earth. Therefore, the pneumatological imagination is an imagination that enables the convergence of God and humanity through Pentecost. Yong explains that “[t]he day of Pentecost narrates the coming of the divine wind into the creaturely sphere, entering into conventionally constructed abodes, alighting on measly flesh, and stimulating creaturely utterances.”24 The above means that, for a prophetic ministry to be functional in the twenty-first century, a connection should exist between God and human beings, as effected by the events of Pentecost, in terms of the infilling of the Holy Spirit. Otherwise, the prophetic ministry remains empty and dry, as was the human body that lacked God’s breath in Genesis and the human bodies that were not yet infilled by God’s Spirit in Acts. The convergence of God and human beings in the pneumatological imagination is important for developing the full potential of human beings on earth. In other words, the more that human beings are connected with their creator through the Spirit, the more they are able to perform great exploits. According to Yong, “pneumatological imagination is … a site at which deity and humanity converge, … we can also say that such convergence encloses and encases human bodies in their fullness and complexity.”25 Human beings are unable to realise their full potential without connecting with the Creator. Therefore, we cannot discuss theology without the involvement of God in the life of human beings. We cannot talk about the involvement of God without understanding the process that demonstrates such involvement, including the Pentecost. Of key importance here to the pneumatological imagination is the fact that, through adopting such an approach and theology, a clear understanding has evolved regarding what the involvement of God with human beings entails.26 Through Pentecost, the believers are able to have a human experience of God, in terms of the Spirit.27 Prophetic ministry should be understood to consist of the involvement of God in the affairs (including political) of human beings. Therefore, to be able to minister to human beings, including politicians, a prophet in the twenty-first century should be rooted in God himself. In the pneumatological imagination, we understand that prophets should not just speak in their own words, but after hearing from God himself. Therefore, ministering the God-inspired Word empowers prophets to confront the wrongdoings performed in the political space,

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which would not occur if no convergence existed between God and the prophets involved. In relation to pneumatological imagination, a distinction is made between prophecy as God-inspired word and the performance of prophecies as part of human beings’ intellectual endeavour. A prophet can, through their own intellect, speak as though they were doing so on behalf of God, while, in essence, they are merely saying what they themselves think of a particular situation, which is opposed to prophecy as a direct revelation coming from God. The latter can only be achieved through the convergence between the prophet and God, within the framework of pneumatological imagination. So, it should not be assumed that all prophets in post-colonial Africa are speaking God’s inspired word. Hence, in Jeremiah 23:21, God says: “I have not sent these prophets, yet they ran: I have not spoken to them, yet they prophesied.”28 The verse means that it is possible for prophets to speak, even if they are not sent, or given the word, by God. However, the challenge is that, in post-colonial Africa, so many followers of new prophetic churches cannot tell whether the prophets concerned are sent by God or whether they are making pronouncements in their own right.29 A sign that some prophets are not sent by God is that the lives of those who hear their words tend to remain unchanged. Accordingly, the existing oppressive political structures remain intact, even in the presence of so many prophets with churches already in place throughout Africa. According to Jeremiah 23:22, “if they had stood in my counsel, and had caused my people to hear my words, then they should have turned them from their evil way, and from the evil of their doings.”30 When there is no sign of change in the behaviour of those preached to by the prophets, it might be a sign of disconnection between the one prophesying and God. To transform such a situation, the need exists for the embracing of a pneumatological imagination, which should bring about a connection between the prophet and God. In summary, the prophetic ministry in post-colonial Africa, from a pneumatological imagination perspective, should centre on God, which is made possible when convergence exists between God and the prophets concerned. When God is at the centre of their being, prophets should be able to speak with the authority of the inspiration with which God provides them.31 The prophetic ministry in the twenty-first century should be able to connect human beings back to their God, rather than alienating them from the divine presence. In other words, the approach that adopts the pneumatological imagination as its core is able substantially to

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strengthen the relationship between human beings and God, through the convergence of God and the prophet. Therefore, a prophetic ministry in the twenty-first century, instead of being divisive, should be one that reconciles human beings with others, on the one hand, and human beings with their God on the other. The challenge in the twenty-first century is that many prophets in new prophetic churches wish to portray themselves as being powerful, so that they can become the centre of attraction, instead of focusing on God himself. In addition, some of the prophecies given in the new prophetic churches seem to be designed so as purposively to divide society.32 Consequently, the above situation also compromises the convergence between human beings and God. Pneumatological imagination is required in the first instance to reconcile human beings with their creator, and, in the second instance, to reconcile human beings with one another. Therefore, the prophetic ministry, through the development of a pneumatological imagination, is important in post-colonial Africa, where politics of polarisation and politics of divide and rule prevail. The pneumatological imagination is key to social cohesion, action and interaction between people of different backgrounds, as is the case in South Africa.

8.4  God as Present and Active in the World The pneumatological imagination is an imagination in terms of God descending through his Spirit from heaven to the earth, so that he can be active in the world.33 Possessing such an imagination enables the bridging not only of the distance between the divine and the humane, but also of that between human beings and their differences.34 Such a phenomenon is also seen in the Pentecost experience, during which the Holy Spirit of God comes to dwell in believers. Such an event also reveals itself in the pneumatological imagination, that God is not only the God of heaven, but also God who is active in the world. The pneumatological imagination conceives of the possibility of the transformation of the world through the Holy Spirit. Wolfgang Vondey says that pneumatological imagination “revives the emphasis on the role of the Spirit in the imagination and expands that emphasis to include also the pragmatic, affective and spiritual effects of the Holy Spirit on the transformation of God’s people.”35 The Holy Spirit then becomes an agent of God’s passion, and a sign that he is involved in the world.36 The pneumatological imagination not only confines the presence of God in the world to ecclesial experiences, but, in addition, sees it in relation to other experiences in the world as well.

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Therefore, a pneumatological imagination is an encounter between God and the world through the Holy Spirit, meaning that God is not only the God of the church, but also present for humanity, nature and the environment. In terms of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, God is present in the political system. His presence becomes a reality on the Spirit-filled believer participating in the political space. Therefore, instead of maintaining the inward-looking approach of the early Pentecostals, the prophets in new prophetic churches should be concerned about participating in the world of politics. Thus, the knowledge that God is active in the world should be a starting point for the desire to bring the Gospel to the broken world, including the world of politics. Accordingly, through such adoption of the pneumatological imagination, it becomes an approach demonstrating the involvement of God through his Spirit, which is relevant for addressing the issue of political crisis in post-colonial Africa.37 Such an approach serves as an acknowledgment through the pneumatological imagination that God is present, amid the political challenges that are present in the world. In other words, pneumatological imagination, through God’s presence in the world, is an assurance that the political challenges concerned fall under the control of the divine. Therefore, the political crisis in the world is engaged with through a pneumatological imagination that acknowledges God’s presence through his Spirit in the world. In terms of such an approach, the prophetic ministry in the new prophetic churches should not be seen as a gimmicky exercise, but, rather, as an assurance to the people of God regarding his presence in the world, amid the prevailing political crises. In this way, any political crisis can be engaged with in a meaningful way through the use of a pneumatological imagination. Thereby, the pneumatological imagination remains relevant through the presence of God, which comes from the Holy Spirit to the prophets in new prophetic churches, so as to facilitate their engagement with the politics of the day in post-colonial Africa. The pneumatological imagination is also an imagination that is relevant to regime change, particularly in the case of long-lasting political crises. Such a situation was the case when Pharaoh refused to relent and let the children of Israel go, which meant that regime change had to occur through the intervention of God. Accordingly, God used Moses to confront the oppression of the children of Israel in Egypt. The ability of the children of Israel to deal with the stubbornness of the Pharaoh, hence,

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proved to them the omnipresence of God on earth. Exodus 13:20–22 assures us that God is present among the people of God: God went ahead of them in a Pillar of Cloud during the day to guide them on the way, and at night in a Pillar of Fire to give them light; thus they could travel both day and night. The Pillar of Cloud by day and the Pillar of Fire by night never left the people.38

Thus, in the Old Testament, the pillars of cloud and fire symbolised the presence of God. In the New Testament, the Holy Spirit, likewise, symbolises that God is with his people, through the utilisation of the pneumatological imagination. Therefore, a pneumatological imagination, which is grounded in the assurance of God’s presence, enables the confrontation of an oppressive political system and the provision of a solution to any political crisis. Similarly, Moses and the children of Israel, imbued with God’s Spirit, were able to confront Pharoah’s oppression. The pneumatological imagination, accordingly, becomes an approach in terms of which the prophet in the twenty-first century should also confront the political system, through their empowerment by the very same presence of God.

8.5  Spirit-Oriented Imagination The pneumatological imagination is a framework that is Spirit-driven, since its beginning can be traced from the Pentecost, particularly in terms of the coming of the Holy Spirit upon the believers concerned.39 Pneumatological imagination is based on the theology of the Spirit within the Pentecostal movement.40 Davis explains that “[t]he pneumatological imagination is a radically integrated hermeneutic that is Spirit-oriented, Jesus centred, and dynamically communal in nature, revealing that a pneumatologically motivated imagination.”41 This Spirit-oriented imagination enables the God of heaven to make his works known on earth. The Holy Spirit is the vehicle that makes convergence possible between that which is divine and that which is humane. Prophecy from a Spirit-oriented imagination is defined as that which is led, guided and inspired by the Holy Spirit, as occurred on the day of Pentecost.42 The Spirit-oriented pneumatological imagination helps us to understand that prophecy cannot possibly be a human manipulation, but, instead, it is a Spirit-led exercise. Therefore, for a prophetic ministry to be successful in the twenty-first century, it should be based on the work of the Holy Spirit, and not on the

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works of human beings. Such a prophecy is relevant to engagement with the political world in terms of post-colonial Africa. The pneumatological imagination allows prophecy in post-colonial Africa to be driven by the Holy Spirit, rather than by popularity. Romans 8:14 clearly states that those who are led by the Spirit are the sons of God.43 This means that a Spirit-led prophecy, through a pneumatological imagination, affirms the relationship between the prophet concerned and God. The opposite is also true, namely that, when the Holy Spirit is absent from the ministry of the prophet, the evil spirit takes over possession of the preaching of the prophet. Hence, in the last decade, the practices of Pentecostal prophecy in post-colonial Africa have tended to be dominated by multiple controversies and malpractices.44 The question pertains to what kind of spirit is behind such prophecies, as it, clearly, cannot be the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit cannot lead prophets to abuse others by means of manipulating them into participating in scams. Similarly, the Holy Spirit cannot lead prophets to perform bizarre miracles and other controversial acts. When such incidents occur, it means that the Holy Spirit has departed from the prophets involved, and the evil spirit has taken them over instead. The challenge for believers in Africa in the twenty-first century is for them to be able to come to distinguish between the Holy Spirit-led prophet and one who is led by an evil spirit, meaning that they need to be able to distinguish between divination and true prophetic ministry that is led by the Holy Spirit. As the spirit world consists not only of the Holy Spirit but also of other spirits,45 it is of key importance to be able to distinguish between the different spirits. Accordingly, a pneumatological imagination is a relevant approach for the discernments of spirits.46 Pneumatological imagination, in terms of Spirit-oriented prophecy, is also relevant for the prophetic ministry to be free from political influence in post-colonial Africa. A Spirit-oriented prophecy is one that is driven and led by the Holy Spirit, and not one that is subject to manipulation by political elites.47 Similarly, the practice of prophecy among the Apostles in the early church was free from the political systems of their time, because it was the product of the Pentecost event, meaning that the Spirit received in Acts 2 became the foundation of their practice as a Pentecostal prophecy, which also meant that their imagination was pneumatological. The prophetic ministry of the early church, was free from other influences, including that of such magicians as Simon Magus, who wanted to buy the prophetic gift and the ability to perform miracles.48 Therefore, the

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prophetic ministry of the early church, which was unaffected by the political system of the time, operated under the direction and leadership of the Holy Spirit. An important aspect of the pneumatological imagination in the twenty-first century was its not being at the mercy of the political elite, but, rather, under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. The challenge for the prophet in post-colonial Africa is to be free from political control, as well as from other powers of magic, cults and witchcraft manipulations.49 Therefore, the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa is centred on the work of the Holy Spirit, and it is not subject to the manipulation of the political elite. The connection between pneumatology and Christology in Pentecostal theology is that the Spirit-oriented pneumatological imagination is centred on Christ. Baker states, “Since the Holy Spirit is the Spirit of Christ, Pentecostal theology—though pneumatologically-oriented—remains Christ-centered.”50 In other words, the prophet in post-colonial Africa cannot point people to himself, but, instead, directs them towards Christ. In terms of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, the prophet cannot point people to the politicians, but, instead, points them towards Christ. The result is that Christ himself is the centre of prophecy, and not human beings. The pneumatological imagination does not ignore the role played by Christ in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. In fact, as pointed out previously, the imagination is one that finds a balance between pneumatology and Christology. However, the tendency exists among prophets in the new prophetic churches to compete with Christ, by means of pointing out what they deem to be the insufficiency of Christ, so that their followers can come to depend on them, instead of on Christ. In post-colonial Africa, particularly among the new prophetic churches, the tendency exists for there to be reliance on the person of the prophet, instead of for there to be reliance on the person of Christ. In terms of a pneumatological imagination, Christ is still regarded as being sufficient, with such regard signifying the presence of a Spirit-oriented imagination. Therefore, once again a pneumatological imagination is important in post-colonial Africa, in terms of causing prophecy to be Spirit-oriented, without it losing its central focus on Christ.

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8.6   Pneumatological Imagination and Spiritual Empowerment A pneumatological imagination is activated through the empowerment of the Spirit. The Spirit empowerment, like all other aspects of a pneumatological imagination, demonstrates that God’s activity in the world is performed through him releasing his power through the Spirit.51 Spirit-empowered believers are agents of the pneumatological imagination, which basically means that they are agents for transformation of the world around them. According to Acts 1:8, the believers were told to wait in Jerusalem, so that they could receive power when the Holy Spirit came upon them. This means that baptism in the Holy Spirit results in empowerment by the same Spirit within the framework of the pneumatological imagination. According to Baker “pneumatological imagination directs us toward an understanding of how the Holy Spirit can be seen to direct human history: namely, through the empowerment of God’s people to live out their faith in an authentic reflection of the Kingdom of God.”52 Accordingly, it follows that, in terms of the prophetic imagination, the believer does not do things in their own power, but by the power of the Holy Spirit. Similarly, a prophet is expected to prophesy through the power of the Holy Spirit, and not through their own power or manipulation. The performance of miracles is to be done through the power of the Holy Spirit within the ambit of a Spirit-empowered pneumatological imagination. The pneumatological imagination is the recognition that the power of the Holy Spirit is a force to be reckoned with in terms of the spirit realm. Hence, Pentecostals are not afraid of evil spirits, because the Holy Spirit is more powerful than are evil spirits in the spirit realm. Nyanni explains: Pentecostalism provides security against witchcraft and vindictive spirits which the people notoriously fear. In contrast to the mainline western missionaries, Pentecostals believe in the existence of witchcraft and evil spirits, however, through the power of the Holy Spirit they can confront these malevolent spirits.53

The conquest of other forces by the Holy Spirit is not only seen in the spirit realm, in relation to evil spirits, but also seen in the political realm, where it faces political crises. The same Holy Spirit is an especially powerful Spirit in comparison to the political powers or forces that are present in

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terms of sociopolitical experience. Thus, the pneumatological imagination is not only relevant in the spiritual realm, but also relevant within the political realm. The power of the Holy Spirit stands in contrast to the political powers that are used to abuse the people of God. In similar vein, Moses was empowered to demonstrate to Pharaoh that God is the most powerful being. In the same way, the prophets in the twenty-first century need to demonstrate the power of God, not only in ecclesial settings, but also before the political system. As a result of the above, the Holy Spirit is a competitive power, within the framework of the pneumatological imagination, against all different negative forces and energies.54 However, some of the prophets in new prophetic churches have been secretly consulting some traditional healers and sangomas, in search of power that they can use to achieve full congregations.55 The testimony of Pastor Ramabulana concerns the dark and mafia-like world of some prophets who secretly visit spiritualists and fetish priests in search of the power that they require to be able to prophesy in their churches.56 In order to achieve such power, the prophets concerned do not necessarily rely on the power of the Holy Spirit, but on other powers in the spirit world, so as to enhance their practices of prophecy in a way resembling the actions of a traditional healer in traditional African religious practice.57 While some prophets use the genuine power of the Holy Spirit, they do so to enhance their popularity. In essence, the empowerment of the Holy Spirit is mainly used for the purpose of witnessing to those who do not know Christ as their personal Saviour. The empowerment of the Holy Spirit is not employed as a mechanism for entertaining believers or followers of the new prophetic churches. The empowerment of the Holy Spirit does not occur so that the church can attract many followers, thereby enabling the pastors to drive large cars and to live in mansions, but it occurs for the primary purpose of reaching out to those who do not yet know Christ. Thus, in recent years the power of the Holy Spirit has been much abused, which has severely negative effects on the pneumatological imagination. The pneumatological imagination is the realisation that, as much as the power of the Holy Spirit can be poured out upon prophets, their believers, too, can receive the same power,58 because, in the book of Acts, the power of the Holy Spirit is received by all, including the church leaders, their followers and others.59 Therefore, the notion that the man or woman of God is more powerful than others is a deception. If a prophecy reflects the true power of God, it will be received by everyone, and not just by the elites, in the form of prophets. The above leads to an important question: since

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the prophets are always claiming to be more powerful than others, which power are they using? The question connects with a point made earlier regarding the discernment of spirits, with it, in the present instance, being the discernment of powers. Again, the challenge for a believer in post-­ colonial Africa is to discern what power lies behind the words of the prophet. Does such an individual use the power of God or other powers? In the performance of controversial and bizarre miracles, the conclusion can be drawn that some of the prophets in new prophetic churches do not, necessarily, operate under the power of God. Therefore, in post-colonial Africa, the need exists to discern the power behind the pulpit, as well as behind the performance of miracles and prophetic ministry. The power dimension is an important aspect of the pneumatological imagination in terms of the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy.

8.7   Pneumatic Prophetic Witness Possession of a pneumatological imagination leads to the ability of believers to witness to the world through the very same power of the Holy Spirit.60 When empowered by the Holy Spirit, believers are encouraged to witness to the rest of the world, including politicians.61 The prophetic witness concerned is strengthened through the empowerment of the Holy Spirit. In terms of the pneumatological imagination concerned, believers are bold enough to minister the Gospel to others, including strangers. The biblical texts in Acts 1 and 2 indicate that not only the prophet is able to minister the Gospel to others, but so are all believers empowered to witness to others. Therefore, the possession of a pneumatological imagination consists of an approach that is able to transform the world, through pneumatic prophetic witness to others.62 The growth of Pentecostalism is an indication of the above, with every believer being empowered by the Holy Spirit to be able to witness to others.63 The growth of Pentecostalism is based on the ability of all believers, regardless of their age, gender and other demographics, to witness to others.64 Such ability is what makes a Pentecostal theology uniquely distinct, since the power to witness is not limited to merely the clergy, but it is, rather, a gift that is given to all believers. This is an important aspect of a pneumatological imagination, particularly in terms of the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. Not only the prophets should witness to politicians, but all believers are endowed with an ability to do the same.

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According to the Pentecost narrative, the Holy Spirit can give prophets an ability to understand languages. If tongues, as per the account in Acts 2, are interpreted beyond glossolalia (the speaking of strange tongues) to refer to xenolalia (the gift of languages), it means that Spirit baptism allows believers to understand different languages. This means that the prophet in the twenty-first century, through spiritual baptism, is also given an ability to understand the language of politicians, so as to be able to confront their system. Therefore, a pneumatological imagination, as much as it is Spirit-oriented, is also very much linguistic, in terms of its intent to help the prophetic ministry to communicate its message to different systems, including the political system.65 Knowing the language of the person who needs to hear the message of the Gospel is important when witnessing to them. Therefore, knowing the language of politicians is important to prophets, so that they can reach out to them. Such knowledge makes language or communication an aspect of the pneumatological imagination that is key to prophetic witness. To be able to reach out to others, the need exists for both xenolalia and glossolalia.66 Therefore, a pneumatological imagination through the Spirit is able to bring the believer into a different understanding of the system prevailing in the world, even beyond the aspect of human languages.67 However, believers are expected to reach not only the elite, but the whole world. Yong says that “[t]he pneumatological imagination is aspirationally universal in its horizons and enfolding capacities.”68 Yong points out that the “pneumatological imagination belongs to all the disciples of Jesus,”69 and is not just for the select few. The pneumatic prophetic witness, which is not limited to the local context, is able to move from one context to another within the global context. Davis notes that “[t]he pneumatological imagination is therefore a deeply embodied, social, universal, and cosmic means of interpretation that emphasizes the divine longing to incorporate all of creation in the process of encountering the triune God.”70 In addition, as many signs and wonders occurred in the early church, many people from diverse backgrounds were attracted to the church. Therefore, a pneumatic prophetic witness is not only the outreach aspect of witnessing, but also the attraction of people to the church that is embraced by a pneumatological imagination. Even before the Gospel, Jerusalem to receive the power when the Holy Spirit comes upon them. The universality of the pneumatological imagination includes consideration of the poor and the marginalised in communities.71 Therefore, a prophetic ministry in the twenty-first century should be concerned with

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reaching not only the political elite, but also the poor and the previously disadvantaged. According to Yong, [t]his universality, however, privileges those from the so-called underside of history: women, the young, and servants or slaves. These who are the socially marginalized in patriarchal and aristocratic gerontocracies are the receptors of the Spirit’s blowing. The pneumatological imagination, in other words, lifts up those whose voices have been historically and traditionally sidelined, whether because of gender, power, or class/economics.72

In the context of the prophets in the new prophetic churches, the desire to connect politically should not be satisfied at the expense of reaching out to the marginalised in Pentecostal circles. The desire to reach out to the political elites should not obstruct the need for reaching out to those that require help in the form of the poor and the marginalised. Therefore, the universality of the Gospel in post-colonial Africa is not hindered by the ignorance of the poor and the marginalised in many African contexts. All these aspects of a pneumatological imagination form part of the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy, as is discussed in the next section.

8.8   Pneumatological Imagination: The Foundation of Pentecostal Political Theology A Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is not founded on a relationship between a prophet and a politician, but on the relationship between the prophet and their God. A strength of biblical prophecy, both in terms of the Old Testament and the New was that God was the foundation of the prophecies delivered by the prophets. In brief, the essence of prophecy speaks out on behalf of God. Thus, when a prophet ceases to hear messages directly from God, the probability of conveying a wrong message is very high. Therefore, the challenge for the prophet in post-colonial Africa is being rooted in their relationship with God, which enables them to say “thus says the Lord.” The importance of pneumatological imagination lies here, within the intersectionality of prophecy and politics. When the prophets concerned are able to embrace such an imagination, they are able to hear from God and to speak in boldness to the political system in post-­ colonial Africa. Therefore, the strength of the twenty-first-century prophets lies not in their relationships with politicians in high places, but in their

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relationship with God, so that they can speak God’s word to the people. In the absence of a pneumatological imagination that is grounded in God, prophets in post-colonial Africa are more likely to continue to rely on their own understanding in terms of the delivery of prophecies. In addition, they are more likely to continue to depend on politicians for cover-ups when they have to face legal challenges, as is the case with prophet Shepherd Bushiri. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should be Spirit-­ oriented, but it should still acknowledge Christ as the centre of being. The fundamental mistake that some of the prophets in new prophetic churches make lies in their belief that embracing the Spirit means that they have to replace Christ with their good self.73 In other words, they come to rely overly much on the work of the Spirit, or to overemphasise the role of pneumatology among the new prophetic churches at the expense of Christology.74 Consequently, some of the prophets in the new prophetic churches tend to preach about the insufficiency of Christ, so that their followers continue to embrace them and their message, instead of Christ and his message.75 Therefore, in such churches, some of the prophets have falsely assumed the place of Christ, because they wish to project themselves as being powerful men and women of God.76 However, rather than the pneumatological imagination of Yong suggesting a pneumatology from which Christology is absent, it suggests a pneumatology that is interwoven with Christology. In other words, to accept the Holy Spirit is to accept Christ, and to accept Christ is to accept the Holy Spirit. In the end, a pneumatological imagination is trinitarian, in the sense that it is God the Father who releases the Holy Spirit on believers, because God the Son (Christ) has made such a request on their behalf. Therefore, a pneumatological imagination does not acknowledge the presence of the Spirit at the expense of Christ. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should rely on the power of the Holy Spirit in a way that is differentiated from the traditional African religious practice of prophecy.77 The central question for the prophets in the new prophetic churches does not regard power per se, but, rather, whose power they use in the delivery of the prophecy. In answering this question, we need to understand a pneumatological imagination as being an imagination that draws on the power of the Holy Spirit. In embracing this imagination, the source for the performance of prophecies and other miracles in new prophetic churches should be the power of the Holy Spirit. Such a fact is particularly important in the twenty-first century

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in terms of the African context, where confusion exists regarding the source of the performance of prophecies, signs and wonders by some of the prophets.78 In addition, the importance of such a source lies in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics, because prophets should not witness to politicians through divination, but only through Spirit-inspired prophecy. Furthermore, it is of key importance that, when prophets confront political powers, they convey a sense of genuine power, in the same way in which Moses used the power of God to confront the powers of magicians in his day. The main contribution of the concept of a pneumatological imagination is that it is helpful as a theory and theology that draws on the power of the Holy Spirit, as opposed to on other powers in the spiritual realm. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in the twenty-first century should be able to encourage the rethinking of contemporary political experiences. The pneumatic experiences that come from the baptism of the Holy Spirit should be able to make a difference in both the social and the political world.79 Nimi Wariboko points out that “pneumatological imagination calls for transfer of all reality into the play of the Holy Spirit who is manifesting in the concrete, personal, and particular context and moments of human existence.”80 This means that Pentecostals should not only be concerned about talking in tongues and going to heaven, but also care about changing the status of political affairs. The ministry of Paul, Peter and the other Apostles, which was imbued with the Holy Spirit, enabled them continuously to confront the prevailing political systems in the early church. Therefore, similarly, prophets in the twenty-first century should treat the concept of being filled with the Spirit as meaning that they should not conform with oppressive political systems, but they should rather confront their wrongdoings, maladministration and corruption. In other words, the prophets should not host a politician in their church for the sake of the congregation’s entertainment, or simply to boost the popularity of both themselves and their church. Instead, their ministry should reflect speaking of the truth to those in power, through the very same power of the Holy Spirit. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy within the theoretical framework of the pneumatological imagination expounds a belief in the prophethood of all believers. Davis explains: [T]he prophethood of all believers acts as a synthesis of the imagination of Pentecost and pneumatological imagination because, for Pentecostals, the

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prophethood of all believers demonstrates how all flesh is invited by God to take part as Spirit-empowered prophets in the church and world.81

According to the Pentecost narrative, when the day of Pentecost reached its fulfilment, all believers present at the time were filled with the Holy Spirit. In addition, on the day of Pentecost, all believers began to speak in other tongues. Another element of the Pentecostal experience is that all believers are expected to witness to the world. Therefore, the correct practising of Pentecostal prophecy does not result in personality cults, like that of the prophet Shepherd Bushiri, but it, rather, entails the prophethood of all believers. In this case, it means that, in terms of the pneumatological imagination, it is believed that anyone who is Spirit-filled should be able to prophesy. In other words, anyone who is filled with the Holy Spirit can have the gift of languages to be able to minister to others, including politicians. This means that the prophetic ministry is not the work of some “major prophets,” but that it involves the participation of all believers. A spirit of accountability will rise among the new prophetic churches when all believers are given an opportunity to participate in the gift of prophecy. However, when the gift of prophecy is only left to elite prophets, the result is many forms of abuse, including many such criminal elements as fraud and money laundering, as seen in the case of, and the allegations made against, Shepherd Bushiri.

8.9  Conclusion The pneumatological imagination has been unpacked in this chapter as an approach to the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-­colonial Africa. Yong developed this theory as a framework for theology based on God, human beings and the world. In addition, it is framed on the involvement of God in the world. The purpose of the current chapter was to demonstrate how pneumatological imagination becomes a theoretical basis on which the prophets in new prophetic churches can reach out to the political world. The prophets in post-colonial Africa need to acknowledge the prophetic word as coming from God. In other words, prophetic ministry should be founded on the basis that God, and not the prophet, is the author of the prophetic word. However, the same pneumatological imagination acknowledges the Holy Spirit as being the one that conveys the Word to the prophet. The twenty-first-century prophet is empowered by the same Spirit to reach out to others in the world, including to the

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political elites. Such aspects are of primary importance in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa, which recognises the role of God, human beings and the world in the practice of prophecy.

Notes 1. Amos Yong, “The pneumatological imagination: The logic of Pentecostal theology.” In Wolfgang Vondey, The Routledge Handbook of Pentecostal Theology (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 152–162. 2. Amos Yong, Discerning the Spirit(s): A Pentecostal-Charismatic Contribution to Christian Theology of Religions (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2019), 29. Cf. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 152 Cf. Yong, Beyond the Impasse: Toward a Pneumatological Theology of Religion (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2014). 3. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination” 152. Cf. Amos Yong, “The hermeneutical trialectic: Notes toward a consensual hermeneutic and theological method,” The Heythrop Journal 45, no. 1 (2004): 22–39. 4. Amos Yong, The Missiological Spirit: Christian Mission Theology in the Third Millennium Global Context (Cambridge: James Clarke & Co, 2015). Cf. Amos Yong, The Spirit of Creation: Modern Science and Divine Action in the Pentecostal-Charismatic Imagination. Vol. 4 (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B.  Eerdmans Publishing, 2011), 92. Amos Yong, An Amos Yong Reader: The Pentecostal Spirit (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2020), 24. Cf. Chammah Kaunda, The Nation that Fears God Prospers: A Critique of Zambian Pentecostal Theopolitical Imaginations (London: Fortress Press, 2019), 51. Cf. Steven Felix, Pentecostal Aesthetics: Theological Reflections in a Pentecostal Philosophy of Art and Aesthetics. Vol. 16 (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 92. 5. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Peculiarities in the Pentecostal tradition: Disciplinal and decolonial perspectives in a South African context,” Verbum et Ecclesia 43, no. 1 (2022): 2519. 6. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 152. 7. Amos Yong, Spirit, Word, Community: Theological Hermeneutics in Trinitarian Perspective (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2006), 134. 8. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 154. 9. Sammy Alfaro, Divino Compañero: Toward a Hispanic Pentecostal Christology. Vol. 147 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010).

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10. Frank Macchia, Jesus the Spirit Baptizer: Christology in Light of Pentecost (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2021). 11. Veli-Matti Kärkkäinen, Pneumatology: The Holy Spirit in Ecumenical, International, and Contextual Perspective (Grand Rapids. MI: Baker Books, 2018). 12. Amos Yong, “Reflecting and confessing in the Spirit: Called to transformational theologizing.” International Review of Mission 105, no. 2 (2016): 169–183. 13. Benjamin Conner, Disabling Mission, Enabling Witness: Exploring Missiology through the Lens of Disability Studies (Westmont, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2018), 51. 14. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 155. 15. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 155. 16. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 156. 17. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 155. 18. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 156. 19. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 156. 20. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 155. 21. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 155. 22. Amos Yong, Pneumatology and the Christian-Buddhist Dialogue: Does the Spirit Blow Through the Middle Way? (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 191. 23. Simo Frestadius, Pentecostal Rationality: Epistemology and Theological Hermeneutics in the Foursquare Tradition (London: T&T Clark, 2019), 17. 24. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 158. 25. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 156. 26. Amos Yong, The Dialogical Spirit: Christian Reason and Theological Method in the Third Millennium (Cambridge: James Clarke & Co, 2015), 85. Cf. Nimi Wariboko and Amos Yong, Paul Tillich and Pentecostal Theology: Spiritual Presence and Spiritual Power (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2015), 113. 27. Paul Baker, Pentecostal Imagination and the Retrieval of Identity: Towards a Pneumatology of History (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2023), 78. 28. This biblical text is taken from Jeremiah 23:21. 29. Makhado Sinthumule Ramabulana, Church Mafia Captured by Secret Powers: An Untold African Narrative (Johannesburg: Self-published, 2018). Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2021). 30. This biblical text is taken from Jeremiah 23:22 in the King James version of the Bible.

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31. Hermen Kroesbergen, ed., Prophecy Today: Reflections from a South Africa Context (Danvers, MA: Digital on Demand, 2016). 32. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa,” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2 (2020): 132–143. 33. Amos Yong, ed., The Cosmic Breath: Spirit and Nature in the Christianity-­ Buddhism-­Science Trialogue. Vol. 4 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 84. 34. Wolfgang Vondey, ed., The Holy Spirit and the Christian life: Historical, Interdisciplinary, and Renewal Perspectives (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 35. Wolfgang Vondey, Beyond Pentecostalism: The Crisis of Global Christianity and the Renewal of the Theological Agenda. Vol. 3 (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2010), 53. 36. Wolfgang Vondey, Pentecostal Theology: Living the Full Gospel (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2017), 25. 37. Wolfgang Vondey and Martin Mittelstadt, eds., The Theology of Amos Yong and the New Face of Pentecostal Scholarship: Passion for the Spirit. Vol. 14 (Leiden: Brill, 2013). 38. This biblical text is taken from Exodus 13:20–22. 39. Amos Yong, Spirit, Word, Community: Theological Hermeneutics in Trinitarian Perspective (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2006). 40. Wolfgang Vondey, “The presence of the spirit in the academy: Pentecostal and charismatic studies as an interdisciplinary concern.” PentecoStudies 16, no. 1 (2017): 85–116. Wolfgang Vondey, “Spirit and nature: Pentecostal pneumatology in dialogue with Tillich’s pneumatological ontology,” in Nimi Wariboko and Amos Yong (eds.), Spiritual Presence and Spiritual Power: Pentecostal Readings of and Engagement with the Legacy of Paul Tillich (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2015), 30–44. 41. Ryan Davis, “Pentecost and the pneumatological imagination: A methodological synthesis of the full gospel and the many tongues of Pentecost,” Journal of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity 42, no. 2 (2022): 110–124. 42. Edward E. Decker Jr., Bill Buker, and Jeffrey S. Lamp. “The Spirit, change, and healing: Toward a Spirit-centered model of counselling,” Salubritas: International Journal of Spirit-Empowered Counseling 1, no. 1 (2021): 4. 43. This biblical text is taken from Romans 8:14. 44. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, The Fourth Pentecostal Wave in South Africa: A Critical Engagement (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019).

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45. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Developing a theology of discernment in response to the abuse of religion by some Pentecostal churches in postcolonial South Africa,” Alternation Special Edition 38a (2021): 442–458. 46. Amos Yong, Discerning the Spirit(s): A Pentecostal-Charismatic Contribution to Christian Theology of Religions. (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2019). 47. Allan Anderson, and Edmond Tang, eds., Asian and Pentecostal: The Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia. Vol. 3 (Oxford: OCMS, 2005). 48. Kelebogile Resane, “Simon the Sorcerer offered them money” (Acts 8:19): “Some Pentecostals have gone commercial instead of evangelical,” in Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, and Allan Anderson, The Use and Abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 93–114. 49. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Culticism, 77. 50. Baker, Pentecostal Imagination and the Retrieval of Identity, 205. 51. Peter Neumann, Pentecostal Experience: An Ecumenical Encounter. Vol. 187 (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2012). 52. Baker, Pentecostal Imagination and the Retrieval of Identity, 205. 53. Caleb Opoku Nyanni, Second-Generation African Pentecostals in the West: An Emerging Paradigm (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2021), 64. 54. Thomas Resane, South African Christian Experiences: From Colonialism to Democracy (Johannesburg: UJ Press, 2020), 96. Cf. Aaron Jason Swoboda, Tongues and Trees: Towards a Pentecostal Ecological Theology. Vol. 40 (Leiden: Brill, 2019), 70. Cf. Jeffrey Haynes, ed., Routledge Handbook of Religion and Politics (Abingdon: Routledge, 2008), 168. 55. The challenge of prophets who consult other powers, so as to remain powerful has previously been highlighted by Gerhardus Cornelis Oosthuizen in The Healer-Prophet in Afro-Christian Churches. Vol. 3 (Brill, 1992) and by Bengt G.  M. Sundkler in Bantu Prophets in South Africa (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018). However, newer expressions in the new prophetic churches are highlighted in the current author’s work, Pentecostalism and Culticism. 56. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Cultism in South Africa, 68. 57. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Consultations in new prophetic churches and African traditional religions: A case study of divine healing in assessing syncretistic practices in the South African context,” Religions 14, no. 3 (2023): 400. 58. Amos Yong, The Spirit Poured out on All Flesh: Pentecostalism and the Possibility of Global Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2005. 59. In Acts 2:1–4, the Bible outlines that all the believers present at the time received the gift of the Holy Spirit.

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60. Robert Menzies, Empowered for Witness: The Spirit in Luke-Acts (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1994) 61. Phil William Zarns, The Spirit and the Secular: A Study on the Holy Spirit and Church Planting (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2021), 70. 62. Amos Yong. “Reflecting and confessing in the Spirit: Called to transformational theologizing,” International Review of Mission 105, no. 2 (2016): 169–183. Cf. T. Ryan Davis, “Pentecost and the pneumatological imagination: A methodological synthesis of the full gospel and the many tongues of Pentecost,” Journal of Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity 42, no. 2 (2022): 110–124. 63. Murray W. Dempster, Byron D. Klaus, and Douglas Petersen, eds., Called and Empowered: Global Mission in Pentecostal Perspective (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books, 1991). Cf. Wolfgang Vondey, ed., Pentecostalism and Christian Unity: Ecumenical Documents and Critical Assessments (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2010). 64. Allan Anderson, “The gospel and culture in Pentecostal mission in the third world,” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 27, no. 2 (1999): 220–230. Cf. Allan Anderson, and Walter Hollenweger. Pentecostals After a Century: Global Perspectives on a Movement in Transition (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press/Continuum, 1999). Cf. Allan Anderson, Spreading Fires: The Missionary Nature of Early Pentecostalism (London: Orbis Books, 2007). 65. Amos Yong, “The Spirit at work in the world: A Pentecostal-charismatic perspective on the divine action project,” Theology and Science 7, no. 2 (2009): 123–140. Cf. Wolfgang Vondey, Pentecostalism: A Guide for the Perplexed (London: A&C Black, 2012), 44. 66. Keith Warrington, Pentecostal Theology: A Theology of Encounter (London: A&C Black, 2008), 92. 67. Stian Eriksen, “The epistemology of imagination and religious experience: A global and Pentecostal approach to the study of religion?” Studia Theologica-Nordic Journal of Theology 69, no. 1 (2015): 45–73. 68. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 159. 69. Amos Yong, The Hermeneutical Spirit: Theological Interpretation and Scriptural Imagination for the twenty-first Century (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2017), 76. 70. Davis, “Pentecost and the pneumatological imagination,” 115. 71. In his book Theology and Down Syndrome: Reimagining Disability in Late Modernity (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2007), Yong was able to demonstrate that the pneumatological imagination advocates for the marginalised, including persons living with disabilities. 72. Yong, “The pneumatological imagination,” 159.

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73. The book edited by Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Marius Nel, and Collium Banda, eds., Christological Paradigm Shifts in Prophetic Pentecostalism in South Africa (Abingdon: Routledge, 2021), is a collection of essays that demonstrate the fundamental shifts made in Christology within the new prophetic churches. Some of the prophets in such churches set themselves up in competition with Christ. 74. A leading Pentecostal theologian, Allan Heaton, has, in his works, raised the issue of the overemphasis on pneumatology as opposed to Christology entered into by some Pentecostal churches even before the rise of the new prophetic churches. Cf. Allan Heaton Anderson, Moya: The Holy Spirit in an African Context (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1991). Cf. Allan Anderson, and Samuel Otwang. TUMELO: The Faith of African Pentecostals in South Africa (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1993). Allan Anderson, “Stretching the definitions? Pneumatology and syncretism in African Pentecostalism,” Journal of Pentecostal Theology 10, no. 1 (2001): 98–119. 75. Vhumani Magezi, and Collium Banda, “Competing with Christ? A critical Christological analysis of the reliance on Pentecostal prophets in Zimbabwe,” In die Skriflig 51, no. 2 (2017): 1–10. 76. Magezi, and Banda. “Competing with Christ?” 2. 77. Various scholars distinguish between the practice of prophecy in Pentecostalism and divination in traditional African religious practice of prophecy. Allan Anderson, Spirit-filled World: Religious Dis/continuity in African Pentecostalism (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018). Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, and Allan H. Anderson, eds., The Use and Abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African Perspective (Abingdon: Routledge, 2020), 8. Kgatle, Nel, and Banda, eds., Christological Paradigm Shifts in Prophetic Pentecostalism in South Africa. 8. Kgatle. Pentecostalism and Culticism. 77. Cf. Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda, and Joachim Kügler, eds., Prophets, Profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo. Vol. 12 (Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2014), 124. 78. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and Culticism, 77. 79. Amos Yong, In the Days of Caesar: Pentecostalism and Political Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B.  Eerdmans Publishing, 2010). Cf. William Oliverio, Pentecostal Hermeneutics in the Late Modern World: Essays on the Condition of Our Interpretation (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers, 2022), 189. 80. Nimi Wariboko, The Pentecostal Principle: Ethical Methodology in New Spirit. Vol. 5 (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing, 2012), 76. 81. Davis, “Pentecost and the pneumatological imagination,” 122.

CHAPTER 9

Pentecostal Political Theology of Sovereignty in Post-colonial Africa

9.1   Introduction This chapter explores Nimi Wariboko’s alternative sovereignty in the development of a Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty. The concept of prophecy as practiced among believers and politicians is studied in relation to the sovereign God in Pentecostalism. The chapter also explores the relationship between the practice of prophecy in the new prophetic churches and the sovereignty of the Pentecostal movement. The intersectionality of prophecy and the sovereignty of the biblical text in Pentecostalism is explored in detail. Furthermore, the sovereignty of the South African state and the practice of prophecy are outlined in terms of Pentecostal political theology. These aspects of sovereignty are important in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty in post-colonial Africa. This theology should acknowledge the sovereign God, the sovereign practice of prophecy, the sovereign biblical text and the sovereignty of the state in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics.

9.2  Nimi Wariboko’s Alternative Sovereignty The word “sovereignty” refers to the authority or the supremacy of an individual, an entity or the divine. Therefore, the theory of sovereignty refers to an understanding of the authority or supremacy of these entities. It is also an understanding that those who carry sovereignty draw from © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7_9

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different forms of power, including the divine, organisation and so on. Carl Schmitt’s idea of sovereignty, therefore, includes the power that an individual holds in an organisation or even in society.1 However, in recent studies, newer forms of sovereignty have emerged negating the notion of sovereignty as the power of an individual.2 One such scholar is Nimi Wariboko, who sees sovereignty as moving beyond an individual to a society. This kind of sovereignty that moves beyond individualistic sovereignty has been framed as alternative sovereignty by Wariboko.3 For Wariboko, sovereignty is beyond the power of an individual; it is about the power of a community and its social practices.4 For Wariboko, sovereignty is not the domination of one individual over others but is about how a specific community can develop itself through its social practices. In the end, sovereignty is not about particular personalities but about the different persons who make up a unified body. Wariboko says, “Sovereignty is not only about persons or bodies that occupy the ruler’s chair permanently or circulatory but also about collective practices that shape citizens to relate to it in one way or another.”5 In the context of Pentecostalism, it means that sovereignty is the process whereby the Pentecostal movement understands itself and the aspects of its sovereignty without the domination of individual prophets. The centre of this kind of sovereignty is not the person of the prophet or even a politician, but the community. Wariboko’s alternative sovereignty includes the poor, the powerless and the marginalised in the sharing of power. This means that even those who lack power and authority are included in the discourses on sovereignty because no power can exist in the absence of engagement with the power of God. According to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, even within the state, sovereignty is not about laws and legislation but about the humane factor in making such laws and policies.6 Rousseau calls this a social contract of the sovereignty framework. There cannot be sovereignty without the social aspect and there cannot be sovereignty without the people. This kind of sovereignty is conceptualised without reference to the holder of power and without the hierarchy of those who hold positions of power. According to Wariboko, this is “sovereignty without sovereignty, the power of powerlessness, liberatory virtues, the event of mutual participation.”7 Therefore, alternative sovereignty can be defined as sovereignty that acknowledges the powerless and unifies different components of an entity into one instead of individualistic domination. Wariboko uses these concepts to offer alternative sovereignty that goes beyond the hierarchies of positions in sovereignty. In the context of Pentecostalism, alternative

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sovereignty means that power moves from the prophets in new prophetic churches to the believers or followers in these churches. This means that sovereignty is not defined in terms of the domination of the prophets over their members but in terms of the sharing of power among the members. This kind of sovereignty is not seen in the connection between the elite prophet and the elite politician, but rather in the connection between the prophet and the marginalised members of the new prophetic churches. Developing alternative sovereignty is to disarm power from the so-called powerful and give it to the powerless and the marginalised in Pentecostal communities. This essentially means disarming the powerful prophets in order to return power to the people of God. The main aspect of alternative sovereignty is its sociality and socialisation. Therefore, whether we talk about the sovereignty of the divine or the sovereignty of the humane, there should be a connection with society. Even divine sovereignty is discussed in conjunction with the involvement of God in human history. Sovereignty is not an exclusive discussion about the power and authority of God, but also about how He loves the world and the people in it.8 The interesting questions probe the influence of the divine here on earth. Alternative sovereignty does not create a gap between the divine and the humane but such is closed by looking at how the divine takes part in human suffering, which is the suffering of the marginalised, the poor and the powerless. This does not imply questioning, for example, the sovereignty of God but rather points out that the same sovereign God comes down to the earth through His Son and the Holy Spirit. This is to say that sovereignty is social when there is a convergence between the divine and the humane. This is possible in the Pentecostal movement because the baptism of the Holy Spirit signifies the meeting place between the sovereign God and the human beings. It must be reiterated that alternative sovereignty offers us the social aspect of sovereignty. Wariboko points out that “[t]here is neither charisma nor sovereignty without a certain sociality being always already present.”9 In this context, sovereignty should be connected to the socio-political issues in communities. This means there is no sovereignty in the intersectionality of prophecy and politics without the involvement of the society, which is the involvement of the people. Therefore, sovereignty cannot just be the interaction between prophets and politicians but entails the involvement of the people of God. The social aspect of sovereignty also means that we should highlight the importance of the sovereignty of the people. In the context of the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty, it is the sovereignty of the

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people of God. Hence, the people of God in Africa are in constant confrontation with different systems that exist in the spirit world and even in the socio-political world.10 This means that the believers in the Pentecostal movement form part of sovereignty that this theory cannot underestimate or undermine. They carry within them the power to change the status quo; whether located in the spirit world, the social and/or the political, it is the power of the people. In this way, sovereignty is not the definition of the elite who hold certain positions in church or government but the people on the ground whose power should be given back.11 Because even in politics, the people have the power to vote out a corrupt political leader who has defined sovereignty as individualistic. Sovereignty in this context permeates the structures of society; it is not merely the sovereignty of the ivory tower. Therefore, there is a need to view sovereignty not as coming from above but as being here on earth through a community and society.12 In addition, it is important to point out that such sovereignty should be built within the structures of the Pentecostal movement instead of a sovereignty that comes from external powers. When sovereignty is built within its structures, the possibility of transforming it into the sovereignty of the society and the people is higher than when it is the sovereignty of an individual or outsider. In this way, sovereignty breaks ties with the old forms of sovereignty that desire the oppression of the people. This means that the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty is developed by taking cognisance of the sovereignty within the Pentecostal movement. Hence, in this chapter, the different aspects of Pentecostal sovereignty are discussed to formulate such a theology.

9.3   Prophecy and Politics: Two Centres of Sovereignty Prophecy and politics meet again as two centres of sovereignty. Both prophecy and politics are relevant concepts for the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty. Prophecy, particularly its newer expression among the new prophetic churches, is practiced by prophets who are in search of power, with some of them abusing their power.13 Some of the prophets, such as Shepherd Bushiri, use titles to demonstrate that they are more powerful than other prophets. The title “Major 1” is used by Shepherd Bushiri in a deliberate effort to separate himself from other prophets in the hierarchy of the prophetic office.14 “Major 1” is a title that suggests that

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there are “minor 1 s” whose practice of prophecy does not match that of “Major 1.” Therefore, in the use of different titles, there is a desire to be or remain more powerful than other prophets so that the believers can ultimately choose the one with greater power, hence the concept of sovereignty. In addition, in the performance of miracles, prophets in new prophetic churches want to demonstrate that they are powerful.15 Aryeh points out that “[p]rophets do everything possible to perform miracles to be referred to as powerful. They see the performance of miracles as that which authenticates one’s ministry rather than the appropriate preaching of the word.”16 The greater the miracle, the greater the prophet in new prophetic churches. This is why many end up performing bizarre miracles, because they want to appear as powerful as the next prophet. In addition, in the use of various religious products and items, prophets want to portray some level of sovereignty as opposed to the sovereignty of God. Banda states, “Pentecostal prophets are vulnerable to the charge of depicting the power at work in the kingdom of God as an impersonal power – almost in magical terms  – instead of the power of the personal, independent and sovereign God.”17 Therefore, the prophetic office in the new prophetic churches is a centre of power. Furthermore, many prophets in the new prophetic churches can assume sovereign status because they are founding figures in these churches. Unlike in the classical Pentecostal churches where a pastor is an employee of an already established assembly, the prophets in new prophetic churches are founders, with their wives serving as co-founders.18 In this case, the prophet in new prophetic churches is perceived as carrying a form of sovereignty by virtue of being the founder and senior pastor of their churches. This position cannot be assumed by an ordinary pastor or clergy employed in a classical Pentecostal church, or even in a Western missionary church. Therefore, the new prophetic churches and their leaders have some sense of sovereignty through their autonomy in running their churches. In such churches, the prophet and his wife are also in charge of the finances of the church, which means that they can do as they please.19 This does not happen in classical Pentecostal churches, as the pastor is accountable to the leadership and accountable to God. Hence, the prophets in the new prophetic churches are presented as the centre of power, as opposed to the classical Pentecostal churches and other mainline churches. In the South African context, politics is practiced by politicians who are always in search of authority, supremacy and power. One of the popular politicians in South Africa, Gayton McKenzie (a leader of the Patriotic

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Alliance) openly declared that he was in politics because of power and nothing else.20 He said that other politicians were pretentious, but he was open about his quest for power. McKenzie said that he was willing to abandon one lower position for a more senior position because for him it was about power.21 McKenzie is not alone in the quest for power; other politicians may hide it, but their quest for power manifest in their slogans, political rhetoric and song. The desire to remain powerful is clear in the message delivered by some of the politicians. Politicians such as Julius Malema of Economic Freedom Fighters and former President Jacob Zuma use their political rhetoric intentionally in search of power.22 Similarly, politicians conclude almost every political message with song and dance to demonstrate power.23 Politicians such as Malema and Zuma choose their songs carefully so that they can demonstrate that they are powerful. In addition, more like prophets, politicians assume sovereignty through titles. Politicians such as Julius Malema prefer to be called “commander in chief” because this denotes sovereignty. However, the president of the country is the real “commander in chief.”24 Politicians like Malema and prophets like Bushiri insist on unconventional titles in the quest to demonstrate that they are more powerful than others. The above illustrates the abuse of the concept of sovereignty by some prophets and some politicians in post-colonial Africa.25 It is this kind of abuse that has contributed to the worsening of the living conditions of the people in many African states, including South Africa. In other words, the more there is an abuse of power by prophets and politicians, the more the lives of the people get worse. These powerful figures also enhance such abuse through their friendships and connections. This calls for an alternative sovereignty, as Wariboko suggests. This is an important aspect of the development of the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty. The next sections are dedicated to the development of this alternative sovereignty in pursuit of addressing the abuse of sovereignty by both prophets and politicians. This is done by discussing prophecy and the sovereign God, prophecy and the sovereignty of the Pentecostal movement, prophecy and the sovereign biblical text, and prophecy and the sovereign state.

9.4   Prophecy and the Sovereign God Wariboko’s alternative sovereignty is relevant to the intersectionality of prophecy and the sovereign God.26 However, even here the discussion should be centred on how the sovereign God reaches his people and not

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the sovereignty of the unreachable God. This means that the relationship between the practice of prophecy in the new prophetic churches and the sovereign God should demonstrate how God reaches humanity. This also means that prophecy should be defined as the word coming from the sovereign God in his pursuit to reach out to human beings here on earth. Prophecy is not to prove how powerful the prophet is, but how the sovereign God is present on earth. However, some prophets in the new prophetic churches have exploited the practice of prophecy by using it to demonstrate their own sovereignty rather than the sovereignty of the ever-­ present God. Hence, instead of being known as pastors or reverends, they prefer the appellation “man of God” and “woman of God” so that they can partake in the sovereignty of God as sovereign prophets. In using such appellations, prophets in the new prophetic churches want to be perceived as powerful men and women of God. Once a prophet partakes in the sovereignty of God, the congregants or followers in the new prophetic churches cease to question their practices. Similarly, the congregants or any recipient of prophecy will be afraid to question the prophecies they receive from prophets in new prophetic churches. Prophets, by partaking in the sovereignty of God, believe that they are anointed men and women of God. The famous text, therefore, is “touch not the anointed one of God.”27 This means that whatever the prophet says cannot be questioned or evaluated by others, thus bringing a distance between the prophet and the people. The one who is connected to the sovereign God is powerful and should not be interrogated even when they go astray. It is for this reason that even politicians want to hear from the prophets, because they believe that they relate to the sovereign God. The politician and the congregants believe that it is only the prophet who hears from God; they do not believe that they too can hear from God. When this gap is created, it causes a continuation of an individualistic sovereignty as opposed to community sovereignty, which is the alternative sovereignty that Wariboko is calling for. Therefore, dependence on the prophet instead of on the sovereign God propagates individualistic sovereignty. The main challenge is that while prophets claim a connection with the sovereign God, their practices of prophecy prove to be contrary. Many prophecies in the new prophetic churches demonstrate a disconnection between the sovereign God and the prophet. Tsepoe explains that “[b]y their actions and utterances, many of the proponents of these prophetic ministries fail to recognize the sovereignty of God, which is demonstrated

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through his supremacy over all spiritual powers, including Satan and his cohort.”28 In other words, as much as the prophets claim that they hear from God and that they are connected to the sovereign God, their practices prove differently. It is questionable that God can instruct a prophet to perform a fake miracle claiming to have resurrected a dead body. It is also questionable that God can instruct a prophet to steal from the people through money laundering, money scams and other financial manipulations. Therefore, the important questions are: Which sovereign God instructs prophets to abuse the people and their beliefs? Which God leads a prophet to run away from his responsibilities to crime such as money laundering and fraud? Which God permits a prophet to perform other controversial miracles in his name? Therefore, the actions of many prophets demonstrate that they are not connected to the sovereign God. Otherwise, it would mean that the sovereign God himself is abusive or the sovereign God does not love society but only a few selected prophets who are connected to the political elite. Therefore, an alternative sovereignty is one that rises to say “not in the name of my sovereign God” because such God cannot permit abuses, controversial miracles and dangerous practices. Individualistic sovereignty does not only undermine the sovereignty of the sovereign God, but also the sovereignty of the sovereign Christ. According to Magezi and Banda, “Christ, as presented by the Pentecostal prophet, lacks sovereign power and independence, because he is either inadequate to stand alone or is subject to the aid of magical charms in the form of anointed water and seeded offerings.”29 In demonstrating the insufficiency of Christ, some of the prophets in the new prophetic churches want to demonstrate their own power to ultimately cause dependency on them rather than on the person of Christ. In addition, they want to prove that their Jesus in Africa needs to be augmented through the materiality of religion in the form of anointed oil, anointed water and other products. In doing so, these prophets create a demand for the purchasing of religious items and products that both the public and politicians have consumed in the last two decades in post-colonial Africa. Magezi and Banda conclude: “The result is a Christ who has no sovereign control over the affairs of the world and therefore needs the mediatory assistance of the anointed prophets.”30 When Christ is not in control within the new prophetic churches, it means that a prophet is in control—which also propagates individualistic sovereignty. Therefore, the alternative sovereignty of Wariboko takes the power back to the sovereign God and to the sovereign Christ so that all

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people are able to partake in it, instead of the sovereignty where only the prophet is in charge. Sovereignty that is in transit from the power of an individual to the power of the masses should acknowledge the sovereign God. However, such sovereign God is not one who only remains in heaven but one who takes part in the affairs of humanity here on earth. The challenge to the prophets in the new prophetic churches is to have an authentic relationship with the sovereign God as opposed to merely claiming such a relationship. In other words, there should be a genuine connection between the prophet and the sovereign God. This genuine connection will lead to meaningful prophetic words and prophetic practices that demonstrate a connection with the sovereign God. It is only when there is a genuine connection between the prophets and the sovereign God that the prophets will be able to confront political challenges in a meaningful way. In addition, the real connection with the sovereign God will result in a transition from individualistic sovereignty to communal sovereignty, where not only the prophet claims to be powerful but all believers receive the power. It will result in communal sovereignty where believers are not only the recipients of prophecy but they too can also hear God, for themselves and for others. This kind of sovereignty is relevant in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty. It is a sovereignty that is not centred on the sovereign prophet, but a sovereignty that draws from the sovereign God in order to empower his people here on earth.

9.5   Prophecy and the Sovereignty of the Pentecostal Movement The alternative sovereignty proposed by Wariboko recognises the community of Pentecostals instead of the individual prophet.31 By the community of Pentecostals is meant the Pentecostal movement in general. In other words, Wariboko’s sovereignty does not promote the Pentecostal prophet at the expense of the Pentecostal movement. It does not promote an individualistic power at the expense of societal power.32 If we believe that sovereignty is owned by all the people and not just individuals, the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty should first be based on the fundamental teachings in the Christian tradition and then on the fundamental teachings in the Pentecostal tradition. This should apply even with the emergence of new movements such as the new prophetic churches;

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they too are expected to function under the guiding principles of the Christian tradition and the Pentecostal movement. This means that the practice of prophecy in the new prophetic churches is expected to be consistent with the whole Christian tradition and the Pentecostal movement in South Africa and elsewhere in the world. Any effort that seeks to break away from conventional practices becomes a form of sovereignty that undermines the sovereignty of the body of Christ and the sovereignty of the whole Pentecostal movement. Any effort that breaks away from conventional practices becomes cultic.33 Therefore, the prophets in the new prophetic churches have a lot to learn from other traditions such as classical Pentecostal churches in the practice of prophecy. The sovereignty of the new prophetic churches should be based on the association with other Christian movements—in this context, the Pentecostal movement. In this case, sovereignty is communal not only between believers but between the various strands in the Pentecostal movement. However, some of the prophets in the new prophetic churches have broken the sovereignty of the Pentecostal movement when it comes to the practice of prophecy.34 Some prophets have practiced prophecy in a way that is not conventional and that is not consistent with the Pentecostal tradition or even the whole body of Christ.35 Prophets in the new prophetic churches have been involved in unusual practices of prophecy. The practice of prophecy in new prophetic churches has challenged the conventional practices,36 hence many people have moved to them not because they are correct but because they have broken ties with the conventional ways of practicing prophecy. It is for the same reason that even politicians have run to these churches and the prophets, because they believe that the new way of prophecy will bring solutions to their political problems.37 By associating with the new prophetic churches, the politicians too break away from the idea of the sovereignty of the Christian tradition and the sovereignty of the Pentecostal movement. In breaking with the conventional practices, prophets in new prophetic churches remain in individualistic sovereignty, as opposed to the sovereignty that recognises other church movements. Therefore, instead of embracing ecumenical sovereignty, the prophets in new prophetic churches want to maintain individualistic sovereignty. By ecumenical sovereignty is meant the sharing of power and authority among church bodies instead of one church movement claiming to be more powerful than others. The Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty acknowledges the conventional way of practicing prophecy to apply it to the practice of

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prophecy in post-colonial Africa. This is an acknowledgment of the biblical and the Christian traditional ways of practicing prophecy, because a move away from such practices leads the new prophetic churches into a form of cultic sovereignty. By cultic sovereignty is meant the ownership of power by a certain group instead of sharing power with another Christian movement. Cultic sovereignty means that an individual prophet wants to be bigger than the movement. This does not mean that the new prophetic churches must be a duplicate of the classical Pentecostal churches and other Pentecostal sub-traditions in the practice of prophecy. However, it means that the fundamental teachings should be upheld in the practice of prophecy to avoid individualistic and cultic sovereignty. When the new comes, it does not mean that everything that had to do with the old should be abolished, as there are good things to learn from the old. In addition, the old cannot be totally abolished, as it serves as guidance for the new to remain in good order and for the new to avoid moving into cultic sovereignty. In this context, the new prophetic churches do not have to do away with everything classical but should continue to embrace the fundamental teachings in their practice of prophecy.

9.6   Prophecy and the Sovereignty of the Biblical Text An alternative sovereignty is relevant for us to engage the sovereignty of the biblical text. In political science, sovereignty involves issues of law, legality, constitutionality and so on.38 This aspect of sovereignty in theological discourse is discussed in the context of the biblical text. In other words, in the church context, the Bible is a guiding text for practices such as prophecy.39 Pentecostals acknowledge the Bible as an authoritative book that is not only studied scientifically but also as the inspired word of the sovereign God. For Pentecostals, the Bible is authoritative; it is inspired by the Holy Spirit to bring revelation and freedom from error.40 This authoritative book presents a form of sovereignty. This means that when comparing the Bible with other texts, the Bible is a superior text to other texts within the Pentecostal movement. This highlights the sovereignty of the single text rather than the sovereignty of various texts or books as per the alternative sovereignty of Wariboko. However, the sovereignty of the biblical text is problematic. It has led some Pentecostals to accept anything that is written in the Bible without questioning it. Nel explains that the

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problem of the sovereignty of the biblical text is the “notion that no one may ever question anything written in the Bible.”41 It has also caused some Pentecostals to cease scientific study of the bible, as they assume that such scientific study will undermine the authority of the Bible.42 Some of the early Pentecostals even refused to study for fear that the Bible would lose its sovereignty in theological studies. The sovereignty of the Bible has also caused some Pentecostals to read meaning into the text instead of reading from the text.43 This is because reading from biblical texts demands some form of interrogation of the texts to understand it, meaning from historical, grammatical, social and political aspects. In a way, among some Pentecostals, the sovereignty of the Bible has led them not to read other texts. In early Pentecostalism, some Pentecostals could not even read newspapers or magazines because they believed in the authority of the Bible.44 What do these Pentecostal biblical hermeneutics have to do with sovereignty? The Pentecostal approach to the authority of the Bible connects with the theme of sovereignty, particularly because of the failure of early Pentecostalism to connect the biblical text with other knowledge sources such as history, language, social sciences and political science. The new prophetic churches also approach the Bible as an authoritative text. Among these churches, the sovereignty of the Bible has produced some proof-texting.45 Prophets in these churches select some texts that suit their theology or message and use these as proof of what they want their congregants to believe.46 If the goal is to teach about prosperity, they will select all the biblical texts that go with such a message without engaging the texts. This form of interpretation of the Bible is done to achieve a certain agenda among the congregants and not necessarily to teach from an exegetical study. The sovereignty of the biblical texts has also produced a form of interpreting the Bible in the literal sense without observing different factors involved in the interpretation of the biblical texts.47 Therefore, prophets in the new prophetic churches will pick a biblical text and preach it without interpretation. One of the biblical texts interpreted in the literal sense is Mark 16:18: “they will pick up snakes with their hands; and when they drink deadly poison, it will not hurt them at all; they will place their hands on sick people, and they will get well.”48 This text is used by some of the prophets in the new prophetic churches to encourage their congregants that even if they pick up snakes and other dangerous animals, they will not be hurt. Indeed, congregants used to pick up snakes in congregations such as End Times Disciples Ministries and Rabbonni Centre Ministries.49 Therefore, the sovereignty of the biblical text becomes

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dangerous when it produces proof-texting and the literal interpretation of the Bible. Hence, the call for an alternative sovereignty that will bring a balance in the Pentecostal approach to the Bible. The new prophetic churches take it even further, beyond proof-texting and literal interpretation of the Biblical texts. Some of the practices of the prophets in new prophetic churches demonstrate a deviation from the teachings in the biblical texts.50 For example, when a prophet stands in front of the congregation and prophesies to a congregant that their neighbour is bewitching them, such a prophecy is inconsistent with the biblical message of loving one’s neighbour as oneself.51 The prophecy about witchcraft by a neighbour encourages hatred among neighbours. Some of the prophecies even encourage enmity between siblings or family members.52 In this way, the prophetic word uttered to individuals is inconsistent with what the Bible teaches about relationships and social aspects of the church. Therefore, instead of encouraging congregants to live according to the biblical teaching, they are reversing the very same authority or sovereignty of the Biblical texts in their presentation of the prophecies. In the end, the congregants and followers of prophets in the new prophetic churches end up living by the words of the prophets instead of living by the word of God. In this way, the sovereignty of the biblical text is reversed, as opposed to its acceptance by the classical Pentecostal churches. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should be able to acknowledge the biblical text as authoritative. In principle, it is not a wrong approach by the Pentecostal movement to perceive the word of God as an authoritative word. However, the challenge is that not all words in the Biblical text are the words of God. Some words were spoken by people and it would therefore be wrong to take them literally. In addition, some words—even if they were spoken by God—were specifically directed at people and their contexts. It is for this reason that as much as the Bible is authoritative, it should be studied objectively, and meaning should be derived scientifically for meaningful inspiration as per the aspirations of the Pentecostal movement. Furthermore, the study of the Bible should include other authorities such as the historical perspective, social sciences, political science, anthropology and archaeology. In this way, the sovereignty of texts is shared between various authorities instead of one sole authority of the biblical text. Moreover, in the new prophetic churches, prophecies should not contradict the biblical message. When this happens, prophecies become sovereign and the Bible becomes ordinary. Any contradiction of the biblical message has the potential to confuse the believers

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and followers of the new prophetic churches. Therefore, the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty should acknowledge the Bible but study it to be consistent with the biblical message in the utterance of many prophecies. In this way, there is a transition from the sovereignty of the single text into the recognition of other authorities as well.

9.7   Prophecy and the Sovereign State Wariboko’s alternative sovereignty is relevant in the intersectionality of prophecy and the sovereign state. Sovereignty in the context of the state is inscribed “in the constitution, in laws enacted by elected representatives of the people, and the other legal instruments.”53 The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa recognises the country as a sovereign state. Some of the values that support the sovereignty of the Republic of South Africa are: (a) Human dignity, the achievement of equality and the advancement of human rights and freedoms (b) Non-racialism and non-sexism (c) Supremacy of the Constitution and the rule of law (d) Universal adult suffrage, a national common voters’ roll, regular elections and a multi-party system of democratic government to ensure accountability, responsiveness and openness54 As much as South Africa accommodates people from different backgrounds and different countries, this must be done in terms of the Constitution. In addition, the sovereignty of the country also means that it has the authority to make its own decision without the influence of another country. South Africa, and its laws and policies, should be respected by other nationals. Even other nationals living in South Africa are expected to do so by following the laws of the country. Even the debates on the deportation of illegal immigrants are not a hatred of the other but upholding the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa as a sovereign state. It is therefore not xenophobic to ask an illegal immigrant to leave a sovereign state, but a desire to respect and uphold the constitution. However, the sovereignty of a state such as South Africa should not mean undermining other states because such sovereignty should be interpreted in the context of the regional structures, the African Union and the

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United Nations. In simple terms, in the context of Wariboko’s alternative sovereignty, a sovereign state is still a state among other states. The criminal cases of Prophet Shepherd Bushiri are a serious undermining of the sovereignty of the South African state. This is demonstrated in the serious undermining of the Constitution and the rule of law in South Africa, even during his stay in South Africa. In his escape from South Africa to Malawi, Shepherd Bushiri undermined South Africa’s sovereignty. He escaped with his wife while on bail with serious conditions restricting his movements in South Africa, let alone moving to another country.55 The prophet and his wife undermined the bail conditions pronounced by the courts in South Africa. The case of Shepherd Bushiri is a serious demonstration that prophets can come from other countries and do as they please in a sovereign country such as South Africa.56 When prophets undermine the sovereignty of a country like South Africa, it also undermines the people of South Africa. In a way, it undermines the sovereignty of the society in favour of individualistic sovereignty, which Wariboko wants us to move away from. This leads to the following questions: Is South Africa a sovereign state or not? If Bushiri and other prophets can come and do as they please, is South Africa indeed a sovereign state? Bushiri is not alone in undermining the sovereignty of South Africa; other prophets have also demonstrated their lack of respect for the country and its laws.57 Other prophets also came to the country and left without a trace or even a follow-up for accountability of their actions.58 Prophets have been in the country without proper documents such as a visa, which also demonstrates a lack of respect for the sovereignty of South Africa as a state. Other than prophets, families such as the Guptas have come, done as they pleased and left the country. This too demonstrates the individualistic sovereignty of a family instead of the sovereignty of the people of South Africa. However, it is important to point out that prophets were assisted by politicians in undermining the sovereignty of South Africa. Bushiri’s escape was made possible by political influence from both government officials and politicians in the South African government and the Malawian government.59 This is another form of sovereignty—the power of influence. In other words, individualistic sovereignty was used to influence the decisions that would ultimately affect the societal sovereignty or the sovereignty of the state.60 Therefore, if the custodians of the South African law are not willing to keep them, other nationals will do the same. In other words, the Bushiri case demonstrates that respect for the constitutionality

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of the country should start first with the citizens and the government officials (including the politicians) of the country, before other nationals can respect them. When the citizens (including the officials working in the Department of Home Affairs) do not respect the rule of law and the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, other nationals will continue to undermine it. Other nationals such as Shepherd Bushiri would come and exploit people, knowing that they would be freed from accounting for their wrongful actions by the very politicians of the country. Therefore, the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty should be built on respect for the sovereignty of the state, which will happen when the citizens, government officials and politicians of the state respect the same. The Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty should acknowledge the sovereignty of the state. This means that the laws and policies of South Africa should be respected by both the prophets and politicians. This means that prophets from other countries, as much as they are permitted to open churches in South Africa, should do so in terms of the laws of South Africa. In a sovereign state, people cannot do as they please but in every activity (including prophecy) they should show a serious respect for the laws of the country. Being in a country for religious purposes does not exonerate one from being subservient to the rule of law and the constitution. On the contrary, other professionals should learn from practitioners of religion in doing everything according to the rule of law and the constitution. Therefore, the prophets in the new prophetic churches should be the first to obey the immigration laws, pay taxes and have valid passports through respect first for the sovereign God and second through respect for the sovereign state. When this is done, the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty is a meaningful theology that makes an impact in society, including the political sphere. When this is done, there is a meaningful transition from an individualistic sovereignty to a societal sovereignty that recognises the contribution of all in sovereignty discourses.

9.8  Sovereignty, Prophecy and Politics in Pentecostalism The Pentecostal movement in post-colonial Africa offers us an opportunity to reconstruct the concept of sovereignty in the context of political theology.61 The Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty takes cognisance of the sovereignty of God, the creator. Both the prophet and the

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politician should acknowledge the sovereignty of God. This is because God is not only the God of heaven but also one who is active here on earth. Banda explains, “The immanence of the transcendence of God means that the sovereign God is actively present in the lives of his people to empower them to take responsibility and transform their undesirable human situations.”62 In addition, God—as sovereign and almighty—is an independent God that can save humanity. In this case, the prophet is expected to always see himself or herself as an instrument in the hands of God to change humanity and not as competition to God. There should be a connection between the prophet and the sovereign God for prophecy to come directly from the sovereign God.63 Because when prophecy is the machinations of a man or woman of God, it becomes abusive of the people of God. When prophecy is the machinations of a man or woman of God, it becomes manipulative; it takes from the poor and undermines people. When prophecy comes directly from a man or woman of God, it seeks acknowledgment from the political powers but does so at the expense of the ordinary people. Most importantly, it becomes a prophecy of individualistic power. Therefore, for it to move from an individualistic power to societal power, it should acknowledge the sovereignty of God. The Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty should not be centred on the person of the prophet or the politician, but on all believers. No one man or woman, according to Marshall, can claim sovereignty.64 The idea of sovereignty is about community, fellowship and companionship. It is not about individuals. Wariboko argues that “sovereignty need not be enacted solely around a figure or public body but around mutual participation.”65 This means that prophecy need not be the competency of a specific prophet but the prophethood of all believers. Wariboko continues: instead of focusing on the difficulties of maintaining pastoral authority or sovereignty as the basis for creating and sustaining community, we should focus on a “sense of intimacy and desire” for the Holy Spirit (who is not only the authorial figure for the putative community but also the love [as in agape as political love] that binds all believers) who can nurture practices and virtues for commitment to an emancipatory collective.66

In simple terms, the Holy Spirit (who is already the foundation of the Pentecostal theology) becomes an alternative agent of sovereignty that places communities in a better state than when the prophet or the politician is sovereign. The Holy Spirit becomes that redemptive power that

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takes away sovereignty from an individualistic approach to the sovereignty of a community.67 In addition, the Holy is sovereign as much as God the Father is sovereign. Banda points out, “It is envisaged that when believers realise that the Holy Spirit is a sovereign divine being, they would realise that he is not a mere force to be manipulated for individual self-­ aggrandisement.”68 In this way, sovereignty in Pentecostalism is transformed from focusing on individual prophets to a sovereignty where everyone is empowered by the same Holy Spirit. This means that a Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty acknowledges the role of the Holy Spirit in prophecy in the same way that prophetic imagination and pneumatological imagination do. Therefore, there should not be too much focus on the sovereignty of the prophets and pastors in the new prophetic churches, but rather a focus on the sovereignty of the Holy Spirit who makes the prophethood of all believers possible.69 The Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty is a theology that acknowledges the authority of the Bible.70 Every prophecy uttered to the believers or the politician should be authenticated with biblical texts. If prophecy uttered in post-colonial Africa directly comes from the sovereign God, it cannot be a contradictory word from that which the sovereign God has spoken in the sovereign text. Hence, Jesus said to his disciples that the Holy Spirit would not teach another truth but would reveal everything that he had taught them. This is because Jesus and the Holy Spirit draw from the same source, hence they cannot contradict each other. Similarly, the prophet in the new prophetic churches is expected not to contradict what the sovereign God has taught in the sacred texts. Paul said to the Galatians (in Galatians 1:8): “But even if we or an angel from heaven should preach a gospel other than the one we preached to you, let him be eternally condemned! As we have already said, so now I say again: If anybody is preaching to you a gospel other than what you accepted, let him be eternally condemned!”71 This is because preaching, teaching and prophecy are all expected to agree with the message of the biblical text. In addition, any prophecy uttered in the new prophetic churches should be confirmed by other believers or other prophets. Again, we can draw from the Pauline theology in 2 Corinthians 13:1: “This will be my third visit to you. Every matter must be established by the testimony of two or three witnesses.”72 This means that the believers in post-colonial Africa cannot take everything that the prophet teaches without confirming it with other two or three believers.

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The Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty should be practiced concerning the laws of the country where the prophet and the politician are located. It is not only about South Africa; other sovereign states should also be respected in the construction of the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty. In addition, it is not only the prophets who should respect the sovereignty of the states but politicians should do the same.73 The prophetic ministry does not mean disrespecting the laws of the country in which the prophet operates. A prophet is not above the laws of the country; like any other citizen, permanent resident or tourist, there should be respect for the laws governing the country. This is a challenge to the prophets in the new prophetic churches, because sovereignty exists in the first instance from the spirit world.74 In addition, since the prophets have a connection to the spirit world as spiritual leaders, they draw power from the same. Hence, it takes humility to disown such power from the spirit world to obey the laws of a country such as South Africa. Therefore, for prophets in the new prophetic churches to be subservient before a sovereign state takes humility and submission. This is the way in which sovereignty can move from individuals with power to individuals with less or no power at all. This is the way in which sovereignty can move from individualistic sovereignty to the sovereignty of the people.

9.9  Conclusion This chapter theorised and theologised the concept of sovereignty and applied it to the Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty. This theology should acknowledge the sovereign God in the practice of prophecy. This means that the sovereign God is above both the politician and the prophet in post-colonial Africa. In addition, this theology should take cognisance of the conventional way in which prophecy is practiced in the Pentecostal movement. It means that the prophets in new prophetic churches cannot claim the originality of the practice of prophecy but should practice it consistently with the movement’s original practice. The Pentecostal political theology of sovereignty should also take cognisance of the authority of the biblical text. This means that prophecy cannot be inconsistent with the biblical text, but should rather be confirmed with the biblical text. Lastly, the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should acknowledge the authority of the state. In this way, there will be a balanced intersectionality of prophecy and sovereignty in the Pentecostal movement, particularly the new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa.

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Notes 1. Carl Schmitt, The nomos of the earth, Vol. 1950. New  York: Telos Press (2003). Cf. Carl Schmitt, Political theology: Four chapters on the concept of sovereignty. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press (2005). Cf. Carlota McAllister and Valentina Napolitano, “Political theology/theopolitics: The thresholds and vulnerabilities of sovereignty.” Annual Review of Anthropology 50 (2021): 109–124. 2. Nimi Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism, Vol. 62. Martlesham: Boydell & Brewer (2014), 202. 3. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 171. 4. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 171. 5. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 203. 6. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The social contract and discourses. Woodstock, Ontario: Devoted (2016). 7. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 182. 8. Holmes, Christopher R.J, “The goodness, holiness, and love of God.’” St Andrews Encyclopaedia of Theology. London: University of St. Andrews (2023). 9. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 176. 10. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 158. Cf. Abimbola Adelakun (ed.), Public righteousness: The performative ethics of human flourishing. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2023). 11. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 179. 12. Brian Goldstone, “Life after sovereignty.” History of the Present 4, no. 1 (2014): 97–113. 13. Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda and Joachim Kügler (eds). Prophets, profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo, Vol. 12. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press (2014). Cf. Brigid Sackey, New directions in gender and religion: The changing status of women in African independent churches. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books (2006). 14. The following literature discusses the use of titles by some of the prophets in new prophetic churches: Allan Anderson, Spirit-filled world: Religious dis/continuity in African Pentecostalism. London: Palgrave Macmillan (2018). Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle and Allan H. Anderson (eds). The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism: A South African perspective. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2020), 8. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Marius Nel and Collium Banda (eds). Christological paradigm shifts in prophetic Pentecostalism in South Africa. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2022), 8. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan (2022), 77. Cf. Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda and Joachim Kügler (eds). Prophets, profits and the Bible in

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Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo. Vol. 12. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press (2014), 124. 15. Allan Anderson (in his book Moya: The Holy Spirit in an African context. Pretoria: Unisa Press, 1991) illustrates how different prophets perform miracles in demonstrating that they are powerful. 16. Daniel Nii Aboagye Aryeh, Biblical, traditional, and theological framework for understanding Christian prophetism in Ghana today. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2019), 84. 17. Collium Banda, “The impersonalisation of God? A theological analysis of the expression of the power of God’s kingdom among Zimbabwean Pentecostal prophets.” In die Skriflig 53, no. 1 (2019): 1–9. 18. The book edited by Ezra Chitando, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda and Joachim Kügler (Multiplying in the Spirit: African initiated churches in Zimbabwe, Vol. 15. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press, 2014) shows that many prophets in Southern Africa are church founders. Cf. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Towards a balancing act between the emergence of prophetic churches and organisational culture in South African Pentecostalism.” Verbum et Ecclesia 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–7. 19. Kgatle, “Towards a balancing act” 4. 20. SABC “In conversation with the Patriotic Alliance (PA) leader Gayton McKenzie” 13 May 2022 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= cZHVNOBUVL0 21. SABC “In conversation with the Patriotic Alliance (PA) leader Gayton McKenzie” 13 May 2022 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= cZHVNOBUVL0 22. Janet Smith, The coming revolution: Julius Malema and the fight for economic freedom. Johannesburg: Jacana Media (2014). 23. Anthony Shay, Choreographic politics: State folk dance companies, representation and power. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press (2002). 24. Rofhiwa F. Mukhudwana, “# Zuma Must Fall This February: Homophily on the echochambers of political leaders’ Twitter accounts.” In Ndlela, Martin N. and Winston Mano (eds). Social media and elections in Africa, Volume 2: Challenges and opportunities. Basel: Springer (2020): 175–202. Cf. Sithembile Mbete, “The Economic Freedom Fighters  – South Africa’s turn towards populism?” Journal of African Elections 14, no. 1 (2015): 35–59. 25. Elias Kifon Bongmba, “What has Kinshasa to do with Athens? Methodological perspectives on theology and social science in search for a political theology,” In Faith in African lived Christianity. Leiden: Brill (2019), pp. 195–223. Cf. Siphiwe Ignatius Dube, “A foray into (study of?)

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Christian African political theology.” Political Theology 21, no. 7 (2020): 650–666. 26. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 167. Cf. Nimi Wariboko, The split God: Pentecostalism and critical theory. New York: State University of New York Press (2018). Cf. Chammah Kaunda and Marja Hinfelaar (eds). Competing for Caesar: Religion and politics in postcolonial Zambia. Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press (2020). 27. This text is taken from Psalm 105:15. 28. Christian Tsekpoe, “Contemporary prophetic and deliverance ministry challenges in Africa,” Transformation 36, no. 4 (2019): 280–291. 29. Magezi, Vhumani and Collium Banda. “Competing with Christ? A critical Christological analysis of the reliance on Pentecostal prophets in Zimbabwe.” In die Skriflig 51, no. 2 (2017): 1–10. 30. Magezi and Banda. “Competing with Christ?” 4. 31. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 170. Cf. Nimi Wariboko, “African Pentecostal political philosophy: New directions in the study of Pentecostalism and politics.” Afolayan, Adeshina, Olajumoke YacobHaliso and Toyin Falola (eds). Pentecostalism and politics in Africa. Cham: Springer (2018): 385–417. Cf. Wariboko, Nimi. “The king’s five bodies: Pentecostals in the sacred city and the logic of interreligious dialogue.” Journal of Africana Religions 2, no. 4 (2014): 477–501. 32. Ben-Willie Kwaku Golo, “The prosperity theology of Africa’s neo-­ Pentecostals: Socioeconomically transforming or in need of transformation?” Pentecostalism, Catholicism, and the Spirit in the World. Sydney: Cascade Books (2019): 247. 33. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism. 34. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 170. Cf. Allan Anderson, African reformation: African initiated Christianity in the twentieth century. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press (2001). 35. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism. 36. One of the ways in which prophecy has been practiced unconventionally is prophecy through social media. Whereas in the past, prophecy was practiced in the church, the prophets in new prophetic churches also conduct prophecy on social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. Cf. Gabriel Faimau and William O.  Lesitaokana (eds). New media and the mediatisation of religion: An African perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing (2018), 28. 37. Various scholars have demonstrated that politicians visit prophetic churches in search of political solutions. Cf. Nimi Wariboko, “Pentecostal paradigms of national economic prosperity in Africa.” In Pentecostalism and prosperity: The socio-economics of the global charismatic movement. New  York: Palgrave Macmillan (2012), pp.  35–59. Cf. Martin Lindhardt,

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Pentecostalism in Africa: Presence and impact of pneumatic Christianity in postcolonial societies. Vol. 15. Leiden: Brill (2014). Cf. Molly Manyonganise, “Zimbabweans and the prophetic frenzy.” In Hunter, Johannes and Kügler Joachim (eds), The Bible and violence in Africa. Bamberg: University of Bamberg (2016): p. 269. 38. Jean Cohen, Globalization and sovereignty: Rethinking legality, legitimacy, and constitutionalism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2012). 39. Timothy Tennent, Theology in the context of world Christianity: How the global church is influencing the way we think about and discuss theology. Grand rapids, MI: Zondervan Academic (2009). 40. Many scholars have written on the authority of the Bible among Pentecostals. Cf. Lovemore Togarasei (ed.), Aspects of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe. Cham: Springer International Publishing (2018), 215. William Oliverio, Theological hermeneutics in the classical Pentecostal tradition: A typological account, Vol. 12. Leiden: Brill (2012). Cf. Marius Nel, An African Pentecostal hermeneutics: A distinctive contribution to hermeneutics. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2018). 41. Marius Nel, Pentecostals and the doctrine of the Trinity: Some hermeneutical considerations. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing (2023). 42. Michael Wilkinson (ed.), Canadian Pentecostalism: Transition and transformation, Vol. 49. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Press (2009), 104. 43. Marius Nel, The prosperity gospel in Africa: An African Pentecostal hermeneutical consideration. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2020). 44. Walter Hollenweger and Iain MacRobert, The black roots and white racism of early Pentecostalism in the USA. Cham: Springer (1988). 45. Masiiwa Ragies Gunda, “The Pentecostal gospel of prosperity and the divisive nature of mega-church superstar men of god (prophets) in Zimbabwe.” In Togorasei, Lovemore (ed.), Aspects of Pentecostal Christianity in Zimbabwe. Cham: Springer (2018): pp. 111–124. Cf. Kenneth Archer, A Pentecostal hermeneutic for the twenty first century: Spirit, scripture and community, Vol. 28. London: A&C Black (2004). Cf. Rosinah Mmannana Gabaitse, “‘A new man in Christ?’ Pentecostalism and the construction of masculinities.” In Kaunda, Chammah J. (ed.), Genders, sexualities, and spiritualities in African Pentecostalism: “Your body is a temple of the Holy Spirit”. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan (2020): pp. 67–80. Cham: Springer 46. Tapiwa Praise Mapuranga, “At the mercy of ‘the man of God?’ Sexual and gender-based violence in Zimbabwean Pentecostalism.” In Chitando, Ezra (ed.), Innovation and competition in Zimbabwean Pentecostalism: Megachurches and the marketisation of religion. New  York: Bloomsbury (2021): pp. 191–201. 47. Nomatter Sande, African churches ministering ‘to and with’ persons with disabilities: Perspectives from Zimbabwe. London: Taylor & Francis (2022).

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Cf. Kudzai Biri, African Pentecostalism, the Bible, and cultural resilience: The case of the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa, Vol. 24. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press (2020). Marius Nel, An African Pentecostal hermeneutics: A distinctive contribution to hermeneutics. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2018), 304. 48. The biblical text is taken from Mark 16:18. 49. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism. 50. Collium Banda, “Doctrine as security? A systematic theological critique of the operational theological framework of the controversial South African neo-Pentecostal prophets.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021): 1–10. 51. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, The fourth Pentecostal wave in South Africa: A critical engagement. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2019). 52. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “Propagating the fear of witchcraft: Pentecostal prophecies in the new prophetic churches in South Africa.” Journal of the European Pentecostal Theological Association 40, no. 2 (2020): 132–143. 53. Bongmba, “What has Kinshasa to do with Athens?” 209. 54. The extract on the sovereignty of South Africa is taken from the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Chapter 1, Section 1–6. The electronic copy can be obtained from this link: https://www.justice.gov. za/constitution/chp01.html#:~:text=1.,%2Dracalism%20and%20 non%2Dsexism. 55. Muziwandile Gabela, “An exploration of the policing of religious extremism in South Africa” (PhD diss, University of South Africa, Pretoria, 2023). 56. In the book edited by Ezra Chitando, there are cases of prophets who have undermined the sovereignty of the state elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa. Cf. Ezra Chitando (ed.), Personality cult and politics in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe. Abingdon. VA: Routledge (2020). 57. Sejake Petrus Motaung, The day the South African Constitutional Court legalised crime and corruption – To the benefit of the Guptas. Pittsburgh, PA: Dorrance Publishing (2020). 58. Prophets such as Bazooka, who used to pastor a church in Soweto and fled the country after many allegations of rape and sexual assaults. City Press, “Bailed Ghanaian pastor on the run after alleged rape of a 15-yearold” 20 November 2018 https://www.news24.com/citypress/news/ bailed-­g hanaian-­p astor-­o n-­t he-­r un-­a fter-­a lleged-­r ape-­o f-­a -­1 5-­y ear-­ old-­20181117 59. Daniel Orogun and Jerry Pillay, “Poverty, corruption, and religious opportunism in Africa: A neo-Pentecostal perspective.” HTS Teologiese Studies/ Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021): 6960. 60. Wariboko, Nimi. “Colonialism, Christianity, and Personhood.” in Worger, William H., Charles Ambler, and Nwando Achebe, eds. A companion to African history, (New Jersey: John Wiley & Sons, 2018), 59–75.

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61. Ruth Marshall, “The sovereignty of miracles: Pentecostal political theology in Nigeria 1.” Constellations 17, no. 2 (2010): 197–223. 62. Collium Banda, “Is Africa godforsaken? Neo-Pentecostal prophetism on African human agency and transcendence.” Verbum et Ecclesia 44, no. 1 (2023): 2696. 63. Nimi Wariboko, Pentecostalism in Africa. In Oxford research encyclopaedia of African history. Oxford: Oxford University Press (2017). 64. Marshall, “The sovereignty of miracles” 218. 65. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 167. 66. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 170. 67. Marshall, “The sovereignty of miracles” 218. 68. Banda, “Managing an elusive force?” 4. 69. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 171. 70. Nimi Wariboko, “Pentecostal theology as a discursive site for the weight of blackness in Nigeria.” Pneuma 36, no. 3 (2014): 417–431. 71. This biblical text is taken from Galatians 1:8. 72. This biblical text is taken from 2 Corinthians 13:1. 73. Nimi Wariboko, The Pentecostal hypothesis: Christ talks, they decide. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2020). Nimi Wariboko, Methods of ethical analysis: Between theology, history, and literature. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2013). 74. Davide Casciano, “Between God and the state: Pentecostalism and articulated sovereignty in the Niger Delta, Nigeria.” Canadian Journal of African Studies/Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 56, no. 3 (2022): 637–655.

CHAPTER 10

Towards a Pentecostal Political Theology of Prophecy in Post-colonial Africa

10.1   Introduction This chapter uses the theories of prophetic imagination, pneumatological imagination and alternative sovereignty in the development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos is proposed here as an antithesis of the malpractices of the prophecy in new prophetic churches in South Africa. The argument is that a relevant Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in the twenty-first century should be developed through the intersectionality of prophecy and ethics. There is also a need to move away from individualistic sovereignty towards the sovereignty of the community where power is shared among all the believers. This kind of prophecy has a balance between prophecy and power among prophets in new prophetic churches. In addition, it moves away from the prophetic ministry that demands the subordination of others. This chapter suggests that the Pentecostal movement should move away from an inward-looking approach or the otherworldly to an outward-­ looking approach that addresses societal challenges. This builds up to a Pentecostal political theology of engagement where societal challenges are addressed by Pentecostals in the twenty-first century. In addition, a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is where prophets in post-colonial Africa are expected to speak truth to power. In the end, it is a theology

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where all believers become part of the prophetic ministry rather than the prophecy of individual prophets who demand their own sovereignty in the practice of prophecy among new prophetic churches.

10.2   Pentecostal Prophetic Ethos Prophetic ethos is used here to argue that in order for the practice of prophecy in new prophetic churches to be taken seriously in the political context, it should include ethics. Prophetic ethos is an appeal to look not only at the gift of the prophet but also at the character of the prophet.1 This is a relevant theory in addressing the moral failure and moral deficiency of some of the prophets in new prophetic churches in South Africa. This means that in the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy, we should not only look at the performances of prophecy but also the character of the prophet. It is possible in post-colonial Africa to have an immoral prophet who hides behind the performances of prophecies.2 However, the prophetic ethos is interested not only in the performance of the prophet but also in their moral behaviour.3 It is not only about what the prophet does but about how the prophet conducts themselves in post-­colonial Africa. Even if the prophet is very good at what they do, Pentecostal prophetic ethos is interested not only in that but also in their moral behaviour. Prophets in post-colonial Africa should be looked at not only because of the prophecies they give to congregants but also because of their morality. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos is also relevant for the moral accountability of the prophets in new prophetic churches. Without this approach, concentration will only be given to the performances and not to the person of the prophet. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos helps us to evaluate not only the moral behaviour of the prophets but also the vulnerability of the followers to an immoral prophet.4 It ensures some responsibility on the side of the prophet about how they carry themselves before their followers.5 Hence, it is not only about the performances of the prophecies but also about the implications of such prophecies on the people who consume them. An example of a prophetic ethos to the prophets in new prophetic churches is Prophet Nehemiah. Nehemiah never wanted to take advantage of his followers but to serve the people with high levels of integrity and honesty.6 The prophetic ethos, as embraced by Prophet Nehemiah, does not seek to abuse the people of God through money scams but to serve the people with integrity. Nehemiah did not act like his predecessors who abused the people by making them contribute towards their wealth with money, wine and

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food. He devoted himself to the work and assigned others to assist him in accomplishing his vision. He made sure that he shared the food on his table with other people. He never demanded more from the people because, according to him, they were already burdened by other demands. In the end, Prophet Nehemiah prayed to God that he may grant him favour for the things he had done for the people and the way he had served them.7 This is the kind of ethos that is needed in post-colonial Africa—the Pentecostal prophetic ethos. The new prophetic churches need prophets like Nehemiah. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos of Nehemiah does not take from the people to enrich the prophet or the politician. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos does not take food and money meant for the poor and uses it for the benefit of prophets and politicians.8 The Pentecostal prophetic ethos does not hijack projects that are meant for uplifting communities in South Africa and use them for the benefit of the families of prophets and politicians.9 The prophetic ethos of Nehemiah uplifts the people instead of enriching the prophet and the politician. A prophetic ethos is relevant to the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy because the prophet does not go to the political sphere alone but takes the people along with him or her. The prophetic ethos of Nehemiah does not seek riches and materialism for the person of the prophet, but for all the people of God. Therefore, the prophetic ethos of Nehemiah is relevant in the South African context to deal with the challenges of corruption and maladministration. In the end, this ethos is relevant for uplifting people, taking them from poverty, unemployment and inequality. One of the problems in the new prophetic churches is that there is so much reliance on the performance of the prophets rather than on their character.10 People go to the prophets in the hope that these performances will help to solve their problems, hence there is a disregard for the character or the moral compass of the prophet.11 This is why prophets in new prophetic churches end up abusing the prophetic office and ministry. There is a need to look beyond the performances of the prophecies into who is performing these prophecies and other miracles. Hence, the call here for the Pentecostal prophetic ethos. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos can be a tool for ascertaining whether people who prophesy are the men or women of God and not only claim to be such. Here the character of the prophet in new prophetic churches is more important than their charisma and other abilities. However, the challenge is for the followers of the new prophetic churches to ascertain that there is a connection between the one

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giving the prophecy and his or her character.12 Because the temptation is high to look at the performances of the prophecies without taking cognisance of the character of the prophet. The Pentecostal prophetic ethos is important for the image of the new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa.13 Because society is looking not only at the performance of prophecies but also at the character of the prophets. Therefore, the Pentecostal prophetic ethos is an important approach to the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in protecting the image of the new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa.14 This in essence is the protection of the image of the church in general. This means that those with the prophetic ethos is aware of the value system or values that their society or country upholds and endeavours to promote those values. One of the things that make South Africa to be on a downward spiral is the abandonment of the core values of South African society. Therefore, the prophetic ethos is important in the upliftment of such values in the South African context. These are values such as respect, patience, kindness, forgiveness, trust, selflessness, compassion, integrity, honesty, truthfulness, responsibility, reliability, dependability, consistency, decency, justice, sincerity and commitment. All these values should be upheld by the Pentecostal prophetic ethos in post-colonial Africa.

10.3   Pentecostal Prophetic Alternative Sovereignty Nimi Wariboko’s alternative sovereignty in the construction of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is important in helping us to move from individualistic sovereignty to the sovereignty of the community. Bongmba points out that this theory is important, especially if we want to rethink the concept of sovereignty.15 Sovereignty, as constructed by Wariboko, does not place much emphasis on the individual that occupies the office but on the community.16 In this context, it is a sovereignty that does not emphasise the person of the prophet that occupies the prophetic office or even the person of the politician that occupies the public office but the community.17 In this kind of sovereignty, the emphasis is on the community in the sharing of power.18 This means that there is a transition from the sovereignty of an individual to the sovereignty of the community.19 The Pentecostal prophetic alternative sovereignty is a relevant theory for the construction of a political theology that recognises the

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community of believers over and above the individual prophet. This allows the community of believers such as the Pentecostal movement to be able to hold the prophet accountable when they go wrong. This also allows society to hold the politician accountable when they go wrong. While the goal of individualistic sovereignty is a lack of accountability, the goal of sovereignty of the community is the accountability of those who hold political office. The alternative sovereignty in the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is important for returning power to the powerless, which is the modality of offering power to the marginalised people in communities.20 This is because individualistic sovereignty gives power to the prophet and the politician in propagating the abuse of the marginalised. Community sovereignty that is alternative sovereignty as proposed by Wariboko uplifts the poor and the marginalised instead of permitting structures that abuse them.21 In the context of prophets in the new prophetic churches, there have been many cases of abuse propagated by prophets because the congregants see them as men and women of God with supernatural powers.22 This perception of believers about their prophets also means that they cannot confront their prophets when they go wrong. Alternative sovereignty exists for the primary purpose of giving power back to the believers and followers of these churches to confront the wrongdoings of their prophets.23 This theory does not seek the propagation of abuse through individualistic sovereignty but the construction of an alternative sovereignty. The alternative sovereignty of Wariboko is important in returning power to the divine, but it is important to note that the divine shares it with believers in the Pentecost event.24 The modus operandi of many prophets in the new prophetic churches is to demonstrate that they are connected with the divine power so that they become mediators of the power of God to the people of God in post-colonial Africa.25 In the process, there is a serious violation of the sovereignty of Christ and the sovereignty of the Holy Spirit as the prophets themselves become mediators.26 The purpose of the alternative sovereignty is to reverse the modus operandi of the prophets by returning the power to the triune God.27 This ensures that the divine power is shared with the believers through the power of the Holy Spirit as it happened at the Pentecost event. And if we believe that Pentecost is a continuous event where the believers in the twenty-first century are empowered by the very same Spirit, it means believers in post-colonial Africa do partake in the divine power through

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the work of the Holy Spirit. Here there is a relationship between the alternative sovereignty of Wariboko and the pneumatological imagination of Yong. The alternative sovereignty of Wariboko offers us an opportunity to bring a balance between the practice of prophecy and power. When power is shared among the Pentecostal believers as community sovereignty, when power is given to the marginalised and when power is transferred from the divine to the believers, it creates a balance between prophecy and sovereignty.28 In other words, individualistic sovereignty where only the prophet and only those occupying the political office are powerful creates power imbalances. It is powerful imbalances that produce the abuses in new prophetic churches where the prophets see themselves as having more power than the members of the church. Where the congregants and everyone else (including the politicians) must always respond yes to the prophet, there is a serious power imbalance. Hence, in this book, there is a call for an alternative sovereignty that brings a balance between the power of the prophet and the practice of the gift of prophecy. When this is done, the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy becomes relevant to the practice of prophecy in post-colonial Africa.

10.4   Pentecostal Outward-Looking Imagination Both the prophetic and pneumatological imaginations are calling out for the Pentecostals to be outward looking. The outward-looking approach to the prophetic ministry concentrates not only on prophecy in a church setting but also outside the church. Tarusarira explains that the outward-­ looking character of the church assists in involvement in the challenges faced by communities.29 It is an approach that demonstrates the importance of the church in times of crisis. The Pentecostal outward-looking imagination, as opposed to the inward-looking imagination of the early church, is aware of what is going on in the world and can participate in the world. The outward-looking imagination can make the social responsibility of the prophetic ministry possible through reflection on what is going on in society.30 It is an approach where the prophetic ministry can minister to the needs of the people of God and not just the process of converting them.31 In addition, the Pentecostal outward-looking approach is relevant in attracting more people for the expansion of the kingdom of God. In other words, the Pentecostal churches have been able to grow in the twenty-first century because they have adopted a more outward-looking

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approach in their theology and praxis.32 This kind of approach to the prophetic ministry will enable the prophets in new prophetic churches to address the concerns and challenges that their people encounter daily. Therefore, instead of observing the challenges in society, the prophetic ministry in new prophetic churches becomes involved in these challenges. The outward-looking approach also helps in the expansion of the new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa. It is this outward-looking imagination (as opposed to the inward-­ looking of early Pentecostalism) that makes the intersectionality of prophecy and politics meaningful. The role of the prophetic ministry is not confined to the church but goes beyond the church.33 In simple terms, this approach makes the participation of the prophetic ministry in the political space possible. Instead of labelling politics a dirty game, the prophetic ministry participates to bring transformation through the word that comes from God. This means some of the followers of the prophets in new prophetic churches take part in politics, as opposed to early Pentecostals who moved away from politics.34 This means that the outward-looking imagination conscientise the followers of the new prophetic churches about the need to take part in the political sphere.35 In this way, they will be able to have an impact on what is going on rather than just being observers as outsiders. This positions the new prophetic churches to be aware of what is taking place in the political sphere.36 Those following the outward-looking approach do not participate for the sake of it but can influence the direction of the politics of the country in post-colonial Africa. This is an important gesture of the prophetic ministry, as opposed to always criticising from a distance. In this way, the prophetic ministry is enhanced by the participation in the political space and is an important contribution to the growth of the Pentecostal movement. Because even apartheid used its political position to oppress the people, the prophetic ministry should use it for the betterment of the people of God.37 In this case, the political participation of the prophetic ministry is used in a positive sense, as opposed to the abuse of oppressive powers such as the apartheid system in South Africa. Therefore, participation in politics must never be viewed as a sin but rather as a way in which the prophetic ministry can influence the political sphere. This kind of participation in politics is not only for elite prophets in new prophetic churches but for all the believers. In addition, the outward-looking imagination makes it possible for the prophetic ministry to take part in the development of the country rather than merely concentrating on preaching and teaching the word of God.

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This means that the outward-looking imagination is not only about the words of the prophets in new prophetic churches but also about actions in the development of the people of God. The outward-looking imagination does not only prepare the believers for heaven as early Pentecostals did, but also prepares them through development while still here on earth.38 In this sense, the believer or the follower in new prophetic churches is able to face the challenges in the world because they are well developed. This kind of development includes preparation for the workplace and other opportunities in the world.39 In addition, the outward-looking imagination makes it possible for the prophetic ministry to become a centre for development. Instead of always sending people to the workplace, the outward-­ looking approach can create employment opportunities for the people of God. The new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa should look not only at the spiritual side of the church but also at its development side. This is important because when politicians fail to develop the people in Africa, the new prophetic churches become an alternative. In this context, the new prophetic churches become an important contributor to the development of the country. This can be achieved through the creation of various projects whereby the people of God can participate as opposed to always being recipients of prophecies. The outward-looking imagination, as opposed to the inward-looking imagination, does not leave everything to the political sphere but takes part to bring change. Instead of being the centre of controversies, the new prophetic churches should be the centre for development in confrontation with the political system that does not develop people in Africa.40 The new prophetic churches should be involved in building schools, health centres and lifestyle centres.41 It is the outward-looking approach that makes it possible for this to happen among the new prophetic churches. In other words, instead of the inward-looking approach that encourages prophets to buy private jets, expensive cars and houses for their families, the outward-­ looking approach encourages the prophets to also address the needs of other people.42 Instead of propagating capitalism in post-colonial Africa, the prophetic ministry should create an alternative economy for the people of God.43 This means that the outward-looking imagination makes it possible for the church to be involved in the development of the people of God through various economic and social projects in communities.44 This is an important approach that the new prophetic churches should take in reversing the inward-looking approach of the early Pentecostals. In addition, this is an important approach in the development of the Pentecostal

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political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. Through the inward-looking imagination, the prophets are able to engage the social aspects of the world instead of only focusing on the spiritual and preparing people only for heaven. The engagement of the new prophetic churches with society is discussed below.

10.5   Pentecostal Political Theology of Engagement The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in the twenty-first century is expected to be a theology of engagement. This should be a theology that is engaged with societal issues. In other words, Pentecostals should engage not only in the process of converting people but also in addressing their societal challenges in post-colonial Africa.45 The Pentecostal political theology of engagement does not reach people for the primary purpose of conversion but should first minister to their needs.46 This means that human beings should not be looked at in terms of their spirit only but holistically, which means body, soul and spirit.47 The Pentecostal political theology of engagement is a relevant approach for addressing societal issues. Addressing social ills such as gender-based violence, crime and corruption should be part of the Pentecostal political theology.48 Pentecostals should be concerned not only about going to heaven but about reaching out to the victims of gender-based violence. This cannot be ignored by Pentecostal political theology, since issues of gender-based violence also happen within Pentecostal church circles.49 If Pentecostal political theology is indeed concerned with reaching out to people, the issues of gender-­ based violence should take the lead in our discourses. Crime is another important societal issue, specifically in the South African context where crime statistics are high.50 Furthermore, corruption in South Africa—and elsewhere in Africa—has become a bad political habit.51 Therefore, social context or societal challenges can become important aspects of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. Therefore, the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is not only concerned about church issues but also concerned about the political context.52 This is the major difference between the normal Pentecostal theology and the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. The latter should address the political context, particularly in South Africa where most black people experienced much suffering and oppression in the past.53 The

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reality is that even in the present, most black people experience many challenges because of the political context of the past that has implications for the future. In other words, the remnants of apartheid exist even in post-1994 South Africa and the nation remains very much polarised given the divisions that existed for a long time in the country. A Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should be able to engage issues of racial segregation as it happened in the past and as it exists in the present.54 Racial segregation did not disappear with the dawn of democracy but still exists in society. Like gender-based violence, racism exists in some of the Pentecostal churches. Some of the Pentecostal churches supported the racial segregation of the country by implementing racial policies in their churches. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should include the political context, as this is part of the experiences of the people in South Africa. However, apart from the political context, other issues are important to the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in post-colonial Africa. These are issues such as global warming, including the environmental crises in the world. Both the pneumatological imagination and the prophetic imagination include the environment and all the creatures on earth.55 The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy itself should include the environment and everything that lives in it. In other words, God does not only love people; the whole world is in the hands of God, which means that God cares about humanity in the same way that he cares about the animals, trees, water, land, and so on.56 The pneumatological imagination is not only about the Spirit-baptised and tongue-speaking human beings, but also about the Spirit-filled environment. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy should express itself equally in environmental issues. This is pivotal at a time when global warming and environmental crises are at the top of the agenda as nations try to find long-lasting solutions. It is also important that the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy includes engagement with the environment and issues of sustainable development. This means that the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is aware of the various societal challenges rather than being inward looking.

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10.6   Pentecostal Political Theology of Speaking Truth to Power The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in the twenty-first century is expected to be a theology speaking truth to power. This is not a function of prophets with high positions; anyone regardless position, age, race and gender can speak truth to power.57 Both theories of radical criticism and radical delegitimising of the empire are theoretical frameworks relevant to the confrontation of the power structures in a community as proposed by Walter Brueggemann.58 These theories place the prophetic ministry in a radical position before the empire as opposed to a friendship position with the empire. Therefore, the Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power means that there should be a constant confrontation of the wrongdoings of the empire in a South African context and elsewhere in the world. This means that the Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power is a theology of radicalism. It is not a theology of massaging the ego of the empire but one that radically confronts the empire. The prophetic ministry speaks for the people, not against the people.59 This is where the Pentecostal political theology becomes relevant for the very same purpose of speaking against the wrongdoings of the empire in uplifting the people of God in post-colonial Africa. Hence, the call here for the Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power, which is a radical theology. The prophetic ministry is not grounded in the relationship between the prophets and the empire, but in a confrontation of the empire by the prophets. The prophetic ministry is not defined in the context of the connection or friendship with the elite but in a confrontation of the one with the other.60 This means that the Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power is the theology where the wrongdoings of the politicians are confronted by the prophets. The prophetic ministry of speaking truth to power is ministry that confronts those who abuse power, including politicians.61 This calls for the independence of the prophetic office and the prophets in the new prophetic churches in post-colonial Africa. However, each time that the prophets get into unhealthy relationships with the empire, they cease to be critical of the same.62 This does not only apply to the prophets in new prophetic churches but right through the history of the Pentecostal movement in South Africa. Whenever there is a connection between the prophets and the politicians, they cease to speak truth to the powers that be.63 Therefore, a Pentecostal political theology

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of speaking truth to power means that there should be a dissociation between the prophets and the politicians to maintain a critical voice in the political sphere. The Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power means that the prophets cannot die in silence.64 This approach has the ability to revitalise the prophetic ministry, as there has been silence for a long time. The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is relevant in confronting those in political office.65 One of the assignments of the prophetic ministry of Prophet Isaiah in the Bible was to speak to those in political office for change to come about. In Isaiah 62:1, the prophet says, “For Zion’s sake I will not keep silent, for Jerusalem’s sake I will not remain quiet, till her righteousness shines out like the dawn, her salvation like a blazing torch.”66 The prophetic ministry does not allow things to go wrong without pointing them out. The prophetic ministry will not allow the injustices of the world to continue without confrontation.67 Prophet Isaiah is very particular in speaking out until the light of God comes to the political sphere. This is supposed to be the task of the prophetic office in post-colonial Africa, to speak truth to power until the light of God comes to the people. The Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power means that those who hold offices of influence or political office should be held accountable by the prophetic office.68 In the South African context, it is not enough to always rely on commissions in post-colonial Africa but the prophetic office should rise in confrontation of those who hold political office.69 Sometimes, commissions such as the Zondo Commission that probed the state capture in South Africa are not as effective as the voice of the people through the prophetic office.70 Sometimes, when there is no separation of power between the legislative and the executive, the commission does not help much. Hence, even after so much evidence emanating from the Zondo Commission, there is no accountability by the political office. Politicians end up using the same commissions to fight their political battles. The questions then are: Do we need another commission? What do these commissions achieve? Are people changed as a result of commissions? The reality is that since the dawn of democracy, there have been many commissions and yet corruption remains. At times, decisions are taken contrary to the recommendations of a commission. It takes the Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power to confront the wrongdoings of political office. This means that prophecy is not about entertaining politicians but about holding them to account for their

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wrongdoings. Hence, the call here for a Pentecostal political theology of speaking truth to power that will confront the system of corrupt politicians in the South African context.

10.7   Pentecostal Prophethood of All the Believers The Pentecostal political theology of prophecy in the twenty-first century should be a theology where all believers participate in the prophetic gift, framed here as the prophethood of all believers.71 If we believe that during Pentecost, all the believers received the power of the Holy Spirit, the signs and the benefits of the Spirit baptism and Spirit-infilling should apply to all, not only the select few.72 One of the signs of the Spirit baptism is the manifestation of the prophetic gift.73 It follows that when the believers are filled with the Holy Spirit, they prophesy as a sign of such infilling. Believers and followers of the new prophetic churches should be seen not only as the consumers of prophecies but as participants in the prophetic gift. This means that the prophetic gift should be inclusive regardless of age, race, gender and other demographics. Both men and women are eligible to participate in the prophetic gift. The challenges that exist in society today cannot be solved through the connection between prophets and politicians alone but through the participation of all believers in the prophetic ministry. Therefore, closing the door to believers to participate in the prophetic ministry is closing the door to the solution to the challenges faced by society today. Moreover, the definition of the prophetic ministry should be extended beyond speaking the word of God in the church setting to refer also to prophets in the political sphere.74 In this way, the prophetic ministry will have an impact on society rather than being limited to its practice in the church alone. The prophetic ministry is not for those who possess the prophetic gift alone, but all believers have the potential to prophesy.75 As much as prophecy is a gift apportioned to specific individuals, it is also pursued through a desire or passion to prophesy.76 Apostle Paul spoke to the church at Corinth encouraging all of them to desire the gift of prophecy as opposed to the gift of tongues, which only edifies the individual.77 The gift of prophecy edifies everyone, hence all believers should pursue the gift. Paul opens the possibility within the theology of prophecy for anyone desiring the gift to be able to receive it and prophesy. Therefore, the idea that it is only for the select few is not consistent with Pauline theology. In Pauline

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theology, the believers can pray until they can prophesy or even to be able to interpret tongues. This means that the prophetic ministry can be pursued by desire; it can also be pursued through a prayerful life. In other words, those who are not naturally gifted in prophecy can pray until they receive an interpretation of tongues and they can pray to receive the ability to prophesy. The prophethood of all believers is a call to rethink the use of titles by some prophets in new prophetic churches. Titles such as “Major 1” suggest that only the superior prophet hears from God and others are listeners of the prophesies.78 In addition, the use of titles causes others to shy away from the prophetic gift thinking that it is reserved for the major prophets. These are titles that discourage others to participate so that there is a dependency on one prophet who then exploit the gift and the followers. Before the eyes of God, there are no major or minor prophets but the prophethood of all believers because God can use anyone available. The use of major and minor prophets in the Bible is for the distinction between major books of the prophets and minor books of the prophets. This does not mean that Jeremiah is a major prophet and Haggai is a minor prophet, but the distinction is between the books used in the Old Testament canon. This means that as much as God can use Prophet Jeremiah, he can also use Prophet Haggai. The Pentecostal prophethood of all believers means that the prophetic gift should benefit all the believers, not the select few.79 The prophetic gift is not only to be used to gain entrance to the political sphere by prophets in new prophetic churches. It is a gift that must uplift everyone, including the poor, the marginalised and the outcast.80 The purpose of prophecy is not political connection but the upliftment of the people of God.81 Instead of appeasing the political elite, the prophetic ministry is expected to condemn the wrongdoings of the political elite in favour of the marginalised. It is this prophethood of all believers that can benefit all the people of God, not the select few. It is the prophethood of all believers that will allow those who are on the periphery to be included in the prophetic ministry. Therefore, the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is a theology that benefits all the believers, not only the prophets in new prophetic churches and their fellow politicians. It is a challenge to the prophets in new prophetic churches to desire the upliftment of the people rather than to desire to be politically connected in post-colonial Africa. The prophethood of all believers helps in the authentication of the prophesies being uttered by the prophet or anyone giving the prophetic

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word.82 In other words, in the current practice, only the prophets in new prophetic churches speak and the congregants accept every word uttered by the prophet. The prophetic gift is not about uttering words and walking away; it is not a hit-and-run ministry but a ministry where each word given or uttered by the prophet should be engaged to be accepted by the believers. Again, Pauline theology is relevant in this regard. According to Paul, the prophetic word is established in the witness of two or three people. In public worship, when the prophetic word is given, others must listen to be able to verify what the prophet is saying to the church.83 This is only possible when all the believers are allowed to participate in the prophetic gift. This means that in the prophethood of all believers, the believers are able to check the prophecy and confirm if it is indeed correct and consistent with the biblical message.

10.8  Conclusion The development of a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy is a culmination of many factors. Hence, in this book, various theoretical frameworks are used and applied in its development. These include the prophetic imagination of Walter Brueggemann, the pneumatological imagination of Amos Yong and the alternative sovereignty of Nimi Wariboko. In addition, the book highlights the importance of ethos in the practice of prophecy, which is framed as prophetic ethos. This should be developed further as an important theory for the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy. These theories are important in the development of the Pentecostal prophetic ethos that acknowledges the importance of ethics in the practice of prophecy, particularly among the new prophetic churches. The theory of alternative sovereignty is important for the development of the Pentecostal political theology of prophecy that acknowledges the sovereignty of all the believers instead of theology that exalts the prophet above other believers. Therefore, in the alternative sovereignty, power and prophecy are brought into an equilibrium. The Pentecostal movement in this framework moves from an inward-looking approach to an outward-looking approach. In this kind of approach, the Pentecostal believers—not only the prophets—will be able to speak truth to power and engage on societal problems. In addition, the Pentecostal movement will be able to embrace a Pentecostal political theology of prophecy where all the believers are prophetic, instead of relying on one individual prophet.

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Notes 1. Scholars have used the concept of a prophetic ethos in arguing for a combination of both the gift and the reputation of the prophet in the practice of prophecy: Lynda Walsh, Scientists as prophets: A rhetorical genealogy (Oxford University Press, 2013); Walter Brueggemann, Like fire in the bones: Listening for the prophetic word in Jeremiah (London: Fortress Press, 2006). Or even the lack of morality among some contemporary prophets: George Shulman, American prophecy: Race and redemption in American political culture (University of Minnesota Press, 2008); Nimi Wariboko, Ethics and time: Ethos of temporal orientation in politics and religion of the Niger Delta (Lexington Books, 2010). 2. Obvious Vengeyi, “Zimbabwean Pentecostal prophets.” In Chitando, Ezra, Masiiwa Ragies Gunda and Joachim Kügler (eds), Prophets, profits and the Bible in Zimbabwe: Festschrift for Aynos Masotcha Moyo, Vol. 12. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press (2014), p. 29. 3. Richard Horsley and Jonathan A. Draper (eds), Whoever hears you hears me: Prophets, performance, and tradition in Q. London: A&C Black (1999). 4. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, The fourth Pentecostal wave in South Africa: A critical engagement. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2019). 5. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “NPC prophets and the money cult in South Africa.” Pentecostalism and cultism in South Africa. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan (2021): 113–134. 6. Lorin Woolfe, The Bible on leadership: From Moses to Matthew—Management lessons for contemporary leaders. New  York: AMACOM Division of American Management Association (2002). 7. This text has been paraphrased from Nehemiah 5: 14–19. 8. Kudzai Biri, “Prisoners of hope? Pentecostalism, politics and the quest for a new dispensation in Zimbabwe.” Chitando, Ezra, Lovemore Togarasei and Joram Tarusarira (eds). Religion-regime relations in Zimbabwe: Co-operation and resistance. Abingdon, VA: Taylor & Francis (2023). 9. Chammah Kaunda, the nation that fears God prospers: A critique of Zambian Pentecostal theopolitical imaginations. London: Fortress Press (2019). 10. Kgatle, Pentecostalism and cultism. 11. Adriaan van Klinken, “Binyavanga Wainaina’s public contestation of Pentecostalism and homophobia. In Chitando, Ezra and Adriaan Van Klinken (eds), Christianity and controversies over homosexuality in contemporary Africa. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2016). 12. Ezra Chitando and Kudzai Biri. “Walter Magaya’s prophetic healing and deliverance (PHD) ministries and Pentecostalism in Zimbabwe: A preliminary study with particular reference to ecumenism.” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 42, no. 2 (2016): 72–85.

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13. Ilana van Wyk, The Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in South Africa: A church of strangers, Vol. 47. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2014). 14. Kudzai Biri, African Pentecostalism, the Bible, and cultural resilience: The case of the Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa, Vol. 24. Bamberg: University of Bamberg Press (2020). 15. Elias Kifon Bongmba, “What has Kinshasa to do with Athens? Methodological perspectives on theology and social science in search for a political theology.” in Karen Lauterbach, and Mika Vähäkangas. Faith in African lived Christianity: Bridging anthropological and theological perspectives (Leiden: Brill, 2019): 195–223. Nimi wariboko, nigerian pentecostalism, (Martlesham, boydell and brewer), 2014. 16. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 170. 17. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 170. 18. Bongmba, Elias Kifon. “What has Kinshasa to do with Athens?” Cf. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism. Cf. Richard Burgess, Nigerian Pentecostalism and development: Spirit, power, and transformation. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2020). 19. Nimi Wariboko, “The charismatic city as the body of Christ.” In The charismatic city and the public resurgence of religion: A Pentecostal social ethics of cosmopolitan urban life. New  York: Palgrave Macmillan (2014), pp. 169–193. 20. Ruth Marshall, “The sovereignty of miracles: Pentecostal political theology in Nigeria 1.” Constellations 17, no. 2 (2010): 197–223. Cf. Martin Lindhardt, Power in powerlessness: A study of Pentecostal life worlds in urban Chile, Vol. 12. Leiden: Brill (2012). 21. Lewis Baldwin and Vicki L.  Crawford (eds). Reclaiming the great world house: The global vision of Martin Luther King Jr. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press (2019). Cf. Tony Richie, Essentials of Pentecostal theology: An eternal and unchanging Lord Powerfully present & active by the Holy Spirit. Eugene OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2020). 22. Collium Banda, “God as a servant of magic? The challenge of the impersonalisation of God in neo-Pentecostal prophetic responses to human agency and transcendence in Africa.” Religions 13, no. 10 (2022): 975. 23. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism. Cf. Chammah Kaunda, “‘Cleaning up the church’: African neo-Pentecostalism, language ideology, and state regulation of religious freedom.” Journal of Church and State 63, no. 3 (2021): 373–395. 24. Nimi Wariboko, “Fire from heaven: Pentecostals in the secular city.” In The charismatic city and the public resurgence of religion: A Pentecostal social ethics of cosmopolitan urban life. New  York: Palgrave Macmillan (2014), pp. 81–98.

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25. Maria Frahm-Arp, “Pneumatology and prophetic Pentecostal charismatic Christianity during COVID-19  in South Africa.” In Mookgo Solomon Kgatle (ed.), The use and abuse of the Spirit in Pentecostalism. Abingdon: Routledge (2020), pp. 150–174. 26. Collium Banda, “Doctrine as security? A systematic theological critique of the operational theological framework of the controversial South African neo-Pentecostal prophets.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021). Cf. Collium Banda, “Mediating God’s relationality? A trinitarian perichoretic critique of the reliance on anointed objects in African neo-Pentecostalism,” HTS: Theological Studies 76, no. 1 (2020): 1–10. 27. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 171. 28. Marshall Ruth, “Destroying arguments and captivating thoughts: Spiritual warfare prayer as global praxis.” Journal of Religious and Political Practice 2, no. 1 (2016): 92–113. Cf. Marius Nel, The prosperity gospel in Africa: An African Pentecostal hermeneutical consideration. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2020). 29. Joram Tarusarira, “Religion in times of crisis in Zimbabwe: A case study of churches in Manicaland and its theodicy of liberation.” In Religion in times of crisis. Leiden: Brill (2014), pp. 93–115. 30. Joseph Florez, Lived religion, Pentecostalism, and social activism in authoritarian Chile: Giving life to the faith. Leiden: Brill (2021), p. 74. 31. Daniel Albrecht, Rites in the Spirit: A ritual approach to Pentecostal/charismatic spirituality, No. 17. London: A&C Black (1999), p. 206. 32. Wolfgang Vondey, Beyond Pentecostalism: The crisis of global Christianity and the renewal of the theological agenda, Vol. 3. Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing (2010). Cf. Michael Frost and Alan Hirsch. The shaping of things to come: Innovation and mission for the 21st-century church. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Books (2013). 33. Allen Yeh, Polycentric missiology: 21st-century mission from everyone to everywhere. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press (2016). 34. Rijk Van Dijk, “Pentecostalism and post-development: Exploring religion as a developmental ideology in Ghanaian migrant communities.” In Freeman, Dana (ed), Pentecostalism and development: Churches, NGOs and social change in Africa. London: Palgrave Macmillan (2012), pp. 87–108. 35. Nimi Wariboko, “Pentecostal paradigms of national economic prosperity in Africa.” In Attanasi, Katherine and Amos Yong (eds), Pentecostalism and prosperity: The socio-economics of the global charismatic movement. New York: Palgrave Macmillan (2012), pp. 35–59. 36. Ajibade, Mobolaji Oyebisi. “The role of Pentecostalism in sustainable development in Nigeria.” In Öhlmann, Philipp, Wilhelm Gräb and Marie-­ Luise Frost (eds), African initiated Christianity and the decolonisation of development. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2020), pp. 151–163.

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37. Ross, Kenneth R. “The kingdom of God and contemporary politics: Theological reflection on social transformation in Malawi.” Missionalia: Southern African Journal of Mission Studies 23, no. 1 (1995): 57–71. 38. Various scholars have looked at the intersectionality of the outlooking approach and development. Douglas Jacobsen, The world’s Christians: Who they are, where they are, and how they got there. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons (2021). Cf. William Kay, SCM core text Pentecostalism. Hymns ancient and modern Ltd. London: SCM (2013). Mark Cartledge, The mediation of the Spirit: Interventions in practical theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing (2015). Nimi Wariboko, The Pentecostal principle: Ethical methodology in new spirit, Vol. 5. Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing (2012). 39. Oyebisi. “The role of Pentecostalism in sustainable development in Nigeria” 151. 40. Richard Burgess, Nigeria’s Christian revolution: The civil war revival and its Pentecostal progeny (1967–2006). Oxford: OCMS (2008). 41. Other churches elsewhere in Africa have been involved in the building of clinics, schools and starting new banks. Cf. Donald Miller and Tetsunao Yamamori. Global Pentecostalism: The new face of Christian social engagement. Oakland, CA: University of California Press (2007). 42. Kelebogile Resane, “Christ and the neo-Pentecostal preacher on the platform: Catechists or celebrities?” In Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, Collium Banda and Marius Nel (eds), Christological paradigm shifts in prophetic Pentecostalism in South Africa. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2021). 43. Olufunke Adeboye, “‘A starving man cannot shout halleluyah’: African Pentecostal churches and the challenge of promoting sustainable development.” In African initiated Christianity and the decolonisation of development. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2020), p. 129. 44. Sylvia Owusu-Ansah and Philip Adjei-Acquah. “Pentecostalism and sustainable development: The case of Perez Chapel International.” In African Initiated Christianity and the decolonisation of development. Abingdon, VA: Routledge (2020). 45. Scholars who have written on the Pentecostal movement in an African context have demonstrated the need for the Pentecostals to engage on societal challenges. Martin Lindhardt, Pentecostalism in Africa: Presence and impact of pneumatic Christianity in postcolonial societies, Vol. 15. Leiden: Brill (2014). Cf. Nelson Ngoy Kalombo, Neo-Pentecostalism: A post-colonial critique of the prosperity gospel in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2019). Cf. Robert Beckford, Dread and Pentecostal: A political theology for the black church in Britain. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2011). Cf. Jean Comaroff, “Pentecostalism, populism and the new politics of affect.” In

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Freeman, Dana (ed.), Pentecostalism and development: Churches, NGOs and social change in Africa. London: Palgrave Macmillan (2012), pp. 41–66. 46. Beckford, Dread and Pentecostal. 47. Nimi Wariboko, “Pentecostalism in Africa.” In Oxford research encyclopedia of African history. Oxford: Oxford University Press (2017). 48. Women Pentecostal theologians in Africa have raised the importance of the inclusion of women struggles in Pentecostal theological discourses. Biri, Kudzai, “Pouring ashes on our faces? An African womanist perspective on sexual and gender-based violence in Zimbabwe.” In Chirongoma, Sophia, Molly Manyoganise and Ezra Chitando (eds), Religion, women’s health rights, and sustainable development in Zimbabwe, Vol. 1. Cham: Springer International Publishing (2022), pp.  105–124. Cf. Mutale Mulenga Kaunda, “Ukukupukula Pampoto: Cultural construction of silence regarding gender-based violence among Pentecostal married women in Zambia.” Feminist Theology 30, no. 1 (2021): 6–20. Cf. Mapuranga, Tapiwa Praise, “At the mercy of ‘the man of God?’ Sexual and gender-based violence in Zimbabwean Pentecostalism.” In Chitondo, Ezra (ed.), Innovation and competition in Zimbabwean Pentecostalism: Megachurches and the marketisation of religion (2021): 191–201. Cf. Manyonganise, Molly. “Zimbabweans and the prophetic frenzy.” In Hunter, Johannes and Joachim Kügler (eds), The Bible and violence in Africa. Bamberg: University of Bamberg (2016), p. 269. 49. Ezra Chitando, and Sophia Chirongoma (eds). Justice not silence: Churches facing sexual and gender-based violence. Stellenbosch: African Sun Media (2013). 50. Recent statistics show an increase in violent crime in South Africa in the last three years. Luke Frazer, “Violent crime in South Africa is getting worse—Here are all the latest stats.” Accessed 17 February 2023 https://businesstech.co.za/news/lifestyle/665791/violent-­crime-­in-­ south-­africa-­is-­getting-­worse-­here-­are-­all-­the-­latest-­stats/. Cf. Institute for Security Studies, “Soaring murder rates underline the lack of sound direction for policing.” Accessed 09 February 2023 https://crimehub.org/iss-­today/soaring-­murder-­rates-­underline-­the-­lack-­of-­sound-­ direction-­for-­policing. 51. The state capture report emanating from the Zondo Commission demonstrates that corruption is prevalent among the politicians in the African National Congress. Cf. Cornelis Swanepoel, “The slippery slope to state capture: Cadre deployment as an enabler of corruption and a contributor to blurred party–State lines.” Law, Democracy & Development 25, no. 1 (2022): 440–462. 52. Amos Yong, In the days of Caesar: Pentecostalism and political theology. Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing (2010).

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53. Neocosmos Michael, From foreign natives to native foreigners. Explaining xenophobia in post-apartheid South Africa: Explaining xenophobia in post-­ apartheid South Africa: Citizenship and nationalism, identity and politics. Oxford: African Books Collective (2010). 54. Amos Yong and Estrelda Y.  Alexander (eds). Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and charismatic Christianity in history and culture. New York: NYU Press (2011). 55. Amos Yong, The spirit of creation: Modern science and divine action in the Pentecostal-charismatic imagination, Vol. 4. Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing (2011). Cf. Walter Brueggemann, The practice of prophetic imagination: Preaching an emancipating word. London: Fortress Press (2012). 56. Aaron Jason Swoboda, Tongues and trees: Towards a Pentecostal ecological theology, Vol. 40. Leiden: Brill (2019). 57. Amos Yong and Estrelda Y.  Alexander (eds). Afro-Pentecostalism: Black Pentecostal and charismatic Christianity in history and culture. New York: NYU Press (2011), p. 150. 58. Walter Brueggemann, Prophetic imagination. London: Fortress Press (1978). 59. Hulisani Ramantswana, “Prophets praying for, or preying on people’s faith: A reflection on prophetic ministry in the South African context,” In Die Skriflig 53, no. 4 (2018): 1–8. 60. Wariboko, Nigerian Pentecostalism 171. 61. Jakub Urbaniak and Blazio M. Manobo. “Canaan Banana, churches and the land issue: Revisiting theology of Zimbabwe’s vilified prophet.” Political Theology 21, no. 3 (2020): 225–246. 62. Harvey Cox, Fire from heaven: The rise of Pentecostal spirituality and the reshaping of religion in the 21st century. Boston, MA: Da Capo Press (2009). 63. Mookgo Solomon Kgatle, “The prophetic voice of the South African Council of Churches: A weak voice in post-1994 South Africa.” HTS: Theological Studies 74, no. 1 (2018): 1–8. Cf. Gerald West, “Serving the sighs of the working class in South Africa with Marxist analysis of the Bible as a site of struggle.” Rethinking Marxism 32, no. 1 (2020): 41–65. 64. Dube, Bekithemba. “‘Go and prophesy in your own land’: Foreign prophets and popularism in South Africa. Evoking the need of Jonathanic theology for peaceful resolution of difference.” Religions 11, no. 1 (2020): 42. Cf. Philipp Musoni, “Spiritualised political theology in a polarised political environment: A Pentecostal movement’s response to party politics in Zimbabwe.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021): 1–7. 65. Clarke, Clifton R. “Pan-Africanism and Pentecostalism in Africa: Strange bedfellows or perfect partners? A Pentecostal assist towards a Pan-African

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political theology.” Black Theology 11, no. 2 (2013): 152–184. Cf. Burgess, Richard. “Pentecostalism and democracy in Nigeria: Electoral politics, prophetic practices, and cultural reformation.” Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions 18, no. 3 (2014): 38–62. 66. Isaiah 62 demonstrates that the prophet continued to speak out on behalf of people until the light came to the people. 67. M’fundisi-Holloway Naar. “When Pentecostalism meets African indigenous religions: conflict, compromise, or incorporation?” Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa (2018): 87–100. 68. Chammah Kaunda, “’From fools for Christ to fools for politicians’: A critique of Zambian Pentecostal theopolitical imagination.” International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, no. 4 (2017): 296–311. 69. Thinandavha Mashau, “Unshackling the chains of coloniality: Reimagining decoloniality, Africanisation and reformation for a non-racial South Africa.” HTS: Theological Studies 74, no. 3 (2018): 1–8. 70. Adriaan Basson and Pieter du Toit. Enemy of the people: How Jacob Zuma stole South Africa and how the people fought back. Cape Town: Jonathan Ball Publishers (2017). Cf. Sejake Petrus Motaung, The day the South African Constitutional Court legalised crime and corruption—To the benefit of the Guptas. Pittsburgh, PA: Dorrance Publishing (2020). 71. Many scholars have written about the participation of the community of believers in the prophetic ministry instead of the ministry where only the well-known prophets participate James Deotis Roberts, The prophethood of black believers: An African American political theology for ministry (Westminster: John Knox Press, 1994); Frank Macchia, Baptized in the Spirit: A global Pentecostal theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan Academic, 2009); Mark Cartledge, Testimony in the spirit: Rescripting ordinary Pentecostal theology (London: Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2010). 72. Gary McGee (ed.), Initial evidence: Historical and Biblical perspectives on the Pentecostal doctrine of Spirit baptism. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (2008). 73. Menzies, William W. and Robert P. Menzies. Spirit and power: Foundations of Pentecostal experience (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan (2000). 74. Gerhardus Cornelis Oosthuizen, The healer-prophet in Afro-Christian churches, Vol. 3. Leiden: Brill (1992). 75. Wayne Grudem, The gift of prophecy in 1 Corinthians. Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock Publishers (1999). Cf. Cephas Omenyo, “Man of God prophesy unto me: The prophetic phenomenon in African Christianity,” Studies in World Christianity 17, no. 1 (2011): 30–49. 76. Mike Bickle, Growing in the prophetic: A balanced, Biblical guide to using and nurturing dreams, revelations and spiritual gifts as God intended. Lake Mary, FL: Charisma Media (2008). Cf. Rex Butler, The new prophecy and

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’new visions’: Evidence of Montanism in the passion of Perpetua and Felicitas, No. 18. Washington, DC: CUA Press (2011). 77. Phillip Musoni, “Glossolalia a theological position in Pentecostal Christianity: A case study of Zimbabwe Assemblies of God Africa Forward in Faith (ZAOGA FIF) spirituality.” International Journal of Innovative Research and Development 3, no. 6 (2014): 134–140. 78. Hulisani Ramantswana and Ithapeleng Sebetseli. “Prophets competing against each other in a commercial age: Have some prophets or neoprophetic churches gone too far?” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021): 1–7. 79. Marius Nel, “Comparison between the respective views of John Calvin and classical Pentecostals on the role of the Holy Spirit in reading the Bible.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 77, no. 4 (2021): 1–7. 80. Amos Yong, The Spirit poured out on all flesh: Pentecostalism and the possibility of global theology. Ada, MI: Baker Academic (2005). 81. Banda, “God as a servant of magic?”975. 82. There is literature on the prophethood of all believers benefitting everyone. Daswani Girish, “A prophet but not for profit: Ethical value and character in Ghanaian Pentecostalism.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 22, no. 1 (2016): 108–126. Cf. Wenk, Matthias. “What is prophetic about prophecies: Inspiration or critical memory? A fresh look at prophets and prophecy in the New Testament and contemporary Pentecostalism.” Journal of Pentecostal Theology 26, no. 2 (2017): 178–195. 83. In 2 Corinthians 13:1, Apostle Paul explains that the word of God (which includes the prophetic word) is established in the witness of two or three witnesses.

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Index1

A Abuse of women, 133, 141 Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa, 159 Accountability, 84, 107, 130, 201, 222, 223, 236, 239, 246 Accredited diplomats, 79 Administration of justice, 130 African audience, 107 context, 3, 51, 166, 198, 200, 243, 253n45 Independent Churches, 58–59, 62, 104 indigenous religions, 6 Initiated Churches, 4, 32–34, 41n55, 41n56 migrants, 34 National Congress, 32, 102, 108, 113, 159 Pentecostalism, 11, 137

religion, 51, 56–57, 62, 102 states, 214 traditional religion, 6, 7 Union, 222 Afrikaners, 24, 25 Airport, 87, 128 Alleluia Ministries International, 11, 34, 53, 62, 103, 105, 107, 115, 116 Alph Lukau, 13, 34, 53, 103, 105, 107, 112, 117, 127, 133, 142, 163 Alternative community, 172–174 consciousness, 173 economy, 242 sovereignty, 14, 209–212, 214–217, 219, 221–223, 235, 238–240, 249 American Missionaries, 28 Ancestral spirits, 6

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2023 M. S. Kgatle, Prophecy and Politics in South African Pentecostalism, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-49159-7

299

300 

INDEX

Ancient times, 23, 45, 48, 61 Anglo American Corporation, 31 Anointed prophets, 216 Anointing oil, 58, 59 water, 58, 59 Anthropocentric approach, 160 Anthropology, 221 Anxiety, 60 Apartheid, 7, 12, 13, 23–25, 27, 30, 33–35, 37, 106, 155, 159, 160, 241, 244 Apolitical institution, 114 Apostles, 52, 81, 192, 200, 247, 257n83 Apostolic Faith Mission, 2, 4, 17n17, 26–29, 51, 52, 54, 62 Archaeology, 221 Aristocratic gerontocracies, 198 Arrest, 12, 79–82, 88, 90, 96n59, 96n61, 128, 129, 135 Assemblies of God, 2, 4, 16n16, 17n17, 26, 52, 54, 62, 103 Asset forfeiture, 80 Authoritative text, 220 Authority, 24, 25, 36, 82, 107, 141, 164, 165, 169, 188, 209–211, 213, 218, 220–222, 225–227 B Babylonian system, 162, 163 Bail conditions, 80–82, 90, 130, 131, 223 Baptism, 3, 4, 28, 49, 58, 182, 194, 197, 200, 211, 247 Baptismal pools, 28 Behaviour, 13, 106, 127, 138–140, 142, 188, 236 Beitebridge, 84 Beliefs, 24, 33, 39n24, 48, 51, 56, 60, 96n62, 167, 199, 200, 216

Biblical congregations, 31, 52, 60, 107, 114–116, 170, 195, 200, 220, 221 hermeneutics, 220 message, 221, 222, 249 passage, 50 prophecy, 6, 53, 198 teaching, 221 text, 10, 14, 36, 81, 107, 136, 138, 163, 184, 196, 203n28, 203n30, 204n38, 204n43, 209, 214, 219–222, 226, 227, 232n48, 233n71, 233n72 Biographical information, 53, 54 Bizarre miracles, 192, 196, 213 Black Consciousness Movement, 29 economic empowerment, 159 elite, 159 excellence, 129 First Land First leader, 129 investment groups, 31 leadership, 159 lives, 159 people, 7, 24, 25, 27–29, 55, 159, 160, 243, 244 theologians, 25 Blessings, 47, 105–108, 173 Bodily reactions, 185 Book of Acts, 49, 195 Borders, 84, 87 Born again, 49, 137 Brueggemann, Walter, 9 Bureaucrats, 85 Bushiri, Shepherd, 4, 8, 11–13, 34, 53, 54, 73–90, 127–131, 133, 135, 137, 139–142, 162, 163, 166, 171, 199, 201, 212, 214, 223, 224 Business details, 53 Businessman, 76, 92n17

 INDEX 

C Calvinist theology, 24, 25 Case studies, 2, 11 Catch a witch, 55 Chakwera, Lazurus (President), 85, 87, 128, 131 Charismatic churches, 4, 31, 33, 52, 53, 102 pastors, 31, 32, 104 renewals, 4 Charitable works, 141 Chikane, Frank, 12, 23, 29–31, 35, 37, 40n36, 133, 162 Chirwa, Naledi, 8, 77, 106 Christ-centered, 193 Christ Embassy, 34 Christian community, 103, 110 history, 23 movement, 218, 219 nation, 24 nationalism, 24 tradition, 217, 218 Christocentric, 49, 183 Christology, 48, 183, 193, 199 Church affiliations, 13, 101, 103, 114–116, 118 image, 104 leaders, 26, 30, 31, 51, 81, 88, 108, 116, 132, 195 movement, 218 premises, 117 services, 58, 61, 117 setting, 35, 105, 114, 240, 247 Citizenry, 132 City of Tshwane, 74, 77 Civilisation, 134 Class, 198 Classical Pentecostal churches, 26, 27, 33, 51, 52, 54, 57, 61, 103, 213, 218, 219, 221

301

Clergy, 30, 36, 49, 50, 52, 79, 81, 196, 213 Cohesion, 76, 189 Commander in chief, 105, 214 Commitment, 50, 225, 238 Communal sovereignty, 217 Community sovereignty, 215, 239, 240 Compassion, 156, 161, 164, 168, 238 Confession, 58 Conservative approach, 9, 161 Party, 112 Consistency, 238 Constituencies, 115 Constitution, 86, 102, 222–224 Constitutionality, 219 Consumers, 247 Contemporary churches, 48 Contestation, 111, 112, 135 Contextual issues, 31 theologies, 25, 29, 31 Continuity, 58, 59, 113 Controversial activities, 105 acts, 192 miracles, 75, 81, 132, 137, 138, 169, 216 practices, 75, 132 prophecy, 61 prophet, 74, 80 Conventional Christianity, 61 practices, 218 preaching, 50, 52 sermons, 61 Conviction, 47, 128, 133, 156 Corruption, 7, 83, 87, 95n46, 103, 107, 108, 112, 200, 237, 243, 246 Cosmetic facial changes, 85

302 

INDEX

Court appearances, 89, 104, 131 battles, 108 processes, 130 Covid-19, 76, 85, 108 Creation story, 187 Crime, 8, 78, 83, 88, 94n46, 95n48, 95n46, 128–130, 133, 141, 216, 243 Criminal acts, 83 case, 83, 131, 223 charges, 73, 128, 131, 132 court, 129 elements, 77, 201 offence, 130 Critical imagination, 183 voice, 26, 161–163, 246 Cross of Calvary, 168 Crowd puller, 48, 60–61 Crowds, 3, 12, 32, 45, 61, 62, 74, 115, 168 Crucifixion, 108, 171, 183 Cultic sovereignty, 219 Cultural difference, 34 dynamics, 34 Custody, 82 Customs, 56, 138, 139 Cyril Ramaphosa, 8, 12–13, 84, 101, 102, 104, 108, 118, 141 D Dangerous animals, 220 faith acts, 169 faith practices, 132 miracles, 75 practices, 137, 216 Darkness, 57

Decency, 238 Decision-making, 140 Decisive criticism, 171 Decoy names, 85 Defamation, 55, 56 Defeating the ends of justice, 127, 130, 131 Defeat the witches, 55 Defendant, 83 Deliverance, 59, 70, 103 Democracy, 31–35, 102, 112, 141, 159, 244, 246 Democratic Alliance, 113 dispensation, 29 elections, 30 era, 7, 12, 23, 29–31, 33–35 Democrats, 112 Demonic spirits, 168 Department of Home Affairs, 79, 224 Dependability, 238 Deportation, 222 Diagnosis, 59 Diplomatic entrance, 86 immunity, 79 passports, 79, 85, 86 relations, 85 services, 74 Diplomats, 77, 79, 86 Directorate for Priority Investigations, 79 Discernment powers, 196 spirits, 192, 196 Discontinuity, 173 Discrimination, 33 Ditaelo, 59, 70 Divination, 36, 56, 192, 200, 207n77 Divine authority, 24 communications, 6

 INDEX 

healing, 3, 4, 28, 41n55 intervention, 105 nature, 47 presence, 188 sovereignty, 211 wind, 184, 187 word, 5 Diviner, 56, 57 Dominant community, 173, 174 culture, 156, 158, 159, 171, 172 imagination, 156 narrative, 156, 163, 166, 169, 171 story, 156 Domination, 210, 211 Dualism, 57 E Early church, 2, 6, 14, 23, 49, 181, 192, 193, 197, 200, 240 Pentecostalism, 2, 4, 12, 23, 26–29, 37, 39n24, 169, 186, 190, 220, 241, 242 Ecclesial elites, 140, 142 experiences, 189 implications, 78 leaders, 81 settings, 195 system, 27 Ecclesiastical formations, 104 Ecclesiological activities, 31 Economics, 7, 40n40, 60, 78, 141, 159, 160, 198, 242 Freedom Fighters, 8, 77, 105, 106, 113, 214 liberation, 141 opportunities, 7 policies, 78, 159 well-being, 7

303

Economy, 8, 24, 40n40, 78, 105, 242 Egyptian empire, 164, 165 Election, 8, 30, 31, 102–104, 106, 108–112, 222 Electioneering, 111, 112, 116 Elite prophets, 140, 174, 201, 211, 241 Embassy, 85–87, 89 Emblem, 102 Empire, 24, 157, 162–166, 172, 173, 175, 245 End Times Disciples Ministries, 220 Enlightened Christian Gathering (ECG), 4, 8, 11, 34, 53, 74–77, 81, 88, 93n29, 115, 116, 141 Entertainment, 46, 133, 141, 160, 200 Entity, 24, 183, 209, 210 Environmental crises, 141, 244 experience, 185, 186 issues, 244 Equality, 222 Equilibrium, 185, 249 Escape, 12, 73, 81–87, 90, 128–131, 137, 144n27, 156, 159, 162, 223 Eskom, 83 Ethical conduct, 13, 127, 138, 139, 142 consideration, 11, 54 leadership, 102, 104, 140 prophecy, 54 prophets, 139 test, 140 Ethics, 11, 15, 138–140, 235, 236, 249 Ethos, 14, 138, 139, 168, 235–238, 249, 250n1 Evangelism, 27, 28, 52 Evangelists, 52 Evil spirit, 51, 192, 194 Exchange Control Regulations, 80

304 

INDEX

Executive leadership, 51 Exegesis, 50 Exodus, 163, 164, 172, 191, 204n38 Extortion, 83 Extradition, 86, 88, 128, 129, 131, 143n12 F Facebook, 56, 60, 75, 91n14, 118, 125, 230n36 Facial cosmetics, 86 Fair trial, 82, 88, 89, 129, 144n27, 145n27 Faith, 9, 17n30, 50, 69, 132, 169, 194 False consciousness, 158, 170 mercenary, 36 prophets, 36, 136, 171 Falsehood, 171 Family information, 53 Famous prophets, 73–75 Fear, 54, 60, 69, 81, 84, 114, 115, 144n27, 194, 220 Fetish priests, 195 Finances, 81, 93n29, 96n62, 140, 213 Financial benefits, 35 distress, 55 manipulations, 216 Fire, 107, 183, 191 Fivefold ministry, 48, 52, 64 Flooding, 141 Food parcels, 76, 141–142 Forensic prophecy, 53, 54, 57, 74 Fore-teller, 5 Forex trading, 78 Forgiveness, 107, 238 Forth-teller, 5 Fortune telling, 60 Fraud cases, 80

Fraudulent scheme, 79 Freedom Day, 115 Fugitive, 83, 85, 88, 131 Full Gospel, 2, 62 Fundamental orientation, 9, 182 teachings, 4, 217, 219 G Gender-based violence, 141, 243, 244, 254n48 Gender boundaries, 164 Genuine power, 195, 200 Gift of prophecy, 10, 47–49, 51–53, 110, 201, 240, 247 Global North, 4, 26 south, 1, 3, 87 warming, 244 Glossolalia, 197, 257n77 God-inspired, 187, 188 Good governance, 102 Gospel, 24, 27, 34, 39n31, 53, 65, 81, 104, 124, 131, 134, 136–138, 168, 170, 190, 196–198, 226 Governing party, 31, 35 Government administration, 77 intelligence, 30 officials, 30, 84, 87, 94n41, 162, 223, 224 protocols, 131 Grace Bible Church, 31, 41n53, 53, 54 Great commission, 136, 149n69 Grief, 156–158, 161, 167, 175 Group Areas Act, 33 Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR), 159 Gupta brothers, 83 Guptas family, 7

 INDEX 

H Harm, 32, 54 HAWKS, 80, 94n46 Healing products, 52, 70 Hebrew dispensation, 5 Hegemony, 113 Hermeneutic of experience, 50 Hierarchy, 210, 212 High influence, 115 Hired jet, 84, 85, 87 Historical agent, 169 dimensions, 2, 5, 9, 10, 23–37, 133 perspective, 221 Hlulabathakathi, 55 Holistic salvation, 158 Holy Spirit, 3, 4, 6, 9, 14, 28, 39n31, 48–51, 56, 58, 110, 136, 137, 149n69, 156, 181–185, 187, 189–197, 199–201, 205n59, 211, 219, 225, 226, 239, 240, 247, 257n79 Honesty, 236, 238 Hopelessness, 157, 158, 166–168, 174 Hope Restoration, 53, 54 Hospitality industries, 74 Human activity, 186 beings, 5, 14, 24, 47, 155, 156, 165, 181, 185–189, 192, 193, 201, 202, 211, 215, 243, 244 dignity, 41n53, 222 experience, 26, 187 history, 211 languages, 197 manipulation, 191 rights, 222 satisfaction, 158 spirit, 160, 185 suffering, 158, 211 thinking, 3

305

Humanity, 10, 156, 158, 165, 170, 184, 186–190, 215, 217, 225, 244 Humility, 139, 164–166, 227 I Identification numbers, 74 Identity numbers, 53, 54, 58 Illegal immigrants, 222 passports, 79 Immigration protocols, 131 regulations, 79, 80 Immorality, 107 Imperial reality, 173 Inaugurations, 110 Incredible Happenings, 4, 34, 103 Independent Pentecostal churches, 33, 34, 161 Individualistic domination, 210 experience, 186 sovereignty, 15, 210, 212, 215–219, 223, 224, 227, 235, 238–240 Inequalities, 18n36, 68, 116, 122, 141, 142, 151n94, 159, 178n49, 237 Influential pastor, 115 politicians, 115 Informal settlements, 159 Injustices, 25, 132, 151n93, 156, 160, 246 Insufficiency of Christ, 193, 199, 216 Integrity, 46, 79, 103, 132, 133, 140, 145n29, 236, 238 International crimes, 88 Federation of Christian Churches, 31

306 

INDEX

International (cont.) Pentecostal Holiness Church, 4 Relations, 86, 87 visits, 74 Internet sources, 11 Interpol, 88 Intrusion, 89 Investigating officers, 80 Investigation, 64, 83, 84, 94n46 Investment accounts, 78 schemes, 78 Inward-looking approach, 15, 26–29, 190, 235, 242, 249 Ivory tower, 212 J Jesus centred, 191 Journalists, 87, 128 Jovial worship, 3 Jurisdiction, 83 Justice system, 81, 82, 129–131 K Kidnap, 89 Kindness, 238 Kingdom of God, 33, 174, 187, 194, 213, 240 L Labour Party, 112 Language of amazement, 167–169 Lavish lifestyle, 115, 166 Law and justice, 130, 131 Law and order, 131 Law enforcement officials, 82 Lawmakers, 132 Legal challenges, 77, 130, 133, 142, 199

instruments, 222 woes, 77–79 Legality, 219 Legislation, 24, 210 Liberation theologies, 25, 159, 176n21 Literal interpretation, 221 sense, 220 Literary analysis, 10 Liturgical obligations, 50 Livelihood, 55 Load-shedding, 8, 141 Local courts, 89 ministers, 34 police, 89 Lockdown, 76, 85, 91n15, 108 M Magazines, 220 Magical charms, 216 Magicians, 192, 200 Magistrate’s court, 88 Mainline western missionaries, 194 Major prophets, 5, 48, 201, 248 Maladministration, 107, 200, 237 Malawian courts, 88 embassy, 85, 86 government, 87–89, 128, 223 intelligence, 85, 87 Malema, Julius, 8, 77, 105, 106, 109, 117, 214 Malevolent spirits, 194 Mandela, Nelson, 8, 13, 31, 101, 118 Manipulative tactics, 36 Man of God, 139, 215 Marginalised women, 165 Marital problems, 60 status, 53

 INDEX 

Material possessions, 77 Mbeki, Thabo, 8, 13, 30, 101, 102, 104, 118 Media, 57, 66, 67, 75, 87, 105, 117, 122, 124, 129, 134–136, 147n52, 147n56 Meditation, 33, 108, 165 Mental distress, 56 Messenger, 5, 45, 46, 48, 61, 133, 137 Migrant churches, 33, 34 pastors, 34 Migration, 12, 23, 32–35, 37, 147n52 Military intelligence, 85 police, 85, 86 Millennial change, 27 Millennialism, 27, 39n24 Ministry, 15, 24, 33–35, 48, 52, 59, 64, 67, 68, 73, 90, 109, 156–158, 163–168, 170–174, 187–193, 196, 197, 200, 201, 213, 215, 227, 235, , 236, 240–242, 245–249, 256n71 Misfortune, 6, 60 Mission God, 46–48, 132 work, 28 Modality, 186, 239 Modernism, 134 Modus operandi, 239 Money laundering, 78, 80–82, 87, 88, 95n48, 96n62, 129–131, 144n15, 201, 216 Moral behaviour, 138–140, 236 compass, 139, 237 deficiency, 236 failure, 236 fibre, 103 manager component, 140

307

person, 139, 140 prerequisites, 138 regeneration, 102, 104 standards, 138, 139 structures, 36 Moria, 41n56, 58 Mpogo, 59, 70 Multi-party system, 222 Mutual participation, 210, 225 N National anthem, 106 crises, 109 Day of Prayer, 108 Development Plan, 159 elections, 111 Interfaith Council of South Africa, 31 Party, 24 Prosecuting Authority, 77, 79, 80, 90 Nation building, 104, 106 Neo-colonialism, 30–32 Neoliberal economic policies, 159 Neo-Pentecostal churches, 4, 52–54, 58, 104, 108, 123 Neo-Pentecostalism, 1, 4, 12, 45, 70, 124, 177n36, 251n23, 252n26 Neo-Pentecostal pastors, 78, 110 Neo-Pentecostals, 43n74, 103, 110, 116, 177n37, 251n22, 253n42 New African Initiated Pentecostal churches, 4 New energy, 157, 158, 166–168, 175 Newness, 157, 158, 170, 174 New prophetic churches, 1, 2, 4, 6–9, 11–15, 45, 53–62, 64–67, 70, 73, 74, 91n7, 93n33, 101–105, 111, 115–118, 125, 127, 132–135,

308 

INDEX

137–142, 155, 160, 162–166, 168, 170–175, 178n49, 188–190, 193, 195, 196, 198, 199, 201, 205n55, 207n73, 207n74, 209, 211–213, 215–222, 224, 226, 227, 230n36, 235–243, 245, 247–249 New prophetic movements, 103 New reality, 157, 158, 172–174 New songs, 157 Newspapers, 78, 82, 220 New Testament, 5, 6, 45–49, 53, 61, 173, 186, 191, 257n82 Night vigils, 104 Nkandla, 7, 104, 111, 121 Non-churchgoers, 117 Non-ordained ministers, 35 Non-racialism, 222 Non-sexism, 222 Normativism, 182 Numbness, 157, 167 O Old order, 167, 171, 172, 174 realities, 167, 172, 173 Testament, 5, 45, 46, 48, 49, 53, 61, 132, 163, 167, 186, 191, 198, 248 Omnipresent Spirit, 183 Omotoso, Timothy, 133 One-on-one prophecy, 74 Online platforms, 54, 56, 66, 117 Oppression, 7, 9, 13, 24, 25, 34, 55, 155, 156, 158, 159, 165, 173, 175, 190, 191, 212, 243 Oppressive powers, 14, 25, 27, 81, 155, 158, 161, 165, 176n23, 241

structures, 14, 155, 158–160, 172, 188 system, 27–29, 164, 165, 191, 200 Optimism, 167 Ordinary people, 225 OR Tambo Airport, 86, 128 Otherworldly, 15, 26, 161, 235 P Paedophilia, 79 Pain, 157, 158, 169, 175 Parastatals, 83 Parliamentary elections, 109 Passports, 79, 82, 85, 86, 224 Pastoral authority, 225 Pastors, 31, 32, 34, 35, 52, 53, 61, 74, 77, 78, 83, 102, 104–110, 112–118, 132, 134, 135, 195, 213, 215, 226, 232n58 Patience, 238 Patriarchal, 198 Pauline theology, 226, 247, 249 Pensions, 140 Pentecost event, 184–187, 192, 239 festival, 184, 185 narrative, 182, 184, 197, 201 Pentecostal audience, 109 believers, 3, 49, 106, 240, 249 circles, 29, 35, 108, 109, 198 communities, 211 experience, 201 leaders, 30, 31 missionary churches, 4 movement, 3, 4, 10, 14, 15, 27, 28, 32, 33, 41n55, 74, 81, 84, 87, 134, 135, 138, 160, 161, 175, 182, 191, 209–212, 214, 217–219, 221, 224, 227, 235, 239, 241, 245, 249, 253n45

 INDEX 

pastors, 107, 108, 117, 135 political theology, 1–3, 5, 8–10, 12–15, 23, 35–37, 127, 136, 138, 142, 155, 163, 166, 175, 181, 183, 185, 193, 196, 198–202, 209–227, 235–249 preachers, 50 prophecy, 1, 5–7, 14, 74, 155, 181, 192, 201 setting, 102 spirituality, 110 theology, 1, 9, 14, 48–51, 181–184, 193, 196, 225, 243 tradition, 1, 4, 6, 10, 58, 89, 217, 218 Pentecostal and charismatic churches, 31, 102 Pentecostalism, 1–4, 9–14, 23, 26–30, 32, 33, 36, 37, 41n55, 45–62, 134–136, 147n52, 155, 159–174, 194, 196, 209, 210, 220, 224–227, 241 Pentecostalist practices, 27 Performative engagement, 184 Permanent residence permit, 79 Personal information, 74 integrity, 140 prophecy, 136 Personality cults, 201 Petitions, 49 Phala Phala farm, 8 Pharisees, 164 Philanthropic work, 76 Pillar cloud, 191 fire, 191 Pneumatic experiences, 3, 28, 52, 53, 182, 184, 185, 200 prophetic witness, 196–198 Pneumatological

309

experience, 48 imagination, 2, 9–10, 14, 142, 181–202, 226, 235, 240, 244, 249 impulses, 182 Pneumatology, 9, 48, 49, 182, 183, 193, 199, 207n74 Polarisation, 189 Police corruption, 83 officers, 83, 85 Policies, 78, 96n62, 103, 141, 159, 210, 222, 224, 244 Political affiliations, 13, 101, 103, 113–114, 116, 118 arena, 13, 127, 132, 142 battles, 108, 246 capture, 162 careers, 106, 108 challenges, 37, 190, 217 connections, 35, 75, 76, 89, 117, 170, 248 context, 10, 36, 135, 236, 243, 244 crises, 190, 191, 194 decisions, 24 direction, 35 discourses, 26, 28 dreams, 113 efforts, 36 elite, 26, 35, 36, 128, 130–133, 135, 139, 142, 161–163, 174, 192, 193, 198, 202, 216, 248 entity, 24 entrants, 113 Political (cont.) experiences, 200 figures, 77, 115, 117, 130, 134 formations, 32 freedom, 110, 160 image, 165 importance, 12, 23, 35–37, 161

310 

INDEX

Political (cont.) influence, 11, 12, 28, 73, 84–87, 90, 108, 117, 127, 129, 192, 223, 241, 246 instruments, 24 interference, 127–130 involvement, 27 issues, 27, 161, 244 landscape, 1, 2, 8, 12, 45 leaders, 31, 107, 111, 113, 212 life, 24, 106 love, 225 manipulation, 173, 192, 193 matters, 116 mobilisation, 113–115 narrative, 159 office, 103, 106, 107, 109, 129, 135, 160, 161, 239, 240, 246 opposition, 77, 114 orders, 24, 141 organisation, 113 participation, 27, 241 parties, 7, 8, 32, 109, 111–115 platform, 108, 111, 116 powers, 111, 194, 195, 200, 225 rallies, 106, 115 realm, 194, 195 rhetoric, 132, 214 science, 219–221 scrutiny, 108 solution, 76, 191, 218, 230n37 space, 3, 132, 141, 161, 165, 187, 190, 241 sphere, 1–3, 10, 12, 23, 36, 37, 87, 133, 135, 137, 163, 224, 237, 241, 242, 246–248 structures, 24, 26, 89, 156, 159, 161, 163, 172, 174, 175, 188 struggle, 36, 156 system, 27, 29–32, 129, 141, 142, 158, 159, 175, 190–193, 195, 197, 198, 200, 242

theology, 10, 25, 163, 181–202, 224, 238 views, 13, 101, 112 visitations, 135 visits, 13, 101, 103, 106, 111–118 Politicians, 3, 4, 7, 8, 11–14, 32, 35, 36, 45, 48, 61, 73, 76, 77, 87, 90, 92n17, 101, 103, 104, 106–118, 127–129, 131–133, 135–142, 159–162, 165, 169–171, 174, 181, 187, 193, 196–201, 209–211, 213–216, 218, 223–227, 237–240, 242, 245–248 Politics, 1–3, 7–14, 23–37, 73–90, 101–118, 127–142, 156, 159–162, 164, 169, 170, 174, 183–186, 189, 190, 193, 196, 198, 200, 209, 211–214, 224–227, 241 Poor communities, 141 Popular imagination, 163 Populist rhetoric, 104 Post-colonial Africa, 1–3, 10, 14, 15, 37, 127–142, 155–175, 209–227, 235–249 Poverty, 141, 142, 159, 237 Powerful Spirit, 194 Powerless, 210, 211, 239 Power structures, 14, 155, 165, 183, 245 Prayer, 2, 11, 13, 32, 33, 35, 49, 51, 55, 59, 74, 77, 101, 103, 105–109, 111, 117, 118, 135, 136 Prayerful nation, 106 Predestination, 24 Prescription, 6, 59, 138 Presidency, 7, 8, 30, 31, 77, 102, 103, 108, 109 Presidential elections, 31 jet, 86 Previously disadvantaged, 198

 INDEX 

Private religion, 134 Proclamation, 50, 160, 171 Professional counsellor, 60 Proof-texting, 220, 221 Prophecy, 1–15, 23–37, 45–62, 73, 74, 87, 89, 90, 103, 109, 110, 127–142, 155, 160–163, 166–171, 174, 175, 181–202, 209, 211–227, 230n36, 235–249 Prophet Nehemiah, 236, 237 TB Joshua, 105, 109 Urbert Angela, 74 Prophethood, 200, 201, 225, 226, 247–249, 257n82 Prophetic activities, 60 churches, 15, 61, 101, 141 consciousness, 158, 169–171, 175 criticism, 157, 158, 161–163, 171, 175 energising, 157, 158, 166–169, 175 ethos, 14, 138, 235–238, 249 figure, 165 freedom, 156, 158–161, 175 gift, 1, 2, 10, 48, 58, 192, 247–249 imaginations, 194, 226, 235, 244, 249 message, 35, 36, 173 ministry, 15, 24, 52, 67, 158, 164–166, 168, 172–174, 187–193, 196, 197, 201, 215, 227, 235, 236, 240–242, 245–248 office, 1, 2, 6, 10, 24, 26, 48, 52, 53, 161–163, 212, 213, 237, 238, 245, 246 realm, 74 sessions, 54 voice, 2, 8, 12, 13, 23, 25, 26, 29, 30, 35, 37, 81, 87, 90, 106, 116, 127, 132–134, 136, 142, 162

311

witness, 13, 127, 136–138, 142, 196–198 word, 36, 46, 47, 49, 50, 52, 55, 59, 60, 110, 136, 156–158, 201, 217, 221, 248, 249, 257n83 Prophets God, 47 influences, 8 Prosecution, 82, 90, 128 Prosperity gospel, 104, 134, 170 Prosperous life, 170 Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA), 54 Protestant tradition, 3 Psychologists, 60 Public arena, 134 discourse, 160 domain, 55, 57, 135 expression, 157, 158 image, 13, 127, 134–136, 142 relations, 13 religion, 134, 135, 147n52 scrutiny, 134, 135 sphere, 3, 35, 110, 134–136, 158, 171 worship, 249 Pyramid scams, 140 schemes, 78 Q Qualifications, 53 Qualitative, 10, 11, 17n30 Quantitative, 10 R Rabboni Centre Ministries, 103 Racial critical approach

312 

INDEX

Racial (cont.) dismantling, 113 groups, 28 oppression, 7 segregation, 7, 25, 29, 102, 113, 244 Radical theology, 245 transformation, 108 Radicalism, 31, 245 Ramaphosa administration, 86 Rape, 78, 79, 83, 96n62, 232n58 Receptors, 198 Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), 159 Redemptive power, 225 work, 156, 171 Regalia, 113 Regime, 159, 160, 172, 173, 190 Reinforcement, 140 Reliability, 238 Religion, 3, 6, 7, 23–27, 32, 33, 41n55, 43n76, 51, 56–57, 62, 67, 69, 96n62, 102, 110, 114, 120–121, 134, 135, 156, 164, 216, 224, 252n34 Religious alliances, 102 bodies, 26, 32, 33 figures, 135 freedom, 12, 23, 33, 37 group, 24 landscape, 58, 74 milieu, 35 principles, 24 sphere, 3 Religious-populist politics, 102 Renewal project, 174 Repentance, 5, 123, 172, 173 Republicans, 112 Residential addresses, 53, 59, 74

Respect, 163, 222–224, 227, 238 Responsibility, 28, 47, 107, 112, 113, 161, 184, 216, 225, 236, 238, 240 Restraints, 156 Resurrection, 173, 183 Retired professor, 74 Revelation, 5, 50, 51, 156, 183, 188, 219 Revival Pentecostalism, 27 Rhema Bible Church, 104, 115 Rhema Church, 31, 102 Right conduct, 139 Righteousness, 139, 246 Rituals, 59, 70 Rivers of Living Waters, 4 Roman empire, 24 Royal consciousness, 158, 169–171 domain, 168 Rule of law, 222–224 Ruling party, 159, 162 S Sacrificial slaughtering, 108 Sadducees, 164 Salvation, 4, 27, 36, 58, 160, 246 Sangomas, 18n32, 195 Scandals, 7, 8, 91n11, 105, 108, 124, 149n77 Scientific study, 220 Scribes, 164 Second coming, 27, 28, 39n24 Secular authority, 24 job, 34 Security cluster, 85 personnel, 89 Seeded offerings, 216 Seer, 53, 58

 INDEX 

Segregation, 7, 25, 29, 102, 113, 244 Self-aggrandisement, 170, 226 Self-deception, 157 Self-emptying, 165 Self-gratification, 170 Selfish ambition, 113 Selflessness, 238 Self-negating, 165 Self-satisfaction, 158, 169, 170 Self-sufficiency, 156 Sensory engagement, 185, 186 Sexual assaults, 78, 79, 96n62, 232n58 relationships, 79 violence, 78 Sharing power, 219 Shivambu, Floyd, 8 Silence, 30, 78, 246, 254n48 Sincerity, 238 Sins, 51, 58, 107 Small businesses, 141 Smaller church, 115 congregation, 115 Snake pastors, 102 Social activism, 36 aspects, 210, 211, 221, 243 challenges, 24 cohesion, 189 contract, 210 ills, 60, 243 life, 138, 139 media, 54, 60, 75, 76, 91n14, 112, 117, 118, 122, 134, 230n36 oppression, 9, 13, 155 practices, 210 responsibility, 240 sciences, 220, 221, 251n15 status, 7, 174 Socialisation, 211 Sociality, 211

313

Societal betterment, 173 challenges, 15, 140–142, 235, 243, 244, 253n45 issues, 13, 127, 142, 243 power, 217, 225 Society, 7, 10, 13, 27, 31, 47, 54, 55, 61, 102, 105, 109, 111, 132, 133, 136, 138, 139, 141, 156, 158, 160, 161, 189, 210–212, 216, 223, 224, 238–241, 243, 244, 247 Socio-economic challenges, 141, 159, 170 Socio-political experience, 185, 186, 195 issues, 211 world, 212 Sole authority, 221 Soliciting money, 78 Solidarity, 108 South African Council of Churches, 115 economy, 78 government, 30, 85, 87, 128, 129, 131, 223 Police Service, 79, 80, 87 South African  (cont.) Revenue Service, 78 tax laws, 78 South Africa’s Prevention of Organised Crime Act (POCA), 80, 95n48 Sovereign control, 216 God, 14, 209, 211, 213–217, 219, 224–227 states, 10, 214, 222–224, 227 status, 213 text, 226 Sovereignty, 2, 10, 14, 15, 209–227, 235, 236, 238–240, 249 Speaking in other tongues, 49, 52, 58

314 

INDEX

Speaking of tongues, 3 Special powers, 60 Spell, 59 Spirit baptism, 28, 49, 197, 247 blowing, 198 Embassy, 74 realm, 194 world, 51, 60, 192, 195, 212, 227 Spirit-driven, 191 Spirit-empowered, 194, 201 Spirit-filled, 26, 183, 184, 186, 190, 201, 244 Spirit-infilling, 186, 247 Spirit-inspired, 200 Spirit-led, 191, 192 Spirit-oriented, 191–193, 197, 199 Spiritual direction, 24 empowerment, 194–196 experiences, 58 father, 74, 75 freedom, 160 gifts, 51 guidance, 106, 109 leaders, 105, 116, 227 politician, 107 powers, 164, 216 realm, 195, 200 retreat, 105 service, 34 support, 36, 112 values, 183 Spiritualists, 195 Spirituality, 49, 102, 106, 109, 110, 134 Staged prophecy, 60, 110 State capture, 7, 108, 246 Statistical data, 10 Step-aside policy, 103 Strategic positions, 7, 24, 83 Structural subjugation, 24 Student Christian Movement, 29, 102

Subjective consciousness, 169 Suffering, 28, 29, 31, 55, 56, 158, 166, 169–171, 175, 211, 243 Supremacy, 209, 213, 216 Suspect, 83, 86 Synagogue Church of All Nations, 11 T Taxes, 78, 224 Teachers, 52, 53 Technological era, 112 Technology, 134 Tenderpreneurs, 159 Tension, 34, 156 Testimonies, 35, 195, 226 Theological college, 35 discourse, 219, 254n48 dispositions, 25 justification, 24 paradigm, 27 studies, 220 training, 35 views, 24 Theology engagement, 14, 15, 235, 243–244 liberation, 25, 159 Therapists, 60 Thuma mina, 8, 103 Tongue-speaking, 244 Tongue-talking, 28 Total freedom, 160 Tourist attraction sites, 74 Traditional African religions, 51, 56–57, 62 healer, 6, 195 literature, 11 Transformative language, 36 Transnet, 83 Trauma, 55, 56 Travel documents, 80

 INDEX 

315

Triumphant indignation, 161 Triune God, 197 True prophecy, 110 prophets, 136, 171, 192 Trust, 47, 60, 238 Truthfulness, 238 Truth to power, 15, 132, 235, 245–247, 249 Tswara Moloi, 55 Twitter, 56, 60, 112, 118

White section, 27, 29 Witchcraft, 54, 55, 57, 59, 60, 193, 194, 221 Witness, 14, 28, 80, 83, 136, 137, 181, 196, 200, 201, 226, 249, 257n83 Wizards, 55 Woman of God, 195, 215, 225 Worship service, 28 Wrong conduct, 139

U Unconventional titles, 214 Unemployment, 8, 141, 142, 159, 237 Unethical behaviour, 140 prophets, 60 Unfair trial, 84, 131 Unified body, 210 Union Buildings, 102 United Nations (UN), 223 Universal adult suffrage, 222 University students, 78 Unusual practices, 48, 218

X Xenolalia, 197 Xenophobic, 34, 222

V Vindictive spirits, 194 Visa applications, 53 W Western medical treatment, 56, 59 missionaries, 4, 27, 34, 194 missionary church, 213

Y YouTube, 56, 60, 75, 105, 110, 117, 230n36 Z Zealots, 164 Zion Christian Church, 4, 17n22, 32, 41n56, 58, 59, 69, 70 Zion City, 58 Zionist-type churches, 58 Zondo Commission, 246, 254n51 Zuma, Jacob, 7, 8, 13, 31, 77, 83, 97n73, 101–108, 110, 111, 113, 115–118, 124, 133, 141, 214 administration, 83 presidency, 7, 8, 77, 103, 106, 108